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I
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX No. 2904 [y'I^.-r] ■ THURSDAY. JANUARY 3, 1918
rREGISTERED AST PUnl.lSUEl) WEKKLY
La NliWSVAPEllJ PUlCli SliV liNPE.SCK
Cifi/i
m u.a./i.
The Wages of Sin
"The price is going up, William'
Cupyrignt *'h'ina Sl Watrr"
i
LAND & WATER
January 3, igiS
Winter in the North Sea
^
A British Naval Pa(roI
y
Officiiil Photogr-iph
January 3, 191S
LAND & WATER
'3
LAND & WATER
5, CHANXERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone H OLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 3. 1918
CONTENTS
rAGi:
The Wages of Sin. Bv Louis Raeniaekers t
Winter in the North Sea (Photograph) 2
No Status puo. (Leader) 3
A Pohtical Survey. By Hilairc Belloc 4
National Shipyards. Bv George Lambert, ^LP. >'
'Uv First Se^ 'Lord. By Arthur Pollen 7
\\r Must Help Russia. 'By H. M. Hyndman 0
] raves from a (ierman Note Book i^^
With a Field Ambulance. By Green Patch i^
German Rule and Nati\e Races. By Bishop Frodsham i.;
Price of Citizenship. By Dr. Charles Mercier 14
The Memory of Beauty. By Algernon Blackwood 15
An i:ssavist. By J. C. Squire ^7
Books of the Week ^^
Reliefs at Dawn. By C. R. W. Nevinson 19
i he ItaUan Front. "(Photographs) 20
Domestic Economy ^^
Notes on Kit 27
NO " STATUS QUO "
Wi-: liave yet another— the last in a long scries —
of the enemy's efforts to obtain that peace for
which he is" clearly increasingly anxious. The
series began with a number of informal soundings
duiiiig the smnmer of iQib, continued with the famous
declaration of the following December, ran through a score
of more or less official pronouncements leading up to the
sounding of the Briti.sh Govenmicnt last September, and con-
cludes, so far, with the German Emperor's speech of the other
day, the discussions at Brcst-Livotsk and the formal statement '
of the enemy's principles of jxjacc.
In war the great object of all intellectual effort is to dis-
cover the plan of the enemy, which applies just as much to
his ^x)litical as to his miUtary movements. To seize that
\)hn at the moment it is enough to examine the merely ob-
vious ciTor contained in the enemy's declarations. That
error — a calculated one — is the falsehood that Europe can
return, by a negotiated peace, to her old self again. The
enemy's claim is that he will revert to the state of affairs
before the war ; what old-fashioned diplomats call the stalus
quo ante bellum. All that the enemy does, all that he suggests,
officially at least, is moulded upon that model.
\ Wc can discover the enemy's motives, then, and so imdcr-
standing his plan by seizing the outstanding fact that a
iK niand, almost universal on his side and on our side, from the
(Miiuusly devised minorities which for various reasons agree
with <7(rmany, is for a peace to be obtained immediately,
and \\\»'\\ the basis of neither party claiming any overt ad-
vantage that is for the slafiis quo. The phrase invented
by the Berlin tinanciers to describe this state of affairs was " no
annexations mid no indemnities." The phrase reported to
\)C used by a member of exactly the same world, who happens
to be resident in tliis country, was " since neither party can
beat the other, let bi;th make peace." The old conventional
l)hrase, as we have said, is 'Revert to the stalus quo."
Now the first thing to be grasped by any one who pretends
to clear thinking is this : that such a claim, the phrases
supporting it, and the idea it evokes, are utterly unreal. The
tnlk turns round a thing wliich has ceased to be — it is not
there any longer at all. It is no longer in existence. The
status quo, the Europe which we knew before the war, has gone.
We may, with victory, restore all its better qualities, and add
h) them ; we may restore that European spirit and respect
for nationality and for treaties and for the chivalry of war,
wliich it is the very thesis of Prussia to deny. We may yet'
sjive the soul of Europe. But we cannot reconstruct a body
that has passed and changed. To i^)eak unnaturally, as
though we could do so, as tliouKh that old body were still
tiierc, is to talk nonsense. That is the great outstanding
fact on which everything turns.
It is as though a man having stolen aXpicture and burnt it
were to begin negotiations for its restoration. He could
compensate and make reparation. He could be punished.
The art which created the picture might be painfuBy restored,
but the picture itself is gone. Before the war it was taken
forgrantcxl (foolishly no doubt, but still taken for granted),
that a neutral European State was inviolale to European
belligerents ; that no Power would, without even excuse or
discussion, tear up a fundamental international treaty. It
was part of the world in which we Uved that certain things
were never done in war by Europeans to Europeans. Civilians
were never murdered or enslaved. An open town making no
resistance was not subject to destruction. At sea no one
for a moment questioned the immunity, even of the belligerent
sailor unarmed — let alone of the neutral. The custom of
capture and prize courts seemed to be in the very nature of
European things. We Europeans reposed— up to 1914—
upon a certain comity of nations. One exceedingly impor-
tant factor ill it — to many the most important factor — was
the Russian Empire, the natural protector of the Slav States,
and the chief opponent of the remaining but weakening
. Mahommedan Power which still held the gates of its commerce.
Two great States in Central Europe were known as the separate
and sometimes opposed German and Austro-Hungarian
Empires. It was recognised that they both disdained the
national claims of certain subject provinces, but time had
rendered their attitude familiar and tolerated. There re-
mained the small nations Scandinavian, Nctherland and Balkan
and in the West the greater nations, Spain and Italy, with
the two strongest and most homogeneous national groups,
the British and French. These two last had for centuries
been rivals, but their rivalry had recently been appeased.
What now remains of all that system ? The British
^and French States, indetKl, stand as they stood. They pre-
serve their traditions. Their national conscience is unimpaired.
Their national strength has, if anything, increased. The new
kingdom of Italy also maintains itself. But the old system
as a whole has gone for ever. There now does actually exist,
and would obviously continue to exist after a false peace
without victory, a vast highly organised new State planted
in the centre of Europe, which, whether it called itself "dis-
armed " or no, would be a Power capable of armament at
any moment. This State (we must think of it now as one
State, which virtually it already is, and will be if it remains
undefeated) has effected two things— the memory, the
example, the precedents and the spirit of w-liich would
equally remain.
It has destroyed what was once the Russian Empire,
broken up its armies, w-iped out and brought to nothingness
the old fact and conception of a dominatmg great Slav Power
ruled from Petrograd. This new Central European
State now dominates .\sia in the Near East and North, it
has put Constantinople under its tutelage, it has occupied
or drawn into its orbit all the nearer Slav lands and the Balkan
States except Greece, it has overrun one province of Italy, a
belt of Northern France, and virtually the whole of Belgium.
'^ It has impressed itself strongly upon the smaller Scandinavian
nations — especially Sweden — and to a large extent upon the
as yet unoccupied Netherlands, that is, upon Holland. Accept
the nonsensical idea of the status 9H0— which is not there —
accept this idea of " returning to 1914 " and what ^ou get in
reality is a Britain, a France, and an Italy remaining peri-
lously menaced in the West of Europe, and all the. rest of
ICurope, including the great road to the East, 'a territory
rided for the most part directly, all of it indu-ectly, by the
Pussian Power. That great Central State so established has
further developed, beyond any previous conception, its old
tradition of neglecting European morals in war, of ftnding its
ad\antagc in sudden aggression, in a contempt for treaties
and in the most extreme forms of terror and of force.
We liave to recognise the;' plain physical fact that there is no
such thing now left as the status quo. There is no such thing
as going back to it, for it was killed long ago, and any one who
proposes to do so is either incapable of perceiving the stark
realities of this world or— as is certainly the case with the
enemy's diplomats — is deliberately usin« a falsehood
LAND & WATER
A Political Survey
By Hilaire Belloc
Jamiaiy 3, kjiS
IN' the absence (at tlic moment of writing) of any im-
portant militar\- movement, let us consider in ^ genc.al
'urvev tlie political situation : the political conditions
under which the belligerent world enters the new year
The year ic)iS will probably be known m history as^ the
date which determined a certain great rearrangement ,-
European forces. It is probable that future historian, will
not only use the phrase '■ since the threat luiropean \\a.,
but also the phrase " as from 1918 " when they are describing
the re-scttleinent of our ciyilisation. It will be a phrase
corresponding to another phrase which will certainly be used.
to wit, "before 1014" , n i, t fi,.,*
What that settlement will be no mortal can tell ; but tuat
it will be broadh- one of two kinds is certain.
It will either be the consequence of our defeat or ot our
victory ; and according to the one or the other, one or otiier
of two completely different Kuropean schemes will emerge.
The former contingency is called by various names : A
statement of war aims by the .Allies " : " The ending ol
what is now a useless struggle " : " Peace without annexation
or indemnities." The clearest of those phases, the most
direct and uncompromising, was used by Lord Tansdowne
when he said that we--that is Europe and her ancient ciyihsa-
tion— now caniiol reach certain aims which were our objects
at the inception of the war. Each and all of these phrases
are synonymous w ith an acceptation of defeat liy the \\'estern
Allies : a surrender by them of the objects which they set out
to defend when Germany cliallengcd civilisation three and a
half years ago : an admission by them that the treason to the
Alliance in the East has renclered it incapable of success,
and a consiqiicnt recoonition as a permanent element among
us of a imv and mightv Slalx^a Central Europe organised
under Prussia and inheriting Prussian methods and tradition.
This immensely strong novel'thing, the outgrowth of what the
expansion of "Prussia had already shown throughout fifty
years, will be the master factor— the determinant— in the
iuture of Europe.
The alternative, which would follow upon what we call
most briefly " victory" or, at greater length, "the putting
out of action of the Prussian military machine," will see no
such great Central European State estabhshed at all, but the
exact contrary of it. It will see the belt of peoples who afhrm
their German" race and feeling (a belt not more than about 500
miles at its longest from north to south, from the Baltic to
the Alpine passes, not more than 450 miles at its widest
from east to west) labouring under the sense of defeat, con-
scious that they challenged Europe and that Europe proved
their master ; organised under one or many Governments
as may best suit them : disarmed ; the authors of their
aggression punished, and the mass of them reluctantly devot-
ing a considerable part of their energies to the economic
reparation of the evil they have done.
The Europe emerging from such a victory would make cer-
tain of free access to the Baltic and to the Black Sea. and would
be composed not only of the large independent nations, Eng-
land, France, Italy, Poland, the (ierman States, the Magyar
State, etc., but also of many smaller nations defined as nearly
as possible by their national consciousness. There would
be a Roumania much larger than the Roumania of 1914 ; a
Soutliern Slav State somewhat larger ; a Czech-Moravian
State of Bohemia ; and probably small, independent bodies
to the north and east of Poland, of which Finland would
certainly be one.
It is utterly impossible, and has been from the beginning
of hostilities, to say whether the Allies can accomphsh their
purpose or not ; whether the mastery of what is called " Middle
Jiurope," that is, of the Prussian system, will establish itself
or no. Those politicians who have boldly prophesied without
ceasing on both sides that their system was certain of victory.
have madcr themselves upon either side quite equally con-
temptible. The event only can determine. God is the arbiter
of victory.
But whik' this is so, it behoves us-to understand the materials
out of which alone these two ])ossible futures can be con-
stnicted. It is a point upon which we are heavily handicapped,
and upon which the enem\' — by which I mean the Germans
organised under Prussia — have the great ad\-antage of c.om-
prchension based both upon their central position and upon a
special attention to the matter in their contemporary literature
and academic study.
The Western nations, as a whole, stood indifferent to or
ignorant of the East of Europe before this war ; they were
largely ignorant of their great ("entral rival and of the vast
new State which it was designing. They were further sin-
gularly unfamiliar each with the problems of his neighbour.
How many educated Englishmen or F'renclunen before this
war could have shown vou upon the map, even roughly, the
limits of the Polish nation ? How many men could have told
you even in the briefest fashion, either the history or the present
distribution of Slav and Italian culture upon the Adriatic ?
How many educated Frenchmen or Italians had even a broad
general view of the relations between (Ireat Britain and her
Dependencies ? How many Englishmen could have drawn
for you the line of demarcation between Teutonic and Latin
speech in the Netherlands ; the nature of the cleavage
created by this ; the fundamental ri'ligious problem also
attaching to it ? I-3ven now, after three and a half years of
so terrible a tutoring, one reads continually in the F'rench
and Itahan papers articles which show that "the writers ha\e
no conception of what is a national freedom for the English,
the relation between tonnage and military action overseas.
One sees continually articles in Flnglish papers, which show
a corresponding ignorance of German influences in Scandinavia,
of the Magyar attitude towards the alien rule of Hungar\-,
and even the elementary question of Alsace Lorraine —
though this last has been" right in the forefront for a genera-
tion, and though there depends upon it the whole future of the
enemy.
If only we could see Europe as it is ; if only the picture of
Europe as a whole had been put before young people in the
schools and Universities, witii what a different spirit should
we now be entering our discussion with an enemy who
docs thoroughly understand his Europe, not in its psychology,
indeed, but iuits external relations and its geographiced and
racial facts ! , '
East and West
The first great fact which we must grasp is the contrast
between the East and the West. The ancient civilisations
of the \\'est had arrived by a long historical process at a
political state of mind highly differentiated and national.
The conception of human life in these societies was one deter-
mined everywhere by nationality. So true was this that even
where the process ot unification was quite modern, as in Italy,
or largely artificial, as in Belgium, this "worship of nationality '
was so strong that it bore everything before it. A. man's
first duty was to this idea of the nation. It was hardly
questioned save by a very small minority of very unpopular
men. It was acted upon — and this war has been the most
tremendous proof of it — as even religious emotion has hardly
caused men to act in the past. There had come to be some-
thing sacred about frontiers as there had been in antiquity
something sacred about the w^alls of a city.
The effect of this great force was felt in a thousand ways.
It weakened the cosmopolitan claims of religion ; it strangely
alienated e\-en neighbouring peoples one from the other ;
it certainly overcame forces that should apparently ha\'e been
stronger than itself. For instance, it completely mastered
that tremendous quarrel between the possessors and the dis-
possessed, which makes our time (at any rate in the industrial
parts of Europe) so different from anything in the past :
For ne\-er in the past of Europe has there been, as there is
to-day. a violent contrast between the few possessors and the
mass dispossessed, but free proletarians. It was clearly seen.
I say, that even this issue paled before the extreme claims of
modern patriotism. The man who had nothing to lose and
nothing to gain ; whose individual and whose class interests
were both in ^'iolent conflict with tlie governing minority
of his fellow citzens. joined at once with that go\'erning mmority
in defence of the State.
One might digress here to give a very interesting proof
of this ; a proof which, I think, must have been specially
noted in this country. Those who were most sincereU'
opposed to the religion of patriotism, those who most earnestly
pleaded for cosmopolitan ideals ; those to whom suffering
for the sake of a nation or imposing sufiering upon a foreign
enemy seemed a sort of nightmare, \vere almost always- -
though quite unconsciously — intensely national types ; yon
could not match the long-worded Internationahst of Paris
anywhere in England ; you could not match the English .
Conscientious Objector anywhere in France.
We notice, then, in the West this intense national feeling,
coupled with, and expressed by, clearly hmited frontiers and
homogeneous societies.
Now the East of Europe presented a totally different picture
in this regard. There was here, it is true, "quite as much as
in the West, strong community feeling, but it w as a community
January 3, iqiS
LAND & WATER
5
feeling diftVivnlly defined ; largely by rare, in many plaee>
still more by religion, also, bnt le^s, by langnage. The sym-
]>athies within each gronp, intense as they were, formed a
complex wliicli could never be quite resolved, and which
would always leave unsatisfied minorities and over-lapping.
The curious may consult those maps (the best of them
have been prepared by (Germans) in which Europe east of
thederman language-line, east, that is, of Pomerania, Saxony,
Bavaria and the Austrian Mark, is set down in various colours,
now to show the differences of religion ; now of language ;
now of race.
It is a most complicated pattern in which islands and colonies
of tlie Slav and the German, the Catholic, the Orthodox
and the Protestant, the Czech, the Polish, tlie Lithuanian,
the Serbian, and even the Turkish and the Greek tongues
make a bewildering show. Then you see a lonely Slavonian
dot right near Berlin, an archipelago of Cierman points on
tlic Lower \'olga ; Roumanians infiltering with Maygar and
Saxon colonists in the Seven Towns ; Turks cut off right
up in the Northern Dobnidja, Greeks in a strange " diaspora,"
which covers all the littoral of the Levant from Constantinople
to Alexandria. If you turn from these modern statements
to the historical maps you get another impression of complex-
ity which reinforces the first. Vou have, almost with every
generation for the last four hundred years, a ceaseless cliange
of political allegiance, frontiers and groupings, and one rises
from such a study with the impression that the East still
has in it li\ing traditions of its nomadic past.
GeographicalK- the main condition of this stade of affairs
North of tlie Danube, is the presence of the great Northern
European Plain, though that, of course, is only one of a great
number. The fact that the seas connected witli that plain
are closed seas, the Baltic and the Black Sea ; the immense
reserve of Asia stretching out eastward ; the uni\er.sal ease
of water carriage ; the absence of stone in most of these
regions for building and for the metalling of roads — a hundred
other material points could be cited. More important tlian
these (for material causes never suffice to explain history) you
liave the racial temperament of the SlaV aiKl his neighbours ;
you ha\e the recent memory of the conquering Turk and his
religion ; you have the influence of the Greek and the Latin
Churches meeting in the pagan l)elt of Lithuania. And you
have that odd and most productive accident whereby a
wedge of wild pagan invasion thrust itself in between the
Northern and the Southern Slavs a thousand years ago and
separated them by the mass of the Magyars.
In this highly complex and to some extent fluctuating
society of liastern Europe there stood out at the moment
when it was crystallising one great State, the State of Poland.
It was not a State with exact frontiers like tiiose of the West,
but its people were homogeneous, and it had the immense
advantage in such a welter of having permanently excluded
both the Mahommedai^ and the Pagan, and of bciii^ definitely
Western in ideas. Nothing is more striking than the contrast
in such a town as Posen (Posna). The new Prussian building
and furniture are barbarous, exterior to Europe ; the old
Polish cliaracter in decoration and all life is \\ estern and
civilised.
The story of the last 200 years is the story of the super-
session of this normal unit, this Polish State, which is naturally
the fly wheel or centre of the Eastern European system by
three artificial groupings : three European arbitrary executive
Powers dividing between them political authority over the
Eastern Marchc-s, and, in the process, attempting the murder of
Poland. These three Powers were the Prussian, the Austrian
and the Muscovite, rejjfesented by three reigning families
(all German), whose various arrangements throughout the
period were all based upon these two conceptions : First,
that such a chaos of peoples, religions and tongues could onlv
be ruled despotically ; and, secondly, that the Polish people,
the one really homogeneous, conscious and permanent ele-
ment must be suppressed in order to allow these despotisms
their free play.
I'he conclusion of all this is that we have in that belt of
country which stretches from the /Egean to the Baltic, a
battlefield between two poHtical ideas. Either it will be
dominated by something alien to any one part of it bnt common
as a despot to the whole — that common Government would
mean under modem circumstances the great Central European
State informed by Prussia ; or vou would have a considerable
numbcT of States varying in importance, and, perhaps, in
degree of autonomy with a great Polish State as the norm and
chief of them all.
But there is much more behind the i^-oblem than this
political arrangement. To the East of that belt of which we
are speaking lies Russia — to use the old familiar term , perhaps
no longer now an accurate one. The two outstanding features
of what was once the Russian Empire east of the Lithuanian
March are (i) immense natural resources, and (2) the absence
both of internal capital and of intcrnnl human initiative
for the development of those resources. To these two main
features \ery many nuist be added — that the outlet to the
sea is through narrow gates in foreign hands or by ports dis-
tant and ice bound : that communications' arc still rare,
and population as a w-hole still sparse : that there is nor
avenue for trade (in the Central and Eastern part) to the
North or South : that the great part of the products available
are tlie products of the North (no tropical or sub-tropical
Dependency), etc. But the immense potential resources
coupled with the absence of capital and initiative are the
two main things.
"Middle Europe"
It is, or sliould be, tlie clearest point in the whole European
situation, that if th'e war results in the permanence of a
Prussian " Middle Europe " — already in existence — which
shall control the gates into this land, there will follow, to the
advantage of that vast new State, one of the most formidable
economic exploitations in historj-.
In other words, if Western Europ? were to be content
with the solution of its own local problems to its own advan-
tage, Prussia and her modern Dependencies would yet be iti
the near future far stronger than ever she had been before,
and this through her economic regimen of the Slavonic
Plains and their resources.
There is here no need for garrisons, still less for annexation.
Someone must find the ore, design communications and build
them and develop this immense untilled field. Capital moves
by the signing of paper ; initiative consists in the pregence of a
few managers and foremen.
In the past the Western nations competed with the Ger-
mans and their Dependents in this task, and the whole was
controlled by a powerful Central Government at St. Peters-
burg. The presence of that Government forbade economic
power turning into political domination ; it also largely
moderated the foreign economic power itself, conserving for
its subjects a major part of the benefits. That Government
has disappeared. The machinery and the stocks (largely
French property and masked under the form of loans) pass
by repudiation (if repudiation be permitted — and one of the
tests of our \ictory or defeat will be our power or impotence
to prevent it — ) nominally to the peoples on whose teiritories
they stand ; really to the new exploiting power of Prussia.
There must at this moment be a sort of fe\-erish licking-
of-the-lips in the great organised capitalist world of North
Ciermany as it looks eastward upon this new field delivered
up — largelv by their compatriots — to their adventures.
This is tlie great economic and political fact of the moment.
It is this which overshadows all the eager German demands
for peace, and therefore it is this which none of the dupes of
that demand notice or debate.
The next of the great political departments to be surveyed
in the present European position can be dealt with much more
briefly because it is and has long been fully familiar to English
opinion ; I mean the economic and political question define<l
within the old limits of the Turkish Empire as it stood before
1877. Even the Balkan problems — a symbol of that com-
plexity of wliich I have spoken — have been studied here in
some detail and have been in their largest lines for two
generations, a commonplace of our foreign policy.
Here the issue is almost as simple as it is well known-
conditions rare enough and welcome enough, Heaven knows,
in Foreign Policy.
Peace with an unbeaten Prussia 'would necessarily mean the
dependence of an existent Turkish Power seated at Con-
stantinople upon tluit ^reat Central European State which it
is tlie object of the enemy to create.
It is obvious enough that such a situation would close the
Black Sea at the will of the successful Power. In other words,
it would consolidate Ihat economic grip upon the future
production of what was once the Russian Empire, which we
have seen to be a consequence of such a peace. It is equally
obvious and equally a commonplace that the Narrows of
Constantinople and the Dardanelles are not only the door to
traflic from the Black Sea ; they are the " nodal point " of
power and commerce moving from and to the East. The
railways to restore Asia Minor, to recreate Syria and Meso-
potamia, will start from the Bosphorus or (more probahlv)
pass under it in a tunn(>l. But there is something more. .\
still standing Turkish Empire with Constantinople dependent
upon Prussia as it would necessarily be, would he economically
developed and for military purposes organised by its suzerain.
One hears a certain amount of discussion as to where the
limits of restricted Turkish Power would lie in case of a
negotiated peace : How far north of Bagdad the " new
frontier " might lie, whether it be advisable fn jiracticable to
rescue Armeniii : where in Syria or Palestine the line might
be drawn. .All these discussions are futile in tlie absence of
victory, for no line could be permanently held. On *!•»
LAND & WATER
January 3. 19^8
further or defensive side of any line organised you would lia\e
in the north nothing- for Kiissia as an armed Power would
have ceased to be. In the south any Western Power <)r
Powers would be working, with very distant bases and with
their eoniniunications maritime— and therefore costly, slow,
and highly vulnerable, .\gainst them you would have, with
direct land communications (which time would indefinitely
improve) a large population, great potential economic re-
sources, the whole organised under the domination of .Middle
Europe, that is. of the Prussian s>'stem and capable of an
indefinite accretion in wealth and ann-^. The issue would
not be doubtful for long : and remember that it includes the
isthmus of Suez.
There seems to be floating through the minds of those who
still think in terms of the old Europe, a map of the Near East
in which provinces could be carved out from what was formerly
a decadent Turkish Empire and held, as they were held in
the past, by tlie material superiority of Western civilisnUon.
There seems to be a still rooted conception of Britain still
in Eg\pt and now also in Mesopotamia ; France, perhaps, in
Syria," Hea\en knows what in Palestine (a buffer Stat e for
Eg>-pt perhaps) continuing a calm and arderlv rule with nothing
before them to fear. The conception is wildly tmreal !
Whatever nominal frontiers were drawn up by such a Treaty
they would ni)t Ix' frontiers marching \;'ith what we ha\e so
long thought of as the moribund Turkish Power ; they woukl
be frontiers marching with an outlier of the Mid-European
State. Who surrenders in this matter to the conception of
a new artificial frontier is surrendering not only the Levant,
but the Isthmus of Suez and the gate to the Asian seas.
It is here, as everywhere, in this enormous field. Rival
forces are at work which will not tolerate each other and
one of which must control the future.
. The Adriatic
There remain two points of different interest, the Baltic
and the .\driatic. Victory will open the Baltic and place
upon it a Polish Port ; will take guarantees for its remaining
open and will prevent the alternative — a complete control by
.Alid-Europe of that sea and of its trade. But that alternative
of a Prussian Baltic, weakening though it would be to the
Western Powers, is not so serious as the corresponding effect to
the south upon the Adriatic and the iEgean. A negotiated
peace creates a Balkan Peninsula which is a part of Mid-Europe,
a dependency of it, and a political and' military way for it
to the Mediterranean. It puts Mid-Europe upon the Adriatic
and the .^gcan for good. No paper can save that situation.
An imdefeatcd Prussia ordering and moderating its great
Central State has immediate access to the Balkanr States :
the Western Powers ha\e nothing but long, round-about,
expensive, tedious, and peiilous comnuinications by sea.
.'\t the first threat of rupture — even if there were no open
control already exercised — the shores and the ports from
I stria all the way round to the Dardenelles would be theirs.
Victory would make the Adriatic an Italian Sea, and would
retain its place in the civilisation of Western Europe. It
would leave the Mediterranean much what it is to-day ; but
with an added security— for Valona, and the islands at least
of the Eastern Adriatic coast, would be under Italian control.
The opposite of victory — whatever you like to call it —
(some call it a reasonable peace, others surrender, others
treason, others common sense, and so forth) treaty negotiated '
in the present state of affairs, an instrum.'nt of whatever
kind, e\en supposed to be final, which would leave Prussia
as she still is, erect and strong, would also necessarily leave the
ports of the Adriatic mid-European. Strategically that sea
depends upon its eastern shore. The western one has no
harbours and no security. The eastern is a mass of deep
water channels, covered islands, hiding places of security
for submarine work, and for large fleets as well.
Look at it how you will, every political problem you examine
in this business, every inquiry you make into the effects of this
or that geographical settlement turns upon the belt of
<lebateable land in whicji there has been such vast movement
up to t]uite the immediate past, which is, therefore, to this
day so complicated a pattern of race, of religion and political
affection: the belt which lies east of the line along which the
German tongue ceases ; from the neighbourhood of. Dantzio
lound the Bohemian Plain, down the mid-Danube and so to
Istria. If the upshot of the war be th^t these marches fall
under the general influence of what the enemy is creating—
a great Prussianised State in Central Europe— ^and become
the outliers of such a State, there follow consequences linked
one to the other which stretch from the domination of the
Russian Plains upon one side to the domination of the Eastern
Mediterranean upon the other. Whether that influence be
called economic or military matters little. No concession
upon the West diminishes the character of this issue, and the
only alternative is a State of affairs in which the Prussian
military power shall no longer exist for the congeries of
people to the east and the south to lean upon and to look
up to or to seek as a model and a guide. In that alternative
one great State would be the natural counter -weight— the
Polish State ; and that is why the fate of Poland is necessarily
the test of the whole affair. Such a conclusion would see
the German nations lying within their own boundaries and
the 'spirit which has driven them to this great crime against
Europe exorcised.
If we do not see that end, the Western defence of Europe has
been in vain. For within a generation that which threatens
it to-day would be far stronger than it was in the moment of
our gravest peril three years ago. H. Belloc
National Shipyards
By Right Honourable George Lambert, M.P.
Mr. Gcor(;c Lambert. M.P., was for ten years Civil Lord
of the Admiralty and has been for some time past one of the
severest critics of Government Naval policy. He therefore
-writes with high authority.
THE Germans are destroying our mercantile tonnage
faster than we are building it ; they are building
submarines faster than we are destroying them.
Such IS the situation that confronts us in this year of
grace 1918. Let us face the situation and resolutely set
about righting it.
Lessons for the future must be drawn from the experience
—dearly lx)ught experience— of the past. Our magnificent
mercantile marine, of vital moment in these davs of agony
has been wasted, frittered, dissipated. Instead of conserving'
we have squandered it. Why worry ? Look at its magnifi-
cent array— built by private enterprise by the way— it seem-;
inexhaustible. Wave a wand over the water and a ship
appears. Galhpoh, Salonika, East Africa, Mesopotamia
Jerusalem, all needed or need vast quantities of shipping,
mostly too, in the dangerous submarine zones. As a conse-
quence the British Navy, that superb fighting machine,
was scattered and dispersed for the protection of shipping.
There has been no concentration. The Eastern Mediterranean
has value, but the Apapa. to instance only one example with
Its precious cargo and still more precious lives, was submarined
withm forty miles of Livoxpool. Even the British Navy can-
not be in two places at once.
,/!"<? *';*'*«^ ^"""'' patient, far-sighted nun who built the
British Mercantile Service, the Empire owe^ a debt of undying
eratitude. I hey have sa;.ed the British Empire They
had no help from the Government ; where tlie Government
interfered it hampered. We want tonnage, w(> must ha\-e it.
Britain wants it. The Allies want it. Without ships the
great resources of America cannot be massed against the
common foe. Germany, too, realises that in the destruction
of shipping hes the hope of victory, or at least a comiiromised
peace.
How should we set about replacing lost tonnage ? The
obvious course would have been to aid, help, assist those
great private yards that have built what was the envy of the
world— the British Mercantile marine. We are not, liowever,
with Alice in Wonderland ; we are waging war, so those great
establishments were kept short of steel, short of material,
short of men, and the Government in its wisdom decided to
establish national shipyards. The fiat went forth from the
seats of the mighty. Let there be national shipyards. And
it was so. And the Government said that it was'good. Was
this policy the result of mature thought ? Certainly not !
What Government has time to think in time of war ? An
Advisory Committee of distinguished shipbuilders had been
purposely formed for counsel in such affairs. They w-ere
practical men, had been engaging in'shipbuilding, had emerged
successful through the ordeal of a world's competition. But
were they consulted ? Again, certainly not ! " The policy of
establishing, the national shipyards was decided bf the War
Cabinet. . . . The Advisory Committee was not con-
sulted by the War Cabinet so far as I know before the de-
cision." (Dr. Macnamara, House of Commons, December
19th, 1917). " Curiouser and curiouser," said Alice ; but
we had better get on.
\\ ill the national shipyards increase the output of tonnage
January 3, 191S
LAND & WATER
in the comiiig critical months ? That is the dominant con-
sideration. The answer is obvious for the following reasons :
1. They can only be constructed and equipped now at abso-
lutely abnormal cost. There is a positive dearth of labour
and materials for the present private establishments.
2. They must compete with the existing yards for machinery,
plant, tools, and requisites.
3. They must draw skilled labour from private yards, anrl
already Clovernment officials have been making overtures.
.(. J^abour can only be obtained for the national to the detri-
ment of the private yards, a course oi action which will react
on, and retard the output of the whole industry.
The Government say the national yards shall not proceed
until private yards are working at full pressure. It may be
said, if it prove true, the national yards are not likely to pro-
ceed at all. The pri\atc yards could employ from twenty to
fifty thousand m^ more than at present. Where then exists
this great untapped reservoir of labour for the national yards ?
It simply docs not e.xist. That condition, therefore, cannot
be fulfilled. German prisoner labour can well be used for
reclamation, road making, rough construction and similar
semi-skilled work, but building ships is tout autre chose. It is
hardly to be supposed that the Germans recruited their army
from tiieir shipyards.
At the new national yards, everything lias to be created.
Imagine a bare piece of land to be turned into a shipbuilding
establishment !' On the Clyde and on the Tyne there are
buildings, there is plant, there are generations of accumulated
skill and experience — skilled managers, skilled' foremen,
skilled workers. Surely if unskilled labour is to be profitably
utilised, it must be directed by men competent in their trade,
who can only be found where the present shipyards exist.
Time is national life. Ships bring food, and without food
the nation cannot live. The Government should retrace its
steps, acknowledge the error afnd negative the" policy. To-
err is a failing not common only to War Cabinets. It is
betti'r to admit mistakes than waste national energy. Saving
face will not secure ships. Let the private yards be aided,
encouraged, supplied with men, materials, if need be money,
to accomplish their fullest possible output at the speediest
jjossible moment. It is not a question of private profit.
The private shipbuilding yards are controlled establishments
and their profits regulated. What the nation wants is ton-
nage and that quickly. The line must be cleared for ships.
If Government yards would output tonnage faster than private
yards, let us have tiiem by all means. Somehow our obser-
vation teaches us that Government concerns — to put it mildly
— are not wholly concerned for efficiency. Most j)ri\ate
businesses run as a Government business would be ruined in
a year.
An illustrative incident happened at Portsmouth quite
lately— last December 15th. At a war meeting the Junior
M.P., a well-known Admiral, exclaimed : " We must have^
more men. How are we to get these men ? " A \oice from
the crowded audience. " From the dockyard." Where-
upon there was such vociferous applause that the Mayor had
to intervene to stop it. Portsmouth is our largest national
dockyard. Comment on this incident was superfluous. Only
by those who desire to place our great shipping industry under
Government control, can the policy of establishing these
national yards be approved. To them I would commend the
words of Lord Inchcape at the last P. and O. meeting held on
the I2th ultimo : " If it is the intV;ntion to turn the British
mercantile marine into a State department, managed by
officials tied up with red tape then . . . we shall make
our bow and let the curtain fall on what has hitherto been tht
supremacy of British mercantile shipping on the Seven seas.'
From such a consummation, let us pray to be saved.
The First Sea Lord
By Arthur Pollen
WHEN" I returned to England at the end of last
week after having sjwjnt nearly six months in the
Inited States, learned that \\dniiral Sir John
Jellicoe had left the Admiralty to receive a Peer-
age, and that Sir Kosslyn Wemyss had been appointed First Sea
Lord. These events constitute what the DailvTclcgraph quite
accurately described as a " sensational " announcement. But
judging from such public comments as I have had the oppor-
tunity of perusing, a great variety of sensations seems to have
l)een excited. A good many people are plainly at a loss to
understand the significance of what has occurred.
Sir Kosslyn Wemyss, save for his appointment as Second
Sea Lord six months ago, and his more recent promotion to
acting as Sir John JcUicoe's deputy, appears to be almost
unknown to the press or to the general public. This mav
account for a certain lack of enthusiasm in the reception of
the news of his promotion. Similarly the causes which made
a drastic change in the Higher Command necessary, seem also
to have been very little understood. One paper of very wide
cnculation I noted, published a portrait of the out-going First
Sea Lord, and printed underneath it and in italics, a statement
to the effect that this particular journal had " never joined
ni the anti-Jellicoe campaign." When people see no reason
wJiv a change should be made, and then hear that an officer
entnely unknown to tiiem has been entrusted with the most
difficult and the most arduous post in the anti-German
Alliance, tliey are not unnaturally filled with misgivings and
suspect that tjie late holder of the post is the victim either of
some personal intrigue or of a cowardly submission to press
clamour, and so look upon his successor as a pis-allcr — a
choice where there is no choice. The facts of the position are
diametrically opiwsitc to what sucii people suppose.
My readers may remember that some time before Mr.
lialtour reconstituted his Board about thirteen months ago, I
pointed out m these columns that such a reconstitution was
necessary, that the task of selection was extremely difficult,
and that it was exceedingly unlikely, so obscure were the
indications of competence in this grave matter— that Mr.
Balfour could rest satisfied with his first, or even with second
choice of advisers. I said this because the first choice was
already known to him. To those who shared mv doubts of a
year ago, and have noted what has occurred between their
expression and the present date, will have been more surprised
that the second choice has been so long a-commg than that it
has at last been made. It is unnecessary then to explain to
tliem, as it wouhl be ungracious now to explain to others,
preci^clv why th<- first of the events of last week was inevit-
able. It 1. iiiif.iituiiMU' tl.-t these transitions cannot occur
without inflicting pin. The British public is extranrdinarily
loyal to its favourites, and particularly to its naval favourites.
A large section of the public, which for years bcrfore the war
had taken real trouble to study na\al affairs, was led to
believe that tiie greatness of the British navy derived solely
from the seamanship and statesmanship of Sir John Fisher
and depended on the leadership of his chief pupil and suc-
cessor. It was shocked when events at Gallipoli led to Lord
Fisher'6 retirement. It is shocked now when the gallant and
popular officer, who had the full confidence of Wv nation in
ins command of the Grand Fleet, has to make way for another.
This mental distress is deeply to be regretted, but it cannot
be avoided. Old estimates of personal worth and ability
formed in times of peace are constantly upset by the rude
realities of war, without those who have formed those esti-
laates being able to realise exactly how the upset has occurred.
For the moment it is best to leave this mystery unexplained!
It is more to the purpose to set out why the " second choice ''
is a sound choice. It may be some consolation to such people
to know that the officer who is now First Sea Lord is where
he is because it is A^ar, and notliing else, that has shown liiin
to be what he is.
If, therefore, I am a.sked what the recent changes in the
Board of Admiralty signify, my simplest answer is, to say that
at last we have an officer appointed First Sea Lord, not be-
cause of his seniority in the Navy List, nor because he is
blessed — or cursed — with a newspaper or popular reputation,
but simply on merit shown in war. I was in Washington when
Sir Edward Carson joined the War Cabinet, and an enter-
prising interviewer asked. me why the Premier had put an
ex-railway manager, presumably 'ignorant of the sea affair,
at the head of the Burtish Navy. I replied that he had done'
so for the almost incredible, but nevertheless valid reason, that
Sir Eric Geddes had shown himself to be the right man for the
place. Just as Jlr. Lloyd George passed over all the popular
jwliticians and ciiose the ablest man he knew for the most
difficult position that a civilian can fill, so now Sir Eric himself
has passed over all the advertist^d Admirals and appointed
the proved man for the most diflicult post a naval officer
can fill. It is natural to ask in what the proof consists.
In the early stages of the war the evidence of Sir Rosslvn
Wemyss' merits must either have been slender or was unper-
ceived, for wiien Sir Sackville Carden fell ill, a day or two l)efore
tile last and most disastrous attempt to force the Dardanelles.
Rear-.Admiral de Robeck was appointed to succeed liim, and'
two officers senior to him were passed over by this preferment.
Sir Rosslyn Wemyss was one of these. It is not an agreeable
position for a Rear-Admirul to find liiinself suddenly and
LAND & WATER
January 3, 191S
unexpectedly subordinate to his junior. Rut it is in the day's,
work to accept these things with simple loyalty, and it Mould'
bo no compliment to the present First Sea Lord to select
that for congratulation which every naval officer must look
upon as the most obvious and elementary of his duties.
The fact is recalled to show that in March 11)15, Whitehall
did not yet know their man, and likely enough because he had
not yet "been given his opportunity. But it was not long in
coming now. It is known that on him devolved the chief
share in the naval part of the two evacuations of the penin-
sular, and that the naval part was the chief part. But his
work at the bases previous to this and his subsequent work
when he succeeded Sir John de Robeck in command of the
Mcditeirancan, seem hardlv to be known at all.
The abandonment of the" dallipoli adventure coincided, it
mav be remembered, with the beginning of the enemy's sub-
marine activities on a large scale in the middle seas, llie
Mediterranean command was not limited to the Mediterranean,
and it included the care of at least three lines of communica-
tions to different large army bases, and necessarily involved
the closest co-operation with the l-'rench and Italian fleets.
I-ew if any naval officers, therefore, have ever undertaken
duties more difficult, more extensive and various, or more
complicated than tliose which now fell upon the new C -in-C.
I see it has been stated, on the strength of his having com-
manded the vessel in which tiie King once visited liik
Eastern Dominions, that Sir Kosslyn VVemyss enjoys a reputa-
tion as a courtier. This is about as illuminating a remark
as to say that because he wears a monocle he has a reputation
as a dandy. But it is true that Admiral Wemyss is, in the
best sense of that much hackneyed term, a man of the world.
It was this fortunate circumstance combined with a perfect
acquaintance with the French language that smoothed his
diplomatic path with our gallant naval Allies. He illustrated
in short, but in an unexpected sense, the dictum of Nelson,
that the best of all negotiators was a British Admiral backed
by a British fleet. The Paris Conference, decided, I under-
stand, and the decision was in every sense gratifying, that an
Allied Naval Council was to be established. In acting with
such a council Sir Rosslyn Wemyss has his Mediterranean
experience to guide him. He has to welcome a new ally, the
United States, as an addition to those with whom he has
dealt before. It is surely a happy augury that these complex
relations will be handled at the British end by one whose
knowledge of the world, whose tact and diplomatic accom-
plishment are unquestionable. ^
Howev'cr, the essence of the Chief Command to-day is fo
get, first, out of the Britsh Naval force and then out of our
Allies, the maximum dynamic effect against the enemy's
effort to cut our sea communications. As most competent
obser\'crs have long since realised, the defeat of the submarine
is far less a matter either of new inventions or of mere multipli-
cation of known weapons or weapon bearing units than a
matter of the best combination of forces already in existence.
This combination can only result from a rightly organised
staff. What ground is there for supposing that Sir Kosslyn
Wemyss will do better than his predecessors in this matter ?
They are of the most solid possible description. They are,
in point of fact, just these, that when faced with those exten-
sive, varied, complicated and difficult tasks to which I have
alluded above, Admiral Wemyss was able to deal with them,
and deal with them successfully, precisely because, knowing
exactly what he wished to do and being resolute to get it done ,
he also knew how to organise the men at his disposal, so that
each separate task was clearly defined and plainly feasible.
He profited, in other words, bv the grinding experience of
(".allipoli, and realised that onlyby a rightly constituted staff
could the manifold work of war be properly done. The scale
of this achievement was naturally enough known to few. But ,
by July of last year, the evidences of it were available at
Whitehall, and Sir Eric Geddes had not long been there before
he had ajjpreciated their meaning. It will be remembered
that it was almost his first act to bring Sir Rossi vn Wemyss
into his councils. The change was announced in America
in the second week in August. I may, perhaps, be pardoned
for quoting from an interview with me in a Washington
journal on the occasion.'
" The really big stroke is the retirement of Sir Cecil Burnev
and his replacement by Rcar-Admiral Rosslyn Wemyss. I
have not a British Navy list by me, but, at a rough guess, I
should say there arc probably forty officers senior to Admiral
VVemyss who have been passed over to permit this officer to
take "this position. Wemyss has long been regarded by the
forward school as a ' white hope.' He was second in command
during the Gallipoli campaign, where his promptness, energy
and fighting spirit showed him not only a real leader, but ii
man iwssossed of that cool quick judgment which is of the
essence of the matter in war.
" The cables say the new Second Sea Lord is to be relie\cd
of certain departmental duties but do not tell us what the new
duties arc to be But ii is not difficult to guess the character
of the change. The rearrangement of two months ago brought
about an amalgamation between the War Stafif and the Board
of Admiraltv. The First Sea Lord was still left as the chief
administrative head of the whole active Navy and of the
Staff as well. I expect what will happen is that the First
Sea Lord's functions will now be cut in half, that he will
remain the chief professional administrator and the Second
Sea Lord will become the chief of the War Staff. It will
represent the triumph of the younger school. M'hen the great
changes took place in Ma>-,' those of us who had fought so
hard for them for so long approved everything that liarl been
done, but complained that the thing had stopped too soon.
We also saw that the thing could not remain stopped where
it was. It had to be pushed to its logical conclusion.. . It
looks as if Sir Itric Geddes had found an extremely ingenious
and perfectly effective way out of the difficulty. If the
appointment of Admiral Wemyss means what I hope it meaiis,
we may expect to sec the vast potential power of the British
Navy applied to winning the war in a fashion which has not
yet been applied."
It looks as if I did not very greatly misjudge the situation
in August. What would seem to have happened is something
like this. Sir Rosslyn Wemyss was tried at the Admiralty
in the task of which he had shown himself to be a master in
the Mediterranean. It was a task that had not been success-
fully met elsewhere, because it had never been attempted
elsewhere. If he made good with the same success at Whitehall
there would be no need for a deputy First Sea Lord, but a
clear case for making him First Sea Lord. In the event
Admiral Wemyss did make good.
Significance of Sea Power
Surely the New Year could hardly open under happier
auspices. The developments of the last few months havi;
changed the position on land to the enemy's advantage in
a most disconcerting and discouraging way. But as no one
knows better than the enemy himself, it is at '.sea, and rot on
land that the war will finally be decided. The factors, that is
to say, on which victory depends, arc still those that derive
from sea power. How well the enemy understood this
a year ago was proved by his being compelled to drive the
L'nited States into belligerency rather than forego his only
possible stroke at the sea supplies that kept the mihtary
alliance against him in munitions and stores, and the civil
populations, on whose well being and contentment all military
force is founded, supplied with the necessaries of living and
prosperity. A year ago, when the enemy's efforts to make
peace after his many defeats on the Somme had failed, when
President Wilson's last effort at an amicable arrangement
had shown all the world that no settlement by negotiations
was possible, it became at once clear that a ruthless sub-
marine attack on our supply ships would immediately be made.
Those who remembered the terms of the German
surrender to America of the previous May expected nothing
else. For, with curious and quite unnecessary candour,
Berlin, for once, instead of making a promise and breaking it,
entered into an underaking that was purely provisional and
warned the world that the objectionable sinkings would be
resumed the moment it suited Germany's con\X'nience or
necessity. In other words, from the day \\hen Von Tirpitz
first threatened the world with the submarine, in December
1914, until she drove America into war in F'ebruary 1917,
Germany was never under the faintest illusion about the sea
war being the real war.
It is a vital matter that civihians in all countries should bear
this fundamental truth in mind, especially a t the moment
when the disappearance of Russia has altered the whole
balance of power on land. F'or the disappearance of Russia
and the change in the mihtary situation that results, do not
in the least degree affect the validity of the axiom on whicli
our enemy has acted consistently and from the first. For the
mflitary change amounts only to this, that until the American
army redresses the balance on land, the Allied forces are
possibly insufficient to obtain a definite military victory.
But, meanwhile, the enemy forces are still less able to obtain
a decision in their favour. The change in balance, then,
restores a situation gravely weighted against the Central
Powers to equality onlj-. And it is, at best, temporary.
The problem of the day, then, is civil endurance ; how shall
we hold out till the enemy force is spent ? It is largely a
matter of confidence of the certainty of ultimate and com-
plete success. This confidence — if I am right in saying that
ultimate success turns on the sea war — should now be better
founded than it has ever been, for the reason that never before
lia\c we had a better assura nee that a sea power \\ould be
rightly used. The reform of the Admiralty, initiated by the
criticisms of last April and May, begun by Mr. Lloyd George
in the end oL the latter month, and now completed by Sir
Eric Geddes, should form the turning point in tlie war.
Arthur Pollkn.
January 3, 1918
LAND & WATER
We Must Help Russia
By H. M. Hyndman
IF a poet were inclined to deal with a section of national
events in the present war after the manner of Thomas
Hardy in The Dynasls, he could find no more inspiring
and terrible theme than the history of Russia and Russian
movements since 1914. Western Europe has been completely
bemused by the succession of transformation scenes and
cinema films of upheaval which have been presented to its
astonished observation. So rapidly have events moved in
that great country*, during the past three years and a half,
that we can only recall with difficulty what has actually
taken place.
First, it was assumed that Russia with her vast population
would play the decisive part in the resistance to German
aggression, and that no long time would elapse ere the Russian
armies, wliich had helped to save the French and British
forces from annihilation, might be heard of in the suburbs
of Berlin. Their smashing defeat at the Masurian Lakes
put an end to that little orgie of optimism. Later, however,
the great advance of :Brussiloff into Galicia, with the extra-
ordinary number of prisoners taken, again raised hopes that
Russia could play the part assigned to her at first. Once
more, owing chiefly to the lack of munitions and supplies,
the Russians were thrown back to a defensive line, and talk
of treachery in high places was proved to liave only too much
foundation. Shortly afterwards Rasputinism flourished at
the Czar's Court in all its infamy and M. Stiirmer arranged
with Hcrr von Jagow, his separate peace terms for Russia —
terms which would have placed all tlie resources of that great
Empire under Germany's control. Then came M. Miliukoff's
crushing exposure of M. Stiirmer's treaciiery in the Duma,
the downfall of that pro-German politician, and the appoint-
ment of AL Protopopoff to carry on the same policy of cor-
ruption and surrender, with the full approval of the Ras-
putinists and the Court. But for the sudden attempt of the
new administration to anticipate an expected revolution by
a counter-revolution, the plot might have succeeded ; for the
revolutionary leaders were not prepared for action during the
war. As it was, the weapons of the reactionaries broke in their
hands, the very troops they reUed on turned round upon the
(government, and the pro-German Romanoffs and the up-
liolders of a separate peace were swept away.. It is well to
remember that, had not the revolution occurred when it did,
all Russia would already have been for months under German
control and Russian resources at the disposal of Germanj'.
Awakened Democracy
How far away we seem to bo now from that Revolution.
How heartily, not only the English people, but the whole of
Western Europe welcomed the overthrow of the Czar and his
family. What great results were looked for in many quarters
from emancipated Russia. If Russia of the Czar was ready to
fight to tlie death against German aggression how much
more determined would be the awakened and self-governing
democracy of Russia, of the Republic, to organise all its
forces against the enemy whose armies were entrenched on
Russian soil, and were menacing the newly-acquired Russian
freedom !
Revolutionan,- Russia, like revolutionary France, would
rise as one man to e.\pel the invader and reconquer
the occupied territory. That was the general idea. Optimism
again reigned supreme. The best-known Russian exiles were
tlien most confident of the future. They feared only that
ICngland and her Allies would stop the supply of munitions,
aufl thus prevent Republican Russia from showing her real
strength.
CongratulatoVy depiitations were then sent to Potro-
grad, some of whose members unfortunately completely mis-
understood the position — which indeed was not surprising
— and differed greatly among themselves. But the national
enthusiasm was so great and the desire for common accord,
to secure the full fruits of the revolution at home and on the
frontier apjx-ared so strong, that the Allied peoples continued
to hope against hope, even when affairs in the jirovinces
of Russia became almost chaotic, and mitters in her towns
looked threatening indeed. A complete forgetfulness of
faction and permanent coalition of revolutionists of all sections
might ha\c saved the situation. A combination under the
leadership <>l Kerensky, in fact, seemed likel>- to be successful
for a time ; and the Committees of Soldiers and XN'orkmen,
in spite of the efforts of the doctrinaire extremists within them.
' were not desirous of bringing about a conflict between the
various groups. The Provisional Government could probably
have carried on safely while the great Delegate Conference mv\
at Moscow, and the country might have axyaited with reason-
able calmness the meeting of the Constituent Assembly.
This would not have suited (jermany at all. As events
have shown, -she imderstood the position much better than
f'.id the Allies. Lenin and his friends, after having been
hurried through Germanv from Switzerland to Russia by
special train, accompanied with e\-ery personal attention, at
once set to work to render anarchy almost inevitable. A
political and economic programme, wholly unsuited to a
country in the stage of development of Russia, was thrust
on the people with fanatical zeal. Simultaneously, a wiiole •
sale propaganda of mutiny and disbandment was carried on
in the army. Both were successful. Kerensky and his
friends, civilian and military, looked on while their policy-
was wrecked and their party combination disintegrated.
Democracy was ruined in the name of democracy.
The Bolsheviks
t
Then a sudden stroke put Lenin, Trotsky and the Bolshevik
minority in control of Petrograd, on lines laid down, it is
said, by the German Military Staff ; a dictatorship of ille-
gality was established in Petrograd itself as well as in Moscov\-,
and two or three other centres ; the Red Guards were trained
and organised by German officers into an admirable force ; the
propaganda for peace in the army on the front was carried on
more systematically than ever, aided by detachments of the
Petrograd gendarmery of Bolshexik tendencies ; the disinte-
gration in the public services and the railroads, begun by the?
reactionaries under the Czar, was pushed even further — until
Anally the only real organisation left in the north was the
political and military force at the disposal of Lenin and his
friends. There was no longer an army to resist the Germans
between the Riga front and Petrograd. Generals and officers
who tried to maintain discipline were murdered or arrested.
Peace with Germany was proclaimed as a necessity for Russia
and the Bolshevik Self-Illusionists actually thought they could
successfully appeal to their imaginary" German Democracy"-
to help them in a imiversal democratic reconstruction ! Of
course, the only people who have benefited by all this criminal
lolly are the Kaiser and his henchmen, Hindenburg and
Ludendorf.
Yet, in, the face of all this, the Unified French Socialist
Party and some Pacifists here in England still declare that
had the pro-German Socialist International Conference niet
at Stockholm, Russia would have remained true to her engage-
ments with the AUies, and a new heaven and a new earth
would have grown up out of the t •enches, amid the soul-
inspiring hochs of Kameraden Scheidemann, Siidekum,
David, Heine and Noske. Those who believe that nonsense
deserve to be in Peti^ograd at the mercy of Lenin and his
revolutionar\- sbirri. Plechanoff, Catherine Breshkovskaia,
Tchemoff and others who have given themselves body and
soul for more than a generation to the service of revolutionary
Social-Democracy, could tell the world what sort of freedom
men like Lenin and his new Militarist crew stand for.
Read what even the Marxist Martoff, himself a Zimnier-
waldian and a man in favour of what I should call a pro-
German peace, writes about Bolshevik rule in Petrograd so
lately as December i6th, 1917 :
The new Government finds itself compelled to institute a
reign of terror against a populace bitterly hostile to a military
dictatorship. Hence arbitrary, \iolent persecution against
every sort of even Sociahst opposition, suppression of liberty
of the press and freedom of public meeting. Many Socialists
have been thrown into prison. ]'"urther, the foreign policy of
Lenin, inspired liy his anxiety to bring about tlie immediate
peace promised to the soldiers, assumes a character contrary
to the international conception of a democratic peace ; andthi;
the rather that the militarists wish to take advantage of/thi
jiosition of a government not acknowledged by the majority
of the people in order to secure the signature of an anti
democratic peace.
To form a Leninist majority, Lenin and Trotsky actually
refuse to acknowledge the supremacy of the Constituent
.\ssembly, the majority' of which is composed of non-Maxi-
malist Socialists. Many members of the Constituent
Assembly have been arrested and the entire bourgeois
" minority " as well. For these reasons Martoff and his
section of Marxists, pacifists though they are, will have
nothing to do with the Lenin autocracy.
This does not mean, however, that the Bolshevik minority
will lose ground for some time yet. They have the enor-
mous advantage of the support of German organisjition,
German propaganda and German money. TheV arc ame also
to bribe their soldier contingitits with enormous rates of daily
pay. Ih-ii high-handed methods, too, give the impression
10
LAND & WATER
January 3, 191S
of stable determination, not only to one or two of tiio Allied
Ambassadors, but to some of the people thcmsel^ics, who,
sc-eing their daily life disorganised and famine coming upon
them", are beginning to feel " better Bolsiievik dictatorship
than the continuance of this period of anarchical incertitude."
It is indeed a desperate situation, so far as the north of Russia
is concerned,
Meanw hile, liowever, other parts of tiiis huge aggregation
of territories and peoples are in open revolt against th^ policy
of a handful of fanatics and intriguers, who are using tho
means supplied by enemy foreigners to force a rule, for which
the country is economically and socially wholly unprepared,
upon a jjopulation of 180,000,000 souls. However honest
they may be, tlieir methods aid reaction in every direction
and threaten to put Russia at the mercy of the "Kaiser, his
(unkers and his Capitalists for many a long year to come,
therefore, the Ukraine, the Caucasiis, Siberia and Finland,
which have declared themselves independent Republics, are
against Bolshevik tvrannv and doctrinaire incompetence.
Men like Savinkoff, Axentieff, Kerensky, with their military
friends, are striving at this moment — not to help reaction as
Bolsheviks and (Germans perfidiously proclaim— but to aid
the Social Revolutionaries, who will constitute the majority
Df the Constituent Assembly (even now tliat tiie aiiarchist
?.\treme left has gone over to the enemy), in organising the
ijennine democracy of Russia based upon the peasantry and
the townsmen alike. The Social Revolutionaries are all
ilemocrats. They are also advocates of the land for the
people. Anything short of a Democratic and Social Federated
l^epublic would be a defeat for them. To attain this end
the>' are ready to make any sacrifice— are making great
sacrifices to-day. But the following points are essential to
their success : —
1. Germany must be prevented from gaining the \-ictory
by a German peace ; for if She dqes, she will use the dis-
organisation of Is orth Russia and the resources of South and
East Russia entirelv for her own ends.
2. A new front must be formed, supported from points acces-
sible to the Allies of Russia, in order to preser\e the non-
Bolshevik districts from such a disaster.
3. The Germans must be stopped from drilling the .2,000,000
i.erman and Austrian prisoners now in Russia for service
against the Allies.
4. The Allied Governments and the United States must give
a definite statement, based upon the formula of Restitution,
Reparation ajid tiuarantees, and repudiating all Imperialist
aims — a staten>ent with wliich Russia may confront German
and Bolshevik lies.
5. Russian troops and war vessels must be used to help the
Iriends of lie Allifss against their enemies, '
6. The Allies must forthwith proclaim to the world that tlieir
friends in l^ussia are their friends, and that th'.; friends of
their enemy, Germany, are their enemies.
In all the affairs of human life there is some risk. It is the
duty of statesmen, as it is of organisers and men of business, to
consider a position carefully from every point of view before
decisive action is taken. .But when the decision is arrived
at, then the shutters should be pidled down on the other
side of the intellect. I'urther reflection is not only useless
init dangerous. Siicli a situation has arisen in Russia. Tre-
mendous issues are at stake not only in regard to the relations
between England and her AlUes and Russia herself, but for
the immediate future of the civilised world. Asia is involved
as well as Europe. '
Do what ever wc may, the influence of Germany upon Russia,
her Eastern neighbour must inevitably be great. Terri-
torial propinquity and commercial advantage will tell in her
favour as time goes on. But if at this critical juncture wc
stand aside and allow our enemes to dominate Russia, without
an effort to help the rising anti-German Republics, then all
hope of a counter-influence being effectively exerted by the
Allied Powers in the future may disappear. Our present
difficulties West and East will be greatly increased. The
vast .sums likewise which we have advanced to enable Russia
to remain an independent country, working out h(>r own
destinies in friendly accord with nations that aspire neither
to mercantile nor political domination, will have been entirely
thrown away.
Under these circumstances, a prompt decision must be
reached. This is not a matter only of to-day, threatening as
the immediate outlook may be, nor of to-morrow, hopeful as
we all are of final and decisive victory over the forces of
mihtarist reaction and diplomatic treachery. It is the end
of an old pohcy and the beginning of a new. To hesitate is
far more dangerous than to act. I'or, certainly, if F^ngland
and her Allies display again a pusillanirrous incpitude, continue
to debate about pros and cons while events are settling the
immediate issue against them, and persistently let I dare not
wait upon I would — then the democratic Republicans and-
anti-Bolsheviks of Russia will be compelled in despair to make
the best terms they can with the German invader and the
enormous but undeveloped resources of that great nation
will now and hereafter be under Teutonic control.
There is now good reason to hope tliat the terrible dangers
already arising out of the present situation are understood and
will be met with energy and determination. But at such a
critical moment promptitude is essential and, unfortunatelj-,
that has not so far been characteristic of the .\Uied policy.
Leaves from a German Note Book
Peace Negotiations with Russia
IT would seem that the peace negotiations with. Russia
have not evoked great enthusiasm in (lermany. The^vent
is not minimised, but neither is it regarded as being in
itself decisive. There is smoke in the flame ; many
insuperable difficulties are expected. The press warns the
j)ublic not to build castles in the air. The Bolshevik leaders
are even mistrusted in some quarters. Franz Mehring, a
Socialist of European reputation, goes so far as to attack
them openly in these terms: "Have Lenin and Trotsky,
who were for years brave fighters on the side of the proletariat,
suddenly lost their senses, or has their revolutionary energy
and that of their supporters driven them into a situation where
they are compelled to do much which they would not do were
they free masters in making their decisions ? They are
heading straight for chaos." Nevertheless, the public hopes
tliat perhaps the negotiations with Russia may bring peace
in t'he West. This desire must be very strong, for even so
moderate a journal as the Frankfurter /cilinii^ is moved to
use these veiled threats if the Allies should not fulhl Ger-
many's expectations :
If the leaders of the Kntente'continiic the war, in spite of fate,
against the will of Russia and despite the readiness of the
Central Powers for a general peace, they will only make a
real understaiuliuf; more and more diflicult ; for any accom-
modation which nuist be exacted from the Kntente by force
is bound to be a defeat, however moderate Germany may
be. The statesmen of the Entente still have time to make
the decision. May they decide in favour of that which the
cours«> of events will make a necessity for them before long.
Boastful talk of this kind is necessary in order to hearten
the Germans to bear up still further. Their burden is indeed
great. They lack coal, for the winter ration allows of warm-
ing only one room for each household. The schools are
closed because of the coal shortage ; the streets are dark
and the Dublic baths are unable to serve the public needs.
It is not that Germany has no coal. But she has no miners
to dig it, nor sufficient trucks to distribute it. The whole of
the railway system is chsorganised ; the rolling stock is being
neglected ; there is a serious shortage of lubricants ; railway
fares for the express services have been doubled while ordinary
train services have been considerably reduced.
Yet the German suffers in patience. His beer is thinner
and dearer than ever. In place of tobacco he is given hops
and chicory roots to smoke. His fat and butter ration,
small though it is already, is to be reduced on January ist
by one-fifth. He is fed on substitutes, of which, according
to an official report, there are now over ten thousand in
(iermany. Even his daily bread has become nauseating.
A correspondent of the Vorudrts relates an experience
which is worth recording. Recently he visited an eating
house in the centre of Berlin where" before the war he had
been a regular customer, Asking what there was to eat he
was informed by the waitress that they had cake, but when
he saw the substance he would have none of it. Thereupon
the waitress, anxious to please, vouchsafed the information
that they also had .scones, at one and threepence each. He
ordered one. It was small in size and its coloiu" was a dirty
brown. He no sooner bit into it than he received a shock.
It was all stringy within and had an abominable taste. It
is significant that the Vonvarls should print this story in bold
type. In all probability this particular experience "is by no
means unique. Four days later, on December 19th," the
Socialist paper wrote: "The great masses are not only
hungry : they are literally starving."
Fear of Air Raids
On top of all this comes the dread of air raids. The Bedin
Lohal-Anzeiger, a paper with a large circulation among the
masses, finds it necessary to cheer the people by attempting
to demonstrate that German air-raids on England are right
and prooer. and English air-raids on Germany unspcakabli'
January 3, 1918
I.ANU & WATER
11
wicked. It is instructive to oUi^-rve how tliis result is arn\-ed
at. The story opens with the first visit to London of German
aeroplanes on June 13th, iqi;, which were so effective that
pubhc feeling in p:ngland ran high. That was unjustifiab e,
seeing that English airmen had attacked Freiburg and Karls-
ruhe long before, and tiie victims of those raids had to be
avenged. Besides London is a military centre ; Karlsruhe
and Freiburg are peaceful open towns.
The German reader, by being told half the story, is made
to believe that the (.erman air raids are merely retaliatory-
Not a single word is said about the Zeppelin raids on England
with their toll of innocent lives. The German reader's
memory must be very short if he has already forgotten that
Karlsruhe and Freiburg were visited by Allied airmen only
after Germany had had recourse to the air weapon. It
should also be" added that practically every town in Germany
is turning out munitions of war— Karlsruhe and Freiburg
included.' The eftorts of the Lokal-Anzeiger are exceedingly
instmctive in respect to German propagandist methods.
One-iialf of the truth is suppressed, and the German case is
based on the other half. The sliamelessness of it has long
ceased to be a cause for wonder to the world.
German Peace Feelers
Despite these attempts at assuaging their fears, the German
people is really interested in nothing but the possibility of
peace. When 'Mr. Balfour's revelation of the German Peace
feelers, which were sent to London last September, became
known in Germany, a wave of excitement passed through
the land. The " explanation" of the German Government,
halting as it was, did not deceive the simplest. Why,
mixierate men asked, was nothing more heard of the matter .-•
Here was Germany proclaiming to the* world again and agam
that she was ready for peace, that the hand of fellowship
she had stretched out was rejected with mocking and scorn,
that if the bloody business continued it was all the fault of
the AUies. Yet when an opportunity for negotiating really
presented itself, the German Government was dumb. Moderate
men cannot fathom the mystery, or at least, they pretend
they cannot. A distinguished poUtician and journalist like
Theodor Wolff, the Editor-in-Chief of the Berliner Tageblatl
is driven to this confession, and the only hope he can hold
out to his countr\'men is to wait until Mr. Lloyd (ieorge,
" the Lion of Wales," and M. Clemenceau, " the Tiger of
Paris," have both fallen and yielded up their places to men
more inclined to pean-. And' the German people read and
arc comforted !
Capture of Jerusalem
The capture of Jerusalem was discounted in the German
press long before the event. There was so marked a similarity
in the arguments used that we are justified in assigning them
to a common official source. Perhaps Major Endres gave
the clearest enunc iation of what the victory picans :
From a military standpoint the taking of Jerusalem is of no
great importance, but the political and moral effects are enor-
mous. The taking of Jerusalem is a first step toward.s filling
up the gaps in Great Britain's overland communications between
Kgypt and India. The projected cxten.sion of Great Britain's
sphere of influence signifies a very great danger, not only for
'J'urkcy, but also for Germany. The realisation of Great
iiritain's plans would mean the final closing of south-western
Asia against Central JCurope, and a barrier against all economic
expansion which did not possess the benediction of Great
Britain, One of our most important tasks on the conclusion of
peace will be to secure the integrity of Turkey, and thereby
to open the door to the Orient.
A German Africa
If that is one of Germany's important ta.sks at the con-
clusion of peace, another is the attempt to obtain an exten-
' sivc colonial empire stretching across Africa from the Indian
to the Atlantic Ocean, and ei^ectively dividing the British
spheres of influence in the north and the south of the Dark
Continent. This proposed (jerman Africa, of which maiiv
Germans still dream, would, of course, inchidc the Belgian
Congo, and there are not a few people in Gennany who have
the effrontery to argue that because Ciermany has conquered
I'Ji'lgium, she lias not only a moral but also a legal right to
the Congo ! And then Germans ask inniKcntly why thr
world does not love them.
Their universal unpopularity appears to Ixi a source of
annoyance, else why should tlicy demand that the Swiss
Government ought, out of consideration to Germmi feehngs,
to censure the Journal de Geuh'c for speaking of the " pro\ed
crimes and mocking lies of the Imperial (icrniaii Govern-
ment," and the Bibliolhcqnc VnivcrseUc for referring to the
" robber nations which fell upon Belgium from the back,
throttled the Serbs and .Armenians, spoiled Kniimnni.T and
torpedoed neutrals."
Vienna in War Time
A Swiss visitor who has just returned from Vienna records
his impressions in the principal Zurich paper. There is only
one topic of conversation in the Austrian capital — not the
grave scarcity of food, or the inordinately high theatre prices,
or the Italian victories, but only the prospect of peace. A
novel peace demonstration is reported from Vienna. In
order to show their appreciation of the Russian peace negotia-
tions, the members of the Austrian Housewives Association,
the largest women's society in the country-, decided to leave
a card at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on three constCitivc
days set apart for the purpose.
Owing to an inflation of the currency which surpasses all
records, money has depreciated to an incredible extent,
witli tlie result that general prices have soared to an exceed-
ingly high level. Provisions are unprocurable, except by
the very rich ; and as the city is full of refugees, principally
from (iahcia, living rooms arc scarce and expensive. For
apartments which in Zurich cost about £2 los. per month, the
charge in Vienna is £10 ! It can easily be imagined that in
these circumstances the war is hardly popular. Nor is the
army. At a recent session of the Austrian Delegations, a
Socialist member asked the Minister of War a number of
questions which require no comment :
The nation had lost all confidence in the conduct of the
Army Command. Everybody believed that successes were
only gained when the capacity of the Austrian troops was
united to that of the Germans. It was the general opinion
that there had been great and unneces.sary sacrifices of life.
Who was responsible for the complete failure of the first two
invasions of Serbia ? Why was Przemysl not evacuated
at the right moment ? ■ Was there a great explosion at an
Italian munition stores, whereby a large number of Austrian
and Hungarian soUliers were killed ? Who took the booty
from I'riuli and Venetia ? Did the German Command claim
it all ? What about the two days' plundering of Udine ?
Another speaker indicted the army authorities for acts
of unspeakable cruelty. In Bosnia the troops were in-
structed to persecute the Slav elements of the population. At
least ten thousand innocent people suffered unnecessarily.
In Trebinje the prisons were filled with the most respected
citizens who were threatened with death, although no charge
had been formulated against them. The author of this
terrorism, General Braun, was still on the active list. AU
that the Ministry of War could say in reply was that
tlie Government deeply deplored these unhappj- events.
Austria has to put up not only with (ierman domination,
but also with Hungarian hatred. Feeling in Hungary against
the sister kingdom runs high, and recently it was reported
that the Buda-Pcsth Town Council passed a resolution in
fa\'our of the entire independence of Hungar\-. A Hungarian
newspaper has accentuated that demand in words wliich are
significant :
Our arch foe, old .Vustria, has now begun open and systematic
warfare against us. In the air f)f Vienna, fille<l with \.\\ii
stench of decomposing Austria, fly, instead of birds, impre-
cations and calumnies. Every Czech vagabond, every
Austrian ass, abuses Hungary. Now some .\ustrian owl
h;is discovered that very few Hungarian soldiers have fallen
in the wjtr but that very many have been taken prisoners.
Jf this were so, we could rejoice for the healthy and honour-
able Magyar blood, which is much more necessary for the
world than .'Vustrian ; but the Hungarian losses have been
tlisproportionately great, not only through the treachery of
the Czechs, but also thanks to Austrian leadership. All
this enforces the necessity of organising an independent
Hungarian army letl by Hungarian high officers, not by our
Austrian foes. Our people must be taught that we can
no longer live in community with Austria, which would only
lead to our defeat and ruin.
This is an aspect of the German Alliance which is carefully
'hidden from the German people.
The manufacture on a large scale of a new substitute for rubber
tvres is reported to have begun in Germany, and it is expected
that the tyres will lie in general u.se at the beginning of April.
The works are under official control, and the distribution of the
tyres will be regulated by a Central Office. 'l"hc' new inven-
tion is not merely a combined spring .system, but a material
which is the result of months of experiment, and will make the
motor factories completclj- independent of foreign tyre material.
.Vccording to a Zurich'message. the electrical works at Kolin,
Bohemia, have been closed down through lack of coal, with dis-
astrous results to the whole of the surrounding ( oinitry. I'our-
teen towns antl 35 village communities are witliout liglit. Eight
sugar refineries, eleven large mills, 13 engineering works, the rail-
ways works, and numerous other industrial establishments are
all obliged to stop work.
12
LAND & WATER
January J, iQiS
With a Field Ambulance
By Green Patch
OX a (liillv, (lamp night last spring wo bad dined
with the "officers of a field ambulance in the little
wooden hut that housed their mess. A heavy
action had been in progress for several days, during
which time the (iermans had i)een forced out of a notable
stronghold, and had retreated sullenly, harassed by the
infantrs" and pounded incessantly by the guns. During
dinner the arrival of several loads of patients drew most of
the officers away to the dressing station.
The scene here was typical of a field ambulance main
dressing station fluring a "show." Ambulance cars, drawing
up in front of the door discharged their quota of patients.
Assisted by orderlies, these silently straggled into the hut,
standing for a moment confused and blinking in the strong
acetylene light. Stretcher cases, carefully lowered from the
racks, were carried in by the bearers, 'and laid in a neat line
along one wall. Hot drinks, coffee, cocoa and soup were
rapidly dispensed, and so were large beef sandwiches — to
all who could take them. Dressings had to be examined
and, if necessary, changed, anti-tetanus serum administered,
records completed, and in general the men prepared for
their trip to the casualty clearing station.
As the iiot footl and warmth began to thaw their stiffened
bodies the wounded became more talkative, and little epics
of the fight were bandied about in Tofnmy's trench language,
'riiere was no complaining — there practically never is :
grousing is re.served for matters of real importance, as,
for instance, when plum jam is too prevalent, or " bully "
takes the place of the expected fresh meat, or, still more often,
upon the distribution of fatigues. The men's equipment
and the stretchers were wet through, and plastered witli
puttj- coloured day, which is the winter livery of thp line.
Here and there a man, utterly exhausted, fell asleep on a
bench or on the floor. One stretcher case guarded with his
arm a German helmet. Many carried little odds and ends of
the usual trashy nature, which are so nuich prized as souvenirs.
We boarded a returning ambulance, and proceeded slowlv
along a road thick with traffic. The mud was bad, and small
pools disguised treacherous holes that were a constant
menace to springs and axles. A run of two miles and the car
drew up at an ambulance station, near a siding of a line of
trench railway. Here a '' hospital train " of small low trucks
was being loaded by ambulance men with rations, stretchers,
blankets, bales of dressings, a jar or two of rum, and evep a
case of oranges for the forward posts.
The gasolene engine, a squat little monstrosity, of the pit-
head type, was clanking and snorting in its desire to be off.
and being presently given its head by the dri\-er, a philosophic
wag in a tin hat, jolted its load of "trucks into motion. The
scenery was not remarkable— darkness and a thin rain blot-
ting out the landscape.
The train, gathering way, shortly attained a speed of about
15 miles per hour. We passed a 'tramway control post and
the driver's man established a " block ",'in the line beliind
us by the simple expedient of holding up a red lantern. A
few minutes sufficed to reach tramway headquarters. This
was a sand-bag hut, constructed (so true is the railway man's
homing instinct) inside the remains of a French "railway
station, lying on the outskirts of the village of C -.
The night was \-ocal with a medley of sounds, near at hand
the chcking of the motor engine, the crash of the guns, the
sharp scream of the sliells gradually dying away into a purr,
• the distant rattle of machine guns (well called by the men
"typewriters"). We turned from watching the" flare and
flicker of German star shells ahead to find the tramway officer
speaking. " Good evening, I'm coming up to D— ^
with you, to see if everything is correct. The engine is on
behind now. we push in from here."
We seated oursel\-cs on the front truck, and were soon off.
To the blase person seeking a new sensation, I would unhesi-
tatingly recommend a night ride on the head end of a trencii
tram, as liaving its littjt- thrills. Your truck, propelled b>-
its clanking vis-a-tergo, dashes ahead in uncanny fashion, it
being too dark to see much of the narrow track in front.
Every curve gives a sensation of flying off into space, and there
Ls always the chance of a hole in the track. In a few minutes
we were passing through the remains of S Wood,
a bit of ground that will remain to Prance for all time sacred
with sacrifice. Twice we crossed a small stream.
The sounds of gun fire were increasing in volume, and
flashes could be seen on all sides, and it was apparent that
we were drawing near the centre of things. .Suddenly the
train entered a small cutting. Above us a couple of ma'chine
gun.s were raising a most infernal clatter— busily engaged in
sowiner an indirect barrage on the enemy's line. "On emerging
again into the open, we found ourselves running across a
shallow valley. Beyond this loomed an indistinct mass.
" That's the Ridge," said G.
We drew in at the foot of the slope, and saw in front our
destination — a tunnel of roomy dimensions into which the
track ran. On entering the place one perceived several
dressing r«oms and sleeping quarters, opening off the main
shaft. A number of the field ambulance bearers, who were
stationed here, on the command of a sergeant, Ijegaii
carrying in the stores we had brought up.
A Hospital Dug-Out
Having ascertained that the train would not leave for nearly
an hour, G. and I procured a guide and set off to visit one of
the regimental aid posts farther up the slope. Thegoiiig
was bad, owing to the torn nature of the country— the ground
being a mass of shell holes, trenches, and wire, and after mugli
floundering and a stiff climb of about a quarter of an hour,
we arrived covered with mud and rather breathless. An
opening on the face of the incline gave access to a long passage
sloping downwards at an angle of about 20 degrees. A hun-
dred yards of this, and we entered a low room, where we
found the battalion medical officer and one from the field
ambulance. In bunks men were sleeping, while several lightly
wounded reclined on the floor. The atmosphere of the place
was very substantial. It seemed largely composed of char-
coal fumes from the brasier in the centre, but tobacco smoke,
the odour of damp chalk, chloride of lime and well-worn
clothes struggled nobly for the ascendancy.
We lit cigarettes and enquired about the" clearing of patients,
supplies of dressings, rations and so forth. Everything
appeared to be going well. Mugs .of tea were handed around!
" You're being relieved shortly. Old Thing," said G., "what
price a hot bath ?" " You'll" be asking me next if I care to
go on leave," retorted the M.O. " Meanwhile, Bill and I
are scratching along quite comfortably. One lump please,
dear, and no cream."
We emerged into the fresh air, accompanied by several
lightly wounded men who were able to walk and a squad of
bearers carrying a stretcher case. The descent was a tedious
proceeding. It is marvellous how, it was accomplished at
all by the bearers over that ground in the dark, but
they finally got their patient safely down. As the party
reached the level, a few Hun shells began to burst on
the Ridge. At the train parties of bearers were carrying
stretcher cases from the tunnel to the trucks. This took
time, and it was some minutes before the walking wounded
were helped to their places. Someone flashed an electric
torch and an officer ordered him sharply to put it out.
Finally the car^ had their full load — 25 patients. The motion-
less forms on their stretchers covered with blankets on the
forward trucks, and the lightly wounded filling up all the
extra space — an irregular patchwork of white bandages show-
ing in the dark— the rest being almost invisible.
I asked the dri\er if shelling smashed his track \ery often.
" Quite frequent, sir," he replied. " We sometimes get
fi\-e or six breaks in the track in a night when things are
quiet, and the Germans can hear' the train coming up, or
when there is a ' show ' on. The shrapnel is all right, but
it gets my wind up \\hen he drops H.E; on the track, in front
and behind and then starts on the train." n
The engine was already humming, but something seemed
wrong with its internal economy, as the regular beat gave
])lace to a series of asthmatic coughs and finally ceased al-
together. The driver was engaged with its levers when there
was a shrill thin scream, and a whizz-bang passed over the
train and burst a few yards to the left. The wounded ob-
served it silently, and with little show of interest. A number
of tlnngs followed, kicking up showers of sparks and mud.
'I he driver, who was crouching over the engine, quickly got
the train in motion, ("Oli, moments that seem long as years,"
murmured G.), and we drew slowlv away, leaving the strafe
in progress. _ I heard a man witli 'his arm in a sling remark
to a chum : " He certainly done his best to kiss us good-bye."
Gathering speed wc raced through the cutting, under" our
friends the machine gurs, which were still giving tongue. The
rest of the journey was uneventful. One could only think
what a useful meth(xl of clearing this was, compared to the
slow and painful jolt of ambulance wagons o\-er bad roads
The train drew up at the liuts of the field ambulance
station, and orderlies came out to assist the wounded into
the haven of warmth and light.
"All oft, boys, first change for 'Blighty.' " called a sergeant.
January 3, 1918
LAND & WATER
13
German Rule of Native Races
By Bishop Frodsham
Bishop Frodsham, now Canon Rcsidcnliary in Gloiiccslcr,
uorkcd for seventeen years in Queensland, being Bishop of
Norlh Queensland foi eleven of them. His knouledge of
German methods in the Pacific Archipelago is, therefore,
intimate and first hand. Contrast the opinions expressed
here with the views put forward by Connt Czernin at Brest-
Litovsk last week ; " The fact that the natives of the German
colonies, despite the greatest difficulties and the slight
prospects of success in the struggle against an enemy many
Utiles superior, and disposing of unlimited overseas rein-
forcements, have through thick and thin loyally adhered to
their German friends, is proof of their attachment and their
resolve under all circumstances to remain with Germany.
a proof which in .seriousness and in iceight far exceeds every
possible demonstration of wishes by voting."
PROFESSOR LOWELL, of Harvard University, has
done well in emphasising the moral duty which has
been laid upon the Allied Powers to "deliver not
only the smaller nations of Europe, but still more
the undeveloped races of Africa and of the Pacific from
the horror of German domination. American and English
tra\-ellcrs are almost invariably misled by what they sec of
native peoples under German rule. They are impressed by
the organisation. They compare the buildings, the sanita-
tion, and tha regulations with regard to native labour, witli
those under British or even American rule unfavourably to
the latter. What they do not see is the cold inhuman policy
of native exploitation" that lies beneath the German colonising
policy.
The Americans in the Philippines and the British in their
splieres of influence make many mistakes and raise many
troubles for themselves by treating natives as though they were
black or brown replicas of democratic voters, but they regard
themselves as tnistecs of the races which are yet in their
minority. The Germans, on the other hand, regard the un-
dc\cloped races of mankind just as they would regard wild
animals who are capable of domestication. Some they con-
sider to be better shot, while others are worth preserving
and propagating, so long as they behave themselves and
ser\e the purposes of Germany. To put the matter baldly,
the English and Americans look upon the undeveloixxl
races of mankind as human beings who need looking after in
their own interests, while the Germans regard them as human
beings, perhaps, but as human beings of the slave variety.
To hear a German talk on a hotel verandah in the tropics
about the nati\'e races is what one would imagine an ancient
Israelite would say about his duty in caring for the children of
Gibcon, who were allowed to exist just because they could
split wood and draw water. Until this tnith with regard to
the Germans is recognised it will be impossible to get their
colonising methods into proper focus.
Pacification by Bloodshed
The pacification of tlic South Sea Islanders by the Germars
probably never involved anything like the volume of blood-
shed which was the case in East and South-West Africa. The
Berlin official reports enumerated the native losses in East
Africa on one occasion at 120,000 men and women. This re-
port, and ^■on Trotha's infamous proclamation that the
Hereros, male and female, armed or imarmed, were to be shot
at sight, are treasured in the Imperial archives as records of
their successful colonising methods. The massacres of natives
in all the South Sea Islands may not have reached more than
a tithe of the figures in East Africa, and no Island proclama-
tions like Von Trotha's have reached the outer world, but the
fact remains that a fine manly race has been tamed by the
Germans somehow or another. At first, after the process of
pacification, they sciu-ricd away like frightened rabbits
whenever they saw a white man. An .Australian has re-
counted how he stood on a broad white road in the neighbour-
hood of Wilhehnshavon in Papua, which ran through cum-
{^ativcly well-populated countrv. There was not a native
in sight. They preferred tu slink along through the scrub
to sliaring a highway with a whitt- man wjio might be a Ger-
man. This fear has been removed. It did not pay the Ger-
mans, who required labour on their plantations, that the natives
should fly like frightened anim lis or die like rotten sheep.
The natives to-day are well cared for, but let them raise their
voices as free men witli riglits and opinions, and they will
be treated as the Belgians and Poles are treated under sim-
ilar circumstances. Thcsr are not surmises. They are solid
facts, as every mm who has had personal kiiowkctg of Ger-
man colonies knows well.
The methods by which the Germans maintain tlic sub-
jugation of the native races in their colonics turn not only
upon the force, but upon the native ownership of land! Here
e.xpcricnce in the South Seas casts a valuable liglit upon
darkest Africa. .All over the Pacific the natives have been
from the first inclined to sell their birthrights without in the
least comprehending what the transaction actually meant.
Similar ignorance must be credited to white men who did not
realise at first the complicated character of - land tenure
among all the South Sea Islanders. I'ndcr the native laws
of custom it is impossible for any individual to sell rights
which belong not to him alone but by reversion tu hundreds
of others also
Native Rights
This mutua;l misunderstanding led to extraordinary results.
Men sold and bought land in Samoa alone to such an extent
that it would have necessitated reclaiming the foreshore for
twenty-five miles out to sea all round the island in order to
satisfy the claims lodged by the white purchasers. No nation-
ality of traders is altogether free from complicity in the
pernicious polic\' of land-grabbing, but care should be taken
to differentiate between the action of traders and the action
of Governments. The American and British Governments
have upheld native rights throughout the Pacific. The
German Government , on the other hand, not only condoned
but facilitated the transfer of land from native ownership.
By this policy the Germans affected the whole future of the
islands in a fashion destructi\-e of native freedom. Wherever
they could, they bore down native opposition with brutal
force, and though their purposes were generally effected by
such methods and peace restored thereby, it was upon terms
which meant perpetual servitude to the subdued. This
point should be understood very clearly by all who wish to
estimate the German colonial question from a moral stand-
point. '
The British policy with regard to native land has entailed
difficulties in the Pacific which did not arise in German
colonies. In Fiji, for instance, the Fijians adopted a ddlci:
far nientc life, preferring the pleasures of landlordism to
irksome work on sugar plantations. But the Fijians are
free men because they have their feet firm on their own land ;
the Papuans, the Marshall and the Caroline Islanders, on the
other hand, while under German domination, were not free.
They had to work under any conditions the Germans con-
sidered most profitable to German capitalists, because needs
must when hunger drives. The question is, are the Allies
prepared to hand the South Sea Islanders in Papua, in the
Marshall and the Caroline Islands, in the Bismarck Archipelago
and in beautiful Samoa, back to the hopeless servitude of
landless men — a servitude from which the Australians, the
New Zealanders and the Japanese have delivered them?
To this question only one answer seems possible when the
facts are known.
The British and .\merican poHcy of trusting the people
may have failures, but it has successes impossible to German
slave methods. A case in point has arisen in the Gilbert
and Ellicc Islands, which are adjacent to the Marshalls. The
inhabitants of these islands have been bewildered by the war.
Tiiey are naturally warhke, but their martial activities have
been sternly repressed by both the Germans and the British.
That these two great white races, whose wisdom had caused
wars to cease in the islands, should be ." visiting each other's
islands and driving home the spear " made the white men
seem more human. The fact that the war was longer than
their customary three days fights was not surprising, because
the white men's "islands" were big and far apart. As
months went by, it was gradually realisq^l by the old men that
the war was of an unknown kind which would not end with
" a little shedding of blood." This fact caused them to be
silent over their own vast exploits in tribal wars.
Then it was rumoured that the native races were being
allowed to take tlieir place with the British troops to fight
against the hated Germans, and the islands under British
protection volunteered to a man. When it was learned that
their services could not be utilised, but that they could con-
tribute to war relief funds, they were again profoundly sur-
prised. The \-ery idea that " Big I'Vllow Go\-ernmcnt "
needed money and not men from the " boys " was the climax
of their bewilderment. But when once they realised that
their help was actually renuiixd, the effect was spontaneous.
Tlic nati\cs ot Ocean Island asked lca\c to giNe all their
14
LAND & WAIEK
January 3, 1918
pho6j)liato roj-alty to patriotic funds, and were with difficulty
persuaded to limit their gilt to /i.oooi by the warning of
j)ossible future droughts. At a meeting of the labourers of
the Pacific Piiosphate Company, held at Ocean Island, by
the request of tlie Ciilbert and Ellice employees, it was suggested
that each man should give 5s. from his deferred pay. Th(^
iininediate answer was : " VVe want to give all our deferred
pay " (amounting to about £"15 a head). When the contri-
bution was eventually raised to los. each, the limit permitted,
great disappointment was expressed. These facts, condensed
.from the latest official report, receive greater importance
when it is realised that the natives in this little colony are not
onl}- jxior, but are faced by a serious drought, in which they
will have to li\'c from hand to mouth for a jear or more.
The action of the Ocean Islanders is a valuable piece of
evidence as to the humane character of British rule in the
; South Seas, as distinguished from that of (ierman. The
evidence should warm the hearts of the Alliance fighters to
their brown allies in the South Seas who, although they arc
not allowed to take up anns, arc giving generous help to
lelicve white women and cliildrcn who are suffering from
the conmion enemy of mankind.
Deep down in the hearts of all honest democrats is the
desire, not that this war should end quickly, but that it should
put far away the danger of all war. This will be impossible
so long as the German Hag flics in the Pacific. Professor
%on Buchka, formerly Director of the Colonial Department
of the German Foreign Office, made this point «juite clear in
a recent article in Der Tag, of BcrHn. After discussing the
relative values to Germany of Africa and the Pacific Islands,
he argued that the extension of Colonial territory in Africa
would not compensate Germany for the loss of her possessions
in the South Seas. The latter, he writes, constituted by their
geographical position and their excellent harbours the naval
bases rccpiisite for the emphatic representation of the Germain
interests in the \ast domain of the South Seas and for uphold-
ing the prestige of the German name. The i)ermanent loss
of all those bases, he adds, would necessarily entail the com-
plete disappearance of the prestige already acquired, and put-
an end to the political influence in the South Seas founded
on the prestige.
This German journal, Dcr Tag, docs not circulate generally
in England. The opinions expressed by Professor von Buchka
iue largely uiiknoAvn in England. They may be unknown
also in America. Tlicy arc well-known in Australia and New
Zealand. How well-known may be judged from a recent
debate in the New Zealand House of Representatives. On
July 3rd last Mr. Massey, the Prime IMinistcr, stated that there
was no division of opinion throughout Australasia as to the
grave danger of returning any of the Pacific Island colonies
to (Germany. To this wa'ning Sir Joseph Ward added a
striking metaphor : " Germany was "a hound ready to put
its fangs into all honest passers-by."
.\merica and .Australia may regard themselves as the joint
wardens of the peace of t\u: Pacific. The people are desirous
that freedom of trade should be preserved because honest
trade is an ofticer of peace. They are desirous that the natives
should be treated as free men with rights and privileges that
belong to all human beings by virtue of their humanity.
They are prepared to be patient with slow nati\'e dcx-eloi)-
ment because down at the bottom they believe in the father-
hood of God, and, to quote old Thomas Fuller, they think of
the black man as being " God's image cut in ebony." Thev
are prepared to admit Germany into the community of nations
but not untd the Germans have changed their selfish colonising '
IMojects summed up in the motto " Deutschland uber alles,"
and have abandoned their mad methods of militarism, lentil
these arc established facts it would be inhuman to hand back
to their tender mercies the colonies of the Pacific or of Africa.
Democracy cannot hope to stand upright in the justice
court of History if the leaders refuse to reahsc facts which
may be foreign to their own experience, or if the rank and file,
in their desire for an early peace, disregard the rights of
working men overseas, who may differ from workers in Europe
and America chiefly in the pigment of the skin, but who are
otherwise just as proper men.
As an Enghshman who has lived for almost seventeen
years 111 tropical and sub-tropical Australia, I agree witli
what f^resident Lowell, of Harvard University, has said
upon the mimorality of handing back the nations of the
so-called fierman colonies to their former tyrants and par-
ticularly in declaring that " the World must subdue a mih-
tary autocracy that goes forth conquering and to conquer or
the world will have no peace. Moreover, the oppression
of one race by another must, as far as possible, be removed
For that reason we cannot consider the return to Germany
of her former colonies that their people may be exploited as
they have been in the past." - •
The Price of Citizenship
By Dr. Charles Mercier
THF: social state is not peciUiar to mankind. Many
other animals, from the ant to the elephant, have
adopted it. Even plants, and parts of plants, such
as the flower of the daisy have adopted it, for of all
aids in the struggle for life the social state is the most efiicient.
Many devices arc employed by both animals and plants to
secure their survival. Some, like the boa-constrictor, trust
to their strength of muscle ; some, like the lion and tiger,
to offensive weapons wielded by great muscular strength ;
some, hkc the tortoise and the hedgehog, to defensive armour ;
some, like the mole and the earthworm, to burrowing out of
danger ; some, like the swift and many sea birds, to the
inaccessibility of their haunts ; some to poisonous fangs and
stmgs. some to swiftness and agihty ; some to boundless
jMohficness. These and a thousand other devices aid in the
survival of this and that organism, but of all devices in aid
of survival, none except proUficness is so efficacious as the
adoption of the social habit, and extreme prolificncss is in-
compatible with a high grade of organisation.
The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.
It IS numbers that prevail. The chief terrors of tropical
lands are not the ferocious beasts of prev nor the poisonous
reptiles, but the armies of insects ; and if mere numbers
prevail, how muclf more numbers that are (organised and
render mutual assistance. A cloud of midges may be killed
by a frost or dispersed by a storm, but it is scarcely possible
to destroy ;i colony of termites or an armv of foraging ants.
Man, born destitute of weapons, both of offence and defence,
neither swift nor strong in comparison with many of his foes!
living neither in concealment nor in inaccessible places, in-
creasing but slowly in numbers, possessing individually but the
advantage of intelligence, an advantage of little avail if he
lived solitary or in families alone, has taken the lead over all
other organisms and established himself against all his foes
and against the destructive forces of nature. This he has done
by virtue of his adoption of the social habit.
It is to combination with his fellows that man owe^^ his
sur\i\al. It is by combination with his fellows that he has
become what he is. It is by his assumption of the social state
that he has placed himself at the head of all living beings and
achieved an astonishing degree of mastery over the forces
and material of nature. But for his sociality man could have
pursued no agriculture, made no roads, built no bridges, con-
structed no machines, woven no cloth, devised no arts or crafts
However intelligent— and his intelligence is very largely due
to his social habit— he would have remained a savage, living
from hand to mouth, and destitute of everything that makes
life worth living to civilised man.
Accustomed as he has been from a past of immeasurable
duration to live in societies, man cannot now adapt himself
to solitary life. Condemned to solitude, he goes mad and
soon dies fhc social state is necessary to the survival of
t le individual : no individual is necessary to the survival of
the society to which he belongs. The .society therefore takes
rank of every one of its individuals, and its safety and its
welfare are paramount over the safety and welfare of each of
Its individual components. This is recognised in every body
ot social animals without exception. In many bodies of social
animals, bees, for instance, those individuals that arc no
longer useful to the State are deliberately slaughtered.
vSeeing the paramount importance of the social state it is
most necessary to discover how this state is maintained •
and the solution of the problem is contained in two words—
Kenunciation and Duty.
In order that a society may continue, each of its members
must rcnouiice certain satisfactions, certain pleasures, certain
activities Each must so Hve as to allow his fellows their
chance of living Those activities that unrestricted would
interfere wi h the life-worthiness of his fellows must be
loregone. The prohibitions of the Decalogue must be observed
Whatever rein a man may give to his aversions and desires
towards persons and things outside of his own society, he must
witrttr/// ='<^t^;tr^'-^« '"s fellows as not to interfere
with the welfare of the society. .Action antagonistic to the
society as a whole must be checked and renounced, for if per-
mitted It will end in the destruction of the society.
Januan' 3, tot8
LAND & WATER
15
I'lic liK- i.i Lii. suck'ty is paramount over tlic welfare of any
of its members, and over tlieir lives also ; and if any member of
the society acts in a way injurious to it, the society must put
a stop to that action or'it will at length be destroyed. This
is the principle that sanctions the killing or banishment or
imprisonment of murderer, thief, and other malefactors.
Society must put a stop to their depredations or it will perish ;
and the death of the society is the death or slavery of all its
members.
It is not enough that the members of a social body should
refrain from acts injurious to tliat body. They owe to their
society not only passive renunciation, but active duty. In
whatever action is necassarV to the existence of the society
everv individual must take his share. If it is necessary for
tlie existence of the society that a thing should be done, an
imperious duty lies upon every member of that society to take
liis share in the doing of it. If the society is to continue,
it is not only necessary that each individual should abstain
from action injurious to it : it is necessary also that he should
contribute his share of beneficial action. He must take
his share in the protection of the ,society from malefactors.
Hence the obligatory system of frank-pledge. Hence the
ol)ligation of every citizen to join in the hue and cry. Hence
the obligation on every subject to help in the arrest of the
malefactor when called upon in th» King's name to do so.
Hence the obligation of every citizen to contribute to the
.support of the police that they may do for him that duty
that would otherwise fall upon himself But his payment of
the police does not absolve him from his primary duty It
is an aid to the more effectual performance of the duty, but
it is no substitute. The obUgation still remains.
The conflict between the individualist and the socialist
is a conflict, first between those who would restrict the duty
of the individual to acts that arc necessary to the existence
of society and those that are merely expedient for its welfare ^
and second between tliosi; who regard certain acts as necessary'
and those who regard these acts as merely expedient ; but
there has never been any doubt or dispute as to the duty of the
indi\idual to take his share in doing what is necessary for the
continuance of his society. This duty is inherent in every-
member of the society, and cannot be renounced or shirked.
Absolve the members of the society from this duty, and the
society falls to pieces. It exists only on this condition,
and every society has of necessity the inherent right to call
upon each of its members to perform this duty, and has,
moreover, the right to compel him if he shrinks from the
performance. As to this, there never has been any doubt,
and there never can be any doubt. • ■
For the benefits that accrue to every -member of a civilised
society from his membership of it are immeasurable and incal-
culable. First of all and most of all, he has the protection of
his fellows against aggression both from within and from
without. He has the satisfaction of his vital need of social
intercourse. He has security of life and of property. He has
the \ise of roads and other means of communication and trans-
port. He has the benefit of an organised system of labour,
_by which he obtains thousands of things that he could never
make for himself. He has the benefit of an organised system
of supply, by which, in exchange for his own labour and
ability, he can satisfy all the wants within his means, and
have the things delivered at his very door. He has an
elaborately constructed house, provided with supply ril water
and light. He has, in this countiy at least, insurance against
star\'atioii. However useless, however worthless, however
obnoxious even, he may be, he can demand and will be pro-
vided with a roof to shelter him, food to nourish him, clothes
to cover him, fire to warm him, and a bed to sleep on. He
has the benefit of all the knowledge and skill slowly accumu-
lated by many generations. He has all these incalculably
valuable benefits and many many more, and is he to enjoy
them without jxiving the price ?
I sav the price : 1 do not say the money price. The money
that he gives for these things, money that he may or may not
have earned by liis own labour and skill, is only a part of the
price and not the greater part. Beyond and behind the money-
price lies the imperative inescapable obligation to maintain the
mtegrity of tlie wonderful fabric he enjoys. Part of the
price, the most important part of the price is the obligation to
defend the fabric if it is attacked, whether the attack comes
from within or from without. No one disputes his obligation
to defend it from internal foes, from the murderer, the thief,
the rebel ; but these are innocuous in comparison with the
powerful foes tliat may attack the State from without, and if
he is bound to defend it against internal enemies, liow much
more is he not bound to defend it against external enemies !
Shall a man enjoy the benefits conferred upon him by society
and not pay the price ? If he takes the goods and evades pay-
ment of the money part of the pirice, society scourges him
W'ith whips. If he enjoys the goods and evades payment of the
more important part of the price, shall not society scourge
him witli scorpions ? If it does not, it deserves the fate that
must fall upon it.
If every citizen was thus dishonest; if cvery)ne thus
swindled the nation, what would become of it ? It would be
destroyed by the first breath of assault. It would succumb to
a corporal's guard, and it would deserve to perish off the face
of the earth as a nation of thieves and swindlers. But if the
vast majority of the nation is honest, what is its proper course
towards the few thieves and swindlers it may contain ?
In time of peace it m»/ deal with them mildly. It may
say to them, You refuse to join the fighting forces ? You
refuse to take your share of the common obligation ? You
refuse to pay for the goods ? Then you shall not enjoy them.
If you refuse to pay the price, you shall not share in the
benefit. Go. Leave the country to its honest members and
betake yourself elsewhere. Go, with the brand of infamy
upon you, and find a home where you can. You are no fit
associate for honest men. This country is your country no
longer.
This may suffice in peace, but in war time it is not enough.
In war time he that is not with us is against us ; and this we
find to be literally tnic. The man who can fight and will not
fight is «ot merely passively useless to his country : he is
actively noxious. He not only consumes food and other things
urgently needed by his honest fellow citizen, but experience
shows that he will actively as.sist the enemy as far as he dares.
He does his best to poison the minds of liis fellow citizens.
He puts in Parliament adroit questions calculated to dis-
hearten his own country and to assist and comfort the enemy.
He detains in guarding him men who ought to be fighting
and he gives to his guards all the trouble he can. For such
men tolerance is foolish and dangerous weakness.
The Memory of Beauty
By Algernon Blackwood
IT began almost impcrcoptil^ly— about half-pa.st three
o'clock in the afternoon, to be exact — and Lcnnart, with
his curiously sharpened faculties, noticed it at once.
Before any one else, he thinks, was aware of it, this
dt licatc change in his surroundings made itself known to these
senses of his, s.iid now to be unreliable, yet so intensely recep-
tive and alert for all their unreliability. No one else, at any
rate, gave the smallest sign that something had began to
happen. The throng of people nio\ing about him remained
uninformed apparently.
He turned to his companion, who was also nurse. " Hullo ! "
he said to her, " There's something up. What in the world is
it ? "
(Ibcdiont to her careful instructions, she made, as a hundred
times before, some soothing reply, while her patient--" Jack,"
she called him — aware that she had not shared his own keen
observation, was disappointed, and let the matter drop.
He said no more. He went back into his shell, smiling
quietly to himself, peaceful in mind, and only vaguely aware
that something, he knew not exactly what, was wrong with him,
and that his companion humoured Iiim for his own good.
She did the humouring tenderly, and very sweetly, so that he
liked it, his occasional disappointment in her rousing no shadow
of resentment or impatience.
This was his first day in the open air, the first day for weeks
that he had left a carefully-shaded room, where the blinds
seemed always down, and looked round him upon a world
spread in gracious light. Physically, he had recovered
health and strengtli ; nursing and good food, rest and sleej),
had made him as fit as when he first went out with his draft
months ago. Only he did not know that he had gone out, nor
what had happened to him when he was out, nor why he was
tlie object now of sucl) ceaseless care, attention and loving
tenderness. He remembered nothing ; memory, temporarily,
had been sponged clean as a new slate. That his nurse was
also his sister was unrecognised by his- mind. He had for-
gotten his own name, as well as hers. He had forgotten—
everj'thing.
The October dav had been overcast, high, uniform clouds
obscuring the sun,'and moving westwards before a wind that
had not cbme lower. No breeze now stirred the yellow foliage, as
hv sat with his companion uj?on a bench by Hampstcad Heath.
i6
LAND & WATER
January 3, iqiS
and took tho air that lielped to make him wliole. In spite of
the cloud;;, however, the day \va> wami, and calm, as with a
touch still ol lingering summer. He watched the sea of roofs
and spires in blue haze below him ; he heard the muffled roar
of countless distant streets.
" Big place, that," he mentioned, pointing with his stick.
There was an assumed carelessness that did not aitosjether hide
a certain shyness. " Some town — eh ? "
" London, yes. It's huge, isn't it ? "
" I-ondon. . . ." he repeated, turning to look at her
quickly. He said no more. The word sounded strange; the
way he said it — new. He looked away again. No, he decided
she was not inventing just to humour him ; tliat was the real
name, right enough. .She wasn't " pulling his leg." But
the name amused him somehow ; he rather liked it.
" Mary," he said, " now, that's a nice name too."
" And so is Jack," she answered, whereupon the shyness
again descended over him, and he said no more. Besides,
the change he had noticed a moment ago, was becoming more
marked, he thought, and he wished to obser\'c it close!)'. For
in some odd way it thrilled him.
It began, so far as iie could judge, somewhere in the air
above him, \'ery high indci'd, while yet its effect did not stay
there, but spread gently downwards, including everything
about him. From the sky, at any rate, it first stole downwards;
and it was hi^J extreme sensiti\'eness which made him realise
ne.\t that it came from a particular cpiarter of the sky : In the
eastern heavens it had its origin. He was sure of this ; and
the thrill of wonder, faint but marvellously sweet, stirred
through his expectant being. He waited and watched in
silence for a long time. Since Mary showed no interest, he
must enjov it alone. Indeed, she had not even noticed it at
all.
Yet none of these people about him had noticed it either.
Some of them were walking a little faster than before, hurrying
almost, but no one looked up to see what was happening :
there were no signs of surprise anywhere. " Everybody must
have forgotten I " he thought to himself, when his mind gave
a sudden twitch. Forgotten ! Forgotten what ? He mo\-ed
abruptly, and the girl's hand stole into his, though she said
no word. He was aware that she was watching him closely
but a trifle surreptitiously he fancied.
He did not speak, but his wonder deepened. This " some-
thing " from the eastern sky descended slowly, vet so slovvlv
that the change from one minute to another was not measur-
able. It was soft as a dream and very subtle ; it was full of
n^ysterj'. Comfort, and a sense of pe'ace stole over him, his
sight w^as eased, he had mild thoughts of sleep. Like a whisper
the imperceptible change came drifting through the air. It
was exquisite. But it was the wonder that woke the thrill in
him.
" Something h up, you know," he repeated, though more
to^ himself than to his companion. " You can't mistake it.
It's all over the place ! " He drew a deeper breath, pointing
again with his stick over the blue haze where tall chimneys
and needle spires pierced. " Bv Jove," he added, " it's like
a \eil— gauze, 1 mean — or something — eh ? " .\nd the light
drawing itself behind the veil, grew less, while his pulses
quickened as he watched it fade.
Her gentle reply that it was time to go home to tea, and
somethmg else about the cooling air, again failed to satisfy
Inni, but he was pleased that she slipped her arm into his and
made a gesture uncommonlv like a caress. She was so pretty,
he thought, as he glanced down at her. Only it amazed him
more and more that no thrill stirred her blood as it stirred his
own, that there was no surprise, and that the stream of
passing people hurrying homewards showed no single sign of
havmg noticed what he noticed. For his heart swelled within
Inm as he watched, and the change was so magical that it
•troubled his breath a little'. Hard outHnes^ everywhere
. melted softly against a pale blue sea that held tints of mother-
of-pearl ; there was a flush of gold, subdued to amber, a liaze
a glow, a burning.
This strange thing stealing out of the cast brought a
wonder that he could not name, a wonder that was new and
fresh and sw^et as though experienced for the first time. For
his mind qualified the beautv that possessed him, qualified it
m this wa_\', because-this puzzled him— it was not quite
experienced for the first time." It was old, old as himself •
jt was familiar. ...
.^^'P,'^^ }-^"^ K' h^ -thought, " I've got that rummy feeling
that I ve been through all this before -somewhere," and his
mind gave another sudden twitch, wliich, again, he did not
recognise as a memor.\-. A spot was touched, a string was
twanged, now here, now there, while Beautv, plaving softlv
on his soul, communicated to his being gradually" her secrc^t
rhythm, old as the world, but young ever in each heart that
answers to it. Below, behind, the thrill, these deeply buried
strings began to vibrate. . . . .-. ., "
" The dusk is falling, sec," the girl said quietly, " It's time
we were going back."
" Dusk," he repieated, vaguely, " the fltisk ; : ; falling
..." It was half a question. A new expression flashed
into his eyes, then vanished instantly. Tears, he saw, were
standing in her own. She had felt, had noticed, after all, then !
The disappointment, and with it the shyness, left him ; he
was no moj'c ashamed of the depth and strength of this feel-
ing that thrilled through him so imperioush'.
But it was after tea that the mysterious change took hold
upon his being with a power that could build a throne anew,
then set its rightful occupant thereon.. By his special wish
the lights were not turned on. Before the great windows,
opened to the mild autumn air, he sat in his big over-coat and
watched.
The change, meanwhile, had ripened. It lay now full-
blown upon the earth and heavens. Towards the sky
he turned his eyes. The change, whose first delicate ad%'ent
he had noticed, sat now enthroned above the world. The
tops of trees were level with his window-sill, and below lay
the countless distant streets, not slumbering, he felt surely,
but gazing upwards with him into this deep sea of blackness
that had purple for its lining and wore ten thousand candles
blazing in mid-air. Those lights were not turned out ; and
this time he wondered why he had thought they might be,
ought to be, turned out. This question definitely occurred
to him a moment, while he watched the great footsteps of the
searchlights passing over space. . . .
The amazing shafts of white moved liked angels lighting up
one group of golden points upon another. They lit them and
swerved on again. In sheer delight, he lay in his chair and
watched them, these rushing footsteps, these lit groups of gold.
They, the golden points, were motionless, steady ; they did
not move or change. And his eyes fastened upon one, then,
that seemed to burn more brightl}' than the rest. Though
differing from the others in size alone, he thought it more
beautiful than all. Below it far, far down in the west, lay a
streak of faded fire, as though a curtain with one edge upturned
hung above distant furnaces. But this trail of the sunset his
mind did not recognise. His eye returned to the point of light
that seemed every minute increasingly familiar, and iriore
than familiar — most kindly and well-loved. He yearned
towards it, he trembled. Sitting forward in his chair, he
leaned upon the window-sill, staring with an intensity as if he
would rise through the purple dark and touch it. Then,
suddenly, it— twinkled.
"By Jove!" he exclaimed aloud, "I know that chap.
It's— it's— Now, where the devil did I see it before ? \Vhere-
ever was it. . ,' . ? "
He sank back, as a scene rose before his inner eye. It must
have been, apparently, his " inner ". eye, for both his outer
eyes were tightly closed as if he slept. But he did not sleep ;
it was merely that he saw something that was even more familiar
though not less wonderful, than these other sights.
Upon a dewy lawn at twilight two children played together,
while a white-capped figure, from the window of a big house
in the background, called loudly to them that it was time to
come in doors and make themselves ready for bed. He saw
two Lebanon cedars, the kitchen-garden wall beyond, the elms
and haystacks further still, looming out of the 'summer dusk.
He smelt pinks, sweet-william, roses. He ran full speed to
catch his companion, a girl in_ar short tumbled frock, and
knew that he was dressed as a soldier, with a wooden sword and
a triangular paper hat that fell off, much to his annoyance, as
he ran. But he caught his prisoner. Leading her by the
hair towards the house, his G.H.O., he saw the evening star
" simply shining like anything " in the pale glow of the western
sky. But in the hall, when reached, the butler's long wax
taper, as he slowly lit the big candles, threw a gleam upon his
prisoner's laughing face, and it was, he saw, his sister's face.
He opened his eyes again and saw the point of light against
the purple curtain that hung above the world. It twinkled,
ihe wonder and the thrill coursed through his heart again,
but this time another thing had come to join them, and was
rising to his brain. " By Jove, I know that chap ! " he
repeated. " It's old Venus, or I'm a dug-out 1 "
And when, a moment later, the door opened and his com-
panion entered, saying something about its being time for
l)cd, because the " night has come "—he looked into her face
with a smile : " I'm quite ready, Mary," he said, " but
where in the world have you been" to all this time ? "
With regret we have to announce that the Rev. R. Monteith
Ji.J., who contributed recently to Laxd & W.\ter a most interest-
ing scientific article on the flight of projectiles, was killed in
attending devotedly to his duties in an advanced dressing station
in France a few weeks ago. Father Monteith was a brilliant mathe-
matician, and after entering the Priesthood was chiefly employed
in teaching, where he was notably successful. He was the second
son ol the late Mr. Joseph Monteith, of Cranley, Carstairs, and
the third brother to fall in the warl. Three other brothers are
.still serviu" ■ •
January J, 191S
LAND & WATER
Eife anil Jtctters
By J. C, Squire
An Essayist
THE term " Essay " is one whicli is employed of
a numerous \-ariety of things. They range from
the school-boy's painfulh' accumulated thousand
words on some absurd subject in which he does
not take the slightest interest to Locke's jiorrible great '
treatise on the Human Understanding. E\en when these
things have been ruled out, and only indubitable and universally
acknowledged essays remain, the critic is hard put to it to
frame an inclusive and exclusive deiinition which will at once
rope in Montaigne, Bacon, Cowley, Addison, Steele, Goldsmith,
Lamb, Hazlit, Wasliington Irving, De Ouinccy, Stevenson,
Mr. Chesterton, Mr. Belloc, Mr. Lucas.' Dr. "Johnson and
Lord Macaulay, and rope them off from authors who, although
tliev l)'a\T composed short prose works, are deemed to ha\"e
written ratlier articles, studies or sketclies than essays. Some-
body says an essay must be whimsical and wayward, and
up leaps Lord Macaulay. Somebody else sa\s it must not
be didactic, and immediately one remembers a hundred
e.xamples, not excluding, some of Stevenson's, which are
deliberately improving. Name any element as impossible
and you will find it present ; any element as indispensable
and you will find it absent. One feels that there is something
that all genuine essayists have in common, besides their
unlikcness from each other. But for myself I am inclined to
commit myself to only one positive generahsation and that
is, that no essay on record is a billion words long.
*****
The succession of English essayists is an illustrious one,
and although we have no great living writer to whom the
essay is his only or principal form, the present age is fairly
rich in them. Mr. Robert Lynd^ whose // lite Germans
Conquered England (Maunsel, js. 6d. net.), follows liis
Book of Tin's and Thai — is certainly excelled by no other
li\ing writer in the kind. Until a new essayist appears
it is always difficult to imagine how a really new one can l)e
jKjssible. Every conceivable thing seems to have been done
within the essayist's narrow limits. But the thing solves
itself ; the essay is a personal thing, and no two personalities,
expressing themselves candidly and following their own
bents, will produce exactly similar results. Mr. Lvnd's
essays arc of several sorts. Some are predominantly political ;
some deal with general human characteristics or social institu-
tions ; some arc mainly descriptive. But there is not one
which a stranger could for one moment dream of assigning
to any other writer. The large familiar elements, observa-
tion and reflection, humour and wit, common sense and ideal-
ism, fancy and imagination, eloquence and a nice choice of
words, arc all here, but mingled once more in novel propor-
tions and united by a new and fresh personattty. Nowhere
does Mr. Lynd's unique gift come out more strikingly than
in his political and moral .sermons. Plenty of people have
preached such : plenty of men have proclaimed this gospel
of Liberalism an d Nationality, of democracy and freedom,
of courage, chivalry and , generosity ; and Mr. Lynd's own
pages bristle witli the names of men who have believed and
preached very much what he believes and preaches himself.
But it is pretty safe to say that not one of them has promulgated
his doctrines with Mr. Lynd's high spirits. Mr. Shaw can
buffoon and can ram home a moral doctrine witli a comic
illustration ; but his power in this regard has flourished at
the expense of his ability to appeal to the heart. Except
for Mr. Chesterton, I cannot think of another writer who can
be so thoroughly didactic as Mr. Lynd, whilst preserving his
whimsical pojnt of view ; who can play tiie fool for our amuse-
ment, and, at the same time, send us away feeling that we
have been in contact with the heart of goodness and that we
simply must behave ourselves better. He at once communicates
his profound reverence for humanity and his avowed doctrine
that almost the whole of mankind can be grouped imder the
three types of tiie ass, the goat .and the goose. The reason
is that he is honest witli liimself, that he is aware of his diviner
impulses and at the same time aware, if I may say so, that there
is a good deal of the ass, the goat and the goose in himself.
It is not easy to illustrate his greatest quality, namely, his
power of argument. To show that properly one \\ould
have to quote bodily some such essay as that on " A Nation-
ality," or that other one on " Ceward Conscience," wiiicii
concludes :
It there a single nation in the world that has a bad conscience
at the present mumeui ? If there is, let it hold up its hand ;
it is the hope of the human r;^cc..
and in the course of which, discussing the Gerniau's efforts
at self justification, he obserxes that " one gets a certain
comfort from .seeing a nation take oft" its hat to justice, even
if it passes by on the other side." His humoUr too, is a
matter rather of paragraphs than of phrases, thougli one
finds very agreeable little accidents like "the coral insect—
if it is an insect — I speak without prejudice — " pnd the
comment on the present campaign for the Simple Life in the
National Interest : ,
aged bon vivavts will have to dye their hair and smuggle them-
selves into the army in order to get a decent plate o£ roast
beef.
and the terse peroration of his study of myths, war myths
and others :
.'Mreadv tlie visionary armv has melted into thin air. The
Belgian child is .slowly melting. Kven Lord Haldanc is
melting. The myths of savages grow with a certain gigantic
slowness, and they enjoy long Ii\es like forest trees and tor-
toises, but the myths of civilised men last no longer than
garden flowers, or grass, or cheese, or the daily paper.
His descriptive and humorously reflective genius it would be
easier to illustrate.
One has seen many rhapsodies on London's beauties,
but none at once so accurate and so fanciful as his
beautiful essay " The Darkness;" one has seen many attacks,
on London's ugliness, but none so convincing as the drab
catalogue which fills the first two pages of "On Doing Nothing."
But for a characteristic passage, I had rather, I think, come
to his philosophic lament " Farewell to Treating."
I'ngland is a public-house-going -nation. She drank- beer
under the sign of the Seven Stars, and rested the soles of her
feet in the sawdust at the bar of the Salutation and Cat Iqng
before Columbus lost him.self at sea, or Isaac Newton began
to take note of falling apples. Is not the very word " public-
house " an epitome of the history of a nation's pleasure ?
There ha\e been periods in history when men ha\e
been compelled by law to go to church, but no law was
ever needed to drive a man into an inn. He has found
here a true house of peers, in which Oliver Cromwell's ideal
that every Jack shall be a gentleman is realised as it has not
yet l>een realised in politics. The public-houses in cities
are not, I admit, so democratic as that. Their public bans
and private bars and saloon bars and jug-and-bottle entrances
wall off the classes from each other like animals in cages, and
in some of them even a row of little shutters, at the height
of a man's face, conceal the respectable tradesman from his
carter, who mav be roaring in the four-ale bar. None the
less, the public house is, on the whole, a place of relaxation
and friendliness. Men who have left their homes with soiu"
faces here find no difficulty in beaming upon strangers. Such
an atmosphere of generosity indeed dwells in the public-house
like a guardian spirit that the law has had on more than one
occasion to step iii and forbid men to be excessively friends
with one another. And now comes the no-treating order, as
another fetter upon this easy traditional charity. It is no
longer possible to pay for another man's drink in a London
])ublic-housc, whether he be your friend or whether, he be
one of those homeless night birds with the sadness of defeat
in their hollow eyes, for whom all is lost save beer.
When wc have read essays like this it is easy to understand
what it is that makes Mr. Lynd so powerful as a political
debater. The two most essential qualities are to be found
in the last twenty words.
THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
AND AFTER
rOK J.\NU.\IiV coniDKiues a new volume, and contamc—
Americans. Hall! Ky Sir WILUAM W.\TSO\.
In the Balance. \'-3 In. .MiTUCll 8n.\D\VELL.
The British Conatitution and the Conduct of War
in Sl'KNSICi; wn,KIX.-<(lN (Chicliilo ITol. of Military Histor), Oxford.)
Let Women Say! An Appeal to the House ot Lord*.
liy Mr.*. UtlMPHIlY W.\KD.
Riisso German Relations and the Sabouroff Memoirs (concluded).
l)y I'KOFliSSOU J. V. SIMPSOX.
The Enemies ol Child Lite.
r.v Sir AlUHbll XliWSHOI.ME, K.C.B., M.D.
Fad versus Dogma i an Appeal to the Church.
Uv Sir OLlVr.ll LODGIi. F.H.S.
Teuton anainsl Roman. Dy the Very licv. C.VXON WIIXIAM BAILIIY. U.D.
The German Octopus. By W. MOIiRIS COLLES.
Shahspeare and Italy. By Sir 1 DWAUU si;i.I.IVAN, Bart.
Literature and Politics. liy C.ii>tain i. H. MOKGAN.
Parnell and his Liberal Allies. liy WILLIAM O'BniLN, M.P.
The Fight against Venereal Intection: a Rejoinder.
liy Sir nn,VAX DOXKIN, M.U.
Jerusalem Delivered: a Commemoration and a Warning.
By WALTER 8ICHKL.
Capital and the Coet ot War. By W. H. .MAIJ-OCK.
The 'Freedom of the Seas." By JOHX LEYLANU.
I.oudoL: S|i;>lti»»<iodc. BalUiilvue 4. Co.. Ltil., 1, .Sew Street Si]U«re.
iS
LAINU & VvAiHK
jauuaiy j,
191S
Books of the Week
A^Fraudulent Standard. Being an exposure of the fraudu-
lent character of our monetary standard witli suggestions
for the establishment of an invariable xmit of value.
By Arthir Kitso.v. P. S. King and. Son, Westminster.
^s. ()d. net.
Madame Roland, a Biography. By Mrs. Pope-Hknnessy
(Lna Birch). Nisbet and Co. i()s. net.
Stealthy Terror. By John Fkkguso.v. John. I^Tue. f)s.
Debrett's Peerage, Baronetage, Knightage and Com-
panionage for 1918. Edited by Ahtuur G. II.
HiisiLKK.ii. Dean and Son. 45s. net.
Till'- writings of Mr. .Arthur Kitson on financial
subjects, are well-known to readers of L.A.xi) & W.'VTER.
That his views are not orthodo.x it is unnecessary
to state here ; indeed, in the preface to his new
volume, A Fraudulent Standard, he admits that he is a heretic.
But these are times in which heresy may prevail, or to be
more accurate, when thoughtful people are not prepared to
accept things as they are, merely because they rejoice in the
halo of orthodo.xy. Religion, social ethics, economics are all
undergoing a severe test ; they are scrutinised and examined
from top to bottom in a manner unknown before, and it
would be nothing short of a miracle were finance to escape.
It does not escape, for though .Mr. Kitson writes for himself,
there is behind him a great body of commercial opinion, and he
would not have been in \ited (as he has been invited) to address
the leaders of the commercial communities of such various im-
portant industrial centres as the cities of Birmingham, Bristol
and Belfast unless it was realised that his opinions, right
or wrong, \\'cre those of a trader of wide experience who had
given very careful thought and study to his subject.
* « « » *
It is no part of the functions of L.-\.nd iS: \V.\ter to commit
itself to any particular views of any particular school of
thought. Its columns are always thrown open ec|ually to
conventional and unconventional writers on the leading
topics of the hour. To this new work from the pen of Mr.
Kitson we draw very special attention in that lie attacks
courageously two of the greatest strongliolds of British com-
mercial life — the gold currency and the Bank Charter. Both
he denounces as " fraudulent " in the sense that they do not
fulfil the purposes for which they were created. " Gold
money," he declares, " is the Hun imiong commodities. It
is the barbarian that has broken all its treaties and promises,
and undertaken the conquest of the world by force and fraud."
And in another place he speaks of legal tender being ''as
much an invention— a mere contrivance for effecting certain
ends— as the telephone or sewing machine." This is the
right spirit in which to attack conventions of 'all sorts and
conditions, and whether one agrees or disagrees with the con-
clusions, one has to admit that they are advanced honestly,
sincerely, and with force and conviction,
* >•: >•> * i|:
This slim volume of 227 pages (with an excellent index)
is cert^n to be read carefully by the merchants and traders of
the kingdom. It is uncompromising, with the result that it
will end rapidly in some instances in the wastepaper basket,
and in other instances will find the most honoured place among
invaluable books of reference. From a literary point of view
it is an advance on Mr. Kitson's previous writings ; his weak-
ness has hitherto been to branch off into side-issues ; here he
keeps himself strictly to the main subject, nor has he ridden his
arguments too far, thus giving the enemy a chance to
smite him on the flanks. Its publication is opportune for
finance, national commercial and private, is greatly to the
fore and the author has the rare power of being able to write
on this most complicated of all complicated subjects simply
and straightforwardly. We wish it the success it deserves.
What that success may be we shall know better, say, five
years hence. All we are aware of now is that new forces are
at work, which may result in strange upheavals.
* * * * *
In reading a biography " we should be made to feel some-
thing of the years that held no vista of new chances, something
of the joys and sorrows, something of what went to the slow
building up of character ... of all the preparation
that went to the splendid action, the heroic leading, tlie good
end." So says Mrs. Pope-Hcnncssy (Una Birch) in the
iritroduction^ of her biography of Madame. Roland, tiiat
notable woman of the French Revolution. But Mrs. Popc-
Hennes.s\' lias not made these things visible : she has made
the figure, certainly, but it is not alive. One distrusts, rather,
certain conclusions which she bases on somewhat slight
premises, notably as to how far Madame Roland actually
inspired her husband and Buzot, and other's. One feels at
the end of the book that certain part:^^ of it are not bad
transcripts of history, for the author h<is been very carefid
with regard to her authorities for the most part, and to a
certain extent is biassed by them ; but the central character
of the book is very often ])ushed on one side, with the result
that although the story of tlie time is fairly clear, so far as it
concerns the Girondin element of the Re\olution, the object
of the biography is not.
TJie author has brought out certain things very clearly
indeed, and therein has done good service. She has shown
how, after Varennes, the end of Louis and of his consort was
utterly inevitable ; however little the revolutionaries might
like the idea, Louis had to die ; she has brought out the
strength and fitness for his time of the great Danton. She
has, on the other hand, rather obscured Roland, or it might
be better to say that she has belittled him for the sake of
setting his wife forward. \vt, at the end one feels that
Madame Roland's is an unsatisfying portrait. The biblio-
graphy at the end of the work is good, and one feels that
Mrs. Pope-Hennessy has done her work conscientiously — per-
haps too conscientiously, thus showing a politician rather
than a woman, and defeating her own end by too close an
attention to detail. ,
* H: >H * 3H
There is much in Stealthy Terror, by John Ferguson, to
remind the reader of ICrskine Childers' Riddle of the Sands,
though this is no story of the sea, but a real spy story starting
in Berlin and ending in the open country of east Kent. It
is the story of a sillv-looking little drawing for which, in
Berlin, one man was killed, and another man — Abercromby,
the hero of the story — underwent a series of adventures, of
which the reading takes one on and on to the \'ery last page,
interested all the lime. It is, apparently, a first no\'el, but
the author has discovered a sense of humour, more especially
when he conjectures that an Abcrdonian Scot may borrow
his book to read, but will never buy it. There are a few little
asides like this which compel a smile ; for the rest, the story
needs no dressing, being sufficient in itself to hold all one's
attention.
The pre-war slovenliness in high places in dealing
with the German menace, the bewildering efficiency of the
British secret service, the half-astute, half-childish way in
which German plans were made and hidden — these arc
points that are well brought out. With no pretensions to
literary style — in fact, with an absolute disregard for that
quality, the author has told a rattling good story in such
fashion that one who reads the first chapter is certain to read
the rest, and that, as a rule, is all that one demands of a novel.
And the " stealthy terror " of the title is well conveyed ; there
are enough thrills in the book to satisfy the most captious.
^ ^ i*: ](£ Ht
Those who deliglit in dabbling in pedigrees and family
histories will find a fund of interesting facts in the preface to
Debrett, 191S. It comes from the pen of the editor, Mr.
Arthur Hesilrige. 1917 has been a record in the matter of
honours ; 18 new peerages were created and 32 new
baronetcies ; knighthoods number 277, while the companion-
ships to the various Orders reach tlie phenornenal figure of
3,472. As regards the peerage, it is rather interesting to
notice that during the last 25 years 200 new peers have been
created, while 106 titles have become extinct. This docs not
point to any dwindling in public interest in the hereditary
chamber, and it will ])c interesting to discover wdien the legis-
lative powers of that body arc revised whether titles and
dignities will have their same attraction in th« future as they
obviously have up to now.
A most interesting paragraph in this i)reface deals with
the honours conferred on members of the Royal Family at a
time when the King assumed the dynastic name of Windsor.
It appears that nearly every title had been formerly borne
by a member of the Hanoverian House ; Athlone was a
subsidiary title of the late Duke of Clarence, while George II.,
when Duke of Cambridge, was also Marcjuis of Milford-
haven ; only Carisbrookc and Medina (and both from the Isle
of Wight) are new peerage dignities.
GOGGLES
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LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX No. 2905 [Sr] THURSDAY, JANUARY 10, 1918 [YS^^i^f^.H] ISfc'-i^Ft^K^I^KSS
^-i-sjaaa-— N.
I
_■ J I minirwiriirii _■■ i — ■■■■niuu r .-ci::^
Copyright •'hina It Watn"
" My Avowed and Unconditional Ally "
IIb thia wrtoon Mr. Raemackers calU attention to the Kaiser's blasphemy, which aroused the indignation of the civilised world]
Cipvngttt 1«17 in V.S.M.
LAND & WATER
January lo, igi8
Behind the French Lines
A Rest Gamp in the Ravine of Naroliers
French Official Photograph
January lo, 1918
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
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Telephone HOLBORN 2828,
THURSDAY, JANUARY 10. 1918
CONTENTS
PAGE
"My Avowed 'Ally." By Louis Raemaekers i
Behind the French Lines. (Pliotograph) -
What We Are Fighting For. (Leader) :;
The Prime Minister's Speech. By Hilaire Belloc 4
America's Sea Power. By Arthur Pollen ';
The Bankruptcy of Russia. By H. M. Hyndman ^
Franco-Britisii Economic .Mlianci-. By J. Couduricr
de Chassaigne 9
Leaves from a German Note Book i"
Shop Stewards. By Claude T). Farmer 12
Christmas on a " Happy Ship." By Lewis R. Freeman i";
The Skipper. Bv Frar.cis Brett Young '• 14
Shadows and the Rocks. Bv William T. Palmer ib
Sir Arthur Helps. By J. C." Squire 17
Books of the Week it<
Only a Painter. (Illustrated.) Bv Charles Marriott i')
In Northern Italy. (Ph tographs)' 21
Scenes from Flanders. (Photographs) ^ ' 22
Domestic Economy. 24
Notes on Kit • . 25
WHAT WE ARE FIGHTING FOR
A WEEK ago we pointed out that the status quo
ante bdlum — the European position before the war
— had ceased to exist. We gave detailed reasons
■for this statement, which no one has attempted to
dispute. The war has brought into existence an entirely n(?w
position, political, economic, and international on the Con-
tinent of Europe. The hand that does not go back upon the
dial in these days, and we have to accept facts as they are.
The most important fact is that a new Central State of Europe
has been brought into existence under the domination of
Prussia.a Central State which, if it is permitted to exist when
the war is over, can have only one object in view — the destruc-
tion of the British Empire. More than a year ago a striking
article from the pen of Mr. Harold Cox was published in
Land & Water, showing how railroad power was undermining
s«a-power, because the former was more secure, more direct^
and more rapid. Let the State of Central Europe exist after
the war, inevitably there will occur conflict within a few years,
between Mid-Europe rail power and Britannic sea power.
Delenda est Mitteleuropa. The future security of the British
Empire is summarised in this phrase.
The Prime Minister has now delivered a notable utterance
on the aims for which the Allies are fighting. It has been
welcomed in all the countries of the Entente and it has caused
the German press to foam at the month. This speech is
closely analysed by Mr. Belloc in the following pages ; he
declares that " as a whole, it has put the main thesis of the
Alliance justly, and what is very important, without too
many particulars." Mr. Lloyd George no doubt took council
with the leaders of the Allied nations before giving utterance
to this detailed pronouncement, which may yet prove to be
the foundation-stone of European peace for several genera-
tions. It is, however, too soon to perceive its full effect.
Germany, at the first, professetl to find in its sentences symp-
toms of weakness, and declared that the submarine offensive
and the '' fensive on the Western Front has only to be con-
tinued a little time longer for Britain to cry out for terms.
In this they once again mistake the character of the nation.
There is no weakening among the peoples of the British Empire;
they will continue fighting until freedom is assured , reparation
obtained and punishment inflicted. At no period of the war
h:is the nation been more imited in its resolution to obtain a
complete victory over Prussian militarism than now. Its
education has been slow, but it is at last realising the price
that would eventually have to be paid if the House of Hohen-
zoUcrn and their Pan-German supporters were left in command
of Mid Europe. These Germans have no thought or sympathy
for the men who fight their battles, except as the mere instru-
ments of their will. A typical instance of this mental attitude
is related in to-day's " Leaves from a German Note-Book,"
when at a recent meeting held in Frankfort, a Pan-German
speaker. Count Bothmar, was urging the destruction of England
and for the war to continue until it was accomplished, Was
interrupted by a group of wounded soldiers, to one who pro-
tested and who had lost an arm in the war, he replied " You
simpleton ; be quiet ; you do not understand anything about
it." According to the Pan-German doctrine, all Germans are
simpletons, who do not hold to the Pan-German belief in
world power.
Thisworld power, Germany now realises, cannever be attained
if the Allies war-aims are carried to their logical conclusion.
The Cologne Gazette has put the position in the clearest light :
" If the war aims of the British Prime Minister should he
fulfilled," it writes, " Germany would be driven back into the
position of 1914, without Alsace-Lorraine and the German
Colonies, but loaded with an immense war indemnity, with a
dangerous Polish State on the frontier and, moreover, delivered
to the discretion of the Allies for receiving goods." But it
Avas Germany who sought the arbitrament of war in 1914,
and by that arbitrament she will have to abide.
In Mr. Belloc's article there is a remarkable passage about
.\lsace-Lorraine. Though the facts may not be new, they are
so lucidly stated tliat the condition of these two Provinces
since they were torn from France a generation ago, assumes
a new appearance. No attempt, however unsympathetic or
even brutal it may have been, has been neglected by Germany
to Germanise these provinces. Yet after forty-six years the
spirit of the people is as intensely French as it was in 1871.
Germany, even if she had deliberately tried, could not have '
gi\Tn more conclusive proof of her failure to rule peoples with
ideas not in common with hers, yet this is the nation which
endeavours directly or indirectly to impose its yoke, on
Europe. With the fate of Alsace-Lorraine before them, even
the Bolsheviks have shied from handing over to Prussia the
rule of Russian Provinces
We have maintained consistently in these columns that an
independent Poland — independent in every sense — with
Dantzig as its sea port, would be the surest possible guarantee
of the future peace of Europe. .\s Mr. Belloc jxiints out to-day :
" Pnissia reposes historically upon the attempted murder
of Poland. An independent Poland, comprising all genuinely
' Polish elements, would, were it brought into being, be the
death-blow of Prussian ambition, of the whole Prussian theory
of aggression." Unfortunately, European history is too
little known in this country ; otherwise the Poland ciuestion
would have been understood from the beginning of the war,
whereas it is only in the later months that its full significance
has emerged. Mr. Lloyd George did well to put the need of
an independent Poland in the forefront of the^aims of the
.\llies, but we shall have to be careful when the day arrives
that this independence is assured by the boundaries assigned to
the reconstituted Kingdom, boundaries which must at least
include the port of Dantzig on the Baltic. Without this
port, Poland's independience would be a farce. .
The chief aim before the Allies at the present time is the
defeat of the military forces of Prussia. Mr. Lloyd George
has spoken of these times as being the most critical of the
war. There is need for the strongest determination to bring
the issue to a victorious end. Without victory the aims of
theAllies must fall to the ground. We are passing once again
through one of these periods of comparative calm which are
more, trying to the moral than active stress, and the enemy
wastes no opportunity to induce the belief that our aims
may possibly be better obtained by negotiation.- Russia has.
of course, been invaluable to German diplomats in this connec-
tion, and the Bolsheviks have served their pirrpose in per-
mitting a semblance of peace to be proposed. But signs arc
not wanting that the Bolsheviks are nearing th_e end of their
tether. America is silently but rapidly developing her power.
There are, ;is we understand nowadays, difficulties in the
way of making her full strength felt as quickly as possible,
but these diffirulties are one by one being overcome. Of her
firm and fixed determination to be one of the deciding factors
of victory there is no question.
Lrt\ND & WATFR
JaHtiaiT 10. iQiS
The Prime Minister's Speech
By Hilaire Belloc
define!;
whi'rli
inert\-
THE Prime Miniilor's. speecli upon iln- aim-, which Um^
British Government and people have put before
iliemselves: in this war is a docunient of soinc im-
portance ; not because there- is niucli tliat is new
-that could' hardly be tiie case but because it
and leaves upon "record certain ffeneral j)rinciples
the mass of discussion recentlv i.rovoked by the
had confused. I'urther, the speech not being an
indi\-idual pronouncement, but clearly the recital of an
instrument drawn up bv many han<ls and long discussed
down to its most minute plirasin.i; is virtually a general
declaration on the part of the WesUun Allies. The duel
defect of the spo(H?h— and it is a grave one— is a failure to
recognise* the recent erection, of that great Central State
now standing in Europe, the destruction of which is our
immediate, positive and concrete necessity, and the mainte-
nance of which necessarilv means tlie decline of this country-.
To that })oint— by far the most important jxilitical matter of
our time- I shall' return. It is also, i)erhai)s, a defect in the
speech that it did not emphasise the necessary dependence ol
the objetits it mentioned n})on either a military victory or at
second best, an internal collapse within the Central Empires.
To; this it'niav be answered that the jwint was fairly obvious
and did not" need reiteration. With that answer most
observers of the present European situation would differ.
The immediate object for which men light is victory, but if
that object be not clearly presented, the strain of a war may
teem to, outweigh thu value of victon,-. It is surely incon-
ceivable— apart from the present existence of her great
newly established State in Central JCurop*— that Prussia
would yield any of the points summarised in tlu- speech so
long as her armies were intact, so long, tliat is, as she was a
military power still innocent of military defeat.
The speech contained, ap.Tirt from its general positive
points, certain elements new to such pronouncements and of
considerable \'alue.
For instance, there was well brought out in it the fact that
'Pnissia, while clamouring for precise terms from her enemies,
has never put forward precise terms herself. That is a s\nip-
toni of the whole debate upon which insistence has been laid
over and o\'er again in these columns. Those who have been
working for the enemy, consciously and unconsciously, those
who merely desire peace and are, therefore, doing the enemy's
work indirectly, those who are his emissaries or moral allies,
and those who ire by c^•el■y test most j)robably his jiaid agents.
haVe clamoured tor months that the civilisation of Europe
should enter into a bargain ^nth Pnissia and Ix'gin by stating
a iiilraDer of specific terms. I'pon no element in the intrigue
lor surrender have the supporters of that policy insisted more.
and, from their point of view, they were quite right : for that
party which first begins a parley is not only admitting its
inferiority and probable submission to its enemy, but is also
relaxing the strain of war which it may never be able to re-
impose. Yet it was remarkable that while the enemj- and
liis -abettors, conscious and unconscious, were f;till clamouring
for a statement of specific terms — which process of higgling
would liave masked the actual presence of u truce preparatory
to a peace — the enemy never gave us even the \aguest idea <>f
his own claims. The nearest thing to it was that which the
Prime Minister himself alluded to, the speech of Count Czernin
on Christmas Day. liut that speech was a thousand miles
away from any definite pronowicement. ■ It should in this
connection be noted that though the speech wisely avoided
detailed and specific terms yet, in pro|K)rtion as it approached
such detail it at once provoked that divergence of,\iew within
the alliance which it isthe object of the enemy to create.
Another point in the speech which deserves "special attention
is the very jiist declaration that the Prime Uinister was speak-
ing, not only for the Allied "statesmen, or for the political
machinery to which they are attached, but for M/.s nation as a
wlJole. Grcirt bodies of men are not vocal, but their common
dct<ermination is none the less api)rociable, and there is no
doiU)t,at all that the determination of this countrv, of its
civilians, aiml of its soldiers, to carry the war to a successful
conclusion stands firm in its fourth vcar.
th(; mociem world has not created any organs of strong
national expression such as the older i^uro'pean societies once
possessed. Perhaps it is too complex, perhaps it is too big for
such orgams to be possible. At anv rate, they do not exist.
No one can pretend that the modern Xewspa'pet Trusts arc
reprcsentath-c of general opinion, still less that the moribund
Parliamentary systems of Western Europe are so. We can
onh^ judge to-day of a uatipn's will by travel and by
talking on the supreme national matter with men of e\:ery
class. The common experience, the general impression
left upon any man who travels widely and talks to many
people on many occasions, lea\'es ho doubt upon the general
intention of the British in this crisis of their fate. The Prime
Minister was wise to associate the nation as a whole with
his particular pronouncement.
Our .Mlies, iioth those organised in the field, and those
unhappily still subject to the enemy, will turn with anxiety to
till' ])ositi\e jjoints in the speech, and ujion the whole they
will not be disajipointed.
The matter of Alsace-Lorraine was put in very general
terms, but those terms, though general, were not ambiguous.
What happened in the case of the I'rench Provinces 40 years
ago is forgotten or confused by those who are, naturalh-
enough, little interested in a question which was until quite
recently foreign to their lives. It is worth recalling. This
European district, verv wealthy and densely populated,
counting about two million souls," was forcibly taken, altera
successful war, by the conc|ueror from tlie conquered. It was
taken with such brutal disregard lor the wishes of its own
|)eople that their protest was not only unanimous, but was
carried on for a generation by all tlie channels of expression
open to them, that it had to be ruled despotically, and most
significant of all that the act provoked a vast ernigration of
those who preferred exile and grievous material loss to the
toreign go\ernnient imposed upon them by force. Not only
was there no consultation of the people, but those who
annexed them regarded the v\hole idea of consulting popular
wishes with dejision, and expressed their derision not only in
this circumstance, but with regard to every experiment of
self-government in Europe.
.\ p(Tit)d of time covering ;!ll the useful life cf u uk'H has
elapsed since that crime was committed. Dui-iii^ all tT^vsc
years evciy effort has been made b\- a Stall' rapidlv increasing
in wealth and pojnilation, despotic in acticm and" ruthless iii
method, to destroy the spirit which they found in these dis-
tricts upon tiieir annexation. An immensely powerful
bureaucracy has stified every free expression of opinion,
education has been directed "to the destruction of all old
memories and the creation of a new tradition. A rigid system
ol passports and a universal system of espionage have checked
<'\-ery tendency to reunion with those who were the fellow-
citizens of the families thus seized. The place has been
flooded with new colonists, and i-verv single appointment
from a village postmaster to a bishop and from a bishop to the
head of a province has been an appointment despotically
imposed from above and designed to further the interests
of those who stole the land.
If aft<'r such a process the original thief shall mildly be told
that his present work is the only test of his original crime,
and that if he has succeeded in "uprooting a European thing
and killing it, he sliaH be forgiven, then it is no good talking
about the immorality of annexation or the priuciple of sclf-
go\-cruinent. To suggest such a thing, as too many honest
people ignorant of the origin:d conditions have suggested it ,
is a direct premium upon forcible theft of jjeople and of land,'
and what is perhaps worse, of pers(-cution, expatriation, and
artificial colonising b\- the conquering power in order to con-
solidate the original crime. Before leaving this point we must
remember that valuable as are the pronouncements of one ally
w-ith regard to the aims of anotiier, the .\lliance as a whole
depends upon mutual loyalty. Each member of the Alliance
is, necessarily comparatively indifferent to national traditions
and claims which are most "vital to other members. The Sea
IS life and death to this Island, but this Island alone of the
Alliance feels that. All North Italy, and especially the dis-
tricts east of .Milan, are aHame with the desire to recover
what is Italian from a foreign- rule, but to other members of
the Alliance the matter was, until the war broke out, literary
or academic; and even now they cannot feel what the Italian
feels. So it is with Alsace-Lorraine. But it is just to sa\-
that after so prolonged a war the necessity of mutual compn -
lieiisioii is now fairh' clear. I'pon it the moral strength of the
.\lhance depends. If that mutual ser\-ice fails the Alliance
fails with It, and with the Alliance the future of England.
Next we niay note the satisfactory and sensible declaration
upon the ]5olitical. group now holdingpower in North- Western
Russia. It is perfectly impossible to have any definite policy
ol adherence or even compromise here, because we lia\-e no res"-
l)onsible and permanent force to deal with. But even if we had,
neither this country nor any member of the Alliance in defence
of civilisation can support a programme of which the first
principle is the neglect 4)f all the aims for which the West met
the Prussian challenge. England and Trance, the (vij^a^
January 105 1 918
LAND & WATER
protagonists in defence of Europe, did not go to \var for some
international theory dear to internationaf anarchists, fThey.
did not go to war for Karl Marx's bo6k Das Kapital, strll less
for the private interests of a batch of adventurers cjrajvn
from all corners of the earth.. They did not go to \\ar to
help a clique of men with no country in their attack on the
religion of their hosts, nor did they go to war to support
such men against the peasantry whom they detest and
whose influence in the future government of the place thev
seek to eliminate. They went tu war to defend the public
law of Europe, whicli had been broken, and to save the national
traditions of Europe from a threat morally intolerable but im-
fortunatelv physically strong. They went to war to preserve
the future" existence "and power of their own states. If the
townsfolk in one part of what was once the Russian Empire
choose to accept such masters, that is no concern of ours.
An Independent Poland
Ihe third point iu tlie si)eech wliich is specially noticeable
is the declaration that Poland must be independent. Here
again the thing said implies more than the actual words used.
An independent Poland " comprising all genuiriel'y Polish
•lemcnts " would, were it brought into being, Ix; the death
i)iow of Prussian ambition and of the wholf Prussian theor\- of
aggression. Prussia reposes historically upon the attempted
murder of Poland, and Poland .-remember, readies the sea to
the North at Dantzig, and comes within a startlingly' short
distance of Berlin towards the West. Hut -the restoration of
Poland though a moral necessity to the cause of the .\llies
and to the restoration of a decent Europe, that is, to the defeat
of Prussia, is, as has been pointed out in these columns more
than once, rather a te,st than an aim. If we win, of course
SVC shall restore Polan<l. Not to do so would Ix; an ele-
mentary folly. But ithd/ur u-c c.\x do so or not, is the real
point :' it is the unfaihng mark of victory or defeat. In
other words, we cannot pretend to ha\-e achie\«l our ends in
this war, to ha\-e o,rTi\'ed at a stable victorv, or indeed at any
victory at all, if we pmve ourselves unable at its conclusion
to re-erect a strong Poland which shall reach to the boundaries
of the really German States and shall restrict (lerman rule
within those" boundaries. If we cannot do that we are ile-
feated and the effects of our defeat will be immediattly
apparent, no matter behind what fine phrases it may be hidden.
It was very well pointed out the other day in a series of
articles simultaneonsly printed I believe both in France
and in England, that there is attached to this Polish matter
another crucial one, the position of the Bohemian quadri-
lateral after the war. Bohemia is practically as well as
morally the keystone of the arch of free jseoples we propose
to erect. But the man\' j>roblems involved in this war are too
inimerous for a detailed analysis here.
It is satisfactory to tind that these foreign questions which
could not of their nature mean very much to the bulk of his
immediate audience, formed sti large a part of the Prime
.Minister's matte;-, for that matter was delivered, of course,
not only to his immediate audience, but to all Europe.
In a point much more familiar to us the speech was equally
satisfactory, though it was briefly dealt with : The point of
reparation, especially as regards reparation for the violation
of common European morals at sea. That is a matter of
practical and vital importance to this country. If we allow
indscriminate murder at sea as practised b\' the German
submarines to establish a precedent, not only the power, but
the security and one might say the verj' existence as a State
of Great Britain is at an end. •
Here we cannot aftord to use general terms. The people
who ordered this thing and the people who did this thing must
be punished if we obtain tlie victor^-. It must be made clear
by example that Europe will not stand a further degradation
of its standard, and that what may be acceptable to Prussian "
morals is intolerable to ours. Of course if we fail to obtain
victory the matter need not be discasscd at all. If we an-
Ix'atcn the enemy will give some promise or other not to do it
again — and the security of the sea will have come to an end.
\Vith that ending the whole of our civilisation will rapidly
decline. For there will be no power, however insignificant, with
a real or a fancied grie\ance that will not be able to ha\e
recourse to such a weapon, just as in private life if you tolerati-
poison there is no one so feeble but he can terrorise a whole
community.
Thcr speech, then, as a whole, has put the main thesis of
the Alliance justly, and, what is very important, without
too many particulars. The change of attitude with regard
to Constantinople was doubtless dictated b\- some international
agreement. It seems rather, gratuitous," but if victorv hr
a.ssumed it is not vital. The real point will be who shall be
the overlord of the Turk if we leave him in Europe, mtirji
more than whether he is left in Europe or no. If we defeat
Prussia— if whether bv jwlitical action from \nthiu or by
niilitjir}- action from without^ — the Prussian military macliine
is put out of- action, then the old Europe and Western
civilisation will control the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus.
It peace is made with Prussia still unbeaten, then the Darda-
nelles and the Bosphorus will be controlled ultimately by
Prussia. That is a certitude comparable to the certitudes of
])hvsical law. " i^-
But one nmst conclude one's survey (at the risk, I am
afraid, of tedious reiteration) by insisting tliat no declaratior/
of the present position of Europe is complete, or even uea'/,
unless it takes into account the solid fact that Central EurC/ipe
lias come into existence. That State is no longer a theoi;y.
It is not an ideal of the future. It is a l)lock of matter wh'/ch
we ha\-e to deal with and whose continued cohesion or dissolu-
tion are synonymous with our own defeat or victory, /ft is
only a matter of weeks before everyone will recognise this,
and if we insist upon it, as we do in this journal, it is because
to us facts of this sort seem equally important with opinions.
It is inexitable that men should still thmk in terms of 1914
Euroj);- though that Europe has ceased to be, but thfc sooner
they learn to think in terms of Europe as it now is iny.thjs j'car
lOi^, the better. . .
When Napoleon proposed, partly through his aiemories of
a kepublican youth, partly from personaP. ambition, partly
(rym mere sequence of fate, to create a united Continent in
the spirit of the l-'rench .Ke\-olution whi<:;h he incarnated,
there existed for some years a state of the aort he proposed to
create. W'e have half forgotten it because it was ephemeral,
but it was there.; and the real object of the Spanirirds, the
Portuguese, the P^nglish and the Russians, <lown to the guerilla
bands in Tyrol who also armed and opposed it, was to destroy
that State. Its various parts had different names... some
were put forw-ard as Allied Kingdoms, others were directly
annexed to the I-'renrh Empire, but fropa the boundaries of
Poland to somewhat beyond the Pyrenees the thing
was in being. It covered Italy, and the Germanics were
a part of it as were the Netherlands. Prussia has not
created a Statg of the same kind, it is true. Her ideals
are the exact opposite . of those which inspired the art,
the songs and the whole civilisation of the French attempt
under Napoleon. But in the pouit of .success or failure
the parallel is singularly exact. Pnissia has not.. indeed,
mastered Europe. Slie is not of a calibre Ijo do that. All
the old and high civilisation opposed to her stands intact,
nor has anyone in that civilisation a sympathy w-ith her. such
as very much of civilised Europe hatl wfth the Frertch
Revolution and with Napoleon. But she has created such a
state of her own. There is now properly speaking, not an
alliance, but an organism of which Berlin is the centre,
(jf which till' outliers reach already to Mesopotamia and Syria
and the Marches of Muscovy. Integral and directly adminis-
tratetl i)arts include Lithuania and all Poland , half Roumania
and all the Serbian race. Bulgaria is its vassal. If the war
leaves this State iu being, there will be two peoples of the white
race, the one in the West, upon the whole, inferior in resources,
the other in the East, and the latter may prove the master,
and will certainly be superior. Where iiritain would come
in such a scheme readers cait determine for themselves.
That is the real and practical issue of the moment. Not
that declarations of doctrine have not their value, for mankuid
is ruled by ideas, but here we have a.rcal and existing thing,
aiid on its survival or destruction depends the future of the
world and of ourselves. It was not so even eighteen months
ago. It is so to-day. H. Belloc.
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LAND & WATER
America's Sea Power
By Arthur Pollen
^ January lo, 1918
WHEN I started for America just over six months
ago, 1 lound that the general opinion here seemed
to be that the people of the ITnitcd States were
not. and did not seem likely to become, over
cnthfjsiastic about the war, but that any lack of popular war
fury would certainly be made up by the staggering efficiency
with which tlie Government's war programmes and prepara-
tions would be; carried through. Six months' study of the
situation in America has convinced me that in both these
respects opinion was 'largely wrong. Of the war spirit of the
Americans there could be no possible doubt, from the first
moment one found ontsclf in the country. And if the efficiency
of the war preparatioais has been less than was hoped, it is
largely ber.ause, so over\vhclming was the war enthusiasm, that
a scale of national effort was attempted that it was beyond
Jmman capacity to realise. The fact of the matter is that
Ai.ierica's k>?enness to wipe out her long neutrahty by a swift
and rapid stroke for \-ictory was altogether limitless, and her
power of nat-Uinal action very severely limited. What was
perhapt hardly rea^Used was this. In normal times the ratio
of corpoiatc or governmental activity to industrial acti^'ity
is extraordinarily small. It had, therefore, been nobody's
business to find out how far the ordinary course of trade and
industrv could bf broken into, and their machinery turned
to national objects, without making a great deal of that
machineiy break dow.n altogether This has been illustrated
in the case of railways, mining and munitions. The case was
still stronger when it came to such an industry as shipbuilding
for, except for submaj-ines and warships, the capacity of the
shipyards of America iiefore the war was of a very restricted
kind. It was expanded and expanded rapidly under British
and Allied orders for ships, in the course of 1915-16. When
America came into the war, there were vessels to our order
displacing over two million tons, actually, I believe, in course
of construction. But it was just at this moment that the full
gravity of the German submarine menace was realiped. The
unpleasant truth was dawning on the world that if the thing
went on as it had begun, no matter how great or well-equipped
the armies might be that America would raise, they could be
of little value in the war without shipping to take them
to Europe or to keep men supplied there. In other words,
it bicame apparent that the first necessity of the situation was
i(< nuiltii)ly the sbipbuilding capacity of the country to the
utmost. Americaai necessity and not American capacity
dictated what was to be done. A programme for the launching
and completion of four million tons, in addition to the two
millions already under construction, was set out, and every
eifort made to make its reahsation possible. Many, indeed,
conttdently asserted that the whole six million tons would be
afloat and available before the end of 1918. But no such result
seems probable now. Already the very high expectations
formed as to the production of wooden ships are understood
to have been ill founded. Nor, in spite of Mr. Hurley's
recent statement, are those seemingly in the best position for
anticipating events, at all confident as to the balance of the
programme.
The truth probably is that those who first had shipbuilding
in hand failed to grasp, not the elementary fact that the total
production must ultimately turn upon the amount of labour,
unskilled as well as skilled that was available, but the effects
of the very exceptional demands that other necessary prepara-
tions for war would make upon the total labour available.
Ordnance, munitions, aeroplanes and air-plane engines, cloth-
ing, equipment, the increased production of food, the greater
demand lor copper and iron ore, the vast increase of plants for
((inverting ore into metal, and other plants for turning the
raw material into fit material for industry, the construction
and upkeep of camps for housing and training the million and
a half men, the increased need of coal and oil, the new and
extraordinary demands made on railway transportation
just at a time when the railways were most in need of new roll-
ing stock and rails — needs that could not be met because rolling
stock, engines and rails had to be got ready for shipment tu
l"rance and Russia— all these vast and extraordinaiy efforts
hctwem them produced a dislocation of labour and of the
general industrial organisation which jiossibly might have
l)een, but, in fact, seemingly' was not, fully anticipated. In
the net result, not only the shipbuilding programme, but all
othei- programmes will unquestionably meet with delays.
J'.ut in singular contrast to this generaltruth stands the very
remarkable work of the Navy Department at Washington.
In the second week in December there was published, not only
the annual report of Ihe Secretary himself, Mr. Daniels, biit
those of the Chiefs of Bureau. They were one and all extra-
ordinarily stimulating and highly" satisfactory documents.
In the issue of Land axd Water of April 5th and April
i2th last year, I published two articles, one written before the
American declaration of war, but after the declaration had be-
come certain, and the other immediately afterwards, in which
I dealt with the mihtary and naval forces then at America's
disposal, and discussed the probable use to which they would
be put. Already, as we all know. Admiral Sims had been
despatched to and arrived in England to arrange for the
naval forces of his country to take an immediate share in
the fight against the submarines, and before the third
.April number of Land and Watek was issued, the first con-
tingent of American destroyers was half way across the Atlantic.
The swift promptness of this action, and the perfect readiness
for action of every unit suited to the purpose are legitimately
made the keynote of Mr. Daniels' opening paragraplis. It is
legitimate because the same promptitude was shown in every
other field of the Department's activity. No time was lost, for
instance, in at once getting Congressional sanction for the ex-
penditure necessary for the expansion the war would call for.
So recently as the previous August the three years' programme
under discussion for nearly eight months had gone without
opposition through both Houses. This programme provided for
laying down immediately four battleships, four battle-cruisers,
four scout cmisers, nine fleet and fifty-eight coast defence
submarines, fifty destroyers and torpedo boats and a few
fuel ships, transports, tenders, etc. But a month before the
declaration of war was made, a further vote of five hundred
and sixteen million dollars was asked for and granted. And
approximately, the same amount was voted in the beginning
of June and again in the first week in October. With thesi;
appropriations behind them, Mr. Daniels and his Chiefs of
Bureau set to work.
The Growth of the Navy
The number of ships actually in commission
has risen from about three hundred to about a thousand.
The personnel of the Na\'y prop>er consisted a year ago of
4,500 officers and ()H,ooo enlisted men. To-day the officers
arc over 15,000 and the enlisted men exceed 254,000. The
number of naval stations grew from 130 to 363 ; the Navy
Yard employees have doubled. So that, omitting the Marine
Corps, over 30,000 strong, the Naval Establishment on shore
and afloat embraces now over 300,000 men. Roughly, we
may say that everything has been multijilied by three within
nine months — ever\'thing that is to say, except the scale of
expenditure, which has been multiplied by more than seven.
But then the expenditure no doubt takes into account both ■
paj'ments on account for new construction and payments for
each unit as it is delivered finished, and payment for' large
munition supplies. The fifty destroyers authorised in August ^
1916, were all contracted for very soon after the appropriations '
were finally passed. This pogramme has been very greatly
added to since. Last October 225,000,000 dollars were
voted for this class of ship only, and again every unit authorised
was contracted for immediately. The reports are silent as to
the dates on which the boats making up these two programmes
are to be expected. But it was regarded as no secret when I
was in Washington, that in this field at any rate, there would
be no disappointment at all. Every builder was said to be
ahead of his time, and confident of keeping ahead. I do not
know what the contract price for destrojers now is, and
consequently cannot say how many boats are included in
the Congressional vote of 225,000^000 dollars. But some-
thing over ;([45,ooo,ooo worth of destroyers ought to represent
a very formidable force. We know that the destroyer
building firms are much the most efficient of any concerns
of their kind in America. We know that the greater cost of
rapid construction has been taken into account in fixing
prices, and that, as far as possible, every priority, both as to
material and labour, has been accorded. It seems reasonable
then, to assume that the most effective of all craft, offensive
and defensive, in underwater war is likely to be suppHed in very
useful numbers, and of a peculiarly meritorious type in the
coming months.
In the munitions specially necessary for anti-submarine
war— and this includes ordnance for the arming of merchant-
men, merchant auxiliaries and every other form of patrol
boat— the Navy Department has been fortunate in placing
its contracts and therefore in securing early deliveries.
Generally speaking, so far as anti-submarine provisions go.
the material within the Navy Departments activities has been
admirably taken care of. More remarkable than this, which
is after all a question of good busmcss management, always
a conspicuous mark of this branch of the National Govcrnmeiit
January lo, 1918
LAND & WATER
has been the way the problem of the personnel has been met.
The shortage of men was admitted to be serious on the pre-
i\ar programme of construction. But, as we have found in
jur own service, highly efficient seamen can be turned out
with great rapidity where the candidate is not only willing
but desperately anxious to qualify, when tiie right kind of
effort is made to train him, and when every step in the training
is made hi the' atmosphere and under the stimulusof real war.
In America, where practically all' of the seamen are not
only short service men, but are sent almost untrained into
ships to transmogrify in the ordinary routine of naval work,
tlic thing was expected to be easier still, for the reason that
the whole officer personnel was well broken to the task.
As a <Jimple matter of fact, the conversion of 170,000 landsmen
into seamen of pretty high quality, has been achie\ed with
even greater success than could have been expected. This
has been made possible, partly by the work on the main
training stations, partly by turning the battle fleet into a
gigantic training squadron. A year ago the training stations
at Newport, Norfolk, Great Lakes and Verba Buena, had a
nominal capacity of 6,000 men. Within very few months
they were expanded to take in 48,000. New stations have
been set up at half a dozen other places with a capacity of
25,000, and reserve stations at half a dozen more to take in
13,000. If the aviation centres are included, 20,000 more
have been provided for at new marine centres, submarine
bases, universities, etc.
The normal course on shore before going to sea is four to
five months, but few men have been so fortunate as to get '
the benefit of so long a preparation. For the 700 ships that
used to be yachts, traders, liners, coasters and the Uke, and
arc now patrol boats, transports and so forth, have had to be
manned somehow, so that in the majority of cases, not much
more than the rudiments of drill and discipUne, of gunnery
and the simpler forms of ship's technique have been learned
on shore. But notwithstanding the hurried character of the
training, I learned from many quarters that there is no
grouijid whatever for complaint against the newly enlisted
persdnnel. At the only camp I was able to study in any
detail, namely, that of Great Lakes, the explanation of this
was not difficult to see. For military service, men are not
taken in America under the age of twenty-one. The navy
will take them three years younger. The navy has, I believe,
under the draft act, a right to its quota of the compulsorily
selected men. But it will never have to' draw on this quota for
the sufficient reason, that every recruiting station was, quite
early swamped by volunteers. For some months after the
war began, it was still an assumption in the East of America
that the Middle West was largely indifferent to the war.
The indifference could never have extended to the boys of
eighteen and under. For at the great camp near Chicago,
they had passed many thousands through by the middle
of November. When I was there, 18,000 were in camp at
the time, and from the first they had refused as many recruits
as they had taken. In judging of the rapidity with which they
had been thrned into seamen, it is the essence of the matter
to recognise the quality of the material to which a highly in-
tensive system of training has been apphed. At Great Lakes
this quality leapt to the eye, nor could I help reflecting on the
irony of things, when I remembered that here was a body of
young men training for fighting, from which probably as many
as fit as they had been excluded. We can apparently pool
e\ery thing in war except the most important thing of a\\, our
man-power ! But to return to our subject.
Making 10,000 OflGcers
The main factor in this almost tropical production of sea-
men has been the work of the officers and warrant officers
of the Atlantic fleet. My visit to the squadrons composing
i t was brief. But it sufficed to show the scale on which the
process of training men was being undertaken. The ships
were an extraordinary sight. I came on board the Flag-ship
at 5 a.m. on a glorious June morning. It looked as if 500 men
had been sleeping on the deck of every Dreadnought. Literally
I believe the bulk of the ships carried double complement,
and the whole of each working day seemed to be some con-
tinuous effort, wonderfully strenuous, still more wonderfully
rliecrful, to teach the newcomers the accomplishments of their
older messmates. It was to tlie battleships that the men from
the camps were sent, and from the battleships that the
yacht, transport and patrol crews were chosen.
The imagination reels a Uttle at contemplating what all
this work must have meant to the comparatively small num-
of regular officers on whom tlie sole responsibihty for it fell.
l'"or these, in addition to turning out 170,000 seamen, had also
to do their share in creating more than 10,000 midshipmen,
ensigns and lieutenants. A couple or more thousand of these
were sent in batchers of 600 or 700 at a time through
the Naval College at Annapolis. These were all. college
graduates, many of them accomplished yachtsmen, a large
proportion of them men well started in their professions in
civU life. The medical and pliysical tests were, however, severe,
and the examination tests severer still. But here, as in the
case of the enlisted man, the number of volunteers greatly
exceeded the capacity of the Department to take and train.
A thousand or more officers were got by promoting those
of warrant rank, a process on which the United States navy
will seemingly rely- still more largely in the future.
Mr. Daniels' Achievement
The report of the Secretary is silent on the two points as tc
which public curiosity is undoubtedly greatest. Accorduig
to the 1916 three-year programme, at least eight capital ships
were to have been laid down at once. The report tells us that
one battleship and three battle cruisers had not been laid
down at the outbreak of war. We are not told, however
whether the construction of those that were laid down is still
proceeding or whether the labour allocated to these ships has
been freed for destroyers and so forth which are much more
greatly required. Nor does the report tell us what, if any,
changes have taken place in the Chief Command — by the addi-
tion of a General Staff or otherwise — to facilitate its functions
of strategical guidance of the naval forces in war. But
it does contain passages relating to both these matters that
suggest sound policy has been or will be followed.
As to new capital ships Mr. Daniels will ask Congress to
continue their authorisation with a proviso that they shall be
proceeded with " as rapidly as the (shipbuilding) facihties
of the country will permit." When the extra votes were passed
in 1917, special powers were taken to vary the usual form of
contract because " it was necessary to accelerate the progress
of. construction or to delay certain vessels to allow other
vessels to be speeded up." It seems to be a fair inference
to connect " the urgent demand for destroyers and merchant
vessels " with the delaying pf ships already under construc-
tion and to uppose that it is the less necessary' vessels —
namely, battleships and battle cruisers, whose construction
has been suspended. If this is so, we have a very practical
instance of national pride being put behind national duty.
P"or, undoubtedly, the 1916 programme was pushed through
Congress more on its capital ship than on its Hght craft
features, and it was intended to be a first effort towards getting
the largest and most powerful fleet in the world.
That this ambition is now relegated to a second place, and
the work of defeating the submarines put first, is highly
satisfactory and illustrates the extremely practical turn Mr.
Daniels has given to the administration of his Department.
The Report is, as I have said, silent as to the creation of a
General Staff. But it is not silent on a development which
must necessarily precede its creation. I mean the Secretary's
full realisation that the war efficiency of his Department
depends upon its being guided by the best naval thought.
On page 72 occurs a passage, unfortunately too long to quote,
in which he bears tribute to " the spirit of tmwearied dihgence
and expert efficiency " of every one of his bureaus. He
names the chiefs seriatim, and declares that the Repubhc
has been fortunate in their capacity for " hearty co-operation
and perfect team work." " These men," he adds, " and their
associates and the other officers and civihans, whose rare
devotion and ability have been equalled only by their
patriotism, have made possible the recognised power of the
Navy to-day. In the stress of war work it has been a deUght
to serve one's country in such comradeship as exists in the
Navy Department. To it and to the well-known ability of
these experts the chief measure of naval preparedness is due."
It is not every civilian chief of a professional service who
is at once clear-headed enough to perceive and generous
enough to acknowledge the absolute dependence of that
service on the skilled efforts of professional colleagues. In
Mr. Daniels' case the recognition is ample and acknowledg-
ment noble— and neither has been limited to words. Never
before has a better choice of American naval officers been placed
in the bureaux : never have they been given a freer hand ;
never has such rapid effective action been taken on so wide a
scale. In this, at least, Mr. Daniels has earned uncommonly
well of his country. Before the war no Cabinet Minister at
Washington was more criticised. Since the war no Cabinet
Minister can point to a greater achievement. Whether he
will go further— orll would prefer to say, the date when he; goes
further— and gives American sea power that organised intel-
lectual command which a General Staff only can confer,
must wait on circumstance. For the moment, the general
strategy of the American Navy is necessarily that of America's
Allii^, so that the main staff problem is not American, but
international. The point of Mr. Daniels' Report is that he
very obviously 'appreciates the funjdamcntal necessity of
which a Staff "is the ultimate expression.
Arthur Pollen.
8
LAND & WATER
Januan- lu, 191S
The Bankruptcy of Russia
By H. M. Hyndman
Mori: ihan sixty viai> ago Alexander Herzcii
wrote ; "Cicsar knew the Gauls better than Lurop;-
doei the Russians." Onlv a few days ago a
most important and influential Russian C omnnttee
formally made a similar complaint to the British (,oyernment
about "luiglish knowledge of Russia. But ofticial ami
general ignorance is not surprising on the part of foreignci>
'who attempt to grasp the complications of a yast population
and an enormous territory which include many ditlerent
eUmates and races. Kveii highly-educated Americans, who come
oyer to this countr\- knowing, of course, our language well.
and understanding tlioroiighly a great part of our institutions
and law*> ha\-e been heard to declare that, after scyeral years
of observation and study, tliey went away not much wiser
than they came.
While," howe\-er. diflieulties of language, temperament,
habits, customs and religion, varying greatly in different
localities, are \ei\- hard indeed to overcome in the matter of
Russian politics, economics are not so troublesome to handle,
jirovidcd the facts are known und the statistics are reasonably
iiccmate. For economies, like mathematical formula; and
musical notation, have a world-wide significance understood
by every civilisod nation. In this department, therefore,
if we throw aside the old obscurantist fetish of money and
mercantilism, the truth about Russia becomes speedily
apparent. Thus it is now clear that Western luirope greath'
overrated Russian power in the war. because most, if not all.
of the Allied statesmen, forgot that modern war is itself a
function of industrial development. But Russia is only just
emerging from the feudal period which continued in force there
until iSOr. Whereas japan in the past forty years has, indus-
trially and socially, "almost accomplished a transformation
which it took Western Europe 400 years to achic\-c, Russia
has moved veiT much more slowly. So we immcdiateh'
discovered that "the Allies liad to furnisli the Russian armies
with equipments, armaments and munitions of every descrip-
tion, largely purchased from America and even from japan.
Machinery of War ■»
The reason for this was that Russia, unlike England, the
I'nitcd States, or even France, had not at her command suffi-
cient machinery ^\■hich could be transformed from production
lor peace into production for war, even if enough supplies
of raw material had been at hand. It was an awkward dilemma
and, but for the loan of hundrc-ds of jnillions sterling to our
Ally, to purchase indisix-nsable necessaries of warfare, it is
possible that German troops w'ould have been cantoned
in Petrogiad, Moscow, Kiev and Odessa quit* early in the
contlict ; not because the Russian troops were otherwise than
bra\-e and patriotic, but because, as was shown along a great
j)art of the Eastern front, the most courageous soldiers with
old-fashioned weapojis cannot effectively face the Germans,
who possess the latzst modern instruments of slaughter. The
blowing up by the agency of traitors of the Go\-ernment works
at Ochta only made this Russian industrial inferiority
the more apjxireiit. M. Witte's State-fostered factory
system broke down at once under the strain of war. This
;night have lx^;n expected, but it was none the less a very
ierious matter when it occurred.
.The steady impovmshment and tlecay of l^ussian agri-
■ulture and the Russian jx-asantrv- is a ground of more
l>ermanent uneasiness. Russia is above all an agricultural
•oiintry. More than tiinc-tenths of her population are cul-
tivators of the soil. The i)rol(;tariat of her cities, therefore,
are in a small mriiiority, and the revolutnonary theories of their
more adv;u]cedTeade^■s are quite inapiTi'icable to the economic
conditions whicSi jirc'.-ail among the miess (.)f the people. Tlie.sc
look to the 1;uk1 as /.he main question for them ; though their
terribly sweated, ove rworked and underpaid cottage industries
go on in most regio ns throughout the winter months. Even
in the much talkwl of Black -artli districts the condition of
the peasantry is de]ilorable. The plain (Ascription of a peasant
village and a peasanr t home in official reports is frightful to read.
rho.se educated imm who have lived among the pea-
santry in order to be ; >.ble ,to form a sound judgment of their
home life, especially du ring the winter months, give a terrible
account of the ordinary state t)f things. Overcrowded
msanitary dwellings, fr e<iuently inhabited bv animals as well
IS human beings, witli a Jl the liorrors of existence thus engen-
lered, the acmlt nienibci .s of the family working under noisome
onditions for 12 and i ^ hours a day where home industries
indcr small capitalism prevail— tlu- lot of the peasant is
jnenviablc inrked. Ha' J air, bad light, bad food, poor rai-
ment, miserable remuneration, and then, with the return of
op)en weather, unceasing toil on the land which barely suftires
to pay taxes and give enough to keep body and soul together.
Suciris the life of the majority, of the "Russian peasantry.
\'et those are the people who "are supposed to ha\e ample
agricultural ])roduce to spare to meet the growing wants of
\\'estern luirope ! This, of course, is not the trutli. The
Russian agricultural population is desperately poor. What
is worse, it is getting steadily poorer, and, unless a complete
change is brought about, and brought about soon, Russia, as
a whole, apart from the more fortunate districts of Siberia,
will be utterh- ruined..
Steady Deterioration
As I ha\-e mori' than once recalled. Professor Issaieff,
formerh' the Chief Professor of Political Economy at the;
University of Petrograd, told me more than ten years ago that,
even thcii, it would have required hundreds of millions,
perhaps thousands of millions, of roubles to put hack Russian
agriculture where it had been twenty years before. From
that time to this the same deterioration has been going on at
an increased rate. The war has most certainly not made
matters better, but rather worse owing to the removal of
cattle and horses —which were already diminishing in numbers
--for military purposes. ]\loreover, the very heavy fall in the
rouble, the iiiipossibility for the peasants to obtain the articles
required for tillage, house repairs, etc., in return for their
surplus produce, haw intensified the prevailing misery ; and, —
what is very important at the present moment — ha\-e increased
the antagonism lietween country and town. But the main
j)oint is the unchecked extension of the poverty of the great
mass of the hard-working cultivators. What are the chief
causes of this now generally admitted and deplorable im-
poverishment and the consequent steady reduction of the
fertility of the soil ? They are :
1. The heavy taxation of the ix-asantrj', payable in money ,
and the necessit}' for paying the redemption fee for their
' overvalued plots of land in money also.
2. The ruthless manner in which this taxation is enforced.
3. The inevitable application of the peasants to usurers,
Russianor Jewish, in order to meet these taxes or to purchase
again (at much higher prices than they have been forced to
sell their own crops of grain) food or seed to enable them
to carry on at all.
4. The lack of good country roads which necessarily lowers
the price of agricultural prc)duce in the \illages.
> The tremendous drain of agricultural produce to Western
Juirope in order to pay interest on Go\erninent loans and
interest and profits on private investments for which there
is no coinmerical return.
Here is the main groundwork of the great Russian agrarian
revolution now going on, beside which the political|revolution
and the o\'erthrow of the Romanoffs is child's plaj'. The
])easants are demanding and taking more land. They are
cpiite right. The impoverishment of their own soil calls per-
emptorily for an extension of their holdings. But no matter
how much land they may seize and cultivate, it will merely
])ostix)ne their economic and social bankruptcy, so long as
over-taxation and other mischiefs grind them to the earth,
("o-operation, of which we hear so much, and which is good
enough in itself, cannot alone save them from ruin.
It is impossibli', within the limits of an article, to deal ade-
(piately with the economic and social problems here involved .
.\11 Russian economists and honest Russian statesmen ac-
knowledge the truth : that nothing short of an economic
revolution can save their country. Thus it is universalK'
admitted that the taxation of the peasantry was excessi\e
in comparison with the means at their disposal for paying it,
and that the rigid demands for money payments to the Go%'ern-
ment at fixed dates constituted a serious grievance, even if
great consideration had been shown by the official ta.x-gatherers
and local agents. But notoriously, no such consideration was
shown. Tlie taxes were collected \vith the utmost rigour.
Peasants who were behindhand were harassed by the author-
ities in every possible way, being thrown into prison and even
flogged for their remissness. They were, in fact, forced
into the hands of the usurers by the action of the (jovernment
itself. And the usury to which they were subjected was of
the kind familiar to students of the rural economy of the
^liddle Ages and the Roman Empire. It was a direct trading
upon the urgent necessities of the borrower, not in any sense
whatever a participation in profit.
Hence the rates of interest were enormous. Cases are
January lo, 191b
LAND & WATER
cited wlierc the unlucky peasant w lio fell into the power
of the hardest of hard taskmasters,^ -.the usurer, .Wjis,
compcHSjd to return in labour— money he had none, '
and the shortness of his crop had caused his trouble
— a hundred or even two hundred per cent, on the \'alue of
the money or seed corn ad\-anced by the lender. Frequently
the Jew is spoken of as the chief agent in these nefarious
transactions. As Karl Marx said to mc in iSSiwhen talking
on this very question : " The Jew creeps into the pores of
an agricultural society." But the Jew is not so bad as the
native Ku.ssian at this busin(.'ss. The Russian usurer is
generallv a peasant who, having by some means enriched him-
self, lends at luige interest to his less fortunate fellows, and,
by working \\ith them, as he commonly dt)es, screws
the very last ounce of labour out of his debtors in return
for his advances. Usury is undoubtedly qne great curse of
agricultural Russia. It is, as said, mainly' due to the action
of the Government : and, if the system in vogue prior to tlie
rexolution continues, not even the creation of good country
roads would ixrmanently relieve the agriculturists from the
fe^arful disabilities under which they suffer. The situation
was getting worse and worse. It can only be relieved by a
complete change.
For, not only are the peasants cultivating their land imder
almost every conceivable economic disadvantage, but there
is a huge syi>hon at work all the time, which drains away
such wealth as exists in the country and renders the continuous
impoverishment of infinitely the greatest national asset, the
^land, inevitable.
Russia is terribly indebted for loans and advances to Western
liurope. She has to pay away interest and profit each year
upon these loans and investments. Discussing the cpiestion
before the war with a well-known authority on Russian
affairs, who is not a Socialist, we agreed the total amount thus
annually due and payable at /i5,ooo,ooo. F'or this amount
of wealth so exported from Russia, to meet her c.X'ternal
liabilities, tli:rc is no commercial rclurn vhatcrcr. And this
annual charge is almost entirely paid in agricultural produce.
Thus, putting the total of Russian exports roughly at
/,'l6o,ooo,ooo, calculated at the Russian ports and the Russian
frontier, more than one-third of this export, consisting, chieily
of agricultural produce, is, from the economic standpoint,
sent out of the country for nothing — this from a country
that is getting poorer all the time. It is as if the richest top
layers of the soil were stripped off year by year and transported
to Western Europe. It is an unendurable tribute which Russia
can no longer pay. This was in ])rocess of verification before
the war. The payments of Russia lo her creditors and in-
^•estors necessarily appear in the comparison between exports
iUid imports. They can be arrived at, as a whole, in no other
way. Well, these figures show that, in the four years prior
to 191.;, Russia had fallen behind in her payments to Western
Europe to the extent of tens of millions sterling.which had been
met by financial legerdemain.
Such a .state of things cannot possibly go on. Russia's
indebtedness to the West has been greatly increased by the war.
]>ut if she could not j)ay interest on the amounts previously
due without utter and hopeless ruin, clearh'. anv addition 'to
her burden cannot ])ossibly btt borne. It is of the \-crv great-
est importance that we should look all these facts in-tlie-rfacc.
The small farmer and ])etty bourgeoisie of France pspeeially:
should at once taki' account of the unsatisfactory iiature of
•he Russian securities, with which they have been encumbered
by the financiers, greatly to the profit of these latter. Xo
doubt, according to the ordinary money cant of the day, it
would be monstrous that Russia should not pav her foreign
creditors interest on moneys honestly lent at moderate in-
terest to construct her railways and otherwise to " develop "
her \ast territory. But when it is clearh" shown that such a
drain of her Wealth to the West, not only spells ruin to her
agriculture but cannot be allowed to continue bv any patriotic'
Russian — how then ?
We arc in the habit of speaking of the enormous resources
of Russia, of the vast mineral and forest wealth of Russia, of
Russia as the granary of Europe and so on. It is high time
that we should clear our minds of illusions. Russia is a
country of immense possibilities. Sibe>ria has actually in-
creased in population far more rapid!}- than Canada. But
Russia requires that her latent wealth should be sj'stematic-
all\- developed by national industry.
This will take time and effort. At present she is economically
and financially in desperate case. Her peasantry refuse to
l>art with their grain becaiise they are unable to obtain in
exchange for it. with the greatly depreciated rouble, the
goods tliey require for tlieir day to day life, which were
formerly hawked around by German pedlars. Her town popu-
lations arc at their wits' end because many of them arc un-
able to get sufticient food and fuel, owing to the disorganisa-
tion of the railways. The return of the soldiers from-the
front threatens little .short of destruction. I'nless the Constit-
uent Assembly, when it meets, at once takes the land question
in hand, the peasants will settle itin their own way. Under
such circumstances it behoves the statesmen, financiers and
merchants of France and England to meet for serious and
unprejudiced conference, in order that they mav be able to
co-operate with their respective Governments in a sound
economic policy. But it is the duty of the French and
English peoples, likewise, to take care that the real interests of
the Russian peasants and townsfolk shall not be imperilled by
capitalist exactions or Bolshevik anarch}-.
A Franco-British Economic Alliance
By J. Coudurier de Chassaigne
WH.\T could be of greater interest at flu- moment
than to study, if only superficially, the mechanism
which has preserved the French and British
j)eopIes from hunger, and from the miser\-
which wouUl have been inevitable without the ceaseless
energx' of the Ministers of the two countries ? It is to
this policy of brotherly union between France and Britain
tor . collecting- all o\er the world, and distributing
l)etween ourselves and our friends the things which
are essential to our very life, that we owe the certitude
of being able to tight till victory is ours. To this work,
achieved in the sole interest of the community, we are, each
and all, in duty bound to <ollaborate, by submitting loyally
to the regulations and restrictions which the various con-
trollers ,of foodstuffs and law materials decree for our own
good. And I am convinced that I am not unduly optimistic
in stating that the results of the economic policy of the
.\llies constitute a victory which compensates for inevitable
weakness in other domains, for the simple, reason that free
nations, un]irepared fijr war, cannot realise in such a siiort
space of time that military unity which has proved the
best asset of the Central Empires.
. . M. Clementel. the l-'rench Minister of Commerce, more than
any, is responsible for this fortunate state of things. His
success proves first the importance of a political axiom
too long ignored by France. It is that continuity in office is
I'.ssential if practical and lasting benefits are to be obtained
therefrom.
In F'fance the Third Re)niblic inauguiated a system of
ti-niporary Ministries which is the condenmation of the French
))olitical system. Happily for us, however, we rc;ilised that
we could not i;o nn ejianginc,' our Mini^trr for I'oreiKii Affair-
everv six months, as we did our Prime Minisft'r. Tluis,
when M. Delcasse came to the Ouai d'Orsay on June iSth,
i.S().S, he remained at the head of our diplomacy till German
intrigues drove him from oflice on June dth, 1905. ,
This question of continuity is especially important when
one has to deal with the- Anglo-Saxon races. They like or
('.islike a man personally ; they trust or distrust him quite
apart from his intelligence or from his political views, J- or-
tunately for I'rance, for England and, for Immanity, two
French Ministers of Foreign .\ffairs, M. Delcasse and M.
Piclion, each a convinced partisan of the Entente Cordiale,
remained in office for a long period of years. The same
jHinciple of continuity whe.;i applied to diplomatic, agents
abroad has done marvels. M. Paul Camb'bn, who for
nearly twcnt\- years has enjoyed the full confidence of two
Kings of Englaj,id and of successive ,Britis-h Go\-ernments,
is a living proof of what the personal touch can do in bringing
about and maintaining good relations between two free nations.
The same might be said of tlu' Frencli Ambassador in Washing-
ton, M. Jusserand, who for, so many years has been tlie link
l)ct\vcen the two great Republics.
To-day M. Clementel jprovides another confirmation of
the vital importance of this principle of continuity. He knows
personally all his British colleagues. Liberals as well as Con-
servatives. They know him too ; .they appreciate his per-
sonal gifts, his charming manners, his common sense,, his
tenacity and his absolute loyalty. I'hey consider him a good
fellow, a real friend, in fact one of themselves. It matters
little to them what ^I. Clemeiitel's views may be on the home
])olitics of his own c<jinitry. It is the man himself they have
learnt to admire. In one word, English statesmen of all
unitir^ who have lieen m contact with M. Clementel -tru&t
10
LAND & WATER
January lo , 1918
him. Therein lies the whole secret of his success in England.
But it would be unjust to irefcr that M. Clementel is only
a deliglitful fellow who wins political victories through his
agreeable looks and his straightfor\vard disposition. His
intellectual gifts are remarkable and typical of his race. He
has all the qiuUities ot the real Auvergnat ; patience, tenacity,
commen sense, and ability for all things commercial.
Though he started Hfe as a lawyer, and built up in the little
town of Riom, where he was born, a very good practice as
an avoiie (a profession very similar to that of a solicitor),
he only came into his own when he entered the circle of great
commtTcial and colonial enterprises. On being elected De-
puty for his native town, he arrived in Paris to conquer an
eminent situation in parhamentary as well as in business
life. His fortune once made, he gave his full time and energy
to affairs of State, and became Minister of the Colonies in
1905 when still in the early forties. Since then his political
career has been smooth and prosperous. Though he has held
portfolios in various Cabinets, his real success dates from his
entrance into the Briand Ministry (October, 1915). He was
appointed Minister of Commerce and has retained that port-
folio in the Cabinets of MM. Ribot, Painleve and Clemenceau,
having become as it were, th,e indispensable Minister of Com-
merce of France at war.
I shall not analyse here the work done by M. Clementel
on the French side of his administration. It is quite enough
to say that he found the Ministry of Commerce an old-
fashioned and sleepy place, which was usually given to begin-
ners in a Ministerial career. H under former conditions this
Ministry did nothing to hinder commerce, it certainly did
little to 1 elp it. M. Cl^mentel's advent changed all that.
He began by reorganising his Home Departments, and con-
centrating all his energy on the problems which arose out
of the war. Very soon he came to the conclusion that France
alone, just as England alone, could not face the economic
responsibilities of the present and of the future. He saw
that both nations would have to unite and to pool all their
resources if they were to feed and clothe their populations
now and after the war. Thereupon, M. Clementel came to
England and placed before the British Government his pro-
posal for reorganising the economic life of the Allies, in accor-
ance with this vital principle of unity. He put forward
a practical scheme for tackling at once the grave problem of
the wheat supply, and he was able to convince Mr. Runciman
of the practicability of liis suggestion.
•It included the appointment of an Executive Committee
by the Allies — France, England and Italy — to which each
country should nominate one representative, and this trium-
virate was to be responsible for buying all the wheat available
all over the world, in order to allot it to the Allies in proportion
to their requirements. This Wheat Executive was appointed
in November, 1916, and its work has been an unqualified
success. The Alhes instead of competing against each other
in all the markets of the world, have regulated the price of
wheat and monopolised its production. Things have been
made even easier since the United States have joined our
ranks. Its representative has been added to the three original
members of the Wheat' Executive, and now the Allies and
their friends know that they need fear no shortage of wheat,
if only they can provide sufficient transport to carry it from
all the great centres which are accessible to us.
Since then, other committees, inspired by the ,same princi -
j)le have been created. They are the Meat and Fats Execu-
tive and the Sugar E.xecutive, and others dealing with the
remaining vital necessities are in course of formation. This
alone would be enough to justify tlie gratitude of the Allies
towards M. Clementel, or mark liimout as one of the statesmen
who, since the war began, have deserved unstinted praise
from us all.
But what M. Clementel has done for essential foodstuffs
might and ought to be done with regard to raw materials.
Already we are organising on analogous lines the collecting
and distributing of some kinds of raw material. But is it
not equally Our duty to foresee what will happen when the
war is over, and to take all due precautions in view of the
enormous demand that will be made on those raw materials
which are indispensable for the reconstruction of our commerce,
of our industries, and of all the territories which have been
laid bare by the enemy?
Moreover, as it happens that by a stroke of good fortune,
the Alhes have in their possession the actual monopoly of a
great number of raw products, why should we not for once
think before everything of onr own interest, and organise for
the benefit of our own countries the different monopolies
with which cirumstances have provided us ? Why should
we not agree amongst ourselves to form special Executive
Committees, on the pattern of the Wheat Executive, with
the object of collecting, for instance, all the oil seeds which
come from India and the Far East, and from the Western
Coast of Africa, and distributing them among the Allied
countries according to special agreements. Is it not our duty
to think first of our own people ? Then, when the Germans
come ultimately to us to buy oil seeds, we should be in a
position to reply that we are not trying to boycott them, but
that we intend to put before everything our own trade and our
own industri-es. They might be allowed to buy the surplus
we do not need for ourselves, hxxtnoihmg more. What is true
of oil seeds is equally true of a long list of raw materials. It
IS no exaggeration to say that the Allies have now the
practical control of all the principal raw materials, while
the German Empires and their confederates own only a very
small percentage, quite insufficient for the necessities of their
industries. Might it not be well if Germany were now con-
vinced that, unless she consents to the peace we must one
day dictate, in order to ensure our own and the world's se-
curity, she will have no access to our raw material, except under
conditions. Should we not be wielding a weapon as powerful
as any possessed by army or navy if we were able to tell
the Germans that their immediate consent to peace, at our
price, would obtain for them out of the supply of raw material
we need so badly for ourselves, a certain percentage which
would grow smaller and smaller with every day, month or
year that the war lasts ?
Such a scheme is the natural and logical continuation of M.
Clementel's economic policy, and would, if adopted, prove
as useful as any military triumph. Here and now I can only
indicate it briefly. The time has not yet come to enter into
the details of this eminently practical project. Let us hope
that M. Clementel, who has already won the complete approba-
tion of the British Government, will be able to achieve this
great object, and with the concordance of the United States
It might not only shorten the war, but provide us after peace
IS signed, with the real means of forcing Germany and her
friends to respect their treaties in future, or to stai-ye.
Leaves from a German Note Book
A Nine Days' Wonder
FORCE alone will not secure for us the position in
the world to which we believe we are entitled. The
sword has no power to thiiist aside the moral opposi-
tion which has grown up against us. If the world
Is to become reconciled to the greatness of our power, it will
have to feel that behind our strength there is a World
Conscience.
These words, remarkable on the lips of a German were
spoken at the opening Session of the Upper House of the Diet
m Karlsruhe, by the President of that body, who happens
to be a member of one of the German ruhng families No
ess a person than Prince Max of Baden, heir to the Grand
Duchy of that name, gave utterance to these sentiments
and all Germany wondered. When professors and writers
expressed views of tliis tenor, that w:as nothing out of the
ordinarv'^ But that a royal prince should boldly come for-
ward and have his say— that for Germany is truly "remarkable
I he Liberal press took up the burden of his message amphfy-
ing Its sahent points, agreeing with every senti ent. Prince
Max. while abusing President Willson and Mr. Lloyd George
m the orthodox German fashion, went on to say that Germans
should be criUcal of themselves : there was a lack of freedom
in Germany, and it was all the fault of large circles of the Ger
man people who indolently submitted to authority, exercising
no influence themselves on the destinies of the Fatlieriand ;
and during the war a heathen outlook had been adopted by
many intellectual men in all countries, and a moratorium had
been declared on the Sermon on the Mount.
^ The Sociahsts made the most of this declaration of faith.
Where is the statesman among the Allies? " asks one of
them, " who has spoken in this strain of Democracy, Freedom
and Humanity?" The question only shows the mentality of
the man who propounded it. It is needless to mention
President Wilson or Mr. Asquith. The Sociahst writer in
his joy seems to have forgotten the Kaiser's utterances about
shimng armour and mailed fists and sharp swords. He has
torgotten, likewise— an important consideration— that Prince
Max of Baden, however generous and noble his sentiments
may be, is of no significance in Germany, whereas the Kaiser
matters. Prince Max is only the President of the Baden
^^"se of Peers ; the Kaiser is the actual ruler. of Germany.
And, finally, the writer has forgotten what the Pan-Geimans
say about the coming peace. It must be a peace dictated
by the victors, a peace purchased by militaiy success. The
Fan-Germans of Hamburg deplore that the speech of Prince
Max, with Its " silly sentimentalities," should have appeared
January lo, 1918
LAND & WATER
IT
alx)Ut the same time as Mr. Lloyd George's oration. What
must the world think of uS; exclaims the leader-writer of the
Hamburgischcr Correspondent, when it hears the suggestion
made that we must place force behind conscience. " German
strength has made our existence possible," and on German
strength, therefoK-, the Germans must continue to rely.
In Count Reventlow's paper, a gentleman of the name of
Max Lohan puts the matter more forcibly — on Christmas
Day of all days :
" Away with the World Conscience ! Down with the spirit
of Universal brotherliood ! We must be led by the conscious-
ness of German strength, whose watchword is ' ' More Power '.
More German Power !" May a curse hght on those who reject
this watchword."
The Pan- German Party
What manner of men are these Pan-Germans ? A ghmpse
into their mentaUty may be afforded by' two illustrations.
Early in 1914 a Pan-German wrote literally : " We do not
hesitate blasphemously to declare, ' But now abideth Faith,
Hope, Hate, these three ; and tlie greatest of these is Hate.' "
A Pan-German organ explained that to love your neighbour
as yourself, means to love your German neighbour, and the
doctrine also implies that if a stranger attacks or insults you,
knock him down. A Protestant clergyman of Charlottenburg,
Dr. Karl Auer, in a pamphlet he has just published, roundly
attacks the Pan-Germans for their heathenism, upbraids them
for worshipping W^otan, accuses them of replacing the name of
the Saviour by Balder. The Party is composed of extreme
reactionaries, of men like Tirpitz, who wants to smash England
and e.xpects the German people to go on fighting until his
wish is reaUsed ; like the notorious Berlin cleric. Dr. Phillips
by name, who publicly thanked God for the war ; like the
comical Herr von Oldenburg- Januschau, who the other day
told a meeting- of East Prussian junkers that if an equal
franchise were introduced in Prussia, Germany would ha\e
lost the war.
These people are making frantic efforts to retain their hold
on the ignorant country yokels ; and their ramifications ex-
tend to the army. Here is an official notice put up in the
convalescent home of the Res^erve Battalion of the loth
Bavarian Infantry Regiment, in Ingoldstadt :
" Comrades ! Everything is at stake ! Information is of the
utmost imjxjrtancc. To bo ignorant in these times, when the
Whole Future is being determined, is doubly shameful.
Away then with ignorance and indiflference !
"From to-day let all of you without exception read the follow-
ing real German papers, which are obtainable free of charge
in the orderly room : The Muiichen-Angsburger Abendzeiluni;
and the Deutsche Togeszeilung. Read them and pass them
on to a friend."
Ingoldstadt, 6, lo, 17, HABr.NiCHT, Captain.
It should bo stated that the two papers named are among
the most violent in Germany. >Jothing short of German
rtorld domination will content them. And these are recom-
mended to the soldiers. The Pin-Germans, however, do not
always meet with the success they expect. At a public
meeting of the Patriotic Party — an offshoot of the Pan-
German gang — which was held in Frankfurt about ten days
ago. Count Botfmiar addres.sed the audience in the best Pan-
(ierman style, preaching the destruction of England and war
until all Germany's ambitions had been gratified. A group
lA disabled soldiers who were present interrupted the speaker
l>y telling him to go into the trenches instead of making Pan-
German speeches, and one of them raised his armless sleeve
and asked, " How many more men are to be crippled and
killed in order that the Pan-German war aims may be realised?"
The Count could only say, " You simpleton ! Be quiet !
You don't understand anything about it ! " Which shows
that the Count is no great debater. But it also shows what
the masses in Germany are feeling.
Party of Freedom and Fatherland
Their latest attempt to organise against the Pan-Germans
is a new Society — " The People's League for Freedom and
Fatherland." The league has three main planks in its
platform — to strain every nerve until the enemy's desire to
shatter Germany is frustrated ; to reorganise the inner political
conditions of the country forthwith ; and to cultivate a clear
popular foreign policy with a view to establishing j^erpetual
peace, securing raw materials and placing the development
"tall nations on the basis of morality and law. A large number
of workmen's, officials' and clerks' organisations have put
their names to the manifesto of the League, which is also
supported by a number of liberal-minded professors who
( ommand some respect in Germany, men like Brentano,
Herkner, Oncken, Reinecke, and others. (It should be noted,
however, that the Pan-Germans can also boast of a professorial
following). The new League bands together all those who
are dissatisfied with the trend of events in Germany, who
feel that victories are empty tilings if men hate the victors,
who begin to realise that a foreign policy which has vmited
practically the whole world against Germany must be wrong
somewhere. This sentiment was cleverly expressed in a
half column letter, published in the Frankfurter Zeitung
of December i6th, and signed " Anton Erkelenz " (probably
a pseudonym). The writer, in excellent Nietzschesque, sets
forth Germany's present discontents. He wants the Germans
to become a world people. But a people with the soul of
slaves cannot become a world-people. The Germans must
therefore change their character. "Were not the internal
pohtics of Germany before the war a humiliating reflection of
our character ? And can foreign policy be sound when there
is no basis at home ? Who was to blame ? Our pastors
and masters, who lacked the sense of world politics because
their outlook was limited by the village pump. We were
exceedingly proud of our organising capacity. But organisa-
tion means submission, and submission is in itself no evidence
of strength of character." What is wanted is perfect democracy
and the breaking away from ancient traditions. The writer
ends, in imitation of Nietzsche, by apostrophising his fellows :
" O my brothers in factories and offices, you peasants and
merchants and manufacturers, you women^ all of you who
will bear the responsibility of the new order of Society, I
greet you. You have my confidence ! "
• But all this is far off as yet ; at best it may be but the straw
which shows which way the wind is blowing. In the meantime,
the Germans have not yet changed their character, and arc
still content to remain within the meshes of militarism.
What did their paper say about the truce with Russia ?
Approval was general — it was humane, it showed Germany's
goodness of heart, her true desire for peace, but, of course—
and here the cloven hoof appears — " our plenipotentiaries
were filled with the sense of our military strength." Even
the Frankfurter Zeitung could not deny itself the pleasure o£
dwelling on this fact. " The Germans and their Allies spoke
as victors."
Crown Prince and Count Luxburg
Two interesting items of news must not be left unrecorded.
The first refers to Count Luxburg, the second to the Crown
Prince. As the aftennath of the Luxburg affair, .some fifty
of the largest Hamburg exporters who are interested in South
American marj<ets have lodged a complaint against the Count
with the Imperial Chancellor, blaming him for having, by his
conduct, spoiled their business in Argentina and Brazil,
and demanding the Government to punish him !
The German Crown Prince appears to have developed
artistic powers. Before the war he was famous for nothuig,
except, perhaps, the invention of a new kind of button. During
the war his military talents have shone forth. He is, as
everybody knows, the Commander-in-Chief of a group of
German armies, and, as the semi-official Norddeutsche Allgc-
meine Zeitung states, he has used his scanty leisure Jiours in
sketching. A simple soldier's head might attract his eye,
and a black and white drawing of singular merit perpetuates
the prospect. The Prince also has a weakness for the various
types of coloured prisoners, whom he has likewise honoured
by his artistic attentions. These drawings are now being
exhibited behind the lines, and it is intended to make a few
of them available for publication in the illustrated papers.
Possibly these artistic gifts of the Crown Prince may be here-
ditary— it will be remembered that his father, too, in his
palmy days, painted pictures. It will, however, be interesting
to await the judgment of competent critics when the Crown
Prince's efforts are made available for the German people.
The Vossische Zeitung has recently published an article on German
East Africa by Erirh v. Salzmann, who begins by speaking of the
naturallaw, which leads the inhabitants of thickly populated coun-
tries to seek new countries o\'er the seas, and by claiming for the
Germans the same right as any other nation to expand. German
East Africa, he says, is essentially German, and can never be an
object of exchange, in the sense of the Vienna Congress, anymore
than there can be any question of a bargain over Alsace-Lorraine,
which was German from remote times. General v. I-ettow-
Vorbeck's fame has spread to the darkest corners of the dark
continent, where men now know that no power or cunning of
the cnemv can overthrow the German eagle, and, although it may
have disappeared temporarily, the (Country is hallowed and will
remain German in the eyes of the natives for all time.
The whole dark continent believes in the German cause. Wliat
the German colonial troops have done in East Africa is of incal-
culable value. Wc at home must beware of failing to recognise
and appreciate the moral effect. The ethical value will be con-
nected in future with the actual possession of the land in which
it has had this effect. This country must remain German or
Germany will have no further importance in Africa. German
East .Africa cannot be an object of exchange.
It is a. moral duty to hold it, although it may have fallen tcm-
porarilv into the hands of the eaemv.
1.AND & WATER
Shop Stewards
By Claude D. Farmer
January lo,. 19; S
WHAT may he termed the " problem of the Shop
Steward " is a feature of industrial unrest
which has lately figured largely in the public
eye. The comprehensive strike which for a
briot peri(Kl during last summer paralysed the. munitions
industry afforded evidence of the power which this class of
worker can wield.
The institution of the shoj) steward sysleni, though of
recent date in the history of the Trade Union movement, is
not an outcome of war conditions. The practit e of electing
from among the people employed at a factpry a chosen few
who shall personally watch over the conditions of work inci-
dental and pecuHar to their own workshops has, in fact,
bt^en in force for several years. The leading officials of the
rnions are naturally unable to attend to all the minor
grievances and evils arising in each factory from which their
members are recruited. Local or distriet officials are generall\-
at a similar disadvantage in this respect, especially when the
members of the I'nion are scattered among a large number
of works. In cases therefore of kxalities in which there
were many firms employing the same denomination of work-
jieople, it was natural that Labour representatives should
be appointed from among the men working for these lirms.
Officials so created complied with the principle which obtains
as a general rule in Labour organisations, that the official
must be, or nnist have been, a craftsman at the trade in
which the I'nion interests itself.
The election of welfare guardians from among 4he work-
people has its chief merit in the fact that only those who
serve as manual workers in the factory or millcan be fully
alive to the needs of their class. This truth is self-evident.
The managing staffs of workshops arc often unconsciouslv,
sometimes even wilfully, blind to matters petty in therii-
sehes, but irksome to those whose lot it is to be daily con-
strained to work under such conditions. The shop steward
lias^rown up, hitherto unconstitutionally, as a unit in the
far-reaching organisation whereby the interests of the em-
plovers of the indixidual factory are represented to the govern-
ing body of the Trade Union in cases where satisfaction cannot
. )>e obtained in discussion with the employer. Only the
I'nion-man comes directly within the sphere of interest of the
shop stewards,' but" it follows that benefits gained for the
•Organised workers must generally accrue also to the non-
Vnion employee. This qualification does not. in fact, les.sen
the importance of this type of representation to working-class
interests as a whole. Industrial Labour is now regarded in
the broader aspect, at least, as an oi-ganised force, and with
the unprecedented rate at which the membership of the
frades Unions— notably of the Amalgamated Society of
Engineers— is increasing, the non-Union man becomes of less
and less moment (e.xcept to himself).
So much, then, for the shop steward principle as an in-
fluence to the good in safeguarding the interests of the majority.
(Jperated honestly and honourably, it must fulfil a consider-
able part in the steady trend ,of' industrial democracy.
l-roni the capitalist standpoint it must be admitted that
little as was the authority possessed by the employer in liis
own works as late in history as 1914, the existence of the shop
steward element, now officially recognised in industry, has
practically wrested from him such shreds of despotism" as he
could displa\-. Tor what is the effect upon the woiks
manager's position of having in his employment men recognised
by agreement as endowed \\ith power to enforce such demands
as their sense of right, and. in extreme cases, their personal
whim may inspire ? Simply this, that, short of a decision
favourable to him by a court of arbitration, he is compelled
to concede any claims made upon him. The alternativ(>
consequence is a strike, or, what amounts to the same thing
as regards production, a lock-out. This state of affairs was,
before the war, already arising by reason of the despotic power'
if such it may be called, of the'Trades Unions. It was only
augmented and accelerated by the presence of shop stewards
in sc\eral large works. I<'or^the shop steward antl the Trade
I'nion are not, in principle at least, opposing parties in
Socialism: in object, they are one and the same, and it is
only as a n'sult of certain features of war legislation that
they ha\-e appeared to be rival elements.
It may ,be urgid that th(> employer was even more of an
autocrat than was desirable in the eyes of the demagogue, and
therefore, to say that his foothold in his own property has
been cut from beneath his feet is all to the good. Be that
as it may, it is now widely realised that after the war the old
order in iadustr\- \nll not lie tolerated by tin; people. And
since Democracy is. the battle-cry of the Allied cause, it
would be perfidy were we to thwart at home and during
the work of reconstruction the realisation of that ideal which
figures s<i prominently in the statements of our war aims..
DiscipHne, or the obedience to an established order, thbre
must be in industry as in every phase of public and private life.
Just as the old limitations to industrial progress and pros-
perity, the re.-^ult of so many of tho.se fallacies with \nTiich
Labour has become imbued, must be swept away, so tlicrc
must be concessions on the part of Capital. The employer
must acquire a broader sympathy with the just needs ut
working-men and women, thereby showing that order and
efficiency in the business contribute to the prosperity of all
concerned in it.
It is difficult, however, to be very sanguine as to the in-
dustrial future after the war. Capital and Labour arc still,
for the most part, at daggers drawn e.\en though a super-
ficial harmony has arisen out of the common call of patriotism.
The restraints of the Munitions Act have s?rved to foment
hostility between the two sides : the repeal of the more irksome
of the clauses has come late in the day. The Trades Unions
have beei'i depri\-ed of all power of militant agitation. Where
there have seemed to be flagrant instances of the exploitation
of labour, the resulting strikes ha\e been brought about by
the workers themselves or through the medium of the shoi^
stewards acting j)erforce independently of their official
organisations. On the other hand, the issue of almost ev-ery
labour disputi' during the war has been a surrender on the
})art of the Government, as controllers of the munitions
t'stablishments, to the workers '{demands. Such a procedure,
howe\Tr reprehensible in some respects, has at least kept
the wheels of industry in steady motion, and has, moreover,
been the only fair course jwssible. in view of the uncurbed
fall in the buying-power of money.
\\'hen the war is o\er and the much-\"aunted schemes for
reconstruction come to the test, this method of oiling tjic
labour machine will not be economically possible. Of the
financial dangers of such .1 practice, even under the conditions
of the moment, one has gra\-e fears : when the har\est of war
has been reaped and the fruits of — let us hope — victory-
garnered, we shall not be able to sow the seeds of the new life
at the cost of an unlimited and ever-increasing wage-bill.
How then are we to ensure a reasonable stability in industry
such as shall create a contented public and. at the same time, .
preserve the capital credit of the country without which
economic progress is impossible ?
The greater part of the schemes afoot deal with questions
of securing to labour a more satisfying share m the fruits of
commerce. It is now, in fact, acknowledged that the pro-
ducer must receive, whetlicr by a system of profit-sharing or
by a form of wage-bonus, appreciable recompense for his
part in achancing the output of the factory.
Such, briefl3% is the impUwl moti\e of the Whitley rejwrt.
The recommendations of this committee have been" adopted
by the War Cabinet as a basis for post-war reconstruction ,
and already, as described in the Contemporarv Review, they
lia\-e been instituted in the form of the Painters' and Deco-
lators' Joint Council. A similar system of joint management
by employers and workers' representatives is in force in the
textile trades. It is early days to venture an opinion upon
so new a principle as co-operation where before were niistnist
and antagonism, but surely this scheme, c(miplying as it docs '
w itJi one (jf labour's strongest aspirations — the desire to call
its soul its own — can meet only with opposition in this quarter
if at all. on points of detail. " ^^
For there is nothing more essential to any policy of recon-
struction than the inclusion of the \yorkman's opiiiion in the ,
councils of the directors of industry'-. It must be admitted
tliat questions of purely commercial policy such as tendering ■
for contracts or considerations of extension of plant, to
name but two instances, are prima facie matters which, for
the present must be left to the judgment of the commercial
or technical expert. With the spread of education, however,
and above all when a sane grasp of economic truths has
supplanted the false though seducti\-e shibboleths of the
worst type of trade agitator, the ^•iews of working-class ;
representatives will carry weight in shaping the whole policy
of commerce.
For the present it is with questions of employment and '
wages and with the conditions of factory life that the opinion
of the workpeople must be consulted. To this end it seems
probable that the present position of shop stewards will
only be modified from that of maintaining an attitude often
liostilt: to the employer to one in which their views, while
.-^till implying in the main a protection of their fellow-men,
w ill come lu be \-alurd by a manager as those of an ally in
promoting ultimately the welfare of the country at larg'-
January lo, iqiS
LAND & WATER
13
Christmas on a ''Happy'' Ship
By Lewis R. Freeman
Mr. Lcit'is R. Freeman, the distinguished American
jcyiirnalist, ivkose writings are familiar to readers of
Laxd & Water;' is now ifilh the British Grand fket.
THERE was a hint of Christmas in the long stacks of
parcels mail on the station platform and the motley
array of packages in the hands of the waiting sailors,
but for the rest there was nothing to differentiate
the " Flcetward "-bound train from the same train as one
might have seen it on any other day of the year. There is
only a certain small irreducible minimum of men which can
be spared from a fighting sliip at any time that it is liable to
be sent into action, and the season sacred to the Prince of
Peace is no exception.
To the average land-lubber nothing could appear nearer
to the height of misfortune than the lot of the sailor who has
to leave a nice, warm, comfortable hearthside in the south
of England and return to his unceasing vigil in the storm-
tossed northern seas at the one time of year set apart above
all others for the family and the home, and I did my best to
introduce a note of sympathy into my voice when I tried to
condole with the ruddy-faced man-o'war's man who had
kindly volunteered to help me find my compartment.
" 'Ard to be goin' back abord on Crismus Day, you think,
sir ? " he asked with a grin. " P'haps it is jest a bit 'ard
to leave the missus jest now, but — ther' ain't no qu'ues in
Scarpa Flow, an' I've got a jolly good lot o' mates waitin'
fer me on the ol' . She's a happy ship if ther' ever wu/,
an, an' Crismus at sea ain't 'arf so bad as you mite think,
sir."
That there were several \hundred similar-minded philoso-
phers travelhng by that train became evident at a point
where they met and mingled for a space with some of the
" lucky " ones who were gathering there to go home on a
leave which had providentially coincided witli the holiday
season. Scan as closely as I would the men in the long blue
lines, there was nothing to distinguish the " returning from "
to the " going on " save the fact that the former were bulging
with Christmas parcels.
Nor was there about any of the officers I met in the course
f>f my northward journey any suggestion of an air of martyr-
dom on account of the' fact that it was their lot to spend
Christmas afloat instead of ashore. One of them was going to
join a Destroyer Flotilla leader, and was too busy con-
gratulating himself on the fact that he was to be second to a
commander who had the reputation of having a'" nose for
trouble," and the faculty of always being " among those
l)rescnt " when anything of inten?st occurred in the North Sea
to have time to lament the fact that he was missing— this
time by only a couple of days— his eighth consecutive Christ-
mas with his family. Another had equally high hopes of the
life of adventure which awaited him on the light cruiser h(^
had been ordered to report to, and a third entertained me for
an hour with yams of Ward Room pranks on a battleship
to which he was returning after a special course in gunnery
at a south-coast port. It was the latter who used the identical
expression in describing his ship as had been employed by the
sailor I have quoted above.
" She's a happy ship, is the old ," he said with an
affectionate smile, " and it's glad I am to b? getting back to
her again."
The only man I met on the whole journey who seemed in
tJie least sorry for himself was a thing's Messenger — he was
carrying a turkey under one arm and a dispatch box under
the other— who complained that his schedule would not take
him back to London until Christmas afternoon.
On the battleship to which I reported about the onlv
evidence of Vule-tide obser\-ablc on mv arri\al was the huge
accumulation of " home-bound " letters which the Ward
Room officers were engaged in censoring. The day before
Christmas was distinctly " routine," with just a suggestion of
festivity beginning to become manifest toward evening.
The loungers by the Ward Room fire smoked, chatted and read
the paper for an hour after dinner was over, but showed no
disposition to melt away to bed as in the usual order of things.
.\bout ten o'clock a violin, banjo and a one-stringed fiddle
with a brass horn attached made their appearance, and upon
these never entirely harmonising instruments their owners
began inconsequentially to strum and scrape. As fragments
of familiar airs became faintly recognisable, the loungers
began to lay aside papers and cigars and to join in the choruses
in that half-furtive manner so characteristic uf the Briton
in* his first forc-ninning essays at " close harmony." Until
lie is assured of the vocal support of his neighbour, "there is no
sfiund in the worifl— from tlic ni;ii of Du- lion t" tin- ni:ir of
the cannon— which the average Enghshman dreads so much-as
that of liis own voice raised in song.
Volume increased . with confidence, and it was not many
minutes before the choruses were booming at full blast. . For
a while it was the more popular numbers from the late London
re\ues which had the call, but these soon ga%-e way to rag-
time, and that in turn to those old familiar songs which liavo
warmed the hearts and bound closer the ties of comradeship
of the good fellows of the .'^nglo-Saxon world since ships first
began to set sail from the shores of England to people tlie
ends of the earth. From " Clementine " and " Who Killed
Cock Robin ? " to " S^fanec River," and " ^My Old Kentucky
Home," there was not a song that I had not heard — and even
boomed raucously away in the choruses of myself — a hundred
times in all parts of America. Every one of them is in the
old " College Song Book," not a one of them, but which
ever^• man of the miUion America is training for the Grcit
Fight could have joined in without faking a word or a note.
k slight shifting of the gilt braid on the blue sleeves, a re-
shuffling of the papers and magazines on the table, and the
Ward Room of the might have passed for that of any
-Vmcrican battleship. The interposing of four poster and
pennant peppered walls, the placing of the lounging figures in
proper mufti, and you would have had a room in an .\merican
college " frat house " or club. The men, the songs, the
\ibrant spirit of good fellowship would have done for either
of the settings.
Poignantly suggestive of the thi — '•f bygone college days
was the change which came over i rit of the scene wlien
an exuberant young sub-lieutenant oegan doing stunts by
trying to climb round a service chair without touching the
deck. His inevitable fall upset the tilted chair of a visiting
" snotty," who was playing his mandolin, and an instant
later the two were rolling in a close embrace. Suddenly sonu;
one shouted " scrum !", and with an impetuous rush the
singers ranged themselves into two rival " Rugby " te^ms,
each trying to push the" other against the wall.
Twitching at the stir of long dormant impulses, I restrained
myself with an effort from mixing in the joyous melee, and
maintained my dignit}- as a newly-arrived visitor by backing
into a corner and erecting a sofa barricade against the swirling
human tide.
" Shades of Stanford and old Encina Hall " (I found myself
gasping), " it's a ' rough-house,' a real college ' rough-house.' "
While it lasted that " scrum " had all the fierce abandon of a
F'reshman-Sophomorc " cane rush," but even at its very
climax (when it had apset the electric heater and was threaten-
ing to engulf the coal stove) there was a differentiation. One
sensed rather than saw the thread of control restraining it,
and knew that e\-ery pushing laughing player of the game was
subconsciously alert for a signal that would send him, tense
and ready, to the performance of tho'ie complexly-simple duties
training for which he had given the l)est part of his life.
" Rugger " gave place to " chair polo," and that highly
diverting sport in turn to comparati\-ely " formal" bouts of
wrestling and feats of strength and agility. It was while a
row of shirt-sleeved figures were at the height of a " bat "
competition (which consisted of seeing which one could hang
the longest by his toes from a steel beam of the ceiling) that
the Fleet Surgeon edged gingerly in behind my barrier and
remarked that it was " funny to think how that up-ended
line of young fighting cocks might be tumbling from their
roost to go to action stations at the next tick of the clock.
.\nd they'd fight just like they play," he went on, fingering a
sprained wrist that was proffered for diagnosis. " We'\e
not a single case of any kind in the hospital to-day, and the
men are just as healthy in mind as they are in body. It's
half the battle, let me tell you, to live on a happy ship."
Christmas morning broke cold and clear, with a royslering
wind from the north furrowing the Flow with translucent,
ridges of white-capped jade and chrysoprase. AU but the
imperative routine cluties of the ship were suspended and the
men spent many hours decorating the m»ss deck for their
mid-day feast. When all was ready the band, its variou.?
members masquerading as everything from Red Cross nurses
and ballet girls to German naval prisoners and American cow-
boys, came to lead the Captain and Ward Room officers on
their ceremonial Christmas \isiting round. F'rom mess to
mess we marched, the capering liand leading the way and a
policeman with a " sausage ' club sheplierding the
stragglers at the rear. Flvery table was loaded not only with
its Christmas dinner, but also with all the gifts received by
those who sat then-, as well as with any trinkets or souvenirs
they had jiicked up in the course of their foreign cruises.
i';-.l)e<iaH\- and iiitciitiniKilK- coiispicnous were numerous
14
LAND & WATER
Januaiy lo, 1918
home photographs, stuck up in or propped against tin- cakes
and bQX#s of sweets. Most of the tables had " Merry Christ-
mas " ;iml \arious otlier seasonal mottoes printed with letters
ingeniously built from cigarettes.
A running fire of greeting met us at every turn, and at
each table cigarettes, sweets, or chunks of succulent plum
pudding were pressed U}»n us. Acceptance for the most part
was on the ancient " touch and remit " system. I noticed
that the officers sjxjke to most of the men directly under them
by name, and tliat the exchange of greetings was invariably
of unfeigned cordiality on both sides. The tour completed
the band escorted us "aft where, with a hearty three cheers
and a " tiger " for the Captain and Commander severally,
aud the Ward Room officers jointly, it left us and rollicked
back to serenade the f casters forward.
Christmas chapel was a simple Church of England service
without a sermon, followed by Holy Communion for those
who desired to celebrate it. Luncheon, in order that the
Ward Koom servants could be free for feasting with their
mates, was on the buftet plan, each officer serving himself
from a side table.
Two or three of the men with whom I had spoken in the
coQise of the morning round, had used that now faniiUar ex-
pression about the good fortune of being on a " happy "
ship, but the climax was capped that evening at dinner (at
which the Ward Room entertained the Warrant Officers)
when the Captain employed it in explaining the easy bon
camaraderie characterising that interesting occasion. I had
told him how many times I had heard the words in question
since my arrival, and asked him point blank if I was
to assume by implication that the other ships of the Fleet
were only dismal prisons of steel in comparison.
" Perhaps the men would try to make you believe .something
to that effect," he laughed, " but so also would those of the
' ,' and the • ', and the' ' regarding each other, the
rest of the squadron and the whole of the Grand Fleet. As a
matter of fact, if you had been on any one of them during the
last twenty-four hours, you would probably have seen and
heard and experienced just about what you have seen and
heard and experienced here. You will not go far wfong if
\o\\ say we are all " Happy Ships " up here. The " Happy
Ship " is a tradition of the Kritish Navy, and it's tlie one type
of craft which does not become out-of-date with the march of
science and the passage of the years."
The Skipper
By Francis Brett young
AT Algiers, in the early spring of ^914, one lived
f^k a very pleasant life. Our days were spent
/ ^ in a Moorish garden of the Frais Vallon, a
JL .^.valley that has not been idly named, with a bucket
well of sweet water that one pumped to feed the terraces
where orange trees and lemons and medlars were growing.
All the terraced walks were set with stone benches on which
one could sit in the bright morning and watch the goats
feeding, and their keepers asleep on the hillside beyond the
valle\". It was a world of the tender colour of ancient
Moorish tiles : blue and white and yellow. Blue skies, and
in the mouth of the valley a bluer sea ; pale lamps of lemon
and orange fruit and a prodigious growth of the yellow
flowered weed that the French call vinaigrette.
White gleamed the square wall? of our villa, and its cool
courtyard was paved with the same cracked tiles that were so
old and so cunningly coloured as to seem made for those
very days and for no others. In the Frais VaUon itself
there were diversions. A little way down the road there
lived an old and very bitter Lorrainer with his three sons,
fine, rugged, red-beaded fellows. In the evening he would
talk to us of the war that was going to be, and explain
exactly why the French, with the worst of luck, didn't win
the battle of Trafalgar. " He thinks of nothing but war,"
said the eldest boy smiling and shaking his head. Indeed,
M. Schuh (that was his name), dealt in explosive violence,
being a maker of fireworks. Well, by now he will have had
enough of fireworks to last him for this life. I often wonder
what has become of those splendid sons of his . . . . And
then, if one were tired of M. Schuh and of his idol Deroulede,
one might descend, at the hour of the aperitif, to the citv
of Algiers itself, in a little two-horse diligence which Manocl,
tlie Spaniard, dro\-e, cooing to his horses all the way down.
Thiis to the centre of the city where all nations meet on the
terrace of the Grand Cafe TanlonviUc, whose orchestra is
nearly as loud as the trams which go clanging past it.
A wonderful place, bright with the uniforms of Zouaves
and Chasseurs d'Afrique and with the flowing robes of certain
Arabs, backsliders of Islam, who drank absinthe and posed
before the eyes of European woman. That night, I remember,
a Swedish gunboat had put in to port, and her crew moved
clumsily, being a little fuddled with the wine of the Sahcl.
between the close-set tables. Tall and fair-haired, so curiously
northern and remote, they gave me the fancy of a party of
wondering Goths moving slowly through the markets of ancient
Alexandria with its noisy Mediterranean crowd. They
threaded their way between our tables and were gone, and
behind, them in curious contrast came the skipper and his
friend Antonio.
Here, at any rate, there was no chance of a misunderstanding.
From his dusty bowler hat to his black boots he was English,
and so, for that matter, was his companion. Antonio had
been drinking. How much it would be difficult to say, though
his loose mouth and rather haggard eyes warned one that it
wasn't for the first time. The skipper wore the blue serge
reach-me-downs that they sell at little shops in Bute Street,
Cardiff. Antonio's suit was of a more ambitious cut. They '
had given him a waist which went a little to the winds in
front, a defect in form that his solid gold watch-chain accen-
tuated that evening for the last time. He was unshaven
and his collar was dirty. I suppose that a Cardiff collier is
not a paradise for linen. The skipper's collar was dirty too.
But that didn't matter in his case. The trouble with the
other fellow was just that he was too damned pretentious.
He talked French, bad French, expansively, to the waiter,
who was Maltese. He ordered brandy, glass after glass of it.
I counted eight. And the skipper, too, did his bit, drinking
stolidly, always serious and contained and somehow re-
sentful. He spoke very little. I couldn't catch his accent.
.Antonio did enough talking for both of them and to spare.
A ragged Arab boy came past with a tray of flowers, Parma
\ iolets, tied up tightly in leaves of the wild arum wiiich were
unfolding in the hedgerows about that time. The skipper
bought a bunch and gave the boy a franc.
" You fool ! " Antonio scoffed.
'' I can't be worried with their French money," said the
skipper. He began to pull the bunch to pieces with square
tipped, clumsy fingers that were grimed with coal dust. He
found that he had been badly had ; there were only four or
five blooms cunningly expanded in the green. Antonio
thought it an excellent joke. He slapped the skipper on the
back and told him that in future he'd better trust to him.
" All you want is to talk French," he said. " You listen
ro me, and then they won't make a damned fool of you."
I saw the skipper's neck go red. He laid a square hand on
Antonio's shoulder and whispered to him sharply.
" English ? " . . . said Antonio, gaping. "■" English ?
... Go to hell with your English ! " The skipper
smiled. I have never seen a more uncomfortable smile.
Then he cleared liis throat, and before I could guess what
was going to happen, he had turned towards us and was
presentmg the little bouquet of violets to my wife. He raised
his hat. " You'll excuse me taking the liberty. Ma'am,
but they are no use to me, and it is a treat to see an English
lady among so many of these these people."
The delicacy of the act was astounding, and it came so
queerly from this grimy merchant seaman. We thanked
lum, and he hurried to explain to me that he had been driven
to this form of introduction by fear for his companion's
language. Antonio, struggling with the waiter in the toils of
the trench language, heard nothing, and the skipper hurriedly
explanied.
" ^"^P'lio • • • that's my friend here, or rather what
I call him, because of his telegraphic address ... has
been at me for the last half-hour saying your lady was not an
l-.nglishwoman. If you don't mind my saying so, he said
that no Englishwoman had ankles like that. I warned him.
1 told hmi that I could tell an English lady in a thousand,
ankles or no ankles. But he wouldn't stop. Antonio can't
carry it . , . that's the trouble. And so I had to
apologise . . . and as far as I could see there was no
other way but in taking the liberty which I did."
By this time Antonio had settled to another glass of brandy.
He sat looking at us solemnly like a decrepit bird. " I shall
have to introduce him to you if you'll allow me," said the
skipper. " He'll all right, you know. All right . ,
barnng that. It's a first-cla'ss firm. Very well known in
coaling circles Anthony Berrett and Co. Cables : " Antonio."
1 hat's wiiat I call my friend here for short."
Antonio nulled himself together, began, rather too obviously
January lo, 1918
LAND & WATEK
15
to set off the gentility of nis accem against his unshaven chin
and his dirty collar. Still he didn't do it badly.
" I told my friend the Captain here, from the first, that
your wife was English, sir. Delightful to meet an Enghshman
in these . . . these surroundings."
He waved his hand. There was no way, indeed, of getting
free from his attentions. He produced a card-case, cards.
In five minutes his intimacy had run to photographs of his
wife and two children. Rather a handsome woman in a
florid way : I suppose ten years ago Antonio had been some-
thing of a catch in Newport or Cardiff, or wherever it was ;
and the children were charming. My wife kept her end up as
well as she could, and while she did so the skipper pulled round
his chair to face me, so that I became particularly conscious
of the tight blue serge, wrinkled horizontally over his thighs,
his soiled collar, and over it his simple ruddy face and his
very puzzled eyes. He spoke in a low voice. " You muss
excuse nie, sin and particularly your lady. But in a way of
speakin' you're a godsend if ever there was one."
He produced a cigarette case of imitation morocco from
his pocket, fumbled with a visiting card. He handed it to
me. It ran : Capt.\i.n' J.^mes A. Williams, S.S. Gower Hall.
" Captain Williams ! " I said.
" That's my present name," he repUed. " But you never
know. I've been master of this ship for five years. But you
never know. One of these days she'll put her nose into a
cargo of iron ore out of Bilbao or get piled up on Limdy, and
then there won't be much Captain about it. It's hke tempting
providence to print that word. Only these cards — "
he became more and more confidential^" was a Christmas
present from my wife's sister. She's all for the Captain and
that. Williams is my name, James Williams. Leave the
Captain out of it. I say you're a godsend, meaning that if
it wasn't for you being here I should have the devil's own
job with Antonio. It's bad enough to have been shipmates
with him from Cardiff to Algiers. Ten days of it. But to
get the beggar loose in this place at night is more than I'm
up to."
Over my shoulder I heard Antonio asking the waiter for
aloueiles. He meant matches.
Antoni > broke in : " Now sir, what about a Uttle drink ?
Come on, Skipper, come on. You're frightened of it ! "
Another round of brandy ; and the skipper, gulping it
down with the most obvious distaste, smiled that curious
protesting smile of his. A moment later Antonio began to
pick a quarrel with an American captain whom he was anxious
to instruct in a fine point of navigation. The Grand Cafe
Tantonville was no place for us. As we turned to go the
skipper pressed my hand fervently. " Very much obliged to
you, sir, and to your lady. You see I'm in for it to-night."
II.
He was in for it. How thoroughly I never imagined till
next day when I met liim wandering along the great boule-
vard above the harbour w all not far from that particular cafe
which sea captains frequent. Its name I forget ; but if you
are an Enghshman and wear a blue serge suit the waiters
will call you " captain " and bring you beef as a matter of
course. There,'' in the pecuHarly hard light which the white
causeway and tlie whiter fronts of the colonnade reflect, the
skipper looked a rather meaner figure than before. He was
still unshaven, and the beard had grown : his collar was a
little dirtier, his trousers more obviously acquainted with
the engine-room. I never saw a man more stoUdly down in
the mouth. " Well, where's Antonio ? " I asked.
" Antonio. . . ." He swore steadily and without heat
for longer than I should have imagined possible. It had
begun with a quarrel, the one which I had seen blowing up
in the Tantonville. Tlien to the Casino : a place that was a
mixture of musical hall and gambling den. There Antonio
had won money : that was the worst of it for the skipper had
been looking forward to a process of natural exhaustion which
was thus miraculously stayed. Still the skipper stuck to hini.
He followed Antonio scattering twenty-five franc notes in the
alleys and escorted by an appreciative crowd, through an
arched door in the middle of a dancing house.
"You know those dances," said the skipper wearily;
" the kind you can see in any port between Marseilles to
Honolulu. Nothing in 'em."
Outside, in the clear night air Antonio had escaped him,
the devil kmw how, and half the rest of that night he had
spt-nt walking the straight and hilly ways of the Arab city.
" About four o'clock this morning," said the .skipper,
" I got down to the ship and went below. I hadn't been
aslecji more than a couple of hours when in comes Antonio
wanting money. Money. . . . Well, I told Mr. .\ntonio
what I thought of him : him a man with a position and a
family. ' CaJm yourself, old chap,' he says, just like that.
' I've got to have it. I've had the bad luck to lose my watch
as well as your revolver.
The skipper glared at me as if it were I who had stolen it.
" One thing I know," he said, " and that is that if I have
to lose the ship i'll never take a 'gentleman on board again.
You'll excuse my saying so : but you know how 1 feci. That's
what comes of being the master of a ship. You think you're
going to be God Almighty and then the owners come and
plant a thing like this on you. Back I go to Cardiff and the
first thing they'll ask mc is what have you done with Antonio.
Unless I put him in irons at every port I shall have lost him.
It's my luck. - It's always been the same. Now listen. My
wife's a Catholic. ... a Roman Catholic. I don't
think any the worse of her for it. She's a good woman when
she's away from her sister. Voyage after voyage she hears
of me taking coal to Italy, and nothing will satisfy the woman
but to come with me and see Rome. Now she's a bad sailor,
and inclined to be stout. A fine time I had with her, I can
tell you. It's an awful thing to see a woman of that size sick.
When we came to Civita Vecchia she goes and slips on a gang-
way . . . weak, you know with the sickness, and breaks
her leg. And that's all she ever saw of Rome. That's what
hapf)ens. I wish I'd never seen this ship A man's
happiest when he's a mate. I assure you there's nothing in
it but trouble nothing but trouble."
By this time we had wandered a good way to the east, and
I noticed that his eyes were constantly turning towards the
forest of masts which rose above the docks. At last he stopped
me, tapping me on the arm.
" There she is ? " he said.
" Where ? "
" The red funnel with a white band and two red stars.''
I looked in the direction which he gave me and picked out
with difficulty a funnel of this description springing holt
upright from one of the most villainous little craft I ha\'e ever
seen. She was very small, resembling some undersized and
stunted mongrel ; her smoke stack was caked with spray and
soot, her decks were foul with coal ; her ensign, tattered and
drooping, hung miserably astern.
" There she is," said the skipper again.
I looked at him. It was an extraordinaiy transformation,
or, if you will, transfiguration. All his distress and grumbling
discontent were suddenly gone. His tanned, square face
became somehow almost beautiful. The change would have
been ridiculous if it hadn't really been the symbol of a rapt
and lovely ectsasy. It's an amazing thing how emotion of
that kind communicates itself. In that moment I felt tliat
I would have done anything in^the world for the master of the
Gawer Hall.
" She's a fine little packet," he said, gripping my arm.
" The best sea-boat I ever sailed in. It isn't fair for you to
look at her now when she's discharging a cargo of coal. You
want to see her when I've got 'em to work on the white deck
paint. White deck paint on a collier, eh ? You want to see
her spinning along at eight or nine knots. My chief '11 get her
up to ten all-out. One of these days you must come aboard.
My steward's a Jap. Say what yoti like about the Japs, but
they do know how to cook. If only I had this Antonio off
my mind. . . ."
We walked up again to the restaurant of which I have
spoken where they gave us an uncomprising steak with the idea,
no doubt, of reminding the captain of Cardiff.
" This is the first food," he smiled, ■" that I've tasted for
twenty-four hours. I want you to consider yourself my guest
for all your sympathy," he said, and when I protested, thinking
of the little house in Cardiff and of those aml^itious visiting
cards : " You know, the owners always allow us so much for
entertaining in a business way."
We parted and tliat day I saw no more of him or of .\ntonio.
He was bound, I knew, for Bougie, the next port along the
coast, where he was due to pick up a cargo of some metal. . .
I think it was copper, and 1 gave the matter no more thought
till, lounging upon the sea wall about the time of sunset, I
happened to see a misshapen httle steamboat putting out
to sea. It was a wonderful evening, a dull red going down
behind the serene skyhne on which the church of Notre-Dame
d'Afrique stands, ancl all the bay the colour of deep jade and
very calm. I recognised the starred smoke-stack of the
Gowcr Halt, butting out stubbornly, with something of the
skipper's own stunted energy, into the paler sea in whch the
light of Cape Matifou would soon blink out. " A funny
business," I thought, " just as some damned little coasting
tramp comes in and hes alongside a stranger at a foreign
quay, we human creatures bump one another and get taken up
for an hour or two quite intimately into the woof of each other's
lives. And that's the end of it. I shall never see Antonio
or Captain James Williams or the Gower Hall again, and yet
in some, corner of our brains, even though we don't suspJect
it, we shall always remember one another. I, at any rate,
shall always remember liow Mrs. Williams broke her leg on
the wav to sec the Pope. A funnv business."
i5
LAND & WATER
J anuary loT^lli
Shadows and the Rocks
By WilHam T. Palmer
SOME sjlorioiis courses among the rocks have been
tli>eo\ered by some trick of evening; sliadow. The
( rocii on Sgiimain in tiie Coolen was not known to
tJie craft until a sharji-eved professor nosed a tiny d(»t
of sunshine against tiie sliadowed slal^s. The crag itself is
curious, and curiously situated. It is perched on a shoulder
i>i rock, a solitary boulder, and only approachable across a
stretch of slabs more or less teciuiically ditlicult.
In Cumberland tiie famous Tapes Needle was disclosed in
]>ractically identical manner, though the chmb had to wait
longer for its conciueroi-. Nowadays, tramping down the
stony track below Sprinkling Tarn, every eye turns mechani-
callv towards the Tapes hedge as it appears gradually over
the" lessening buttress of (7reat End. Old landmarks are
settled anew, the grey sconces at the foot of climbers' gullies,
the ptrched blocks abo\-e, the sharp ribs and edges, and then
in the maze of fretted stone, the sharp tip of the Needle
Ix'conies a certainty, and eye and mind travel no further
until a bend of the jjath throws that wilderness of rock into
new confusion, and view of the Needle is lost. From Wasdaie
Head, in tlie deep trough west of the mountains, the Needle
ilames like a candle on those rare evenings when the rocks
are wet and the sun shines clear from the horizon. A keen
eye can usually identify the lower of broken rocks in the even-
ing light. It is a patch of lighter hue amidst the tangled
shadows of gullies and arches, ' ^if ■
In the Alps, many famous routes were located by sunset
shadow — a crescent of snow blue in 'a region of pitiless silver
has drawn the eye of the mountaineer. .Possibly beneatli
such a point existed the shallow groove, the deep cleft, through
which lay the route to the summit. In the far-off Rockies
of Canada, a steep, even dangerous first approach to the top
of Mount Robson was discovered by its. shadow, and in the
Himalayan sunset many a telescope has been levelled from
Darjeeling and other stations among " The Hills " at that
wrinkle which slants up the highest snows of Mount Everest ,
which avoids that series of deadlv pinnacles, and seems to
give a fair path to the summit. Years ago, how one dreaded
to hear that some band of German cpiasi-professors should
intrigue a permission, forbidden to Briton by the Govern-
ment of India, and be the first to set foot on that virgin peak.
The Abode of Snow, which stands for so much in some of the
theologies of our liastern peoples.
Shadow routes do not alwa\s lead to success. The wav
is apt to start fair and either "to lead away from the desired
objective, or to end tamely against some holdless face of
rock. Tlie deep cleft of O.ssian's Cave above Glencoc is a
case in point. The shadow is good and strong, but even the
scramble into the " Ca\e " (which is merely a rock-archway
crowning a gully set at a high angle) is no joke. E.xperts
only can pass directly beyond liy a couple of narrow cracks
in the overhanging wall. A fabulous length of Alpine rope
is run out before the leader reaches the first safe and com-
modious ledge, from which he can assist and supervise his
second's ascent. On Lliwcdd in wild Snowdonia, a line of
lire marks at many a sunset a splendid arete, but the course
is just a medley of buttresses and slabs foreshortened, super-
imposed, tricked out by the flood of light, and is not coherent
at all. One remembers, from experience, a guUv which the
sunset " set on end," and the hopeless, miserable scramble
which was necessary before one was persuaded of the illusion.
The upright pillars of mountains were, by cold daylight,
scarce visible at all ; rotten rocks, earthv ledges, inossy!
lichened slabs, abomination of vegetation, of dripping sjirings
wer-t' encountered where one luwi seen clear ,i-ock and sound
going indeed.
No one believes in either the moon's high lights or her
shadows, else one would be- groping on the hill-side opposite
my tent to-day. Up there last night I saw a niightv abvss
and some splendid towers of rock, but the hillside luis faflen
back to Its jiroper mildness, and a few nodules of broken
stone among which the sheep are ])lacidlv grazing is all that
remains of that series of gicat rock problems. I am not
fond of moonlight rambles among the hills and the rocks.
Get down to the valley road in decent time, and do not wander
trom tiie direct route even in that morose, alluring place
llarta Corrie of Skye. The difiiculties, even seen from a
distance, are distorted, rendered fantastic, by moonlight- -
one needs no further pattern for a rock-climber's nightmare
than, say, the west front of the Pillar Rock in Cumberland
as seen from the black throat of the Gnat Doup beneath.
It vould need a question of life or death to niako one
\cutuie on the sheer crags, even bv known > ourscs there, bv
lU'jonhjjht. but one admits a bciaiuble or two ia stfirlJgUt, cvui
in complete darkness. .Mr. Rooke Corbeit, of the RiK'k>ack
(and many another) club claims tliat it is easier togct. im ai^l
down a cliff at night by conventional climbing methods on
cour.ses of moderate difliculty than it is under the sar4i<'
conditions to outflank the crag. While not so enthusiastic,
V)iie would admit that it is easier to descend, with an average
partv of novices, such a short piect- as the Broad Stand or the
North Climb down to Mickledore ridge than to pass ,tlie
. caern ofScafelland to find and negotiate the steep scree-walk
of Lord's Rake on the western edge of the chff. But, any-
way, the problem must be led by a seasoned climber. ' The
novice and the tourist is better advised to shirk all chffs at
night, although it may involve turning up at the Woolpack
in Eskdale instead of at the Royal Oak at Rosthwaite in
Horrowdale. At such times geographical considerations may
well play second fiddle to safety. But few old climbers will
admit that descending a chff at night is worth the trouble and
danger involved. Probably they arc right. There is a limit
to shado\v-\vays.
Storm Shadows
The sliadow of storm plays its pranks among the rocks,
but hardly to the lielp or safety of climbers. But one has
found, in the fierce glare before a thunderstorm, the key to a
new and satisfactory course. It was on a ridge of the Coolin ,
and the light playing round from the north-east touched into
notice a crevice In" which a difliciilt cave-pitch was sur-
mounted neatly and safely. I'p wc went lapidlv, pulled out
of the gully, and on to the great slab which makes the upper
peak. Then we found that the advantage of our course was
to us of dubious value. Had not this variation tempted us,
the cave would have been our shelter, or the base for a safe,
if damp retreat. The clouds hurled themselves against the
upper rocks and in a few minutes the air round us was full of
spra\'. For an hour we balanced on insignificant ledges, in
the centre of something not unlike a cloud burst, for sheets of
water slid down the slabs, and at times one felt that but little
more fluid would wash us down to the foot of the rocks.
A drenching is a small matter to the climber, but to be made
a watercourse while negotiating a steep open slab was a new,
chiUing and uncomfortable experience. It made little differ-
ence to us that the floods were out ui the glen.
When the clouds are sweeping over the hills, one finds that
they make .shadow at certain points. There is that feather
of mist which so often marks Twll Dn (th<- Devil's Kitchen)
above Llyn Idwal in North Wales. That is a sinister rift :
a strong stream daslies itself into vapour chi the rocks beneatli
and the two bodies combine to a definite smudge. But
one would not climb to such a plact; anticipating the sport of
the rocks. There are sheer walls, there is a gloomy,' romantic
gulf, but what holds there are are rotten, unsafe" affairs and
the direct ascent of the Devil s Kitchen wall is a tribute to
good nerxes, good climbing technique, and a wonderful ej c
for the best of bad rock.
The vagaries of i^ist are too well known to mountain
ramblers to need any 'description. One has heard of a j^arty
i)i rock-climbers shortening a holiday on the cra^s of BuchailVe
l'"tivc Mhor, in order to spend three da\s on some alluring
crags near Ardlui, whici they had located, through the mist-
wreaths, as the train was whirling them up Glen F'alloch.
Even moonlight cannot compare with mist for distortion.
I am writing tlitse lines in sight of a fifteen-foot wall of rock
which, on my firsi \isit, turiiked me aside. How it towered,
grey, gaunt, |;rim, with plumes and crossbelts of white puffs !
Nowhere did there seem to be a \ ulnerable point. Nowadays
one laughs at such an apparition. One has paned again and
again the maxim tliat no rock course can be termed impossibk
until one's hands have gripped its holds. Was it not Mum-
mery who said, or quoted, that no one knew a rock until he
had rubbed his face against it. And rubbing one's face
against the rock is the only way one knows of proving the
advantage of a shadow-course, or of finding that such a course
is a mere break of sun or cloud.
The IMpiiger Neueste Nac/iricMm glori-fies the German x ictory
over Russiii in this strain ;
There is a pus.sibilitv of hastilities being resumed if the
KuMian demands jirc too extensive. But this is not likely to
happen. _for when a national army such as that of Kussia has
aclmitted its defeat and its inability to continue fighting it will
liardly resume the fight in order to gain a bettej mihtarv reputa-
tion m the eyes of the, -norld. Mofvoi-er. there is no question,
vt n ever again b^int; ui a poniihn to rccwcr the tcrrlfviy it hat
/ost. The Italics are ours.
Januarv lo. 1918
LAND & WA.TER
Etfe anil iteirers
By J. C. Squire
77
Sir Arthur Helps
PROBABLY. jno5t modern people, confuse Sir Arthur
Helps with Smile's Self Help : and certainly both
were edihing and neither could harm a fly. 1' or the
benefit of such I may explain that Self-Help was a
book, and Sir Arthur Helps was a man. He was a man with
an ample forehead, an ample nose, and an ample beard : all ^
properties commoner in his dav than in ours. He was famous •
for his Friends in Council and a"s editor of the Queen's Highland
journal. He knew a great manv dignitaries ; he ended his
Hfc as Clerk to the Privv Council ; and he died forty years
ago. The Correspmidenc'e of Sir Arthur Helps (John Lane.
I2S. 6d. net) has been published, therefore, after a very long
inter\-al. But no ; it is not full of horrible revelations.
* * * * * '
Xo age is entirely populated by persons of one tvp<% and
it is as stupid to make generalisations about the Victorians
as about "the Ehzabethans." The fact remains that you
have onlj- to mention those two terms to be struck by a differ-
ence of atmosphere. We feel at once that there is something
about the majority of great Victorians which is not present
in the majority of great Elizabethans. Dozens of eminent
Victorians wrote letters, here printed, to Sir Arthur Helps.
Their letters and his are not merely morally blameless : as
a rule, they show real nobility of character, loftiness of aim,
anxiety to be just, tolerant, sympathetic. But they almost
all of "them Hrite as though trovn the pulpit; or as persons
enjoymg a little relaxation out of the piilpit. There is sorne-
thing of the wean,' Titan about them ; they don't complain,
but the task ot maintaining the Cause of Nobility is a little
wearing. Their genuine goodness one cannot but admire,
but one could^ wish that they were sometimes a little less
eager to make it absolutely clear that they mean well to the
whole human race, and that they must not be misunderstood
when they joke, and a little less self-consciously determined
that their every utterance should be characteristic of them.
There is a tinge of smugness and self-satisfaction about it
all ; and this is all the more apparent in those of them, like
Helps himself, who were not only incapable of realising the
comic side of themseh'es, but who scarcely ever settn to have
suspected their own limitations.
*****
Helps knew that he meant to be fair, philanthropic and
progressive ; it never seems to have occurred to him, in spite
of his habit of putting other people's points of view, that he
may sometimes have been wrong or blind. " As all who
knew him are awarCj" says his son, " he had a hatred of war.
a dislike of competfl;i\'c examinations, and \v;as ever oppre.ssed
by a sense of the evils of crowding unhealthy dwellings and
insanitation in large cities." The mere hst is funny ; it is
like saying that a man •believed in God and drank two whiskies
a day. Helps realised that war and chattel-slavery were
great evils ; but it was scarcely difficult to do that;. Faced
with the brutalities and fhe slavery of contemporary in-
dustrialism, he had no such general horror, but merely a few
iiobbies. Mr. Chesterton has talked of the Victorian Com-
jiromise ; this man was simply It. He would be the moderate
man, advising employers to be kind, workmen not to ask for
00 much, governors to be prudent, .mobs to be rcjasonable,
•vePi-body to keep his temper, refrain from invective and
:onsole himself for his afflictions— poverty included — by
neditation and the cultivation of the arts, ("onfronted whh
•conomir and social chaos, all he could suggest was that
ompetitivc examinations were bad, and that foul drains were
1 breeding-ground of sedition. He meant very wefl indeed
when he axlvised tlie emjJoyer, faced with the Chartist, npt
to abuse or assault him, j[)ut to reason with him. If he
" begins with his ' liberty, equaht}-, and fraternity,' tell him
that here there is neither time nor space for such things."
')ne can imagine how blandness like that would work ! The
mixture of this sort of thing with a mild human is what his
Iriends called Helpsianism ; and he obviously relished the
name. "This person, who is now writing," he. says, in a
letter to the \'iceroy of India, " has, amongst~ his many
other faults, a little love of teasing and making fun." Dear
dear; how very naughty !
*****
Still he was an amiable And benevolent soul, and tluy all
Kked him. Many, perhaps most, of their letters acknowledge
presentation copies of his books. He wrote, besides Friends
in Council, a life of the Prince Consort, a history of the
■Spanish Conquest of America, several novels (including one
in favour of emigration -decidedly a no\cl witli a ijurposc —
but he was quite capable of a romantic drama about com-
j)etitive examinations), some plays, and numerous political
l>ooks and pamphlets. He seems to have spread free copies
about so freely that his publisher must almost always ha\-(.;
been certain of a second edition. It is amusing to study, the
replies of his friends. I like best of all Tennyson's, upon
receiving a play in verse called Oulita :
Mv Dk.'Mj Helps,— Thanks for Oulita. I have not yet read it
but I have cut it open, which looks as if 1 meant to read it.
That is a model. If one only acknowledges one's friends
books in this way, one can express one's thanks and avoid
the lies ; for no-one could expect a second letter containing
additional remarks. Carlyle, on receiving The Spanish
Conquest in America^ jvas less terse :
Dkar Hui.ps, — Many kind thanks for this kind gift of your last
\'olunie. It is very pretty reading, like its predecessors,
when 1 dip into it. By and bye, if it please Heaven, I design
to give that Work an E.xamination much worthier of its
qualities than I could vet bestow on it — or anything that has
appeared in its time ; wretched sinner, swallowed in the
I'russian quagmires (fetid as the Stygian), and swimming for
iife (too literally that !) as I have long been.
Most of Carlyle's letters here are like that, in the familiar
posing prose ; he might at least have got off the stilts when
not writing for publication ; and in any other age but that his
friends would have told him — the fastidious reader may
be given a choice of terms — either to stow it or to cheese it.
*****
It may by now be evident that the present reviewer was a
httlo bored" by this volume, is not drawn by the magnetic
charms of Sir Arthur's works, and respects rather than loves
Sir Arthtir himself. E\'ident or not it is true. But tire
dullest book of memoirs is just worth reading, and this is one
of them. There are few, if any, important or amusing
additions to history. One would not expect such in the
letter of one who-^when his circle was scandaUsed by the
publication of Greville's Memoirs — wrote :
I cannot help praising my.self. There will be no papers found
after my death— no diaries — containing disagreeable stories
about people and telhng alk that I have seen and heard of
strange things. I resolved from the first that there should
be an instance of a man who saw and heard much that was
fleeply interesting, but private, and who could hold his tongue
and restrain his pen, for ever. ...
The spirit of this was akin to his 'preference for harmless
generalities in discussion ; we do not go to Brer Rabbit for
information. But, as always, there are entertaining scraps.
We learn that the second Duke of Wellington thought that
we were in honour bound to return Gibraltar to Spain. \\'e
are told that when Dickens had his conversation with Queen
Victoria (Helps appears to have been the tertium quid), the
novelist told his sovereign what President Lincoln dreamt
the night before his murder. Dickens, we know, shared
some of the tastes of his own Fat Boy, but if this is the
sort of small-talk that monarchs arc entertained with, it is
no NN'onder that their heads lie uneasy. We find Lord Morley,
at a lamentably early age, proudly stating that "like Buffon,
I insist on shaving and fine Hnen before sitting down to com-
position " ; which accounts for a good deal. We have a
little light on " the old Germany of Beethoven, of Bach,
Goethe, of Lcssing, of Ltfther and of Arminius " [vide Press)
in Help's own description of his experiences at a Ratisbon
song-festival in 1849 ; .
'Jhe singing was excellent. . . . But there was also
speechifying. Now I could make out some of it, and indeed t
ought to have done so, for every tentli word (literally) was
" Germany," or " Geriiiafi," or '' ]'atherland " ; the orator
divided his subject into three or four sections, and at the end
of each, he thus wound up, " If then you think with me thai
Fatherland, etc." ...
There are also a few anecdotes. A friend of Sheridaiv's met
him and condoled with him on the death of his father. " 1
am very much obliged to you," said the young man, " but
von are" mistaken, 1 saw him myself this morning, and he sait!
that he was alive, and well — Init really he is such a damne(!
liar there's no kiKwing." Sidney Smith, describing a Scotch-
man who in earlier days had been a humble kind of sculptor,
said : " He used to do tombs and Scotch cherubs upon them
with high-cheek bones." And when a Duke of Marlborough
was in I.ondon he received a telegram informing him that one
of the emus had laid an egg, and " in the absence of your
Grace we have taken the largest goose to hatch it." Finally
there is a long lettdr from F'roude, from South Africa, which,
in its heartiness, naturalness and \-ividness, is like a breath
of fresh air amid the worthy priggeries and senile pleasantries
of this astonishingly dull collection.
I?
LAND & WATER
January lO, 1918
Books of the Week
Through the Russian Revolution. By Claude Anet.
With 34 illustrations. Hutchinson. 6s.net.
Soldiers of Labour. By Bart Kennedy. With ten ilUis-
trations by Joseph Simpson. Hodder and Stoughton.
IS. net.
A Lap Full of Seed. ByM.\xPLOWM.'VN. B. H. Blackwell.
3s. 6d. net.
Work-a-Day Warriors. Written and illustrated by LiEU-
TiiNANT Joseph Leii. John Murray. 2S. 6d. net.
Umpteen Yarns. By George Goodchild. Jarrolds.
IS. 3d. net.
Although Mr. Claude Anet only went through the
/% earlier phases of the Russian Revolution, his book,
/_% Throui^h the Russian Revolution , is an incredible story
J^ JLof half a dozen revolts. .Mr. Anet, as correspondent
of the Petit Parisieii travelled with Kerensky, with General
Korniloff, and with M. Albert Thomas in that tour of hopeful-
ness that preceded tlie military breakdown of Russia. He has
given a striking picture of the memorable first of May in
Petrograd, when what seemed to be all Russia marched in
procession to commemorate the coming of liberty ; he has
given yet more striking pictures of things as they were on the
battle fronts of the south, where Roumania was ground between
the upper millstone of her enemies and the nether millstone
of undisciplined Russians. The book is a chaotic tragedy,
dealing with the main -figures of the months that shaped
the Russia of to-day— though " shaped " is hardly a fit
word to use in connection with such a bundle of loose ends as
is this Russia that Mr. Anet shows.
The book is made up of Mr. Anet's impressions, which he
recorded in the form of a diary, of which traces appear unaltered
in these pages. In spite of having had his camera taken
away on one occasion, when Revolutionary soldiers threatened
to bayonet him, the author has managed to save some vividly
interesting photographs for this book, portraits of Kerensky
and Korniloff being among them, as well as views from which
may be gained some idea of what that First of May meant to
Petrograd. The tragedy of the book lies in present
happenings ; in spite of the wild disorder of which this
author tells, there was, at the time of which he writes, a hop(>
that Russia might compose her internal troubles and take her
place again in the fight for liberty ; the German agents had
not then accomplished their work, and Russia promised to
become " free Russia " in reality. But it is a book worth
reading, and the portraits contained in its pages form a unique
collection of the leading figures of last summer.
Full tribute is paid to the men behind the lines in Soldiers
of Labour, by Bart Kenedy, a shilling volume devoted to
descriptions of the various industries contributing their energy
to the war. " Dock-woUoping " miglit seem an unpromising
subject for a writer, but out of the monotonous business of
loading and unloading ships the author has managed to
make a story in which the need for skill as well as strength
on the part of the men is fully shown ; the sailor, the iron-
worker, and the miner, all have places in this record, as have
the young men who have gone out to the firing line from British
industries, but the author has reserved for special mention
the agricultural workers and their tasks. " Man must fight
for his seeds in the battleground of tjie soil, If he were to fail,
his portion would be death," is the text on which the author
bases his chapters on food production — and there are plenty
of object-lessons on this matter available at the present time.
Mr. Joseph Simpson has contributed ten illustrations to this
little book, which is a tribute to the workers out of uniform
who are, equally with the troops in the firing line, doing their
part toward victor}'.
* * * * *
In a recent essay, Mr. John Drinkwater has given a ver}'
good definition of poetry, but, after all, the final definition of
what constitutes poetry as apart from mere verse, lies with the
individual reader. Max Plowman's work in A Lap l-'ull of
Seed is a case in point ; most of the poems in the first part
of the book leave the reader cold and very critical, for they
reek of very young Oxford — plenty of form and very Uttle
life ; but when one comes to the second part of the work,
there is " The Goddess of War," already much quoted, ancl
deservedly so, for it is a fine sonnet ; there is " Wlicu It's
Over," which grips by its very simplicity : —
" Young soldier, what -w-ill you be
Wlien you're next a-bed ? "
" Cod "knows what, but it doesn't matter,
For whenever I think I alwa\s remember,
1'he [Belgians massacred that September,
And England's pledge — and the rest seems chatter.
What if I am dead ? '
This is just a verse out of the pages— all too few— in which
the author has left forms and trivial emotions, and got down
to realities. Not that the earlier part of the work lacks beautx',
for it is eminently graceful— but it lacks the strength of real
feeUng, as if Max Plowman were merely doing exercises.
Apparently tlie war awakened him to feeling.
More simply, almost ruggedly, in Work-a-day Warriors,
Lieutenant Joseph Lee has expressed the thoughts of the
men in the fighting line. Especially are to be noted " Back
to London," with its tale of how familiar things rouse the
deep feeling that nothing in trench life could stir, and ".War,^
some reflections by Corporal Richard Crew of the Canadians."
The corporal is made to talk in dialect, and his thoughts are
set down jerkily, unevenly— just as he might have spoken them.
Here and, throughout this slim book there is life, the weariness
and humour, grim realism and fanciful description, and the
liorror and sadness of the trenches. Among the verses are
set black and white line drawings which prove that the author
is artist as well, and one has only to read a dozen of his pages to
understand that he is a poet in touch with life and its reahties.
*****
Mr. George Goodchild. editor rather than author of Ump-
teen Yarns, has made a collection of those little stories which
men tell to raise a laugh— such of them, that is, as would
pass a censor of public morals— and, although in this collection
there are, unavoidably, a number of chestnuts, yet there are
many good things as well, and many new stories. Quotation
is virtually impossible ; if one made a start, there would be
no possible ending. " Most of it," says Mr. Goodchild,
" is native humour of a kind noticeably absent in the armies
of our AUies and of the enemy. The French have no such
collection of anecdotes — they cannot see the humour of war.
Where the poilu would cry " Vive la France !" Tommy
would probably sing * Another little shell wouldn't do us any
harm.' Real humour is exceedingly difficult to manufacture,
and that is where the British soldier scores. His innate op-
timism, mixed with his external discontent, gives' place to
situations which at times are screamingly funny, and more
so when the chief character concerned is at the moment
sublimely innocent of the joke; only his after broad grin
reveals the fact that he sees the humorous side." That he
does see it is evident from this collection, which contains
specimens of every shade and class of soldiers' humour.
There are scores of good yarns, and the book has only one
defect — -there is not enough of it.
THE BRITISH
FIRING LINE.
A Portfolio of Engravings in Colour
from Drawings made
Ob the Western Front 1914-1917.
BY
Gapt. Ed. Handley-Read
(Machine Gun Corps),
With a Foreword by
Hilaire Belloc.
"T^HE Pictorial Records of the Great War
■^ are few. It is possible and even probable
that they will remain few. ... Of those
who have attempted the task the artist whose
work is here presented is among the most
successful."
From The Foreword.
All particulars will be sent on application to ;
THE PUBLISHER,
" Land & Water," 5 Chancery Lane, W.C.2.
January lo, 1918
LAND & WATER -
Only a Painter
By Charles Marriott
19
SOMEBODY asked Rossetti if he were Mr. Rossetti
tlie pre-Rapluulite, and he said ; " I am not an 'ite
of any sort: I am only a painter." This did not mean
that Rossetti disclaimed sympathy with the Brother-
hood, but only that lie objected to being labelled out of his
trade. There" was a touch of pathos in the reply, because
Rossetti was never master of the painter's trade as he was of
the writer's ; but it siiowed that he took the right view of it
as a dignified occupation.
With even more justice on the technical side, because witli
less imagination than Rossetti he is more a master of his job,
.Mr. Augustus John might make the same reply. More
nonsense has bi-eii
talked about him tlian
a))' ut most artists, and
nuKt of it misses the
point of his real dis-
tinction. He is not. to
judge from his work, a
man of great intellect
or deep insight or un-
usually strong imagina-
tion ; though he has
more of all three than
most living painters ;
• iMit from the painter's
[X)int of view they are
as irrelevant as they
would be from the
carpenter's or black-
smith's point of view.
Whenever 1 hear people
talking about the truth
or poetry or imagina-
tion of this or that
painter, I am reminded
of Dean Ramsav's story
of the aristocratic but
plain spoken old Scots-
woman to whom some-
biKly recommended a
cook as "a very decent
body." ^he said :
" Damn her decency !
("iin she cook collops ?
Not that vou get any
nearer to defining Mr.
John bv making a false
d i s t i n c tion between
" painter" and "artist."
It is quite common,
]) ;• r t i c u 1 a rly among
aitists, to hear it said :
" Oh, so-aid-so may
not be much of a painter
or writer or singer
iir actor — but he is a
true artist " ; meaning
lint the subject has
good taste or " nice "
ideas ; or " So-and-so
is a first-rate painter
but he isn't an artist " ;
meaning that he paints
matter-of-fact subjects
in a matter-of-fact way.
This use of the word
" artist " is a modern
^ uigarism with a lot of bad aisthetics behind it. The only
respectable meaning of the word is the old one of master-
( raftsman- in any trade from cooking or hair-dressing to
painting or poetry — and the only real distinction between
artist and painter is that between a generic and a specific title.
.\othing has done more to confuse the general pubhc and,
incidentally, to obscure the real importance of such a painter
a-. Mr. John, than the false distinction. In practice it works
out in a verv odd and interesting way. It is commonly said
that the ordinary person, particularly the ordinary Knglish-
man or Englishwoman, mav like pictures, but has little
appreciation of painting. The truth is that the ordinary
jxTson particularly the ordinary Englishman or English-
woman, very often has a keen appreciation of painting- -of
craftsmanship in general, indeed — but does not apply it to
pictures because he or she has be^n taught to regard crafts-
The Fat Artilleryman
manship and art as different things. A good rough-and-
readv proof is the discrepancy between the furniture and
decorations and the pictures in the ordinary home. Almost
invariably the furniture and decorations are much better
artistically than the pictures ; the reason being that the
iormer represent the personal taste and judgment of the
owner while the latter have been taken on trust from t'le
dealer or at the instigation of newspapers. Like the man
who talked — or was it wrote ? — prose without knowing it,
the ordinary person makes use of real artistic taste and judg-
ment in choosing wall-papers, carpets and curtains, and
" makes up his mind " in choosing pictures in the same way
as h6 will often " make
up his voice " in reading
poetry — under the de-
lusion that literature
is something different
from good writing. If
he could only be
brought to understand
that, granting i\s fuller
capacity for expression
a picture is good or bad
artistically in exactly
the same way as a
carved cabinet or
painted screen is good
or bad artistically and
that painting pictures
is only a more subtle
form of house-painting,
the future of art in
this country would be
assured. The amount
of iiarm that has been
done to art and litera-
ture and architecture —
and through them to
life — by regarding them
as something distinct
from painting and
writing and building is
simply incalcidable.
The importance OT
Mr. John is that being
^o specifically a painter
and at the same time
>o obviou-ly an artist,
he helps to abolish the
ialse distinction be-
tween painting and art.
.'\t his exhibition at the
.Alpine Club Gallery,
almost anybody can
see that his pictures,
with all their merits of
design and execution,
are examples of the
same human exercise
that is to be seen in
its elementary forms
on gipsy caravans,
canal barges and ice-
cream barrows. Only a
great painter could bear
this comparison or
illustrate its truth. A
great deal of what is
called " art " is concealment of origin as contemptible,
though probably unconscious, as concealment of ancestry in
the human sense of the word ; and the artist who disowns his
kinship with the house-painter is as truly a snob as the man
who is ashamed of his grandfather. It would be extremely
interesting to know when and why the snobbish views of art
first came into being. OfP-hand one is inclined to put it down
to the Renaissance ; to the conscious and deliberate revival
by cultured people of what had been done hitherto as all in
the day's work ; to preoccupation with ideas and theories
instead" of with craftsmanship The earlier painters do not
seem to have bothered about ideas ; they painted what they
were told to paint, and the same man who produced the
masterpiece that we house in the National Gallery sent in his
bill for gilding angels' wings or freshening up the flames of
Hell. Ihave beside me a Portuguese book on the Royal
By pirmhiion of the Chenil Galleries
20
LAND & WATER
January lo, iyi8
Pcilace of Cintra. containing an early sixti-enth century state-
ment o: e^p nditurem vvliidi t\\ painters are lunped to-
carted wood from Lisbon"
L'l tiler with "the men wlio , ,,
■ ■ ■ • • stones for the rabbit-warren. Nor
fnrni'^Ii
iniliewn
j:n jnnui^iiou of the Chenil 'jaidr.n
Kathleen Dillon
were these painters merely artisans, for some of tlieir name
are included in histories of the arts in Portugal.
Without the privilege of his acquaintance, it is impossibU
to say how Mr. John regards the business of art, but from the
look of his work I am confident that he would be well content
with Rossetti to call himself " only a painter," differing only
in skill from the man who paints a garden fence. It does not
need an artistic education to feel this continuity of painting.
Most of us can remember our childish disappointment at tlu
results of painting on canvas or paper as compared with th"
glory of the colours in the pan or tube. We were told to
admire the colouring in this or that picture, but in our hcan
of hearts we preferred the colours, neat or as they were spread
frankly upon our toys. The instinct was perfectly sound
artistically, though, of course, it needed development, and
one great' advantage of the work of Mr. John is that it vin-
dicates this childish appreciation of paint by showing that it
is compatible with an imaginative interpretation of Nature,
scholarly design, and the highest degree of skill in execution.
Many pictures deny its compatibihty ; and in order to
appreciate the qualities of the artist we have to renounce our
instinctive enjoyment of paint, just as in order to appreciate
much of what is called " literature " we have to regard it as
."something different not merely in degree, but in kind
from the nursery rhyme and the racy conversation of
the man with the coster's barrow. The writer or painter
who makes us feel this is a great writer or painter,
whatever the subject he writes about or paints. His
ideas are as God pleases, but he knows his job. The
lesson that wc learn from him is much more than a technical
lesson ; it is a lesson in the singleness, the wholeness, oi
luimm faculty, in its full range from the bodily appetite to
the spiritual aspiration ; and the man who cannot enjoy
art and literature in tha same way as he enjoys his dinner,
but has to shut off his appetites and rise to the occasion, has
never learnt what they mean. Dinner is for bodily
!V)urishment, and art is for spiritual refreshment, but to make
those the conscious aim is not to elevate but to degrade
enjoyment, as it degrades love to aim at offspring in
loving a woman. " There's a Divinity," Nature has her
own way of securing results, and by way of practical warning
against distraction there is the first chapter of Tristram
ShaiiJy.
As a inittcr of practical convenience, having regard to
the limitations of human faculty, painting does wisely
concern itself with natural appearances : but they are not
essential to the art ; and if a painter could communicate
with us directly by arrangements of abstract forms and
colours, as the musician does with sounds, there is no reason
whatever why he should not do so. „ , ,
On the whole it is an advantage to art that Mr. John does
not attempt such experiments. They are interesting and
promising in tliemselves— particularly the new attempts to
inltuisifv the reahtv of space, volume and energy— but while
they enlarge the scope of painting they are apt to hinder
its actual exercise. Prospecting and intensive cultivation
:rc not generally done at the same time or by the same person.
Hy keeping to the same sort of subject-matter as the nine-
teenth century painters, but treating it in a more scrupu-
lously painter-like way, Mr. John becomes a useful link
between the old and the new." By practice and not by
theory he emancipates the art ; bringing it once more into
line with the humble efforts of cave and van dwellers and at
the same time leaviui,' the way open to the most abstract
application of- which the human mind is capable. As may
be seen at the Alpine Club Gallery, his art is remarkably free
from opinions and at the same time remarkably full and
sensitive in its reaction to life. .It is the " testament " of a
painter in his character of painter, leaving his opinions as a
man to be taken for granted. Such portraits as " Admiral
Lord Fisher of Kilverston," '.' Madame Rejane," " Robin."
"Kathleen Dillon," "Arthur Symons," and "The 1-at
.Artilleryman " are enough to indicate the range of the reaction
. in response to human personality. The examples reproducc'd
here are particularly well contrasted. They represent the
.\rtist. the Soldier and the Poet ; a Vd it would be difiicult
to find in any one of them a trace of partiality beyond the
natural interest of the painter in suitable material for his
brush. Yet each of them is a real interpretation of per-
sonality, and not a mere impression of external appearance.
They are as far from sentimental idealisation as from carica-
ture. Even in. the remarkable study of Mr. Arthur Symons
there is no assumption of psychological insight outside the
painter's craft. It is as if he "said : "This is what I feel, as a
painter, about this man " ; and what he feels convinces us
of its truth. In the same disinterested — though far from
uninterested — way the vcrv spirit of the British Army to-day
is summed up in " The Fat Artilleryman." Nothing written
helps us better to understand w'lat our fighting men have
done, and how they have done it ; but it leaves the subject
a credible human being, as you might meet him in the Tube.
But takin" all this into account, and the response to the
Uy pcrmiision of the Chcnil Galleiiei
Arthur Symons.
spirit of place in landscape and to basic humanity in " The
Tinkers," Mr. John has no higher claim to our gratitude
and admiration than his constant and consistent appearance
as " only a painter."
January lo, igi8
LAND & WATER
In Northern Italy
21
Padua Cathedral, bombed by German Airmen
..i-.v. .H: 1^ I" ■»■••••«»•• ■■■3 .;lii
W1t.:>.'»^ r:v.'*T-— '■Tifw-twTT-WTW»i.»rA^-gmf»a«p-»^|j|Hmimi |
KW»tniBni« i«KJHUuinnm.m
General View of Venice
22
LAND & WATER
January lo, rgi8
Scenes from Flanders
Australian Soldiers Marchiilg to the Front Line
Otltcial Photograph
S^J^^ .*.
-:M::'--
OllUial Photograph
An Impromptu Shelter
January 17, 1918
Supplement to LAND & WATER
Vll
L
UNLIKE ORDINARY PUTTEES. OUR NEW
ALL-LEATHER PUTTEES
NEVER TEAR OR FRAY OUT
These most comfortable, good-
looking puttees are made en-
tirely of fine supple tan leather,
and fasten simply with one
buckle at bottom. They are
extremely durable, even if sub-
jected to the friction of riding, as
the edges never tear or fray out.
The puttees are quickly put on or taken
off, readily mould to the sh^pe of the leg,
are as easily cleaned as a leather belt, and
saddle soap soon makes them practically
waterproof.
The price per pair is 18/6, post free
inland, or postage abroad 1/- extra, or
sent on approval on receipt of business
(not banker's) reference and home
address. Please give size of calf.
NOTEDLY SUCCESSFUL
BREECHES-MA KING,
We have long been notedly successful in breeches- making,
and we maintain this good repute by guaranteeing all the
essential factors — fine wear-resisting cloths, skilful cutting,
careful, honest, tailor-work ; and our experience, ninety-six
years, is certainly adequate beyond question.
We keep on hand a number of pairs of officers' riding breeches, and are
therefore often able to meet immediate requirements, or we can cut and
try a pair on the same day and complete the next day, if urgently wanted.
Patterns and Form for self-measuriment at request
GRANT AND COGKBURN
LTD.
25 PIGGADILLY, W.l.
Military and Civil Tailors, Legging Makers.
ESTD. 1821.
FOULOmr THE I^EiLD
of the thousands of officers who are fighting in the
Trenches equipped with
5»
Z^e famous
/Moscow
K, SERVICE KIT
L»rie«t slock in London ready (or immediale wear, or mads
to meisure in 24 hours.
Field and Trench Boots. Prismatic Biaoculars, Conipasiei,
Saddlery, etc.
Officers On Leave and Others
WII find an eicellent selection o( Mudi ready for any
emergency.
MOSSBROS!!
/'W.20 & 21 KING ST.,iCOVENT
c"',VJ & 25. 31 & 32 BEDFORD ST.. i GARDEN
WC O "I^AHbhE
'\^,C, HA ,\U,
THE ORIGiniat CORDING'S, ESTD. 1S39.
Campaigning
Waterproof Boots,
" Your ^Newmarket' Boots are just splendid
I wore Ikem in the trenches in water for two days and nights, and on a long
march from 9 p.m. to 3.30 a.m., andmy feet were perfectly dry and warm.
For marc'tingthey are most comfortable." {Extract from an Officer's letter.)
Our " Newniarkct " boots are "just splen-
did," because the material is so good and
the workmanship unusually skilful and
thorough.
The leRs are made of a tough-wearing tan
twill, interlined with a stout layer of pure
rubber, and it is to be noted that the " life"
of such boots depends principally on the
quality and substance of this hilden inter-
hning. Special tan leather covers the foot-
part, and only seasoned first-grade sole
leather is used.
The fitness of these boots for military wear
has been fully proved by a large number of
officers, many of whom formerly used them
for fishing and shooting.
The demand at one time was greater than we
could meet, but we now have all sizes in
stock, or wo can make specially in excep-
tional cases. '
To order, please state size of boot
worn, or give pencilled outline of
foot in sock, or better, send an old
boot, and If first transaction, add
remittance (95/- is the price) which
will be returned at ones if the boots
are not approved, or give business
reference and home addresa.
Al requtsi, ILLVSTRA TED LIST of Wtdirproo} Coats, Boots, Portable Baths, Air Beds
TERPROOFERS
M. The King.
j,acoRDiNG^c?r.ri;
Only Addresses:
19 PICCADILLY, W.l, & 35 ST. jamess st., s.w.i
WHAT THE SOLDIERS
THEMSELVES SAY OF THE
CHEMICO
FABRIC
BODY
SHIELD
irs
WARM
IT'S
COMFY
should convince the most sceptical
of its wonderful value.
Our Fallxstowe AsenU. MeMri. J. H. Crimwada &. Son. wrriter-
"Some time ago wc sold a Double Shield to an officer procreding to France. This
day he cnlled tn our shop and thanked us for selling him the shield,' which he stated had
s-iveit his life. He was badly wounded in both arms, and a large piece of shrapnel
struck him in the abdomen, and undoubtedly had he not been wearinR the shield, he
would have been killed. As it was, the shield absolutely stopped the piece which struck
him. He has written in our album the following:^'! hereby testify that the Chemico
liody Shield bought from J-_H. (irimwade & Son, of Felixstowe, saved my life while in
France' You may use this, but please withhold his name, which can always be ob-
tained from us if desired."
Copy of letter received by our acenU, Mewr*. May Brot., Ltd., 374 Oxford Street,
London, W.. on 2Ut NoTember, 1917 :—
" Somr- other woman may likf to know that the Chcmico Shield you recently sent
to my friend in France has certainly saved his life. He writes from hospital :—
' I am O.K. in body but not in limbs, as I picked up three pieces of choice German
metal in my left leg above the knee and below the hip, also one below my ri^ht elbow.
One also got stuck into my right jaw bone but did not break it, but still it is out of
order and ni eds a little repairing. If I had not had that shield on 1 don't know where
I would have been now, as there were four holes in the outside of it.*
In a Iftter just received, he mentions one of the hits by shrapnel ' which would
have securt-tl the count anyway.' "
THESE ARE BUT A COUPLE OUT OF HUNDREDS.
\
Send for Literature.
THE COUNTY CHEMICAL Co., Ltd.,
CHEMICO WORKS BIRMINGHAM.
via
Supplement to LAND & WATER
January 17, 1918
Army Club
CIGARETTES.
Sold by the leading Tobacconists and
in all Canteens at Home and Abroad.
20 for lid. 50 for 2/3 100 for 4/6
1 WO Watches of Quality
The "Land & Water"
Wrist-watch.
Th« " Land St Water " Wrist-watch li dust
;ind damp proof. The movement is fully
JewcUed and tittecl with MicrometPr Ke^u-
uturtoeive tine adjuattuent, by means of
winch it can be rctfulated never to lose or
Kain moretha'^ 4 lecoodc per day. Knch
wMtch U adjusted and compensated for %11
positions and ten]p''ratuces. and is guaran-
teed to stand all the shocks, jars, and
strains to Khich a wrist watch is subjected
under the severest conditions. Ity far the
best watch for meti tii the Naval, Military,
or Air Services.
The "Land & Water"Wri»t watch.
ID solid silver rasp, with unbreak-
able glass, nixl fully luminous dial,
£5 0 0
The **Q" Pocket Alarm
Watch.
A perfect timekeeper— it is guaranteed for two
y«ars-the "Q" J*ocket Alarm Watch assures
punctuality in keeping appointmenls. The
Alarm may be set to within a minute of ihe
desired time, and its note is soft and mellow, yet
insistent and unmistakable. Evenif surrooncted
by noise its vibrations compel one's attention.
At nighl-time the back of the case opens, so that
the watch may be stood at the bedhide ready to
awaken one m the morning. Fully luminous
hands and figures, it is in every wa\ a perfect
watch. ' *^
Oxidized
£5 St. Silver - £6 6>.
(Black Dial, 5/- extra).
Unbreakable Cla^s. 3/- extra, cau only
be fitted to Silver Watch.
WRITE FOR ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE,
BIRCH & GA^fDOlS^.urn
Iccbiiiui aim ScicDlilic Instrumeai Makers lo Ihe Admirally.
(Del, I. -il' 153 Fenchuroh Street, London, t.C.3.
Wet En<lBn.cK. 19 Picc<JiU^ Area* S.W.I (Ut. John B^
THE
"FORTMASON"
A Field Boot soft as a
Slipper, waterproof, ^'ery
strong, and lighter than
any other Service Boot.
Special wear-resisting soles.
The most convenient and
comfortable Service Boot
manufactured.
£6:6:0
Sizes above oj, 14/- extra.
Special Measures, 1 5/- extra.
FORTNUM & MASON, .to.
182 Piccadilly, London, W. 1.
Depot for "Dexter" Trench Coats.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX No. 2906 [y^Tr] THURSDAY. JANUARY 17, 1918
rREGlSTI
La news
rREGlSTEllED AST PUBLISHED WEEKLY
ewspaperJ price SEVENPENCB
tc^t^yiil iVli la O.d.A.
Lt'py/.y/l( ''(.'IliU &, nutti
" 1 must break in here before that comes down "
LAND & WATER January 17. 1918
British Entry into Jerusalem
General Allenby and his Staft enler the Holy City on foot
V bll'icliil t'iiolograpk
January 17, igi8
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
5, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. VV.C.3
Telephone HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 17. 1918
CONTENTS
PAGE
I
2
3
4
lo
II
I Must Break In. By Louis Raemaekers
British Entry into Jerusalem. (Photograph)
Kegimented Industries. (Leader)
The New State in Europe. By Hilaire Belloc
Changes at the Admiralty. Hy Arthur Pollen
Leaves from a German Note Book
Tlie Husbandmen. II. By Centurion.
Present Position of Farming. By Sir Herbert Matthews 14
First Industrial Council. By Jason 15
Kabelais. By J. C. Squire 17
A German View of Sea War. By J. C, van der Veer i>S
Books of the Week 19
Modern Shipbuilding. (Photographs) 20
Secrets of the Desert. (Photographs) 2i
Domestic Economy 22
Notes on Kit 23
REGIMENTED INDUSTRIES
IT will hardly be denied to-day by anyone worth listening
to that the strongest, the most unconquerable organisa-
tion of human beings is the battalion of a British regiment
imbued with the highest traditions of the British Army.
Ironi the beginning of tlie wa!i- tmtil the most recent engage-
ments of which we have any oflicial record, it has been proved
again and again that when a group of men of British blood,
drawn from different ranks of life and of \aiying ages, is
dominated by the regimental spirit and controlled by a firm
and sympathetic discipline, they win achievements which
under any other ciiAimstances would be deemed little short
uf miraculous and nhich are in themselves of such power
that they can and So turn the course of history. This fact
is worthy of some slight investigation. We believe it would
be found to be traceable not only to the fighting instinct which
indubitably lurks in British blood and to that genius for
discipline which is a characteristic of our race, but also to the
-hristian spirit which sets duty to others above duty to self
and is satisfied that it should be so, and which has found
its most concise expression in the single sentence, " Greater
hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for
liiends."
io-day we publish an article by " Jason," describing the
IiidustrialCouncil which has been inaugurated by the pottery
industrj- — a council on which every section of those whose
li\(lihiiod depends on jxtttery is represented. The objects
w liich the Council have to keep in view are defined, and they
include everything which in any way affects the prosperity
n[ the industry as a whole or the welfare of those engaged
in the industry as individuals no matter what their particular
jwsition may be. It seems to us that here is a rightly regi-
mented industry. " Regimented " is a word — an ugly word
\\ (■ admit — of which we have heard a very great deal in tlic
List two or three years in connection with industrial reform
and development after the war. Behind it there lias always
lain the connotation that the user has at the back of his mind
ilie idSal of the drill-sergeant. Every worker is to fall into
line, to discharge his duties in an efficient but more or less
mechanical maimer, to march and to fight whenever he is so
ordered to, and the day's work over, to be dismissed, when he
is free to amuse himself the best way he can, may be by
drunkenness or disorderiy behaviour, so long as liis conduct
i> outside the drill-sergeant's purview. But that is not the
proper sense of " regimented," if the word be used in tlu3
British spirit. The tastes and anuisements gf. the man outside
tlie barrack-yard are as much the interests of his officers as
his conduct within it. It is recognised nowadays that a man's
daily existence" is not divided into watertight rompartnients,
but that his life as a whole is the fitting concern of the regi-
i.'irnt, it the regiment is to fulfil its duty op active serNice. ,
When \\c examine the conditions that unaerlic the building
up of a iirst-class regiment, we find that while there is a clean-
cut division of ranks, there is beneath it an undercurrent of
human sympathy which holds all together ; that there is
an absence of class distinctions ; that " service " is the
keynote of the whole, and that when the hotir of trial comes
and the fiery ordeal has to be faced, it makes no difference,
whether the indi\idual be CO. or drummer-boy, he puts
self lx<hind him and thinks only of the. regiment. Thero
is no reason whatever why the same mode of conduct should
not be introduced into industrial life. This newly-instituted
Council of the Pottery Indu.stry is proof of it.
The rules which the Council have drawn up are framed
on right lines. The industry is to be governed by conditions
equitable to all alike. Security of earnings is to he main-
tained ; health is to be protected ; initiative and originaUty
of thought are to be encouraged, and whoever may add by
invention or improvement of methods to the well-being of
the industry, no matter his position, is to be adequately re-
warded. Due attention is to be given to education, and
careful statistics are to be kept, without encroachment on the
proper privacy of firms or individuals. The more closely the
objects of the Council are examined, the more nearly do they
appear to approach the ideal. That every employer and
every man or woman employed will accept them willingly
seems to us to make too large a demand on human nature,
but that the majority will do so we have no doubt, for they
make so strong an appeal to the unselfish side of British
character, which is unquestionably one of our most powerful
national assets and would probably be found to be the very
foundation stone of the British Empire.
Since Cromwell's day the English people has alwajre stood
in dread of organised effort. His New Model Army proved
the power that even a band of slow-trained Midland yokels
ixjssessed under proper discipline and leadership. That fear
is inh<rent ; and directly industry generally organises itself
in the way that the pottery industry is now- doing, this
;intii)atliy is bound to declare itself, covertly and overtly.
" Jason " anticipates it by pointing out that these rules
contain a clause which will protect the. consumer and prevent
his exploitation by regimented industrv. The gibe that
the Briton lacks the power of organisation is remote from
truth ; but it is a fact that one section of the people has
always, in its own interests, discouraged another section from
exercising this power, the favourite point of attack being
what is called class prejudice. There ought to be as little
room for class prejudice in the industries of peace as in the
regiments of war. Only stupidity or malevolence maintains
them ; reason laughs them down, and if it were possible
for all engaged in various industries to meet on that common
platform of humanity, which is advantage ground which the
British army occupies to-day, and from which it will advance
in due time to victory, then we may be certain that the
nation would be as invincible in peace as in war.
The progrcssrof the Pottery Council will be carefully watched.
If it succeeds, ;iswe trust it may succeed, it will introduce a
new era into national life and go a long way towards redeeming
the worst evils of the Industrial Revolution. There are many
other industries which sorely need to be regimented in the
same spirit ; the outstanding one is agriculture. It is riddled
by petty jealousy ; it is riven by needless animosities, and
even at this hour when its vital importance is widely recog-
nised, it is so weak through lack of co-ordination and sclf-
fliscipline that it is forced to submit to rules and regulations
wliicli would be impossible were it only in a position to make its
full jiational and political power felt. One has only to read
the article by Sir Herbert Matthews in this issue to realise
the truth of it. Co-operation must be introduced ; district
must work with district, farmer with farmer, and not each
against the other as happens at present. We are very well
aware tiiat many who know intimately the British agricultural
community declare this to be an impossibility ; and that this
industry which provided the oldest story in the world of
mortal jealousy, has hardly changed in this respect from tliat
primal lioiu". Be that as it may, man, though he be husband,
man or herdnian, does advance, an4 we are convinced that
agriculture will never occupy the position it should do in this
coiuitry until it is regimented like the Pottery Industry.
LAND & WATER
January 17, 1918
The New State in Europe
By Hilaire Belloc
THERE has arisen during the past year a great New-
State in Europe. It aheady exists, in practice.
If the enemy's armies remain undefeated it will
soon be d«4ined in public law and- will be apparent
.0 all. It may be called the State of Central Europe.
It is essentially federate in nature, though parts of the
federation are subjects rather than partners. It is composed,
therefore, of distinct communities, some of which liave long
h<vn, othei-s of which may soon be, distinct nations. These
will 'pos.scss, no doubt, autonomous institutions and c\en
local dynasties. None the less this Xew State is one. It is
tin- creation of one Power which makcs.it possible (now tiiat
Russia has gone) and which is the cchtiv^and principle of
unity of the whol ^
"i'he New State tints created before our cjes is tiic work
of Prussia.
Its centre and principal of unity is .Prussia. .'Its capital is
Berlin. -'It- is vast. It extends frorn somewhat west of the
Rhine to far east of the Vistula ; froiu the Baltic to the Alps
and the Balkaiis. It has for direct (lepiendents (or members)
the Slavonic and other eonununities lying for lumdreds of
miles to..the east of the (jermans. It has for indirect dependents
or mem'tiers, almost equally bound "to it. the Bulgarians and
the Turks. It is already upon the Adriatic. If it is main-
tained it will control the eastern shores of the North Sea,
nearly all the littoral of the Black Sea, the northern shores of
thc^jCgcan and the whole of the Baltic. Through it will be
e.xploited the undeveloped wealth of the Russian Plains, of
Syria and of Mesopotamia. It will be the dominant factor in
the politics and in the economic structure of the old world.
Upon whether this New State thus remains strong, organised^
informed by Prussia as its principle of unity, and really
existent among us depends the future of Western civilisation.
Ill particular there depends upon this issue the fate of these
ishi' 1 of their system overseas.
i j live far fjom Europe and are necessarily un-
famiiiai )\ah our problems maybe excused from grasping what
has happened. It is a very recent experience. The Nevv
State was an impossibility so long a.s the Russian autocracy
still stood ; and from the first signs of that autocracy's catas-
trophe to the present moment is less than a year. No wonder
that observers outside Europe are still blind to it, and still
talk in terms of 1914. What i3 more remarkable is that the
politicians of Western Europe ha\e not yet (apparently)
grasped its existence. None the less it is there, and on its
continuance or dissolution depend all our coming years. It
has become the supreme issue of tlxe war.
Prussia's Ideal
Prussia, the confederation she had orgii^scd upon hei own
model (called, since 1871, the " fierman Empire,") and men
of German speech in sympathy with that model to the south,
in the .Austrian mark, envisaged the creation of such a Central
State when war was suddenly forced K^on Europe in 1914.
They had long envisaged it. " They did not perhaps imagine
how socwi their ideal would be realised. It is realised to-da\-.
It is before us now for all to observe, and if it is confirmed by a
peace which leaves Prussia undefeated, all that for which the
Western nations have fought, including their own dignity,
security and power is at an end.
I propose in this and the following articles to describe the
extent and nature of this New Central State ; its composition
in geographical limits, language and religion ; its economic
potential ; what are its possible weaknesses, and what are
certainly its present elements of strength. I shall attempt this
description without reference to the moral ideas supporting
us in the great struggle, without denunciation of the tvranny
or falsehood or bad faith on the part of Prussia which were
necessary to the success of this her plan.
To make • the necessity of victoi v unquestionable, it
should be suificient for the peril to be understood. And to
understand a thing it is enough merely to analvse the nature
of the thing and to present it— just as one mav analy.se and
]>resent the nature of a strategical situation threatening
defeat, without proceeding to dilate upon the horrorsof defeat ;
or just as it is p-^^ssiblc to analyse witJi 'detachment and to
describe the action of a poison without-wasting words upon the
agony it will cause, or the fear of dedth which it promises.
The matter we ha\-c to examine is' soimthing now really
existent. Our first duty is t<. recognise it and to umler^tand it.
That done it will be clear enough that cfther it survives and
we go under, or that we dissolve it and p|-eser\ e our civilisation.
We must hrst sec the tiling clearly and know that it is tliere.
Then and then only can we- deal with it. 1?o continue the
repetition of .abstract formula: . upon nationjfil' rights, self-
government, and the rest is as futile in the presence -of such a
phenomenon ' as woitJd be a panegyric upon quiet living
when a dam had already broken in the hills above us and the
flood wa,s approaching our houses. T^ussia has broken and
the Central State is consequently upon us. Like all other
historical phenomena its appreciation by those whom it
threatens must come somewhat tardily and may come too
late. Hence the advantage of studying it in time and of
appreciating, as soon as possible after its first appearance, that
it lias come.
Though this great new State now in pr'ocess of erection
under the direction of Prussia will be described in detail and
its real existence at this moment taken for granted in these
articles, this does not mean for a moment that the writer
l)resumes its successfid continuance. Such a presumption
would be 'a presumption of defeat ; and the superiority of
\\'estern civilisation over the Gcrmanies is such that the
balance is in favour of victory, no matter how numerous the
new resources which the enemy successively discover, if only
■\\e avoid a jiremature surrender.
If the military machine of Prussia bo put out of action the
whole structure Of this great new Central State automatically
collapses, and its place will be taken by numerous independent
nations acting upon the normal European model which
ensures diversity and therefore freedom and life. But the
point to grasp is that the Hiing of which we speak is already
in being and that its maintenance and dissolution— though
that dissolution may arrive at any momejit, though the life
of the thing spoken of may therefore i)rovc in history exceed-
ingly brief — has become- the prime matter of the war".'' It will
be maintained if we make peace with an undefejatcd Germany.
If wc wear Germany down it wHI -be dissolved.
Western Boundaries
Let us iirst of all grasp what the complex ol Central Europe
is. On its Western side Central Europe copsists u holly of that
nationally German belt which, whether' witMn the" modern
(ierman Empire or exterior to it in the .Austrian marlv, is now
for 'international purposes jiolitically one. V\'e must take
for our Western limit, therefore, the undisputed boundary
which marks upon the West the German peoples jiroperly
so called, that is, the German-speaking population attaehcd
to the German ' nationality and now supporting the suecesses
of the Prussianised German Empire. That is the best definition
of the " (ierman Beit:" Tlie German language' \s ii6i an
exact test, for it has many forms,' fades into L'risidn and Dutch
in one sector,- is mixcJd with Slavonic additions in another. It
is spoken — in certain dialects — by men who have no political
attachment tti German nationality, whether because thev are
by tradition opposed to. it — as are the \ illages of .Msace —
or M-hether because (like "the Swiss-German cantons) while
in sympathy with the race they prefer .political independence.
The Western frontier of the Central Jiuropean State is,
tlieii,the western limit of true German nationalit\-.
Such a western frontier is easily determined, it follows the
Rhine from its issue out of Switzerland for a distance of about
100 miles to near Karlsruhe. It runs thence a little east of
north to the valley of the Saar, strikes the Moselle at the
])resent frontiei" of Luxembourg and is thencc'almost exactly
coterminous with the political frontier of the modern German
Empire until that frontier reaches the North Sea.
.Attempts to colonise by force and policy beyond this mark
can be debated, s6 can vague sympathies of race outsjdc it,
so can districts within this mark which, until quite modern
times, had]no strong German leanings, but rather looked towards
the Netherlands or other local patriotisms. But the line thus
established is nearer to an exact politic frontier than perhaps
anv-thing else in Continental Europe.
l'poitt,he east no such definite boundariy- can be established.
There we -deal -with tliose vast flat districts„.oftcn, a.'waste of
marsh and forest, nepirly always debatable in his.toiy between
various races, speeches and religions, which might' be some-
what rhetorically (but none the less accurately) described
as the Marches of Muscovy. W'e must, at anv fate, include
for our purpose all the Valley of the Vistula/ all theBaHfc
seaboard up to the Gulf of Finland; the 'Marshes of tlic
PHpct ; all the basin of the Danube, the Dw-ister, and the
Meniel, and the lower course of the .D.viiia. A very rough
mark is longtitude JO East of Greenwieli.
Between these two boundaries, minute and detailed upon
the west, exceedingly \-ague upon the cast, lies this great bodv
January 17. tc)i8
LAND & WATER
3
w
C/3
LAND & WATER
January 17, 1918
nf Central Europe. Wietlier it shall offer virtual unification
under eiuniy iiiHuence, or form in the future :i bcxly of coni-
jx^ting and independent nations,, is the present great debate
of the world. From north to south the boundaries are, upon
ihe north, of course, the Baltic, save for one debatable but
\ery narrow belt near the Kiel Canal, for which confiictiug
arguments will claim Danish or Gennan allegiance.*
Upon the south the frontiers are, up to tlie Adriatic, verj-
nearly those of tlie .\ustrian and German Empires as they were
before tlie war, excluding certain Italian-speaking and feeling
districts, such as the 'frentino and a portion of the Austrian
coast, while through the Balkans a vaguer division would run,
always excluding historic tireece, which could hardly be re-
garded as ever likely to fall into the direct system of a Central
European State, though it would, of course, like many out-
Iving nations, be within its orbit should such a State be
established. But the Narrows between Asia and Europe
(whicli command the Black Sea and are also the doorway
to the East) certainly fall within our definition, as does the
^^ hole of the Black Sea Coast, at least to Odessa.
It will be observed that in such a chvision there has Ueen
excludod the Swiss-German cantons in spite of their strong
German feeling. It is right to make this distinction bccaits(;
the national tradition of the Swiss outweighs any such racial
attachment, and because no Central European policy would
be so foolish as to challenge the Swiss tradition, useful as a
neutral force, usel<>ss to them in any other capacity. Nor is
any mention made of the Netherlands or of the Scandinavian
])foples, because witii a Central European State establislied,
these outliers would necessarily fall under the orders and
influence of that State, while its authors would have no
Advantage in attempting a more direct rule.
So defined, the great new State of which we speak consists
?ssentially of two political factors. First, upon the west, the
various German-speaking peoples united for the moment at
least in a common object and drilled bv Prussia : secondly,
ujwn the east, an extraordinary mosaic of race, language and
rrligion ; Slavonic and Turanian and Jewish ; Orthodox,
* atholic and Protestant ; showing isolated districts of German
M'i''h among Slavs, Magyars, Roumanians or Letts; other
dilated districts of Slav or others amid German surroundings ;
chstinctions social and not geographical, as between the Gemian
land-owners of the Baltic coast and their serfs ; religious but
not racial, as between the Roumanian Orthodox and the
lioumanian Uniates ; passionate divergences of race not
tlefinable geograpltically, as between the Jews and the Poles;
and, adding to the whole confusion, differences closely inter-
twining of culture, of tradition and of expectations for the
future.
How are we to arrive at any general view of something so
apparently chaotic ? We shall be principally helped to such
a general view — as will appear later in this series of articles —
by a general historical outline which explains the map in its
\ariou? forms. But before reaching tliis there are certain
lomis of graphical presentations which, combined, will give
us our first elements in the matter, and for this Imust ask my
reader to look at the annexed map.
Geography of tlie New State
In the first place, .we see first in this map the geographica
area with which we have to deal. It is, roughly speaking,
r.ooo miles from east to west, and 600 to 700 miles from north
to south, the latter dimension increasing as we go eastward
liom less than 400 miles as the crow flies upon the west to
about 900 miles upon the cast.
We can also see in this map the prime distinction between
the compact German-speaking body, attached to German
nationality, and tlie vast confused region wliich lies to the east
of that body. The former is the itiaster in the New State, the
latter tlie servant. The former, under Prussia, controls,
informs and will exploit the latter ; and the first step in the
understanding ofjthis is to seize the distribiition of popiilaiion.
This element in the understanding of anv politico-geo-
graphical matter affecting hiunan affairs— density of popula-
1 ion— is very ill done in most motlem studv. It is ill done
mainly because ordinary- maps teach us tb think in mere
(ircas—wnihowt visualising the prest-nce and activity of those
human beings which compose the :nation. It is also ill-done
jmrtly because it is novel in conception, partly because modem
conditions make it very difficult t»j do, paftlv because it is
justly suspect. Industrialism has created 'the enormous
towns of our time, yet we know thai; those towns do not " pull
their weight " in tlie body politic, because they have no cor-
]>orate unity or tradition. ' Again, rindustrialism has crowded
whole districts with an uprooted population, partly vaga-
l>ond, always nii.x;ed and unfortunate, which number for
* A Germanrf(V(/fd will be loimd well, north of that line, but German
*Ilci;iaucc IS ilisputeU.
number cannot be weighed f.gainst the more sparsely inhabited
countrysides. -Vgaiii, t\\-o districts equally thickly inhabited
will depend for their effect in national history upon many
factors other than numbers. Nevertheless, some way of
presenting the density of population to the eye is essential
before we c^n understand the meaning of a mere geographical
area and is the first thing to be attempted.
In the case of this body of " Central Europe," that .scheme,
though very compUcated, has a certain principle of unity which
we can retain in our further study. If we mark off the dis-
tricts with more than 100 souls to the square kilometre (say,
a family to ten acres — which means a dense modem popula-
tion taking town and country together) ; if we eliminate, for
the sake of clearness, many separate " islands " of dense
jjopulation, marking only the great towns of over half a
million inhabitants, we obtain the fairly obvious " L " of
dense population apparent on the map. There is one long belt
of dense population running from west to cast and corre-
sponding to the higher courses of the northern rivers. There
is another short one running fropi north to south and corre-
sponding exactly to the opportunities of mining communication
and agriculture afforded by the Rhine valley.
Mastery and Density
Now when we consider on this sketcji Map (i) the total
area of Central Europe. (2) The boundaries of the Gennari
national group ; and (3) The map of population, we are at
once aware of the following phenominon : The leeighl of
numbers lien to ike ii'esl and belongs to the German-speaking
belt -which under Prussia proposes to be the master of the whole.
In other words, here, as in so many other cases of historical
development, especially when that development has been
false and procl^tctive of ill, agglomeration of population tells.
We shall see later on in these articles the curious point that
the district from which has sprang and wherein still prin-
cipally resides the Prussian spirit that informs the whole, is
a district ill-populated, for its size the least populated of all.
The reader will also note, when he compares upon the
sketch map the boundaries of the German area and the
poHtical boundaries of the German and Austro-Hungarian
Empires, the way in whic.h the preponderance of population
lies, not only mainly within the German belt, but also almost
entirely within the old political boundaries of the two Central
Empires. In other words, the mass of the population which
will dominate the new State is German to begin witJi, and a
still greater proportion of it has been hitherto included within
tlie political boundaries of the (German and Austro-Hungarian
F'mpires, and has therefore been trained to obedience within
those systems ; it has inherited their methods of government
and is docile to their expansion.
We have here an element very favourable to the develop-
ment of the new State should the dominating position of
Prussia remain undisturbed. There will be a natural tendency
■for the more densely populated areas to approach, to occupy,
and to develop the less densely populated : a process which
takes place in every development of a hinterland. F'or there
is a certain sense, economic and even political, in wliich
countries to the east of the Central l-lmpires may be regarded
as the hinterlands of those Powers. They themselves certauily
regard this eastern belt in that light. In the German Uni-
versities the thing is taken for granted. So it is in the political
scheme of Berlin.
Our first conclusion, then, with regard to this new great
State now arising in Europe and challenging the West, is that
so far as mere distribution of population is concerned, the
weight of the German group which proposes to master the
rest under the tuition of Prussia is naturally preponderant
and should, left to itself, naturally control the whole.
Here, as in other matters which will be touched upon in
these articles, we see in what lies the reason of the Prussian
ambition, and why it has seemed to the statesmen of Prussia
an almost fatal necessity of the future in their favour, while we
in the West were hardly thinking of the matter at all, but were
still talking in terms of political arrangements which before
the war were unstable and in the course of the war have dis-
appeared. Here, as in other aspects of the same .theme, we
can understand why all talk of an independent this or an
independent that in the Eastern countries beyond t he German
belt, all talk of "self-determination" or "government by
consent of the governed," means nothing in practice unless the
military power of Prussia be overset. Leave it remaining
even with its prestige alone ; leave it undefeated even if it
consents to a peace with nominal autonomy for sundry groups
to the east of the Germans, and those groups will inevitably
lall under the general hegemony of the Prussianised German.
They will be provinces within his authority and they will
permanently constitute together with the master-State
over them that new State of Central Europe, the existence
and menace of which is the theme of these articles. So much
January 17, 1918
LAND & WATER
for the most obvious and elementary points : area, distribu-
tion of population, and relation of the whole to the German
position in the west.
Our second step must be to explain how this distribution of
population arose ; that is, the economic exploitation so fully
developed within Gqrmany and Boliemia and the potential
economic exploitation which awaits German capital and
enterprise in the nesv lands to the east.
We must next consider how the complex of religions
in these regions afiects the problem. Next, we must turn
to the historical causes which have produced this state of
affairs before the war and tempted the Pnissian reigning house
to the adventure in which it has, for the moment, succeeded.
Each aspect of the enquiry will show us, 1 think, more and
more clearly, that either that adventure is to be destroyed by
the force of the older civilisation in arms, or that it will, if it
be established, permanently be the master of that old civilisa-
tion.
This war has frequently been called a war of life and death
for natiofts. The term has seemed exaggerated to those who
naturally (and all cultivated men must have great sympathy
with them) re-act against the vulgarity of certain sections
of the Press and politicians. None the less the phrase
though violent is ultimately true. Tlie struggle is indeed a
struggle of life and death, in the sense that the vigorous im-
l)ression of deser\<xi superiority which the older Western
civilisation ga\'e to all Europe, the culture which it suj)portetl ,
the diversity which it nourished, will never stand against a
great and upon the whole homogeneous power erected upon
such a scale in the midst of Europe. Though les^ than us it
would master us and put ;us into a position of inferiority.
Though incapable of building as we have built, or thinking as
we have thought, it would be capable of reducing us to a
permanent jealous and insecure defensive wherein all that wc
care for and that makes us ourselves would gradually dis-
appear. No instrument theoretically forbidding so great a
political organisation to exercise armed power is of the least
value. If that organism already exists, is allowed to continue
in existence, to confirm itself, and to define itself further, to
take root, and to acquire a sohd historical substance, it would
give the tone to all Europe, and what that tone is we know.
The intense local patriotisms which were the life of all Europe
will have no place in such a scheme : the tradition of the past
\\'ill be cut and the greater will be governed by the less.
Which last is in morals almost the definition of decay.
[To be conlinitcd).
Captbre of Mount Tomba
OF military movement during the week there has been
none sa\e a step upon the part of the Austrians north of
Mount Tomba, wliich has a certain local importance,
though it is of no great moment in the war as a whole.
It will be remembered that the French a few weeks ago
M ized the trenches on the crest of the Mount Tomba from the
Austrians by one of those rapid co-ordinated pieces of work of
which the model was ranged in the October of igiO in front
of Verdun, \\'hen Douaumout and its strip of territory were
t'-taken.
In this comparatively small action on Moimt Tomba,
iiers fell into French hands at a trifling cost, and
ii.d object (which was reached) was the Austrian
trencli system overlooking the crest of the hill. We have
just liiid the sequel U> that which was proved to be an
Austrian retirement of about a mile down the northern slopes
and their consequent abandonment of observation over the
plain. It is possible, or probable, that this move indicates an
abandonment for the moment, and perhaps throughout the
winter season-pof any attempt to force the Itahanline at this
|X)int. For many weeks past — indeed, for nearly two months
— the crest of Mount Tomba in the hands of the enemy has
been their principal mark of success. The snow was very late
in falling. A great concentration of guns and mimitions was
therefore rendered possible in the.se hills, and a successful
advance towards the plain. The only part of the last rampart
which the enemy reached, however, the only point from which
he could overlook the cities and plain of Venetia, was the crest
of Mount Tomba. The Allies had been thrown back on to the
soutliem slopes and the enemy's observation posts on a clear
day commanded everything below them up to the Adriatic
itself.
'This advantage they would appear to have relinquished in
the course of the last few days imder the pressure of the
Irench occupation of the summit.
A Correction
T note from several letters that have reached me, uh tm i»iiy
for correcting a false impression given about a month ago by a
misprint in these colunms. This misprint consisted in the
word " upon " appearing in place of the word " over," which
last, as the context should have shown, was the right word. I
said theft (as I rejnat now) that the enemy had through the
events in Russia a superiority in men and material for tin-
moment (JVC)' the West. That is, the number of pieces at his
disjiosal probably, and the nimiber of men at his disposal
certainly — the orgunised forces and the recruiting field behind
them — IS larger than the corresjxmding strength of the Western
European Powers. To these will ultimately be added the
effort of America. But for the moment the difference exists
and, that is why, in a word, we are on the defensive. To say
that the enemy had a present superiority in numbers, upon
what is famiharly called " chc Western Front," that is, the
line from Alsace to Nieuport, would be nonsense. The West
in one sense means the Western Powers as a whole ; the West
in the other sense means the Anglo-French hne between the
Adriatic and the North Sea. And so far. as that line is con-
cerned, the enemy has not a superiority in men or in guns for
the moment. He has probably no more than 157 divisions
in France and Belgium, and whatever he has altogether
between the Stelvio Pass and the mouth of the Piave dons not
make up fm flw l>iij margin betw, .n i.i^ nrn=p,it strength in
France and Belgium, and that of his opponents. But what
he has got is. short of novel events in Russia, on which one
cannot prophesy, biit which do not seem likely, a great
reservoir of men to draw upon for use ultimately against the
three Western AlUcs.
In this connection there is a point which ought to have been
fauly clear, and which it is remarkable to find as confused as
it is in much contemporary writing : The advantage to the
enemy of this Eastern man-power being released need not antl
probably will not take the form of many divisions being
transfencd bodily from East to. West. The lonn it will
probably take is the very great extension of what has already
begun, to wit, the use of the Eastern front as a rest camp and
the pei-petual filling of gaps on the West with that proportion
of the Eastern forces which are of young and good material.
The ultimate effect in mere numbers is exactly the saaic whether
you replace losses by such recruitment (which could not have
taken place had Russia still been fighting) or whether you
move units as a whole. The choice between one and the other
system is entirely a matter of system, not of ultimate numerical
strength ; it is a choice between keeping your cistern full from
a tap and keeping it full from a bucket. The result in mere
man-power is the same in either case.
So much for the numerical position. The situation of
Northern Russia, which you may call at will a collapse or a
treason or an anarchy or a defeat (in mihtary terminology
the last tenn is certainly the accurate one) the elimination of
South Russia — whether you call it g, betrayal or a secession
or what you will — has provided the enemy with anything from
three-quarters of a million to a million men for ultimate use
upon the West, which he would not have had if the Russian
State were still standing and were still fighting. Meanwhile,
of course, the enemy's annual recruitment of about 500,000
men yearly in the German Empire and more than 300,000
in the Austro-Hungarian continues — Class 1920 has been
called up in both those coimtries. ; And, the annual
recruitment of Bulgaria certainly, less certainly of the Turkish
Empire, is more than equivalent to the recniiting power we
possess for replacement against it in the Eastern fields of the
war.
But the numerical calculation thus established (and it
is exceedingly simple and should be obvious to everyone) is
only one factor in a very complex problem. There are four
others which posterity will be able to analyse at leisure and
which we either cannot or must not analyse at all sufficiently
for any practical judgment.
Those four remaining factors are : (i) The rate at which
America can supply men and material, including the power
to maintain tonnage for the same; (2) The progress pf the
submarine campaign against our communications andciviUan
supply, coupled with the rate of building against it ; (3) The
technical advantages of the Western Allies compared with
those of the Central Empires during the next few months —
that is, the rate at which they may devise and train upon either
side; and (4) most important of all : The internal conditions of
the enemy's tciTitory as connected not only with the material
efficiency of his armies, but tivilian moral and all the rest of it.
The first three cannot be discussed. Upon the 4th, which
may be discussed, we have data quite insuflicient for a con-
clusive judgment. Of its nature this judgment would depend
upon something imponderable. Even if wc knew every-
thing about the enemy's material condition and its pro-
bable exasperation in the next few months, we should still
8
LAND A WATER
Tanuarv 17, 1918
have to rely upon very iiupcrkct gucsswin k u> estimate the
<ffcGt this would have upon his power of resistance. Such
tilings arc only calculable where they concern the absolute
necessities of "an armed force, and where those stocks of
necessities are near exhaustion. The situation of the enemy
does not Icml itself to anv.sucii calculation. He is not short
of coal or of iron or of material for explosives. What he is
short of is the means of conducting tlu- general life of the State.
M'e also arc short of it. but not in the same degree as he is. \\ c
do not know the degree of perfection of his organisation, but
no milter how high that degree, it is clear that Uii present
situation is imposing a =.u.iiii Iki gudUi ihau anything \et,
suffered among the Western Allies. On whether that strain
will reach a breaking point or not mainly depend the fortunes
of the coming season. It^ is wiser to scale down the advan-
tages in our favour upon the enemy's side, moral and material,
and to believe that the enemy can hold, so far as mere supply
is concerned, throughout the open season of ic)i8. We may
well believe that before the end of it his state wiU be desperate,
but we have no warranty to conclude that it will bring about
a break in his whole organism before next >\inter. Russia
has changed all. U. BiiLLuc
The Admiralty Changes
By Arthur Pollen
WHEN the historian of the Great War is able in
some dispassionate future to appraise this
nation's successive steps in its struggle for
efliciencv, he will surely regard those announced
during the last three weeks as amongst the most significant
and the most curious. They are significant bccaiise they
arc a measure of our previous inefiicienc\- : curious as meas-
uring the time neces.-ary. before the results of common know-
ledge can be expressed in common action.
.\ \en,- cursory rereading of the comments on naval affairs,
written bv the "better quahlied writers during the last three
years, woiild remind those who hav(; maintained their
interest in this vital matter that the various governments
that have controlled our destiny since the beginning of the
>\ar have never lacked remembrancers to warn them that
war cannot be carried on scientifically except through an
organisation scientificially calculated to achieve its purpose.
Not, of course, that the necessity of a Naval Staff was pointed
oiit for the first time after war had begun. It was, indeed,
the first reform urged by Lord Beresford when he was almost
the only reformer, and it w-as the most urgently pressed by
those who supported and succeeded him. There were innocent
and hopeful souls who thought that Mr. Churchill's Memoran-
ilum of January ist, 1912, realised the advance which pro-
gressi\-e thinkers had desiderated. They did not realise the
fatal omission from Mr. Churchill's professed policy ; they
did not appreciate his incapacity to carry out c^'cn the policy
that he announced.
The theory of a staff organisation is not really very difficult
to understand. Historically, the staff derives from the
organisation put at the disposal of the commander-in-chief
in the field for securing the unified action of all the scattered
and diverse units of his force, so that by synchronous move-
ments and a universally understood system of wording and
obe\"ing orders, all couJd combine for the achievement of a
common object. It supplied the means of co-ordinating
information which alone made co-operation possible. It
was at once a mental extension and the physical executive of
the supreme commander. In origin then the staff is a
necessary element to command. And it inevitably grew
until it covered all the problems, executive as well as
intellectual, that war propounds.
.\ right conception of naval war shows at a glance the main
f mictions of a staff necessarj- to prepare for it in peace and to
deal with it when it comes. Sea power is brought into being
for one purjjose only— -to destroy the sea jwjwcr of the enemy. ■
Its single objecti\e then is to fight. It may be thwarted
of its purpose, because the enemy has it in his power to with-
draw liis forces from the sea and to place them where sea
power cannot reach them. The navy that is denied battle
must then proceed to seize — so far as is possible — all the advan-
tages that victorious battle would have given, and to inflict
upon the enemy all the disadvantages which, by defeat, he
Avould have incurred. The ad\-antages gained by \-ictory are
freedom to use the sCa, the ability to invade directly or
indirectly, immunity from the threat of invasion. The' dis-
advantage of defeat is a siege which the v'ictorious fleet can
inflict by blockade. But it is an error to suppose that the
justification of a blockade is the gradual sapping of the
enemy's civil endurance and military strength effected by the
stringency it creates. The real rnilitarv- justification of a
blockade is that the disadvantages of "this stringency will
<ompel the enemy to fight. There is in. theory— and all the
facts of history support it— no possible alternative to fighting
being the primary purpose for which navies exist.
It follows that, if the General Staff is the mental extension
of the chief command, fighting must be the only concern of
the most important section of staff organisation. " War."
said an American general, " is fightiug, and fighting i.s killing."
At sea it means the employment of weapons, dmi-lly in ships,
for the destruction of the cncniy'ji weapon-carrying bliips and
other defences of his sea forces. Sea war then is primarily'an
affair of the choice and use of weapons. For practical pur-
poses there arc three naval w'capons : the gun, the torpedo
and the mine. Ttie guns in praetical use in the British ll^rt
alone are verj^ various. Tlicre are anti-submarine patrol
boats armed with twelve pounders and even smaller w'capons ;
and battleships and battle cruisers armed with 15-inch guns
and, if rumour is to be trusted, with larger weapons still.
Torpedoes vary as do guns, but to a less degree. And there
arc several types of mines and depth charges. In selecting
the armament for any particular ship and in detailing any
partiailar ship for any particular operation, two intellectual
functions must be exercised. There is the choice of the
weapon and jircscribing the method of its use. And, insepar-
able fi'om these two is the third — the design of the ship that
is to carrj- the weapon. What is true of guns is true of
torpedoes, mines and dejith charges. It is hardly necessary'
to add that in all war the science of the use of weapons is
twofold. It has an offensive and a defensive side to it. You
must master your weapon for the purpose of attacking the
enemy ; you must master the defensive means the enemy's
use of the weapon imposes upon you. According, therefore,
as circumstances make the use of one or other kind of weapon
likely to be predominant by your own forces or by the enemy's,
so will the staff grade the offeilsive or defensive aspect of its
preparations.
The general theory behind the British pre-war conception of
sea povvcr, was that so long as we possessed a battle fleet
excelling in numbers the combined fleets of all our probable
enemies, and composed of units each individually more j>owcr-
ful than those any enemy w'as known to be preparing, v\e
should not only be perfectly safe from naval defeat, but would
in all probabilit\- not even have to fight for safety, for the
excellent reason that no enemy not absolutely desperate
would provoke a contest in which the odds would
be hopelessly against him. Our theor\- of war, there-
fore, was generally that the enemy's main forces would have
to keep to their harlxiurs, leaving us free to carrv' on the
transport of troops and to employ our own and Allied and
Neutral mercliant ships in sujiplv, practicallv as if no enemy
naval force existed. If we test this theory by the two prin-
ciples laid down above — namely, that fleets exist only to
light and that in preparing for this, regard must be had to
the special weapon each side will rely upon, we shall, I think,
notice a very curious contradiction in our conduct. For our
theory being that with a battle fleet as big as ours, neither
the enemy's main fleet^ — nor any of his merchant men — t^ould
ever put to sea cxcejJt upon some desperate adventure,
when it would obviously be our object to destroy him,
we should ha\-c placed our main reliance on our longest range
weapon to effect his destruction. For, ex liypothesi, the enemy
would generally be fugitive. Our first care then should have
been to have brought our battleships' gunnery to the highest
perfection, and hence to have exhausted our capacity for analy-
sis so as to anticipate every condition of action, and then to
have entrusted to the best scientific talent we possessed the
])roduction of whatever optical, mechanical or electrical devices
that were recpiired for overcoming the difiicultics which right
anticipation showed would arise in battle. Only so could wc
have hoped to give a logical expression to the offensive theory
on which. battleship;^ are designed. .'\nd, conversely, assum-
ing our policy of driving the enemy within his harbours by fear
or defeat to have succeeded, we should have rendered the naval
gun in his hands a weapon of which we need not be afraid —
for it was always clear that with the advance m the speed of
ships and in rapidity of communication brought about bv
steam and wireless, the neutralisation of a battle fleet must be
followed by an absohitt- command of the sea in the sense in
v\hich old writers used it.
W'v. .should then have looked into the possibilities of the other
naval weapons, new comers in thq field of war, weapons that
Jannar\' 17, 191S
LAND & WA5TER
r
havf* rfallj' duplicated naval war by making an under-siirfai o
as wpH as a i.urface war possiblo, and asked ourselves wlun-
the study of the use of these weapons led us in our preparations
for hostilities. We should have nsked ourselves what is
left to an enemy doomed to defeat or impotence in the war ol
surface ships? Will under-water war help liim to redress the
balance of sea power f The elements were all well known,
and had long been familial'. The te.xtbopks on toqicdoes,
submarines and mines that existed before the fateful fourth ot
August will no doubt all need extensive rewriting. But there
will be no need to restate any fundamental theory nf the
employment of these weapons.
Admiral Aube's Doctrine
For over thirty years it has been a commonplace amongst
naval writers that the ne%v element introduced into naval
war by the torpedo was a form of attack — assumed to be
neccssarilv fatal in each instance, when brought home — almost
impossible to avoid, because made by an agent enjoying the
magic gift of invisibility. That a maritime nation could
be defeated in war by bringing its sea supplies to naught, antl
that torpedo attack might achieve this nullification, despite
all that surface ships could do, were the main contentions set
out bj' Admiral Aube in his famous j^amphlets of 1885 and
iS8b. The submarine added no new -principle to Aube's
theory. It only substituted the literally invisible submarine
for the virtually invisible swift torpedo boat. But, while no
new principle was adde<J, a means so far more effective was
substituted that naval thinkers and writers at once perceived
that the logical development of the submarine would conv^ert
.\ube's guerre- de course from a dream to a working theori'.
What then, our postulates a.s to sea war on the surface being
a,s we have seen, were the obvious deductions to which a
study of under-water craft and under-water weapons would
have le<l us? We should .surely have realised that here was
the only hope of an enemy hopeli^ssly disadvantaged in the
war of battleships and cniisers. And e<iually that here was
a field in wtiich we stood to gain least by the offensive, for
the e.xcellent reason that we should have no targets to attack.
.\ud, consequently, just as the perfection of long range gunnery
'•n action conditions would ha\e been our dominant pre-
occupation if we would develop offensive in normal sea war
to the full, so too it should, in the abnormal war beneath the
sea, have been our main purpose to have preoccupied our-
selves with the defensive. But, as all the world knows, we
lot gunnery take care of itself, setting our main fleet to a purely
defensive r61e. And.wc leapt into the van in developing
the submarine and long range torpedo, forcing the pace which
our enemy was bound to follow, ami then neglected to prepare
i-ven the most elementary of coimter measures \o meet the
weapons we had forged against ourselves.
No organisation preparing a navy for war which had in-
cluded a section for the study of the technique of weapons
could possibly have fallen into two blunders so glaring and
disastrous as these two have proved. And it was because
the Churchill War Staff of 1912 set an enormous number of
officers and clerks to work on plans of war without reference
to the means by which those plans were to be pvjt into effect —
for the staff was altogether severed from the study of weapons,
that is the study of fighting, that is the whole purpose for
which fleets exist ! — that we drifted into the great and
hazardous confiisioh of hostilities wholly unprovided with
the first essential to success. •
We went on in this nuiddled and happy-go-luckv way,
learning nothing from the ominous failures to make hits at
the l-alkland Islands and the Dogg.r Bank affair, blind to the
appalling ler>sf)nsof Gallipoli, until Jutland made it clear even
t(j the Kast observant that modern long range gunnery, as
exemplified by the two fleets in action that day, was afmost
altogether impotent. Then another year passed, and we
found that just as forty battleships and battle cruisers could
not, in a sea action lasting from a quarter to four till eight at
night, make hits enough to disable more th.an one of their
twenty opponents, so too our other sea forces were altogether
unable to i)roter.t our nierciiant shipping frum the submarines.
^ et that the attick would be exactly what it Wius, there had
been, if possible, even less doubt, than that the gunnery of
the fleet would fail when it came to battle. Tor the German
threat of ruthless under-water attack on tha largest scale
which Germany could prepare, was specifically given within
t.n days of our hearing that von Spec's squadron had been
<lestroyed, and had been repeated again and again in the
intervening months. ICven to those, then, who liad not
the mtelligence to realise that our enemy would inevitablv
adopt the Aube theory of war because it was the onlv form
of war open to him, the enemy's actions, no less than his per-
fectly frank warnings, sholild have brought enlightenin.nt.
Why were ail warnings as to the inefticiency of our guimerv
and the virtual non-existence of an anti-submarine organisa-
tion consistent! v ignored
the answer is obvious. There
was no staff dei)artment to point out to the chief command
what were the right methods of using the gtui, or what followed
irom the enemy emiiloying the right method —for his purpose —
of using the torpeclo.
The system of Admiralty administration under which
we had suffered since 1904 — -the system of autocracy —
was necessarily responsible for these misfortunes. The
\ice of autocracy is that its actions cannot be impartially or
authoritatively reviewed. In the sphere of civil government
it breeds injustice and inefticiency. In the \a\y it bred
inefticiency because it did injustice to the truth. In civil
affairs the humaner peoples have preferred democracy to
uut(XTacy. because they rightly ^Jut justice to the individual
as the first care of the State, and because justice cannot
prevail where a government's actions cannot be reviewed.
\'ou cannot administer a service like the Navy democratically,
that is by allowing the individuals composing it to elect their
officers. But you can secure that justice to the truth —
and incidentally to the individuals that advocate it — shall
prevail by seeing that the trained intellects of the service
are employed impersonally and impartially to examine every
main departure in policy.
Goinmand and Supply
Fourteen months ago the Commander-in-Chief of the
Grand Fleet became First Sea Lord and brought with liim
various officers recently under his command. But he made no
change in Admiralty organisation. Its two main defects
remained. Command and Supply or, as the official phrase
has it, Operations and Maintenance, were still muddled
together. .\nd there was no Staff. Five months of this
regime revealed total failure. Last May came the first recon-
struction. In July Sir Eric Geddesr became First Lord, and
we have just seen the reconstruction completed. The first
step was a real effort to separate Command and Supply, but
it was the only advance made. For not only was the organisa-
tion wrong, but it had been worked by the dynasty that had
governed us since 1904, whose inadequacy for the task was
proved, not only by failure in the field, biit by their content-
ment with a system that, even if energetically worked, would
have made success difficult. Critics welcomed Sir Eric
Geddes and Sir Rosslyn Wemyss because they hoped the new
organisation would be worked in a new spirit. They also
hopetl for the completion of the reorganisation and for new
men to operate it. What has just been accomplLshed is that
the reforms of last May have been carried to their logical
conclusion.
1 said at the outset of this paper that historically the general
staff derived from the organisation through which the Com-
mander-in-Chief in the field could employ the numerous and
various imits that composed his forces, and that its growth into
an impersonal brain force, to cover the whole field of war, was
an after development. It is the first of these stages of staff
development that seems to be realised in the changes
announced last week. I mean by this, that the First Lord
has not attempted the construction of a complete staff on
scientific lines ; method and technic are not provided for.
It is an organisation created to deal with the imrhediate
difficulties of the day and to deal with them immediately,
.'\nd so far as it goes, both in the division and subdivision o£
functions and in the choice of officers to preside over the
various branches, the work seems to be exceedingly well
done. This is not to say that there are not both inclusions
and exclusions which in the first case surprise, and in the other
disappoint. But this after all is inevitable and, while we
may be sure that the First Lord's new scheme of work is
intended to be the foundation of a permanent fabric, we can
be equally sure th?it such a fabric will call for a continual
change in personnel as the needs of the situation and the
aptitudes of different oflicers are . revealed.
To a great extent no doubt the most vital problems of all —
those that arise in settling the use of weapons — while not
specifically provided for in the new arr^mgement by new
Increase in Price
'T*Hn Price of Land & Water will be raised to 9d,
beginning with the issue of February 7th.
In addition to the usual articles on military and
naval affairs, there will be a number of new and
interesting features.
We particularly request all our readers, who
have not already Jonc so; to place an order for
regular delivery with their newsagent.
10
LAND & WATER
January 17, 191S
staff departnifnts, nre neverilielcss not altogether neglected.
The First Lord lias probably siipposal that his nine new
Directors — n group of men "it is nu exaggeration to call
lirilliant— working umlor the Deputy First Lord and thi;
Deputy and Assistant Chiefs of the Naval Staff, together
with their several expert assistants in each department — all
o( them fresh from sea experience and mostly of forty years
t)f age or less— must from their own personal knowledge
:md from their manv facihties for communicating with those
nrtivelv engaged in operations, have at their disposal all the
technical knowledge and all the teclmical developments that
tiie war has brought about, and that therefore their plans
and advice will be perfectly in accord with flie possibilities
<i( the ships and weapons they recommend to be employed
lor putting these ])lans into effect. But it is doubtful if in
;iiiy department of naval technique it is wise to rely upon such
a general immanence of this vitally important fonn of wisdom.
We must not forget that at Galhpoli the naval guns were set
to perform a quite impossible task on the advice, as Mr.
Churchill told us, of the gunnery advisers at the Admiralty,
" the best that the world possesses." The failure of the most
nmbitiott? of all Mr. Churchill's war plans was perhaps the
revenge of fate for the most thoughtless of all his blunders as
an administrator. Only eightem months brfn,-. i„. imrl
banished from the Admiralty organisation the office of In-
spector of Target Practice --the only element in the whole
organisation, which the genius of a })jevious holder of the
Inspectorship had developed into a highly perfect example of
what a staff department should be. It was the depository oi
the active fleet's experience, judgment and wants as to'the
gunnery inethi)ds. The British Meet had fired more rounds at
battle practice targets under the supervision of abler an<l
keener gunnery oiilieers than any fleet in the world. No body
of men could have been more "sensitive to their faifures, nor
better aware that it was caused by the inadequacy of then-
equipment. None could better indicate the lines on which
progress should be made. But the Admiralty did not know
how to use the only staff element it possessed. The fatal taint
of administrative infallibility made the mere existence of a
critic, even if his ad\-ice was not followed, intolerable to the
lesser bureaucrats that served the autocrat. And Mr.
Churchill was persuaded to abolish the office so as to .silence
criticism. The Galhpoli failure followed inevitably.
Is it not probable, is it not at any rate possible that the
creation of branches, equivalent to the old Inspectorship, to
elucidate the methods of using weapons, might not, even at
this late date, give us prompt results which would be reflected
in tlie ficrjitinnr |->n\vi>i- mF fV... flp-.f- } AinilT'R FoTirN.
Leaves from a German Note Book
The Cult of the Theatre
THE theatres m BerUn — and in A'ienna — are sold out
ever\' night. Prices have been raised to what the
Germans themselves call scandalous heights. And
yet it is as difticidt to obtain a seat as an ounce of
butter. The Berlin correspondent of the Vienna Xeit, fur-
nishes the explanation for this curious fact. In the first
place, the demand 101* enjoyment is as strong in Berlin as the
demand for food. The soldiers from the front coming home
on leave desire to be amused ; the people' at home, thoroughly
tired of the "melancholy business" of holding out, are
equally insistent on pleasure. In the second place, social
life in Berlin is quite dead. 'The shortage of meat, cakes,
beer and other drinks, makes it impossible to entertain with
any hope of attracting one's friends, and invitations to drop
in after supper have proved unpopular. Dancing in cold
rooms is out of the question, and so social Hfe in Berlin con-
centrates on the theatre.
The fare is certainly abundant, though revue is appa-
rently unknown. So is the specifically war play. A glance
at the weekly programme of the Berlin theatres shows plenty
of variety, suitable for all tastes. During the first week of
the year, for instance, the Beriin citizens might hear at the
«)pera " The Barber of Seville" on Monday, " The Meister-
sinper " on Tuesday, and " The Marriage of Figaro " on the '
Monday following. There were several classical plays, in-
cluding " The Merry Wives of Windsor," and a host of inodcrn
••omedies, for the most part problem plays, by well-known
authors.
ft is felt that these joys should also be brought within the
reach of the less well-to-do, who cannot afford the pleasures
of the theatre. A new organisation has therefore come into
being, under the style of " Happy Evenings," for the purpose
of providing musical and draniatic entertainment for the
masses of Berlin. Herman Sudermann and Lndwig Fulda
are among the patrcais of the society, and their appeal for
funds, IS mteresting reading for the light it sheds on the con-
ditions of life in the German capital. " To bring a little
gladness into the existence of those who are oppressed by the
cares of subsistence, darkness, cold and the dearth of clothes
is the aim of the " Happy Evenings " Society. ... A
few hours each evening spent amidst warmth and light and
laughter may generate the new strength necessary for bearing
want and deprivation."
Polygamy
The Germans appear to he greatly annoyed at the accusa-
tions levelled against tlicm in the press of the worid that a.
suggestion to encourage ])olvgamy had been favourably, if
not officially, received in the I'atheriand. The Berliner
'J amebian, which may be described as a moderate and respect-
able daUy, does not deny that the cult of polgyamy is not
unknown in Germany, Intt it declares that it is "limited to a
few fanatics who are of no significance. In making this
admission it mentions iwi less than six organisations, founded
for the purpose of inrprovmg and increasing the German
race— (i) The " Eden " se-ttlcment, {2) The Mid-day Union,
U) The Hammer Comsmunity, (4) The German" League
for Regeneration, (5) The New Order of Templarp, and (f>)
The Ariana Society for the propagation of I^rce Love.
The Berliner Tagehlatt is at pains to minimise the influence
of these bodies, and in so doing reaches the height of im-
pertinence by asserting that the man who is to blame for these
ills is the Englishman, Houston Stewart Chamberlain !
Chamberlain an Englishman ! Whatever his origin may ha\e
been, there is little either of the Britoa or the British
outlook about him. He himself claims to be a German of the
purest type, and is devoted to the highest German ideals,
ideals exemplified in the stripping bare of Belgium, the sinking
of hospital ships and the poisoning of wells. Yet this man
is dubbed English when it suits the German book.
Yet another instance is very instructive of German men-
tanly. The Frankfurter Zeitimi^, commenting on Mr. Lloyd
George's reference to the (lerman colonies, calls atten-
tion to the demand of the English Premier that the fate of
the natives should be determined by their own choice. Th<>
South German journal is aghast at the proposal. " Pre-
sumably Mr. Lloyd George means," it argues, " that the natives
of the German colonies should express their views while yet
British troops are in occupation." That would never do.
Yet while Mr. Lloyd George, even according to the Frank-
furter Zeitung only " presumably " desires this,, the German
(iovernment actually claims a s"imilar right in Couriand an. I
Lithuania !
Gall to Repentance
Far-sighted Germans appear to realise the hopelessness ot
this attitude, and they are striving to recall -their fellow
countrymen to their senses. Among such people pride of
place belongs to Rudolf Eucken, professor, philosopher,
theologian, one of the few men of independent spirit in Ger-
many. In a Christmas message to the readers of a Hamburg
^ paper, he pleads for an understanding of the e'nemy. And
yet even Eucken speaks with condescension. The "war has
shown " that our opponents are more capable tiian we were
at first inclined to think. It was a common thing among us
to speak of the English as a nation of shopkeepers. But a
nation of shopkeepers would never ha.ve been able to put
forth such political and mihtary energy as the English ha\'e
done and continue to do." " '
In the same way Maximilian Harden, unmuzzled once
more, urges reconciliation with America. On this he insists
in his lectures as well as in his weekly organ, which is now
allowed to appear again. Of President Wilson, Harden writes,
"Never did the German people hear an iminire word front
Ins mouth." The way to end the war lies by way of Washing-
ton. Harden told an audience in Beriin three days after last
Christmas, and he conehided by appealing to tlie people of
Goethe and Diirer to contribute its share in constructing the
Temple of Righteousness. The pity of it is, however, that
few people lake Harden seriously, enteiiaining as he is.
The man who is in reality all-powerful is Hindenburg, and
he breathes a very different spirit. " Do not let us talk so
much about peace," he told a deputation of. journalists on
December 23nd. " Only \'ictory leads to peace. That was
the case in the East. It will be the same elsewhere. Victory
and peace are certain, and they \\ill come all the sooner i"f
January 17, 1918
LAND & WATER
II
only we present a united front at home. Militaiy victory is
assured ; no one can possibly snatch it from us." That
is the appeal that goes home ; Eucken and Harden are
but voices crying in the wilderness.
" The Bolsheviks of Neukolla "
The latest public sensation in Germany is the action of the
municipal authorities of Neukolln, a prevailingly working-
class district in Greater Berliii, There are many munition
works, large and small, in Neukolln, and in order to keep their
workpeople in good humour, the- larger works buy up pro-
visions and sell them at nominal rates to their employees,
thereby supplomenting the scanty rations allowed by tin;
:mthorities. In order to obtain these additional supplies
till' larger concerns, such ;xs the General Electric Company of
Berlin, regardless of the maximum prices fixed by law, pay
w hatfver is demanded if only they can obtain the provisions.
Wliat is the result ? That the municipalities coming on the
market to purchase eatables for their citizens, are forced to
outbid the wealthy companies, so they, too, exceed the
maximum prices for corn and flour, potatoes and vegetables,
milk and cheese, meat and sausages. Competition thus
becomes fierce ; prices are sent up to dizzy heights, and the
Jaw is broken. This has been going on for some considerable
time, and at length the corporation of Neuk<>lln, linding its
linauces seriously affectetl and its conscience a little uneasy,
jirt-part'd for jiresentation to the hood Controller, a long
iniinorandum on thtst- abuses. This action won the applause
"f many jxople, including Maximihan Harden, who named
the city fathers " the Bolsheviks of Neukolln."
It was also intended to bring the document to the notice of
the Part\' Leaders of the Imperial Parliament and of various
nfhcial bodies besides. But no sooner had the Eood Controller
sien the nature of the memorandum then he prohibited its
l>ubhcation on pain of severe penalties. Nevertheless, the
Socialist Vorudrls got hold of it and gave to the world what
it described as a " document bearing testimony to the shame
of our age." Instead of pouring oil on the troubled waters,
the German Food Controller, who is a Junker to his finger
tips, now threatens to take action against corporations
which have transgressed the maximum prices laws, and if
need be, to clap all their members into prison. Yet the
(iermans tolerate such a Food Controller I Little wonder
indeed that, incredible as it may sound, there are still outlving
parts in Germany where the Junkers pay no taxes. Such a
privilege is theirs, for example, in the town of Rostock.
>
An Entertaining Story
To illustrate the straits to which Germans are put in regard
to food, the following story which appeared in the LeiprAi^er
Volkszeitune^oi January 2nd,ma5- be given. It is only necessarv
to add by way of explanation that maiiy town-dwellers a
few months ago would go to the countryside in order to bring
home what food they could obtain. The practice became so
extensive that it threatened to develop into a public danger.
The police stepped in and forbade all such excursions, and
now whenever they discover a culprit, they not only punish
him severely, but in addition seize his supplies. So much
by way of introduction. The story comes from W'iedenbriick,
a countr\' place in Saxony :
It has tx-en observed of late that ladies, slender as pines, cnme
by an early train into the country from the neighboiirinj^
industrial centres, and that when they depart by the last
train in the evening they have become wonclrou.s .stout, more
especially in the bust. Yhe irregular shape of two such busts
aroused the suspicions of a constable, who entered into con-
versation with the owners. But the agitatio)i of the ladies
and their contradictory statements only confirmed the
officer's suspicions, and he arrested them. . At tlic p(jlice
station the ladies were searched, and it was discovered that
one owed her apparent stoutness to seven pounds of meat
and a quantity of butter concealed under her clothing, while
the other had on a blouse which was so made that fifty
oggj could be safely carried within it.
The Husbandmen— II
By Centurion*
from the haw i
son hue of bl'
It was ek\
turning tiie h
IT was one c>i iiio?c late autumn day?; wlien the '' wind-
falls " of the orcljard are gathered into the cider-press,
and the farmyard is filled with the aroma of the pomace ;
when the last sheaf of com has been harvested ujxjn the
-I iddles and the final spekc has been driven into the thatch ;
ulirn the " lands " are ploughed and cleaned of couch under
theteethof the drag, and the earth is dressed for thesowing of
the winter wheat. A red sun shone through the autumnal
mists f)f the morning, d\eing them to a flagrant glow ; in the
f:ir di-Jtnnce the fan-shajJcd elms stoixl out in a sharp black
lit 11 III' upon the grey screen of vapour. The fall of the
l^.ii Was far advanced," but tufts of Old Man's Beard still
Inmg on the hedgerows like fleece ; a few leaves of briar
decorated the intricate pattern of twisted elder, pallid ash,
and spiked hawthorn. The one touch of bright colour came
li's, which glowed with the dark crim-
tlie hedge-tops.
k in the morning. An old man was
:i swede-cutter in a gablwl barn whose
high n )of was supported by oak rafters and tie-beams festooned
with cobwebs. The open doorway of tht- bam commanded a
\ iew of the fields which slojied upwards from the edge of the
t;irm\:ir'!. One of those fields was marked by deep furrows
II 'I 1:1 1.1 miIl s of newlv-turned earth, all cut with a
Miaigiitness ot line that marked the work of a skilled plough-
man. A man was advancing down the middle of one of the
" lands " with a cradle-sliaped box slung against his waist
in front of him ; he dipped his right hand into the box, and
desi ribing with each step he took a semicirctflar movement
with his liand lie scattered the seed in front of him. With
just those gestures bygone men had sown these same fields for ■
;i thousjind years before him. There was a slow, even rhythm
about the movement of Jiis liands and feet as though he were
meastiring out j)accs on the land.
The old man at the swede-cutter paused a liioment to
w.itrh Jiis progress. " It be joike ahcient toimes, sowing
wi' h;md." he said, reflectively. " This cas'altv weather liev
made the CTound t<x) jiard for the drills. And them tr.actors
- I don't hold wi' em. They be no good on wet heavy soil
-they kneads it like dough. They be all very well for the
light. l)rasliy soil up Faringdon way. But give me that boy
I )an'ell and his two harSes, licy, thatcher ? "
• stories by " rentnrion " appc.ir exclusively in Land & Water.
'"fipvrieht in the t'nitwl St;ih', .,f An.irl. •■> i.ii-.
The thatcher who was'mounted on a ladder against a rick
just outside the barn-door looked down.
" 1 me, old Jarge. It be the zame wi' thatching. I don't
hold wi' these new tin sheds. If ye wants to keep a rick
warm, there's nothing like a good thatch and the work of
a man's hands. Here, Wilham Tuck, hand me up some of
those 'elms. . . .Aye, but I forgot that wooden leg o' yonrn.
It bo a clever piece of carpentry, but it can't climb a ladder,
I'll warrant."
He dc-scended tfie ladder and gathered np some fabrics oE
combed straw, each piece a foot wide and three feet in length,
:md carried them np the ladder in a forked stick known as
a " shuttle." Arrived at the top, he proceeded to laV them
flat against the sloping roof of the lick. For some seconds
nothing was heard but the tap of his mallet as he drove in
his " spx-'kes " of cleft hazel at regular intervals into the rick.
He was laying the " yelms " like the tiles of a roof, each one
overlapping the other.
Tlie old man watched him. " Eli Riddick do know lii.s
job and mun make dree pound a week at it in these times.
Thatchers be so scarce. But maister never ought to hev
left thuck rick unthatched all this time. 'Twas tempting
Providence — and the justices. I heerd on a varmer as was
fined twenty pound for 't t'other day."
Meanwhile, the object of his original meditations, his son
Daniel, a stout " boy " of fifty-five, was ploughing the field
next to that in which the sower pursued the even tenor of his
way. He had placed a stick in the middle of the far end of
the field, and returning to the near end had hooked in his team
to the ploiigh. Ih' had " set " his plough somewhat as a car-
j)enter sets his plane, ha\'iug by an adjustment of screws and
bolts got a distance of nine inches horizontally between the
right wheel and the coulter, and anotJier distance of four
inches vertically between the cotflter and the bottom of the
wheel. H<^ then shifted a bolt in the iron head-draught of
the plough lo correct the " pull " of the off horse. This
done, he took a handle of th;> plough in each kind, together
with the reins, and, with the light toucli that was neither a
push nor a pressure he guided the plough straight aliead
with his eye. on the distant observation-post. The turn-
furrow of tlit> ])lough threw up a ripi^le of brown eartli, which,
as it tin"ned over, showed an iridescent gleam wh(>re the pres-
stne of the steel had polislied it. .\s tlie nodding horses and
the jiloughman diminished towards their objective they were
lolliivvrfl h\' a letinnc of looks and starlings, who swooped
LAND & WATER
Jarmary 17, iQiS
down upon xne crcfping thing^i di'^inti^rrpd from their home
HI thf earth bv the a<;tion of thf pkiu{<h.
■ Ihe buy do pldigh a straight \ iirrow to'ard and vrom'ard,"
<;aid the old man. " Thougli aw never did win prizes as
J'vi- a done. 1 mind I won a silver cup against dirty-dree
ploughmen in the year vivty-ftve."
No one heeded these thrice-told tale5 of his former prowess,
and he relapsed into an old man's silent reveries. Ho turned
the handle of the swede-cutter with slow revolutions, hi.s
shoulders bowed,- his chest narrowed, and his right foot ad-
\'anced before his left. His breath came short with each turn
•1 the wheel, so. that he stood like one of. the I<"ates spinning
each moment of his o\\7i existence. Tliere was something
marmoreal in the concentration of his pose, as though man
and machine were one. A shambling, ill-constructed youth
named Jacob Fox was engaged in feeding the hopper with its
supply of purple roots, which he did at irregular intervals.
trrst trimming them with a knife, so that the receptacle was
sometimes full and sometimes empty ; the ancient man, un-
mindful <>f these gaps, continued to turn blindly like an old
woman who drops her stitches.
William Tuck, who sat on a milk-stool splitting hazel-
sticks with a bill-hook, rose up and looked down at the
heap of hairpin-shapad " .spekcs " he had prepared for the
thatcher. He stretched his dorsal muscles and emitted a
low whistle.
" E.Ktra fatigues I calls it," he commented. " I wish I was
a solfljer again. 1 can't abide the vittles ye folk gets at home.
This war bread be like the prodigal son's— it be full of the
Juisks that the twine did ear."
' Aye," said the old man, meditatively, roused from his
mechanical trance. " There'll be a mort of pjg-killing this
year, I do think. There ain't no offals for 'em. And where 'nil
us get our bacon arterwards?" '
" True, old Jarge. The Germans 'uUhave a sight ninr.' o'
pii^-meat than us, I 'm thinking."
' And how do ye figure that out, William Tuck ?
" They'ir eat one another."
At this Jacob Fox turned a horrified look upon the speaker.
The latter noted it with mischievous satisfaction, and pro-
ceeded to enlarge upon his theme.
■-Yes, they hev a corpse factory where they boils all the
dead corpses down into dripping to make lardy-cakes. But
they always keeps the spare-rib for the officers."
■ That be an ungodly thing to do," siiid the old man.,
" Tve heerd that eatin' live frogs is good for the consumption
but to eat mortal man — come, now. William Tuck, thee
cassn't Ijelave such things Though I do remember a
miss 'nary from the~ cannon ball islands as did say something
of the kind. Be the Germans black men, William Tuck? '
■' Aye, when they're dead. In hot weather. Sometimes
they tunis green."
" .\w well, dog eats dog. You must a seen a mort o' dead
corpses, V\'illiam Tuck."
" Aye, that I have. Hunderds. Thousands. Stuck my
entrenching tool into 'em, same as I might this bill-hook into
Jacob Fox here."
" Let him bide, the poor natural. Cassn't thee see he's
all of a twitter ? It do mind me o' when I wur a digging
up on l.ongbarrow Down for a partv of gentlefolk with glasses
on their noses, what were studying heathen larning. They
were all round us with their tails tip, same as if we were digging
out an old \i.\en and thev a waiting for a kill. I strikes a
sarsen stone with my pick, and lo and behold ! there was a
skeHington a sitting up a-waiting the Day of judgment.
And he had a lot o' flint tools with him to help liim cut his
Way out when aw 'eers the Last Trump. It did seem an
imchristian thing to disturb the poor soul. I used ter double
lock my door for a month o£ nights after that, thinking he
was outside asking for a lodging. ' I never would do any more
fliggmg for those ould 'newsy ' folk— a-poking their noses
into other people's sepulchcrs. There be lots of 'em up there
Romans an Britons and other heathen folk— all a-waitin"-'
1 do often think what a lot of 'em be waiting like that out m
|7.'!"'"^"PP°^ ^'^"'^- 1^0 they give 'em Christian burial,
William luck.'
" Znmtimes. They has 'em all registered like parish clerk
-- rf they can fmd 'em."
'• I once peeped over Church-yard wall and saw par.^n
i-burymg, uiterrupted Jacob Fox, as though an.xious to show
that he, too, had assisted on such ceremonial occasions
Aw wore a white surplus and 'aw said ;
• .\shes to ashes, dust to dust,
If God won't have ye the <le\'il'nnist ! ' "
" True, most true, and well spoken," said old Jarge " But
I do think ye've got it a bit mixed up jn that mazv poll o'
yourn, Jacob Fox-. Not but what it bjdn't a vefy rfous
.sentiment Death and the powers of darkness do seem
to l)e abroad in the land. And signs 'and portents I do
jnmd me as the ver>- night avore Abigail Hunt got news of
the death of her youngest lad in tlie war I was a-zitting up
and 1 -.uddt nly 'errs a bat tapping at the winder. And 1
looks up, and behold ! there was a winding-sheet in tiiecandl<:.
And 1 knowed as ziimone was took." . .
The conversation was interrupted by the entrance pf tlie
toilers of the fields. The head of Levi Godbehere, a gaunt,
sinew\' man, appeared in tlie doorway. He was a silent man
soured by domestic strife, and he placed his seed-lip down on
the ground without a word. He was immediately followed bv
the thatcher, who was reputed to be a " warm '' man with a
Post (.)Hice Sa\ings Book, and was respected accordingly as a
great authority on high finance. Each proceeded to pull
out of his capacious pocket a large spotted handkerchief, which,
when unfolded, disclosed thick slices of bread and cheese.
The thatcher's rations were further distinguished by the
presence of a piece of fat bacon. Each of the others in turn
produced his mid-day meal and they all sat down, slowly
masticating t heir food like a cow chewing the cud.
This ritualistic silence was broken l)y the entrance of
Daniel Newth, who proceeded to remove two large incrustations
of loamy brown soil from his lx)ots. They remained on the
lloor bearing an exact imprint of liis hob-nailed soles.
" Well, neighbours," he said, sociably, " toime to hev'
a bite and sup. Let's eat, drink and be merry, for to-morrow
we tightens our belts. If this war goes on we shall all be
turned out to grass. There won't be nothing else to eat. We
starves the beasts and they'll end by starving' us. There's
mighty little oil-cake for the cattle, and no barley-meal fo*
the pigs, and next to no maize for the jxiultry. There'll
be as girt a slaughter of beasts as there is of men, and what
then? Hey, neighbours ? "
" A solemn thought, Dan'l. A solemn thought, 'tis,"
ruminated the old man. " There's Blackacre Field as hev'
been under roots these seven j^ear, and is now gi\'en over to
whate, and what 'uU the cattle do for winter vittles then ?
Die they must like burnt offerings — 'tis a sacrifice, sure it
is. It do mind me o' the old times, when I saw finly liieat
once a week. But there'll be a powerful lot of bread, there
^\ill. Varmcr be ploughing up pasture. There's ' little
Scotland ' field as was laid down in '79— the year o' the
great blight when corn fell to vorty-drec shillin' a quarter, and
the cattle rotted in the fields. A terrible year that was ! It
rained vort^y. days and vorty nights and the corn sprouted
in tlie shocks, and cows and sheep ^ot the vluke in the liver
and wasted away, like a .maid in a decline. .\nd half the
farmers in the parish was sold up. 'Once bit, twice shy, '
says t'others, and they turned all tlieir arable into pasture.
And now they've got to plough it i\|) again. Well, 'tis an
ill wind as blows no one any good. It'll be a tidy time for
ploughmen. There's Dan'el as gets twenty-nine shillin' a
week. I've a-ploughcd a hacre a day in my toime with two
liorses and only got twelve shillin' for it. And C)i could drive
as straight a vurrow as any man. in the parish."
" Aye, that you could, veyther," said Daniel Newth,
propitiatingly. " We do all know as you could."
" Y'es, and sow too. I do mind as how a.fore these seed-
drills corned in Ive a-zowed tlcvon acres of rye, which is
elc\'cn sacks, in a day. Rye takes .some zowing-^sliort steps,
and a full liandful from the seed-lip for each step. . . .Y'e've
an easy job ploughing this year, Dan'l, after the roots, 'i'hose
roots have Ijeen hoed clane of charlock and clytes and couch,
and ye've no skim-ploughing to do.. Them lands arc as clane
as my hand."
" Well, there'll be a good time coming for Eli Ruddick,"
said the ploughman. " He'll be thatching day in, day out,
next year. Ye'll be buying liousen zoon, Eli. Ye must
have saved a tidy bit. What do 'ee put it in, if 1 may so ax ? "
" I lends it to government," said Eli Kuddick, shortly.
" Well, it be better than laying yer talents up in a napkin,"
said the old man reflectively, " But what I zays is, ' Spend
it as quick as yer can.' 'Tis tlie end of, the world coming,
sure it is, when all earthly things 'uU pass away. Or lend it
to the Lord. I did put an extra penny in the plate last Sunday . ' '
" A good hinvestment, old Jarge," said Levi Godbehere,
gloomily breaking his long silence. " A good investment it
be. ^ e gets a hundred per cent, on it. I do mind that hymn
they sings in church when the sidesmen comes round with
^ the plate all looking t'other way. aiicl pretending not to sec
the trouscr-buttons what some folks drops in. How do it
go?
' \Vliate\-er, Lord, we gives to Thee
Kcpaid a hundredfold 'iiU be.' "
" Well, us brought nothing into this world, and us can take
nothing out. Though 1 suppose the Almighty 'ull allow
William Tuck to keep his wooden leg. . . .How be getting on
Mi' that leg o' yourn, William Tuck ? " said the old man, for
whom the soldi<ir's. wooden limb had an inexhaustible fasci-
nation.
" It be a useful tool to hev ! A very useful tool. Oi can
plant taters wi' un. , . .Them doctors can do most wonderful
Januan- 17, 191S
LAND & WATER
13
tilings. Tliry'Il graft and prune ye like a rose-busli. I know'd
a chap as had half his face blown away, and one ercgone to
kingdom come — a terrible siglit he wur. The birds could ha'
flown in an 'out of his face like an old ruin. And they builded
'un a new face wi' a glass eve so as his own mother would'nt
a know'd 'un. They could cut up Jacob Fox here like butcher's
meat and put 'un together again, if they had a mind. And
make quite a pretty man of 'un too."
" How much do 'ee think they'd charge a body for doing
t, Mr. Tuck ? " said Jacob, who had been sadly iU-fa\-oured
jy Nature.
" Jacob Fox," said the old man, reproachfully, " doan't
0 bri\ct about that headpiece o' yourn so. It's a gift of <iod,
ind ye nnna make the best of it. \^'e do all know ye be a
»vonderful ugly man, the ugliest man in the parish, hain't
he, neighbours ? " ^
" Aye, that he be," they all echoed, stuJ.ying his homely
features with critical attention. " You be a wonderful plain-
featured man, Jacob Fox"."
" Well, oi do mind a man as once took quite a fancy to me
features once upon a time," said Jacob, desperately. " Tt
wur a fair-da\-, and I was a-gwine round the booths. A wonder-
ful fair it wiir. There was zwings and roundabouts and peep-
shows. And a gentleman selling di'monds at a penny apiece.
.\nd giants and dwarfs and a living skcllington. And. . . ."
" Cut the cackle and come to the hosscs, Jacob Fox. Ye
do take a terrible time to spit it out."
" I be coming to 'em. . . .Oi was a-looking under the flap of
a tent when a man wi' a lot of shiny buttons on Jiis westcoat
catches oi by the back of me neck. ' Ye young varmint,'
he says, ' I'll have the law of ye for trespass, seeing as ye
iin't paid for admission.' I wur all 4i a tremble, and I
went down on my knees, fny teeth was a-chattcring, thinking
jid be hung in '\nzes jail for a malefactor. .Xnd a looks at oi
and zays all of a zudden, ' I'll let ye off if ye'll bide here for
a day wi' me, and do as I tells 'ee. But if ye doan't, yer
life's forfeit to the Crown.' So I bided, being in his mercy,
and 'a took oi into a painted van and puts a horsc-cpUar on
me neck and paints me face and dresses oi up in a horse's
hide and makes oi go down on all fours like Nebuchadnezzar.
" Balaam's ass, ye mane," said William Tuck, mahciously. "
" And then he puts me in a sort of horse-box in a booth and
all the folk crowded in to sec ' The Horse-F'accd Min, (!aught
Wild in Patygonia.' Some of 'cm comed up and offered me
bunches of hay. but I could'n stomach it. .\nd the man wi'
the shiny buttons says, ' Stand back, gentlemen, he's very
^■icious. He's off his feed, gentlemen, being only just got
over a bad attack of glanders' Lordy. neighbours, the
way (hat man did talk made mc fftl as if I must hev been
burn a colt in my mother's womb."
" Drat ye, Jacob, and I paid zixpenceto sec yc — and never
kiiowed it were a cheat till now."
lie told oi not to say a word about it, and I was afcard.
.\nd at the end of the day he gi\- oi a new half-crown, and says
aw'd make my fortune if old trapse the country with 'un.
.Aw said ' I've taken a fancy to ye,' and he a.xed if me mother
,liad ever been chased bv a horse avore I was born."
" I can't call it to mind, Jacob Fox, " said the old man.
" But I do know as she wur in a sore travail wi' ye."
" Yc'nc a wonderful soothing way wi' horses, Jacob, there's
no denying it, " said Daniel Newth. " I never zeed such a
chap for coaxing 'em into a halter."
" Well, neighbours," said Jacob, tremulously, " it do seem
to oi as dumb animals be more human than men. Meaning
no offence, friends and neighbours all."
" How do 'ee figure that out, Jacob Fox? " said the old man,
magisterially. " It be a heathen thing to say."
" Because yc never see animals a -slaughtering and making
war on their own kind. Except rooks."
" That be a deep saying, sonnies," said Daniel Newth,
reflccti\ely. " A deep saying it be. The lad do think deep
thoughts at times."
" Howsomever, killing do seem to be a law of nature,"
said the old man. " The hounds kill the vox. the vox kills
the vowjs, and the vowls kills the worms William Tuck,
have ye ever slain a German Hun wi' your own hands ;
smiting 'un under the fifth rib, so to speak?"
" Aye, that I hev. I've a spit 'one with my bayonet, right
in his innards. .\w did give a kind of grunt."
■ It do s<?eni a fearful death. But I'd sooner be bay-
nilted than lunig. I mind when I was a little 'un I went to
Hang Fair, at Zaulsbury, to sec a woman hanged as had
jKjisoned her lawful husband. .And my vcyther held oi uj)
over the heads of the crowd to see her zwinging. I mind
well as 'er had clean white stockings on, and 'er kicked oft
one shoe wi' t'other. It did give mc quite a turn. Still, it
were a sinful thing to kill a husband. Being an offence against
Holy NJalrimony. "
" Trijc, most true, Jarge," said Levi (iodbcherc darkly.'
" Marrying be like dying — yc can't escape it, and yc never
knows what 'uU come after it." - ,
" Aye, But ye can only die once," said the old man,
significantly. ...-.._,.■
" True. I takes yer maning, Jarge. Ye'vc ha' buried dree
wives, as we do all know. Ye oughter have dree gold stripes
for it, like the chaps that ha\-e been wounded. There was a
fellow in Winterbourne Parish, .Abraham Love was his name,
what buried four wi\-es. Buried four wi\'es, aw did. A\v
had a beautiful headstone stuck up in churchyard for his
^•irst, and when t'others died, he had their names all carved
like a nobleman, one under t'other. When he'd buried the.
fourtli, aw died hisself and there warn't mucli room for a
subscription left. So they just put ' Also -Abraham Love,
husband of the above. At Kcst.' .\ \ery proper subscrip-
tion 'twas."
!' A very proper one. I never could understand how
King Solomon could a put up wi' all those hundcrds of wives,
all at once. I figure he must hev' had a girt dorm-it-ory for
'em, same as they hev' for old folks in the workhouse."
" I do like to' hear about King Solomon,'' said Jacob
Fox, emboldened by the success of his last observation.
" .Aw wur majn fond of animals. "
" What be the latl got into that head of his'n now ? What
do 'ee mane, boy."
" Well, neighbours, it says as he kept dree hundcrd concu-
bines. I expect as aw liked stroking 'cm. Though aw must
hev' had very horny hands. I saw two on 'cm in thuck
travelling menagerie as come to Marlbro' last j'car. They
had prickly quills all over like hedgehogs."
" 'te stun-poll, ye do mane porcupines. They bain't
concubines. Concubines be wenches..
A loud salh- of laughter greeted Jacob Fox's excursiou
into Biblical history, and blushing to the roots of his yellow
thatch-likc hair he retreated into the shadows of the barn.
" Matrimony be destiny, depend on't," said the thatcher
as the laughter subsided. " There was Liz Humming as
hung her shift inside-out on a gooscberiy-bush at Mid-
summer-eve and sat up to see the form aucl features of her
fated husband, as maids 'do at such times. .And about eleven
by the clock, she hears footsteps in the garden. She peeps
through the buttery window and zees zumone in the dark
a-tearing her shift from off the gooseberry-bush. She tip-toed
out all of a-tremble, and lo, and behold, it was one of the sh6rt-
horn cows out of the pasture."
" There bain't much sense in that," said the old man.
"Bain't there, though, Jarge !" retorted the thatcher.
" Inside of twelve months she married the cowman."
" Well, it mid have been the finger of fate," the old man
con(ieded. "I do belave in \vitches and soothsayers. Yc
finds 'em in the Bible. 'Tis allowetl to lam things to come
from searching the Scriptures. There's this attacki^lg o£
Jerusalem. It be vexy like the Second Coming. I heeni
from parish clerk as can read the newspapers as soon as look
at 'em — a clever man that, sonnies — as this godly man of
war. Lord Allanby, is to be greeted wi'- loud hosannas as he
enters the Holy City riding on an ass. .A man from (iod,
.sure he be. .And there is some as do say that we Englishmen
be the Lost Tribes, and Chosen People, so to speak.
" Sure, 'tis strange things be happening," said the thatcher.
" There's lads as hev' never been outside this parish all their
lives as be now in the land of the Pharaohs, a-making love to
princesses, and in ancnmt Babylon a- worshipping strange
gods, and in Africa a-riding on camels and laming all manner
o' .new sins."
" Well, I do hold as it be the end of the world, iieighboms."
said the old man. " There be wars and rumours of wars,
nation rising against nation. There be fire and brimstone.
Ihere be engines o' torment in the heavens above and in the
deeps beneath. My son Dan'l here wur a-rcading Luke
the Twenty-virst to nte t'other night, and it be all there as
plain as the palm of your hand. Famine and pestilence and
fearful sights. And Jerusalem encompassed with armies,"
" True, most true," said Levi Godbeherc, darkly. "I
mind them holy words. It do say 'tis to be as in the days of
Noe— folks eating and drinking, marrying and giving ii.i
marriage. And so they be. There's more banns called in
this parish this last year than I can iver call to mind. 'Tis
the separation allowances, maybe. But 'tis a sign and portent,
all the same."
" 'Tis a thing to turn a man's thoughts heavenwards,"
said the old man conclusively. " .A deep and fearful time it
be. But ye can see by the sun 'tis past noon, neighbour>."
.And he arose and wiped his month with the back of his hand.
The thatcher took up his shuttle, the sower slung his
Mcd-lip against his chest, William Tuck took down his bill-
liook from the nail on the wall. The ploughman hooked in
his team again, liach went his apjioinled way. .And nothin.^
was to be heard in the barn save the clank of the s«ede-
culter and the patter ot the orange-colouicd slices as they fell
into the bushel-mca&urc belo\\'.
14
LAND & WATER
jamuvry 17, njid
Present Position of the Farmer
By Sir Herbert Matthews
THE present position of the famicr i* most aptly
described by the old saving-" hke a toad under a
Sorrow,- but as possibly some are ^^^-^^^'^^
with the peculiarities of a set o harrow., and there
fore will fail to rcklise the extremity "f help^f :\"'=trmor h-is
this amphibian is reduced, it may be said that the farmer ha.
no more control over his actions than a boy who is bcm^
tossed in a blanket. , . ,.
To begin with. We are on safe ground in assuming that tnc
vast majority of farmers know their job ; very few of them
can learn anything about it even from their ^n^nds m Hect
Street. Numbers of them have spent many years on the sa nc
farm, and know it as they know the back of their hand
They know that what may be done on one fam cannot ul
done under hke circumstances on another ; that what may be
advantag.-ous in one iield will mean ruination in another, am
having learned this by long experience, until knowlc'dgc ci
the right moment for the manv cultural operations has Decoim
insUnctive, he is suddenly called upon to scrap all custom, to
do that which bitter financial experience for a generation
proved to be economically wrong, to take up new ideas, to
launch out into new systems of cropping, to feed his stock on
new lines, or not to feed them up to the condition of ripeness
for slaughter which he knows to be the best, but to sell them
just when he wants to obtain every load of manure he can
make. All these things.are now being pressed upon him by
officials ; a class he has hitherto looked upon as ignorant
])ersons, who must be humoured but, from the nature of things,
know nothing of the practical side of agriculture.
The farmer cannot possibly know all the facts tliat an;
known in Whitehall, and caiinot therefore understand the
reason for much of the advice showered upon him. He has
not been tokl enough. If he were taken more into the-ton-
iidence of Whitehall his efforts would be even greater than
they ha\<^ been. Evidence of this is shown by the different
spirit which has manifested itself since Mr. Prothero and the
Prime Minister spoke to them last October; Thus the farmer
lives jn an inverted world, and to add insult to injury he is
exp<x-ted to swallow and digest a heavy breakfast every
morning, consisting of fresh budgets of Departmental Orders
and Regulations which issue fortli ceaselessly day by day
from \ arious Government Offices.
Let us glance back for a moment to August 1914. Apart
from actual war news the papers then devoted more space to
agricultural matters than at any previous time. The farmer
suddenly became a prominent item in the national economy.
He was told how important he was, and how patriotic he would
b*^ if he grew more food. He was urged to get his harvest in
well and quickly, as though that needed any spur. Then the
Government took most of his horses away. There was no
w'oxA then — not indeed until February, 1917, when the sub-
marine was recognised at its full value — of giving the farmer
that practical encouragement in the form of a guarantee
against loss which he asked for. He must be patriotic as long
as he could pay his way, and if he lost money over patriotism,
well, it would be remembered to his credit.
Other munition makers were given profitable contracts,
guarantees of all sorts, percentages on wages, their men
w ere not to be recruited : everything done to encourage and
facilitate production : but any suggestion that similar methods
were desirable in connection with food-production was termed
unpatriotic. Meanwhile, the farmer's men were leaving him
^vholesale, for, to their honour be it said, no class in the
country answered the nation's call more promptly or in larger
numbers, than the agricultural labourer,- Next his supply of
implements stopped, and even tiic most urgent repairs were
greatly delayed, for the implement works were all turned into
munition works. The larger farmers tried to replace horse-
])0wer by motors, but the output was limited, and before the
manufacturer was in a position to supply the demand petrol
ran short, and permits for petrol became necessary, though
permits when obtained did not ensure a supply.
Railway transit, whether for farmers' requirements or for
sending away produce, became a nightmare ; traffic was (and
still is) delayed sometimes for weeks, or even months, while
delivery by road must be regulated by the horses, petrol and
men available for such work. The highly-paid work in muni-
tion areas and military camps next drew away further
contingents of his depleted staff, many of the older and more
skilled men going where they could get higher wages. Then
his hay and straw was taken at fixed prices, and below their
market value, while threshing engines and hay presses were
commandeered. As a result much of his stock" had tOi be fed
on very inferior hay.
Profiteers exploited him, and though prices for his produce
were fi.Kcd soniruiiR> Ijcluw iUl: tn-^i m jjroduction, ho had to
pay for his requirements whatever dealers liked to charge.
.Sometimes the commodities , supplied were, and are, almost
worthless, for adulteration has become rampant : sometimes
the supplvjhas been altogether cut off— for example, nitrate
of soda. "During part of 1916, and most of 1917, an immense
amount of time has been wasted through employers and
labourers having to attend at recruiting tribunals, every hour
of such time being urgently wanted on the land ; and in
addition to all these worries, individual farmers and land-
owners have voluntarily devoted a large portion of their time
to pubUc national work, at their own expense. These trials
f)f the agriculturist are not put forward in order to appeal for
sympathy, or to voice complaints, but as a mere statement
of facts wliich should not be forgotten.
An Instant Response
To revert to 1914. Wlu 11 urged to grow more food the.
farmer responded by increasing the acreage of wheat liy
434,000 acres, or 20 per cent, above the average of the previous
ten years ; this in spite of his loss of men and horses ; but he
was favoured by fair weather conditions. This gain in acreage
has been since reduced, owing entirely to lack of labour and
implements, and to most unfavourable chmatic conditions,
but the aggregate output of home-grown food was quite up to
the average in 1917, while potatoes showed an abnormal
increase. So far as present conditions allow a forecast
the output in 1918 promises to be very considerably above the
average.
The contradictory methods of recruiting, first exempting
certain classes, then trying to drag them into the net ; the
conflicting advice to increase hve stock, and then to reduce
the numbers ; the urging of a certain ])olicy, and then the
issue of an Order which compels an opj^osite course — these
are the things that have confused farmers, and rendered them
peculiarly susceptible to the attacks made upon them in
certain quarters. Not that those who have been responsible
for advice or for such Orders arc always to blame. The
advice was probably sound when it was given, but changing
circumstances; compel a change in policy. Unfortunately,
farming operations cannot We changed as quickly. .
Farmers have to plan months, sometimes years, ahead,
and having set a course it is impossible to alter it without
waste of time and labour ; often it cannot be altered at all.
The present shortage of milk is due to the Milk Order of
January 1917, and to the refusal of the Food Controller to
declare months earlier than he did, his policy in regard to
milk for the winter of 1917-18. The meat shortage of to-day
is due to liis action of last July, when he hxed the price of beef
on a descending scale, as every farmer knew would be the
case, and as the Food Controller was told plainly and often
enough. The recent Order prohibiting the slaughter of lamb
until June will not result in a greater weight of meat, but in a
decrease of arable crops. Had the farmer been told six months
ago that such an Order would be made he would have planned
his whole scheme on different lines, and have produced the
lambs in Februarv instead of December. The unnecessary
consumption and waste of bread is due to the artificially low
price, which is costing the taxpayer rather more than three-
quarters of a million per day. How can the average consumer
believe that there is a shortage of bread when it is as cheap as
ninepence for a 4 lb. loaf ?
The fundamental mistake which the Government made
was to make the Ministry of Food the controlling Depart-
ment. Surely it must be obvious that the 'first necessity is to
produce the food. Control is a secondary object, and can be
settled afterwards. To cook a hare, first catch your hart.
To control food presupposes food to control. Therefore, the
final word on all matters of policy should rest with the Board
of Agriculture. As matters are — the unscientific methods and
actions of the Ministry of Food decides not only distribution
but production of food. Sometimes indeed, the control is so
retrospective that food which might have materialised has not
been produced.
The cause for this state of things cannot be wholly laid
upon Departmental Officials, who are a hardworking and
conscientious lot of people ; it camiot at all be laid upon the
farmer, who has done the best that was possible under the
circumstances. It is mainly due to the politicians, who
opposed giving encouragement and security to producers, as
recommended by Lord Milner's Committee in 1915, and who
keep the public in the dark, by such means as tJic artificial
price of bread, etc. : and it is partly due to misunderstand-
ings betweeen officials and farmers.
January 17, 1915
LAND & WATER
15
The First Industrial Council
By Jason
ONE of our oldest industries has taken the lead in
forming an Industrial Council. We all know the
¥ive Towns, even those of us who have never seen
a potbank at Burslem or Stoke, from Mr. Arnold
Bennett's vivid pictures. Two centuries ago they were, af,
they are to-day, the centre of the pottery manufacture. At
that time the earthenware was made from the finer clay of
Staffordshire — yellow or red marl which was glazed with
galena, a cnished raw lead ore brought from Derbyshire, but
that day has now disappeared. To-day the industry draws
its raw material from all parts of the world ; china clay from
Cornwall, ball clay from Dorset, flints from Normandy and
lately from Norfolk, felspar from Derbyshire and from Nor-
way, and bones from South America.
Why, it may be asked, is Staffordshire still the home of the
pottery industry if it has lost this essential advantage ?
The answer 'is partly custom ; partly the presence of coal,
because cheap fuel is an important element in the manufacture
of pottery ; partly the skill of its workmen, descendants of
independent copyholders, for there is evidence that the
enterprise and initiative of the early potters were con-
nected with this free status ; partly the histon,' of Josiah
Wedgwood. W'e are apt to think of Wedgwood in connection
rhiefly with new designs and new wares, such as black
Kgyptian and jasper. But readers of Commander Josiah
Wedgwood's book on Stoffordshire Pottery will be more im-
jircxtd with another side of his career,' the push and per-
tinacity that he showed in driving through the House of
(ommbns the Bill for making the Trent and Mersey Canal.
Tor in the early days of the Industrial Revolution it was
canal transport that determined very largely where an industry
was to fincl its home, and in those critical days the Stafford-
shire potters had at their head'a man of great enterprise and
perseverance who provided just the driving force that was
liteded. The cutting of the canal reduced freights by 80 per
cent., and for that immense boon the five towns are indebted
to the great Josiah, who was a skilful potter and a considerable
artist, but above all things, as his great-great-grandson has
jjut it, a man " with a restless passion for experiment and
novelty, coupled with an almost American love for the exten-
sion of business — particularly profitable business."
Pottery is no longer, as it once was, an art as simple as
rooking. The early master-jwtters made their pots in sheds
behind their dwelling-houses, alongside the cow-shed. " They
dug their own clay," as we learn from Commander Wedg-
wood's book, " often in front of their own front doors. The
Wedgwoods at least owned and dug their own coal wherewith
to fire the oven. It was a peasant industry, carried on by
the family among the pigs and fowls ; and when they were
not making show pieces for presentation, they made butter
pots, in which fanners might market their butter at Utto.xeter."
Ihese days of a picturesque simplicity arc long past, and
the potteries luesent a very different aspect now. The
industry includes a number of different processes. A large
lirm will carry out all these processes, buf there arc a number of
Jirms that speciah.se in different processes.
In 1014 there were some 648 factories under the special
regulations m force for the industry, of whicli just under 500
were m the Potteries' district. The industr>' has been loosely
organised in the past. There has been one employers' organi-
sation for collective bargaining, the North Stafifordshirc
Pottery Manufacturers' Association and several associations
for fixing prices, representing the manufacturers of general
earthenware, sanitary earthenware, tile, china, jet and'
Rockingliam (the famihar black teapot and brown jug).
Organisiition is much less developed on the side of labour.
Of tlie workpeople, some 70,001) in all, only about a third are
to bo found in a Trade Union. The chief uiiion is the National
Society of Pottery Operatives, which has absorbed several
sectional unions. This union has grown rapidly during the
war and now has a membership of 15,000. The' Packers and
^rate-makers belong to the National Union of General Labour,
and there is a Union of United Ovcnmen, about 1,000 strong.
Organisation of the Council
It is appropriate that one of the two leading nantrs in the
histor>' of the new Council should be a Wedgwood. Major
Frank Wedgwood, brother of the free lance in the House of
Commons, and great-great-grandson of the great Josiah
has acted as Chairman of the conferences in which tiie project
has been shapixl, and the line of social reorganisation with
svhich he has been associated may prove in the event to be as
important as the technical developments for which his
ancestor was responsible.
With his name must be coupled in this connection that of a
well-known Trade Union leader, Mr. S. Clowes, J. P., of the
National Society of Pottery Workers. These two would,
however, be the last to claim any special merit. The Council
is a perfectly spontaneous development, which had its origin
in a series of private and informal conferences held last spring
to discuss the industrial outlook in general. All the leading
names in the industry have been represented in the dis-
cussions, although it is not invidious to say that it was fortunate
that the bearers of the best-known names should be admirably
fitted to preside over them. These private conferences had
resulted in a decision to hold an official conference, repre-
sentative of all the principal organisations in the industry,
before the Whitley Committee issued its report, to discuss a
plan for organismg an Industrial Council.
These plans are now matured and they provide for a Council,
with not more than thirty members on each side. The Council
may appoint an independent chairman. If the chairman is a
manufacturer, the vice-chairman is to be a workman and
\ice-yersa. The Council will meet at least quarterly and
appoint an Executive Committee, and Standing Committees
representative of the different needs of the industry. It may
appoint special committees and co-opt outsiders for special
purposes, a veiy necessary provision in view of the scope of
the Council's duties. The expenses will be met by a lew on
.Manufacturers' Associations and Trades I'nions. A Iwo-
tiiirds majority will bo required to carrj' a resolution. The
Association of General Earthenware Manufacturers select
eleven representatives and the other associations of employers-
smaller numbers, Yorkshire and Scotland contributing one
member each. On the workmen's side, the provisional
arrangement is that the National Society of Pottery Workers
will elect 14 members, the United Ovenmen six, the Natioiial
Union of Clerks (the Pottery section), the Ceramic Printers,
the Packers and Crat<; makers, two members each. There
are to be women representatives. It is interesting to note that
the Commercial Travellers have asked for inclusion on the
workers' side and their association will contribute two repre-
sentatives. It is interesting also to note that the difficulty
caused by the fact that unioqs are spread over different
industries, can be got over by some such scheme of repre-
sentation, as this for the packers and crate -makers, who
Ijelong to the National Union of General Labourers, will be
represented on the Council, through the union by delegates
belonging to the trade.
Objects of the Association
The objects of the association are set out as foUo^vs :
" The advancement of the Pottery Industry and of all con-
nected with it by the association in its government of all
engaged in the industry'. It will be open to the Cotmcil to
take any action that' falls within the scope of its general
object." Its chief work will, however, fall under these heads :
(a) The consideration of means whereby all manufacturers
and operatives shall be brought within tlieir respective
associations.
(b) Regular consideration of wages, piecework prices, and
conditions with a view to establishing and maintaining
equitable conditions throughout the industry.
(c) To a.ssist the respective associations in the maintenance of
such selling prices as will afford a reasonable remuneration to
both employers and employed.
(>l) The consideration and settlement of all disputes between
-lifferont parties in the industry which it may not have been
possible to settle by the existing machinery, and the estab-
lishment of machinery for dealing with disputes where
adequate machinery does not exist.
(e) The regularisation of production and employment as a
means of insuring to the workpeople the greatest possible
security of earnings.
(f) Improvement in conditions with a view to removin'»
all danger to health in the industry. °
'^'Mu'^/'iV'^y "^ processes, the encouragement of research
and the full utiUsation of their results.
(h) The provision of facilities for the full consideration and
utUisation of inventions and improvements designed bv work-
people and for the adequate safeguarding of the rights of tlie
itesigners of such improvements.
(i) Education in all its branches for the industry.
Ij) The collection of full statistics on wages, making and seliinff
prices, and average percentages of profits on turnover and
o., materials, markets,, costs, etc.. and the study and
i6
LAND & WATER
January i", i9i<S
promotion of scientific nnd prartical sj-stemfs of costing to
this end. ,
All statistics shall, where necessan,', be verified ljy{ <bartereil
accountants, who shall make a statutory declaration as to
secrecy prior to any investigation, and no particulars of
individual lirms or operatives shall be disclosed bo anyone.
(k\ Enquiries into problems of the industry, and where de-
sirable the publication of reports.
(1) Representation of the needs and opinions of the industry
• to Government authorities, central and local, and to the
community generally."
• ' This declaration spn^nks for itself and it shows wliat a wide
interpr<?tation tlic Council wisely" puts on its duties. It
should have a great effect in raising and standardising wages,
which at present vary considerably and are as a rule poor ;
in strengtheniiig the unions, in providing for a security of
tenure, in improving tlie prospects of tlie industry as a whole.
Employers and workmen have both been educated during the
war by working together on the advisory committee on military
exemptions. Keadiness to co-operate has received a great
stimulus from this experience. Each side has learnt that
there are purposes for which the help of the other side 'is
desirable. But perhaps there is no feature of the spheme more
important than the {.>rovision (j) for the collection of full
statistics on selling prices and average percentages of profits,
for here, of course, the consumer will find his protection
.igainst the danger of a combination of employer and workman
to e.xploit him. It has already been argued in these pages
tliat the setting up of representative government in industry
must be accompanied by some definite safeguards of this
kind, and this degree of public control over industry Mill be
necessary under any system.
The Shadow of Disease ^
Not the least important of the duties of the Council is com-
prised in section (I). Pottery has had a sombre history in
lespect of disease. \Ve have all heard of " potter's " asthma,"
locally called " potter's rot." The potter's special tendency
to lung disease was recognised two centuries ago, and our
own generation has been painfully familiar with stories of lead
Hiing. Twenty years ago it was the custom among
.i itive people to buy for their own use the leadless glaze,
" spionged arid painted" ware which had been made originally
for the natives of West Africa. The figures published by the
Chief Inspector of Factories show a notable improvement as
" the result of agitation and also of the publicity given to the
w hole subject by the inquiry carried out by Professor Thorpe
of the Government Laboratory, and Dr. Thonias Oliver, the
W'ell-known doctor. Professor Thorpe and Dr. Oliver were
appointed in 1898 to inquire into the causes of those diseases
and the possibility of taking measures against them. Their
work was done with great thoroughness, and all the leading
minufactories on the Continent were visited. The publication
of their report and the subsequent arbitration, at which Lord
James of Ilerefprd acted as umpire, are a landmark in the
history of this melancholy- subject.
The two experts made a number of pretty drastic recom-
mendations, proposing to forbid the use of lead in any form in
all except a few branches of the industry, and to stipulate in
those branches for the use of a fritted double silicate, a com-
pound that would greatly diminish' the risk and e\il of lead
poisoning. They also proposed to exclude women and young
persons from the dipping and ware-cleaning departments.
■Jhese proposals seemed too drastic to many of the manu-
facturers.and to an industry with old-established customs and
, a conservative mind, they were revolutionary. After negotia-
tions between the trade and the Home Office, the whole
question was referred to arbitration. The Home Office
ailopted a series of amended rules to give effect to Lord James
of Hereford's decision, which represented a compromise
between the hopes of the doctors and the fears of the trade.
Those rules have been in. force for sixteen years and the results
are seen in the diminution of disease. The Annual Report
■,ior the year 1914 showed all the reported cases of plumbism,
which from an average of 116 in the vears 1899-1910, had
..fallen to 62 in 1913 and to 27 in the following year. In the
middle nineties the figure had been somewhere about 350.
.But, the industry cannot be satisfied until it has removed
.'this employment from the category of dangerous trades.
1 here are various ways in which tlic Industrial Council will
\>e able to help in improving the industry in this respect.
.\t present inspectors are appointed in the works to see that
the Home Ofiicf rules are applied ; they arc supplementary
policemen to the Government Inspector. Their difficulties,
of course, arise partly from the conservatism and carelessness
.of workpeople who are reluctant to take ftie trouble to protect
thenrselves by wearing washable head-coverings, and using
..o^hcr precautionary devices. These' inspectors are not
.always very competent or active in discharging their dnties.
it would obviously be better to entrust this task to the Shop
Committee, which will have greater }x>wer in dealing alike with
' recalcitrant' \\orkmen and witli recalcitrant employers. In
" general, it vVill !>»:• the duty of the Industrial Council to sef that
the standard of the good firms is applied throughout the
industry, and that we shall not have in future inspectors
reporting. " In many earthenware biscuit warehouses the
means for avoiding dnst in the brushing process is still un-
satisfactory."
But surely the Industr\' will do more than this, and will
prepare for the largo reform that civilisation demands, the
abolition of the use of lead. Dr. Ohver tells us the Egyi)tian
potters used a glaze composed of silicate of soda without lt;ud
and that there was no trace of lead or tin in the enamelled
bricks in the ruins of Babylon. Lead was frequently used in
Assyrian and Persian pottery, but they were pot superior
cither in durability or colour. The common argument used to
be that our potters used lead because they worked on a body
made of bone that needed it, whereas Continental potters have
a different body — felspar, which does not need it. But this
argument no longer hokls, for Dr. Mellor and Mr. Bernard
Moore have recently dc\-ised a body which has all the pro-
perties of the foreign body and yet is made from Engfish
material. As a matter of fact, the use of leadless glaze is
growing steadily. Many of the bigpotterit^ use it mainly or
exclusively in their works ; the names of Wedgwood, Cope-
land, Minton, occur to the mind in this connection. The
last Inspectors' Keport showed that of iir coarse warp pot-
teries, raw lead is used only in 18, and that out of 465 other
potteries (including all the general fine household earthen-
ware and china manufactories of the country) 106 are now
confining themselves to substantially non-poisonous glaze.
This is the moment for prohibiting the use of lead, and
removing this slur and danger from a noble and avcient art.
Some General Suggestions ^
As the creation of these Councils is now under disai.«slon
in several industries, a few suggestions and cautions may
be desirable. The task of conducting industry successfidly
on these lines will tax all the resources of our industrial
statesmanship, and it will tax the ability of the Trades Unions
in a special degree. If they can seize the chance to break
down the spirit of jealousy between this craft union and
that, between this type of union and that, and gradually to
reorganise and combine their forces in new jomiations,
corresponding to the new circumstances of industn^", the
Trade Union movement will grow immensely in power.
If this is to be effected, several questions that have hitherto
been shirked in the Trade Union world will have to be
faced. The crisis over the shop stewards was a result
of turning a blind eye to the realities of the workshop
and the mill, and allowing a dangerous separation to
grow up between leaders and rank and file. That movement
is in itself a symptom of life and energy and if properly handled
it will add to the sincerity and strength of representati%-e
government in the Trade Union world. And all its power
will be needed, for the Industrial Councils will not inaugurate
a perpetual peace between employers and employed or achieve
a final rcconcihation between their interests. ' Some people
are talcing with hope, others w-ith fear of a grand 'alliance
between employers and employed, threa'tening the State
and the consumer with a new and dangerous tyranny. This
assumes that the State is helpless and that employers and
employed have no divergent interests. Both assumptions
are mistaken. The organisation of industry, with' repre-
sentative forms, will make some degree of State control — of
the kind outlined in previous arcicles — essential for' the
protection of society. And though there will be co-operation
on these councils, there will also be conflict. The workman
who thinks that the Trades Union leaders often get the
worst of it in dealings with officials and employers will look
on this prospect with some anxiety, and it is in the'interest
of the nation as it is in the intcTest of the workman that the
Trades Unionist should be able to hold his own in debate and
deliberation.
In this connection the Trades Union might well take a leaf
out of the employers' book. The employers do not choose the
secretaries of their organisations exclusively from their own
ranks. Ofie of the most successful officials to be found in the
service of these as.sociations was previously a leadin.g statistician
in the Board of Trade. The Trades Unions would be well advised
to look beyond their own boundaries and to appoint among
their of^~icials men with the kind of experience and education
that are needed, say, for the Civil Service. Skill and quick-
ness in handling documents, in analysing and in presenting a
ca.se, in appreciating the precise meaning of which a statement
is capable,are acquired by a special training, and if a Trade?
Union, is to provide its own secretary and staff, it will need
those specialised qualities jiist as much as'a Go\'ernment
Department needs them.
January 17, I9i«
LANU & WATER
aife anti Setters
By J. C. Squire
17
Rabelais
IT is obscn-ed by ■Rabelais himself tliat tlio?o who have
read " tli<' pleasant titles of some books of our invention,"
such as Pease and Bacon with a Commentary, " arc too
ready to judge that there is nothing in them but jests.
mockeries, lascivious discourse, ajid recreative lies " ; but
'■ the subject thereof is not so foolish as by the title at the
first sight it should appear to be." Were one not faced with
incitements to speculation about meaning on o\-cry page,
this would be sufficftnt excuse for the commentators and
explorers. But these gentlemen would do well to remember
a later remark of the author's about " a certain gulUgut friar
and true bacon-picker " who tried to get incredible allegories
oiit of Ovid :
If vou give no credit thereto, why do not you the same in
these jovial new chronicles of mine 'f Albeit when I did
dictate them, I thought upon no more than you, who possibly
Mcro drinking the whilst as I was. Por in the composing
of this lordly book, T never lost nor bestowed any more, nor
any other time than what was appointed to serve mc for
taking of mv Ixidilv refection, that is, whilst I was eating ami
drinking. And, indeed, that is the fittest and most proper
hour wherein to write these higli matters and deep sciences :
as Homer knew very well, the paragon of all philologucs. and
Ennius, the father of the Latin poets, as Horace calls him,
although a ccrtjiin sneaking jobbernol alleged that-^his verses
smcUetl more of the wine than oil.
An accusation which Rabelais calls " an honour and a prcusc."
. V * * * * «
Our ancestors tended to regard Rabelais as purely a buffoon.
Their imaginary portraits of him were much like their por-
traits of i-'alstaff. Mode.r4i research has recovered a good
many details of his industrious life, and shown lH)W vast is
the learning and how purposeful mnch of the satii:c of his
great book. It has even been decided that the only portrait
with the slightest claim to aiithenticity is one which gi\e>
him wear}' eyes, sunken cheeks, a wispy beard, and a forehead
like a phjughed field. Some of the results of the immense
mass of modern hrcnch investigation arc tabulated in Mr. ^^'.
J'". Smith's Rabelais in His Writitif^s, just published by the
Cambridge University Press (bs. net), and Mr. Smith nwkes a
good many conjectures of his own. Among his arguments some
are not exactly conclusive. It is not ver>' satisfying to be told
that Rabelais was not, as used to be supposed, born in 148.? ;
■ lie was always exact about facts and we can (wc arc told)
deduce with certainty from' his own writings that he wajj born
in 1494, " about 1494 or 1495," or else in 1489. It is not
much use to kn(jw that his statements of facts were accurate
when you don't know which were his statements of facts.
But his history has been very much amplified ; we know
where he went and when he wrote much better than we did ;
and the nature of his reading and references is being gradually
cleared up. In one regard, at least, the tendenc\' of modern
students is significant. When research on him began the
inclination wa.s to read great affairs into his every chapter.
It is now certain that the war between (Irandgousier and
Picrocholc represents nothing more than a law-suit between
Rabelais' father (who is no longer alleged to have been an
innkeeper as the robust old tradition had it), and a neigh-
bouring landlord over riparian rights. But the point to
remember (in the light of the introduction to Gargantna.
if our own sense doesn't guide us) is that the raw material of
Rabelais ceases Uf Ix- important after he has used it. He
may have amused himself as much as he liked by using real
characters, incidents, and events in his narrative, but the
fair>-tale he made out of them is the thing that matters. The
war between those two kings was not written merely in order
to record this insignificant law-suit ; when Friar John of the
Funnels, "by his prowess and valour discomfited all those
of the army that entered into the close of the abbev, unto the
number of thirteen thousand, six hundred, twenty and
two, besides the women and little children, which is always to
be understotxl," Rabelais had forgotten all abo«.t the fishing
rights of Rabelais pcrc and was merely thinking of his own
amusement and perhaps of the grinning faces of his hospitnl
patients, for whose amusement tlie first two books arc alleged
to have been written.
*****
The scholars must not, in fact, begin to make iiim smell
nv^re of the oil than of the «inc. They ha\c demonstrated
tliat lie wa> nut a drunkard — thougli anyone with half an cyi:
lOuldVe.- that ; but they now tend to suggest rather that h<
wn> a teetotaler. They prove that he was an eminent
physician, a successful lecturer, a trusted diplomatist, an
rnidite tbeologiatii. a great Humanist, a Church Rcfonncr, a
linguist, a lawyer, a traveller, an expert in architecture anu
the military art, and Lord knows what else ; and" they almost
lose sight of the fact that, whatever else he was, he was a jolly
old dog. Here, for instance, is Mr. Smith, wIjo has patience,
judgment, learning, and who certainly would not be spending
his life upon such an author if he did not relish hirn. . Yet
his book is completely humourless, lacking in high s])irits or
even rehsh, and unilluminated even by the quotations from
the text which might give balance to it. One caiiwt help
thinkii)!? that if the spirit of Rabelais himself, looking d.own
from the clouds over the lid of a tankard of nectar, shouUl
descry these books on ,the work \vhich he dedicated with a
" Ho! Ye, most illustrious drinkers," he would be twnptcd
to add a few more items to that long catalogue of imsjginarv
p<'dairtry with which he filled his Library of St. Victor,- and
which includes Ouacstio subtilissima,. utruni chimacm. in
vacuo tiomhinans pussit- comederc secuitdas inleiiliones,- arid
llarwotniiis de baboonis. et apis, cum Commcnto DorbcUis.
*****
In fact, after I had read Mr. Smith's book— closely reilsopcd,
carefully an-anged, clearly expressed, a? it is — I Irad to go back
to Rabelais and read a" few rcmernbercd passages iij order
to remind myself that neither reform nor autobiogiap.liical
histor\- were his prime interest. I read ofthat storni dtjring
which Panurge, as white as chalk, chattered. "Be,, be, be,
bous, bous, bous." I read the debate on Marrying or not
Marrying, and the Discour.se of the Drinkers, the finest
reproduction of the chatter of a crowd enjoying themsch-cs
which exists anywhere in literature. I read the great formal •
address wherewith Master Janotus de Bragmardo besought
f largantua to return to the people of Paris the bells of Our
Lady's Church w hi.cli he had carried off on the neck of his
mare, and which opens :" '*' ,
Hem, hem, gud-day, .sire, gud-day. Et vobis, my mastc-rs.
It were but reason" that you should restore to us our bells;
for wc have great need of "them. Hem, hem. aihf uhash. — '^''e
have oftentimes heretofore refused good money for them of
those of London in Cahors, yea, and those of Bordeaux in
Brie, who would have bought them for the substantific
rjuality of the elementary complexion, which is introniicated
on the terrcstreity of their quidditati\-e nature, to extraneize
the blasting mists and whirlwinds upon our vines, indeoj
not ours, but these round about us.
And I read that most perfect chapture of all " of the qualities
and conditions of Panurge," v.ho "was of a middle statute, hot
too high nor too low,^and had somewhat of an aquiline nos<^
made like the handle of a razor," who was " naturally sui)ject
to a kind of disease which at that time they called lack of
money," and who " was a wicked lewd rogue, a cozener,
drinker, roister, rover, and a very dissolute and debauched
fellow, if there were any in Paris ; otherwise, and in all
matters else, the best and most virtuous man in the world."
And, having thus read I felt sure again that although it is
interesting to know that the idea of Panurge came out of an
Italian macaronic romance, and probably out of fifty-seven
other places as well, itjcally does not greatly matter: any
more than that " fair gieat book " which Panurge wrote, but
which " is not printed vet that I know of."
* "* ♦ ■ * ♦.
Still, it is ridiciilous not to be thankful tor the bObk one
will use. This is especially so when, in England, Rabelaisian
literature is so scarce. No Enghsh biographer has tlioughtit
worth while to write a really big book on him ; and beyond
Professor Saintsbury (w-Ti'o had a magnificent chapter on him
in his recent History of the French Noirl) and two industrious
Cambridge dons, scarcely any living English critic, has
attempted to do him justice. He is not e\-cn widely read ;
except by schoolboys who get hold of nasty paper-covered
editions of him because he was in the habit of plastering his
pages with unpleasant, and, in print, unusual words. He
cannot be excused — as some have atternptcd to excuse him —
from the charge of a verbal coarseness unparalleled in any
(jther great moflern writer. But his gigantic humour, b'^
inexhaustibly liappy language, his knowledge of mankind,
his wisdom and the genen)sity of his spirit, have madf- him the-
secular Bible of a succession of English writers (amongst
whom, a little surprisinglv, was Charles Kingsley), and there
are many men living who would find him equally companion-
able if only they would once try him. '^hcy need not even
bother aboiit reading him in the. original. For the seventeenth
century translatioH by Sir Thomas Vrquhart of Cromartie
(roncluded, not quit<:'s<> suprrbh-. by Pctrr Moltfux) i? onr;
of the great translations of the world, unequa,llf-d by any
other translation in our language, a miracle in it-^ constant
re-creation of what cannot be Utcrally rendered from the
French into our ox^-n tongue.
i8
LAND & WATER
January 17, iQiS
A German View of Sea-Law
By John C. van der Veer (London Editor of the Amsterdam Telegraaf)
V
IHE most monstrous thing," saul Mr. Asquiiii ou
December 30tli, in tlic House of Commons, ' wlncli
the t.crmans have done in the whole war is the
tUcliirHtioii of a new submarine warfare by tar
the most lawless and wanton act of violation of the letter
and the spirit of all international convention and usage that
any country has ever perpetrated in all its liistory.
That Germany's submarine warfare against the merchant
ships of neutral as well as AlUed nations is a " violation ot
the letter and the spirit of all international convention and
usage," can be proved on the authority of a well-known
German expert on the Law of Nations. I refer, to Legal
Assessor Dr. Hans Wehberg, of Diisseldorf, whose book ot
450 compact pages, Das SeekricgsrecM (The Rights of VVarfarc
at Sea), finished bv him during the first months of the war
and published in 1915 by Kohlhamincr of Berlin, Stffttgart and
Leipzig, is a running comment on, and a thorough condemna-
tion of, Germany's lawless acts.
Dr. Wehberg is one of the few German publicists to whom
truth is dearer than national ambition. Referring to the
(krman {Government's protest issued in October, 1914, against
Great Britain's detention of German reservists on board
overtaken ships, Dr. Wehberg says on page 313 :
I regret sincerelv, that I cannot on that important question
share the point of view of my Government. Byt much as I
sliould like to stand up for the interests of my country, I cannot
sacrifice the scientific character of my book, nor give up the
great idea of international law, which reigns over all countiies.
Further, mentioning a statement made on March 17th,
1915, in the House of Commons by Mr. Winston Churchill,
as First Lord of the Admiralty, that some British merchant ships
had then been armed as food carriers exclusively lor defence
which some German critics, among them Captain Persius
in the Berlin TagcbMt, had reproved as a " backward
step to former piracy," Dr. Wehberg saw no ground "'to
doubt the airrectiicss of Mr. ChutchiU's statement." ,'ihe
opinion of that German expert, who, as we shall see, stated
that merchant ships of a belligerent country have the right to
defend themselves against attack, incurred for him the wrath
of the German authorities. They boycotted his book, they
drove him out of the position he held as one of the editors
of the German magazine for international law, and it
was stated in the Dutch Press, that finally they had called
him up, although he was quite unfit for military service. In
any case Dr. Hans Wehberg has effectively been silenced and
is no more heard in Germany. But his book Das
Scckriegsrcchl , of which I possess a treasured copy, remains
a witness of German lawlessness. The number of the page
from which I am going to quote his opinion, will be given
between brackets.
tierman authorities and publicists have justified the V-
boat warfare against merchantmen on the ground of the
British blockade, which they declared to be illegal. This is
denied by Dr. Wehberg, who finds it to be " one of the chief
objects of naval war, to strike at the economical hfe of the
enemy nation, in order to force them to make peace." (3 and
4) which can only be done by " grasping the enemy in his life
nerve." While it suffices, in his opinion, " in war on land t<j
occupy the enemy's territory, in order to make him yield,"
the case is different in war at sea, for then " the object is only
attainable by striking at the enemy's industrial and com-
mercial life," and to do this, " the goods of all inhabitants
of the enemy country must be captured at sea. "(192).
It is not necessary to quote his opinion further in justifica-
tion of the British blockade, which is applied fully in accor-
ance with Dr. Wehberg's description of a legal blockade.
The Cierman submarine blockade can in no way be squared
with it. To be legal, says Dr. Wehberg (150), a blockade
must be carried out and maintained by a sufficient number of
warships, which blockade all entrance to the ene my harbours
" as much as possible." Without a sufficient number of
warships present, the blockade " exists only on paper," and
\vould merely " degenerate in damaging neutral trade."
This is not justified.
" All nations nowadays have accepted tlie principle of
effectiveness. The paper blockade endangers neutral ship-
ping in an endless manner. , . . The nations are to-day
convinced, that a war necessity cannot more justify a fictitiou.
blockade, because the harm it Causes to the enemy is not greas
enough, in comparison with the harm done to neutral tradet
If through absence of the necessary warships a large portion
of the enemy merchant ships, which run through the blockade,
cannot be captured, the mere prohibition acts neverthe-
less as a preventive and keeps many vessels away from the
blockaded ports. And in spite of that damage caused to
neutral shipping, a profound blow is not at the same time
given to the enemy." This is exactly the effect of Germany's
fictitious submarine blockade.
Use of Mines
The use of mines for that purpose is also illegal in the
opinion of Dr. Wehberg, who emphatically declares, that
" it is prohibited to establish a blockade merely by laying
mines." For, " the protection of international trade demands,
to apply blockade by acts directed by the human will. The
placing of mines is only allowed to destroy enemy warships
and their bases, but not to impede the enemy's sea trade. It
would be getting round the ineffective blockade, if a mine-
blockade stopped the mercantile marine." (73). Neverthe-
less, Germany has, throughout the war, used mines to destroy
Allied and neutral merchant shipping.
Nor has she heeded the proposal made in 1907 at the Hague
Conference by the German delegation, that " by using auto-
matic mines, all possible precautions must be taken to safe-
guard peaceful shipping." It was agreed at The Hague, that
only such mines should be used, which become harmless
" one hour '' after they break loose. To that precaution,
belligerents " are bound," says Dr. Wehberg (79). But to
that rule Germany has never adhered in this war. Nor to the
rule regarding t(jrpedoes, which " must become harmless,
after faihng to strike their object." (77). The German Govern-
ment has, in the case of the Tuhaniia, admitted, that this
Dutch steamer was destroyed by a German torpedo, launched
some days before at a British warship.
More brutally lawless is the sinking of merchant ships with-
out warning and, worse still " without leaving a trace
behind." Dr. Wehberg underUncs the word " cluty " in
the following statement : " A warship, which meets an enemy
merchant sliip, has the duly to call upon it to stop, in order
to make sure whether it is liable to capture and wilhng to
surrender." (258). And it is in his opinion, " according to the
ancient common law," that " a warship must, before attack-
ing an enemy merchant ship, call it to stop." C^S?)- He
further quotes this from the German Prize Law: " .\ll
measures must be applied in a manner, the observance of
which, also against the enemy, enhances the honour of the
German Empire, and with such respect towards neutrals, as
the Law of Nations and German interests demand." (259).
This is an admisuon, that the ruthless submarine warfare
has lowered the honour of the German Empire. History will
not forget that fact.
Although Dr. Wehberg admits the right to sink an enemy
merchant ship, if it cannot be brought into harbour, he
nevertheless treats it as exceptional, while insisting that care
must be taken for the fives of the crew, and the papers of the
destroyed ship must be secured, " to serve as evidence before
the Prize Court." The German submarine commanders
never take that trouble, and how can they take it, in executing
their order to shik ships at sight ? Dr. Wehberg wrote in his
book, seventy pages about the procedure of the Prize Court,
of which Germany has made a farce. He never contem-
plated that his country would use submarines as commerce
destroyers. He always kept in view the recognised principle,
that cruisers have the task to capture, or to detain and
search, merchant sliips at sea. He found the objection against
their sinking " chiefly based on the critical position of the
crew and passengers, who had to be taken on board the
cruiser and were then in constant danger to lose their lives by
war operations." The German submarines leave those
crews not only adrift in the roughest se,i, but even fire on
them while they try to escape in their lifeboat.
Implicitly Dr. Wehberg condemns the e.\ecution of Captain
Fryatt as a juridical murder, when he says : " An enemy
merchant ship has the right to defend itself against attack,
and has even the right to resist s,"arch. Should large mer-
chant ships, worth millions (of marks) without more ado
allow themselves to be: captured by smaller vessels, simply
because the latter agree to the destiiiction of so-called war-
ships ? " (284). And he emphatically declares, that " the
act of resistance has no influence on the fate of the crew of the
enemy merchant ship." They must be treated as prisone rs
of war.
The .shelling of open coast places and attacks on hospital
ships are also condemned by Dr Wehberg. But his book is
chiefly valuable as proving the complete illegahty of Germany's
new submarine warfare, stamping it as" the most monstrous
XhkiK " of all her many atrocious acts.
January 17, 19 18
LAND & WATER
19
Books of the Week
The Night Club. By Herbert Jenkins. Author of B/«rf/'
Herbert Jenkins. Ltd. 3s. net.
The Don a id Some Others. By .'Escul.\pius. W. and
R. Chambers. 3s. 6d. net.
■We of Italy. By -Mrs. K. R. Steege. J. M. Dent and
Sons. 4s. 6d. net.
Rebels and Refor^meps. By A. .\sv> I). Ponsonby. George
.\!len and Unwin. 6s. net.
The Keeper's Book. lUustrated War Edition. Bv P-
JiCFEERV Mackie. McCorquodale and Co., Glasgow-
I2S. 6d.
BINDLE wass) great a success that his witty aulho'"
has been seduced into attempting that most dangerous
of literary experiments— a sequel. In The Night Club,
Bindle and his friends reappear, but it cannot be
\vritt(;n down an unqualified success ; it is too much like a jar
of pickled eggs, some are splendid, but others do not please.
This defect is in part due to! he author's excellences. Given a '
v'ood idea, no writer can work out a bettei;^ story ; take the
following three chapters: " The Prime M mister decides to
advertise." " The Barabbas C ub," and " A Dramatic Engage-
ment." Each of them is a "night" one delights to hear
ab3utand never forgets, and the tale is told with a mastery of
lechniqut; which mtrits the highest praise. But when ideas
are lacking, and the author has to put in a chapter of padding,
it is deplorable. .We arc given jokes and cynicism tliat were
j^enerally and hopefully believed to have been buried long
ago in tlie coffin of the last red-nosed low comedian of the
mid- Victorian music-hall. It is evidently a dangerous thing
for a publisher to do his own publishing, thereby escaping
the pitiless criticism of the professional " taster." We are
. ertain there are pages in The Nirjit Club which no comrnon
or garden author would ever have been allowed to print,
M'hile there are others (they are the more numerous) which
any author would have been proud to have written for they
are good literature and display a shrewd and kindly know-
ledge of the weaknesses of human nature.
• • ♦ « *
.Anonymity seems to be a peculiar delight to writers on
iia\al matters, though perhaps necessity has something to
«lo with the matter. A certain Mscidapius, author of The
Doc, and Some Others, is very obviously a member of the
personnel of the Grand Fleet, for he writes with the sure
touch of experience, and fully equals BartimcBus in the vigour
of his descriptions and the' dramatic strength of his narra-
tives. This book is a collection of short stories of varying
types, both humorous and dramatic — it is a patchwork of
life, as a matter of fact, and each story is a blend of humour
and pathos. Probably thf best story of the lot is that which
tells how Mackellar left the mess, in accordance with the
<-.\pressed wish of other members of that mess, at the battle
of Jutland, but it is difficult to pick out a " best " whefe all
are good. " ;^isculapius " has rendered the spirit of the Navy
\'ery well indeed ; without undue use of technicalities he has
shown the men of the Grand Fleet and the mechanism with
•sv'hich they do their work— the story of a submarine cruise,
lor instance, is enlightening with regard to submirine warfare
and the way in which men take the risks of under-sea Ufe.
'1 he great point about the book is that its authof shows that
the officers of the British Navy, and the rank and file as well,
are not a peculiar breed of men apart from all the world, as
some writers have made them, but are of just such material
as makes the world of landsmen ; through necessity a little
more centred on their work, perhaps, but "just as mixed in
the matter of type, as companionable, as eccentric, as the
men of a battalion, or the men of a business house. This
-obvious truth with regard to the whole is made clear through
a few individuals and incidents, s(i well depicted that the
hook is to be commended without reserve.
*****
Wc oj Italy, by Mrs. K. R. Steege, consists mainly of letters
written by Italian soldiers to their friends, and thus is ^descrip-
tive of the work in the field and the circumstances under which
that work is carried out. It has been often and very truly
said that the soldier knows less of thi' plans ol battles than any
other person, and here in th sj pages is full evidence
of the fact, for the descriptipns of actions given by these men
show that tactics were not nearly so much in their thoughts
as were personal experience, and that, for the most part,
they had httle idea of the real nature of the work wlich
they were doing so valiantly.
Here and there are touches of unconscious humour
— conscious humour is rare, for, as has been noted by all
who have had the opportunity of miking comparisons, both
French and Italian troops take their work very seriously,
and it remains for the British soldier to make a joke of hi^
work. One man writes : "In those instants, my dear parents,
I saw and remembered everything. I saw thee, Mamma, at
work in thy usual seat, and thee, Papa, going about the shop
as usual, and a sob closed nsv throat." This was while waiting
for the signal for attack— a British Tommy would probabh-
have wished for a glass of bitter, or whistled the latest music-
hall tune he could remember, under similar circumstances,
for the Latin tendency to sentiment is entirely absent from
his composition. Quite apart from these things, however,
the author has made such a selection of letters as gives a
picture of the work done by the Italian armies, and brings out
the tremendous diffi;ulties of thz battles among the heights
— before the tragedy of last October.
There is one section given up to description of the way
in which the King of Italy has identified himself with his
people in the war, in which he is shown as worthy of admira-
tion as is Albert of Belgium, and, since this book will do
much to give understanding of the way in which Italy regards
the war, the section is all too short, for the example of the
House of Savoy is a matter for the fullest possible recognition.
*****
The fives of a dpzen of the great figures of history, none of
whom are British, are sketched in Rebels and Reformers,
by A. and D, Ponsonby. The object has been to produce a
w^ork wh.ch shall induce young people to take an interest in
history, and regard it as "recreative rather than as a difficult
study of dates and names, and for that purpose the authors
have set down sketches of Savonarola, William the Silent,
Tyeho Brahe, Cervantes, Grotius, Voltaire, Ma^./.ini, Thorcau,
and others.
Although simply written, these sketches omit no csstn-
tial acts in the fives that thev portray, and it might
be said that this is a book for those of aU ages who have
managed to preserve young minds, more especially since
history, as taught hitherto, has in this country very largelx
neglected the great men of other countries — except for one 01
two figures— and thus at least half of these names are very
little known to old as well as young. Thoreau, Tycho Brahe,
and Giordano Bruno, for exainple, are unknown names to the
majority of British folk, or at the best are vague figures who
did something in some past time, and thus such sketches as
these are welcome, since they will tempt readers to search for
fuller biographies of men who have influenced the world.
The authors have been wise in introducing personages to whom
the term " rebel " may be applied in the sense in which thcN"
have used it, implying such moral courage arid independence
of action as set itself against evil tendencies of the times w hicli
these men influenced. A book fike this breaks new ground fti
many readers, and tiuis has a very definite value.
*****
A war edition of Mr. P. J. Mackie's well-known Keeper's
Book has just been brought out. This " guide to the duties
of a gamekeeper " wgis originally pubfished fourteen years
ago, and in the intervening period it has come to be recognised
as a standard work. It contains a multitude of useful facts
and information, presented in a very agreeable manner, and
their value is considerably enhanced by an admirable index.
There is a delightful chapter on tiger-shooting, the batlue
on a big scale, though English gamekeepers do not, as a rule,
have to arrange for elephant beaters, or to place stops- td
turn " stripes."
This new War Edition contains a dedication to llic
boys of Britain, in effect an appreciation by the author ol
the admirable work that has been done by the Boy Scouts
movement. There is also a preface deahng with the future
of the country after the war, which, in ts nature, is^ contro-
versial, but provides another useful sign of that strong
determination to ^irotect the industries and agriculture of this
country in a more elficient way than has ever happened
before. But the outstanding merit of the volume hes m its
dractical treatment of the field life and sport of these islai ds.
cocci.es
WIND- SCREENS
AWINDOW5
.^^ ^^^
THE ONUY -^
SAFETY CLASS
20
LAND & WATER
Modern Shipbuilding
January 17. 1918
Ollicial notognt^tk
Interior of a Submarine in Course of Gonstruclion
Laying down the Decks of a Cargo Shio
C//IcioI Fhotogr'pK
January 17, 19 18
LAND & WATER
Secrets of the Desert
01
The Cimel Patrol: Strange Signals
From "Dttfrt Campalgnt," iy If. T. trniiet
I- From "Deierl Campaiyn«, • bu (f. X. Uiu*<V
London Bacleriologists in a Field Hospital Examining Contents of a Test Tube
' In these two pictures Mr. James McBcy, official artist in Palestine, has depicted the watch for
the enemy, human and microbial, which the British Force in the East untiringly maintains
22
LAND & WATER
January 17, 1918
DOMESTIC
ECONOMY
S'ames and ad'.lresses of sliops, wliere the articles mentiontd
can he oblatited. xfill be. forwarded on receipt ol a postcard
addressed to Passe- Partoul, Land & Water, 5. Chancery
Lane, W.C. 2. Any otiter information will be given on request-
A Change io
Furs
It is not often that such money-saving
chances are given as those offered with
a special sale of most inexpsnsive furs.
Nobody can afford to miss it. The firm responsible have made
a feature of those attractive fur " dog collars " — a cosy fur
neck band encircling the neck and most warm as well as be-
coming. One of these collars in natural musquash is actually
being sold for fifteen shillings during the sale.
A guinea is all that is asked for a cross-over tie of natural
undyed fur wallaliy, a most enticing fur. It will be a well-
advised woman, too, who secures one of the cheapest sets of
the sale — a cross-over natural undyed musquash tie for i8s. 6d.,
tlie small pillow muff to match costing a guinea only.
Several of the fashionable cape collars too, are being sold at
much reduced prices, and most attractive affairs they are, the
becoming cape effect over the shoulders tapering inwards at
the neck, and then' branching upwards to delightfully frame
the face. From the point of design alone these cape collars
are amongst the best proposition in fur neckwear ever
made, and it is good news to hear sale time reduces their
price considerably, though this was never unduly high. A
fur cape collar of natural undyed wallaby — the new Aus-
tralian fur — is but 40S., a large barrel muff to match being the
same price. This wallaby is of a soft greyish brown tone
and particularly charming.
All these furs are being sold at such moderate prices that
ready money must be asked for them. They wil^ however,
be sent on approval, the money being refunded if they are
I eturned to the firm within four days.
Delightful Day
. Dresses
The fact that the price of wool is mounting
with each day that passes makes some
charming ready -to-wear frocks in wool-
crape all the more noticeable. They are naturally enough being
sold off very rapidly, it being increasingly difficult to get any-
thing of their character at all, especially at their exceptionally
moderate price, 75s. being all that is asked for them.
Too much stress can hardly be laid on the value of these
frocks as prices go to-day. Not only do they look well, but
they wear particularly well, wool-crape being that welcome
kind of fabric that never creases in the way others do.
Th^ great firm responsible arc offering two different styles
of wool crape frocks, one frock having an attractive Rani
satin .tollar, cuffs, and waistbelt, the other frock being made
with very much of a coatee effect, and having attractive detail
of narrow velvet ribbon about it. A useful booklet giving
pictures of the designs and patterns of the wool crapes is
well worth applying for — a. fact that will be more and more
liamrriered home as the months of the New Year pass.
In the country, naturally enough, one
needs a totally different kind of glove
from that usually used in town, and a
famous firm reaUsing this are featuring during their winter
sale a number of gloves particularly suitable for the country
at a special sale price.
From every point of \iew this is a chance to be pursued and
not by any manner of means to be lightly set aside. Gloves
arc going to be one of the dress problems of the year. Not
only is their supply uncertain, but their cost is bound. to rise
as leather of all kinds gets scarcer and dearer ; in fact, it is
quite on the cards that before 1918 is out no gloves will be
available at anything like a possible price at all. The sales
then are like a beacon of light directing the way everyone
should go, a light which \<\\\ fade away once their sway is
endeJ. While they last good gloves can still be bought and
very reasonably too and the wise woman is securing a supply
with all speed while yet there is time.
The useful country gloves in mind are in practical shades of
tan and grey, and of the two-buttoned variety. They are
being cleared at .4s. 11 id. a pair, and great bargains can be
Gloves for the
Country
found amongst them by anyone with the eyes to see. That
they are strong and hard-wearing gloves goes without saying,
a chance such as this proving past all shade of question that
the winter sales do not merely justify their existence this year,
but are in verv truth treasure trove.
At times when a chamois leather for some
The Acme Polishing reason or another is unavailable, the
°' Acme polishing cloth is a useful ally to have
at hand. For without doubt it brightens anything exceedingh' .
well, being a great aid to anybody laudably trying to keep
silver, brass or anything else of the kind the shining attractive
articles they ought to be.
For uniform buttons, too, the Acme polishing cloth is just «
the thing that is wanted, the final rub up. with it doing wonders.
Perhaps, however, the primary point in its favour at a time
when almost everything we want is untowardly dear is its
exceptionally low price. Acme cloths cost 4fd., 6|d. or 8fd.,
according to size, under none of which categories are thcv
expensive affairs.
Without claiming to outclass a chamois leather, or even
entirely rival it, these cloths on the question of price em-
phatically beat them hollow. Chamois leathers are now not
only very expensive, but likely to grow still dearer as time
goes on. To be able to buy a reliable polishing cloth in
their stead as cheap as this, is nothing short of a boon.
Another way in which Acme polishing cloths excel is the
case with which they can be washed. They wash out, in fact,
quite as readily as a duster, being as soft afterwards as they
were before — another point in which chamois leather cannot
always compare favourably.
How to Clean
Knives
No matter how plain or simple the food
is, the meal can be an attractive one if
all to do With the table is as it should be.
Clean table linen, bright silver, and last, but by no means least
polished knives. A table equipped with bright shining knives
looks a different thing at once, yet in the old order of things
and with old methods to get them up' to this standard was
irksome labour indeed. Besides, knife cleaning was not
always a tidy job, the powder was apt to fly about, and boards
were none too easy to put away.
Most folk now are agreed that the fine art of life is simplifica-
tion, and the Beesway knife cleaner is simplicity itself. It is
a little machine which can be clamped on to a table or dresser,
so is always ready for use, while never for one moment in the
way. With its help a dozen knives or so can be bright and
shining in the neighbourhood of five minutes — absoluteh-
ready for use. All that is needed is to put a knife inside, turn
the handle, and hey presto ! the deed is done.
Another good point is that the Beesway does not wear out
knives in the way many knife cleaning contrivances do. It
saves them instead. It is so small, compact and easy i<i
work that a child can use it, while so convinced are the
makers of its reliability that each little machine is accom-
panied bj' a year's guarantee. Anybody using it then is
bound to look upon it as a household ally, registering a debt of
gratitude to such a labour saver as this proves to be. Ot
polished oak with bright nickel or oxidised fittings it is a nice-
looking little article to boot, and though during war-time of
necessity its price of 8s. iid. is more than it would otherwise
be, it is well worth it. Passe-Pakiout
Service caps for women are the latest form of headgear made neces-
sary by the times in which we live and Henry Heath, of 105-iog,
O.xford Street, has admirably risen to the occasion'. His service cap
is the most ideal kind of headgear the khaki-clad girl can wear, motor
drivers in particular finding it specially useful. A pull-on cap, it fils
so closely to the head that the most tempestuous gust of wind cannot
dislodge it from its place. It is light, serviceable, and though prac-
ticability is its watchword, manages to be becoming at the .same time.
A khaki whipcord cap set into a stitched fold of material at the back
and with a small bow in front — much after the manner of a V.A.D.
cap — or trimmed with a leather buttoned tab, is a guinea, and a
finished article it is. Then there is a less expensive cap of khaki
serge, made upon precisely the same lines — quite a good hardwearing
cap this, even if not quite up to the mark of the first example, lis
price is 15s. 6d. During the windy months to come, any amount of
war workers will feel grateful that such caps have been made.
January 31, igi8
Supplement to LAND & WATER
Vll
SERVICE CLOTHES.
To those who order their
service clothes from us
we assure fine, wear-
resisting materials, skilful
cutting, honest tailor-work,
and more — the certain ad-
vantage of ripe experience.
A good name among sports-
men for nearly a centur>
is a sure measure of our
ability in breeches-making,
to which gratifying testi-
mony is now also given by
the many recommendations
from officers.
For inspection, and to enable
us to meet immediate require-
ments, we keep on band a number
of pairs of breeches, or we can
cut and try a pair on the same
day, and complete the next day,
if urgently wanted.
Palltrns and Form for self-measurement at request.
GRANT AND GOGKBURN
LTD.
25 PIGGADILLY, W.l.
Military and Civil Tailors, Legging Makers.
lESTD. 1821.
FOILiILiOlAr THE ILiEiLI)
of the thousands of officers who are fighting in the
Trenches equipped with
u
M
T^oscow
V_ SERVICE KIT
Largest slock in London ready (or immediate wear, or mads
lo measure in 24 hours.
Field and Trench Boots, Prismatic Binoculars, Compasses,
Saddlery, etc.
Officers On Leave and Others
Will find an excellent selection of Mufii ready for any
emergency.
MOSSBKOS^
pJt.lss & 21 KING ST.,)COVENT ^
GARDEN "•^•^•
c"m,„' & 25. 31 & 32 BEDFORD ST.
Ttt. Ad. :
KA \U
'(Vol V"
■The Original Cording" s, Estd. 1839^
The
Paladin" Oilskin
All the year round our shapely
*' Paladin" coat will stand the
rough and tumble of Active
Service and throw off any rain
which comes along.
The material, in colour a good-looking
dark khaki, goes through a special
"curing " process which makes it non-
adhesive and very supple.
The coat is cut with neat tan cloth
collar, full skirt, leg-loops and fan-
piece within deep button-to slit at
back for riding, and has a broad fly-
front, through which no rain, however
violent, can drive. Adjustable inner
cuffs likewise prevent any water
entering the sleeves.
Between the lining of porous oilskin
and the outer materia! the air freely
circulates, so that there is always
abundant ventilation. The coat is not
bulky, and weighs less than 4 lbs.
Mud is just washed off, and the
material is then as fresh and clean as
ever. After lengthy, exacting wear,
the "life" of the coat can, at small
cost, be effectively renewed by re-
dressing.
Prioe 47/6
Postage :»broa(l i/- extra.
When ordering a "Paladin" Coat please state
height and chest measure and send remittance
(which will be returned promptly if the
^rment Is not approvedi. or Give home address
and business (not banker's) reference.
At request, ILLUSTRATED LIST of Water-
proof Coats, Boots, Portable Baths, Air Beds.
WATERPROOFERS
LTD TO H.M. THE KING
J. C. CORDING & Ca
Only A ddresses ••
19 PIGGADILLY, W.l,& 35 ST. J AMES'S ST..S.W
TRENCH
BOOT
The Norwegian pattern,
absolutely waterproof and
almost indestructible.
Modelled to allow of room
for extra pairs of stockings.
<^ade also with 3 straps
outside lop of leg.
£5 • 5
fZ\ £6 • 15 • 0
W. ABBOTT & SONS, LTD.
(PHIT.EESI).
121, Hixh Holborn. W.C.
(OPV. Holborn Station, Plccadllljr Tutie.i
434. Strand, W.
(N«it to Oatti's '
&4t Regent Street, W.
(opp. Swan A Edgar's.)
and BrancheA.
London and Paris.
VIU
Supplement to LAND & WATER
January 31, 1918
// Veace should
come this year —
THE war is approaching its climax
rapidly. It may end as suddenly
as it began. Peace needs its pre-
parations just as surely as war. Will it
find you unready ?
THE demana for Daimler productions, owing
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LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX No 2908. [yf^j,] THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1918
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Copyright ''t.nnd & Wat^f"
Germany's War Aims
The Pan-German Ruffian : "Now the World sees me as I am."
LAND & WATER
January 31, 1918
1
4>
ff
Mi.
The Rogues Gallery
Von Bernstorff. Boy-Ed. Von Papen.
The Secret Agents
of the Kaiser
FROM the first day of the War there was one man in America who
realised that before long the United States would have to fight, and
fight for its life, against the common foe of civilisation. This man
was John R. Rathom, the Editor of the Providence Journal. Born in
Melbourne of English parents, and educated at Harrow, Mr. Rathom had
lived a life full of adventure, in China and in the Soudan, as a correspondent
during the Spanish-American War, and the South African War — during
which he was twice wounded. From the outbreak of the present war he
took in at his office at Rhode Island every wireless rnessage sent out by the
Germans from the United States. He placed his men in confidential
positions in the twelve most important Teutonic headquarters in the United
States, and received from them, almost daily, reports and original documents
covering every phase of German plots and German propaganda. He^forced
the recall of Von Papen and Boy-Ed. He unearthed Dr. Heinrich Albert
and his ^8,000,000 corruption fund, and sent him back to Germany.
He proved that the Lusitania warning was sent out by the German Embassy
on orders direct from Berlin. He warned the Government that the Canadian
Parliament Building at Ottawa was to be fired three weeks before it was
destroyed by German agents. These are only a few of his achievements.
The whole astounding story — the most sensational Secret Service revelations
ever published — will appear weekly in LAND & WATER, fully illustrated
from photographs, documents, etc. The introductory article will appear in
the February 7th issue. It is important that readers should place thtir
orders with their usual agents at once.
1
January 31, 191b
LAI\D & WATER
LAND & WATER
5. CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 31. 1918
CONTENTS
PAGE
I
Germany's War Aims. By Louis Kacniaekers
A Xational Danger (Leacier) ^
'J'lie New State in Europe. — III. By Hilaire Belloc 4
( nTnian Sea Enterprise. By Arthur Pollen 8
'] he Health of the Fleet. By Lewis R. Freeman, R.N.V.R. lo
Bolsheviks at Work ir
An 111 Wind. By Francis Brett Young ij
Leaves from a German Note Book 15
V'iewsof a Prussian Militarist. By Kenneth Beaton iG
The Universal Memory. By J. C. Squire. 17
Books of the Week. 18
The Mine Crater, Hill 60. By Lieut. Paul Nash 19
'Ihe New Landscape (Illustrated) By Charles Marriott 20
Domestic Economy 22
Notes on Kit. 25
NOTICE
AFTER this week the price of Land & Water will
be 9d.
Next week's issue will contain the introduction to
Mr. John R. Rathom's Revelations of German Intrigue
(lo which reference is made on the opposite page) ; a
short story by Centurion ; special sections on Country
Life, Literature and Art : and the usual contributions
by Mr. Belloc and Mr. Pollen on military and naval
affairs.
In view of the exceptional interest which will be
aroused by Mr. Rathom's articles, the demand for
Land & Water is likely to be greater than ever ; and wc
particularly request all our readers to order their copies
in advance.
A NATIONAL DANGER
«A BOUT a fortnight ago there simultaneously appeared
/^ in several papers an attack upon the present
/ — ^ command of the British Army at home and abroad.
•■ -^- These papers are all controlled by one man, and
form what is \irtually a Trust or monopoly. This News-
paper Trust has during the last two years increasingly assimied
the right and the power to upset ministries, to nominate new
ministers and discharge others, and to dictate and veto
public polity. The danger of such a state of affairs during
a national war for life, ought, perhaps, to have been long
ago apparent to everybody. But it usually takes some
sharp peril or shock to arouse pubUc opinion. Such an
example was needed here before public opinion was moved
sufficiently to act. The claim of a newsp>aper owner, respon-
sible to no one, acting by suggestion upon millions of readers,
and yet keeping his name and influence in the background—
the claim of such a man to interfere at such a moment as
this with the British Higher Command, to change it at his
will, and to put chance nominees of his own into the places
of its present occupants, was a claim that passed the limits
of public tolerance. It was high time !
Wc all know wliat followed. In the face of such a protest
as has not been made since the attack on Lord Kitchener two
years ago, the newspaper campaign was for the moment
stopped, and it seemed as though its authors had been taught
tiieir lesson once and for all. Men went about saying tliut
the thing was over and that the exceedingly dangerous piece
of insolence they had just witnessed would not be renewed.
Those who thought this were deceived : those who had
a full acquaintance with its character were less sanguine.
It is part of such people's calculation that the public of our
great modern cities has so poor a memory, and is so lacking
in principle as to be easily the dupe of a fresh attack withui
a coui)le of weeks of tliat wliich first rendered it indignant.
Alter such an interval therefore the outrage has been renewed,
iind we have had this week a second attack on the cluete of the
army. We believe, with all due deference to these experts
in popular folly and instability, that they have overreached
themselves. A fortnight was not enough to allow lor the
forgetting of the first crime, and general opinion was roused
to indignation. But beside general opinion another powerful
opposition was aroused. The latent forces which our society
can develop in defence of its fundamental institutions against
so maleficent a power, are greater than it dreams of. This
country is fighting a fight of life and of death. It has tolerated,
during the last two years, more — far more — than it should
have tolerated from' this "government by newspaper."
It has done so on account of the easy-going habit engendered
by a long period of prosperity and peace. But there is a
limit to its patience, and it has discovered that in time of
mortal war drastic government is necessary and the old
tolerations of normal times must be suspended. .\ very
little more of this usurpation— of this attempt to dictate
measures without any responsibility for failure — and the
nation at large will demand and support immediate action
against the culprits and their due punishment.
The motives of these sudden outbursts against public
servants — each one of which in its turn has been fatal to the
individual attacked — are nearly always personal : never-
theless, the whole State is thrown into jeopardy. It was a
morally intolerable position two years ago when the original
Grand. Alhance was still intact, when Russia was still a strong
military Power, and when the strain of the war had not
reached its present extremity. To-day, when we all know
that the ordeal of the next few months must decide the fate
of England, this newspaper government is both morally and
practically intolerable ; we feel that it may' breed immediate
and overwhelming disaster. There is a universal feeling that
it must either be silenced by the strength of opinion or
better, by the direct action of the Government.
It is exceedingly impo'rtant to appreciate in this connection
that the discussion is fiot whether this or that great
official of the State— this or that soldier in a high position,
this or that executive officer — is the best discoverable ; whether
a long term of office has fatigued this or that commander at
home or abroad ; whether this or that hitherto untried talent
should not be given its opportunity, etc. The issue is not of
that kind at all. The issue is between two forms of Govern-
ment. The first form of Government is that which all
civilised nations have hitherto understood, which was long
our own strength, and is still the strength of our enemies.
It is the form of government in wtiich those who command
are publicly clothed with certain titles, exercise an open
authority and are necessarily responsible in one form or
another for the results of their actions. The other form of
Government which proposes to replace this is a complete
example of demagogy in its worst form. It is Government
by a newspaper owner who does not write or speak liimself ;
who does not appear in public ; who is responsible to no
one, and who commands through a great variety of organs
an apparent consensus of opinions. Such a man can suggest
anything ; can boycott whom he chooses, can print on
public affairs whatever impression he hkes, so long as he is
left immune from the ordinary processes of the law.
The whole heart of the matter Ues in the fact that if
responsible Government commits an error, and disaster
results, men know who gave the order. Its author has been
kept under public observatioh. The nation can in one
fashion or another remove him — or, at any rate, brhig liim to
book. " Responsibilit\' " means that you must " answer
for" your actions and their consequences; irresponsible
government is anarchy. If a man whose name docs not
appear, whose power is anonymous and yet in his own estima-
tion absolute, is permitted to depress opinion at will, to
pubhsh news inciting to panic and to end by nominating
our commanders, the nation is without power of redress,
and the direction of affairs is at random. To permit such a
power to continue its mischievous course unrestrained is
like allowing some chance intiTference with powerful ma-
chinery'— the interference of a child or of a jester. It is worse..
This modern sort of demagogy, anonymous and
l)0ssessed of such extraordinary' opportunities, makes for
catastrophe.
LAND & WATER
January ji, iyit>
The New State in Europe III
By Hilaire Belloc
The Xcu: Central Stale in Europe, under Prussian domi-
nation, lias been defined geographically and elhnologically
bv Mr. Belloc in his previous articles. 'J he question oj
lanonage mas discussed last week, and tins week M-r..Bclloc
deals with the religious diversity of the' peoples inhabiting
this important area.
■W""W" Te have seen tluit one great lactor in llic German
mm/ scheme for a New Central State in Iturope was
WW the extraordinaiA' diversit\- of language cast ol
T T the solid German block. It is not only diversity.
it is also complexitN- which marks the language map o the
whole belt between the Baltic and the Balkans, and the
(iermanic influence acting eastward acts upon somctlung
divided and therefore open to its mttuencc. ^ , ^, ,
But this complex diversity of language, important thougli
it be. is less important than the diversity of religion. t is
the map of the religions lying to the east of the Gernian block
to which I would draw attention this week. \\ e shall hnd
tliere tliat same complexitv and confusion we discovered on
the side of language, and we shaU understand how sucli a
state of affairs strengthens the chances of foreign domination.
At the outset there are two points to be made, inrst. we
note that the German block is itself rather sharply divided
. into Protestant and Catholic (very nearly half and halt).
" Next we emphasise the peculiar local importance of religious
differences and its reaction on politics in eastern Europe.
The first of these points might seem to a superhcial observer
to work against the formation of that new great State in
Central Europe which, if we leave it standing, will be the
consecration of Prussian Power. Since this religious cleavage
exists among the great German-speaking mass, which is also
proud of" its Germanic attachment and nationality, it must,
it would seem, divide that mass, dissipate its effort, make the
( atholic members of it sympathetic with co-religionists in the
Slav countries rather than with lehgious opponents. of then:
own blood , • i 4-
Thcre was a time, not so long past, when such a judgment
would lia\'e been sound. To-day it no longer applies. On the
contrary, the verv presence of a Catholic half in the mass of
the German block is to-day a strong instrument of, foreign
expansion, and the fact that the remaining half is- Protestant
(by tradition if not -in practice) gives it a sort of neutral
balancing position between Catholic and Orthodox which
(though it is of indirect and often distant value) is not to be
neglected. Further, the traditional Protestantism of North
Germany and particularly of Prussia, has an expansionist effect
all up the Baltic coast. -It helps the burghers of Riga and of
Re\-al— or, at any rate, many of them, and those the most active
commercially — to a complete sympathy with their kinsmen
right away "along to Hamburg. That the division between
Catholic and Protestant in the modern Cierman block should be
thus transfonned from a weakness to a strength almost within
a lifetime is due, of course, ultimately to the Prussian ^•ictories
of fifty years ago. It is a sweeping but fairly trustworthy
historical axiom that constitutions arising out of victory
succeed,' and those arising out of defeat fail. The brand new
Germanic Empire \ritli its liereditary Prussian Head, its simple
general franchise, its diverse local franchises, the traditions
of local patriotism which it had to meet, etc., etc., seemed at
first a most artificial thing, mechanical and brittle. On the
contrary, it soon proved to be an organic thing, strongh"
bound together by living forces, and it drew its hfe from the
national pride in the military successes which culminated in
1871. The Catholic Ciermans, as a whole, felt intimately
but concurrently their religion — which is strong with them —
and their new patriotism There was a critical moment of
religious conflict : it was passed : the Catholics could claim a
measure of success, and the union was more solid than
ever, 'the present war has, of course, enormously strength-
ened this feeling. Nowhere do you see the (ierman claims
put forward more \'iolently than in the genuinely popular and
thoroughly Catholic Press of the Rhine Valley. It is rather
the Jewish organs like the Frankfurt Gazette or those belonging
to the great Protestant Capitalists which strike the moderate
note. But here it will be said, " All this may well apply to
the Catholic minority within the modern (ierman Empire :
how, can it affect the German-speaking fringe of Bohemia,
the TjTol and the Austrian-fiermans upon the Danube .•'
Austria was a power defeated in thp Prussian victories ; her
Catholicism was not that of a minority or in conflict ; it was
I universal State religion and the. Austrian house should
apparently lia\e had no sympathy \vith a Power such as
Prusiia, which is not only Protestant, but which has uctualh'
defeated it in the fields "
Here again there was a long period during which this
criticism held true. It does not hold true to-day. It will
be less true than ever after this war. It is the group of
German peoples as a whole which has come to count. It is
this group which feels that it has been fighting a desperate
and latterly a successful war ; its common national or racial
interests arc less and less in conflict with religious differences,
and— if only we would face the dangerous truth — less and less
dynastic.
Unity through Religions
The division then, of the German block into tiadiliuiially
Protestant (I say " traditionally," because while especially
in the great towns many of them to-day would deny any creed
and gi-eat masses of "them lia\-e abandoned an\- practice,
yet all the traditions of their culture are Lutheran) and
"Catholic doas not internally divide, but rather unites tluit
block. It also gives it a curiously strong diplomatic position.
The religious sympathies of the north affect Scandinavia
strongly ; those' of the south, particularly as represented by
the House of Hapsburg-Lorraine, stand to "the authorities of the
Catholic Church as a sort of rival against the Orthodo.-c pres-
sure on the east. This was perhaps more the case when a
strong and persecuting Russian State existed.
The second point, the importance of religious differences
in Eastern Europe, is one that must be very specially
emphasised for Western readers.
The Englishman, the Frenchman, the Spaniard, the Italian
— anyone of the West (including the Western German) is
always puzzled when he is brought up against the religious
complexity of Eastern Europe, and with difficulty under-
stands how successful a disruptive force religious difference
there can be. We do not. save hi exceptional cases, such as
that of Ireland, associate in our common thought diftereiices
of religion with differences of national aim or tradition. \\ e
have been accustomed— at any rate, until quite recent times —
to treat religion as an individual matter and differences of
creed as tilings that cannot or should not disturb the State.
This attitude has, it is true, grown a little old-fashioned. The
internal quarrel of clerical and anti-clerical, for instance, is
now clearly a political thing and is felt to be of great moment
upon the Western Continent. But you could not make a map
of clerical and anti-clerical districts in France or Italy. It
is a conflict of ideas, not of localities. In the East of Europe
differences of religion have a high and permanent local
significance of their own. They are like flags or badges.
One of the most striking thifigs, for instance, in the earlier
part of the war was the yiolent conflict between the Orthodo.w
of the invading Russians and the I'niate Church in Galicia.
It was a struggle of which we heard little at the time. It was
one of which history will make a great deal when the story of
the war is written. There was a prodigious struggle with all
the elements of persecution, forced conversion, the imprison-
ment and exile of native clergy ; the restoration of the original
church conditions when the Austrian armies returned — all
the features of a religious \\ar. It was a great loss to the
education of Western opinion in the true state of Eastern
Europe that the alliance, as it then existed, made the discus-
sion of this crucial matter impossible.
All along the border between the Polish and the German
races religion is, again, a sort of hall-mark distinguishing one
national tradition from the other. It is a sure guide for
instance — a much surer guide than language— in all the
eastern basin of the River Oder.
To give an example : If you were to mark how far the
Polish influence extends towards Berlin and were to go by
language alone, you would find the nearest point at, say,
Birnbaum, about 50 miles from Posen. But if you go by the
test of religions, which is here more accurate than the test
of language, you will find it corresponding, as is natural, to
the old boundaries of Poland, that is, of the province of Posen.
The Polish religion and tradition go much further west than,
the language boundary. They stretch to a point south of
Lansberg, only a long day's walk — a trifle over 20 miles —
from Frankfurt, and not more than 75 miles from Berlin
itself. The German language has spread somewhat, "but it
. has not overlain the national feeling opposed to German\-.
You have the same experience in the debated land between
Prussia and Poland to the north of Lansberg as you approach
the Baltic'. Here there is a good forty miles W'here Creniian
is understood and largeh- sjjoken within the old Polish
provinces insolently called "" West Prussia." but the Polish
January ^t, iqiS
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
January 31,
1918
religion, and the Polish tradition with it, goes right up to th
old boundary upon tlie i6th degree of longitude East of
(ireenwich.
You have the same thing in Silesia, the theatre of the most
impudent and shameless of Prussian aggressions in the past.
The German speech extends over the old border by a belt of
from 15 to 20 miles broad to-day ; but that belt has lost
neither" its traditional religion nor at bottom its traditional
nationalitv. It is Polish.
Again, the contrast between the Uniate Roumanian and the
f)rthod().\- Roumanian is a real one, though the greatest experts
will difter— according to their i^rsonnl sympathies -upon its
degree A " L'niate " is one who has the Byzantine rite.
that is, whose language, ornaments, castoms, etc., in the ser\'icf
of the Mass are those of the Greek church, but who is m com-
jnunion with Rome liverj-one will admit the strength of Rou-
manian national feeling, biit it remains tnie that some genera-
tions of Uniate practice— that is of communion with Rome—
on the part of Roumanians lying within the old boundaries of
the Hungarian Kingdom, "is a disturbing factor. NVhen
nationality and religion are coterminous, the religious differ-
ences of this eastern belt are a most vivid index of differentia-
tion, and this is. of course, especially the case along the
frontier which divides the two religions between Poland and
the Russian peoples to the east.
Anyone visiting Warsaw before the war had liefore his
yes an excellent proof of what 1 mean. What did the Russian
.lovernment do to symbolise its part in the partition of
I'oland ? What was the visible sign of its presence in the
]*olisli capital ? A new brilliantly coloured huge Orthodox
Church built in the centre of the' town and in its principal
square, and contrasting most violently with all the archi-
tectural and religious traditions of the place. It was a
sort of challenge which nobody could miss, and it was
intended for such a challenge. "The two religions were the
two hall marks of the fiercely contending forces. The Poles
emphasised their Western culture and tradition by a worship,
a Church ornament and architecture almost Italian. I have
been to Mass in Warsaw in a Church where one might
forget that one was hundreds of miles to the north and to the
east of Italy. One might have been in Tuscany. I do not
mean only that the ritual was I.^tin and therefore, of course,
e.xactly homogeneous with the Roman ritual all over Europe ;
I mean, that down to the details of ornament aixd shrine the
thing was entirely Western. Entering an Orthodox Church
you enter another world, a world of different colour and
different shapes entirely. ,
To the south of that belt between the Balkans and the
Baltic the test imposed by religious differences changes in
character, but increases if anything in intensity. Thus side
by side with the Uniate and the Latin rite in the Carpathians
you have the strongly Lutheran character of the German towns
planted out like Colonies— "Heimanstadt, for instance. You
have the Orthodox contrasted with the Catholic within the
boundaries of what is racially cme Southern Slav and Serbian
people, and as you proceed further southwards you have the
anomaly or survival^upon a very considerable scale — of the
Mahommedan. Consider, for instraiice, what is experienced
by the tra\-eller who ventures among the Albanian tribes.
In one day's ride he will pass (they are mixed everywhere,
but I am talking of the bulk orf the people) from a Mahom-
medan group south of the l^ke of Scutari round east-
ward through Catholic villages and up north again into the
higher hills of Orthodox Mom:enegro. Leave the Upper
Adriatic coast and strike, into the mountains of the Save basin ;
you pass through a Cathohc district, through an Orthodox
one ; far north as you are, when you come down on to the
Uno Valley* you will find a little island of Mahommedans living
apart. In the Lower Danube, especially in the Dobrudja,
you find the same contrast, the Orthodox intermixed with
the Mahommedan. You find it ijt the south-western corner of
Old Serbia ; and of course in all these lands, the chief his-
torical memory of which is the no^v lost Turkish rule, religion
is the badge and hall mark.
In general, we must think of religion evcrj'where east of the
German block as the great mark of difference, in most places
more important than speech ; in many more important even
than race.
Now let us turn to the map itself and appreciate what the
territorial complexity of this religious patchwork is.
There are two great divisions in the religious world east of
the German block. These divisions are, of course, the group
in communion with Rome and tlie group of the Greek Church.
We are accustomed to think in tilie West of a comparatively
simple distinction between the (ireek Church to the east of a
^ertain line and the Catholics to the west of it. Roughly
jj>eakmg, this distinction holds, bat it is far from having the
„»,iL'!f'T '^f-^^':'\ ^^'''- t'^f n»<»t nor '.hc-rn of flie isolated Mahom-
medan (listncts with an "M on the man.
f^^imphcity which general educated opinion has attached to
it in France and England. It is true that there are no
" islands" of orthodox, that is Greek, religion in the midst of
CathoUcs save one comparatively unimportant district in
the foothills of the Carpathians, but there are three elements
of complexity besides this. First, the boundary where the
()rthodox and the Catholic meet is highly indented and capri-
cious ; secondly there are in the Middle Danube valley nume-
rous districts in which both creeds live (with difficulty) side
by side. Thirdly, the Catholic group is divided into a great
majority who follow the Latin rite,J and a minority, entirely
resident upon the east of that group, who, while in communion
with Rome, follow the Cireek rite as we have seen. The position
of these last introducesan element of confusion easy to under-
st.ind, almost equally easy to exaggerate or to under-estimate.
Uniate Groups
The Uniate (confined entirely to Galicia, the district of
Cholm, and the Carpathians) is accustomed in all the externals
of liis religion to tlic same things as the Greek Church. The
ritual is much the same ; the language is the same, and it may
even be said that the popular tradition is the same. On the
other hand, from influences mainly historical and political
(not the result of individual conversion), his organised
liierarchy feels and probably the mass of the laity also feel a
strong attachment to the Roman communion which separates
them from the Orthodox Greeks in spite of the similarity of
worship. It is exceedingly difficult to estimate a moral
point of this sort. Those with the greatest knowledge of it
differ widely in their judgment.
Beyond the main division between Catholic and Orthodox
coupled with the sub-division of Uniate and Latin right
within the Catholic group, you have the presence of numerous
Protestant districts, some of them corresponding to German
colonisation in the past, some of them representing popula-
tions who accepted the Reformation upon the .spot.
Covering a larger area and accounting for more of the popula-
tion than these isolated Protestant districts, you have mixed
districts in Hungan,^ where the Cathohc and 'the Protestants
are combined ; the Catholics usually in a numerical majority,
but the Protestants often possessing the greater part of the
land and of local influence.
Lastly, we must note beyond the Cathohc Lithuanian dis-
trict of which Kovno is the centre, an isolated Protestant group
stretching northward to the Gulf of Finland, of which Riga
is the centre. The district is not homogeneously Protestant,
but is mainly Protestant or, at any rate, its directing govern-
ing class is almost entirely Protestant.
To add to that labyrinth of forces and to the disunion of
all these eastern marches, there is the fact that these religious
groups do not exactly, nor in many places even nearly, corre-
spond with language and national tradition. Thus, the
Roumanian race (as tested by its language) though in the
main Orthodox, has its large "Uniate provinces. The Poles,
much the most clearly defined nationahty of the lot and most
tenacious of Cathplicism as the national religion, include
in the district of the Masurian Lakes a population wholly
PoUsh yet mainly Protestant. Upon the borders of the
German block Polish Catholicism has often survived, though
as we have seen, there has been an incursion of German
language through the influences of Prussian domination.
Upon the south of these countries which modern Prussia
j)roposes to dominate in the future and which she is welding
■into her Central European State, you have Mahommedans
in Albania and Bosnia, as far north as the very north-western
corner of the latter district, and of course wherever the Turkish
language is found in Thrace, southern or eastern Bulgaria, or
m the Dobrudja.
Lastly, scattered in groups throughout Poland and the
Russian or Lithuanian districts immediately to the east of
Poland throughout Galicia and far into Podolia and Volhynia,
\'ou have the Jewish communities, mainly German speaking, ,
as we have seen in the matter of language, and exceedingly
tenacious of their separate religion as welfas of their separate
race. We must never forget, whether we arc speaking of race,
of language, or of religion, one-half of the Jewish people live
ir. these marches of the east beyond the German group and
are in communion with the great body of Jews inhabiting
the German Empire itself.
Such, in general, and only of course in rough outline, is the
religious complex of the belt lying east of the Germans stretch
ing from the Baltic Sea to the ^gean, the Adriatic, the
Balkans, and the Black Sea.
If I had made an attempt at more precise description, the
reader would ha\'e found with every additional detail a further
complexity, for the mark of the" whole is the extreme dis-
turbance which historical accident has brought here upon
rehgion as upon race, upon race as upon language.
The render will note that the language map in its
January ;i . i mi N
LAND & WATER
bewildeiiiig; (Jivtrbily hab trouliers quite independent of the
religious map, and the full chaiacter of the mosaic — the
txtraordinary extent to which it is split up — can hardly be
understood save by the super-imposition of the one map upon
the other. It may, however, be attempted in words, and the
following sentences will explain what I mean.
A Government desiring to ha\'e information upon some in-
dividuals during this war, individuals who may have shown
activity on one side or the other in this belt, would receive
descriptions something after this fashion :
" He is a Mas\ar land-owner but Protestant." "He is a
Catholic Magyar land-owner." " He is a Bosnian Mahomme-
dan from Bihac." " He is a German Lutheran from the
Seven Towns in Transylvania." " He is a Roumanian-
speaking Uniate from a village just outside one of the German
towns in Transylvania." "He is a Galician-Uniate from
Lemberg, but worked with the Orthodox Priests during tlie
Russian invasion." " He is a German-speaking Jew from
Lemberg." " He is a German-speaking Jew from Odessa, but
his sympathies are with the Ukraine." " He is a German-
speaking citizen of the Empire, with a farm a few miles out of
Landsburg on the Warthe, but he is a Catholic and Polish in
sympathy." " He is a Polish Nationalist speaking the Polish
Masurian dialect and though Lutheran strongly anti-Prussian. "
" He is a German merchant from Riga, Lutheran in religion,
but tiTisted by the Russian authorities." " He is a Lithuanian
man estabUshed in Riga, Catholic in religion and with Polish
svmpathies." " Hcvhas worked for the so-called Jugo-Slav
cause, but is strongly Catholic in religion " — and so forth.
The double network of language and creed produces
this bewildering confusion. It is remarkable, and character-
istic enough of such movements that the adherents of par-
ticular causes seek to eliminate one or other of these factors
of complexity for the purpose of maintaining their theories. For
example, a German Nationalist will tell you of a small district
near the Polish town of Thorn, that it is German, because it is
derman speaking ; the same man will tell you that a Masurian
farmer cannot really be called Polish because he is Lutheran.
But the Polish patriot will conversely test the man in Thorn
by his rehgion and the man in the Masurian Lakes by his
language and arrive at exactly opposite conclusions.
A Triple Problem
To the impartial observer the problem presented is a triple
one of language, of race (which does not perfectly fbllow
language), and of religion, which often cuts clean across both.
Supposing such an observer were asked to suggest what
national groups could be formed out of such a welter, he
would, I think, reply somewhat thus :
" There is first of all and most important a perfectly clear
homogeneous Catholic Poland : Polish speaking, Polish in race,
Polish in conscious patriotism. It reaches to the sea ; its
great port there, Dantzic, has been Germanised in speech and
largely in race, but is politically necessary to the Polish
State if that State is to exist at all. This Pohsh State
would have fringes rov^nd it of mixed language and of mixed
religion, but tiiat is absolutely inevitable in Eastern Europe
however you draw your boundaries. .
" There is a Bohemian State which could only exist if a
strong Polish State were already erected, and into which it
would be unwise to admit too large a proportion of the German
belt in the mountains.
" There is a Magyar State, aristocratic in character and
intensely national. It can certainly be recognised and can
form a homogeneous body, for it has been a dominant State
up to this war. But it must give up its claim and desire to rule
the Sla\ s to the north and to the south, which are now within
its poUtical boundary and by which it is hated, and the great
mass of Roumanian speaking people to the east who are not
in sympathy with it. On the other hand we need not trouble
ourselves in the future of such a State, with the reUgious
differences within it or with the considerable German speaking
Colonies, for Hungary is too united in feeling to be in peril
from such anomalies.
"There is a Roumanian State clearly defined by the use of the
Roumanian language. i)Ut it has three elements of instability,
which the new Constitution would have to safeguard as best
it could, i'irst, there is the very mi.xed condition of Bess-
arabia, with Roumanian and Slav districts interlocked, and
ivith a mass of German-speaking Jewish population as well.
Next, there is the division between the Orthodox and the
Uniate, but there is little danger of this breaking up the State,
for there is here no great friction. Lastly, there are the very
considerable islands of Magyar speaking and German sf)eaking
groups right in the mountain centre of the Roumanian State.
It is inevitable that the Roumanian State, if it is to exist at
all, must rule these anomalies as best it can and must be
wise enough to concede considerable local autonomy.
"There is a Southern Slav or Serbian State, which doubtless
could be erected as au independent Nation but ni whicli wc
nuist be careful to note two elements of danger only ignored
by enthusiasts ; the first is the presence on its Southern piu t,
though in one place as far north as the Save, of Mahommedan
elements, and with this we must couple the probable difficulty
of defining the Albanian frontier. Next there is a very sharp
division, not only in religion but in many fundamental habits
such as the alphabet, with all that it connotes in the daily
influence of the Press and of literature, between the eastern and
the western portions, the Orthpdox and the Catholic."
Such would be, in its very roughest form, the reply of a
Western observer anxious to erect independent nation-
alities in the East of Europe and to save them from falling
into the orbit of Prussia. It is clear at once from the map,
whether of religion or of language, and from history, that'the
essential part of such a system, the keystone of it, is a strong
and independent Poland, and that is why this has been
insisted upon over and over again in these columns as the
test of the war.
Now on the other side the enemy has a very strong case, a
case so strong that short of his defeat he will undoubtedly
make good. It is a case so strong in history and in fact that
an undefeated Prussia cannot but translate it into reality
infinitely more easily than we can establish, let alone protect,
the nationaUties just defined. In fact Prussia has already
actually translated its theory into a realitv ; for since the
collapse of Russia it has erected this new State under our
eyes. It already exists. And the Prussian answer, which is
also that of all academic Germany is somewhat as follows :
" In contemporary fact and in the light of history it is
inevitable that these exceedingly complicated conditions
should be ruled even if only indirectly and in a confederate
manner by the homogeneous, the wealthier, the more highly
organised German people to the West : though that with the
aid of the Magyar State which has f)een organised now for
many generations as an Imperial power dominating its non-
Magyar subjects. There might have been a great Slav mass
stretching uninterruptedly from the Baltic to the Adriatic and
welded into one homogeneous State, but historically this failed.
The .\siatic invasion of the Magyars in the Dark Ages cut it
into two ; the Southern part of it was overrun by the Turks,
and on the top of that you got the profound cleavage in
religion ; Poland, Bohemia and the Adriatic Slavs were
t rained by the Latin Church under a Western culture ; the SlaA s
to the East of them— wholly cut off at first by the Pagan
Lithuanians— was trained from Byzantium in the Greek
culture and rehgion. The whole history of the German
people has been the history of the gradual extension eastward
of their language, influence and culture against the Slav. In
this they have succeeded. Their colonies are strongly planted
far and wide in Slav territory, and to-day all indiistry, all
modern energy throughout the whole belt, derives from the
Germans. Such a state of aftairs coupled with the extreme
diversity of race and creed and language, the frictions and
animosities everywhere present between one small group and
another, render order and development therein impossible
without imperial control, and that control can notv only be
German. It is inevitable ; there is simply nothing else
present in the mass to give it direction, now tliat the strongly
centralised Orthodox Slav power called Russia, which used to
be our counter-weight, has disappeared. We admit that there
is a true Polish State and nationality ; it is the nearest thing
to a true unit in the whole aiYair. But the maintenance of that
nationality has proved impossible. We may erect it, if you
like, into a nominally free State, but it could not stand alone,
just as it did not stand alone in the past. We may propose
at the close of the war many varying forms of local autonomy,
of federation, of nominally independent Kingdoms — what you
will — but the reality behind it all will be and can only be a
great Central European State in which the German people shall
be altogether the seniors and the directors, and that people,
remember, in its modern form, has been disciplined and
united by Prussia."
Such, I think, is the answer that would be given by a
(ierman at the present moment studying what he would caU
" objectivity " and careful to avoid extreme claims.
Wc know, we in the West, that the creation of such a State
means the domination of all Europe by Prussia : that our
tradition and civilisation, all that we cherish in sharp antagon-
ism to Prussia — chivalry, for instance, to quote but one idea
out of many — ^would not survive such a competition. There
would be one great European Empire, stretching from the
Black Sea to the North Sea and from the Baltic to the
.Adriatic, by whatever name it was called. Without further
armed aggression it would be the master of all ; especially
would it be spiritually the master — and that is what counts.
We have learnt these things very late ; the events which have
suddenly turned this jx)tential thing into an actual one arc
events of only the last few months, and one of them alone is
decisive, the break-up of Russia. But we do know the issue
LAND & WATER
January ji, 191^
now, and it U one of the plainest that has ever been s?t to com-
batants in a war. . , , , ^ j i „
Those who stiU tliink and speak m the old terms and xvlio
conceive of a Prussianised Germany modestly retu-ing within
the boundaries of its own culture and language because Us
original Western aggression has failed, are living m a completely
unreal world. They are like men vv;lio discuss modern
.-conomic problems in terms of the old fasliioivid individual
manufacturer and his hands. They are hke men who talk
of a modern railway system as though it were still a private
venture. They are living in the past. They' have an ex-
cellent excuse, for that past is a past exceedingly recent ; but
])ast it is, and to neglect the modern and existing thing before
us while the enemy knows it to its veiry heart is to accept
our final and decisive defeat.
It remains to examine the economic position of such a
central state and the menace that position involves. I will
attempt it in another article. H. Biiixoc
{To be continued)
German Sea Enterprise
Bv Arthur Pollen
4 T the time of writhig last week, the story of the
/% Gocben and Breslau sortie from the Dardanelles
/ % was so incomplete that any discussion of so mter-
jL A-esling an adventure would have been premature.
The communique, of the 23rd, however, gives a far more
detailed picture of what happened, and corrects several state-
ments in the previous accounts. But, even now, particulars
of many major points are stiU to seek. Briefly, the story we
are told is this.
Lizard, a 750-ton destrover, armed with two 4-mch and two
li-pounder guns, discovered Breslau, with the Goeben a mile
astern, at 5.30 on the morning of January 24th, when
she was about two miles from the north-east point of Imbros.
The German ships were on a northerly course and steering
towards the south east of Cape Kephalos. Lizard at once
gave the alarm and engaged the two (ierman ships, at a range
of about 11,000 yards, she being under heavy fire the whole
time, straddled often, but never hit. She was, naturally
enough, not able to turn either ship from her course, and was
pre\-ented from closing to torpedo range by the accuracy of
Breslau s fire as the distance shortened. There was, then,
nothing to prevent Goehen from getting opposite the mouth
of the harbour where the monitors were lying. Lizard had
kept between Goeben and the harbour and, no doubt in
response to her original alarm, Tigress came out and joined
her, when both destroyers did what they could to shield
the two monitors by smoke screens. The protection, how-
ever, was insufficient' and within forty minutes of the German
ships being sighted, first Raglan aiid then M28 had been
" heavily hit " and sunk. The enemy, having accomplished
their mission, turned south, not apparently with the idea of
returning up the Dardanelles, but on some other mission.
They were followed by Lizard, now accompanied by Tigress,
who, at seven o^clock. saw Breslau run into a minefield, in
which she seems to have struck, not one but several mines,
so that she sank within ten minutes of the first explosion.
Goeben was apparently leading, for, on seeing Breslau sink,
she circled round her once and then continued her southerly
course. There then came on the scene four Turkisii
destroyers accompanied by an old cruiser. Lizard and Tigress
engaged the destroyers at once, hit one of ihem " repeatedly "
and drove them pell mell up the Straits. But Goeben con-
tinued past the Straits, still going in a southerly direction,
when an attack by our aircraft " forced " her to turn.
The account does not say whether Goeben was hit by this
first attack. But the presumption is that the bombs must
have fallen close enough to make her realise that the risk of
trying to add to her successes by continuing her range further
afield was prohibitive. But the decision was taken at an
unfortunate moment for, in the actual act of turning, she
struck a mine herself, the injury from which must have been
serious, for not only did she settle down aft, but developed
a list of from ten to fifteen degrees. Damage of this kind
was bound to affect her speed, and it is possible that one of
the propeller shafts may have been injured as well. At any
rate, her procedure up the Dardanelles was slow. All the
four Turkish destroyers that had been driven in by Lizard
and Tigress now turned to escort Goeben — from which one
concludes that the boat that was hit could not have been very
seriously damaged. The Turks also sent out aircraft to put a
stop to further attacks from the sky and, in the encounters
that ensued, one of our seaplanes seems to have been destroyed.
But the others in the meantime continued to attack not only
with energy but with effect, for no less than four direct hits
were recorded — two before and two after Goeben was run
ashore, 100 yards from the lighthouse at Nagara Point.
Lizard and Tigress continued to follow up Goeben, until Uv
fire from the batteries became prohibitive. The gallant
captains of these enterprising craft felt the better justified in
desisting when they realised how effective our attack from
the air liad become. Having left the Dardanelles, tiiey pro-
ceeded to the rescue of the Breslau siir\i\ors, a woik, how-
ever, in which they were disturbed by an enemy submarine.
The story docs not tullushownidny German li\es were lost by
this veryill-timed intervention. Later accounts record further
direct hits on the Gocben, and there is one story to the effect
that her decks are now awash. But she has survived so many
misfortunes that it needs some hardihood to assert, as so
many have done, that she is now finally destroyed.
One can look at this story from two points of view.
What do these events tell us about the art of fighting at
sea, \-iewing them as a na\al operation only ?
Secondly : What is the political significance, if any, in tlic
sortie ? Let us deal with the technical question first.
Imbros lies about fourteen or fifteen miles from the nearest
])oint of the Gallipoli Peninsula. On a clear day with a good
telescope, magnifying, say forty-five diameters — not a high
power for use in Mediterranean sunlight — objects at Imbros
would appear to an observer on any high point like Achi
Baba, to be about 600 yards off. But as we know from
the despatch describing the first fortnight's work of our sub-
marines in the North Sea, the under-water boat is, in many
respects the most efficient scout there is, and all information
got by direct telescopic view and by submarine, could easily
enough be confirmed and multiplied by aircraft. In deciding
to make this raid, therefore, we must' realise that the enemy
knew exactly' what he was doing, exactly what force there
was opposed to him ; knew, in fact, that he was running no
risk of encountering any craft of a fighting power superior
to, or even equal to, that of the ex-German battle cruiser.
It is important that we should realise this because, when we
come to the poHtical considerations lying behind the raid,
the degree of risk run by these ships is highly material to their
comprehension. Next we must also assume that, at the
time when Imbros was made a base for the operations against
tlie Gallipoli Peninsula, it was not thought necessary to
j)rotect it by heavy guns. In those days the idea that
Goeben would come out and either raid the harbour or attack
a squadron of our older battleships, would have seemed, as
indeed it was, chimerical. Goeben, therefore, had nothing to
fear from any armament except those of the monitors. The
smaller monitor, il/28, can be ruled out. She was probabl\-
armed only with one 6-inch and one 9.2 guns ; there would
have been, therefore, no guns to take into consideration
except Raglan's two American 14-inch rifles. We are not, it
■ will be observed, told anything of Raglan engaging
Goeben. And, if she had engaged her, we surely should have
been told. Such an action would have been the first between
a monitor and a modern sea-going ship, and very few shells
from the monitor might have done decisive damage to the
German battle cruiser. We know that Raglan was warned
at 5.20 and, though we do not know exactly when the Goeben
opened fire, yet the inter\-al before she cleared the point that
opened up the harbour must have been considerable — for
she was soon steaming seven miles out at sea and was still
some distance to the south when she was first observed. A
ver\' brief interval would have been sufficient for Raglan to
have got ready for action, if we assume, first, that the only
preparations were to man the turret and the fire control
station, and that all was well with the ship at the time.
We must, then, I think, conclude that Raglan was unable to
engage, and that the explanation of this is tha't, not anticipa-
ting the possibility of a raid, she was lying with her bows
facing inland, and was unable to turn to bring her only guns
into action in the inten'al between receiving Lizard's ^^•ircless
and Goeben's opening fire. And it is the more probable that
tliis is the explanation from the fact that Goeben took the
risk. It is just the kind of detail that might have been ascer-
tahied on Saturday evening by aircraft, and may have been the
deciding factor in the determination to make the raid.
So far, then, it is quite probable that things went, not only
as the enemy hoped, but as he had every right to expect from
the information he had been so diligent as to procure. His
success indeed had been complete. The intervention of
Lizard and Tigress, though as daring and skilful as it could
l)0ssibl3' ha\e been, \\as nevertheless entirely without results
Jnnuarj- 31, igiS
LAND & WATER
sn far as tlip first main aim of the raid was concernefl. But
Irom this point on, things went aUogether wrong. An hour
after giving up the attack on the monitors. Tigress and
Lizard saw a large explosion " abreast of Breslau's after
funnel." Two or three minutes later more e.xplosions took
place and ten minutes later she sank. In the account pub-
lished on the 22nd the Secretary of the Admiralty said that
Rreslan was forced into one of our mine-fields. The fuller
storj' says nothing about mine-fields, or of Breslau having
been intentionaHy driven into one. Neither Breslau nor
Goeben could have suspected a mine-field, for the later account
tells us that on seeing Breslau sink, Goeben turned and circled
round her once and then continued on her southerly course.
Either Goeben must have made a very large'circle, or the mine-
field must have been a very small one, or finally Goeben must
have been extraordinarily lucky in not sharing Breslau's
fate then and there.
That both these ships should have struck mines in the
course of the same adventure, opens up an interesting question.
It has, I see, been taken for granted by several of those who
liave discussed this raid, that the location of our mine-field
must have been perfectly well known to the Turks, if only
because mine-fields are distinctly visible to aircraft in the clear
and well-illumined waters of the eastern Mediterranean. But
is not this far too sweeping an assumption ? It will be
remembered, for instance, that when the British and French
battleships were sunk in the last attack on the Narrows forts,
it was confidently asserted that they had all been sunk by
oscillating mines that had been drifted down by the current.
It was never asserted by anyone that these mines could be
seen, or their presence in any way detected. It seems to
me quite possible that there may be parts of the sea bottom
of a colour that, if mine-fields are laid on it, will reveal their
presence to overhead observers, and other parts, where the pre-
sence of mines could be completely camouflaged. If this is
so, then the enemy, finding some minefields, would naturally
assume that there were no others. His aircraft, in short,
might have been his undoing.
However this may be, the idea that either Breslau could
have been -" forced " into a mine-field by destroyers, she
knowing tliat the mine-field was there, or that Goeben,
threatened by aircraft, would have preferred the minefield
as the lesser danger, seems to be quite untenable. This is
not to say that Goeben was not forced to turn, for the final
account distinctly states that she was, and there is no reason
to doubt the accuracy of this view. But I think this must be
taken to mean that she was forced to desist in the search for a
second objective. She might well ha\e been content to
balance the loss of Breslau against the sinking of Raglan
and il/28, together with such sundr\' damage as might have
been effected by the general bombardment administered to
Imbros.
There is, I think, another and a very strong reason for
supposing that the Germans simply did not know of the
existence of the mine-fields into whicli first Goeben and then
Breslau ran, and it is that the Turkish destroyers did not
take any part in the operations until an hour and a half after
the main purpose of the raid had been accomplished. Had
the presence of mine -fields been suspected anywhere near
the course which Goeben and Breslau had to steer, either going
to or returning from Imbros, the destroyers surely would have
been sent ahead to sweep a channel. That they did not
come out until an hour and a half afterwards seems to point
to their presence being an afterthought. They were, no
doubt, in readiness, perhaps waiting some little way up the
Straits, and left to meet the returning victors in response to
\vireless orders from the battle cruiser. Note that after
Breslau was sunk, they still did not accompany Goeben, but
when attacked by Lizard and Tigress, retreated incontinently
to the rendezvous from which they had come. The conclusion
is irresistible that this raid succeeded on all the points on
which it was possible to get reliable information, and broke
down at the point either at which no information was obtain-
able at all, or at which such information as was got was mis-
leading.
Some of my confreres, I note, quote the fate of the two ex-
X.erman ships as a warning to those who seem for ever to be
* rging that the Grand Flpet should rush through the German
mine-fields, bombard the German ports, and smash the German
fleet by a coup de main. So far I have not been so fortunatt;
as to run across any such heroic recommendations as these
nor, if indeed they exist, should 1 have thought that there
was the slightest danger of their being taken seriously, either
by politicians impatient of results or by seamen anxious for
action. It is surely by this time perfectly well imderstood
that a sea-going fleet is built only for fighting other sea-going
fleets, and could not be adapted to inshore fighting. For in
such fighting two forms of attack are possible to the enemy
which cannot be made in the open sea. The first, of course,
is attack bv prepared mine-fields and the second, gunfire from
invulnerable piarrnrms oy guns susceptible of far more accurate
employment than are those which are mounted in ships.
The essence of the kind of force needed for engaging shore
ilefences and for survi\ing tlie perils which mines and sub-
marines threaten in narrow channels or in shallow waters,
has on several occasions been alluded to in these columns
and need not he repeated now.
Value of Monitors
What would, however, be of great interest would be some
definite information as to what this episode teaches us of the
fighting value of monitors of the Raglan class. Of the value
of the American 14-inch rifle there is, of course, no doubt at
all, if we assume it to be rightly aimed and controlled. But
the control of guns in a small monitor, which is not par-
ticularly seaworthy and which in many conditions of wind and
weather cannot keep a course for more than a minute or two
at a time, presents difficulties much greater than the same
problem in battleships. With everything in the monitor's
favour then, she would not be likely to make so many hits
per gun per minute as a battleship would make with equal
artillery in similar conditions. A broadside of 10 guns in a
sea-going ship would be expected therefore to make more
than five times as many hits in any given time as the guns
in a monitor. If, as I have suggested, Raglan was unable to
open fire at all, the events of January 20th would necessarily
throw no light on her fighting capacity whatever. But it
should throw some light on her capacity to stand punishment,
and if these monitors were built to engage either battleships
or sea-coast forts, it is to be presumed that a certain capacity
to stand punishment must have been contemplated. For
in either event her opponent must have been expected to
command the higher probability of more rapid hitting, so
that unless the monitor could put up with a good many hits
before being out of action, the chance of her damaging her
enemy and hence being of any fighting value, must be slender
indeed. .All we arc told is, that Raglan was " heavily " hit.
That might mean half a broadside—or five broadsides. If
one ii-inch shell sufficed to knock her out, then five would be
verj- " heavy " hitting.
The question is interesting because, while we have often
heard of monitors being employed against Zeebrugge and
other positions on the Belgian coast, the sinking of no one of
them has yet been reported, nor with the exception of
a small monitor .sunk by enemy submarine whilst co-operating
with the army in Palestine have we ever learned of any one
of the ships of this class even receiving a casualty in action.
Have none ever been so exposed that they could be hit ?
Or being hit, have they received the blows of the enemy
without damage to themselves ? What was the difference
between the conditions in which they had previously figured
and those which were so disastrous for them last Sunday
week ? It is obvious that an examination of the data of the
fight at Imbros should" throw a very valuable light on the
wisdom of the policy that gave these novel — but untried
craft — to the British navy, at a time when the dangers of the
submarine campaign seemed to call for nothing but con-
centration upon the production of destroyers.
An additional week's return of losses inflicted by sub-
marine will be in the reader's hands on the day that this
paper is published. Until this return is given to the public
we know practically nothing of how that lamentable cam-
paign goes on, although this week we have, perhaps by chance,
been informed that a 13,000-ton Cunard finer has been tor-
pedoed, but not sunk, off the Irish coast. The returns of last
Thursday and of the Thursday before, were certainly of a
nature to make us hope, at last, that the menace had been
considerably diminished. But the American Secretary' for
War somewliat startled the world on Monday morning by
warning us not to be deceived by any so fond illusions. He
will have it the enemy has called in his submarines and is
refitting them for a great and, perhaps, final offensive. In
May there was a weekly average of 66 ships that either fell
to submarines and mines or were attacked unsuccessfully by
submarines. The average for the last two weeks is less than
a seventh of this. There was recently a report from Berne
that 23 submarines due home in German ports in the month
of December, failed to give any account of themselves But
from official sources we have heard nothing which justifies
our accepting such pleasant news as reliable. It has not yet
been claimed by us that we are sinking submarines faster than
the enemy can build them. If so wide and determined an
offensive is in preparation, are we equipped to meet it ? The
.\dmiralt\- one presumes has at least as much information as
Mr. Baker, and possibly more. The question is, whether even
in the past 12 months adequate preparations have been made.
The event will show.
Arthur Pollen
10
LAND &f WATER
January 31, 19^^
The Health of the Fleet
By Lewis R. Freeman, R.N.V.R.
IT was a great dav for the Principal Medical Officer. In
spite of the fact tliat there were nearer 1,200 than r,io<i
men on his ship, the returns of " Sick " and " Hospital "
cases had been recorded bv successive " pairs of spec-
tacles " for several da vs. Exen a single twenty-four hours
like that for a battleship on active service was worthy oj
remark, and tiiree or four da\s of it undoubtedly constituted
a record for the British or any other Navy. That the clean
'ilieet would be spread over "a whole week was almost too
much to hope for, even after the sixth day of the double
(luck's eggs had gone b\'. But now the moniing of the seventh
day had come, the last of a week in which there had been no
rase of sickness on a ship which carried one of tiie largest, if
not the largest, complement of men in the British Navy. It
was no wonder that the P.M.C.'s eves were beaming and that
he shook hands all round with his Staff Assistants, for it was
;in achievement which might well stand as a record for man\-
a voar. , , • ,
"" Since you do not appear likely to be troubled with any-
thing worse than a rush of congratulations to-day, sir," 1
said after extending my ov\Ti felicitations, "perhaps yoivll
have time to tell me how you've done it. I've heard fine
tributes paid the R.N. M.S. by French, American and Italian
doctors who know something'of it, but I was hardly prepared
to find you starting a sort of Ponce de Leon ' Fountain of
Perpetual Youth,' in the British Fleet. "
The P.M.O. laughed.
" Making a health resort of a battleship, with your dressmg
stations under casemates and your sick bay all but under a
turret, does seem a bit Uke reversing the saying about ' in
♦he midst of life we are in death,' " he replied. "But the fact
remains that this ship, the whole of the Grand Fleet indeed,
is one of the most remarkable " health resorts ' the world has
ever known. Not since the dawn of history has there been a
large body of men with so small a percentage of bodily ills
and ailments as that which mans the ships of the Grand Fleet
Jit this moment. This is due to the absolutely unique con-
ditions which prevail here, and our success in maintaining and
improving the standard of health is principally due to making
the most of those conditions.
" The health of any community — of any body or collection
of human beings — depends primarily upon the natural
salubrity of the region in which it is located and the extent
to which it is isolated from those living under less favourable
conditions. A city may be very healthy naturally, but if its
inhabitants are subject to a constant influx of more or less
infected transients from less healthy places its own standard
must inevitably be lowered. Under normal conditions, a
modern warship — either in port or at sea — is one of the
healthiest places in the world, and such sickness as prevails
there is almost always contracted ashore and carried — and
•* often spread — abroad.
" With a Fleet that has its base near a large city, so that
the men are in more or le.ss constant contact with those
ashore, the health of the former will \-ery largely depend
upon the extent to which that contact can be controlled.
Between dock-hands, etc., coming aboard and the sailors
going ashore, it is difficult under such circumstances to keep
the men afloat much healthier than those on the land. It is
only when there is comparatively complete isolation from
large cities that it is possible to take full advantage of the
ideal conditions for maintaining physical healthfulness at sea,
and such conditions exist to a degree never before equalled in
Naval history. Our success here is merely the consequence
of making the most of those unique conditions.
" On the score of bodily healthfulness, life as lived in the
Grand Fleet has more favouring conditions, and fewer un-
favouring ones, than that possible at any other point at which
a considerable fleet has ever had its base. Indeed, I could go
farther than that, and say that never has a large number of
men, either afloat or. ashore, had such an opportunity to
maintain so high a standard of physical health. In thefirst
place, wet, cold and stormy though it is for much of the year,
the climate is a salubrious and invigorating one for the
]>hysically sound man that the sailor must be before he finds
his way into the Navy at all. Even ashore the population is
notably robust.
" In the next place, the anchorage is isolated, but not too
isolated. It strikes almost the ideal mean on this score. In
the ordinary routine, there is practically no contact whatever
between those afloat and the people ashore. If the men land
at all it will he for a game of football, a cross-country- run, road
work or something of the sort; in the course of which nothing
whate\-er is seen of the resident population. It is not prac-
ticable to give the men a long enough shore leave to allow
them to visit a neighbourig town, where one sees rather less
navy blue as a rule than in many an inland town in England.
The steward doing his marketing is about the only regular
human link between a ship and the shore, and his contact
with those on shore is not of a character likely to be dangerous.
This leaves the fresh drafts and the men returning from leave
as almost the only possible carriers of new infection. How
those are looked after 1 will explain presently.
" Much more complete isolation than this is, of course,
effected when a cruiser or a fleet of cruisers goes on an ex-
tended voyage or patrol, but in such a case the freedom from
contact with shore life is offset by the more arduous conditions
of life, especially in the matter of diet. The great thing
about the situation is that its unique position makes it
possible to eliminate most of the rigors of seaUfe without being
exposed to the health dangers of harbour life. A ship here
can be just as well victualled as at Portsmouth, so far as the
men are concerned, while letters and newspapers six times a
week are ample service on that score. As 1 have said, tlu^
conditions for keeping mind and body at their best are ideal,
and give us a unique opportunity for establishing new health
records for the Navy.
Sources of Infection
" Of the two main channels by which disease could come
to us from the outside — returning leave men and new drafts —
the latter is the more dangerous, and therefore the one the
more closely watched. Generally speaking, the men get
leave about every nine months, this more or less roughly
coinciding with the period in which the ship is in dock for
repairs. If during a man's leave there is a case of any in-
fectious or contagious disease in the house where he has
stayed, or if he has reason to believe that he may have been
exposed to infection or contagion elsewhere, he is ordered to
report that fact immediately upon his return to the ship,
when we take such precautions as the circumstances seem
to warrant to prevent trouble. His clothes are disinfected,
and he is ordered to report for examination over a period of
days varying with the disease to which there was risk of his
having been exposed. This enables us to isolate him (should
it be necessary) before he is in a condition in which he could
pass on the disease to others. A useful check which we have
upon a man who might neglect to report his possible exposure
to disease during his leave is the law which requires medical
officers in all parts of Great Britain to ascertain if any soldier
or sailor on leave is Uving in any house where^ there is a ca.se of
infectious disease, and to report this fact to the proper
authorities. In this way it may be that we learn a man has
been exposed even before he returns to the ship.
" New drafts are watched equally closely. Some time before
a man's arrival a health sheet is sent to me on which is indi-
cated any disease which he maj^ have had during his period
of service, together with information as to whether or not he
may have been exposed to anything infectious in the interval
inmiediately before he is sent to us. Any treatment for minor
chronic ailments which may be in progress is continued on
ship. A general disinfection of kit and a daily reporting for
twenty-one days for examination makes it practically im-
]iossible for a new rating to bring disease to the ship.
" The greatest obstacle to the preservation of perfect health
in the men on a warship is the unavoidable necessity of having
them sleep close together in comparatively confined spaces
This ship, from the fact that she was originally designed for a
foreign Power, is worse off than most modern battleships on
that score, and, everything else equal, would be more difficult
to keep the men in health on than in any of the others. rhi>
is one of the reasons why I am so gratified by our showing
ol the past week. Sleeping in hammocks in itself is not
unhealthy — quite the contraiy, in -fact — but the danger lies
in the chance an infectious disease has to spread among so main-
men lying almost side by side and head to feet. Thorou.s^Jjt
vi-ntilation is the best preventive of disease under the ciixnnn-
stances ; this has been provided by fans.
" The one thing dreaded above all others on a warship is
cerebro-spinal meningitis, both on account of its unavoidably
liigh rate of mortality and the difficulty of preventing its
spread under the limiting conditions. Luckily, we have had
practically none of it up here. In the event of the appear-
ance of a case of any infectious disease, the man is isolated,
the men of his mess are put under observation and all of their
clothes are disinfected. As soon as possible the case is re-
moved to one of the hospital ships which are always here.
The restricted sleeping quarters occasionally are responsible
for the quick spread of a bad cold . but the fresh, ft^e from germs
January 31, i9i<S
LAND & WATER
II
air makes anything like an epidemic of influenza almost out
of the question in the Grand Fleet. German measles has been
rather a nuisance once or twice ; in fact, we have seen rather
more of it than we have of the German fleet. If the latter is
as easily disposed of as the former, however, we shall have
little to complain of."
Of the progressiveness and general up-to-dateness of the
Royal Na\'y Medical Service, I had already heard from a
number of sources (I remember in particular how Madame
Carrel had told me that the British .Admiralty had adopted the
remarkable " irrigation " treatment, discovered and per-
fected by her distinguished husband, long before any French
militarj^ hospital would even consider it), so I was quite pre-
pared to find every ship in the Grand Fleet amply provided
to handle " action eventualities."
Tlic problems of a hospital on a warship aie quite different
from those of even an advanced hospital at the Front. The
latter has a fluctuating bnt more or less unbroken stream of
casualties to handle, with sometimes weeks of warning when
defensive or offensive action will make unusual demands. A
battlesTiip may easily be lying quietly at anchor in the morning
and be joined in a death-grapple in the evening. Her surgeons
may have spent a year with nothing more to keep their hands
in than reducing sprains and stitching up cuts, and then a
hundred casualties may drop out of the sky in the wake of a
single enemy salvo. I-'or them, it rarely rains but it pours,
though it may be a long time between the storms.
The tisnal practice is for a warship to have a small perma-
nent sick bay and hospital capable of coping with routine
exigencies, and to supplement these during and after action
by converting certain favourably located parts of the ship
^always below the water-line if possible — into action dressing
stations. The equipment of these latter — operating tables,
beds, hghts, etc. — is all made on collapsible lines and kept
stored close at hand. The battleship whose remarkable
health record I am writing about, takes especial pride in
the fact that it has two action dressing-stations, permanently
equipped and ready for use at a moment's notice.
The men in the various turrets and casemates, as well as in
all other parts of the ship where casualties are hkely to occur
in action, are trained to give first aid and carry their wounded
to the nearest dressing-station. For the latter purpose a
specially designed stretcher is used, so constructed that the
wounded men, strapped in securely, can be carried at any
angle with a minimum of discomfort. The- stretcher at
present in use in the British Navy is of Japanese manufacture.
It is made almost entirely of canvas and strips of bamboo,
the two materials which experience has shown are the best
combination on the score of lightness ai)d strength.
As soon as possible after an action the badly wounded are
transferred to a base hospital ship, whence as soon as
they are able to stand the voyage, the}- are sent in a carrier
ship to one of the big R.N. M.S. hospitals.
The superlative aire which has been taken of the bodily
health of the men of the Grand Fleet has been one of the main,
if not the main factor in contributing to the healthiness of
mind and the keenness of spirit which have made it possible
for them to " stick out " their long vigil in the northern seas.
Bolsheviks at Work
The vague and contradictory accounts which have appeared
in the English press relating to the ei'oits in Moscow during
tite Bolsftevik rising Uist November have caused disquietude
to many people in this country. In the earlier stages of the
Revolution it had been thought that " Holy Moscow " would
be immune from bloodshed, but the downfall of Kerensky
nuUerially altered the situation. The Bolsheviks, having made
tliemselves masters of the capital, atid being in control of all
means of communication, determined to assert their authority
in Moscow, and fighting of a violent nature ensued. The
reports that reached this country gave a lurid picture of the
destruction and havoc wrought by the combatants, and slated
that the collision between the two parties had resulted in a ' heavy
death-roll, but many of the details given were untrustworthy.
There was also considerable doubt as to the actual amount of
damage done.
Much interesting information is conveyed in the following
letter written by an Englishman residing t« Moscow, whose
description of these days of revolt bears the character of a frank
statement by an unprejudiced eye-witness.
The impotence of the Russian Church in this crisis and the
, revolt of the peasant cl-a.ss from her authority are among the great
surprises of the Revolutioti, aiut we are confronted with the
astonishing fact iluit the armed forces in Moscow have even
violated the satu-tity of the icofts which they have hitherto held
in deepest reverence.
C. H.\r,BF.Rr, Wright.
London, January 26thj IQ18.
*****
h/rom a House opposite the Kremlin, Moscow.
r^ ATURDAY, November lyth, 1917; I think I said in
\ my last that I expected the Bolsheviks would be mak-
^^ ing a move ; thej' have done so. Yesterday e\'ening
they came out and rushed the Governor-General's
Palace (the seat of the provisional Government's military
organisation here), the Post Office and a number of other
strategical points, and occupied a number of private houses in
dominating positions. The whole of the Moscow garrison,
said to number it)0,ooo, with few exceptions, seemed to have
declared themselves on the side of the Bolsheviks, while the
Government could only rely upon the Junkers— that is, thi-
O.T.C, about 6,000, and about 5,000 to (i.ooo Oissacks, which
is all there are in the town. However, the soldiers of the
garrison adopted the Bolshevik methods and do everything
by committee and plebiscite, and liave no discipline, whereas
the Junkers and Cossacks are disciplined and obey a single
head, and, consequently, up to the moment of writing, have
been able to hold their own, and more so, for they have
captured the Kremlin, the Post Office, and many other
jX)ints from the Bolsheviks.
All Friday night the firing was continuous. Under our
bedroom windows theie was a fierce fight, and, when I
looked out in the morning there were heaps of dead and
wounded on both sides of the pavement, who laid there until
the Red Cross ambulances removed them about 9 o'clock.
.\I1 Saturday the fire of machine guns and rifles \vas in-
cessant, but the streets were fairly full of people, taking no
part but intensely interested. It did not seem to strike them
that *there was any danger in watching the combat.
I went out myself on Saturday afternoon for a bit, but
came back when I found bullets whizzing uncom-
fortably all round. By this time people have learnt dis-
cretion, and the streets are practically deserted. Heaps of
curious onlookers have been killed. I have seen four killed
to-day, and one Red Cross nurse shot in the neck. This last
case is particularly disgusting. A squad of Bolsheviks took
up a position in the Malaia Loubianka, a few yards down
the street, and began firing volleys across the Square at
nothing in particular. Two Red Cross nurses and three
stretcher-bearers came along the pavement from the
Niasnitskaya in their Red Cross uniform and waving a large
Red Cross flag and. as they were crossing the Malaia J.ou-
bianka the Bolsheviks fired a volley, and I saw one of the
girls sink down. The men picked her up and carried her to
r)ur front doorstep, and I saw that her ankle had been broken
by a shot. The volley was fired deliberately. Annushka
tells me that she has heard that hundreds of children have
been killed and wounded, their parents (mostly their mothers)
having taken them out to see the fun !
On Sunday we first Ix^gan to hear big g^ms, 4 in. and 6 in.,
and since then the roar and boom of artillery has been con-
tinuous. The Kremlin was first occupied by the Cossacks
and the 36th Infantry Regiment, which had declared itself
loyal to the Government, but later it nmtinied and went
over to the Bolsheviks. However, the Cossacks, though
absolutely outnumbered, held the gates, and there was a
stiff fight. Ultimately, the Junkers brought up a gun, ran
it into the Ki-emlin with the aid of the Cossacks, and, after
two or three rounds, the 56th surrendered. Now the Bol-
sheviks have got a gun on to the Sparrow Hills and are firing
from there into the Kremlin. A very fierce engagement has
been going on all day on the Nikitski Boulevard, both sides
employing guns, machine guns and rifles, but I don't think
tliere has been any bayonet work.
10.30 p.m. — For the last two hours, since writing the above,
there has been a most uncanny silence. Not a shot ; not a
gun. 1 wonder what it means ? It is pitch dark outside, not
a lamp lit, not a l;ous«^ that shows a light, and it is raining
heavily. But last night it was the same, yet firing went on all
the time. There is apparently not a soul in the streets. All
(lay long pickets of five or six Bf)lsheviks have been strolling
about and loosing off their rifles at the comers of the streets
at nothing in general.
Sarnia came here yesterday in great glee and {e.-lrfully
excited. She is an out and out Bolshevistke, and told
Annushka that their day was come at last, and that they
were going to alter and improw the whole order of the
universe. She said with great pride that, though the men
seemed to be afraid of going about, she and her friend (another
12
LAND & WATKR
Jiimiary Ji, iQiS
eirl) wrnt ovrn'where and wpro afraid of nothing.
rherr goes ;i machine gun again ! Another ! \\ hat a rabble !
There go the rifles and guns ! The whole symphony is starting
again after a two hours lull. Wo have a house guard ot
Special Constables from among the lodgers. My time
on guard is from 2 to 4 at night. There are three of us on duty
at a time for the whole 24 hours- two hours for those on night
dutv three hours on dav duty ; three of us at a time in the
vard, though what effective use we could be in the case of an
attack 1 am sure I don't know. However, it gives a certain
sense of security. -Ml the front doors of the hou.se are locked,
and no one is allowed to enter or lea\c the house except by
the gates in the \ard, and thev have to get in and out of then-
flats b\' the back stairs. There is only one gate for the whole
house "so that the guard can be sure that no one can get in
without their knowledge, but, of course, there would be "o
difficult v in forcing anv of the front entries if "*" »
dozen men tried to do so, nor the back gates for the
matter of that, in spite of our guard, if the attackers were armed
with rifles. All the houses have been organising these house
guards throughout the town, and it is really a very sound thing
in principle. The town is declared to be in a state of siege,
and no one is allowed to be in the streets without a pass ;
but unfortunately, the Government Authorities have no
means of enforcing this edict. It is the Bolshe\iks who are
enforcing the edict. Th." first thing the Boslheviks did was to
shoot down the Tow a Militia, the new Police, an absolutely
rotten lot at any time. Those who were not shot disappeared
at once.
Big Guns
A fight has been going on round tlie S — Works between
Bolsheviks and Junkers who have their school just on
the other side of the street, over the bridge, and, as each side
has a couple of guns, one 4 in. and one 6 in. each, the shooting
is quite lively. There are only 40 Junkers against about
1,000 Bolsheviks, but the latter are such cowards that they
don't tr>' to storm the school. The Bolsheviks fired a 6 in.
shell at the warehouse in the yard of the works, where there
are 150 Cossacks quartered, but it struck the cashier's house,
fifty yards away and burst in the wall on the ground, doiiig
little "damage except that it happened to strike the main
electric light cable and put out all the lights ever\'where.
Close to thelunkers' school is the Cadets' Academy, boys under
sixteen years old. These also, about 150, put up quite a good
fight, but I heard tliis evening that, after having suffered
heavy casualties, they have surrendered.
Almost all the news we get is hearsay, and it is most un-
satisfactory not to know what the truth is. It is true that
the Bolsheviks have been publishing a paper, but it is, of
course, absolutely unreliable. Great leaflets, "Anarchy is
the Mother of Order," have been scattered over the place here.
It is the motto of the Maximalists but what they mean by
it I am sure they don't know themselves.
Tuesday evening. — I did not get to bed till 5 o'clock this
morning ; heavy 'firing all night. During my watch almost
incessant rifle fire just outside the yard gates in the Malaia
].oubianka. I did not get up till li o'clock ; the firing was
then more intense. The Bolshe\iks have brought up a 4 in.
gun to try to capture the Telephone Stations. The tele-
phone has" ceased to work at all to-day. I attended the
House Committee which sat from 3 to 8, discussing measures
of self-protection and provisioning. Fifty-five occupiers of flats
attended. All agreed that there is no possibility of obtaining
. protection from any authority, as there is none, and that we
must organise our own protection. Also, that we must
consider ourselves in a state of siege, pool provisions and ration
them out, as it may be a fortnight or more before we can get
any more. Few have any revolvers or know how to use them.
All day long big guns have been firing. Six people killed in
the square this morning, walking along the pavement, one of
them a Red Cross man ; 1 saw two shot. As there is prac-
tically no one in the streets, and I don't suppose 100 people
ha%'e been through the square during the day. this is a high
percentage of casualties. I am more than ever amazed at the
extraordinary foolishness or dense stupidity of the few people
who now go about the streets. They seem to stroll about in
an aimless way, totally unconscious that the shooting is in the
least dangerous. The two I saw killed were loafing about
casually, apparently unconscious of danger.
This evening is again pitch dark ; not a light to be seen,
and I have been watching a big fire, evidently the result of
shell fire. It looks to be somewhere in the neighbourhood of
the Arbat Square. One can see the \iolet flashes of the guns
reflected in the smoke above the red glare beneath. The
curious thing is that no soldiers are to be seen anywhere.
Our windows here don't rattle from the gunfire, but they
vibrate in an extraordinary way. There are big guns booming
continuously now. but they must be a considerable distance
off. What on earth they can see to fire at on a night like tliis
I am sure I can't think. There isa continuous firing of vollf>s
from a squad of Bolsheviks in the Malaia Loubianka. They
fire every 15 seconds, but 1 am absolutely positive the}' have
nothing to fire at, and 1 can only suppose that it is to keep
up their spirits. These shots draw no reply and there is never
anv return fire from across the square. During the day I
think their object is to terrorise, and at night to keep up
their spirits. ■
Bad Leadership
November 20th. — Last Friday at 2 a.m. the Junkers sur-
rendered and the Bolsheviks are in complete possession. No
reinforcements arrived. The few who did come in joined tlie
Bolsheviks. It was hopeless to continue the struggle,
and the Metropolitan Trifon managed to effect peace terms
— both sides to set free all prisoners and the Junkers
to lay down their arms. The latter have made a splendid
fight, but were abominably badly led by Kichtroff, a Socialist
Colonel, who happened to be the military governor of Moscow
when the fight began. He has been trying to run with
the hare and hunt with the hounds, and was mostly careful
for his own skin. W'ith good leading, in spite of the odds, the
junkers would probably have won. They wanted to depose
him, but decided it was" better to have a bad leader than open
possibilities for dissension by choosing another. Had they
at once attacked the Bolshevik Barracks, they could un-
doubtedly have captured each in turn, and the majority of the
soldiers would almost certainly have joined them.
An enormous amount of damage has been done. The
Nikitski Gates into the Kremlin have been very badh'
smashed up, and the Holy Images on either side of it destroyed.
The Spassky Gates are also badly knocked about. It is
lucky they chiefly used shrapnel and had Httle H.E. shell, or
the damage would have been much worse. The Hotel Metro-
pole, where some Junkers were, is riddled with shell — great
lioles through the walls, and, of course, every window smashed
to atoms. In the Nikitski Boulevard there is a big house
almost knocked down. In our flat we have one bullet-hole
through the dining-room window, and in the drawing-room
the plate glass window looking over the square has tliree
shots through it and the glass is entirely smashed. Kvcry
window in each room along the Bolshaia Loubianka has been
smashed by shrapnel fragments, or possibly H.E. shell, so I am
now living in the study at the back, sleeping on the sofa,
which makes a most comfortable bed. On Sunday I walked
round the place. Many houses have been burned down.
There were trenches and barricades everywhere, and in the
neighbourhood of them all the windows were, of course,
broken. It is estimated that about 15,000 people were killed
and wounded, of which a large proportion were non-com-
batants. The Junkers lost only about 300 men. The Novy
Riady (the great arcades apposite the Kremhn) are badly
smashed up and all the plate glass in the shops opposite the
Kremlin broken. The Bolsheviks have a complete victory ,
and we shall now see what they are going to do with it. For
the present there is no authority whatever.
The officials of the late Government, the Town Duma,
Post Office, Telegraph, etc., do not acknowledge their now
masters, and are adopting the policy of passive resistance.
The Bolsheviks can't do the work or run the thing themselves,
and the old staff simply ignore them. The operators of the
telegraph refuse to work, and the Bolsheviks do not know how-
to use the instruments, so they had to make terms.
Of course, this state of things can't last, and I expect to
see a violent swing round very shortly. If the people find
themselves duped as they undoubtedly will, if they find they
are no nearer to peace, that not only is there less food but
starvation, and that none of the promises made them are
being fulfilled, then I fear we shall see the people turn and
rend their false leaders, and there will be no leaders at all, but
complete anarchy followed by pillage, rapine and murder.
This is a very real fear.
The Bolsheviks put a machine gun on the roof of our house,
and fired it for some time, which no doubt explains why we
got such a dose in reply, otherwise we should not have been
in the line of fire as far as I can make out. I am afraid that
all business will be stopped for several months ; no raw
materials are coming in, no fuel, and no goods of atiy kind,
and there is no money in any of the banks. We can't get
money to pay our workmen as the banks have none. As fast
as notes are printed they go out to pay the peasants in the
interior for grain, and for cotton in Central Asia. The town
has no money to pay its employees ; there is no money any-
where in spite of the fact that notes are being printed as fast
as the printing press can turn them out. None of the money
paid for grain or cotton comes back, or goes into circulation,
for there is nothing to buy with it or to exchange it for, there-
fore it is all being hoarded in the interior.
January ji, itji8
LAND & WATER
An 111 Wind
By Francis Brett Young
13
1r is always amazing to iiu; liow one tumbles upon stories
of this kind ; and Dr. Maxwell was really one of tlie
last men in the work! whom I should have expected to
appreciate the one Mhich he told mc. As ij. matter of
lact. lie was wiy diffident about it, and 1 don't imagine that
anythintj but the peculiar intimacy into which circumstances
had thrown us would ha\e screwed him up to the point of
tellin!; it. He was a \Try timid man. This is how it
happened. I liad come to stay for a wet winter holiday in a
iisiiiiifj \i!lagc down West, with no companion except a wiry-
haired terrier puppy, a foolish thing with brown eyes, to which
1 was just getting attaclied.
\\V lived, the two of us, in the front room of a widow woman,
a :\Irs. Seaward, o\erloDking a waste of sea that was nearly
always sad. We had lighted upon a period of cold casterh-
winds, blowing over all the great bay from Portland, and
rolling dun-coloured breakers capped with white against that
unyielding coast, rank after rank of them ceaselessly charging
in a hope that was forlorn. Mrs. Seaward's house was jerry-
built, and in the crevices of her casements the wind whistled
night and day, so that all the httle space of her bow-window
was full of colder air then the rest of the room, while I and mv
dog Tristram (who took his name from Shandy, not froiii
I.yonesse) shivered over a grate of wrought iron that absorbed
its own heat.
Tiiey were uncomfortable rooms ; but when we had
once got there I felt that we must stay if it were only for
the poverty of Mrs. Seaward herself and the extraordinarv
pride which she lavished on them. There was no chance of
making ourselves at home. Every chair, every cushion, ever\'
knick-knack had its place, and if one of these were disarranged
when we left the house it was certain to have been replaced b\-
the time that we returned. .\nd Tristram was no respecter
of cushions. I disliked Mrs. Seaward's family photographs.
I disliked her funeral cards. We disliked, in particular, a
])ortrait enlarged in a frame of red plush, which sat in judg-
ment on our breakfast : a very dogmatic not ill-looking young
man with curled moustaches and a sailor's peaked cap. I
daresay I should have liked him better if I hadn't always
taken my meals with him. It was distressing, too, always to
find Mrs. Seaward in the room when I returned from mv
walks, standing with her hands clasped in front of her in that
rcfrigeiator of a bow-window looking out to sea. In the end I
decided to gi\c her notice, saving my face with the forfeiture
of a week's rent.
I screwed m\self up to the act on three days in
succession : and then, at the precise moment when I needed
it most, my luck failed me. Tristram, poor httle beast,
developed a cold on his lungs. I expect I had been careless
with him, and when night came on I didn't like the look of
him. I enquired about a vet. The landlady told me there
wasn't one within ten miles. I asked her if she knew of
anybody who understood dogs ; and after she'd thought
about it and mentioned half a dozen people who didn't, she
came to Dr. Maxwell. I wondered why I hadn't thought of
asking a doctor before , for, when you come to think of
It, there's not much difference between a sick dog and a sick
baby. The same thing had evidently occurred to Mrs. Sea-
ward. '■ He's splendid witii children," she said.-
It was a filthy night with a south west wind booming down
tiie valley and out over tiie sea, but the doctor was quite
willing to come and see mv patient.
■' They're nice beasts, dogs, aren't they :' " he said, as he
pulled on his mackintosh, and then our concern for the small
;reature's comfort threw us, as I've said, into an intimacy
svhich was surprising when you consider our short acquaint-
ance and his exceptional shyness. We sat together smoking
in front of the fire, beneath the stonv stare of Mrs. Seward's
relations, listening to the wind and" sometimes talking.
He had said something about the west wind being good for
the trawlers, and I had slipped into the ready-made answer
that it is an ill wind which benefits nobody. He said that
ho often thought, down on that much-buifeted coast, how
extraordinarily dependent on wind the men of old. times
ivere ; how they could never cross a strip of sea without the
.Mild 's permission, or grind their corn on land. He spoke of
the nihnitc chances of the wind that was now scattering the
lertilc pollen from his peach-blossom. " To-morrow it will
yll be gone,"— and then, rather shyh*. he said : " That
reminds me,"— and told me the story of the steward on the
s.s. Malifoit.
" I expect," he ^aid." that you, as a stranger, imaghie tliat
this seaboard is hill of loniMiui' ; you c;in -(■<■ iiothing but
beauty in these small stone cottages and this rugged coast,
"^'ou don't know how hard life is here— and how dirty. You
don't realise either how horribh- isolated we arc ; how very
attracti\e it is — you won't mind me saying sa — to meet a
stranger like yourself. That's the way "in which Romance
surprises us, in our chance encounters" with men who come
here by land or by sea— and particularly by sea. Of course,
this place has long ceased to be a portof "call for salt-water
boats : but it so happens that our bay is a harbour of refuge,
the only one along this coast, from a westerly gale ; and
sometimes, when it is blowing strong you may sec 30
vessels sheltering— not the big mail boats that can plug
through any amount of muck, but great sailing ships troni
Hamburg, Scandinavian steamers, with deck-cargoes of timber,
wide-bellied freighters light, and everj? other kind of tramp.
Sometimes they lie there for a week straining at their anchors
and then steal away in stormy sunshine. Sometimes thev
land a sick man— they don't like sick men at sea— and in this
way I have had more than one adventure.
" When I was called to visit the Mali/on it was blowing a
buster. The mate brought the message ashore ; told me that tlie
steward had hurt his leg and the ' old man ' was getting worried
about him. Didn't know if the beggar was shamming or not.
If I were coming I had better prepare for a wetting and pull
out in their dinghy. He was vers- affable, that mate. He
said that he'd never \'isited our port before and hoped he
never would again. ' Talk about scenery and that,' he said,
' there's plenty of pretty scenery outside the West of Eng-
land. By tlie way folks talk you'd think there wasn't nice
country places in Lancasliire. You should hear the birds in
our garden on a spring morning. My misses feeds the little
beggars.' He lived at a place called Xewton-le- Willows—
\vherever that may be. He asked me if I was ' on the square,'
and seemed disappointed that I wasn't.
" The Matifon was lying a long way out and I got wetter
even than I had expected ; but it's a" heartening thing, you
know, to go butting out through sheeted sprav with the salt
sticky on your lips— just plugging towards a "point of light
which wavers and dips some unimaginable distance ahead :
and then, suddenly, to hear what the wind leaves you of a hail,
to dissociate something black that looms above you from the
blackness of the windy sky ; to hear a rope swish down like the
wind's own tail— and then the splash and suck of water be-
tween yourself and the hull until your boat and the big ship
are heaving together. I jumped for the rope ladder, and as I
looked back the boat and the mate and the two sailors seemed
to be sucked downw^ards, for the great flank to which I was
clinging like a fly on a horse heeled bodily over, blotting out
the stars. I scrambled on to an iron deck g"ritty with coal dust,
where the captain received me.
He looked as if he'd been On the bridge for a week. " If the
beggar's mahngering," he said, " I look to you to tell me.
If he's really sick you'd better have him ashore. You can't
satisfy him. Says he's hurt his leg. I don't know. . . .
He's a good steward, the best I've ever had except a Jap T
once picked up in Kuchinotsu ; but I'm about fed up with
him. The chief ofticer will take you for'ard."
And so, down one iron ladder, up another, down a pre-
cipitous companion to a stuffy hold. " Blast the Chief," said
the mate, " the electric ligh't's off— that's the worst of this
damned company. Short of crew. The donkeyman went
ashore this morning and came black bUnd. You wait here a
minute while I get a lantern."
" He left me standing there at the bottom of the com4)anion.
It was very dark and smelt of tallow and engine grease. I had
to hold on to the oily rail of the ladder ; for this part of the
ship was plunging heavily as though it were angry with the
strain of the anchors. "The darkness was full of creaking
sounds, and sometimes the impact of a heavier wave smote her
bows, making the plates shudder and creak more loudly than
over. The mate came back carrying a kerosene lamp "with a
smell that was proper to that fo'c'sle. ' This way,' he said.
" We passed into a narrow cabin in which there were four
liunks. It smelt a little of foul opium smoke and a great deal
of dirt. In the lower bunk on the inner side the mate's
lantern showed mc a Chhiaman lying on his back breathing
noisily through his mouth. ' That's our cook,' said the mate.
' Don't you take no notice of him. He has his little faihngs
like the rest of us. Tliis is your bird.'
" He held the light up to the upper of the two opposite
bunks which were fixed to the flank of the ship, with nothing
but a thin iron plate between them and the noisy sea. ' Hello
Jim,' ho said pulling at a nest of grey blankets. ' How arc you
getting on ^ "
" ' All right, Mr. Cochran,' said the man under the blankets.
14
LAND & WATER
January 31,
igi8
' J sliall be all right tu morrow. I only want a day or two's
rwt."
" ' Tliat's good, Jim,' said tin- inatu-. 'The old man's
M-Mit ashore for a doctor to see vou. Wake up. . . ."
" He raised his head aiid looked at me. An elderly man,
with a grey beard and very bright eyes. From the first they
regarded me with suspicion. His voice was surprisingly re-
fined. A man who had gone down in the world, I decided.i
And when he came to show me his injured hip, I could see that
lie was ashamed to be as filthily dirty as he undeniably was.
All the time his eyes were insisting : ' You've got me at a dis-
advantage, you know, t wasn't always like this.' A poor
■ old man . . . but not so old as I had imagined at first.
A merchant seaman who has knocked about tJie world in the
slums of great seaports doesn't wear well, and I could see that
this fellow had had his whack of drink and other things.
" In the demented plungings of this foul and unlit cabin it
was dilScult to find out what his trouble was. If he had lain
in the lower bunk it would have been easier. As it was, it
took me some time to discover that he had fractured the neck
of his thighbone, and I couldn't be sure that he hadn't a dislo-
cation as well : but I won't lx)re you with technicalities.
' The mate seemed pleased with my verdict. ' I told the
old man you wasn't shamming, Jim,' he declared ; but thu
patient became alarmed at once. ' You've made a mistake,
Doctor," he protested. ' You've made a mistake. I only
just slipped like, wfien a sea caught her. It's only a bit of a
sprain. My leg can't be broken. You look. ... I can
move mv toes. The feeling's all right too. That's not a
break. \ shall be all right to-morrow when this dirty weather's
gone. You give me a bottle of stuff to rub it with, sir.'
" Of course, it was no good talking about it. The thing
was there and had to be dealt with. 'We can't move him to-
night, you'd never get him ashore in this sea,' 1 told the mate.
' All we can do now is to fix him up in some sort of splint that
won't come adrift when the ship rolls.'
Now you're asking, Doc,' said the mate ; ' we've got a
bandage or two and some plaster and Epsom salts and
chlorodyne, but that's about the height of it. Still, I'll go
and turn Chips out and see what we can do for a batten.'
I told him exactly what I wanted, and he left us in the
dark, taking his lamp with him. ,'
You're a West-countryman,' I said to my patient. In
the first minute his speech had told me that.
" He said : ' Yes, sir, I'm a Devonian ... or was.'
" 'Well,' said I, ' you'll be quite at home when wc get you
ashore into the Cottage Hospital to-morrow.'
" ' At home . . . ? ' says he, anxiously. ' At home ?
What do you mean ? '
Wliy, don't you know where you are ? ' I said.
" He hadn't the least idea. He'd been in too much, pain
to think, and no wonder ; and since his accident he had kept
it down with brandy and laudanum. I told him that we were
now lying in Fishcombe roads.
" Good God, sir," he cried. ' Y'ou never mean it." He had
jumped right up in his bunk and the movement made him
scream with pain. I reassured him. He began to talk
excitedly and was more indubitably Devonian than ever.
'" If this is Fishcombe,' he said, ' I'll be damned if this isn't
the dirtiest trick that Providence has ever served me. I'd rather
die in this rotten ship than go ashore here. You can do what
you like with me. You can kill me ; but for God's sake don't
send me ashore here. You'll understand if I tell you. A
doctor like you is bound to hear a lot of funny things in your
life, but you'll never hear a truer than this, rni a Fishcombe
man. I le_ft this port thirty years ago as mate of a saiUng
vessel. You can trust a Fishcombe man to do well for
himself. I was a prosperous young fellow. I'd nothing in
t le way of trouble in my life but one thing, and that was my
wife. We never hit it off well. She was one of these Ply-
mouth Brethren, you know, and I was never a Bible hand
myself. When we were first married it was all right, but bit
by bit she began to get on the top of me. I was doing very
well, as I told you, working my way up gradual, and very
pleased with myself ; but there was no joy in that woman'.
The better I done tlic harder she were on me. You couldn't
call your house your own. Clean, I'll admit. Cleanliness
and godliness was all she thought of. It was all very well.
I told her that I could get on without her ; went out east and
got on to a Chinese coasting vessel. Nobody can say as I
didn't do my duty by her. I was earning good money and
she had half of it. I settled half in the beginning and I stuck
to it all the way.
" At first it was a good living. A little later it was some-
thing extra. I took my master's ticket. Five years I was
master of a Yangtse steamer, and that meant a lot of 'cumshaw'
in those days. My God ! ... the dollars I've handled.
Then I had a run of bad luck : got nm down by one of Holt's
boats in a fog off Woosung. The court gives it against me,
and I lost my ticket. What's the good of fighting ? I reckon
if a doctor like you is struck off the rolls or whatever they call
it he's just about done. Well, I was done. Ever since then
it's been downhill. I'm reconciled to it. I know that a man's
liable toups and downs and I take what comes, but it's more
than a man can stand to be took at his lowest and shown off
in a town where he was at his best. Why, every man on
Fishcombe quay would be up to me saying : ' Well Jim, how
be 'ee then ? ' It's as like as not my wife's living. Her
wouldn't marry again unless one of her Plymouth Brothers
got round her. She's got her life and I've got mine, and they'm
past mixing at our age, You wouldn't send me ashore, doctor,
to be shown up and read scripture to by my own wife ! I'm
not that kind of man. I couldn't stand it. " I've always had
my freedom. I've paid for it. But to have that woman on
the top of me when I was helpless and down in the world and
not more than a month's wages to my name ! By God, if I
thought that was going to happen I'd do m5rself in with a dose
of .\h Ling's dope '
" I suppose the name must somehow have penetrated into
the cloudy recesses of the Chinese cook's brain, for he turned
in his sleep and yawned heavily
" ' It's a funny story,' I said. 'We'll see what can bo done.'
" Land me anywhere you like. Doctor . . . anywhere
hut here.
A big sea made the whole ship shudder and threw him over
against the wooden side of his bunk. He gave a squeal of pain.
• That got me,' he said. ' Come to think of it this is a funny
old turn-out. . . .'
" A moment later the mate came in with two ridiculous
pieces of wood. ' That's the best I can do for vou,' he said ;
' any good ? "
" They weren't the least bit of good, but somehow with
rolled newspapers and cardboard and a bit of broomstick we
fixed him up. When once the splint was firm a look of extra-
ordinaiy relief came into his face. I could see that he had
once been a good-looking man, not so very long ago. I
seemed to know that face too, though I couldn't remember
Nvhere I had seen it. Of course, people in this place are so
inbred that it isn't ditificult to find family hkenesses. * Thank
you doctor,' he said smiling. That, vou know, is the most
usual way in which doctors get paid ; biit I know he must have
meant it. ' Don't forget the yarn I told 'ee,' he .said.
" Once more we climbed the ladder and emerged upon the
windy deck. The captain had not yet shaken off his bad
temper. I believe it incensed him to hear that the man was
really ill more than if he had been shamming. ' That's a
matter for compensation,' he said gloomily. ' I hope you
didn't put him up to any dodge of that kind"? ' He grunted.
' Well, there's only one "thing for it. You'd better take him
ashore to your hospital and I'll wire the Company. That
doesn't imply any responsibility, you know. ' Without
prejudice,' as the lawyers say.
" I explained that in any case we couldn't 'move him until
the sea had gone down. I did my best for Jim (at that time
I didn't know his other name) and pointed out that even
when it did calm down it would be better to take him round to
Southampton or London or Newcastle or some place where
there were big free hospitals. I told him that in Fishcombe
the Company would have to pay for accommodation, and this
made him hesitate for a moment ; but in the end he decided
that there would be less risk of trouble if he put him ashore at
once, or, at any rate, as soon as the weather allowed.
" He gave me a suriy good-night. The old man's not as
bad as he sounds,' the mate assured me as I descended the
ladder. Perhaps he wasn't.
" It was a rough journey home. The sea ran higher and
the air was very cold. AU that night it blew like hell. Next
day the bay was so wild that we had no chance of moving
our patient. In the middle of that next night the wind
changed. Changed, not dropped. It swung round, as it
sometimes wiU on our coast, to the north-east, and all the small
craft that had been sheltering in the bay had to haul up their
anchors and put their noses into it and run, for now they
found themselves on a lee shore. With them the Matifoa.
In SIX hours there was not a steamer left in the roads. . . .
The doctor knocked out the ashes from his pipe. " You're
a good listener," he said, " and as you're evidently not 'unsym-
pathetic I'm gohig to let you into a secret tliat I haven't
shared with anyone else." He took the lamp from the table
aiid poor Tristram looked up to see what was happening.
He carried it to the far side of the room and raised it till it
illuminated the features of the handsome young man with
curled moustaches in the red plush frame.
" This," he said; " was the steward of the Matifou."
*****
I stayed in Mrs. Seaward's rooms for close on six weeks.
Tristram recovered from his distemper. A doctor who is a
student of the humanities is the best man in the world for
dogs.
January'
191S
LAND & WATER
15
Leaves from a German Note Book
IT would seem that the struggle in Germany between the
militarists and the people is nearing the crisis. The
howling of the Patriotic Party increases with their growing
dread of p>opular discontent, and the masses have given
immistakable signs of their dislike of the military' Patriots.
In Berlin, in Frankfurt, in Mannheim, in Jena, meetings of the
Patriotic Party were broken up in disorder during the last ten
days or so. " Ladies and gentlemen, The GeiTnan Patriotic
I'artj' . . . " — so, the Chairman began at Frankfurt,
but he got no further. The audience, which numbered over
three thousand, shouted, " Down with the Patriotic Party :
We want peace." That meeting was not held, and on the
following day the G.O.C. in Frankfiul issued a notice in the
tone of a schoolmaster chiding naughty pupils. Trusting
in the political maturity of the populace, tlie authorities had
allowed public meetings to be held even during the war.
Never before had that privilege been abused. The pro-
ceedings on the previous day must have been exceptional.
" But if I am mistaken, I .sliall be forced in the interests of
public order to remove all possibility of a repetition of yester-
day's scenes by prohibiting all public meetings."
It becomes clearer every day that the military Patriots have
the support of people in high places. ' The Imperial Chan-
cellor has informed the German piiblic through the press
that he is so overwhelmed with work that he has no time to
receive deputations of bodies which favour and demand a
j)eace by understanding. Yet, it has been pointed out, he
found time to confer with the head of the Patriotic Party not
once but twice, and the Party was able to assure its members
that in the event of a peace with Russia, the interests of
Germany would be safeguarded.
But the Imperial Chancellor does not stand alone. The
Patriotic Party has the support of royal war-mongers and
annexationists. The King of Saxony, replying to a telegram
of the Patriots in Plauen, stated that he was convinced the;
majority of the German people desired a peace that would bring
them security, that he was certain the Kaiser, " supported by
the unbroken strength pf our armies," would give his consent
only to such a peace.:
The Crown Prince has assured a Patriotic Working-men's
Society that they need have no anxiety lest the peace that
would come should deprive them of their livelihood and force
them to emigrate. The peace would provide happy conditions
for the German labouring classes and would allow of their
dc\eIoping their powers on German soil. The King of Bavaria
is of the same opinion. " We have fought like lions and
have been e\-erywhere victorious. . . . We must go on
fighting until our enemies come and beg for peace. . . .
Not a foot of German soil shall be given up and everj'where
we shall improve our frontiers."'
King Tudwig of Bavaria uttered the new cry of the mili-
tarists. " Frontier securities " is the watchword, and the
German people are beginning to realise that it is but a
euphemism for forcible annexations. Even the Frankfurter
Zeitiing is alarmed. It writes :
A Government which can only exist by the permission of the
high military authorities and can be removed when their
views take another direction, is only a caricature and a mockery
in the eyes of its own people and of foreigners. The dangers
which threaten us are innumerable. To reverse the policy of
peace by agreement, in which our AHies are in accor<l, would
endanger the wonderful unity of iM Central Powers whicli
lias been di.splayed against the foe. One is horrified to
think that at the moment when \we appear to be nearing
a victorious end, the ship may again be thrown amongst the
breakers, and we may be exposed to perils for which a few
coal-mines or a few .square miles of foreign territory would he
hopelessly inadequate compensation.
Rifts in the Lute
In view of the statement of the Frankfurt journal it is of
interest to observe the trend of feeling in Vienna and Buda-
pest. The press in the Austrian capital is restive, fearing
that if Kiihlmann were to be flung from oflice, he would be
succeeded by an even fiercer reactionary. The Fremden-
hlalt, which is the semi-official organ of the Vienna Foreign
Office, wrote bluntly that Kiihlmann had " the full and un-
restricted confidence of the Austro-Hungarian Government
and pieople." The German papers were furious. The com-
ment (of Count Reventlow's journal may be regarded as
typical ! " The German nation has only one answer for the
men behind the. Fremdenhlatl — namely, " Hands off — no
matter to whom the hands belong." '
And what of the people in Au.stria-Hungary. In Vienna
the working classes are calling aloud for peace by under-
standing. In Budapest the I'niterl Suffragist Societies
organised a peace meeting, but the police forbade it on
the ground that " the Brest-Litovsk proceedings might
be adversely affected in consequence." But the meeting
was held after all under another name. The principal
speaker made it quite plain that peace was uppermost
in their minds. " If we had something to say at the
peace deliberations . . . we should not allow certain
people to talk about frontier rectifications. . . . No
strategic precautions can secure permanent ])eace. For per-
manent peace there is onlv one security — tlie reconciliation
of peoples."
German Pretentiousness
The Patriots rage on, and a quasi-scientific journal like
the Year Bonk for the Theory and Practice of Transport prints
an article pleading passionately for the defeat of England :
We must defeat P^ngland in order to remove a weight from
the whole world.
We must defeat England in order to be relieved of the great
anxiety as to how after the war we shall obtain our fond and
raw materials.
The hate which is preached against Germany, even by mer-
chants, will disappear sooner than is imagined.,
If we arrive at a temporary peace by understanding with
l%ngland, she would make out that she'had been victorioiis.
Let us not forget one thing — that even after the war England
will have a powerful army.
It must be part of our victory over England to nip in the bud
the growth of her military strength.
Terrible as is the prospect for England, there is worse to come.
A writer in the Kolnische Zeitung has discovered yet another ^
war aim. Annexations and indemnities ought not to satisfy
Germany ; she must insist on the restoration of her reputa-
tion and her honour in the world ! The greatest crime of the
Allies has been to sully the fair fame of Germany. So success-
ful has their campaign been that the Germans are detested
all over the world. And the German people are too kind-
hearted to realise this great fact, despite the efforts of their
newspapers to instruct them. It thus becomes one of the
first and most serious demands of the German leaders at any
peace negotiations that the Cierman reputation in the world
shall be restored to its pristine purity !
It is somewhat puzzling that the Kolnische Zeitung shmdd
lend itself to the publication of screeds of this kind. Either
the writer is a finished hypocrite or he is an ass of the first
order. The world will only laugh at him, and students of
national psychology will find in his proposal yet another
proof that the Germans possess no sense of humour. At any
rate, they are beginning to realise the result of their conduct
during the war. Perhaps before long they will wake up to its
causes. Certainly they are groping about for the reason why
they cut such a poor figure in the worid. \ writer in the
Vossische Zeitung lays down eighteen propositions to account
for the fact- that the German is disliked. Herr Knatz, the
writer in question, has discovered that
The respect enjoyed by any nation in the world does not
depend on its power or greatness, but on its unpretentiously
being what it is, with its excellencies, its failings and its faults,
all of which it acknowledges as a matter of course.
Herr Knatz instances the Dutch and' their dignified bearing
throughout the vicissitudes of their history, and the English
who take for granted their virtues and their vices, who are
what they are. The Germans, on the other hand, have
always pretended to be what they are not :
The <rennans wanted to be, men of the world, although they
might have been much more. They spoke out threateningly
when they ought to have expressed their will quietly. They
flattered instead of cidti\'atmg friendship. They gave the
impression of being humbly .satisfied when instead they ought
to nave been rude. They have been unjust when they .shoidd
have been just, and more than just where they loiild liave
been unjust with a good conscience. They hurt other people's
feelings by well-meaning zeal where dignified submission
would have been gratefully accepted. In fine, the German
people believed that they must appear different from what
they really were.
Tf this Ix; a true diagnosis of the German character, it is easy
to understand the Kaiser's assurance to the Polish delegation,
which came to pay him their respects, that throughout the
whole of his reign, a period of nearly thirty years, he had been
" a pioneer and protector of the principles that made for
human welfare and the peaceful co-operation of peoples ! "
.Xiul yet it stands on record that when war broke out the
AUdeutsche Bldller, the organ of the Pan-Germans, wrote
" The lioiu we hmged for has now arrived. It is holy ! "
t6
LAND & WATER January 31. 19^8
Views of a Prussian Militarist
By Kenneth Beaton
world-power is inconceivable without striving for expression
of power in the world, and consequently for sea-power. But
this involves the constant existence of a large number ot
potential causes of friction. Hence arises the necessity for
adequate armaments on land and sea. He will have none ot
your delusions about peace and the brotherhood of man.
War, he says (p. 172) has its basis in human nature, and as
long as human nature remains unaltered, war will continue
to exist, as it has existed already for thousands of years. The
oft-quoted saying of Moltkethat wars are inhuman, but eternal
jjeace is a dream, and not even a beautiful dream, will con-
tinue to be true. In support of which contention the author
brings forward suitable extracts from Treitschke, reminding
us that the polished man of the world and the savage both
have the brute in them, and that the idea of one universal
Empire is odious, the ideal of a State co-extensive with
humanity, no ideal at all. He closes his book with the
following words :
We must not put might before right, but equally little shall
we and can we clispen.se with might. In the future, as in the
past, the (lerman people will have to .seek firm cohesion in
its glorious arniv and in its belaurelled young fleet.
'' 7-\FDuCTI0N^ from the World War writtcB b\-
/ yi.ieut.-General Baron von Freytag-Loringhoven,
-^-^anrl recentlv translated into English (Constable
and Co., 2s. bd.) is in some respects a disappomting
book. But it should attract attention, owing to the
position of the author, and to the open way in which he_taiKs
of preparing for further warfare later on. W e all prefer to
think that this war is to be the last, and peace, when it hnaily
comes, is to come for ever.
The first part consists of general observations on various
features of the war. The author has been, since September
1916, Deputv Chief of the t^.eneral Staff, that is to say, head
of suirh parts of the (general Staff as remain in Berlin ; betore
•that, he had been Ouarter-Master-(ieneral in the Field, his
successor being the now celebrated Ludendorff. So he speaks
with authoritv ; and the book, with or without intrinsic ment
of its own, becomes of importance as expressing the opinion
of the men at the head of the German Anny.
His general observations are what one would expect from
anv intelligent officer who had been at the front. He points
out the increased importance of railways, which have enabled
(.ermanv to move ver\- large bodies of troops backwards
and for\vards between the Eastern and Western fronts, anc
which enabled the French to do the same thing during and
after the battle of the Mame. The enormous ad\antages of
motor transport are duly set forth, and we are again told that
aircraft has brought about a number of new phenomena ;
not the least of these, to my mind, is the announcement that
Orman aviators ha\-e " established more and more their
superioritv in the air." General von Freytag admits that the
Zeppelin has given wav before the aeroplane in land warfare.
There are the usual excerpts from orthodox German militar\-
historians of the wars of the last centurj' ; anyone who has
read a few of them is fairly familiar with them all. Here is a
beautiful instance : " We may rejoice that the following
words of Clausewitz are completely applicable to our infantry- :
' Happy the army in which an untimely boldness frequenth-
manifests itself ; ' it is an exuberant growth which shows a
rich soil.' " There is another gem from Prince Frederick
Charles on page 136 concerning the mutual relations between
generals and their troops, too long to quote here.
The author explains the German failure on the Marne by
■ saying the Germans simply had not sufficient numbers to carr>'
out their plan of enveloping the French and British forces ;
they would have required another complete army in echelon
on their right flank. No mention is made of any mistakes on
the part of the Higher Command. We also come upon novel
interpretations of recent history. A certain Dr. Georg Solms-
sen is quoted with approval as saying that for England this
is " a commercial war with a view to her own enrichment and
the annihilation of her chief rival." Again : " The French
officers have completely lost that chivalrous sentiment which
as late as 1870 found expression in the words of an old French-
man : ' The person of a prisoner is sacred.' The French,
both white and black, and their women no less, haVe not
scrupled to jeer at and ill-treat our prisoners in the most
flagrant manner, and the Government of the Republic has in
general furnished an example of unworthy treatment of
prisoners." This from' the land of Ruhleben and Wittenberg 1
Here is another rich passage :
In the case of the Ontral Powers, that lofty moral strength
arising from the sense of righteous self-defence in a war which
liad been thrust upon them, showed its superiority to the zeal
which a commercial antl predatory war could kindle in our
enemies.
Or this ;
F.ven distinguished minds are subject to mass-suggestion, as
is shown in the case of numerous distinguished scholars and
artists among our enemies. Neither judgment nor good taste
availed to prevent them from joining in the general orgies of
hatred directed against everything German..
W'e Nvonder whether the General has ever heard of Lissauer's
'■ Song of Hate," which earned the author a decoration from
the All-Highest !
Cieneral von Freytag-Loringhoven appears to admit, though
of course he does not say so in so many words, that Germans-
has missed her mark this time ; but he is perfectly frank about
the necessity to tr\' again. No one, he says (p. 155), will
dispute the fact that the world war has given the Ciermans
cause to subject their national life to a thorough examination
in all its departments, and that it must mark the beginning
of all kinds of new developments. Nobody can undertake
to guarantee a long period of peace, and a lasting peace is
guaranteed only by strong armaments (p. 171). Moreover^
Incorrigible
The author's purely mihtary Deductions from the World Wat
liave no very great "distinction. They contain nothing that
has not already been noted in the numerous pamphlets circu-
lated by the Allied General Staffs. But this obstinate resohe
to try again in future wars is significant, though e\'en here
there is nothing for us to be alarmed about. These Prussian
officers are incorrigible. But there are other forces at work in
the world of which they know little : which in their conceit
and hardness of heart they refuse to acknowledge, but which
may in the end prove far too great and strong for them.
There is a measure of truth in what this one says. It is
quite true that we arc men, swayed by certain primitive
passions, and that the millennium, the day in which all men
will work together and love one another, and feel nothing but
good will towards all other men, white, black, and yellow-
is a day which may never dawn. But meanwhile Cieneral
\-on Freytag-Loringhoven, with his Treitschke and his
Clausewitz and their hard traditions, represents a type of which
the whole of Europe is now sick unto death. If we fail to
crush those men, and the mighty forces that are rising up
around us prove unable to overwhelm Prussianism, the world
will indeed be a strange place to live in.
These rulers of Germany are pitiless and enormously con-
ceited. They may say unctuous things now about the co-
operation of all Germitns in the world war ; but if they get
the upper hand they will crush the growth of democracy in
their own country vjith the same ferocity with which they would
crush us if they could come across the Channel. They scorn
the idea of kindliness towards the weak, of sympathy with
those who follow different ideals, of co-operation with men
in their own country or others who want to walk in the paths
of peace, and build up the State by work rather than by war.
Theirs is a narrow view, the view of men who are as callous
and bigoted as they are vain.
We who also long for peace, but who cannot think of peace
until that Prussian tyranny has had its sting drawn, must not
exaggerate the power of these men, but at the same time
must not forget that they are still in power. Salvation can
only come to us through our own strength and resolution, and
we must look to the forces of democracy, what is best in the
democracy of Great Britain and her Allies, to make it irn-
possible for these evil men to lift up their heads again. Their
destruction will come from their own people in the first place.
There are many in Germany, and still more in .Austria-
Hungary, who look upon them with almost as much dislike
as we do, and in time the better instincts of the (iermans will
reassert themselves. But meanwhile the class to which von
Freytag-Loringhoven belongs is in power, and there are no
serious indications that their power is disputed by any appre-
ciable portion of the nation. We must face facts, and we
must not allow ourselves to relax our efforts, iioth military
and civil, until the German nation takes a different view of
the rights and claims of other people.
It is to be hoped that large numbers of our country-men
w-ill read and meditate upon this book, even if it costs them an
effort, and induces an occasional yawn. As long as the
Pnissian military caste is in power, it has to he reckoned
with ; and we are here told plainly what it hopes to accom-
phsh after the war, in preparation for another.
January ji, i(jii>
LAND & WATER
ittfc anti Jtelter0
By J. C. Squire
17
"The Universal Memory"
MR. \V. B. YEATS, in Per Arnica SUeniia
Ltiiiae (Macmillan, 4s. 6d. net) has published
iwo intimate, and beautifully written, fragments
.if self-communing : admitting us, with an
iinift'octed frankness not disguised by the polish of his seii-
te ices and the studious care of his images, to a brief glimpse
of the inner chamber where he keeps his most important
secrets, his jjoetic methods, his imperfections of character,
liis beliefs, his doubts and his ignorances about Hfe, death,
and " the nature of things." Hii essays can scarcely be called
ethical ; he is continuouslv preoccupied with religion, but it
Mould scarcely come iinder that definition of " morality
tinged with emotion," which is an agnostic's and not a mystic's
dclinition ; and his principal observation about conduct is
that the kind of character that he most admires, " over-
mastering, creati\e," and of which he gives " St. Francis of
Assisi and (jesar Borgia," as examples (!), is produced when
iiieii aim at imitating models or " masks," and that our modern
cultivation of self and sincerity makes us gentle and passive.
Where he is most interesting is not here — where every con-
tention in his argument provokes an answer — but when he is\
tcntati\ei\- e.Kploring the frontiers of psychology, especially
in its relation to art and cosmolog}'.
*****
Art, to him, is an escape ; the " hollow image of fulfilled
desire." " We make out of the quairel with others, rhetoric,
but of the quarrel with ourselves, poetry " ; the poet is a
saint or a Jiero when he is writing, but not (Mr Yeats is careful
to point out) at other times. By impUcation, Mr. Yeats
narrows down to the definition of poetiy to exclude the fruits
of the mere conscious intellect ; he quotes Goethe's theory of
the evocation of images. " One must allow the images to
fomi with all their associations before one criticises." This,
of course, is inspiration under another name ; the poet's
\isions. like his dreams, come into his mind. As in dreams,
if the mind be held passive, an image will drag up from tlic
subconscious " anything you already possess a fragment of."
l^xperiences w hich he could not explain by the l-reudian theory
of the mere rearrangement of personal memories and fnis-
t rated desires (with a strong emphasis on the sexual) led him
to believe in " a great memory passing on from generation to
generation "; but this did not suffice, and he now sketches,
with an occasional confidence that leaves one startled and
an occasional obscurity that leaves one puzzled, a universe
of material and spiritual bodies, emanations, ghosts,
witches, Daimons, Conditions of Air, Conditions of Fire and
Paths of the Serpent which is possibly more familiar to tlie
disciples of Madame Blavatsky than it is to me.
• « * * *
I should not lia\e given this inadequate summary of doc-
trines which deserve more thorough treatment by someone,
wliether sympathetic or not, more versed in their history and
affmities, had I not desired to notice an extraordinary narra-
tive b\- a gentleman whose experiences have forced him to
conclusions resembling those of Mr. Yeats. 1 refer to The
Gale of Remembrance, by Frederick Bligh Bond, R.F.I.B.A.
(Blackwell, 6s net). Mr. Bond, who some ten years ago was
appointed Director of Excavations at Glastonbury, gives in
this book " the story of the psychological experiment which
resulted in the discovery.of the Edgar Chapel at Glastonbuiy."
He and a friend, in short obtained, at a large number of sit-
tings, automatic writings which (he says) divulged to hmi
tilings which at that time nobody knew and which afte^^vards
proved to be true. Chfef amongst them was the site, shape
and size of the Edgar Chapel, long a matter of speculation.
*****
Mr. Bond tends to Mr. Yeats's old theory of the " general
memorv." But he is rather confused on the subject (no
wonder !) and what happened to him is much more interesting
than any theories he may hold about what happened. He
and his friends received messages from a company of
ecclesiastics, including Beerc and Whiting (the last two
Abbots of Crlastonbury), Guliclmus, Reginaldus, and one
Johannes Bryant, who.se reminiscences and instructions
appeared most frequently. Johannes was a man of marked
character. He was fond of building, beer, fishing, and nature
study, and there is a strange story about Joha!\nes (who did
in i5.ij), Henry VIII., and the Abbey's great vat of ale.
One of his (if tliis is liis) messages may serve as iutroduction :
I think 1 all! wrung in sonic things. Other influences cross
Hiy own. . " . Tlube monks are trying to make tliem-
sches felt bv vou bjtii. Wliv du tliev want to talk Latin i
. ■: . Why can't they talk English ? . . . Bene-
dicite. Johannes. ... It is difficult to tall: in Latm
tongue. Seems just as difficult to talk in Latin language.
Ye names of builded things arc very hard in Latin
tongue — transome, faune, tracery, and the like. ^le son
thou canst not understand. Weo wolde speak in the Kng-
Ij^she tongue
Fhe hesitation of the spirits, or the memory, about language
is noticeable throughout. They write sporadically in collo-
quial^ English, in the F2nglish of American Higher Lifers, in
the Englyshe tongue of their own diverse times, in Latin
which is like the plodding Latiri of Domesday Book (which
tells us " hoc manerium fuit totum wastum," etc.), and in a
mixture which recalles the law French of the clerk to the
court wlio recorded that a prisoner had " ject un brickbat "
at the judge. This tlie reader must accept ; it is only a minor
puzzle where everything is piizzhng. The important thing is
not that these media;val auxiharies had linguistic difiiculties
which did not prevent them from "occasionally breaking into
a beautiful sermon ending witli such words as " Work in the
sun. Listen in the starlight," but that they issued specific
directions which Mr. Bond obeyed with success. Sometimes
they spiced their reiiiarks with humour, like that Reginaldus
(qui obiit 1214) who replied to a question about St. Patrick
and St. Brigit with : " They were, and didde, much among
the heathen. We know not more, save that their workes
were old and very dry to rede." Sometimes they made
extremely questionable remarks about things in general, as
when Robert the Monk alleged, of contemporary architecture :
" They who budded in our day and were masters, lead ye ijow ''
- which, if one accepts it, piiovokes the reflection that the old
builders must experience even more difficulty in getting their
instructions tjarough to the modern ones than the old inhabi-
tants of Glastonbury did the modern visitors. But most of
their messages are, if fragmentary, to the point. Mr^ Bond
gives them in detail. He was told things scarcely credible
about the huge measurements of the Edgar Chapel and oiE the
whole structure ; he dug and found them true. He was
told to go on when he seemed to have come to a solid wall of
clay ; he noticed a slight discoloration, dug on, and found a
polygonal east end, \\itli a probable door, which confirmed
se\"eral emphatic messages, including :
When you dig. excavate the pillars of the cr\pt, si.^ feet
below the grass — they will give you a clue. The diregtion
of the walls . . eastwards . was at an angle.
. . Nothing er.ds twenty-seven long nineteen wide.
He was told that there was fine blue glat's in the East window*
and he found a trench where blue glass was thick ; he wa*
told by a venerable Saxon to dig for the remains of his wattle-
\\ork hut and he found blackened wattlework ; he was told
that the Chapel had four bays (as to which nothing was
known and no inference was possible) and he found it to be
so : he was told that the builder " did make the Est end full
square, that I know he didd, and in hym three arches and a
grete serene," and he pro\-ed that there were three arches
behind the altar, and found indications of a screen wall.
He published, on the strength of his ultramundane informa-
tion, a conjectural plan of the Edgar Chapel, long before the
angular east end shown in it had been proved to have existed,
and he has a testimonial from the Secretary of the S.P R
saying that " there is no question but that the writing about
the Edgar Chapel preceded the discovery of it by months"
*****
There are sometimes difficulties about Mr. Bond's measure-
ments ; but a few minor flaws do not much impair the im-
pressiveness of his extraordinaiy story. The curious person
will hasten neither to swallow it whole, nor to call the author
u fabricator, nor to invent ingenious plans of explaining away
the difficult by the equally difficult. Mr. Bond has put
his cards on the table with convincing candour. He has
given us the text of a later series of communications about the
lost Loretto Chapel. The building is stated to have been
(thus early) hi the Italian style ; numerous rough plans arc
supplied ; and it remains for further exploration to test the
information given. " If," Mr. Bond remarks, " it should
appear that by the same obscure mental process which has
alreadv, in the case of the FZdgar Chapel, predicated the
existence, with practical truth in form and detail, of a building
wliese ^•ely memory was lost (and tlve evidence for which had
been ignored, nav even scouted, by the most competent
antiquaries), another architectdral treasure, long buried and
lorgotteii, niigiit once again be brougiit to ligiit, and its
wealth of Itahan detail verified ; then indeed, would come hito
sight new vistas, new possibilities of exploration and research
into the ?e';rets of old time.
iS
LAND & WATER
Januaiy 31, 1918
Books of the Week
The Green Mi ppoi'. By Hvgh Walpole, Macniillaii ami
C(j. t)s. net.
A New Study of English Poetry. By HiiNRV TS'lwbolt.
Constable and Co. los. bd. net.
Japan at the Cross Roads. By A. M. PouLtv. George
Allen and Unwin. los. 6d. net.
MANY writers iiave set out to .sliow the joys of
laniily life, but Mr. Hugh Walpole may rank-
almost as a pioneer in fiction in that he has shown
how the ideal of tlie family mav become an evil
tiling. Wiselv, he calls The Green Mirror " a quiet story."
lor sa\e tha't Katherine Trcnchard married Philip Mark,
whom the Trcnchard family disliked, nothing happens 111 the
vear which the book covers. But the analysis of the Iren-
l-hard family, in which the story is wrapped, is the main
theme ■ Mrs. Trcnchard, the dominant figure, is a ternble
woman, whose love for her daughter is ousted by her dislike
lor Phihp ; unable to break the engagement, she sets herself
to enmesh Philip in Trcnchard traditions— she will not let
Katherine go to him and begin the new life which is the girl s
right, but will let him share Katherine with the family so long
as he is content to forego his own life and become proud of
the honour of being a Trenchard by marriage.
Set down thus briefly, Mrs. Trencharil's plan may seem
crude, but as Mr. Waplole has expressed it in the compass of
a long— but not too long— novel, it is artistically convincing.
If there be a moral to the story, it is that the older generation
has no right to thwart the "life aims of the new. Morals
apart, tlie book is a picture of changing times ; mainly written
before the war, it is a quiet forecast, by means of a microcosm
that pictures the macrocosm, of the great upheaval that threw
such out-of-date organisms as the Trenchard family into a
melting pot from which emerge not families, but men and
women conscious of and free to fulfil their separate destinies.
Perhaps the end to wliich the book is designed is more fully
achieved througii being embodied in what its author justly
termsi " a quiet story."
m * * * *
Twelve essays, most of which have already appeared in the
lorinighllv Review, make up Sir Henry Newbolt's A \ew
Study of English Poetry. Beginning withja definition of poetry,
the author goes on to its relation to politics, personality,
rliythm, and then to a less didactic sketch entitled " The
Poets and their Friends," which paves the way to studies of
Chaucer, Shakespeare, Milton, and British ballads and ballad
poetry. The rest of the book is concerned with Marinetti's
futuristic dream, the relations between poetry and education,
and "The Poet and his Audience," at the very end of which
comes one of the finest passages in the whole book — too long
lor quotation here.
In this last essay as a whole, the author has let his love of
loetry show forth, "the previous essays forming rather a mathe-
natical statement of poetry— if such a description be per-
missible— than an appreciation of poetry. Sir Henry criticises,
iveighs and measures from the outside, in his statements of
the relations of poetry to the various aspects of life ; he writes
more as teacher of the methods of poetry than as poet, and as
.1 teacher, moreover, who is writing lor the advanced student.
1 1 is the voice of competent authority that is speaking in the
first four essays.
*****
It may be said that the poet gradually emerges from the
chrysalis of critic ; thus in " The Poets and their Friends,"
we come to mention of Whitehead, and quotation from his
echo of Gray's Elegy ; of William Browne, an earlier and
more completely forgotten poet ; we come, too, to certain
l)riniantly sane criticisms, such as this of Byron — " forced to
leave England, it is probable that though he gained readers,
he lost adherents. His case is a doubly significant one,
because it reminds us that so long as a man is living, so long
as he remains in the sphere of active hfe, it is always jwssiblc
that a moral view may come in at any moment to change or
interfere with the purely artistic view of his work. Moreover,
during a man's lifetime, his social position or his social credit
may have an effect upon our judgment. The greatest of our
poets was only a player who went here and there and made
himself a motley to the view."
There is in this pronouncement a ripe kindhness, so dis-
jjassionate as to force the conviction that in this man's hands
the meanest of versifiers might trust his work for criticism ;
and that quality is apparent throughout all the work.
Whether Sir Henry is concerned with the relation of poetry to
rhythm, weighing and stating with the cold impartiality of a
mathematician, or whether he is dealing — as he does deal — •
with Chaucer and Shakespeare and Miltoii, with u true poet's
Iteling lor tlie giaiu> <•! lu> ail, vi wnelhcr he is placing
Marinetti, with an inimitable translation of Keats into
fuluiistic jargon, lie is never swayed from his intellectual
study of his art to mere criticism for the sake of criticising.
Because of this, his book is more creative in character than
critical ; he has put doy-n new thought, not merely criticised
the thoughts of others.
.^s for the sense of humour, there is his futuristic translation
of the best-known stanza of the " Ode to a Nightingale " :
" Bird minus death, same old jug-jug-jug Antiquity Emperor
Clown Ruth tears windows foam fairyland forlornness."
But one must read the context to get tlie full flavour of this.
It is given as " an honest attempt to contrast two kinds of
work, and it . . . sufficiently proves tliat a system of
notation, even when it is intelligible, is not language, and
therefore, though it may be used in description or enumera-
tion, it cannot achieve anything creative."
Within the limits imposed, adequate review of this book is
hardly possible. Tlie author characterises his own work as
" suggestive and not authoritative."
The superficial student of the Far East and il> piubleuis,
should he chance on Japan at the Cross Roads, by A. M. Pooley,
will probably be annoyed, 'for the book will upset most of his
conceptions of Japanese hfe, and the prospects of the country.
It is, the author states, part of a more ambitious work dealing
with Japan ; it is designed, apparently, to correct the appnt-
ciati\e attitude hitherto jjievailing with regard to Japan, by
means of very thorough criticism. We leam from Mr. Pooley
tliat Japan can imitate, but cannot initiate ; that patriotism,
instead of being rooted in the Japanese for centuries, is a very
new virtue indeed ; that the country has been torn by rival
factions for years ; that the industries, with which Japan
competes with Britain and other producing countries, are
maintained at a veiy heavy price indeed, and that the state of
factories in Japan is as bad as in any factories in the world,
twelve and thirteen hours a day being the rule for female
labour. The author tries hard to give credit where credit is
due, but he points out that for years Japan has suffered from
a \'ery thorough system of press ad\ertisement, instigated by
the government, which prevented criticism of the country
and gave the foreigner a false conception of its development.
Mr. Pooley is not addicted to prophecy, but confines himself
to statement ; otherwise, it would be difficult to see what
lies beyond the " cross roads " for Japan — as it is, tliere is
plenty of food lor reflection in the present state of affairs, and
each reader may decide for himself where they are likely to
lead the country. Whatever may be one's conclusions on
this score, the statements embodied in the work will be found
well worth perusal, especially those dealing with commerce,
and with social conditions. It is to be lioped ^that at some
later date the author may find it possible to complete the
larger scheme of which this book is a part ; Professor
McLaren, studying the subject from other angles, arrives at
virtually similar conclusions to these of Mr. Pooley, and there
can be little doubt that the more enlightened of Japanese
people will welcome this frank and only apparently harsh
criticism of their country and itaways.
*****
In tile review of " The Keeper's Book " which appeared in
this colunin on January 17th the price was mentioned as 12s. Od.
This was a printer's eiTor, it should have been 7s. 6d,
THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
AND AFTER
1 i;bi;laky.
Altace-Lorraine and the Principle of Nationality : An Alsatian View.
1!.V P.WI. Hl.l.lirit.
Tlie 'Conscription of Wealtli.' itv .1 A. I;. M.xrrioTT, M.P.
Tlie Futurii ot India— (1) Our Aim in India: an Anglo-Indian View,
liv Sir FRANCIS YOLXUHUSUAIiD, K.O.b.l., K.C.I.L.
(2) The Problem before us.
iiy Sir AM)lli;\V rHA.Slili, K.C.S.I. (foTincrlv LitMit. Governor ol Ucngal.)
English and Americans: the End of a long Misunderstanding.
Iiy Sir THEODORE COOK.
The World's Debt to Italy and how to pay if. Bv J. ELLIS BARKEI!.
Shakspearc and Italy (concluded). Uv sir KDW.\RI> SULLIVAN. Bart.
The Church of Engl.md and State Control, By the I!ev. CYlilL W. E.MMET.
The Conscientious Objector. By Profe-woi' A. V. DICEY.
Cerrrany's Financial Outlook. Uv H. .1 .lEXNINUR.
The Plight of Spain. bv Dr. E. J. DILLON.
Qovernment Relations with the Press: an Indian Precedent.
liv Sic HOPER I.ETHBKIDOE, K.C.l.E.
Incongruous Days: from the Notebook of a Hospital Orderly
By Coriioral WAIiD MUIR. R.A.M.C.T.
The French.Canadians. Bv llii> REV. HAHOI.D HAMILTON, D.C.
Ways to Industrial Peace -(1) The Capfial of Labour: A Suggestion
lor the EngineeriFC Trades, liv tli« liisht, Hon. Sir WILLIAM MATHER
(2) The Commercialisation ol Labour. By YVES GUY"OT.
Londou: S|iotti,svvi)<)ilc, Ball^intjue & Co., Ltd., 1, New Street Square.
January 31, 19 18
LAND & WATER
19
LAND & WATER
January 31, iqiS
The New Landscape
By Charles Marriott
A Welsh Valley
PERHAPS the best way to describe the newer lands-
cape painting is to say that it is more fundamental
than that of yesterday. Caring comparatively little
for subtleties of light or atmosphere, or minor acci-
dents oi surface, it lays em basis upon the bones of the land ;
and it becomes decorative not so much by inventing patterns
as by discovering and confirming natural rhythms.
It does not foHow that
tlie landscape of yester-
day was mistaken in its
aims. Problems of light
and atmosphere had to
be mastered, and it w as
right to study the
markings on the skin of
the cosmic beast as well
as the larger facts of its
anatomy, and to gft
skill in reproducing sur
face and texture. Nor
is there anything reaUy
new in the more modern
landscape. The human
mind has always been
possessed with the idea
of unity an harmony
under the apparent
\ariety and irregularity
of Nature, and one has
only to turn to the pic-
tures of Wilson and
Cotman to see this idea
expressed or acted upon
in painting. What it
amounts to is that
modern painters are
"touching earth" again
after a fruitful excur-
sion into the air. Even
in their treatment of
trees one sees the difference between their aims
those of most nineteenth-century painters. They are
mtich more interested in the growth of the tree than
ill the flicker of light on its foliage, and in following its
growth they are apt to insist on regularity of branching.
In short, it seems as if modern landscape painters instinctively
recognised that they have not fulfilled their function unless
they have given us a stronger hint of order in the universe
than might be apparent to the casual eye. Whether this
order be looked upon as Divine or only physical, does not
really affect the question ; there is a tacit recognition, and
so.Tietimes an over-emphatic assertion, of law ; and th.-
Trokes Farm, Devon
and
typical modern landscipo assumes the origin and development
of the earth as we read about it in our books of geology :.nd
physical geography.
Art being the expression of life, it would be surprising ratlier
than otherwise if this renewed sense of order in landscape
painting had not some correspondence in contemporary hfe ;
and sure enough there is in contemporary Hfe a startled "recog-
nition of the impor-
tance of order and of
discovering its natural
bases. That this recog-
nition should some-
times be expressed in
disorderly ways does
not alter the truth ;
at bottom the Rus-
sian Revolution is a
frantic attempt to find
the broad bases of
human character and
relationship u p o n
which alone a stable
society can be organ-
ised. The means adop- ,
ted may be arbitrary
cnc u ;h ; but the belief
implied is that an
arbitrary scheme of
^ociety, such as " the
union of Germany with
the sword of Prussia,"
will not do. Apart
fi om all questions of
('C|uity and justice, the
demand for the recog-
iiition of nationalitv
nallv comes from the
lielie/ that security re-
quies it. The attempt
is to find the social
there is room for many diff r-
eally
hy Robert Bevnn
centre of gravity. Of course
ences of opinion as to where the social centre of gravity
lies ; hence the trouble > but it is significant, particularlv in
view of the newer landscape painting— which may be looked
upon as the unconscious reflection in art of what the, social
reformers are bothering their heads about— that there seems
to be a growing conviction that the social centre of gravity
IS after all in the land. After all these years, and in spite of
all our progress in manufacture and commerce, we are coming
back to the belief that the rock-bottom of ?odety is tlie man
with the hoe ; and that tlie only true basis of social .security
'.s a wise recognition of liis rights and adjustment of his
January 31, 1918
LAND & WATER
relationship to the soil.
The difference in painting is all the more striking .f you
compare modern landscapes with older ones, such as those of
Claude and the Poussins, which like them make a special
feature of design. In the older pictures the designs, though
beautiful and coherent in themselves, are. often arbitrar • in'
respec( of what we know or believe about natural law. Trees
are put where they could not grow, rivers'run, if not uphill, at
any rate, in defiance of probability, and the lines of the hills
are inexplicable by any theory of gravitation. The modern
landscape painter is not satisfied unless he gets these things
right — however interested he may be in his design. Truth,
in the visual sense, as it was understood by the Impressionists,
is not quite what I
mean ; for the modern
landscape painter is often
careless of truth to ap-
pearances. Truth to prin-
ciple is what he cares
about. Again, in the
older " classical " — and
even in the more recen
" decorative " — landscape
the successive planes of
country are often mere
silhouettes, like the" pro-
files " of stage s enery ;
and this is true also of
the beautiful landscapes
of the Chinese.
The modern landscape
-painter is exacting — some-
times tiresomcly exacting
— about his ground plan.
Not only must his profiles
be set in true and rhyth-
mical relationship, but
the front to back con-
nection between them
must be securely estab-
lished. It is not merely
a matter of correct per-
spective, for in his desire
to give reality to the
third dimension, the modern painter will often ignore or defy
perspective. He wants to make you feel rather than see the
weight and solidity of his earth. Finally, in the old er land-
scapes the peasants are generally playing ; in the modern
they are generally working.
Granting this general character of modern landscape there
is in it a wide range of opinion and treatment. Cezanne began
by putting cmpiiasis upon the masses and volumes and forces
of Nature ; and his more enthusiastic followers carried this
rapidly to its mathematical conclusion. For a time it was
the fashion to paint diagrams of structure and " g aphs "
of energy, which needed for their interpretation a very strong
pictorial imagination^ust as it needs^ strong musical imagina-
tion to ititerpret at sight a figured bass. I remember seeing
at the Dore Galleries some remarkably interesting studies of
" dynamsim " and
" velocity " and
" plasticity " by
RussoloandBalla,
"the ItaHan Futur-
ists, which were
only not good pic-
tures because art
is not mathe-
matics. Still, I
suppose that any
good piece of
music is reducible
to figured bass,
and a good picture
ought to be re-
ducible to a dia-
gram of structure
and energy. Any-
how, whether they
incline to the
mathematical or
the fully pictorial
way of stating re-
ality modern land-
icape painters
seem to be agreed
that the la e — o
ba s — is ihe im-
portant th ng; and
if they tike any-
B<j WiliMm Rolhiiihlr.u
The Storm
thing for granted it is that part of the subject which
corresponds to the upper parts in music ; the atmospheric
elements which were just what the Impressionists were most
keen about.
Analogies between one art and another are risky, but it
always seems to ny that the music of such composers as
Debussy is a rather belated correspondence to Impressionism
in painting ; and I beUcve that the next move in music will
be a return, with a difference, to something more solid and
formal, in which the bass will again have the obvious
importance that it has in the music of Bach and
Handel. This is only speculation, but what is bejond
speculation is that vvKcreas the philosophy, art and music
of the recent past
were most concerned with
variety and irregularity —
with superficial differ-
ences and accidents — thty
are now preoccupied with
fundamental unity and
order. In a word, the
concern of the moment
all round is with soli-
darity.
It is indeed remarkable
to look round a modern
exhibition, such as the
present one of the New
English Art Club, andste
bow many of the land-
scapes dispense even w th
trees. Desire for breadth
is not enough to account
for the choice of moun-
tains ; it is rather the
desire for structure. " A
Welsh Valley," by Mr.
Adria^i P. Allinson, is
t/pical. Apart from iti
merits as a picture it is a •
passionate exercise in
physical geography. Not
that modern landscape
painters really neglect
the atmosphere The difference is that they are more con-
cerned with what may be called, its plastic and dynamic
character and possibilities than with its effects of colour.
This corresponds curiously with the new conception of the
atihosphere that has been forced upon us by the new art
of lying. Such terms as " air pockets." " banking, "and " side-
shpping " have made the least reflective familiar with the
idea of the atmosphere as a highly organised element with a
. more or less definite structure and movement. The -tendency
in painting is to make the structure and movement visible,
not only as they are obvious in the architecture of clouds,
but by arbitrary expedients ; so that, Hke pigs, we are made
actually to '' see the wind." Apart from the gain in reality
this expedient helps to bring home the conception of the
universe as one great orgitnism ; of different densities, maybe,
but closely articu-
lated in form and
enery ; an organ-
ism in which, to
quote Thompson :
" .\11 things by im-
mortal power,
Neai or far,
Hiddenly,
To each other
linked are,
That thou cans't
not stir a flower,
Without troubling
oi a star."
The unconscious
aim, in fact, of
modern landscape
painting seems to
be to help our
blindness by mak-
ing evident the
"urgent rest" with
which the heaven
" betrays the eyes
that on it gaze " ;
to explode the
" still lie " with
which the
invests its '
particled
„,, . . tion."
Whernside
llolnn-H
stone
inter-
vibra-
22
LAND & WATER
January 31, 1918
DOMESTIC
ECONOMY
Names and addresses of shops, where the articles mentioned
can be obtained, mil be forwarded on receipt of a postcard
4iddressed to Passe-Partotti, Land & Water, 5, Chancery
Lane, W.C. 2. Any oilier information will be given on request.
A Woman's
British Warm
Tlie most arctic weather can be faced
with equanimity by any woman lucky
enough to have a really warm coat. Not
■one of those delusions and snares which, while professing pro-
tection really let in the cold in a most untoward manner, but a
winter coat honestly worthy of its name.
.\ coat bound to stand its wearer in good stead, though the
thermometer may register seven below zero, has been intro-
duced by a well-known London firm. This is nothing more
nor less than a woman's British warm — certainly a first cousin
to the coat hitherto associated with a man in the service.
Soldiers for long years past have discovered so forcibly that
the British warm is the best coat in the coldest weather,
that they will not grudge its main idea being absorbed for
members of the other sex. For women war workers of all
kinds this coat is without rival, since besides being incompar-
ably warm, it is astonishingly light as well — a point in which
winter coats do not always excel.
The cut and design are all that can be desired; the coat
not being cut in the pea-jacket fashion the original men's
British warms were, but with a buckled belt, and longer.
.Nice roomy pockets are an additional recommendation, and
there is a third pocket — a breast one — to count upon. A long
becoming revers line plays its part when the coat is open, or
the collar can be turned up snugly round the face and secured
round the neck. The soft fleecy material used is a super-
lative one, giving yeoman service in a reliable way.
A Whistling
Kettle
Now that tea seems likely to grow scarcer
than pearls, it is of first rate importance
that we make the most of what we have.
Less tea can certainly be used when it is really well made with
■every detail as it should be, it being needless then, for instance, .
to follow the time-honoured fetish of allowing one teaspoon ful
over " for the pot." The water, however, must really be
boiling, not ssmi-boiling, or even minus that half-hearted
pretence.
With a whistling kettle anyone can secure perfectly boiling
water without fail, for the simple reason that once the water
boils the kettle whistles to tell us so. Whistling kettles are
not precisely a novelty, but since they were first introduced
one or two improvements have been made in them. The
best whistling kettle possible can be bought to-day for is. 8^d.
or IS. ii?,d. according to size, and what is more, atone par-
ticular place a good supply may be found of them. This is
worth knowing since it is one thing to want a thing nowadays
and quite another to get it.
With these kettles care should be taken not to fill them
civcr full, as then the steam does not escape by the way it
should, and the whistle is neutralised. It is good news to hear
that the kettle has a large flat surface and so boils quickly
not making extravagant inroads on fire or gas.
^ The Government restrictions on boot tops
Outers which, unless some change is made, will
be in force by the time these words appear
in print, make some new boot top gaiters all the more notice-
able. These are so shaped as to look exactly like a high cloth
top to a boot, but apart from look' the primary point now
commending them to most womenfolk is the e.xceptional
warmth they give. With a pair of shoes augmented by these
top gaiters a woman is as cosily booted in cold weatheras she
vtcW. can be.
These boot top gaiters are very carefully cut and made
with a particular eye to their good fit. Tliey lace down the
centre just in the same way as an ordinary laced boot does,
and what is more at the moment they come under the aegi,
of a sjx'cial Fcbruarv sale. Reduction of price then is yet a
furtJier reco.Timendation, and one which everyone with economy
at heart will seize. Gaiters of the kind in black, srey, nigger
brown, navy blue, or black, cost 5s. 3d., and an inexpensive
])roposition they are.
Then there are some other boot top gaiters of slightly
superior cloth, but available in dark blue or black only.
They are 7s. 6d. in price, the sale being once more operative
here and enabling them to be bought at a sum which, once
I'ebruary is out, is not likely to be quoted soon again.
White Washable
Kid Gloves
As far as sheer look is concerned, nothing
comes up to white kid gloves, these
having a particular charm of their own
and go an incredibly long way in stamping a woman as
really well dressed. Yet white gloves with cleaner's prices
increased tremble perilously near the brink of an extrava-
gance— white kid gloves, that is to say, of the usual typo.
Some white washable kid gloves, then, are most particularly
welcome, since with reasonable care they can be washed
over and over again at home and the cleaner's bill eliminated.
Instructions as to the best way of washing them should be
sought from tlje famous firm responsible, because hke many
other things, in washing them there lies a certain knack. The
gloves hail from France, that home of perfect gloves — and
are all that a good kid glove should be. For the next four
weeks sale prices distinguish them, an announcement which
cannot be too strongly emphasised.
While the sale is on these gloves will be reduced to 4s. iid.
a pair, a price at which they are specially well worth buying.
Fnquiry too, might be made at the same time about some
English white washable doeskin gloves, these being down to
4s. 2d. and sure to increase to 5s. 2d. once the sale is over, 01
grow even dearer !
The Treasure
Cot
Such is the by no means exaggerated
name for one of the best and most con-
venient cots for baby ever yet invented.
To quote particulars, " it folds up like a camp stool and can
be as easily carried about in or out of doors." To all intents
and purposes it is the principle of a hammock slung from
support to support and is just as comfortable, there being no
metal or anything hard of the kind to inconvenience the child.
Another factor is the easy way in which the Treasure Cot can
be kept scrupulously clean — and this without any imdue
exertion or work. The hammock just slips off for cleaning,
the frame-work left being the simplest, most uncomplicated
affair. When not in use the cot can just be closed together
and stood against a wall. Lightness is a foregone conclusion,
the weight teing about nine lbs.
The Ust of advantages, indeed, is a lengthy one, but to them
must be added the fact that when baby travels his bed can
travel with him. A special holdall is made, into which a
treasure cot can slip, it being then as compact a package as
anyone could wish for or see. The treasure cot can be had in
all kinds of varieties for rich or poor alike. Besides being
bought by some of the best known people in the land, it is
also en evidence at more than one East End creche, being
precisely what is needed for this particular purpose. To suit
different requirements, it can either be made in plain wood,
stained wood or white enamel, one and all being listed at highly
moderate prices. A descriptive leaflet giving all kinds of illus-
' trations and particulars will be sent if asked for.
To show how genuine the offer is, it will gladly b** sent
on one week's approval.
Electrical heating and cookin,^. ideal from the point of view cf
sanitation, also deserves every encouragement at the present tim ■
on the score of economy of fuel supplies, and thus the range of elfcctrit;J
cciokers and heaters described in the list issued by Messrs. Belling and
Co., will prove of real interest wherever current is available. The
range of supplies for factories is very large, including electric sold r
pots, glue pots, boiling rings, engine warmers, etc., and this in addition
to cookets and boilers. For manufacturing works of every description,
for mess rooms, hospitals, and the like. Messrs. Belling's appliances will
be found to save rime and money, while their use does away with th.c
du t and dirt that always accompanies ordinary heating arrangemen"
Lists will be sent free on application to Messrs. Belling and Co.: rveiby
■Road Works, Montague Road, Edmonton. Ix)ndon, N.18
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX No 2909. [v^r] THURSDAY. FEBRUARY 7, 1918 [rSk\^i^rvil] ^^'^l^^T^i^l
C«— — I I . I w «• .
IT_, o u I fT^P mat- r^*^^
Cuifgityni i^'H M L^,A.
Copyright "Land X- Wnlfr
The Beast of Prey
Land & Water
February 7, 1918
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P-l ^
*-' £
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OQ
February 7, 1918
Land & Water
3
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1918
Contents
The Beast of Prey. By Louis Raemaekers
An Observation Post. By Capt. G. Spencer Pryse, M.L
The Outlook ^ ,,., . „ „
The New State in Europe— IV. By Hilaire BeUoc
The Two Blockades. By Arthur Pollen
John Rathom's Revelations
High Wages and High Prices. By Harold Cox
The Faith of the Soldier. By Centurion
British Forestry. By Sir Herbert Matthews
The Senefelder Club. By Charles Marriott
Home-coming (A Poem). By X. M. F. Corbett
The Liars. By J. C. Squire
Judith Gautier. By Arthur Symons
"Domestic Economy
Notes on Kit
PAGE
I
2
?y
II
14
15
17
19
20
21
22
24
ix
The Outlook
Submarines
THE First Lord of the Admiralty issued to the Press
at the end of last week a comment of the highest
interest which is dealt with at length elsewhere in
this issue. Its main points were the definite infor-
mation that the exaggeration of German published
statistics over the real statistics of submarine losses is in-
creasing the First Lord's own judgment that the submarines
are now being suiik as fast as the enemy builds them, and that
our own production of tonnage— apart from the Allies— is
already greater than it was in the record year before the war
and will have doubled before the end of i()i8-
The First Lord also made a reference to moral, which was
of high interest, especially in its defence of the policy of
secrecy in regard to the sinkings of U boatsC The factor
of uncertainty is a very powerful one in such a business as
this and the excellent political discipline which has permitted
a complete silence and has forbidden the enemy to learn any-
tliing save the most indirect scraps of knowledge, is bearing
fruit. The more men know of war the more they appreciate
the value of such secrecy in weakening the enemy, and therefore
the \alue of a strong civilian temper which can stand the lack
of news without cracking.
American Communications
Sir Eric Geddes also tells us in this pronouncement (which
was in the form of an inteiview granted to the Associated Press
of America) that there is no sign of a withdrawal of German
submarines in preparation for a concentrated attack against
American lines of communication. This refers to a question
almost as important as the question of food supply for this
country. ,.,,,,,■
A factor still unknown, and one upon which halt the issue
of the coming fighting season depends, is the power of the enemy
to interfere with this terribly long line of sea communication
by which the American forces and supply can alone reach
Europe. Some interference is inevitable. Whether it will
be small, normal as judged by our communications, for in-
stance in the Mediterranean, large or very large, makes all
the difference to the campaign of 1918. If it is small, if the
peculiar difficulties of maintaining submarine action far from
bases and under oceanic conditions' prove to be much higher
thati the enemy expected, his chances are proportionately
lowered. For norrtial and more than normal losses as judged
by the Mediterranean and the home seas the Allies have
allowed. Much larger losses would obviously throw the
balance heavily in favour of the enemy, and this uncertain
factor is the one that will be most closely watched in the
coming months.
Pensions )and Politics
An announcement communicated to the Press last week
with regard to the policv of pensions shows an cNtraordintirN-
blindness to the political problems which will arise after the
war. It was therein solemnly announced that a Committee
of Parliamentarians had nominated themselves to deal with
that most perilous of problems " as a non-party question.
It is really deplorable that at this time of day publKfmen
should still be using the terminology of a past which has com-
pletely disappeared and apparently living in that past. It is,
of course, quite clear that if the future elections were to be
fought between an existing Liberal Party and an existmg
Conservative Party, nothing could be more unpatriotic and
even suicidal than for the two Official candidates to_be bidding
one against the other promising an increase of the war
pensions. But the elcxtions cannot possibly take that torm
even if the old official plan of two candidates named each
by his caucus is adhered to, nothing would prevent the appear-
ance of one or more others, and the Independent candidate will
be severely tempted to promise the impossible in the way ot
^^ThTonly safeguard is a well-studied declaration widely
distributed and debated before the elections upon the whole
policy of pensions, so that the public at large may becorne
familiar with the limits beyond which national finance wiU be
imperilled. 1
A General Election
All questions connected with the next general election
remind one that the whole policy of taking in election soon,,
or indeed at all, before the war is concluded, is open to a very
grave objection which has not been sufficiently exercised.
The arguments in favour are that the authority of Government
at large would be strengthened by an election, and the House ot
Commons would be purged of its unworthy members, etc. etc.
The arguments against are that the absent miUions would not
know how to vote even if they could be consulted as Colonial
troops have been, that the result would therefore be fictitious,
and that it would be difiicult to find a direct issue on which
men could vote, etc., etc. jo- ^
The real argument for and against is of quite a ditterent
nature. The argument for is that such an election would
produce a House of Commons and a Government which could
carry on over the difficult period of reconstruction after peace,
and" that the authorities would not be under the disability
of consulting the nation in that most critical moment of all—
the transition from war conditions to after war conditions.
It is this argument which really lurks at the back of the
mind of those professional politicians at least who are anxious
for an early election.
P^xample of our Allies
On the other hand, the argument against is that pqpular
(minion might not tolerate such a trick. A general election
has the effect in nonnal times of turning the key on popular
liberty and its expressions. All really unpopular measures
in the past have been imposed by a House of Commons which
knew that it would not have to meet the electors for a long
time to come. But the temper of the people in the penod
immediately succeeding the war will be very far from normal,
and it may well be doubted whether unpopular measures
can be shielded in this old-fashioned way. ,, „
A public declaration that a second election would follow
within, say, six months of peace (the pohcy of such a declara- ■
tion has been suggested in some quarters) woi)ld unfor-
tunately be of Uttlc effect, because the public would not beheve
that such a pledge would be kept. The probabilities are that
an early election will be forced none the less by the politicians,
and this will provoke after peace the summoning of volun-
tary unofficial bodies whose resolutions will count more than
those of the House of Commons, and will intimidate and
perhaps override it. , • i n.
The way out is to postpone a general election until there
is peace. We might do well in this matter to consider the
example of our Allies.
Air-Raids on Paris
The air-raid over Paris is of great significance in two ways.
First it is an example of the inabiUty of the German Govern-
ment'to keep permanently to one policy ; next, it is an exaniple
of what will probably appear, perhaps in decisive proportion,
during the last phase of the war.
As to the first ]3oint, it has been increasingly the marK ot
German international politics from the time when Pnnce
Bismarck fell, and has been particularly evident during this
great struggle. It is clear both from the tone of the German
press and of the German speeches, and from the action of the
enemy that for the last year and a half he has banked on the
chances of' scu.irating the British and the French. This
policy has hail many aspects. Its chief actfvity has been
+
Land ex W^ater
February 7, 19 1-8
shown in communicating to the German agents in the AUicd
coimtrio'^ arguments for publication. In England antl
Amt'rica wc have had Alsace Lorraine harped upon perpetually
and its insignificance to the Britisli and American public
emphasised. In the corresponding quarters in France we
ha\-e had the exactly opposite suggestion -the suggestion
that France could obtain ver\' liberal terms, and that the
prolongation of the war was onlv a capitalist and therefore
• hiefly a British commercial interest.
While this h;is been the principal method, one of the sub-
sidiary- ones has been the deliberate sparing of Paris from
air raids while the raiding <)f London got more and more
severe. It was calculateil both that this policy would tend
to increase a desire for peace auKmg the French and a dis-
content with the authorities on the part of the En^ish who
would contrast the immunity of Paris with the peril of
London, and complain that "their defences were neglected
or in bad hands. Indeed, we know that such complaints were
made freely and that the enemy f)bjcct was therefore in part
achieved. Now in a mood of petulance the enemy throws
up the whole of this plan, and by a raid on Paris which, of
course, he could have carried out at any time in the last two
years, has destroyed all the effect of his former policy.
Allies Aerial Offensive
The second point is also of great interest. The raid on
Paris, like all those on London, shows us what the new feature
will be in the coming phase of the war. It will be, as we all
kncnv, the gieatly increased effect of the flying machine an 1
in particular the effect it will have upon a civilian population.
What we have to remember is that hitherto, as in every other
singl<> case of the enemy's abandonment of common European
niorals, the advantage consequent upon such a breach of
implied contract has during the first period lain with him.
It was so with the use of poison gas. It has been so for months
in the case of the submarine. It will be so should he take
to tainting the water supplies of great towns — were that
possible to him— or to any other form of that indiscriminate
imu-der to which he has reduced the noble profession of arms
and by wliicli he hai disgraced the old pride of the soldier.
Now in this case, unlike the example of the submarine and
like the example of the poison gas, his breach of common
European morals will hardly be to his advantage. It is true
that the capitals, Berlin and Vienna, are much further from
the lines than Paris and London. But, on the other hand,
modern Germany is a confederation and the chief centre of its
industrial life is, though much further from the lines than
Paris, yet well within \'ulnerable distance. When everything
is ready for prolonged and repeated Allied action agaiiist the
towns of the Rhine basin, the enemv will as sureh' Vegret his
inauguration of this form of warfare' as he has learnt to regret
his inauguration of the use of poison gas in .\pril 1915.
(ierman Civilian Moral
The remaining strei gth of Germanv in this war reall\-
depends upon the imnia.uty of its civilian population. The
lact that the battles have been fought on the soil of the Allies
and that German soil has remained intact, that the German
towns have been well lit and normally protected during the
courst> of the war, that all the circumstances of civilised life
.save the actual privations throngli the blockade, have been
those of a people shielded from the consequences of war,
which have given to the enemy a constancy not always founcl
in the Grand Alliance.
The (ierman is peculiarly susceptible to nerves. Neglecting
altogether the newspaper telegrams purporting to come from
Holland and Switzerland, we know from excellent sources
what the effect of bombing has been on Treves and Karlsruhe.
Civilian moral in those unllapp^• places, to cpiote but two, has
gone to pieces, and the shrieks of the German Press, in re-
gard to the latter to An especially, were like nothing that has .
appeared m the Allied Press even after the worst raids on
London.
.\n intensi\e j^o'icy of raiding, therefore, on the part of the
Allies, when their superior resources shall have given them, as
they soon will, an ample material for such action, will have a
very great effect upon the enemy*and perhaps a decisive one.
The Strikes I
It is difficult to assess the exact value of the strikes in Berlin
and the mdustrial centres of Germany. We know that the
civilian element is well disciplined ; we also know that the
working classes are suffering from privations of fooJ. More-
over, It was palpable that if the strikes threatened to work
serious harm to the armies in the field, thev would be suppressed
with the same mercilessness that Prussian militarism alwaj's
show-, to those over \\;hom it has power, whenever they stand
in its way.
The most important factor is that these strikes recur ; and
their recurrence becomes more and more frequent. Bread
rather than franchise is probabh' the main cause, but ex-
perience teaches directly ci\il disciiiline give* way, the revolt
receives help from all to whom this discipline is repugnant.
There is good reason to believe that the spirit of these
strikes has touched the (ierman N'avy more than once, but
there is no evidence that it has yet reached the (ierman ,\rmy,
and until the army is affected, no political significance can be
attached to them, beyond that they are straws, showing how
the popular breeze is changing.
British Ag-riculturists
The leading agriculturists were invited to meet Mr. Prothero
and Lord Rliondda at Westminster last week : they accepted
the invitation, heheving that an opjiortunity was to be afforded
to them to express their views, to oStain exact information
and to remove from the official mind certain misunder-
standings. They went away disappointed, for all that their
long journey had resulted in was to listen to two speeches,
good in their way. but which carried the practical farmer no
larther. The Minister of .Agriculture has, we are glad to say,
been quick to rectify the error ; he has invited these same
gentlemen to return to Westminster next Wednesday, ivjjen he
will be ready to listen to them.
There is no great industry which suffers so acutely as
agriculture from ignorance, and from that peculiarly pernicious
form of ignorance which arises out of superficial knowledge.
The scientist is not the least offender in this respect ; nor is
this surprising when we bear in mind that science and chemistry
have been powerless to demonstrate why a few acres on a
certain hillside can produce a grape or a coffcc-bcan possessed
of a fIa\-our impossible elsewhere, or why, as in Cuba, a single
valley grows tobacco leaves having an aroma impossible to
reproduce in other quarters of the world.
The conservatism of the farmer, which we arc apt to deride,
is much like the conservatism of the Oriental, which the
Western mind is at last beginning to comprehend ; it is based
on empirical knowledge, which has time and again proved
Itself a sounder guide than scientific advice. The fault that
has been made in all food production schemes in this country
IS that the advice of the trained agriculturist has not been
sufficiently sought or followed.
Wages Committee
Meantime the farmers are working heart and soul to place
the agricultural industry in a sounder position than before.
The Agricultural Wages Board has just issued a circular to
all farmers asking them to give every facility to those of their
men who may be elected b\- the fellow-labourers to service
on the District Wages Committees.
" Nothing in our opinion." the Board writes, "would be
more detrimental to the interests of agriculture than an
attempt by individuals to interfere with or impede the acce pt-
ance b\- aii\' man of an invitatipn to represent his class on
these Committees."
Public Rationing-
Ratio'iing is at last in sight : before the month is out, all
arrangements should have been completed in so far as meat
and fats are concerned. Bread may soon be added to the
list. Meantime, th queues continue to increale, and those
who hold that there is a fascination for a certain type of woman
in standing in queues, seem to be justified.
As was to be expected, the difficulties of marketing are far
greater in towns than in the country, where, beyond a differ-
ence in quality, things remain more" or less normal. There is
still plenty of game in the country, and we wonder whether
it will be permissible to market the eggs of pheasants and
partridges. One knows by experience that the first nests of
both might be taken without diminishing the stock next
autumn, provided, of course, thf wejither be favourable
f Jf the second brood. Sea-birds' eggs were as a matter of fact
used for food in increasingly large numbers last spring in the
North of England What "is required in these times is a
supple mind that is always on the look out for new food.
These proposals we are aware are trivial ones, but they are
put forward not f r th ir intrinsic merit, but merely to suggest
how in a sco^e of little ways evervonc can help towaifds the
solutio.i of food pio')lems. Think what the countless roods of
potato patches did last yrer, in so far as this staple was con-
cerned. The more an individual, whether living in town or
country, can be self-supporting, the better service lie renders
to his countrv
February 7, 191 8
Land & Water
The New State in Europe— IV : By Hilaire Belloc
In his concluding article Mr. Belloc deals with the economic
aspjct of th; Prussian domination over Eastern Europe.
THE last point to be made upon the New State
which Prussia has set up in liurope is economic.
The economic aspect of a natioi is too much
emphasised to-day. The economic aspect of history
has even been put forward in the Universities to the
exclusion of other aspects, and economic causes have even been
falsely called the sole fundamental causes of all historical
pheno.Tiena. But precisely because the economic aspect
occupies this e.xaggerated position to-day, one can use it as a
weapon in argument. If you can convince a man that tliis
new Central State will have a certain econo.Tiic tendency,
and that this tendency will be adverse to our interests, he will
understand what you are saying much better than if you tell
him that it imperils him by its military strength : it will
mean much more than telling him that the spiritual character
of Prussia is our peril.
The two things we have to seize about the new Central
State are first the enormous margin for development, the
vast oppo.-tunities for the creation of new wealth, which the
Eastern part of it presents, and secondly, the fact that the
combination as a whole will be used not only as a competitor,
but as a hostile competitor to the West, and particularly to
Britain.
Everywhere east of the German block, but particularly in
the two regions, one of which was until recently the Russian,
the other of which still is the Turkish Empire, there are
undeveloped natural resources the potential extent of which
cannot even be guessed so large are they, and even the visible
or known untapped resources of which rather resemble those
of a new colony than of an old State.
Russia's Cotton Crop
I cannot in such 'an article as this do more thai give a few
examples taken at random, but I think that even these will
be found sufficiently striking to emphasise the point I am
making. I consider only the Russian field for the moment.
Take, for example, cotton as the production of that article
stood in what was until last year, the Russian Empire, and
what will be, if the Great Central State becomes permanent,
an open field for German exploitation.
We ought to note very particulirly the position of cotton.
It concerns us. Germany till to-diy depended entirely for
its cotton upon supply from over sea. The maritime poAfers
(first of Great Britain, now of Great Britain and the United
States combined), by cutting o.'? the supply, have already
hampered Germany in the war. Had it been cut 0.*^ entirely
at the beginning, as was strongly advocated in these columns
more than three years ago, the war would have been won
long ago. , But with the Central State drawing upon the
resources of what was o.ice the Russian Empire, there
develops a state of affairs with which I think most people in
this country are quite unfamiliar.
Russia produced before the war more than 560,000,000 lb.
of cotton upon her own soil. The machinery in the factories
and mills was British and the management was largely
British. The number of spindles was increasing normally
by 3 per cent, a year. But the striking thing in the statistics
is that even while the industry — which was quite a modem
one — was developing, Russia managed to produce upon her
own soil more than half the cotton which was needed by her mills.
Beyond this there was another," a most striking phenomenon.
When the war cut off external supply, Russia, in spite of all
the difficulties of the moment, in spite of the fact that, as
an industrial country, she was very ill developed ; in spite of
the congestion on her railways, managed to increase enor-
mously the produce of cotton upon her own soil to replace
that which could not be brought from abroad. The pro-
portion of native cotton fifteen years before the war had been
38 per cent. It had risen in five years to 41 per cent. By
1910 it was 51 per cent, of the total amount used, though that
total amount had itself further increased by 40 per cent.
(All these figures are exclusive of Finland). Well, under the
strain of the early part of the war, the proportion of cotton
groietn on Russian soil leapt up by 35 per cent.
For the truth is that the mere area suitable for the growth
of cotton in the continental mas'; cast of Germany has only
just begun to be dealt witii. It,can certainly.be multiplieJ
by three at least, and probably by a lar^ -r multiple ; while
apart from m^re area, the rate of production per acre can
also be increased very greatly.
The way in which this quite modern feature has developed.
and therefore what we may look forward to in the future
under German organisation and guidance, and with a supply of
German capital and German training, may be estimited from
the case of the Khiva oasis. _ Wnere Khiva in 1885 produced
50 lb. of cotton, it produce'd five years later, in 1890, three
timjs a; much — 150 lb. Ten years later, in 1900, the produc-
tion had more than doubled. There were 320 lb. to the 50 lb.
of i8i5. Ten years later it had again more than doubled.
There were 6S0 lb. in 1910 to the 50 lb. of 1885 ; while in the
year of strain, the first year of the war, when the blockade so
greatly intensified internal production, no less than 1,145 lb.
of cotton were produced in Khiva for every 50 lb. that had
been produced thirty years before !
I recommend those figures to the attention of Lancashire,
with the added remark that the New Central European State,
exploiting the East, will have political and military power
behind it if it remains what Prussia intends, and will be able
to enforce its produce upon the markets of Asia in a way that
the old Russian Empire could never do.
Minerals
Another matter to note is the production of platinum.
This essential in electrical work is almost entirely derived
from Russian soil.\ Before the war nine-tenths of the world's
supply came fro.n the neighbourhood of the Ural Mountains
and, what is perhaps mjre important, the opportunities for
expansion in the near future are enormous. There was, before
tha war, a quarrel between the large proprietors and the small
controllers of placer-mining which hampeieJ the production.
So lo.ng as anarchy prevails we may be certain that this check
will be severely felt. But once order i§ restored through the
influence of a great German organised Central State, which
will necessarily " run " this economic factor, it may have a
develop.ment of almost any amount.
It must be admitted in this connection that there is a con-
trary view. It has been maintained that the intensive pro-
duction of platinum just before the war was due to the excep-
tionally high prices then ruhng. Should the price fall the
po3rer sands which are now the subject of placer miping
would be abandoned. But, on the other hand, there are
sundry undeveloped regions, especially in the north of the
Ural districts, which may more than make up for the difference.
Another way of lookin^^ at the econo.mic potentiality of
all that Hes east of the German conquests, another way of
testing the extraordinary opportunities that will he before
the capitalists of the New Central State, if it is maintained,
is the rate of increase in products which was shown after the
co.mparatively recent introduction of industrialism.
For instance, if you take the production of iron ore in the
seven years 1893-99 inclusive, you get a curve rising so rapidly
that the total production more than doubles. It increases in
the projortion of 21 to 45. The exploitation of coal is far
more striking. You find it rising between 1880 and 1890,
from four to five miUions of tons, but in the ne.xt ten years,
from 1890 to 1900, it rises from that figure of five million to
over thirteen milhon tons. In this country tho.se figures
naturally seem to us so small abs dutely as to be negligible ;
but the relative increase is the point to seize. The industry
was only just being developed and yet produced such results
in so short a time. And when we consider the further pro-
duction in later years the riseTis still more remarkable. By
1913, in the year before the war, it had multiplied again by
more than 2\ and had reached thirty-three million tons,
and even under the strain of the war (when one large coal-
field was cut off by enemy occupation and the labour difficulty
WIS severely felt), the produce only fell to just under 28
million tons — and this is excluding, of course, the two millions
odd from Asiatic Russia.
But if we were considering only coal in general, the Russian
resources would always seem small — unless indeed new fields
were to be discovered. Further, the Central State of which
we are speaking has very large resources of its o.vn, which
overshadow those of Russia. The re-.Uy striking thing in the
statistics is the position of anthraci'.e coal.
This hard coal, invaluable hitherto for naval operations
(to be supplanted perhaps by oil, but at any rate still holding
a unique position) has, I believe, only two great fields of
exploitation in Europe, which are those of South Wales
and of the Donetz basin in the soutli of Russia. It is pcrhap;
not sufficiently appreciated that the calculated reserve oi
all European anthracite coal lies principally in the basin of
the Donetz. It has disadvantag?s apart from those of recent
exploitation, unskilled labour and the rest of it. Tlie seams
are often verv thin, the distribution is uneven and does not
Land Sc Water
February 7 , 1 9 1 8
lie in one district, but jn patches, or, at any rate, the usual
workings lie in patches. None tlie less, we must remark that
something like three-quarters of all Russian coal is of this
sort, and that a general calculation of the reserves present
gives the Donctz basin more than 70 per cent, of all Europe
in this necessary mineral.
Iron ore, the next modern essential after coal, is, to speak
rhetorically, an almost untouched field. No one knows to-
day what the potent iaUty of iron ore to the east of the Volga
may not be. Shortly before the war one district after another
was being discovered ; the northern Swedish field was found
to extend far eastward into Lapland, and as late as 1913 new
fields were discovered. As to the Siberian opportunities,
they may be anything at all — hardly anything is yet known.
You have a whole continent undiscovered.
The wealth of what was once Russia in Mangancs? , is
equally remarkable. Before the war the mass of the export
was already sent to the German Empire ; indeed, the mines
were already largely German owned. If the Central Euro-
pean State of which we speak, remains in existence, the whole
of this essential will be ultimately under Prussian control.
The Caucasus, the Urals and the district of Nikipol in South
Russia, but particularly the first of the three, are the main
sources of supply. But there are other fields opening up
further west, notably upon the frontiers of Poland.
The Oil Industry
Lastly, of course, there is the oil industry with which every-
one is familiar. But upon this essential piece of modern supply
there is no need to elaborate. The point is perfectly simple
and has become a commonplace with all educated people
since the development of petrol traffic. All the supply of
Europe is Galician, Roumanian or Russian, with a trifle
German. It is either under the direct control of. what has
now become the Great Central State or, including the
Caucasus, under what Will indirectly be controlled by
it if it remains in existence It is notoriously i upossible
to estimate the future expansion of this particular form
of production, nothing is more dependent upon chance
either for its discovery or for its rate of exhaustion. We
cannot even calculate as well upon this matter as we can upon
coal, though it is notorious that the calculations ma 'e with
regard to coal have been upset by experience. ' If Central
Europe survives, if the German unbeaten continues to enregi-
ment the Slav, to overshadow the Balkans and Scandinavia,
and to hold the gates of the inland seas, not only will he con-
trol the direction of those oil fields, but he will have his hand
on the doors by which oil can reach other dominions than his
own.
On all this first point, the immense undeveloped field lying
open for whoever shall acquire the political power to exploit
it, there is no discussion. It is a commonplace of modem
political economics in which men only differ as to their degree
of knowledge and upon which ^^"estem politicians only differ
in the degree of the vividness with which they see the coming
change. _,
But on the second point — the point that this vast coming
economic power will be used adversely to the West and es-
pecially to Britian — there is considerable debate, and it is the
doubt upon this probably which will most confuse, delay and
render impotent what should be our fixed national determina-
tion, to prevent such a State from arising.
There are two theories on matters of this kind, the debate
between which has grown wearisome during the last few
years.
There is the fundamental Free Trade theory that your
neighbour s increase of wealth can always, if you treat it
properly, be made a source of increase to yourself. There
is the Protectionist theory that this statement is not univer-
sally true or even neariy so, but that even under the blind
action of its change, without political purpose behind it, the
increasing wealth of one district may mechanically involve
the decline of another.
I certainly do not propose to reopen that threadbare debate
in these columns. It concerns economics as a science rather
than international, politics, but what I think can be shown,
what is indeed obvious and only requires reiteration to obtain
universal assent, is that a competing economic power, if it be
deUberately used with a political aim— whether we think
that aim wise or unwise in economics — is an adverse force
as much as is a hostile army or restrictive conditions of cUmate.
Look for\vard some years and see this new Central State
at work when German capital and organisation have deve-
loped the mineral resources of what was once Russia, and
what is still Poland and the Baltic Coast ; its forestry regu-
larised ; its hitherto undeveloped mines prospected and
exploited. You have, it is clear, a great increase in the world's
wealth, and a market which, if it is open, enriches you if you
can trade with it. You have people producing new things
which they can now exchange against your products which
some years before they had nothing to exchange and there-
fore could not take your products. In general, there is more
wealth in the world, and you, in the distant W est, though once
an enemy in the field, indirectly get your share in this ex-
pansion. There is apparent conflict between your interests '
and those of the new producers when you only consider some
particular trade in which they have become your com-
petitors. But take the national wealth as a whole, and if you
specialise upon what you can produce best, while your former
enemy similarly specialises upon what he can produce best,
his increase in wealth is all to your advantage as well as to his
own.
A Fundamental Error
It is clear that this general statement, which would have
been subscribed to by all or nearly all our politicians of the
Victorian era, depends, even if you grant its main theory to be
true (and that is debatable) upon one fundamental con-
dition, which is that the inciease of production in your new
country will be guided by the self-interest of individuals or
groups of individuals ; by the desire of the merchant ; of the
manufacturer for enrichment, untrammelled by political
direction of his State. But supposing that political direction
to exist, supposing, no matter how fooUsh we may think it of
him to act so, that the foreign statesman dehberately inter-
feres with this natural operation of exchange and conceives
that an artificial hindrance to your entry into his markets
will be of ultimate value to him, certainly in poHtical and
military strength and possibly in economic strength as well.
What then ? Supposing the great new resources are used
during peace with a hostile poll ical intention as weapons
are used during war ? It is clear that wi h your enemy
(granting for the moment that he is such in intention) pos-
sessed of new economic power, that power will be to your
disadvantage. It can be used to your disadvantage in four
ways.
First : By planning to destroy within your boundaries
some form of production which you can with difficulty replace ;
on which you have specialised and on which you will remain
better than he, but on which he will refuse to accept the advan-
tage you offer him, preferring your ruin.
Secondly, he can artificially stimulate with the same object
competition in neu: ral markets.
Thirdly, he can, perhaps, if his economic circumstances are
favourable, acquire a monopoly in certain kinds of production
— the Key industries upon which all the rest depends, and he
can therefore at any critical moment chosen by himself
paralyse your economic power without hurting his own.
Fourthly, he can withheld or supply necessaries such as
food — which last point may be regarded as only a sub-section
of the one before.
The debate really runs, therefore, not upon economic theory
but upon our judgment with regard to two sets of facts :
The one demonslrable because it is geographical, the other
political and dependent on opinion. Would th; new State
so erected be in a geographical poiition to exercise this pres-
sure against it ? If it were in such a positioa wo aid it choose
to exercise that pressure in spite of the sectional harm that
might be done to portions of its subjects ?
<Jn thj first of these' judgme nts there can be no doubt.
The great Central State controlled by Prussia would, so far
as geographical circumstance alone is ccncerned, be in a
po;itio;i. to exercise mortal pressure upon ^all the Western
countries and particularly upon Great Britain. The oil sup-
plies of Europe and a great part of those of the world ; much
the most of the coal supplies, a very great portion of the wheat
supplies and of the supply of wood ; the great ma ses of the
iron ore of Europe, would be under its control. As against
this it is pointed out that the command of the tropics and
therefore of products necessary to modern civilisation, and not
obtainable in Europe, might remain with those who at present
have superiority by sea. But with the power of production
such as a more or less united Central State would have, we
cannot believe that it would permanently leave the balance
unredressed. At the expense of another war, to which it could
come far better armed than we, or more probably, at the
expense only of a threat, it would secure its own tropical
supply.
Meanwhile, we have the capital point upon which so much
insistence has been laid before now in these columns, the Nev
State would control the two narrow gates into the Baltic
and the Black Sea. It could shut or open those gates at will.
The second conditional judgment is a judgment m political
motive. Here there is no positive proof available. We are
not talking of a material condition which can be measured
and which all when it is presented will admit ; nor of a past
February 7, 19 18
Land & Water
7
thing on which evidence is obtainable ; we are talking of a
tendency or frame of mind.
Would Prussia, acting as the master of this great com-
bination, direct its supposed and increa-ing new economic
power to our destructio.i or would she not ?
In my opinion, an opinion based upor| the action of that
State for 200 years, and especially upon her action during
the present war, she would. There are those — they are
numerous and many of them well informed and traveUed—
who say shj would not. And the issue lies, not between
the two hypotheses, one of wh.ch can be eliminated by trial
and error, but between two judgments of what our present
enemy is now and will later be.
Those who think that this new and enormous economic
power will not be directed against Britain in any hostile fashion,
use two kinds of argument. They say first, that popular
feelings — what are often called "democratic conditions"—
will govern the future of this as of other States, and that under
such conditions freedo.Ti of exchange will be thi rule, and at
any rate a dehberately planned and prolonged economic war
impossible, and they add that in normal times, when actual
armed hostility is not to be reckoned with, no economic plan
of preference tariff, and Government protected trusts can do
more than diminish the economic advantage you enjoy when
any competitor is himself increasing in wealth.
Secondly, they say that a new Great State of this kind,
though it existed on a different scale from the old, would
necessarily come into play, not only as a competitor, but also
as a consumer.
There are a few who would add a third argument, to wit,
that Prussia, has never had hostile intention, political or
economic, and that our present mood towards her is irrational.
But this last body, very numerous before the war, has been
rendered by the events of the last four years almost negligible.
Now of the two main arguments, the first is certainly
sound : But then it is equivalent to a denial that the new
Central State will come into being at all. If what are called
(a little loosely) " democratic " conditions, real autonomy, real
national expression, and the refusal of the mass of the people
to be organised and disciplined from above comes into being
in Central Europe — all that is equivalent to the break up of
Prussia. Wliether it takes place through a defeat of the
Prussian military machine or by an internal disintegration,
in either case, what has been known as Prussia for the now
two hundred years of its expansion, would cease to exist,
and with it there would cease to exist the hostile plan and
intent, the motive of conquest and domination directed always
against the principal' rival of the moment, and to-day chiefly
against oursel.es.
But I may point out that tliis argument begs the question.
When we talk of a new Central State, of its danger to us, we
presuppose a peace by negotiation which leaves Prussia in
existence ; we are showing why such a j eace would be fatal
to us and all that we say of the Central State is said in that
connection. With Prussia defeated by those whom she
challenged from without, or by those whom she has oppressed
from within, there is no matter for debate. The Central
State now in process of erection will dissolve. We shall
have in its place separate free nations with whom, of course,
our commerce could be conducted on the normal lines of the
past.
The second argument that political hostility is never com-
pletely, successful in the economic field, and that it only
diminishci but cannot extinguish our share in the new
wealth created, sesms to me based too much upon the past,
and even so it djes not suTficicntly allow for the very last
fruits of Prussian policy just before the war. It is true that'
the great expansion of German wealth under Prussian direc-
tion, which was the mark of the forty years before the war, '
though its international benefit to us was restricted by tariffs
and trusts, political subsidy and the rest of it, could not pre-
vent a corresponding increase upon our side which was itself '
very great, and was only diminished or intercepted, not '
destroyed, by the artificial arnngement of our rival. But
those who argua thus forget, as it seems tome, first that they
were deahng «ith only one still isolated Power and not with
what the New State would be, the bulk of'Eurape. Next, that
this power, though formidable, had not brought direct miUtary
pressure to bear upon rivals as it now has and can ; had not
comp lied them, as it could now if undefeated, to enter into
favourable economic relations with it, or to suffer its economic
domination. Lastly, they forget that in the final stages of
the operation before the war, when the system was beginning
to bear fruit, there had already appeared very disquieting
things which boded ill for the future. Certain key industries
have passed into the hands of a rival who might be an enemy ;
certain essentials to trade and even to life had been permitted
to pass to him also.
In other words, we cannot argue as to the hostile economic
power of a great Central European State in the future from
the analogy of Germany between her first Protectionist move-
ment in the early go's and some such date as 1904, when her
intentions were beginning to be unmasked. We must argue
from premises of far greater power upon her part, and we
must bear in view the difference between the maturity of a
plan and its period of incubatiort. Prussianised Germany
had by its increase in wealth, it is true, also added to the
wealth of others, but towards the end of the process, and
before the war the hostile direction and intent of all this had
begun to be felt. With a Prussianised Central Europe you
would have a very great increase in scale of this hostility, an
action more mature and an action supported by the incalcul-
able effect of proved military superiority.
This argument is virtually that the Prussian State would
not be strong enough to control the commercial system ;
that the separate needs or desire; of the merchant and the
manufacturer would over-ride the central purpose of the State.
It may be so. It may be that the vast territorial extent
alone of this new State, its highly differing parts, its great
accession of Slav blood, \*ould prove too much for the ex-
pansion of Prussia and \vould re-act against and weaken
what has hitherto been the continually increasing strength of
the Central Directing force. One cannot tell. But the
analogy of history is against such a supposition. Prussia
has not only maintained her character as she expanded,
but has intensified it.
To take one test. The breaches of international law and
the outrages against international morals, which are
characteristic of Prussian war have been employed to far
greater lengths in the last four years than they were carried
in 1870-71, and in 1870-71 they were carried to greater lengths
than Prussia Had ever carried them before that date.
.^.s for the conception that Prussia herself will suffer some
sort of conversion without either defeat or revolution seems
to be hardly worth while to deal with. While the concep-
tioa she was really not hostile to the West or to this country,
but that wa have suffered an illusion upon the matter, may
safely be left to the judgment of bur fellow citizens to-day.
The Curve of Exaggeration
MUCH the most important news of the week is contained in
the statement of Sir Eric Geddes to representatives of the
Associated Press of .^marica in the coarse of an interview
and published in the British Press last Saturday. It
contains concrete pieces of information which are of the
highest value in guiding public opinion at this moment. And
it gives us one of the very few opf ortunities for calculation
(the only foundation of any sound military judgment) which
we have had for some mo.iths past.
Until the co.nplote dissolution of the Russian State and our
equally complete assurance that it had ceased to be the
principal factor in all, judg nent upon the war was the possible
calculation ot men and inaterial.
The war until that catastrophe was a siege, and a siege is
always calculable by numbers, so long as the state of siege is
maintained. In the essential element of sea communication
there was no serious factor of disturbance in the calculation.
The German authorities dicidjd to break with all European tra-
dition and to institute ii.discriminate murd/r at sea much at ihe
same time as that in which the break up of what was formerly
jrme
Russia began last year. The effect of this new policy upon the
war — upo.i the calculable factots in the war, especially tonnage
and maritime co nmunications, was not fully felt for some
mo.iths. Especially was its effect upon the civilian conditions
of this country at first insignificant — for it is of its nature
cumulative, and its beginnings, though they indicated what its
maturity would be, were of no immediately great effect. What
the submarine o;fensi\re might mean was borne in upon general
opinion last summer, pretty well colncidently with the proof
throa|h the collapse of the Russian armies in the south that
the dissolutroi of the Russian State under its present inter-
national guidance, was final. There remained as an un-r
known factor, the chances of some decisive movement upon
o 12 sidi or the other in the West. Neither sidj obtained anv
dicisio 1. The movement in Wanders failed in this ojject, so
ultimitely did the tremendoas ene.niy blov in Friuli, large
a; were the captures in min and gans and highlv oriticn! to
Ui (far more critical than the work in Flanders to tli - enem.y)
as W.U th2 waole 0 5>ratio 1.
As a result the positioa upon which the prese.it year o )e:ied
8
Land & Water
February 7, 1918
might be thus summarised :
ii) In the East the enemy had obtained a decision. The
itary machine of the Rivssian Empire, partly through the
enemy's own victories, partly through the betrayal of the
Allied cause by international agents, had been put out of
action.
(2) On the West neither party had succeeded, though
both had in different fields come near to arriving at a decision.
{3). The exhaustion of both parties in Europe had proceeded
to an extreme degree. The original conscript belligerent
Powers, France, Austria-Hungary and the German Empire
had suffered definitive losses, that is, had lost men per-
manently by death j capture, wounds, etc., which had reduced
them nearly to exhaustion, but with this difference that the
Central Empires had been relieved of pressure upon the East
and could thereby reinforce themselves upon the West against
Italy and France during 1918 by perhaps a sixth or a fifth of
the forces hitherto retailed for Western work — counting
value as well as numbers.
(4) The Powers not originally conscript or not originally
belligerent were also heavily hit though not in the same degree.
Great Britain had lost a proportion of her population very
much less than any of the Powers just mentioned, but on the
other" hand she was largely maintaining the supply of the
whole Alliance, she was maintainirg almost entirely its
maritime conmunications and her forces were widely dis-
persed, including as they necessarily did Asiatic as well as
European activities. Italy had just received a blow of the
most severe kind compelling immediate reinforcement from the
French and from the British.
{5) The American effort was beginning to davelop, but oily
. beginning. It would be of great strength before the end of
igi8, but the initial period of organisation and training had
barely come to an end, while there remained the uncertain
factor of transport over so great a distance of sea.
Essential Communications
Under such circumstances the pivot of the moment was the
situation of the submarine offensive. That offensive, if it
could do what the enemy claimed for it, would win the war in
three converging fashions. It would more and more paralvse
the maritime communications of the West which, with
England as the main base of supply, were the essential com-
munications. They were also the essential communications
from the fact that the Allies were working on outer lines
from the ^Egean to the North Sea, which outer Unes were
mainly maritime in their communication.
Next the submarine offensive hampered the civilian supply,
and therefore threatened the civUian moral of all the Western
Powers, but especially of Great Britain. Lastly the sub-
marine offensive was expected by the enemy almost lo neutral-
ise the American effort, which could only be exercised over
three thousand miles of open water.
Of these three converging effects of the submarine offensive
upon which the enemy had banked, the second was the
chief. The real issue has been for some months past, and will
remain for some months to come, whether the»enemy can so
hamper civilian life in this country as to affect the political
discipline of the British and produce a demand for surrender.
That such a policy, however severe the strain would be in
the long run fatal to this country, has been the constant
thesis of these columns. But what we had to consider in
practice was not only the power of organisation and ^iscipiline
which our society might show, but the real measure of what
the enemy could do to undermine that discipline by his
interference with supply, and especially with food.
Now Sir Eric Geddes tells us in this pronouncement which
he has published to the world three very important and
definite truths, or at any rate judgments, made by a man who
is alone in possession of all the facts.
The first of these is that the submarines are being sunk as
fast as Germany can build them. He puts it in one phrase,
" The submarine is held."
The second is that we are at the present moment building
merchant ships at a higher rate even than was the record of
1913, and that before the end of the present year we shall
double the rate of to-day.
The tfird fact which he has divulged I find of particular
interest because it is exactly parallel to what I have myself
noticed in regard to the German figures of their losses by land
in the many careful and exact estimates which I published
in this papar o/er a period of more than two years.
Sir Eric Ge des tells us that he keeps a curve representing
what he calls " the factor of exaggeration " in the German
official statements of U-boat results, and that this factor is
increasing in our favour.
There are four main curves. The curve of construction of
liye shipping ; the curve of construction of merchant shipping ;
the curve of sinking of German submarines, and the curve
representing the " factor of exaggeration " just mentioned.
The first curve is flattening, the other three are steepening,
and therefore all four movements are in our favour.
What Sir Eric Geddes calls " the factor of German exaggera-
tion " is the diflerence Letween the real lonnage sunk, which
we exactly know, and the German published estimates. It
is clear that there will always be a certain margin of exaggera-
tion due to the fact that the enemy cpn only tell the precise
tonnage of a ship when he knows all about the particular
vessel which he is sinking — in most cases he can only estimate
her size at a guess and knows neither her name nor her register.
The commander of the submarine will, of course, give the best
figures which a reasonable guess will allow, and therefore the
German official figures will al.' ays be somewhat larger than the
truth even when there is no deliberate intention to falsify. ,
But, as was pointed out in these columns when the statistics
of German Army losses were being analysed m.onth after
month from the summer of 1915 to the summer of 1917,
there is a deliberate German policy of exaggeration which
begins to work whenever things go less well than the authorities
had promised their public. It is a natural development and
coincides with what one would expect. In the case of the
armies it probably took the form of getting as many " doubt-
fuls " as possible in this — ^men of whom it was not absolutely
certain whether they were prisoners or dead or only tem-
porarily missing, of leaving them unmentioned as long as
possible and mor^ and more unmentioned for good and all.
Later it took the form of not mentioning those who broke down
or died away from the armies ; later it took the form of de-
liberate suppression alto^e her. The worse things got the bigger
became the margin between the truth and the official pronounce-
ment.
Of course we had not precise figures of the truth to
guide us, hke the figures of tonnage lost by submarine activity.
But we had numerous sources of information, the one checking
the other (with many of which such as municipal statistics
and hospital statistics, and " rolls of honour " the enemy
kindly provided us) which gave us our re ults within a com-
para:tively small margin of error ; and we know positively
that what Sir Eric Geedes has called in the case of the sea
" the curve of German exaggeration " increased in the case
of the land exactly as it seems to have done in the case of the
submarines.
An interesting and conclusive example was quoted in these
columns not quite a year ago. At one and the same moment
independent examination concluded the total number of Ger-
man military dead to be al out one million and three-quarters :
the German authorities informed the American Ambassador
that it was hardly a million and a half, and the German official
fists were still pubhshing just under a million.
I take this statement upon the " curve of exaggeration "
to be the most important of all the important statements made
in Sir Eric Geddes's publication of last Saturday.
H. Belloc
In the course of the deliberations at Bre^t-Litovsk, Baron von
Kuhlmann asked for an explanation regarding the relations be-
tween the Caucasus and the Petrograd Government. M. Trotsky
replied : "The Caucasus Army is under the command of superior
officers who are absolutely devoted to the Council of People's
Commissioners. This was confirmed some two weeks ago at the
general congress of delegates on the Caucasian front."
The Pravda of Petregrad contained recentlj' an order from
Trotsky dismissing without pension «nd the right to re-enter
Goveir.ment service the Russian diplomatic representatives in
Engand, Japan, the United States, Italy, China, Spain, France,
Sweden, Holland, Switzerland, Portugal, and other States, as
well as the Consular Agents and the Consuls-General in -the
same countries, for having failed to respond to the invitation to
work under the Soviet Government on the platform adopted by
the second All-Russian Congress of the Soviets.
The Kfflnische Volkszeitung, in an article on the rejection by
Australia of ccmpulsory mOitary service, says that it comes at a
very inopportune time for Great Britain, coinciding as it does
with Russia's defection, and just when the Entente has need of
new troops in the light of the forthcoming German offensive.
Great Britain has nothing left but to make up the deficit out of
her own resources. "This means a further withdrawal of men from
industry, which will still further weaken Great Britain's position.
This, however, it adds, will not be the only political result. The
Australian decision must inevitably have a detrimental effect
on the whole British Empire. From the first there was no great
inclination to comply with British wishes regarding military
service. It is not to be supposed that the other Dominions will
take much trouble about questions of military service. This
applies especially to. Canada. Here, indeed, the law has been
adopted, but the minority is very strong, and has declared that
it will not obey. There is no doubt that the Canadian minority,
which is composed of the French-Canadians, will be confirmed
in their intentions by the decision of the Commonwealth."
February 7, igi8
Land & Water
The Two Blockades: By Arthur Pollen
Men, women of the working class, there is no time to lose
after the horrors and sufferings we have undergone. A new
and frightful disaster threatens our people — yes, even the
whole of humanity. Only a peace without annexations or
indemnities can save us, and the hour has come when you
must raise your voice for such a peace. At this moment
the German people must, by means of powerful demon-
strations, manifest its will to finish the war.— Pamphlet
published January loth in Berlin, signed by Bernstein,
Brand. Cohn, Dittmann, Hease, Ledebour, Vagtherr, Hers-
feld, and other leaders.
A crowd of some 200,000 advanced on Thursday morning
towards Charlottenberg, where it vehemently demonstrated
wita cries of " Peace and bread." — The Amsterdam Tyd,
February 1st.
Hen Dittman has been arrested for attempting to speak at a
meeting of strikers. — Cologne Gazette.
Seven BerUn factories have been placed under martial law
by the Chief Commander of the Mark of Brandenburg. He
has also ordered the strikers to resume work at latest by
seven in the morning of Monday next, failing which they will
be punished according to military discipUne. — Central News.
WTien they realised that the whole of the importations for
civilian purposes were practically stopped they would see that
shortage could not be avoided. — Lord Rhondda.
The submarine is held. . . . the sinkings of merchant
ships have now been reduced td a level lower than before
Germany cast aside all restraint. . . . But we must
have more ships. . . . Submarine destruction still
exceeds production. . . American participation in the
war must inevitably make large demands on merchant
shipping, and yet we must strive at the same time to keep
up with the demands of the Allied armies and with the vitaJ
necessities of the European civil population
—Sir Eric Geddes.
Taking all the homeward bound ocean convoys since the
inception of the system in the traddle of last year 14,180,041
gross registered tons of shipping have been convoyed, with
a loss of 1.44 per cent. — Sir L. Chiozza Money.
The submarine . . . substituted the literally invisible
. . . for the virtually invisible torpedo boat. But while
no new principle was acided, a means so far more effective
was substituted, that naval thinkers and writers at once
perceived that the logical development of the submarine
would convert Aube's guerre de course from a dream to a
working theory." — Land & Water, January 24th, 1918.
VVho were the naval thinkers and writers who so clearly
foresaw what is happening to-day, and why did they not warn
the Admiralty of the peril that was looming ahead ? " . . .
(/-boat piracy was an entirely unlooked for development
and we venture to doubt whether it came more as a surprise
to the Admiralty than to those naval thinkers and writers who
are now so wise after the event. — Naval and Military Record,
January 30th.
Sea-Power in Actfion
THESE extracts from the press of last week
seem to convey, in a manner that is at once
dramatic and unmistakable, certain elementary
truths about the facts of the war and the state
of mind of people looking on at it. Perhaps
the first of them is, that we can now no longer doubt that the
Allied blockade has brought about such a stringency in Germany
and Austria, that the peoples of both countries are sick and
weary of war and its privations, and are shamelessly clamorous
for peace. That they have made themselves heard is curiously
striking, for the obstacles to their combining for any form of
protest, overt or otherwise, have always appeared so great
to observers here, that it seemed more hkely that they would
prefer to die of hunger, than risk the perils tliat face mutineers.
For to a military government the rebellious seamen at Kiel
and the recalcitrant munition makers in Berlin are equally
guilty of the crime of mutiny, a crime which Germany can
generally deal with in a simple and fatal way. Perhaps
the most surprising part of the present situation is that one
member only of the Reichstag has been arrested, and
that the enforcement of a state of siege was postponed till
last Monday. Indeed, the deliberation of the authorities
may well be the strongest evidence of the gravity of the
situation they had to face. In any event it is the improbable
that has happened. The German workman has become
articulate — and there is no mistaking the meaning of his
cry. It is simply that what neither sea nor land power could
achieve by fighting, sea power alone has achieved by the mere
static pressure of blockade.
This civil populations of the chief enemy countries are then
in the initial stage of disintegration—exactly the result pre-
dicted of blockade in modern conditions. The weapon that
for six months we would not use at all and then, for another
twelve, handled so gingerly, has proved, when all is said,
the most effective in our armoury. The thing has happened
so exactly according to calculation, that one is left wondering
whether the further historical precedent wiU follow, and the
enemy try to seek relief by a victory at sea. His chances
of success are obviously small even il he were to bring every
unit of his sea force into play. For that matter, it is
not at all sure that even a single sea victory, could he win it,
would free the seas for him; For whatever the military
reserves of the Allies, their sea reserves are greater yet. If the
High Seas Fleet comes out then, it would perhaps be rather to
revivify the moral of a despairing people, than in search of
material victory that would reverse the sea position. But
whether hunger and despair drive him to sea battl or not, it
is certain that the situation leaves the German Higher
Command with no third alternative to peace or a vigorous
offensive somewhere.
The case of Germany and the effect of our blockade upon
it, naturally give rise to many forms of reflection. The situa-
tion has a grim humour of its own, when we remember that it
was Germany that was tlie first to start the bli ckading game.
But it has grave warnings for us too, for our own pass is no
laughing matter. It is clear from Lord Rhondda's state-
ments that, for the next eight months, while we shall not be
brought to Germany's extremity we shall unqtiestionably be
brought far lower in food supply than the most pessimistic
of us feared. We must see to it then that we find some
appeal — as effective for the next eight months as has been
military discipline amongst the enemy peoples for the last
eighteen — that will make the f)eople of this country under
the impending trifil preserve their moral dignity.
The paradox that Germany, the first Power to threaten
blockade by sea', should be the first to find its results intoler-
able, is, however, not the only one of the situation. For just
as Lord Rhondda is telling us that meat importation for
civilian purposes have ceased altogether, the First Lord of the
Admiralty is cheering us with a welcome confirmation of the
news that the submarine is held, and that we haveMDrought —
and can presumably keep — the losses by submarine beloA* the
level at which they stood before the ruthless campaign began
a year ago. How this result has been achieved is further
explained by Sir Leo Chiozza-Money. The convoy system, so
long declared to be impracticable, was tentatively inaugurated
in the middle of last summer, and six months experience shows
that a bare ij per cent, of tonnage is lost when the most
obvious — if only because the sole— measure of protecting it
is adopted. But we must go hungry because it was adopted
too late, and 700 or 800 ships lost that could have been saved,
and because the replacement of shipping — not that destroyed
by submarine, but that taken for mihtary and naval purposes
at the very beginning of the war — was not undertaken as a
national effort, until more than a year after the necessity for
such action had been pointed out.
So, after all, those who have maintained from very early
days that Great Britain's share in the war should have been
primarily her sea share ; that an immediate and relentless
siege would have been of more effect than the utmost possible
military effort ; and that, from at latest December 1914, our,
first business after enforcing blockade was to prepare the
material and organisation for rebutting the enemy's effort on
the same lines, were not so far wrong. The tragedy of the
situation has been not merely that these policies were not
followed earher, but that there was no possibility of their even
being understood, until the whole structure of our naval
administration had been utterly transformed. It would be
the last and greatest of our misfortunes, were any spirit of
re-action now to lead to the undoing of the revolution in our
sea administration and sea policies that have been brought
about in the last si.x months. Perhaps there is no danger of
any such reaction taking place. But it is obvious that the
complete transformation of the Admiralty, begun in May
1917 and completed within the last month, has shocked
and disgusted many old and faithful supporters of that de-
partment as it used to be, and »f the men that for the last
fifteen years have controlled it. Of this disgust there are
many evidences. The passage I quote above, from the best
and ablest of Service publications, is only one of many proofs
that a majority of those interested in naval policy see little
more in what has happened than a light-hearted, irresponsible
and unjust dismissal of one after another of their old
favourites. It is, of course, very unfortunate when men, for
nearly a generation, marked for the highest commands, have
succeeded to them in war, and then have to make way. for
others, either because war has taken a course for which they
were unprepared, or because they themselves have exhausted
lO
Land & Water
February 7, igiH
their best physical and mental energies in serving their country
before the real test came. Men like this do not rise to the
head of their profession without po-^essing exceptional guts
and rare personalities. They command affection no less
than respect, and they inspire loyalties that make their
admirers sensitive to any lack of honour to their liero-S.
The prestige of such men is an invaluable asset wnen
thev are in command. But it becomes an almost incalcu-
lable danger when they fail. The reason is that their folo >vers
professional no less than lay, are blinded by devotion and
cannot realise that failure has oc'curred. , j- x-
A man of the highest rank, who^e long, faithful and distin-
guished services makes him to many a sort of personihcation
of the nax'v' he has commanded, is— quite unexpctedlv by
tho-e who believe in him— relieved of his office or his com-
mand and his task handed on to another. Those who are
unable to see that a new situation calls for a new system, new
methods of work, a new organisation, fail also to realise that
the new mechanism must be handled and directed by new men
And if, as was the case with our navy, the chief command
ashore as well as the highest posts in the sea commands had
for half a generation been monopolised by men of one com-
plexion of thought, it necessarily follows that the new inen
called in after the revolution must have less reputation, less
distinguished services, less experience than those that are dis-
placed. It is, then, only natural that the partisans of the
dispossessed should burst out into praise of their heroes, and
decry the injustice of their supercession. But they adopt a
rhetorical method to which there is no reply, for the defenders
of the new system cannot retaliate by criticism of the old
leaders. It is, however, legitimate to criticise the old methods
and a word of reply to the Naval and Military Record will not
be out of place.
The passage which I have quoted above gives the point of
the attack on the present writer. The case set up as to our
former naval administrations — one must suppose both pre-
war and after the war— until the ruthless campaign finally
begin a year ago, is that at each stage the employment of
submarine against trading ships came, and rightly came, as a
complete surprise. The Admiralty had never been warned
and therefore had no reasons to anticipate the event. In any
event I am completely wrong in saying that " naval writers
and thinkers " at once realised the import of the submarine
as giving reality to Aube's theory of the guerre de course.
Aube, it will be remembered, was not merely in his day the
most brilliant and famous of French writers on naval war.
Not many years after his historic prophecy that the ruthless
sinking of trading ships was the form which naval war would
inevitably take in the future, he became Minister of Marine
in France. His prophecy was published just at the time when
the British public was being awakened by the late Mr. William
Stead to the serious deficiencies in material of the British
fleet. Never before had the public mind been so stirred on the
subject of sea power. When Aube became Minister, the
political rivalry between France and England was at its
highest, and the interest created by Stead in the Navy was
being fed by the epoch-making volumes by Mahan that were
now following one upon the other year by year. So awake
indeed was the British Admiralty to the novelty of Aube's
theory of war, that we embraced and followed for many years
a policy in shipbuilding essentially unsound, and excusable
only on the ground that the French had begun it. I allude,
of course, to the policy of building armoured cruisers. It
was on these and the torpedo that Aube relied to bring Great
Britain low in war. A more scientific study of the subject
showed the fallacy of the armoured cruiser theory, but
not till we had followed it for more than fifteen years. The
weakness of Aube's torpedo theory was that the boats of his
day were neither fast nor sea-worthy enough to make
the menace real. Indeed, it was not till about 1906 that
; even the submarine put this theory on a new basis. And it
was in 1907 that Commander, now Commodore, Murray
Sueter published his admirable work on under-water war.
The Second Warning
Already by this time the cruising and sea-keeping capacity
of the submarine had gone far beyond what was dreamed
_ of when Aube had the first of these boats under his fostering
care as head of the French Navy. And the Commodore set
out in his book in very unmistakable fashion that, barbarous
as a ruthless attack on trade would be, yet there was no
ojjvious antidote to it. He went as far as so junior an officer
could, to indicate to his superiors that the problem was one
that called for analysis and experiment. That transports,
jnunition ships and fleet auxiliaries were fair game for the
•Stibma.rin« captain, he set out without any eva ion at all, nor
did he siiggest how the commander of the under-water ship
could possibly, simply by a hasty inspection of their hulls,
distinguish between one kind of merchant ship and another.
It surely was an obvious inference that anything he thouglit
suspect it would be his duty to destroy. By 1907 then there
war all the warning on this subject that any vigilant admini-
stration could possibly desire. Of published writing on the
subject I know of nothing between Commodore Sueter s
book and Sir Percy Scott's letter, written in January 1914
and published six months later.
In a measure, however,- all this justification of my state-
ment is really beside the mark. A naval administration
equipped to anticipate the developments of future war really
should not be dependent upon chance published warnings.
When the Admiralty is publicly criticised, it is qmte usual
for those who defend it to tell the discontented to hold their
peace, on the ground that the Admiralty alone knows all the
facts and can judge rightly of the situation. Well, what is
sauce for the absolving goose is sauce for the indicting gander.
The point is not, did naval writers and thinkers warn the
Admiralty, but were the facts of the situation and the known
theories of their application to certain purposes in war such
that it was the Admiralty's business to be ready for this
particular form of attack before it came ? Looked at in this
way there can be no possible doubt as to the reply.
False Prophets
And now to take this matter one step further. In another
passage of this editorial, those that have written on naval
subjects since the war are taunted with the falsifications of
their prophecies. But it does not occur to the writer that the
explanation of many of these miscarriages is to be found in a
certain simplicity of mind not altogether discreditable. One
at least of the " worst offenders " to whom he so pointedly
alludes, did indeec^ say, in the second month of the campaign,
that the protection of merchant shipping was far fro.-n being
an insoluble problem, because the trade could be directed into
narrow and defined channels and these protected just as the
transport routes had been. The submarines would then be
compelled to seek their quarries at focal points, where pro-
perly equipped convoy vessels could deal with them. 'Two
months later when the published returns showed that 82
ships had in four months been submarined in the triangle of
which a fine from a point just west of the Fastnet to the
centre of St. George's Channel was one side, another south of
this to a point below the Scillies, and fro n here back to the
Fastnet the third, the suggestion that had the trade been
kept in a narrow path, the problem of making that path
unassailable, would have been simple. And he went on :
The capacity of the Admiralty to defend the merchant shipping
seems to depend almost entirely upon possessing an adequate
number of fast, well-armed patrols. The number, of course,
depends upon the area to be patrolled. A system that would
confine' merchant shipping entering or returning from the
Atlantic to definite routes would reduce that area to one
fortieth of its present size. It should not be very long before
a number of destroyers sufficient to patrol such routes should
be available. I say this because I naturally assume that
special provision was made for increasing the number of
destroyers in the first months of the war, when it was seen how
great a role the submarine would play, and that this pro-
vision was doubled, trebled and quadrupled in December ist
when the Germans announced their intention to add murder-
ous piracy to-their other crimes .
Now both these statements were made in reliance upon two
incontrovertible, and indeed quite obvious, truths. The
first was that for many months our military traffic to France
had been carried on without a single casualty, because from
the first it had been conducted upon right lines, and next,
that past experience of naval war had shown, that it was only
by convoy that trade could be protected when it was possible
for the enemy to get scattered naval force on to the open seas.
Now when a man says that there is no reason to fear the sub-
marine campaign, because the enemy's efforts can be frus-
trated, and says this, on the supposition that what had long
been a commonplace of naval discussion would be made the
basis of Admiralty policy, can he really be reproached with
being a misleading prophet ? It surely was not his fault
that action so clearly elementary as this was not adopted
until two years after it had been discussed, until indeed
shipping and cargoes to the value of more than, £1,000,000,00 >
sterling had been sent to the bottom. '\
It is of very little interest to anybody, and certainly not to
me, to argue whether on any particular question I or any other
naval writer was right or wrong two or three years age
What is of intense interest is that the naval dynasty that wa^
incapable of seeing that the convoy system would have saved
us from the first, was manifestly incapable of carrying on the
chief command in war. Noi would I have worried the reader
with these reminders had it not appeared that in some quarters,
and those far from uninfluential, loyalty to ttiis 4ypasty might
work to endanger the new regime. We should Tjc blockheads
indeed if we went backwards now. Arthur Pollen.
February 7, igi8
Land & Water
1 1
John Rathom's Revelations
An outline of the methods adopted by Mr. John R. Rathom
who discovered the network of German plots in America
The revelations by Mr. John R. Rathom 0] the secret plots of the German Government in America,
at the time when the United States was a neutral nation, is possibly from first to last the most thrilling
story of shrewdness, pertinacity, and courage ivhich the war has provided outside the heroism of the
battlefields. Three instances of the cool daring of Mr. Rathom and his agei.ti cr ' related in this
article, each amusingly simple <« its manner of working, but each demaniing wonder] ul nerve.
The time has long p.issed to express any swprise at the absolute lack 0/ principle and of all sense of
honesty and honour u'hich his characterised the German Government in its dealings with neutral
nations. None the less one is astounded at the cold-blooded treachery which Count von Bernstorff
systematically practise t at Washington which is fully disclosed in these articles— treachery to which
he would never have dared to lend his hand, had he not been laell assured of the Kaiser's sanction. These
revelations will appear from u^eek to x&eek in Land "& Water. Next week, Mr. Rathom ivill tell the
full story of the connection of the Get man Embassy in Washington with the sinking oj the " Lusita.Aa."
JOHN R. RATHOM, Editor of the Providence Journal.
is the man who discovered and exposed the Germ m plots
in the United S;ates. He is the man 'who forced there-
call of the precious von Papen and the notorious Boy-Ed.
He is the man who unearthed Dr. Heinrich Albert and his
/|S,ooo,ooo corruption fund and sent him back to Germany.
He is the man who dis-
covered and revealed the
plot to restore Hue ta to
a German-made dictator-
ship in Mexico. He is
the man who proved that
the Lusitania warning
was sent out by the
German Embassy on
orders direct from Berlin.
He is the man who ex-
posed William Jenftings
Bryan's "peace at any
price " interview with
Dumba. He is the man
who sent Consul-General
Boff , at San Francisco, to
prison for two years for
conspiracy. He is the
man who warned the
Government that the
Canadian Parliament
Building at Ottawa was
to be fired three weeks
before it was burned by
German agents. In brief, ^
he is the man who (with-
out official authority)
was for three years the
eyes of America, guarding
it against the treachery
of the German Govern-
ment. He has been a
patriot of the highest
order in the face, first, of
early unbelief and ridi-
cule on the part of Wa;h-
in.^ton officials ; then of
slander and abuse on the
part of the whole pro-
German element in the
United States ; and, fin-
ally, of attempts upon his
life by hired assassins.
'.' The Providence Journal this morning will say : " — that
phrase, familiar to every newspaper reader in the United
States, has been the preface to the exposure of nearly every
German plot that has bee.i tol 1 to the American public since
the World War began. Merely to m ntion all these exposures,
with the barest outlines of names, dates, aud places involved,
would require ten or twelve pages of type like this in
Land & Water. To reprint , all the thousands of original
cablegrams, letters, cheques, photographs and codes on which
they are based would fill a five-foot shelf of books.
This mass of data, accumulated in three years of ceaseless
search, is stored in triplicate in vaults in Providence, New
Mr. John R. Rathom
The Editor of the Providence Journa
Plots in the United States has
York, and Washington. Copies of every item of it have been
supplied, as discovered, to the Stale Department in Washing-
ton or to some other branch of the An. eric an government. It
is the foundation upon which has been erected the whole
structure of .A.:neica'3 enormous secret service, and it is
the cause of the awakening of the Americ; n p >ople to the
hideous m nace of Ger-
many's cold - blooded
assaults upon its very
existence as an indepen-
dent nation.
How has it happened
that a provincial news-
paper (it is called " the
Rhode Island Bible " in
its own territory) has
been the means of dis-
closing facts that usually
are procured only by
the secret agents of
governments and kept
guarded like jewels in the
most sacred archives of
ihe State depart ments ?
It lias happened because :
1. John R. Rathom,
editor of the Journal,
scented from the first
hour of the war that
the United States was
a world power w ith world
wide interests ; that one
of the objects of Ger-
many's mad ambition
was to destroy democracy
the world over, and that
the cataclysm in Europe
was no less for America
than for Great Britain
and France the crucial
test of all history.
2. Because Mr. Rotham,
encouraged and financed
by the owners of his con-
servative old New Eng-
land paper, and working
with the loyal aid of
a dozen newspaper re-
porters, beat the German
secret service at their
own game a hundred
times since the war
began.
3. Because he had the foresight to have taken down in
writing and kept on file eve^y wireless dispatch sent by the
great Sayville and Tuckerton Stations since the day war was
declared in August, 1914, and the ingenuity to decipher masses
of these dispatches in code, including thousands of damning
messages from von Bernstorff, von Papen, Boy-Ed, Dumba,
von Nuber, and scores of nameless others, to the German
and Austrian Governments.
4. Because, in his efforts to serve his country, he succeeded
in getting his own reporters into confidential positions in the
twelve most important Teutonic headquarters in the United
States, and received from them almost daily reports and original
documents covering every phase of German plots and German
i whose success in unearthing German
made him an International figure
t2
Land & Water
February 7, 191 8
propaganda. These men he placed in :
German Embassy in Washington ;
German Consulate-General in New York ;
Austrian Consulate-General in New Vor'c ;
German Consulate in Boston ; v
Austrian Consulate in Cleveland ;
German Consulate in New Orleans ;
German Consulate-General in Chicago ;
Austrian Consulate-General in Chicago ;
German Consulate-General in San Francisco ;
Austrian Consulate-General in Philadelphia ;
German Consulate in Denver ;
German Consulate in St. Louis.
That, in the barest outline, is the story. Mr. Rathom
himself is going to tell the details of it in a scries of articles
in Land & Water beginning next week. The purpose
of this present article is to give some idea of the man
who did these things. But it may be well to suggest the
character ard scope of his forthcoming articles by an
attempt to tell briefly thre^ of his experiences which he
will not ca\'er in his series.
When the war began in 1914, most Americans regarded them-
selves as interested, but aloof, spectators of the most colossal
drama eyer staged in the world's history. That it might con-
cern theni in their own dearest honour and possess'-ons did
not for one moment enter their minds. But Mr. Ra'hom
knew otherwise. He had travelled over nearly the whole
world — Europe, Africa, China, Australia, and the United
States. He knew, of old, Germany's ambitions ; particularly
its designs upon the Monroe Doctrine, and its subtle and care-
fully organised propaganda to consolidate the Germans in the
United States for the working out of the American end of its
dream of world dominion. Hen :e, the day war was declared,
he began to probe German activities in America, knowing
well that soon they would be in 'full play to cause much '
damage. In his search for German plots he placed men in
liaiscrliifj
Ortitsrtic l^otoriiad
U'uliiuglQn, DQ*
Oatobec 9. 1915
ERPOSSCHUNO John Kathoii
ProTidenos
How York
Chicago
Lenve r
San Francisco
St Louis
Donrar (2)
Seattle
Portland 0.
Dallas
SI48.00
120.00
335.00
180.00
685.00
HiiO.OO
75.00
160.00
300.00
200.00
Ausgnba Eisenbahn 2450.00
Eldliche 400.00
'JiTf^
Von Papeirs account of expend ture incurred in a far-reachins in-
vestigation of Mr. Raihoms careeV for the purno.e of Svfrine
some vulnerable point in his personal character ^
^''l.^t"u°"'^.u'^"''"'' mentioned above. Even now he cannot
publish how this was done.though he can and will tell the men's
names, that did this dangerous work. Of these, one secured
employment as a secretary to von Bernstorff , in the Embassy
in Wasliington.
Enter now Dr. Heinrich Albert, fresh from Germany, with
a letter of credit of £8co,ooo in his pocket and the assurance
of his government that he may have eight milhons sterling
alto^^ether— to buy public opinion in the United States, to
purchase the votes of Congressmen, to procure the murder of
American citizens working in munition plants, and to do other
" friendly " acts toward that neutral Government and its
unsuspecting people. Dr. Albert landed in New York and
registered at the Ritz-Carltoh Hotel. He wrote at once to his
Ambassador, Bernstorff, announ'cing his arrival and asking
for instructions. The Ambassador happened to be taking
an outing in the Adirondacks when Dr. Albert's letter reached
the Embassy. The letter was delivered on Saturday afternoon
— and the p jstal clerks at the Embassy were habitually granted
a holiday from Saturday noon to 9 a.m. Monday morning.
The Embassy secretaries, however, often stayed at their desks
on Saturday afternoon ; and so it happened that Mr. Rathom 's
man there got the letter, together with others, and without ap-
parently disturbing the envelope, read the contents. Without
a moment's hesitation he took the next train to New York
and telegraphed Mr. Rathom. He was met in New York by
another reporter from the Providence Journal. Next morning
this other reporter, in Sunday top hat and frock coat, appeared
at the Ritz-Carlton and asked for Dr. Albert. He was shown
up to the doctor's suite and there presented to Dr. Albert his
own letter to von Bernstorff.and said the Ambassador had sent
him to discuss the situation with him. But first he must be
assured that he was really addressing Dr. Albert, and not some
possibly untrustworthy underling. Dr. Albert produced
credentials of his identity, and even called in msmbers of his
suite to prove that he was himself — forgetting, in the heat of
his earnestness, to demand a similar guarantcj from his caller.
. That would hardly have seemed necessary even if he had re-
flected, for there was his own letter, brought to him from
Wasliington.
Scene in the German Embassy
Having satisfied his visitor, Dr. Albert went at length into
his mission— the precise purposes of it, the money he had in
hand and in prospect — all the details. His caller congrat u'.ated
him, bade him good-day, and left ; and immediately restored
the letter to his brother reporter, who tock the afternoon
train back to Washington, resealed the letter, and replaced it
in the Embassy mail bag that night. ,■
On Monday, one of the postal clerks at the Embassy opened
the letter zind laid it, as a matter of routine,on the Ambassador's
desk. Birnstorff appeared on Tuesday, and as soon as he
read it ^he telephoned Dr. Albsrt to co.tis to Washington.
The two msn mst the following morning at the Embassy and
enbracei in the presence of the Jourml reporter. And the
first words Dr. Albert spoke were to praise his Excellency upon
his choice of " so discreet aad admirable an agent " as he had
sent to him in New York. Then there was a scene. Bernstorff
denied sending any messenger, and Albert reaffirmed it. The
clerk was called in, and declared he had slit the envelope with
his own hand.
Albert repeated that he had had that very letter, physically,
back in his hand, from the messenger, on Sunday. Results :
Two badly perturbed agents of the Kaiser, and the ultimate
exposure of Dr. Albert in the Providence Journal.
Another episode among Mr. Rathom's miny adventures
into the intricacies of German intrigue is known in the Journal
office as the " Case of the Two Hearts." He had caught the
trail of von Pap^n when this happened. Von Papen," in the
course of his duties in the United States, had accumulated
a large mass of letters, receipts, reports of plots to blow up
munition plants and American ships, and other documents
thatwould be as useful to the United S ates and England as
to Berlin (America was still neutral and the Kaiser stiil
addressed the President in " friendly " messages). As
they often did, the Germans used the Austrian diplomatic
channels to get this treacherous correspondence to Berlin.
Hence von Papen was picking his documents in a box in the
office of the Austrian Consulate General in New York for
shipment on the Oscar II. The shorthand writer in the office
had been on the job only a few months. Before that she had
never done anything more exciting than to take dictation in
the office of the Journal, though, of course, that was not
mentioned when she applied for the place. She knew what
was going into the box and had reported it, and she had in-
structions to mark the case so that it could be identified later.
The day it was nailed up for shipment she ate her luncheon
seated on the top of it. When she was in the midst of her
meal, von Papen came in. He asked if he might share her
sandwiches. She consented. They sat on the box together.
He grew sentimental. She did not discourage his poetical
mood. At Its height she took a red crayon pencil irom her
February 7, 19 18
Land & Water
13
liair and in a dreamy way drew, on the packing box, the out-
line of two hearts entwined. The susceptible von Papen,
in the spirit of the moment seized the pencil and with his own
hand drew an arrow piercing them. And so it was that
when the British secret service agents inspected the cargo of
the Oscar II. when it touched Falmouth, they took particular
pains to look for the box marked with two red hearts and an
arrow^and found it. U Itimatelv the Providence Journal
published such full and intimate details of the sentimental
von Papon's career in America that he was invited to leave
the country.
The Welland Plot
Episode number three, and the last to be told here — Mr.
Rathom, in his articles, will tell others more important — illus-
trates not only one of the many methods used to gather evi-
dences but also the cheering fact that some German-Americans
are just Americans, and of the most loj'al kind at that. Mr.
Rathom discovered that the offices of a great German steam-
ship company in New York were in reality a branch of the
German Government and a hotbed of German intrigue, and
Count Johann Heinrich von BernstorfF
German Am'jasiadorjn the United States
he determined to get access to their records. One of his
reporters was little more than a boy, the son of German
parents. They were good Americans, though, and the boy
himself was a patriot. Under instructions he went back from
Providence to his birthplace at Lima, Ohio, and there he wrote
a letter to the general manager of the steamship line in New
York. He had a brother, so he wn^te, who was a telegraph
operator in Providence and acquainted with one of the tele-
graph operators in the Providence Journal. Through this
channel he learned that the Providence Journal planned to
instal one of its men in the office of this German steamship
company in the guise of a janitor so that he might, in the
course of his duties, become familiar with the location of their
secret files and take from them such of their contents as were
of interest to the Journal. About a month later a man did
apply to the officers of the company in New York for a job as
janitor. The Prussian officials were ready for hitn. They had
detailed thd chief of their secret service to apply " the third
degree." This he did, and under the machine gun fire of his
questions the applicant stammered, hesitated, trembled, and
finally confessed. For two days thereafter the officers of
the steamship company were jubilant and they wrote an ela-
borate report of the triumph over the hated Providence
Journal to the Embassy in Washington, a copy of which is
now in Mr. Rathom 's possession.
Some weeks later came another letter from the young man
with a German name at Lima, Ohio. He wrote rather plain-
tively that he had not heard from the steamship company
and so felt, of course, that the information he had sent had
been valueless. Ncvcrtherlcss, so he wrote, he had done his
best. He was coming on to New York to seek his fortune,
and, while finding his way about, might he not hnve a clerical
position that would support him for a few months ? He wa?
assured that he could have the job — by telegraph. " The
young man from Lima " went through the filesin the offices
in New York at his leisure and supplied the Providence
Journal with the material which fastened on the officers of
this hne and its secret servic^ agents the guilt of the plot to
blow up the Welland Canal, gave to the Journal an immense
mass of valuable information concerning the methods of
securing fraudulent passports for German and Austrian re-
servists, and also secured for his newspaper proLfi of the
criminal activities of Captain Hans Tauscher, the agent of
the Krupps in America and the husband of Madame Gadski.
Card Index of Seven Thousand Traitors
So much for some of the means by which German Govern-
ment's treachery has been unearthed during the last three
years. But let no one deceive himself with the vain hope that
the job is done. To-day, in the offices of the Providence
Journal, is a card inde.x of the names of seven thousand
people, hundreds of them American citizens, dozens of them
honoured leaders in professional and public life, who are known
still to be working the Kaiser's will in every important city
in the United States. These traitors are, many of them,
unsuspected by neighbours and friends who respect and trust
them. The Government has been informed of their activities.
The Journal is still following thoir movements, and every day
checkmates some of them. Thus, privately, the Journal, is
doing a great patriotic service. Publicly, it is attempting to
arouse the loyal citizens of the country to the common danger
and to show thorn, from its experience, how to combat this
most deadly and insidious peril. For Example, it publishes,
every day, at the head of^its editorial columns, the following
warning to Americans :
Every German or Austrian in the United States, unless
known by years of association to be absolutely loyal, should be
treated as a potential spy. Keep your eyes and ears open.
Whenever any suspicious act or disloyal word cornes to your
notice communicate at once with the Bureau of Investigation
of the Department of Justice.
We are at war with the most merciless and inhuman nation
in the world. Hundreds of thousands of its people in this
country want to see America humiliated and beaten to her
knees, and they are doing, and will do, everything in their
power to bring this about.
Take nothing for granted. Energy and alertness in this
direction may save the life of son, or husband, or brother.
Its example has persuaded twenty or more papers, in ail
parts of the country, to print this notice — including some of
the most important papers printed in Italian and other
languages.
Now for a word about Mr. Rathom himself.. He was
born in Melbourne, Australia, of English parentage, and
was educated there and at Harrow. At eighteen he
began his newspaper career as a correspondent of
Australian papers, reporting the military operations in the
Soudan long before the days of Kitchener and Omdurman.
A few months of this was followed by a journey to New
Guinea, where he joined the Bunbury Expedition exploring
that then little known and inhospitable island. His wanderings
next took him to Hong Kong, where he had been brought
up as a child and where he had learned to speak Chinese.
Two years in China were spent in trips through the in-
terior and up the Yang Tse River, to the head of navigation.
After work on various newspapers he joined the Chicago
Herald. Then came the Spanish War, and Mr. Rathom
was sent to the front, where he was first w undcd and
afterwards contracted yellow fever.
Soon after the Spanish War, came the war in South Africa,
and again the Chicago Herald sent Mr. Rathom as its
correspondent. He went with some of the Australian
troops, and was wounded twice within ten seconds, once
in the leg and then in the hip. This caused him to miss
seeing the capture of Cronje, but a few weeks later he was back
on the job and spent in all eight months reporting the war.
Twelve years ago Mr. Rathom went to Providence to be-
come the managing director of the Journal. After seven years
of service in that capacity Mr. Rathom became editor and
general manager of the paper. What he has made it, since the
war began, is now international history. Not only has his
work in exposing German plots been of invaluable aid to the
United States Government and to all the Allies, but his power-
ful editorials upon international policies have been quoted
the world over. In the United States he has become a national
figure, and his influence among men of light and leading has
become one of the forces of that country's history.
Next week we shall publish Mr.Rathom's own account
of the arch-plottersin the German Embassy and in par-
ticular the carefully laid plans for sinking the Lusitania
Ik
14
Land & Water
February 7, 191 8
High Wages and High Prices : By Harold Cox
THE primary cause of the food shortage from
which we are all beginning to suflcr is the
diversion of human energy from production to
destruction. This has happened in most of the
countries of the world, and throughout Europe
it has affected in slightly varj'irg degrees all the belligerents
and most of the neutrals. It is important to bear this, general
fact in mind because we are all of us apt to imagine our own
particular troubles are peculiar.
Unfortunately the Government, while on the one hand by
its labour policy encouraging the inflation of wages, has, on the
other hand, by its food control policy encouraged increased
consumption, and fo has itself helped to produce the shortage
from which the country is now suffering. When traders
began to realise that there might be a shortage of staple foods
and consequently prices began to rise, the occasion arose for
measures to prevent the poorest classes from suffering ex-
cessively. One of the best things accomplished in the
way of legislation since the war began was the passing
of the Act compelling farmers to pay a minimum wage
of 25s. a week. This Act was necessary because economic
forces alone were not sufficient to overcome the traditions and
the strong trade union action of farmers acting as a body.
.Agricultural wages in a word had been kept dowTi below an
economic level by the deliberate action of the farmers based
largely upon a bad custom, and outside pressure was neces-
sary to get rid of this vicious system. Following the same
general principle, certain departments of the government
adopted the principle of raising the wages of their less well-paid
clerks while leaving the better paid clerks at the same standard
as before. If these sound lines of policy had been continued
throughout, the country would have been saved from a very
large part of the economic troubles from which it is now
suftering— namely, from that part which is due to the increased
wages granted to large classes of manual workers who were
already enjoying incomes quite sufficient to provide them fully
with the necessaries of life.
If thos3 who have had their wages so greatly increased had
devoted the larger part of the increase to war savings, little
harm would have been done, so far, at any rate, as the question
of prices is concerned. But as a matter of fact the experience
of the War Savings Committees shows that those districts
where wages have risen most are the very districts where the
weekly war savings are least. It is the people who have not
prospered financially as the result of the war who are struggling
out of their relatively low wages to help their country by sub-
scribing to war loans. On the other hand, the well-to-do
wage earner is using his increased wages to enlarge his scale
of living. He is buying more than ever he did before, and
every purchase he makes tends to force up prices.
War Bonuses
Special attention has recently been directed to this question
of war bonuses by the extraordinary pubhc conflict between
Mr. Barnes and Mr. Winston Churchill. Mr. Churchill may
be responsible for the blunder of attempting to deal with a i
highly complicated situation by means of a percentage
bonus, but the foolishness of this proposal is readily seen.
Take for example the case of a skilled man earning on time
wages £3 a week as contrasted with an unskilled man earning
on piece wages £5 a week. Obviously a I2| per cent, given to
the skilled man— that is, an additional 7s. ed., wiU not redress
the balance. Mr. Barnes knew this, and also knew that the
grievance had already been largely redressed. Yet when
.Mr. Churchill presented to the War Cabinet a scheme for giving
a 12J per cent, bonus to a comparatively limited number of
skilled workers, Mr. Barnes and Lord Milner, as representing
the War Cabinet, instead of turning down the scheme in Mo,
expanded it immensely by extending the bonus to a large
number of other classes of time workers and thus themselves
set up a claim for the bonus to be extended to piece workers
also. It only remains to add that this gigantic expansion of
an onginally foolish scheme, not only fails to solve the original
grievance, but actually aggravates it ; for to take the illustra-
tion above given, if the man with £3 and the man with £5
both get a 12J per cent, bonus, the margin between them is
actually increased instead of being diminished. This colossal
muddle, for which the War Cabinet itself must be held
responsible, may possibly cost the country as much as
£100,000 000.
The inflation of wages must in any case have made the food
problem more serious. It has been further aggravated by the
deliberate adoption by the Food ConfroUcr, possibly on ex-
press orders from the War Cabinet, of a policy which the ex-
penence of mankind has uniformly condemned, namely, the
policy of attempting to limit prices when demand is high and
supply is scarce. On this point it is worth while to quote from
an extremely interesting letter written more than three and a
half centuries ago with reference to the efforts made to fix
prices in the reign of Edward VI. The letter was written by
Sir John Masone, to Mr. Secretary Cecil, and is dated December
4th, 1550. It refers to an Order of the Privy Council fixing the
prices of cheese and butter :
I hear here a great bruit of the discontentation of our people
upon a late proclamation touching cheese and butter. .
I have seen so many experiences of such ordinances ; and
ever the end is dearth, and lack of the thing that we seek to
make good cheap. Nature will have her course, ctiam si
fared expcllattir ; and never shall you drive her to consent that
a ^cMKjy-worth of new shall be sold for a fartliing.
1 For who will keep a cow that may not sell the milk for so much
as the merchant and he can agree upon ?
The whole principle is contained in these few sentences-
When normal supplies are reduced, prices — in countries un-
troubled by Food Controllers — rise. The result is that some
people cut down their purchases and this process continues
until what remains is sufficient for all who continue to pay.
It is the business of traders, both retail and wholesale, to adjust
prices to this necessary condition. If they put prices too low
their stocks will be quickly exhausted and their customers,
being disappointed,' may carry their permanent custom
elsewhere. If they put prices too high they are left with stuff
unsold on their hands. On the other hand, where a Privy
Council or a Food Controller intervenes and fixes a definite
price, some entirely new method of sharing out the insufficient
supply has to be devised. The simplest plan is the queue
system. It has been in operation for two centuries at least
in connection with theatre seats, where the price is always fixed
and the supply always limited. Consequently, the theatres
have always regulated admission on the principle of " first
come first served ! " Exactly the same thing happens when
prices for margarine are fixed, with this difference, that no one
by standing in theatre queues can get two seats, whereas with
margarine the enterprising mother of a family may send all
her children to stand in queues ; and so one household may get
three or four times its fair share,
It may be answered that this argument overlooks the fact
of unequal incomes ; but it has already been urged above that
the income problem should have been dealt with by raising
the wages of the less well-paid workers so that they should
have had enough to pay for their necessaries. Had this been
done, it is certain Viiat increased prices would have restricted
the demand of the more prosperous wage earners, there would
have been less greedy consumption and less sheer waste.
But not only do high prices serve a most valuable national
function in limiting demand when supplies are scarce, but they
do an equal service to the nation by stimulating the production
of fresh supplies. Alternatively, if prices are artificially
limited by public authority, production ceases. Of this truth
there has been abundant evidence during the past twelve
months. When the Food Controller last spring began to
interfere with the price of milk, farmers began to sell their
cows, and many were slaughtered. The Food Controller
has also fixed the price of butter so low that Dutch-
men cannot afford to supply us, and the country is
butterless. Another striking illustration is the fixing of the
price of oil seeds with the plausible idea that the country
would thus be enabled to obtain cheap margarine. The
result has been that cargoes of oil seeds have been diverted
from England to France.
The Government, having landed the country in the present
muddle, largely through its own fault, is now proposing to go
further still and attempt to straighten out matters by a uni-
versal system of rationing. This indeed is the only logical out-
come of the abandonment of the world-old method of harmonis-
ing demand and supply by means of price. And if the Govern-
ment of the United Kingdom had only to deal with a small
community of persons of very similar tastes, rationing would
be feasible and just. Rationing is practised in the army
without any very great difficulty, though even there it leads
to a certain amount of waste ; it can be practised at a pinch
in a beleaguered city. But when we have to deal with the
problem of 46,000,000 people — some male and some female,
some old and some young, some ill and some weU, some
doing heavy outdoor work, others light indoor work, some
dwelling in towns and some in the country, some producing
food and some only consuming it — no system of rationing can
possibly be devised which will get over the multiple difficulties
created. All the evidence available shows that Germany, in
spite of her wonderfully efficient bureavicracy,, has made a
failure of rationing, and there is little reason to believe that
Lord Rhondda wiU succeed where Herr Michaelis failed.
February 7 , 1 9 i 8
Land 6c Water
15
The Faith of the Soldier : By Centurion
" Wliat of the faith and fire within us
Men who march away ? "
" Every soldier, whi;n not prevented by military duty, wil'
attend divine serviee." — The King's Regulations.
I HAVE read somewhere of late statements by two Army
chaplains — one, I think, a Wesleyan, the other an
Anglican — to the effect that the ministrations of their
Churches had failed to " reach " the soldier. Whether
this confession of failure was a reproach, and, if a re-
proach, whether it was directed against Church or against Army
I do not know. But the conclusion itself is indisputable. Yet
the Churches have not wanted for advantages. Their
chaplains have been given commissioned rank and a spiritual
hierarchy is recognised under military forms. The soldier is
classified according to his religious profession, and once his
election is made, the secular arm is called in to punish him if
he is " late on Church Parade " or neglects to " follow the
drupi." A prayer-book figures in the inventory of his kit,
and to be without it is to be " deficient in necessaries." His
religion is stamped on his identity-disc, and is recorded in the
nominal roll of his company " returns," with his name, his
number and liis rank.
With all these facilities for access to him the Churches
have failed to " reach " him. In an earlier age
when, as on a wet and gusty morning at Agincourt,
the priests shrived the archers and men-at-arms as they
formed up in order of battle, such an admission would have
meant not that the Church had failed, but that the Army was
damned. But in those days men were more exercised with
the problem of how to die than with the question of how to
live. To-day if a man has solved for himself the latter, he
may well be excused if he ceases to trouble himself about
the former. And in that sense the soldier has a faith and
by that faith he is justified.
This may seem to some a hard saying. The soldier is
sometimes ribald, often profane, and always ironical. He
does not* sing hymns on going into action like Cromwell's
Ironsides or accompany reveille with a morning psalm. He
has been known to put the tune of " Onward, Christian
soldiers " to base uses. The name of Christ is often on his
lips, but as an imprecation rather than a prayer. He will
make a jest of a " white cross " as though it were a new Army
decoration. The language in which he speaks of death is, in
fact, often picturesque, but it is rarely devout. A " pal "
may have " gone West " or " stopped one " or been " outed " ;
he is never spoken of as being " with God." Death is rarely
alluded to as being the Will of God ; it is frequently character-
ised in terms of luck. A soldier on going into action is much more
exercised about the condition of his rifle than the state of his
soul. There are, of course, exceptions, but the average soldier
does not seem to feel any confidence that he is in the hands
of a Divine Providence ; he is fatalistic rather than religious.
After all, if, like the writer, you have looked on the obscene
havoc of a battlefield and seen the entrails of men
torn out, their heads severed from their bodies, and all the
profane dismemberment of that which according to the teach-
ing of the Church is the temple of the soul, you find it rather
difficult at times to believe that the fate of the individual,
whatever may be the case with the typ)e, is of any concern to the
Creator. For the soldier who ponders on the realities of war,
the judgments of God may be a great deep ; what he Jeels
to be certain is that they are past finding out.
As to whether this agnosticism is real or assumed, transient
or permanent, the writer offers no opinion. But he will
hazard the conjecture that it is not without its sublimity.
To go into action with a conviction that j'our cause is every-
thing and yourself nothing, to face death without any assurance
that in dying you achieve your own salvation, whether
victorious or not, is surely a nobler state of mind than that
of the old Protestant and Catholic armies in the " Wars of
Religion," equally assured of their own personal salvation
and of the damnation of their opponents. The religious
soldier of history may have been devout, he was certainly
fanatical. And as he was fanatical, so he was cruel. Regard-
ing himself as the chosen instrument of God, he assumed
he did but anticipate the Divine judgme'nt — and incidentally
ensure his own salvation — by giving no quarter to the
" papist" or the " infidel." The morning psalm ended in the
evening massacre. The English soldier is not cruel ; though he
* S'orics by " C^cntu'ion " appear exclusively in Land & V.'ater.
Cop> right in the t'nilcd Stated oj America. 1917.
■.-.;■;. * .0 •.;.';..,- '.'
can, and does, take a terrible revenge for treachery. He
certainly despises " Fritz " but he rarely hates him. Ha
believes in " getting his own back " but he docs not give
himself religious airs about it. His view of death may be
" light " but, at any rate, it is not morbid, neither is it
egotistical. I am no theologian, but it has always seemed
to me that the religion of the English Churches^ with its
profoundly Calvirtistic colouring, has always been inclined to
a certain egotism in its emphasis on personal salvation and its
attainment exclusively by admission to the congregation of
the elect, whether by baptism, confirmation, or prc-f<Hsion.
The literature of English religion, especially in the 17th
century, is full of an extraordinary preoccupation, some-
times a morbid preoccupation, with the state of the individual
soul and a frantic desire to escape a damnation which was
regarded as the common lot of men. " Save yourself " was
its burden, and the official professors of religion exhorted
others to join them in a kind of spiritual sauve qui pent. " Save
others " is the creed of the soldier ; all his military education
is directed towards making him forget himself. He has,
indeed, no time to think of himself ; all his time is given
to' thinking of others — to " doing his bit," to holding a line of
trench, keeping up a covering fire, getting up rations, dehver-
ing his " chit," for fear that otherwise someone else will be
" let down." Self-effacement and not self-a.ssertion is the rule
of life in the Armv.
It was well said by de Vigny that the virtue which
characterises the good soldier is "abnegation," and that his is a
cross more heavy than that of the martyr : and one which must
be borne a long time in ord^r to know the grand jur and the
weight of it. The renunciation of the pursuit of gain, the
surrender of one's liberty of though^ and action, the acceptance
of the duty of implicit obcdit nee, the certainty of punishment
in the case of failure, the uncertainty of reward in the event
of success, the contraction of ambition, the repression of
emotion — these, ind xd, are great abnegations. They might,
perhaps, seem, like the \ o.vs of the early religious orders, more
calculated to cramp the character than to develop it, were it
not that the soldier, unhke the monk, lives a life of action,
not of meditation : that this long abnegation has for its object,
however remote, some definite achievement, and that it carries
with it, in the case of our own nation, no imputed rightLOUS-
ness and few or no prerogatives. Except in rare moments
the British nation has never " spoilt " the British Army,
-still less has it glorified it, and the disabilities of the soldiei
have been far more obvious than his privileges. Pacifist
writers may fulminate about " militarism " but there never
was a less " militarist " army than the old British Army : and
if ever there was a job that the British officer hated it was
being called in to " aid the civil power." He knew it would
never bring him any credit, while it might often involve him in
irretrievable disaster. If he took counsel of the King's
Regulations the only thing he found was that whatever he did
was almost certain to be wrong. His miUtary character
invested him with no sanctity, but it often e.\po,cd him to
much obloquy. The so dier took his oath of attestation, and
the officer accepted his cemmission, knowing full well that he
sacrificed far more than he gained. He joined a great
fraternitv, but he d;d not become a member of a caste. He
accepted these sacrifices as incidental to his choice and in that
act of voluntary abnegation he consecrated them.
It is this spirit of sacrifice which animates the soldier of to-
day. For tliis Army had that character stamped upon it in
the first two years of the war and it has never lo;t it. Never
in any country in the world had there been anything like that
great ctusading rush to the colours : and by the time the rush
had begun to spend itself the character of the New Army
Mjas fixed for all time. If ever men dedicated themselves to
a cause these were they. Long-service N.C.O. instructors
were astonished at the enthusiasm with which the men learnt
their duties, often learning more in the 14 weeks' intensive
training than the men had learnt in a year in the days of th^
old Army. The abnegations of a military life may make
a man or they may mar him ; it all d^penel; on the spirit
in which they are accepted. If the original impulse is com-
pulsory, as in Germany, they will enslave him ; if it is
voluntary, as in England, they will exalt him. The British
soldier has learnt how to extract the best out of military Hfe —
to see that, if rightly regarded it offers every day such
opportunities for voluntary sacrifice as are to be found
nowhere else ; you have only to read the award? in the
Gazette to find the proof of it, and when yon read them
remember that for one d(>cd that stands rewarded a th()usand
go unrecorded. Every natioh get^' tb^ Army it deserves ; and
i6
Land & Water
February 7, 191 8
in the British Army, as in no other, one seems to find the
resolution of the problem which has so often perplexed
philo£ophers — how to reconcile libertj' with authority. The ■
spirit was always there, for it was native to the English
character. There never was any Army in which respect for
the individual was so strong. It was always bad form for an
officer to punish a man " with his tongue " — it was enough
for him to say " Will you take my award ? " — and it was
absolutely fatal to his career for him to lay his hands upon him.
The very first thing a subaltern learnt when he did his day's
duty as orderly otlicer was that his first thought must be the
comfort of his men : and art Army Manual reminds him, if he
is in dinger of forgetting it, that he must put it before his own.
The recruit is quick to discover this and |x»rhaps not more
quick than surprised. Also he discovers that he himself is
" his brother's keeper." He learns that everything he-does
or does not do in\'olves others besides himself. This is a war
of platoons, and the " specialists," bombers, rifle-bombers,
Lewis gunners, learn to work together and with the riflemen.
like the forwards in a football team, who " feed " each other
with the ball. It is the same with discipline as with tactics — ,
the man who goes " ca canny " or defaults soon discovers that
others have to suffer for his dereliction as well as himself,
and if a corporal neglects to see that the rifles of his section
are clean at a company inspection, he may be the first to hear
of it, but assuredly he will not be the last, for the platoon
sergeant and the platoon commander will hear of it too, and all
of them " get it in the neck."
In an Army thus constituted, a soldier finds a rule of life
and a theory of conduct. It is not in itself a religion, though it
may easily become one if he is inspired by an ideal in sub-
mitting himself to it. It bears the same relation to that ideal
as dogma does to faith. One may have the dogma without the
faith ; one may be disciplined merely because one is docile.
But the acceptance of a dogma sometimes generates a faith, and
the soldier who joined the (31d Army menly b?cause he liked
it, and strove to keep his conduct-sheet clean because he
knew that a " dirty " one obscured his chances of promotion,
was, in the process of becoming a good soldier, well on the way
to becoming a good man. To tell a falsehood is a military
offence ; in learning to avoid it he was in a fair way of dis-
covering it was a moral offence. There are, it is true, military
offences which are not moral offences and there are moral
offences which are not mihtary offences. But generally speaking
in the Old Army a bad man made a bad soldier, and a good man
a good soldier. In the New Army most recruits had the faith
before they learnt the dogma. Many of them joined for the
sake of a "cause, '< all for the sake of an emotion, but it was an
emotion, whether patriotism, pride, emulation or love of
adventure, which had little or none of the impurity of ambition.
Most of them accepted the discipline without any great
enthusiasm for it, and probably with some aversion from it
as a thing foreign to their civilian habit of mind, and were
surprised to find that it had a meaning and even embodied a
theory of conduct. In their impulse to join there was an
emotion ; in the discipline to which they subjected them-
selves there was a morahty. And it it be true, as someone
has said, that religion is morality touched with emotion, then
these men were assuredly religious.
How far the introduction of conscription altered this
character, and whether, indeed, conscription as a permanent
system were compatible with it I am not concerned to discuss.
But as regards the British Army during the years of 1914-1916,
and more particularly the Old Army, which leavened it, it is
sufficient to say that by their works ye shall know them.
Kitchener never wrote anything finer than the allocution
which he addressed to the old B.E.F. when they landed in
France. It breathed the very spirit of those articles of
war which Henry V: issued to the host on the landing at
Harfleur. The men were worthy of it and they hved up to it.
During the first eight months of the war, there were only
two cases of offences against the inhabitants of the country.
The British soldier showed himself to be what he was— a
gentleman. The French were prepared to find him that ;
what they were not prepared to find was that he was gay,
witty, tender and debonnair. His playfulness to children
delighted them ; his tenderness to animals astonished them.
British gunners and drivers often show extraordinary devotion
to their horses, but, after all, "horsemastership" is part of their
training and " ill-treating a horse " leaves a black mark on a
soldier's conduct-sheet and has to be expiated by F.P. That,
however, does not account for the passion of a battahon for
making a pet of a dumb animal, nor does it explain the
spectacle, very stupefying to the Italians, of a fox-terrier
marchmg at the head of a rifle battalion and giving himself
the airs of a second-in-command.
There is a sort of lyrical temperament in the British soldier ■
you discover it in the way he sings. The French rarely sing
on the march ; the British always. It is true the German
sings— but he sings to order. Nothing is more characteristic of
the difference between the British and the German Armies
than the fact that a " gesangbuch " of songs — doubtless
passed by the censor — figures in the German soldier's list
of necessaries and is absent from the Englishman's. German
officers have been known to strike a man across the shoulders
with the endearing exhortation " Singen Sie ! " The English
soldier makes his own songs and sings them or not as
it pleases him. I have even seen in the early days of the war
a fatigue-party of soldiers, under sentence of F.P., marching
to their unsanitary tasks singing " Keep the Home Fires
Burning " — a spectacle which would produce a fit of apoplexy
in the German mind. I often think that whatever else the
British Army has done or not done in France it has destroyed
for ever on the Continent the legend of a dour phlegmatic
England, hostile to cakes and ale. It has restored the old
tradition of a " Merrie England."
This same soldier, cheerful, humane, sardonic, engrossed in
learning how to live the military life and to do his bit, has
not troubled his head about how to die. That is, I suppose,
why, when it comes to the point, he is so little exercised about
it ; not having sought to " save " his life, he is hardly
conscious that he " loses " it. He is as one
Who through the h^at of conflict keeps the law
In calmness made, and sees what he foresaw."
I have seen many soldiers die. I do not know what, if
anything, they would have said to a fadre. I only know
that all I ever heard them say was " I've done my bit,"
" What must be must be," " It wur worth it," " It bain't
no use grousing " or " I'm all right — I'm topping." I've
often thought that the secret of their fortitude was thit
they had done what they could.
One chaplain I knew who was, indeed, remarkably successful.
But then he was far more convinced of the salvation of
the men than he was of his own. I suppose he was very
unorthodox ; he was certainly dying to fight. Also he had
no brotherly love for the Boche at all ; he hated him. I forget
his creed — if indeed I ever knew it, for he was the last man to
obtrude it. He never tried to improve the occasion ; if a
dying soldier wanted religious consolation he gave it, if he did
not want it he was content -to sit and hold the dying man's
hand — and it was no bad viaticum. The men respected him
as a man and loved him as a brother. He was quite ready to •
take another chaplain's duty and, what was more remarkable,
to let him take his, for he never seemed to be exercised as to
whether the chaplains of other faiths than his own had
" grace," and I don't suppose that he ever vexed himself
about apostolic succession. Like the Galilean fishermen
he was of lowly birth and he had the humility of
Him who washed the disciples' feet. I knew just
enough of his religious beliefs to know that they were
the religion of the Sermon on the Mount.. He got his way
at last and went up with a draft to the Front. I never saw
him again, but I heard afterwards that he w^s killed when
dressing a wounded soldier under fire.
I often think that in his own way that chaplain was a born
soldier. It was not so much that the men had his religion
as that he had theirs. Theirs is a religion which has never
hardened into a creed ; it is the religion of humanity :
Give unto me, made lowly wise,
The spirit of self-sacrifice.
It is the spirit of the gunners and drivers in the retreat from
Mons who got off their horses and limbers and walked in the
heat and dust in order that the weary infantry might ride ;
the spirit of the thousands of nameless and unremembered
men who have crawled out into the open under fire to rescue
the wounded and been sniped for their pains ; the spirit of
the gunner captured at an observation post who, though
scourged, buffeted and despitefully used by a German officer,
broke his instruments before his face and refused to betray
the position of his battery ; the Spirit of those lonely exiles
who held their heads up and never flinched when spat upon
and kicked through the streets of German towns in the long
via dolorosa that leads to the hell of a ^efangenenlager and often
to the grave.
It is on those exiles and their proud, indomitable
spirit that my mind most often dwells when I think of
the faith of the soldier. They were not happy in an oppor-
tune death on the field of battle ; they were wounded not only
in body but in spirit : they were scourged and mocked and
starved in an alien land in which the very spirit of humanity
seemed dead and hope deferred enfeebled the heart. But
they refused to be cast down. The Germans robbed them of
everything but their self-respect. That remained and it
endured to the end. Of such as these a great EngUshman
must surely have been thinking when he wrote :
This man is free from servile bands
Of hope to rise or fear to fall :'
Lord of himself, though not of lands ;
And having nothing, yet hath all.
February 7, 191 8
Land & Water
17
British Forestry : By Sir Herbert Matthews
To those who have always been concerned with
the land, and interested in every branch of the
industries connected with it, it is gratifying to
role how the war has brought into prominence
the fundamental fact that home production is the
keynote of national defence. To enable a country to wage
war, food is the first essential ; of that there can be no two
opinions. As to what takes the second place there may be
different ideas, it may be ships, guns, ammunition, or other
equipment, but hirdly any item under either of these heads
can be treated without the use of timber in some form or other.
The same remark applies to most of the manufactures and
arts of peace time, and to the everyday needs of the people
in times of cither peace or war, but it takes a war to bring the
facts home to the public. Like most othet commodities in
general use it has been, in normal times, so easy and so cheap
to buy whatever was required that the place of origin, or the
means of transport and distribution were never thought of.
War transforms everything, and a sudden inability to saticly
some apparently simple need gives a shook to the would-be
purchaser.
These thoughts are prompted by reading a report wluch has
recently been issued by the Ministry of Reconstruction on
Forestry,* which presents many startling points of intense
interest to everyone. The man in the street usually connects
anything about land with the farmer, and until three years
ago the idea liad become crystallised that what concerned
the farmer was of no interest to anyone else. The problem of
afforestation is not a farmer's ques ion. It concerns first the
nation as a whole : secondly, the consumer, the man in the
street himself ; thirdly, the landowners ; fourthly, those
interested in the development of small holdings, and men
likely to find employment in forestry ; but only to a very
— tail extent the ordinary farmer.
5 : he Committee responsible for this rep)ort was carefully
.losen ; and it has done its work well. Every debatable point
IS well argued out, and every statement well supported by
the facts presented. Its proposals, therefore, command and
deserve attention. Bearirg this in mind, let us turn to the
report itself. The Qommittee say^, " the forest policy of the
State has hitherto been totally inadequate," and it adds
" (i) that dependence on imported timber is a grave source
of weakness in war ; (2) that our supphes of timber, even in
time of peace, are precarious and lie too much outside the
Empire : (3) that afforestation would increase the productive-
ness and population of large areas of the British Isles which
are now little better than waste."
For lack of a sufficient supply of its own this country hds
been compe'led to continue to import timber on a very large
scale, an(i at a very heavy loss. The tonnage so occupied has
been much needed for other purposes, and the importation
has affected price, freight, insurance, and the rate of exchange.
The country has taken risks against which every other con-
siderable country has long protected itself, and consequently
we have lost heavily. The Committee estimates this loss at
£37,000,000 for the two years 1915 nad 1916 only. To that
must be added the loss in 1917, and how much more cannot
be said. By loss it means the additional cost compared with
the average value of the same material for the five years before
the war. This additional cost is stated to be mainly due to the
increase in freight and insurance, and three-fourths of this
extra outlay has gone into the pockets of shipping owners,
chiefly of Scandinavim nationality. " It is certiiin that these
risks and losses will increase rather than diminish in any
• I'inal I<c;iori: nf the Forest y Sub-Committee (Cd. 833 1). Pric.
ts. ntt. Obtainable through any bo k-,eller.
future war. In case of war with the northern timber-produc-
ing countries thty might even prove dtcisive. They are not
nec(ssaiily limited to war in which we ourselves take part,
or to war at all, since international disputes may be decided
by commercial boycott."
The Committees next points out that anxiety is by no means
confined to national safety, but that it is hardly less necessary
to ensure against scarcity of timber in time of peace, o>ving
to the steady increase in consumption everywhere ; and they
show what this increase is, and how it is overtaking the rate
of production. " We believe that the policy of neglect cannot
be further prolonged without very grave risks."
To realise the gravity of these statements, the fuU report
must be read, but it may be said that 'the Committee's claim
to have estabhshed them is amply justified.
One point that stands out clearly is that that much-
maligned class — the landowner — has proved his utility to the
nation, and his willingness to make sacrifices. For the last
two generations the plantirtg of woodlands has been done by
owners at their own expense,, with no prospect of profit to
themselves, and at best in the hope that their successors may
not make a loss ; while the conversion of waste, or semi-waste,
land into woodland by planting has rendered them liable to ■
increased charges for rates and taxes. The only benefit
accruing from this expense, and increased outgoing, has been
a possibly improved sporting value. Had it not been for this
past action the present position of this country hardly bears
thinking of. For nearly two years now owners have been
offering their timber to the Government regardless of resulting
loss in amenity value or the seritimental loss of fine timber
which has grown into an owner's being ; ignoring their
financial inability (in many cases) to replant ; for landowners
(as such) have not made profits out of the war. On this point
the Committee writes :
Many owners have offered their timber for sale during the
war from patriotic motives, or have felt themselves compelled
to take low Govenrment prices. In this way they have
received for it very little mcT3 than its pre-war price and
substantially less than its open market value, and the prices
received have not made good the losses previously incurred
or brought in anything like a normal return on the money
expended.
The public can hardly realise what has happened, as the
chief clearances are taking place in out-of-the-way and little-
known areas ; but it is estimated that 100,000 acres had been
cleared up to April, 1917, and that there would be a great
speeding up of felling after that date. No figures are given
for other areas where thinning has taken place, many of which
must have been denuded of timber of any size.
Having established their case, the Committee considers the
first essential is the setting up of a Forestry Authority, properly
equipped with funds and power to survey, purchase, lease and
plant land, and to administer the areas acquired, and it
urges that the care of forestry, which is now divided among
several departments, should be concentrated. The cost of
carrying their scheme into effect is estimated to cost
£3,425,000 in the first ten years, and possibly £15,110,000
durii^g the first forty j-ears, after which time it should be self-
supporting. Their sclieme is carefully worked out, and the
figures are not too optimistic. But suppose they are : sup-
pose the scheme costs 25 per cent, more, 20 milhons spent in
forty years on something that is going to be productive.
Compare that with £3 -,000,000 absolutely lost in two years,
and in addition we secure our timber supply.
Moreover, as the Committee itself points out, this aspect
of profit or loss is not, from a national point of view, the most
important, and it has never been so regarded in other countries
i8
Land & Water
February 7, 191 8
where silviculture has been most practised, and is most
valued. Forestry creates new values, " expressed partly in
terms of population, and partly in terms of wealth." In other
countries the construction of forests is regarded m the same
light as the construction of roads, bridges, or breakwaters,
which are of definite national value, though the capital
sunk in them mav produce no direct return.
All the members sign the report, but two of them add
reservations. Lord Lovat, who speaks with knowledge of
the subject, urges that the recommendation to create a new
department is not sufficiently strongly worded, and gives
four reasons for his view. We need only quote the first of
these to justify him : " To make a definite break with the
past, to get out of the welter of conflicting authorities and
to escape from the arena of party poUtics, Koyal Commissions
and amateur inquiries." Mr. L. C. Bromley, on the other hand,
objects to its creation on the ground of expense. As, however,
Mr. Bromley had a seat on the Committee as a representative
of the Treasury he has, of course, to defend the usual attitude
of that Department towards eveiy new proposal involving
expenditure. On very many occasions such an attitude is
defensible, but it is submitted that this is an exception.
Unquestionably the best authority will be a distinct branch
of the Board of Agriculture, and as the report hints at an
enlarged Ministry of Agriculture this separate branch might
well be the central authority for the British Isles, or at
least for Great Britain. A new and separate Department is
unnecessary and undesirable from every point of view, but
chiefly because another Department involves two more paid
and controlled politicians, two less free men in the House of
Commons, and because it therefore means that we shall not
" escape from the arena of party politics," as Lord Lovat
so wisely desires we should. It is impossible to be quite
clear of them if national funds are in question, but a perma-
nent Commission, with the Minister for Agriculture to reply
for it in Parliament, much on the lines of the Development
Commission, will allow as little interference as our methods of
government render possible.
Some objection must be raised to the suggested rate of State
assistance to private owners for planting new areas, or for
replanting recently-cleared woodlands, as they are anything
but generous. A grant of £2 per acre towards the cost of
planting conifers, and £4 towards the cost of planting ap-
proved hardwoods is little enough by itself, for the Commit-
tee does not consider that the planted land should be relieved
from rates and income tax (schedule A). It do_s suggest,
however, that relief from these burdens might be offered as
an alternative to the grant. The loss either to local autho-
rities or to the State, if these charges were removed from
properly-planted woodlands would not be large in the aggre-
gate, but the relief would mean a great deal to many individual
owners. Instead of being alternatives the grant and the
relief should both be allowed, though the value of sporting
rights must justly still be chargeable with local rates.
The Committee is consistent in its niggardliness, for it
further targes that replanting of recently ciear-fclled areas
have not as good a claim to the full grant as it recommends
for taking up new ground, " because planting wiU lie cheaper,
they may (our italics) be clear of growth, drained, fenced, and
freed from rabbits, and because, as their timber-producing
capacity will be exactly known, few mistakes will be made
in replanting." This quotation is all governed by th6 word
"may" ; but it is quite certain that these possible advantages
will very seldom be found to exist. If the cleared area is to be
properly planted the tree roots must be grubbed out or other-
wise removed. New ground will not have to carry this ex-
pense. It is highly improballe that land which has been
timbered for sixty or more years will have any drains that
continue to work : it is very rare that a cleared area does not
require re-fencing, and if the fences are only partly broken
down it will not be clear of rabbits. The only real advantage
will be that mentioned last — the experience gained.
As the Committee says, however, that many owners have
lost money over their recent sales of timber, it means^if
effect be given to this recommendation to give a smaller
grant for replanting — that those owners who took all the risks
of planting, and who now have borne the loss for the good of
the country, are to be treated rather worse than others who
have done nothing. This is how" Government encourages
private enterprise !
The average Blue Book is a repulsive document to the
ordinal^ reader, nor, considering its usual style, is this sur-
prising. The report under review, however, is a happy con-
trast to the average. It is well constructed and arrargod,
the phrasing is lucid and unstilted, and the official flavour
which makes most of these publications so arid, is almost
absent. Another refreshing feature is that recommen-
dations are made in straight-forward language, without
hesitating periods and qualifying words.
I do not often urge my friends to buy Government
publications, but a shilling spent on this report will be a good
investment ; for if the present critical position of the country
is to be remedied popular opinion is needed to bring about
a change. On such serious matters as this uninstructed
opinion is dangerous, and nothing now is more required than
informed views on, these vital problems of reconstruction.
Timber Hauling in Wales
February 7, 19 18
Land & Water
19
The Senefelder Club : By Charles Marriott
THE only thing that is wrong about the Sene-
felder Club, now holding itseig ith exhibition at the
Leicester Galleries, is its expressed purpose of
advancing " artistic " lithography. This use of
the word " artistic " cannot be too strongly
condemned. A good lithograph is artistic ; a bad lithograph
is inartistic ; and there is notliing more to be said. It does
not make any difference whether the lithograph is an illus-
tration to a trade catalogue or a picture of " Les Pelerins
d'Emmaus " — to name one of the most imaginative designs
in the exhibition.
It is high time that this abuse of the word " artistic '" were
left to the shopkeepers who introluced it. Not long ago I
was in a small stationer's shop when a young woman come
in to buy a blotting-book. Gi%'en a choice of bindings she
said : " I'd better have the art shade " — pronounced " shide "
— •" because it's for the drawing-room." There is nothing to
choose between this obvious vulgarism and " artistic litho-
graphy." Its wrongness
is all the more apparent
in the light of Mr. Joseph
Pennell's clear and concise
description of hthography
in the catalogue of the ex-
hibition. He points out
that the word lithography
— as indicating that' a
stone is essential — is mis-
leading, and that Aloys
Senefelder, the eighteenth
century inventor of the
art, did not use the word.
Lithography is essentially
the art of making a
drawing on a flat surface
which may be multiphed.
So that, allowing for the
fact that it must be done
with a substance that per-
mits multiplication, litho-
graphy is simply drawing.
Now to speak of "artistic"
drawing is obviously just
as bad as to speak of
" literary " writing. Both
drawing and writing may
be good, bad or indifferent;
but they do not become
any more or less a' tistic or
literary according to the
purpose to which they are
applied.
Probably the intention
of the Senefelder Club is
to .make a distinction from
commercial lithography.
Tiiat is almost worse.
Putting on one side the
fact that the lithographs
produced by the Club
are articles of commerce,
in that they are not only
sold by the artists but
quickly become the sub-
jects of speculation on the
part of dealers and collec-
tors, it is impossible to
make a real distinction.
Irony is lent to the attempt
by the fact that when
Shepherd and Shepherdess
By F.ank Brangwyn, A.R.A,
wanted to master
a commercial litho-
Whistler
lithography he went and worked with
grapher, the late Mr. Thomas Way. Not that the work of Mr.
Way was any the less artistic for being commercial. But,
and this is the real object of my making, apparently, so much
tuss about th word, nothing has done more to degrade com-
merce and hinder the right appreciation of art than the
attempted distinction.
Npw, if ever, is the the time to try to abolish it. We want
to give every workman that joy in his work which is the
essence of art, and we want to give every artist that sense of
his place in the community which might help in the regenera-
tion of lif .'. I wonder, for example, how the Senefelder Club
would classify Steinlen's cat pictures for the advertisement of
condensed milk, or the lithographic posters on the Under-
ground Railways. Would they call them artistic or com-
mercial lithography ? Is it more artistic to make a picture for
a collector to put in a portfolio — often merely against a rise
in its commercial value — than to make a picture that shall-
brighten the Ijves — the actual lives — of thousands ?
This question brings up another evil that results from the
attempited segregation of " art " ; and that is the arbitrary
limitation of the number of proofs which may be printed of a
lithograph— or any other form of art which lends itself to
multiphcation. In so far as it is aimed ^t securing good proofs
it is just and wise ; but in so far as it is aimed at creating a
limited supply it is commercial in the very basest meaning
of the word. It is not less commercial for the superstition
that there is an artistic virtue in rarity ; and it is safe to say
that any pleasure a person may take in the possession of a
unique copy of a work of art designed for multiplication has
noth ng to do with art but is on the contrary due to the most
contemptible snobbishness.
Of course, every artist should get a fair price for his work,
but the price need not be lowered with quantity — in the case
o' books it is actually
raised, since it is usual for
the writer to get a higher
royalty above a certain
number of copies ; and
a; a matter of fact the
'■ appreciation " in the
value of proofs whici>
results from a limited
edition is not for the
benefit of the artist at ail
but of the dealer or collec-
tor. What would be
thought of a man who
proposed to limit the
printing of Shakespeare
lest he should become too
" common " ? One has
only to ask the question
to have it answered in the
strongest language.
Nor will the argument ,
that an artificially limited-
edition enables more
attention to be given to
the individual proof bear
serious consideration.
Whether or not the artist
prints his own proofs their
printing should be a
matter of purely mechani-
cal care and skill. There
should be no variations in
the proofs except to get
them more and more true
to the original drawing.
Art is not accidents ; and,
as Mr. Walter Sickert said
of etchings, a lithograph
should be capable of being
printed by Messrs. — well,
any competent firm of
commercial printers you
like to name. The artistic
merits of a lithograph are
either limited to the
original drawing or else
they persist in any number
of mechanically good proofs
that can be printed from
it. In short, whether as
regards subject or purpose, method or number, there is no
distinction between commercial and artistic lithography that
docs not injure art and encourage the worser meaning of
commerce. There is no royal road to goodness, artistic or
otherwise, and the only way to be artistic in lithography is t»
do your work well.
Men are generally better than their institutions, and the
members of the Senefelder Club are much better than their
advertised aims. One and all they are engaged in the advance-
ment of lithography, and their works at the Leicester Galleries
support all that has been said about the possibilities of the art.
These possibihties are best indicated by the word " auto-
graphic." As Mr. Pennell points out, lithography is the only
truly autographic'method of multiplying drawings. In all the
methods of engraving the actual touch of the artist is com-
promised by the means of reproduction. " Neither in etching
or wood engraving are the lines the artist made those that
20
[.and & Water
February 7, igi8
Les Pellerins d'Emmaus
By Maurice Denis
print, but reproductions of them. In lithography the artist's
o vn lines do print, are not reproduced, but multiplied "
This very responsiveness of lithography brings its own
dargers because there is not in it the discipline that the
resistance of materials lends to the various methods of en-
graving. Foth etching and wood e-gravirg aln-ost compel
the virtue of simplicity and economy ; and by discouraging
any very close imitation of nature they put a premium on
design. Lithography gives the artist every facihty. Not that
this is to be regretted in itself, but that it seems to call for a
certain self restraint in the artist.
How far an artist should observe limitations that are rot
compelled by the medium is a nice question ; probably in the
last analysis all arti?tic virtues are virtues of necessity ; but
itcanrot be denied that those lithographs give the rro t lastirg
satisfaction in wl ich the artist has not taken full advantage of
his freedoTi ; has treated his design with a touch of formality,
or been co itent with suggestion when he might have indulged
in full statement. " Les Pelerins d'Emmkus," by Maurice
Denis ; " The Wave," by Mr. Nevinson ; " Mower Carrying
Scythe," by Mr. Harry Becker ; " Shepherd and Shepl erdess,"
by Mr. Frank Brangwyn, and " Boys Bathing," by Cezanne
may not be the examples that show best the full resources and
possibilities of Hthography, but they are certainly among the
most satisfying pictures.
On thinking it over I begin to see that the virtues of litho-
graphy are virtues of necessity after all. Because it is an
autographic method of multiplying drawings its virtues are
precisely those of drawing ; and tlie virtues of drawing are
determined by the implement that it is done with. A stick of
greasy chalk used characteristically is rot a suitable imple-
ment for full or elaborate statement, though it is excellent
for sugg'stion ; and since all drawing is primarily the trans-
lation of things into line it is proper that the lines should be
composed with some care. What it amounts to is that litho-
graphy puts upon the artist a responsibility that in fome
other forms of art is taken off his hand by the obstinacy of the
materials themselves.
Ore thing brought out by the exhibition is the peculiar
suitability of lithography for what may be called pictorial
journalism— in a perfectly dignified sense of the words. The
set of war drawings by Captain Spencer Pryse, and " Conseil
juridiqiie," by Forain, are examples of w'hat I mean. An
autographic method of multiplying drawings is obviously
a boon to tlie artist who wishes to make a swift and impulsive
record of actuality ; whether his aim be documentary or
satirical. In the more considered methods of reproduction
by engraving the actuality is apt to fade out. Even when
the artist is his own engraver he is almost bound to introduce
.second thoughts. It is worth remarking, by the way, that
many satirical draughtsmen practise lithography. With all
these resources and possibiUties at their command the
members of the Senefelder Club have no need to quahfy " the
advancement of lithography " with the draper's word
" artistic."
Homecoming
By N. M. F. Corbett.
I stood upon the weed-hung, g istening pier
Waiting, And the grey, s'ow, whispering tide
Eddied about the stones and, gaunt and drear —
Like some gigantic skeleton astride
The mist-enshrouded F rth — the Br dge rose sheer.
And other women, mother, wife, and br de.
Were waiting too : and n their eyes lurked Fear.
Fear froze the breath upon their trembling lips
That bravel}' lied to comfort one another.
I heard one pale-faced girl-wife whisper, " Mother
Nothing could happen to those modern ships ?
It's not a.i if she were an o d one." I
Caught the answer, " Dar iag, if God so wills '. . ."
Then si ence but for sea-birds' mournful calling
And the slow tide.
A th'n, cold rain was falling
And the grey sea was one with the weeping sky
And the stark trees veiled upon the nearer hills.
Then from the little group a pent up sigh
Escaped and, looking seaward, through the veil
I saw the lean, grim Battle-Cruisers steer ;
And in their shell-torn sides could read the tale
Of the price paid for Victory.
A faint cheer
TremVed and died upon the heavy air.
Silent and slow they passed.
" One, two, three."
I heard a woman count " Are there no more ? "
" Mother, my eyes are blurred; I cannot se3.
" Is there another — count if there be not four ? "
The grey fog closed behind them like a door
Shutting out Hope. A sudden, heart-wrung cry
Rang shuddering, low, pregnant with all despair,
" She is not there. Christ ! Mother, slie's not there."
February 7, igi8
Land & Water
21
Life and Letters ^ J. C Squire
The Liars
MR. BELLOC'S small book, Tlic Free Press
(George Allen and Ihiwin, js. 6d. net) is a re-
print of articles contribut<(l to tlic New Ase,
itself one of tlie few papers in which vou find
truths which you do not find elsewhere. The
book deals largely, not with the free press, but with the
press which is not free ; and his exposure -although, owin,t,'
lo its brevity, it neglects fine distinctions-should be read
bv e^•erv(>ne"who is interested in things as they are.
4: + * 4: *
It would be ail error to say that the Vress is universally
revered by Englishmen. There are few Englisimien who
have not at one time or other been heard to observe that
" the papers are full of a lot of lies." But there are still fewer
who know a lie 'when they sec it, who habitually observe
distortions and suppressions (the most popidar form of lie), and
(above all) who realise how and why it is that the commercial
newspaper must lie, and why the contemporary newspaper
is a more systematic and subtle liar than its predecessors.
In short, the economic basis of the thing is not understood.
This Mr. Relk)c has explained with excellent clarity.
*****
Die.re <ue differences. Wealtliy men have been known to
run newspapers at a heavy and foreseen loss in order to run
particular programmes. Even these, as a, rule, do not want
lit lose too much and will compromise a great deal ; the
majority are out to make money at any cost, and there is only
one way of doing it. They have to get the advertisers in.
.\dvertisement revenue is the basis of the modern newspaper.
.\ newspaper which gets a huge income from advertisements
ran afford to supply the public with twopence worth of jiaper,
ink. !iews, and other reading matter for a penny. A paper
which did not get advertisements could not stand up against
this. It cannot compete, in the market ; it cannot supply tlje
acres of print that the cjrdinary reader appears to desire ;
it cannot (unless there is somebody prodigiously rich and
|irodigal b<-hind it) supply even as much good, reliable, non-
controversial news as its rivals ; it cannot, therefore, exist.
We have here two facts : that the newspaper likeliest to
survive is (i) run by a man primarily out for loot, and bbnse-
(pieiitlv likely to exercise political power (when, having be-
coming sufticiently rich, he hungers for something more) in
an ignorant, corrupt, and disastrous way ; and (2) that adver-
tisers are likely to be the real ultimate masters of the paper.
It is not that all advertisers are conscious of this, or that
many of them openly walk into the office and say : " Write
this or we clear out." Such things dl) happen. When a
few years ago a Government C(jmmittee exposed the swindles
o'f the patent medicine trade, a number of the wealthiest and
least reputable of the quacks, privately intimated that adver-
tisements would be withdrawn if publicity were given to the
report, with the result that there was a remarkably general
agreement that the report had no " news value." But
usually the pressure is indirect. The advertiser will be
hoked off a paper in which he or his associates see things
that the\- strongly dislike : he will even persuade himself that
it has no circulation. He will go where his own mind is
reflected ; or at least to safe places where the fight against a
status quo that he likes is more sham than real. The result is
a general cowardice and timidity iji the most widely circulated
pajx-rs, and a frequent deliberate mendacity in particular.
* « * « *
To that mendacity there are limits. As Mr. Belloc suggests,
it would not do for a paper to say that the Pope had turned
Methodist. But the limits are remarkably wide. Beyond
the deliberate furthering of class interests, there is also a
general class ignorance and shortsightedness. To this I do
not think that Mr. Belloc attaches sufficient importance.
He remarks on the time it often takes before a big proletarian
movement— industrial or other- gets into the Press. This
is indisputable ; but it is not always directly traceable to a
deliberate desire not to " advertise " the movement. The
journalists themselves — and their public, also, if it is a pros-
perous public— cannot take any interest in these things.
Strikes and lock-outs, for instance, they regard as dull and
unimportant until and unless they inconvenience themselves ;
it never occurs to these " organs of popular opinion " to dis-
cover and explain the actual feelings of the (possibly) hundreds
of thousands of people involved ; as often as not they scarcely
hear of such events imtil long after they have become im-
portant. They live in their o\\ n world of intellectual lethargv
and party politics.
* * * * *
It is impossible to cover this subject here ; Mr. Belloc him-
self could have made a much bigger book out of it. But the.
])lirase " party jiolitics " does suggest one illustration of the
utter unreality of our newspapers, ^'ou do not expect a paper
to tell the whole tmpleasant truth about the leading spokes-
man of its tiwn side or sect ; but they do not even tell the
tiuth about their oj^jjonents. The habit of falsehood has
become so ingrained that the journahst refrains from accurate
description quite mechanically and unconsciously even where,
in conversation, he betrays an almost embarrassing gift for
seeing things clearly. The public knows literallv nothing
about politicians, and it is not to blame. P"or it has read daily
repoits of proceedings which treat all of them as sensible and
public-spirited (if sometimes misguided) jjersons and man\-
of them as resplendent orators and profound thinkers. A coni-
pletely veracious account of H, parliamentary debate might
open thus :
The motion was nio\ed by Colonel Jigg -Mthough he read
his speech from a carefully t>-pewritten document, he lost his
way so frequently tliat he was several times incoherent. At
these places he went red and rubbed his bald head with a
handkerchief, and a few titters were heard. His seconder,
Mr. I'illycoddy, no one tcK)k seriously. This member is a clean-
shaven snub-nosetl man. who dresses a little too showily for
a gentleman ; everybody knew him to care nothing whatever
for the subject of the debate, which merely offered him one
more opportunity for advancing to the Solicitor-Generalship
which will pay his own and his wife's debts. Mr. Blink,
a tall emaciated man with a high forehead and pince-nez, is
undeniably sincere, though rather a prig and completely
devoid of humour : his speech, though dull to distraction,
was confidently delivered and contained well-arranged
statistics which, far as they went, carried conviction. .After
the egregious Sir Isaac Midsummer had contributed his usual
inane jests, Mr. Gullet rose from the Opposition Front Bench
and, obviously by arrangement with the people opjiosite,
though his air of solemn hesitation was perfectlv assumed,
\veighe<l pros and cons until finally suggesting that on the
whole the question ought not to have been raised just now.
Mr. Crullet, until he began eating too much, was a good
speaker of the argumentative type ; he is now notoriouslv
lazy and contents himself with cliches which he has by heart
in whole paragraphs. Two younger sons of rich men (who
were warmly applauded) having made painfully-prepared
debuts, and an honest, if shaggy, enthusiast, having spoken
on the other side, the Chancellor of the Duchy of iiuckiug-
liam (all of whose relatives are in the industry principally
involved) agreed with the right honourable gentleman opposite,
and the mover, puzzled to the last, witl(drew his motion.
We do not want to go as far as this. Common decency prt;-
vents us from mentioning that a man has eczema or that his
wife's great-grandfather kept a bad bucket-shop ; but even
when one has ruled out all the irrelevancies, and even all the
libels, what a margin there is between the pertinent truth and
what we are told, between (in fact) the conversation in the
bar at the Press Gallery and the words that trickle from the
fountain pens in the writing-rooms adjacent. .
*****
How then shall we get the truth which the general conspiracy
keeps from us ? Mr. Bellpc is not Utopian and has no perfect
solution. All human beings are faUible and will be to sotne
extent, and will do those injustice to whom they are opposed.
Mr. Belloc 's " free " papers are not exempt. But they have
this thing in common : that they tell truths not told
elsewhere and have done something to redress the balance of
speech which was upset when one small class of people with
one kind of interest got a monopoly of a kind which enabled
them to howl their particular " news " and views through
megaphones to the whole population. An extension of the
Eree Press and a growth of its' power is to be desired. But
if it is to do more than exercise the slow indirect influence it
now possesses, it will have to have more money. What are
wanted are political papers with a guaranteed supply of money,
vet free from the control of those who own the money, papers
endowed, and then cut loose, with staffs as fixed as College
dons, self-governing and free from the fear of starvation. The
first rich man who puts down a large sum in that way *will
have really demonstrated his public spirit : he will also,
incidentally, if he chooses his men properly, get some fun for
his money.
22
Land & Water
February 7
Judith Gaufier : By Arthur Symons
TIIIC i^Riitt-st .lutubiugiaphv ever written by a
woman is Santa Teresa's ; and Catholic Spain
places Iier manuscript of her own Life beside a
page of Saint Augustine's writing in the Palace
of the Escurial. Her position as a spiritual force
i>i as unique as her place in literature. She is not only a
miracle of genius, and a glorious saint, but the greatest woman
who ever wrote in prose ; the singliMinc of her sex who stands_
beside the world's most i>erfect masters. \ She attains sub-
limity, and, in her rapturous vision, finds " large draughts
(if intellectual dav." She is indeed tlie undaunted daughter
of <ii-sires ; she has in her tlie eagle and the dove : and in her
(l.inies tlie flaming heart.
How different from liers is Saint Augustine's, whose Conft's-
xinns arc the first autobiography, and which have this
to distingiush them from all other autobit)graphies, that
they are addressed directly to God. \\\d more different
■-till from Rousseau's, with his exasperation of all men's eyes
fixitl on him, thi' protesting self-conseiousness which they
called forth in him, drove him. in sjMte of himself, to set about
explaining himself to other people, to the world in general.
Still morcunhkeis Cellini's, who hurls at you this book of his
own deeds, that it may smite you into admiration.
But Le Collier de ines J ours of Judith (lantier has a special
place of its own among women's confessions ; and, to me,
it is the most amusing of all women's confessions tha^ I have
e\'er read. There is something in it of her ^'rencli father and
of her Milanese mother ; which in no sense detracts from its
originaUty. There is a touch of the exotic in these pages, as
in ail that is finest in her prose.
Take, for instance, in regard to tne style and the rhythm
of her prose, these sentences from her atrocious " Flem-
Serpent," with its imaginative study of a criminal's mind;
curiously shown in the penetrating elaboration of the re\engi-
ul the [xjisonous flower on all that-it touches :
("est comme tine gerbc de minces seypeiits tiiessjs ski' lew- ([itciie
I qui inclinent leur teles plates vers tin petit fruit cl'iin rintge
iiaiigS assez semblable a itne grosse fraise. mats phis veloute
I't rappelant tine fletir. Ce soiit les fetiilles qtii figtirent les
reptiles, elle s' ilargissent en forme de tetes, et ces teles soni
tachis de detix yeu.x et tine epine aigiif se proje^ie conitne tin
(lafd. La ressemblance avec le serper.t est saisissante.
This prose has the serpent's undulations, its venom.
Certainly every writer ha,s to choose his own vocabulary;
I ine must beget a vocabulary faithful to the colouring of one's
own spirit, and in the strictest sense original. Good literary
art must be good just in proportion as it renders the complex
world in the foiins of the imagination. It has been said that
the '^ one beauty " of all literary style is of its very essence.,
and independent, in prose and verse alike, of all removable
decoration ; that it may exist in its fullest lustre, as in
yiaubert's Madame Bovary, for' instance, or in Stendhal's
Le Rouge et le Noir, in a composition utterly unadorned, with
hardly a suggestion of visibly beautiful things.
The Hurricane"
I
Judith Gautier's life began witli a passion. . She was said
to have had such repugnance in coming into existence that
she refused obstinately to enter into this life of ours, and that
in her fury she seized the doctor's hands-who had Titanic
strength — in such a fashion that he had to shake Jiimself free
of them, saying : " What can this little monster mean ? "
No wonder that later on she was called I'Onragan for the
rapidity of her entrance into her home : J' entrain a le Uaison
tn coup de vent.
Judith Gautier gives an amusing account of tlie adventures
of the Gautiers in London at the time of the International
lixhibitton. They stayed in the Hotel de France, Leicester
Square, where they were deUghted, as all foreigners always are,
by the animation of those nights when, the lamps being
lighted, that strange little world of Soho promenades. Here
is a curious experience of hers at the Exhibition. She was
looking at a Gainsborough, when a man lifted her by the elbows
and moved her some steps awa}'. " Fidile," she says, " a
man prindpe, apres le premier moment de surprise, jc me mis
a taper sur ce monsieur, a le tirer, avec des saccades, par les
basques de sa tedingote ; mais il tourna vers moi une bonne
face rejouie, se cramponner a. la barre de fer et ne demarrapas."
One night Judith looks out qf the window in Paris. The
streets are covered with mud, she sees a man coming down the
street treading the yellow mud mider his feet ; and before
him a big dog, horribly dirty. Suddenly she realises that it is
Baudelaire, coming, as she knows, to call on them. Is his
intention to tread on the dog's tail, so as to frighten the animal
<(
and find out what he might do? He puts liis foot on the
dog's tail ; it howls, turns on him so furiously that Baudelaire
falls backwards in the mud. He gets up, examines his clothes
in a state of perplexity, then crosses t"he street and comes
towards the house. Marianne lets him in, stupefied at seeing
him in such a state. " You must make me jiresentable," he
says, and goes with her into the kitchen. He enters Gautier's
study, perfectly correct, with his red cravat tied in a negligent
knot around his neck. He tries to explain. " I have Ix'cn
knocked down by a dog I did not know."
" Was he' a mad dog ? " cried Gautier.
" He was in his riglit : I had offended him in expressly
treading on his tail. Let's talk of something else."
He had cut a sorry figure certainly ; perhaps he had some
occult reason for doing what he had done : but his intention
was to a.stonish people- to be astonislnng and tlnr^'forf-
to be always original.
Her Chinese Writings
It was a wonderful moment for the Gautiers when the
Chinese Ting-Tan-Ling entered their house, to become, in a
sense, one of their intimates. It was understood that he was
to teach Judith the Chinese language ; the final result of
which was the publication of her masterpiece, which I have
before me as I write, Le Livre de fade par fudiUi Walter :
Paris, Lemerre, 1867. She assumed the name, i suppose,
as a kind of disguise. It is a translation, in rhythnjic prose,
from the verses of Chinese poets ; and it is a marvellous thing
to have given— as Baudelaire did in giving more than the
spirit of Poe from the English text — more than the spirit Of
these Chinese poets. Her prose is exotic, Eastern, full of
strange poetry, of unknown images, of evocations, of moon-
light and love and war and wine and the seasons, that remain
in one's cars like the faint music I have heard in Constantinople
and in Spain. What a sense, in these versions, which at times
wail with the lamenting voice that one can still hear at night
on any country road in Spain, of the dramatic moment, the
situation, the crisis !
[,e Paravent de Soie et d'Or (of which I have a copy printed
on Japanese paper with superb coloured illustrations of some
of the finest pictures of the Chinese painters of the fifteenth
century) is, in every sense, extraordinary. These pages
Ixing before one visions of unearthly beauty and of strange
humours and of enchantments and evocations ; of devils
and angels, virgins and priests, kings and Satans, tigers and
dragons ; that swami. enormously, as a whirlwind hurled
onward by the wind's fury.
Take, for instance, Une Descente aiix Enfers, which is as
magnificent as an opium dream ; as tormented as the fabulous
ten hells ; as tragic as a canto of Dante's Inferno ; as gro-
tesque as the sculptured figures of St. Etienne de Bourgcs,
where devils thrust the sinners, naked, along the road to the
bottomless abyss, where devils with faces full of horrible
mirth hft^np women and men on their shoulders, and stami)
them down into a boiling cauldron. You see the Haines
underneath, and two devils blowing the furnace.
While this art is an art of negation — the art of the bcjdy
rendered by artists who hold the body in contempt — on' the
contrary Judith Gautier's sense of hell has in it no negation.
It is as cruel as a Chinese painting, and it gives, as these do,
.omething of the beauty of the horrible. It is also a vision of
Villon's Hell :
"And eke an Hell where damned folk seethe full sore."
Only this vision is mediaeval.
Le Ramier Blanc is a delicious drama where two Chinese
lovers are drawn together by the mysterious instinct of
youth ; and the finely-woven intrigue at the end is superbh*
original. She evokes illusions, disguises, love, the moonlight,
and China. It is certainly a paradox to compare this sceni'
with some scenes in Romeo and Juliet : yet the piece is like
a piece of music, and it is the music, which all true lovers have
heard in the air since they began listening to one another's
voices. And these four lovers — the Italian and the Chinese-
awaken us from a dream and the awakening is to that true
reality which henceforth shuts them off from the world,
as in a deeper dream. .\nd is not the love scene in both
gardens a duet of two astonishments ? ^
Les Seize Ans de la Princesse has in it a magician's miracle
of creating an imaginary spring in winter, to please the
insatiable desires of Fiaki. In these pages I find a kind of
hidden irony, not unlike the finer irony of Une Mori Heroique
of Baudelaire. Only it is the misfortune of the Prince of
Kanga to have had no theatre vast enough for his genius.
February 7, 191 8
Land & Water
23
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24
Land Sc Water
February 7, 1918
DOMESTIC
ECONOMY
Names and addresses of shops, where (he articles mentioned
can be obtained, will be forwarded on receipt of a postcard
addressed to Passe-Partoitl, Land & Water, 5, Chancery
Lane, W.C. 2. Any otiter information will be given on request.
Alpaca Wool M^ny things conspire to make some
* Q alpaca wool scarves the acceptable things
bcarves ^j^gy ^^g ^ov one thing they are useful
rilmost throughout the entire length of the year, being as
welcome a wrap on many a summer's evening as they are
now in a mid-winter month.
These alpaca wool scarves are soft, fleecy, deUghtfuUy warm
and hght. Being of super quality and with wool the price
it is they cannot of necessity be specially cheap, but they are
so good that this could not be expected. Another feature to
note is the way in which they save furs — and furs, owing to
their dailv increasing price, are things to be zealously guarded
now. With a warm cosy scarf like this thrown ove r one
shoulder and drawn round the neck, a fur simply is not
needed, one is equipped without. Then an alpaca wool scarf
is so refreshingly becoming — it- is the wool scarf de luxe,
establishing a very enviable reputation and showing for all
time what a superior article the wool scarf at its best can be.
Scarves of the kind in plain colours, each and all in a lovely
shade, are the most inexpensive to buy ; but there are all sorts of
more ambitious varieties. Quite exquisite is a pale apricot
scarf with mauve and deep iris stripes, besides other designs
fully as charming and original. Some white scarves with a
criss-cross pattern again are such miles removed from the
ordinary that to buy them is aft irresistible impulse.
These scarves should be cleaned, not risked in the wash.
Shaped
Veils
Small things in dress have a knack of
counting so much that they hardly rank
as small things at all. Veils in them-
selves may be a minor detail, but they are a detail of some
importance nevertheless, as many a woman with a rather
shabby hat has proved. The effect a new pretty veil will
work on a somewhat dashed hat is nothing short of electrifying.
With this aid it can grow passable again and enter on a new
phase of life in a war-like way which is nothing if not com-
mendable.
Veils, to really look their best and be properly becoming,
must be fresh — of that there is no gUmmer of doubt. Once
the " crisp " of a veil has gone the cliarm goes too in an
irretrievable way. Another important point is the way
it is put on — no small matter this, for it is amazing how
different the same veil can look in the hands of two different
women One wears it just as she should — the other arranges
it bad.y — and there is a world of difference between.
In all probability, if the truth was known, the woman whose
veil lo iks neat and charming has gone to a certain shop where
the veils are nothing short of an education and delight, and
what is more she has probably secured one of the special
" shaped " veils, these having a thread already run along the
top so that they are bound to fit accurately to a hat.
Besides being so perfectly shaped, these veils are an
inexpensive affair into the bargain, some beginning at such a
small sum as eighteenpence.
Extra attractive, however, are some fine meshed lace
shaped veils at half-a-crov/n, these being a wondeiful adjunct
to a rather plain hat. Shaped veils are kept in blue, brown,
mole, purple, black and white.
A chance in From time to time there are events which
Mfn's Pviamoc nobody can afford to miss, and a special
iviciis, ryjamas sale of pyjamas now on is one of these.
It started on Monday and la^ts for a fortnight.
It is not the least exaggeration to say that pyjamas cannot
now be made for the price they are going for during the sale.
Such is the plain and simple truth. The maki.ig and material
alone without any extras or profit would cost the firm more.
Once these pyjamas go then, it seems likely to be many a long
day before they can be bought so wonderfully reasonably again.
To miss this opportunity means more than missing somo
unusually inexpensive pj'jamas, it means refusing a chance of
money-saving 'twere foolishness indeed to overlook. Men's,
women's, boys' and girls' pyjamas are all concerned, all in a
great many different varieties, so that everybody's predilec-
tions and needs are met.
'Three suits of men's plain striped pyjamas — and all the
pyjamas are of the famous " Swan " quality — coit a pound
the three, a sample suit being 6s. iid. With a mercerised
stripe thirty shillings is the price for three suits, a sample
one costing los. 6d. Very effective are the pyjamas in shaded
mercerised stripe, thirty shillings again being the price for
three, a single sample suit being ids. 6d.
For sheer comfort few things compare with the wool mixture
striped pyjamas, three suits here costing forty shillings, or a
single suit for thirteen and sixpence. Those people liking the
luxury of silk pyjamas will jump at the prospect of three all-
silk pairs for eighty shillings, or a sample suit for twenty-
seven and six, and some all silk satin-striped ones too will not
fail to rivet attention at their special sale price. All these
pyjamas can be got in sky and white, pink and white, mauve
and white, and in some instances gold and white and saxe blue
and white are available.
Also for ^° many women have taken to wearing
,.. J pyjamas that the news that the sale
W omen and applies to them also is brimful of interest.
Girls and Boys Before they are gone, tracks sliould
be made for some crepe" Swan " striped
pyjamas, and three pairs secured for twenty shillings,
or one suit for 6s. iid. just to show what they are hke.
Or three striped wool mixture suits should be bought
for 40S., a sample suit being 13s. 6d., while those now wearing
silk pyjamas as blissfully as in the past they wore silk night-
gowns will not let the bargains in this direction escape.
Then there are all sorts of good things in the pyjama way^
for girls of from five to sixteen years, three pairs in striped
wool mi.xture going for 28s. 6d. and a sample pair for gs. iid.
as one example only, while for girls from three to eight are
some one-piece ones in striped wool mixture — three pairs
costing 24s. 6d. or one pair 8s. 6d.
Boys' striped cotton crepe pyjamas are being sold in lots-
of three for sixteen shillings, a sample suit being five and six-
pence, while some in heavy wool mixture winter-weight repay
buying over and over again at their price of three for forty
shillings or one pair for 13s. gd.
All these pyjamas will be sent on approval to anyone not
previously known to the firm, provided they supply a London
trade reference. There il bound to be such a rush on them
that application should be made at once.
Japanese Rest Most of us work so hard now-a-days
p that nobody grudges the luxury of a
rest, for even the busiest mortal's v/orking
day must come to an end somewhere. But nobody can take
full advantage of this unless they are clad in something as
restful as they themselves would wish to he. The mere
process of changing from out-door attire into something loose,
pretty, simple and fresh takes one a long distance.
A famous firm whose word on rest-gowns always " goes,"
have just brouglit out any number of new and infinitelv
effective models, but chief in novelty and charm is the Japanese
rest gown with contrasting coloured borders. This does not
hail from Japan ; it is, in fact, taken from a brilliantly successful
French model, but it is Japanese in its tendency and per-
suasion to a very large extent. To get into it does not need
neariy so much time as it takes to tell. It slips over the head,
has a couple of fastenings, and then all remaining to be arranged
is the fascinating sash- -an equally brief affair.
It is made in heavy weight crepe de Chine, and in spite of the
heights to which good quality crCpe de Cliine has soared is
bci.ig sold at a special price. The colourings, too, are un-
usually pretty, and any colour scheme can be carried out to
order. \\"lute with rose-pink borders looks well, jade green
and black, yellow and mauve, champagne and royal blue
as well as a host of others, are all allurin? and effective.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXXi^o29io. [vTa"r] THURSDAY. FEBRUARY 14, 1918 [TS^i^f^^^] 'v^rc^i'^i^.i^Vi^ll
Copyright 1017 'i V.S.A.
Cofiirlfih t "Land Sc WaUr"
Austria makes Overtures to America
Count Czernin, the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, in a recent speech delivered at
Vienna, said: "Our views are identical with President Wilson's, not only in the broad principles
regarding the new organisation of the world after the war, but also in several concrete questioivs."
Land & Water
February 14., 1918
Where the British Army Fights
rw
V
In the Mesopotamian Desert
vV
I
OftUial Photograph
Ollicial Photograph
Beneath Italian Alps
Fehruary 14, 1918
Land Si Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1918
I
Contents
Austria and America. By Louis Raemaeker^
Where the British Army Fights. (Photographs)
The Outlook
Enemy Reinforcement. Bv Hilaire Belloc
The After War Blockade. By Arthur Pollen
American Locomoti\-es in France. (Photograph)
Lea\'es from a German Note Book
John Rathom's Revelations. — Part I.
At Sea. By Etienne
New Secret Diplomacy. By G. K. Chesterton
Rural Reformation. (Illustrated). By John Ruan
Women's Village Councils. By Mrs. Hamilton
Mr. Shaw's Critics. By J. C. Squire
Books of the Week
Domestic Economy
Notes on Kit.
PAGE
I
2
3
5
8
9
10
II
14
15
17
19
20
22
24
ix.
The Outlook
THE signing of a separate peace between the
Ukraine and the enemy and the consequent
isolation of Roumania marks a very important
point in the war. It is the first separate peace
the enemy has been able to negotiate. It will
have the effect of relieving Austria-Hungarv' at once, of
raising civiHan opinion throughout the German Empire, and of
confirming the German Government in its certainty that it
will in future dominate the- East of Europe.
There are other aspects of the matter which should be
noted. One is that the Germans and Austrians are both
concerned to strengthen the separatism of South Russia
l)ecause it makes the resurrection of the Russian power more
difficult and also because it is a check against the spread of
anarchy from the Northern towns. Another point is that the
enemy has no guarantee of permanence in the State of the
Ukraine. The doctrines which have ruined Northern Russia
are permeating the South and may have a much larger effect
in the near future. Lastly, of course, there is the food question.
The Ukraine is the great granary which used to help to feed
us and will now help to feed the Central Empires.
The great strikes in Germany have ended, as they were ex-
pected to end, in a thorough military suppression. Two
extreme views, widely expressed about them in this country,
were equally erroneous : The view that the^ were engineered
by the German authorities to deceive Allied opinion and the
view that they were the beginning of some sucli break-up of
German society as has taken place in Russia. Neither of
these things was possible. No belligerent Government would
play with such dangerous fire as the deliberate fomenting
of national strikes in the present phase of exhaustion. G€rman
society, like that of the Western nations, is organised far more
strongly than Russian society.
The really significant thing about the strikes for us in this
country is that they have come after the great success against
Russia, the tremendous victor>' in Italy, and after what we
can now see to be the successful German defence of 1917
in the West. If the economic pressure upon Germany and
the growing strain of the war can lead to such a thing at such
a moment it is a good augury upon what will happen when
pressure can be brpught to bear upon Germans on German
soil. We do not know whether defeat in the field or internal
disintegration will take place first. But at the first sign of
the former the latter must certainly appear in full force.
It is equally certain that if an inconclusive peace can be
engineered by the enemy before there has been either internal
colla^Kie or external defeat, his social system from the
Hohenzollern Crown downwards is secure for the future.
Two members of the Royal Flying Corps have been con-
demned to a long term of penal S( rvitudc in the enemy's
country for dropping propaganda leaflets behind the German
lines. A good deal of ink has been wasted upon this subject
by worthy people who want to show the Germans that they
are neither logical nor just in acting thus, and who are at the
pains to tell us that the Germans themselves not only have
largely/ used this method of propaganda from the air, but
began it. At this time of day one might just as well argue
about the bombardment of open towns or the murder of
Captain Fryatt.
Ihere is no canon of European morals, however sacred,
that the enemy will not break if he believes the crime to be
conducive to his national success. Those who have not learnt
that lesson by this time must be incapable of appreciating the
ordinary occurrences of daily life. What is of practical use is
to consider what form reprisals could take in the present
phase of the war. Liter on we shall have to consider formal
punishment. But for the moment we have notliing to rely
upon but reprisals.
Here the situation is that the enemy holds Allied towns and
large numbers of allied civihans as hostages, while the Allies
hold no towns an^ very few civilians of his. Further, the
enemy has taken from the Western Allies combined more
than they have taken from him (though in the particular case
of the British this state of affairs is reversed). The enemy
could, therefore, if this matter be estimated by mere numbers,
do us worse harm than we could do him, were a sort of auction
in reprisals to be started. Moreover, he has the advantage of
feeling less horror than would the society of the Allies at the
necessity for such extremes.
On the other hand, the enemy has one very vulnerable
point, which is the exceptional position occupied in his society
by the wealthier classes, and especially by the titular nobility.
The French have taken advantage of this weakness with great
effect. Make things really uncomfortable for a man highly
placed in German society (we have many such among our
prisoners) and those who govern Germany are touched to the
quick. Unfortunately, the constitution "of our own society
in England has in the past made it more difficult for us to use
this weapon than for the French. At any rate, that is the
Hne along which practical reprisals can be made fniitful,
pending the solution of the whole affair when (unless we accept
defeat beforehand) theindividual agents of these abominations
can be brought to book.
The appointment of Lord Beaverbrook to be at the head of
the Propaganda means nothing more than that Lord Bea\ er-
brook thought that such work would interest and amuse him.
Neither Parhament nor the country has anything to say in
the matter nowadays. Moreover, what concerns us prac-
tically is not so much the motives and causes of this sort of
appointment as its results.
Propaganda work in the past has been shockingly done. It
has three branches : Propaganda among Neutrals "(of no very
great importance since the entry of America) ; the support
of opinion at home ; and the proper representation of British
effort ainong the Allies. Lord Beaverbrook has not himself
any qualification in any one of these three departments, but
that is no reason why he should not use men who have. The
value of the head of a State Department at this moment does
not lie in his personal acquaintance with the work, but in his
power of choosing agents and especially in his integrity in
serving the national interests alone, neglecting private motives,
and choosing men only because they will do the work well.
For some few weeks to come by far the most important work
of the department will be the confirming of public opinion at
home, and if the new head of the Propaganda can succeed in
this hitherto almost neglected piece of duty, he will have
proved his fitness for the post.
It is a curious thing in connection with Propaganda that
no one has properly put before the British public the strength
of American opinion in favour of war and the excellent writing
in which it is expressed. We get generalities about the
unanimity of American opinion, which generalities are both
exaggerated and foolish. Now and then we get anecdotes
that are either sensational or ludicrous or both. What we
want is reprints from the American daily press and weekly
and monthly reviews, showing how firmly the best minds in
America are supporting the common cause of civilisation.
After all the nonsense, for instance, that has been talked
over licre about Alsace Lorraine as though these provinces
were the subject of a debating game instead of the vital
symbol of the whole war, it is refreshing to read the mass of
American comment upon this point. The historical argu-
ment is clearly understood and as clearly stated. The present
political argument is still better understood. Prussia is a great
military power through the i)restige of 1870, and the name 'of
1N70 to the people whom she rules is Alsace Lorraine. The
Land & Water
February 14, 191 8
economic side of the question also— the iron supply of
l^ssia with all its consequences— is appreciated m America
better than it is licre, botli by the minority which supports
secretly or openly the Prussian claim, and by the majority
which "is determined to destro>- that claim for good in l<,urope.
The trial of Bolo in Paris has not been reported in any
intelligible fashion upon this side of the Channel. No one
competent in French procedure or even in the French language
seems to have dealt with the subject at all. It is no wonder
that opinion in general is simply bewildered by the accounts
it is given to read. Vet tlie main lines of. the affair are per-
fectly simple. A shadv financier of base origin, a true modern
type' common to all modern countries, and usually exercising
great power over wliat are ironically called " representative
institutions " is accused of having received enemy money to
serve enemy purposes in the Alhed countries. He is compelled
to admit the reception of very large sums, certain of which
. undoubtedly come through enemy channels. He explains
his jx)ssesssion of them after a fashion with which we liad grown
unfortunately familiar ourselves owing to jxilitical scandals
at home before the war. He says that he has never kept
records of payments or receipts, however large, and that vast
but quite unexplained financial operations in which he was
engaged (and of which also tliere is no record) accounts for
everything.
There would be no doubt about the issue as the evidence
now stands save for the fact that personal influences are still
strong — even after three and a half years of such a war as
this — in Parliamentary countries. On the other hand,
there was a very grave and legitimate anxiety felt by the
politicians themselves in every such country, that the armies
which have been used to very summary justice for so long
will not tolerate privilege or exemption for a few favoured
civilians simply because they are connected witli professional
politics. And the dread of what may happen after the war,
if such privilege or exemption is allowed to continue, acts as
a salutary and most desirable check.
Lord Jellicoe made S speech of great importance at Hull
last Friday when he gave his audience for the first time in
the course of this war an estimate of at least one future date,
to wit, the date when the rate of building, etc., should have
mastered the submarine peril. He did not give the date as a
definite one, stUl less of one of minimum time ; he gave it
as a maximum limit and fixed it for next August — roughly
six months from the present date.
There is no one else who can speak with anything like
the authority of Lord Jellicoe in the matter, and his judgment
will be received everywhere with a respect that certainly
does not attach to the wild speeches of politicians. Apropos
of those speeches, Lord JeUicoe very wisely reminded his
audience that almost every irresponsible piece of boasting
was followed by a disaster and that this was particularly
the case with the extraordinary belittling of the submarine
peril in the recent past by the Prime Minister. All that,
however, is of no practical importance. The important
thing is that the man who can tell us most about it has warned
us that there will be continuation of the present strain for at
least six months.
The nation can stand the.strain if it is properly informed,
in the old sense of the word " informed," that is, not fed
with sensational tit-bits of news, but educated in a right
judgment of the situation. Of course decisive events on the
continent, whether within the enemy's territory or against his
armies, would change the whole problem, but as things are we
must bear in mind that term, next August, and not shrink
from the length of the ordeal before us.
There are two p^oints remarkable about the sinking of the
'' Tuscania." The first is the exceedingly small loss of life —
only about 4 per cent. — the second is that this should be the
first loss of any of the great American transports.
It is now nearly a year since America entered the war.
It is many months since she began to send men and material
in vast quantities across the Atlantic. It was confidently
believed by the enemy and largely apprehended upon the
side of the Allies that this effort could not.be made without
a heavy proportion of loss. The loss turns out to be on the
contrary exceedingly light, and so far as men are concerned
only one half per cent, of those ferried have been subject to
sucessful attack, and only an insignificant number of the
latter have been lost.
It must be admitted that this is no secure guide to the
future. Indeed it is the undetermined feature of the submarine
offensive which is the chief unknown factor in the whole
war But at any rate we have had a consitUrablc experience
now of the conditions of transport acrc^s the Atlantic on a
large scale, and so i-M it has certainly been favouralile.
The I ancashire cotton spinners have issued a statement
on the subject of the Education Bill after taking the opinions
of the members of the Federation of Master Spinners. I he
raising of their leaving age to 14 is accepted but the proposal
for continuation education after that age is criticised as putting
too great a strain on the industry. Apparently a half-time
system up to 16 is preferred to Mr. Fisher's proposed arrange-
ment on the ground tliat it is easier to work. The cotton
spinners argue that the industry will be in difficulties for labour
if the Bill is passed, and tliat employers and workpeople alike
will suffer. The answer surely is that the present crisis gives
an e-xcellcht opportunity for introducing the change with the
minimum of inconvenience. The arrangements made by the
Cotton Control Board have had the effect of keeping the
factory population together. Over a million pounds have been
paid out under the unemployment scheme in six months, which
shews that the workpeople have not been scattered. Peace
will bring back a large number of spinners and weavers from
the army and it will, of course, be essential to find employment
for them. There will still be many disabled soldiers who will
prefer to return to the mill in one capacity or another.
Now the scarcity of juvenile labour is not a new fact. It
has been noticeable for some years past. And the reasi^n for
it is the want of prospect for piecers, because there are many
more piecers then spinners, and the outlook for piecers is con-
sequently poor, The wages of men weavers again are far too
low. In other words some reorganisation of the industry
is necessary, and this is the best moment for beginning it. The
effects of introducing half time education between 14 and 16
will be to make such reorganisation easier by improving the
quality of labour. The cotton industry has achieved wonders
m the course of the last ccntur>' and it is doing less than justice
to its resources of constructive imagination to suppose that it
cannot adopt itself to a new situation. An industry which
depended upon conditions that forbid the development of the
full capacities of its workpeople would be in a precarious state.
The account which is published on another page of Women's
Village Councils shows how the ferment of social revolution
may work sanely and rightly. English villages, for all their
beauty and the apparent healthiness of their peoples, are too
often devoid of sanitation. The hygienic horrors common
among them are only known to those who dwell in them.
But improvement has been diihcult so long as the people
themselves, more or less, acquiesced in .present conditions.
These Councils, which seem to be spreading with extraordinary
rapidity, are just the very thing which is required, combined
as they are to-day with better education.
Taken as a class, there are few finer types of British
character than the country-woman ; she is industrious,
self-respecting and independent, and the best of mothers,
when she survives the perils of childbirth. Village life will
be both healthier and happier when the Women's Council
becomes a recognised part of the social machinery of every
parish. And we prtdi:t it will soon be so.
Lord Rhondda has at last been able to present London
with a meat ration scheme. It is doubtful if anybody will
really understand it until it has been in operation for two or
three weeks. The great thing in its favour is that it will be
tested in a spirit of good will for the most part, as it is accepted
as part of the price of victory. The comparative silence that
has fallen on the Food Ministry is another advantage, though
Lord Rhondda still protests too much when he receives depu-
tations. It would be infinitely wiser to leave his political
sincerity to the imagination of the audience. No one for a
moment doubts the disagreeableness of his task, nor has any-
one the least wish to reheve him of it, and so long as he is
prompt to rectify mistakes, for undoubtedly there will be
mistakes and many, he is assured of general support.
He may go down to history as the man who opposed horse-
racing and popularised horse-eating. Will horseflesh ever, be
a staple of diet in these islands ? Country people will be
prejudiced against it because it is horse ; towns-folks will
object to it because it is cat's-meat. There is the alien popula-
tion, and if they take kindly to it so much the better. Is it
not time that the Russian element was returned to M.
Trotski — good name for a horse-eater ? The War Cabinet
would do well to devise a scheme to return the Russian Jew
alien to " peaceful " Russia.
February 14, 191 8
Land & Water
Enemy Reinforcement : By Hilaire Belloc
A DOCUMENT of some importance appeared last
week, with official authority behind it, concern-
ing the probable extent of the enemy reinforce-
ment upon the Western front. The account
was a little more detailed than the general
estimates which have appeared in these columns, but the
round figures agree.
We are told that there are now more than i8o and less
than 190 Germari divisions between the Alps and the North
Sea. This is an addition of more than twenty and less than
thirty since last autumn. Of this number 115 or about
60 per cent, are in line. It may be, and probably is, a
little under 60 per cent. The remaining 40 per cent.,
or rather more than 40 per cent., are in reserve. The
German Empire (without considering the Austrian forces)
still retains some fifty divisions on the Russian front, of which
we are told that twenty (or even at the maximum thirty)
might be transferred ultimately to the"West. But the figures
here are of less importance because they deal for the most
part with troops that would not be used in active operations
against the Western Allies. At any rate, the total number of
German divisions which may appear upon the Western front
in the fighting of 1918 will be certainly not less than 200,
and may as a maximum rise to 220. This means, as wais
pointed out in these columns many months ago when the
effects of the Russian collapse were evident, an addition of
perhaps half a million bayonets to the original strength of the
Germans in France and Flanders. Another way of putting
it is that it means the addition of rather less than half as
much again to the original strength. But of that addition
one large portion is not fit for action in any offensive and will
not be so used. For the troojjs employed by the Germans
on their Eastern front contained a much larger proportion
of secondary material than those on the Western. Pretty
well all the German heavy artillery will be massed upon the
Western front, a matter of just under 1,800 batteries counting
heavy artillery as anything over 100 mm., and counting
the go mm. gun as a field piece. These figures do not
include the coastal batteries or the pieces stUl kept in fortresses.
So far the statement follows lines with which all students
of the war were familiar. There is nothing new qither in the
number of guns estimated nor in the fact that pretty well all
the heavy artillery can, or has, come westward (or is on its
way there), or in the general figure of a 50 per cent, increase
(rather less) in men. These general outlines of the situation
have been defined here, as in other responsible journals follow-
ing the campaign, for many months past.
The really interesting thing to notice in this official piece
of news, and the novel thing, is the distribution of th^ reserves.
It has been discovered that so far the German reserves have
been spread almost evenly along the whole line. This does not
necessarily mean that one or more concentrated efforts may
not be made at a short date. A large proportion of the
reserve is unusable in the front line. That part which is
usable can be concentrated with rapidity. The factor of
time in the preparation of an offensive of this kind is much
more concerned with the concentration of artillery and still
more with the concentration of its munitionment than it is
with the concentration of infantry. For the infantry works
with a " spear head " which is supported, reinforced, recruited
by continuous rotation as the effort proceeds, and the spear
head needed at the outset is but a small proportion of the
whole. For instance, the main effort of Verdun two years
ago was entrusted in the first three days to only six divisions.
The unexpectedly successful blow struck last autumn on the
Isonzo was also entrusted to six divisions ; that which
failed in the Trentino in igr6 to another six or eight. But
what this dispersion of the reserves does probably mean is
that m(jre than one attack is contemplated. Indeed the
Germans are accumulating a reserve of mere numerical man-
power upon the West (leaving out quality) about double that
which they exhausted in the five months of the Verdun
failure.
The critical point — which is also, like nearly all critical
points in war, the doubtful one — is the enemy's power of
munitionment.
The elimination of Russia as a State, let alone as a belligerent
— the great military deci.sion which the Germans have achieved
on their Eastern front (for to dissolve the military force of
your opponent is a decision, no matter how that dissolution
is achieved) — has, as we have seen, given the German Empire
alone, not counting Austria, something not much short of
a 50 per cent, increase in its Western effectives. It has
permitted nearly every heavy gun to go westward as well.
The whole numerical balance of the war, as we said in these
columns more than fojur months ago, has changed with the
exception of munitionment. Can the increased forces the
enem}' now has at his service against us on account of the
Russian betrayal deliver, not only in shell but in all other
forms of industrial product useful to his object (including the
new weapons such as armoured gun platforms, aircraft and
everything else), a supply commensurate to this increase in
men ?
That is the vital question which only the immediate future
can answer.
The other three factors in the great and decisive debate
about to open are, of course, the comparative civilian ex-
haustion on the two sides ; the comparative civilian moral ;
and the comparative progress of sinking at sea and new
construction to replace losses at sea.
The Political Issue
When there arises a sincere and vital debate upon national
policy, no purpose is served by either party to it if arguments
are quoted merely for the sake of argument or affirmation
mere!}' repeated without a recital of the grounds upon which
it is advanced.
But the debate in which the whole nation is concerned to-
day is not only sincere and actual beyond any other con-
ceivable matter for discussion, but it is one whicU covers
every individual in the community and one in which every
individual knows himself to be directly concerned. It is a
debate wh'ch has arisen during this last phase of exhaus-
tion in all the belligerent countries. It is occupying the
mind of the Germans quite as much as our own. It is,
briefly, the opposition between a policy which seeks- —
in spite of agony- — conclusive results to this war and a
jxilicy of negotiated peace. We are all vitally foncemed
with that debate. On its right solution the future of the
nation and of every individual hangs.
I use the words " negotiated peace " in the conversational
sense of the term, as it is currently used to-day. I mean an
attempted return, by negotiation with a Prussia still powerful
and still fully armed, to the state of affairs before the war, or
rather to that state of affairs less international rivalry and the
perpetual peril of disaster.
As is always the case in the final decisions of a great nation
upon its fate, the two moods opposed to each other on this
question are not so much represented by two bodies of men
as by two tendencies present in the mind of nearly every man.
There are, of course, clearly marked leaders on the one side
and on the other, and groups formed round them ; there are
even the beginnings of organisiition on either side. But the
essential debate is one conducted by every man in his own
mind, and every man (except a very few fanatics on either side)
Vveighs for himself the respective strength of the two tendencies.
If he is wise he will try to discover not only their strength,
but the weight of reason which supports each. It is that
weight of reason as apart from any mood of fatigue or forget-
fulness which I propose to examine here.
The war has lasted* very much longer than anyone expected
it would at any one of its phases. It has lasted longer even
than men expected a twelvemonth ago. It has lasted far
longer than men conceived possible three years ago.
The causes of this prolongation of the war are equally
familiar. They are to. be discovered in the contrast
between the primitive East of Europe and the highly-developed
West.
First came the inability of the Russian Empire to munition
itself upon the vast scale which by the winter of 1914 was
unexpectedly discovered necessary for modern war. Next,
as a result of that, came the immense strain put upon a
simple, unindustrial.andat the sanle time very diverse State
by the great enemy victories of 1915 ; the over-running of
Poland, the great captures of Russian prisoners, etc.
Lastly, of course, and much more decisive of the result
than anything that went before, came the collapse of the
Russian State which began this time last year, proceeded
rapidly for more than six months, and was finally consummated
last autumn. The war after this -Eastern collapse ceased to
be a siege. The enemy was no longer surrounded : he was no
longer fighting upon two fronts. His hitherto rapidly in-
creasing numerical inferiority to the Allies was suddenly
changed to an equality with his remaining opponents, and
perhaps even, pending the arrival of American reinforce-
ment, to some superiority over them.
But the causes of the disaster arc; now mere matters of
history. It is the result which concerns us. The result- — an
indefinite prolongation of the war — has meant the approach
Land & Water
February 14, 19 18
of famine in many districts, grave scarcity in all ; an mcreasing
and very severe strain ufK>n the civilian population every-
where, and the possibility of social disintegration under that
strain if it be too prolonged. We have had the thing summed
up by more than one advocate in the phrase : " Europe is
committing suicide." .
Apart from this extreme and increasing exhaustion, which
is the chief effect of the j^rolongation of the war, there has
recently been rendered visible to every one the material
effects in the field of the Russian collapse. The first and
most striking of these effects was, of course, the tremendous
victory of the enemy in Italy. For one critical fortnight it
threatened to give him a true decision. Luckily it did not
reach such a stage, but it came very near to it, and though
opinion in tliis country was slow to realise at first what an
enormous thing had happened, it is now, I think, everywhere
and fully appreciated. Next there came the concentration
of the enemy in the West, north' of the Alps, which is still
continuing. Everyone grew aware that the Western Allies
were compelled to prepare a defensive and that, for the first
time in eighteen months, the initiative had passed to the
enemy. A third stage, of which the issue is hidden from us,
will occupy tlie inmiediate future, when the critical shock
between tlie Western Allies and the newly reinforced enemy
will take place.
To all these causes of a weakening in the public mind
there is added the threat of increase in the attack from the
air upon civilian centres, the peculiar vulnerability of London,
and, as we have said, the sudden and drastic reductions in the
estimate of food consumable in the next few months within
this island.
There is also, it must be admitted with shame, something
formidable in what is called the financial strain-^— as distin-
guished from the true economic strain of insufficient provision
and labour. This financial strain simply means that those
who had hoped to lend on good terms to the State in its peril
are now in fear that they will have to give.
If all these forces combined (afid especially that of exhaus-
tion, which is overwhelmingly the most important) were alone
at work, if we had to deal with these considerations only, if
there was against them nothing but a sense of disappointment
in having to return to some such Europe as existed four years
ago, less its perilous armaments, the arguments in favour of
negotiation would be overwhelming.
If some magical power could promise us securely, on condi-
tion of our proposing peace, a future in which no nation could
boast of victor}', in which subject nations should be freed,
and in which all should lead a peaceful life permitting the
reconstruction and healing of Europe and themselves, those
who stood out against such a settlement would find it im-
possible to convince the mass of any nation to-day.
But the whole point of our contention is that the power
thus gratuitously taken for granted— the power to return to
ease with honour and security — is lacking. To suppose it
present with Prussia unbeaten is to live in unreal conditions
— conditions which have nothing to do with Europe as it
was and as it is, with the known forces that have produced
this war and conducted it. To take illusions fop realities is
the royal road to disaster in all things, but especially in war.
Unless we fix firmly in our minds what should surely be
for all sane men the fundamental truths of this war, apparent
to all a short time ago and still apparent to all who have kept
their heads, men will fall, especially the more generous and
idealbt of them, into a catastrophic misjudgment which will
ruin Europe. It will ruin this country especially. Such a
miscalculation now will reduce our future to something far
worse than the gloomiest visions of those who propose sur-
render.
These truths, I say, were commonplaces to all a few short
months ago. They should be commonplaces still, for they
are as obvious as ever, and they are fundamental to the whole
problem. What are they ?
Prussia Alone Responsible
The first truth is that the war was made by Prussia This
awful calamity is the direct handicraft of Prussia and of
Prussia alone. The second truth is that the barbaric prece-
dents in modern warfare were created by Prussia, will rfmain
if Prussia survives unbeaten, and would be the death of
England.
As to the first : There are a quantity of vague phrases
going the rounds which mask that plain truth and make un-
stable men forget it. The war is talked of vaguely as a
general calamity." Too many people are getting to speak
of It as though It was some visitation of nature, an earthquake
or flood which men at last had got under control and could
put an end to ; others are for ever taking it for granted in
their speeches and writmgs that it was a sort of misunder-
standing.
The Germans themselves, especially during the interval
between their bad tumble at the Mame and the new lease of
life they obtained through the collapse of Russia, assiduously
propagated the legend that the war had all sorts of distant
unseen causes of a general European sort. It was due, they
told us, to " an encircling of Germany by England " ; " to
the vanity of the French and their desire for revenge " ; to
" the unbridled Slav Imperialism of the Russian Empire."
In another set of phrases they told us that it was " a biological
necessity " ; that it was " the necessary establishment of
equilibrium "■ — because the German Empire had no oppor-
tunities of trade and colonisation corresponding to its strength,
^n yet another set of pedantic phrases the war was talked of
as" oceanic." It proceeded from the necessity of the Germans
having a free way to the Atlantic in spite of the geographical
barrier of the British Islands. Others, taking advantage of
the materialist jargon of our time, talked about its " necessary
economic causes."
All that sort of thing is rubbish — unless indeed there is
no such thing as the human will and no meaning attached in
human affairs to the words " right " and " wrong." A man
who committed a murder or forged a cheque might just as
well trace these unfortunate accidents to distant causes : to
his grandfather's bankruptcy, or to the accident of his victim's
meeting him on a dark night when he happened to be in a
passion. The plain act and the responsibility for it are quite
enough for history and for all sane men. Prussia loudly
preached the necessity for war and her power of victory in
such a war. She prepared for it quite openly by raising a
vast war tax and suddenly increasing her armed forces. She
prepared for it almost equally openly when she designed the
reconstruction of her artillery and the completion of her new
strategical communications for the summer of 1914. When
the moment came for her to strike she refused arbitration,
took advantage of the unexpected blow she had prepared,
mobilised secretly before her victims did, violated neutral
territory without scruple, immediately proclaimed a reign of
terror of the most abominable sort upon the soil of Belgium,
which she had entered against every right and every treaty.
From the first day of that crime began murder, arson, rape
and pillage, after a fashion utterly unknown to modem
Europe. So long as the uninterrupted victory of Prussia
continued her spokesmen never dreamt of any other philosophy
of war than that. Conquest, and conquest aided by terror
without regard to treaty or tradition, was openly proclaimed
and taken for granted ; nor could or did the masters of Prussia
conceive any other fate possible for her than that of complete
and rapid success in crime.
The words which Mr. Asquith used at the outset of the
combat exactly expressed the mind of all England at that
time. The sword had not been lightly drawn ; it would not
be sheathed again until the predatory military power called
Prussia had been destrqyed.
TTiat is the first main truth underlying the whole terrible
business. It has not ceased to underlie that business because
a certain space-of time has passed or because a certain measure
of exhaustion has been reached — an exhaustion, be it remarked,
far less pronounced in the case of Great Britain than that of
any other original belligerent.
If our primal, fundamental intention and our solemn
declaration upon it are to be sacrificed, it can only mean that
under the strain of suffering we have grown ready to yield.
That is the first point, and probably the most important ;
for in human affairs spiritual motives are more important
than material things and underlie all action. A civilisation
which has been violated in its most sacred points of honour,
which has taken up the challenge, which has proceeded to
defend itself, and has accepted the aid of allies must continue
the struggle. If, before the end of the task, it cries that it
has grown weary, is willing to treat, and finds the burden of
honour in alliance too heavy, it is doomed.
The second fundamental truth in the whole affair, which is
less often forgotten but which is still too much glossed over,'
is this : Prussia in the course of this war has gradually dis-
solved that moral code upon which the culture of Europe
reposed and without which Europe can never recover herself.
Only her defeat can restore that code, and on that code
depends the very life of this island more than of any other
nation.
Prussia was guilty of atrocity from the first day in which
she broke a binding treaty and violated the neutrality of
Belgium. But there is a more practical and vivid -example
of the truth in the methods of accumulating horror which
she introduced one after another into war. It was Prussia
that began these things. It was not any such abstraction as
the madness of war " or the " delirium of Europe " ; it
was the rulers of Prussia— they, and they alone.
For many months this truth was such a commonplace that
one was ashamed to repeat it. One is almost equally ashamed
to find the real necessity there is of repeating it to-day.
February 14, 191 8
Land & Water
.7
In one step after another as the war proceeded Prussia
broke what had been regarded as inviolably sacred under-
standings throughout the European community. Men without
a creed, without a moral code, men without tenacity and
therefore almost without moral memory, may condone these
things now that they have grown familiar ; but men who boast
of certain standards of decency, who regard such things as
" impossible," are much saner in their judgment. For these
standards, these points in the code of international morals,
are expressions of something vital to the life of Europe. If
they are neglected, Europe rapidly and necessarily declines —
with what ultimate consequences of disaster we cannot tell.
And the first results of such a decline will be felt here, in this
crowded island.
So true is it that Prussia in breaking these elementary laws
of European morality has imperilled the whole of our civilisa-
tion, that she herself — utterly imscrupulous as her whole
history proves her to be — showed hesitation before each new
step downwards. There was always an interval between two
succeeding increments of atrocity, nearly always an at-
tempted apology or explanation. There was here exactly
what you see in the career of the individual criminal. Things
rare in 1871 — such as the shooting of hostages — were done
wholesale in 1914. Things impossible even to Prussia in 1871
—such as the massacre of neutrals — were done as a matter of
course in 1914. Things such as the use of poison, which any
sane man in this country during the first six months of the
war would have told you were unthinkable in Europe, were
done by Prussia before twelve months had passed. Things
which were quite unthinkable in 1915 were done in 1916—
and so on.
Accumulation of Atrocities
The series lies patent to all. The drama has been* enacted
before the eyes of all. Nothing biit an inexcusable slackness
of fibre can explain a forgetfulness of such a series. The use
of poison was unthinkable. It took place. The bombard-
ment of civilians in open towns was unthinkable. It took
place. The sinking of merchant ships without warning was
still unthinkable. It took place. Even then the sinking of
neutral merchant ships without warning was stUl unthinkable.
Prussia proceeded to that. Hospital ships were still surely
immune we said ! So slow is a civilisation — like an individual
■ — ^to appreciate the approach of death. But there came a
time when Prussia announced her intention of sinking hospital
ships — -and she did sink them. There is no end to such a
series. It may pass from such acts to private assassination,
to the corruption of the water supplies of great cities, to the
calculated spread of epidemic diseases. It is a plain declara-
tion of moral anarchy in the midst of Europe.
If any man says that he does not mind the advent of moral
anarchy let him consider how much his own little comfort
and even life, especially in this country, dejiend upon some
measure of moral order between nations.
With the moral order between nations dissolved London is
always at the mercy of an attaclc from the air — at any moment,
certainly without declaration of war. The supplies of this
island are at the mercy of a similar attack by the new engines
at sea. It is true of every European community — it ought to
be- obviously true, but one must repeat these things — that
lacking a certain measure of convention between them all
the fabric of Europe Is dissolved. That is as true of a comity
of nations as it is true of a community of individuals. That
is why we put the anarchist in society to death. If we do
not destroy him we are at his mercy.
But, after all, most men, when so elementary a thing is
pointed out to them, agree with it. It is the other proposition
which is really dangerous : the proposition that Prussia
having once begun these things, they have entered into the
common habit of Europe and cannot be uprooted. You hear
most technicians nowadays discussing the use of poison gas
in war as a development like any other and one which will
have to be taken for granted in the future as we have taken
artillery or any similar new weapon in the past. You hear
men accepting as a commonplace the chances of unannounced
attack from the air upon great civilian populations in the
future ; the imperfect methods of defence against the same ;
the effect it will have upon the construction of our cities.
You hear men similarly debate,though a little more cautiously
and in rather lower voices, the conditions of sea-power and of
life upon a crowded island when (as they take for granted)
an enemy may attack them without warning by sdbmarine.
All that point of view is false. If we are for the future to
stand in dread of such a dissolution in European morals as
will permit these things, then Europe has indeed committed
suicide. It is not the war which Prussia desired and procured,
it is our submission that will be the suicide of Europe. Such
an ending to the present conflict would be much more definitely
the end of all our civilisation, and in particular of this country,
than the mere impxiverishment which must follow upon the
prolongation of this war. From such a chaos as the continu-
ance of Prussiau methods in war there is no escape. It means
our final dissolution.
Those who tell' us that such action can be avoided in the
future by getting the originators of it all to sign their names
on a bit of paper are not worth arguing with. Those who tell
us that it is unavoidable and that Prussian methods of indis-
criminate murder are unavoidable hold a more formidable
position. But it is a position only formidable because they
have not learnt the main lessons of history.
History, which is the object lesson of human psychology,
the permanent experience of how the human mind acts,
teaches one thing quite clearly. It is that an undefeated and
unchastised aggression upon the essential morals of a civOisa-
tion is always successful. Any compromise with barbarism,
any paying of dane-gelt, any postponement or shirking of
the hard duty of warring down the menace, defeats its own
object. It does not purchase security at the expense of honour.
It sacrifices both.
It is a thing we could premise from what we know of indi-
vidual character ; it is at any rate a thing which stands clearly
out from the established record of three thousand years.
Who first proposes to yield is defeated.
Permanency of Defeat
There is a converse truth which too many men are reluctant
to entertain. History very clearly proves, if continued human
precedent is any proof, that the defeat of powers thus chal-
lenging civilisation is a permanent thing. If you break them
their acts are not repeated — but only if you break them.
■ It is not true that acts of anarchy, and of terror, or habits
incompatible with a certain standard of civilisation, re-arise
"easily after their defeat in the field, or, at any rate, after the
dissolution through the effect of war of the organisms prac-
tising them. Human sacrifice did not re-arise in Gaul after
the victory of the Romans, nor in North Africa after the
destruction of Carthage. The burnings of the Commune were
not repeated elsewhere in Europe after the military victory
of authority in 1871. The methods of the Revolutionary
Terror were not attempted after the punishment of its authors.
The one thing and the only thing which stamps out an evil
influence (and a good influence too, for that matter), when
once the challenge of arms has been accepted, is success
under arms.
Two clearly opp)osing principles will not stand side by side
in one spiritual community, such as is or was the civilisation
of Europe. One or the other will be destroyed. There will
be victory or defeat.
Men stiU living can remember an instance of this. It is
an instance which has no relation to the fundamental quarrel
between good and evil as has this war. It relates only to a
specific and logical difference in constitutional ideas. I refer
to the armed struggle between the Union in the United States
and the Confederacy. We have no need to discuss which
ideal was justified, whether both were justified, or neither.
The point is that two incompatible theories of constitutional
conduct were opposed ; either the national unity of a vast
Federal Democracy could be maintained or its tendencies
to local independence and separatism would triumph. What
decided the issue for good or ill, and the only thing that could
decide the issue, was complete military success gained by one
of the two sides over the other.
The last obvious form of such a success may be a great battle
or it may be an internal dissolution, or a slow siege followed
by a capitulation. But some definite seal of success there
always is which is called in military history a decision.
Such a decision achieved against Prussia, as the fruit of
some mighty effort upon the part of forces originally inferior '
to her own and alw£^ys handicapped by the natural weaknesses
of a coalition, would stamp out the increasingly evil precedents
in war created by Prussia during the last three years. It
would make them impossible for the future- — that is the
point. Unless they are made impossible for the future our
civilisation goes under. They cannot be made impossible
by mutual understandings, for there is no mutual action at
work. France and England have not shot hostages nor
initiated indiscriminate murder by sea and land. They have
not originated the use of poison gas, Hor constructed vast
systems of internal espionage and treason. It is no case of
a number of equally erring passionate belligerents coming to
their senses and making good a misunderstanding. It is a
case of destroying by example something which, if it
survives, will be the death of us.
I can see no escape from that conclusion, and, as it seems
to me, all those who attempt to escape it to-day cither deli-
berately shut their eyes to the immediate past or, as is very
common in the case with men under a strain of fatigue, are
choosing immediate relief at the expense of future cat.'strophe.
H. Belloc.
8
Land & Water
February 14, 191 8
The After- War Blockade: By Arthur Pollen
TH E New York papers of the third week of January
contain a great deal of interesting information
about the development of American opinion.
Not the least important jftem relates to a
canvass of 500,000 members of the Associated
Chambers of Commerce, who have been asked to vote on the
issue, " Should the business men of America enter mto a
voluntary obligation after the war to decline all trade trans-
actions with the merchants of Germany until that country
is governed entirely by a democratioiUy elected parliament ? "
On the same day that I saw th^s I noted a report of a speech
bv Mr. Havelock Wilson in which he announced that the
organised labour of the shipping world had definitely made up
its mind to have— and allow— no after-war dealings with a
country that had murdered so many thousand British sea
oflScers and sailors.
There is, of course, nothing new in unofficial threats of
this kind. They have constantly been made during the
war, and the only very limited official endorsement of them
seems to have been that which was included in the pro-
ceedings of the Paris Conference on economic issues. The
sentiment that makes people individually and collectively
resolve never to employ GeiTnans again or to trade with
them, or to deal with them on any excuse, is natural, and
that it should, from time to time, take concrete shape is
inevitable. It is inevitable also that those who join in
common resolves of this kind should go further and suggest
to their governments an instant profession of a definite and
irrevocable plan for joint international effort to give effect
to this plan after the war. But save for the not very sweeping
conclusions of the Paris Conference — to which by the way
no adherence has been given by the United States — no re-
sponsible post bellum threats of any kind have yet been made,
if we except Mr. Asquith's statement that the murderers of
Captain Fryatt would be brought to account, a thing, of
course, that cannot be done unless Germany is so decisively
defeated that her government will be compelled to accept
any terms that the victors propwse. And this no doubt is
the explanation why no further threats, economic or other-
wise, have been made. If we win we can impose any terms
we like. If we have to compromise, the economic weapons
at our disposal for a bloodless war after the real war will be
highly ifliportant counters in negotiation. The more certain
we are to win, the less we need trouble ourselves with menaces
that look like substitutes for victory. When we remember
that, notwithstanding the defection of Russia, the military
position on sea and land is such that we only have to per-
severe to be sure of the kind of victory which will make any
"compromise unnecessary, we shall have no diificulty in seeing
why the Allies have no need to hold a trade blockade in
terrorem over Germany. And we are less than ever likely
to doubt this, now that we have the very welcome news that
the American Navy Department is assured of sufficient ton-
nage to raise the American Army in France up to 500,000
early in this year. It is therefore certain that, by the
beginning of the autumn, the Allies will possess that super-
iority of numbers that will secure us victory.
But though there is no burning necessity to tell the people
of Germany that we intend to carry on an economic war,
when the struggle of arms is over, there would, it seems to
me, be nothing lost, if a highly important set of facts were
put clearly bfefore the enemy and neutrals. They are those
relating to the inevitable economic, factors in the post war
situation. To realise what these are, we have only to pro-
pound two elementary questions. What will be the demand
nil Europe for those foodstuffs and raw materials necessary
for feeding the civilians, and for railway and structural re-
construction and the revival of trade, the supply of which is
altogether or mainly under Allied control ?
Nearly two years ago the late German Chancellor, when a
member of the Prussian Ministry, wamed his compatriots
that such shortage of food as existed during the war would
certainly be continued for at least two years after its termina-
tion. This, he explained, would not be due to the absence
of supplies, but to the absence of shipping for bringing those
supplies from abroad to German ports. Other German
economic authorities have further pointed out that the
domestic harvests for a longtime can certainly not be expected
to reach the old level, for a considerable period would be
necessary before the high farming of pre-war days could be
re-established. In no country in the world has agriculture
owed so. much to a lavish use of fertilisers and the other
constituent factors of intensive cultivation. Until labour
has regained its normal freedom, until the supply of fertilisers
bj manufacture or importation, has reached the requisite
standard, the wheat, barley, oat, and even the potato crops
cannot reach their old standard, and the fodder problem must
remain acute. Cereals, meat, cheese, milk, from domestic
sources only, must continue abnormally low for some time.
German Importations.
I am quoting from memory only, but my recollection is
that German importations of meat and cereals were approxi-
mately ten per cent, of the total consumption, but that the
import of fertilisers and feeding stuffs was considerably
higher. Some economic authorities went so far as to say
that Germany's old standard of living was dependent on
foreign supply to the extent of at least thirty per cent. The
point of the warning Michaelis gave his countrymen was,
that only a small part of this deficit could be made up for
some years owing to the restriction of shipping facilities.
If we pass from food to the transportation and industrial
problem, we shall probably not be far wrong in saying that
the first needs for re-starting German industrial life will be
rolling stock, lubricants, all metals other than iron and zinc,
cotton, wool, and rubber. These were the staple of Germany's
oversea imports before the war, and it is upon the renewal
of these imports that the economic resurrection of Germany
depends. If we . suppose that Germany is free to enter an
open market for the purchase of these raw materials abroad,
and so able freely to acquire these things in competition with
other Powers, two factors would stand in the way of an
adequate supply. There would be the enhanced price, and
a diminished means of bringing that supply to Gennany.
As in the case of foodstuffs, so here, the shipping shortage
must for some years be a permanent factor in delaying an
economic revival. In both cases this delay is inevitable
and quite independent of deliberate Allied action of any kind
whatever.
But the same facts that militate against Germany's imme-
diate revival will, if the market in materials is left open and if
freights are to go to the highest bidders, operate equally
to the disfavour of the people of the allied countries. For
the rebuilding of great parts of Belgium and of Northern
France, for the reconstruction of the French, Italian, and
indeed to a great extent of the British railways, for the re-
placements of bridges, viaducts, etc., and for the re-establish-
ment of all our industries, precisely the same raw materials
will be needed as for similar purposes in Germany. It
therefore stands to reason that so far as the Allied govern-
ments control the situation a preference must be given to
our own people and a discrimination exercised against the
enemy — and this apart altogether from any sentiment of
vindictiveness. The question is, what factors of the situation
are altogether in Allied control ? For practical purposes the
United States of America, Egypt and British India are the main
sources of the supply of cotton. Australia is by far the largest
source of supply for wool, and save for the agricultural pro-
ducts of Argentina, and the plantation products of the Dutch
Indies, the extra-European sources of supply for all other raw
materials are almost, if not altogether, monopolised by those
who are now in arms against Germany. It will, then, be open
to the Allies by common action to say that none of these
products — food, cotton, wool, ores, lubricants, machinery,
steel, railways, girders, etc. — shall be open to non- Allied
purchase at all. Apart altogether from any government
fixing of prices, the raising of prices by German (or Austrian)
competition can thus, and certainly will thus, be avoided.
And, as it is certain that it must take a great many years
before the manufactures of Belgium, France, Italy and
England are back at their old level, it is equally certain that
the Allied monopoly of the sources of Allied supply must be
forcibly maintained. Not till all our needs are met can the
ex-enemy have anything. There remain the non-Allied
sources of supply. These it may, or may not, be possible to
bring within the general arrangement. But it certainly will
not be to the Allied interest that German competition should
raise prices in South America or elsewhere, and the Allies
will undoubtedly hold out inducements to neutrals to join
the Allied scheme. And if these fail there is more than one
resource open to us, some of which, no doubt, will not be
neglected.
For example : Michaelis, it will be remembered, emphasised
the shortage of shipping as the predominant cause of Ger-
many's after-war shortage. A high authority has assured us
that approximately one half of Germany's pre-war shipping
is either no longer in existence or no longer in German posses-
sion. It is to the last degree improbable that considerable —
if any — replacements of German shipping have been possible
during hostilities. When peace comes then, it is not reasonable
to expect more than three million tons of German shipping to
February 14, 191 8
Land & Water
be afloat— even if we suppose that the Allies will be so weak
as not to insist upon the replacement of the ships illegitimately
sunk by submarine. The question is, what can three million
tons do for Germany in helping her through the immediate
problems that face her after peace is established ? The
problem of employing them will no doubt be simplified if all
Allied sources of supply are for a certain period closed to
Germany altogether, the German shipowners may indeed
find that the only market for a great part of their tonnage is
to charter them to foreigners. But if we suppose some of the
South American trade and the whole of the Dutch East
Indian trade still to be open, there remain such matters as
the supply of bunker coal and the use of the Suez Canal,
both of which are almost entirely under British control and
can therefore be exercised in accordance with any common
policy the Allies adopt.
If we put these factors together, it is difficult to see that
the bare justice of the situation — and by this I mean the
natural and inevitable preference given to Allied needs before
the question of German supply can be considered at all —
must create a position that will to a great extent leave Germany
in a state of economic isolation for a considerable period.
This isolation, I repeat, will in no way whatever be the result
of any deliberate desire to injure or punish the enemy. It
follows, of course, from the facts of the situation.
We surely are quite safe in taking it for granted that an
understanding along the lines set out above has already been
come to bv the Allies, or will be agreed in the near future.
The special powers already conferred on the President of the
United States of America, the similar powers which the Defence
of the Realm Act gives to the British Government, and with
which simil.-:>.r laws have invested the governments of the
constituent dominions of the Empire, and of France and Italy,
make the carrying out of such a programme a matter of
comparative simplicity. When its coming into effect is
certain, it is unlikely that the countries not yet fighting, who
have severed relations with Germany, such as Brazil and
China, would stand apart from this machinery. It would be
manifestly to their interest to make common cause with
countries that represent so great a preponderance of their
normal customers.
The question really is : Should this programme be drawn
up in detail and publicly announced ? It could not be done,
of course, as an alternative policy to seeking victory in the
field. But it would have another, and quite different, justi-
fication. It is impossible to read the public statements of
Hertling, von Tirpitz and the rest without being continually
struck by the fact that they all take it for granted, not only
tha Germany's diplomatic relations will be normal with all the
belligerents after the war is over, but that Germany's trading
facilities in the belligerent countries will be exactly as they
were. No doubt enhanced prices and a straitened supply of
everything is anticipated, from which Germany, like the rest,
must suffer. But it does not seem to have dawned upon the
minds of any that — apart altogether from peace terms —
there must be a period, possibly as short as thre: years,
possibly as long as ten, during which all questions to do with
food, raw material and shipping must largely be controlled by
the common interests of the Allies, and that the first of these
common interests will be to undo the ravages of war. For
this the resources of the Allies must be monopolised for the
benefit of the Allies and, until Allied needs are satisfied, there
can be no margin, not only for Germany, but even for the
neutrals that have not made common cause with us.
Perhaps a calm and dispassionate statement of Allied
intentions in this elementary matter may — -and for the first
time — bring back to the business heads of Germany a much
needed sobriety of cogitation.
Finally, there is a new fact in the situation which states-
men in this country would do well to take into account. When
I arrived in New York last June, while the war enthusiasm
of the people was very evident, one could not fail to notice
that, so far as enthusiasm was bred of indignation, it was
anger against the German Government, and not against the
German people, that provoked it. The bulk of opinion in
the United States was still under the influence of the Presi-
dent's discrimination between the military chiefs and the
duped subjects in the enemy countries. Erzberger's agita-
tion, for more democratic forms and peace without annexa-
tions, was taken to prove that the President's distinction
was an operative stroke of policy. His reply to the Pope
looked like a continuation of that policy. There was a
general hope that the German nation would, without too long
a delay, perceive the only path along which salvation could
be found, and compel a renunciation of outrage and conquest
and a settlement of real reconciliation — without rancour on
one side, or a sense of unslaked revenge on the other. Thefn
came the story of the Kiel mutiny, and many held it as proq
of the working of the new leaven. But the seizure of the
Gulf of Riga, the push into Italy, and now' the shameless
proceedings at Brest have seemingly brought American opinion
to a totally different view of the situation.
The last recorded speech of the President, following as it
does on the Congressional inquiries, the Senate demand for
a non-party Cabinet, and so forth, are conclusive proofs of
this contention. It is realised, in short, that it is not practical
politics to build on the differences of aim which the German
Government and the German people profess. A proposal
for a joint Allied statement of an intention to exclude
German competition as an obstacle to Allied reconstruction
after the war, would certainly have a very different reception
to-day than it would have had six or nine months ago.
Arthur Pollen.
\Oficial i>ioto.
American Railway Engines in France.
10
Land & Water
February 14, 191 8
Leaves from a German Note Book
THE Prussian Minister of Finance and his colleague
at the War Office have recently expressed views
which sufficiently illustrate the prevailing opinion
in Government circles in Germany. The
Minister of Finance, Herr Hergt, is one of the
new men introduced into the Prussian Cabinet to make the
world think that Prussia was democratising herself.
The speech of Herr Hergt in introducing the Prussian
Budget for 1918 showed that the men may be new, but the
system remains unchanged. He began on an optimistic
note, and on an optimistic note he ended — with what justi-
fication will be seen. He told the House that the total deficits
on the working of the three years of war amounted to nearly
thirteen million pounds sterling. Prussia in the past had had a
^ large reserve fund. That fund was now exhausted. Before the
war the railways in Prussia had invariably provided the
Exchequer with a few millions annually ; in 1917 there was
an enormous deficit on the railway accounts, and for 1918 it
was expected that the deficit would be some eight millions
sterling. All this was bad. But Prussia was also faced with
a shortage of fodder, which was becoming serious. One
effect of the war had been to loosen morality among the
people to a frightful extent ; honesty was a rare quality —
so this Minister of State informed the " High House " —
and many public departments had become dens of thieves.
Germany's Victories
But what was there on the other side ? Germany's great
victories, which in the mind of Herr Hergt apparently covered
a multitude of sins and deficiencies. There was, moreover,
the peace prospect with Russia. " Peace is on the march,
and will remain on the march." The Germans need not fear
America. " The great army over the water cannot swim and
cannot fly. It will not come." That was one prophecy
in which the Minister indulged. The longer the Western
Powers refused to make peace, the better for Germany.
" Proud Albion, which boasted that she was the merchant
and the banker of the whole worid, sees her ships, her money,
and her prestige irredeemably lost." When the enemy does
come and beg for peace, Germany's terms will be very different
from what they are now. The war will not unduly have hurt
Prussia, which will continue to be what she has been— the seat
of productive effort and the centre of sound finance. " Thus
we shall surmount all our difficulties."
The Leipziger Volkszeitung, which is not a Prussian but a
Saxon journal, makes bold to assert that the tone of this
speech showed neither political sagacity nor financial ability
As It was, the Prussian Minister admitted the growing deficits.
But everybody knows, writes the Socialist journal that the
Prussian, like the Imperial, budgets are wholly fictitious.
Dr. Mehnng, one of the newest members of the Prussian
Diet, and an Independent Socialist, warned the Minister that
the people were tired of having events placed before them
through rose-coloured spectacles ; that their patience was
b^inning to be exhausted, and if need be, they would " dear
the decks for action." Dr. Mehring, it should be noted, is
no demagogu^, but one of the most respected thinkers in
Germany. The same tone was adopted by another Indepen-
dent Socialist Deputy, Herr Hofer, who appears to be closely
m touch with German working-class opinion :
Labour is enraged at the mismanagement of affairs. You
(addressing the parties of the Right) have no idea how the
masses are seethmg with discontent. It is you who are
paving the road for a revolution. ^
'^L^T'a^'^T^a ^o^^^f ' appears to be unmoved by the
of War r™!"^""!*"^ conquest. The Prussian Minister
^nS.^f^K u"""" ^*^'"' '" ^" interview with the repre-
StVon in f h". w"^^'" P^P"' ^''i^^- ^*^t^^ «'^t Germany's
Kh^I I^^\ ^^^ '" 8°°^^ *at all eventualities,
mdudmg even the Americans, were provided for. Peace '
Yes, he too wanted peace But " as a soldier I see only one
possibility of ending the war, which is victory " ^
.. ^I^^ people were talking of peace by renunciation. But
renunciation is a sign of weakness, a recognition of defeat "
Other people suggested peace by understanding What is
™th"t of'Tl'hV'^" conceive ^of some such frrai^emen
as that of two bdligerents united to fight a third • if for
example, the Contmental Powers joined forces against England
and America. But of that there is no sign^ Indeed the
fiSn^'Thor^'r °' T^e-^-ding- w'e must therefor^
f,r -fK ^^^^ ^^^ ^''^^'■* ^^^t military victory is impossible
for either side are wrong. Militaiy victory has alreadv
been achieved— bv Germanv nnH \... aii;„. . ^ "^ already
We and our Allies hold Belgium, the coast, and valuable
provinces of France ; we hold, too, Serbia, Montenegro, parts
of Roumania and Italy. The moment- our enemies realise
that they cannot drive us out, they admit their defeat. But I
can think of final victory in another way — I mean on the
battlefield. I am not at liberty to state the details. But I
am bound to say that, in the midst of the present circum-
stances, the will to final victory and the certainty that it will
be ours should not be lost sight of among us and among our
allies. This will and this certainty shall give us all the power
to hold out until victory is ours.
It is obvious from this what the German military leaders think,
and what is the attitude of the Prussian Government, which is
the most influential in the German Confederation.
The Patriotic Party
The Patriotic Party, it need hardly be added, fully shares
the views expressed by General von Stein, and in a handbill
of the Hamburg branch, which has received wide publicity
in Germany, an anonymous Hamburg merchant sets forth
the results of a peace by renunciation. If Germany were
to agree to renounce her victories that would mean that she
would be dominated economically by England. " That
England has in the main achieved her war aims cannot be
denied, and our splendid military position in Europe will not
alter the fact." What is the real situation ? Gerrpany's
position in the world was founded on her commerce, which was
carried by her shipping over all the oceans to all the five
continents of the globe. England's aim was to destroy
Germany's world position, and she has succeeded :
Our shipping and world trade are so thoroughly. ruined that
we shall literally have to start again at the very beginning,
and even decades of hard work will scarcely suffice to make
good what has been destroyed in these three years.
The Hamburg merchant's disappointment is easy to under-
stand. Hamburg, once the proudest trading centre in
Germany, now lies desolate, and her merchant princes, who
hoped to get rich quickly out of a war which, as many people
hold, they were among the foremost to provoke, have been
deeply disappointed of their easy prey.
The anonymous author goes on to say that it will be im-
possible for German commerce after the war to take up the
old threads, seeing that many of them have been completely
destroyed. " The German trader who, when peace has been
signed, goes out into the world will find ruins almost every-
where, and when he sets about to raise them he will come up
against a solid wall of enmity which will prevent him from so
doing." The writer then recalls the resolutions of the Paris
Economic Conference, and asks, who can believe that England
will ever agree to cease from her economic warfare ?
If our enemies succeed in permanently throttling our overseas
trade so that we are limited to Central Europe, our industry
will decline and the whole of our economic life dry up. Our
workers would, owing to the lack of opportunities for labour,
be forced to emigrate. The German Empire would sink into
a second-rate Power.
What is to rescue Germany from this awful fate? Only
one thing— she must force England to agree to a German
peace. " Only the defeat of England, with the assistance of
the U-boats, will be able to ward off this evil from us." What
follows ? That every German must hold out until the " in-
comparable " submarines have done their work.
been achieved— by Germany and her Allies ;
Belgian Art
• ^^^1 ^^"^^"^ authorities in Belgium, moved by their interest
m Belgium s art treasures, have appointed a spedal com-
mittee of experts and representatives of the Government to
make an inventory of all the Belgian works of art they can
collect, and to have some six to eight thousand photographs
taken so that the valuable treasures may bec6me available
to all and sundry.
The communication lays stress on two facts. In the first
place, the Belgian Government was too incapable or too
Kile to undertake this necessary work, which has been left for
German thoroughness and German scholarship to accomplish.
In the second place, the Kaiser himsdf is so interested in the
project that he has made a grant out of his privy purse of
£1.750. This sum, together with £1,000 provided by Hen-
Louis Laiblen, a wealthy Wiirtemberg merchant and art
lover, will make it possible to begin work at once. German
science thus proves— so the obviously inspired commtmique
insists— that even in war time it is ready to undertake a work
of peace, and by its care for the Belgian art treasures it
frf 1 *^ *° *^^*^ foolish accusation levelled against Germans
that they are capable of destroying works of art.
February 14, 191 8
Land & Water
II '
John Rathom's Revelations
The spy' system that radiated from the German Embassy
and the full details ol the plot for sinking the " Lusitania '
FROM— Berlin Foreign Office.
TO— Botschaft, Washington
/
669. (44— W)— Welt nineteen-f if teen warne 175 29 1 stop
175 1 2 stop
durch 622 2 4 stop 19 7 18 stop IIX 11 3 4 5 6 .
This is a copy of the wireless message sent from the Foreign Of&ce in Berlin to the German Embassy in Washington, which
was intercepted at Sayville, the wireless station in America, by the Providence Journal's wireless opera ors. It created the
greatest interest in the Journal ofi5ce, because it followed none of the known codes and, in form, was unlike any other
message that had been received at Sayville up to that time. It was interesting also because static conditions were unfavour-
able that morning, and the fact that four attempts were made before it was successfully put through indicated its unusua,!
importance. The method by which it was deciphered is illustrated on the next page.
In the. following article Mr. John R. Rathom explains the
reasons which led to his formation of a private secret service to
counteract tfie German plots in America. A facsimile of the
secret wireless message from Berlin regarding the sinking of the
" Lusitania " is given above, and the ingenious manner in
which it was decoded is carefully and fttUy explained.
^ O properly understand the story of Gennan intrigue
in America it is necessary to realise that the work of
propaganda opened
T
■ up through the Ger
' man Embassy in
Washington at the beginning of
the European war was not con-
ceived in a night, and did not
spring full-grown out of the
emergency then created.
The United States, the only
great nation in the world with-
out any political secret service
or espionage system, with no
knowledge of secret diplomacy,
no machinery with which to
guard its military, naval, or
governmental secrets, the ranks
of employees in every govern-
ment office freely open at all
times to men and women of
every nationality, and con-
taining within its borders the
most polyglot population ever
brought together under a civi-
lised form of government, had
been for thirty years before
the outbreak of the European
war a fertile field for German
propaganda.
Germany's sources of in-
formation with regard to every
condition about which she de-
sired to secure information in
the United States were prac-
tically limitless. A large num-
ber of willing and subservient
Germans, working without hin-
drance or any suggestion of espionage, had been enabled during
a long period of years to lay before the German Foreign Office
very complete information which might be useful to the
fatherland in any future emergency on that continent. Even
in the ranks of the army and navy, there were hundreds of
men, citizens only in name and owing their first allegiance
to Germany, keen and eager to do at any time whatever
Prussia called on them to do. .The secrets of American mills
and factories, the methods and scope of American banking
interests, the operation of American railroads and American
shipping — all of these facts had been for years the very
alphabet of Germany's knowledge of American daily life, a
knowledge secured not by outside spies working under immense
difficulties, as would have been the case in any country of
Europe, but from the very heart of America's economic and
Captain
Military Attach^ at
social movement by an organisation of men^actually engaged
in the work itself.
Thus it was that when the German Foreign Office, through
the Embassy in Washington, began what appeared to be the
easy task of moulding American sentiment to its will, all the
necessary machinery was ready at hand.
This condition, coupled with the firm belief on the part of
Germany that the millions of her subjects who had become
citizens of the United States would not hesitate for a moment
in any choice that might be laid before them between adher-
ence to the fortunes of Germany
or to the land of their adoption,
seemed in the minds of the men
responsible for German foreign
jwlicy to make it certain that
in whatever channel they de-
sired to direct American senti-
ment their will would be prac-
tically law.
For nearly a generation Ger-
man influence on American
school boards had been in-
sidiously shaping public senti-
ment through school books and
histories. Exchange professors,
liberally sprinkled with Im-
perial decorations, had main-
tained and increased a con-
stant propaganda of reverence
for German institutions through
many of the educational cen-
tres of the United States. And
the great German commercial
houses which had secured a
foothold in the United States,
and which were virtually out-
posts of the German Foreign
Office, had gained strong posi-
tions in many vitally important
elements in the German com-
mercial life. It was, therefore,
on known ground that von
Bernstorff and his numerous
associates began their work of
intensive cultivation of Prus-
sianised doctrines in America.
With every path apparently wide open to their feet, they
proceeded at first without any thought of serious opposition,
to mould the United States to their will, to stultify its national
ideals, and so drug its national conscience that, regardless of
what might happen in Europe, it would stand by, a dis-
interested spectator, except for the growth of a keen desire
to see Germany triumphant.
It is well, to begin with, to know something of the per-
sonality of the men into whose hands was entrusted this new
and crowning movement which was to lead to a glorious
success for German diplomatic methods. For purposes of this
analysis it is not necessary to dwell on the personality or
character of Dumba, the Austrian Ambassador, or any of his
fellow-officials representing that Government in America.
None of them, from the day war began, was ever anything
von Papen
the German Embassy
12
Land & Water
February 14, 191 8
TRANSATLANTIC P7
JHciuiUl oniyrfgularpwteHCertinftfrota AV-t/ Yorl.
tfKtV VOHK. PLYUUL-TH, ClllCltBOUBa AMD) AMl^KICAN LINIC.
dogrtfAMrroN.Plgri'otft W. 3J<iat,, N. K ; (Oilice. Q Broadway.)
Kkw Yobk and Ui.A£ao\r. Flerr
foot W. 2«tll SL
■Rir
CameroulA. ..
glunibla...
ledoulB....
Cfcllfornt* ...
ififW V'oKK ANO
Coot w. i7iaM.
Wluileftpolia.
Mlnnebalja..
Mlnnecooka.
MInnewaska
Minnekabtia
01aa80w~
Ulassow...
(JIasgow..
Ulaayow...
\), & W, Henderson. .
D. A W.Heiidenjoii...
a ftw. Ueuderson...
I) » W. Bendernon ..
but a puppet in the hands of German Embassy officials;
they had no, will of their own, and they had been directly
ordered through their Foreign Office to put themselves
entirely in the hands of von Bemstorff and his associates.
The German Ambassador had been for years a social lion
in Washington, and
this r61e was particu-
larly congenial to him.
He liked the attention
of wealthy people
which came to him
as a perquisite of his
position, and the social
influence which it let
him wield. His per-
sonal vanity was great,
and his subordinates
often played upon it
as an easy road to
favour and' advance-
ment. He, in turn,
was not above using
his social connections
aspart of themachinery
to spread German pro-
paganda in America,
and in this work he
found easy victims in
some of the people of
Washington who were
flattered at the atten-
tions showered upon
them by the distin-
guished representative
of a great European
Power. Social weak-
nesses were played up-
on by both sides. Capt.
It
It
It
't
i»
ai
t>
\i
w
94
2'ransatlanticfPa33engerjSteamers.
CER STEAMERS.
Ou '/Ip Cn ine Eurirpfan tvnrlhVttittisltabtetochanoc^
Length, t HtTi>.Jih. I l)*i>th.
I:sTabli3BED 1S92.
8L LoutJ*
ISW
riiil;uleli)lila
\Vm.crujup A Nuiia...
110-39
■duo
5i4
63
43
HUPaul
ISM
fhlladelpliia
Wm, cramp & Sous..
116-29
-AK)
6o4
63
49
PliUadtlphla.. . .
1880
lJla.sfow.. .,
.r. &U. Thomaou
iu;86
6801)
m
63.3
42
KcwVork.
MSa
(Jla^Kow J. A «. Thomson..., .
1IJ799
lajoo
i6u
63.3
43
A.XCUOKUtNK
fOmce, 17 Broadway.)^
ESTABUSU ED 185X
1V%3"
8393
SMI
nouo
7lM)U
6SS
6U0
C16
4VU
/ (Office. 0 BfQn(l»:t.v.)
£3TAnLinUL-»189Z
Jielfiuiu..
Culiusu..
HcKast...
licliost ..
Belfast.. .
NaWr YOHIC, CjUUHSSlOWN. KiSHOUARO
AVP LiyKrtPOOL. Plera 53. 64. 5« N,
llarlAiid & WoliT...
Uarlaiid ft WqiiT...
lUrlatid & Woltl...
Harland & WoIIT...
1906
^M».«.T^.. 19U ^
TraosylTMola (Bullldtnglj.
K« w York, Mkditerravkan-
APBt*TlcS«rivicy. FleriL.W.l4tn St.
Olissow ..^. UrowQ&Co
QlaAgow. ... J. llrowa ft Co
Newcastle.. p3waD ft Huafer..
Utassuw. ..,.!. BrowD & Oj...
Olaagow. ... J. Browo ft Co....
Curpatbia..
f'rauooula.
Ternia .. .
lACOula
■pvvan ft Uuuter.,
Swau ft HuDter....
wwun ft Hunter...
Uwan ft Hunter. .
- Hrn^. n ft <o. .
Every attempt to decipher the wireless message (reproduced on the previous
page) completely failed, until someone who was familiar with the inner
workings of the German Embassy remembered that on the morning of April
29th Prince Hatzfeldt {of the German Embassy staff) had been hunting for a
New York World Almanack.
Teb Americem XTIaPti
munber ~
Alabonw 243 lodlaoa 762 Nebraska
Alaska 25 Iowa 944 Nevada
Arlzoaa -eSjKansas 735 New Hampshire
Arkansas 32-l|KeDtucky 2109 New Jersey ....
T/u World.
3
Z^t
Franz von Papen, the German military attache, was another
member of the Embassy staff to whom social triumphs were
more than ordinarily fascinating. Capt. Karl Boy-Ed, the
naval attache, a man of infinitely greater mentality than
eitherof the other two, cared little for social life at Washington,
though he was person-
ally well liked in social
circles there.
When the pro pa -
ganda of the German
Embassy began to meet
with opposition, and it
gradually dawned upon
the minds of these
men that the task be-
fore them was filled
with pitfalls and diffi-
culties, it was inter-
esting to note the
change in their atti-
tude. Von Bemstorff
tobk up the role of
martyr. He _ posed,
and succeeded "in hav-
ing his pose believed
in by a large part of
the American public,
as a creature of un-
fortunate circum-
stances, crushed be-
tween the upper and
nether mill-stones, and
powerless to prevent
the growing insolence
of his Foreign Office in
Berlin, as displayed
against the United
States.
Returning to the
Embassy from a visit
to Secretary Lansing
on April loth, 1916,
after the attack on the .
steamship Sussex by a
German submarine, he
said to Prince Hatz-
puts such burdens on me ! " This declaration was received
by the group with hearty laughter, in which the Ambassador
joined.
During this period a good many people were trusting in
his sincerity and believed von Bemstorff to be in a cruel
personal position, call-
ing, as far as he was
concerned, for nothing
but sympathy ; a man
forced by his Govern-
. ment to do and say
things to which he
himself was entirely
opposed. As a matter
of fact, many of the
messages alleged to
have come from his
Government to him,
and to have been re-
ceived and trans-
mitted by him in des-
pair to the American
Government, were ac-
tually prepared under
his personal direction,
sent to Berlin by cable
through Swedish chan-
nels, and then for-
warded back to him by
wireless from Nauen,
the principal wireless
station in Germany.
Bemstorff and von
Papen had no scruples
about adding to their
material wealth by
means of knowledge
secured by reason of
Government. Working
iaiM3
13638
13440
14317
6&U0
9aUll
tiOO
1 CUNAilU LINK.
J (OfBce. 21 State .'Street.)
til:*. 6
615.6
6I3.6
em
6i>.i
65.6
Bb.i
66
43.3
43.3
43.3
44
Ji;3TABLr8UIII> 1840.
2(j(X)0
820VO
83UUII
SIUOU
31C0O
!OIXW
7UW)U
CWHO
ei,\)
uo
790
780
SOI
; CUKARD LINE
' (Omce.21 Stale Street.)
63.»
eo.»
60.S
92.6
ESTABLIBBED 1904.
13600
uu
64.6
18180
tii
7a
mi
66
181M
«3S
7J
IWWO
..
486
49
4U
Ifalionat Model license League.
STATISTICS OP THeCPMS^
Ameruan Wantjiaper Annual oiid Direelory, publlsbed by N. W. Ayer A Son. renortcd tha
of newspapers publlalied In tUs United Stalw In 1014 ai follow;: ' '^t™™™ "»
e41iHouth Carolina. .. 168
41SOUU1 Dakota. 415
llOTenneasee 3H
■3791Texaa. 1.081
±U
^
4
•tOSCPM PULITZER. /
April lo/l841 •)• October 80, 1911,
7
TBI Wous-s ptirpoee. to "turn on the tight" In tlie Intereut of the pmcla at tarie. vaMnot 1
forirotten durlnii the year 1914. This Inspiring aim was responsible tor a remarkable feat ISiJ
^umaltotlc world. It led Tbk Woeld to Investigate the business methods of the New York New
T^.!?i"""°"' "'"'o*" Company, nothing daunted by the fact that the, corporation waa
oontrouad by some ol the greateel UTIag nnanelers, men whose decisions were supposed to be the
The first tvvo words of the message "Welt 1915" supplied the clue
A Z.'!^^v^i^ ""'"^""' ^^ "-epresenting page, line and word
Almanack, the message was decoded as follotvs :
Warne
175 29
175 I
dutch •
622 2
1 =
2 =
4 =
Warn
Lusitania
Passengers
through
Press
of "Ihe' Emba^sf 'r.' ° 1 ^^''^V^^^'^'^'^""' ^''^^- Secretary
oi tne embassy Haniel von Haimhau.sen, Counsellor and
of"s aSHarttef" *J^^Emb-^y ^ " I told thSecretarv
ot btate to-day that the poor Ambassador was crushed to
their official connection with their
through a well-known New York stockbroker, whose personal
affiliation with the Embassy was common talk in Washington
and New York, von. Bemstorff repeatedly purchased and
sold considerable blocks of shares of various industries.
Von Pa pen's me-
thods of enriching him-
self did not stop at
these out.,ide activi-
ties. His manner of
accounting, or rather
lack of accounting, for
many large sums of
money supposed to
have been spent on
propaganda work
brought about, more
than once, a very rigid
scmtiny of his finan-
cial condition and his
agents' receipts. One
of his common lapses
in this direction was
the giving of elaborate
parties at Washington
clubs to satisfy his own
social desires, and the
inclusion of the bills
for these parties in his
official accounts as
being necessary for the
progress of his propa-
ganda work. One of
the bills so rendered
showed that a golf
club luncheon had cost
him nearly £4 per
head for eleven people.
The note^acompanying
this bill "declared that
the outlay was " far
more than justified in
the results secured."
As his ten guests on
this particular occa-
sion were all Wash-
in the
and
World
19
LIX
= not
,, ". 3, 4, 5. 6 =
Voyage across the Atlantic
earth
,, , ,r-L- "-^ by
that accursed Foreign Office which
"^^^^G^^^^^S^^^t^^^^
ington people, none of whom by the most extreme stretch of
the imagmation could be able to render him any diplomatic
service whatever, this particular account was disallowed, and
he was compelled to pay the money out of his own pocket,
or rather out of the pockets of certain rich and gullible German-
Americans in New York City, who more than once tided the
February 14, 19 18
Land & Water
13
gallant captain safely over his very frequent financial
rocks.
To both von Bemstorff and von Papen, the sanctity of
human life, as their work became more vicious, was a matter
entirely out of their calculations. The Ambassador who had
received all courtesies from the American Government, the
recipient of unusual honours from many American Universities,
indebted to hundreds of Americans for exceptional and con-
tinuous hospitality, never once lifted his voice to his Foreign
Office in opposition to any order for the carrying out of pro-
pagandist activities in the United States which involved the
loss of hundreds of innocent lives.
Time after time he, with von Papen and Baron von Schoen,
gleefully celebrated the destruction of munition plants in
America. When word came that the Lusitania was sunk,
the Bemstorff's Press agents reported him as being " over-
come with grief and regret " in a fashionable New York
hotel — he was at that moment actually giving a supper party
elsewhere in New York, and during this supper party the
destruction of the Lusitania was hailed as a glorious triumph
for German naval prowess. During the evening von Papen,
touching glasses with his chief, made the remark :
" This is the end of the mistress of the seas."
Capt. Boy-Ed, who was not at this function, alone among
the entire group of German Embassy officials persisted in
declaring that the sinking of the Lusitania was a blunder of
the worst kind.
On another occasion when, at a conference at ii, Broadway,
the offices of the Hamburg-American Steamship Co., the
question as to what should be done to silence the Providence
Journal aime up, von Papen and Koenig, known as the " chief
of the secret service " of the Hamburg-American Line, at
once declared that the Journal office should be blown up,
Boy-Ed declined to accept this point of view, and refused to
have a hand in such proceedings, earnestly advising against it.
It is interesting to note, in connection with the mental
attitude of these two Embassy officials with regard to crimes
of this character, that while von Papen since" his return to
Germany has been twice decorated by the Emperor, and has
been advanced a rank to a colonelcy, Capt. Boy-Ed has
remained a captain and has receiw^ed no such honours at the
hands of the German Government.
In this connection I present here the translation of a letter,
not hitherto published, sent by Capt. Boy-Ed to Adolf Paven-
stadt,* of 112, West 59th Street, New York, from German
• It may be noted that Pavenstadt's name has been brought promi-
nently fonvard in the Bolo Pasha trial in Paris, Bolo having apparently
been the guest of ' Pavenstadt on several occasions during bis visit
to the United States.
"THE SEAL OF
SAFETY AT SEA''
Aftde from the ftckaowledsed duty of every ma&Q-
faclurer to make an boaest product there It an
0Quatl7 Important moral responsib titty, the carefal
useiDblIng and testing of each motor so thac llfo' may De safe vltb It.
Tlie workmen and management of the Scrlpps Company recogoi^a tbli
d'lty Tbey design, construct and test all Scripps molors with this re*
tponslbiUty clearly In mind
Ty£aE-AB£_niE_PROOFS :
Tlie «ucre9sru1^o> age acrosa the AtlantlcV>r the 3S*foot motor
boa.t ^'Detroit " ^^ ^
The *wo luccvsaful trtpa through the Niagara Rafilds and tbo
Whirlpool.
flecorda r^de in endurance teeu and in theevcry<dayservlcelOAU
parts of the world.
Tbe 1914 dcnppfl models contain many oev improvementa. all of which
are embodied tn tht 1914 Scrlppa Motor Book. Seventeen different mod-
els. Including one. two. four and sU cylinder types, aegiil-ipeed, medium
duty, and extra heavy duty, are abown.
Tbli'^ook also contains full Information regarding the new ELECffflS
SELF-STARTER. UGHTINQ CEINDRATORS, new KEROSENE and
DISTILLATE motors. . c»p, ^„, ,„ ,^,^4.
SCRIPPS MOTOR COMPANY
661 Lincoln Ave., Detroit. Mich..
CffTtapMt^iK* •elidltd.
U. S. A.
n«ek
Ptinr. I SCO
SCniPPS .\fOTOn9 ARB CAA-
KIED IN STUCK BY
N«« rofK-Soxli
n Ca 211 Vu
Cfttfato. "I — '> t. Co^roTf 4 Co.
"" "■" Gnilroooil ' --
„.... — W E
A Mb St.
. LmU. Ma.— ^hi«
N. U«rk«t 81.
«k»CBtUI«. fia -~Oibba G» Kiuln*
Ca . foot o( Mito St
• til*. W»»li.-S V B Millet »a
MAtlOQ St.
Sin F'aDri«-o C>1 — Cuny Am*
Co Mrt MS M«THrt St.
Lot <n(r)*« Ckl — MlrtM Carla< *
««nnli Co Ml S Lo* .tacHn SL
tm i:n Wn.l SKiwnot Sl.
uunirfd Quibf.'—W C Dakar Pa-
•MB nidi At«*irr St
in -D A Rom.
L« -\rlhu' L>u>k I30ChaftmSl
CXPORT OFFICE
7 gatcerv Place. New Tofk Ctly.
LINE
■^ SteamiMm
iLASGOW
lay 1, Noon
I Pier W, N R.
^ay7,5p.m>
irpool.
wt w nth at.
a* 8t»t« St.. N. V
Ml-the-Way
by-Water
CLNE- Stcajnshlps
Lv«u Pier 19.
6 PM. Tuea
(htful 380-mlle. 22-
le CITY BEAUTI-
Tourist and N V
lone 8980 — Corl
CORPORATION
LINE
*rn Route
f rt from Parli.
A M.^RSEILLES
am' Anna. .Jun» &
^-bon & MarfteUlet
oma ..Aug. 3
17 Stalest . N y
VLIANO
II 1>AT8.
[OBorta JuAt 25
^jem, J8I A 190 up.
V B'way. N. T.
L 0 B I D A
•olnU South.
Wth AfcTN. T.
ADVKBTraKlCENT.
NOTICE!
TRAVELLERS intending to
embark on the Atlantic voyage
are reminded that a «ute of
war exist» between Germany
and her allies and Great Britain
and her allies; that the zone of
war includes the waters adja-
cent to the British Isles; that,
m accordance with formal no-
tice given by the Imperial Ger-
man Government, vessels fly-
ing the flag of Great Britain, or
of any of her allies, are liable to
destruction in those waters and
that travellers sailing in the war
zone on ships of Great Britain
or her allies do so at their own
risk.
IMPERUL GERMAN EMBASSY
WASHINQTON. D. C. APBiL 21. 1915.
VBW ENOLJUn
HEATOP
Sjtockbridge, A
in the B>
WILL OPE'
Tlila ilodern Hol«
Sellghlfully Located,
ftvlll, TvUl be at the
47tU St., New York, ff
10th. Information rcgi
>« promptly attended
/ Marblehei
THE RO'
Hotel de Lur
\ Faces aU
BOOKLETS
EARI
STOCKBRII
RED LI
'Mount
As a result of the instructions received by wireless
from Berlin the above advertisement was inserted in the
New York World and New York Times of May ist, 1915.
The advertisement obviously referred to the Lusitania,
which was sunk six days later, but the announcement
was ingeniously dated April 22nd, 1915, for insertion by
the newspaper of May ist.
I.IX II, 3, 4, 5, 6
For translation see previous page.
General Headquarters in Berlin under date of March 5th,
1916. Pavenstadt's address, on this letter, is likewise the
address of the German Club (Deutscher Verein) :
Dear Mr. Pavenstadt : In order not to appear rude any
longer, I do not want to let another Sunday pass without
sending you a line to show you that I have certainly not
forgotten you, in spite of all the commotion, turmoil and
work.
I sincerely hope that I shall soon have more leisure for my
private affairs than I have now. That will probably be the
case if I am left in my present appointment, which is very
interesting and very agreeable (being independent and
greatly esteemed). Unfortunately, however, that is not a
certainty. At least the sword of Damocles seems to be
hanging over me, and, if it falls, I should again be transferred
to another very busy and exacting appointment (in Berlin).
Such a change will be most unwelcome to me, at least for the
present, as I am rather upset on account of my nervous
■ complaints. Above all, I am also sleeping wretchedly. In
other respects, however, I am very well, as I said before, and
it is grand to be in the thick of it amidst all the knowledge,
decisions and plans.
Papen has been for some time on the West front, as battalion
commander ih a Guards regiment. It was a pity he brought
so many useless papers, checjues, etc., with him. I hope
that his bad luck has not inconvenienced you too. His
superiors do not appear to have taken the matter tragically,
as he was awarded a second Order.
Everybody here is full of confidence, though nobody
ventures to say how long the business will last.
Kindest regards to all our common acquaintances, especially
Messrs. Rath, Siedenburg, Neuhoft, Fleischmann, Baron
Schroder and yourself.
From your faithful and very grateful friend,
Karl Boy-Ed.
While von Bemstorff directed everything that was done in
connection with the blowing up of factories, the placing of
bombs in freight ships, the poisoning of mules on transports,
and all the other movements aimed to terrorise the United
States and to paralyse traffic with the Allies, he invariably
kept himself away from any conferences concerning details of
these plots, and the most elaborate precautions were always
taken, whenever it was possible, to get him out of the way at
the time when such outrages were scheduled.
On two occasions when munitions plants were blown up he
had gone to Lenox, the summer home of the Austrian
Ambassador, Dumba, on the preceding day. His constant
declaration to both von Papen and Boy-Ed was that he must
never be bothered with details concerning these plots, and
that, after talking over the general scheme, the carrying out
of all such work should be conducted without any reference
whatever to him, so that he should be ignorant of details
until the matter under way was concluded. ;
Bemstorff's idea was that in order to make Americans believe
whatever he wished them to believe, it was necessary only to
state his case — the training of the German State-made mind
— was not shaken for a long while after the beginning of the
European war.
(To be continued.)
14
Land & Water
February 14, 191 8
At Sea : By Etienne
TIME : 11.50 p.m.— Bang-bang on the cabin door,
the heaN'y tread of a marine sentry, a crash as
he trips over the chair, and then a flood of light
bathes the tinv cabin.
Lieutenant John Smith, owing to long practice
b by this time thoroughly awake, but he closes his eyes and
tries to beUeve it is all a dream and that it is only his imagina-
tion which is saying : ,.
" Ten minutes to eight beUs, and Mr. 'lU s comp iments
Sir, and it— it's— rainin' and blowin' very 'ard— oil-skm and
sea boot weather, if I might 'azard a remark, Sir !
This effort of chattiness on the part of the marine sentry
rasps on Lieutenant Smith's sensitive nature. ^
Sitting up abrugay he remarks, " For Heaven s sake get
out of my cabin ! " ,. j^ , ^ « c -n.
The sentry withdraws and tells his own relief that bmithy
•asthe'eUof afat 'ead." . , .
He also privately registers the resolve to mistake a quarter
to twelve for ten minutes to the hour, when next he caUs
Lieutenant Smith. . x- i
But let us return to this gentleman and observe attentively
his movements and listen to his conversation.
Having carefully examined his wrist watch he sprmgs
ponderously out of his bunk. The ship is pitching heavily,
and it is with some bitterness that he notices a photograph
of a girl- much esteemed— has fallen from its frame into his
wash basin. r r>. , j
He quickly dresses, putting on several layers of Shetland
waistcoats, a special inflatable waistcoat, and finally sea
boots, an oil-skin, a pair of reputed waterproof gloves and
a sou'-wcster hat.
He flings a pair of binoculars round his neck, and with a
lingering look at his warm bunk, from which (O shame !)
a hot-water bottle leers at him, he staggers on deck.
His progress to the bridge is lengthy and somewhat painful.
Funnel guys and other wires strike him smartly across the
face at regular intervals ; a bluejacket hastening below for
four hours' sleep rams him, then disappears in haste. Even-
tually Smith reaches Monkey Island,* where he and Mr.
Hill enter into a short conversation lasting a couple of minutes.
Mr. Smith's contributions to this consist of a series of
grunts, but it apparently satisfies his opposite number, for
with a parting remark that the " sea-cows " are five miles
on the port beam, Mr. Hill retires to his bunk.
Let me explain, en parenthise, that the " sea-cows "
are an extremely respectable squadron of cruisers, once
attached to the Grand Fleet.
Amongst other yams, passed from ship to ship, concerning
the squadron, runs one to the effect that the " sea-cows "
were late at a rendezvous. On enquiries being made by
wireless, a reply was received as follows :
"We are zigzagging 90 degrees in each direction every quarter
of an hour, in order to cope with the submarine menace."
But we have lost sight of our proteg^. Smith soon finds
that it is in very truth oil-skin weather. About every ten
seconds tlie cruiser buries her forecastle deep into • creamy
foam, then, without effort, she lifts, and her " flared bow "
flings many tons of North Sea back along the upper deck.
Much of this is caught by the gale and, rising in a curved
sheet, is hurled against the bridge.
Smith and his companion (for another unfortunate is also
keeping a weary vigil) manage to dodge most of these by
ducking behind a canvas screen at the critical moment, but
every now and then they miscalculate and receive the penalty
in the shape of stinging, blinding spray.
An indeterminate distance ahead, a feeble blue light glim-
mers in the gloom ; Smith watches it carefully — he must
keep four hundred yards from that light, which marks the
plunging stem of the next ahead. Whenever he can he
sweeps the h9rizon and imagines dark spots, though common
sense tells him that there is little chance of the Hun destroyer
being out on such a night.
In such a manner, the minutes pass, and slowly (oh ! so
slowly sometimes) they become hours. '
As 2 a.m. rings out on the ship's bell, a dripping figure
appears at his side, holding in one hand a pulpy mass of
signal sheets.
" One or two signals come through. Sir ; shall I read 'em ? "
" Carry on," says Smith.
The dripping one produces a shaded torch, switches it on
and intones various signals.
" One more, Sir," " Fleet will alter course at 2.15 to North."
" Thank heaven for that," comes from the other corner.
" We shall have this sea behind us."
" 'Ear ! 'Ear ! to your sentunents, John, they does yer
credit," adds Smith.
At 2.15 a.m. course is altered satisfactorily, though not
before Mr. Smith has gone tlirough an unpleasant five minutes,
during which he first lost his guiding stern light, then having
increased to twenty knots in a flutter of excitement he suddenly
noticed a black shape on his beam. However, with no lights
showing such things often happen and he drops into station
without anyone being the wiser.
The rain has kindly stopped and on the new course the
bridge is comparatively dry.
Thoughts of cocoa obtmde themselves.
" Messenger ! "
" Sir ! "
" Go down to my cabin and in my basin you will find a
cup, saucer, and spoon, a coffee cup fuU of milk, another on.
full of brown sugar, a tin of cocoa, and an electric kettle.
Bring it all up— got it ? "
" Yessir ! "
In the fulness of time, the small boy aged about fifteen
reappears with the necessary impedimenta for cocoa. The
kettle is plugged up, and the brew mixed.
Soon both officers are enjoying the cup that cheers, but
does not inebriate. Under cover of a screen, pipes are lit,
and Mr. Smith, revived by the cocoa and soothed by the pipe,
known as the " gum-bucket " to his pals, becomes quite
.affable.
" You know," he remarks, " that drop of leave we gathered
in the other day seems like a dream, a vision punctuated
with lovelv ladies. . ."
" Yes," "interposes the other, " it is like a dream until you
look at your cheque book ; I had not observed mine closely
until I got a screed from my bankers requesting me to do so.
The shock was terrific."
" Ah yes, Jacko ! but what a devil of a good time one had
in those four days ! By the way, did you get engaged ? "
" No, thank heaven, but L had a dashed narrow escape.
It was on the river, and in the dusk, about the time you darken
ships, savee ? and 'pon my word I was just losing my head,
when our punt was rammed amidships by a tinker in a skiff,
one of the ' grabbles,' * taking his young lady out for a row
— of course that brought me to : I sweated with fear when I
thought about it."
Mr. Smith murmured sympathetic condolences, then, apro-
pos of nothing in particular, he remarked :
" It's marvellous how noble, how sympathetic some girls
are ! Now last leave I met "
He was rudely interrupted.
" Look here, old chap, it's quarter to four. What about
the reliefs ? "
" Good lor ! So it is. Here, Hi ! messenger, nip down and
tell the sentry to call Mr. Blanche and Mr. BurreU. Tell
'em it's a fine night, and see they turn out. . . . Signalman,
bring the books, and send a hand down to report 3.50 to the
navigator ! . . . Bosun's mate, send a hand up here to take
the crockery down ! "
At four a.m. a sleepy figure arrives On the bridge, and takes
over from Smith's companion. " Night, Smithy " says the
latter, " I'U smooth your sheets for you as I pass your
house." t
" See if that slug Blanche has turned out would be more
to the point," is Mr. Smith's reply.
4.2 a.m.^ — " If there is one thing I abominate, it's being
relieved late," remarks Mr. Smith.
4.4 a.m. — " I say, BurreU, did you see if Blanche was turned
out ? "
" No, my eyes were/iot unstuck then," replies BurreU.
4.6 a.m. — " Blast his sluggish liver ! Here, messenger ! "
" Yessir."
" Take my compliments — compliments, do you savee, to
Mr. Blanche and teU him — Oh ! here he is — wash out."
" Sorry, old sport," remarks the new arrival with forced
joviality. " I'm a wee bit adrift."
" Not at all, I like it," says Smith with heavy sarcasm.
" Well, here you are. Course North, etc."
4.15 a.m. — " Sentry ! "
;; Sir ! " /
" CaU me at eight o'clock, a good shake."
" Very good, Sir."
4.20 a.m. — Heavy breathing.
* Monkey Island is the name given to the fore upper bridge.
Grabbies — Soldiers.
t House — -Cabin.
February 14, 19 18
Land & Water
15
New Secret Diplomacy : By G. K. Chesterton
THERE is in England a body of opinion called the
Union of Democratic Control, to which I have
not myself the honour to belong, but the title
and aims of which embody very lucidly and
thoroughly almost all that I think about the
problems of the war. The very name is a fine and sufficient
summary of nearly everything which I shall attempt to say
here. If there is one thing in which I have always essentially
and literally believed, it is democratic control ; which is (it
should be noted) something much more extreme and drastic
than democratic consent.
I believe that the people can rule, and that when it does
rule, it does so better than any of its rulers. Even where
it is unjustly forbidden to rule, and appears only to dissolve
and destroy, I am disposed to defend it ; I believe that no
human institution in history has really so little to be ashamed
of as the mob. And when the Union of Democratic Control
passes to its more particular object, it satisfies me even more
fully. It aims chiefly at eradicating that evil craft of secret
diplomacy by which princes and privileged men cynically
make and unmake kingdoms and republics as they roll and
unroll cigarettes ; and no more think of consulting the citizens
of the State than of consulting all the blades of grass before
bargaining for the sale of a field. This detestable detachment,
inherited from the heartless dynastic ambitions of the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries, has been covered in my own
time and my own society by the large and optimistic adver-
tisements of what is called Imperialism. I can say without
fear or penitence that I have always hated and always done
my hardest to extirpate Imperialism, as an ambition of any
countrj^ and above all as an ambition of my own.
It is indeed true that the members of the Union of Demo-
cratic Control do not agree with any of these principles, with
which I myself agree so ardently, when I read them in their
official literature. If it be counted some sort of reflection
on a society that its mere individual membership does not
happen to include any person who assents to its printed
formulfe, the U.D.C. may be held to suffer from such a
disadvantage.
Of the most eminent member, Mr. E. D. " Morel," I can
only say that his warm admirers, while agreeing as to the
thoroughness of his enthusiasm, are apparently doubtful only
about its object ; and that in any case the mere evisceration
of secret diplomacy can hardly be supposed to satisfy or
explain it. He is himself so eminently secret a diplomatist
that there is a doubt, not merely about what it is that he
does for his country, but about what country it is that he
does it for. The other members are mostly widely respected
and well-informed men, famous in almost every branch of
culture, and for almost. every type of conviction — with the
exception of those special and peculiar doctrines with which
they are accidentally connected by the formularies of their
membership. Probably the chief influence on the society
comes from a group of aristocrats, representing the great
governing class families of Trevelyan, Ponsonby, Buxton or
Hobhouse, whose tradition naturally it is to perpetuate Burke's
antagonism to the theory of the French Revolution. And
indeed one of them only recently refused to submit himself
to any popular vote in his constituency, for the explicit
reason that the great anti-Jacobin, who lies buried at Beacons-
field, would not have approved of a representative paying
any attention to anything which he is alleged to represent.
But in the plain appeal I am now writing, I am concerned
with the principles of the Union of Democratic Control ;
and I am therefore in no way concerned with any of its
members.
To those principles, which condemn an undemocratic
diplomacy, it is now necessary to make a new and very
urgent appeal. For undemocratic diplomacy has returned in
a new and even more undemocratic form. It is not merely
that the popular opinion has never been expressed, but that
it is censored and silenced when it has been expressed. The
acts of a meb can be hidden like the acts of a man. Silence
does not rest merely on the momentary negotiation of two or
three officials ; silence can be spread over the desires of whole
, populations and the destiny of whole provinces. It is not
one diplomatist who wears a mask, but a million democrats
who are all required to wear muzzles. The chief example
of this new secret diplomacy is the earnest exhortation
addressed to the English and French, that they should qualify
the vehemence of their anti-German feeling, out of considera-
tion for the international idealism either of Petrograd or of
Stockholm. Sometimes this modification is recommended as
a way of securing peace for the world. Sometimes it is only
recommended as a way of securing peace within the Alliance.
But upon one point all the Stockholni-Petrograd school of
democrats is agreed ; and that is the need of intxposing silence
upon the democracies of the West.
Now while I agree with the Internationalists as to the evil of
private understandings, I think it the reverse of an improve-
ment to take refuge in public misunderstandings. I think
it a bad thing that diplomatists should secretly arrange the
transference of the French people to the power of the Emperor
of China. But I think it worse to declare that all Frenchmen
really desire to be Chinamen, lest any hint of the reverse
should ruffle the serenity of the Chinese. I think it bad
that white men should be despotically driven into an alliance
or a war with black men ; but I think it worse that white
men should be made to black their faces, for fear of disturbing
the solidarity of the human race. It is an evil thing that
the people should not choose for themselves, but should be
tricked beforehand into having something whether they like
it or not. But it is a worse thing that we should not even
know what they do like, what they would really choose,
or perhaps have already chosen.
It is the case against secret diplomacy that the masses are
never consulted until it is too late ; but it seems to be the
upshot of the new pacifist diplomacy that the masses are
never consulted at all. For it is idle to talk of consulting
the people, if all their most primary passions and bitterest
experiences are to be concealed in the interests of a theoretic
humanitarianism. And that, and nothing else, is really the
claim of those who insist on the anti-German feeling in
England being qualified by concern for less exasperated feeling
in Russia.
•
Popular View of Germans.
Now it is simply a fact, like death or daylight, that the
English people, and especially the English poor, regard, the
German of this war exactly as they regarded the Whitechapel
murderer who ripped up poor girls with a knife. Seeing that
the German also, as it happens, has ripped up poor girls with
a knife, the parallelism of the sentiment is not perhaps so
surprising. The English poor desired to find the Whitechapel
murderer and punish him ; the English poor also desire to
find the Germans who commanded these German atrocities
and punish them. This is the will of the people, if the will
of the people ever existed in "this world.
It is now necessary to insert here a most emphatic warning
against people being misled upon this point by any such
sectional incident as a vote in favour of Stockholm, tempo-
rarily upheld by certain representatives of certain English
Trade Unions. Such votes are variable and, as a basis of
argument, quite unreliable. They are unreliable for three
successive and decisive reasons, each final without the other.
First, it is admitted, because it cannot be denied, that such
schemes of representation are so wildly illogical as to be simply
meaningless. We should not think much of a scientific
assembly in which the men who believe that the earth is flat
had as many representatives as those who cling to the more
common opinion that it is round. We should not accept
as authoritative a Congress of Religions in which the Scotch
sect of the Upstanding Glassites (now, alas, nearly extinct)
was represented by serried rows of delegates, covering as
many benches as all the Catholics or all the Mahommedans
put together. We should not bow down to a representative
system which brought out the remarkable result that as many
Englishmen wear sandals as wear boots ; or that the earnest
students of scripture who think it wicked to have their hair
cut are as numerous as those who observe the rite at more
or less reasonable intervals. Yet this was strictly, literally
and indeed admittedly, the composition of the so-called
Labour Conference now in question ; in which enormous
over-representation was given to tiny Pacifist groups holding
opinions rather rarer than the opinion that the earth is flat.
Even this dispropwrtionate and absurd assembly admittedly
voted under a complete misapprehension about the most
decisive question of fact.
Secondly, therefore, even if the meeting had been represen-
tative, it would have voted on a misrepresentation. And
thirdly, even if the fact had not been entirely misrepresented,
and if the Trade Unions had been formally and legally
represented, there is an obstacle more absolute and unanswer-
able than all the rest. It is the fact that no sane man denies
the sight of his own eyes and the testimony of his own ears ;
it is the fact that we deal to-day with deadly realities and
have no patience for political fictions ; it is the fact of the
nature of fact.
I know that most Englishmen, and especially most poor
Englishmen, are furious with the Germans, exactly as I
know that most of them think it desirable to wear clothes
i6
Land & Water
February 14, 191 8
or prefer cooked meat to raw. The man who pretends to
doubt it would pretend to doubt the nose on a man's face,
because it slightly differed from the nose in his portrait.
Representation, at its best, does not profess to gi\'e anything
more than a picture or emblem of the multitudinous mind
of the people. WTien that mind is so unanimous and so
uproarious that anybody can see it in the street, and almost
breathe it in the air, the man who prefers to believe the figure
rather than the fact is something very much worse than a
lunatic.
I stress this parenthesis because I conceive myself primarily
to be bearing witness to facts for the benefit of foreign opinion ;
and whether or no the Internationalists think this popular
feeling should be gratified, it can do no kind of good, even
to their own cause, that they should be simply ignorant of
anything so human and so huge.
Now a democrat, fpr whom democracy is a living conviction
and not merely a long word, has nothing whatever to do,
qua democrat, with the wisdom or perfection of a popular
demand as any modification of its political right. When
he is sure of the people's will, he must admit the people's
authority, if he is a democrat, and if he is also an honest
man. That all retribution or expiation is barbaric may be
a part of enlightenment, but it is not a part of democracy ;
and any Use of it to evade a general demand is a denial of
democracy. To believe that the German criminal will
spontaneously repent of his crimes may be in itself charitable,
but it is not in itself democratic ; and if it is used against the
general will it is anti-democratic. Particular men who hold
the de-mocratic thesis may also hold that men should not be
punished for murdering girls. For that matter, they may
hold that ipen should not be discouraged from murdering
girls, or that men should be warmly and enthusiastically
urged towards murdering girls. But they do not hold these
things as part of the democratic thesis ; and, if they let them
prevail against the general will, they do not believe in the
democratic thesis at all. In the case of the English people
there is only onei possible alternative. Either Germany must
pay for the wrong which the people believes it has suffered ;
or else the people has no right to have an opinion, or no right
to express an opinion, or no right to make the opinion which
it holds prevail.
But it will no doubt be very earnestly urged that an opinion
may be democratic in appearance while being very undemo-
cratic in origin. It is implied that the anti-German feeling
in England was officially and therefore artificially produced.
It is contended, to summarise briefly what is to be said for
this view, that our diplomatists had darker motives for
spreadmg a theory that a British promise when made to
Belgmm ought to be kept, and that a German promise when
made to Belgium ought not to be broken. These intellectual
departures, it is implied, were first encouraged by a small
knot of officials a few years ago ; and so subtly disseminated
by them that they have since come to have much the appear-
ance of bemg the common morality of mankind. In the same
way these British sophists so prepared the soil of our men-
tality, that when a German soldier (in the fulfilment of his
native discipline and natural duty) killed the village priest
as a punishment for the patriotism of the village atheist, it
seemed somehow that we should always have regarded such
an action as in some way unreasonable or unjust. The
ordinary mass of men (it is argued) would inevitably have
thought It natural that the village priest should be regarded
as having performed the actions of the village atheist or even
of the village idiot, had not the subtle, fluent, brilliantly
eloquent and bewilderingly universal philosophers, who are
the younger sons of our English countv families and the
products of our English public schools, misled the multitude
by the music of their rhetoric and the audacious novelty of
their reasoning.
I may be excused if I absolve myself from the further strain
ot stating this thesis seriously ; but it is a thesis on which our
enemies almost entirely rely. As it happens, it is not only
intrinsically imbecile, but is relatively the precise reverse of
tne tact. It is not so much an injustice to the British Govern-
ment and governing class as a gross and verv excessive compli-
ment to them. It attributes to them much more foresight
than they had, and an attitude in which they would since have
been entirely justified if only they had had it. It supposes
the governing classes to have been the anti-German influence.
As a fact. It was the governing classes who had always been
the pro-Germari influence, and the only pro-German influence.
It IS the real and very damaging joke against the most educated
part of England that for decades past it had been trying to
educate the mob, and trying to educate it all wrong The
universities were pro-German, the fashionable philosophies
and religions were pro-German, the practical politics, the
social reform and slumming, were all copied from Germany ;
for It IS the whole art of slumming to pay no attention to the
opmioD of the slums. Only in the slumps would you have
found alread}' a resentment against the German shopkeeper,
more especially as the German shopkeeper was commonly a
German Jew. ^
Friendship towards Germany.
Similarly the great aristocratic statesmen like Salisbury
and Rosebery kept in close alliance with the German Emperor ;
the great quarterlies and the graver magazines discussed him
as the architect of Germany and the' arbiter of Europe. It
was only the coarse caricaturists of the gutter who called him
then the lunatic we are all calling him now.
That Germany has suffered wrong from <jur statesmen is
arguable ; that she has inflicted wrong on our citizens is
self-evident. To say that these things are merely incidents
of war is merely to quarrel about words. The fact which a
democrat will feel important is the fact that this democracy
does regard these acts as something much worse than war.
The Germans, for instance, have poisoned wells ; and the
wickedness of poisoning wells has long been an ordinary
. English proverb and figure of speech. The Germans intro-
duced the use of venomous vapours in battle ; and the poor
people whose sons and husbands have been " gassed " do in
fact speak of them in a style never used about other wars,
in which they have been merely wounded. In the presence
of this popular feeling all the international talk about quarrels
manufactured by Governments is perfectly true and perfectly
irrelevant. Cynical British statesmen might have poisoned
men's minds against Germany. But the indignation is there
because men's bodies have been poisoned by Germans.
Sensational journalists might have taken away the characters
of a race of foreigners. But the feeling has not been created
by the taking away of characters, but by the taking away of
lives.
This democratic decision was embodied and emphasised in
the famous refusal of the Seamen's Trade Union to take Mr.
Macdonald to Stockholm. Here again it is quite possible to'
talk of the intrigue^ of politicians ; and here again it is quite
irrelevant. Anyone who chooses is at liberty to say that the
strike may not have been spontaneous, or may have been
prompted by a secret Government order ; just as he is free to
say that it may have been prompted by an ancient English
prejudice against Cossacks or by an ancient Highland feud
against Macdonalds. But if anybody says that such a strike
could not have been spontaneous, or niust'huve been prompted
from above, he simply knows no more about any kind of
poor Englishmen than I do about the man in the moon.
The matter seems so far to resolve itself into the very
simple question of whether the democratic conference of
Europe shall or shall not express the real views of the real
democracies. If it is to express them, there is not the shadow
of a doubt, in the case of the allied peoples in the West, about
what those views really are. It is, I suppose, physically
possible (though morally most improbable) that they should '
be forced to renounce these opinions by the prolonged torture
of a pitiless war ; just as it is possible 'for a philosopher to be
forced to renounce his opinions on the rack. But that is
not the procedure now most favoured in the enlightened *
schools of international democracy, as a method of finding
out a man's opinions. It is presumably conceivable in the
abstract that we should be physically compelled to pay
attention to German proposals, as we might be physically
forced to pay ransom to a brigand. But we should not say
he was an international fellow-worker ; we should say he was
a blackmailer as well as a brigand. The fact remains that
upon the worst and wildest possibility, our public testimony
could only be pacifist if it were tortured or terrorised ; it could
not possibly be so as long as it was true.
I repeat therefore that the question simply is whether the
democracies are to dare to say what they mean ; or whether
a tew self-appointed public orators are to announce to the
world that they mean something else, which we all know
tiiey do not mean. This strikes me as involving a degree
of meekness and self-effacement in the masses infinitely more •
abject and absolute than that demanded by the old despotic
foreign policy of which I have always disapproved. We
talk of denouncing secret diplomacy ; but at least the diplo-
macy did have to be secret. That a policy was concealed from
the people was itself a confession of the power of the people.
Princes and Chancellors hid themselves in dark places from
a thing like a thundercloud or a deluge— democracy. But now
fi,T u/""!^ ^""^ '" ^'■^^^ daylight that all democrats believe
that black IS white ; and it must be received in religious
silence, tor those who were once hailed throughout the worid
as democrats are democrats no longer. The democrats have
all become diplomatists. In- truth, we have all become secret
diplomatists, and must for ever hide our hearts from each
other ; for in each will be the dark tale of a, frustrated justice,
which we desired and dared not demand.
February 14, 19 10
Land 6c Water
17
W.wSL\.-K%.^-w*ewwrrrfMr»MrrrMMjrmrMMrMMatr^trfirjrgirrrjrrirfjrfff*Jrj^
Rural Reformation : By John Ruan
As architect, designer and craftsman Mr. C. R.
Ashbee does well to devote the greater part of
his ^^ book, Where the Great City Stands
■ (Batsford : 2 is. net), to the affairs of the city
itself ; but we shall not be wasting time if we
regard the city rather from the point of view of the countr}'.
A city is, after all, only the concentrated expression of^the
land. Just as man himself may be regarded as com and grass
and fruits become conscious, so his most elaborate works
are only reorganised pro-
ducts of the soil.
If the war has taught
us anything it is the
supreme importance of
the land, and any scheme
of social or industrial
reconstruction that does
not start with the country
will be dealing with symp-
toms instead of causes.
The time is long past for
regarding the country as
a mere background to the
town. Even granting,
and it is open to question,
that the finest effects 'of
civilisation in philosophy,
science, literature and art
are produced in cities,
the relation of country to
town is still that of root
to flower ; and unless
the one be healthy the
other cannot be more at .
Best than the hectic blos-
som which an actual
plant puts forth when
threatened with decay.
Mr. Ashbee himself de-
votes his last chapter to
this very question. He
takes for his text Axiom
X. of the list drawn up at
the beginning of the bofek.
" In an industrial civili-
sation, the reconstructed
city cannot be stable
without a corresponding
reconstruction of the
country. Town and
country should be corre-
lated, and react upon one
another. This correla-
tion is a necessary con-
sequence of the conditions
of machine industry."
With the prevision that town and country react upon one
another whether you will or not, and in any conditions of
industry, those are wise words, but in order to get the full
wisdom of them it is necessary to consider them in more
detail than the axiomatic form allows. What, for example,
is meant by the " reconstniction of the country " ? First"
of all it mcaas the re-establishment of human beings in some
secure footing on the soil ; and that brings in the question of
Tyberton Cross, Herefordshire
ownership. This is hardly the place to weigh the respective
claims of State and private ownership, and it is enough to
say that in either case the peasant must be something more
than an exploited labourer. Whether he owns his land or
rents it from the State or from a private landlord, he must be
allowed that interest in his labour upon it for which the
right word is artistic.
This is not a counsel of perfection ; it is a counsel of neces-
sity ; and anybody who has lived among country workers
knows that one of the
most tragic things in
country life is the struggle
between this persistent
interest and bad con-
ditions of employment.
The countryman who does
not want to do his work
better than he is allowed
to do it is the exception
rather than the rule. A
great deal has been said
about the " incentives "
to labour. There is only
■ one incentive to labour
that is worth practical
consideration — it is plea-
• sure in the job. Let
the incentive be wholly,
! or mainly, the hope of
• profit, and sooner or later
■, the man will find out a
'. way of scamping his job
and still securing, or try-
ing to secure, his profit.
• Then, apart from the
question of labour, there
are all the questions of
life ; of housing, educa-
tion, social intercourse
and recreation. These
are not new questions
brought into existence by
the war ; they are old
neglected problems seen
by the light .of the war
to be soluble and press-
ing for solution. And
their solution must come
from within. It is no
use for clever gentlemen
to go down from the city
to put the country
straight. They can help
to supply the machinery,
but they must be shown
the needs by people who
have suffered from them ; who know by bitter experience
the conditions that are covered by the words " rural
England." This means organisation in the country
itself. In every village there must be a pooling of
experience. The prof)lems of birth, nourishment, bodily
and mental, marriage, domestic economy and sickness as
they are conditioned by country life must be examined m
council by people who have lived the life ; not merely as
i8
Land & Water
February 14, igi8
pastors and masters, however benevolent, but as'workers on scious reason is based upon the larger subconscious mind.
the land all these problems are implied in rural refonna- Indeed, the green spaces of the city might very well be
tion, and the problems involved in the correlation of compared to .the inspiring and refreshing intrusions of the
town and country are not less urgent or less native. They sub-conscious— call it day-dreaming if you like— into everv-
are mainly problems of the market, and from the ppint of day affairs that most of us experience.
view of the welfare of the community they cannot be solved One of the,.^best things about Mr. Ashbee's book is the
by captains of mdustry or princes of commerce thinking and bold way he faces the question of machinery. As he says :
, " The distinction between what should and what
should not be produced by machinery has in
many trades and crafts now been made. This
has been the discovery of the last twenty-five
years." He might have added that it is only
when the distinction is clearly made tKat
handicrafts can come into their own. So long
as there is any doubt about it good craftsmen
will waste their skill in doing by hand what
can be done better by machinery ; and on the
other hand machinery will degrade production
by imitating things designed to be done by
hand. The moment it is recognised that there
IS no special merit in either except that of
adaptation of means to end, there is no longer
any point in either the competition or the
imitation. A division of labour is made, and
the thing is frankly designed to be done by
hand or machinery. It is quite certain that
we shall not escape from the " tyranny of the
machine " by refusing to make use of it. The
only way is to go on and master the machine
^, ^^ as we have mastered the simpler implements
The Norman Chapel at Campden, Gloucestershire, as ''V'uf ^"''''P-
rpnai'rpH ^ritU^A^,.- i>"'ic, at, jhis, of course, applies to country labour
repaired, with additions as much as to town labour ; the tractor plough
working from the city. The country must find and control Pl^rfri. . """^f ^° ^^'^y- "^^^ ^^^y distribution of
Its own market. Something may be done with exS tlsks ran^ TV IT^"']'/ dozen ways in which country
machinery; though it is difficult to see how a machfnew narHrnl.H ^^^^''''^, l"'" ^he benefit of the labourer-^
lughly organised to check production and uneaSe Sh!f^ ^«' labourer's wife. Undoubtedly this
distribution for private profit-which is what the exSne ^K .nH . %'^'u .^P°" ^^" landscape. Picturesque
rnachinery of commerce really is-can be made to work f"? f if • ^ ^^'J'SShng hedgerows wiU disappear in the broader
the welfare of the commnnitv rh.."lt.^ .uT'''^^ ^""^ technique of new methods ; very much as a certai^
cosiness in country life wiU eo to be mnr. tha. '.ir
the welfa^e-'of th^'Vommunly.'^YhTrelsT
TtllifCtel "' ^'^ i ^^ P^^-"* food'litS'on'
^^'^^:^^^ Sn "^r^^oT^
that private profit m the needs of the people ^ '
IS not compatible with public welfare ; which
lonrtlr'^ "' "' '^"^ '^^" ^^y^^ f- '
It is hardly too much to say that a reformed
refC^'^Vr"^^ r^° ^ "*y automaticaUy
reformed. The madne^ of cities is caused by
poBon m the country, for the relation of town
AnS "^ u T ""^"^^ that of brain to bod "
Anyl^dy who has come into close contact with
the insane knows that the most fantaTtic
delusions can often be traced to bodily causes
the IftlTJf ^°r "^^ ^"""y storL abo" t
the effect of homely remedies upon the state
of imaginary kmgs. What is needed is a
The English landed class, in allowine the rr>pl
factorv bells AK^ T^ ^^^^''''- o'" ^ork to
cosiness m country life wiU go to be more than com-
pensated for by the increase in communal interests; for, Ts
Mr. Ashbee pmnts out, the machinery must be under
common control ; in a word be " socialised."
Home Place. By E. S. Prior
[These photographs are reproduced fron. Wkere ike Great City Stands.-^
February 14, 19 18
Land & Water
9
Women's Village Councils : By F. G. Hamilton
Till we have built Jerusalem
In England's green and pleasant land.
AT a meeting held at the Old Wattle House, on the
Fair Green, Findon, a little South Downs
village, the first of the Women's Village Councils
was formed on October 2nd, 1917, with the
purpose of assisting the Rural District CouncU
by a voluntary inquiry into village needs, present and future,
in connection with the Local Government Board's State-aided
Housing Scheme. The demand made for fifty State-aided
cottages was based on an analysis by the vicar, who has
long experience of the various causes of the housing shortage
and of the evils arising from it.
It is now evident that this small local effort has become,
almost unconsciously, the pioneer of a great movement for
the development of the rur(i woman, and, through her agency
and personality, of the country side. In rapid succession
other Women's Village Councils were formed in West Sussex,
each with its peculiar local features, but with a common
aim ; in Norfolk, West Runton is leading the way. Inquiries
are pouring in from all parts of England as to the formation,
methods and scope of these voluntary Councils.
The idea of reconstruction is grasped slowly in the country
where a healthy clash of opinion is rare, and the mission of
the W.V.C.'s is to act as searchlights on bad conditions, and
then to use their influence and power for their removal and
the substitution of better things.
As originally formed, the first W.V.C. had for its single aim
the building of fifty State-aided cottages after the war through
the agency of the Rural District Council, in a village where
the accommodation fell short of requirements present and
future. It was seen, however, that to achieve this end, and
to have a real share in development on progressive lines, that
more woman-power would be necessary on Parish, R-ural
District and County Councils. Maternity and chUd welfare
came naturally into the thoughts of a body composed mainly
of mothers, and Mr. Herbert Fisher's Act, the rationing of
education as it has been wittily called, dealing with children
of all ages, made it imperative to give education a place. The
Findon Women's Village Council declared their aims to be :
To obtain first-hand information of great value to the nation
on conditions of housing, maternity and child welfare, and
education under the new Act.
To enable the genuine working woman to educate herself to
take her place on Parish, Rural District, and County Councils,
The W.V.C. consists at present of nity members (to be
added to) who have elected a President, a respected village
mother, who has suffered great family losses in the war, two
Joint Hon. Secretaries and an Hon. Treasurer. Fortunately,
finance plays a small part in local work, though the expenses
of the Federation * are growing.
The following resolution was passed unanimously at Findon,
and it is hoped will be sent forward by all other W.V.C.'s
on their formation :
We have pleasure in reporting to the Local Government
Board that the Findon Women's Village Council (for the
purpose of collecting evidence for the State-aided housing
scheme) has been formed by general notice, and we beg that
we may be recognLsed as representing working women in
Findon, and we ask that we may be consulted in all reforms
and schemes connected with our village.
Copies of the resolution were sent to the Parish, Rural
District and County Councils. With the exception of the
latter Council, the only replies received have been bare printed
or typed acknowledgments, officialism remaining strongly
entrenched behind red-tape entanglements. A simple consti-
tution, on broad lines, was drawn up and voted upon by the
members of the W.V.C, the ordinary business procedure being
observed at aU Council meetings.
A Federation of Councils has been formed to give unity and
weight to the movement, and in addition, an advisory council
of experts, on wjiich men and women have equally been invited.
A cottage survey form has been drawn up by Mr. Henry
Chapman, suitable for amateur use, yet sufficiently technical
for professional, and to be a convincing record of conditions.
In one of the villages such a survey has been carried out in
fifty-three " open " cottages, no " tied " cottages belonging
to landowners or tenant farmers have been visited, it being
understood that these are of modern construction, and in fair
repair. The analysis of the fifty-three good and bad cottages
gives these facts : That the internal arrangements do not
* Further information of the W.V.C. Federation can be obtained from
the Hon. Sees., Mrs. Hamilton and Miss Mackenzie, Kyleinore, Findon,
Sussex.
correspond, except in the newest cottages, with the external
appearance of the structure and roof. In forty-three the
water supply is unfiltered rain water, there being neither
company's water, nor main drainage in the village. In twenty-
two damp comes up from the ground, sixteen have damp walls,
five have no back doors, ^twenty-nine have no sinks for
waste, every drop of water has to be thrown out on the
garden, washing days, bath nights, every day, and all day.
Only ten of the fifty-three possess three bedrooms, in thirty-
seven the sanitation is so primitive that it hardly deserves the
name ; there is no gas ; kitchen ranges have been fitted in
most cottages, but there are bedrooms with no fireplaces.
The pre-war wages of the tenants are generally given as
25s. — though there are higher and lower scales. Rents vary
from 2s. to 5s. bd., when rates at 6s. in the £ are added.
Already the action of the W.V.C.'s is evoking hope for the
future in the trenches, and stimulating the wives and mothers
to greater effort. Where bad " tied " cottages are known
to exist the W.V.C. wiU bring them under the observation
of the local medical Officers of Health and Sanitary Inspectors.
In theory, these officers are independent, but official and
social considerations make it extremely difficult for them to
press a point where a recommendation is disregarded or
disallowed. Some system of inspection by independent
surveyors is absolutely necessary if conditions suitable to
maternity and child welfare are even to be approached and
the nation's children are to become the nation's care. It
must be considered how narrow and self-centred the outlook
on general affairs becomes in rural districts, coloured by local
interests, and held in check by fear ; but where child life is
concerned, the results are found to be so sure and deadly that
the W.V.C. count on national support in their demands and
effort for betterment.
That fifty-three tenants in a village should have offered
their cottages for survey is a striking proof of the newly-
formed determination to fight these evils, and of the desire
for homes with some of the ordinary conveniences and comforts
of civilisation, the absence of which involve daily drudgery
and are often an offence to decency.
On this point too much praise cannot be. given to village
mothers for their struggle to uphold a good moral standard
in their children under many difficulties. These women have
often been in comfortable service before marriage, and feel
the contrast of surroundings acutely. Unfortunately, their
very efforts to preserve appearances have beSn detrimental
to real improvement — the unseen is the unguessed at. The
district nurse gets behind the scenes, but in many neigh-
bourhoods she does not yet exist.
When State-aided building begins there must be a strong
resolve to put the interests of children first ; they must be
saved from fly-polluted food in cottages " close to stables,"
from long tramps to school in mud, rain, snow, or summer sun
from their homes, placed in some remote spot for the con-
venience of a labourer's work. Young mothers must be within
reach of doctor and nurse. Provision wiU have to be made
by landowners for subsidiary industries necessary to their
estates — for example, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, builders,
.masons and those tradesmen who supply the workers' wants.
The " open " cottages are at present overcrowded with these
men and their families, and those employed in local industries.
The case of week-end cottages will have to be considered ;
they are negligible as regards reasons of shortage, but have a
bearing on village life. The habit, by no means an un-
mitigated evil, may prove the salvation of many a charming
old dweUing, not ill-adapted for week-end use in summer,
though unsuited as a home for a young family.
These considerations are familiar to the country women,
to whom the separation allowances have, for the first time,
given a measure of independence, and this freedom, further
extended by her potential value as a voter, helps to explain
the startling rapidity with which a new movement is gaining
ground. The Women's Village Councils formed of women
who live in cottages, claim to play a considerable part in the
reformation of rural England.
There was a notice in our issue of January 31 si of the New
English Art Club, which contained reproductions of certain
pictures now on exhibition. Owing to a regretttfble mistake
two pictures were wrongly described. " The Storm," by Professor
William Rothenstein, should have appeared under the lower
illustration, the upper illustration being " Whernside," by
C. J. Holmes. We much regret this mistake, which we under-
stand has given rise to some confusion in the minds of our readers.
20
Land & Water
February 14, igio
Life and Letters Gj J. C Souire
Mr. Shaw's Critics
ITHIXK I have read more books about Mr. Bernard
Shaw than about any author, not exceptmg Shake-
speare : which, of course, is what Mr. Shaw wou d
think most reasonable. I cannot remember them all.
There was Mr. Chesterton's. There was Professor
Archibald Henderson's. There was Mr. Joseph M-Cabe s.
There ^vas M. Augustin Hamon's. Tliere was Mr. P. P. Howe s.
There was one by a Miss Somebody. Jhere vv-ere others.
And now there is one more. It is called Bernard Shaw : 7 he
Man and His Work (Allen & Unwin, 4s. 6<f . net) and its author
is Herbert Skimpole, B.A., hitherto, unlike the island of
Tenedos, not known to fame.
» • ♦ * *
It is a wonderful coUection. Mr. Chesterton's book is a
sane, amusing-and. incidentally, a very chivalrous, piece of
criticism But the rest make the most grotesque body of
critical literature in existence. The great salient fact about
them is that they are about a man who.'if he is allowed nothmg
else must be allowed to be funny, and that they are aU utterly
humourless. Some of them are soberly antipathetic ; most
of them are soberly reverential ; all of them, whilst their
subject gambols like a jackpudding, stand about the platform
in grave attitudes with constricted brows.
M Hamon, the unique French translator of Mr. Shaw,
was candid enough (in his B. Shaw : the Tieenlieth Century
Moliire) to confess— though he hadn't the least idea what he
was doing— that it was jears before he. realized that his hero
made jokes :
Impressed by the profundity of the ideas, by the penetrating,
terse and logical criticism of society, I gradually came to enter-
tain an enthusiastic admiration for your plays, which voiced
so many of the ideas which I myself had at heart. Yet their
essential comedy remained largely unperceived. I saw. only
the substance of the ideas, and this was so intensely luminous
as actually to bhnd me to the spirit of comedy. It was not
until at Brussels, on February 7th, 1907, Candida was staged,
that my eyes were opened, although still incompletely, to the
beauties of your drama.
This passage alone made M. Hamon's book worth having,
but he keeps it up all through. He tells one that " Shaw is
a Socialist to the marrow of his bones, so much a Socialist
that when he married in i8g8 he married another Socialist " ;
that '.' in the country Shaw wears a Norfolk jacket and
knickerbockers, the traditional dress of the English sports-
man . . . Since he attained to wealth he has had a motor-
car, and this leads him to neglect the bicycle " ; and that
" it is untrue to assert that he acts as he does in order to
make people dislike him." That is a book worth haying.
So was Mr. M'Cabe's. Professor Henderson beat them both.
He, in a volume which vied in size with Masson's Life of
Milton, not merely gave one photographs of every house in
which Mr. Shaw had ever lodged, but (unless my memory
deceives me) took the greatest pains to discover with what
brand of ink Mrs. Shaw senior used to mark her son's baby-
clothes. There never was such detail. And there never was
such profound awe. Whenever the word " Shaw " appeared'
it was delivered as though it were " Mumbo- Jumbo " and
this amazing professor high priest of the cult.
m * * * *
Why is it that there are innumerable books about Mr. Shaw
and (I think) only one about (say) Mr. Conrad ? And why
have the books about Mr. Shaw so peculiar and distinctive a
badness ? Mr. Herbert Skimpole, at whom I now arrive, is
fully equal to his illustrious predecessors. I thought he would
be when I saw this on the paper wrapper of his book :
What is the true Shaw ? In this work Mr. Skimpole takes a
new view-point of Shaw the Man, and depicts him not as a
living legend, but as a very contemporary human being.
There is a prudence and exactitude about that " very
contemporary " ; observe how Mr. Skimpole eschews the
customary exaggerations of hero-worship and refrains from
describing Mr. Shaw as " the only contemporary man on
earth." He is merely more than usually contemporary, more
contemporary than most : and the definiteness of this promises
well. The preface clinches it. " I must not," concludes Mr.
Skimpole,
omit to convey my gratitude to Nordau, Henderson and the
others whose works I have freely used in my study of Shaw,
and particularly to Gilbert Chesterton, whoni I have imbibed
through the medium of all his books.
Which certainly sounds as though Mr. Chestferton, perhaps
as a punishment, perhaps as a reward, for his insistence upon
liquor, had been turned into beer.
So we go on :
There can be no mistake about the effect that Shaw has had
on the English. He has awakened them out of their self-
complacency, like a clap of thunder, instead of lulling them to
sleep with sweet sentimentalities, like a prose Tennyson.
*****
This panegyric is followed by a sentence which has that
unconscious ambiguity which finally stamps Mr. Skimpole as
a worthy successor of Mr. Henderson : " Round the cradle
of Bernard Shaw moved little messengers of evil, bearing
tidings of the woes and wailings that were falling upon the
whole nation." The magnificenf movement of Mr. Skimpole's
prose continues : _
The tall compact form is an excellent symbol of his lofty but
orderly ideals ; the strange shape of his face and cranium,
whose two halves are so asymmetrical that the profiles, when
photographed, cannot be recognized as belonging to the same
person, is a significant parallel to the way in which his soul
is divided by eternal conflicts ; the burning hair is a mark
of the hot strife within the skull . . .
Where, I wondered, had t seen this before ? Then I
remembered the seaside speeches of the mad Moslem in
The Flying Inn. I cannot go on quoting indefinitely ; but
a few more extracts will give the quality of this remarkable
study :
' Shaw was right. London was just then in an unusually
heated state of fervid discontent. Reformers and revolution-
aries were spreading their nets like entomologists throughout
the city, catching up as disciples all the af-dour and impetu-
osity of the youths of the city.
It is only when we are out in the cool air of the evening again
that we remember that Shaw is our great satirist, and that he
is probably laughing in his sleeve at our horror all the time.
Of little infants and schoolchildren I cannot remember any
examples in the plays.
I see in a sort of prophetic vision the works of Shaw studied
in the schoolroom when his fame is already a half-remembered
legend on the stage.
The one amusing sentence in the work is that in which he
proves that Shaw is not merely perverse by saying : " If
Shaw had merely wished to be against ordinary diet because
it was ordinary, he might as well have become a Cannibal."'
But perhaps he has ; it is in the nature of things a develop-
ment one would keep pretty dark.
« * * * *
Mr. Shaw is a great wit, and he has written at least one
perfect comedy. He has economic doctrines, solid, and not
peculiar to himself. But what attracts all these queer people-
is his habit of promiscuous speculation about established
morals and ideals, and about the even more established
emotions which underlie them.
The followers are grim eccentrics who are always ready to-
believe that black is white, and are fascinated by anyone who-
_ throws out, however his cheek may bulge with his tongue, the
suggestion that polyandry has its points or that our ape-like
ancestors made a mistake in relinquishing the horizontal for
the upright posture. Mr. Shaw scatters, amidst a good deal
of hard rational thinking, little blasphemies against every-
thing that men believe and feel, and casual challenges of
the truth of almost anything generally accepted as a fact.
He does it partly in order (as a man may) to discover which of
his shots hit some sort of a mark, and partly because a
blasphemy (I don't mean in the purely theological sense) is-
the kind of joke that amuses him most, and raises the most
piquant laugh, and he cannot resist one even if it spoils a
careful serious effect. Then along come these bottomless
cranks to genuflect before or gloomily analyse the pseudo-
philosophical persiflage and the speculative potshots. The
accident that Mr. Shaw writes plays instead of treatises leads
them to foUow literary precedent and discuss " Shaw the
Man," his relations, marriage, and sportsman's breeches,,
instead of concentrating entirely upon his remarkable succes-
sion of tentative theories. The result is the most compre-
h,ensively silly series of biographies on record.
No man of Mr. Shaw's literary performance has ever been-
so ill praised ; no man of his brains has ever had so asinine a
herd of followers. It is all his own fault, and he could only-
put himself right by composing a really candid play about
his biographers. For let there be no mistake, he is not the-
sort of crank that they are.
February I4, 191H
Land Sc Water
2 1
I— BoDLEY Head Novels— i
To Cheer and Charm you in War Time
THE WANDERER ON A THOUSAND
HILLS. By EDITH WHERRY. Author of "The Red Untern."
" In converting into comprehensible English terms the actual
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THE SMITHS IN WAR TIME. By keblk hovard.
One of the most fascinating books Mr. Keble Howard has
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I could read for ever this sort of tiling." (2nd Edition.
STEALTHY TERROR. Br john ferguson.
Though by a new author, this book has caught on at once, and
new editions are already being called for. All the critics agree
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HIS JOB. B^ HORACE BLEACKLEY, Author ol "The Life of
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Mr. Horace Blcackley has made his name as a writer by his
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"MR. MANLEY." By g. ,. whitham.
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"A most remarkable achievement." — Pall Mall Gazette.
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22
Land & Water
February 14, 1918
Books of the Week
West Point. By Robert C. RrcHARDSON, Junior. Illus-
trated, (x. P. Putnam's Sons. 8g. 6d. net
The Bag of Saffron. By B.\roness von Hutten. Hut-
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Captivity and Escape. By Jean Martin, a French
Sergcant-Major. John Murray. 5s- net
Nineteen Impressions. By J._ D. Bekesford. Sidgwick
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The Black IVIan's Part in the War. By Sir Harry John-
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military academy and of the life of the cadet there has been
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.\rmy. and is appropriately enough published by G. P.
Putnam's Sons, for Putnam is a name honourably associated
with West Point. The situation of the Academy on the
banks of the River Hudson is most picturesque, as can be seen
from the photograph reproduced here from this volume.
The discipline is severe, and the life itself demands that the
youth shall have character and grit, if he is to derive full
benefit from the traditions that have been slowly built up during
the last hundred years. How high is the military opinion held
West Point from the Hudson River
of a West Point man in the United States may be judged from
the dedication to this volume, in which it speaks of the corps
of cadets as "representative of the best American manhood
the most highminded, loyal, disciplined body of
student officers in the world." The book is very pleasantly
written ; it touches on history lightly but illuminatively ; the
story of the cadet's career at West Point is brightly and
amusingly told, and we are given as an index a glossary of its
peculiar slang, none of which, with one exception, seems to
have any common meaning with English slang.
* * . ' ♦ * *
The article whch gives its title to the Baroness von Hutten's
latest book, The Bag of Saffron, was a curious old jewel of the
Janeways family, wliich the head of the family gave, only to
one woman in each feneration — and that woman, stood for
the best of her generation. Nicoleta Blundell, commonly
known as "Cuckoo," was an unpromising person as recipient
-)f this gift ; the daughter of a worthless father, she grew up in
the care of her aunts with a cramped soul, and a. passion for
material good of life that prevented her from realising that
there are other things tlian material well-being. ■ In a moment
<jf pique she contracted a foolish marriage— or so it seemed
at the time— with a poor artist, and later, ' having grown so
tired of poverty that she consented to run away with
Janeways, she was divorced and married to the owner of
the bag of saffron, from whom, eventually, in curious fashion,
she won the gift by winning her own soul.
Such an outline of the plot may not make the book appear
commendable, but those who know the work of tliis author
will understand that the story is told in such a way as to make
it worth while. There is a quaint and quiet humour running
through the narrative, and a presentation of the characters
that is better than realism of the modern sort. There
are passages reminiscent of Jane Austen's descriptive genius,
more especially the way in which one is led to see how much
of worth there was in this " Cuckoo " who hterally lived up
to her nickname, and knew all the time that she had no nest of
her own, but for the sake of the " things " she wanted, believing
that they would make life of value, went on striving to occupy
other nests. Her portrait, and that of Peregrine Janeways,
the owner of the bag of saffron, are real creations on the part
of the author ; they are studies of unusual folk, and yet of two
people with such traits as we recognise and like or detest
every day of our lives. The book is in many ways the best that
this author has written.
*****
M. Jean Martin, author of Captivity and Escape, takes
care to warn his readers that hi? experiences must not be
taken as typical of all German concentration camps, for there
are some establishments in Germany in which prisoners are
treated like men. Having read the book, however, we take
this statement with a certain amount of doubt, for this
Frenchman unfortunately corroborates the accounts given
by many British prisoners of their experiences in the hands
of the Huns.
But M. Jean Martin had sufficient sense of humour to make
good " copy " of even the worst experiences ; it shows in the
clever drawings with which he has illustrated his work, as
well as in the actual writing, which tells of food — or the lack
of it— in prison camps, of barbarous punishments inflicted
on the slightest pretexts, of the horrible monotony of life,
varied only by German attempts to break the spirit of the .
prisoners, and finally of escape carefully planned and
dramatically achieved.
Possibly in the last chapter, which tells of the escape to a
neutral country, the author has done his best work, for it is
a breathless bit of reading, with a thrill to every half-dozen
lines. The added attraction in this part of the story may be
due to the fact that prisoners are many, and escapes are few.
1* 1* 1* n* ***
It was once said of J. D. Beresford that he " mixed brains
with his writing," and in his latest volume. Nineteen Im-
pressions, he has continued the practice. The contents of this
book are certainly impressions rather than stories, and each of
them is distinctive in idea — and in execution as well. It is a
cold survey of the universe that Mr. Beresford affects ; he has
a fine sense of the inevitable, and is but little concerned with
sympathetic pi-eseritment. So long as he achieves accuraCN'
he troubles little about the harshness of the lines which com-
pose his pictures. Evidence of this may be found practically
in all of these " impressions," and most of all in The Ashes
of Last Night's Fire " and The Great Tradition. Probably
most readers will find the last sketch. Lost in the Fog, the best ;
it is the story d1 a village in the mist where the various families
qoarelled among themselves and killed each other over a
quarrel which ^started through the greed of one particular
group. It is a little parable of the war and the ugliness of
war, and is, too, the only impression out of the nineteen which
is in the least connected with the war.
*****
Sir Harry Johnston's account of the coloured races who
have taken part in trie war is issued under a slightly mis-
leading title. The Black Man's Part in the War, for the book is
more an account of 'the coloured races themselves than the
part they have taken in the struggle. It outlines the
characteristics of practically all the coloured races under British
rule, and such a work could be done by no better authority,
for Sir Harry. Johnston has devoted a lifetime to the study of
these races, and for such a sketch as this — in the limits of such
a book, only a sketch is possible — he is admirably qualified.
The book deals with the people of East and West Africa, and
with the natives of the Pacific Islands, as well as the coloured
West Indian population, and it is packed with facts relating to
tribar characteristics and racial differences. There is, at the
same time, a good deal of information about the work of these
peoples in the war, but, as might be expected from such an
authority on the subject, the peoples themselves are given more
prominence than their war activities.
f^ TOR ^-^' \
I GOGGLES I
J[^AWINDOW5 L
' [ ^^ <^^ "^
^ THE ONUY .
SAFETY CLASS
Februdjy 14^ 19 18
Land & Water
23
700
Children a Month!
nrHE Belgian Children's Fund in
-*■ Holland, under the Presidency of
H.S.H. Princess A. de Ligne, brings
sick and debilitated children from
Belgium into Holland, clothes and
feeds them, gives them medical care,
and when restored to health has to
return them to Belgium, for funds do
not permit more. They deal with
(about) 700 cases a month.
WILL YOU NOT HELP
WITH THIS GOOD WORK?
Remittances should be sent to the Hon.
Treasurer," Working Men's Belgian Fund,"
32 Grosvenor Place, London, S.W.I
ear-marked " Belgian Children's Fund,"
Registered War Charities Act, 1916.
lllllllllllllli.Millilllllllll llliiUIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIINIIIilliiiillllliiiiilliMllmlli Ml iiiililllllllllllllNllilllllllltHlli
Al
an s
237 Regent Street, W. 1.
(A. B. McAfee, Managing Director).
Military Boots
Separate Men s department 1st Floor
Perfect Stock
including work of the well-known
Model No. 750. makers
Maxwell's
and
McAfee's
Real waterproof boots fitted
with
McAfee's
Waterproof Welts
(Regil. No. 659.646),
and Dn-ped Soles,
waterproof, light and flexible.
Self'measurement forms on
application.
g
\A e continue to sell our Norwegian Trench Boots at
£5 15s. Od. per pair.
Ankle Marching Boots "
£3 3s. Od. and £3 15s. Od. per pair.
Gaiters in various styles 30/^ and 35/' per pair.
m.uiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiiMii I I iiiiiiiiriiimMiiiMniiiiiiiiiiiiiii [iMiiiiiiiiiiiMiiiiimiiiimiii i niriMMiiiimimi.l
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The "Land & Water ' Wriit watch.
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A perfect timekeeper— it is gjiarantred for two
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Alarm may be set to within a minute of the
desired time, and its note Is soft and mellow, yet
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bv noise its vibrations compel one's attention.
At night-time the back of the case opens, so that
the watch may be stood at the bedside ready to
awaken one m the morning. Fully luminous
hands .md figures, it is in every way a perfect
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Land & Water
February 14, igi8
♦
DOMESTIC
ECONOMY
Scotch Tweed
Suits
like and attractive.
Names and addresses of shops. Mere (he articles mentioned
can be obtained, will be forwarded ^on receipt of a postcard
addressed to Passe-PartotU. Land & Water, 5, Chancery
Lane, IV.C. 2. Any other tn/ormation mill be given on request.
Knockabout suits are the desidera-
tum of everv won-i;in now-a-days,
sometliiiig that she can spend most
of her day in and always look woman-
Nothing, of course, in ttiis particular
category quite eclipses a well-cut tweed suit — but tweed and
cut alike must be nowhere short of first-rate.
A well known shop is laying special emphasis on their
Scotch tweed suits selling at — considering the present cost
of tweeds — an exceptionally reasonable pric-e. They are
excellently cut, and the materials are carefully chosen,
durable ones, certain to last and wear. One model in par-
ticular appeals, a perfectly plain well-tailored coat and a skirt
actually boasting the old-fashioned type of useful pockets
concealed either side of the front panel. Tliere is a tweed belt
and a general air of finish about the whole thing not always
easy to find. Another capital feature is the waterproofed
lining to the coat — a boon this, now so many women are out
in all weathers.
The range of colours is a big and vastly attractive one,
blues, greens, browns, violets, pinks and mixtures being all
represented. Coats and skirts are willingly sent on approval,
or a range of patterns can be forwarded. Buying these suits
is a chance not to be lightly set aside. Tweeds are likely to
be di;3,wn into the shortage vortex before many months are
over, and in any case their prices are abundantly certain to
mount. There is another Scotch tweed model with a belt and
big patch pockets — an inserted pleat behig adroitly introduced
at the back of the coat, while some real Connemara and
Harris tweed suits are so desirable that few seeing them will
refrain from going a step further and purchasing.
Before choosing a new spring frock
Something New everyone should choose a new corset
in Corsets — there being true economy in the
idea since the success of the first
hinges entirely on that of the second. A really good corset
at a reasonable price is not the easiest of things to find, but a
famous firm whose name for years has been syonymous with
value has got it. Their " Ravissant " corset is every single
thing a stay should be, running through the widest gamut of
quality, style, and prices and in consequence suiting everyone,
no matter what their Tcquirements arc.
There is, for example, the guinea model, as certain to
achieve fame as that syimmer is coming. This is what
might be called " a good all-round stay," it is light,
ha.s unbreakable bones, and is high at the back to give welcome
support just about the shoulders. A stay like this suits the
majority of tigures,
Big women , however, will specially welcome the
" Ravissant " stay made for their particular benefit. This
is so arranged in front that when the wearer sits down extra
room is at once allowed. Standing up suspenders auto-
matically restore it to place and everytliing is in position.
For war-workers there is the Tricot Ravissant, a very lightly
boned stay, giving ample play and freedom and no more than
I2S. <")d. in price. Then there is a Ravissant de Lu.\e, a stay
of satin broche, model 33, for 6 ;;s., and many others, so that ail
sides of the picture are duly considered. Every detail of these
stays, be they high or low priced, is carried out by an e.Kpert,
and their patrons are bound to be content. .\n assortment wi'l
be sent on approval, but any new customers will facilitate
despatch by suppljdng a London trade refeience.
One of the most important matter^
The Collapsible in a baby's entourage is the bath
ggfU in which he begins and ends his
day. A collapsible bath is an idea
particularly well worth heeding from more than one
point of view. For one thing it is raised, being slung
in such a way that anyone bathing a baby can do so with
greatest ease, not having to stoop in the usual back-aching
manner. Then when not wanted it folds perfectly flat and
can be put in any nook or corner well out of the way.
Emptying presents no difficulty, there being a special
arrangement to let the water out, while for travelling it is
nothing more nor less than ideal.
Lately a great feeling has sprung up for folding things, but
on every side it is perfectly understandable. The mere
possibihty of being able to fold up a thing and put it away
enhances its value at once, for it is not everyone with roomy
houses and space to spare — added to which, numbers of (oik
are now birds of passage.
Everyone knows fiow difficult it is
No More Stained to keep forks really clean, especially
Forks when the domestic staff is not one
of vast dimensions. Eggs and such
like things have an untoward habit of staining between the
prongs, with the unwelcome result that the dinner table is
often not the immaculate affair it ought to be.
In the old order of things fork prongs were most obstinate
to clean, requiring a considerable amount of time and labour
to keep them anything like in condition at all. Now this is all
changed, they can be kept perfectly clean and shining through
the good offices of the simplest little contrivance, the " Unecdit"
Fork PoUsher. This is easy to work and so immediate in its
results that ten forks can be brought up to the mark in the
space of one minute. Powder is put on the polishing strands,
the prongs of , the fork inserted between, and with a few
movements up and down, the excellent deed is done. Backs
and fronts are then just rubbed along a single strand and the
whole prong of a fork is as bright and attractive as it should
by rights be.
A few other details, all of the most uncomplicated character,
combine to make this polisher the ingenious contrivance it
is'^nd one upon which the inventor has every cause to be
congratulated. Before the p^lisher is used forks should be
washed and all grease removed. It costs 3s. 6d. post free,
or will be sent accompanied by a tin of specially good plate
powder for 4s. — powder, polisher and posting combined.
By Way of
Information
Golf shaped woven knickers in
stockinette or cashmere have long
been easy to get, but women find it a
different matter when they want the
same shape in longcloth, cambric or nainsook. Yet washing
ones of this sort are often needed, and many a weary search
has been made for them. A certain firm specialise in this
particular type of pnnt.ilon from 4s. i id. They are edged with
embroidery and are one and all the quintessence of durable -
/ wear. Some are run at the waist into an elastic and very
comfortoble thev are. Three .different sizes are available.
They will tte gladly forwarded on approval, provided anyone
not already known to the firm supplies the customary London
reference. Passe-P.vrto-jt^
Provided D. H. Evans of Oxford Street have a say in the matter,
nothing but praise can greet the hats of the spring. For llie new
models showing are all and everything a spring liat should be, and
quite enough to make us even prematurely discard winter headgear.
It is abundantly certain that brocade hats of all sorts and sliapcs will
have it all their own charming way. Evans are showing any number
of these, notably a dark blue and gold brocade model with >oinething
unusually clever in the way of a blue-beaded ornament. Then there
are some'dehghtful high-draped toques of satin, a high black satin one
draped in precisely the right way just awaiting some uncommonly
lucky owner. A hat of legal and loof-ih straw in many different
combinations of colouring and trimmed simply .with a bow and tie of
ribbon is cheapness personsified at i8s., while novelty marks some
hats of pedal straw for its own. These have clever little crochet bands
finished off with a tiny beaded motif — are in all colours and cost no
more than twenty-five shillings. Quite exceptionally charming, too,
is a hat of basket straw in a picturesque Dolly Varden shape for 25/9.
It is tied and bound with ribbon and boasts a bright little floral picquet.
In rose colour it looks as charming as a hat can — but many oth.-r
colours are also in the running and e.iu.iUv hard to beat.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX N02911. [yTA] THURSDAY. FEBRUARY 21, 1918 [r^kl^i^^^^ik]
PUBLISHED WEEKLY
PRICE NINEPEN CK
Copyright 1«17 in V.S.A.
Cofj/Tight "Land <£ tfattr'
Wilson's Answer to Hertling
The Spirit of Washington
Land & Water
February 21, 19 1-8
A German Double-storied Pillbox
Bv Lieut, faul Hash.
(An Official Artut at the ytont.)
On rten *t th«
Leicetttr Qalleriet.
This pillbox of reinforced concrete, a landmark in the GSeluvelt district, was a great obstacle
to our advance before it was finally captured. Note halfway up on the right-hand side a
5*9 in. shell which is sticking in the concrete. It is now in British occupation
February 21, i g i 8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Tclephoat : HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1918
Contents p^^,.
The Spirit of Washington. By Louis Raemaekers i
A Double Pill Box. By Lieut. Paul Nash 2
The Outlook 3
The Meaning of Ukraine. By Hilaire Belloc 5
An American Critic. By Arthur Pollen o
A Clyde Shipyard. (Photograph) 9
Leaves from a German Note Book 10
John Rathom's Revelations. Part IL 11
The Sleuth Hound. By Alec Waugh I4
New Reform Bill. By Jason ^5
English Treasures in Russia. (Illustrated). By J.
C. WiUiamson ^7
German War Medals. By Hilaire Belloc 19
Merrv- England. By J. C. Squire 20
Position of the Landowner. By Sir Herbert Matthews 22
Domestic Economy ?4
Notes on Kit ^^-
The Outlook
ON Tuesday of last week there was a violent
scene in the House of Commons, the significance
of which was much greater than that attaching
to most movements in this assembly. The
Prime Minister was defending a policy decided
at Versailles, also the impossibility of divulging its nature for
fear of informing the enemy, when he appeared, in a phrase
he chanced to use, to accuse Mr. Asquith of desiring such
divulgence. This accident was but the spark which fired
material already very explosive, and a curious combination
of three very different elements, which between them made
up a great mass of the House, raised a storm of protest.
The Prime Minister explained that his words did not bear
the signification attached to them, but his apology was
received in silence, and there followed direct accusations of his
dependence upon a certain section of the Press, or at least of
liis connection with it. These accusations the Prime Minister
in turn denied. Later, the matter which was in everyone's
mind— the recent Press campaign against the Higher Com-
mand of the Army and in particular the Chief of the Staff —
was alluded 'to, and the suspicion that this Press campaign
was part of the Government's policy. Allusion was also
made to Cf)lonel Repington's exposure of this policy in the
Morning Post.
The next day, Wednesday, a note was officially com-
municated to the Press (appearing 'in the daily papers of
Thursday morning) that the Chief of Staff, Sir William
Robertson, might vacate his post at an early date and take a
position of high influence if he cared to do so. Again, the fol-
lowing day, Thursday, the Secretary of the War Office issued
the further note that " no official authorisation exists for the
statement circulated by the Central News (the agency through
which the original statement had been made) with regard to
Sir William Robertson. On Saturday, however, a third
official message reached the Press, to the effect that the
(iovernment had with much regret accepted Sir William
Robertsfjn's resignation and appointed Sir Henry Wilson in
his stead. The. Sunday Times, however, published a state-
ment, as given by Sir William Robertson to their repre-
sentative, that the distinguished soldier had indeed refused
to accept a new post at Versailles or to take another post,
but that he had not resigned : the inference remained that
he had been dismissed.
Meanwhile, the Government had decided to prosecute
Colonel Repington and the Editor of the Morning Post
under the Defence of the Realm Act, and on Saturday the
case came on before the magistrate at Bow Street Police
Court. It was adjourned until to-day.
The interest of the incident in the House of Commons lay,
of course, in the fact which had been loudly -^nd universally
discussed for man>- weeks outside (for it was of common
knowledge) that the great newspaper Trust which has vir-
tually governed this country for 18 months and more had been
allowed to attack the Higher Command without any check
from the Government. It had long been felt intolerable
that public power should be ^•ested in such hands, and that
the real authors of policy were not the Ministers of the Crown
but a power which could make and unmake such Ministers,
and which was apparently immune from the general law
governing us all in these times of necessary discipline.
The House of Commons only expressed in a very belated
an(J rather chaotic fashion what public opinion had felt \vith
rising anger for a long time past, and thus for the first time
in many years acted in a fashion more or less representative
of its constituents. So far as the House of Commons is con-
cerned, the matter is of no great moment, but the opinion
which was for once in a way represented by that assembly
is of real mpment at this crisis of the war.
The public is quite indifferent to the private quarrels of
politicians. They have passed from being things of third-
rate interest to being things of no interest at all. But it is
acutely interested in the disastrous revolution in methods
of Government which it has seen with dismay and has been
apparently unable to check.
Briefly, this revolution consists not only in the deposition
of this politician or the nomination of that, but much more
in the framing of national and now even military policy by the
newspapers referred to. This influence is not now in the main
exercised by their circulation, but it is rather an influence
which is exercised by putting unfair pressure upon
individuals. And as its motives are nearly always personal,
as its authors are often ill-informed, it is felt that such a
situation has passed the limits of endurance.
The protest in the House proceeded, as we have said, from
three bodies. A tiny handful of silly Pacifists ; a rather
larger group of professional politicians who would like to
replace their present more fortunate colleagues in office ;
and a very large body of the rank and file who rarely speak
and who are composed, as to their persoimel, of soldiers,
country squires and the rest, much more nearly representative
of the English people than the small habitual troupe which
occupies the stage of the House.
The Pacifist element in the demonstration, insignificant
not only in numbers but in capacity, had the obvious motive
of doing anything that could interfere with administration
of any sort, and therefore with the conduct of the war. The
rather larger professional group had the equally obvious
motive of professional politics. But the great mass of
members who joined in the demonstration, joined in it not so
much as Members of Parliament, but as ordinary citizens,
who had the advantage of expressing in that place what was
felt by them and bM decent men of similar education outside.
There is an unfortunate tendency in the newspapers to
make the subject a matter of debate as though it were one
of the old tawdry quarrels of small coteries for place and
salary, already badly blown upon in the years before the war.
There is a still more unfortunate tendency in one or two
papers to represent it as a debate on the policy of Surrender.
With the public there is no discussion of this kind.
The public at large is determined, if it can only find the
power, that misgovernment by any section of the daily Press
shall cease. Unfortunately, it does not possess organs
through which to express that determination or to exercise
that power, and it is hardly credible that the House of
Commons, in the condition to which it has sunk, will continue
to act- in a representative capacity in spite of its little scene
of the other day. It remains to be seen whether public
meetings or the mere vague fear of consequence on the part
of the culprits may effect the desired reform. At any rate, if
it is not effected we shall lose the war and with it the liberties
and the future of this country.
Just before dawn last Thursday the French Infantry
stormed and occupied a small but awkward salient on the
Champagne front between Tahure and the Butte du Mesnil.
The attack was on a front of just under a mile and covered a
depth of about the same extent, reaching and occupying the
German third fine. The immediate object was the reduction
of this rectangular projection, the situation of which gave it
the power of annoying the French line east and west of it, but
this was net, of course, the main purpose of the operation,
which otherwise might have been performed at any time in
the last two and a-half years. The salient has existed since
September 1915. The real motive was the training in co-
operation of the new American batteries. These, with
Land & \\'ater
February 21, igi8
certain British pieces in addition, furnished the barrage fire
which covered the advance and the further fire cutting off
the enemy communications. We are not told whether
the heavy p eces <f the Al ies other than French heavy pieces
were also concerned in the preparation.
This small operation was thoroughly successful, and it is
interesting as being the first occasion upon which French and
Americans have acted together upon any considerable scale.
The Court Martial sitting in Paris to try Bolo Pasha for
treason brought in a unanimous verdict of " Guilty " last
Thursday against the accused, upon all five counts :
(:) Of having entered into "communication with an enemy
power, to wit, Germany — through the Ex-Khedive.
U) With having received money sent by the German Govern-
ment to create a Pacifist movement in France.
(3) and (4) With having received German money in 1915
and 1916 with the object of influencing French newspapers in
the enemy's favour,
(5) With having furnished a politician, Humbert, with enemy
money with the same object.
Bolo was condemned to death, and his accompUce, or rather
tool, Porcherc, to three years imprisonment. There is a
right of appeal on the form of the trial only. The verdict
was given just after 7 .p.m. A large crowd which had
gathered during the evening outside the Law Courts loudly
cheered the result of the trial.
As we remarked last week, the real interest of these affairs
is the change which has come over the position of professional
fwlitics in France as elsewhere. Bolo, both from his financial
position and from his connection with Parliamentary
pohticians, was the sort of man regarded as immune ; and it
would have certainly been impossible to condemn him, even
to a mild sentence, before the change of temper produced by
this great struggle. But any sign of showing favouritism to
such people to-day when the great mass of the male popula-
tion have been subject to the rigours of martial law for more
than three years, would have provoked an explosion, and no
one in the French Parliament intervened, openly at least,
to shield the culprit.
The verdict marks an epoch on the history of modern
parliamentarism, and the progress of the change vrill be noted
with anxiety and interest as the trials of Humbert and
Cailaux come on. These men being themselves parlia-
menlarians and therefore less really powerful than the
financiers behind them, are none the less more in the hme-
light and the pubhc fear and anger lest they should receive
privi ege is more acute.
It is a curious example of the misunderstandings produced
by the stram of the war that the methods employed by
Bolo should have led to such different conclusions. The
German money, as has now been proved, was employed in two
distmct ways. It was employed to distribute Pacifist
literature of the less sincere and more virulent type as widely
as possible ; it was also employed to purchase shares in the
patriotic Press, and especially in the extreme sections of it
I he latter manoeuvre, in spite of its obvious motive, has been
completely misjudged by those who have not compared dates
It had nothing to do with paying for extreme jingo statements
m order that they might be used in Germany— as roundabout
a way of domg one's country good as the supposed Govcrn-
uZ ffvP*"'* °^ •^"''°/ •' ^* "^^^ ^'"^Ply an attempt to get
hold of the majority of shares in order gradually to change
the policy of the paper, to spread doubt and dissension while
still openly supporting a continuation of the war, and so to
lead the large mass of readers who still believed the journal
1,^ ?1f ^'y"?"/ '"*? ^ "'^"^ °^ 'despair upon the issue.
What the tnal has shown, and what presumably the further
trials will also show, is that the enemy uses his money ust
^K^"? '^"u ""^^ r*^'^ ^''P^^* h™ to "se it. He does not
subsidise obscure sheets written by fanatics and read by little
choues ; still less does he indulge in fantastic combina ons
.^dPl°.''J°'^f""'^^'"''" ^"^^ked in the hope ha
such attacks wiU somehow or other do him good bv reacting
on home opinion. He pays the corrupt Prels of 0^ t?rSe"S
two wavs^ First by subsidising the (listribution on a large
scale of Pacifist literature when he finds a working chance If
such a distribution ; secondly, by getting hold of a con
troUing number of shares in a Japer hitherti pa rio?k Lthat
Its tone may be imperceptibly changed, not to Pacifism wS
would at once be spotted, but to ditsension and doubt
It i3 a cunvMs commentary on hfe in peace time that the
need for reorgamsation due to scarcity sho,5dresult7n an actual
improvement m the condition of large sections of the popuk
tion. Ihis will be true of boots ver>' soon , for the new standard
boot is now readv, and it will be true of clothing when the
scheme for the manufacture of standard cloth that has been
produced by the Wool Textile Department bears fruit. This
scheme is one of the bye-products of the War Control Board.
Under that scheme the Board is directed to consider the
interests of the consumer, and the Trade I'nion representatives
argued that the Board could ciieck profiteering in the civilian
trade as it had checked profiteering in the making of officers'
uniforms. The proposal was taken up. A plan has now been
worked out and some of these standard suits will probably
be on sale in three months' time. Those sections of the work-
ing classes who were formerly obliged to buy shoddy clothes
wUl be better dressed in war than they were in peace.
The Board of Control was able to compel the manufacture
of standard cloth by the .simple device of consigning for that
purpose a certain proportion of the raw wool at its disposal.
By the use of its machinery for " costing " the Board could
decide what was a fair price. To enforce a certain standard of
quality was simple. The final arrangements have now been
completed by the setting up of advisory committees of clothing
manufacturers throughout the country which has been divided
for this purpose into six areiis. There are about 36 patterns
for men's suits, so that there will be no lack of choice and the
price is fi.xed at 57s. 6d. Boys' suits are also to be produced.
This interesting experiment may have important consequences
in making men and women demand better quality in future.
In the army thousands of men have had good boots and decent
substantial clothes for the first time in their lives. We may
doubt whether men who have worn army boots or these
guaranteed suits will ever consent to put up with the scan-
dalous articles that were forced on them before the war.
In that way the war has altered the standard of dress for a
large section of the nation and the producers will have to
reckon with a more exacting public in future.
Reports from the country speak of agricultural operations
being well forward for the time of year. It has been a much
more favourable winter for the farmer than twelve months
ago, and labour is more plentiful. One reason for the latter
fact is that women have now settled in earnest to farm work •
those for whom it was uncongenial or too strenuous have
dropped out, where those who remain arc proving themselves
most efficient.
In those counties where operations have not been impeded
by heavy snowfall, ploughing is well advanced, and the
amount of pasture now under tillage is well up to the promised
quota. Of course, it is far too soon to predict the results
of next harvest, but everything up to now promises well
Meantime, the meat stringency is likely to rectify itself to a
considerable extent, once rationing is general. The scale of
rations has been fixed on home production, and if the Food
Ministry will continue to take the advice of the Agricultural
Department and to listen to agriculturists generally there
is no occasion to anticipate anything like a meat famine In
fact, everything points to more plentiful supplies once con-
sumption IS kept within reasonable limits.
This rationing will do the nation infinite good. The people";
ol these islands have been accustomed from time immemorial
to set no limit on their appetites, provided purchase-money
was forthcoming. They are learning that tliriftiness in dietary
which has been common knowledge on the Continent for
generatiras, the teaching of wars and the devastation of
wars ; these lessons in thrift should prove a valuable national
asset in the future. They will certainly never be forgotten
by the present generation, and it is to be hoped that the
rising generation will receive practical instruction in them.
London is passing through another period of air raids
which have come to be regarded by its people as a matter of
course under certain conditions of weather and moonlight
r^Zo^^'V- I'^'r^ *' '^J"^ ^"^^*^°" '^ "-ai^d what does the
German Higli Command expect from these senseless attacks
on a civilian population ? Does it really believe that the
slaughter by its trained moonhghters of a certain number of
British women and children will induce peace ? We hear
much of the superiority jf German education, but' there is one
branch of history which they have certainly never studied
It IS the nse of the British Empire. sruaiea.
The British Empire would not have been what it is to-day if
Bntish women had not suffered and endured with equal
courage and fortitude as the men. We have learnt in the
WnoH r' ^^TJ'""^ the manhood of the country that the
blood has not degenerated, and if further testimony to the
truth were necessary, the women of London would furnish
it b} their calm attitude towards those night attacks
February 21, 19 18
Land & Water
The Meaning of Ukraine: By Hilaire Belloc
THE enemy is doing in Eastern Europe exactly
what the argument we have so repeatedly set
forth in this journal would presuppose.
He is defining point by point the portions of
that Central European Empire which he has
already called into being, and the survival of which, if we
leave Prussia standing, is as surely our downfall as its division
into really free nations is the test of our victory.
His first two actions in the matter are, the one accomplished,
the other in negotiation ; for he has signed his treaty with a
new weak republic of his called " The Ukraine," and he is
actively arranging — principally through ecclesiastics — for the
erection of another to be called " Lithuania." Each is designed
to reduce, the one by the south, the other by the north, the
limits and therefore the strength of a diminished Poland,
and so to make certain his full grip over the East.'
Just as it is the test of Allied victory and the necessary
goal of Allied effort to restore a strong Poland with access to
the sea, so the enemy's whole effort in his present negotiations
with the self-app)ointcd mob leaders of what was once the
Russian Empire is in the main directed to the further disrup-
tion, belittling and weakening of the Polish people. His
reason for doing that is as clear as should be our reason for
attempting, as one of the great objects of our victory, the
e.xact contrary. He knows that a strong Poland is the only
possible counter-weight to his power upon that side, and he
knows that it would be the only possible barrier to his economic
and political expansion and domination.
Those who have had any doubt that it was sound policy
for the Allies to restore Poland — sound policy quite apart
from common loyalty to their pledges — may learn from what is
proceeding before their eyes.
The Polish nation alone represents, along all that great
belt between the Baltic and the Black Sea which will be either
the check or the prey of Germany, the strength of Western
culture. The superiority of that culture gave to the Poles,
during long centuries before the Partition, the mastery over
borderlands where they were in places only a majority, in
other places not even that. That culture with its chivalry',
with its intense devotion to national principle, its Latin tradi-
-tion, its military genius, was the opposite pole to Prussia.
Frederick the Great's act of riiurder, when he divided that
ancient State as with a knife and compelled the reluctant
Maria Theresa to her famous prophecy of what (even as she
proceeded to it) this crime would breed, was insufficient to
achieve its end. It was not a true murder ; for Poland
survived in fact, though it had disappeared from the map.
The present plot follows a more careful, a more subtle and
a more dangerous plan. It contains the following elements :
First, the erection of a mutilated Polish Kingdom under
some foreign dynasty. This is necessary, because the pretence
thit other autonomies, other make-weights, which are to be
set up all around as a supply for German capitalism, would
not stand unless some Poland or other were to be admitted as
a member of the subject herd. Those provinces of Poland
already subject for a century to the Prussian torture — the
original seat of the Kingdom m Posnania and its access to the
sea by the lower Vistula — are not so much as to be mentioned
in the settlement. Prussian they are, and Prussian they are
to remain. The Austrian Kingdom is to act as a lure ; the
superior Polish intelligence already dominated it ; into its
councils the new diminished Poland is to be admitted. The
• industrial districts of what were the Polish Russian provinces,
probably Lodz itself, are to be cut off, but above all, every
influence that a free and strong Poland might have over the
less developed Borderland to the East is to be subjected and
wherever there was debatable land, wherever the population
was not homogeneouslj' Polish, the doubt is to be decided in
favour of the less Western, the less civilised, the less powerful,
the inferior race. A Lithuania, flattered in its Catholicism
(which it received from the Poles), is to be played off against
Poland politically and to be set up as a small rival against
Poland to the north. Tlie Ukraine, this new republic, a
mere colony for German enterprise, is made the active opponent
of Poland, for it is given Cholm, and this not only to reduce
Poland upon the south and east, but to offend the most sensitive
Polish claim and to breed religious as well as racial trouble.
For Cholm was always Polish and is Polish to-day. It is a
test. There was to remain a Poland even further diminished
and making but one among these subject States of the Border-
land. Beyond, the anarchy of Nortli Russia is to be fostered ;
supreme above all these divisions, the mastery of Prussia is
to be secure.
That is the plan, and it is significant of the extreme peril
through which Europe is passing, of the divided councils
which may yet ruin the Allied cause, that these things are
here and there in this country (not yet elsewhere in the West)
half accepted. Everywhere, whether they are accepted or
not, they are treated as things distant and half-indifferent.
They are no more distant in space than was that Eastern
Mediterranean which was rightly the core of English foreign
policy a generation ago. They are as acutely — more acutely
— our business now as- was the Levant and the integrity of
Turkey in those past days. But men still fail to see the new
thing, and the change is proceeding with terrible rapidity.
I know how unfamiliar the whole problem is, how strange
its presentation may appear at this moment when all immediate
attention is riveted upon the West and with an audience to
whom all these names are still vague and, as it were, un-
discovered.
The more do I emphasise it. It is vital. ,
There is in this matter a close parallel to that other matter
of accepting the precedents of atrocity in war which Prussia
desires to set up. It has often been argued here that these
precedents, the bombarding of open civilian centres from the
air, particularly of London ; the indiscriminate murder by
sea in the use of the submarine; the massacre of civilians by
land ; the enslavement of occupied populations ; the killing
of innocent hostages ; the unlimited loot of private property —
all those things to which we have .become unhappily accus-
tomed during the last three years — were not of their nature
permanent. Even the use of poisonous gases in war, let
alone the deliberate destruction of monuments and the burning
of towns, had not necessarily come to stay. They would
only become precedents, we have said over and over again,
if the Allies by a negotiated peace allowed them to become
precedents. Our victory could be used to prevent their
becoming precedents. The allowing of them to go unpunished
would be our defeat.
Effect of Habit
But Prussia has relied upon the effect of time and habit,
nor has she wholly relied in vain. She has produced in a
considerable number of publicists and politicians a state of
mind which accepts these things as somehow necessarily
concomitant to modem war. It is strange indeed that such
a state of mind is chiefly to be found in this island — as yet
only among a small number it is true, but still an influential
group — although this island is the direct necessary and obvious
victim of such methods, and will suffer from them or the
threat of them in the future as no other province of Europe
can suffer. Their admission in future warfare is plainly death
to Britain with her supplies dependent upon the sea, her capital
the largest and the most vulnerable of targets.
Well, there is a corresponding danger that the enemy's
policy, as it is now presented in the east of Europe, will in the
same way be taken for granted as an accomplished fact, as
something which we cannot change, as something which has
come to stay. If we so accept it we have signed our own death
'warrant. If we allow this new Empire of Central Europe,
which is a Prussian Empire, to be set up and to remain with
its satellites of small and nominally independent communities
upon the Eastern border, the mass of economic and political
power passes to Prussia for good, and that power will be used
principally against ourselves.
It has been well said that the most straightforward and
obvious conclusions on the largest lines of military policy are
those of which it is most difficult to convince a general
audience, and we find in this matter a singular miscalculation
running through the attitude of many Western publicists.
They speak as though, whatever might happen in the West,
the Alliance which is fighting for European civilisation, the
Western Allies and the United States, could not now affect
the destinies of Eastern Europe. They even speak as though
these destinies were something remote from us, which we could
afford to neglect, and as though the great German victory over
Russia, which so far has proved decisive and final (for it has
destroyed the fighting force opposed to it, though that destruc-
tion did not take place in the field), was now a part of history
and could not now be undone.
Such an attitude is, upon the simplest principles of military
science, a grotesque error. The enemy's armies will be defeated
if we are victorious ; his military machine, if we are vic-
torious, will be dissolved, while ours will remain intact. If
both rerhain intact we are not victorious ; we are defeated.
If we arc victorious (and the confident prophecy of victory
may be left to those who enjoy such exercises) the destruction
Land & Water
February 21, 1 9 1 8
of the enemy's military power gives us as full an opportunity
for deciding the fate of Eastern Europe as it does for deciding
the fate of Western Europe. Victory gained by the ^Vllies
will decide the fate of aU Europe, and, for that matter, of the
whole world. It will open the Baltic and the Black bea. It
will leave us masters with the power to dictate in what fashion
the new Jjoundaries shall be arranged ; how the entnes to the
Eastern markets shall be kept open, garrisoned and guaranteed.
One reads sentences such as this : " Though the German
armies were driven out of Northern France and Belgium, and
even beaten back to the Rhine, the German domination over
Eastern Europe would still be secure."
Such a judgment— and it is typical of the whole of this
school— is illuminative of the minds that framed it. They
would seem never to have read military history' or to under-
stand what is meant by victory and defeat. There is no
question of " driving the German armies out of Northern
France " or " out of Belgium " or " back to the Rhine "—
or to the Elbe or to the Vistula for that matter. The task is
to defeat those armlet ; to undo them. Wherever they are
defeated, whether upon the line they now hold or upon other
lines, their defeat and our victory will leave us with complete
power. If that task be beyond our strength then civilisation
has suffered defeat and there is the end of it. If by some
negotiation (involving of course the evacuation of the occupied
districts in the West) the enemy remains undefeated, civilised
Europe has lost the war and Prussia has won it.
Constitution of Ukraine
Have any of those 'who would deny so simple and obvious a
truth considered even the' large lines of this first German
settlement in the East ? Have they read the Ukraine Treaty
with a map before them ? If they have not done so let them
get a good atlas showing the religions, the races, the languages,
the economic opportunities of the district concerned and they
will appreciate what I mean. Is the district which the so-
called " Little Russians " really feel to be theirs consulted
and rendered autonomous under the title of " The Ukraine " ?
Not a bit of it. Nearly four million of them are left under
the domination of Austria. Is there any safeguarding for
the large Polish population . handed over as a make-weight ?
There is none. Does the artificial frontier follow a religious
division — that great factor of difference in those regions ?
It doe^ nothing of the kind. It throws together Uniate and
Latin-Catholic minorities, a large dispersed Jewish popula-
tion, and Orthodox. Does it concern itself with historical
tradition ? Still less. Historically the district of Cholm is
Polish ; historically the town of Kieff was the origin of Russia.
It is an artificial arrangement imposed by the conqueror upon
the conquered, deliberately designed to foster rivalry, and to
curb the one great national power which Prussia fears.
The economic element is glaringly obvious. This new
artificial satellite State has been compelled to sign an economic
clause which brings in to the economic orbit of Germany,
under a weak and necessarily subject government at Kieff,
the navigable lower reaches of the great rivers, the great port
of Odessa, the control of the Black Sea, much of the coal. and
nearly all the granary of that Eastern world.
We shall see the same story repeated in different terms
when the next step is completed and an " independent "
Lithuania appears. There it wiU be the Orthodox who will
be subject to the Catholic, but the Catholic will be pitted
against his fellow Catholic in what is homogeneously Polish
to the West. There the Catholic of similar speech will be
pitted against his Protestant fellow upon the Baltic Littoral.
In Lithuania Germany will depend upon the poorer majority
to protect her interest against the wealthier minority which is
Polish in tradition.
Everywhere this congeries of new States will be artificially
designed, as the Ukraine has been already artificially designed,
in the interests of Prussia. Everywhere will there be deliberate
division for the purposes of rule. No principle of nationality,
of religion, of historical feeling, will guide the German carving
up of these "terntories. In one district nationality and not
speech, m another speech and not nationality, in another
religion to the neglect of both race and tongue, in another ■
historical arguments to the neglect of all the other three will
be invoked, and everywhere one principle and one only will
be the motive force, the natural principle of the conqueror •
the principle that whatever serves Prussian interest must be
used as a lever, though the racial or religious policy in one
countryside be the flagrant contradiction of that imposed
upon Its neighbour. Over such a combination, mechanically
arranged to the advantage of the victor, will come like a tide
the organised economic force of the Germanics, Pnissian in
flTnT- '''I .tP"i*',f"^ *" "^"^^ o"'^ Empire will stand from
Sl'Vth^atel' '"^ ^^ ^^^^^ °^ *'^ ^°^^^ '^ *^^
Is it to be believed that Prussia thus doubled or trebled
in extent and potential power, able to boast in the East of
complete master}', able to boast in the West of a successful
defence and of having compelled those whom she had there
challenged, invaded, insulted, ruined and subjected to every
outrage, to leave her intact and strong, can be accepted by
France and Britain for the future as a sort of easy neighbour ?
Is it to be believed that after such a peace there would be a
general disarmament, or that if such a thing were designed
upon paper it could be maintained ? Men who can believe
that can deny the testimony of their own senses. Indeed, so
monstrous a proposition could not be made with regard to
things tangible and near at hand. It is only made by those
who think in terms of maps and printed matter, and who do
not appreciate realities. Such a conclusion would at once
command as an absolutely necessary task further armament
and yet another attempt to save Europe. The whole of the
West would be subject to continued preparation, and that
without limit. It would mean permanent conscription, the
permanent development of the greatest armed forces by air,
by sea and by land which the humiliated older countries
could compass. It would be but one of these disastrous
breathing spaces (of which history has some record) between
a first catastrophe and its successor.
The thing ought not to require debate or argument. It
does unfortunately require strong debate and a reiterated
argument, because history has been ill-taught among us ;
because a foolish tradition of invincibility has been the result
of that false history, and because men's minds so naturally
tend to live in the. past and so slowly awake to great changes,
especially when they are at once huge in scale and rapid in
development.
There is this much of truth in the illusion that we can
peacefully return to the old Europe the German peoples
tolerated as neighbours : that if Western civilisation prove
at last triumphant it will at least be the guardian of European
traditions and will be able to restore the better part of those
traditions and give them sanction. The three Western nations
in alliance will remain strongly national and well organised.
There does not apply to them the disintegration and chaos-
of the Russian marches and of that mosaic of Eastern peoples
upon whose differences the Germans now play. Europe, if
Europe is victorious, will rebuild upon good lines, and in the
structure that will be erected certain major elements will
reappear which we know to be necessary to security and to
content. We shall have nations really self-governing. We
shall have a true disarmament, and we shall have eliminated
from our midst the insolent moral anarchy which would
sacrifice everything to the aggrandisement of one Power.
But the idea that by a mere cessation of hostilities such things-
could arise one might call madness were it not too foolish
to call it a madness. It has none of the vigour of a madness.
It is a mere ineptitude.
What does the German master now see when he looks
around him ? What does a man like Kuhlmann, his colleague
and coadjutor Czernin, working in close co-operation with
him, or what does a man like Ludendorff, the soldier, see ?
He does not indeed see the mirage of immediate universal
triumph which delights foolish and excitable men in his
community. He does not flatter himself that the German
races can for the moment hold in a military sense the littoral
of the -North Sea, still less that they can command the Straits
of Dover. He does not believe for a moment that by a mere
dictation of terms he can compel Britain to abandon her
coaling stations or France her industrial eastern border with
its remaining mineral deposits. He. probably does not even
believe that he can permanently support the Flemish peasantry
against the French-speaking Walloons of Belgium and the
governing elements of that country. He neither desires nor
proposes further annexation of Italian-speaking land. He
does not pretend to impose arduous economic terms,upon us
as the result of his victory and our defeat. But he does see
things at least in this light :
All Central Europe — including the Western Russian plain —
thoroughly established under Prussia ; far stronger than any-
State or combination 9f States that can be opposed to it, and
able through future development to attain all its ends.
We have not sufficiently realised the effect upon the enemy's-
mind of the main elements of the situation as it now stands.
In the first place, he fights on foreign soil which he has
occupied. Think how we should read the news in Paris
especially, and even in London, if the names of the ruined
villages and occupied towns were German names : if it were
Cologne, not Lille, of which the population were compelled
to salute as they passed French and British officers and from
in front of which the fire of artillery destroyed not Soissons
or Rheims, but Frankfurt and Mayence ; if we read of petty
garrison details arranged for our troops in Treves ; if we
were disappointed at hearing that a recent great advance
February 21, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
sweeping the sources of the Danube and taking 100,000
prisoners and a thousand guns had unfortunately failed to
reach Ulm ; if the names of obscure hamlets in the Black
Forest were substituted for the ruined huts and the clay ghylls
of the Argonne ; if there were no talk of action in the Narrow
Seas, but raids, however futile, against the coast towns of
the Elbe and Weser mouths.
It is an immense moral asset, this situation of the war upon
alien soil. No careful observer will deny the difference in
effect it has even among the Western nations, for all their
determination, whether their own soil be occupied or no. No
one can conceive the antics of our pacifists still tolerated
with Durham and York burnt, and the enemy line stretching
across England from Morecambe Bay. They \Y0uld be in
fear of their lives and correspondingly silent if we read daily
in our papers news of English women enslaved for service in
German camps, and of English men shot for refusing forced
labour against their fellows. Yet that is what the French have
felt for now three years. That is what the Italians feel
to-day.
The German master sees then, first of all (however much
of a pure strategist he may be, however much he may confine
himself to purely military problems), that in point of fact he
enjoys by his position on enemy soil an enomjous moral
advantage. He feels almost physically the pressure he is
exercising, and above all he appreciates what an asset it is
with the civilian population for the maintenance of his defence.
They suffer, but they suffer as conquerors ; and the blockade
which makes thiem go hungry is a blockade at least maintained
before lines which are upon the enemy's ground.
The second element in the judgment such a man forms is
comparable to this, for it is mainly a moral element, though it
has its material side as well. It is the fact that the vivid
tactical points of the war appear to him, and still more to the
populations whom he rules, as a series of great victories.
The Allies have enjoyed a success more important than any
of his because it moulded the whole course of the war, destroyed
the opportunity of immediate victory for the enemy, was won
by inferior forces (that is, was the proof of the greater military
genius), and to this day leaves the opportunity for our victory
open. That tremendous business was the Battle of the
Mame.
But the Battle of the Mame came at the very- beginning of
what has proved to be four long years of war. The memory
of it is already old. Its final fruits are still ungathercd. No
other great tactical success, no other battle to which a name
can be given and the result set down, no action of movement
and recoil, can be written on the credit side of our account.
I am speaking, of course, only of what may be called the
schoolroom side of war — the names of great actions — but they
count. Now see what there is upon the other side.
The German can easily persuade himself that the Mame
was but a check. Few guns were lost and few prisoners ; a
line was established and maintained after a comparatively
short retreat. Attempts to recover the initiative in the West
failed indeed. But that was negative. Positively the enemy
can recount such a list as would, if we possessed it, wholly
change the public mind. At Tannenberg, coincidently with
the Mame, he enveloped a Russian army, won a victory upon
the scale of Sedan, captured whole divisions with their artillery,
and achieved a local decision the like of which we have not yet
known in the West.
Three months laterf^tween Lodz and Warsaw, he saved
himself when he was iti his tum nearly enveloped, and retired
intact with his prisoners irom the pocket.
Next he advanced and cleared Eastem Prassia. Three
corps of the enemy were dissolved ; one wholly obliterated save
for a remnant which fell back beyond the Niemen.
With the following spring he broke the Russian line east
of Cracow, took prisoners in a few days by scores of thousands,
and reached the San. He compelled his opponent to retire
from the Carpathians. He re-entered Lemberg ; retook
Przemysl. He broke the resistance upon the San ; he con-
verged by the south and by the north against Warsaw. Of
the two great fortresses on the Vistula he compelled retire-
ment from the southern'; he stormed the northern one.
Within little more than a year from his forcing of the war he
had entered Warsaw. By the autumn he was at Brest.
Poland had been overran and occupied in its entirety. He
only just failed to achieve a decision at Vilna.
Minor Modifications
It is true that all this was due to the incapacity of a primitive
and agricultural people to munition itself as modem industry
can munition great armies for moderp war. It is also tnie
that the Russian retreat was masterly ; that most of its
artillery was saved ; that each great salient formed by the
enemy in the Russian line seven times over was seven times
successfully emptied, and that right up to the admirable
defensive movement which saved the salient of Vilna the
organism of the Russian army remained intact. Under the
circumstances the Grand Duke Nicholas proved himself a
master of war ; his conduct of that great retreat will stand
in our text-books. But it remained with the enemy to say
that he had a million prisoners and the whole of the Border-
lands of Russia and of Poland in his hands.
Jleanwhile two great attempts to break Ms line in the West
as he had broken the Russian line in the East failed. He was
shaken ; he lost heavily in men and guns ; but his line was
not seriously modified. He turned against the Balkans and
made himself master of everything down to the Greek border
and beyond. He acquired a new ally in the forces of Bulgaria.
A second great attempt upon a larger scale than anything
yet designed imperilled his line upon the Scmme. There was a
mornent when it all but gave wa j^ — but it did not quite give way.
Ano.ther army entered against him, the Roumanian ; ^ he
defeated it, overran more than half its country, occupied its
capital.
In the third year of the war three tremendous battles, or
rather successions of battles, wrested from him the heights
uf)on which he reposed his Western line. He lost grievously.
He knew that his future was imperilled by those losses. He
feared their renewal. None the less his line remained intact.
The most violent effort, that of the end of July, 1917, was
held. He made that action (with some excuse) the subject
for an ovation in his capital.
Lastly, at the end of such a series, he won the'greatest
victory of all ; a victory the magnitude of which was unex-
pected even by himself, the victory of Caporetto. In a few
days he thrust right into the Italian Plain, counted more'
than a quarter of a million prisoners, and perhaps half the
Italian artillery as his trophies.
Against such a series nothing can be set but the reverse of
an ally in Volhynia, where the guns lost were few and the
numerous prisoners largely Slav ; and he can say that it was
German divisions which saved the situation.
At the close of all this he has been able to watch with
contemptuous satisfaction the complete disintegration of one
half of the Alliance against him and the falling of that society
which he most feared, I mean the Russian, into the hands
of a rabble of cosmopolitan anarchists.
All this does not mean that the chief observer from the
German side, especially if he be a soldier, reckons with confi-
dence upon a final victory. Far from it. But it is such a
series of obvious extemal successes as would mean, if we
reversed the position and considered our own emotions under
similar circumstances, the atmosphere or tradition of victory.
The third element present to his mind is the political success
upon the East, the fmit of his Eastem campaigns. Men trained
in diplomacy and having behind them strong and disciplined
nations have been able to play as they would with absurd
emissaries sprang from nothing, worthless when they were
sincere and part not even sincere — his own agents. He has
been able to arrange new boundaries at will.
The thing has the more meaning to him because half, or
more than half, of the history of Germany is the history of a
German expansion Eastward and of a claim to dominion over
and colonisation of the Slav. To this career, of Eastward
conquest by the German there has been but one great obstacle
and check— the Polish people. That people he finds for the
moment entirely at his mercy.
The German leaders looking at the prospect thus see before
them a diverse alliance in the West and stake all the critical
remainder of the war up)on its diversity.
Whether they answer the questions which the situation
puts to them as cheerfully as the mass of their subjects answer
them we cannot tell. Probably they do not. Probably they
regard the future with great anxiety, and certainly they know
that if the differences between the Western Allies (differences
of tongue, religion, and superficial interest on which the enemy
relies) are not allowed to prevail, then the ultimate doom of
Prassia is certain . But their hopes may well be high, especially
as they are men who, even the best-trained and the most
travelled of them, misunderstand foreign psychology.
It is the whole of our duty to disappoint' that calculation.
We cannot rival them in rigidity of action, in mechanical
obedience, or in simplicity of direction, both because we are
more civilised, more active and altogether of a higher type,
and also because we are part of an alliance each member of
which differs most sensibly from his neighbours in character.
Further, we have none of those past trophies to hearten us
which he can boast.
But the duty of unity is so clear, the goal which we have
to attain so evident, and our power to attain it so evidently
dependent upon nothing more than tenacity, that if we fail
the failure- is entirely voluntary, and history will record of
our downfall that we willed it ourselves. H. Belloc.
Land & Water
February 21, 191 8
An American Naval Critic: By Arthur Pollen
A SHORT study of the war at sea entitled " Naval
Power in the War, 1914-17," has been sent to
us by the publishers, the George Borland Company
of New York. The writer is Lieutenant-Com-
mander Charles Clifford Gill of the United States
Navy, and the work has grown out of lectures delivered at
Annapolis and aftervvards published in a New York magazine.
After a short chapter on the significance of naval power in
the war and another on some definitions and an estimate of
the situation the writer considers the opening activities — the
action in the Bight of Heligoland, the Coronel and Falkland
engagements, the Dardanelles operations. Dogger Bank en-
counter, and the battle of Jutland. He then has three
chapters on the submarine war, on anti-submarine tactics,
and a general study of the broad naval lessons. There is
an appendi.x dealing with the relative strength of the Powers
in 1914 ; another on the exploits of the Emden, and a third
on .\merica's part in the development of naval weapons and
tact cs by F. G. FrothingV.am, reprinted from the " Pro-
ceedings of the United States Naval Institute."
The book makes no pretence to being in any sense a history.
It is avowedly a series of sketches treating of the general
principles involved, and not the events. 'And as such it has
a value. Many of the comments are excellent, and the
summary of Jutland is impartial and generally correct. But
the worth of the book suffers because the writer seems to
have taken little trouble lo get accurate information about
several details that are both material and quite well known.
The plans of the actions, too, are merely diagrammatic and
make no pretence of being consistent even with the informa-
tion contained in the published dispatches. Yet of at least
two extremely important engagements, namely, that between
Sydney and Emden and the action off the Falkland Islands,
quite accurate plans are available. There is no reason to
suppose that the Times plan of the first action is not sub-
stantially correct in almost every particular, and the plan
of the latter engagement, published in the middle of August,
1915, by Land and Water, was authentic. In some matters
the rnisstatements are very far from being unimportant, and
as this volume is to be used at Annapolis as a text book, it
is wortli while to see that the most obvious of these are
corrected. It is stated, for instance, that the action between
Sydney and Emien opened at 4,000 yards; whereas it is
quite well known that Emden got Sydney under a very hot
fire at 10,500 yards, and actually fired many hundreds of
rounds m the first minute without a single salvo being more
than a couple of hundred yards wrong for range. It was in
this period that Emden made her only hits, smashed the
Sydney's rangefinder, and inflicted the only casualties that
Sydney suffered. Also Emden was armed with 4.1-in guns
nqt 4.1 pounders.
Cradock's Decision
Again, in discussing the battle of Coronel the writer
supposes that Admiral Cradock might well have been in
grave doubt whether after he had got his ships into forma-
tion he should engage. " By bearing off sharply to the
westward even at this late hour," he says, " the speeds of
the two squadrons were so nearly equal that he could have
avoided engaging that night, and by morning he might have
IZ^L'^^u"''"^'^^ and fought the^attle L a mo^re equll
« I f\u^^ T"'"^ ^^ interesting to add what thoughts
flashed through the Admiral's mind and what prevailed uS,n
h m to make the fatal but courageous decision embodied^in
his signal to the Canopus at 8 p.m. : " I am goini- to attarT
he enemy now." But here, to^, the know^ffcs^of the cast-
leave little doub as to the Admiral's frame of m nd I?
bSk" un^tL r'''".'" break away from Von Spee and fal
back upon the Canopus, for the simple reason that he had
^on^nH/'Tf'^f.^'^°'" deliberately left Cano/,«rbehind to
go and look for the great Von Spee. Further, it was between
two and three in the afternoon of November isT When hTs
squadron was scattered over a very wide front and workk.?
northward, that one of his ships signalled to him That an
*nemy wireless had been tapped". Admiral CradoTk at once
^rdered MonmouU, Glasgow and Otranto to cloJe on ?he
fligsh.p and then headed straight for the probable p^"nt at
which the enemy would be found. And no soonerTd he
.find h.m than he made the signal to which Captain Gill refers
.J f r l'^ P?.':'?"'-'-^Ph of the chapter dealing with these
events Captain Gill seems to have hit upon the only possible
explanation of Admiral Cradock's actions '■ At theLSin-
^ i^' '!,"J ^' '^f ' ^^^ B^'ti^'' armoured cruiseTs S
Hope and Monmouth, together with the light cruiser G/as/.,;
and the transport Olranto, were in Atlantic waters off the
coast of the Americas. These ships rendezvoused off the
coast of Brazil under the command of Sir Christopher Cradock
and proceeded round Cape Horn, evidently with the mission to
find and destroy the German vessels." If to find and destroy
was actually the Admiral's mission, there is nothing surprising
in his leaving the Canopus behind, for, however useful she
might have been in helping to destroy Scharnhorst and
Gtieisenau, she must surely have been perfectly useless in
any effort to find them. Her presence would have made the
whole of the Admiral's squadron equally ineffective for this
purpose. Had the Admiral's mission been to cruise in certain
localities and fight Von Spee if Von Spee attacked him, he
would either not have left Canopus at all, or have fallen
back upon her, as our author suggests. His secretar3''s letter,
the last written before rounding the Horn, makes it quite
clear that the general impression in the squadron was that
everyone knew that they were on a task beyond their strength.
It was, in short, a naval Balaclava, and the Laureate's tragic
jingle makes it impossible to suppose that the heroic Cradock
wasted any moments in reasoning or debate.
The Jutland Controversy
The author seems to have fallen into a very curious mis-
understanding about the controversy to which the battle of
Jutland has given rise. This arose, it will be remembered
not out of Admiral Jellicoe's original dispatch, but out of
the astounding explanation which Mr. Churchill offered for
the failure to engage the German Fleet at decisive ranges and
destroy it. His reasons were, it will be remembered, first
that there was no need for victory, because we enjoved all
Its fruits without it, and, next, that whether we needed victory
or not It was impossible to place battleships within range of
torpedoes, because their under bellies were not protected.
These two doctrines gave a new significance to the Com-
mander-in-Chief's statement in his dispatch that " the enemy
constantly turned away and opened the range under cover of
destroyer attacks." Mr. Churchill went on to make counsel
worse confounded by laying it down that the torpedo had
had no influence upon the action at all 1 The issue in the
controversy that arose was quite simple. Should Lord
Jelhcoe have disregarded the torpedoes, closed to a range at
which in the light which prevailed his guns should have been
effective, and so have done the only thing which would have
given him a reasonable chance of destroying the German
Fleet ? .
The arguments on either side ne-J not be repeated
here, but the issue is quite different frcm what Commander
GUI seems to suppose. -The 'disposition of the British Fleet
" for the night," he says, " has been a source of much con-
troversy in England ... the question is whether or not the
threat of torpedo and submarine attack was sufficient to
justify losing all touch with the German Fleet, which was
inferior in numbers, in gun power and in speed. Those who
support Admiral JelHcoe in his decision not to close the enemy
battle fleet dunng the dark hours maintain that inasmuch as
naval superiority was essential to the Allied cause, it should
jiot have been risked upon such a hazard as would have been
involved by continuing the battle under the conditions which
have been described. On the other hand, many hold the
opinion that the destraction of the German Fleet was of such
urgent importance as to justify this risk." I am not aware of
anyone who has criticised the disposition of the British Fleet
after darkness. There has been no criticism, partly because
there is no information as to what the disposition was. Such
dispute as there has been has been over the daylight tactics
and not the night tactics.
The most interesting portions of the book are perhaps the
introduction and the chapters dealing with the broad lessons
ot sea power, and portions of the Appendices. But I cannot
agree that the use of the submarine against trading ships
either should have been, or was, a complete surprise. There
were ample warnings of such things being inevitable. In
the nature of things, the more crushing the superiority of our
surface navy, the more certain it must be that any enemy would
seek to relieve the position by using whatever force that could
evade it. The lessons of the war after Trafalgar and of the
war of 1812— to look no further afield— were conclusive on
the point that a guerre de course is not alone the necessary,
but the only, alternative to a war of squadrons. Aube had
pointed out thirty years ago first that the small size and high
speed of the torpedo-boat would supply, in modem condi-
tions, the power of evasion possessed by the privateer in old
times, and secondly that the deadly character of her weapon
February 21, 1918
Land & Water
[Official ihoti.
A Clyde Shipyard
would invest the guerre de course of the future with a ruthless-
ness so terrible as to make sea war impossible. Tlie signifi-
cance which the development of the submarine gave to these
doctrines would have been patent had the application of
these never definitely been made. But, as we know, Sueter
in 1907 and, as Lord Jellicoe has just told us, Lord Fisher in
1912 did all they could to drive the lesson home.
Apart from this, Cpmmander Gill sees no great surprises
in the war. But surely no one anticipated that actions in
which Dreadnoughts Were engaged could continue hour after
hotir with so little damage on either side. It was a more
general impression that a fleet action between all-big-gun
ships would be a very brief affair indeed. Admiral Togo, it
will be remembered, said that the Battle of Tsushima, which
began at about half-p>ast one, was decided at ten minutes to
two. It certainly was a general impression that modern
armaments controlled by modem instruments would at any
range cut this time in two. Again, was it not something
of a surprise that, although the torpedo threat has more than
once had a great effect upon the imagination of commanders-
in-chief, yet in a daylight action it has not yet succeeded
in sinking a single ship ? Commander Gill seems to be aware
that the torpedo has in this sense been a disappointment, but
not to ha\'e perceived the application of the lesson. All he
says about the gun being the dominant weapon of sea force,
and hence the battle fleet being the real palladium of sea
power, is admirable. He says, too, that to those who possess
, a dominant navy the submarine has brought benefits so
small as not to be worth consideration. Yet he seems to
approve of America's pre-war naval programme, which
preferred to build scores of submarines in the place of
destroyers that would have been of priceless value to-day.
Methods of Gun Use
It is hardly, perhaps, fair upon the author, to treat a book
which he probably intends only to be suggestive as if it were
an attempt to produce a treatise on a naval doctrine. But
there is one omission and, by a curious coincidence, a mis-
statement in Mr. Frothingham's summary of America's
contribution to the principles of naval war wnich ought not
to be allowed to go past without comment. In Commander
Gill's cliapter on gun power he weighs the pros and cons of
calibre, range, accuracy, rate of fire, etc., but is entirely
silent as to the importance of the method by which the accuracy
and power of the gun are to be turned to warlike account in
action. He is, that is to say, still in the pre-war frame of
mind of being much more interested in the material of
apparatus than in tlie technique of its use. And this is really
more curious in the case of an American than of an English
writer— which lends point to the extraordinary statement
of Mr. Frothingham. This writer, in a brief survey of the
Wars of Independence of 1812 and of the Rebellion claims
the following as an impressive summary of " American
contributions to the naval weapons and tactics of to-day " :
The development of the all-big-gun ship.
The tacticaJ superiority of the armoured ship.
The tactical suj)eriority of guns in turrets — and of turrets
aligned over the keel.
The tactical use of the torpedo.
The tactical use of the submsirine.
Commerce-destroying as a factor in warfare.
Raids of an enemy's coast by an inferior navy.
Establishment of a legal blockade of a long cojist line.
The invention and development of the airplane.
It is instructive to examine Mr. Frothingham's foundation
for the first claim, for it explains why he has omitted the
greatest of all America's contributions to the art of sea fighting.
Speaking of the war of 1812, he says :
" Our naval constructors, with an intuition almost prophetic,
had built a class of frigates of which the Constitution is best
known, and placed i^-pounders on them. Such an armament
was ridiculed abroad, and it was predicted that such ships
would be useless — but in the war of 1812 these frigates
became the wonder of the world. Another extract from the
London Times shows again the state of the public mind.
' The fact seems to be established that the Americans have
some superior mode of firing.' , 1 «« 1 ;*■-
" The ' fact ' that the Times could not understand wa^ the
great advance in naval construction shown by these frigates
of the United States Navy. This advanced design by
American naval constructors was the birth of the ' all-big-
gun ship ' idea, which was destined to dominate naval con-
struction ; and the Constitution may fairly be called the
ancestor of the modem Dreadnought."
It is really hardly necessary to comment on this amazing
passage. It is, of course, perfectly true that the American
frigates not only carried more and heavier guns than ours,
but were built of far stouter timbers. . But it was not the
weight of their metal that gave them their remarkable
victories. Their victories were due entirely to the fact that
their gunnery skill was of a kind infinitely superior to that
of their British opponents. When Broke, who was as able
and keen an artillerist as any American, after having Shannon
under his orders for over a year, met the newly-commissioned
Chesapeake the series of American victories ended abruptly —
and this although the Chesapeake was a heavier ship and armed
with heavier guns than the Shannon. As in all the previous
actions it was superior skill in the use of guns that decided
the issue. It is especially noteworthy, and of special signifi-
cance to-day, that superior skill meant not only more hits,
bqt a freedom in the tactical handling of ships that made
effective defence impossible. I am grateful to Mr. Frothing-
ham for reminding us that a writer in the Times of that day
perfectly appreciated why we had so uniformly been beaten.
Howard Douglas, the real founder of naval gunneiy, deals with
this story in detail in his historic work. There is, indeed, no
tactical development in'thc whole of naval history the exact
character and importance of which has been more clearly
demonstrated. And yet here wc have Mr. Frothingham.
telling us that the fact which the Tim^s could not understand
was the great advance in naval construction ! Surely it
would have been just as reasonable for him to have claimed
the Constitution as the first Dreadnought because, for her
displacement, her timbers were the stoutest yet seen in any
ship. Arthur Pollen.
lO
Land & Water
February 2 1 , 1 9 1 8
Leaves from a German Note-book
THE strikes in Germany could not have taken the
Government by surprise. As early as January 26
the Imperial Secretary of the Intenor notified the
Main Committee of the Reichstag that a handbill
had been circulated calling on the workers to ccme
out on strike. About the same time an appeal was handed
to all men and non-commissioned officers released from the
army to work in munition factories, and the tone shows per-
fectly well that the suppression of Ebert's speech was anything
but an accident. The officiil homily runs :
To you who are released or discharged to enter the munitions
industry an urgent warning is given always to bear in mind
that by ceaseless labour you can contribute to the speedy
and victorious ending of the war. The more arms you deliver
for our troops the better will they be equipped with all that
they require, the greater will the enemy losses be, the more
useless his efiorts, and the sooner will he be incKned for peace.
Any cessation of work, any strike, on the other hand, prolongs
the war, for it weakens our defence and gives the enemy new
confidence. Every strike means a diminution in the output
of weajxyns of defence, and must therefore be paid for in
German blood. He who strikes now is sacrificing the blood
of his comrades to his own selfish aims ; he is increasing our
casualty lists, increasing the number of dead, widows and
orphans, depriving so many families of their bread-winner,
and increasing the misery of war. The munition-worker who
refuses arms to our defenders at a time when from all sides
enemies are endeavouring to carry spoliation and devastation
into our country commits not only a crime but also an in-
credible folly.
The ultimate cause of the world-war was the success of the
lal)our of the German workman. " Made in Germany " has
conquered the world and more and more driven English goods
into the background. This is the real reason why England
years before the war began the policy of encircling Germany and
inciting the whole world against us. Anyone who stops work
and thus endangers our victory is furthering the English
object of destroying the German workman. Therefore avoid
those who wish to incite you to strike. They are doing the
enemy's work. They are to be con.siderea enemy agents.
Peace will not be brought nearer by strikes, but defeat and
overthrow. Always remember that England only won over
her labouring classes for the war by saying to them " You will
be richer by the wages which will be taken from the German
.workman."
Endure privations, such as scarcity of food, coals, etc., in
the consciousness that if you hold out a favourable peace is
certain, which will secure your economic future and that of
our whole people. But if we were to collapse now in face of
certain victory, in future we should have to suffer not only
privations but famine, for our enemies would force upon us a
peace which would mean a future full of unemployment,
misery, and despair. Therefore, comrades, work and endure ;
this IS what honour and common-sense impose upon you,
for it is the only safe way to a quick and successful peace.
Authority and the StriTcers
.\11 this goes to show that the authorities in Germany were
fully aware of the gathering storm, and when Cabinet Ministers
lent their support to the legend that English agents had stirred
up the strikes, they must have been guilty of deliberate
falsehood. The only evi"aence that was forthcoming was a
cock-and-bull story published by the Hamburger Nachrichten
which all through the war has made a special feature of printing
lying libels about England in particular and the Allies in
general. This newspaper alleged that in a certain street in
Hamburg a well-dressed gentleman was seen dropping out of
his overcoat pocket handbills which were of so violent a •
character that he must have been an enemy agent. He was
not caught, however. That is all the evidence, and one cannot
help wondering upon whom the paper desired to impose
this fairy tale.
The German workers were certainly not moved by the
story, for they came out on strike in practically every industrial
centre in Germany. The strike was most extensive in Berlin
but reports from Munich, Breslau, Duisburg, Cassel, Halle
and Leipzig show that in all these towns the strikers were not
merely a few irresponsible youths. Their numbers ran 'into
many thousands and their demands were specific enough.
As in Austria, so in Germany, the men asked for peace, food
and democratic institutions. , ■ ' '
But the authorities were adamant. The G.O.C. in the Berlin
district, General von "Kessel, who is an old man accustomed to
the traditions of 1870 and out of all sympathy with modern
movements, began by abolishing the ordinary courts and
replacmg them, under a law of 1851, by extraordinary military
tribunals ; and then he put seven of the largest munition
works in Berlin under military control. He made it quite
clear that he would not shrink from machine guns in order
to crush the uprising. An . uncompromising attitude was
also adopted by the Imperial Chancellor. This strike incident
shows conclusively that the Militarists are firmly in the
saddle, and Count Hertling cannot call his soul his own.
Austria and Germany
That was made abundantly clear by the contrast between
Hertling's and Czemin's speeches. Czernin was mercilessly
abused by the Junker Press, which seems to grow more
impertinent daily. These papers asked Austria who it
was won her victories for her .' Who protected Lemberg and
Przemysl ? Who froze in the Carpathians to safeguard the
integrity of Hungary ? Wlio cleared the Rumanians out of
Transylvania ? Who withstood the onslaught of the Italians
on Trieste ? The German army did all these things ; and is
Austria-Hungary now to be ungrateful ? Will the Dual
Monarchy carve out a path for itself ? These questions
must have rankled in Austria and Hungary.
In view of these somewhat strained relations it is not
surprising that the Austrian Press puts the blame for the
strikes on the Junkers and annexationists. And is there not
justice in their plea ? The ruling party in Germany — the
crowned heads from the Kaiser downwards, the Ministers,
the officials, the army — all belong to that reactionary clique.
At the Conference of the Conservative Party held recently
at Halle General von Liebert won the applause of the gather ng
he was addressing when he laid it down that
for us the watchword must be " might before right." We
must not listen to sentimentality or humanity. We must
be inconsiderate. We must retain Belgium and the North
of France. That is the curse of God which has fallen on the
French nation. Let us rejoice that we have nothing to do
with such a criminal people.
Even their religion is tinged with the gospel of might.
On a recent Sunday, a clergyman. Dr. Dibelius by name,
gave a lecture in one of the Berlin churches on " We German
Christians and the German peace." The reverend gentleman
explained the meaning of brotherly love in these words :
Brotherly love in the first place implies love for our own
suffering people. It is therefore a Christian duty not to reject
indemnities and annexations for our own people. . . . What
is the best security ? Germany's power. The demand for
a German peace based on strength has an ethical justification,
it is only the recognition of success. Not Letts and Esthonians
shall determine the fate of the Baltic lands, but the Germans
only, to whom those lands owe ever)rthing.
Prussian Brutality
Brute force alone appeals to these people, and they are
not ashamed of practising what they preach. A striking
illustration of the depths to which Prussian Junkerdom can
sink is furnished by the records of a trial held before a local
court in Mecklenburg. This federal state is, even in Germany,
admitted to be the most baclrward country in the world ;
and if the case in question is typical, it is surely sufficient to
make decent people shudder. Herr Wilhelm von Oertzen
is the squire of Raggow, near Neubukow, and he was the
defendant in the case, the plaintiff being one of his farm
labourers.
One day, recently, this labourer was found by the squire's
principal beater cutting off ears of corn and placing them in a
bag. The culprit admitted that he intended to grind the com
for use as a substitute for coffee. For this heinous offence
the labourer was brought before Herr von Oertzen, who
declared that he would whip him. The squire accompanied
the labourer into the park, ordered him to strip, had his arms
tied to a tree by means of a leather strap, and he himself
let fly at the poor wretch with a riding whip. As the per-
secuted labourer attempted in his pain to loosen himself from
the tree the Prussian Junker tied yet another strap round his
body and continued the flogging. When the wretched man
cried out the Junker threatened to stop his mouth if he were
not quiet. Directly after the flogging the man was sent off
to work, though his body was covered with blood. The
Public Prosecutor demanded a punishment of three months'
imprisonment for von Oertzen, but the Court considered one
month a sufficient penalty.
It is remarkable that people should put up with treat-
ment such as this ; still more remarkable that lords of the
manor in a so-called civilised country should have the face
to treat their labourers in this fashion ; and most remarkable
of all that a court of justice in the twentieth century should
take so light a view of so heartless a proceeding. So much
for the Ktdtur and the justice of Germany. It is reminiscent
of the social state of France in the eighteenth century.
February 2i, 191 8 Land & Water
John Rathom's Revelations
An account of a remarkable interview between
Mr. Rathom and Captain Boy-Ed, and the wireless
conspiracies which originated in Berlin
II
The Secretaries of the Austro-Hungarian Embassy at Washington
These men, with Dr. Dumba. the Ambasjador. were all in the work of obtaining fraudulent passports^ JnllXr^nasroortfto l"ustda"
labour^s (chiefly longshoremen) who had become naturalized American citizens were mstr^cted to apply ^"^ p^^^PO^t^" ^ustna
When obtained these passports were bought by the Austrian officials and turned over to the Germans, who erased tne names ana SUD
SS:te?tVT,^m*esTf Kan reserve officers an\ soldiers, who were thus -abled to return to ^^^^^^y.^L «Lll'otDr"Dumba in
group above, from left to right, are : Baron Erich Zweidmek, counsellor and Charge d Affaires and, after the recall ot J^'^^^"™"^' '
charge of the Embassy Prince Alfred zu Hohenlohe-SchiUingsfurst. attach^; Baron Stephen Hedry deHedri et aeoenereADa,
SberaiLtofSlmp^erial and Apostolic Majesty: second secretary Consul-General von Gnvic.c ; K. Schwenda, Josef Schoedel,
y ^K_^^^ J Sobotka, and Charles Pollak, all secretaries of chancellery.
Mr. John R. Rathom, in his openingarticle. amongst other
things described how Count von Bernstorff, the German
Ambassador at Washington, falsely posed as the victim
of the Foreign Office at Berlin and was compelled to
carry out instructions that were distasteful to him.
He was also most careful not to^ allow himself per-
sonally to be ever mixed up with the more dastardly
outrages which he had himself helped to plan.
AT the end of February, 1915, von Bernstorff spent
several days with Captain von Papen and a
lawyer, busily engaged in concocting a scheme
of false affidavits in order to attempt to make
Mr. Bryan, then Secretary of State, believe that
immense quantities of dum-dum bullets were being shipped
from American factories to the British War Office. There
was never any ground for this accusation, which originated
in the German Embassy. The day before the Ambassador
went to Mr. Bryan with his alleged evidence he actually
rehearsed his approaching visit to the Secretary of State in
his own library, with one of his secretaries posing as Mr.
Br>'an. He said to this man at the conclusion of an
impassioned plea which lasted about five minutes—" Ain
I impressive enough ? Is my statement forceful enough ? "
to which the man replied, " Most forceful, Your Excellency."
" If it appears that way to you," replied the Ambassador,
" we will have no trouble with the big-mouthed (grossmau-
lichen) gentleman."
A question that has been repeatedly asked ever since
America entered into a state of war with Germany is : " How
was it possible, with the precautions naturally taken by the
Teutonic Governments and their agents, to get inside facts
from the German Embassy and from manv of the offices of the
German and Austrian Consul-Generals ? '
The answer, given here for the first time, is simple enough.
While the entire story of the methods used in getting inside
the Teutonic lines in America cannot be told at this moment,
it is sufficient for present purposes to say that from the
beginning of the European war, and for some months^ prior
to that time, the Journal was able to bring to its aid the
services of many Bohemians and Southern Slavs from every
part of the United States. It was largely through the self-
sacrificing activities and the remarkable mental equipment
of many of these men that I was enabled from day to day to
receive and tabulate information from the very heart of the
German and Austrian propagandist system in the United
States— both the Embassies and many of the Teutonic
consular offices throughout the country.
These men (and women as well) not only took grave risks
in this work— for they were braving German vengeance— but
gave up their time, and in many cases their own funds, without
a shilling of compensation from the Journal or anybody else,
in order to give the facts which would prove to the American
people the manner in which they were being tricked and fooled
by the German Ambassador and his fellows.
A large number of the men engaged in this work were
lawyers and doctors. A great many of them were labourers
in factories, some were publishers of Croatian and Bohemian
newspapers, and the list included several hundred students
in colleges and high schools. Every one of the men among
them of age was an American citizen. It is impossible to pay
too high a tribute to their energy and faithfulness.
It became apparent to both the German and Austrian
Ambassadors, after these men had been at work for a few
months, that the stories printed by the Providence Journal
must have had their sources in some dangerous leaks. Count
von Bernstorff— between May, 1915, and December, 1915—
discharged one of the employees of the German Embassy on
suspicion of having been involved in- these leaks, and this
man was immediately approached through friendly channels
with the result that he has been on the pay roll of the Pro-
vidence Journal Company ever since his discharge. The right
man was never discovered bv the Ambassador, nor, until the
day he left for Halifax, did he have the slightest inkling as to
who this man was.
Four months of listening on the SayviUe and Tuckerton
wireless stations through one of the best equipped and highest
powered stations on the North American continent, from the
day the European war began, had also brought to me an
immense mass of information concerning the propagandist
activities, not only of German and Austrian aliens in America,
but also of hundreds of American citizens of German and
Austrian birth. From many of the latter I was able to
secure a great quantity of material, particulariy when, as I ^vas
frequently able to do, I started many of them in active
recrimination against one another.
On Sunday, May 2nd, 1915, some months after the
Providence Journal had begun its series of exposures of
German propaganda, which at thai time very few people in
the United States believed to be true, I received a telephone
message at a New York hotel, where I was staying, from the
steward of the German Club at 112, Central Park, South.
After stating who he was, he said that two gentlemen, one of
whom was Captain Karl Boy-Ed, were very anxious to have a
chat with me, and asked me if I would see a representative of
Captain Boy-Ed's, and accompany him to the clubhouse at
eleven o'clock that moming. I replied that I would, and half
an hour later a man, who was afterwards identified as Dr.
Fuhr, one of von Bemstorff's New York spies, came to my
12
Land & Water
February 2i, rgio
rooms, stating th.it he was from Captain Boy-Ed, and had a
car at the door.
I went with him to the German Club and there, for the first
time, met Captain Boy-Ed, who received me hi a large private
room
facturcrs not to indulge in the practice any further, he will
very materially hasten the coming of peace by reason of our
desire to meet him more than half way."'
I said that I did not understand his meaning, and wanted
some further light on his proposition. Captain Boy-Ed then
He said he had one or two important matters to talk continued: ,.,.., ^ a
with me about, and that while he realised the Providence " If the President wil make this plea to Ameriann manu-
Journal was antagonistic to him and to the German cause, facturers, and if it results in the stopping of traffic in war
he felt that he wanted to state frankly what was in his mind, munitions from this country, the German Government will
and try to establish better relations with us. He said that set in motion at once the prehminarj' machinery for peace
his people were not at all satisfied with the way in whicli the negotiations. The only basis for any present negotiations
German side of the case was being presented through American will be the stoppage of the arms and ammunition traffic between
newspapers, and he wanted to ask whether I believed from this country and our enemy. You can tell the Ptesident that
my experience that the fault lav with the character and this proposal is based on that proposition, and that if the
method of presentation of the material itself, or whether tlie embargo is carried through effectively, Germany will begin
majority of the large papers were so biassed against Germany negotiations immediately, and will agree to withdraw from
that they would not print the matter submitted. I told him Belgium and from the occupied portion of France. We will
that, regardless of the sentiments of American newspapers, not consider the payment of one penny in indemnity, nor
they' were naturally and rightfully antagonistic to any move- will we consider giving up any part of Alsace-Lorraine,
ment that looked like a propaganda attempt to use their Germany will agree to rebuild, in as good a condition as
columns in any way, and that in my judgment the material they were before the war, all public buildings destroyed
with which newspaper offices had been flooded by the German in Belgian towns, but that is all. We have a specific reason
Publicity Bureau was on its face so false and rnalicious that for wanting these facts laid before Mr. Wilson from outside
no decent newspaper could
handle it. He said he
felt that criticism of this
kind was somewhat just,
which led liim up to what
he stated was the first of
the matters about which
he wanted to talk with me.
He then asked if I would
undertake the supervision
of a German News Bureau,
having headquarters in
New York, and with branch
offices in Chicago, Denver,
and. San Francisco, which
would issue regularly to
the Presssemi-official state-
ments from the Overseas
News Agency, and _also
regular translationsof news
stories and articles apjiear-
ing in the German news-
papers.
He said he would be
prepared to pay £2,000 a
month for the mainten-
ance of these bureaus,
which ought to be run by
skilled American news-
paper men having a large
and friendly relationship
among other newspaper
men, and he would be
glad to pay £400 a
month for my personal
services, and a bonus of
£2,000 at the end of six
months, and would also
agree that I was not to
be known personally in
the matter at all, and that
Captain Karl Boy-Ed,
German Naval AttacW at Washington.
sources. What do you
think of it ?"
I told Captain Boy-Ed
that I thought he must be
crazy, and suggested that
if the German Embassy or ^
the German Government
had any proposition to
make to the President of
the United States they had
their regular diplomatic
channels through which to
make it.
Captain Boy-Ed replied
that the German Govern-
ment could not directly or
indirectly put itself in any
position of making the first
move, but if the President
or Secretary of State could
be induced to approach the
German Ambassador or
the German Foreign Office
with a question based on
the lines suggested, his
Government would at once
acquiesce and " go m6re
than half way."
He added : " You don't
realise what a tremendous
influence we can bring to
bear on Mr. Bryan, for
example, through his
church affiliations, and
through many of our good
friends who are close to
the Administration. Any-
way, we want you to make
the suggestion to the
President when you see
him this week. You will
Iwhi"^ h^ P^™1*^^^ so to arrange the installation and work find a great many forces moving along in that direction
OI tne Dureau that nobody could SUSnect mv rnnnprtinn hpfnrp ihp wooU Jc r>-„cr- " o -o
nobody could suspect my connection before the week is over
I asked Captain Boy-Ed how he knew I was going to see
with it.
I told him that it was absolutely impossible for me to the President^
anv Ji!^n''Jh?r^"'^l!.'^°'J' "/,*'' -f ^^*^'* ^"^ ^^"^ ^^'^ "^'"^ °^ "^ ""^P''^^ '■ " We know whatever we wish to know."
Aft^r a 7ow Zfpn.''"^*"'*''-^^'*- u . u . . ^ *°^^ '""^ t^^t ^f I ^i'i '^'^ the President I would tell him
Alter a tew moments he said he was sorry, but that he had what he said
done r^^H.ihin '"^i^'Jk fT''*'°" ^^^°'l '"^' ^J"^ ^^^ ^^P^^"^ ^"^Ed broke in at once with the exclamation :
aone so. He then said that there was another and vastly No, you must not say where this croDosal comes from I
"rsT£f"f £;:";? '^ ^^Tf i^''^;^ "f -^^'i' "' ^" j ^^"^ >'°^ *« ^« '^^° ^^^w oS r^u'gg^stionTsto how
the \VwTe Hfusrvvn^tfh. Pr Pr'?^^""'"* '?, W^^l"."gto" ft 5i>^h ^n act on his part will be received by our Government.
IZ in i ^ %^1 President dunng the coming week. Tell him you have inside information. I forbid you to suggest
and m connection with that appointment I want to place a to him that you have ever seen or talked wih me " f
Tnow up1STn\he d'ub°"H T *? i^^.l^f'^r ^'t u I ^°^^ CapLin Boy-Ertha7l Should 'pu^ fh'e whole sub ect
h. wLT=tf,,!!!/il™^V,"^ '^°'^' "°* ^^^' t^^^ before the President, and should state e.xactly what the
proposition was, and from whom it came.
This ended the conversation and I left the club.
On Wednesday, May 5th, the entire matter was laid before
the President. On the same day the German propagandists
all over the United States began a fresh campaign for an
embargo on arms. The announcement was also made, on
be wise to see you personally.
The following is, of course, not a shorthand report of the
statement he then proceeded to make, but is very close to
being as correct as if taken down in shorthand.
" We want you, when you see tlie President, to lay before
i"™ the suggestion that he reconsider liis attitude regarding
f eitTe^hTor'MrTrvan^wilTln'rf"./" 'I^^'V ^^J^f '^' ^""^'^ ^''"^te, of the beginning of a campaign' to "fii^ance" a
to theTr felL^dtizenrthat^lX^^^^^ new German, paper in New York to fight Igainst further
neuSy in^lie makin^of'a™^^^ munitions shipments, and the Germans on that date also
irauiy m tlie making of arms, they would beg manu- began an endless-chain petition to the President, urging an
February 21, 1918
Land ^ Water
13
extra session of Congress to put an embargo on the shipment
of arms.
The suggestions put out by Captain Boy-Ed were directly
in line with four or five other attempts, made by the Germans
in America through other channels, to keep the Administra-
tion at Washington under the belief that Germany was
anxiously seeking some basis for peace.
Careful examination of our wireless reports showed a
constant and suspicious connection between many large
commercial and shipping houses in the United States and
the Gennan Foreign Office. Further investigation disclosed
the fact that the code numbers and combinations of letters
being used by the German Embassy in its messages to Berlin
were in many cases duplicated by messages sent out from the
Atlantic Communication Company (the ostensible owner of
Sayville, the American wireless station), the Siemens and
Halske Gimpany of Kew York, the Hamburg-America
Line and North German Lloyd Line, and many other concerns.
Starting with this knowledge, it soon developed that the great
strength of the German propaganda system in America was
largely due to the fact that these great commercial houses
were nothing more than outposts of the German Foreign
Office, heavily subsidised and acting directly under the orders
of their home offices, which in turn took their orders from
Foreign Office officials.
One of the first discoveries made by the Journal was the
existence of a chart drawn to resemble a family tree, the
trunk of which bore the label of the Foreigft Office. Spreading
from this trunk were three branches, and at the bottom of
each branch the words, " Telefunken Co." Spreading from
each of these three branches were limbs bearing the names of
electrical firms throughout the world.
This tremendous network of great electrical concerns, all
of them in turn having sub-agencies and all being directly con-
nected with wireless and telegraphic communication of every
description, was continuously at the service of the German
Government. Thanks to heavy Government subsidies these
concerns were able to underbid, and did underbid, their com-
petitors in the price of installation of wireless plants through-
out the American continent, and we discovered in many cases
before the construction of such plants that they had success-
fully imposed their will on various Central and South American
Governments by insisting^in selecting their own locations for
the construction of these plants.
The most interesting discovery made in this connection by
my representatives was that during the time that the United
States Government was planning a series of wireless stations
throughout the Philippine Islands the Gesellschaft |Fur
Drahtlose Telegraphic in Berlin, a branch of the great Tele-
funken system, sent to its branch in New York City and to
its office in Manila (represented by the firm of Germann and Co.,
of Hamburg) a long communication setting forth that the
wireless stations to be constructed by the United States
Government in the Philippines must be bid for at such a low
price by their agents that there would be no possibility of
their losing the contracts.
A former manager of the Atlantic Communication Company
notified me that the definite understanding with reference to
this matter was as follows : " Our superior knowledge of
wireless must be set forth in arguments to convince United
States ' wireless ' officials that the stations should be where we
have designated them on this map, regardless of their own
desires in the matter, so as to make it certain that if Germany
comes into control of the Philippine Islands the wireless
stations shall be in the most advantageous positions for the
work of the German Government."
The Hamburg- America Line and the North i German
Lloyd Line, in addition to being under the direct supervision
of Captain Boy-Ed (who practically had charge of the move-
ments of all the ships of both concerns), made regular reports
through their home office to the Foreign Office in Berlin.
Among these reports were accounts of disbursements, not
only for the legitimate outlay of a steamship company, but
also for the upkeep of two large bodies of secret service men
who took charge of all fraudulent passport work for the
German Government, and who between the outbreak of the
European war and the time of America's entry into the war
shipped on Swedish and Dutch vessels a large number of
German reservist officers, and also of German army officers,
from America. The latter, through briber^', were allowed to
escape from Siberia after having been captured by the Russians,
and were brought through Japan or China into the United
States, held in boarding houses in New York and shipped with
false passports to Europe as opportunity offered.
These great corptjrations were used also for other purposes
by the German and .\ustrian Govemmcnts and the Embassies
in Washington. A i)iot to blow up the Welland Canal was
worked out in the Hamburg- America offices by Paul Koenig,
chief qf^the secret service of that company. In aii-attempt
to fool the American Government, hundreds of wireless
messages, ostensibly relating to steamship matters, but really
secret Government codes, were sent continually to the German
wireless stations at Nauen and Elivese signed by these steam-
ship and electrical concerns under orders from von Bemstorff,
in whose office such messages originated.
The great majority of the men working in these establish-
ments were Genrian and Austrian aliens, but they invariably
included, usually among their general managers or directors,
several who had acquired American citizenship solely to
permit them to conduct their propaganda work with more
freedom.
Truly, the German Ambassador, von Bemstorff, was not
The Wireless Station used by the German
Plotters
At Sayville, L. I. It was equipped with the German Tele-
funken apparatus and was owned by the Atlantic Communica-
tion Company before the United States Government took it
over after it bad been proved that it was being used to send
' military information to Germany in violation of our neutrality.
underestimating the boundless credulity of a democracy
when he said once in his Embassy, in a burst of pardonable
pride in his ability to make the American people believe
what he wanted them to believe : "In dem Lande der un-
begrenzten Moglichkeiten ist alles tnoglich ! " — " In this land
of unlimited possibilities everything is possible ! "
We regret to announce that publication of these
articles by Mr. ^ohn R. Rathom will have to be
suspended at the request of the United States
Authorities.
H
Land & Water
February 2i, 191 8
The Sleuth Hound : By Alec Waugh
E
ERD the latest, Kid ? "
" Nawh, Steve, what is it ? Cap n gone on
" No such luck. There's a chance of makm
twenty quid and getting a month's leave.
Private Walker sat up suddenly. , xt * i:u i„ •>
•• What's that ? Month's leave, did yer say ? Not hkely.
" Straight, though ; just 'ad it from the Sergmt ; if anyone
catches a BDche spy 'e gets twenty quid an a month s leave.
Private Walker's face lit up suddenly, as one who has seen
the beatific vision.
" Stuff to give 'em, ay," said his companion.
But he did not answer. There rose before him dreams of a
resplendent future. A month's leave and twenty pounds to
spend on it. Gawd, but what a time he would have ! Cinemas
and music halls, joy rides and restaurants. For four weeks
he could live like a lord ; but the secret must be kept fast.
" Now look 'ere, Alf," he said cunningly, ' don t you go
teUing the chaps about this. We must keep this to ourselves
like. Don't do to 'ave too many in the know.'
" You're right there, Kid," said Steve ; " dead nght. This
is our job." . , ...,.,
" Yes," said Private Walker, and sank back into his dreams.
From that moment onwards Private Walker was a changed
man. No one in the gun team could understand it.
" Look 'ere, you chaps," he said that evening. " I don't
sleep so well 'o nights nowadays, and if any of you likes to
turn in a bit longer, I don't mind doing an extra guard or two
if anyone wants me to."
Six voices rose in one unanimous discordant wail :
" Me."
" Well, I can't do 'em aU, you know ; I'll take it m turns.
You don't mind, do you, Corporal ? "
From the end of the dugout a drowsy voice muttered that
if anyone was fool enough to want to go on guard, they
blooming well could. As long as some one was sentry over
the gun, he didn't care a farthing who it was.
And so Private Walker mounted guard over the gun for
twelve hours of the twenty-four ; and the rest of the gun
team, accepting gratefully the gifts of Providence, drank off
their rum ration and slept.
As a sentry Private Walker had in the past been a sloppy,
somnolent individual. Times without number Mr. Ferguson
had found him at his post with his rifle unloaded ; never had
Captain Evans extracted from him a satisfactory explanation
of the procedure necessary in case of gas. F.P. No. 2 had
come his way with monotonous regularity. He was quite
the dud man of No. 305 Machine Gun Company, and it was
the fervent wish of every officer and N.C.O. in the company
that, when the Brigadier paid one of his periodical visits to
the gun. Private Walker would not be the man on guard.
But the miracle happened. From being lazy and sleepy-
eyed, Private Walker became vigilant, keen, ruthless in the
pursuance of his duty. He was the terror of anyone passing
near him. On dark nights it was bad enough to be suddenly
confronted with his fierce peering face, hoarse roar, and
bayonet levelled at the throat. But it was worse on the clear
nights, when the moonlight fell over long stretches of bleak
moorland. For it did not matter how far away a figure was,
he sentry's " Who are you ? " thundered across the night :
and it was no good for the man once spotted to shout back,
" Signaller with a message for Division." Private Walker's
word " Advance and be recognised," had gone forth, and there
was no gainsaying it. The signaller had to come back the
whole five hundred yards, and satisfy that sleuth hound of
spies that he was not a Prussian guardsman masquerading as
a " Jock." And like every man with a true sense of duty,
rank and position meant nothing at all to Walker. Even
the captain of the R.E.'s was dragged before the inscrutable
tribunal. For a moment or two he had demurred.
" Look here ; damn it, man," he had shouted back ; " I'm
in a hurry. It's all right. I'm a captain of the R.E.'s."
Private Walker said nothing ; he loaded a round into the
breach and fired into the night.
The captain came.
For a fortnight this went on ; the gun team was relieved,
and went back to detail, spent a few days there ; then back
into the line.
" Still like doing buckshee guards. Walker ? " said the
Corporal.
• He nodded. He was one of those men who, when the hand
is once set to the plough, do not turn back. His mind was
only capable of holding one idea at a time, and at the present
moment it was whoUy obsessed with the lust of thwarting the
Boche. , , X
The climax was reached two days later.
Major Dunstan had only a week back been promoted to the
Divisional Staff, as Divisional Machine-Gun Officer, and the
first days of his consulship were spent in the reconnaissance
of the gun positions under his command ; 305, being the
divisional company, he left till last, and so till the time that
Private Walker returned to the line his company as a whole
had seen next to nothing of the major. Not having come
into personal contact with him, they were merely aware of
his existence, as they were of the General's — a remote being
who was a necessary, but none the less insignificant, part of
the establishment of a division.
And so the tall, angular figure that obeyed Private Walker's
imperative summons to " advance and be recognised " was
quite unknown to that indefatigable worthy.
" 305th Company, aren't you ? " said the major.
" Yes, sir."
"No. 36c gun position ? "
" Yes, sir."
" Now, let's see, where's the gun on your left ? "
Private Walker looked at him suspiciously. What right
had this man to be asking him all these questions ? He
wasn't one of his company's officers. Still, he was an officer.
" Over there, sir, behind that tree."
"Yes, exactly," went on the major, "and, what's your
target ? "
Before answering. Private Walker gave him a very searching
glance. This was suspicious. German spies often dressed
up as officers. He had read about that ; and who but a
German spy would want to ask him all this ? Still, he would
make quite sure.
" Point on the Bapaume Road, sir, three hundred yards
north of Thiepval."
" Yes, that's good," went on the major, happily, ignorant
of the thoughts flooding tempestuously through Walker's
mind. " And now what about your battle lines, supposing
the Germans were to break through ? "
That settled him, a bayonet flashed at the major's throat.
" 'Ands up," shouted the sentry. " 'Ere, Sergint, 'ere ;
I've got a spy 1 "
" But, damn it, man," spluttered the major, " is this a
joke ? "
" You'll find it a joke, when you're in one of them cages.
'Ere, Sergint, this is 'im ! "
The sergeant looked a bit doubtful, remembering Walker's
exploits in the past.
" Are you certain. Walker ? "
" Yes, Sergint ; 'e must go to the cap'n. May I take
'im ? "
" But, look here. Sergeant," said the major, " we can't have
this. We're at war now."
" Don't care what the 'ell we're at. You're a Boche ;
and I am going to get twenty quid and a month's leave. May
I take him off, Sergint ? "
The sergeant thought for a moment. Walker was a most
abandoned fool, but then, if it w?re a Boche it wouldn't do
for him to let it go ; and whatever happened, Walker wa
responsible. ■ ' .
" All right. Walker. Take him off."
" Thanks, Sergint, you'll see me off on leave to-morrer, I
expect. Come on, you ! " he flung at the prisoner. And the
major, resigning himself to the inevitable, followed dutifully.
After all, he had a sense of humoiir.
Triumphantly Private Walker led his spoil before Captain
Evans.
" German spy, sir 1 'E approached my post, in a most
suspicious way, sir ; asked me a lot of questions, sir. Saw as
'ow it must be a spy, sir "
He broke off in the middle. The captain was looking at
him with a look that spelt 28 days' F.P. No. i.
" Do you know who you've arrested, Walker ? " he said,
his voice dangerously cool.
" No, sir. Thought as' ow it were "
" It's Major Dunstan, the Divisional Machine-Gun Officer."
Private Walker stood and gaped.
" You may go, Walker," said the captain.
He fled. -
Next day he was once more on the field punishment list.
Captain Evans had dealt out retributidn lavishly.
" Well," said the sergeant,' " What can you expect, making
a fool of yourself like that ? You've got what you deserve,
of course; the captain's fed up. Think what sort of a name
you've got the company."
February 2i, igi8
Land & Water
15
But Walker made no reply ; he sat solidly on a S.A.A. box,
and no one could get a word out of him.
That night all his military enthusiasm had vanbhed. Fatigue
parties walked within a hundred yards of him unchallenged.
Signallers came and went undisturbed ; and when he saw a
figure, carrying a huge sandbag, loom up before him, he merely
mumbled, " Who are you ? " without getting up from the
box he sat upon.
" R.E.," answered the figure.
And a long stout man with a huge moustache, like a Bairns-
father car-toon, plumped himself down beside him.
" Terrible war this, mate," said the Engineer.
" Oh, bloomin' terrible."
" What's your job ? "
" Damn it all. I just sit 'ere over the gun ; and if the S.O.S.
goes up I fire."
"iWhat's the S.O.S. now, mate ? "
" Four greens. But it won't never go up. Boche won't
never attack."
" Many of your crowd about ? " went on the sympathetic
fatigue-man.
" Yes, there's a gun over there, and another over there,
and one behind the ridge. Four of 'em in all. Awful life,
believe me. We 'ave to learn pages of stuff about what we'd
do if the Boche breaks throusrh."
" And what would you do, mate ? "
" Drop a ruddy barrage just behind the wood in front, catch
the Boche consolidating, or some rot. I don't know, and
don't care. I'm sick of the war."
"You're not the only one," said the Engineer, rising.
" Well, I must be getting along. Cheerioh, mate."
" Cheerioh, Kid."
And the ungainly figure swayed away into the night.
" You've missed your chance right enough. Kid," said
Steve, two days later.
" 'Ow do you make that out ? " grunted Walker.
" Why, 'aven't you heard there was a Boche spy over 'ere
two nights ago ? But he got away."
" Boche spy ? What did he look like ? "
" 'E was a big fat feller, so they say, and 'e'd got a moustache
like one of them fellows that cove Bairnsfather draws, carrying
a sandbag, so they say — -'Ere, what's up, mate ? You look
mighty queer."
" No, no. I'm all right ; carry on with the yam."
" Well, he came down the Bapaume Road, 'e did, and then
went on towards Thiepval."
But Private Walker was not listening ; for almost the first
time in his life he was thinking very hard and very straight.
Effect of the New Reform Bill : By Jason
No prophecies in politics have been made to
look more ridiculous by the event than prophecies
of the effects of Bills for the reform of Parlia-
ment. This applies alike to hopes and to fears.
The Duke of Wellington declared of the first
Reform Bill that it proposed', a new form of government
incompatible with monarchy. Most of his followers took the
same view that the Bill meant the destruction of the rule
of law and — what was to them the same thing — the rule of
property. Lord Grey took just the opposite view. " I am
indeed convinced that the more the Bill is considered the less
it will be found to prejudice the real interests of the aristo-
cracy." He said on another occasion that it would give the
whole body of the aristocracy " a general influence more
congenial to their true character and more effectual for securing
'to them the weight that they ought to possess." For Grey, like
Macaulay, believed, as Mr. J. R. M. Bbtler has put it, in
his important book The Passing of the Great Reform Bill,
that all that was necessary " was to open the gates of the
Ginstitution wide enough to admit a manageable number of
the besieging force and then to close them again firmly."
Macaulay gave a philosophic basis in the manner of Burke to
the general theory underlying the Bill, " the higher and
middling orders are the natural representatives of the human
-race. Their interest may be opjwsed in some things to that
of their poorer contemporaries, but it is identical with that
of the innumerable generations that are to follow."
Amongst the Radicals there were some who took the same
.view as Wellington. They fought for the Bill as if it had been
a Bill for enfranchising the workpeople and not merely the
middle classes. They were the victims of an intoxicating
illusion. This is the way of life ; Nature loves to gild every
object for which men strive, leaving them to discover its true
worth when it has come into their eager hands. Francis
Place, a man in many respects of great perception and insight,
said : "It seems remarkably strange that Lord Grey, whose
intention it always was to stand by his order, should have
insisted on carrjdng out a reform of the House of Commons,
the inevitable result of which could not fail to be the total
destruction of that order, and of every other privileged order
and person." Cobbctt, whose confidence in his own judgment
remained unshaken till the day of his death, went not less
wildly astray, and the workpeople of the factories who streamed
out of the mills to meet the coach that brought with it the new
issue of his paper were taught to expect from that measure
little less than the Millennium. He had little love for the
Whigs, of whom he said that they had been led to church with
a halter, but he made an idol of their Bill which they gavo to
England.
It was indeed the co-operation of the Radicals and the
demonstrations of workmen who were themselves to wait
another generation before receiving the vote that compelled
the Lords to give way. The agitations of '1831 and 1832
were the result of a combination between two classes that had
little love for each other — the middle classes and the working
classes — and the Whig Government that forced the Lords to
accept the Bill spent part of its time and energy in putting
working-class reformers in prison.
The history of the reformed Parliament is a striking proof
of the justice of Macaulay's estimate of the effect of the
Reform Bill. Most of us were brought up to regard the
achievements of the reformed Parliament as an unqualified
triumph. That Parliament seemed to have done wonders ;
it reconstructed the Poor Law, it set up representative govern-
ment in the towns, it passed a Factory Act, it even made
formal recognition of the claims of popular education by a
small grant of public money. But if we want to understand
why the Reform Bill had as powerful an effect in exasperating
the working classes as it had in reconciling the middle classes,
we have to consider what the conduct of that Parliament
looked like to the idealists who had fought for the Bill as
the promise of democracy. The new Government refused
to make food cheaper, to make newspapers cheaper, to give
the ballot. It did nothing to humanise life for the poor.
It was only after five hundred men had gone to prison for a
cheap press that the Government reduced the stamp duty on
newspapers from ^d. to id. These were its omissions ; some
at least of its deeds were not less provocative.
The workpeople had found themselves becoming more and
more, as the industrial revolution destroyed the old economy,
the instruments of a great and inhuman power. The towns
they lived in, the hours they worked, the wages they received,
the general conception of the kind of life that was proper for
them, which permeated all the institutions of society, stamped
them as a subject population without dignity or rights.
Reform was to put an end to this, but instead of emancipation
reform brought the new Poor Law, the regime of the work-
house, the principle that the f)oor man must either starve or
sell his handloom and seek the shelter of the nearest Bastille.
Thorold Rogers said of the Poor Law of 1834 that it was
necessary, harsh, inopportune, unjust. The middle classes
saw its necessity, the working classes its injustice. When
the Bill passed through the House of Commons, twenty men,
led by Cobbett, Fielden and Walter, of the Times, de-
nounced it, and 319 members supported it. It may be
questioned whether the upper classes would ever have dared
to pass such a Bill without the help of the middle classes, who
had become, as Macaulaj' would have put it, part of the
recognised garrison of the existing order.
This cruel disillusionment produced the Chartist movement.
As a political revolt Chartism was a tragical failure, though it
had important consequences seen in the legislatioru)f the forties.
It made Lord John Russell and many another politician
appreciate the truth that the condition of the people of
England was a question of urgent importance. It gave great
help to Shaftesbury in his struggles with Lord Londonderry
and the other opponents of his efforts to abolish the scandals
of the mines. It strengthened the hands of Fielden in passing
the Ten Houi"s Bill. But when the movement had been
suppressed the enfranchisement of the workmen seemed as
remote as ever. The story of the resumption of the struggle
is told in Mr. George Trevelyan's admirable Life of John
Bright. As Mr. Trevelyan points out, the defenders of the
existing regime in 1866 would have been wise if they had
acted on the principle on which Macaulay defended the
passing of the Bill of i83'2, if they had admitted into the
garrison part of the besieging population. But the opponents
of the enfranchisement of workmen adopted a policy that was
i6
Land & Water
February 21, 19 18
specially dangerous for a party that had to face John Bnght
Who. unlike Cobbett, in many respects had his i^wer for
chastising insolence. Thcv drew a sharp and hnal line
between class and class. The f"»«^ving famous outburst by
Robert Lowe, who shared with Lord Robert Cecil (the late
Lord Salisbury) the leadership of the resisting forces, did
service in every pamphlet, in every speech in which the
Refpnners presented their demands:
•• Let anv gentleman consider the constituencies he has had the
honour to be concerned with. If vou want venality, if you
want ignorance, if you want drunkenness, and the facility to
be intimidated, or if. on the other hand, you want impulsive,
unreflecting, and violent people, where do you look for them
in constituencies ? Do you go to the top or to the bottom i
This p.assagc recalling Pitt's outburst about the idle and
profligate population of the northern towns was received with
frantic applause in the House of Commons, which forgot
that it was not exactly prudent to provoke too far a population
that had long been conscious of its grievances and was
becoming steadily more conscious of its strength. John Bright
described these opponents very happily when he said that they
took " a Botany Bay view of the great bulk of their country-
men," and Gladstone reminded the House of Commons that
the men at the bottom were "our own flesh and blood."
In 1884 Mr. Gladstone, when defending his Bill for en-
franchising the agricultural labourer, gave an estimate of
the numbers of people enfranchised at different times :
"In 1832 there was passed what was considered a Magna
Charta of British liberties ; but that Magna Charta of British
hberties added, according to the previous estimate of Lord
John Russell, 500,000, while according to the results con-
siderably less than 500,000 were added to the entire con-
stituency of the three countries. After 1832 we come to 1866.
At that' time the total constituency of the United Kingdom
reached 1,364,000. By the Bills which were passed in 1867
and 1869 that number was raised to 2,448,000. Under the
action of the present law the constituency has reached in
round numbers what I would call 3,000,000. This Bill, if
it passes as presented, will add to the English constituency
over 1 ,300,000 persons. It will add to the Scotch constituency,
Scotland being at present rather better provided in this
respect than either of the other countries, over 200,000, and
to the Irish constituency over 400,000 ; or in the main to the
present aggregate constituency of the United Kingdom, taken
at 3,000,000, it will add 2,000,000 more, nearly twice as much
as was added since 1867 and more than four times as much
as was added in 1832."
The interval between the first and second Reform Bills
was 35 years, between the second and third 17 years, and
now the fourth Bill has come just 33 years after the third.
The new Bill, according to. an estimate given by Mr. Arthur
Henderson, will increase the electorate from 8,000,000 to
16,300,000. The Bill, though it more than doubles the elec-
torate and destroys for the first time the disqualification of
sex, has passed with infinitely less excitement and friction
than an}' of its predecessors. The reason, of course, is to be
found in the war. It was obvious to anyone who was in the
least degree sensitive about national .consistency that we
could not proclaim to the world that we were fighting for the
cause of democracy while refusing to acknowledge that cause
in our own system of representation. There are a few people
left who think that men can legislate for women just as Pitt
and Castlereagh thought that the rich could legislate for the
poor, and as Macaulay thought the middle classes could
legislate for the workman. But nine people out of ten have
been convinced of the necessity and the justice of enfranchising
women by the devoted and heroic service that women have
rendered during the war. It was difficult in a world which
knew something of the facts described in the Reports of the
Work of the Munition Factories for anyone to speak with
scorn of the claims of the war worker to the rights of a citizen.
Thus the atmosphere of the war has given soberness and
dignity to the final chapter of a discussion which has had many
fierce and undignified pages in its past.
We have seen that the Bill of 1832 was followed by legisla-
tion, which took account and gave expression to the wishes
and the interests of the new electorate. We see the same
tendencies in the legislation that followed the other Reform
Bills. It Is no accident that the enfranchisement of the
workman was followed by the Acts that gave Trade Unions
their power, as well as by the granting of the ballot and
Forster's Education Act. It was not until the agricultural
labourer had been enfranchised in 1884 that Bills were adopted
by Governments recognising — however imperfectly — the need
for rural refonn. We may take it therefore that the addition
of 6,000,000 of women to the electorate and the increase of
the voting power of the working classes which will follow from
this Bill will give a special character to legislation.
If the argument that has been developed here is
correct the new electorate will demand, above all things, a
more civilised life for the ordinary man and woman. This
demand is the chief inspiration of the war. In all times of
agitation and revolution men and women come to measure
their institutions by a new standard, to apply to their society
a new test. The customs and traditions of men and of classes
are a kind of screen between their minds and the more brutal
realities. In a great disturbance like the war those customs
and traditions lose their power, and men and women look
around them with a new curiosity and a new independence.
That is happening all over Europe. . The more Europe has
had to suffer the more passionately have men and women
come to question their accepted beliefs.
The degree of violence with which men shake themselves free
from the restraintsof old habits and the patience and tolerance
of the settled life of a society depend on conditions of race,
time and politics. If men cannot get from their society, as it
is constituted, conditions that seem indispensable to their
happiness and freedom, that passion takes the form of revo-
lutionary violence. A perfectly detached and impartial
survey of the statex>f mind of the workpeople in each European
country at this moment would be a document of overpowering
interest. At present we have not the material for passing
judgment on the state of mind of the workpeople of any
country ; wliether Bolsheviks, German strikers, bread rioters
in Austria or Italy, or even the workmen of our own country.
But in considering of any one case whether or not discontent
will take the form of actual revolution, we may certainly
attach some weight to the capacity of existing institutions to
satisfy these new demands. The Soviets have been defended
as a means of collecting and expressing the will of the work-
people in a more effective form than any provided for the
Russian workman in the new representative institution of his
country. Critics of the Parliamentary system will watch,
presumably with interest, the actual working of this method,
if it survives. In our own case the passing of the Reform
Bill provides at a most critical moment in our domestic history
an opportunity for adapting our Parliamentary institutioi.s
to the needs of the time ; for strengthening the arguments
of those who think that the men and women who are anxious
for a new life should use rather than break the machinery of
Parliament .
Likely Reforms
If, then, the workpeople use their power to get from Parlia
ment what they want we may hope to see a new spirit inspinng
all our public policy. The Bradford City Council is considering
a scheme for building ten model suburbs on its crest of hills.
We may expect to see a great impetus given to a generous and
constructive policy of housing and town building. The wildest
ambitions of the days before the war will seem to be paltry
in this new atmosphere. One reform that is certain is the
shortening- of the factory day, and other reforms will follow
from that change. The industrial tovm is the home or the
lodging of a race that spends its daylight in the mill. If
you rescue some of the daylight for a man's life, you will
have to change the town, for then it will be not merely the
place where he sleeps and eats, but the place where he spends
his leisure. A Parliament representing the new electorate will
have to satisfy this new craving for a humane and more
various life.
The special influence of women will be seen in a new sense
of responsibility for children and in a new interest in those
aspects of life in which women are specially concerned. But
jt will have one more general effect on policy. Women are
the housekeepers of the nation. They understand the painful
science of saving and the skilled "art of spending. For the
housekeeper the war has been a stern school. Women who
have spent hours in the queues have learnt as much in one
way as men who have spent hours in the trenches have learht
in another. Now it is obvious that social developments are
tending more and more to encourage the organisation of the
producers. This movement is prompted partly by the
business instincts of the modern industrial world, partly by
its social and its spiritual discontents. The cartel is the
symbol of the one ; syndicalism and the doctrines of the
Guild Socialists are the symbols of the other.. The organisation
of the producer is in itself a welcome development. It repre-
sents the triumph of larger views. The Industrial Councils,
the concrete form in which the best practicable interpretation
of this spirit is taking forni, will, if they are wisely directed,
improve the whole tone and quality of industrial life. But
there is an obvious danger, the danger that these Councils
will give too much power to the producer, and sorrie critics
have attacked the constitution of the Potteries Council on
this ground, for in the statement of objects there is included
a clause about maintaining selling prices. At such a moment,
then, it is specially significant that 6,000,000 women should be
added to the electorate, for their enfranchisement means a
striking increase in the political power of the consumers.
February 21, 19 18
Land & Water
17
English Treasures in Russia : By G. C.Williamson
View of Northumberland House, London.
RECENT- terrible events in Russia have caused
grave apprehensions in the minds of connoisseurs
respecting the fate that has overtaken the art
treasures of that vast country.
It is feared, and with good reason, that mcst of
the wonderful things have perished in the Revolution, and in
that case the world is infinitely the poorer. In recent visits
to that fascinating coun-
try I have had unusual
opportunities, owing to
the gracious kindness of
the Emperor, of seeing
the Imperial possessions,
including those contained
in private apartments
seldom opened to the
foreign visitor, and a few
notes with reference to
them may be of interest.
To take first those
connected with Eng-
land. The visitor to the
Imperial Court may not
at first remember the
intimate connection that
has existed between the
commerce and a rtistic
productions of the two
countries since the days
of Edward VI. It might
not occur to him that the
Emperor Ivan IV. ^ made
overtures for the hand of Queen Elizabeth and desired to enter
into a treaty with her, and that the Queen, declining the
position of Empress for herself, proposed in 1581 that the
Emperor should marry Lady Mar>' Hastings, daughter of the
Earl of Huntingdon." This episode would have had far-
reaching effects but for the f;ict that Lady Mary declined
the Imperial hand, but from that time Queen Eliziibeth and
her successors took a keen interest in the Czar of Musavy,
sent over various missions to his country-, and by the hands
of these missions sumptuous presents of silver ware. Notable
■^^■H
1
^^H. * ^^^1
1
1
1
1
1
A " Memento Mori" Watch,
by Quare.
amongst these missions were these of 1571, 1581, 1604 and
1620. In consequence Russia contained, especially in the
Museum in the Krerhlin, but also in the Winter Palace and at
Gatchina, Livadia, Peterhof, and in the Anitchkcv Palace,
fine examples of English silver frcm Tudor times downwards,
as well as specimens from all the important countries of the
Continent. A Tudor cup of 1557-8 is the eariiest English
piece and it is one of the so-called font-shaped cups of which
only about half a dozen are known to exist. Mere wonderful
perhaps are the five great vase-shaped wine bottles, nearly
two feet high, called pilgrims' bottles, and mounted with
chains ; but there are also gourd-shaped cups, steeple cups,
standing cups, flagons on high feet of unusual size, tankards,
wine cisterns, salts, tumblers, jugs, candlesticks and dishes,
all of rare beauty and remarkable value. Perhaps the most
imposing are a pair of silver leopards with massive chains
standing a yard high, intended to be placed on the top of t^e
staircase on either side of the throne.
All of the vast store of silver, unparalleled in its extent
by that possessed in any other country, has been catalogued
in admirable fashion in richly illustrated volumes, privately
printed, and copies of these books, gifts frcm the Emperor
himself, are before the writer.
Not nearly so well knpwn, however, as the silver and very
seldom inspected by any student is the famous collection of
mezzotints of unequalled splendour. Acting under the
wise advice of diaries, ninth Baron Cathcart, the English
Ambassador to her Court, the Empress Catherine II. placed
instructions in the eighteenth century with the principal
print dealers of London that they should send her, as they
were issued, their finest examples. The commissions v/ere
carried out, and in a series of solander boxes are the engravings
still, or were when I examined them, each with its own piece
of greyish-blue tissue paper on which was very faintly set off
the outlines of the print.and in many instances with the original
bills of the English print dealer, showing the very mcderate
prices charged for the prints in question. The bills, which are
numerous, have never been folded and are with each parcel.
They are from Sayer, Doughty, Jones, Hodges, and others,
and the prints start at los. each and go on up to £5 and £10
apiece. In one special instance I remember noticing at the
foot of one of &iyer's invoices a memorandum apologising
i8
Land & Water
February 21, 191 8
English Silver Cistern.
Once the property of the Duchess of Kingston.
for the (act thai seven prints of the same subject had been
sent but adding that they were all proofs in different states,
and that of three of the proofs Sayer was sending the only
impressions that had been taken. He therefore hoped that
Her Imperial Majesty would consider he had done right m
forwarding them ! These wonderful prints had been so
seldom shown to visitors and were so scrupulously tended
that their velvety surface was in marvellous condition,
and the chief workers in
mezzotint were repre-
sented in these boxes by
their choicest examples,
all with full margin, many
of them far exceeding in
merit even the famous
examples in the Cheyles-
more collection in the
British Museum. Periodi-
callv each, with its owti bit
of tissue paper, had been
exposed to light and air
and then returned to its
shelter, and so, treated with
the utmost discretion, the
prints were in absolutely
unequalled condition.
Another branch of Eng-
lish art which interested
the Empress Catherine was
that of horology, and to
see the grandest examples
of the art of the English
watchmaker of the eigh-
teenth century it was
necessary to travel to the
Winter Palace. I have had
all the examples in my hands. There were no finer watches
in Europe. The movements were all by the greatest English
makers— Quare, Tompion, Graham, Wagstaff, Harrison, East,
and others — and of the highest quality, while many of them
were set with jewels of great value and adorned with chate-
laines, pendants, and chains of equally rich ornamentation.
Several were musical watches or repeaters, many with
double and even triple cases, most of them with diamond
thumb-pieces, and
a great many set
with emeralds and
sapphires of sur-
passing brilliance
and glory.
The Empress
was also much in-
terested in Eng-
lish ceramics, the
great service which
she had made by
Wedgwood, and
which .was con-
sidered of suffi-
cient importance
to warrant a book
being written spe-
cially about it,
being of unusual
value. This service
was at Peterhof,
and it fell to my lot
to be the means of
its rediscovery in
an underground
pantry where it
had bp.en forgotten,
given up for lost
for nearly loo
years. Over 700
pieces still re-
mained out of the
thousand which
comprised the ser-
Ruins of lona Cathedral, Isles of Mull.
Fountains, York, Windsor Castle, Berkeley, Kew, Hampstead,
Stanton Harcourt, and many other places which give in-
formation how they looked in Wedgwood's time, and for
which in many instances we have no other drawings for
comparison. That great service was not, however, the only^
set 1 saw in Russia. There were at least four other important
services of Wedgwood ware that I inspected, besides dinner
services of Chelsea and Worcester porcelain of the grandest
quality, and shelves full
of fine examples of Bristol,
Bow, Chelsea, Swansea,
Salopian, Derby and Nant-
garw ware, and one cup-
board entirely full of the
best examples of salt glaze.
Amongst the Emperor's
own personal collection of
treasures I saw two fine
examples of early English
metal work and rock cry-
stal which by critics have
been given to as remote a
period as that of Anglo-
Saxon times, one a cup,
the other a sceptre or
mace, and many other
fine objects in rock crystal
and silver or gold, the most
notable of which was a
crystal cup made to the-
order of Henry VIII. and
sent out by his messenger
to Anne of Cleves, and
which in some mysterious
manner had found its way
to Russia. I also noticed
some good English carvings in horn and in woodwork. One
palace in Russia has always been known as the English
Palace, and in it there were, many fine examples of English
furniture, some of which Lord Malmesbury referred to, in his
Letters. There vere sorr;e splendid oak tables of Elizabethan
and Stuart work, and many choice examples of the work of
Chippendale, Sheraton, Ince and Mayhew, and Hepplewhite, '
while in one of the southern palaces I saw a suite of Stuart
furniture of unique
importance.
Another room
was entirely de-
voted to Chip-
pendale's most ex-
travagant Chinese
style of furniture,
four-post bedstead,
table, chairs, cabi-
net, stools and
writing tables.
The English pic-
tures in Russia
were in most in-
stances the paint-
ings which came
from the fine Wal-
pole collection at
Houghton Hall
and a few others
sold to the Em-
press by Dr. Crich-
ton. .Amongst
them were import-
ant works by Rey-
nolds, a celebrated
portrait of Crom-
well by Walker,
and fine paintings
by Gainsborough,
Lely, Dobson, and
Kneller. In the
Emperor's own
library at Tsarkoe
vice, and each piece was ornamented with views of English Selo I saw many English books, first editions of some of the
houses and landscapes, while many of the larger pieces had most notable of the eighteenth cehtury writers.
upon them many such views. Colour prints made their appeal in Russia. There is no
These decorations, charmingly executed in a dull mauve
colour, illustrated the great houses of the English country-
side, ruined castles, village churches, and especially re-
markable buildings in London, a large proportion of which
have now p)assed away.
There were unique representations of London Bridge,
Somerset House, Mile End Road, the Mall, Northumberiand
House, Alnwick, Appleby, Wardour, Holkham, Kirkham,
such set of Wheatley's Cries of London, no such group of
Morland's Laetitia series, no such examples of Cosway coloured
prints as in one solander box in the Winter Palace, and I have
never handled colour prints of such glorious colour, or with
such margins as those which the Empress Catherine had from
London when they were being produced in their glory, and
which ever since were retained for the delectation of the
favoured few and were kept in perfect order.
February 21, 191 8
Land & Water
German War Medals : By Hilaire Belloc
THERE has been published by Messrs. Longmans,
Green and Co. a notice of the Ccmmemcrative
Medals struck in Germany during the course of
the war. It is written by Mr. G. F. Hill, the
Keeper of the Department of Coins and Medals
in the British Museum. It is amply illustrated by photo-
graphs of the casts exhibited in the Victoria and Albert
Museum in South Kensington. It costs sixpence and is, for
the quiet student of history, the best sixpenn'orth.I have ever
come across.
Nothing is more difficult than to draw attention to the bad.
When it is positively comic one can stir the reader to attention.
So one can when it is in some way morally abominable. But
mere badness in art, mere evidence of incapacity, is a very
difficult thing to emphasise and to present. Turning over
these few pages (there are 32 of them) and considering by what
a vast distance the graphic power of the German has declined
in modem times, I have wondered whether it was possible so
to put the thing in print that I could translate my emotions
to my reader. Perhaps I shall fail, but there is a parallel
that will help me. Read these two passages consecutively :
" When she dbcovered he would not return
She ceased to hope for him, and went about
Her household business showing no concern,
Although she felt acutely."
Having read this, peruse the following :
But thou, not poppy nor mandragora
Nor all the drowsy syrups of the world.
Can woo thy soul again to that sweet sleep -
Which thou owedst yesterday.
Both these passages are in heroic unrhjined English iamWc
pentameters. The first is exceedingly bad ; the second is
exceedingly good. If you were told that the writer of the
second had, after some changes in his morals and way of
living, come to be capable of writing the first you would
righUy decide that he had become degraded.
Now modern Germany, inspired by Prussia, has declined
just as far in the matter of plastic art from the oldest and
highest German standards as the distance between the first
and second of these quotations. Even under the tremendous
■stress of this war it can only produce this amazing collection
of medals. That is the xeal interest of the pamphlet ; that is
the real lesson it conveys.
Why is it ? Something of the sort was to be expected,
perhaps, by anyone who had seen the building and sculpture
of modem Germany — that is of the Germai^ which grew
more and more degraded in the last fifty years. There is a
contrast of the same sort between the Old Palace in Berlin
of society permits it to acclaim the sinking of a passenger
ship and the murder of women, children, and neutral civilians,
without warning as an act of war, the acclamation will take
many forms, and evil though its motive is might take the
form of fine art. The excesses of the French Revolution
were undoubtedly immoral and even grossly immoral ; but
they produced a great deal of magnificent rhetoric and a few
bits of really good verse. What is remarkable in these
German efforts is not the perversion of their motive — we
are all familiar with that, and we all expect it — it is their
inability to create anything above, the very lowest level
which, one imagines, plastic art could touch. One feels that
the modern German might have the noblest motives and yet
be equally inept. This famous Lusitania medal* was, of
course, intended by Gotz, its author, for nothing more than
propaganda. It was an error to say, as many said, that it
was an official commemoration. But I do not see what
The Sinking of the Lusitania.
and the Reichstag or the Alley of Victory — the last of which
is much worse than the old Westminster Aquarium. There
is a still more startling contrast between the early nineteenth
century centre of Munich and the modern quarters of that
town. One could give innumerable instances.
Why is it ? Without trying to answer this question I will
digress for a moment upon the term of all this. Things
cannot go on getting worse indefinitely. A lower stage of
national art than that which these medals show has never been
reached and cannot, I think, be reached.
I have read, especially in the English Press, many denuncia-
tions of the immorality of those who could issue a medal to
commemorate the sinking of the Lusitania. I hav? never quite
agreed with these criticisms. If the religion or philosophy
The German Crown Prince.
On the reverse is " Young Siegfried " attacking a chimera-like
monster with four heads. — Bear for Russia, Unicorn for EnglcUid,
Lion for Belgium, and Cock for France.
difference that makes. It ought to be impossible for any
white man making a medal at all to model as badly as that,
or, at any rate, for his friends, to allow him to issue such im-
possibly bad material. And the curious thing is that this
debased standard is found throughout the whole series, even
where the subject lends itself to reasonable treatment.
For instance, there is a medal to commemorate the martial
ability of the Crown Prince, who is compared to Hercules.
That, of course, is purely conventional. It is exceedingly
unlikely that any Royalty of the modem sort should have
the highly specialised capacity required of a great General ;
and the weak profile of the young man (accurately given but
rather more startling than life) would at once put an end
to any such claim. None the less, there is nothing unusual
or absurd in these conventions.
There is one exception to all this. It is the medal (the
loth of this series) which commemorates the German advance
on Paris, struck in the first days of the war when foreign
conquest was admittedly the German aim. It bears the
legend " To Paris, IQ14," upon the one side, with a naked
figure upon a horse holding what I think is a torch in the
left hand ; upon the other side is the face of the ablest of the
German Generals, Von Kluck. It is not a good piece of work,
but it is normal and tolerable.
Mr. Hill suggests that this medal may have been with-
drawn. It is obviously inconvenient, politically, that it
should remain in circulation after the Mame. He tells us
that it has, at any rate, proved difficult to obtain in neutral
countries. That is a pity, for it is much the least disgraceful
of the series. Its author is a certain A. Lowental ; and perhaps
the German authorities (who carefully collect all foreign
criticism, and before whose eyes this humble notice will pass)
will give him orders for further work during such interval
as may remain between the present time and the moment
when German medals upon the war will no longer appear.
Upon the evidence of this pamphlet, at least, this A. Lowental
would seem to be the only man capable of reaching in the art
of the medallist the level reached in, say, English prose, by
the sober announcements of our Post Office.
There are those who think that bad art is a proof of national
greatness. They may increase their admiration of Pmssia
by studying her medals.
• Replicas of the Lusitania medal can be obtained from the
Souvenir Medal Committee, 32 Duke Street, Manchester Square,
the proceeds being given to St. Dunstan's Hostel for the BImd.
20
Land & Water
February 2 1 , 1 9 1 8
Life md letters^ J. CSouire
Merry England
ENGLISHMEN fairly weU informed about modern
history frequenUy' show a deplorable lack of
curiosity about what England was like before the
Guilds were broken up, the shecj) ate up the fields,
the new leaniing and the new scepticism came m,
and Henry VIII. and Thomas Cromwell had been forced by
tlieir exquisite religious consciences to batter down the Abbeys
and ' ' sequestrate "* their lands. And even those who do study
the Middle Ages have concentrated too largely on (first)
their constitutional and (later) their economic histor>'. The
Social Life in Britain from the Conquest to the Reformation
(Cambridge Press, 15s.) with which Mr. G. G. Coulton has
followed up his Mediceval Games, is, therefore, doubly to be
welomed. It is a w^rk that has all the merits of the academic
and none of the faults.
♦ ♦•*»*
It opens, as such a book should open, with passages on
Land and Folk. The best of them are taken from Trevisa's
fourteenth-century translation of the work Higden's Latin
Polychronism. lie gives what he deems the most important
facts about the three Kingdoms : their climates, characters,
manners and marvels. He has a partiality for the men of
the South, the northerners being harder and talking, also,
in a most uncouth way " that we southeme men may that
longage unnethe understonde." His passages on Scotland
(which he describes as full of " moyst rivers ") is delightful.
The Scots " love nyghe as well death as thraldome," but :
Though the men herre semely ynough of fygure and shape,
and fayre of face generally by "kind, yet theyre owne scotlyshe
clothynge dyes fygure them full moche. . . . And, bycause
of medlyng with englishe men, many of them have changed
the olde maners of scottes in to better maners for the more
parte, but the wylde scottes and Iryshe accounte greate
worshyppe to folowe theyre fore fathers in clothynge, in tonge,
and in lyvynge, and in other maner doynge.
" They repute," he concludes, " no man, of what nation,
blondde, or puissance so ever he be, to be hardy and valiant
but themselfe." The Irish he found given to idleness and
evil manners ; they paid no tithes and, though chaste, were
drunken and unreliable ; but " good men among them
(theis there beeth but feive) beeth goode at the best." Our
own praises of England may be set against the more detached
observations of foreign visitors. Mr. Coulton gives most
interesting extracts from an Italian account of the end of the
fifteenth century. The Italian essay said :
The English are great lovers of themselves, and of everything
belonging to them ; they think that there are no other men
than themselves, and no other world but England ; and
whenever they see a handsome foreigner, they say that " he
looks like an Englishman," and that " it is a great pity that
he should not be an Englishman " ; and when they partake
of any delicacy with a foreigner, they ask him, " whether
such a thing is made in his country. . . . They think that
no greater honour can be conferred, or received, than to
invite others to eat with them, or to be invited themselves ;
and they would sooner give five or six ducats to provide an
entertainment for a persojj than a groat to assist him in any
distress.
Oae would like to quote the whole of this description. Amongst
the Venetian's obiter dicta are " They generally hate their
present, and extol their dead sovereigns " ; " The people are
held in little more esteem than if they were slaves," and " If
the King should propose to change any old-established rule,
it would seem to every Englishman as if his life were taken
from him."
******
Mr. Coulton classifies his extracts in sixteen sections,
covering the whole range of social life. If you want to find
what the Middle Ages thought about art or architecture you
will find all the documents together. This is very convenient
for reference ; but the reviewer cannot be systematic with so
large a subject, and one can only dip in here and there for
characteristic and human things. The novice in such records
will find all the colour and robustness he expects. He will
also probably find far more commonsense than he expects,
if he has shared the common unimaginative habit of con-
ceiving the Middle Ages as inhabitated by grossly super-
stitious people inferior to ourselves in intellect as well as in
knowledge and lacking, altogether lacking in the finer feelings.
Frequently when we smile at the " naivete " of a medieval
writer we smile not because he is wrong, but because he has
put the bones of the truth more baldly than we should do,
or because he is discovering things that we, being later, take
for granted. It would not be easy for a modern writer to
compose an essay on " The Father " with sentences like :
The fader is dyligent and besy, and lovyth kindely his chylde,
in so moche that he sparjrth his owne mete to fede his
chyldren. . . . The more the chvldeis like to the fader, the
better the father loveth hym. The fader is ashamed, if he
here any foule thing told by his chyldren. The father's herte
is sore greved if his chyldren rebel agenst him.
At the same time we should not fail to observe that no general-
isations could be sounder and that a great many modem
discussions on politics, education and domestic life entirely
lose sight of them. Much the same simplicity may be observed
in the tribute (if that is the word) to what Mr. Coulton terms
" A familiar beast to man " :
The flee is a lyttell worme, and greveth men mooste ; and
scapeth and voideth peril with lepynge and not with reunynge.
and wexeth slowe and fayleth in colde tyme, and in somer
■ tyme it wexeth quiver and swyft ; and spareth not kynges.
There are all sorts of other things to be told about the flea :
its measurements, phrenology, sub-species (if any), nervous
system, etc. But the most important and — -I may say in a
strictly etymological way— salient things are here. And
this scientific terseness and directness may well be connected
with the general mediaeval habit of mind, with the mediaeval
directness and bluntness of speech, with a stable order of
society, a clean-cut code of morals, and an accepted religion. •
•fC 3|t ^ 3|S SQC J|C
I think that even some who fully appreciate what the
Middle Ages did in architecture will be surprised to find a
mediaeval writer consciously talking, at Lincoln Cathedral,
of " those slender columns which stand around the great
piers, even as a hey of maidens stand marshalled for a dance " ;
for it is commonly assumed that the mediaevals were a sort
of mechanical barbarians who built greatly like insects and
without knowing what they were doing. Their manners, in
some regards, were rough. It is not now necessary on the
playing fields of Eton to keep " prepositors in the feld when
they play, for fyghtyng, rent clothes, blew eyes, or siche
like " ; still less, I trust, " for yll-kept hedys." But there
are places where their roughness was a great virtue. If, in our
time, a man sells bad food we fine him ten pounds ; if he sells
a very great deal of bad food we make him a lord. The
Government might well take a tip from proceedings of 1364
and 1365. John Penrose, who sold red wine "unsound and
unwholesome for man, in deceit of the common people, and
in contempt of our Lord the King, and to the shameful
disgrace of the officers of the City ; to the grievous damage
of the Commonalty," etc., was compelled to drink a draught
of his poison, " and the remainder shall then be poured on the
head of the same John." John Russelle who at Billyngcsgate
exposed for sale thirty-seven pigeons, " putrid, rotten,
stinking, and abominable to the human race,"* was put in
the pillory whilst the pigeons were burnt under his nose.
' * * * * * *
Tliis is the sort of book that schoolboys should be given as
soon as they have learnt the skeleton of English history.
They may be told any amount about, for example, the struggle
between the English and Norman tongues ; but they will
never properly realise it until they see original passages like :
Children in scole, agenst the usage and manere of alle othere
nacionns, beeth compelled for to leve thire owne langage,
and for to construe thir lessonns and there thynges in
Frensche, and so they haveth seth the Normans come fust
in to Engelond. Also gentil men children beeth i-laugh
to speke Frensche from the tyme that thev beeth i-rokked
in their cradel an kunneth speke and playe with a childe's
broche ; and uplondisshe men wil likne thym self to gentil
men, and fondeth with greet besynesse for to speke Frensche,
for to be i-tolde of.
That may be said of hundreds of other truths which these
documents vitalise. It may be said of the greatest and most
moving truth of all, our continuity : the permanence of the
land, the long succession of eyes that have looked on it and
wondered and fallen to dust. Five hundred years ago an
Englishman wrote of " Stonhenge by sides Salisbury " :
There beeth grete stones and wonder huge, and beeth arered
an high as hit were gates i-sette upon other gates ; notheles
hit is nought clereUche i-knowe nother perceyved how and
wherfore they beeth so arered and so wonderlicche i-honged.
We, at least, who have stood by Stonehenge in the twilight
and looked at those great slabs against the sky, as it were
gates set upon other gates, those words move and stir more
than all the records of battle and pageant that ever were.
February 21, 1 9 1 8
Land & \\^atcr
2 1
The Will and the Way
Pelmanism as an Educational Factor
By SIR JAMES YOXALL, M.P.
By coincidence a book 1 openfii in tlic Tube train told me the story
of a man so despondent, thougli deserving, that he thought himself
■ beleaguered by all the circumstances of his life." He even found a
name for his condition. " I'm beset," he thought, as many another is
thinking dolefully at this minute. For " nothing had ever gone right
with him." He had had " no luck." Fate always seemed against him.
" He was the most conscientious worker in the office, but other clerks had
been promotedover his head. The manager was always finding fault with
him for being so slow. Perhaps lie was slow," he thought.
Part of the coincidence was that I had been thinking that very afternoon
of the man\- deserving people who mean well and try well but never " do
well," and I had been reflecting again why it was. What blocks thcni ?
What keeps them in the dismal groove of unsuccess ? It is so easy to
blame them, so tempting to feel di.sdain for them, but Heaven forgive n;e
if 1 rlo ! I have long known that the distance between success in life, as
people call it, and failure, is no great gulf ; I have long been aware that
success and failure are near n<-ighl)ours, that may at any moment merge
the one into the other ; for only
thin partitions do their bounds divide,
at iinv rate, up to fifty or fifty-five years old.
1 turned the page — success is often a matter of turning a page — and
read on. The unsuccessful clerk was not happy even at home. " Emilj-
was a good wife in many ways, but she was .so abominably careless about
vital details." Of course she was, for so few women, relatively, have
had the help of the right education yet. " She could not realise the
importance of method and accuracy either in housework or cooking."
It takes several generations of wise forbears to breed accuracy and method
into us, and if we are not born with a necessary quality we must acquire
it, or fail. " He was always being forced to remonstrate with her, but
ihe never improved. And all these worries seemed to be steadily accu-
mulating. He had never a moment now that was not filled by the necessity
to counter some new difficulty." I shut the book,* and seemed to see
that man and his wife sinking into the slough of despond deeper, as the
habit of non-success grew upon them day by day.
Yes, one knows people like that. The woman who sits basking by the
•ire, when she feels that she should not, and says " I suppose I must be
getting ready," but is still there half an hour later ; and then says more
weakl)-. " I shail be late ! " yet does not stir. The minutes tick by,
until presently she says, " I don't know that it's very important. . . .
it's so late now — it wouldn't be much good going jiow, would it ? I
shan't be the oiily one not there . . , It's so late now — I don't think
I'll go. would you ? . . . It won't matter for once I " And in a few
.eai-s that " once " becomes every time.
The man, too, who hardly ever keeps an appointment punctually.
nd misses maiiy a chance of getting on a little, simply because never, even
by accident, does he arrive anywhere five minutes early. And the other
kind of man, who believes in doing " no more work than you're paid for,"
and not that much if possible, and therefore is seldom long in employ.
The man, too, who blames his memory, or his schooUng, or his start in life,
for his non-succe»( ; who blames everything and everybody but himself.
Heaven forbid that I should be scorning such folk, or boasting as one that
putteth his armour off because the fight is won ; What I am really trying
to ilo is to indicate a mode and a place of help.
« * * * «
Ihe \'crv day I opened that book I had been visiting such a place.
ft is rare, and I think unique ; it exi.sts as a place of business, and is not
run as a place of philanthropy, gratis ; but it is philanthropic in its business,
which is to help the unsuccessful and only partly successful to learn how
to help themselves. I had visited the Pelman Institute, that is, I had tested
the men and the methods there ; I had satisfied myself that the men are
neither unpractical visionaries nor advertising charlatans: I had verified
the testimonials which they pubhsh and the names of well-known people
among their clients ; 1 inquired into the methods they use in a way
which only one who is him.seU a teacher could do ; I procured and have
studied the books they issue to their clients ; I examined the queries they
put the schedules they work by, and the degrees of individual effort they
nquire to be put forth. I went there rather sceptical. I went away rather
enthusiastic. ' And because the more I think about it the more I feel that
" Pelmanism " is the name of .something much required by myriads
of i^eople to-day I am writing these pages. " Pelmanism " is no fake, no
dodge, no knack of temporary influence only, and it is not for the few
alone. It is not for the relatively few whom Nature has endowed with the
successful (jualities. who cannot help " getting on." and who get on early
because the many do not compete with them : it is for the many whom
Nature has endowed with all qualities for success except the instinctive
kn«>wledge of how to use them aptly. There is no m>-stery about Pelman-
ism, except that it is not ladled out to all and sundry, and is'keptasa
secret for those who wish to have it, those who will work as well
as pay. I thought the training might be mere mnemonics or artificial
memorizing only; I thought that the development of will-power might be
done by hypnotic suggestion, perhaps ; but no suspicion which I harboureti
was justified by my inquiries, searching as 1 think they were. Every
facility for a thorough investigation was placed at my disposal by
Mr. W. J. Ennever, the Founder of the Institute.
I am mvself a trained, experienced teacher, and know the drawbacks of
schools. 1 know the faults of the class svstem ; how if the cla.ss or form
be large the teacher must lecture rather than teach ; and how if the class
be small, even, it is srill too large, for the most effective teaching is done
when the tutor has one pupil and only ope ; in teaching, the eiifectual
thing is to help each lame dog over his own particular stile, and that is
what class-teaching can seldom do. I also know that if the pupil does not
wish to learn, he will not learn, though you teach at him ever so brilliantly
and assidously. And therefore I know that most of the defects which
adults discover in themselves are defects which cannot be removed from
the average person while i boy or a girl at school. I also know that the
instruction received from another is nofhini; likr so valuable as the educa-
tion which one can gain for oneself
■ Wiifttcii ImprMdoDi." By J. D. BttMford.
Therefore it delighted me to discover that the Pelman Iii-Hliite works
along lines which at a hundred public meetings on education 1 have
ventured to lay down. Places for lecturing, coaching, and preparing
people for cxam.inations are valuable, and many ; so are places in which
the tuition goes on by post, between tutor and learner, and when the learner
is in earnest the effect is sure to be good. But this is not a place for thus
imparting general or examinational information ; it is a place for indicating
how to learn, how to live and learn and how to learn and live. Here any
willing, earnest applicant may get just the books, papers, hints, sugges-
tions, advice, and " leg-up " which he needs for himself. But he must use
them faithfully and assiduously ; if he does not, his fee is returned with a
polite note indicating that he has not shown liimscif suitable — that is.
worthy of the help which the system can give. CompiiLsory continuative
education has not been tried in England yet, and one cannot say how it
will work out ; but voluntary continuative education — self-education-
with aid from csunsellors and guides, philosophers and friends, has a great
future in this country, 1 am sure. Every year the number of adults who
discover that it will be worth while to go on getting educated increases.
Most people leave school too early to be able to know while at school
what education is for ; that knowledge seldom comes to anybody earlier
than the age of puberty, and most young people leave school before that
age. The fact is that the schools can do little to incite a habit of con-
tinuative education, except in the naturally gifted few ; what the schools
do is teach boys and girls " ho\v to use their mental knives and forks,"
so to speak ; the appetite for the meal comes later, if at all.
Life is the real school, therefore, it is also the sternest schoolmaster ; how
it raps our knuckles when we blunder, how it lashes us with hot shame when
we fail ! To me the saddest street sight — worse than some accident
which may end or prevent years of life not worth the living — is the broken
down, elderly failure of a man who comes faltering along. He has had his
chance, his time, his lifetime almost, and he has not known, nor cared to
learn how to know, how to use them ; and no chance now comes his
way. There are people who believe in one life only ; there are happier
people who believe in another ; both kinds of people ought snrely to
make as much of this present life as they may. Both ought to educate
themselves — the one because this life may be the onlj' sphere, and the
other because this life may be the probation for another. Living is
" a serious art," and we need to be artists in living : we ought to master
the secrets of living ; and obviously we should begin to do so pretty
young, while the door stands open. Yet how many of us fail !
— we give
All life to learning how to live,
And die in ignorance, the gloom
Around us to the very tomb.
For few of us continue our education seriously, day by day.
Suddenly, at sixty or so, the man who has neglected to use the school
of life while he could, discovers that he has failed. He discovers it " too
late," as he says — his chances are all gone. He may try to comfort
himself by talking of his " bad luck," or ths people who were always
" against him," and he may belittle what others have successfully done ;
but it is poor comfort. Indolence, feebleness, indetermination, follies,
vices, blindness to chances are much alike in their effects, and every
effect had a cause.
♦ * • * *
Pelmanism is not for the self-satisfied : nor for the easily satisfied,
content with any way of life, no matter how narrow and poor ; nor for
the sluggard, too inert , nor the laggard, too idle. It is discipline, and
many a chent has found it to be just the training he needed. It is a
means of energizing, and energy is the master-force of everything. I do
not believe in conclusive natural disability, except when it is due to
incurably bad health ; I do not believe that tsp to the age of fifty and
more it is ever too late to mend ; I am sure that mental effort prolongs
and fortifies bodily life. I have seen so many men fail whom everybody
expected to succeed, and so many succeed in spite of apparent cause
and excuse for failure, that I have no faith in what is called destiny or
fate. I have seen many men go dull with the monotony, along some
groove with high walls to it. who being afterwards kicked out of the
groove, so to speak, by something which seemed a stroke of ill chance,
have begun to get on, directly they were out of that groove. One can't
jump out of it all at once, as a rule ; success seldom comes all at once,
without preparation for it ; but out of the groove, sooner or later, that
man will climb who studies how to try.
The clerk who does not " get on," the salesman, the commercial
traveller, the shopkeeper who does not sell successfully ; the underling,
" the most conscientious worker in the office," who is, neverthele.'-s, too
slow ; the teacher not successful in a peculiarly difficult vocation ; the
would-be writer who always gets his manuscript (it should be typescript)
back again ; the solicitor who might as well be his own clerk ; the doctor
who vainly waits for patients : the briefless man at the Bar ; the curate
never offered a Ix-nefice : and many another, would find the discipline,
guidance, and training of Pelmanism help them on. When peace comes
again competition in life will be fiercer than ever, for men will return
from the great, stern l^niversity of the War with qualifications developed
that thev did not previously know they possessed ; 1 have passed most
of a life-time in trying to help on the cause of education, but I am glad
to say that / shall not have to run the gauntlet of the sterner competition
to come. I suspected Pelmanism ; when it began to be heard of, I thought
it quackery : with self-satisfaction and vanity, I supposed that / needed
nothing of the kind. Now T wish I had taken it up when I heard of it
first. It
— spurs Ihe lated traveller apace
To gain th€ timely inn.
Pelmanism is fully explained and described in "Mind and Memory,"
uihich, with a copv of" Truth's " remarkable report vn the work of the Pelman
Institute, will be sent, gratis and post free, tv any reader of La.nd A Water
who addresses The P/'Inuni Iii^Ulidr (u, \\'iiiha»i H'Uisr, Plun)iishiiry
.'Street, London, li-'.C' i
22
Land & Water
February 21, i 9 1 8
^^mTSf?^n?^:^}V2:}y^\h..^rTrrrrrrrw^
Position of the Landowner: By Sir H. Matthews
" Where nun ol greal wealth do stoop to husbandry it muUiplieth
riches exceedingly." — Bacon.
HOW little do the crowds that throng the
streets of our towns and cities realise their
indebtedness to the landowners of this country.
Even to-dav, although the home production
of food, which was made possible by the
sacrifices of this class, has stood between these crowds
and shameful humiliation, how many are aware of
what they owe to the senior partner in the business
of agriculture ? Had it not been for Coke of Norfolk.
Lord Townshend, the Earls and Dukes of Bedford, Lawes and
Gilbert and scores of others, whose far-sightedness and practical
cnergj' were devoted to improving their estates, and to in-
creasing produ&tion from the land, we must have sued for peace
with our enemies. The brilliant example set by these pioneers
was generally followed by the rank and file of owners, until
the amount expended in buildings, drainage, fences, and roads,
aggregated hundreds of millions sterling. Of course their
object was primarily to increase the value of their property, but
incidentally they made our agriculture what it is — as good as
any, and better than that of almost any other country in the
world. They and their descendants reaped the benefit of en-
hanced incomes, and a flourishing tenantrj^' for many years, but
of course with certain exceptions— always putting back into
the property in the shape of new equipment and renewals,
.\ large percentage of their income.
In the late 'seventies, however, the severe agricultural
depression began, accentuated by the calamitous year of
1879, with its ruined harvests. Tenants felt the full effects
of this first, because the heavy drop in the price of all their
produce — except milk — lessened their returns much faster
than their outgoings could be reduced. They went bankrupt,
pr retired from farming, in scores of thousands in a very few
years, and then owners had to bear the bnmt of it. Farms
were left vacant in a deplorable condition, and capital had to
be found to work them ; while such tenants as remained were
only induced to do so by huge reductions in rent. More
buildings, or expensive alterations, were demanded to equip
them for dairying (the one branch of farming not swamped
, by dumped fann produce), heavy outlay for laying down land
to grass, and for the consequent fencing was incurred, and
such repairs as had been done by tenants were taken over by
owners, whereas mortgages, settlement charges, and similar
outgoings, remained at their old levels, while taxation, and
especially death duties, were heavily increased.
The result has been that owners with incomes derived
from other sources kept up their estates in the old way, and
poured money into them without getting any return. Scores
of properties showed no net income whatever, and the great
majority have done no more than give from i.l to 2 per cent,
on outlay for recent equipment. Others less fortunately
placed sold their estates at greatly depreciated rates to wealthy,
business men, many of whom lx)ught for spwrting purposes,
and devoted the land to game. Others still let their houses
if they could, or shut them up if they could not, and
turned their attention to more profitable businesses.
In previous articles it has so chanced that the topics dealt
with mainly concerned the tenants, but the senior partner, as
I venture to call him, deserves more attention than he has
yet received. The landlord (it is the agricultural owner
that is referred to throughout this article, not the town land-
lord) occupies a position in this country which is not generally
understood. He is very seldom the mere rent-receiver,
enacting homage from trembling tenants, as pictured by
certain political papers. Looked at in an economic sense he
happens to be a capitalist, owning stock in the shape of land.
Other smaller capitalists wishing to become food producers
offer him a certain percentage per annum for the use of a
definite portion of his stock, in order that they may be enabled
to use their own capital to the best advantage. If they
cannot find an owner willing to lend them such stock, their
only alternative, if they persist in their desire to produce
food, is to purchase land themselves. The principal difference
between the owner of land stock and other capitalists is that
the former is usually prepared to accept a much smaller return
on his capital than are other owners of wealth. That is the real
relation between agricultural landlords and tenants. Arising
out of the greater intimacy between them than is possible
b 'tween urban owners and tenants, a feeling of friendship
has generally grown, which has developed into a paternal
interest on the one hand, and too great a tendency to look
for help on the other ; unfortunately this paternal interest
has been carried so far that a certain type of tenant has
come to look upon what are in fact only acts of generosity
as their right. This will be referred to later.
It is peculiarly difficult for the general public to know
anything about owners collectively. They are not known as
such in official reports, or books of reference ; even the Census
Returns which make such searching investigations into our
private affairs, ind label us into groups, ignore owners
of land as a class. The Income Tax Office knows more of him
than anyone else, but this knowledge is not used to benefit
the landowner, or for the gratification of public curiosity. If
we are to believe socialist speakers and writers, or the politi-
cian who is out for urban votes, a personality will be conjured
up which is as much unlike the Average as it is possible to
conceive. If on the other hand we look for any statement
by owners as to any part they have taken, or are taking now,
in the industry of agriculture, we find little to guide us. With
very few exceptions (mention must be made of the Duke of
Bedford s book, A Great Agricultural Estate) agricultural
landlords have just carried on, regardless of financial results,
and have treated political mud-throwing with silence.
It would be almost impossible to form any association of
owners which could represent most of the land of England,
because they are so frequently not individuals at all. Thus
the County Councils collectively are believed to be the largest
owners in the country. Municipal authorities. Urban District
Councils, Colleges, Hospitals, the Ecclesiastical Commissioners,
Insurance Companies, Building Societies, and various charities
all own large areas of land, and the Crown itself is not quite a
small owner. These soulless landholders make it still more
difficult to describe owners as a group.
An interesting point in this connection is that these absentee
landlords, who are mere rent-receivei"s, have no votes, as"
owners, and consequently a very large area of land is actually
disfranchised. The " Land Taxers " arc fond of saying that
most of the land of this country belongs to a very small number
of individuals. No figures are quoted here, because the
numbers vary according to the taste of the speaker or writer,
but if it is true the peers will account for a large proportion
of this land. But they too have no votes. Some owners
have inherited properties so far apart that it is physically
impossible for them to record their votes for some portion
of them. Taken altogether, it is evident that a very large area
of the country is disfranchised, so far as the owners' votes are
concerned. In every constituency owners, even if a homo-
geneous body, are so few that they do net hold the balance of
I
\
Feb
ru
ary
21.
1918
Land & Water
23
-power, and are so sc:ittered that the value of their votes is lost.
As a voting power, therefore, they are a negligible quantity.
The.' cannot concentrate, because their properties and con-
Si.quently their votes are fixed.
We might learn an interesting bit of EngUsh history by
reading the Duke of Bedford s book, which tells of that fertile
tract of land situated chiefly in Bedfordshire, and partly in
the adjoining counties. The fascinating stories of Hereward
the Wake comprise all that most of us know of that district,
and lovers of Kingsley may regret the loss of romance which
vanished with the \Aaters and desolation of this area; but the
Earls and Dukes of Bedford did more for England by driving
■off the water, and reclaiming — no, not reclaiming, but making
— the land which is now one of our chief food-growing
districts, than ever Hereward accomplished. In 1630-33
Francis, Earl of Bedford, spent ;fioo,ooo (equal to about
^300,000 to-day) in draining. And that was merely the be-
ginning, vast sums having been spent since in larger and
better drainage schemes. Between 1816 and 1S95 the outlay
on the land was i'4,240,539, yet at the time of writing (1897)
the estate accounts showed an annual loss of o\-er £7,000 per
annum, ajiart from any expenditure on Wobum Abbey,
park, or experimental arm ; whUe the average net income
from Thorney for 20 years previously — without allowing
-anything for death duties,was only 2] per cent, on the capital
outlay on new works which between 1816 and 1895 amounted
to £65,155. In the same period. the net return from the
Wobum estat : was only one per cent, on the capital outlay
■on new works, which amounted to £537,347.
The financial history of these estates is typical of hundreds
of others, but the degree of loss in this case is probably heavier
than the average, and there are certain points worth noting.
For instance the initial outlay of over £4,000,000 was much
^greater tliaii average, and this outlay ought (and did) put the
profKirty into a better condition to meet the shock of de-
pression than most. The annual expenditure on equipment
and upkeep was larger than most estates could incur, and the
size of the property would render the establishment charges
less per acre than on smaller ones. There was no single case
of disturbing a tenant, and thus insecurity of tenure did not
conduce to bad farming. During the period of 20 yeaite
ri ferred to four or five years are included before the depression
became really acute, which makes the real loss greater than
is apparent.
O e may well ask why, under such circumstances, did owners
continue, not merely to own, but to pour out money over
land which brought in no return ? It was unsound business,
it was commercially and economically indefensible. Hundreds
of families impoverished, hundreds of men drawing wealth
from other sources, and sinking it in agriculture. But they
kept the flag of agriculture flying, and faced every attack
(wliicli were numerous) with the pluck that carries through
a forlorn hope. The general result was that for thirty years
the consumer was fed at a price below the cost of production ;
supplied with cheap bread, cheap meat, milk, butter and
cheese, cheap clothes, and cheap boots at the expense of the
British landowner, and at the end of that time he (the con-
sumer) has come to look upon these abnormally low prices
as an inalienable right.
. It is not suggested that among owners there was general
recognition of the fact that they were gratuitously presenting
the populace with the necessaries of life at uneconomic rates.
It was a case of circumstance acting upon unorganised units ;
but the great majority of those units had been trained in a
school which imbued its scholars with the idea that nobles,se
oblige is the guiding principle of life. When, therefore, they
found not only their income, but capital as well, rapidly dis-
appearing, they instinctively held on, for they had ties they
could not break ; sentiment, perhaps foolish sentiment,
which bound them to the homes of their ancestors, and to
tenants they would not forsake ; and often, they could not
sell even if they desired.
The vivid imagination of certain pwliticians depict them
as a rack-renting, overbearing set of tyrants, ruling their
tenants as despots. Or they are lazy, living lives of indul-
gence and amusement, or wasting their time in hunting or
other sp(jrt. Luckily the country gentleman is usually a
sportsman. If he had not been a hunting man, a supporter
of hurdle-racing, and a breeder of racehorses, the country
must either have sjjent large sums of money every year in
maintaining a horse supply for the army, or the outbreak of
war would liave found us without remounts.
The first legislative proposals towards reconstructing agri-
culture arc contained in the Com Production Act, and while
some of them are good, others are anything but happy.
The best feature is the bracketing together of a minimum
wage for the workers and a guaranteed minimum price for
certain of our principal crops; the worst is the cynical
provision that landowners shall not reap any benefit from
enhanced prices for agricultural products. The former was
opposed by that section of pohticians who stand to gain by
sowing dissension between classes, their reason, it must be
supposed, being that it gave proof of the identity of interest
between employer and employed, which mutual interest
they have always denied. The same group supported the
provision which prevents owners gaining any advantage, the
reason (we are justified in assuming) being that as a class
they are political opponents. Those whose financial interests
are in foreign production or in transport, were among the most
vocal of that group. It has among its friends many who are
fond of talking loudly about the " duties " of landowners,
ignoring the fact that no less than other classes they may
also have rights. Some of them urge that because land b
limited in quantity no individual has a right to own any of
it, as such ownership implies power to prevent public access
to it. Do they imagine, if the State owned it, that pubUc
access would follow as a matter of course ? WTiat a grotesque
idea! The State now owns plenty of land for experimental
purposes. Let those who hold these views endeavour to
obtain public access to this Jand as a demonstration.
If this Act had provided that owners were to gain some
part of the benefit of enhanced prices, even if it were only to
recoup them in part for the losses of prfevious decades, there
would be some ground upon which to talk of duties, and there
could then be no question as to the Government having the
right to dictate how a man should use his property ; but when
it decides that he must bear all the losses without sharing in
any advantages there is no logical ground for talking of duties.
As a class they have done their duty in a way that offers a
shining example to every other section of the community.
Peasant Proprietors
This latter provision of the Act wiU have — is indeed already
bringing about — a change quite imforeseen by those who
so eagerly helped to carry it through Parliament. For
years they have opposed any proposals for legislation which
would help to increase the number of owners. While urging
the creation of small holdings, which are to be held by
tenants at a perpetual and never-lessening rent, the proposal
that sitting tenants should be aided in purchasing their farms,
or that peasant propriett rs should be created, has always met
with their hostility. Now the large owner? are offering their
land for sale, and, to a very large extent, it is being purchased
by the tenants. A certain type of farmer is objecting to this
change taking place, and they are urging that sales should be
prohibited untU after the war, giving as their reason that such
sales create a feeling of unrest among tenants, and thereby
tend to inferior cultivation. Such an attitude is not difficult
to understand.
The paternal interest of owners has already been referred
to, as having given tenants a sort of prescriptive right to the
benevolence of their landlords. They have enjoyed this
benevolence so long that they naturally prefer to go on as
tenants, getting higher prices for their produce, and with
rents fixed at the level of the lowest period of the depression,
but still with a landlord whom they can call upon to keep
their places in order. Many others would hke to gamble on the
terms of " heads I win, tails you lose," but it is unreason-
able, and un-English, to ask for such confiscation.
It is not surprising that so many landlords having been
forced to take upother businesses, they arenowapplying better
business methods to their estates, than did those of the 'eighties
and 'nineties. It is much wiser to sell now than it was to
hang on then, while every sale gives tenants an opportunity
to obtain the most perfect form of security of tenure possible,
by purchasing their own farms. Owners of land have only
one other alternative of avoiding a continual loss, and that is
to farm their estates themselves. Let them take a lesson
from Denmark, and farm extensively. It will decrease the
cost of production, and farming generally would, under such
conditions, be more productive than ever it has been.
For the sake of brevity all reference to the continuously
increasing burdens uf)on land in the shape of rates and taxes,
mainly bome by the owners, has been omitted. It is a long
story, and a somewhat dry one, for all but the sufferers, but it
would be easy to show that owners have bome more than their
fair share of such burdens for the last forty years. Moreover,
they have shouldered voluntary burdens in addition to those
imposed upon them by law; especially has this been the case in
connection with the cost of national education. It is a curious
but interesting fact that among the strongest opponents to
the financial provisions of the Education Bill of 1902 were
landowners, who would have been relieved of a voluntary rate.
amounting in cases to many hundreds of pxDunds per annum,
in place of which they would have had to pay a much smaller
education rate. It had become a sort of hereditary burden,
and those who could afford it resented its removal.
2 +
Land & Water
February 21, 1 9 i H
Q
DOMESTIC
ECONOMY.
'" ■ — ■
Names and addresses of shops, where the articles mentioned
can be obtained, will be forwarded on receipt of a postcard
addressed to Passe-Partout, Land & Water, 5, Chancery
Lane, W.C. 2. Any otiier information will be given on request.
Few people travel now-a-days unless
Collapsible they can really help it, but if by
iJofc chance they have to take the rail-
road and do not expect to be away
more than a day or so, they travel what is called in the
\ernacular " light." The main difficulty generally in the way
is the auxiliary hat. Many women prefer to have something
other than the hat on their head— but where can it go ? Most
hats take up a considerable amount of room, some even
demanding an extra box simply and solely for themselves.
With the hats in question, however, no such problems bother.
.Attractive though they are and suitable now for any occasion,
they can be packed absolutely flat, Without bearing the
least resen^blance in shape, they are indeed much on the
olJ principle of a man's opera hat, so thorouglily do they
collapse, and ^o little space do they take.
Naturally they fit into the normal sized suit case supremely
well without any bother or fuss at all. In some models the
brim is rather a stiff affair, so that this is unlikely to get out of
shape; at the end of the journey out comes the hat, the crown
then pushes into its rightful shape, and there it is, ready
for prompt and effective use !
A charming black silk hat of the kind with a plaited tie of
ribbon was in every single way the summit of smartness and
simplicity. Very effective, too, was a dark blue silk hat, the
brim outlined with a close clipped dark blue ostrich feather
ruche — particularly comme il faut. Many other materials
and colours also have been dressed into the service with
wonderful success.
Some months ago the Sugarless
Sugarless Sweetners hailing from a well-known
Sweetners Scotch pharmacy were mentioned
, , on this page. They were useful then,
but they are trebly so now on account of the need to save
sugar for jam making. It seems as if the aUowance of sugar
allotted to fruit growers last year would not be available this
and at first sight as if a great deal of fruit in consequence would
be wasted.
The wise housewife, however, wiU undoubtedly save sugar
from her sugar rations against the jam making season, using
in Its stead some substitute. This the Food Controller has
specially said she is at liberty to do, the sugar thus saved not
being hoarding." A great deal of care, all the same, must be
exercised, it not being every sugar substitute that can be voted
reliable. These sugarless sweetners are perfectly wholesome
and they sweeten very thoroughly— each tiny tablet being
eqm alent to a heaped teaspoonful of sugar. Save sugar and
use sugarless sweetners when possible instead, is advice worth
loUowing— It being quite extraordinary how even a small
amount saved from the ration each week adds up and how
eagerly pnzed it wiU be once the fruit is ready.
People not liking too sweet coffee or tea will find half a tablet
a cup amply sufficient, others of course wiU drop the entire
little tablet in. For cooking it is often useful, t\vo sweetners
giving ample sweetness to most puddings. Another point is
that they will be for\varded post free, one hundred costing
2S. 6d., two hundred 4s. 6d., and five hundred los. 6d
1 he pharmacy concerned have an array of flattering testi-
monials to show, both from people who have u^d the
sweetners themselves and from others hearing of them from
their fnends and wishful to make their experiences their own.
Our ancestors flaunted patch or snuff
sugar and boxes; but never with such an air
Saccharine Boxes ^ ^® ^^^^^ o^^s for sugar, sugar
to th* fJr^o- ; 1,- 1, ^^^f. '"^'"S *^^ latest concession
to the times m which we live. And charming they are,
whether they be of a fairly large variety calculated to take
lump or moist sugar of a small affair suitable for the sac-
charine tabl ts so many people take about instead.
A clever firm, always more than abreast of the times, have
prepared all kinds of silver sugar bo.xes — just the most oppor-
tune present anyone could possibly make. As a wedding
present nothing could be more acceptable or up-to-date, while
could there be a more fascinating token to someone with a
sweet tooth now perforce obhged to carry their sugar as of yore
the travelling tribes carried tlieir tents. Design and work-
manship are alike sans reproche as the firm's productions
always are, and the little box, besides being a supremely useful
thing in itself, will, in happier years to come, serve as an in-
teresting souvenir of the times when allhvedand ate under
the sway of the Fooi Controller.
The small bo ces for saccharine tablets and the Hke are the
kind many people will annex, but there are bo.xes for lump
sugar also ; while an attractive affair of engine-turned silver
di.ided into two compartments, one to take lump sugar and
the other moist, is a sugar box of the superlative type.
Face powders of an ill-chosen kind
bomething tresh can be so disastrous in their re-
in Face Powder ^"^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^'^ ^^**^st one to appear
seems to merit more than passing
notice. This is " poudre fifine" — its makers claiming it
combines all the virtues of a skin food with the refreshing
quahties of powder.
li has been proved over and over again that some face
powders clog the pores of the skin. " Poudre fifine " is
heralded not to do this, and it is a natural looking powder into
the bargain, so that anyone not satisfied with the kind they
already have in use could not do better than cast it aside
and give the newcomer a trial in its stead.
To have a powder that is a tonic as well as a beautifier
seems almost too good to be true, being such a complete reversal
of the days when sundry souls decreed powder as bad foi the
skin, and were very often right, the povv-der being indifferent
enougli to abet them. Besides, " poudre fifine " has other
points to commend it. It is fragrant, having just the perfume '
a really attractive powder should have— not too strong and
yet with its own particular faint scent. It is sold in four tints,
rachel, naturelle, rosee and blanche, is packed up in sometliing
specially charming in the way of a box, and costs two and six.
The new frocks for the spring liave
A l^rock tor already made their debut ; and it is
the Spring abundantly evident that the more
, .. , . ' ° successful among them will be those
described in one word " practical."
Very much of this character is one of the latest springtime
suggestions, a long gab rdine tunic slipping on over a satin
underdress. Dark blue and black always succeed combined
andlhe frock in dark blue gaberdine and black satin looks
particularly well, though other colourings are available
the slip IS a sleeveless and very simple affair, the tunic
equally uncompl cated, going on straight over the head with-
out a single hook, eye, button or any,other fastv^ning. As in
the preceding example, a sash gives aU the shape required— that
in this case being of black satin.
Such is the irock complete, but the tunic can be bought
separately and used separately— a concession m;.n • will be
glad to hear of. It could be worn over a frrck past its first
youth but of which the skirt part is still x^earable. so that it
lias interest from the renovator's point of view. These long
over-tunics have long been mooted, and now they have arrived
are gaming nothing but praise. In heap, of ways they are
invaluable, bemg hardwearing and very sensible, yet not
losing by one iota the elusive quality of charm. Anybody
buying the frock in question and using the tunic over other
trocks besides with the slip supphed will certainly profit by the
JoTvTnHhl' ""'? ."°^^'"S else yet suggested this y-ear is Juite
so invincibly useful. p.^g^/ Partout.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX No 2912. [yTa-r] THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1918
rreoistered ast published weekly
La newspapeeJ price ninepence
Cotiyrii/hl V.'V in r X A
Copyright 'Land Ji IVater"
Socialism in Germany
Land 6c Water
February 28, igi8
Balloon Section, R.F.C.
Hauling down an Observation Balloon at night
By C. R. W. Nevinson, Official Artist at the Front
(An exhibition of Mr. Nevinson's work opens at the Leicester Galleries on Saturday)
February 28, 191 8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN zSzg.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1918
Contents
pagp:
1
2
Socialism in Germany. By Louis Raemaekers
An Observation Balloon. By C. R. W. ^'evinson
The Outlook 3
The Public Mood. By Hilaire Belloc 5
Russia's Fleet. By Arthur Pollen 7
Hunting the U-Boat. By Herman Whitaker 9
America's Part. By J. D. Whelpley 12
A Prevalent Inconsistency. By L. P. Jacks ij
Ztjal. By Etienne 14
Tht; Sense of London. (Illustrated). By Charles Marriott 16
A Comer of Old England. By J. C. Squire 18
Foot Sloggers. (Poem). By Ford Madox Haeffer 19
Books of the Week 21
The Cradle of Polo. By Lewis R. Freeman. R.N.V.R. 22
Domestic Economy ^ 24
Notes on Kit ix
The Outlook
IN the early part of last week] it was officially announced
that Sir Henry Wilson had taken the chief command,
vacated by the dismissal of Sir William Robertson.
Other changes in the commands of the Army were
expected by the public but have not taken place at
the time of writing. Meanwhile the prosecution of Colonel
Repington and the Editor of the Morning Post for the publica-
tion of an article dealing with the reserve arniy in a fashion
which the censorship regarded as a breach of its direction
was undertaken. Both defendants were fined the nominal
sum of £100, and the incident was thus closed. It came out
during the hearing of the case that the reserve army, the
existence of which the British censorship desired should not
be mentioned, had already been amply discussed in the
German Press.
Certain questions were asked in the House of Commons
during the course of last week concerning the attitude
of the Government towards other papers, notably towards
the one-man group of numerous and varied organs. To
these questions various answers were returned. Some
repeated the old formula that " the law officers of the Crown
haul advised an action would not lie." Other answers were
that " the matter was under consideration." The educated
public is not concerned, of course, with fictions of parlia-
mentary procedure. The interest of the incidents lies en-
_tirely in the questions and the state of mind which they
indicate.
Unfortunately, though these questions (put down by in-
dividuals more daring than most of their fellows) accurately
represent the mass of opinion outside the House of Commons,
they have had no sequel in the shape of parliamentary action,
The House shirked such action. In other words, the individual
members composing it each thought it to his private a.dvantagi'
to do nothing, and the practical result was a final abdication
if authority <m this l?.st and critical test to which that assembly
has been submitted.
* * *
The most curious commentary on this affair is the criticism
directed towards it by most of our contemporaries. They
sjjeak of " collusion " between one section of the Press and
the politicians. They darkly hint that particular newspapers,
especially those of popular circulations, are " inspired " by
individual members of the Government. They talk of the
" Government Press " and so forth. All that is putting the
cart before the horse. It is of common knowledge that the
)rder in which thesi> things stands is exactly the other way.
!t is not the politician who makes the newspaper. It is the
newspaper wlio ma'ccs the jxilitician.
A polic\- is not first decided on in Downing Street, and
then communicated to Printing House Square. It is decided
in Printing House Square and there is no necessity of com-
municating with Downing Street at all. The newspaper
.nan stands in no dread of any politician, but every pxilitician
stands in terror of the newspi'.per man. If wb ask ourselves
why the thing has been put in a topsy-turvy way. and why
the Press is treated as the servant when it is really the mastn ,
the answer would not be easy to furnish.
Probably the nearest to the truth of the many answers
that might be gi\en is the natural conservatism of the jour-
nalistic profession. For so long a time past ha\;p men been
writing of this or that newspaper as the ' supporter " of such
and such a politician or policy that they have not yet framed
a new set of phrases to express the new state of affairs.
* * *
Not so many years ago the prestige and corporate power
of the House of Commons would have sufficed to put an end
to the whole business. The offence would have been insisted
upon in debate. If the individual professional politicians
whose duty it nominally was to undertake such prosecutioij
proved impotent because they were themselves the servants
and not masters of the people whose punishment they de-
manded, a motion demanding prosecution would ha\'e been
briefly discussed and passed by a large majority. To-day
it is quite hopeless to expect any such virile action or indeed
any action at all from the House of Commons.
As an organ of Government the House of Commons is dead
and it is very doubtful indeed whether it can be revived. Its
moral authority had disappeared long before the present
war, through its ovsti foolish toleration of financial scandals
antl through the indecent haste of its most prominent members
to guarantee themselves from punishment. But war, which
is the great bringer out of realities, has put the final touch
to the process of decay. The best evidence of the nullity
into which the Hou.se of Commons has sunk is the new
Reform Bill. This measure would, if the suffrage were
a Uving reality, and the House of Commons, which proceeds
from the suffrage, were still an organ of Government,
be a revolution more thorough by far than any consti-
tutional change of the past. It actually doubles the
electorate, suddenly includes millions Of women, and even
in its details involves a complete change. Yet none pays
the slightest attention to it. No one is interested in its fate,
and for a very simple reason : everyone knows that the
electorate cannot do anything more than vote for Caucus
candidates and the resulting House can have no representative
authority. - 1
It matters little or nothing which of the Caucus candidates
happen to be thrown together to form a House of Commons.
They will form nothing representative of the natjon. They
will in any case be a b, dy of men each for the most part using
their jxjsition to advance their private affairs, and enjoying
the privilege of immunity when those private affairs are of a
doubtful character.
* ♦ ^ *
The careful observer of public opinion during the last few
months w'ill have discovered that the effect of newspapers
upon public opinion is small. It is less than it used to be,
and even at its height it neyer affected much of the population
outside London. The real strength of this new kind of
Government lies in its power of terrorising by threats of
exposure and corrupting by promised advancement individual
poUticians, coupled \vith its effect upon other organs of the
press. The weapon of the boycott is also very strong. It
is particularly true of the professional politicians that lack
of advertisement is death.
It is this grip, upon individuals not upon the public, which
is the true mainspring of our latest constitutional change,
and it is this contemptible character in it which makes it
happily certain that this singular epoch in English public life
will not be long-lived. Sooner or later there will be not only
a protest but vigorous action. For the moment the culprits
p.re immune from the law. but that cannot last. The weakness
of the position is already apparent in the impossibility of in-
flicting serious punishment upon those who are now beginning
to attack this way of governing the country. A nominal fine
is the worst they have to fear, and it is tantamount to an
acquittal. Meanwhile, though the evil is 'a passing one, it
happens to coincide with the gravest moment in the history
of the country. That is the kernel of the whole affair.
England will succeed or fail in the next few months. Her
future will be decided in this year 1918, and though general
disgust at our new form of rule will undermine it and perhaps
destroy it before the end of the year, its incompetence may
in the interval have decided the fate of the country.
* * * •
After the breaking off of the negotiations between the
Solny Soviet (the body which has usurped authority in
Northern Russia and reigns there by terror), the German
Government ordered the advance of its armed forces beyond
the lines of the Dvina on which the Baltic, or left, wing of those
forces had reposed for more than two years — a repose broken
only by the facile occupation of Riga a few months ago. No
effective resistance could be offered, of course, by the
h;Jf-amied mob to which what were once the Russian armies
1 ,i\e now been reduced by the little group in the capital, and.
Land & Water
February 28, 1918
in any case, it is probable that the numbers of the men in the
Russian uniform still to be found in that front have been so
far reduced by desertion as to render them incapable of any
serious effort, even if they were still an array.
A rumour was ciurent that the Solny Soviet, or rather its
handful of cosmopolitan masters, would make immediate
peace with the enemy and even go to the length of paying
them a considerable indemnity, although they had already
repudiated the just debts incurred to the Allies while their
country was still being defended at the expense of those
Allies. This rumour has been confirmed. There is nothing
to prevent the enemy walking into Petrograd and restoring
order if he thinks it suits his lx)ok politically, and we may
take it for granted that an\- terms he chooses to impose upon
the masters of the Soviet (some of whom :ire his iigents) will
be eiccepted. Meanwhile, these gentry have sent yet another
message through the wireless which they control to the effect
that aJl the enemy no\\ asks of them is tlie cession of Li\'onia
and Esthonia ; j^-ace with the Ukraine and with Finland
(that is the withdrawal, if possible, of the Revolutionary agents
from those districts) ; the re-imposition of the Turkish yoke
upon the Christians of Erzeroum ; the internment of the
Russian battlesliips, o! our own ships, which we sent to help
Russia before the usurpation of her present ephemeral rulers.
« * *
There has been a very considerable increase in the policy
of bombing the Western German towns since Christmas.
.\nd the authorities issued in the course of last week an inter-
esting table of the results. From this we find that during the
first fifty days of the year thefre was a continuous bombing
of the whole ; one immediately behind the German lines, with
the exception of the second week of January, and rather more
than a fortnight at the end of that month and the begin-
ning of I-'cbniary, when weather conditions were unfavourable.
The large town of Maimheim (290,000 inhabitants), a some-
what distant point, was twice visited in the interval with a
very heavy bombardment, and it is satisfactory to note that
Treves, an important railway and manufacturing centre,
and an esj^cially important point of concentration for troops,
was bombed with great thoroughness no less than seven times
in less than four weeks. These details refer to the British
ser^^ce alone. Meanwhile, there has also been a continuous
series of raids upon such railway centres of Lorraine as lie
behind the enemy lines, and particularly the big junction just
outside Thionville ; the steel works in that town were also
bombed, and these and the railway received a very heavy
weight of projectiles no less than seven times in five weeks.
It is to be hoped — and we think to be presumed — that
this policy has not interfered in any way with the normal
work of aircraft within the fighting zone, which is, of course
by far the most important function the service has to perform.
There has always been a danger since the recent and accelera-
ting changes in our methods of Government at home that the
subsidiary work of bombing centres behind the lines — work
which is essentially in the nature of reprisals — might trench
u?x)n the only vital and necessary function of flying machines,
which is, like that of all military engines, the weakening of th6
enemy's armed forces.
Our warranty for believing that the science and common
sense of the soldiers has here overborne the folly of the
politicians and their maintainers lies in the objectives chosen.
Xo doubt the civilian population of these German towns was
terrified, which is an excellent thing. Positively it weakens
the enemy ; and negatively it will, make him more amenable
to give up this particular form of fighting which he invented.
But it would be deplorable if such a side issue were in this
stage of the war to take the place of effective military action
or to diminish it. Every one of the places visited contained
an objective of a strictly military charaxiter, and as much the
greater part of the raids took place by day these objecti\-es
could be accurately located.
* * ♦
The Austrian Government has made an ambiguous declaar-
tion with regard to the fate of the province of Cholm, which
It had proposed to hand over to the newly-constituted subject
State of Ukraine. It has, for the moment, said that it
would " postpone " any decision, and it haS done this in view
of the \'ery considerable movement aroused in Poland by the
proposed policy of annexation.
The declaration as it stands is, of course, worthless Its
sequel will depend, like everything else, upon the issue of the
war. If the enemy can compel the Western Allies to accept
their victory in the East of Europe and their continued supre-
macy upon the Continent, especially if their victory is sealed
by ■concessions made to us upon the West, the obvious policy
of the Central Empires will be to erect a new diminished and
weakened Polish State, and to create as man\ sources of
division as possible between the other artificial "States which
they propose to erect all along its Eastern border If on
the other hand, the ..Allies succeed in defeating the Piussian
military machine, then all the Prussian plans regarding
Eastern Europe will be forgotten and the arrangement of
those districts will lie, not in the hands of Prussia, but of the
Western Powers.
* >i> «
The House of Lords was the scene last week o' an almost
mediaeval ceremony when the Prince of Wales was introduced
and took his seat. Those who were privileged to witness it
were for the moment transported from these sombre sorrowful
days, not so much by the brightness of the robes, which had
something of a theatrical touch, but by the quaint stateliness
of the language of the proclamations which the Clerk of the
House read out. They carried the mind backward and a
thought that must have been present with many, was that
never has a Prince of Wales, not even Edward ' the Black
Prince, seen so much of war as this Edward has beheld.
The day afterwards the Prince went first to Wales and then
to his Duchy of Cornwall to inspect the industrial side of this
vast combat. Like all members of the Royal House, he has
an insatiable thirst for facts, and he entered with spirit into
the various operations of mine and factory. His three years
at the FVont have given him confidence in himself ; he has
never been obsessed by the mere externals of his position,
and he has acquired a charm of manner, which brings out
more plainly the strength of character that lies behind it,
and makes for him personal friends wherever he is known.
* * *
The application of compulsory rations 'to approximately
a fourth of the British population, which began this week, is
an interesting experiment. We shall learn to what extent
discipline still holds sway over the democracy of these islands.
Those who predict a complete collapse of the scheme are not
wanting, but, in our opinion, their opinions are not based upon
a wide enough knowledge of their own countrymen or on the
extent to which voluntary and involuntary rationing was
already in force. Grumbling, of course, there will be, and at
first the machinery is bound to work badly, but we shall be
much surprised if the country is not astonished at the ease
and quickness with which the populace adapts itself to the new
conditions, that is, of course, assuming that the rations per-
mitted are available.
At the same time, we view with distrust the new powers
which are being granted to the Ministry of Food for entering
private houses in order to ascertain whether there is waste.
These powers, so contrary to the spirit of this realm, should
only be utiUsed under most exceptional circumstances. We
believe it to be true that no nation is freer from " graft "
than ourselves, but because of this to argue that all subordinate
officials are adamant against a discreet piece of silver or a
judicious rustle of a " Bradbury," is to talk arrant nonsense.
This sort of appetite grows with eating. Lord Rhondda will
do well to remember the sequence of the Lord's Prayer.
" Lead us not into temptation. But deliver us from evil,'
and will not try to reverse it by endeavouring to deliver u
from evil by leading us into temptation.
* * * .
The vote of the engineers is a serious event but not yet in
any sense disastrous. Roughly the situation is as follows.
The Government have introduced a Man Power Bill which
overrides certain agreements made with the Trade Union.
The A.S.E. stipulated for a separate conference on the subject,
and as a matter of formal right their case was good. The
other unions involved objected to any separate
agreement between the Government and the A.S.E. Thus
the problem was complicated by jealousies between unions
as well as by strained relations between the A.S.E. and a
Government department. The ballot taken on the acceptance
of the Bill was in the main a test of the men's determination
to insist on a separate conference. The adverse majority
is overwhelming but this vote does not commit the engineers
to a strike ; it is only at present a demonstration.
* * *
The committee, under the chairmanship of Sir John
Lavery, formed to obtain a characteristic example of the work
of Ivan Mestrovic for a pubhc collection, has decided to
apply the amount already subscribed, £350, towards the
relief in wood. Descent from the Cross. It is hoped that some
heroic group in the round, like the Mother and Child. originalK-
thought of, may be secured in happier times.
To complete the purchase of the relief a sum of £200 is still
required, and the committee appeals with confidence to those
who have been moved by the measureless sacrifice of tht
Serbian race and the tragic expression given to it in the art of
the Serbian sculptor. The example chosen is a fitting symbol
of the first, and would, it is believed, be welcomed among our
national treasures as representing a remarkable side ol
.Mestrovic's art.
Feb
ruary 28, 191 8
Land & Water
The Public Mood : By Hilaire Belloc
As we have already had occasion to remark in these
columns— it is the key to all useful writing
. upon the war at this moment— the situation
in Europe has passed from being mainly mili-
tary to being mainly political.
That situation may be reversed at any moment. Great
operations upon the West resulting clearly in our favour, or
m the enemy's, would certainly reverse it. On the other hand,
a delay in the beginning of such operations or a lack of conclu-
sion , in their character would prolong it. Meanwhile the
balance so remains and will probably so remain for some little
time : the political situation overshadows the military one.
The political elements of civilian tenacity and of civilian
conditions play a larger part in the present calculations of
the war than the estimates of numbers and of reinforcement
which were necessarily the chief elements in our judgment
so long as the Russian State still existed, and so long as the
enemy was therefore still in a state of siege.
Under these circumstances the best service that can be
rendered by the publicist is an estimate of the political
elements present. Most of our publicists have recently taken
refuge in one or two forms of activity : exhortation to
tenacity on the one hand and exhortation to surrender upon
the other. In spite of the laudable character of the first and
the natural irritation of the public against the second, I cannot
believe that either of these kinds of writing is much to the
purpose. It may be of some value to keep up a constant
stream of exhortation to tenacity, but the nation is in no
great need of it. It may do some little harm for a few excep-
tional individuals to preach the doctrine of brotherly
surrender, and describe the love for the English which is felt
by the mass of the Germans (if only we would approach them in
a friendly spirit ! ) ; but the narm cannot be very great because
the bulk of our people are in a state of mind in which this sort
of thing goes off like water from a duck's back. They do not
like the Germans one little bit, and they are not getting to like
them any more as time goes by. Nor will they readily believe
that the Germans like them.
What does seem to be to the purpose is to draw up an esti-
mate of the political position as accurately as one can, much in
the same spirit and with the same intention as one drew up
those estimates of numbers and losses which we published
regularly for three years, and the exactitude of which events
have since proved and continue to prove.
There are two difficulties at the outset of making such
an estimate, one of which was partly, though only partly,
present in our former military calculations, and the other of
which was entirely absent from those calculations. The first
of these is the fact that one cannot speak of one's own side
with the same liberty as one can speak of the enemy's. The
second is that a political situation is not susceptible of measure-
ment as are the component parts of an army, or distances and
obstacles upon the map.
I say that the first of these difficulties was present even in
military calculation . But it is less felt there than in a political
■ estimate. Though one might not speak of numbers upon
one's own side when one was making a military calculation,
yet educated opinion was fairly informed upon the subject, if
only by the method of analogy.
For 'instance, when we showed in these columns that the
German military dead of all kinds were about one million and
two-thirds (or a little more) at the moment, in the spring of
last year, when the official German lists »nly allowed for under
a million and the German statesmen were privately assuring
the American Ambassador that they were less than one million
and a half, the educated reader could guess that the losses of '
the other originally fully mobilised nations were much the
same in dead, in proportion to their population, and that the
losses of the nations which mobilised only partially and later,
during the course of the war, were proportionate to "the average
size of their armies since their entry into the war.
But when wc are talking of a political situation we have no
such advantages. Each reader must read for himself into
what is said his own judgment of our "own side in those matters
which cannot be publicly discussed.
The second difficulty is equally formidable, and what is
worse, weakens all judgment of this kind by making it in a
great measure personal.
When one has to explain what the losses of an army are
in military dead, up to a certain date, one can put before one's
readers proofs of the number and of the margin of error, which
proofs he is as well or better able than oneself to appreciate.
One can give statistics of the private and parochial lists, of
the rolls of honour, etc. ; one can show the gaps in the official
lists, their nature and so forth. But when it comes to making
an estimate of a political situation, though there are certain
calculable elements, the ultimate judgment is necessarily a
personal one, and therefore weakened by the personal element
of error.
However, I will make the attempt.
The best way of approaching the problem is to tjfbulate its
various parts.
There are three great factors in the political situation to-day
1 he first alone is susceptible of some sort of calculation It
IS the comparative situation in the power of the two parties
to provide themselves with civilian and military necessities
including recruitment of ^en. This element, when it is
carefully gauged, shows a certain balance in our favour That
IS the first great thmg to seize. It is nothing like the balance
It was before the final and decisive success obtained by the
eneniy upon his Eastern front as the political result of his
mihtary operations. But a balance it is, and one which
should, other things being equal, increase in our favour.
Ihe second element is simplicity, unity and immutability
of purpose. Here, for reasons I will estimate in a moment -
the moral balance appears to be upon the enemy's side.
Ihe last element, morally the most important, because it
IS the one in which there can be most variation, may be grouped
under the general title of " information," internal and external •
the latter divided into neutral and belligerent. With the
first element upon the whole in our favour, the second against
us. It IS this third which may well decide the issue.
I.
The situation in regard to the power of finding food and
other necessaries for all and of providing men and material
immediately required for the armies shows some such balance
sheet as the following : — •
The enemy has these advantages to his credit :—
(a) His communications are entirely by land, and are for
the moment nowhere subject to attack.
.,[?) ^^-^^•^'^^ shorter by far than the communications of the
Allies. This point is insufficiently appreciated. If we take
the average journey which material must take from the
point of production to the point of consumption including
material m civilian use as well as material in military use the
distance which the Allies have to deal with is certainly ten
times greater, probably more than fifteen times greater than
the corresponding mileage of the enemy.
For instance, Westphalia and Silesia must supply Bavaria
and Hungary with coal, but we must supply not only ourselves
and Northern France, but Southern France and Italy and our
armies in the Levant as well. Wheat never has to travel
more than a few miles in the Central Empires ; to feed our-
selves the French and the Italians it has to travel thousands
of miles. It IS the same all through the list of materials.
(c) the enemy commands a very considerable population
which he has enslaved. There is here a <lirect economic
advantage to him which the Allies lack.
{d) All his recruitment is on the spot. He is not trammelled
by lengthy mantime communications to support his fronts
to evacuate his wounded, to reinforce his units, etc. So far
as the recruiting field practically open to him for iqi8 is
concerned he will, if we eliminate the Eastern front, probably
have till the latter half of that year a slight superiority but
alter next autumn an increasing inferiority.
.i.*^? }y^ °^^^^. ^^"^' ^^^^^ 's against him and in our favour
the following list : —
{a) Much of his material is limited in continuous production
lar more than is the corresponding material of the Allies. He
has a heavy advantage over theAlliesin Europe if you multiply
the amount available by the inverse of the distance to be
travelled, in coal and in iron, possibly in foodstuffs other than
lats, and a very great advantage in certain chemical products ■
but he is at a disadvantage in most metals other than iron
while for tropical and sub-tropical products (such as cotton!
'" /m'^ ■' ^^^■'^ ^^^ '^ "°^ dependent upon existing stocks.
(6) Ihe situation in men, though showing an apparent"
slight preponderance in his favour for the next few months
has these two elements to his disadvantage: (i) that his
extreme exhaustion, which may be compared to that of the
l-rench, cannot be relieved by rotation ; that of the Allies
m a large measure can be so relievca. Even if it be true that
the number of men that can be maintained at any one moment
m Western Europe by the United States is strictly limited by
the available tonnage, it is also true that the withdrawal of
losses and their replacement by new blood can be continued
almost indefinitely, and it is also true that this country has
not approached to anything like the same degree of exhaustion
6'
Land & Water
February 28, 191 8
recruitment here , (2) ne cinnoi usi •■ = ..rivantaee in
at will Here we have a reversal of his former advantage n
^ he East There the whole weight of the Prussian group told
at on?e In theWest it must count almost alone on Germany.
''wmJugh our communications are far l-ger than f is and
very ^•ulnenlble. whereas his are secure, yet the critical factor
in thiswhich is tonnage, is slowly moving in our favour. The
effS of thTs vvill not le felt for "some months, ^ut ultimate
k must be felt if the national will of the Allies and espec ally
of This country, where privation is sudden and serious, prove
sufficient to tide over those months.
^^ In eeneral material, looking down the whole list ol
artkki oTordinan consumption, the AUies (granted an
u imate sufficiency of tonnage) have an >"defimtey ^rg^;r
field to draw upon than the Central Empires '^^nf he^Do^i
grant these an ultimate admission to markets o the Don.
Volga and Caucasus beyond their present Eas em front
The situation of such an article as wool lUustrates what I
"^The general truth in this department of the situation-
mere production and supply-may perhai« be^ best, sta ed
thus • Neither side is yet even in sight of applying actual
compulsion, through lack of supplies to the other. Eacli is
concerned with nothing more than the relative tenacity in
will which each may display, ""^er what is for both a
severe strain. Neither party can yet or for a lo"? time
"starve the other out '^ using the word starve m the
extended sense of cutting off things necessary to the conduct of
war and the mere support (under no matter what pnvation)
of the civilian population. It is strictly a conflict of wills
rather than of material. .,.1^1,
How true this is wiU certainly appear in the last phases
of the campaign. For if or when a war of movement is restored,
whether by the enemy's failure or our own, it will at once be
apparent that the victorious party, though it will be suffenng
then more privation than it is suffering now, will readily accept
the sacrifice in the immediate prospect of victory. Ihe
psychological difficulty of maintaining at its proper standard
of tenacity the national will in the present phase of the war
is due mainly to the stagnation and inaction of the moment.
II
Simplicity, unity and immutability of purpose is the second
great factor and a purely moral one. The advantage is here
necessarily with the enemy and that for the following reasons:—
(a) His whole combination is dominated by one national
group : the various German-speaking polities, most of which
are grouped directly under Prussia and all of which are heart
and soul with Prussia. Outside this the only considerable
body is the nine million Magyars— for the Slavs of Bohemia,
Prussian Poland, the Drave and the Danube, are geographic-
ally divided and in any case subject ; the Bulgarians have to
consider only defensive action on a comparatively short front ;
the loose Turkish Empire, even under its present deplorable
administration, cannot but continue to depend upon the
will of the Central Empires.
. (b) As against this situation the Allies consist of four inde-
pendent and sharply differentiated nations whose, objects
m entering the war were not identical and whose motives of
continued action are not even identical to-day ; who have
suffered in very different degrees ; and in whom, therefore,
the reactions produced by suffering are very different ; whose
historical attitude towards the Germans and whose judgment
of them differs enormously, and whose direct cause for desiring
a complete victory differs still more. Luckily for the Allies
the Germans have themselves, by their abominable contempt
for Christian morals, helped to unite these different elements,
and they have aroused a high degree of indignation in men
living thousands of miles away, who have not seen, nor even
by imagination half realised, what the tortures, and burnings,
and murders and rapes and thefts in Belgium and Northern
France have been. But still, it is one thing to feel indignation
about these things when you read them in connection with a
distant and foreign country, and another thing when you know
that they have happened to your own flesh and blood.
(c) Unity of purpose again iS singularly served in the case
of the enemy by a similarity of historical tradition throughout
all that counts in his territory. Every German and every
Magyar has inherited for centuries the conception that he
was standing up against the Slav flood and was bom to master
it. Most modem Germans at least have inherited or have
been indoctrinated with the idea that if the West conquers
them it conquers them thoroughly, and treats them as the
inferiors which history has proved them to be. It sounds a
paradox, but it is perfectly trae that, closely intermixed with
the modem Gcnnan pride (which is nearly insanej, and with
the extraordinary perversion of history which ascribes to
heories but of defeats, tnat the West ,s naturally superior,
and that when it wins it wins thoroughly. In other words
there is at bottom a feeling of nervous self-defence agains
the West hidden away in every Gc^nan mmd oyerlaid but
not destroyed by a contradictory attitude of .self-sufiiciency-
which after all, only dates from fifty years ago.
'd) There is further in this war the very real ur ity of purpose
produced by the spirit in whicn it was undertaken ; the failure
of its original plan and the mood which has been aroused
throughout civilisation against the Gemians as the result of
its conduct. All Central Europe knows that if it is defeated
punishment will follow ; it is fighting to prejent such chastise-
ment. If it can prevent it it will feel, and rightly feel, that
it has made good"^ Every nation except the United States is
fighting for its life in this war. But whereas the effects of
defeat will be felt indirectly and the ebbing of national life
would only proceed by degrees among the Allies should they
accent defeat, it would be felt immediately, directly and by
every individual in Prassianised Germany (to a less degree
in Hungary and the German Austrian provmces) if ihey were
defeated. To take the least of all the instances which prove
this Consider what would happen to the Magyar if the Slavs
whom he oppresses were released. Look at the inap and
conceive of the position. He could no more voluntarily
release the Slav without further consequences following than
a man can release a wolf which he has by the ears. We can
release the Slav nations by victory. Nothing else will do it.
III.
The third, and, as I have suggested, what will perhaps prove
the decisive, element is information. I include under this
term propaganda in neutral and even in enemy countries,
but I mean by it especially the information of the public at
home. 1 ■ 1. 1 1
As to propaganda abroad among neutrals, it has largely
lost its importance since the entry of the United States into
the war. We used to hear too often of the marvellous organisa-
tion the enemy maintained abroad and its triumphant effects.
I am personally no very good judge of such things, for I have
an insufficient knowledge of modern languages. But from
what I have seen it seems to me that each of the belligerents
has been almost equally slow and silly in his method of propa-
ganda among neutrals ; and certainly the Germans were not
successful in their chief effort, which wa^ to capture opinion
in the United States.
Of propaganda in enemy countries I cannot speak, because
its effects are in no way apparent. We know, speaking
generally, that Prassia would shoot men whom we allow to go
at large, and we also know that the different countries of the
Alliance practise very different degrees of severity towards
men briefed for the enemy. But we remark upon the other
hand that the enemy propaganda has had very little effect
among ourselves, and I fear we must add to that our own
propaganda has hitherto had very little effect in his countries.
The real " variant " in the problem, the place where there
is room for expansion and where weican be perfectly certain
that hitherto we have been inferior — especially in this country
— is in the department of domestic information. Our people
have not been told what defeat would mean ; why victory is
a necessity ; what victory is ; nor what its tests are, by which
they may recognise it. On this account there has been the
fluctuation of opinion whicli caused more concem a few months
ago than now, and on this account also there has been proposed
as our object in war a number of policies incompatible one
with another, e.g. we cannot punish the murderers of Dinant
with the approval of German " democracy." For German
" democracy " — or populace — revels in the story of Dinant.
Here it must be remarked that the enemy Government has
a natural advantage in the matter of information which we
cannot obtain. He has only to tell his people that if they
give way they will be severely punished for their crimes and
made to work to repair them, and his people at once under-
stand so simply and obviously trae a proposition. Our people
are in no such situation. We cannot instruct them by the
repetition of so cmde and self-evident a tmth, for they have
not committed these crimes. There is no wanton damage
which they could be asked to repair at the expense of long
years of hard work for others, nor have any of our commanders
or men bad consciences, and the resulting fear of consequences
in the future.
That is a very real difference between the two sides. It
makes the task of the enemy in the matter of infomiation
infinitely easier. In the same way it is easier to persuade a
man to hang on when he has a precipice below him, than it
February 28, 191 8
Land & Water
is when there is only a short drop ; though you liappen to
know that this short drop would be fatal to him from the con-
dition of his heart.
Still, with all this disadvantage, we fall far behind the
standard we should have set for ourselves in the matter of
information.
Of course the kind of information one means is not at aU
that which is looked for by men whose only object is to
sell newspapers. So far from wanting more picturesque
description 'of war we could do withoijt: it altogether politically,
and the public, I think, would be exceedingly grateful to get
a rest from it. So far from demanding other details which
the enemy particularly wants to hear we should, as a matter
of mere commonsense, demand the immediate punishment of
those who reveal anything of the kind.
But the other type of information : information upon the
State of Europe, upon the past development of Prussia, upon
the crimes of the enemj', his mood whenever it is ailing or
weak, his real divisions — that kind of information we cannot
have too much of — and hitherto we have had very little.
It is no good telling people what is false or even what is
exaggerated. They find you out because the facts do not
correspond to what you have said. There is also this Nemesis
attached to sUch a method, that after you are found out you
are afraid of repeating the same kind of thing, even when it
is true. But there is the greatest possible use in spreading
broadcast throughout the populace what men of special
experience have long known, and what are the commonplaces
for those who discuss the ultimate fate of Europe.
For instance, there is the position of Poland which has
been insisted upon over and over again in these columns, which
Mr. Hyndman, on the whole the best informed of our public
men upon European matters, insisted upwn at last week's
meeting, and which every historian and every diplomatist
takes for granted.
You cannot expect the man in the street to understand that
the fate of Poland is the test and the keystone. He may
very well have never heard of the place. He may connect it
vaguely with Jewish tailors in the East End. At' the best it
will be nothing to him but a name in a geography book.
Again, how are you to expect the average man, even if he
be of high education, to understand the meaning of the iron
fields which the Germans annexed by force from the French
in the course of the nineteenth century ? There was not one
man in a hundred among the best educated in the country
who knew anything about this question before the war ;
there is not one in twenty in the same class who can give you
even the roughest outline of it to-day. Yet so far as material
factors are concerned it is overwhelmingly the most important.
Compel the Germans to disgorge this prey and you have cut
off the right hand of the German Army. Leave it in German
hands and you are deliberately presenting your enemy with
a weapon with which he will kill you in the near future. There
is no space in which to set down the list even of the most
elementary points — the command of the narrow entries to
the inland seas, the neutrality of the North Sea coast, etc.
What we can determine in conclusion is method.
There is obviously neither time nor opportunity for teaching
history'. There is not even time or opportunity for teaching
the perfectly simple outstanding lesson of all history, that
military defeat has a spiritual consequence and that the
victor imposes his soul upon the vanquished in the great
decisive duels of the world.
But for the main facts and their interpretation we have
the Press and some sort of public control over special articles
in it. The Press receives from time to time suggestions or com-
mands often negative but sometimes positive in character.
They are useful. What is there to prevent a staff of competent
men (one wonders a little who would appoint such a staff in
these times !) from sending out similar suggestions .upon the
political conditions of the war. Why should not articles be
communicated explaining what the Italian claims are ; the
position of Lorraine and its iron mines, Poland, the entrance
to the Baltic and all the rest of it. So far the effort has been
voluntary, subject to the chaos of competition and of editorial
judgment. Information of the sort I mean has only reached a
very few. The mass of readers it has not reached at all — and
that is why you may have before you know it a certain convic-
tion that the war is after all only a match like a sort of prize
fight or game of football which you " win " or " lose " or
" draw " and then go about your business as you were before.
Whereas it is in reality something more solemn and fundamental
than a man's own trial for his life in a court of criminal justice.
H. Belloc.
The Russian Fleet : By Arthur Pollen
THE political and military results of the Russian
surrender to Germany, and now of the German
advance towards Petrograd, may have a profound
influence upon the naval war. The fall of Riga in
September, followed a month later by the naval
occupation of that Gulf, were the preliminary steps which
secured the necessary line of communication before an advance
on the whole front from Dvinsk northward. Without the
transport facilities that an unbroken chain of sea supply
could give from the German Baltic ports to a series of advanced
bases on the east coast of the Gulf, the difficulties in the way
of the march on Petrograd would have been very great indeed,
whereas with such a line of communications the thing was
made comparatively simple. Before this is in print it is
therefore highly probable that Reval will have fallen and
possible that Kronstadt will have surrendered. Both are
inevitable events, whether they happen soon or late, and with
the.se surrenders the Russian Fleet — if intact — must fall into
German hands. For it cannot take refuge in Helsingfors,
which seems to be virtually under German control already,
and there seems therefore to be no third possibility. How
will this affect the situation in the North Sea ?
We have first to ask what are the constituent ships of the
Russian Fleet at the present moment. The first Dreadnoughts
of the Russian 1910 programme, Poltava, Sevastopol, Petro-
pavlovsk and Gangoot were all completed, fully commissioned
and in a high state of war efficiency before the end of 1914.
These four ships were laid down, two in July, one in August
and one in October, 1911. They had been completed there-
fore in approximately three years. At the bnd of 1912 and
the beginning of 1913 the four battle cruisers Borodino, Ismail,
Kinhurn and Navarin were laid down, I think, on the same
ways that the four battleships had previously occupied.
They were due for completion by the end of the summer of
1916, but I am unaware of any reliable information that any
of the four was commissioned before the Revolution of a year
ago. But none of the four can be very far from completion,
and if the Germans seize Petrograd they will get the Galemy
and Baltic works, and all the Imperial arsenals, and will
therefore have no difficulty in finishing their equipment for
sea, assuming that no irreparable damage has in the meantime
been done to them. Besides these capital ships there are two
modern light craisers of between 4,000 and 5,000 tons and
with a speed of over 27 knots, Mooraviev Amursky and Nevel-
skoy, that should have been completed soon after war began,
and there were four others displacing about 2,000 tons more
each, the Svietlana, Grieg, Bootakof and Spiridof, which, like
the battle cruisers, were due in 1915 and 1916, and are
presumably either ready for commission or nearly ready.
Hardly less important are the destroyers of the 1912 pro-
gramme, 36 in number, all of which I believe were at sea
early in the war. The foregoing, then, Dreadnoughts, battle
cruisers, light cruisers and destroyers, are the completed or
nearly completed modem vessels which constitute the main
assets of Russian naval force. Of the older craft the two pre-
Dreadnoughts Imperator Pavel and Andrei Pervosvanni are
not without value, and two of the older class of protected
cruisers, the Admiral Makaroff and the Bayan still survive.
The armoured cruiser Rurik is, in modem conditions, of very
little use.
If the Germans can immediately reinforce the High Seas
Fleet with the four Dreadnoughts, our enemy has at a stroke
increased his main battle strength by at least 20 per cent,
in numbers and by considerably more than 25 per cent, in
gun-power. The four three-gunned turrets of our late ally's
battleships are placed along the centre line, so that the whole
12 guns can be used as a broadside over an arc of about 130
degrees. Of Germany's possible 24 battleships, 13 have a
broadside fire of only eight guns ; the four Koenigs have ten,
and if the Worth class are finished, it is supposed that they will
have eight only, but all of larger calibre. An addition of 48
guns in the line of battle, then, would be nearly equal in fire
effect to the addition of six ships of the Kaiser class. This is
manifestly a very formidable reinforcement.
If the four battle cruisers become available, the addition to
the German main scoating force is necessarily more important
still. Sofaras we know from pre-war information, the German
strength in battle cruisers available during the war were the
seven built for the German Navy and Salamis building for
Greece. Of these Goeben is at Constantinople, Z.!(/zov and Salamis
(re-named Pommern) were lost at Jutland, and there have been
persistent rumours that Von der Tann was sunk sometime
before Jutland. That would leave the German Fleet in pos-
session of Derfflinger and the third ship of her class, supposed to
8
Land & Water
February 28, 191 8
have been nam«l Hindenherg. with Setdhtz and MoUke. Both
oMhe la to- carry only ii-fnch guns, though with a(po..ibe
broads de of Ten at a^ small arc. The addition of the four
S^/s. then, would add an -tijl-y strength much greater
nJativelv than the Gangoots would add in the case ot me
baUlSs The only disadvantage of the Russian battle
c^ Srs ifthat their s^ed, namely 2^ knots is infer^r to ha
of the ships which von Hipper commanded at Jutland. It is
Quite uinecessarv to dweTf at length on the value of light
cmi^rs Tnd modern destroyers. The importance of addihonal
St forces is immense in the phase of war now going forward
in the North and Narrow Seas, and were there to be a fleet
action it would be greater still. . Tribune
\Vlien Rissi fell I wrote an article m the ^eu' York ^riourie
noin ing out that, if there were the faintest chance of the
Russian sS>s being surrendered to Gennany an entirely new
value would be given to the help that the American Battle
F^eet <^uld afford in Northern yv-aters. It has been aX:onstant
mattcrof comment that the public has heard of no such
amcentration of Allied naval battle strength in the Nor h Sea
as has taken place on land, in the case of the military forces.
There were two obvious reasons against such a concentration
being made. First, it was unnecessaiy so long as the British
Fleet possessed the immense preponderance that has existed
since the beginning of the war. Secondly, while the co-opera-
tion of an English and a non-English speakmg naval force was
feasible in such operations as took place off Gallipoh in the
serine of iqi'5. there would be enormous difficulties in secunng
a similar cooperation in the case df fleets manoeuvring at sea.
Especially would this be the case when ships are for more than
half their time at sea working in close order and in the dark-
ness. The secret of successful naval tactics is to be found
in bringing the means of communication to perfection, llie
difficulties that have stood in the way of an Admiral making
himself promptly understood— and obeyed— by all the vessels
under his command is the explanation of so many naval
actions having proved inconclusive in the past. It was perhaps
the greatest of all Nelson's triumphs that he surmounted this
difficulty as it never had been surmounted before. And
he did it less by the invention of the more intelligible
signals than by making signals so largely unnecessaiy.
With every captain knowing precisely what was in the
Admiral's mind, the most effective co-operation of every
unit was generally secured vVithout further ado. And as we
know from the Jutland dispatch, the co-operation of the light
cruiser squadrons with the battle cruisers on that eventful
day was practically perfect, just because it was instinctive.
Again and again the Commander-in-chief's wishes were antici-
papted by his rear-admirals and commodores, because long
and intimate intercourse had made his wishes in any set of
circumstances easily divined. Now mutual understanding of
this kind might, indeed, ultimately be reached between a
British Admiral and a division of French or Italian warships,
but it could only be obtained after long and difficult training.
If then it has not been attempted to incorporate considerable
French or Italian units in the British battle and cruiser fleets,
it may be chiefly because the situation did not make it neces-
sary, and there seemed no likelihood of it becoming necessary
—so that the difficulties of securing homogeneity of signals,
arid so forth, did not in fact even have to be faced.
But should the Germans gain the immediate reinforcement
of the Russian battleships, with the prospect at a later date
of being able to add four battle cruisers as well, a position
that a year ago was entirely unexpected will have arisen, and
new naval dispositions will become imperative. There can
be little doubt that this will take the form of American
co-operation on the greatest scale. Fortunately in this case
the difficulties presented by French or Italian co-operation
would be absent. The differences in tactical methods and
in the formula of signals and of their significance are real —
but unity of language would soon bring about unity of method.
The United States Navy, as has often been pointed out in
these columns, could reinforce us immediately with three
divisions of four ships, with a reserve of two, if not three,
to replace any unit temporarily under repair. They are
magnificent ships, so exceptionally armed, manned and
officered, as to promise a high standard of war efficiency
after the briefest possible period of special training in war
conditions. And, let it be added that, were Admiral Mayo
ordered to join Sir David Bcatty with the whole of his fleet,
it would be a decision that would give infinite satisfaction
to the whole of the American Navy. Against a possible
addition^ to the Gennan Fleet of eight ships, there would
thereforfe be a corresponding increase of the Allied main
fleet by no fewer than 14. And, once more, we must
make the point that the American ships are more powerfully
gunned than the Russians, so that while restoring the old
relative strength in numbers, the relative gun superiority
would also be maintained.
It must not be assumed that we have to look upon the
incorporation of the Russian ships with the Gennan Navy as
a certainty. Some patriotic officers, if any survive may
succeed in destroying them first, and if they are not destroyed,
they rnay be in such ill repair that it would take a long time
to make the four battleships seaworthy and fit for action
In the case of the batUe cruisers, the delay in their bemg fit
for lise might be greater stUl. On all these points the Govern-
ment has no doubt the latest and best information There
may be no danger at all ; it may be a danger which cannot
materialise for many months. The only satisfactory feature
of the situation is that, if it does materialise, the American
Fleet alone can restore the balance.
Lord Jellicoe's Speeches
It is in some ways a great pity that Lord Jellicoe's series
of speeches has not been more fully reported 1 is true
that in the first of them he told the schoolboys at Ea mg that
sailors were trained to act and not to speak, and that they
should not be too impressed by the talkers. But ever since
he has been engaged in convincing a great number of the
public that, despite the eariy education of which he complams
a saUor can talk to the high satisfaction of his hearers and do
a good deal towards making people appreciate the vast scale
of the Navy's achievement and the splendid spirit which
Great Britain at Sea— whether in naval ships or merchantmen
or in fishing craft— has exhibited during the last three and
a half years. That appreciation of these great things should
grow and intensify is a very vital matter mdeed so that it
seems aU to the good that Lord Jellicoe should contmue
addressing his feUow-countrymen on a subject no one can
discuss with more intimate affection than he, and of which
no British audience is ever likely to tire, when it is presented
to them by one whose long and devoted service must, in vest
his words with quite exceptional significance. ^ . ^ j
- The most important and the most closely argued of Lord
JeUicoe's addresses was that delivered on Wednesday last
at the Aldwych Club. It was a delivery of quite exceptional
interest for many reasons— not the least of which is the
speaker's impersonal detachment while criticising Admiralty
Boards, of which he himself was so influential a member.
In the first place we learned, what I confess was new to me,
that in August 1914 the German light cruiser programme was
overhauling ours, and that the enemy's ocean gomg submarines
and destroyers were equal if not Superior to our own in numbers.
Inexplicable as our neglect of light craft had been, few of us
could have realised that the situation was indeed as the ex-
First Sea Lord has now revealed. And his explanation of
how this dismal state of things came about is not less inter-
esting than the revelation itself. It is that .the public thought
only in terms of Dreadnoughts and that money could not be
obtained for anything else ! It seems then that the sea
lords, responsible for preparing the Fleet for war must
repeatedly have urged the necessity of more cruisers and more
destroyers, but without succeeding in persuading the Cabinet
to ask the House of Commons for the means of supplying them
We must therefore, one would suppose, regard it as a quite,
extraordinary piece of good luck that an exception had been
made in favour of the 16 Arethusas and Calliopes. It makes
one tremble to think where we should have been had
these cruisers not been approaching completion ]ust as the
war broke out. , , ^1. ^ •
In a previous speech Lord Jellicoe told us that m 1913
Lord Fisher had awakened him and his colleagues to the
reality of the submarine menace to commerce, a thing that
he might very well have done, for it is to be presumed that
he knew then, what we know now, that Germany s larger,
wide radius submarines were actually more numerous than
our own. One wonders if it was at the same time that
representations were put before the Board for protecting our
Fleet bases in the north from the attentions of this redoubtable
fleet of submerged cniiscrs— for to them the few hundred miles
tliat divided these bases from the German ports were, of
course, a quite negligible interval. Of the long-distance
possibilities of our own submarines we were fully mlormed,
for we had sent many to Australia. The danger therefore was
patent. One is tempted to ask whether the individuals who
lacked courage to ask Pariiament for cruisers and destroyers
were the same that declined to protect the main bases ot our
fighting squadrons ? For that matter it would be interesting
to know precisely who were the individuals so impervious to
the seamen's arguments in favour of such obvious necessities
of war. It is a germane inquiry, for Pariiament, I believe,
has never been known to refuse provision the sea lords have
demanded on the ground that the safety of the country niade
it necessary. Perhaps we are to understand that the civilian
chief of the Admiralty realised that there was a general limit
February 28, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
of expense beyond which it would be dangerous to go, and
persuaded himself that it would be better to spend the money
on Dreadnoughts than on cruisers and destroyers and measures
for safeguarding the bases. If it was the civilian chief who
took this line, one is left wondering exactly what the seamen
did about it. And here certainly Lord Jellicoe can enlighten
us, for of the nine years preceding the war he spent, if I
remember rightly, no fewer than six and a half at the Admiralty
— -two and a half as Director of Naval Ordnance, two as Third
Sea Lord and Controller, and nearly two as Second Sea Lord.
This last period of office was from the end of 1912 till he took
command of the^Grajid Fleet almost on the day war was
declared. It is hardly credible that he and his professional
colleagues stood by without protest and trusting to luck while
utterly inadequate provision was being made in the matter
of light forces— without which a battle fleet cannot operate —
while our bases were being left absolutely open to submarine
attack, and while no measures of any kind were being concerted
for a protection of trade against U-boat warfare. Surely
there must have been protests and strong protests, and the
public has a right to know when and by whom these were
overruled.
And is it not just a little hard on the naval historians that
Lord Jellicoe should, in the vernacular phrase, blame this
Dreadnought delusion of the public on to them ? It is true
that the historians, or some of them, have thrown into very
vivid relief the incidents of the great naval battles, but surely
the lesson of this emphasis was not that battleships only were
wanted. I prefer to think that their reason for dwelling on
these great events was of a different kind altogether. Not
the least interesting part of Lord Jellicoe's speech was his
statement of the objects to achieve which sea power exists,
and first of the three he put the destruction of the enemy's
armed fdrces. We are certainly getting on in the develop-
ment and teaching of naval doctrine. Two and a half years
ago the then First Lord of the Admiralty published a brilliant
letter on the naval position, and in it set out categorically
the purposes for which a navy is brought into being. It
was considered remarkable at the time that it did not include
the destruction of the enemy's navy amongst the five or six
.purposes it enumerilted. Little more than a year later an
ex-First Lord, in an apology for the events of May 31, told
us first that there was nothing we could obtain by destroying
the enemy's forces which we did not possess without their
destruction being accomplished, and then went on to tell us
that the destruction of these forces was impossible, because
the risk to our own ships was prohibitive. It is a good thing
for the public education that so high an authority as Lord
Jellicoe now tells us that victory is the first and the main
purpose of sea power. It is a truth that was not only familiar
but ever present in the minds of our forefathers. And if the
historians in describing the amazing achievements of the
seamen of old had dwelt more upon their battles than upon
any other topic, was it not precisely because it was battle
and nothing else that they were always seeking, and seeking
because it was to bring battle about that all their other
efforts were directed ? It has no doubt taken some years of
war for the public of to-day to releam these ancient and obvious
^truths. And they cannot be, reassured too often, as Lord
Jellicoe assured them a week ago, that they might be perfectly-
confident that our battle fleet would " on the next occasion "
do its very best to inflict the kind of defeat upon the enemy's
fleet which would carry with it 'to-day^ — as it always ha^ in
the past — that nearer approximation to a complete command
of the sea, which without battle cannot be possessed at all.
Arthur Pollen.
Hunting the U-Boats : By Herman Whitaker
Mr. Herman Whitaker, the narrator of this thrilling
story of the work now being done by American destroyers
round the coasts of the British Islands, is a novelist of
high reputation in America and was recently a special
correspondent in -Mexico. A Yorkshireman by birth, he
served for three years in the British Army, afterwards went
to Canada, and did pioneering work in Hudson's Bay
territory. Twenty-two years ago he settled in California
and devoted himself to literature and travel.
When Commander Farragut issued to his fleet at Mobile the
famous order "Damn the torpedoes; steam right ahead," he
could not foresee that fifty years later it would become the every-
day watchword of a combined British and American Fleet.
MAY you visit the American flotilla base ?"
Admiral Sims repeated my question before
acceding to it with a hearty, " To be sure ! "
He also granted a further request to go for
a cruise on a destroyer.
From the train window approaching the Base I obtained
my first astonished view of the flotilla. The last time I had
seen it the ships were painted a modest grey, but now they
glared and blushed in " dazzle " paint. Barred, striped and
ring-straked in vivid pinks, arsenic greens, violent blues and
reds, they put to shame all leopards, zebras and giraffes that
were ever gathered together in the world's greatest menagerie.
The exception to this blazing colour scheme, a new arrival,
looked in her dull lead paint like a Puritan maiden that had
fallen into a company of painted Jezebels.
The object of this wanton display is, of course, to fool
Fritz of the submarines. That it might, by hurting his eyes
or shocking his artistic sensibilities, none would deny ;
but I found it quite hard to believe that such rainbow colours
could change their visibility. Yet they do. Whereas the
Puritan maiden showed a clear black outline at sea the
following day, the Jezebels presented at the same distance,
a blurred, wavering mass of colour. It were difficult to tell
bows from stern at four miles, or to judge their course.
The vessel chosen for my cruise had struck America's first
blow in the war by sinking one of the submarines that attacked
our transports in mid-Atlantic. The thought was. warm in
my mind when, after boarding her, my eyes wandered from the
knife-like bows back over the shotted guns, grim torpedo tubes,
along the low rakish hull to the stern where" depth mines
hung poised for instant use. She looked the part- — fit and
dangerous.
From the bridge I watched her slip like a slender arrow out
through the harbour heads to join other destroyers that were
combing the offing for U-boats. They made a beautiful
sight shooting at full speed like a school of flying fish over the
long green seas ; now careening on sharp turns ; now coming
about on swift circles ; laying always the white lace of their
wakes ov?r sixty square miles of sea. Within a number of
miles of the lightship that formed a pivot for their bird
swoopings, a number of U-boats lie on the bottom, and
while we manoeuvred over their graves, I heard their
stories.
One had been sunk by a " P" boaUthat chanced upon his
wake. The " P " had only an old-style fifty-pound depth charge,
but took a chance and dropped it at the head of the wake. Then
he listened around for a while. Presently he heard caulking
hammers at work on the bottom, and knew that Fritz was
down there making repairs. So he wirelessed for a destroyer
that came up and dropped a three hundred pound charge
squarely on top of the " sub." Oil came up in gushes, and
next day it was found by a diver, lying on its side like a dead
whale, split open from stem to stem. Others had gone to their
ends in similar ways, and while I was listening that ceaseless
combing of the offing went steadily on. Words cannot
describe the thorough watch that was kept upon the sea.
Not an inch of it that escaped constant scrutiny, yet- — this
strenuous eye-searching failed to find Fritz lurking below.
For two days he hafl been lying there in wait for the convoy
which was now filing through the heads, and when he attacked,
it was like the leap of a wolf at a sheep with the subsequent
rush of shepherd dogs at his tl;roat. We had passed over
him, and as he rose to take his sight, the destroyer next in
line almost ran him down. Indeed, it was in going full speed
astern to avoid collision that his periscope showed. We did
not see it. Neither did the second destroyer. But sharp,
young eyes on the third picked up the " feather " it made
on the water. Rushing along 'the wake — for Fritz dived at
once — ^this destroyer dropped a depth mine that wrecked half
his machinery, blew off his rudder, tipped his stem, and sent
him two hundred feet straight down on a headlong nose dive.
Afterward, the commander said that he thought he would
never be able to stop till he was crushed in by deep sea pres-
sure. To do it he had to blow out all four water ballast
tanks, and so came shooting back up and leaped clear of the
water like a breaching whale. Instantly the second and third
destroyers opened fire. Out of control, with no radder, the
U-boat could only " porpoise " along, the conning-tower
now up, now down. Every time it showed a shell whistled
past it. Perhaps half a dozen had been fired when a man
popped out of the hatch waving a white shirt. On his heels
the crew came pouring out and ranged along the deck with
hands held up.
Undoubtedly they must have opened the sea valves first,
for the U-boat sank under their feet before they could be taken
off by the destroyer that ranged alongside. They had to be
hauled on board by lines — all but one, who could not swim.
In vivid contrast to the German practice, two of our men
lO
Land & Water
February 28, 191 8
juinj><.<J iMiw til . ii<.i I.' :vivi- him, and they did bring him in
— only to die a few minutes later.
It had all happened very quickly. From the dropping of
the first depth charge, till the prisoners were aboard, no more
than ten minutes had elapsed. It fact it was over before I
had time to realise what was going on. How I should like to
hate talked with the prisoners ! But a large convoy is not to
be held up for a correspondent's chatter. We moved c
on.
leaving one destroyer to take the prisoners back to the Base.
But I heard of them on our return. Tha bag comprised
one Captain-Lieutenant, one Lieutenant, one Ober-Lieutenant,
one Ober-Kngineer, and thirty-six men, who could be ill-spared
by the Kaiser at this juncture in his naval affairs. As this
U-boat had come from its base straight to our port, moreover,
it carried down a full complement of twelve torpedoes; a
greater loss than the vessi-l.
The prisoners were all cross-examined, of course, and from
a plentiful chaff of misinformation was gleaned a few kernels
of knowledge. The commander said, for instance, that no
submarine officer who knew his business w.ould waste a torpedo
on a destroyer. But in the course of an intimate conversation
with the ensign in whose charge he was placed he let out the fact
that two torpedoes were always kept set for a depth of six feet.
The piece of infonnation that interested us most came in a
wireless message some hours later — the Base Port was "closed."
The poor, harmless U-boat that " would not waste a tor-
I>edo on a destroyer " had mined the offing. All of our
bird-like swoopings, lively evolutions, had been performed in a,
nest of mines ! This interesting news, however, was presently
eclipsed by a wireless message 'we picked up in transit between
a patrol and the Base. " Submarine has just fired a torpedo
■ it us. We have dropped a depth mine at head of his wake."
.\nother green commander !
This was the Base- Admiral's busy day. The next message
we picked up came from a British patrol boat that had engaged
a submarine in an artillery duel earlier in the day. It appeared
that the " P " had plumped several shells into the " sub "
and did not wish to be robbed of her prey ; hence a polite
inquiry as to whether our " capture " was not due to injuries
and disabilities previously inflicted by her ? She was assured
of the contrary, and as no U-boat ever travels in any
direction but the bottom with six shells in her, the little
" P " received credit for a sinking.
The next message brought an S.O.S. from a merchant
ship that was being shelled by a submarine. She was too far
away for us to render dssistance, but it drew an interesting
reminiscence from the executive officer whose watch I was shar-
ing on the bridge.
" If she puts up as good a fight as the old * L ,' she will
After fighting a duel with an American " tanker," that only
surrendered when her ammunition ran out, Kelly ran alongside
and congratulated the naval gunner. " That was a beautiful
fight j'ou put up, sir. Sorry to have to sink you, but get
into your boats and I'll tow you to the nearest land." He
seems, also, to have an intimate knowledge of the whereabouts
of American destroyers, and knows all the captains by name.
" Pull in such and such a direction," he told one boat's crew ;
' in three hours you will meet the American destroyer, C
r^: — i'^ A.^:^ XT _ !•__ _i_ _ . _i J. 11 1 ■ "_ 1 »
Stand a fine chance to be saved. We were ninety miles away
when we got her S.O.S., and while we smoked it over the
ocean, just hitting the tips of the waves, she kept us posted
on the fight " Bridge shot away ! On fire ! Fire extinguished i
bhell exploded m engine room ! We have thrown code books
and papers overboard ! " We were still thirty miles away
when that happened, but we wirelessed "her not to surrender
and received a reply that would rnake a fine sub-title for a
movie melodrama—" Never ! " And she didn't— thanks to
the naval gunner who kept on firing after the captain thought
It time to haul his flag down. ^
^1^1^ k" ^^ r''*"" ^J^ "°* ^° ^"""^y- You should have
seen the boats of an oil tanker we picked up one day The
U-boat had tlirown a shell into each and dead and dying men
v,\l1u^u'J'°^^''"}^- ^^"^^ ^""^ been cut in two by Ihells
■ Half the body would be there, the rest had gone overboard
It was awful. Yet though bloodier, for pure devilry it was
surpassed in another instance when the U-boat commander
took away all the oars, sails and provisions from the boats of a
ThTn ^ . J"st sunk. He evep had the water kegs emptied.
^ r. S ^^tl^'^'ll'^^y' '^^^''"8 ^^'^ unfortunate crew to die,
hfnH Th"^ ■ °^ ^V"?''"' ^"^ ^*^''"'^' hundreds of miles from
hJln nS""^ were picked up, but I do not doubt that there have
been others who were not so fortunate. After you have seen
a ew hings like that, you don't feel very t^ender toward
Fritz-though there is one German submarine commander
operating around here who is really a gentleman •'"'""'''"^'^'^
thus It was that I came to hear of Kelly the snortine
U-boat commander, who forms the shining^ excentbn to
Hun barbarity. Whether Kelly-as he signs himself n
the humorous notes he sends out' through the danger zone
-IS really a Sinn Feiner in the German service, wHl probably
iTves hfs lok-r- J'V'' °".^ '^'"^ h*^ '' t™'y Mile^[an-h^
Ujves his joke. Sometimes he will notify a local paoer or
S"nT A^f''"f *'f ?^ "il^ ""^ P^-^^-t -t a cer afn &ic
meeting. A few days later will come a second letter criticisinK
trtsa'ctTd'"" Whe""."'*' acquaintance with the bu'in I
boat Kplh- .1 ''^ rP' "P alongside an Irish fishing
shTps when no^fnr^r ^<'' '^' '^f '•' '^^ '^^''- ^Iso he warn!
Jives'tire bmt^, fhl • '^^"^°'-\^'"king them, and invariably
gives .the boits their courses to the nearest land.
Give Captain N my compliments and tell him he has a
loose propeller blade. I heard it when he passed over me this
morning. It makes inc nervous. Ask him to have it
repaired please."
After an unsuccessful attack on a Canadian transport that
had Red Cross nurses aboard, he sent a wireless message after
the fleeing ship. " Sorry you must go. Give my love to the
nurses." It is said that the transport returned answer :
" Same to you ! "
From these and other tales of Kelly, I judge that, like most
personages who achieve the limelight, he is gathering unto
himself all the sporadic human impulses that crop up in the
submarine zone. The lively sailor imagination, moreover, is
not above adding a few of its own. Kelly is really in danger
of evolving into a myth that will flourish and endure long after
the inevitable depth mine has been dropped on his head. In
the meantime he remains to shame by his fair fighting the
bloody records of his brother commanders.
\\'hile we were talking, tj;ie sun had rolled down its western
slant and hung poised for a few minutes in a cloud glory of
crimson and gold before it slid down into a purple sea. Above
stretched a flaming vault, dappled in rainbow colour save
- where, in the west, a great tear in the radiant tapestries
revealed a sky wall of pure jade. It was intensely beautiful.
so lovely that the mind refused further commerce with the
quarrels of man ; would not picture the sea murderers that
lay in wait beneath all that beauty. But they were there.
The officer on the bridge chuckled as" he read me a " wireless "
picked up in transit.
" Listen to the chattering of the little ' subs ' ! Have you
seen any ships to-day .' The ocean seems empty. I am afraid
those damned destroyers have sunk Muller. He does not
answer my calls ! "
Muller " was, no doubt, the " P" boat's victim, for our
Captain-Lieutenant, now at the Base, answered to another
name.
All that evening the messages came in a constant stream.
Some were calls for aid ; others merely reports of U-boat
■ movements. One told of a torpedoed derelict that had been
picked up and safely beach«d by the patrol.' And no one of
them that did not produce some tale from the officer on the
bridge. Usually tragic, recording the loss of fine ships and the
deaths of brave men, their grimness was short, with here and
there a gleaming thread of humour.
Such was the case with the M -, an American munition
ship with a million dollar cargo, torpedoed a hundred miles
out from the Base. The Base-Admiral sent out an anxious
inquiry as to her condition and progress to the destroyer
that had her in tow and received in reply : " We are making
three and a half knots, but it is a long way to Tipperary "
It was, alas ! She foundered at sea. ■
Take also the "Lovely Lucy," a trim steamer that had
strayed from her convoy during a fog. A wireless came in
.. f.ru*^^'*^"'"^ ^'"""^ ^ destroyer that had picked up the stray :
What did you do to the ' Lovely Lucy ? ' Found her at
dusk, without an escort, zig-zagging wildly through the fog."
bome told of Homeric encounters between British and
German ' subs " as when two collided underwater one evening
then backed away, fired a torpedo apiece, and lost each other
in the dark. Another Englishman came up alongside a
steamer that was being sunk by shell fire. Sinking again,
he waited till the German came sailing around then put a
torpedo in his solar plexus. Fritz had piled some cases- of
beer on his deck, loot from the steamer, and when he went up
—using the graphic language of the British commander—
the air was full of beer, blood, Boches, and broken bottles."
Ihat evening displayed destroyer life at its best. A
brilliant moon— which the " Bridge " fluently cursed "for kn
ally ot the Boche— laid a path of silver along a sleepy sea.
Our boat laid her long, slim cheek softly against the slow
swells. From the deck below,, the tinkle of a mandolin and
guitar ascended to the bridge accompanying a mixed repertoire
ot rag-time and those sentimental ballads the sailor so dearly
loves. It had quite the flavour of a Coney Island picnic but,
once an hour, a constant reminder of the grim realities of war,
a dark hgure raised and lowered the guns and swung them
around the firing circle. The gunners were taking no chances
o* Jreezing through cold-stiffened grease.
Ihis remarkable weather— which the " Bridge " was kind
enough to attribute to me-held till we dropped our convoy
well out of the danger zone, and picked up another homeward
L K, ui Liai y ^ u , ± »_* i u
7 - u , X «-,
L.anu ex vv ater
TT^
\Copyright Commitiee on Public In/or>ttaii<m, U.S.A^
Crew of a U-boat Surrendering to U.S.S. " Fanning "
bound. We had expected to leave this in home waters that
were usually " safe," but on the eighth morning out we
received a wireless that they were " closed." Fritz had broken
in and was shooting right and left like drunken cowboys on
the Fourth of July.
This meant that each ship in the convoy must be delivered
at its individual port. While this was in course, submarines
were operating all around us. Often we crossed their courses ;
we must have been under their observation most of the time.
But though they torpedoed five ships, two of which were
safely beached, they would take no chances with our destroyers.
Already the " blimps," hydroplanes and patrols were after
them like swarming hornets. The piratical nest would soon
be exterminated. In the meantime, we lived amidst alarms.
Twice we were called to " General Quarters " in the night —
to find the alarm was due to porpoises charging the ship along
phosphorescent wakes. Each time a certain correspondent's
hair stood on end, but without hitch or mishap we delivered
our last ship and started back to pick up a third convoy and
take it back to our Base.
All that last day the wind had been stiffening, and as we sat
at supper in the wardroom, the twinkle in Admiral Sims' eye
was suddenlyrecalled when, with celerity that equalled sleight
of hand, the tablecloth slid with its load of food and dishes
gracefully to the floor. The casual manner in which the
steward cleared up the ruin betrayed perfect familiarity with
the phenomenon. Next time we held the cloth down and had
got in safety to the coffee when, with cup poised at his lips,
the commander tobogganed on his chair-back to the transom.
Swallowing the coffee while hanging in balance, he came back
to us on the return roll. Profiting by experience, the exe-
cutive officer, who sat opposite, had hooked his feet around the
table legs — and so took it with him on the opp<isite swing.
Its further joumeyings were then restrained by a rope lashing ;
but that, alas, had no effect on the motion, which grew
worse and worse.
By midnight the vessel was rearing like a frightened horse
and rolling like a barrel churn, a queer mixture of metaphor
and motion. A western bronco was nothing to that boat.
She would rear, shiver with rage as though trying to shake the
bridge off her back, then plunge forward in a wild leap and
throw her sorrows high in the air. It was sickening. When
she did her best and beastliest, the waves would drop from
under ; leaving her standing on her heel, two-thirds of her
length exposed ; then when the thousand tons of her fell
flat on the water, she lifted everything, animate and inanimate,
that was not bolted down to the deck. I, for instance, spent
a large fraction of the night in mid air above my bunk ; am
now quite convinced of the possibility of levitation. By
morning my sides were sore, my bones ached, my skin was
bruised from blows and shaking.
I confess to making a modest breakfast on one green
pickle, and while I was engaged in the gingerly consumption
thereof, the skipper comforted me with a vivid description
of a " real gale " they had been out in for nine days on a
previous trip.
" You could neither sit down, stand up, walk nor sleep.
I was thrown off that transom eight times in one night, and
each time I fell almost plumb to the opposite side. I might
just as well have dropped down a well, I was so bruised and
shaken that I gave it up after that, though I was dying for
sleep. When she'd rear up and fall, we always expected her
to break her back, and she'd quiver like a shaken lance for
five minutes afterward. The waves were enormous ; bases
dark green, tips light jade against the sky and so clear that we
often saw porpoises shooting along like fish seen through the
plate glass of an aquarium. When we tried to signal another
destroyer only three hundred yards away, we'd get out a
couple of letters, then down she'd go, lost to the tips of her
masts in the trough of a wave. Next day it grew worse.
The wind blew a hundred and twenty miles an hour ; the
ocean was one huge mountainous sea. Our decks were swept
of every movable object, tool chests, boats, everything. All
of the living compartments were flooded and the thermometer
was below freezing point. For thirty-six hours we had to ride
it out, hove-to, before we could go ahead with our duty ;
and in all that nine days, we had neither bath, wash, shave,
nor a hot meal." He concluded this Homeric recital, " If a
destroyer had been sent out in such weather before the war, the
man responsible would have been court-martialled for need-
lessly imperilling the lives of his men. But we go out in it
and stay out now as a matter of course."
I will admit that my storm was not quite so bad as that.
Nevertheless, the ends of the bridge seemed to be dipping
when I climbed up there after — after the pickle. At every
plunge her nose would go under a solid sea. The tips of the
waves were veiled in water mists. Ail night we had been
shoved along by a heavy sea. It was now impossible to
" take a sight," so just as a lost boy might inquire his way
from a policeman, we ran inshore to a lightship to find out
where the dickens we were at.
The keeper bellowed through a megaphone directions that
amounted to this in unofficial language : if we would proceed
so many city blocks to the northward, then take the first
turning to the left after we passed a lighthouse, we could come
into the harbour where lay the convoy we were to take back
to our Base. We did, and as the ships came filing out to join
us, I saw for myself one of the humorous flashes that lighten
the gloom of wireless messages. \t\ answer to a polite inquiry
from our skipper as to whether she would not avail herself of
our escort, a vessel that had remained at anchor made equally
courteous answer.
" Thanks very much. Think I'll stay in. I was torpedoed
yesterday."
The delivery of this convoy at the Base completed my
cruise. In ten days we had escorted a total of fifty-six
vessels a distance of sixteen hundred miles through the danger
zone without a mishap. These vessels were one small item
in a total of thousands that have been convoyed by the
destroyers with a loss of only one-eighth of OHe per cent. In
the course of its duty the flotilla has steamed over a million
miles in eight montlis, a distance equal to the circumnavi-
gating of the earth forty tirnes ; and these journeyings have
been made constantly in mined seas subject to the attacks of
submarines. Than this no better testimony could be given,
either to its labour or the worth of the convoy system.
12
Land & Water
February 20, 1910
America's Part : By J. D. Whelpley
THAT America would contribute money, supplies and
men to the war in vast amounts, quantities and
numbers has been taken for granted by the people
of the Allied nations, though even n these direc-
tions foreign expectations have been exceeded.
That American military representatives in France should,
however, b^ able to present a workable plan for the Higher
Command and prescjit it with an argument that eliminated
other plans from consideration may have come as a surprise
to many. In his speech in the House of Commons last week
the Prime Minister said :
I hesitated for some time as to whether I should read to
the' House the very cogent document submitted by the Ameri-
can delegation which puts the case for the present proposal.
It is one of the most powerful documents I have ever seen
submitted to a military conference. I do not read it because
it is so mixed up with the actual plan of operations tliat it
would be quite mipwssible for me to read it without giving
away what tlie plan of operation is. If I could only have
read it there would have been no necessitv for me to make
this speech at all.
The Amjrican Generals came fresh to the problem with no
political or constitutional limitations to hamper them and
the hLstory of the past three years and a half to guide them
in their elimination of jwssible error. They also brought to
the Council table those peculiar gifts, apparently' characteristic
of American enterprise, the faculty of the " bird's eye view,"
the courage to make quick decisions and those talents for organ-
isation in evidence in the widespread machinery of great
businesses conducted so successfully in home and foreign trade.
The principles underiying successful American business are
unity of control, organisation and speed ; and it is apparent
that these same principles are to be employed in the making
of war and their undoubted value impressed whenever possible
upon America's partners in the enterprise.
The worid is being very frankly told from day to day what
America is doing in a material way in the war. Admiral
Sims says that everything in the American Navy that
could be of use is now in European waters and that the
Amencan Navy is not only co-operating but has become an
mtegral part of the Allied Naval forces. The American
Secretary of War says that a half-million American
soldiers wiU be m Europe eariy this spring, in fact most of
them are here now, that there wiU be a million before next
wmter, and another million in training at home. The United
States Government has already lent neariy one thousand
mUlion pounds steriing to the AUies and is increasing this
amount with every passing month.
Food and Supplies
u ■^u^ '» yP"" P^"^ °^ ^^^ ^°°^ ^"<^ supplies now being imported
by the AUies is commg from America, and it is only a question
of ships to mcrease the quantities. Mr. Hoover, the Food
ControUer, has called upon the American people to decrease
their already restncted consumption of bread, meat and sugar
by another ten to twenty per cent, to furnish cargoes for the
rapidly mcreasmg number of new ships carrying supplies to
the Allies. What America asks of the AUies is that consump-
tion of staples shaU be reduced as low as possible so that all
ships needed for troops wiU be set free. It has in fact become
a question of whether the AUies prefer a ton of food or a ton
ot men, and the decision is left in their hands
The buildmg of new ships is weU under way and the tonnage
figures of 1918 wiU make a remarkable showing. This building
of new ships is not only of vital importance to the world at war,
but the safety and comfort of aU nations depend upon a large
tonnage being avaUable immediately after the war to keep the
food supply going and to re-stock exhausted stores of raw
material for industry.
r^.T!''"'^ if ".? q"f tion but that the American people now
clu^'. fnr^.h^^' l^'y ^'' ^' ^^' ^"d ^h^t this is a^conflicT
caUing for the entire reserve strength of the nation in men
that for some time after the war the people of Europe are
going to look to them for help in the rebuilding of a broken
world. It IS with this in mind that the United States Govei^
ment is providing for after-the-war control of prices pS-
tion, railroads, shipping and exports that the needs of foreign
countries may not be exploited by private enterprise. It has
wm be^'mn^y^ ^^ "^"7 Governments so tLt the worS
will be run on a more or less communal basis untU at least
ILll^T''^}' "°™.^' ^t^t*^ °^ ^«^'^ °nce more preSs
after a day of peace has dawned. pievaus
As American influence is increasingly felt in the war the
line of demarcation between mUitary Ind politkal enterprLe!
so sharply defined by President Wilson, becomes more apparent
and his purpose more intelligible. The President is deter-
mined if possible to confine America's effort in Europe purely
to military and economic assistance and to stand aloof from
aU political discussions. He wishes to avoid even the appear-
ance of dictation in European affairs, and above aU he does
not want the Government of the United States through the
presence of a large number of American representatives in
AlUed Councils to drift into the position of a referee or a
" balance of power."
The original idea as conceived in Washington was for the
Allies to agree as to their needs and for America to supply
them as best she could. It was found, however, that this plan
has grave disadvantages, and that it was absolutely necessary
that Americans should be on the spot in London, Paris and
Rome to discuss ways and means at length when occasion
arose. It is significant that the return of Colonel House to
Washington from his visit to Europe was foUowed by a
decided broadening in the operations of the American
Government abroad. This astute and unofficial adviser to
the President grasped the situation as usual. Commissioners
were appointed, delegates to Conferences appeared in London,
Paris and Rome, and the American Government, through
carefully selected men of high character and reputation,
entered into closer personal relations with current European
affairs than heretofore. These men are working in closest
co-operation with representatives of the Allies, and they are
in a position to achieve a real understanding of the necessities
of the day, the order of precedence to be given to these
necessities and to keep the Washington Government informed
daily as to the progress of events. AU this is more or less
distinct from the purely mUitary situation, for that lies in
other hands and has nothing to do with national or inter-
national politics.
President Wilson has been so careful not to give even the
appearance of attempting to play a part in European politics
and not to allow the United States Government to become
the arbiter in inter-AUied affairs that he has created an
impression of American aloofness from the war. It is im-
portant therefore to understand that this aloofness applies
only to matters not directly concerned with military or
economic operations and that it is but the expression of an
Amencan foreign policy, the only principle held and practised
consistently since 1776, that of non-interference in the
political fortunes of other Powers. There is no aloofness
from the war itself, for America has entered into that with
aU the ardour of a people engaged in a sacred cause, and the
nation is led in this by President WUson himself with words
that have been voluntarily adopted by the AUied Governments
as a complete expression of their own ideals and purpose.
Several speakers in England have recently referred to the
wonder of Amencan participation in the war " in spite of
the Monroe Doctrine."
There seems to be a slight misunderstanding here, for the
so-caUed * Monroe Doctrine " was simply the enunciation of
a purpose to the effect that no foreign Power should be aUowed
to acquire landed possessions in the Western Hemisphere
other than those already there. It is weU understood in
Amenca that if Germany won this war in Europe the United
States would shortly be caUed upon to defend the Monroe
JJoctrine against an all-powerful and victorious Germany.
American soldiers in France are now, in a sense, fighting for
the Monroe Doctrme on a far-flung frontier.
It was not President Monroe, but President Washington,
m his fareweU address, who advised his feUow countrymen
against entangling aUiances " with foreign Powers, and this
warning was adopted as an important feature of American
foreign policy from that time on. By entangling aUiances
Washington meant those " offensive and defensive " treaties
which in the past have dragged unwiUing Governments and
unhappy peoples into wars not of their making, but if Wash-
ington was President of the United States to-day he would
undoubtedly haU with satisfaction any suggestion of foreign
worid^''^ sufficient strength to ensure the peace of, the
The presence of an American army in France to-day is but
an expression and a culmination of all President Washington
fought for and mterpreted to his people. It might have been
him and not President WUson who said the other day that
to the vmdication of human liberty the American people
are ready to devote their lives, their honour and everything
they possess. The moral climax of this, the culmination and
final war for human liberty, has come, and they are ready to
put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own
mtegnty, to the test." f f >
February 28, 191 8
Land & Water
13
A Prevalent Inconsistency : By L. P. Jacks
THOSE who study the working of their minds
in the present crisis — and it is wise to do this
occasionally — will perhaps join me in confessing
to a measure of inconsistency. I am not speaking
of logic, but of temper — of changing moods : as
when, for example, a man is by turns depressed and exalted.
There is no reason to be ashamed of such discords, for con-
sistency of temper can hardly be reckoned a hurhan virtue
at all. At one extreme it is a prerogative of the gods, at the
other a limitation of the brutes ; so that if ever we encounter
a being whose moods are never in conflict we maj' conclude
that he is either supra-humanly wise or infra-humanly stupid
— probably the latter. For my part I find human nature
most lovable and interesting precisely at those points where
it is hardest to understand, that is, when its moods contradict
one another. There is really nothing to deplore in these
conflicts — not even when active in the mind of society at
large, as they are at the present moment. They are a source
of energy ; powers that move the world come out of their
clash. A man or an age whose temper never varied would
be a nonentity in the world of action.
There are a good many of these inconsistencies now in
evidence, all interesting, and all bearing witness to the rich
complexities of human nature. But the one which seems to
me most worthy of attention at the moment is that strange
mingling of the sense of power and the sense of powerlSssness
which arises in most of us as we view the course of current
events. On the one hand we feel ourselves to be taking part
in a series of the greatest actions ever performed by man, and
the feeling is our sense of power. On the other, we seem at
times to be in the grip of vast forces over which we have no
control whatsoever, powerless as atoms in a whirling vortex.
Our minds oscillate between the two attitudes, mastership
and helplessness. Some would call this a glaring inconsistency.
But I doubt if it often glares, though unquestionably it does
so sometimes. More frequently it lurks, and is to be found
only by those whom Nature has endowed with a good memory
for their changing moods — by those, I mean, who when they
have seen themselves for a moment in the glass of self-know-
ledge do not " straightway forget what manner of men they
were."
There are moments when the sense of power rises to an
extraordinary height and possesses whole multitudes of men
at once. When, for example, a new idea, like that of a League
of Nations, first gets possession of our minds we are like men
intoxicated. We feel that a magic sword has been placed in
our hands, and it needs only that we lay about us with vigour
to bring a whole world of wrong and error tumbling down.
Many examples might be given of men whom the advent of
new ideas has thus intoxicated with the sense of p)ower — the
French revolutionists, the Positivists, the Malthusians, the
Darwinians, the mid- Victorian Radicals, the scientific
materialists, the followers of Henry George, the early
Socialists. The Bolsheviks provide a contemporary example.
They, too, are out to move mountains. We call them fools
and madmen ; and so they may be ; but are there no ideas
of our own to which, at one time or another, we have attri-
buted an equal measure of wonder-working power ?
This mood of masterful confidence, which is quite sincere
while it lasts, is our public attitude ; the side of our minds we
show to one another. We find it in the speeches of statesmen ;
in the Proclamations of Emperors and the Notes of Presidents ;
in the programmes of political parties and schools ; in propa-
ganda of all kinds ; in the literature of social reconstruction.
All these breathe the spirit of mastership.
World Dominion >
There is an expression lately come into evil prominence
which curiously reflects these feelings. It is the phrase
" world-dominion." The idea of world-dominion has many
forms, and we are unjust to the Prussian militarists in treating
them as its solitary exponents. We are all addicted to the
notion that the world can be dominated — indeed we are all
trying to get it dominated by our own ideas of what is
good for it. World-dominion has been claimed at various
times for various things — for religion (or for some partic-
ular doctrine of religion) ; for pliilosophy (as in Plato) ;
for the Goddess of Reason, for science, for socialistic
ideals, for Labour. And always the claim has been made
by men who, from one cause or another, were intoxiaited
or— if the word be disliked — exalted by their sense of
power. Some men are thus exalted always. All men are
thus exalted sometimes. It is a frame of mind which
craves publicity and usually issues in a programme of world-
dominion, either &i this kind or of that. Such programmes
are plentiful at the present moment, and they have more in
common with one another than appears at first sight. The
League of Peace, for example, is obviously a scheme of world-
dominion, and differs from tlie Prussian militarists only as
to the methods to be applied. So, too, when war broke out in
Heaven, as narrated in Milton's Paradise Lost (which, by the
way, is the best of war books for present reading), the
belligerents were agreed on the general necessity of world-
dominion. They differed as to the principle of domination
and fought to settle the question.
Masters of the World.
The idea of world-dominion, now prevalent everywhere in
one or other of its many forms, seems to indicate that in some
sense we are masters of the world — a view of ourselves which
implies an enormous sense of power. This, however, is
only the public aspect of our mentality. In every age, cer-
tainly in our own, there is a side of human life from which
reporters are excluded, or rather, from which reporters exclude
themselves because it fails to provide them with marketable
copy. It is the existence of this unreported side which
makes history difficftlt to write, and often untrustworthy when
written. The sense of powerlessness belongs to it. It
naturally tends to hide or at least to express itself in whispers
and undertones. When a man believes that he is captain of
his soul, or (like the Kaiser) a ruler of other men's destinies,
he can hardly 'keep his feelin'gs to himself ; but when mis-
givings assail him and he feels as though the bottom were
dropping out of the world, he will say as little about it as
possible, both in the public interest and in his own. I think,
therefore, that we should be wrong in concluding that the
sense of powerlessness is non-existent because so little of it
gets reported in books, in public speeches, in documents of
one kind or another. The future historian will misre-
present the men of to-day if he stops at describing
them as amazingly cocksure. He will misrepresent them by
telling only half of the truth. They are amazingly cocksure ;
but woven in with all this self-confidence there is a strain of
profound misgiving as to the general state of the world. For
the evidence of this we must look to the unreported side of
human life — ^the conversations of statesmen after dinner, the
confessions of intimate friends, the talk of the club and the
railway carriage; the outcries of imaginative men who lie
awake at night — things which, 'from the nature of the case,
are not intended for publication.
These two strains, the sense of power and the sense of
powerlessness, unquestionably co-exist, the one public, the
other private, and each speaking in opposite tones. The one
talks proudly of science, and persuades us that with science
at our elbow we can move mountains ; the other reminds us
that science itself hasgot out of hand and become an implement
for the self-destruction of mankind. The one points to the
miracles of effort and organisation which the nation can
accomplish when, as now, it is inspired by a unitary motive ;
the other feplies that a unitary motive may play all kinds of
damnable tricks ; for example, when it takes the form of
Pan-Germanism and threatens to wreck civilisation. The
one proclaims that we are partners in mighty actions directed
by the intelligent purpose of the common mind ; the other
answers that these mighty actions are forced upon us by
circumstances over which we have no control ; that the world
is full of violent, unpredictable, explosive forces; that we
are in the grip of elemental powers ; that we are like men
who eat and drink while an earthquake is rocking the house.
The two views are interwoven in the consciousness of all of
us ; the one giving rise to public utterance, the other to
private thought. Here it is that we are not consistent with
■ ourselves.
The causes which have given rise to the sense of power are
well known, the achievements of science being the most
obvious. The causes of the opposite feeling are less familiar,
though no less deserving of study. One of them is especially
worthy of attention at the present moment, because it seems
likely to issue in important political developments. It pro-
ceeds from a state of things which one might expect to con-
tribute to our sense of power, but which oddly enough is
beginning to have the opposite effect — I mean, the enormous
mass and volume of the modern State. As an exhibition of
power, what could be more impressive than a statistical
account of one of the great empires of the world- — its jiopulation,
its wealth, the immense volume of its civil and military
machinery ? Not without reason do they call themselves
" Great Powers." But the sense of power in the people is
1+
Land & Water
February 2n, 1910
not tlie knowle.if.''* that national power exists, but that they,
the people, have it in their own control. If the jwwer exists,
but is uncontrolled in its action or subject to control which
is not in their hands, then its existence will only serve to
spread the sense of powerlessness in the people who stand
in its presence. This is the actual state of things at the
present moment.
If one were asked to name off-hand the outstanding feature
of our present political life the answer would probably be " the
growing power of the masses " ; and there is an obvious sense
in which the answer might be accepted as true. It correctly
describes the fact that policy is Ix'coming less dependent on
the wills of a few and more susce]jtible to forces which originate
with the masses of the people. But if it were offered as an
account of our p(^^)litical psychology, as meaning that the
average citizen is conscious of growing {wwer as a political
unit, I .should be inclined to question its truth, even to say
that it is the reverse of true. In the consciousness of the
citizen, whether working man or any. other, it is the sense
of powerlessness and not the sense of power which for the
moment has the ascendancy.
There is a widespread feeling at work that the human world
of to-day, the world with wliich high politics is concerned,
has gro\yn too big to be manageable by any existing methods
of political control ; that neither representative government
nor government of any other type is competent to deal with
the immense and incalculable forces of which modern com-
munities are the seat. This feeling, which is only just begin-
ning to reach the stage of an articulate idea, is a consequence,
unforeseen by early political thinkers, of the enormous increase
of mass, measured in terms of jxipulation, which has taken
place in all the great empires of the world. On every hand
the signs are multiplying that policy, seeking to control the
destinies of these masses, is unable to cope with its problems.
In the e.xpressive vernacular of a working man with whom
I was recently discussing these questions in a Northern town,
'the Governments of Europe have all bitten off more than
they can chew " ; and he went on to speak, with much intelli-
gence, I thought, of the Russian revolution, and of Russia
Itself as a country whose very bigness rendered it unmanage-
able. Needless to say the war has given a new vitality to
these thoughts.
Whatever the true causes of the war may have been,
the peoples of Europe know very well that it is none
of their doing, and this has greatly deepened the feel-
ing of helplessness, the sense that they are at the mercy
of elemental powers— and that not in one class alone, but in
^"- .J.*'^ ^ complicated state of mind and full of strange
possibilities for the future history of the world. One might
expect that a man would gain a new sense of power in remem-
benng that he is an active member of a community of fifty or
a hundred million souls. Just now it serves rather to remind
him of his powerlessness. What can he do as a mere unit in
a totality so enormous ? He seems to himself a scarcely
noticeable atom, impotent to affect the destinies of the State
one way or another. What wonder that his patriotism is
apt to be confused, or to disappear altogether, as it seems to
have done in Russia.
Concurrent, then, with the sense of power, expressed in
our many schemes of " world-dominion," we have to reckon
with an opposite tendency — a growing lack of faith in tlie
value of }X)litical action, and in the efficacy of what has hitherto
been called " government." What the outcome of these
opposing currents will be it would be dangerous to forecast.
Much will depend on the precise form in which the war comes
to an end. A German victory would unquestionably tend
to perpetuate the e.xisting political system of Europe, a system
profoundly distrusted, and for good reasons, by the people.
There would be more centralisation than ever. And that
not only on the part of Germany ; for the defeated empires
would do their best to consolidate their vast territories and
populations with a view to the subsequent overthrow of the
conqueror. A victory of the Allies, on the other hand, would
open the way to a drastic revision of the whole structure of
modern empire. I use the word revision rather than revolu-
tion, in t]-Lf coming of which I do not believe ; and I hazard
the guess that it would take the form of decentralisation on a
principle of world policy.
It is certain that one of the chief forces which accounts for
the growth of great empires, and maintains them in their
enormous unities, has been the necessity, real or supposed,
of resisting each other's aggression. If the war ends in such
a way as to ensure the future peace ot the world — and this it
can only do by the victory of the AllieS— the fear of mutual
aggression will be removed ; which is as much as to say that
the military reason for the existence of the present empires
will be open to revision. What will follow ? What I imagine
is not a revolutionary attack upon existing Governments but
a movement working behind them towards a new grouping of
mankind, which will cut across the present territorial divisions
of the world, and lead to the creation of many new com-
munities. Into this movement the Governments themselves
will be swept sooner or later ; they will, in fact, be called
upon to direct it, and overthrown only in the event of their
proving incompetent to the task. The sense of power and
the sense of powerlessness have both to be reckoned with.
Just because the people are aware of their power they will
not endure a day longer than is necessary the state of power-
lessness to which the political system of Europe has reduced
them. So long as the war lasts they will probably endure it
refusing to follow the abortive and bad example of Russia'
But afterwards ?
[N.B— Though this story is based on an actual incident,
the characters as described here are wholly imaginary.]
MY DEAR NAP," said the captain of H.M.
destroyer " Bloodhound " to his First Lieu-
tenant, "zeal is excellent in its right place.
In the abstract it is, I suppose, always a
, desirable trait in either one's own or anyone
else s character, but in real life it is often a dashed nuisance "
Lieutenant-Commander Airmach lit another cigarette and
continued : — ■ '
" Take the Gunner."
At these words Lieutenant Clambos, sometimes caUed
Napoleon.from the shape of his head, but more often linown
as iNap stirred uneasily on the settee upon which' he was
lying and murmured something that seemed to be in the
nature ot a prayer.
somewhat "'''^''"^ ^^^^ thinking of the Gunner moved him
Airmadl" ''^ ^'' ""^"'^ ^^"^ °^''^' '^^^'" gloo^^^y remarked
"Do you mean the grabby's* dinner-party we eave ? "
in(juired the recumbent First Lieutenant ^ ^ ^^ ^^^^ '
therP f"* ^''°" ', ^\^'^'^ r* ''^'^" anything else since, has
there .' an.xiousiy demanded Airmach
Oh, only last night he fired a rifle bullet across a flag-
officer s barge, which was taking the old boy back from a
dinner-party in the flagship. The boat had engines that
oTSursTThe'c' ' '"'•'""^'^^'^ 't^""' ^'"^'^ rag-tim'e band so
CnrlT coxswain never heard the hail and our Mr.
Cocker assumed it was a Turkish destroyer or other 'ostile
* Sailors' nickname for a soldier.
Zeal : By Etienne
craft and fired a shot across his bows. The flag-officer was in
the stern sheets digesting, and- though he was a hundred
yards off, it was quite easy to see the colour of his face by the
light of his cigar, they harmonised somewhat," eloquently
concluded Clambos. ^
'' Well it might be worse," remarked the skipper. " He
didn t hit anyone, did he .? " .
"We haven't had the Service letter about it yet," said the
i-irst J^ieutenant, " so he may have done for all I know. Lord !
Straits '^" '" ^^'^ ^^''^*'' '^^" '^ '* ""'' *''™ *° ^^^''°^ *^^
"To-morrow at dawn my boy, will see you hauling the
hook up on the fo c'sle. We've got to patrol the West flank
trom 9 a.m for twenty-four hours. I hope that perishin'
field gun on Gaba el Wad has been flopped out by the Anzacs.
Johnnie Turk will catch us bending with it one day I bet
they ve got some swine of a Hun spotting for them "
A propos of that gun," remarked Clambos, "Mr. Cocker
told me he had a scheme for silencing it "
" No doubt he has," replied Airmach. " Our Mr. Cocker
has a scheme for most enterprises. I shouldn't object to them if
they didn t invariably recoil on my head," with which remark
A^"^ Y ^^"' """"^ ''^^^^'^^ ^f tl^ere was any soda on board.
Mr. Carlo Bimpero. Maltese steward, second class, answered
the summons and replied in the negative.
'I Have we any beer ? " demanded the Captain
No, Sah ! " briskly replied Carlo
CanS^ "n'/v"w n"^ K ^"dignantly demanded the
Captain. Didn t I tell you last Thursday to get some from
the store ship next time we were in the base ? "
to fv, ; ^'''' .' • ^""^ \^?\ ^''^ ^ ^°- ^ tell you Signer I go myself
to the store ship and I bring the beer. It was Monday, Signor.
I remember the day, Sah, because I getta a lettah from my wifa
February 28, 191 8
Land & Water
15
Rosetta. She tell me I haf a baby, a bello bambino, a verra
fine— — "
" Confound your baby, what about the beer ? "
" Yes, Sah, certainly, Sah. I say, Signor, I bring de beer to
zis ship, and then what 'appen ? I tell you, Sah. Dat damfool
Giuseppe he putta de beer on de after boiler-casing, and de
heat it affect de beer, Sah, and de beer maka de pop-bang,
and, Santa Maria; in a meenit he has gone ! It gives me great
regret to tell you dis story, Signor. It never shall happen
again."
" You'll sack Giuseppe when we get back ' to Malta,"
announced Airmach.
" Oh, Sah ! he verra good boy. His mother and my Rosetta
are sistahs, Signor."
" Oh get out of it, Carlo," Wearily remarked the Captain,
and Signor Bimpcro, knowing J.ieutenant-Commander
Airmach, deemed it advisable to withdraw.
" No beer, no whiskey, no nothing. I'm going to repose
in my cabin. Let me know if an}' ciphers come through." And
with a colossal yawn the skipper left the sweltering ward room
for the slightly cooler shelter .of his upper-deck cabin, on the
forebridge.
Lieutenant Clambos re-read La Vie Parisienne for the
third time, cursed his lack of application to the study of
the French language in the earlier days of his youth, cursed
the heat, the flies, Gallipoli, and life in general, and then
gently dropped off into an uneasy sleep.
The perfect peace which brooded over the destroyer as she
lay on the glassy surface of her base amidst half a dozen of her
sisters was only broken by the low persistent rumble of the
guns which rolled across from the blood-stained peninsula
and echoed and re-echoed dully on the rocky and sun-dried
shore of Rabbit Island.
The whole ship's company seemed asleep, and though lier
bare iron decks were unpleasantly hot to the hand, recumbent
figures were scattered fore and aft in such shadow as her
ventilators, funnels and torpedo tubes afforded. There was
one notable exception to this state of slumber.
The e\ception was Mr. Cocker, Gunner (T). This gentle-
man was sitting in his cabin right aft. attired in a pair of duck
trousers and a vest, and sweating profusely. Every few
moments he absently-minded dabbed his forehead with a piece
of Service blotting paper. His dampness was due to two
causes: first the Gallipoli sun, secondly, he was writing a
letter. When it is added that the letter was to a girl, much is
explained. Mr. Cocker was a big man, and looking at him in
his cabin one was irresistibly reminded of those model ships
you see inside bottles, which are used to adorn so many public
houses.
On this very hot afternoon, Mr. Cocker was endeavouring
to write a letter to a certain young lady in Plymouth for
whom he had a deep and abiding affection. It was a lamen-
table and deplorable fact, from Mr. Cocker's point of view,
that this affection was not entirely reciprocated. The young
lady's affections wavered between Mr. Cocker and Quarter-
master-Sergeant Basher of the R.M.L.I., recently awarded
the Military Medal for having throttled a Hun in a trench raid
on the Western Front. It was this medal that seemed to lie
like a shadow between Mr. Cocker and his adored one, as he
savagely bit his pen in his tiny cabin ; for the young lady
had intimated in a letter which lay before him that the
■gallant Basher was pressing his claims per medium of field
postcards, and that although she did not withdraw all hope
from the more distant Alfred Cocker, yet her patriotism told
her that his chances would be considerably improved were he
to achieve some martial glory. " At least, Alf," she concluded,
" if you really love me you will get mentioned in despatches.
Bill has sent me his photo taken with the medal on. He looks
a hero."
" Blinkin' Turkey*; flat-footed grabby, that's what he
is," muttered Air. Cocker as he continued to wrestle with the
problem of convincing the damsel that he belonged to a service
noted for its silence and in which potential V.C.s might blush
unseen and unheard of.
Mr. Cocker had been aware of the lady's partiality for heroes
for some months, and when he had left England in the spring
to join the " Bloodhound " he had registered a mighty oath
to distinguish himself in some manner or other.
The power of love is great, and in the two months he had
been in the ship he had certainly distinguished himself, but
not in a manner likely to bring a medal to his manly breast or
even a mention in despatches.
His first exploit had been to arrest and confine in the after-
hold for three hours an individual who had strolled on board the
ship at 4 p.m. one day in plain clothes in Malta Dockyard.
On Airmach's return from the club at 7 p.m. he had instantly
ordered the release of the prisoner, and a dishevelled apparition,
.smelling strongly, of tar, paint, and new ropfe, had emerged
. * Sailors' nickname for a marine.
from the manhole. Wlien it could speak, it transpired that
Lieutenant-Commander Airmach had entertained unawares
a highly respectable Member of Parliament, on a commission
travelhng through Malta to the Far East.
This episode was but the first of a series culminating in an
awful /(7«r pas at a military dinner, which cannot be described
even here, and lastly he had only the night before committed
the belise of adhering strictly to the letter of. the regulations
in a matter concerning a flag-officer. At 6 p.m. Mr. Cocker
completed his labours and took to his bunk, there to revolve
in his active brain fresh schemes whereby he might impress his
captain with a proper sense of Alfred Cocker's efficiency
* * * * *
The next day at dawn, as ordered, the " Bloodhound "
weighed anchor and proceeded towards the peninsula.
At 6 a.m. Mr. Cocker came up to relieve Clambos, who
warned him before turning over that it had been definitely
established that German submarines had arrived, and a
look-out was to be kept accordingly. Mr. Cocker's face lit
up on the instant, and who shall say what visions flitted through
his optimistic mind. Imagine then, if it be possible, what his
feelings were when at 6.30 a.m., distant half a mile on the
port bow, he sighted a small dark projection apparently
standing up about a foot above the water. To ring " Full
speed ahead " and starboar^ his helm was the work of an
instant.
At ever-increasing speed the " Bloodhound " bore down on
the suspicious object. Trembling with excitement, Mr. Cocker,
with glasses glued_to his eyes, prayed the object would not dip.
When they had but three hundred yards to go Mr.~ Cocker
dropped his glasses in amazement, "then, staring wild-eyed,
shrieked out at the top of his voice: " Submarine with four
periscopes right ahead."
As Airmach reached the bridge the " Bloodhound " reached
her quarry, and there was a slight bump and a perceptible
rep>ort.
" We got her. I got her. We got her ! " exulted Mr. Cocker,
executing a species of war-dance round the bridge.
" Got what, Mr. Cocker ? "
" Submarine, Sir ! With four periscopes. Four of 'em, Sir !
Saw 'em with my own eyes. Must be one of their latest.
Rammed her fair and square."
" Nonsense," said the captain.
" But didn't you feel the bump ? " indignantly demanded
the Gunner. *
" Yes, I did feel something," admitted Airmach. " Turn
the ship round at once," he concluded.
" Did you see anything, Johnson ? " queried Airmach,
addressing the coxswain.
" Yessir ! I see four hobjects, a sticking up in the water,
and we 'it 'em fair and square. Likewise I felt the blow and
'eard a noise, a kind o' underwater bang like."
" Great Scott ! What an appalling stench ! " remarked
Clambos, who arrived on the bridge at this juncture.
" Heavens ! what on earth is it ? " said the captain, as a
fearful odour began to pervade the atmosphere.
The next instant everyone who had a handkerchief was
applying it to his nose. After a few moments- of agony,
Clambos muttered through his handkerchief, " It seems to
come from fore'ard. Sir."
An A.B. was despatched to explore, and cautiously making
his way on the fo's'cle, leant over the side.
He speedily withdrew his head, and speaking with difficulty
was understood to shout that " we've gone and got the innards
of an adjectival animaul round our bows."
It was at this juncture that Mr. Cocker really established
his reputation. Without hesitating for an instant, he jammed
both telegraphs to full speed astern. The "-Bloodhound"
came to rest, and then slowly gathered stern-way.
As she did so the honoured remains detached themselves
from the bows and the Mediterranean absorbed the carcass of
a mule which had died for his country some weeks previously
on the Gallipoli Peninsula, and had been drifting about with
his legs in the air ever since.
As a result of this adventure Mr. Cocker had a long inter-
view with Lieutenant-Commander Airmach. The Gunner
emerged therefrom wreathed in smiles ; exactly what trans-
pired was never officially published, but it may be noted that
at the date of writing Lieutenant-Commander Airmach is a
godfather in the Cocker family, that Mrs. Cocker cherishes an
official " strictly private " letter from Lieutenant-Commander
Airmach which speaks in glowing terms of her husband's
unremitting attention to duty and his stupendous zeal. It also
insinuates that it was only Mr. Cocker'-s extraordinary modesty
that stood in the way of his being recommended for a V.C.
Mr. Cocker is still serving with Lieutenant-Commander
Airmach, so it may be presumed that his zeal has abated
somewhat.
Quartermaster-Sergeant Basher is still throttling Huns in
France with added viciousness.
1 6 Land & Water February 28, 19 1 8
The Sense of London : By Charles Marriott
:>^-?^5s%;
Greenwich Hospital. View from Observatory Hill over River Thames
[ A> Edgar Wilson.
WE are apt to forget that London was not built
in a day. This often leads us into insincerity,
as when we try to fincj^cuses for a slum because
It happens to please our sense of the picturesque
If we remembered that very likely when the
slum was built it was reasonably well adapted to the condi-
tions of life prevailing then, we could indulge our liking for
the picturesque without finding it necessary to pretend that
the slum is tolerable now. Just as dirt is only " matter in
the wrong place," so a great many abominations are onlv
wrong in time. This is ^
almost a truism as re-
gards human virtues
and vices ; everybody,
for example, sees that
the great fault of the
Germans is that they
are obsolete ; but I do
not think it is generally
recognised of places and
institutions, and so
public nuisances are
allowed to remain be-
cause they were once
public benefits.
There are some parts
of London, however,
which, though they were
built a long time ago, do
not seem to have out-
lived their convenience,
and therefore need no
insincerity to justify our
affection. Particularly
the parts that lie beside
the Thames. On the
whole, though with un-
happy intervals, they
have been altered less
than any other parts of
London, and they do not seem to need alteration Often
gnmy and ramshackle, they are not reallv slnrnf a' ci •
dead matter like dead tissL in "tht humL body alid Zs"
places are alive. I think that one reason why ' thev have
the demand, though increasing S population lo^^'^oi
T^^I ""^fu^^ '" character from one centur^ to anoth«
Nor does the means of supplying it. The Sr flow" con:
Springtime. View from
tinuous y, one tide follows another without interruption and
with aU the successive changes in motive power a barge is
still a barge. These places are alive, then, because they serve
persistent needs and because they are constantly in touch
with the country and the sea. They are organic parts of the
body politic and not excrescences. .
.1,^* ^lu""! ^"''""es and pleasures and the means of gratifying
them that change rapidly and so leave the town behmd The
consequence is that those parts of London which are associ-
ated with luxury and pleasure look much more old-fashioned,
and degenerate more
rapidly than do the
places I have men-
tioned. They were
never alive m the sense
of serving life. Com-
pared with the West
End the City stiU serves
Its purpose, and looks
it. So long as it is big
enough a warehouse will
last a good many
centuries, and however
it be elaborated, busi-
ness is still a matter of
buying at twopence and
selling at twopence
ha'penny; but a res-
taurant or a theatre
must be within a year
or two of our notions of
social enjoyment or dra-
matic entertainment if
it is not to become an
anachronism. So far as
looks go Piccadilly
belongs to the period
of ''Champagne
Charlie," or thereabouts.
The West End wears
[A> £dgar IViVsM.
Old Chelsea Embankment
as Hiri^,;l ' rT>"^^^°-^^ tTthe'needs oTLoTdon
t^JoncfXl^' ^°"^ ^^-* -"^d haertVbfreTuS
TheThole'of 'fl^-f ^ "IV^' '"^"^ characteristic of London,
nn «.^!^ ^''?* ^"^' ^^cept a comer of St. James's
an enormous proportion of London, indeed could be s^eDt
away without affecting its individuality among dties. Size
February 28, 191 8
Land & Water
17
does not make character. If you were to disentangle from
the mass of what is called " Greater London " the elements
that distinguish London from all other cities you would
reproduce the map of the seventeenth century or thereabouts ;
just as if you were to disentangle from the sayings and doings
of an acquaintance the things that really distinguish him as
an individual you could put them down on the proverbial
half-sheet of notepaper. Most of London is mere padding ;
and j'ou cannot see London by " seeing London " in the
sense advertised on the cars. You have to poke about, to
use the expressive phrase of childhood.
But the irreducible minimum is unlike anything elsewhere.
Scattered along the Thames, and enclosed in the boundaries
of " the City," there are patches of what may truly be called
" London particular." They have always appealed to artists
and writers ; and I believe that the reason is not so much
that they are picturesque — very often they are not — as that
they are characteristic. Art is said to be selection, and above
all the selection of character to the disregard of what is
irrelevant. But not every artist has the power of selection,
for many have painted London and written about it without
getting anywhere near its essential character. So far as one
can make out, the power must be ekercised unconsciously,
for pictures and books that set out to give the essence of
London almost always fail to do so. Apparently there is no
guide in the appear-
ance of things, and age
does not seem to have
anything to do with it,
for many of the older
parts of London are
not in the least charac-
teristic. Nor does
familiarity help much.
I have known a person
bom and bred within
the radius mistake Hol-
bom for London ; and,
on the other hand, I
remember a little girl
coming up from Corn-
wall for the first time
who stood in the
middle of Regent
Street and said dis-
appointedly " Is this
London ? " Without
being told she knew
that it was not. No,
the sense of London
seems to depend on
some obscure faculty
like that of the
" dowser " for metals
or water.
Mr. Edgar Wilson,
some of whose etch-
ings* are reproduced
here, undoubtedly has
it. These etchings are
all the more remark-
able when one remem-
bers his other work as
a decorative designer.
Not that the etchings are not well designed from a pictorial
point of view, but that the designs are so closely dependent on
character that they seem to have grown rather than to have
been made. They share with the places themselves the effect
of keeping in close touch with what is being done there.
However old the comer of London represented it does not
look dead. I do not know anything about Mr. Wilson's habits
of work, whether he draws from the scene directly or from a
series of preliminary studies ; but these etchings give very
much more the impression ©f having been drawn from some-
thing felt than from something observed. They have the
character of last rather than first impressions, like those queer
memories that persist almost against one's will and lie hidden
through the waking hours to come out clearly in dreams.
They belong to the underworld of impressions. There is a
lurking character about them as there is about London itself.
Perhaps the secret is not other than that expressed in
Rodin's remark that the artist should draw " with his eye
grafted on his heart." Certainly the power to find and
represent or describe London seems to depend more upon
affection than upon skill or knowledge. The sense of London
that comes out in Johnson — or Boswell's version of him —
Lamb and Dickens is not matched by any capacity to create
• These etchings are reproduced by courtesy of the Publishers,
The Twenty-One Gallery, York Buildings, Adelphi.
The Old Crane, London Bridge
the atmosphere of other places ; and I should doubt if either
Turner or Whistler were trustworthy — granting all their
other gifts — away from London. But conscious affection is
not enough. Henry James undoubtedly loved London, but
though I am a fervent admirer of his work I could never
admit that he succeeded in creating the atmosphere of London
— except perhaps in " Princess Casamassima." On the other
hand he gives you vivid portraits of certain places on the
Continent. Literary skill seems to count for nothing. The
novels of Sir Walter Besant are not considered to be good, I
believe, but nobody has got nearer to the atmosphere of the
Thames east of London Bridge. As for deliberate purpwse
without affection the work of George Gissing might serve
as a warning. His people are alive, but you are never con-
vinced for a moment that they live in London.
What is true of the writers is equally true of the artists,
and of the many who have drawn and painted London very
few have given us anything more than streets and houses and
weather. And among the few who have succeeded in atmo-
sphere are several who are not good artists in other respects.
What is needed can only be described as the sense of London ;
something that does not depend upon knowledge or observa-
tion, but appears to be inborn — as people are said to be bom
Cockneys in a different meaning from that of the register.
When, as in the case of Mr. Edgar Wilson, the sense of London
is combined with tech-
nical skill the results
are important for civic
reasons.
As Professor Beres-
ford Pite pointed
out the other day,
artists are not neces-
sarily the best guides
in questions of Civic
improvement. They
are apt to be beguiled
by unrehearsed effects
of the picturesque. At
the same time they
ought to be consulted
in any scheme. The
important thing seems
to be that they should
have a sense of char-
acter, not only as ap-
plied to architecture
generally but to the
architecture of par-
ticular places. The
tmth is that town
planning is a very
ticklish business, par-
ticularly when it is a
matter of improving
an old city. Character
must be preserved, and
it is not always easy
to see wherein char-
acter resides. Neither
age nor architectural
dignity should protect
a nuisance, but it is
highly important to
make sure that the nuisance is not really caused by later
additions. Many of the older parts of London would serve
all the needs of healthy modern life if the streets surrounding
them were cleared away. They are the live patches in a mass
of dead building material. A great deal of London is quite
irrelevant, and could be re-planned with a positive gain in
character. But, to use a homely simile, there is always a
risk of pulfing out the wrong tooth. It is here that such
pictures as Mr. Wilson's would be valuable. Being concen-
trated studies of character, they help to suggest the lines on
which London should be improved ; as involuntary evidence
they have something of the weight of history.
The last word is important. History as well as geography,
hygiene and aesthetics must be consulted in any enlightened
scheme of town planning. London badly needs improvement,
but we should be very careful that we do not improve it away.
History is enshrined in stones and trees as well as written in
books, but it is not everybody that can read it at first hand.
Pictures are a sort of halfway stage between the actual
memorial and its written description ; and fortunately we
have good pictures of London by artists of many periods,
from Wenceslas Hollar to Mr. Edgar Wilson. On the whole
I am inclined to think that artists arc more valuable for the
unconscious appreciation of London that comes out in their
work than for any conscious aesthetic advice they might give.
l^)' Edgar Wihon.
iS
Land Sc Water
February 28, 191 8
Life and Letters ^ J. C Squire
A Comer of Old England
IT has been maintained that War is indispensable because
it teaches people geography. I will not discuss the
merits or the defects of that" doctrine here, and I freely
admit that in August, 1914, I knew nothing of the
situation of Prest-Litovsk or Bourlon Wood. But the
illumination of war is only local, and, since I have to mention
the Southern Appalachians, I had better explain what they
are. They are a range of mountains or, rather, an extensive
mountain district running from the Pennyslvania border,
through the Virginias, Kentucky, the Carolinas, and Tennessee
into the northern p;irts of Georgia and Alabama. Here Mrs.
O. D. Campbell and Mr. Cecil Sharp (to whom we owe the
recovery of many of our old countrj^ songs) have been hunting
for English Folk Songs. The results of their explorations are
published at 12.9. 6d. net by Messrs. Putnam ; the book is a
romance.
t * * * * *
The Southern .Appalachian region is a large one, larger than
Great Britiiin. Mr. Sharp has, therefore, covered as yet no
more than small portions of it, chiefly in the " Laurel Country "
of North Carolina. In that region he had experiences which,
to an imaginative man, must have been as thrilling as any-
thing that has ever happened to an explorer in Central Africa
or Borneo. It is mountainous, thickly wooded, and very
secluded. There are few roads, except mountain tracks ;
and scarcely any railroads. " Indeed, so remote and shut off
from outside influence were, until quite recently, these seques-
tered mountain valleys that the inhabitants have for a hundred
years or more been completely isolated and cut ofi from all
traffic with the rest of the world." !> suppose this is a slight
e.xaggeration : that, for instance, these Arcadians, however
fortunately sequestered, imported doctors, clothes, and tools.
But one knows what Mr. Sharp means. Coming into their midst
the travellers found themselves in a " pocket " of an old
England which has disappeared. They found a strong,
spare race ; leisurely ; easy and unaffected in their bearing,
and with " the unselfconscious manners of the well-bred."
They are mostly illiterate, and each family grows just what
is needed to support life ; but they are contented, quick-
witted and, in the truest sense, civilised. Their ancestors
came, apparently, from the north of England ; their religion
is Calvinistic. Generations of freedom in America has un-
doubtedly modified some of their original characteristics.
They drink and smoke very little and " commercial com-
petition and social rivalries are unknown." But though in
some regards they have customs peculiar to themselves, in
others they are more faithful transmitters of old English
tradition than are the English of to-day:
Their speech is English, not American, and, from the number
of expressions they use which have long been obsolete else-
where and the old-fashioned way in which they pronounce
• many of their words, it is clear that they are talking the
language of a past day, though exactly of what period I am
not competent to decide.
******
In that antique tongue they sing the old songs that their
ancestors brought over from England in the time of George III
and perhaps still eariier. Here in England the folk-song
collector always has to make straight for the Oldest In-
habitant. The young know few of the old songs, being supplied
with music-hall songs from London and Berlin and rag-times
from New York. In the Appalachians, where cosmopolitan
music IS unknown, the folk-song tradition is as strong in the
young as in the aged, and Mr. Sharp has, on occasion, drawn
what he wanted from small boys. There, in log-huts and
farmsteads, hundreds of miles west of the Atlantic coast on
uplands lying between Philadelphia and St. Louis, he found
this people strayed from the eighteenth century, using such
phrases as " But surely you will tarry with us for the night "
and singing, with a total unconsciousness both of themselves
and of their auditors, of woods and bowers, milk white steeds
and dapple greys, lily-white hands, silver cups, the Northern
Sea, London Bridge, and the gallows. He heard from these
mountain singers The Golden Vanity. The Cherry Tree Carol
Lord Randal. The Wife of Usher's Well, Lady Isabel and the
tlf Kntght. and scores of less well known ballads and songs
versions of which the collectors have .for years been painfully
picking up in Sussex, Somersetshire, Yorkshire and Cornwall
It IS a strange reflection that, had we left it a little later we
might have had to go to America for old folk music which
had been totally lost on English soil.
Mr. Sharp does not inake it quite clear which of his songs
are hitherto altogether unrecorded ; he includes several
ballads nat in Child's collection, but Child may have deliberately
rejected them and they may have appeared elsewhere. Re-
markably, he got no ritual songs, songs associated with
harvest home, morris and sword dances, or the coming of
English spring and the primroses. His hundred and twenty- <
two texts include only one carol and few songs touching on
religion. The English rituals were not transplanted ; the
festivals died out ; the doctrines of the mountaineers depre-
cated dancing ; and the spring of their new country was not
the spring of their old. They are strongest in ballads, and in
songs (like Shooting of His Dear) with stories in them, whicii
things lose nothing by transplantation across a hemisphere :
and the songs are still living in the old way, growing and
changing with the whims and memories of individual singers,
yet always retaining the essential kernel. Nearly all the
tunes are in " gapped scales," scales with only five or six notes
to the octave ; as always with folk song they are predominantly
melancholy, and many of them are e.xcecdingly beautiful.
******
That Mr. Sharp's te.xts— or indeed those of folk songs as a
whole— are in the bulk great poetry I will not maintain.
.At Its least polished the folk song sinks to the level of thi<
(sung by Mrs. Tom Rice, at Big Laurel, West Carolina) :
They hadn't been laying in bed but one hour
When he hearfl the trumpet sAund.
She cried out with a thrilling cry :
O Lord, O Lord, I'm ruined.
This, possibly, is a corruption of something originally a little
more rounded ; a process similar to that which works upon all
folk songs and which (in the Appalachian versions of The
Golden Vanity) gives the name of that good ship variously as
the Weeping Willow Tree and the Golden Willow Tree and
provides a sister ship with the names of Golden Silveree and
Turkey Silveree, which might strike even an Appalachian
as an odd name for a vessel. We do not know in folk songs.
as a rule, what is " original " and what is not ; usually there
has been so much accretion that there can hardly be said to
be an " original " at all. The process is not productive of
great verse, comparable with the masterpieces of form pro-
duced by poets with surnames, fountain pens and identifiable
tomb-stones, though often there is a poignancy about in-
dividual lines and stanzas which makes them very effective
even when divorced from their exquisite tunes, which are the
real tnumphs of folk-production. Mr. Sharp's American
CO lection is certainly not, textually, superior to the English
collections. But it does contain some fine things. It must
have been queer to listen to The True Lover's Farewell
commg from the lips of a woman in the American backwoods :
O fare you well my own true love.
So fare you well for a while,
I'm going away, but I'm coming back
If I go ten thousand mile.
If I prove false to you, my love.
The earth may melt and burn.
The sea may freeze and the earth may burn
if I no more return.
Ten thousand miles, my < wn true love.
Ten thousand miles or more ;
Thfe rocks may melt and the sea may burn
■ If I never no more return.
And who will shoe your pretty little feet.
Or who will glove your hand,
Or who will kiss your red rosy cheek
When I'm in the foreign land ?
My father will shoe my pretty little feet.
My mother will glove my hand,
And you can kiss my red rosy cheek
When you return again.
O don't you see yon little turtle dove,
A-skipping from vine to vine
A-mourning the loss of its own true love '
Just as I mourn for mine ?
Don't you see yon pretty girl
A-spinning on yonder wheel ?
Ten thousand gay, gold guineas would I give
To feel just like she feels.
I^ L?f'' f^^^r'^ i""^" ^'^^ ^ j^""!^ ; but the construction
iL^f.V.f J ??^^'"P ^^ pursuing his researches now in
Kentucky ; and his occupation is enviable.
February 28, 19 18
Land & Water
19
Foot-Sloggers : By Ford Madox HuefFer
WHAT is love of one's land ? . . .
I don't know very well.
It is something that sleeps.
For a year — for a day —
For a month — something that keeps
Very hidden and quiet and still
And then takes
The quiet heart like a wave
The quiet brain like a spell,
The quiet will
Like a tornado ; and that shakes
The whole of the soul.
n.
It is omnipotent like love ;
It is deep and quiet as the grave
And it awakes
Like a flame, like a madness.
Like the great passion of your life.
The cold keenness of a tempered knife,
The great gladness of a wedding day,
The austerity of monks who wake to pray
In the dim light,
Who pra}'
In the darkling grove.
AU these and a great belief in what we deem the right
Creeping upon us like the ovei^whelming sand,
Dri\-en by a December gale,
Make up the love of one's land.
III.
But I ask you this :
About the middle of my first Last Leave.
I stood on a kerb in the pitch of the night
Waiting for 'buses that didn't come
To take me home.
That was in Paddington.
The soot-black night was over one like velvet :
And one was very alone — so very alone
In the velvet cloak of the night.
Like a lady's skirt
A dim, diaphonous cone of white, the rays
Of a shaded street lamp, close at hand, existed.
And there was nothing but vileness it could show,
Vile, paUid faces drifted through, chalk white ;
Vile alcoholic voices in the ear, vile fumes
From the filthy pavements . . . vileness !
And one thought :
" In three days' time we enter the unknown :
And this is what we die for ! "
For, mind you,
It isn't just a Tube ride, going to France !
It sets ironic unaccustomed minds
At work even in the sentimental . . .
Still
All that is in the contract.
IV.
Who of us
But has, deep down in the heart and deep in the brain
The memory of odd moments : memories
Of huge assemblies chanting in the night
At palace gates : of drafts going off in the rain
To shaken music : or the silken flutter
On silent, ceremonial parades.
In the sunlight, when you stand so stiff to attention,
That you never see but only know they are there —
The regimental colours — silken, a-flutter
Azure and gold and vermilion against the sky :
The sacred finery of banded hearts
Of generations. . . .
And memories
When just for moments, landscapes out in France
Looked so like English downlands : that the heart
Checked and stood stiU. . . .
Or then, the song and dance
On the trestle staging in the shafts of light
From smoky lamps : the lines of queer, warped faces
Of men that now arc dead : faces lit up
By inarticulate minds at sugary chords
From the vamping pianist beneath the bunting :
" Until the boys come home ! " we sing. And fumes
Of wet humanity, soaked uniforms,
Wet flooring, smoking lamps, fill cubical
And woodcn-walled spaces brown, all brown,
With the light-sucking hue of the Khaki. .... And the rain
Frets on the pitchpine of the felted roof
Like women's fingers beating on a door
Calling " Come Home " . . . " Come Home "
Down the long trail beneath the silent moon. ...
Who never shall come. ...
And we stand up to sing
" Hen wiad fy nadhau. ..."
Dearest, never one
Of your caresses, dearest in the world.
Shall interpenetrate the flesh of one's flesh,
The breath of the lungs, sight of the eyes, or the heart,
Like the sad, harsh anthem in the rained-on huts
Of our own men. . . .
That too is in the contract. . . .
V.
Well, of course.
One loves one's men. One takes a mort of trouble
To get them spick and span upon parades :
You straf them, slang them, mediate between
Their wives and loves, and you inspect their toenails
And wangle leaves for them from the Adjutant
Until your Company office is your home
And all your mind. ...
This is the way.it goes :
First your platoon and then your Company,
Then the Battalion, then Brigade, Division,
And the whole B.E.F. in France . . . and then
Our Land, with its burden of civilians
Who take it out of us as little dogs
Worry Newfoundlands. . . .
So, in the Flanders mud.
We bear the State upon our rain-soaked backs,
Breathe life into the State from our rattling .lungs,'
Anoint the State with the rivulets of sweat
From our tin helmets.
And so, in years to come
The State shall take the semblance of Britannia,
Up-borne, deep-bosomed, with anointed limbs. . . .
Like the back of a penny. ,
VI.
For I do not think
We ever took much stock in that Britannia
On the long French roads, or even on parades,
Or thought overmuch of Nelson or of Minden,
Or even the old traditions. . . .
I don't know,
In the breatUess rush that it is of parades and drills,
Of digging at the double and strafes and fatigues
These figures grow dimmed and lost :
Doubtless we too, when the years have receded
May look like the heroes ol Hellas, upon a frieze,
White limbed and buoyflit and passing the flame of the
torches
From hand to hand. . . . But to-day it's mud to the knees
And Khaki and Khaki and Khaki and Khaki. . . . And the
love of one's land
Very quiet and hidden and Still. . . . And again
I donit know, though I've pondered the matter for years
Since the war began. . . . But I never had much brain
And less than ever to-day. . . .
VII.
I don't know if you know the i.io train
From Cardiff :
Well, fourteen of us together
Went up from Cardiff in the summer weather
At the time of the July push.
It's a very good train ;
It runs with hardly a jar and never a stop
After Newport, until you get down
In London Town.
It goes with a solemn, smooth rush
Across the counties and over the shires
Right over England past farmsteads and byres
It bubbles with conversation,
Being the West going to the East :
The pick of the rich of the West in a bunch.
Half of the wealth of the Nation,
With heads together, buzzing of local topics
Of bankrupts and strikes, divorces and marriages
And, after Newport you get your lunch.
In the long, light, gently-swaying carriages
As the miles flash by
And fields and flowers
Flash by
20
Under the high sky
Where the great cloud towers
Above the tranquil downs
And the tranquil towns.
VIII.
And the corks pop
And the wines of France
Bring in radiance ;
And spice from the tropics
Flavours fowl from the Steppes
And meat from the States
And the talk buzzes on like bees round the skeps
And the potentates
Of the mmes and the docks
Drink delicate hocks. . . .
Ah, proud and generous civilisation. ...
IX.
For me, going out to France,
Is like the exhaustion of dawn
After a dance. . . .
You have rushed around to get your money,
To get your revolver, complete your equipment,
You have had your moments. Sweeter— ah, sweeter than
honey,
You have got your valise all ready for shipment :
You have gone to confession and wangled your blessing,
You have bought your air-pillow
And sewn in your coat
A pocket to hold your first field dressing
And you've paid the leech who bled you, the vampire. . . .
And you've been to the Theatre and the Empire
And you've bidden good-bye to the band and the goat. . . .
And.'like a ship that floats free of her berth
There's nothing that holds you now to the earth
And you're near enough to a yawn. • • •
" Good luck " and " Good-bye," it has been, and " So long
old chap,"
" Cheerio : you'U be back in a month." " You'll have driven
the Huns off the map."
And one little pressure of the hand
From the thing you love next to the love of the land
Since you leave her out of love of your land. . . .
And that little, long, gentle and eloquent pressure
Shall go with you under the wine of the shells
Into the mire and the stress.
Into the seven hundred hells
Until you come down on your stretcher
To the CCS. ...
And back to Blighty again —
Or until you go under the sod.
But, in the i.io train,
Running between the green and the grain.
Something like the peace of God
Descended, over the hum and the drone
Of the wheels and the wine and the buzz of the talk
And one thought :
" In two days' time we enter the Unknown
And this is what we die for ! "
And thro' the "square
Land & Water
February 28, 191 8
Of glass
At my elbow, as limpid as air,
I watched our England pass. . . .
The great downs moving slowly.
Far away, ,
The farmsteads quiet and lonely,
Passing away ;
The fields newly movm
With the swathes of hay.
And the wheat just beginning to brown,
Whirling away. . . .
And I thought :
" In two days' time we enter the Unknown
But this is what we die for. ... As we ought. . . ."
For it is for the sake of the wolds and the wealds
That we die.
And for the sake of the quiet fields,
And the path thro' the stackyard gate. . . .
That these may be inviolate,
And know no tread save those of the herds and the hinds
And that the South-west winds
Blow on no forehead save of those that toil
On the suave and hallowed soil
And that deep peace may rest
Upon its quiet breast. . . .
It is because our land is beautiful and green and comely.
Because our farms are quiet and thatched and homely,
Because the trout stream dimples by the willow,
Because the water lilies float upon the ponds
And on Eston Hill the delicate, curving fronds
Of the bracken put forth where the white clouds are flying,
That we shall endure the swift, sharp torture of dying
Or the' humiliation of not dying
Where the gascloud wanders
Over the fields of Flanders
Or the sun squanders his radiance
And the midgets dance
Their day-long life away
Above the green and grey
Of the fields of France.
And maybe we shall never again
Plod through the mire and the rain of our winter gloaming.
And maybe we shall never again
See the long, white, foaming
Breakers pour up our strand.
But we have been borne across this land
And we have felt this spell. ...
And, for the rest,
L'Envoi.
What is love of one's land ?
Ah, we know very well.
It is something that sleeps for a year, for a day.
For a month, something that keeps
Very hidden and quiet and still
And then takes
The quiet heart like a wave,
The quiet brain like a spell.
The quiet will
Like a tornado, and that shakes ,
The whole being and soul ;
Aye, the whole of the soul.
The Roads of France
By C. R. W. Nevinson, Official Artist at the Front
February 2^, 191 8
Land & Water
21
3ILLY GLADSTONE,
THE OxrpRO rET.
QLH. DIZZY,
Books of the Week
In the Days of Victoria. By Thomas F. Plowman. The
Bodley Head. los. 6d. net.
The Wandeperon a Thousand Hills. By Edith Wherry.
John Lane. 6s.
Our Miss Yorke. By Edwin Bateman Morris. Cassell.
6s. net.
Scandal. Bv Cosmo Hamilton. Hurst and Blackett.
6s. net.
BOOKS of well-told reminiscences are peculiarly
welcome in these days, and hearty greetings will
be accorded to Mr. Thomas Plowman for his
111 the Days of Victoria — a poor title, by the wa\'.
The autlior writes almost entirely of Oxford ; here
he was born ; coming of age he was elected a freeman of the
^aTr««.r,c B.ATTUE rof<TK£«M ^'^y'' 'aterhebe^
^MncriAMPiOKSKiPOfTHsitxcKtqutB^^raH ^"'^^^''^ associated
'^ ' '"- "' '"■ -™i«i with the University.
Hardly any event
of importance occur-
red in Oxford, or
any personality of
note visited Oxford,
without Mr. Plow-
inan being a spec-
tator or auditor
from 1850 onwards.
In November 1864
he was present in
the Sheldonian
■^^_ 'mi__ ■ ■■'' ^^^^^ Theatre and heard
|K 'u T^ bHIt^ ^^^^I Dizzy's famous " I
the angels " speech
— a phrase which set
all England laugh-
ing, but which
nevertheless ren-
dered good service
to the cause for
which it w a|s
uttered. This was
Dizzy's peroration
spoken amid an
impressive silence,
and it seems to
have peculiar sigiiiticance in *hese disturbed times :
When the turbulence is over — when the shout of triumph
and the wail of agony are ahke stilled — when, as it were,
the waters have subsided, the sacred heights of Sinai and
Calvary are again revealed, and amid the wreck of thrones
and tribunals, of extinct nations and abolished laws, man-
kind, tried by so many sorrows, purified by so much suffering,
and wise with such unprecedented experience, bows agaiii
before the I^ivine truths that Omnipotence in His ineffable
wisdom has entrusted to the custody and the promulgation
of a chosen people.
Dizzy's great rival Gladstone, Mr. Plowman lieard on many
occasions ; " for real genuine oratory of the Demosthenes
school Gladstone, when at red-heat was unsurpassable."
We reproduce from this volume a political cartoon of
these times ; it is d' awn in a different spirit to political
cartoons to-day. Not a Uttlc of the social history of the
University town is related in these pages ; of course, glimpses
are given of Gown and Town rows ; the author was present
at the first theatrical performance permitted by the University ;
and there is a capital story of how Thackeray lost a Parlia-
mentary election when everything seemed in his favour
through a hot night and an open window at the Mitre. The
last free election in 1868, when Sir William Harcourt, one of
the sitting members was defeated, lasted a fortnight, and
cost £12,000. We have changed that !
Originality is apparent in the title of Miss Edith Wherry's
latest novel. The Wanderer on a Thousand Hills, and the
promise of the title is fully confirmed by the book itself,
which is thoroughly original, and must rank as one of the really
important novels of the year. The story is that of a Chinese
woman, whose baby girl, in accordance with the custom of
The Fight for tl; nentary
Championship in tlie 'Sixties
infanticide at one time prevailing among certain of the
Chinese, was drowned by its grandparents, whereupon fate
sent to its mother a tiny boy, the son of a family of mis-
sionaries. This boy was trained up by the Chinese woman
as a scholar, being destined by her to take the place of laureate
in the highest examinations at Pekin. To this honour the
boy attained, only to find in the very day of attainment that
he was not her son.
The story, being devoid of the conventional " love "
interest as a main motive — for the Chinese woman's love
story is but a slight incident — is also unique in that it is a
picture of Chinese life and customs drawn by one who knows
China as few people know it. The old teaclier, the widowed
woman stealing thi^ boy from the foreign devils, the avaricious
Lu and his fiend of a wife. ;uid all the inliabitants of the
N'illage of Benevolence and Virtue, are made real to the
reader. There is shown, too, the different conception of life
that rules in the East, as compared with precepts and practices
of the West, and the net effect of the book is that one feels
nearer to an understanding of the Chinese race, with its — to
westerners — twisted views of life. The story, which ends as a
matter of course in tragedy, since it concerns a hybrid being of
European birth and Chinese training, never loses its grip on
the reader ; story and scene are equally compelling, and the
result is a book of rare charm and, one feels, almost photo-
graphically 'clear presentment of people and things little
known outside the land of their origin.
It is claimed for Our Miss Yorke, by Edwin Morris, that it
is the first novel m which the business woman has played the
leading part ; the claim is, as Mark Twain said of the report of
liis death, greatly exaggerated, but Miss Yorke is, all the same,
a very entertaining person, more especially for the time that she
confines herself strictly to business, in which she is a decided
success. It is to be noted that the author does not attempt to
make of her a super-woman, nor does he introduce business
schemes which might strain the credulity of the reader. He
is content to select his material from the ordinary routine of a
well-conducted business office, and to show how by the exercise
of initiative and common sense a woman may succeed just as
well as a man. But, being himself a man, he is careful to show
also that the business career, no matter how well a woman may
succeed in it, can never be her real sphere of activity — it is at
best a substitute, although she may fit herself for it so well
as to compel the admiration of the men with whom she comes
into contact, and may be just as capable as a man of seeing
a deal to its best termination.
A curious psychological phenomenon comes to light toward
the end of this book : the author, having been concerned with
making his heroine a good business being, and then turning to
make the reader realise her as a woman, fails to convince ; it
is not his fault, but is more the limitation of the work of fiction
of normal length, in which is not space for picturing fully the
many sides that go to make up a character. Our Miss Yorke as
business woman is quite convincing and not a little attractive ;
the same woman concerned with the real business of a
woman's life is unconvincing, and not nearly so interesting.
* * * 41 «
When Mr. Cosmo Hamilton turns his hand to comedy the
result is usually good ; in his latest book. Scandal, the comedy
is very good indeed — it is a book to bear in mind for the
hohday season — if ever such a season should come again.
Beatrix Vanderdyke, a spoilt American heiress, in order to
get out of a scrape that had come about through a surreptitious
series of visits to a set of bachelor chambers, pleaded a
secret marriage with another man whi) had chambers
in the same building, and persuaded the other man
to play up to the part of her husband before her parents. The
complications following on this extraordinary step are rather
impossible, but they make the gayest and most exciting reading
though all the time one has the impression that even the author
himself did not know what to do next with regrad to his charac-
ters. Therein lies the only complaint one can possibly make
against the book — the hand of the writer shows at times, rather
than the characters themselves. But it is all very witty, and
not a little wise ; the angered man, intent on getting even with
the girl who entrapped him into confessing to a marriage that
had never taken place, gradually develops — as he ought — into
one wishing the marriage had taken place, and the book ends
with a satisfactory solution to the problem set by Beatrix.
It is among the most amusing of recent books.
GOGGLES
VOHD-SCREENS
<Sc WINDOWS
^.^^ ^^
THE ONUY ^
SAFETY CLASS
22
Land Si Water
February 28, 191 B
The Cradle of Polo : By Lewis R. Freeman
A Typical Ladakh Maidan or Village Green
The writer of this article has travelled very widely ; his ex-
periences of the Roof of the World are probably unique for
an American. Mr. Freeman, R.N.V.R., is at the present
time attached to the Grand Fleet.
THE antiquity of polo is much more definitely estab-
lished than is the region of itsorigin. As far back
as the sixth century B.C. the praises of a mounted
" ball game called chaugan " was sung by the
Persian poets, and Omar Khayyam's
The ball no question makes of ayes and noes.
But here and there, as strikes the players, goes,
indicates that something of the kind was played in that
ancient empire at the time of the old astronomer-poet of
Nashipur. Persia's claim to having been the birthplace of
polo, however, is disputed by the Chinese, who point out that
one of their philosophers, writing a thousand \ears before
the time of Christ, compared the ups and downs^of life to the
ebb and flow of the tide of the " horse-and-ball game."
An att( m ^t to " back track " the path of polo from the
frontier of India — from which country it reached the Western
world by way of England — gives no indication which of the
rival claimants is the legitimate one. The Mohammedans —
probably the hordes of Ghingis Khan and Tamarlane — brought
the game from somewhere to Tartary, whence it found its way
to India by oneorbothof two routes — through Afghanistan and
the Khyber Pass, and (or) across the Roof of the World
and Kashmir. The tracks on the former trail have dis-
appeared, but along the latter— village by village, valley
by valley— the footsteps of polo may be traced from the
Vale of Kashmir to Gilgit and Hunza-Nagar, over the Hindu
Kush or Karakoram and down to the plains of Yarkand
and Kashgar, where they arc lost in the desert. The secret
of its birth place is lost in the shifting sands that have piled
alxwe the cradle of the Aryan race.
The nearest thing to polo that one encounters in Central
Asia to-day is a game of the Khirghiz in which each of the
mounted sides endeavours to carry the body of a calf to
opposite ends of the field. No ball or sticks are used, but the
contest resolves itself into an equine rough-and-tumble which
requires no end of dare-devil horsemanship, and is almost as
hard on the mounts as on the fiercely-striven-for anatomy
of the calf. Across the Pamirs to the south, however, the
game begins to take shape, and there is no difficulty in recog-
nizing the progenitor of modem polo in the fierce mounted
contests of the hillmen. Wherever there is room between
the soaring slide-scarred mountain walls and the foam-white
glacial torrents that tumble through the narrow valleys, each
little community of stone huts has its maidan or village
green upon which the " pulu " games are played, usually
rough informal bouts between the villagers themselves.
These mountain maidans are always cut up by streams
and often littered with rocks and broken by jagged outcrops
of native granite, all mere trifles, however, to men and ponies
who have been spending all their strenuous lives upon the
serried ridge-poles of the Roof of the World. Untrammelled
by off-side rules, unmenaced by threat of penalties for
fouls, undismayed by sticks in the air, rocks of the earth
Masqued Revellers alter a Polo Match
or waters under the earth, the Himalayan polo player is
free to concentrate heart and head and body upon banging the
battered chunk of willow or bamboo root between the two
little cairns of razor-edged slate slabs that serve him as goal
posts.
The game is as free from restrictions as proverbial love
and war — literally, all is fair. To shoulder an opponent
and send him raking along a jagged wall of rock is considered
creditable and clever, but the acme of fine.sse in riding off is to
force him over a cut bank into an icy stream. " Hooking
across " for an opponent's mallet is rated good polo, but not
nearly so much so as hooking the man himself off the
precarious pad of sheep-skin which serves him as a saddle,
by catching him under the chin from behind. Blows are often
dealt with the stout sticks, but not quite ihdiscriminately.
One player will belabour another to make him miss the ball
or cause him to give ground in riding off, but otherwise he
will not waste the effort. An action that will enhance the
chance of making a goal is its own excuse. Himalayan polo
furnishes the most striking example of singleness of purpose
of any game on the roster of out-door sport.
The keenness of the hillmen for their " pulu " is something
amazing. Once on the upper Indus I saw half a dozen players
follow a ball into a roaring torrent, at the imminent risk of
being carried down by the swirling current, for the slight
advantage incident to " passing " to their team mates on the
bank. Just as the ball was bobbing out of reach, the foremost
rider, lunging desperately, swept the crook of his stick under
the buoyant chunk of willow and sent it flying back to the
maidan. The long reach and the floundering pony upset
his balance, however, and he toppled into the roaring waters
and was carried away in an instant. Not for a moment did
the game halt. Not a player gave the unlucky wight a look,
and by the time the pluckiest swimming had just enabled
him to grasp a jutting log in the wreck of an old cantilever
bridge on the opposite bank, the centre of conflict was raging
in a cloud of flying pebbles in front of his opponent's goal.
Did he give a thought to the fact that the wind, drawing down
from the ice caps of the Pamirs with the sting of a whip-lash
in every gust, was stiffening the saturated folds of his felt
jacket and woollen breeches ? Apparently not. Floundering
up to a little terrace of cultivation where a couple of fellow
villagers toiled in a barley patch, "he seized one of their goat-
skin swimming bags, kicked his way across the stream upon
it, and was on a pony and back in the game in time to make
a hair-breadth "save" as the shifting tide of the game put
his own goal in danger.
It was in another game on this same maidan that a rather
awkward player, unhorsed in a whirlwind scrimmage, was
left lying among the rocks with, a twisted knee. The pack
swept on unheeding, and even among the spectators I seemed
to be the only one who took his eyes off the play long enough
to note the movements of the rumpled figure left in the wake
of the flying ruck. Twice he tried to rise and mount the
dancing little pony whose reins he had pluckily retained in his
fall, but both times the injured knee bent sideways and let
him down. Releasing the pony in disgust, he pulled himself
up together and began closely to follow the progress of the play.
February 28, 19 18
Land & Water
23
Twice ur thnce as the mob clattered by I saw him lean forward
eagerly, but it was not until one of his opponents, riding free on
a clean run with the ball down the field, came charging almost
aCRiss his prostrate form that he made a decisive move. Lunging
sharply forward, he thrust his short stubbv mallet between
the forelegs of the galloping pcnv, and an instant later two
lim;) figures instead of one were lying in the middle of the
stone-;iitered maidan.
I he fringe of spectators, who up to this moment had con-
tnic( their applause to chesty grunts of approval, broke into
a wild yell of delight and approbation as the second rider was
overthrown, and I noticed that the men in a group standing
near me were roaring with merriment at the comments of
one of their number.
" VVhat is he saying, Gunga ? " I asked my Punjabi bearer,
who betrayed m an unwonted smile, evidencelof being amused
himself. - "
"He say Sahib," was the reply, " that Mulik play the
better polo from the earth than from the horse." -
♦ i,^°T^*^^'^ ^^^^^ hillman for his ;' pulu "—the word is from
the libetan, by the way, and means a willow ball— that he
no more thinks of foregoing it for lack of afield than does the
street urchm his cricket for lack of a pitch. If topographical
exigencies forbid a maidan, he plays in the village bazaar or
up and down the solitary street. These are the wildest ex-
hibitions of all.
'■ What in the name of common sense did you bring those
old polo balls along for ? " I asked the young British officer
ot an Indian regiment who had accompanied me on shikar in
Kashmir We had followed up the Sind from Srinagar
crossed the lofty Zoji La, and were in camp at Leh, the capital
of Ladakh. With the country for hundreds.of mUes in every
direction tipping one way or the other at an angle of forty-
hve degrees, my question was a natural one.
" For your especial amusement," was the reply. " Tossing
a polo ball into a Ladakh bazzar beats throwing copper coins
to famine sufferers for excitement. Come 6n down and see
lor yourself."
Tibetan, Ladaki and Nepali shouldered Pathan, Khirgiz
^d Dogra, and the gossip of half a continent buzzed in Leh
tezaar as, pushing between ponies and yaks, goats and sheep
B~— and I picked our way to breathing room in the centre
ot the httle square. Shouting something in his fluent Hindu-
stani, my companion held the battered ball aloft for a moment
and then tossed it upon the cobbles among the vendors of
grains and pack gears.
Theefifect Was electric, explosive. The vendors seized armful s
of their stock and bolted for shelter, hillmen of a dozen races
came running with stubby mallets in their hands, and mount-
ing the nearest pony, pressed upon the ball. Yaks grunted
goats and sheep bleated, ponies snorted, women chattered
and screamed and men yelled. Now a dozen ponies were
stampmg the tough lump of bamboo root into the stones
now a S€ore. The air was black with flailing sticks, and their
resounding thwacks, as they fell on man and beast alike
mingled with the bedlam of cries, Now the ball was kicked
from the press and a quick wrist stroke sent it flying out of
the bazaar and down the narrow street. A fugitive Tibetan
girl wnth her arms full of strings of turquoise hair ornaments
blundered in front of the leader, fell sprawling, and half the
clattenng pack passed over her felt-padded anatomy without
doing apparent harm to anything but the scattered stock of
jewellery.
Ever)- able-bodied pony in the bazaar was seized, mounted and
sent in pursuit of the flying throng. There was no endeavour
to resolve mto sides. Each man strove only to hit the
ball as hard and as often as possible— where it went was a
secondary consideration. Wayfarers and loiterere seemed to
understand what was coming, and the street cleared as before
the charge of a troop of cavalry. Most of the traffic bolted to
safety through windows and doors, but asmall flock of fat-taUed
sheep, which refused to be driven into someone's front parlour
was fed into the vortex of hoofs like meat into a sausage
machine, to emerge in about the same condition. A coupfe of
unhorsed hillmen, scarcely distinguishable in their sheepskin
coats from the bodies of the trampled wethers, were left floun-
dering in the shambles as the press swept on. A blind side-
swipe sent the ball through an open window, and the iron-shod
hoofs struck sparks from the flinty cobbles in the rush to be
hrst upon it as'it was tossed out. Then a quick-eyed Tibetan
on a shaggy rat of a Tibetan pony got away for a clean run
and hittmg tile ball time after time as it shuttled back and fortli
between side-wall and pavement, carried ^t out of sight round
a corner. • . °
And I, already late fur tea at the Commissioner's, had ro
luctantly to forego following further in the wake of the ava-
lanche we had set in motion. As an aftermath, however we
were called upon that evening to give audience to a " damage^
deputation," and. after an hour's parley, paid for five fat-
tailed sheep, half a dozen sets of shattered hair ornaments
several bags of grain and a number of minor losses. The
Claims^ strange to say, were entirely reasonable, amounting to
less than thirty rupees in all, and the fun, especially for one
interested in polo, was cheap at the price'.
This will give some idea of what early Indian polo mu-^t
nave been, the polo that was passed on from the Himalayan
mil states to the sport-loving nobles of Ra putana and the
i'unjab. It was the game as developed by these latter that
came to he known as " the game of kings," for the manly
JNawabs Rajahs and Maharajahs of these war-like States
ever used to taking personal lead in battle and the chase, we;e
not content to remain passive while any contest of strength
or skill was going on. Some of the best polo players the
game has ever produced have been rulers of one or another
ot the native states of India, nor, indeed, need I use the past
tense m making that assertion.
A Burma Polo Ground
One of the most striking instances of polo enthusiasm 1
recati ever having encountered was that of a number of planters
and army officers near Mergui, in the southern " panhandle "
ot Burma. That district, with the lower end of the Malay
Peninsula, was experiencing a rubber boom, and incidental to
cleanng a stretch of dense tropical jungle it was planned to
make a polo field. All that cutting and burning could do
however, was to get rid of the lighter brash and timber.
Several giant stumps still remained, together with a half-
dozen forty or fifty-feet lengths of prostrate trunk, while
straight across the middle of the field meandered a little perennial
streamlet for the diversion of which no practical means was dis-
covered. Several years would have to elapse before the timber
and stumps would be dry enough to burn, and the expense of
building an underground conduit for the streamlet was pro-
hibitive ; so the plucky enthusiasts, with true Oriental philo-
sophy simply did the best they could with the facilities
ottered. The stream, except when it ran away with the ball
as happened every now and then, was not a senous handicap'
and the stumps could generally be avoided ; but the great
prostrate tranks seemed to get mixed up in every run Of
course there were a good many accidents at first, both to man
and beast, and the feelings of one plantation manager— he
was a Dutchman, from Sumatra, and had scant sympathy
for sport of any kind— regarding the demoraUsation of his
staff of assistants incident to the game as played, was summed
up in the statement that " haff of mine men vas haff kUt, und
all of dem vas all crazy."
At the end of a few weeks of this steeplechase polo the
casualty hst had increased to an extent that left neither ponies
nor players enough to make a game, and before two full teams
were ready again elephants and dynamite became available
Between these two irresistible forces stumps and logs were
soon blown up and dragged out of thewav. When I visited
Mergm five years ago, this remarkable field was two feet deep
under water from the monsoon rains, but I was assured that
in the dry season, " though a bit soggy, it was reallv a very
sportmg bit, of turf." ,-
The story is told of a polo field at one of the North- Western
Irontier posts which was so near the Afghan border that the
festive Afndis used occasionaUy to he safely hidden among
the rocks of their own hill sides and indulge in long-range
target practice at the flying figures on the plain below. -This
was back in the 8o's. Scant attention was paid to pot-
shooting, for the Afridis, though exceUent marksmen, were
rarely able to do much damage at long range with their " ten
rupee jezails." Polo went on as usual until one day some of
the first fore-running Mausers from the yet undeveloped
Persian Gulf smuggling trade feU into the hands of the tribes-
men at this point. It was a Saturday afternoon, a game was
on with a visiting team from Peshawar, and the players were
just beginning to straggle o^t for a preliminary warming up.
One of them— the visiting captain— was in the act of carrying
a ball down the field at an easy canter, when there came the
shnek of bullets in the air, and the rider went tumbling
from his horse, shot through the chfst almcst before the ringing
cracks from the distant hill-sid^ told the players that there
were mcdern high-power rifles tiUined down from the brown
rocks which they had so often before seen overhung with the
drifting smoke-wreaths of the harmless old jezails.
I could tell the story of a tiger that was shot and killed
one night almost between the goal posts of a polo field in
Upper Burma, where he had dragged and was eating at leisure
the body of the post's crack pony, or of how some rhinos
came down early one morning to" a polo ground in Upjx-r
Assam and, in endeavouring to reach the fcdder that was stored
for the pionics , completely wrecked the stables,' but I
hardly ne«d further to multiply instances to show the splendid
sporting instmct which must imbue the Anglo-Indian poloist
to lead him to play the game under such untoward conditions.
Land & Water
February 28, 191 8
DOMESTIC
ECONOMY.
, N„m^ and addresses 0/ shops wjvcrc tf^ articUj rncnticned
can be obtained, mil be forwarded on rece,^ "f" S°J^Zy
«^,i,f^':ed to Passe-Partout, Land & Water, 5. i^/wnce'/
u!'e W.C 2 Any other tn/ormation mU be g^ven on request.
Everyone hearing the usud n^e
Rliirhtv asks the inevitable question What
Bhghty ^ ^ ^ ^^^.^^^ P .. d heaps
Tweeds ^^^ hearing, by buying them wiU
r .u , " Tiiiahtv Tweeds " are woven only by
^'^^^J i!^f nf the fervices is to give them some congemal
rSso'cruA hard to bear, and thus are helped m just the
■"'S^sucYess of '■ BUghty Tweeds" proves that but for the
wa?many an embryo w4ver might have wended his way
«ar many an J . regular art, one, it might be
truSt-none r^fy to -qSe, but the -n^empl^^^^^^^
have very quickly made It their own The Bl-^hty Tweeds
arp caoital— of that there is no shadow of doubt 1 hey art
d^Lwe w^-«sisting, and in a great many dehghtul designs
f^ Sour^ Glancing through the I oo'< of patterns too. is a
mostSeresting proceeding, since c. ch pattern has a ticket
Sxed to the back on which the name of the man who has
"°r?amoi loSn firm have taken the whole output of
•• BliX Tweeds " and are seUing them by the yard, besides
coats and suits already made up. They are quite as, smt-
able for women as for men.
Nobody wants to be fassed over
A n Fconomv anything very intricate in the way of
An ILConomy ^ /^^^.j^ ^^w-a-days. and the majonty
t roCK Qf £oijj ^iii be delighted with a new
and charming frock just evolved practically devoid of fasteners.
/Ul the fastening indeed that it has is in the sash, and yet it is
■far removed from being shapeless, fitting the figure m fact in
the neatest possible way. . ^ j.u
The model shown is of soft black satin bordered at the
neck and wrists with white, the sash being white hned so as
to emphasise still further the scheme. The frock shps on much
in the same way as an overaU, the sash slots through a sht to
one side, is brought round the figure, and knots in some pretty
wav one side of the skirt is drawn over the other and there is
the whole frock complete— as practical and pretty a dress as
anyone could see. This frock is called by the firm responsible
their Economy Frock and the name is a mented one.
Not only does it eUminate the necessity for a maid s help, but
it can be worn for all kinds of occasions, not looking too
overdressed for one or not enough of a frock for another.
Then too there is nothing to get easily out of order or become
"dashed" Other combinarions of colour are available,
' lor this frock wiU be made to order to any tone required-
navy blue with beige being one very acceptable suggestion.
Some spring straw hats, just the
Workmanlike tiling to take the place of the
Q TT ubiquitous velour, are well worth
btraw rlatS womenkind's consideration. They
are that ideal type of hat, not too elaborate, not too dowdj-,
striking inde-;d that difficult mean " the happy medium."
These hats are of pedal straw and English made and are.
moreover, almost invariably becoming, taking a very prett\-
outline on the head. They are close clipped enough to keeji
trim and taut in a wind ; it they get wet they dry easily, and
ar(> quite reasonable regarding price.
Ml the trimming needed or vouchsafed is a simple tie and
Vow of ribbon blending with the colouring of the hats. These
colours happen usually to be fascinating, including yellow,
brown, tomato, navv blue, emerald green and a rather
delightful neutral looking hay colour. Anyone wanting a
strictly practical yet withal exceptionally pretty hat, one
moreover, that can confidently be expected to wear, should
meet these hats, since they in every way arc undoubtedly ju^t
the veiy thing they want to find.
On chilly nights something additiunat
A Novel in the way of a night vvrap is a
, possession anyone would rehsh, and
Nlght-wrap [,,y realisation of this has led a clever
firm to bring forward just the thing required. It is a meht-
wrap the sort anyone can slip on over a nightdress and s eep
in all night with a distinct gain to their well-being and comfort.
These night-wraps are of nuns %eiling in wlute or in some
pretty pale colour, notably pink. They are kimono shaped
and either scalloped or trimmed with an attractive veimng^
In either case simphcity and charm is their motto, and a well
conceived legend it chances to be. .
These night-wraps are weU worth buying now, in casene.xt
winter brings a shortage of this sort of thing. A point in their
favour is the ease with which they wash it being perfectly
easy indeed to laundry them at home and thus make n(. fnrt her
encroachments on the washing bill.
One of the really satisfactory lessons
An Ideal Plate we are learning is the art of " doins
-DA without," and a plate powder whicli
rowoer ^^ij jjp ygy^j without additional
moisture of any kind is yet another footstep on the wav.
Many kinds of plate powder need a little methylated spirit
if the best polishing results are to be attained, and methylated
spirit is untowardly difficult to get, indeed in many places ''an
simply not be got at all. • , 1 j ^i
The " Brytenall " cleaning powder can be spnnkled on ttie
article needing cleaning just as it is, straight out of the tin _
The tin, it may be mentioned, aids and abets this, for it is htted
with a very neat sprinkler top so that the process is facilitated
in every possible way. Then if a rub is given with a leather
the whole easy cleaning is done and a bright shimng poluh is
the satisfactory result. . .
The makers guarantee that the powder contains no acidb, so
' that it is not injurious to anything it should touch. This, as
it happens, is a point to emphasise, lots of plate powders teng
positively harmful to silver and plate. Nor can its poliihmg
powers be over-exaggerated, it polishes so qmckly ana
effectually that it is a positive labour-saver, imparting the
brightest, most sparkling shine. Tins of the powder will be
sent post free for is. 3d., and aU housewives would be well
advised to give it at least a trial. PASSE-P.^KTOV^-
N.B.— Owing to the number of letters received, and the mass of
correspondence involv d, it is impossible to guarantee letters addressed
to " Passe-Partout " being replied to within less than 48 hours.
Pearls have played an important part in all history. Imaginatuni
can linger over a pearl as over no other jewel, dwelling with delight
on its lustre, its orient, the shades of colour it betrays as if it were—a-,
some people aver— in truth alive. To possess a beautiful rope of pearls
is the bounden and natural ambition of many a woman. Yet
a string of pearls would be beyond the reach i>f all but the favoured tew
were it not for the good services of Sessel of 14 and ma New lio nd
Street. The Sessel pearls are so like natural pearls in each and every
particular that one cannot be disti'nguished from the other, biae uy
side with pearls of price it is impossible fur even an expert to
detect the difierence. The Sessel booldet is well worth studying. ;
Whatever other opportumUes may pass us by. the White Sale at
Derry and Toms of Kensington High Street must by no mischance be
among them. It is just the kind of thing a woman with an eye to tlic
future simply cannot afford to neglect. First and foremost it gives a
superlative opportunity to buv house linen and secure at reduced sale-
prices articles which, before much water has passed under the bn(Jt.i>.
in all probability cannot be got at all. This while sale begin ^ "
Monday, and lasts to the end of March.
A golden opportunity is a job line of damask cloths snowi:':;
slight weaver's damages, the kind of thing that in countless cases c/n
ha?dly be detected with the naked eye. Table cloths are being sohl
from 19s. I id. each, and table napkins from 21s. gd. the dozen. /*'"'"
special heed, too, is a delightful bedspread, a copy of an old hlet la<.o
one, 80 by 100 inches, and costing only nine shillings each Cretonnes,
originally is. 1 1 id , will be down to is. i.Jd. a yard, so that there is a
chance for spring curtains and covers impossible to overestimate.
Lingerie of all kinds falls beneath the sale's sway, giving scope lor
bargain after bargain, some Llama cashmere stockings costing as. 114a.
being a case in point, besides any number of attractive camisoles at
three shillings. .\nd there are blouses, s^iort coats and '.jloves.
i
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX. No. 2011. [JS\%1 THURSDAY MARCH 7 iqi8 rREGisxERED as-i published weekly
» ui. i^.(v.i».. J.1U. ^>^i_j. lyearj 1 iiu jxoi^ni , ivi^iv^^^ii /, lyio i^ newspaperJ price ninepence
Survivors at Arras
By C. R. W. Nevinson, Official Artist at the Front.
(Mr. Louis Raemaekers' Cartoon appears this week on pages 12 and 13).
Land <& Water
On the Aisne
March 7 , i g 1 8
i
An Artillery Encampment
Frnu-li Official
When the Floods are Out
French Official
March 7, igi8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN 2828.
v
THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 19 18.
Contents
Survivors at Arras. By C. K. W. Xevinson
On the Aisne. (Illustrations)
The Outlook
The German Offer. By Hilaire Belloc
A Battleship at Sea. By Lewis R. Freeman, R.N.V.
Food for Thought. By Charles .Mercier
The " Glenart Castle " (Cartoon). Bj' Raemaekers 12
Leaves from a German Note Book
Rural Housing Question. By H.
Moscow's Stolen Treasures. By G. C. Williamson
Masterpieces. By J. C. Squire
.Modem Novels and Critics. By Hugh Walpole
The Return. By Stacy Aumonier
Domestic Economy
Notes on Kit
P.^GE
I
R.
and
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5
7
II
13
14
15
17
19
20
2Z
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xiii
The Outlook
AT 4 of the morning of Tuesday, February 26th,
His Majesty's hospital ship " Glenart Castle,"
of about 6,000 tons, was sunk, probably by
submarine, in the Bristol Channel, off Hartland
Point, on the North Devon coast. The vessel
was fully lighted as a hospital ship at the time and was
outward bound — happily (though the enemy would not know
it) with no wounded on board. She sank very rapidly by
the stern in less than ten minutes, and a heavy loss of life has
been involved. A matron and seven nursing sisters, 5
doctors and 42 men of the R.A.M.C, two chaplains, and
124 officers and crew were the t«tal on board.
There is no positive proof of this outrage being the work
of a submarine, but the probabihties are in favour of that
supposition, for the explosion took place nearly amidships
from the side towards the open sea, and lights very low down
on the water had been seen on this same starboard side
shortly before the blow was struck. The hour was one
which would increase the list of those who have gone down
with the ship, while the weather was so bitter and the
sea so rough that any long exposure suffered by the survivors
must have proved fatal. The single boat saved was found
by a- French vessel seven hours after the tragedy and v\as
only kept afloat by continual baling out of icy water. The
,fengine-room suffered less in proportion to the rest of the
crew because the explosion happened as shifts were changing.
♦ ♦ *
Custom has rendered familiar incidents such as the
destruction of this hospital ship, and has unfortunately dulled
the indignation with which they were received when the
enemy first began to perpetrate these crimes. All the more
ought we to insist upon them and to keep them vividly before-
the public mind. We should never be tired of repeating
the plain truth that abominations of this kind were unknown
to Europe until the modern Germans made themselves respon-
sible for them. They are not " the product of modern war."
There is nothing about them of a " development." They
have not even come by some slow and therefore facile degrad-
ation of our moral standard. They do not lie upon the
conscience of Europe at all, for such things have never before
been done in Eurojx; or by Europeans.
They are the novel and characteristic acts of the German
people at war. They are committed by Germans at sea
with the approval and support of the German people at home,
and they are committed under the influence of a pride in
themselves and a contempt for our civilisation which ma\-
indeed be insane but which must none the less be destroyed
if Europe is to survive. They are not the work of individuals
or of a special system or of a military caste, but of the German
people as a whole, who thoroughly applaud them and con-
sistently demand their pursuit. Such a state of mind is,
of course, a moral anarchy, and the only fruit of it; if it remained
unpunished or rather undestroyed, would be the dissolution
«f that high European civilisation which the Germans have
onlypartiallyacquired, and which their barbarism now menaces
with extinction. This point of view Raemaekers emphasises
in his cartoon in this issue.
* * *
On Monday, February 25th, Count Herthng, the Chancellor
of the German Empire, delivered a speech upon the attitude
of the German Government towards the war and the terms
upon which it would accept peace. He ojx;ned by a state-
ment that public speeches of this sort were not of very great
utility; next quoted his agreement with Mr. Runciman's
speech in the House of Commons earlier in the month, when
that gentleman said that we should be nearer peace if a
meeting could be agreed upon for discussion, and proceeded
to define the attitude of his Government towards the question
of Belgium. With regard to this he affirmed the disinterestedness
of that Government, their desire to avoid the annexation of
Belgian territory, but the necessity of preventing it from
being used as a basis of attack against Germany. He added
that he would welcome a separate discussion with the Belgian
(Government at Havre.
He next dealt with President Wilson's message of February
nth (which he criticised as being excessively long). He
summarised its proposals under four heads, all quite abstract,
and reducible to the excellent principle that the inhabitants
of each territory should decide their own fate in the settlement.
With this abstract principle the Chancellor also declared
himself in agreement. He required it, however, to be affirmed
by all the belhgerent nations, not bv the head magistrate of
one alone, and asserted that the chief obstacle to such a
settlement was the EngHsh desire for conquest. The speech
contained no concrete propositions and was of little value
either to the speaker or to his opponents.
* * *
A reply to this speech was delivered upon the following
Wednesday in the House of Commons by Mr. Balfour. Mr.
Balfour in his reply had little to deal with save the obvious,
but he dealt with that effectively. He pointed out that there
never had been any question of using Belgium as a base of
aggression against Germany, and he might have added that
the Belgian plain has never been used as a base of aggression
by any Western Power against any German State in the past,
and in the nature of things could hardly be so used. He
pointed out that the German Chancellor had said nothing
about restoration or reparation, and further that the account
which would have to be settled with Prussia was something
very much larger than this one Belgian item, elTective though
it niight be as a touchstone.
Mr. Balfour further remarked, with great justice, that
whenever modern Germans talk of " security of frontiers,"
they mean, in effect, the annexation and domination against
their will of populations to whom Prussia was repugnant.
He alluded to the shameless partition of Poland in favour
of the new artificial Ukraine State, but went too far in saying
that a concession had been made, and that " the new frontier
was apparently going to be modified." All that has hap-
pened is that the Austrians have promised to talk about the
affair some other time, and the new frontier wilj be decided
according to the success or ill-success of the enemy in arms.
Mr. Balfour concluded by pointing out that Turkey had
entered the war with the object of recovering Egypt,
that is, for conquest ; and contrasted the foolish claim of
humanity made for the German interference in Russia with
the notorious German cruelties in Belgium and France.
* * *
• In the same debate, which was upon the Vote on Account,
Sir Herbert Samuel spoke in support of Mr. Austen Chamber-
Iain's recent remarks upon the relations between politicians
and certain sections of the Press. He asked what the
Government intended to do in the matter, but received no
reply, Mr. Bonar Law's following speech dealing only with
the general ground of confidence in the Government. ' Upon
this point Mr. Bonar Law made in great detail an extensive
defence of the present small War Cabinet, atid contrasted its
efficiency in Government with that of the larger Cabinet
which had preceded it, and of which he was also a member.
This portion of the debate was of no great interest.
Indeed, far more attaches to the remarks made by the
same Minister, Mr. Bonar Law, at a meeting of the Aldwych
Club the day before, when he urged the great business firms
represented in his audience to make a special effort for a
renewed increase in the sale of War Bonds. The appeal
appears to have had a great success, and to confirm the
present policy of day-to-day borrowing involving the post-
ponement of anv great loan.
* * *
In the House last Thursday, Mr. Samuel contrasted tin-
First Lord's statement of the 2nd ultimo— that merchant
Land & Water
March 7, 19 18
sliij , iiig was " incre.ising rapidJy " — with the later official
.1 lii'iMji-cmcnt that, whereas over 130,000 and 150,000 tons
' 1 ' been completed in November and December, only
-^...no tons had been so completed in January, and that the
n^ure for Fcl)ruarv would be no better. The rate of con-
struction for a third of a year then promises hardly more
than a million tons for the twelvemonth, which is about
what we did in 1917. Mr. Honar Law, admitted labour
troubles were largely re.sponsible for this.
The situation is more unpleasant from the fact that nobody
reallv seems to know what the situation is. Sir Eric Geddes,
it is dear, did not on February 2nd know of the collapse of
shipbuilding in the previous month. Lloyd's List, neces-
sarilv the best-informed journal of shipbuilding, in trying to
strike a balance between losses by enemy action and new
'-onstrUction in 1917. confesses that it is reduced to pure
euess-work, and finds Sir Leo Monev's statement that our
net lo-is in 1917 was 598 ships of over i,6co tons, and that
British tonnage available was now 20 per cent, less than it
»'a>. quite unintelligible. ..
There are, then, two salient features of the situation.
First, that those who .should know most of the subject — the
First Lord of the Admiralty and the premier shipping journal
- '-annot make head or tail of it : next, that those who
handle labour — that is, their own leaders and the employers —
'.annot succeed in getting continuous and energetic work.
\\> venture to think that the first of these phenomena
e.\ plains the second,
• • *
There can be little doubt now that the Government has
made a grave mistake in trying to disguise, minimise, or
conceal our loss of ships by submarines and mines. In the
early part of 1915 wc were told the names and tonnage of
each ship lost and the approximate locality of every sinking.
When this information was set out graphically in these pages
—that is, by chart and diagram — to enforce our naval con-
Tributor's argument that the historic defences of convoy and"
patrol should be adopted, the localities of the sinkings' were
at once suppressed, and further argument along this line was
stopped by the censorship. When the more vigorous sub-
marine campaign reopened in August, 1916, we were for-
bidden even to tabulate the monthly results in diagram form.
When the ruthless campaign began thirteen months ago, all
infonnation, except the bare number of British ships sunk
was suppressed.
There may be two reasons for secrecy. The first is to
prevent the enemy getting information that will help him to
smk more ships : the second is to suppress alarm that would
be discouraging to ourselves or to our Allies— and, inci-
dentally, any criticism that exposes responsibility for the
events which cause the alarm. The first is a legitimate
reas<jn for absolute secrecy for a certain period, but a month
after the event, the name, tonnage, and locality of the sinking
would tell the enemy nothing useful. The mere suppression
or disguismg of bad news for fear of its effect is a thoroughly
baa reason for secrecy, for it gives the country and our
Allies a totally false sense of security, while leaving the
enemv free to get the full propaganda value of any wildly
e-vaegTU".! statements he chooses to circulate
.Mr. Barnes made a remarkable statement in the House of
Commons last week upon the present state of shipbuilding
The speech included certain preliminary statements by this
Minister upon the 12 J per cent, bonus, of which we have
^ V. f i"""*"' '*^ ^^^^^ "P°" '=^^0"''' and the discussions
which had risen upon it in the workshops. Important as this
policy has proved, and grave as are the problems raised by
what has followed upon it, it is one exceedingly difficult for
the general public to deal with justly
We do not know, because we are not told, exactly what
part of the new policy was due to the initiative of the Ministry
of .Munitions or how much to the initiative of the Ministry
01 Labour. And no one can possibly tell, e.xcept those
immersed in the immensely complicated details of labour
and munition administration at this moment, what the full
*?TL «^ ^'^" "■■ ^"■'^ '"'•^'y *° '^«- Wliat is important is
that Mr. Barnes ascribed a recent unsatisfactory decline in
the rate of shipbuilding to the labour ferment, and traced
this ferment, in part at least, to the policy of the bonus
The words he used were significant and grave. He told
... that during January less than half of the estimated
tonnage had been actually turned out. and that February
would show the same bad record. He added the remarkable
(and. m dealing with foreign affairs, unusual) phrase
America ha.s failed us so far as shipbuilding is concerned '=
Mr. Barnes is a Minister of the War Cabinet, and it is the
first time during the course of this struggle that such words
have been used with regard to an Ally by any responsible
member of any administration in any of the Allied countries.
The phrase is, of course, rhetorical and exaggerated ; but it
is none the less to be regretted. Its object was undoubtedly
excellent, since it was designed to make the public under-
stand the gravity of the situation ; but it was very unfor-
tunately put.
* * . *
The Man-Power Bill was considered by the miners at their
adjourned conference last week. A resolution from Lan-
cashire recommending immediate measures to supply the
recruits from the mines was rejected. On the other hand, a
resolution from Northumberland recommending the Govern-
ment to open negotiations with the Central Powers was also
rejected, and the conference decided to refer the question
to a ballot.
In the case of the engineers, the result of the recent ballot,
though the majority was large, is inconclusive for the neces-
sary proportion of members did not vote. The situation has
been made much more difficult by the methods of the Govern-
ment, for obviously it was most" important that the national
need should be made clear, whereas the authorities seemed
to think it was better tactics to try to set one union against
another. The industrial world is full of suspicion, but there
is no weakening of the main purpose, and the workmen are
quite ready for sacrifices when the necessity is put plainly
before them.
* . * *
An important agreement has been come to between the
Japanese and the other Allies. It is to the effect that the
Japanese are to have a free hand to protect the large accumu-
lation of stores in the East of Siberia, and particularly
at Vladivostock, which had been provided by the Allies
for the defence of Russia while that nation still existed.
The Japanese Government, which in this matter has
been specially approached by the French, will have full support
of the Allies in occupying and policing the districts threatened
by the present anarchy in Eastern Siberia, and will be able,
it is hoped, to salve no small part of the material now im-
perilled. It is rumoured that a very large number of German
and Austrian prisoners in Siberia have been given arms
by the Revolutionaries, and that this renders the action »f
Japan. the more necessary.
The incident is a curious commentary upon that state of
mind which confidently prophesies the future in international
affairs. It is not 20 years since what was then the Russian
Empire was regarded as the necessary heir to European
influence in the far North-East, and when its power there
was regarded as specially menacing to the- interests of this
country. It is not 15 years since this so-called "inevitable
process " was checked by the Japanese declaring war. In all
the possible endings to that rivalry which the wisest observer
could imagine, such an ending as the present was not and
could not have been conceived.
A change of considerable importance has long been effected
m the Austro-Hungarian service. A complete study of it
has recently appeared on the Continent, and its effects will
be interesting to note in the fighting of this year. Even
allowing for the large number of Slav prisoners which that
service has lost, the majority of its recruitment is still neither
German nor Magyar in race, but Slav, with a certain small
proportion of Rumanian (about 7 per cent, of the whole).
In the first part of the war, when recruitment was local
and fairiy homogeneous, these subject and discontented
elements all mustered together in the same unity, gave
active opportunities for revolt and organised disaffection, as
aJso for general surrenders— especially to the Russians. In
the latter part of the war nearly every non-German or Magyar
iHiit has been thoroughly leavened 'with German or Magyar
elements, while Slavs have been dispersed into many units
of non-Slav origin. This policy has been piu-sued even in
the case of the officers. The result is that actively organised
opposition or mutiny is more difficult to produce and has
almost disappeared. Moreover, the defeat of Russia has
helped the process.
On the other hand, the best units have lost their old quality
under this policy, and there is a sort of dilution affecting the
whole army, and lessening its vigour and driving power
Some special corps— for instance, the Mountaineers from the
lyrol, have remained untouched. But these are excep-
tions^ The mass of the forces have suffered the pro-
cess described. It has given political, though very short-
lived, advantages, at the expense of purely military
considerations.
March 7, 191 8
Land Sc Water
The German Offer: By Hilaire Belloc
IN the course of last week the Germtin Chancellor of
the moment, Hertling, delivered yet another of the
series of speeches upon peace terms with which Europe
has now grown familiar. It was replied to by Sir.
Balfour in the' House of Commons on Wednesday
last, February 27th. Mr. Balfour made the best that could
be made out of such very thin material, but the truth is
that the enemy's declarations (for they cannot be called
terms) hardly afford matter for debate. The situation is so
clear, has been of such long standing, and is now so generally
perceived even by the mass of the public, that these official
statements and counter .statements are little more than a
waste of time and are attracting less and less attention.
The central fact of that situation is the anxiety of Prussia,
the master of the Central Group which we are fighting, to
cry oiT while her army is still intact — to be left unhampered
in her training of subject Slavs of her service. It is as simple
as that. .
In pursuing this end, Prussia relics upon forces in our
Western civilisation vastly stronger than those of the
numerically and intellectually insignificant Pacifists. She
relies chiefly upon something common to all human nature,
which is the tendency to act "unreasonably under a strain.
She also relies upon the contrast between her own knowledge
of Slav problems (which is naturally extensive and accurate)
and the general ignor;mce of them in the West. She further
relies upon the necessarily diverse character of the several
nations arrayed against her dominion. All these things are
in her favour. But a statement of plain fact is not in her
favour. The facts now known to every one — though they
have taken a long time getting known — are utterly against
her moral claim — which is now that the war is but a sad
misunderstanding. Those facts are also, happily, a.gainst
the probability of her final victory. In other words, if
Europe calls in its intelligence to correct its moods, Europe
will win and barbarism will be defeated.
The position has, therefore, two clear elements : —
(i) Prussia and her dependents have gained a great and
decisive victory against the alliance on its isolated Eastern
front ; which victory, if it can be left undisturbed, will double
her power in a generation.
But (2); he and they are perilously exhausted — far more,
exhausted than is the West ; and Prussia sees little chance
of any further accident which tvould relieve the growing
pressure against her. She perceives that if the war is main-
tained in spite of the heavy strain on us, the strain on her
will break her.
First, the Centra! Empires under the leadership of Prussia
have won a complete and decisive victory upon the front
between the Baltic and the Black Sea ; added to which
victory, and as a consequence of it, they obtained a recent
military success in Italy upon a scale so stupendous (the
greatest single capture in men and guns of all military
history) that though no decision was then obtained, the
moral effect was overwhelming in the enemy's countries and
very serious in our own.
To such an atmosphere of success — which in the case of
the Slav countries is much more than an atmosphere —
Prussia and her subjects stand now with a record of three
and a half years' successful resistance between the Alps and
the North Sea. This successful resistance has involved
— by a mere mechanical accident, it is true, but none the
less has involved — the great moral factor of fighting upon
enemy soil. Until the air raids began to develop, the war
was, for the German at home, a terrible trial compensated
for by the triumph of ordering and subjugating portions of
the civilised West. This was more than a moral asset ; it
was a material asset as well. If the Western siege line had
crystallised in the fluctuations of 1914 upon German instead
of upon French and Bel.gian soil, the enemy would have
been handicapped by having to spare as much as possible
what lay behind our lines, while we would have had the
pleasure of destroying without any great compunction all
that lay behind his. If St. Quentin were Cologne, for
instance, or Douai Bonn, they would be uninhabited to-day.
This first element, then, is the fact that Pru.ssia and her
dependents are the heirs of a gratifying and very great
success, the last and most striking proofs of which arc imme-
diate and vivid The Italian victory is only live months
old ; the occupation of Reval is not a fortnight old. And it
simply lies with the enemy when he may cjioose to occupy
St. Petersburg in the North and Kieff in the south.
But the second counterbalancing element, of which far too
little is made, is more serious in the eyes of soldiers and
in the eyes of statesmen. It is the degree of exhaustion
from which the German Empire and Austria-Hungar\- are
suffering.
Of the belligerent nations upon the European sidf, the
side of civilisation, the only one to enter the war fully
mobilised was the French Republic. We know what four
years of war have done to the effectives and to the civilian
man-power of that nation. Well, that same four years have
done more, not very much more, but more, to the civilian
man-power, and still more to the effectives, of the. two
Central Empires. These also entered the war from the
first moment fully mobilised. In other words, they have
been standing a maximum of losses from the beginning.
Great Britain, with her Colonies and Dependencies,
developed her resources with marvellous rapidity, but still
the pace was limited by sheer physical necessity, and the
average numbers in the field were correspondingly smaller
than those of any nation entering the war fully mobilised on
its first outbreak. We have been publicly told, upon
official authority, that our casualties of all kinds are, so far.
perhaps one-third of the French, and that the casualties of
all kinds from these islands alone are perhaps equal to the
French dead alone. On that basis we can contrast the
German position, in particular among our enemies, with the
English position in p;u-ticular among the Allies.
Actual German Losses
The Germans have now buried (killed, prematurely dead
from disease, and from wounds) something like three million
of those drawing military rations ; perhaps somewhat more.
They have lost much more than three million males dead,
over and above the average rate in peace time. And there
are other factors in the position which are sometimes for-
gotten. The German military system depended upon a
caste of officers. That caste has been half destroyed by the
war, and the gaps have been supplemented in various ways :
by temporary commissions onlv granted after expressed
limitations of rank and authority ; by giving non-com-
missioned officers commissioned duties : by reducing the
proportion of command ta rank and' file, etc. . With all
these supplementary' methods rather grudgingly used, the
handicap from which Germany suffers in a long war remains.
The jealous regard of the miJitarv caste for its position, has
prevented in Germany what France has done naturally for
a century, and what England has successfully, though
experimentally, done in the last three years^ — the creation
of a body of officers chosen and promoted almost without
regard to social rank in peace.
At the same time, the enemy is suffering from a more
severe economic exhaustion than the Western Allies, and he
has been suffering from it for a much longer time. There
are in this province anomalies and discrepancies. Civilian
rationing, for instance, has come upon Great Britain
suddenly and severely, thoiigh only on a few articles, whereas
in the' Central Empires it has been at work almost from the
beginning — though covering man\- more articles. Certain
necessaries are perilously near the murgin with us which in
the enemy's country are more abundant. But. striking a
balance, that balance is heavily against him and in out
favour. Our real difficulty is transport — principalK' mari-
time, and therefore vulnerable and slow, while the distances
to be travelled are also very long. His transport is short,
invulnerable, and rapid. But the ultimate fact is available
supply, and in this the enemy is far worse hit than his
opponents. He can use, not without great friction, the
civilian power of Belgium and of a small strip of Northern
France. He can use, on a scale which so far has been but
an insignificant part of the whole, certain industrial centres
in Poland ; but against this we have the mass of British
industrial power, the complement to the fact that the Britisli
armies were mobilised more slowly and less fully than those
of the French ; further, we have the production of the world
behind us, especially of the United States.
There is one last point to be considered in this economic
exhaustion of the enemy : a point to which allusion has
often been made in this journal the complete cutting off
of tropical and sub-tropical products from the Central
Empires. We have just had one striking example of its
effect in the difficulty the enemy has to provide efficient
gas masks from lack of rubber ; but- it is something running
Land & Water
March 7,
1918
do not know, for instance, when the dearth of such an essen-
tial at. cotton (which ought to have been strictly contraband
from the first day <if the war) will not appear with the same
severity as the dearth of rubber.
This second element, then, the element of exhaustion, is
the counter-balancing one which is compelling the enemy so
an.viously to seek some wa\' out to a negotiated peace before
he loses the fruits of his recent great successes.
It is too often forgotten that military science proceeds by
calculation. The Higher Conunand of every army in the
field to-day thinks mainly in terms of curves and figures. It
has no choice but to do .so, for to do so is the essence of its
trade, and to be right about those curves and figures is the
test of its efficiency'. A soldier can no more think in tlie
rhetorical or sensational vagueness of the popular journal
and politician than a merchant can think in terms of fine
houses and lu.xurious displav. The commander can no more
escape from the calculation of losses and effectives, of material
and production, of transport, of hospital returns, of climatic
statistics concerning weather and soil, of degrees of accuracy
in artillery fire and its results, of radius of action in aircraft
and missile weapons, than the merchant can escape from the
calculation of prices, costings, and quotations.
The Militarist State
Now. the German organisation is an organisation of soldiers,
not very military in spirit, for it is neither chivalric nor
adventurous, but still entirely of soldiers. Prussia is an
army with a State attached and subordinate to it, whereas
the Allies are States using armies subordinate to civilians.
Tlie mere essentials, therefore, of the militarv art are the
ver\' core of the enemy's action. What the German com-
manders think is what directs all German policy, and what
the (rerman soldiers want is the thing that is done by the
German civilians, Chancellor and all.
Well, the German soldier has made his calculations, and in
his mind all the talk about the continuation of the war being
"useless," the German Army being " "invincible, " the
"shining sword," and the rest "of it are balderdash. They
are used by courtiers and by public speakers in the hope of
impressing the enemy. But the motive force behind them,
the reason they are used for impressing the Allies, and per-
suading them to a negotiated peace, is a mass of exact cal-
culations which the commanders make and follow. The
people behind the German policy of peace are watching the
curves. They know better than we do (though we know
pretty iu-.curately) exactly what the submarine loss is. They
know what crews they can get and at what rate to replace
losses. They have a curve for that and a curve for the real
damage to tonnage ; a curve for the margin of error in this
<seemg that the submarine officer does not know what he is
hitting unless he first summons it, or unless it is a hospital
ship with distinctive marks). They keep most accurate
curves of their dead ; of their recruitment ; of their losses of
every kind ; of their hospital returns. They have innumer-
able other curves of production and consumption in civilian
necessities ; in the output of munitions ; in the condition
wastage, and numbers of railway wagons ; in the dwindlin-'
supply of lubricants^and all the rest of it. It is the lesson
taught by these curves which produces in their various
forms, from the grotesque— like the request that we should
give up our coaling stations—to the merely futile— like quot-
ations from St. Augustine— these perpetual appeals for peace
llie elements favourable to Prussia are fortuitous and
incalculable. Ihere may be a civilian breakdown in some
one other country of the Alliance, such as that which has
taken place under alien and cosmopolitan direction in the
capital of what was once Russia. There mav be ciuarrels
among the Allies. There mav be discovered anunexpectcdh-
weak sector such as that the collapse of which led to the
enormous victory of Caporetto la.st October. It is such
accidents as these which have on three separate occasions
res <,red, when it seemed l.opeless. the Prussian position
tint no soldier gambles upon continued luck. All soldiers
calculate. And the calculation of the future is against
Frussia. That IS why Prussia continues and will continue
to seek the earliest possible peace. Subject to the necessity
she IS under of holding all she can of what she has already
not ' r ^A .* . "™=^"r« potentially a .strong military
pow.T-and whatever scheme of disarmament were proposed
n Io'T'k/- T'f ""'"f>' f'"«'^-'- ^h'^' ^vill potentially remain,
unless she is beaten in this war • "
Thn'''CJ''^.".r''f •'■ f"" ■' ""^"'■" because ii ,', a necessity.
Those who talk of a democratic Prussia are using a coiV
radict.on in terms. Tho.se who conceive of Prussia in the
future as one of many happy States all in agreement and form-
ing a sort of common civilisation, have perhaps not even
seen a map of the German Empire. Prussia is not a State ;
save for a certain nucleus of governing families, half Slavonic,
half German, it is not a race. It is a system. When one
talks of "Rhenish Prussia," for instance, that is a term
which, if Prussia were a State or a race, would be about as
meaningless as the phrase "Scotch Connaught " or "Irish
.Vberdeenshire." Prussia, if it were possible to regard it as
a State or a race, would mean a bare thinly populated dis-
trict mainly Slavonic in blood lying on the extreme north-
ea.st of the German speech, antipathetic to most Germans ;
never yet fully civilised, and run by a class of large land-
owners, whose dependents arc little better than serfs. But
the Rhine Provinces are hundreds of miles away from that
territory. They are the most civilised part of Northern
Germany ; they still retain a tincture of the Roman tradi-
tion ; they have proved very amenable in the past to
Western influence ; they enjoy great economic freedom, and,
though they are now badly spoilt by industrialism, they
repose upon a basis of free peasants. The idea of such a
place being "Prussian" in any racial or national sense is
nonsense. Yet the term "Rhenish Prussia," once we read
the word "Prussia" aright, is not nonsense at all, but has a
very real meaning. It has a very real meaning when we
read it to mean what it does mean— which is this : —
" T/ie administration by a military system of those Western
Marches of the Germanies from which aggressive action can
be taken against France, the two Netherlands, and Britain."
We are not out to destroy Prussian militarism or any
other "ism." We are out to destroy Prussia. This action
is not the destruction of a nation, but of a creed. It is a
creed the whole vitality of which depends upon victory.
It is a creed which would collapse at once upon defeat, and
which, unless it is destroyed, will itself destroy the high
civilisation of Europe in all its provinces, but in particular
our own.
Enemy Inferiority
This element of exhaustion, which is the root cause of
Germany's anxiety for peace, is accentuated by her rulers'
perception of the necessary growth of superiority (for the
third time, and probably for the last time) upon the side of
civilisation, and the corresponding decline upon the side of
its enemies.,. The Great War has seen three cusps or waves
of the sort. First came the unprovoked, unexpected, trea-
cherous, and exceedingly rapid attack which took us all
unawares. It was checked and broken at the Marne ; held
in front of Ypres and on the Yser ; and in the succeeding
six months, as Europe began to take breath and recover
itself, the superiority of Europe against the barbarian became
apparent. The rate of munitionment, the improvisation of
armies from Britain, the astonishing development of work in
the air ; the production of heavy artillery upon a quite
unheard-of scale ; in all these new things, civilisation
— which is always potentially superior to barbarism— drew
rapidly up in the race and began to get ahead of the enemy.
Let me give an example : —
In Augu.st, 1914, the clumsy but very large howitzer
which the Austrians had produced and the Germans adopted
for siege work, and the calibre of which was between i6 and
17 inches, was first employed. It reduced, with other lesser
but very large siege pieces, the ring fortresses upon which
French theory reposed. The Germans, who alone were
thoroughly preparing for war and were planning it, had
worked out the effect of such hve-^when it could be regulated
by the new and hitherto impossible method of obsefvation from
the air. But for observation from the air, the ring fortress
would have stood indefinitely against any assault. There-
fore It was that the Central Empires began the designing of
this piece about the time of Agadir in 191 1, and had it
ready at the moment which Prussia had decided upon to be
the moment for her successful surprise, immediately after the
harvest of igr4_three years ahead. Three years was the
tme taken to develop the new machinery and its accessories,
and the training of its crews. The same period applies to
the enlarging of the Kiel Canal and to many other tests of
their preparation.
Now, these very great engines were somewhat in the
nature of a surprise— at least, their effect was. Their mere
existence was, of course, familiar. But there were no con-
spicuously difficult problems to be solved. The howitzer
fires at a high angle; the absorption of recoil is propor-
tionately easier. It pretends to no great mobility, sin^e its
function IS to reduce siege works. But if you had told any
German in 1914 that he had to produce, and that the Allies
-would shortly produce a land gun of the same calibre, pos-
March 7, 191 8
Land & Water
7
sessing great mobility, he would have thought you were
laughing at him.
Well, that was in August, IQ14. In February, 1015, I saw
the castings of that very gun already in being — the great
French 400. I had to hold m\- tyngue about it. of course.
and did, until the piece appeared in the field. What I said
to th(jse who were showing it to me was what I think anybody
would have said who was interested in such subjects : That
the mere making of such a gun for use on land was, of course,
possible, though it could have no such platform : but that
I could not conceive how the recoil could be absorbed.
Further, I said that it could not have any mobility, and yet
mobilit\- was essential to the use of such a gun. The last
question was immediately answered. The gun would move
upon railwavs of the normal gauge. This, I said, solved
the problem of mobility, but made still more impossible of
solution the problem of absorbing the recoil. I could not
be told the secret of this last and essential solution, but I
was told it had been made, and, as we all know, these enor-
mous pieces came forward in the second year of the war ;
they completelv absorbed their recoil. The first few shells
from this piece, by the way, destroyed the railway station of
Peronne, in which three trains were standing packed with
troops.
- Tliat is only one example of what I mean when I say that
after each imexpectcd enemy success civilisation catches up.
Innumerable other examples will occur to every technical,
reader of these pages, and I think to most other general
readers as well. The enemy introduced poison gas to the
horror of civilisation ; but the civilised nations quickly beat
him at his own game. He had prepared defensive methods
against such a gas. We elaborated better ones. He came
into the field with a just appreciation of the machine-gun
and of trench weapons, in which we were hopelessly behind-
hand. We produced more, if not better, of the one, and
certainlv better of the otlier. He took it upon himself to
bombard civilians in open towns from the air — another-
abomination hitherto unheard of, and indeed strictly for-
bidden by conventions to which he had put his own hand. ^
We devised defences against such action superior to his own
and we are now appearing as his superior even in that last
deplorable development, which he himself chose, inaugurated,
and must now suffer from.
Now of all this the enemy is just afs well aware as we are.
We were catching him up foot by foot and passing him
when he got his first respite through the inability of the
Eastern Slavs to munition them.selves, lacking as they did
industrial power. He got his second when he brought in
the King of Bulgaria after the usual diplomatic treachery
and promises of neutrality, and the rest. But that advan-
tage was in its turn countered. The West began to pour
munitions into Russia ; the advance to the Mediterranean
was held ; the Turkish forces, which he was now able to
organise and munition through Bulgaria, were beaten in
their attack on Egypt, and were gradually pressed back on
their own soil. His double offensive in the West — Verdun
and the Trentino — failed. Our counter offensive pressed
him and exhausted him throughout iqi().
His third and greatest respite he has just obtained.
Following upon the heavy effect of the submarine warfare
before we had begun to catch up on that also, he enjoyed
what was for him the good fortune of the Russian Revolu-
tion, and the subsequent disintegration of the Russian State.
We all know the fruits of that last and most important of
his successes. They, were apparent in Italy, and they are
apparent in the present concentration upon the Western
front. But the process by which the superior invariably
dominates the inferior at last, in spite of any accident or
any surprise, the process, but for which civilisation would
long ago have disappeared under the attacks of barbarism,
is again at work. Again we find the process exasperating us
by its slowness, but again, if we will regard it as a necessary
inevitable growth, we can watch it in security. The pro-
duction of machinery and of mmiitions, of offensive and
defensive armament catches up. If you had before y6u the
curves representing, for instance, submarine warfare, or the
building of new tonnage, or the recruitment of American
soldiers, or the rate of their transport to Europe, any one of
the many incidental curves upon which the future is cal-
culated— j-ou would see in their aggregate (in spite of fluctua-
tions such as the fall in tonnage since January ist) this
movement of increasing strength against the corresponding
curves of the enemy. And the enemy has those calculations
before him just as we have ; though we know our own figures
more accurately and he his own. This third element in the
situation is,, even more than the rest, compelling him to
seek a negotiated peace.
H. Belloc.
A Battleship at Sea: By Lewis R. Freeman, r.n.
V.R.
So vivid a description of the ivalch at}d ward which the
British Fleet keeps round these islands in all weathers
has not before been published. Lieutenant Freeman,
R.N.V.R., narrates his actual experiences in a winter
cruise on a battleship in the North Sea.
THE collier had come alongside a little after seven
— two hours before daybreak at the time of
year — and I awoke in my cabin on the boat deck
just abaft the forward turret to the grind of the
winches and the steady tramp-tramp of the
barrow-pushers on the decks below.
On my way aft to the ward-room for breakfast, I stopped
for a moment by a midships hatch, where the commander,
grimed to the eyes, stamped his sea-boots and threshed his
arms as a substitute for the warming exercise the men were
getting behind the shovels and the barrows. He it was who
was responsible— partly through systematisation, partly
through infusing his own energetic spirit into the men them-
selves—for the fact that the " Zeus " held the Blue Ribbon, or
the Black Ribbon, or whatever one would call the. premier
honours of the Grand Fleet for speedy coaling. Not un-
naturally, therefgre, he was a critical man when it came to
passing judgment on the shifting of "Number i Welsh
Steam" from hold to bunkers, and it was not necessarily to
be expected that he would echo my enthusiasm when I told
him that this was quite the smartest bit of coaling I had ever
seen west of Nagasaki, something quite worth stancling, shiver-
ing tooth to tooth, with a raw north wind, to be a witness of.
"It's fair," he admitted grudgingly, "only fair. A shade
over. 300 tons an hour, perhaps. 'Twould have seemed good
enough before we put up the Grand Fleet record of 408.
Trouble is, they haven't anything to put 'em on their mettle
this morning. Now, if some other ship had come within
fifty or sixty tons of their record this last week, or if we'd
had a rush order to get ready to go to sea— then you might
have hoped to see coaling that was coaling."
Copyright in the Cnited State*.
All through my porridge and eggs and bacon the steady
tramp of the barrow-men on the quarter-deck throbbed
along the steel plates of the ward-room ceiling, and it must
have been about the time I was spreading my marmalade
(real marmalade, not the synthetic substitute one comes
face to face with ashore these days) that I seemed to sense
a quickening of the movepient, not through any rush-bang
acceleration, but rather through gradually becoming aware
of increased force in action, as when the engines of a steamer
speed up from "half" to "full." In a few moments an
overalled figure, with a face coal-dusted till it looked like
the face of the end-man in a minstrel show, lounged in to
remark casually behind the day before yesterday morning's
paper that we had just gone on "two hours' notice." A
half-hour later, as the gouged-out collier edged jerkily away
under the impulse of her half-submerged screw, the com-
mander, a gleam of quiet satisfaction in his steady eyes,
remarked that "it wasn't such a bad finish, after all," adding
that "the men seemed keen to get her out to sea and let the
wind blow through her."
The ship's post-coaling clean up — usually as elaborate
an affair as a Turkish bath, with rub down and massage —
was no more than a douche with "a lick and a promise."
Anything more for a warship putting off into the North Sea
in midwinter would be about as superfluous as for a man to
wash his face and comb his hair before taking a plunge in
the surf.
Once that perfunctory wash-down was over, all ti^aces of
rush disappeared. What little remained to be done after
that — even including getting ready for action — was so
ordered and endlessly rehearsed that nothing short of an
enemy salvo or a sea heavy enough to carry away something
of importance need be productive of a really hurried move-
ment. Just a shade more smoke from the funnels to indicate
the firing of furnaces which had been lying cold, and the taking
down or in of a few little port "comforts" like stove-pipes
and gangways, forecasted imminent departure.
The expression regarding the fleet, squadron, or even the
8
Land &: Water
March 7, 191 S
single ship readv to sail at a moment's notice is as much <)f
a figure of speech as is the similar one about the army wlucli
is going to fight' to the last man. A good many moments
must inevitahlv elapse between the time definite orders come
to sail and the actual getting under weigh. But the final
preparations can be reduced to such a routine that the ship
receiving them <.in be got ready to sail witli h.irdlv more
than a ripple of unusual activity appearing in tli.^ ebb and
flow of the life -.f those who man her. No river ferr\-boat
ever cast off her moorings and paddled out on one of Iicr
endlessly repeated shuttlings with less apparent effort than
the "Zeus." when, after gulping some scores of fathoms of
Gargantuan anchor chain into her capacious maw, she
pivoted easily around in the churning welter of reversed
screws, took her place in line, and followed in the wake of the
flagship toward the point where a notch in the bare rounded
periphery of encircling hills marked the way to the open sea.
Nowhere else in the temperate latitudes is there so strange
a meeting and mingling place of airs and waters than where
we were. The butterfly chases of sunshine and showers even
in December and January are suggestiveof nothing so much
as what a South Pacific Archipelago would be but with fifty
or sixty degrees colder temperature. Dancing golden sun-
motes were playing spirited cross-tag with slatily sombre
cloud-shadows as we nosed out through the mazes of the
booms, but with the first stinging slaps of the vicious cross-
swells of a turbulent sea, a swirling bank of fog came
waltzing over the ainies.sly chopping waters, and reared a
vaporous wall across our patli.
Line Ahead
The flagship melted into the milling mists, and dimmed
down to an amorphous blur with just enough outline to
enable us a sight to correct our position in line. In turn,
the towered and pinnacled head-on silhouette of the third
ship grew soft and shadowy, and where proper perspective
would have placed the fourth was a swaying Wisp of indeter-
minate image which might just as well have been an immin-
ently wheeling seagull as a distantly reeling super-dread-
nought. The comparison is by no means so ridiculous as it
sounds, for only the day before a naval flying-man had told
me how he once started to bring his seaplane down on sighting
. a duck (which was really some hundreds of feet in the air)
because he took it for a destroyer, and how, later, he had
failed to "straighten out " quickly enougli because he thought
a trawler was a duck in flight.
The lean grey shadows which slipped ghostily into step
with us in the fog-hastened twilight of three o'clock might
just as well (had we not known of the rendezvous) have been
lurking wolves as protecting sheep-dogs.
'Now that we've picked up our destroyer.-," said the officer
who -paced the quarter-deck with me, "we'l be getting on
our way. Let's go down to tea."
Snioke, masts, funnels, and wave-washed hulls, the
Whistleresque outlines of our swift guardians had blurred to
blankness as I looked back from, the companion-wav, and
only a misty golden halo, flashing out and dying down on our
port bow, told where the flotilla leader was talking to the
flagship.
Tea is no less important a function on a British warship
than it is ashore, and nothing short of an action is allowed
to interfere with it. Indeed, how the cheerful clink of the
teacup was heard in the prelude to the diapason of the guns
was revealed to me a few days ago, when the commander
allowed me to read a few personal notes he had written
while the light cruiser he was in at the time was returning
to port after the Battle of Jutland. "The enemy being in
sight," it read, "we prepared for action stations" and went
to tea." A few minutes later, fingers, which had crooked on
the hand es of the teacups were adjusting the nice instru-
ments of precision that laid the guns for what was destined
to prove the greatest naval battle in history.
Tea was about as usualwith us that day, save that the
f)fficers who came in at the change of watch' were dressed for
busmess—those from the bridge and conning-tower in oil-
skms or "lammy" jackets and sea-boots, and the engineers
m greasy overalls. A few words of "shop "---steam pressure
revolutions, speed, force and direction of the wind, and
the hkc— passed in an undertone between men sitting next
each other, but never became general. The sponginess of
the new potato ' bread and the excellence of the margarine
came in for comment, and some one spoke of having rushed
off a letter just before sailing, ordering a recently advertised
self hair-cutter." A di.scussion as to just how this remark-
able contrivance worked followed, the con.sensus of ..pinion
being that it must be on the safety-razor principle, but that
It couldn't possibly 1)0 worth the guinea charged \11 that
I recall having been said of what might be taking us to sea
was when an officer likely to know volunteered that we
wouH possibly be in sight of land in the morning, and some
speculation arose as to whether it would be Norway or
Jutland. A recently joiiied R.N.V.R. provoked smiles
when he suggested Heligoland.
The cabin which I had been <Kciipying in port was one
located immediately under the conning-tower, and used by
the navigating officer when the ship was at sea, the arrange-
ment being that I was to go aft and live in his regular calkin
while we were outside. Going forward, after tea, I threw
together a few things for my servant to carry back to my
temporary quarters. Groping aft in Stygian blackness along
the windward side of tlu' ship, I encountered spray in clouds
driving across even the lofty fi/c'sle deck. The wind appeared
to have shaken off its flukiness as we cleared the headlands,
and, blowing with a swinging kick behind it, was rolling up
a sea to match. I did not need to be told by the sea-booted
sailor whom I bumped on a ladder that it wasn't "goin' t'
be no nite fer lam's," to know that there was something
lively in the weather line in pickle, probably to be uncorkecl
before morning.
The grate, robbed of its chimney, was cold and empty
when I went in for seven o'clock dinner — half an hour earlier
than in-port^and there was just the suggestion of chill in
the close air of the ward-room. .An engineer-lieutenant who
started to reminisce about a winter cruise he had once made
in the Arctic was peremptorily hushed up with a request to
"talk about .something warmer." A yarn about chasing
the Konigsberfi in the lagoons of East Africa was more
kindly received, and an R.N.V.K.'s account of how his ship
carried Moslem pilgrims from Singapore to Jeddah on their
way to Mecca brought a genial glow of warmth with it.
There was something strangely cheering in his account of
how, when there was a following simoon blowing across the
brassy surface of the Red Sea, the Lascar stokers used to go
mad with the heat and jump overboard in their delirium.
The air seemed less dank and chill after that story. I ven-
tured a "sudorific" contribution by telling of the way they
rhade "desert storms" in the California movies with the aid
of buckets of sand and a "wind machine." The whole table
showed interest in this — probably because it was so far
removed from "shop" — and sat long over port and coffee
planning a "blower" that would discharge both wind and
sand,— in sufficient quantities to give the "desert storm"
illusion over the restricted angle of the movie lens — at the
turning of a single crank. One does not need to be long
upon a British battleship to find out that the inventive
genius of the Anglo-Saxon race is not all confined to the
American branch.
Between officers. on watch and those resting to relieve, the
after-dinner gathering around what had once been a fire was
a small and rapidly dwindling one. As I got up to go to my
cabin, the captain of marines quieted the pet cockatoo on
his shoulder long enough to say, as we would probabh' be
at action stations earlj' in the morning, I might find it of
interest to come up to his turret, where he had a "jolly
smart crew." "\Ve usually do 'B.J. 2' at daybreak when
we're out," he said, "just on the chance that we may flush'
some sort of a Hun in the early light. Quite like snipe-
shooting, you know."
A middy whom I met outside said something about the
way the barometer had been chasing its tail on the drop
ever since we got under weigh, and when I turned on the light
in my cabin I noticed that the arrows on the navigating
officer's instrument indicated a fall of thirty points since
noon. The keen whistling of the rising wind shrilled with
steady insistence, and the wide swinging swells from the
open sea were lock-stepping along with a tread that was
just beginning to lift the great warship in a swaggering
Jack Tar roll.
On the floor of the cabin was a flannel bulldog with
"manipulable" legs and a changeable expression. Its name
was "Grip" (so "the pilot" had told me), and it had been
his constant companion ever since it was presented to him
on the eve of his first sailing as a midshipman.- The only
time they had ever been separated was on the occasion a
colleague, who had borrowed it as a mascot in a game of
poker, threw it overboard in chagrin when the attempt to
woo fickle fortune proved a failure. Luckily, the ship was
lying in a river, and the dog floated back on the next tide,
and was fished out with no damage to anything but the
compression bladder which worked its bark. The navi-
gating officer left the companionable little beast in his cabin,
so he explained, to give it the proper home touch for mv
first night at sea with the British Navy. Cocking "Grip"
up in the genial glow of the electric grate in an attitude of
"watchful waiting," I crawled into bed, pulled up the adjust-
March 7, igi8
Land & Water
able side-rail, and was rocked to sleep to the even throb of
the turbines and the splish-splash of the spray against the
screwed-down port.
"We aren't having 'B.J.i' this morning," some one
explained facetiously when I reported for "duty" at seven
o'clock, "because wc already have 'B.B.8.'" This last
rneant "Boreas Blowing Eight," he said, and I was just
"nautical" enough to know that a wnd of "8" in the
Beaufort scale indicated something like fiftv or sixty miles
■ an hour.
"No U-boat will want to be getting within ' periscopic '
distance of the surface of the sea that's running this morning,"
said a young engineer-lieutenant who had been "in the sub-
marine ser\-ice, "and even if one was able to get a sight, its
torpedo would have to have some kind of a ' kangaroo '
attachment to jump the humps and hollows with. Fact is,
it's rather more than our destroyers are entirely happy with,
and we've just slowed down by several knots to keep 'em
from dipping up the brine with their funnels. Hope nothing
turns up that they have to get a jump on for. A destroyer's
all right. on the surface, but no good as a submarine; yet
an under-sea diver is just what she is if you drive her more'n
twelve into a sea like the one that's kicking up now. Baro-
meter's down sixty points since last night, and still going."
Breakfast that morning had little in common with the
similar festal occasion in port where, fresh bathed and shaven,
each immaculate member of the mess comes down and sits
over his coffee and paper much (save for the fact that the
journal is two days old) as at home. Several places besides
those of the officers actually on watch were empty, and by
no means a few of those who chd appear had that intro-
spective look which is so unmistakable a sign of all not
being well within the citadel. Even the Poldu— the daily
wireless bulletin of the Nav\'— had a "shot-to-pieces" look
where "static" or some other esoteric difficulty was respon-
sible for gaps in several items of the laconic summary. The
last word in super-dreadnoughts does not have table-racks
and screwed-down chairs. She isn't supposed to lose her
dignity to the extent of needing anvthing in the way of such
vulgar makeshifts. The fact remains that if the mighty
"Zeus" had chanced to have these things, she would have saved
herself some china and several officers from "nine-pinning"
down one side of a table and piling up in a heap at the other.
With the staid ward-room doing things Hke this, it was
only to be e.xpected that the mess decks would be displaying
a certain amount of shiftiness. I was, however, hardly
prepared for the gay seascape which unrolled before me
when I had worried my way through the intricate barricade
of a watertight bulkhead door in trying to skirmish forward
to the ladders leading to the upper decks. For several
reasons— ventilation and guns have something to do with
it— it is not practicable to close up certain parts of a battle-
ship against heavy seas to anything like the same extent as
with the passenger quarters on a modern finer. It is only
m very rough weather that this may give rise to much
trouble, but— well, we were having rough weather that
, morning, and that little bit of the Roaring Forties I had
stumbled into was a consequence of it.
Oilskinned. "sou'-westered," sea-booted men, sitting and
Ijang on benches and tables, was the first strange thing that
came to my attention ; and then, with a swish and a gurgle,
the foot-deep wave of dirty water which had driven them
there caught me about the knees, and sat me down upon a
pile of hammocks, or, rather, across the inert bodies of two
men (boys I found them to be presently) who had been cast
away there in advance of me. Clambering over their unpro-
testing anatomies, I gained dry land at a higher level, and at
a tactically defensible point, where a half-Nelson round a
stanchion steadfastly refused to give way under the double
back-action shuffle with which the next roll tried to break it.
With two good toe-holds making me safe from practically
anything but a roll to her beams' ends, I was free to survey
the shambles at my leisure. Then I saw how havoc was
being wrought.
With a shuddering crash, the thousand-ton bludgeon of a
wave struck along the port side, immediately followed by
the muffled but unmistakable sound of water rushing in
upon the deck above. To the accompaniment of a wild
slap-banging, this sound came nearer, and then, as she heeled
far to starboard under the impulse of the blow that had been
dealt her, a solid spout of green water came tumbling down a
hatchway — the fount from which the mobile tidal wave
swaggering about the deck took replenishment. Two men,
worrying a side of frozen Argentine bullock along to the
galley from the cold-storage hold, timing (or, rather, mis-
timing) their descent to coincide with that of the young
Niagara, reached the mess-deck in the form of a beef sand-
wich. Depositing that delectable morsel in an inert mass
at th« foot of the ladder, the briny cascade, with a joyov^s
whoof, rushed down to reinforce the tidal wave and do
the rounds of the mess.
I was now able to observe that the saUors, marooned on the
benches, tables, and other islands of refuge, were roughly
dividable into three classes— the prostrate ones, who heaved
drunkenly to the roll and took no notice of the primal chaos
about them ; the semi-prostrate ones, who were still able
to exhibit mild resentment when the tidal wave engulfed or
threatened to engulf them ; and the others— some lounging
easily, but the most perched or roosted on some dry but
precarious pinnacle— who quaffed great mugs of hot tea and
bit hungrily into hunks of bread and smoked fish. These
latter— hard-bit tars they were, with faces pickled ruddy by
the blown brine of many windy watches — ^took great joy of
the plight of their mates, guffawing mightily at the dumb
misery in the hollow eyes of the "semi-prostrates" and the
dead-to-the-worid roll of "prostrates" with the reelings
of the ship.
Sea-sick Sailors
If there is one thing in the world that delights the secret
heart of the average landsman more than the sad spectacle
df a parson in a divorce court, it is the sight of a seasick
sailor. Since, however, the average landsman reads his
paper far oftener than he sails the stormy seas, the former
delectation is probably granted him rather more frequently
than the latter. At any rate, the one landsman in Number X
Mess of H.M.S. "'Zeus" that morning saw enough seasick sailors
to keep the balance on the parsons' side for the duration of
the war, and perhaps even longer.
I made the acquaintance of one of the "prostrates"
marooned on the beach of my hammock island through
rescuing him from the assaults of a tidal-wave-driven rum
tub. He was nursing a crushed package of gumdrop-like
lozenges, one of which he offered me, murmuring faintly
that they had been sent him by his sister, who had found
them useful while boating at Clacton-on-Sea last summer.
Endeavouring to start a conversation, I asked him — knowing
the " Zeus " had been present at that mighty Struggle — if they
had had weather like this at the battle of Jutland. A sad
twinkle flickered for a moment in the comer of the eye he
rolled up to me, and, with a queer pucker of the mouth
which indicated that he must have had a sense of humour in
happier times, he replied that he had only joined the ship
the week before :." 'Tis my first time' at sea, sir, and I've
come out to — to — this."
I gave him the best advice I could by telling him to pull
himself together and get out on deck to the fresh air ; but
neither spirit nor flesh was equal to the initiatory effort.
Looking back while I waited near the foot of a ladder for a
Niagara to exhaust itself, the last I saw of h m_ he was
pushing mechanically aside with an unresentful gesture a
lump of salt pork which one of the table-roosting sailors
dangled before his nose on a piece of string.
Three flights up I clambered my erratic way before, on the
boat deck in the lee of a launch. I found a vantage sufficiently
high and sheltered to stand in comfort. The sight was rich
reward for the effort. Save for an ominous bank of nimbus
to westward, the wind had swept the coldly blue vault of the
heavens clear of cloud, and the low-hanging winter sun to
south'ard was shooting slanting rays of crystaUine bright-
ness across a sea that was one wild welter of cotton wool.
I have seen — especially in the open spaces of the mid-Pacific,
where the waves have half a world's width to get going in —
heavier seas and higher seas than were running that morning,
but rarely — not even in a West Indian hurricane — more
vicious ones — seas more palpably bent on going over, or
through a ship that got in their way, rather than under, as
proper waves should do. And in this obliquity they were a
good deal more than passively abetted by a no less viciously
incHned wind, which I saw repeatedly lift off the top of
what it appeared to think was a lagging wave and drive it
on ahead to lace the heaving water with a film of foam or
dust the deck of a battleship with snowy brine.
But it was the ships themselves that furnished the real
show. Of all craft that ply the wet seaways, the battleship
is the least buoyant, the most "unliftable," the most set on
bashing its arrogant way through^a wave rather than riding
over it, and — with increasing armour and armaments, and
the crowding aboard of various weighty contrivances hitherto
unthought of — this characteristic wilfulness has tended to
increase rather than decrease since the war. As a conse-
quence, a modern battleship bucking its way into a fully
developed mid-winter gale is one of the neare.st approaches
to the meeting of two irresistible bodies ever to be seen.
The^ conditions.»for the contest were ideal that morning.
Never were seas more determined to ride over battleshins.
lO
Liiiid Si Water
March 7, rgi8
never were battleships more determined to drive straiglit
through seas. Both of them had something of their way
in the end, and neither entirely balked the other ; hut,
drawn as it was, that battle royal of Titans was a sight for
the gods.
The battleships" we're in line abreast !is I came up on deck,
and holding a course which brought the wind and seas
abeam. \\'e were all rolling heavily, but with the rolls not
sufficiently "synchronized" \vith the waves — which were
charging down without much order or rhythm — to keep
from dipping them up by the ton. If the port rail was low
— as happened when the ship was .sliding down off the back
of the last wave — the next wave rolled aboard, and (save
where the mast, funnels, and higher works amidships blocked
the way) drove right on across and off the other side. If
the port side had rolled high as an impetuous sea struck, the
latter expended its full force against the ship, communicating
a jar from foretop to stokt-holds as strong as the shock of a
collision with another vessel.
Our own quarter-deck was constantly swept with solid
green water, and even the higher fo'c'sle deck caught enough
of the splash-up to make traversing it a precarious operation.
But it was only by watching one of the other ships that it
was possible to see how the thing really happened. If it
was the wallowing monster abeam to port, the strikini; of a
sea was signalized by sudden spurts of spray shooting into
the air all the way along her windward side, the clouds of
flying water often going over the funnels and bridge, and not
far short of the foretop. She would give a sort of shuddering
stumble as the weight of the impact made itself felt, and
then— running from bow to stern and broken only by the
upper works, and occasionally, but not always, by the
turrets— a ragged line of foam' appeared, quickly resolving
itself into three or four hundred feet of streaking cascades
which came pouring down over the starboard side into the
sea. Watching the vessel abeam to starboard, the phenom-
enon was repeated in reverse order. Save for the swaying
foretop against the sky, either sjpp at the moment of being
swept by a wa\'e v\as suggestive of nothing so much as a
great isolated black rock on a storm-bound coast.
There were a number of other shi})s in difficulties in fiuit
neck of the North Sea at this moment, and every now and
then —by the wireless— word would come to us from one of
»r._ii-. il_ 1-- A 4.1... 1 : 1,..A i__. _
Fighting in Bad Weather
But the most remarkable thing about it all was the aston-
ishingly small effect this really heavy weather had upon the
handlmg of the ships. Evidently they had been built to
withstand weather as well as to fight, for thev manoeuvred
and changed formation with almost the same meticulous
exactitude as in protected waters. A gunnery officer assured
me that— except for momentary interference in training
some of the lighter guns— the fighting efficiency of the ship
would hardly be affected more than a fraction of i per cent
by all their plungings and the clouds of flying spray Their
speed was, naturally, somewhat diminished in bucking into
a head sea, yet no lack of seaworthiness would prevent
(should the need arise) their being driven into' that same
head sea at the full power of their mighty engines The
reason we were proceeding at somewhat ' reduced speed
was to ease things off a bit for the destroyers.
Ah ! And what of the destroyers ? there they all were
the faithful sheep-dogs, when I came up, and at 'first blush
1 got the impression that they were making rather better
weather of it than the battleships. That this was only an
optical illusion (caused by the fact that they were farther
away and more or less obscured by the waves) I discovered
as soon as I climbed to the vantage of the after super-
structure, and put my glass upon the nearest of the bobbins
silhouettes of mast and funnel. Then I saw at once though
not, indeed, any such spray clouds or cascades of solid water
as marked the course of the battleships that she was plainly
a labourmg ship. A destroyer is not made to pulverize
a wave m the bull-at-a-gatc fashion of a battleship and
any exigency that compels her to adopt that method of
progression IS likely to be attended by serious consequences
If one of the modern type she will ride out almost any
storm that blows if left to her own devices ; but force her
into It at anything above half-speed, and it is asking for
trouble. Even before the destroyer I was watching began
hsappearing -hull, funnels, and ail but the mastheads--
th^rhTt.^'f ^"''. T'' "^ '^' onrushing ^^•aves, it was plain
that both she and her sisters were having all they wanted •
and 1 was not surprised when word was flashed "to us that
one of our brave little watch-dogs was suffering from a wave-
^ornnrfif'^'-^''""^ geai. and asked for permission to make
or poi t If nece.ssaiy. I he permission was, I believe granted
but— carrying on with some sort of a makeshift or other- '
Ihro'ugh to ttS."""'"' ^" ''"''' '' ""^ ^'"^ ^^■^" *'- g--
them. Slostly they were beyond the horizon, but two were
in sight. One (two smoke-blackened "jiggers" and a bobbing
funnel-tojj beneath a bituminous blur to the cast) was aj>par-
ently a thousand-ton freighter. An officer told me that
she had been signalling persistently since daybreak for
assistance ; but when I asked him if we were not going to
help her, he greeted the question with an indulgent smile.
"Assistance will go to her in due course," he said, "but it
will not be from us. That kind 6f a thing might have been
done in the first month or two of the war, but the Huns
soon made it impossible. Now, any battleship that would
detach a destroyer at the call of any ship of doubtful identity
would be considered as deliberately asking fur what she
might jolly well get — a torpedo. '
.\nother ship which was plainly having a bad time was
some kind of a cruiser whose long rpw of funnels was punching
holes in a segment of sky-line. There was a suggestion of
messiness forward, but nothing we attached any import-
ance to until word was wirelessed that she had just had her
bridge carried away by a heavy sea, and that the navigating
officer had been severely injured. The latter was known
personally to several of the ward-room officers, and at^ lunch
speculation as to what hurt he might have received led to
an extremely interesting discussion of the "ways of a wave
with a man"; also of the comparative seaworthiness of
light cruisers and destroyers. The things that waves have
done to all three of them since the war began (to say nothing
of the things all three have done in spite of waves) is a story
of its own.
The barometer continued to fall all day, with the wind
rising a mile of velocity for every point of drop. The seas,
though higher and heavier, were also more regular and less
inclined to catch the ship' with her weather-rail down. The
low cloud-bank of mid-forenoon had by early dusk grown to
a heavens-obscuring mask of ominous import, and by dark,
snow was beginning to fall. The ship was reeling through
the blackness of the pit when I clambered to the deck after
dinner, so that the driving spray and ice-needles struck the
face before one saw them by even the thousandth of a second.
The darkness was such as one almost never encounters ashore,
and it was some time before I accustomed myself to close
my eyes against the unseen missiles (when turning to wind-
\yard) without deliberately telling myself to do so in advance.
Into the Stygian pall the vivid" golden triangles of the
signal apparatus on the bridge flashed like the stab of a
flaming sword. One instant the darkness was almost pal-
pable enough to lean against ; the next, the silhouette of
funnels and foretop pricked into life, but only to be quenched
again before the eye had time to fix a single detail. So lirief
was any one flash that the action in each transient vision
was suspended as in an instantaneous photograph, yet the
effect of the quick succession of flashes was of con'tinuous
motion, as like the kincma. From where I stood, the heart
of the fluttering golden halos, where a destroyer winked
back its answer, were repeatedly obliterated by the inky
loom of a wave, but the reflection was always thrown high
enough into the mist to carry the message.
Returning to the ward-room by the way of the mess-
decks, I saw the youth who had offered "me the anti-
seasick lozenges in the morning. Now quite recovered, he
was himself playing the pork-on-a-string game with one
ot the only two "prostrates" still in sight. The following
morning— though the weather, if anything, was worse than
ever— all evidences of "indisposition" had disappeared
I'or some days more we prowled the wet seaways and
then well along into a night that was foggier, colder and
windier than the one into which we had steamed out we
crept along a heightening headland, nosed in the wake of
the flagship through a line of booms and opened a bay that
was dappled with the lights of many ships. A few minutes
ater, and the raucous grind of a chain running out through a
hawse-pipe signalled that we were back at the old «tand
And since, like all the rest of our sisters of the Grand
Meet, we were expected to be ready to put to sea on x hours'
notice there was nothing for it but that the several hundred
tons of coal which the mighty "Zeus" had been snorting out
in the form of smoke to contaminate the ozone of a very
sizeable area of the North Sea should be replenished without
delay A collier edged gingerly out of a whirling snow-
squall and moored fast alongside as I groped forward to
retake jjosscsskju of my cabin under the bridge and I went
to sleep that night to the grind of the winches and the steady
tramjj-tramp of the barrow-pushers on the decks below
March 7, 19 iS
Land & Water
1 1
Food for Thought : By Charles Mercier
1.\ a recently published little book on Education I have
insisted on the desirability of teaching; children to think,
and to think clearly, and have indicated the way in
which this can be done. Such a startling and heretical
doctrine naturally excited the ire of schooln^asters, and
perhaps was not presented in a manner calculated to soothe
them ; but there is, after all, something to be said for it, and
evidence in its favour is furnished by a controversy on pig-
breeding that has been recently carried on in The Times, and
has ^spread thence to The British Medical Jounial.
The controversy is as to whether pig-breeding is or is not
desirable in the present circumstances of shortage of food,
and of destruction of food ships by the (ierman submarines.
And the arguments are as follows :
A Committee of the Royal Society has proclaimed that to
keep the average man in active work, the minimum daily
ration necessary is protein loo grammes (3J oz.), fat 100
grammes (3J oz.), and carbohydrates 500 grammes (rather
more than i lb.). The allowance of meat prescribed by the
['ood Controller is suthcient, when supplemented by the
protein in pulses, beans, and cereals, to provide the necessary
minimum of protein. The pulses and cereals, of which there
is no serious shortage at present, furnish the carbohydrates
(starch and sugar), but there is a deficiency iii fat, an ingre-
dient the want of which is felt acutely. The problem is, how
are we to provide the necessary fat ?
The answer of Mr. C. B. Fisher is, " Breed pigs, for pig-
breeding is the quickest and most profitable way of producing
fats." To this the Royal Society's Committee answers, " Breed
no pigs, for pigs consume 7 lb. of barley meal in producing
I lb. of fat, and this is wasteful. I'^ar better let us human
beings consume the 7 lb. of barley meal than give it to pigs
and get only i lb. of fat in return. If we give the barley meal
to pigs, we are wasting 61b. of food out of every seven.
Shocking !"
'~ The answer seems conclusive enough — if we do not think.
But a little clear thinking, such as the Committee of the Royal
Society omitted to bestow upon it, puts a different complexion
on the matter. What we are short of is not cereals, of which
barley is one, but fats ; and though pigs can easily turn 7 lb.
of barley meal into i lb. of fat, it does not follow that fmman
beings can do so. For a pig, 7 lb. of barley meal is equivalent
to I lb. of fat, but they are not necessarily equivalent for a
man, and for some men they are certainly not equivalent.
Common observation shows that men differ very widely indeed
in their capability of transforming food into fat. Some men
grow fat on a very mf)derate diet ; others could not transform
a cwt. of barley meal into i lb. of fa,t ; and if they could, they
would have to do for themselves, ar a certain cost of energy,
what the pig does for them at a much less cost of energy. In
short, the pig cooks our barley meal into fat for us ; and if we
consume the barley meal ourselves, we must do our own
, cooking ; and some of us have no skill in this kind of cooking,
and cannot cook the barley meal into fat ; and even those who
do possess the skill still have to do the cooking, and so
expend energy that might be more usefully employed.
What a man wants is not barley meal that he can turn into
fat, but fat itself, ready made ; and when he is eating his 7
lb. of barley meal, he is not eating 1 lb-, of fat ; he is eating
only 2 oz. of fat, for that is all the fat that 7 lb. of barley meal-
contains. The rest of the fat needed he must make for himself ;
and if it is wasteful for the pig to turn 7 lb. of barley meal into
I lb. of fat, is it not equally wasteful for a man to t,urn 7 lb. of
meal into less than i lb. of fat ? It is true he would be putting
some f)f the meal, which is m(jstly carbohydrate, to other
uses to which carbohydrates are put ; but this is not to tiie
point. The p6int is that his ration is deficient in fat, not as yet
in carbohydrates ; and Whatever meal is used as carbo-
hydrate cannot go to the formation of fat, so that he does not
git his pound of fat out of his 7 lb. of mejl.
So far, it seems that the Committee of the Royal Society
has not thought very clearly. We want a pound of fat ;
and the Committee gives us 7 lb. of barley meal, and savs
we ought to be content. Cooks — English cooks, at any
rate — are wa.steful ; and English pigs resemble other English
cooks in this matter, and waste six out of eyery seven pounds
of food that is entrusted to them to cook. But there is
another point on which a little clear thinking is necessary.
It seems obvious that if the pigs waste six-sevenths of their
food, men must waste at least as much ; but, after all, is the
six-sevenths wasted ? It takes 7 lb. of meal to make i lb.
of pcxk, or bacon, or lard. Well and good ; but what
bercmes of the other bib. of material ? Does it vanish into
thin air ? Some of it does, no doubt. Some of it is burnt
up into carbonic acid and water, and after helping to sustain
the pig's bodily temperature, is exhaled from his lungs as,
gas. But what becomes of the remainder of the 6 lb. ?
Is it wasted ? That depends on whether the meal is con-
sumed 15y pigs or by men. If it is consumed bv pigs, it is
not wasted. // i^oes to make manure, which, being applied
to the ground, produces more cereals, some a hundredfold,
some sixtyfold, and some thirtyfold ; but if it is consumed
by man. it is not utilized in this way. Part of it is deposited
in the North Sea ; other parts of it go to pollute rivers,
streams, estuaries, and the sea round our coasts ; but little
of it is utilised as manure, and what is so utilised goes, for
the most part, to produce cabbages, rye-grass, and other
crops that have not the food value of cereals.
A farmer in my neighbourhood keeps three hundi;ed pigs,
and after fattening them on 7 lb. of barley meal per pound
of fat, sells them for a price that just covers the cost of
breeding and fattening them, but yields no profit. He makes
no profit at all out, of the sale, but it pays him well to sell
them at cost price, for by this means he obtains large quanti-
ties of manure, which is his profit. The manure goes to
assist the production of various crops, among which cereals
are conspicuous ; so that to speak of 7 lb. of barley meal
being required to produce i lb. of fat, though it may be
quite true, is so small a part of the truth as to be in practice
fal.se. It is very misleading, and it misleads for want of
clear thinking. The proper way to state the process is that
7 lb. of barley meal produces i lb. of fat and so many pounds
of agricultural produce ; and we want both, but it is the fat
that is produced first.
Professor Starling and the British Medical Journal take
The Times to task for aspersing the fair fame of science by
saying : " Scientific calculations about food are a very
untrustworthy guide to practice, because the data on which
they are based are quite inadequate to justify the conclusions
drawn from them," but in this case it seems that The Times
is not so very far astray. It would have been 'more accurate,
however, if it had said, instead of "scientific calculations,"
"the calculations of men of science." As, in a humble way,
a would-be scientific man myself, I should be the last to
cast aspersions on science or on scientific calculations ; but
the mischief is that the ' calculations of men devoted to
science are not always scientific calculations.
Professor Starling tells us, truly enough, that science is
nothing but practical experience accurately noted, recorded,
and classified ; and the British Medical Journal pats him
on the back, and says, "Bravo \" But it is because science
is nothing but practical experience that it cannot afford to
neglect practical experience, the practical experience of the
cook and the farmer, as well as of the physiologist. Professor
Starling tells us, moreover, that when we are faced by an
acute food shortage it is idle to discuss large ideals of agri-
cultural policy. It may be, but surely it is not idle to discuss
how best to utilise what supplies we have, which is what
Mr. Fisher does. '
Mr. Fisher is a practical agriculturist, immersed in the
practice of producing food, and accustomed, therefore, to
take into his calculations all the data that are necessary in
calculating the production of food. Th« highly scientific
men, as the Committee of the Royal Society, are physiologists,
immersed in the study of physiology, and accustomed to
take into their calculations all the data necessary in calcu-
lating what becomes of the food after it is eaten. But the
problem before us concerns not only the production of food,
but also the consumption ; and not only the consumption
of food, but also its production ; and neither the farmer nor
the physiologist is in a position to dogmatize on the whole
problem. Either they should combine together and issue
a joint report or they should both lay their evidence before
an independent tribunal for its decision.
I am neither farmer nor physiologist, and, so far, am
independent ; and it seems to me that if the case is stated
fully and clearly, as I have tried to state it, the farmer has
the best of the argtiment ; but I do not presume to express
a dogmatic opinion. I have shown that, for want of clear
thinking, the men of science have omitted to consider certain
data that vitally affect the problem. I am no expert, and
there may be other data that I also have omitted ; but
those I have added must be apparent to every one who
applies his mind to the problem ; and all I wish to insist
upon is the primary and vital necessity of clear thinking,
e\'cn al)iiut pigs.
14
'•' .^
'U
-;-:^^i-
■-r=re»*a««?^
^a^
Sinking of the Hospital Ship " Glenart Castle,"
By
^^eY]
■.^T
Bristol Channel, at 4 a.m., Tuesday, February 26
lemaekers
. o u ■' ^ . i"^o ^ry}Q^f<^J'^
'4
Land &: Water March 7, 191 8
Leaves from a German Note Book
THE war has wnmght grwit havoc on Gcnnaiiv's
population. Not onlv have the losses in the field
lieen stupendous, but the people at lionie have
surfcred to such an extent that the number of
deaths per annum now exceeds tlie number of
births. Germanx's population is dedinin;;;, and there is no
doubt that this problem is, and will continue to be, one of
the most serious which the rulers of Germany will have to
face. So urjient has the matter become that two new measures
have just been introduced in the Imperial Parliament for
the purpose of ameliorating the situation. One is directed
against venereal disease and consumption, and the other
will punish with pains and penalties the artificial restriction
of births.
It is genexally admitted in Germany that the British
blockade has in the long run tended to reduce the vitality
of the Gertnan people. Underfeeding for a period of over
three years could not but undermine the national health,
.ind the resort to food substitutes only made confusion worse
confounded. There are at present over ten thousand food
substitutes in use in Germany, beginning with substitutes
for ordinary bread and including substitutes for well nigh
everv other eatable. Bread made of maize, barley, oats
and potatoes was to be expected ; but bread in German\-
is also made of straw, hay, wood-fl:)ur., beet, Iceland
moss and mushroom-flour. Incredible as it may sound, there
are also substitutes for meat, made of congealed blood or
wood glucose dyed red. There are substitutes for eggs, milk,
lemons, tea and coffee, all for the most part harmful to the
system. Despite official action to check the growth of this
ivil, food substitutes continue to spring up and the national
health declines in consecjuence.
The ravages of consumption are becoming fearful, and the
toll of venereal disease immense. The combined result of
.ill these forces is to send down the birth-rate ; and to improve
the birth-rate will be the main purpose of German statesmen.
There" is much discussion already as to possible measures
for achieving this result.
One of the bills already referred to will aim at healing the
'liseases which have eaten into the nation's vitals. Bonuses
ire to be allowed t(/all parents who have at least three healthy
children living ; sanitary and comfortable dwellings are to
be erected, especially in w(jrking-class districts, and taxes
ire to be levied on bachelors.
Germany "Victorious"
Despite these and other difficulties at home, the junker
Militarists are puffed up more and more by their
• victories " on the Eastern front. Their invasion of Russia
■ ven in their view needs a decent excuse, and you may trust
he Prussian militarist to have an excuse readv for the meanest
action. The Vienna Arbeiter Zcititng knows the character
of its Ally and pleads sarcastically (or some one to make a
compilation of Wolffs lies. Wolff", be it noted, is the tele-
graphic mouthpiece of the rulers of Germany.
How does Wolff—more familiarly known as W.T.B. (Wolff's
lelegraphic Bilreau) —smooth over the continued invasion ot
Russia now when negotiations are supposed to be in progress ?
^ In the first place, the peace with the Ukraine imposes upon
Germany the necessity of safeguarding the frontiers of the
new .State. She can only do so bv driving the Russian armies
further mland. Secondly, there is a danger that both iinarchv
and cholera may mfect Germanv from Russia. It is therefore
necessary to push these as far from the German boundaries' as
possible. Thirdly, the people of the Baltic Provinces and
of P inland are urgently calling on the Germans to succour
them. Finally (and here the cloven hoof peeps out) the
X mvasion is not of the ordinary kind, for will not a purely
Socialist State, Ukrania, benefit bv it ? How then, can the
German Socialists have an\- objection ?
Even so illustrious a personage as Prince Max of Baden
who appears to have sprung into sudden fame as a result of
the war, sinks to the level of Wolff's argument. He stated :
It has always been Germany's historic mission to be a dam
against the destructive forces that come from the Fast We
d.d th..s m 955 at Lechfeld, in .24, at Liegnitz, and in 1914 at
rannenberg Hindenburg's victories were not onlv Cermanv^s
victones, they were Europe s. Anyone who has "not grasped
Ins fact ha^ not grasped the real basis of our anger agains
Kngland .VVe must again be on the watch against the great
danger that threatens from the East. A moral infection Ton
^,J^ \ ^'"^" '''°''^'''' *"^ P'='S"« ^" imminent, all civilized
btates take common quarantine measures. To-dav infected
Kussia desires to carry her disease into healthv States Counter
measures are therefore urgent. ' >-ounier
One of these measures is to conclude peace, and Prince ilax
lays down four iirinciples to govern peace discussions :
(i) Germany must insist on the freedom of the seas, wliich
means that non-combatants should be kept out of the war by sea
and land. A blockade of starvation must in future be impo.ssible.
(2) The world must not be divided into two opposing camps.
each arming again.st the other.
^ (j) There must be no economic war after the war.
(4) Africa must be opened up to the white rates on a just basis
and the black races must be allowed to develop.
It will be seen that all four " principles " will tell fn favour
of Germany. Prince Max^has not a word to sav about
Germany's misdeeds throughout the war, about her violation
of Belgium, about the Lusitania and hospital ships crime,
about aerial attacks on defenceless women and children.
Freedom of the seas forsooth ! Of course, Germany would
like to achieve a state of affairs where she might be safe
from starvation or economic boycott. But what does Prince
Max offer in return ? Only that Germany will condescend
to discuss peace terms.
Prussia Puffed Up
The truth is, that events in the East have filled the Prussian
Junkers with pride. They regret only one thing— the
resolution of July 19, 1917. The twenty-fifth meeting of
the German Agrarian League illustrated the extent of this
pride. There was the old tone of joy in brutal force, the
old conviction that the Germans are the salt of the earth.
.\ few extracts from the speeches may be of interest.
As long as the enemy sees the majority resolution of July 19
supreme, we shall have no peace.
Germany's future can only be secured by a strong monarchy
and a mighty army.
What we have lacked hitherto is a healthy national selfishness.
One cannot get away from the impression that God must have
been angry when he made this man (Bethmann-HoUweg) Imperial
Chancellor.
Only fools believe in a reconciliation of the peoples.
The ruffians in and out of Germany who stir up bitter feeling
against Hindenburg and Ludendorff are not worthy to tie their
shoe laces.
This war is- a struggle for world-domination.
This pride manifests itself in a large part of the Gernlan
Press. " The First Victorious Peace " is how reference
is made to the peace with the Ukraine ; the peace with the
Bolsheviks will doubtless be the second. This is harmless
enough, but their o.verweening pride makes these gentry
presumptuous. No one in Germany, so the Hambiirgischer
Conespunde7it assures the world, ever intended to reduce
l'>ance to a second-rate Power or to starve out England.
But to-day it is different. These two 'countries want the
war to continue ; they place the Germans before the alter-
natives " You or we." If fighting is to go on throughout
191S, which (iermany honestly desired to be a year of peace,
then she will not be answerable for the consequences.
German conceit shows itself in vet another way. For
some time past there has been little talk of indemnities in
Germany. Now indemnities are again a will o' the wisp
for the Junkers. In the Bavarian Diet recently Count
Preysing wanted to know whether the large German war
debt was to be shifted on to the shoulders of the enemy.
The war expenditure now amounted to a sum equivalent
to 65,000 million pounds sterling. If the enemy cannot be
made to bear this load, there will be nothing for it but for
the Government to confiscate wealth. But Count Preysin,<'
is after all only a mere member of the House. \\]\a.i did the
Government say in reply ?
The Bavarian Minister of Finance, Dr. von Breuning
informed the anxious Count that of course the burden would
be shifted on the enemy if the military and political situation
allow the Imperial Government to do so.
Mr. Rathom's "Fairy Tales"
The Germans appear to have been piqued by Mr. Rathom's .
revelations. Curiously enough they do not categorically deny
them. All they do is to make reflections on Mr. Rathom's
character. He is a man with a shady past ; he is said to have
attempted to do away with his wife bv means of ppisoned
cherries. This is a characteristically German mana'uvre
When they cannot deny a story which tells against them
they abuse the narrator. The Frankfurter Zeitun^ calls
the revelations " Fairy Talcs," spun out of the author's
imagination, and is sure that no sensible people will give
them credence. 0 sanda simplicitas !
[This paragraph xvas shown to a personal friend dJ Mr Rathom
whom It amused immensely. Mr. Rathom, it so happens ,1
very happily married. 'En. L. dcW] '
March 7, 19 18
Land Sc Water
15
The Rural Housing Question : By H.
AMONG tlie many difficult questions which are
likely to present themselves for solution on the
conclusion of the war, none will demand more
immediate attention than the need for additional
and improved housing. Tlie problem is a
serious one in many of the larger towns and in the more
crowded industrial centres ; but it is equally serious in
country districts, although perhaps less prominent and.
noticeable for the reason that conditions are more varied
and the pf)pulation is more scattered. It is not proposed,
however, to deal here with nrban housing, but only with,
those aspects of the housing question which relate to country
districts.
It has been said that because the rural population in Great
Britain decreased steadily in the latter half of the nineteenth
century, there could not be any real scarcity of dwellings for
the occupation of those remaining upon the land. This was
not the case, however, and the reason is no doubt to be found
in the fact that old houses were becoming ruinous and unin-
. habitable at an even greater rate than the country population
was decreasing. Moreover, many of the published statistics
dealing with rural depopulation have been confined solely to
persons employed in agricultural pursuits, and have not
included railwaymen, pwstmen, roadmen, and others, whose
numbers may have, if anything, increased rather than
decreased.
ft is e.xtremelydoubtful whether, in any county in England
or Scotland (excluding urban areas), the number of cottages
built during the last thirty or forty years has e<iualled the
number of houses going out of occupation and becoming
uninhabitable. The comparatively low pre-war scale of
wages in rural occupations rendered it impossible for those
employed to pay rents commensurate with an economic
return on the cost of building and maintaining new houses.
Consequently, it was only where the need for labour was
specially pressing, or on fairly large and wealthy estates, that
cottage-building was pursued under a consistent scheme or
policy. The problem for the future may be considered in
two aspects :
(1) The need for improving existing houses.
(2) .N'ecd fpr the erection of new houses.
It is difficult to generalise regarding the existing standard of
rural housing, as great contrasts are often noticeable in the
same parish or village. Many instances may be found in
most districts of "model" houses, not only in design, but in
their surroundings and the way in which they are kept. It
must be regretfully admitted, however, by" any impartial
observer that such houses are the exception and not the
rule, that the general average is not as high as it might be,
and tliat in some instances houses are still being occupied
which are only fit to be pulled down.
The cornmonest defects in houses of the sm.Uler type »re-
lack of room ; damp walls or floors ; insufficient light and
ventilation; lack of adequate "office" accommodation in
the .shape of scullery, pantry, coal-house, etc. ; and inade-
(luate water sui)|)l\-. Many houses can be improved in these
respects, and* brought up to a high standard. The cost may
be considerable, but it is nevertheless justifiable on economic-
grounds. On the other hand, owing to damp, unsuitable
sites, decayed walls, or (jtiier similar causes, some houses are
quite unfit for further expenditure, and incapable of improve-
ment. For such structures demolition is the best jjolicy,
utilising any material of value elsewhere. The ruin of an
ancient <astle or church may have dit;nit\- and historical
mtcrest, but this cannot be said of smaller and more modern
habitations. Nothing appears more depressing than a
ruinous or roofless house in a country district, and there are
far too many of these sad relics at the present dav.
The need for the erection of new houses is perhaps not so
general as for the improvement of existing dwellings. It is
nevertheless an urgent problem in many country districts,
and it is certain that by some means or other additional
housing must be found in the next few years, The-cpiestions
which naturally present themselves are :
In wliat way is the necessary land to be acquired ?
What is the average standard of accommodation which is
necessary ?
What should^ be the guiding principles in design ?
How are the necessary funds to I)e made available },
In country districts, the question of finding land for the erec-
tion of cottages is fortunately not a difficult one. If the
landowner himself is building houses for labour employed on
the estate it is only in exceptional cases that any value is
attached teethe site at all, and very often this item is omitted
altogether in the statement of cost. If the State or local
authorities require land for rural housing schemes, there is
little doubt they can get what they require on easy terms.
The co.st of the land is not likely to exceed i or 2 per cent,
of the total outlay for building. There ran be no c|uestion
that land for building should be acquired freehold by purchase
wherever it is possible to do so.
The standard of accommodation to be aimed at as a
minimum has been a matter of cor)siderable controversy.
There would seem, however, to be room for every size of
house from two rooms upwards. A large family can.
naturally, be overcrowded in either a two-roomed or three-
roomed house; but, on the other hand, these small houses
are greatly preferred by single women or by a married couple
without children. Not only does the .small house involve
less work, but the more moderate rent is in itself a great
attraction. Generally speaking, it may be laid down that
no new house intended for the occupation of a family should
contain less than four rooms, but that a limited number of
three-roomed and five-roomed houses may also be the most
convenient for some farpilies. In any new house, attention
should be given to the "office" accommodation, as a good
scullery or back kitchen, a pantry, and coal-house, add
greatly to the comfort and convenience of the inmates.
iBicycles are now so common that a shed capable of holding
them, as well as tools and odds and ends, is usually much
appreciated.
Design and construction call for special consideration.
Standardisation is much talked of in shipbuilding and en-
gineering, and it is an attractive idea in house-design. It is
only necessary, however, to look at the dismal rows of houses
in mining villages or in the suburbs of some towns to realise
what a stereotyped design would mean in country districts.
It is a fallacy to assume that a standard plan is necessarily
the cheapest or that variation in design is extravagant.
Standard jiatterns of doors, windows, grates, etc., may effect
an econoniv*' in cost, but can be apj)lied to an inlinite \ariety
<.)f'designs in construction.
.Almost every district has its own style and character in
housing, and good reasons can generally be found for such
fhstinctions. Soil, climate, convenience of building stone or
bri'-k, are all elements in determining design. The, brick
^valls which are typical of the South of England cmd parts of
the Midlands, would seem out of ])lace in the North, where
brick, if used in the construction t>f outside walls, is usually
rough cast or cement plastered. The plain substantial.
i6
Land & Water
March 7, 1918
;ilim)St severe ivpe ot cottat;e, built with btuiie, which can be
seen almost anvwiiere on the East Coast, from Yorkshire
northwards into Scotland, well suited as it is to the liimate
of these, districts, would be equally out of place in the South
of Ensland. Another perfectly distinct type is that of
I^ncashire and the Lakes District, and again, in the west and
south-west of Scotland the whitewashed walls of farmhouse
and cottage are general. Each one of these distinctive tvpes
is capabje of adaptation to a strictly modern and efiicient
design, and it would be a matter for regret if local charac-
teristics of architecture, where such are worthy of preserva-
ti>)n, should be wholly abandoned.
The question of cost in relation to rural housing is one of
the most difficult, and many of those who have studied
this financial aspect maintain it to be almost insoluble.
The pre-war cost of a cottage of three or four rooms, with
<«uitable office accommodation, and including water supply,
and enclosure of the site, could not under the most favour-
able circumstances be less than £250, , and in many cases
amounted to considerably more. The rise in the price of
timber and all other building materials, as well as the increase
in wages, make it impossible that the cost of a similar house
will for many yeaVs to come be less than ;f400 to £450. The
rise in the rate of interest is a further burden on rent, and it is
quite probable that local rates, already onerous, may become
even hea\ier. If £400 is taken as the minimum cost of a
house such as described, the economic rent cannot be
put at less than los. per week, made up as under :
Interest on i'^oo at 5 per cent .. i-'o o o
Depreciation on building at, say, i per cent . . 400
Repairs, maintenance, insurance and managf-
ment at 10 per cent on rent , say .; i n n
It is obvious that unless wages stood at a very high level,
it would be practically impossible for many married men
with young families to pay such a rent, and local rates besides.
In England, where the local rates are payable by the occupier,
the amount due on a £26 rent might be £4 or £5. In Scotland,
where local rates are divided between owner and occupier,
the result would be much the same, seeing that although the
occupier or tenant paid a lesser sum directly in rates, the
owner would require to take into account his share of the rates
in arri\ing at an economic rent.
From consideration of these figures, the inevitable conclusion
is reached that the extensive programme of new housing
which is necessary cannot be wholly paid for out of the rents
which the new houses may be expected to yield, and the
deficiency must be met from Imperial taxation, local rates,
or by individuals or firms emplojang labour.
There appears to be no good reason why all three sources
should not, according to circumstances, be drawn upon. The
landowner has in most instances, especially in the North of
England and in Scotland, provided housing for the labour in
his direct employ or employed by farmers on his estate. It
is clearly the duty of local authorities, railway companies,
and public departments, such as the Post Office, to provide
housing for those in their employ. There will still remain a
considerable unsatisfied demand for houses in some districts.
Where this is so, the local authority would appear to be the
proper body to initiate well-considered schemes for erecting
houses either at existing villages or in fresh groups or centres.
The erection of single isolated houses at public expense is a
matter of very doubtful expediency, except in special
circumstances. \
The deficiency which would almost certainly arise in
financing such schemes would perhaps be most equitably met
by eqiwl contributions from the Exchequer and from local
rates. It may be argued that any contribution from local
rates is merely a subsidy from the whole ratepayers of the
particular area to a few of their own number who happen to
occupy the new houses. There is some force in this argu-
ment ; but, on the other side, it can be said that the erection
of new houses under a "scheme" brings into existence fresh
rateable values which otherwise would never emerge at all.
Moreover, the fact of a share of the expenditure falling on a
local authority, induces economy and care in carrying out a
scheme which would very probaBly be lacking if the whole
burden was to be borne by Imperial taxation.
The housing question is such a large one that it is impossible
in the compass of a single article to do more than touch on
salient points. For those who desire to pursue the subject
further a large and extensive literature is available, and
some of the recently issued official documents, such as the
Report of the Royal Commission on Housing in Scotland, will
well repay careful study.
A la Victoire
By Emilc Cammaerts
La Victoire sculptck^ dans Ic roc des falaises,
Ses draperies ruissdantes battues par la niaree,
Ses ailes large ouvertes au vent des destinies,
La Victoire a parle dan? le roc des falaises.
Sa voix, depuis trois ans restce silencieuse,
A Sonne grave et pure, dominant la tempete.
Sous les cieux ^toil6s, elle a lev6 la tMe
Et ses yeux ont sonde les vagues capricieuses :
« Tu montes et tu descends,
Aloi, je reste.
Tu regrettes, tu esperes,
Moi, j 'attends.
Tu chantes un jour sous la caresse
Du ciel bleu, pour rugir de colere
Le Icndemain. La joie succede a la detresse,
Dans tes flots changeants.
Tu tournes a tons les vents,
Moi, je reste.
• J'entends des voix
Dans la brise qui me meprisent ou me reclament,
J'entends des voix
Parmi les vagues qui me renient ou qui m'acclament.
Car ceux qui parlent ne savent pas
Que je suis la qui les 6coute
Et que leurs plaintes et leurs doutes
Eclaboussent d'ecume les rochers de ma foi.
Tu recrimines et tu predis,
Moi, je crois.
Tu as ete et tu seras,
Moi, je suis.
« Celuj qui m'a sculptee dans le roc immortel
M'a douee de rn^moire et de longue patience.
Je n'ai pas oublie mes serments solennels,
Ma main n'a pas lache le bois dur de ma lance,
Je n'ai pas pardonne les crimes impunis,
Mon bras n'a pas cesse de frapper Tennemv.
Tant que Justice ne sera pas faite.
Tant que le Mai ne sera pas repare,
Tant que les bourreaux pourront me braver,
Tant que je ne sentirai pas la Defaite
Choir enfin sous mes coups et gemir et prier,
Tant que le Mensonge ne sera pas confondu,
Tant que I'Ordre ne sera pas retabli,
Je resterai gravee sur les rochers chenus
Comme le sceau de Dieu sur le coeur du pays.
Si bien que la mer devra briser ces pierres
Et, durant des siecles, polir ces rocs puissants
Avant qu'a tons les yeux man image altiere
S'efface pen a pen sous I'usure du temps.
« Tu montes et tu descends
Moi, j 'attends.
Tu recrimines et tu predis,
Moi, je suis ».
[all rights reserved] .
The death of Mr. Edgar Wilson, some of whose London
etchings were reproduced in our last issue, is a loss to art in
more than one direction. To collectors he was best known
as an etcher of slow and fastidious production ; but a wider
public, who perhaps never noticed his name, were familiar
with his work in the shape of decorative pen-drawings in
periodicals. Mr. Wilson was also one of our leading authori-
ties on Japanese art ; his knowledge of prints, in particular,
being reflected in the tactful addition of colour to some of
his own etchings.
March 7, 19 18
Land & Water
17
Moscow's Stolen Treasures: ByG. C.Williamson
I
T lias been ar-
nounccd in the
Press that a verv
serious robbery
has taken place"
at Moscow, the patri-
archal treasures having
been stolen at some un-
known moment, but the
theft has only recently
been discovered. If the
information is true — and
there seems little doubt
about its accuracy —
Russia has sustained an
exceedingly serious loss ;
and if the wonderful
treasures contained in
this Sacristy have been
melted up for the sake
of the gold, the result is
absolutely disastrous.
In 1910, I paid a pro-
longed visit to the Patriarchal Sacristy, and on presentation
of the Imperial order which I carried, the Patriarch appointed
an Archimandrite of high rank to take me round the rooms
and show me all I desired to see. I well remember, after
having been there for about a quarter of an hour, expressing
a desire to handle a particular object before me, and being
met by the remark that as it had been anticipated I should
want to handle many things, permission had accordingly
been given, and I might
Processional Cross of the
Patriarch Nicon
have anything m my
hanijs, including many
of the precious objects
which, as a rule, were
handled only by the
highest ecclesiastics.
The three great fea-
tures of the wonderful
collection contained in
the two rooms which
constitute the Sacristy
were the mitres, the port-
able pyxes, and the
sacerdotal robes. The
mitres are seven in num-
ber according to the
careful catalogue pre-
pared by Bishop Sabas
in 1865 — a very rare
document , which the
Patriarch was good
enough to place at my
disposal when leaving the
Sacristy, and from which
these illustrations are
taken. The most import-
ant of the mitres belonged
to the Patriarch Job,.and
was worn by him in
1595. when- he assumed
office. It is a dwarf cap
of blue silk, bordered
with, fine ermine, and
upon it is embroidered,
in superb gold work,
decorated with pearls, an
inscription commending
the wearer to the protec-
tion of the Mother of
God, and stating that the
mitre was prepared in Sejitember, 1595, for the purjjose
of being worn by the first I'atriarch of Moscow. The work
is of exquisite beauty.
Another of the mitres belonged to the Patriarch Nicon,
who ascended the patriarchal throne in 1652, and this more
closely resembles the cap of an emperor. It was enamelled
on gold, sot with wonderful precious stones, find especially
with a large ruby in the very front, on which was engraved a
representation of the Resurrection, while round it were small
representations in enamel of the Evangelists, and of scenes
from sacred history. It was prepared by order of the Grand
The three Mitrc-i at the top are, from left to right, the Patriarch Job's, St. Cyiil's, and
the Patriarch N icon's. The centre one is not named. Tht- three at the bottom are all
called after the Patriarch Nicon
Duke Alexis, and, like the other, bore a full and elaborate
inscription, stating the very month in which it was made,
and for what purpose. There were three other mitres that
were also made for the same Patriarch Nicon ; one has the
whole of the inscriptions in Greek, and was a gift from the
Greeks to the head of the Russian Church ; another, dated
1654, was sent to Moscow from Constantinople, as a gift from
the Patri;u-ch of that place, and a fourth, dated 1653, was
prepared by tirder of the Grand Duke Alexis when he became
Emperor, and was perhaps the most remarkable of all the
group. It was of massive gold, set with wonderful stones,
and having a series of enamelled tablets upon it, representing
the Evangelists, each of whicii was richly adorned with
rubies, emeralds, and sapphires.
These mitres, in a cupboard at the end of the room, made
a great display ; but as works of art, they were not to be
compared witli the Wonderful series of portable pyxes, which
the Russian bishops and Patriarchs wore around their necks
on chains, and of which the very finest were contained in an
octagonal glass-topped table in the centre of the room. The
most attractive of all was a fourteenth-century one, rough
and archaic in its workmanship, decorated witli large uncut
rubies, and having in the centre an ancient onyx, which bears
in cameo the figure of the Prophet Daniel. Another of the
panagia (as they are called) was executed for the Emperor
Ivan the Terrible, in commemoration of the birth of his son
ill 1.555. ''"d is formed from a sardonyx of the finest possible
quality, probably the work of Cinquecento date, and in three
layers^ representing the figure of St. John the Scholastic, and
having on the reverse of it representations in black enamel of
St. Mark, Bishop of Arethusa, and Cyril the Deacon. This
very precious panagia
(i])en(>d at the back, and
was actually a relicpiary.
It contained a tiny mor-
sel of the purple robe in
which tradition states
Our Saviour was clothed,
and also a bit of the rock
of Calvary. It was re-
garded with the highest
possible reverence, and
even the Archimandrite
himself was amazed to
find, on reference to his
written instructions, that
I was permitted to hold
it in my hand, and ex-
amine it. The panagia
worn by the first Patri-
arch of Mo.scow, Job, was
another gem, Byzantine
work of the twelfth cen-
tur\- around a dark
brown onyx, on which
was represented in high
relief the Crucifixion. On
the reverse were figures
of the Emperor Con-
stantine and his mother
Helena. The enamelled
gold mounting belonged
to the sixteenth century.
In a case at the other
end of the room was an
extraordinary group of
crosses and tau-shaped
patriarchal staves. The
processional cross of the
Patrinrch Nicon, illus-
trated on this page, en-
shrines early Byzantine
work, mounted in seventeenth-century Russian enamel.
Three of the enamel groups on it were of very early date, and
the two engraved sapphires at the back of the Cross
were declared by the authorities of the Sacristy to be tw.o
of the oldest gems engraved with scriptural scenes in exist-
ence, and to be comparable only with the two that are
preserved in Rome.
If the thieves had confined themselves to the solid objects
of gold and silver, which blazed in magnificent splendour in
the various glass cases in this room, comparatively small
damage would have been done, because, although these cups
i8
Land & A\^ater
March 7, 191^
were beautiful, and belonged, many of them, to the seven-
teenth centur\-, having been gifts to the Patrianhs and other
ecclesiastics from the various Grand Dukes, Emperors, and
Boyars, their artistic merit was not of the very highest,
except as e.xamples of Russian art, whereas the gold and
jewelled work of the mitres and the vestments, so slight in
intrinsic importance, was of the highest possible value from
an artistic point of view. It may be hoped that the melting
down has been confined to the larger pieces — great steeple
cups. Large drinking cups, tankards, holy-water vases, dishes,
oil jars, salt cellars, cups to contain chrism, and large cisterns
in which the chrisms, or sacred oils, have been mixed. .All
these objects were of
great beauty and magni-
ficence, but of far less
importance than the
panagia. the mitres, and
the robes.
Amongst the \'est-
ments. the chief was the
Sakkos, and, of them,
the finest was that which
was presented by the
Emperor Ivan the Ter-
rible to the Metropolitan
Denys in 15.S1, but the
most beautiful that which
belonged to St. Photius.
who was Metropolitan of
the whole of Russia in
1408, and died in 1431.
His vestment, which has
with it a separate collar,
stole, long separate
sleeves, mantle, and
omophoros, was decor-
ated with portraits of
the Greek Emperor
Paleologos and his wife
Anne, and of various
other important persons of their Court, and had in fine pearls
the whole of the orthodox creed, embroidered in Greek.
Over the front and back of it were small separate divisions,
like architectural work on the front of a cathedral, and iii
each little section was either the figure of an Evangelist or an
Apostle, or a representation from the Bible of some scene
exquisitely embroidered, and outlined, with very cunning
skill, with tiny gems used skilfully to enhance its beauty.
There were no great stones upon the vestments of the
Metropolitan Photius. They were all vcr\- small ones, fine
in quality, and generally pierced ; and the skill with which
they were combined with the embroidery was beyond all
praise.
The Sacristy also contained small pieces of fine embroidery
from the vestments of the Metropolitan Peter, who was
Gold and Silver Vessels
consecrated in 1308, and one of his successor's, St. Cyprian
(1380). and also a larger piece of a vestment made for St.
Peter, when the chair of the Patriarch was transferred to
Moscow in 1325. In no other place in Russia was it possible
to see embroidery of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
and in such perfect order as could be seen in this Sacristy.
Many of the other vestments, in their lavish adornment
with great precit)us stones, were prolsably far more attractive
to the robbers ; the robe that Ivan the Terrible gave was
Said to weigh sixty pounds, and was adorned with magni-
ficent sapphires and large square-cut emeralds, and even
that was exceeded in lavish work by a vestment made in
185(1 for Alexander II.,
which, although remark-
able in plain outline, was
a blaze of superb gold and
precious stones.
It seems inconceivable
that the Russians, who
valued these treasures so
highly and had pre-
served them with such
infinite care, should have
allowed sacrilegious
thieves to scatter them
in all directions, and,
hoping a.gainst hope, one
desires yet to hear that
some of the more pre-
cious of the treasures^ —
at least, some of the
smaller ones, such as the
isanagia. the rosaries, or
the palliums — may have
Ijpen sa\'ed.
These illustrations are,
unfortunately, not from
photographs, but from
the wood blocks in the
rare catalogue men-
tioned, and do not do adequate justice to the objects. In
the second group are illustrated a fine sjilt drinking cup of
Augsburg work of 1629, one of the smaller Imperial drinking
cups, and a yet smaller kind of tumbler of 1690 which belonged
to the Patriarch Adrien, as also the great silver-gilt tankard
of Boris Godounoff (159S-1605).
The three lower illustrations depict a chrism ladle of
fine French work, which came from Pskoff, and was made
in 1620 ; the dish belonging to the Godounoff tankard; and
a drinking cup of solid gold, which was presented by Prince
Basil Ivannovitch to the Patriarchs in 1394. This last
piece is really delightful in its simple lines and delicate
chased work, albeit it is somewhat out of shape owing to
the softness of the metal. The illustration makes it look
almost flat, which is not the case.
\fi p,...
?!(? ancienne §recque
20 Panagie duPatnarcire Adrien
laPanagie duPalriarche IhiUrete NikilUch
Panagia or Portable Pyxes
March 7,' 19 i 8
Land & \\^ater
1-9
Life and Letters ^i J. C- Squire
Masterpieces
THE Atlantic is wide and deep. Great gales
sweep across its surface, and its waves run moun-
tains high. In its hither waters the sleepless
submarine lies in wait for what it would now be
inept to call the unwary ship. Yet the ships
face it. With the wind screaming through the rigging and
the white crests of the billows flashing palely out of the
night, they plough onwards, bringing us food, munitions,
and allies. They also provide space for mails. .-Vnd some of
the contents of the mail-bags are such that if the sailors
-could see them they might well treat them as their pre-
decessors treated Jonah, and with much better reason.
.-\mongst the literature which might well have been com-
mitted tiTthe deep on a recent voyage is a " bunch " addressed
to the office of a London journal. Still, had it received its
deserts, it would not have reached me : and I should be '
sorry to have missed it.
* * * ■ * * *
The kernel of the parcel was a book of poems, from a
publisher, located in Boylston Street, Boston, by name
Richard G. Badger. But before this was reached, there
■were numerous subsidiary papers' which arrested the atten-
tion. F^irst of all, came a letter from Mr. Badger who, it
appears from his note-paper, is publisher of Poet Lore, of
Badger's Library of Religious Thought, of the World's Worships
Series, and of The Journal of Abnormal Psychology— a com-
t^rcliensive collection. The letter began:
iGentlemen.
At the request of Mr. Basudeb Bhattacharya, Editor of The
Superman, we are sending you, under separate cover, to-day a
copy of his latest book, The Denied. The author is one of the
two Hindus who can write real metric verse in English. He
has been editor of a number of periodicals in his native language,
and is one of the leaders of the Young Hindus both in this
country as well as in India. He leads the rival school of Tagore,
and, unlike the mystic poet of India, believes in life.
At the foot of the note-paper, 1 forgot to mention, js the
general warning, whicli English publishers would do well to
ponder: "All contracts subject to Strikes or Other Causes
Beyond our Control."
******
From the letter I turned to something larger : pages from
Mr. Badger's catalogue of new books. Some of these books
were about Nosology, Symptomatology, and Psychognosis,
about which, until I decide to become a really modern
novelist, I am content to remain ignorant. But in poetry
I am more interested, and Badger's New Poetry at once
attracted my eye. The most casual perusal of this' list
was enough to convince me that if the poetry of Mr. Badger's
authors is as original as Mr. Badger's advertising, they must
be the most remarkable lot since the Elizabethans.
I give a few extracts from this pioneer amongst catalogues :
The Fledgling Bard and the Poetry Society.
By (ieorge Reginald Margetson.
\ ringing satire which deals with many questions of the day,
with topical allusions to the Poetry Society of America.
My Soldier Boy and Other Poems.
By Mrs. John Archibald Morison.
This collection of poems is mainly expressive of the subtle
and bewitching voices of nature, which the author has surely
heard and interpreted with an accuracy and sympathetic skill
all her own. • .
Yearnings.
By WiUiara Estill Phipps.
Every poem in this unique volume breathes the serene,
inspiring ethereal touch of genuine poetry.
WiNTBROREEN. '
By Marvin .Manan Sherrick.
A breath from the norttiern forests dealing with cradle songs,
voices of the forest, and moods of the seasons.
At the Edge of_ the World.
By Caroline Stern.
These beautiful poems take us on the wings of, fancy to the
mystical regions at the edge of the world.
Songs ok a Golden .\ge.
By Elizabeth F. Sturtevant.
The first seven poems, from which the book takes its name,
are the real foundation of the volume. The other poems treat
a variety of subjects in a very versatile manner.
Mystery, or The Lady of the Casino.
By David F. Taylor.
The object of this story is for the furtherance of peace.
Kandom Verse.
By F. VV. B.
. Simple verse, putting before us thoughts that come to us in
onr everyday life.
Humorous Poems.
By Ignatius Brennan.
Do not tread this book if life to you is one dark, dismal frown.
If, however, you see laughter lurking even amidst the crashing
storm, then get busy.
The Singer.
ByJ.T.
Mostly about three human beings : a sinner, a saint, and a
plain ass. The first two will find considerable interest in this
book. As for the third, he will never see this catalogue.
These are about enough to indicate the manner. We learn
in another that Theodore Botrel is "perhaps the most con-
spicuous literary figure in Europe to-day," and in another
that a poem by Mr. Arthur Ketchum "has had the unique
distinction of being translated into Chinese." As for The
Foaliam, by Edwin A. Watrons, it is described as
A pentameter satire, with a punch in every line. For men only —
and for curious women.
"Its spicy effectiveness," adds Mr. Badger, "in no way
makes it offensive." It is a pity that as much cannot be
said for his advertisement of it ; which is one of the worst
examples of what may be called the tropical allusion.
******
My appetite whetted by all this luxuriant introduction,
I arrived at last at the book itself — The Denied, by the editor
of The Superman. The author modestly ascribes publica-
tion to the persuasions of "the sponsors of the, Poets' Federa-
tion movement." TTie ' movement is much to blame. It is
not that one is surprised to find the editor of The Superman
writing :
I am a speck of dust at your feet,
Clrey in insignificance of defeat ;
Fallen and shrivelled, and upon your face
Gaze my thirsty eyes, longing an embrace !
You will tread upon — no, no, not despise
A life so low, so small.
For no man can be expected to live up to an ideal like that.
The trouble is that Mr. Basudeb's "real metric verse" is so
exactly like what many Englishmen and Americans write
themselves t*hat one feels he wasted,, in attaining his mastery,
powers which might have been devoted to a continued
rivalry, in the vernacular, with Sir Rabindranath Tagore.
Tagore's position in English is scarcely likely to be shaken
by verse like this :
Kiss me — and I in a breath shall impart
Ebbs and tides of entire, eternal fate ;
The rise and fall, by drops, part by part^
Ceaseless onrushes of Time that ne'er abate,
I shall give you — if you can only hold —
Creations, destructions, trillion births.
Multi-trillion deaths, — all that unfold
tiniverse's mad spasms, — her secret mirths.
This, perhaps, is a little more like the Superman ; but it is
even less like poetrv than the other.
* * ' * * * *
"Basudeb," announces Mr. Badger on the cover, "believes
in Life — enjoys it, suffers for it, is madly in love with it.
But he, too, transcends it with a passionately devotional
pagan attitude toward lower lives and nature" ; and he
concludes with a reference to " the supreme message of these
unique cadences." This brings me to the real reason why
I have quoted so profusely from Mr. Badger's catalogue —
why, indeed, I have referred to him at all. No publisher
in England (and probably no other in America) as yet
assaults the public with such intolerable bosh as Mr. Badger's
puffs of his own wares. But there is a distinct tendency
both here and there for publishers' advertisements to become at
once more intimate and more fulsome. They are beginning to
cease thinking at all ; fhey either waste their space on complete
inanities like "treat a variety of subjects in a very versatile
manner," or, more frequently, they copy the patent-medicine
merchants, and announce the most worthless books as the
greatest things on earth. But they are not catering for the
patent-medicine public, and they should realise in time that
though there is a good deal of room for improvement in their
advertisements, it does not lie in the direction of increased
brazenness. Even the most ingenuous of readers is liable
to reflect that every book publisiied cannot be "unique" in
any sense that matters. And it no more pays to go on
crying "Masterpiece, masterpiece" than "Wolf, wolf." This
))romiscuous panegyric defeats its own ends, and the public
is ceasing to believe any statement by a publisher about his
own books ; this, above' all, being true with books of belles-
lettres which are natural! v intended for the most discriminating
and intelligent public of all. A description is useful ; but
that is all we want from this source.
20
Land & Water
March 7, 191^
Modern Novels and Critics: By Hugh Walpole
0\ returning from abroad, where I have spent
the major part of the last four .v«irs I am
sahited with pessimistic cries about the hnglish
novel. In one newspaper I read : Where are
the K.H.d old Victorian days-Oh ! for a C.eorge
Fliot ' ■■ In another : " At no time in the history of English
li'terature has the novel been so widely read as at present
A new reading public has sprung into existence. tint,
ala.s. the Knglish no%-el is in its decadence.
\nother paper declares that it has, at last, hopes ol the
future of the 1-ngIish novel because it has been reading a
book that is a chronicle of actual events rather than a creative
work "That is the line of the future English novel !
cries this paper. More than these individual cries, nowever,
I notice a complete absence of anv considered criticism. In
the reviews o( tiie novels of 1917 that appeared in certain
papers there were ludicrous jumbles of good and bad. In
no single review was there mention of Miss Dane s hegtment
of Women Mr. Jovce's Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man.
Mr. Norman Douglas's South Wind. Mr. Frank Swinnerton s
Nocturne— a quartet that would surely give distinction to
anv list of rontemporarv fiction in any countrv in Europe.
Most of all. I am struck bv the invariable habit of referring
everybody back to cvervbody else ; " Mr. Smith's novel is
amusing.' but what a pity that it's not like Adam Bede—
or. "Miss Green's storv reminds" us pleasantlv of Mr. Thomas
Hardy. She has not. however, his wonderful gift of ... "
Why should she have? .-^nd how very much better for
Miss Green that she has not ! One Mr. Hardy is a joy and,
a delight, but a second Miss Hardv, not quite so good, would
onlv be a torment and a distress to us all.
Let us consider for a moment. I am told that we have no
living Enghsh novelists whose work will go down to posterity
in the glorious succession of the authors of Tom Jones, Vanity
Fair, Wulhering Heights, and the rest. I suggest that we
have the following : Tliomas Hardy, Joseph Conrad, Rudyard
Kipling, George Moore, H. G. Wells, Arnold Bennett, May
Sinclair, and D. H. Lawrence. This is not, I think, a bad
Ust. and I doubt whether, at this moment, any other country
in the world could furnish one so interesting. Let us com-
pare this list for a moment with the English novelists of,
say, 1850-60. There were then Dickens and Thackeray,
Lytton and Trollope, the Brontes, and George Eliot.
" Heavens ! " gasps the reader of The Nation. " And you
dare to say that we can possibly lift our heads in rivalry ! "
I do dare.
"Yes," savs our Xonagenarian, "all very well ! But. give
me that splendid creative power, that devil-may-rare pro-
fusion that created without knowing that it was creating
at :dl ! Show me a world of living, breathing figures such
as we find in Thackeray, Dickens, and even Trollope!"
To that I answer that there are to-day at least three worlds
for- the Cortez of the bookshop to discover. There is that
wonderful inexhaustible world of Henry James ; a world
of ghosts, perhaps ; but, then, why not ? Are not ghosts
as interesting as humans, and is not their planet, often
enough, a rest and refreshment, especially in these days ?
Or there is the world of Mr. Hardy — the world of the English
countryside as it has never been revealed before, of daisies,
and woods, and lanes, and ancient farms and pastures thick
in grass, of Tess and Bathsheba, and Susan and Jude. of
whose homeliness and comfort and beauty no wars and
rumours of wars can rob us. And there is the ■ world of
Joseph Conrad — of Sea and the East, and our own dark
streets, a created world, if ever there was one, the world of
Lord Jim, of Marlowe, of Nostromo, of Flora de Barrel,
of the magic Heyst. No, I do not think, if in the continent
of spirits such assemblies occur, that Catherine and her
Heathcliffe will be ashamed to meet Anthony, the poet, and
that tragic figure Ahnayer, or that Maggie Tulliver will
smile scornfully upon Bathsheba Everdene, or Major
Pendennis give the Bond Street cut direct to Mrs. Brook
and her lovely Nanda, or Mr. Micawber have nothing to say
to Mr. Kipps, Mr. Lewisham, and Mr. Polly. They are in
the right line of descent, our heroes of to-day, and we need
not be ashamed to sav that it is so.
Why do we so invariably despise bur own home-grown
products ? I have spent sorne time during the last two
years in Russia, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. On making
inquiries about the present state of the novel in those
countries, I have found there are in each case only two or three
names that justify real study. In Sweden and Norway I was
•constantly told that here in England we had many interesting
novelists and poets, and that our literature was becoming
much more possible for an intelligent foreigner because it was
shedding its old deadening hypocrisy , , , ,, ^
I have said a word already about the world of Mr. Conrad ;
but reallv what is one to do with the critic who absolutely
refuses to acknowledge his greatness 'i One can only suggest
that he should read once again that masterpiece Nostromo,
which has just appeared in a new edition. If that does not
open to his eves a new world filled with new glories, then
it is because' he is wilfuUv standing with his face to the
wall and hugging his gloom as theone comfort left to his
crumbling old age. Here are a crowd of characters— realistic,
romantic, fantastic tragic— positively created out of their
own soil. They exist— Nostromo, Antonia, IVcoud and the
rest— not because their author has delved into his remini-
scences and produced thence tattered remnants' of a life
that he once himself exoerienced, but because they demanded
of their own vitality that thev should be born. And more
than the creation of character is here. It is, as I have said,
the picture of a world with towns, villages, mountains,
deserts, the sea and the river, and the silver mine brooding
over ail. What of the Nigger of the Narcissus, what of
Chance and the Wonderful Flora, what of The Secret Agent
and Mr. Verloc. what of . . . ? Hut one might continue
for ever. Conrad is as great a creative genius as any novelist
in the whole line of English fiction. What, in heaven's
name, do our critics want ? Do they realise that in Mr.
George Moore thev have one of the most beautiful writers
of iMiglish in the language, and that in Esther Waters and
Evelvn Innes and The Lake the\- have works of first-class
beaiitv and distinction ?
And the tradition continues— I have not space here to
speak at length about the younger novelists, but I challenge
anyone to say that Mr. Beresford's Stahl Trilogy, Mr. Cannan's
Round the Corner, and, above all, Mr. Lawrence's Sotis and
Lovers and The Rainhoiv are not works of real importance
and interest with a true philosophy, a creative power, and a
vivid' picture of the life of our times.
But I do not wish to seem here too extravagant in my
claims for our own period. I do not suggest that all the
novelists of our day whom I have named in this paper will
live for ever, or that they are without fault. It is because
there is so much room for real live criticism that I am pleading
for a truer standard. There 'were, I know, many gifts
bestowecj upon the earlier no\'elists that the man of to-day
will never recapture.
And that is of the nature of the case. In those earlier
day», when Joseph Andrews met Mrs. Slipslop, and Tom
Jones found "his Sophia, when Redgauntlet pursued Green-
mantle, and Elizabeth Bennett refused Mr. Collins, there
was a glow, a rapture of discovery that our later age has
grown too old to know. Ours is now a different technique,
a different philosophy, a different morality, a different form.
Let the critic, then , recognise that it is so, and recognise it
gladly. Let the critic of to-day not instantly hang his head
when confronted with modern work. ^ I know that to this he
will answer that there was never a period when more
encouragement was given to the new man, that in any -novel-
writer the smallest sign of originality or force is welcomed
and praised. That is quite tnve. There is far too much
praise, and a young writer is often so extravagantly encour-
aged by the applause over his first and second book that he
is the more depressed when the inevitable moment comes
later for him to be told that he is not improving, and that
he ought not to have swollen head, and that it is ridiculous
of him to think that he can write nox-els.
And even here all is not quite well. Books with obvious
qualities of interest, such as Mr. McKenna's Sonia and
Mr. Alec Waugh's Loom of Youth are at once acclaimed,
but something (paieter and more unusual, like Mr. Corkerys
beautiful Threshold ofQmet, received only two or three reviews,
is to be seen in no bookshops, and even the publisher himself
seems to be reluctant to deliver up copies to willing pur-
chasers. There is no sign that the reviewer has discovered that
this novel is literature and the others are not. He finds it
dull ; it has no plot, he says. There are to-day, in fact, no
standards. Our better critics— Mr. Garnett, Mr. de la Mare,
Mr. Bailey, and others — write too seldom. There is too
much anonymity, too much carelessness and scorn, too
much extravagant praise, too much pessimism, and altogether
too little balance. '
That is. finally, the trouble — too much patronage on one
side and too much meaningless praise on the other.
March 7, 191 8
Land & Water
2 I
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ing and soap dish. Sale Price 12/S(
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Lot 4. A few only extra qoalitv
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Britlih Policy In Riinia.
The Peril of Soelalltm.
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By the Right Hon. Lord SYDENHAM OF COMBE,
G.C.S.I., G.C.M.G.
The Threatened Suicide of Britllh Dmnoeraoy, By HAROLD F. W.YATT
Our War-Alms In 18U-and To-day. By G. W. T. OMOND
The Church's Self-Covernment. By Ue Right Rev. the BISHOP OF ZANZIBAR
A Friend of Sir Thomas More. Rv Professor FOSTER WATSON
The Elementary School Child's Mother. By EDITH SELLERS
Capital and General Progress. By W. H. MALLOCK
The Occultism in Tennyson's Poetry. By A. P. SINNETT
The German Conference Trick. By W. MORRIS COLLES
'Jargon' In the Great War. By Major-Gemeral Sir GEORGE ASTON, K.C.B.
The Fitht against Venereal Infection : a Further Reply t* Sir Bryan Oonkin.
By Sir FRANCIS CHAMPNEYS, Bart., M.D.
The Past and Future of Railways. By J. H. BALFOUR-BROWNE, K.C.
Confessions of a Peacemaker. By Sir WILLIAM MrrCHELL RAMSAY
How fiermany makes Peace. By WILLIAM HARBUTT DAWSON
London : SPOmsWOODE, BALLANTYNE 4 Co., Ltd., i New Street Square.
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22
Land & Water
March 7, 191 8
The Return : By Stacy Aumonier
1 OUGHT perhaps, in the first plu-e. to explain that I
am (or raiher was) a Hbrarian at the suburban library
Tchadstow Heath. W.en I hrst received this
important appointment my sahirv was ^^^^P^'^^
a year, but after six years assiduous apphcation to
mv duties it was advanced to one hundred and twenty pounds
Tvear I am married and have two cliildren and we hyed in
GentTan vX which is convenient to the hbrary and barely
^fn nCiutes-'walk from the heath itself. This may no
eSrc^ent to vou a condition of material prosperity, but I
wouS "en ure to point out that :U! these matters are entirely
anpJat e To a successful sugar broker, or a popular
ome£ 1 must appear in the light of n pauper. To my
msT family I have always appe^ired to be something o( a
Zo rat. • For you must know that 1 owe my education and
£ ever advancement I may have made to my own efforts at
a national school, and the privileges of continuation classes.
My father was a small greengrocer, and his family, which was
a very large one, and peculi^urly prolific, has^ in no instance
except mv own risen above the social standard he set for us.
I'hope this Will not sound a priggish statement of mine. It is
simply a very bald assertion of truth. All my relations are
deJ, good people: it is simply that they do not, and never
have taken any interest in what is called educatiori. My
brother Albert is a greengrocer, as our father was, and he has
seven children. Richard is in a leatherseller's shop. He earns
more money than I did. but he has eleven children. Chris-
topher is' a packer at the Chadstow Heath luupornim. God
has blessed him with three small offspring. Will is unmarried,
and I couldn't tell you quite what he does. He is something
„f a black sheep.' My sister Nancy is married— alas !
unhappUy— to a worthless traveUer in cheap jewellery. She
has two chUdren. Laura is the .wife of an elderly Baptist who
keeps a tobacco kiosk on Meadway. She is childless. Louie,
my favourite sister, is not married, but she has a child. But
her tragedy does not concern this story.
In fact the details of the entities neither of myself nor
of my brothers and sisters are of very great importance in
whati want to t,ell you, beyond the fact that they will give you
a clue to the amazing flutter among us that accompanied the
appearance of our Uncle Herbert when he arrived from Africa.
The trutli is that every one of us had entirely forgotten aU
about him. Albert and I had a Vague recollection of having
heard our father refer to a delicate young brother who bolted
to South .Africa when he was a young man, and had not been
heard of since.
But, lo and behold ! he turned up one evening suddenly
at Gentian Villa when my sister Louie and her child were
paying us a visit. At first I thought he was some impostor,
and I was almost on the point of warning my wife to keep an
eye on the silver butter-dish and the fish knives which we
always displayed with a certain amount of pride on our
dining-room sideboard.
He was a little wizened old man, with a bald head and small
beady eyes. He had a way of sucking in his lips and contin-
ually nodding his head. He was somewhat shabbily dressed
except for a heavy gold watch and chain. He appeared to
be intensely anxious to be friendly with us all. He got the
names and addresses of the whole family from me, and stated
that he was going to settle down and live in London.
When one had got over his nervy, fussy way of behaving,
there was something about the little man that was rather
lovable. He stayed a couple of hours, and promised to call
again the next day. We laughed, about him after he had
gone and, as relations will, discussed his possible financial
position. We little dreamed of the surprising difference
Uncle Herbert was going to make to us all.
He called on all the family in rotation, and wherever he
went he took little presents, and made himself extremely
affable and friendly. He told us that he had bought a house
and was having it "done up a bit." And then, to our surprise,
we discovered that he had bought '' Silversands," which, as
you know, is one of the largest houses on Chadstow Heath,
it is, as Albert remarked, "more like a palace," a vast red brick
structure standing in its own grounds, which are surrounded
by a high wall.
1 shall never forget the day when we "were all — including
the children — invited to go and spend the afternoon and
evening. We wandered about the house and garden spell-
bound, doubting how to behave, and being made to feel
continually self-conscious by the presence of .some half-dozen
servants. It would be idle to pretend that the house was
decorated in the best of taste. It was lavish in every sense
of the word. The keynote was an almost exuberant gaiety.
It was nearly all white woodwork, or crimson mahogany,
with brilliant floral coverings. Masses of naturalistic flowers
rose at you from the carpet and the walls. And the electric
lights' I've never in my life seen so many brackets and
electroliers. I do not believe there was a cubic foot of space
in the house that was not brightly illuminated. And m
this gay setting Uncle Herbert became the embodiment of
hospitality itself. He darted about among us, shaking
hands patting the heads of the children, passing trays of nch
cakes and sandwiches. The younger children were sent home
early in the evening laden with toys, and we elders stayed on to
supper. And, heavens ! What a supper it was ! The table was
covered with lobster salads, and cold turkey, and chicken, and
ham, and everything one could think of. And on the side
table were rows of bottles of beer, and claret, and stout,
and whisky, and as if a concession tb-the social status of his
guests, Uncle dismissed the servants, and we waited on
ourselves. , , ,• i
And the little man sat at the head of the table, and bhnked
and nodded, and winked at us, and he kept on repeating":
" Now, boys and girls, enjoy yourselves Albert, cut a
bit o' fowl for Nancy. 'Erbeft.my boy, pass the 'am to
yer aunt."
Uncle was the life and soul of the party, and it need hardly
be said that we soon melted to his mood. I observed that
he himself ate very httle, and he did not drink at all. For
an oldish man whose digestion was probably not what it
was, this was not a very remarkable phenomenon. And I
should probably not have commented upon it, but for the fact
that it was the" first personal trait of my uncle which arrested
my attention, and which, in conjunction with more peculiar
characteristics, caused me to keep a closer watch upon him
in the days that followed. For this supper-party was but
the nucleus of a series of supper- parties. It was given out
that •' Silversands " was an open house. We were all welcome
at any time. Uncle was never so happy as when the house
was full of laughing children, or when his large circle of relations
clattered round the groaning board, and ate and drank the
prodigal delicacies he supplied. Not only were we welcome,
but any friends we cared to take were welcome also. I have
known thirty-three of us sit down to supper there on a Sunday
evening. And on these occasions all the house was lighted
up, and in fact I have no recollection of going there .when
every electric light and fitting was not fulfilling its utmost
function.
Apart from abstemiousness, the characteristic of Uncle
which immediately gripped my attention was what I will
call ■' abstraction."
It was indeed a very noticeable characteristic. He had
a way of suddenly shrinking within himself and apparently
being oblivious to his surroundings. He would make some
gay remark, and then suddenly stop, and stare into space,
and if you spoke to him he would not answer for some moments.
Another peculiarity was that he would never speak of Africa,
or of his own affairs. He had a convenient deafness, which
assailed him at awkward moments. He seemed to be in a
frenzy of anxiety to be always surrounded by his own family
and the ubiquitous electric lights. When the house was
quite in order I do not think he ever went out at all except
into the garden.
He was scrupulously impartial in his treatment of us all ;
in fact, he had a restless, impartial way of distributing his
favours, as though he were less interested in us as individuals
than anxious to surround himself with a loving and sympa-
thetic atmosphere. Nevertheless — and it may quite possibly
have been an illusion — I always felt he leant a httle more
towards me than to the others, perhaps because I was called
after him. He always called me " 'Erb, boy," and there
were times when he seemed instinctively to draw me apart,
as though he wanted to hide behind me. And realising his
diffidence to indulge in personal explanation, I respected the
peculiarity and talked of impersonal things or remained silent
It was, I think, Albert who was the most worried by Uncle's
odd tricks. I remember he came to me one night in the
smoking-room after a particularly riotous supper-party, and
he said :
" I say, 'Erbert (all my family call me 'Erbert), what
I'd like to know is — What is Uncle staring at ?"
I knew quite well what he meant, but I pretended not t(x
and Albert continued :
" Of course it's all right. It's no business of ours, but it's
a very rum thing. He laughs, and talks, and suddenly he
•leaves off, and then he stares — and stares — into space."
{Continued on page 24.)
March 7 , 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
23
How Bovril Saves Shipping and Feeds the People
PRESIDING at the General Meeting of Bovril. Ltd.,
Mr. George Lawson Johnston (Chairman), in moving
the adoption of the report, referred to the general
food position and how the price of Bovril has been
kept down: — "Your own e.xperienc.e," he said, "will
have brought you into touch with increases in price in most
directions, and vou will have seen that the Board of Trade
returns show a long list of rises of loo per cent, or more in
the cost of food7Stuffs since the commencement of the war.
I cannot call to mind many articles the prices of which have
not been raised during the war. and I believe Bovril is the onlv
national standard food that is sold at the same price in
February, 191S, as it was in July, iqi4. That the price of
Bovril has not been moved up with the cost (jf beef, although
a p»und of Bovril is the concentrated product of so manv pounds
(if beef, is an outstanding fact that requires explanation.
Needs Little Shipping Space.
"In the first place, in the countries which supply the raw
materia] for Bovril. beef has not risen in
value as it has here. Again, the abnormal
cost ©f ocean transport only to a minor
extent affects a concentrated preparation
like ours, making as it does such small
demand upon shipping space.
"Apart from these general tendencies,
vou are aware that during the last dozen
vears we have endeavoured by the agency
of subsidiary land and cattle companies
to c«ntrol and develop new sources for
the supply of raw material. This policv
has borne good fruit during the war.
These precautions, taken in past years,
have ensured us the plentiful supplies
that are so essential at the moment, and
our materia] has not increased in price to
anything like the extent of the raw
material of some other industries. Taking
all this into consideration, and realising
that Bovril enters so largely into the food
of the natfon, we felt that, with the
increased sales and profits outside Bovril
itself, we should be able to keep the
Company's revenue at prt^-war standard
without adding to the hardships of the
comfnunity. I am glad that our foresight
has not only been to our benefit as share-
holders, but to the benefit of every
l-Jovril consumer. His Bovril has cost
liim no more, unless he has consumed
more — which I am afraid he has.
The area of the Bovril Argentine estates (shown
in the rectangle) is more than 2 J that of Alsace
and Lorraine.
' No Profiteering.'
" 1 know we lay ourselves open to the reproach of the share-
holder who may say that this is not a philanthropic institution,
but a commercial undertaking which should try to secure the
biggest possible immediate profits. There is no ground I would
s<.)oner be attacked upon than that of not having raised the
price of a standard article of dietary during this time of food
iiardship, especially meat-food heirdships, and I believe the vast
majority of the shareholders will heartily endorse and approve
this attitude. The cost of this policy, the deferred shareholder
may say, concerns him only. Well, it is as the Company's
largest deferred shareholder that I express that view. Tliat
our whole attitude in this matter will redound to the credit of
Bovril I have little doubt, for what better goodwill can we have
in years to come than for the public to remember and say :
'Bovril had its opportunity, but did not profiteer.'
Bovril Co. a 'True Democracy.'
" I think we can consider this Company a miniature demo-
iratic institution. We are a co-operative body of over 11,000
shareholders, and we control provinces in the form of estates in
.\ustralia and the Argentine of 9I million acres, upon which
there are over 250,000 head of cattle. We manage to produce
eur beef product at a co.st which has enabled us to provide our
millions of consumers with Bovril at prices unaltered during
the war.
"I mentioned the area of the joint Bovril Australian and
Argentine estates just now at 9J million acres. Have you any
idea what that area means ? It is larger than Belgium, and
over 2^ times the size of Alsace and Lorraine ; or, if you would
like a comparison nearer home, it is twice the size of Wale>;,
or nearly the size of Wales and Ulster put together.
" You will have noticed in the papers many estimates of the
cost of rearing or fattening cattle in this country, usually proving
that with beef at 60s. a cwt. live weight, the business was unpro-
fitable. Even in more normal times the farmer requires at
least /30 to £40 for a fat beast.
Cattle v. Cereals.
" Now, it may surprise you when I say the cost of rearing a
9 to 10 cwt. steer on the Bovril Australian estates does not
amount to 60s. altogether, and though the cost is considerably
more in Eastern Australia and the Argentine, my point is that
the rearer of stock in the northern part of this hemisphere,
particularly in the thickly populated parts of Europe, has no
chance, in competition with the stock raised in the open
plains of the southern hemisphere — Australasia, South America,
Africa. More especially will this be the case in normal times
— say, after the war — when frozen beef will be sent ttiousands
of miles to these shores at a transport ^cost so low that it
can be covered by the utilisation of by-products at the
great freezing works of South America
and Australia — by-products which cannot
be so economically handled in the
comparatively small butchering establish-
ments of this country. In making a
statement such as this, I might add that
I have no financial interest in freezing
works ; in fact, some of them are com-
petitors for the cattle we want for Bovril.
" The cost of raising stock in Argentina
and Australia is, roughly speaking, the
interest on capital invested in the cattle
and the land. The cattle are never under
cover, and the number of men employed
is so small that the payment to labour,
spread over the head of cattle, has little
effect on the final cost.
" As regards the United States, though
they are good enough to export beef here
at present, that country will later have to
buy heavily in the southern hemisphere
in order to feed her owti growing popula-
tion. " l#
" I have taken up your time explaining
the matter — little realised in Britain —
in the hope that my remarks may reach
the eyes of some farmers who do not
realise that the paternal Ministry that is
forcing them to plough u]) their grass land
is not only doing so on account of the
immediate war necessity, but because
the getting of a larger portion of their
farms under cereal production will be
of the utmost permanent advantage to tliemselves and the
State. *
A Scientist's Opinion.
"Nearly two years ago I quoted at the Argentine Estates
Meeting scientific authority for saying that land growing wheat
was producing fifteen times as much food energy as could be
produced on the same area by way of grass and cattle to eventual
beef. I then said : —
" The . point which I wish to bring out is that if there
is to be protection for the farm protjucts of this country with
a view to encouraging a larger production of home-grown food,
I can only imagine that that protection would be worked out with
a view to the growing of cereals, leaving the raising of cattle, apart
from the dairy industry, to the countries that have ample areas
for that purpose. Now the watershed of the rivers that flow into
the River Plate is the largest and finest stretch of pasture land in
the world. It includes not only a. large part of the Argentine, but
Southern Brazil, west of the coast mountains, and the Republics of
Uruguay and Paraguay, whilst the cattle thereon must number
over 60,000,000 head. These Ccfttle are grown almost entirely for
beef, and certainly not one cow in a dozen, probably not one in 50, is
ever domesticated for dairy purposes. This portion of South America
is the great cattle reserve of the world, in the same way as Australia
is the great sheep reserve.
Immense Meat Works.
" During the last two years, meat works have been erected
further and further north into this vast continent of pasturage ;
starting from the mouth of the River Plate, the original nursery
of freezing works, they have now spread right up into Brazil and
Paraguay. The principal duty of all these works at the present
moment is to supply the armies of the Allies with beef, but after
the war their equipment will enable them to supply the northern
hemisphere with beef on a scale altogether unknown in the past."
24
Land Sc Water
March 7, 19 18
{CoMiinu*d from page S2.)
iSmumDled somemine about Jncle's age. and his memory
wandering, but Albert wis not to be satisfied, and he whispered:
" How do you tliink the old bov made his money ?
I could offer no satisfactory explanation, and we dropped
the subject. But a month or so later our interests were all
set more vividly agog h\ I'ncle's behaviour, for he suddenly
expressed his detennination not merely to entertain us as
usual but to help us in a more substantial way. He bought
and stocked a new shop for .Mbert. He set Richard up in
business and gave Christopher a partnership m it. He paid
Will's passage out to C;mada and gave him two hundred
pounds to start on. (I believe Will had already been trying
to borrow money from him. with what result I do not know.)
He offered me some light secretarial work to do for hjiii in
my spare time, for which he agreed to pay me sixty pounds
a year. As for the girls, he bought them a life annuity
bringing them in fifty pounds a year.
I need hardly sav that this new development created
considerable joy and sensation in our family, and our interest
in and respect for Uncle Herbert became intense. I felt very
keen'to start on my " light secretarial duties," and at the back
of my mind was the thought that now I should have an oppor-
tunity to get some little insight into Uncle's affairs. But
in this I was disappointed. He only asked me to go on two
evenings a week, and then it was to help check certain expenses
in connection with the household, and also to begin
to inaugurate a library for him. I made no further progress
of an intimate nature at all. The next step of progression
in this direction, indeed, was made by Albert, somewhat
under cover of the old adage, in vino verilas. For on the
night after Albert's new shop was opened we all supped at
Uncle's, and Albert, I'm afraid, got a little drunk. He was,
in any case, very excited and garrulous, and he and Chris-
topher and I met in the smoke-room late in the evening
and Albert was very mysterious. I would like to reproduce
what he said in his own words. He shut the door carefully
and tiptoed across the room.
" Look here, boys," he said. " The old man beats me.
There's something about all this I don't like."
" Don't be a fool," I remarked. " What's the trouble ?"
Albert walked restlessly up and down the room, then he
said :
" I've been watching all the evening. He gets worse.
1 begin to feel frightened by him at moments. To-night
when they were all fooling about, I happened to stroll through
the conservatory, and suddenly I comes across Uncle. He
was sitting all alone, his elbows on his knees, staring into
space. ' 'UUo, Uncle !' I says. He starts and trembles
like, and then he says, ' 'Ullo, Albert, my boy.' I says, ' You
feeling all right. Uncle ?' and he splutters about and says,
■ Yes, yes, I'm all right. 'Ow d'yer think your business'll
go, Albert ?' he says. I felt in a queer sort of defiant mood — I'd
had nearly half a bottle of port — and suddenly I says straight
out, ' What sort of place is Africa, Uncle ?' His little eyes
blazed at me for a moment, and I thought he was going to
lose his temper-. Then he stops and gives a sort of whimper,
and sinks down again on his knees. He made a funny noise
as if he was going to cry. Then he says in that husky voice,
' Efrica ? . . . Efrica ? . . . Oh, Efrica's a funny place, Albert.
It's big. . . ' He stretched out his little arms, and sat there
as though he was dreamin'. Then he continues, ' In the
cities it's struggle, and struggle, and struggle. . .one man 'gainst
another, no mercy, no quarter. . .' And suddenly he caught
hold of my arm, and he says, ' You can't 'elp it, can yer,
Albert, if one man gets on, and another man goes under?'
I didn't know what to say, and he seems to shrink away
from me, and he stops and he stares, and stares, and stares,
and then he says in a kind of whisper. ' Then you get out on
the plains. . .and it's all silent. . .and your away up in the karoo,
and there's just the great stone sldbs. . .and nothing but
yer solitude, and yer thoughts, and the moon above. And
it's all so still.' Then he stops again, and suddenly raises
his little arm and points, Christ ! for all the world asthough
he was pointin' at somethiij' 'appenin' out there on the karoo."
Christopher rose from his seat, and walked to the window.
He was looking pale.
" Don't be a fool, Albert," he said. " What does it
matter ? Ain't 'e done you all right ? Ain't he set you up
in the greengrocery ?"
Albert looked wildly round, and licked the end of a cigarette
which had gone out.
" I don't see that there's anything we can do," I remarked
unconvincingly.
Albert wiped his brow.
" No," he argued. " It ain't our business. It's onlv that
sometimes I.. ."
He did not finish his remark, and we three brothers looked
at each other furtively.
Tlien began one of those curious telepathic experiences
which play so great a part in the lives of all of us. I have
complained that none of my brothers or sisters showed any
leaning towards education or mental advancement of any
sort, but I have not perhaps insisted that in spite of this it
was one of our boasts that we were an honest family. Even
Will, in spite of his recklessness and certain vicious traits,
had always played the game. Albert, and Richard, and
Christopher had been perilously poor, but I do not believe
that they would have ever acted in a deliberately dishonest
or mean fashion. I don't think I would myself, although I
had had perhaps rather less temptation. And in spite of
our variety of disposition and trade, we were a fairly united
family. We understood each other.
And tiie advent of Uncle Herbert and his peculiar behaviour
reacted upon us unfavourably. With the accession of this
unexpected wealth and security we became suspicious of each
other. Moreover, when we brothers met together after the
evening I have just described, we looked at each other half
knowingly, and the slogan : " It ain't no business of mine,"
became charged with the acid of mutual recrimination. As
far as possible we avoided any intimate discussion, and
kept the conversation on a detached plane. We were riotsusly
merry, unduly affectionate, and according to all the rules of
the game, undeniably guilty.
What was Uncle staring at ? I would sometimes wake up
in the night, and begin feverishly visualising all sorts of
strange and untoward episodes. What were these haunting
fears at the back of his mind ? Why was he' so silent' on the
primal facts of his position ? And I knew that in their indi-
vidual ways all my brothers and sisters were undergoing a
similar period of trial. I could tell by their eyes.
And the naked truth kept jogging our elbows— that this
money from which we were benefiting, that brought us so
much pleasure and comfort, had been acquired in some
dishonest way, or even over the corpse of some tragic
episode.
He spent nearly all his time in the garden, dividing it up
into little circles, and oblongs, and triangles of geranium beds,
and at the bottom he had a rock garden, and fruit trees on
the south wall. He seemed to know a lot about it.
In the winter he stayed indoors, and became frailer and
more pathetic in his manner, and more dependent upon our
society. It is difficult to know how much he followed the
effects of his liberality. He developed a manner of asking
one excitedly all about one's affairs, and then not listening
to the reply. If he had observecl things closely he would
have noted that in nearly every case his patronage had had
unfortunate results. Richard and Christopher quarrelled,
and dissolved their partnership. Albert's business failed.
Nancy's husband threw up his work, and led a frankly
depraved life on the strength of his wife's settled income.
An adventurer named Ben Cotton married my sister Louie
obviously because she had a little money. Laura quarrelled
with her husband, the Baptist, and on the strength of her
new independence left him, and the poor man hanged himself
a few months later.
To all these stories of misadventure and trouble Uncle
Herbert listened- with a great show of profuse sympathy, but
it was patent that their real significance did not get through
to him. Always he acted lavishly and impulsively. He set
Albert up in business again. He started both Christopher
and Richard independently. He gave the girls more money,
and sent a preposterous wreath to the Baptist's funeral. He
did not seem to mind what he did for us, provided we con-
tinued to laugh and jest around his generous board.
It is curious that this cataclysm in our Uves affected Albert
more than any of us. Perhaps because he was in his way
more temperamental. He began to lose a grip on his busi-
ness, and to drink.
He came to me one night in a very excited state. It
appeared that on the previous evening he had come home
late, and had been drinking. One of the children annoyed
him, a boy named Andrew, and Albert had struck him on the
head harder than he had meant to. There had very nearly
been a tragedy. His wife had been very upset, and threat-
ened to leave him.
Albert cried in a maudlin fashion, and said he was very
unhappy. He wished Uncle Herbert had never turned up.
And then he recalled the night in the conservatory, when
Uncle Herbert had talked about Africa.
"I believe there was dirty work," said Albert. "I believe
he did some one down. He kihed him out there on the
karoo, and robbed him of his money."
[To be continued.)
LAND & WATER
\'oK I.XX. \'o. 2914. IJy^ THURSDAY, MARCH n ihiR rREcrsTERED a?-, published weekly
y ■+ L>tARJ i -I i v-/ ivoi^ii 1 , i.ixiixv,!! 14, lyio L:^ NEWSPAI'TrJ PRICE N I n e pe nce
The Town Hall of Rheims after a Recent Bombard
Fr'eiKh Offidal
ment
Land & Water
Mardi 14, 191 8
'.TffTTTnnnTinj
,^^^^.«^s»J^U
nr^-TT-^
Church of the Holy Sepulchre, ferusal
By Myra K. Hughes, A.R.E. (,u />agf i j).
em
~ I
i
March 14, 19 18
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN .2818.
THURSDAY, MARCH 14, 1918.
Contents
8
PAGE
The Town Hall of Rheims. (Photograph) i
Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem. (Illustration) 2
The Outlook ' 3
East and West. By Hilaire Belloc .5
The Naval Estimates. By Arthur Pollen
Judas. (Cartoon). By Raemaekers 10 and 11
Russia and Japan. By Robert Wilton 12
Jerusalem and Damascus. By Myra K. Hughes, A.R.E. 15
The Stage Irishman. By J. C. Squire 16
The Return. (Part II). By Stacy Aumonier I7
Village Memorials. (Review) 18
House and Home. By Charles Marriott 20
The Agricultural Labourer. By Sir Herljert Matthews 22
Domestic Economy- 26
Notes on Kit xi*
The Outlook
IN introducing the Naval Estimates last week to the
House of Commons, Sir Eric Geddes reviewed at some
length our shipbuilding prospects and requirements.
He confirmed the disquieting fact that our average
monthly output of merchant shipbuilding had declined
from 140,000 tons in the last quarter of 1917 to 58,ooo\tons
in January.
For this a variety of explanations were offered: "The
weather was exceptionally bad, and delays were caused
thereby." "Januar\-, because of the holidays, was always
a bad month for the output of ships"; "Februarj' was
going to be better" (though in this Sir Eric Geddes appears
to differ from Mr. Barnes, who should have access to all the
information before the War Cabinet). "The main fact,
however, is that whether due to labour unrest, to strikes, to
difficulties of whatever kind, the men in the yards are not
working as if the life of the country depended on their
exertions. Employers also are not perhaps, in all cases,
doing all that can be done to increase output." "The
serious unrest which existed in January will have its effect
on completions in later months." The First Lord added
that he was driven to the conclusion that even at this late
date the situation is not fully realised.
With this statement we entirely agree, but the responsi-
bility for dealing with Labour troubles must rest with the
Government. It should be obvious at this critical stage of
the war that the slackening of effort in the shipbuilding
\ ards will lead straight to disaster. Labour unrest will not
he dispelled by speeches in the House of Commons ; there is
need for drastic action. It is not enough to plead that 'the
piece-worker is inclined to take more holidays. Labour
lias legitimate grievances, but their deman<fe must not
always be met by concession and compromise. There can
he no compromise where the safety of the State is concerned.
But it should be the first duty of the Government to put
Labour in command of facts and figiu^es which truthfully
represent the actual state of afiairs. It is the Government's
apparent distrust of labour, by the concealment of the truth
which fosters and foments agitations that, when they
come to a head, it has shown itself too timorous to handle
boldly.
« •
In looking-for the causes of^this deplorable declinejin
output which has made January and February two of the
blackest months in the history of the war, we may be per-
mitted to refer to the resolution of the District Committee
of the Federation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Trades
which was passed on January 31st. It was to the following
effect : "We are strongly of opinion that the Government
should immediately open up negotiations with all the enemy
countries, and that facilities should be afforded to Labour
and Socialistic bodies in this country to meet with the Labour
and Socialistic bodies of the Allies and Central Powers, that
their vif.ws may be obtained ; and we warn the Government
that unless they do afford such an opportunity to Labour in
Great Britain, or if they fail to give satisfactory' guar-
antees that they will open up negotiations, we will down
tools." ■^ ^
The meeting further decided to insist upon a reply bv
February 8th. What else is this but treason ? The resolu-
tion was promptly disowned by other large bodies of Labour,
yet the fact remains that the output of tonnage declined
by two-thirds in the month of January, and that at the
best in the month of February we can only expect about
two-thirds of what the same yards, with fewer men, have
done in previous months.
We do not say that this is an instance of cause and effect,
but we should like to know whether this threat has been
carried into effect.
Perusal of the military communiques from day to day is
apt to leave on the public mind the impression that the
raiding and counter-raiding activities on the Western front
are minor affairs without immediate meaning. When, how-
ever, these operations are reviewed over a longer period they
are seen to have a certain indicative significance.
To take the past week only, there was the enemy's attempt
against the Belgian posts round Merkem, accompanied by
an effort to bridge the Yser south of the flooded area. The
attempt failed. There was the attack on the British posts
south of Houthulst Forest ; another failure. The assault
on the British line from Polderhoek chateau across the
Ypres-Menin road was more ambitious and determined, but
once more in its results negative. South of the Lys, on the
sector between Armentifires and La Bass^e, several tactical
"feelers," none Very encouraging. At Lens and on the
Scarpe, more especially round Monchy-Ie-Preux, the same.
The same again on the front between Havrincourt and
St. Quentin.
Then we come to an attempt, sharply checked, at Chavignon
at the western end of the Aisne ridge ; and another at Corbeny
at the eastern end. There was the assault at La Neuville,
the bridge-head estabUshed by the French on the eastern
bank of the Aisne and Marne canal north of Rheims. There
was the attack by two battalions on the old fort of La
Pompelle, where the French line has been pushed across the
Vesle. Both these enterprises drew a blank. Some further
fighting occurred on the col between the Butte de Mesnil
and the Butte de Tahure ; and an outbreak of activity at
Vauquois in the Argonne. The front north of Verdun, of
course, is a disturbed area, where the artillery duel is per-
sistent ; but for a long time past the enemy had south-east
of Verdun been quiescent. The effort to penetrate the
French line near Les Eparges was probably therefore intended
as a surprise. If so, it was not fortunate.
* * *
Tactically the enemy has been striving to improve his
methods. Experience has shown that so far they have been
too costly. He is anxious to reduce his losses, partly because,
having regard to his present resources in man-power, that is
imperative ; partly because it is doubtful if his troops will
stand the old methods of mass slaughter. Though it would
be going far— too far, perhaps — to say that the temper of
the German Army is depressed, there can be no question
that it is sullen.
Tlie Germans entered upon the war confident, above
everything, in the superiority of their tactics. It was a
confidence shared as much by the rank and file as by the
General Staff. And at first it appeared justified. Then it
was rudely dispelled. To the astonishment of the enemy
— and we may depend upon it also to his dismay — the Frencli
proved to be tactically his masters. And the disillusion was
terribly expensive. In the face of modern weapons, mass
attacks have ceased in the strict sense of the word to be
war at all ; they are sheer imbecility. So tas from war
to-day having been, as some imagine, reduced to a brainless
struggle of horde against horde, modern equipment has made
it more than ever necessary to rely upon brains.
The man at the head of the French Army knew this from
the start, and acted upon it. In order to compensate and
offset the effects of disillusionment regarding the French,
the legend was started that the British Army, at any rate,
would be tactically indifferent — unable, in a word, to fight
efficiently. British tactics turned out to b^ as resourceful
as the French. What has been the result ? Having burned
his fingers over the tradition of Teutonic steadfastness,
physical bravery, and the rest of it — the enemy set himself
sedulously to copy Allied methods He is still doing it,
and in his own way trying to improve vipon them.
Somehow he must tactically get level with these Western
opponents, for if not he will be thrashed to a pulp. He is
well aware of it. Despite the poses of politicians, and the
pretensions of Press, magnates ; notwithstanding the visions
Land & Water
March 14, 19 i 8
of idealists, well enough meant, no doubt, the foundat o is
of the future poaci- of Europe are at this moment bang laid
Tn the trenches in France and Flanders, m the daily proofs
that there are soldiers in existence whom German military
ambition cannot meet on equal terms.
* *
The significance of the raids of the past week or two,
apparently meaningless, lies in this. The enemy m them
has been "putting to the te.st the supposed improvements in
his tactics. It has not been the only purpose, of course
but it is one purpose, and important. There is more in it
than reconnaisance. These activities may very correctly be
termed a trial of probable costs. From that point of view
they must have been consistently disappointing. Ihey have
been disappointing because, though many experiments in
training have been going on behind the German front, the
devices have nothing in them that is original.
A^ tlie moment, the anxiety of the rulers of Germain is to
overc^me this obstacle of tactical inferiority. They have
been moving heaven and earth to find, a solution, fhe
existence rr disappearance of the Prussian military system
turns upon finding one. In any event, it is a striking dis-
closure of deficiency to embark upon tho search m the midst
of a great war.
« * *
I
Directly Turkey entered the war, Germany .'irectad that
country's" main mihtarv effort towards the capture of the
Batoum oil-fields. But Russia's armies were too strong, and
Turkey suffered heavy defeat, taking her revenge on the
.Armenians, a race which will probably be exterminated now
that Germany has deUvered them over to the tender merciL..
of the Turks— an act of heartless cold-blooded cruelty'.
What was impossible in war has been achieved by peace,
and Turkey is to occupy the most important and valuable
. oil-field in the world. Her authority will be merely nominal ;
Germany will be actually in possession, and having on one
pretext or another installed herself at Odessa, Germany will
dominate both shores of the Blagk Sea and its exceedingly
wealthy trade. The Teuton parrot-cry "freedom of the
seas" is not intended to apply to a German-ruled Baltic or
a German-dominated Black Sea.
The most serious feature of this latest development of
Bolshevik folly and perfidy is that Germany has at last
arrived at her "long-desired goal — Central Asia. Thwarted in
Mesopotamia, she is getting there by the Trans-Caspian
route. The effect on the British Empire must be the same,
if German influence is allowed to remain there.
It wotdd be foolishness to minimise the danger which vnll
arise to the British Empire first and foremost, and finally,
to the peace of the world if German influence is given a
foothold in Asia. By a strange coincidence, the "modesl
tribute of a generous and not ungrateful people," to quote
Mr. Austen Chamberlain, was being paid by the Houses
of Parliament to the late Sir Stanley Maude just at the
moment when the details of the Bolshevik treaty came
through, and few probably realised the close connection
between the two incidents.
Had Germany obtained that treaty before Bagdad had been
conquered, she would have found in every bazaar from the
Caspian to the Hindoo Kush soil lying ready for her evil
seed. After the failure at Kut, British prestige had never
fallen so low in the East since Britain became an Asiatic
Power. But with the flag of England flying over the old
capital of the Caliphs, and the sacred city of Jerusalem
— as sacred to Mohammedan as to Jew and Christian —
in our hands, the f)osition is entirely altered. More than
that, the Arab tribes of Mesopotamia are happy and pros-
perous under our administration ; they are allowed to make
money, and Ihey are allowed to keep it. These facts are
whispered through the echoing galleries of the Orient, and
German influence will find it a difficult and costly job to
push forward at this moment her anti-British propaganda.
What the Empire really owes to Sir Stanley Maude for this
rehabiUtation of her prestige can never bC set down in pounds,
shilUngs, and pence. It is incalculable.
But Germany cannot be allowed to become an Asiatic
Power or even influence. Japan must head her off from
the Pacific, and it is for us to defeat her schemes in Persia
and Afghanistan. Fortunately, we are not without experi-
ence in those regions ; we have capable officers at our dis-
posal who understand the people they are dealing with,
but no time is to be lost in strengthening our influence
north of the Khyber and Quetta, and in counteracting the
German emissaries who are probably alrea.dy on their way
to stir up trouble for us. The future of Germany in Central
.\sia is yet another question that has to be finally settled
on the Western front.
* * *
The arrangements for demobilisation made public last
week show that the Government have appreciated the drift
of working-class feeling during the last few years. The
Labour Exchanges had" become unpopular before the war
for different reasons, one of thein being the use made of
Exchanges during strikes by employers looking for blackleg
labour. This truth has been grasped by the authorities, and
the name "Employment Exchange" has now been sub-
stituted for the original name of these institutions. More
important schemes for giving trade unions some share in the
control of the Exchanges are under consideration.
If demobilisation had been left to these Exchanges and a
central Government department the outlook would have
been unpromising. Fortunately, the Government have
learnt, from the experiences of the war, that bureaucracy is
not an ideal instrument for guiding industry through a
critical phase, and they have wisely abandoned the project.
An Advisory Committee has now been set up, consisting in
the main of representatives of the employers' associations,
and of the trade unions, with a handful of officials from the
departments immediately concerned. In cases where an
industry has formed an Industrial Council before the con-
clusion of the war, that Council will obviously be the proper
body for dealing with demobilisation, and this Advisory
Conimittee will have in such cases comparatively little to do.
The blemish in the scheme is the .inadequate representa-
tion of women workers, for on a Council of nearly fifty mem-
bers there aie only four women, and yet some of the most
crucial issues affect women as intimately as men.
As it happens, a demobilisation question has already
arisen, for something like 40,000 women have been dis-
charged from munition works. On the face of it, there
ought to be no difficulty in providing them with employrrient
at ;i lime when there is so urgent a demand for laboiu:. But,
in the first place, it is contended, with good reason, that
these women ought not to be penalised, and that they are
as well entitled to unemployment pay during any interval
that may elapse as they would be if their discharge had
come at the end of the warj In the second place, the ques-
tion is complicated by the scandalous pre-war standards of
women's wages.
In places like Sheffield a munition woman worker may be
earning over £2, when before the war she was working long
hours with deplorable results to the health of the community
for a quarter of that sum. The only way to prevent a
disastrous relapse is to abolish this whole system of sweating
For this reason, the announcement made by Mr. Roberts
this week that he is going to propose a large extension of the
Trade Boards is most welcome news, and it is to be hoped
that the Trade Boards will be encouraged to take rather a
bolder view of their powers and responsibilities.
The Business Men's Week must^^be pronounced a great
success; even those who object to what they caD "the
circus business" in connection with national finance have
to admit that the end has justified the means. The publicity
campaign brought home to people in all parts of the country
their individual responsibility in this respect, and it has
also served a good purpose in that it must have induced
many to begin saving who had hitherto regarded thrift with
distaste. One may reasonably hope the good which
this concentrated effort to arouse the people to their re-
sponsibilities toward the cost of the war has effected,
will continue.
♦ * *
fhe dispersal of the John Linnell collection of works by
William Blake at Christie's this week is an event of
more than artistic interest at the present moment. Blake
was a great Englishman, in the sense in which Chaucer was
English. The obscurity of much of his work, as well as its
imaginative range, has distracted attention from its passionate
nationalism. His earliest drawings were made from the
monuments in Westminster Abbey ; as a youth, he spent his
evenings designing subjects from English history, Chaucer
and Milton were his constant companions, and in "The
Spiritual Form of Pitt guiding Behemoth" and "Nelson
guiding Leviathan," he made a definite contribution to the
political propaganda of his own period. Nor was his influ-
ence upon other artists any less national ; and in the works
of Edward Calvert, Samuel Palmer, and John Linnell himself,
there is expressed an ideal of England curiously in accord
with what we are striving after to-day.
/
March 14, 19 18
Land & Water
East and West: By Hilaire Belloc
1 PROPOSE to examine in the latter part of what
follows certain details of the great belt of territory
which the Central Empires, under the guidance of
Prussia, are carving out into separate, new, and in
the main artificial States, which will (if we
leave Prussia undefeated and enjoying a negotiated peace)
be no more than subject portions of the great central empire
which it is her aim to establish.
Any discussion of this matter — general, like those which
have appeared in these columns in the past, or particular,
like that which I propose to make to-day — must be prefaced
by a proviso that should be fairly obvious but is not suffi-
ciently grasped by the public. This proviso is the truth
that if the Prussian army is defeated or reduced to a position
of inferiority preventing its continued resistance, nothing
done in the East can stand. Nothing of the Prussian plans
against Poland and for the erection of these new, largely
artificial States will remain, but the fate of these provinces
will be as much in the hafids of the victors as that of Western
Europe.
One often hears people suggesting that the weight of
civilisation must triumph in the West, but that the Eastern
position is lost for good. Such a statement is a contradiction
in terms. A decisive victory in the West would leave the
victorious armies in a position to dictate the future to all
Europe. Exactly as the decisive victory gained by the
Central Empires over Russia, political though it be in character,
has left the victors for the moment in a position to dictate
entirely at their will the future Russia in Europe and to
carve out its frontier territories as they choose.
There is, of course, in this connection a further statement
current that a decision of this sort cannot be expected
in the West. Many men speak as though the word " victory"
were a vague rhetorical expression signifying no more than
the capture of such and such portions of an enemy's force
or the compelling of him to abandon such and such positions.
A decisive victory is nothing of the kind. Upon the contrary,
most of the great decisive victories have not been followed
by retreats of any sort, and some of them have not even
been followed by routs. The object of all military art is
to put out of action the organised force of your opponent.
But whether you do that by destroying the details of his
force or destroying its organisation or even by compelling
the civilian framework .upon which all armies depend to
collapse under the strain of the pressur-e you put upon them,
the result is the same.
Now to say that a complete decision is impossible in the
West because it has not yet arrived is to talk nonsense.
It is to let the mind slip into a habit of repetition instead
of using it for analysis. Every military struggle, from a
pitched battle within narrow limits to this, the greatest of
all groups of campaigns, is ultimately a trial of endurance.
It may be that the moral po>v'er of endurance was greater
on the defeated side than on the successful ,side, and that
the result was only obtained by the superiority in weapons
or in scientific management and movement, or in organisation.
But in any case the victory is obtained by the power of the
victor to impose a strain upon the vanquished which ulti-
mately breaks him up. In this process the victor himself
is nearly always subject to a strain nrarly equal to the strain
he imposes upon his opponent, the difference between victory
and defeat lying in the priority of surrender. He who first
discovers he can no longer stand the strain is the defeated
party. In the great duels of the world a decision is invariably
arrived at at last, and it will be arrived at in this the greatest
duel in which our ancient civilisation has yet been engaged.
Either we leave the enemy upstanding, in which case the
future is lost, or we obtain the decision, in which case the
future is ours.
I have often quoted the parallel of Waterloo because
Waterloo is an excellently small model in time and space
upon which this very large general principle can be studied.
That battle covered, in its active part, not much more than
two square miles of land ; it involved at first the action of less
than 150,000 men, and even at its close of much less than
200,000. It lasted, from the first shot to the French breakdown,
less than nine hours. Yet all that is said of this great
campaign lasting over years and covering thousands upon
thousands of square miles, all the fundamental errors on
the nature of that campaign could equally have been made,
and some were made, in the course of that action.
In^the first two hours of Waterloo— or, at any rate, before
the end of the third hour^the failure of' Erlon withjf the
first corps to break the British left centre, after the tremendous-
cannonade it had received, might well have been used as) an
argument that Napoleon's task was impossible of achieve-
ment. Erlon's corps was the only fresh one. It had attacked
upon more favourable conditions than were likely to come
later, and it had failed. Even before its complete failure
Napoleon had already perceived* inj the distant east the
approach upon his flank of thosej German troops which later
were to change the balance of numbers. The battle might
seem lost to the French at tnat]; moment. At about two
o'clock, if I remember rightly, this judgment could perfectly
well have been passed by a good observer of the struggle,
and there are some historians who have' gone so far as to ask
why Napoleon did not break' off^ the battle. Yet in the mid-
afternoon, in the midst of the great cavalry charges against
the squares of the British) right centre (when the guns had to
be left in the open, and werej ridden round and over by the
Cuirassiers) there were' officers upon Napoleon's staff watching
from the heights in the south) who said that the battle was
already won — and so it would,> have[ been if the British line .
had yielded, as it seemed to) be to one' seeing the mass of
cavalry in its midst ; for in that case the German pressure
on the right would have) come up too late. At the end of
the afternoon' the thing was really what is called a deadlock.
There was not much left of daylight, the French had twice
swept the Germans out )ol Planchenoit. Yet the British
line was intact. The^ lastj vigorous^ advance of the guard
was at hand. '
iiote that for seven hours there' had been an increasing
strain upon either side, increasing muiual exhaustion — ^^and
no result. The result came at the very end, in the ninth
hour, because in that hour one side — the French — suffered
just up to and beyond the breaking point. The check of
the guard and the appearance of a fresh Prussian body on
the northeast were what turned) the scale. And after the
breakifig point the side which] had' not broken, in spite of the
very great strain it had also suffered, could do what it willed.
It is equally true of this gigantic business to-day. The
side which endures longest will be able to do what it likes
with the other ; but with this difference in our favour, that
the enemy is trying to breakf off the battle, and we as yet
have not tried to do that. It is he who is already more
anxious about^the)^ future than ourselves ; and that is a sign.
Details of the New States
Let us now turn to the details of those new provinces
which Prussia and her allies are in process of carving out of
what was once the Western belt of the Russian Empire.
The general lines I have already dealt with at some length.
We know that if Prussia succeeds in getting her negotiated
peace in the West she will establish a great centra! empire of
which these new nations between the Baltic' and the Black
Sea will be virtually dependent, though perhaps federal
States. We know that her main concern is to reduce the
kingdom of Poland to the smallest limits, to refuse it access
to the sea, and to create causes of friction between it and
its neighbours. The reason for this policy is that Polaiid
is the only State here which Prussia really dreads. It is the.
only State with a strong tradition of Latin civilisation and .
of Western ideas, the only one with a long historic past t)t> :
consolidate it, and the only one with a true national con-.,
sciousness spread throughout its being. To the south there
lies the Rumanian State, which is also highly national ; hut.
this stands apart in language and culture from the Slav group.
We have also explained in past articles the principle of
dividing in order to rule ; the principle of creating as much
local friction as possible underlies the whole of this German
work in the East. In one place the greater landlords will be.
relied upon to help German influence against the peasantry,
in another the peasantry against the landlords, in another ^
Catholics against Protestants or Orthodox, in another Ortho-
dox against both. In one district a minority race is left as a
cause of friction, in another a minority language.
Their Constitution
Now let us look at the thing in detail. According to
whether the Prussians propose separate States or annexation
along the Baltic shore, there will be five at the least, or
eight at the most, nf the';*' mw States. The eight would be.
Land & Water
March 14, 1918
in their order, Finland. Esthonia, Livonia, Coiirland, an
Artificial Lithuania inland, Poland, the new artificial State ot
Ukrain ■ and Rumania. If Courland be annexed (witli a
part of what is the Province of Kovno) it leaves seven new
SUtes; if the annexation push up to the Baltic shore
to the Gulf of Finland, it leaves five.
Of these new States, that of Finland will hardly form part
of the new empire which Prussia is building up. and hopes
to render permanent. Its j. 000.000 inhabitants— the directing
classes of which are Swedish in origin— will fall rather to the
Scandinavian group. That group will, of course, if Prussia
emerged from this war undefe;ited, fall into the orbit of
Pru.s.sia. Prussia will hold the gates of its trade and will
command its seas, but there will certainly be no attempt to
act on Finland directly.
Finland has always been quite a separate national group
within the boundaries of the old Russian Government ; but
Its independence, now assured by the action of German
igents in Petrograd. and by the collapse of the Russian
State, has certain new consequences which are of importance.
The first of these is the destruction of the old position of
Petrograd itself. With a German province — or, at the best,
a German State— of Esthonia holding all the south of the
Gulf of Finland, and the new Finnish independent State
holding the northern shore, Petrograd can only hi reached
bv sea at the mercy of foreigners. It is, on a smaller scale,
a reproduction of what -Germany has already produced in
the Dardanelles and the entry to the Baltic. And we must
remember that the mass of Finnish population is on the
s<9Uthern edge commanding the approach to Petrograd.
There is another point of considerable importance in
connection with Finland. During the war, and with the
help of the Allies, the Russian Government constructed what
ought to have been constructed long ago— a railway to open
water, which was then under Russian control. This railway
runs from the capital, up along the western shore of the
White Sea, to the Bay of Kola, upon the Arctic Ocean, a
deep, completely sheltered, and excellent harbour, a fjord,
more sheltered even than most of the Norwegian fjords, and
never impassable through ice. This northern railway, pro-
duced under the pressure of the war, was the first communica-
tion Petrograd had with the ocean all the year rourft. Now,
no part of this line passes throughjFinland proper. But it
w>ll be It the mercy of any one who can use Finland. It
runs up, flanking the Finnish border all the way — and,
indeed, in the present condition of Russian society, there is
no reason why the State of Finland should not add to its
rerntories whatever it liked of the great uninhabited waste
tfiat borders the White Sea. ^
To the south of the Gulf of Finland, you have first the
i^roup of three territories bordering upon the Baltic —
Esthonia, Livonia, and Courland. The latter would shed,
if It were organised as a German or quasi-German territory.
Its long easterly tongue which contains Dvinsk, but would
take in all the western part of the province of jKovno, and
' would very probably include the town of Riga, which junder
Russian rule counted as part of Livonia The new Courland
might also annex the territory of Sualki to the south, though
tnis had counted as a portion of Courland for a jvery long
time past. Courland so organised, with Riga as its chief
town, would, especially in the neighbourhood of the sea
and on the banks of the main rivers, be dominated by men
at German tongue who are the merchants and thejprincipal
landlords in most parts.
Esthonia, at the other or northern end of the Baltic group,
includes — or probably would include — the northern portion
of what was till recently the province of Livonia, including
tlie town of Dorpad, and the great naval base of tReval.
Here again in the wealthier minority German influences
iiready dominate, and much of the non-German speaking
oopulation is attachable to the new svstem through its
religion, which is in the main Protestant. There comes in
between the district of Livonia, the southern [part of the
orovince of that name, of which the chief town |is Walk ;
the majority of this district is Catholic, but there would be
both a Protestant and a certain Orthodox Greek minority.
Whether these three Baltic districts would be annexed by
Germany or given partial or entire autonomy we do not
know, but the German Press is already speaking of them as
tttough they were virtually German by possession.
Next to the south, we have the district which is in the
mam to be regarded as the future Germanised Kingdom of
Poland. It consists in the Russian portion of the Polish
kingdom less the northern territory, of which Sualki is the
chief town, and less the province of Cholm, which, after the
shuffling ambiguities of the last few weeks, it is still probably
the enemy's intention to hand over to Ukraine in order at
once to diminish the remnant of Poland, and create a cause
of friction between that State and its eastern neighbours.
Poland, thus reduced, ,is in population about half, and in
territory less than half, the true Poland of history and
national position. Beyond this diminution of its hereditary
enemy (to whom it owes also its title to a. kingdom) Prussia
will not go. There is a portion of the German Press which
is crying out for further annexation, but it will not be
listened to because the direct government of so considerable
a body of men, intellectually their superiors and always in
active opposition, would be exceedingly dangerous. And
because- all the economic and political results desired can be
obtained either by this remnant of Poland autonomous with
a German house ruling in Warsaw, or by attaching it to some
tripartite arrangement in a new Hapsburg Empire.
Prussianised Rumania
In the south, the plan with regard to Rumania will be
seen to be this. Transylvania and its three million Rumanians
under Magyar rule to remain where they are — part of the
universal policy of division which we see everywhere in this
scheme. But Bessarabia (with about half that number),
in the main Rumanian, to be added to Rumania, and the
whole of the country to be established under a new dynasty
with Prussian sympathies. The Dobrudja to be handed
over to Bulgaria ; but one would imagine that the mouths
of the Danube — or, at any rate, one issue to the Black Sea —
would be left in Rumanian hands, because Rumania thus
constituted would be virtually subject to Prussia, whereas
Bulgaria, though within the general influence of the new
great State, would be less easy to control directly.
There remain the two unknown quantities of inland
Lithuania, including a great mass of the White Russian
population and the new artificial State of Ukraine. These
two will be in mere acreage the largest of the new territories,
and in population Ukraine will be much the largest — from
30 to 35 million souls. It will contain something like half
of all the new States together, including Rumania (which
will count about 9 to 9I millions). What we do not know is
the eastern boundary within wliich Prussia will decide to
contain these two new satellites of hers — Lithuania and the
Ukraine.
It has been suggested that inland Lithuania— a highly
artificial State — would include the northern part of the
province of Minsk, with Minsk itself, the northern part of
Grodno, with that town and Bialystok as chief centres, all
Vilna, the eastern part of Kovno, the eastern tongue of
Courland Province, of which I have spoken, and even Vitebsk
and Mohilev. In other words, everything north of the
Pripet Marshes, which region may indifferently fall to the
northern State of Ukraine. It is true that this will be a
big, unwieldy, not homogeneous, hotch-potch sort of a
State — Catholic and Orthodox in religion, partly Polish,
Jewish, White Russian, and Lithuanian in race. But it
would not be very thickly {populated, it would be only about
half as thickly populated as Poland (square mile for square
mile), it would not entrench upon the territory of Great
Russia proper, it would give rise to friction against Poland,
especially in Grodno and Vilna. There is, from the German
point of view, a good deal to be said for creating such an
artificial lump.
Lastly, from south of the Pripet Marshes to the Black Sea
and from the artificial frontier drawn near Cholm to the
boundaries of the Cossacks of the Don, you have the new
artificial State which the enemy has christened archaically
"the Ukraine." It is possible or probable that the Crimea
and its hinterland north of the isthmus— in other words, the
Taurida Province— would not be included, but would form
some small government of its own— at least, that is the
suggestion that has been made in enemy countries, on what
foundation I do not know.
It is not fully realised yet what a vast estate it is that
Germany has thus carved for herself for exploitation by her
capital and government, by her methods, upon the marches
of Russia. When this estate has been estabhshed as a
number of nominally independent little nations, with the
only important and solid national group, that of Poland,
diminished and hemmed in (reduced, say, to 11 milUons out
of 20, and entirely encircled from the sea), it will consist of
at least eight units, which may well be set up as eight States ;
but which, at any rate, the Germans do not intend to set up
m much less than five States, all of them, except Poland,
highly artificial. These, as we have seen, are Courland,
Liv»nia, Esthonia, an artificial inland Lithuania, the
so-called "Ukraine," Rumania, with the probable addition
of Bessarabia, and the remains of Poland. Allowing the
Ukraine, the boundaries of which on the east remain uncer-
tain, a margin of five million between maximum and minimum
March 14, 191S
Land Sc Water
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The New German- Made States
8
La^d & Water
March 14, 191 8
\oM have here a popiUatiorTyery nearly as larL;c «,■. tlial of tlie
wholt German Empire at the least, and larger than that of the
-.fhoU German Empire at the most. In mere extent, you
have an additional band of highly exploitable terntory
ilet alone the vast prey formed by the mass of Russia behmd),
which is no less than > thousand miles from north to south,
and from 700 to 800 miles in maximum breadth.
The interest of the operation does not lie in the fact that
! IS the death of what we once knew as Russia— that one
[.ikes for granted ; it lies rather in the enorrtiity of the opera-
tion, in the vastness of tiie territories and populations that
will now be carved out by the victor— if we leave him
\ictor — for his profit and increase.
More than that, and dominating the whole economic
situation, i,s the fact thatj(iermany also cuts off all that lies
t. the east of these States from traffic by sea. The nearest
thing to a warm water port which the old Russian Empire
possessed in the north was Riga, accessible for most months
of the year, and Libau for nearly all the year. In the south,
Russia had many ports on the opeh 131ack Sea, but her great
stand-by was, of course. Odessa. The Ukraine, which will
be economically only a province of fhe Central European
Sfote under Prussia— if Prussia has her way— possesses
Odessa, and, what is more, although the Ukraine Govern-
ment will probably not directly administer the Crimean
Peninsula, the territory of the Ukraine cuts off the mass of
Russia behind and of Asia from the Black Sea. Even when
the Northern Baltic is open, the entries to Petrograd by sea
are blocked by whoever holds Esthonia and Reval. In
other words, with this scheme matured, all that lies beyond
the frontiers of the new States is economically at Germany's
mercy. It is shut up in a cage.
The supply of wheat for Western Europe, all the wealth
to be developed in the basin of the Volga and in the Urals,
will follow the commercial routes chosen by Prussia, and will
cease its journey for the purposes of consumption where
Prussia chooses.
.(jThere are still left a certain number of people who talk
about commercial routes and exchanges as though they were
governed by blind laws of nature and had about them some-
thing inevitable. Even this remnant will be convinced,
I think, when the transformation in direction of the Russian
exchanges begins to take place, if we allow a German
victory. H. Belloc.
The Navar Estimates : By Arthur Pollen
IN introducing the estimates the First Lord dealt witli
the naval situation with exceptional ' candour and
lucidity, and he cante very near to achieving what
is very likely the last thing he has ever wanted,
namely, a great Parliamentary success. It 'was an
odd error of judgment that robbed him of it. His first state-
ment was everything a statement s(iould be — except that
it ignored the only burning topic of the day. For months
lu-aple have been asking why Lord Jellicoe was dismissed,
and there have been plenty who have offered the explanation
that it was either to please some vindictive soul in the Cabinet
or to pacify the powerful author of a newspaper vendetta.
It was idle to expect the passions aroused by the " Government
Press" agitation to go without expression in a naval debate,
when the instance of Lord Jellicoe had so often been put
forward as exactly parallel to that of Sir William Robertson.
It was no surprise, therefore, that Mr. Lambert. should lead
the attack and draw Sir Edward Carson into supporting
him, or that ^ir Hedworth Meux, Mr. Pringle and Mr. Robert
McNeil should join in the cry. After all the harm had been
done, the First Lord stated quite explicitly that he had
acted, not on pressure — personal or journalistic — ^but solely
on his own judgment and in the interests of the nation.
But unfortunately this .statement was forced from him and
not volunteered. It followed the debate instead of preceding
it. And while on reflection the House will accept it literally,
because whatever the First Lord's other qualities may be
his integrity is obvious, it did not at the moment have the
full effect to which it was entitled. It did not come, that
is to say, until a great many rather painful things had been
said; and in the discussion that followed it, something of
the tone made inevitable by the earlier discussion continued.
Tlie whole thing is much to be regrdtted, not only because
no good can come by any canvassing of the merits of naval
officers in the House of Commons, but because so much time
and ability were diverted from the discussion of other and
far more important topics. And such discussions are never
worthy of their subject. The incident, one hopes, is now
finally closed. It should never have been opened.
The First Lord's speech dealt first with the work of the
Admiralty, and included such topics as the First Lord's
own visit to the Mediterranean, the latest developments
of the redistribution of the functions of the Admiralty and
their success, and various lesser matters connected with the
Higher Command ; next, the general character of the sea
war — which has not changed materially in the last twelve
months; thirdly, the present state of the submarine war
and the progress of our defensive and the development of
our offensive ; fourthly, the difficulties connected with the re-
placement of the lost shipping ; and finally, witb various
matters connected with general administration, the most
important of which perhaps are the circumstances which
have made the promotion of Sir Reginald Tyrwhitt desirable.
and the questions to which such promotions naturally give
rise.
The naval position as a whole was presented to the country
as being substantially what it was a year ago. Germany,
that is, is still completely besieged by the sea ; and the First
Lord might have added that the belligerency of America
has made that siege far stricter and more complete than
it was last February. The enemy is, therefore, under a
greater and greater necessity to use his sea force, either
to mitigate the siege or to inflict upon the Allies some injury
proportionate to that from which he himself is suffering.
The sea forces he can employ are indirectly his battle fleet —
to secure the safe exit and return of his submarines— and,
directly, the submarines themselves to do the work of attack-
ing and sinking our shipping. It is no use lamenting the
fact that we either have not had the opportunity — or, alter-
natively, not been able to turn it to account — of destroying the
enemy's fleet and thereby attaining the possibility of a closer
investment of his harbours. It remains, therefore, that our
main business is, as it has been for some time, first, to make
the attack on our shipping as difficult and dangerous as
possible, by attacking the submarines by every conceivable
method, so as, if possibje, to drive them off the seas altogether ;
secondly, failing complete success in this, to defend our
shipping from the attack of such submarines as get through ;
and, lastly, to replace as rapidly as possible such shipping
as the enemy has succeeded or may still succeed in destroying.
The first part of the programme — the offensive against the
submarine — while still only in its tentative stages, is shown,
by the First Lord's statement, to have achieved some quite
important results already. Real progress is being made in
blocking the English Channel, and our offensive, whether
independent of, or part of, the defence of shipping, is seem-
ingly already so effective to enable us to sink submarines
as fast as they can be built, and to make it reasonably sure
that out of every four or five submarines that go out, only
three or four return. The campaign, then, is being persisted
in at a great cost of life and material to the enemy, a fact
which is having an illimitable effect upon his moral. What
is not less satisfactory is that there is a continuing decline
in the loss of the world's tonnage. February was a good
month for the Germans, but if March is equally good, the
first quarter of igi8 will still show the same rate of diminish-
ing success as was shown by the last quarter of last year.
Whichever way, then, we look at the naval effort against
the submarine — whether we measure, that is, by the rising
price that the enemy must pay or the falling cost to ourselves
— there is equally a satisfactory progress.
But in spite of the falling rate of destruction, that rate
is still far ahead of replacement ; and in replacement, the
rate is not rising, but falling more heavily than the other.
The civilian effort then compares very poorly with the naval.
It is almost a summary of the shipbuilding situation to say
that whereas the expert estimate is that we have a national
capacity to produce three million -tons a year, in January
and February we were producing at the rate of between a
fifth and a quarter of this. The First Lord suggested several
elements which, in combination, explain this appallingly wrong
state of things. January includes an exceptional proportion
of hoHdays, and all the month we had weather of the worst
and most unfavourable kind. Great numbers of the men are
overworked, tired, and incapable of the scale of effort they
made before. Worse than all, there is much serious labour
unrest in shipbuilding centres, and a section of the men are
discontented. There was war-weariness, too, amongst the
March 14, 19 18
Land & Water
employers. So that there are unfavourable elements on both
sides which create a situation of the utmost gravity.
Contributory Factors
In the course of the debate and in subsequent newspaper
correspondence, many other causes have been suggested,
either in substitution of Sir Eric's or as complementary.
The responsible heads of the shipbuilding firms complain
that they have been superseded by the Government, and
have neither the authority nor the incentive to hustle things
in the yards. Others point out that in the craze for stan-
dardisation something like the reverse of it has been brought
into being. It is surely absurd to talk about "standard"
ships when 345 of 40 different types are in course of con-
struction. Other critics have condemned altogether the
attempt to establish national shipyards on the Severn, on
the ground, first, that the enterprise was started without
the advice or, presumably, the approval of the shipowners
will) advise the Admiralty ; but, chieflj', because it has
deflected and made immediately unproductive labour that
would have been available in the private sliipyards. and
would, in the long run, have given us more shipping more
quickly than can possibly be the case now.
But more important than any of these criticisms are the
allegations that no systematic effort has been made te deal
with the false labour position on the Clyde ; that the
settlement of labour difficulties has been made dilatory, and
therefore the position everywhere endangered, by Govern-
ment machinery intervening between the masters and men.
Finally, it is said, the question of shipping is now in the
hands of so many authorities of such conflicting powers
that no one knows either the actual state of things or the
best course to pursue now. One authority, ic despair of
any other way out, has suggested Lord Pirrie as a kind of
Shipping Dictator. At the time of writing, the First Lord
has not dealt with his critics either within the House or
outside. But it is clear that the utmost effort of statesman-
ship must be made if a very ]f)erilous situation is to be put
right.
One of the First Lord's revelations astonished the House
of Commons, and must, one would think, have astonished the
country also. It is to the effect that a considerable number
of merchant ship masters have not yet been brought to
realise that the dangers of navigating their ships without
lights are trivial compared with the submarine perils when
they burn them. It seems extraordinary that in such ele-
mentary matters discipline should be unenforced. The
Admiralty has unlimited authority over merchant skippers,
and a Board that is in constant session has power to with-
draw the certificate — that is, to cut off all the means of
livelihood — of any offender. Yet our own submarine captains
report ship after ship travelling in the danger zone with all
lights showing, and on one occasion seven out of eight ships
passing a certain headland were seen to be acting in this
manner. Is the First Lord sure that the Admiralty is really
using its authority in this matter to the utmost ?
It rather looks as if the First Lord intended to carry on
with somewhat less mystification and secrecy than has pre-
vailed hitherto. It has long been maintained in these
columns that the Army and the Navy can be trusted to do
all that is necessary for victory if only the civilians will hold
out. There would be no danger at all from the civilians if
every one understood the issues at stake. And the way to
make every one understand is not to make eloquent speeches
or to write convincing articles, but to see that all the facts
of the war are known. Mr. Asquith and a good many othef
people spoke strongly in favour of this view last week, and
perhaps before this article appears the Government decision
in the matter may become known. At the moment, the
obvious thing to tell people, is the truth about the shipping
position. In this matter the Government, for the moment,
still considers itself tied by some undertaking given to
France. But, where he was not so tied, the First Lord threw
a good deal of new light on recent events. For the first
time, we have had it explained to us what the Channel night
barrage really means. We heard more, too, about the Goeben
and Breslau incident ; and a little more about the Lerwick
convoy. I hope my readers will not misunderstand me
when ,1 say that it was with extreme satisfaction that I heard
that the raid on the Dover Patrol had been made the subject
of a court-martial. Every incident of this kind ought to
have been so treated from the first The lay reader must
bear in mind that it is not the primary purpose of a court-
martial to find a victim to punish. It is to ascertain the
facts and give a verdict that should be. a guide to other
naval officers in similar circumstances. For a long time
after war began no courts-martial were held at all, and when
the first exception was made, it is doubtful "if the conduct
of those most responsible were brought under review ; if,
as I have always understood, the evidence and verdict were
not circulated, then nine-tenths of the value of the inquiry
were lost. Court-martial proceedings, while perhaps reason-
ably kept secret for a certain period during the war. are, it
should be remembered, those of h public court and should,
be communicated to the public the moment it can be done
with reasonable safetv.
Rules oF Promotion
The First Lord's hints about recent operations call for
more extended discussion than I can give them here, and
I pass on to another matter of great interest, viz., what was
told us about the promotion of Sir Reginald Tyrwhitt to be
Rear- Admiral. The rule that the .Vdmiralty have laid down
is that a captain, when selected for this rank, will hold it
until he will be entitled in the ordinary course to his flag.
If, during this period, he has used his opportunities to the
satisfaction of the Board, he will be confirmed in the rank as
from the date of the first selection. If his conduct is not
approved, his seniority will date as if he had never been
selected at all. From one point of view, this seems fair
enough ; but a case can, of course, he. made against it 'For,
not bfing confirmed as from the date of appointment must
certainly be the equivalent of very grave censure. No
course, however, can be free from objection, and almost any
course is to be recommended that encourages the Admiralty
to hasten the promotion of young men of energy and ability,
though many, of course, will maintain that the Admiralty's
present powers are ample if only they were used. What
probably few members of the public realise is that war has
been very far indeed from hastening promotion. Eight or
nine years ago the senior captains were given their flag after
less than ten years of service. There was at least one promo-
tion on exactly nine years. If the list permitted of such
promotions now, not only would Sir Reginald Tyrwhitt be
a. rear-admiral without any special exercise of Admiralty
powers, but a dozen officers junior to him would be in the
same rank.
It is a curious fact that Rear-Admiral Tyrwhitt, who now
gets his flag under quite exceptional circumstances, and after
more than three years of extraordinarily distinguished and
continuous service at sea, is about six months older than the
Commander-in-Chief of the Grand Fleet. Batween these two,
there figure in the Navy List about one hundred and fifty
names, only just over a dozen of which are those of Rear-
Admiral Tyrwhitt 's juniors.
Is it not a reflection on our methods of peace selection that
more men, young enough to take risks and learn from them, do
not get equal opportunities ? In one sense, we are far more
fortunate than were our ancestors at the outbreak of the
great war with France. It was in February, 1793, that war
was formally declared against the Revolutionary Government,
and' it was just four years afterwards that the real Nelson
was discovered at the Battle of St. Vincent. And, dvuing
those four years, the Navy was for the most dominated by
cautious and conservative elder men — and with lamentable
results in inconclusive fights.
The First Lord's new principle of selecting rear-admirals
regardless of seniority can, one supposes, be extended to the
other flag ranks, so that should circumstances justify, there
is no limit to the opportvmities that may be given to those
whom war has shown to have a special aptitude for command.
Arthur Pollen.
Questionings of a German Philosopher
OH ! sav what made Creation's Lord become. Sire,
thine ally ?
It must be as thou sayest, but I sometimes
wonder why.
How came He, too, to make the pact without
conditions, when
He makes conditions in the case of other mortal men ?
And as to His selection of the Hohenzollern Line
To dominate all EJurope and to rule by right divine
I do not doubt at all the truth of thine imperial voice.
But I sometimes fall a-puzzling at the reason of His choice.
Is God a German ? I would ask. And can He haply claim
Some kinship with thy family and liigh-exalted name ?
And is the essential spirit of Teutonic "Kultur" quite
The same as Christianity and one with Sitllichkeil ?
And, if so, must we then expect that Nature's course will tend
To "Deutschland uber Alles" as the Universal End ?
Athenaeum Club. E. A. J.
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Land & Water March 14, 191 8
Russia and Japan: By Robert Wilton
BV the collapse of Russia and the consequent
advance of Austro-Gemian forces into Ukrainia
and Muscovy, we are brought face to face with a
new set of war problems which may be summed
up in the words : enemv absorption of Eastern
Europe and a large part of Asia, The immediate effect
upon the Western Allies is apparent. Germany obtams
access to food and raw materials. The people and the armies
of the Central Powers will be fed and their industries invigor-
ated. The mere prospect of securing such advantages,
backed up by the rapid successes of the invaders, is sufficient
to stiffen the "Teutonic" nations. They know that the
Russian and Asiatic markets can compensate them
hlierallv enough for their loss of trade in the West.
Tliat" is not all. Germany's plans of conquest— political,
economic, and territorial— forbodc a still greater menace to
the Western Allies in the future. The invasion of Muscovy
is but the first step, Gernianv's ultimate goal will not be
attained till she has reached the shores of the Pacific and
Indian Oceans. Japan long ago foresaw the danger. She
feels it now more clearlv than we do.. The reason is simple
enough. The (ierman* "peril affects her more immediately
an<l directly. No sooner had German troops begun their
march on Petrograd than a note of alarm and warning was
sounded by the Japanese Press, and in response — almost
under pressure of this movement — Viscount Motono, the
F"oceign Minister, had to give assurances in Parliament that
a Russian surrender to Germany would be met with pre-
cautionary measures by Japan.
His announcement let loose a flood of sensational rumour
and conjecture. Restricting myself to legitimate surmises
and to facts that are really" helpful to Allied public
opinion, I shall attempt in this article to explain the causes
and consequences of the new Easterp situation. •
I.
To initiated observers it was clear months ago that the
' Revolution was being exploited by Germany in defiance of
the interests and wishes of the great majority of the Russian
people ; it was less obvious that the sober element among
the Russians was waiting for some palpable indication from
the Allies of their intention to support law and order in the
only manner that could create any impression, namely, by
armed intervention. This contingency arose when the
Bolsheviks deliberately brought about the collapse of the
Russian offensive in Galicia (July, 1917) ; it became pressing
when Kerensky betrayed Kornilov to the Bolsheviks, and
thereby ruined all hopes of restoring disciphne in the Russian
armies ; it eissumed a tragic form in November with the
usurpation of power by Lenin. The leading Bolsheviks pro-
ceeded at once to initiate separate negotiations with the
Germans. It was still not too late. The Bolsheviks had
not yet been able to undermine and destroy every moral
and material resource : Russia could still have ralUed herself
if the AlUes had sho\Yn a strong hand ; Lenin and his crew
were still susceptible to pressure from the outside.
Why did the Allied governments fail to take action ?
The causes of their inactivity must be sought not in the
Russian situation, but rather in their respective domestic
cares — in the whole combination of circumstances that still
'' prive us of unity on what I may call the diplomatic front.
On returning from Russia, last autumn, I wrote a series
of articles in The Times, exposing the anti-national character
of the Revolutionary movement, and privately called atten-
tion to the necessity of immediate intervention, but waited
in vain for some indication of Allied action. Having every
reason to foresee the complete collapse of Russia unless prompt
measures were taken, I decided to place my views in writing,
and at the end of November (after Lenin's usurpation) 1
drew up a memorandum, from which I cite the following ;
If the Allied Governments are disposed to regard Russia as a
" negligible quantity " for the rest of the war, they must be
prepared (a) to waive an equitable solution of the Polish, Serbian,
and Rumanian questions ; (6) to consider the eventuality of a
weakened Russia being drawn into the service of the enemy ;
and (e) to conclude peace without Russia. ...
There is no reasonable ground to expect any improvement in
the situation, but rather, on the contrary, a development of the
process of disintegration that has been going on Since the outbreak
of the revolution.
"The failure of General Kornilov's plans has deprived the
country of its one and only hope of revival by its own unaided
efforts. . . .
We are faced by the possibiUty of a German landing not only
in Esthonia, but also in Finland, which will entail the severance
of our shortest comniunii;ations and a threat to the Murman
and Archangel lines.
The reaction induced by revolutionary excesses has become
so widespread that the appearance of a strong government, able
to impose its will, would be hailed by all except the Extremist
minority. Without impetus from the outside efforts in this
direction will be unavaiUng, and we may have to wait years
before anarchy in Russia is Ijrought to an end.
Allied intervention (the landing of contingents in the North and
of troops in the East) is necessary in the interests of Russia and
of the Allies. It is needed urgently. Its effects woiM be beneficent
and immediate.
However, nothing came of my efforts. It was argued that
the Bolsheviks were already too strong; that "we must
give them a chance": they might not, after all, conclude
a separate peace ; whereas any act of intervention on
our part might "throw them into the arms of Germany."
The wily Bronstein-Trotsky took advantage of our supine-
ness to play the tragi-comedy of defiance to the Germans at
Brest-Litovsk, while behind this screen, successfully bluffing
Allied opinion and deriving encouragement from our
Pacifist Press, his associates proceeded to break down anti-
Bolshevik resistance in Russia. Their efforts were . directed
more particularly against the Cossacks, against the volunteer
army raised by Alexeiev and Kornilov in the South-East,
and against the Ukrainian Rada. By insidious propaganda,
by bribery and promises of land, and finally by open force /
— using for this purpose regulars drawn from tlie front,
which was thus practically opened to the Germans, and
hired mercenaries known as Red Guards — they were slowly
but surel}' attaining their object. Bereft of transport,
munitions, and money, which had fallen by foul means into
Bolshevik hands, the Cossacks and their supporters waited
for AlUed help. We shall know some day through what a
tragedy of watching and waiting Kaledin lived till he finally
shot himself, what trials Alexeiev and Kornilov endured
before their hosts withered, what heart-searching qualms
shook the Ukrainian delegates, faced by the alternative of
accepting an ignominious peace or seeing their land com-
pletely ruined by Bolshevism.
While this appalling consummation of Russia's ruin was
being relentlessly enacted, the antics of the artful Trotsky
were being followed with wrapt attention by the uninitiated
and ehciting unbounded admiration from blind and envious
leaders of democracy in AUied lands. The Allied govern-
ments and peoples appeared to be obUvious of the fact that
the Bolsheviks were helping only themselves and Germany.
The Brest-Litovsk performance achieved its purpose : it
effectually stayed the hand of the Allied governments.
Trotsky was, however, so infatuated with his own apparent
success that he began to believe in the universal victory of
Bolshevism, and carried the Brest-Litovsk farce beyond
prescribed limits. For this vain . delusion sympathisers
in other countries were largely responsible. But German
diplomacy had to show some documentary results from its
laborious and costly arrangements with the Bolshevik con-
spirators, and faute de mieux conclude'd a pact with the
Ukrainians.
Baron von Kiihlmann had expected to bring the gift of
all Russia to the Reichstag in the form of a treaty signed by
Lenin and Trotsky. Diplomacy had had its innings wdthout
achieving all its puFposes. The "mailed fist" thereupon
went in to settle matters in an expeditious manner. Aero-
planes headed the march of the invaders, throwing adequate
proclamations, and reserving their bombs for Petrograd as
an additional argument in favour of a separate peace. Light
reconnoitring parties captured strategic points and railway
junctions. The Bolsheviks at the front had sold cavalry
and artillery horses, machine guns, rifles, and ammunition
to the German in exchange for money and goods "made in
Germany." .All the guns fell into the hands of the enemy
because they could not be moved. Besides the so-called
"armies" under "Comrade" Krylenko had no officers and
no stomach for fighting. They were the remains of an
armed force that quickly melted away. And even when the
Bolshevik delegates finally signed the treaty of peace with
closed eyes, the Germans continued their flanking move-
ments in Finland and Ukrainia.
11.
What were the international aspects of the Russian
tragedy ? Two months before the German invasion, I wrote,
but did not publish — ^so that the Allied governments should
have full freedom to consider the question — a statement
March 14, igi8
Land & Water
13
■which may now be usefully produced. I omit certain
important passages of a confidential charactm-. This state-
ment, dated December 27, 1917, deals with the very essence
of the problem that concerns us at present.
The Russian Markets
■ The chief asset in Germany's future is the Russian market.
To assure her economic control over Russia, Germany began
the "preventive" war of 1914. She decided upon that
course as soon as Russia, by concluding an agreement with
<jreat Britain in 1907 and preparing a series of mihtary
programmes, had signified her intention to become free froin
German domination. The grand programme of Russian
armaments was begun in 1912, and was to have been com-
pleted in 1918. Therein lies the main reason for Gennany's
precipitating the struggle in 1914. Without the Russian
market, Germany'canhot hope to carry on her industrial develop-
ment, and must' suffer the consequences of her past groivth
— a tremendous economic crisis and a wholesale exodus of her
population. From Russia, Germany derived cheap food-
stuffs and raw material ; to Russia, Germany supplied the
products of her industries. The Russian export market was
largely monopolised by German firms. German exports
similarly monopolised many branches of Russia's foreign
trade. During the year preceding the -war tliey increased by
a figure equal to the total of British exports to Russia. Gennany
was fast becoming predominant in imports of agricultural
implements and machinery, in motor cars, and all kinds of
machinery ajid mechauiical appliances. Moreover, German-
owned chemical and electrical works in Russia^monopohsed
the home production. The possibilities of the Russian market
are so enormous that Germany can afford to lose her other
mercantile connections if she secures control of it. The
economic trend of the "peace" negotiations at Brest-
Litovsk shows clearly enough what are Germany's aims.
"Germany's domination in the Russian market affords
not only an invaluable asset in itself ; it enables hfir to reach
the markets of Asia across the borders of Persia. Afghanistan,
and '^Mongolia. She xvill thus be able to discount British
occupation of the Bagdad route, and compete with' the United
States and Japan in Siberia and the Far East: American
interests in Siberia are very considerable. Siberian imports
of .\merican agricultural machinery increased enormously
with the development of colonisation, which had only begun
to assume notable proportions just before the war — Siberian
gold-mining', lumber industries, and fisheries are still in their
infancy. They offer huge fields for American, Japanese, and
AustraUan enterprise.
"Siberia and Manchuria are the greatest untapped- wheat
producing countries in the world, with natural outlets to the
Black Sea and the Pacific. Germany aims at controlling the
first, if not the second, of these food markets. Thousands
of (lerman prisoners of war and interned subjects of the
Fatherland have been studying the language and the customs
of Siberia with a view to future business there.
' ' // the Bolshevik intrigue engineered by her does not enable
Germany to capture Russia by 'peaceful ' means, she will
do so by forfe. She is already concentrating her armies on
the south-western front in readiness for an advance on
■ Odessa and Kieff next March or April, when cUmatic condi-
tions are favourable. By this course she will come into
possession of the rich wheat and best sugar regions of Little
Russia, gain a permanent foothold on the Black Sea coast,
and be in a position to strike at the Donetz steel and iron
region. As soon as Germany takes the Don region she loill
control tlie fuel and the food supply of European Russia, and
have the country at Iter mercy.
'The Little Russians (Ukrainians) and the Cossacks
a^jpreciate this danger, and have revolted against the pro-
(ierman Bolsheviks in Petrograd. They are natural, aJhes
of tlie Siberians, who also realise the consequences of the
Bolshevist 'negotiations' with Germany. All these kindred
•elements are going to 'fight to tlie last gasp against German
absorption. But without aid from the Allies they tnay fail.
They have to combat the ignorant Russian peasants in their
own midst, for millions of landless parasites have swarmed
to the land-grabbing appeal of the Bolshevism (Social
Democracy) and of Maximalism (Socialist Revolution).
"It would be the greatest and most fatal mistake to consider
Rusiia as having ceased to he a factor in the war. She was
the main factor in the German plan of a 'preventive' war
at the very outset of hostilities, and she has not ceased to
be a factor because of her military collapse." If anything,
site is more important to us now that there 'is real danger of her
falling into German Imnds. for it is obvious that once in
possession of the South of Russia — tlie granary as well as
the mineral storehouse of the country — the Germans would
be able to prolong their struggle with the Allies almost
indefinitely."
Further, I pointed out the necessity of organising propa-
ganda : "The people of Russia must know our motives fully
and exactly. The truth abput the Bolshevist intrigiie with
Germany must be set forth. We should offer to help the
Russians preserve their freedom and independence."
III.
But no el^'ectual action was taken. Our diplomatic
front was still in abeyance, each Ally continuing to deal
with this \dtal matter not on its intrinsic merits or on avail-
able information from reliable sources, but according to
prejudices or tendencies dominating their own domestic polity.
It is to the credit of Japan that she has shown us a way out
of the impasse. \Mien the Government at Tokio proceeded
to sound the other Allied governments as to their respective
views on the Russian situation, the first serious step was
taken towards saving Russia and towards the establishment
of a real unity of the Allied diplomatic front.
It is fairly obvious, in the light of undisputable facts
adduced in the statement cited above, that German pre-
dominance in Russia is tantamount to a German victory.
That Germany will exert every effort to secure her grasp t)n
Russia is also beyond question. Her largest pre-wax cus-
tomers— the British Empire, the United States, and France —
will certainly consider their own interests in trade and in
the supply of raw material. Germany knows that she has
little to expect from them. Germany must have Russia,
otherwise she cannot afford to continue the war.
During a conference held early in January, General Foch,
turning to the Japanese representative, asked, d br&le pour-
point, what was to prevent them from immediately landing
a substantial force (I withhold figures) at ? Two
months earlier, Generjil Alexeiev had warned his countr^'meIl
that Japan would take this step if revolutionary anarfchy
continued to prevail in Russia. These military geniuses
were more clear-sighted and outspoken than the majority
of diplomatists, and politicians. The question put by the
French Generalissimo did not for this .reason obtain a full
and immediate answer.
There were, it is true, certain obvious difficulties. The
people of Siberia, like most of the Europeans settled in the
East, were suspicious of Japan. Before he became Hadji
Wilhelm, "Protector of Islam," the chameleon Kaiser of
Potsdam had magnified the bogey known as the Yellow
Peril. He had incited Russia against Japan. To his crafty
counsels the hapless Tsar fell a ready victim, the rotten
government then prevailing in Russia, bereft of organic
connection with the people, drifted into the senseless war
with Japan. Since then the spectre of Japanese " aggression "
had obsessed the minds of Siberians, particularly those
living east of Baikal.
A glance at a map will emphasise the dominant fact in the
Trans-Baikal situation : that this region is dependent
for its trade outlet upon the Pacific littoral. I have also
made allusion to the economic interests of Japan, the United
States, Australia — an(i I may add to this list also Canada —
ip the East Siberian market. Japan's interests tax exceed
those of any other country. The fishery rights secured to
her by the Treaty of Portsmouth on the East Siberian coast,
coupled with the reversion of Russia's treaty rights in
Manchuria, place her indisputabl}' in the front rank. This
position carried with it bounden duties as well as undoubted
privileges. She could not stand by indefinitely while
Bolshevism proceeded with its work of disruption and
anarchy. Her first duty was, of comrse, to protect her own
interests ; but in doing so she was bound to save the
Siberians from their internal or external foes— from the
inroads of Bolshevism and the invasion of Germany.
According to accounts received from Washington, some
hesitancy has been displayed there in agreeing to single-
handed action by Japan. We must assume that there is a
certain measure of truth in these assertions. They tally
with other facts, notably the persistent tendency displayed
by American representatives in Russia to deal gently with
the Bolsheviks. This tendency may be ascribed to domestic
causes. Tlie American mentality has become accustomed
to machine politics and rough political methods. They have
done no very great harm amidst a well-educated, patriotic,
and energetic and individualistic nation— at least, not in
times of peace. The methods of the Bolsheviks, resembling
in many respects the methods of Tammany Hall, were treated
with habitual American tolerance as "part of the political
game." Lenin, like "Boss" Croker, had simply "got there"
— so much the worse for the "other fellow," who was "no
account," could not "deliver the goods." Trotsky had lived
in New York, and showed his appreciation of the lessons he
14
Land & Water
March 14, 191 8
had learned in the Western Metropolis by remitting sub-
stantial sums to pav off numerous debts as soon as he had
obtained a share of the Tammany-Bolshevik spoils. But
American tolerance does not imply approval. In pre-war
days, home politics in the United States were marked by
jieriotlical overthrows of the "machine, " whenever citizens
found "Boss" rule too onerous. The natural remedy for
Bolshevism, according to the American idea, lay with the
Russians themselves. Perhaps I have stated the position
crudely, but, I believe, not unfairly. The separate peace
now signed bv Lenin, coupled with the German invasion,
disi)els all these fanciful presentments of Bolshevism. There
cannot be the slightest doubt that American opinion will
in the end whole-heartedly support Japan.
IV.
In paying a fine tribute some time ago to the essential
character of British rule. General Snouts drew attention to
a fact that escapes the understanding of visionaries and
demagogues — the British Empire has laid the foundations
of a new world-edifice, the Brotherhood of Nations. It has
given substance and reality to the noblest ideal of humanity.
Our alliance with Japan was a natural and consistent
expression of British tendencies. We were the first White
Great Power to conclude a living national union with a
\'ellow Power. We did so for what may be regarded
by superficial critics as selfish motives, to safeguard our
interests in Asia ; in reality, because we instinctively felt
that Japan was animated by a spirit of progress and enlighten-
ment that made her our natural ally in the East.
Have our hopes been disappointed ? I do not think that
the rashest and most inveterate opponent of the Anglo-
Japanese alliance can aspire to produce the slightest tittle
of evidence in support of a negative answer. In her rela-
tions with Russia, leading up to an agreement, concluded
by \'iscount Motono while he was Ambassador in Petrograd,
Japan pursued a wise policy, strictly in accordance with her
obligations towards us. We have not a single reproach to
bring against Japan in connection with her policy in Asia or
elsewhere. Yet the internal situation in* China has fre-
quently given her much provocation. Germany's "peaceful
penetration " of the Celestial Empire in pre-war days threat-
ened to bring about a state of affairs resembling Turkey.
Japan was affected to a much greater degree than were
other Powers ; but, in loyalty to us, she steadfastly refrained
from precipitating a conflict.
Since the outbreak of the war, Japan has loyally fulfilled
her obligations to us. Viscount Motono took the initiative
in prompting Russia to avail herself of Japan's aid in the
supply of munitions. Japan's military activity was re-
stricted to the Far East, and although this restriction was
galling to the national amour propre whicli interpreted it as
an evidence of mistrust, the Japanese bore the slight
without r(?i>ining, and when later they were invited to extend
the ^^phere of their naval activities, they cheerfully complied,
("oming to more recent times, when the Bolsheviks assumed
ciintrol in Harbin and the Russian General Khorvat invited
Chinese aid to quell the revolutionaries, Japan refrained
from taking action, being desirous only of considering the
wishes of her Allies, although her interests at Harbin far
exceeded those of any other Allied Power.
Still later, after it had become apparent that enormous
quantities of munitions and suppUes collected at Vladivostok
—largely from Japan— were at the mercy of Bolshevik-
German agents, she still withheld her hand, in spite of the
fact that other interested Powers showed a disinclination to
take action. And only when public opinion at home began
to be disturbed by this loyal quiescence the Japanese Govern-
ment took the initiative. But before doing so the .\llies
were approached and their views consulted. I think Japan
has displayed remarkable reticence in the face of the strongest
provocation, and has shown cause for every confidence on
the part of the Allied governments and peoples.
V.
It would be premature and quite outside the scope of
Al led journalism at the present moment to discuss^ the
details of the measures that Japan may be called upon to
take Certain things are, however, self-evident, and do not
constitute a secret. In the first place. Allied munitions and
stores at Vladivostok must be saved ; in the second place
Siberia must be cleared of enemv subjects, and within this
dehmtion we must include the Bolslieviks, since they have
signed a traitorous peace with Germany
The miUtary aspects of the task that now confronts Japan
are obvious. The Siberian railway and the Amur waterway
have been captured by the Bolsheviks with the aid of
liberated convicts and enemy prisoners of war. The line of
advance is thus indicated by the nature of things. The
Amur will be cleared either by flotillas ascending that mighty
river as soon as navigation opens or by a flanking movement
of troops. The main objectives are Irkutsk — to cut off the
Amur basin, and Omsk — to secure a base for advancing on
Tinmen and Clieliabinsk, which respectively command the
railways to Moscow and Petrograd. From a strictly military
point of view, the clearing up of Siberia from the Pacific to
the Urals is almost entirely a matter of railway transport.
Sufficiency of rolling stock, repairs of bridges that may be
destroyed — these will be factors upon which the progress of
the Japanese must depend. There can be no question of
armed resistance on the part of the Bolsheviks.
Nor is it likely that the Cossack armies distributed'
throughout Siberia wiU combine with the followers of Lenin.
If such a contingency should arise, it will be due entirely tO'
their ignorance of Allied aims ; in other words, to the defici-
encies of our propaganda. The interests of the Cossacks are
even more conservative than those of the Siberian settlers,
to whom they bear in point of numbers a relation approxi-
matelj' of one to ten. The total population of Siberia is
under 7,000,000, that of the Cossacks over half a million.
That Bolshevism is utterly alien to the spirit of the
Siberians will be seen from the following facts. Reserve
troops brought hither from Russia during the war and
garrisoned in the large cities have enabled alien agitators
—many of whom had been expelled from the United States
for revolutionary propaganda— to dispose of armed brute
force to back up their nefarious designs. In this foul work
they have been helped by large numbers of convicts and
Germans — all liberated during the Revolution. The
Siberians were not only opposed to Bolshevism : they formed
volunteer battalions and went to fight the Germans during
the offensive of July, 1917.
And now let me explain why Bolshevism is a vain Word to
the Siberians. Lenin and his crew have been able to
demoralise the Russian reserve troops and the landless
peasants by promises of peace and land. In European
Russia this meant depriving landowners of their property.
In Siberia there are no landowners, strictly speaking, except
the Cossacks. All settlers have received allotments on
tenure from the State. The State owns practically all the
land in Siberia. Every man who is willing to work can
become a prosperous farmer. There is room for a hundred
million and to spare.
The Siberians themselves are a more developed and go-a-
head people than their Russian kinsmen. They are the
product of a long" continued process of national selection.
Only the hardiest and most enterprising Russians emigrated.
Moreover, the political exiles to Siberia were also the most
independent and resolute men in Russia. The Siberian
farmers have formed dairy and other co-operatives. They
were no fit subjects for Bolshevik propaganda or experiments.
It should not be difficult to make them understand why
Japan has been compelled to come to their aid. They
know that Japan is our ally, and' that the British market
has been and must, after the war, remain their best customer.
It is equally essential that they should know of American
sympathy with Japan's movements. They . use la vast
quantity of American — and Canadian — agricultural machin-
ery, without which they cannot develop their farms.
Wliat will be the ultimate consequences of Japan's inter-
vention ? The answer to this question involves a large field
of study, that can be briefly touched upon here. The whole
future of Asiatic politics has been affected by this
war. Germany's plans of instigating an Islamic movement
against us in the Caucasus, Turkestan, Persia, Afghanistan,
and India are too well known. Japan's influence among
the Asiatic nations had been growing steadily, and is likely
to be enhanced by impending events. It is well for us that
it shpuld be so. No better answer could be found to the
Protean aspects of Potsdam intrigue among Moslem races
than the presence among us of an Asiatic Great Power with
aims and interests in direct conflict with those of Germany.
And perhaps it may be permissible to venture the prediction
that Japan's intervention in Siberia may ultimately bring
the Mikado's legions face to face with those of the Kaiser.
I think the Japanese will be glad to meet their foe face to
face, and there can be no doubt that they will give an excellent
account of themselves. But in the maturing of these future
events Japan will help us to bring Russia back to her normal
self — to the comity of nations.
As for Japan's reward, is it necessary or seemly to discuss
the question ? Do we ask ourselves what we are going to
make out of the war ? The future Peace Conference will
decide. Meanwhile, let us trust Japan as we trust ourselves
—as a full-fledged member of the community of nations
now fighting for freedom, justice, and humanity."
March 14, 19 i 8
Land 8c Water
15
Jerusalem and Damascus : By Myra K. Hughes, a.r.e.
CAN there be two names that conjure up to one's
imagination more scenes connected with religion,
romance, and history than Jerusalem and
Damascus ? Jerusalem, the capital of Palestine
long before Joshua entered Jericho, is only 133
miles in a straight line from Damascus, the capital of Syria,
whose origin is lost in the mists of antiquity. Broadly speak-
ing, these two stand for two leading factors in life — religion
•and commerce.
No great advantage of position — geographical or strategical
— in troublous times gave Jerusalem lier long reign : she,
"beautiful for situation, the joy of the whole earth," was
first known as the City of Salem or Peace. "Pray for the
peace of Jerusalem ; they shall prosper that love thee,"
came from the warring David, who brought her into far
more strife than when she was a Jebusite city. One of his
many wars took him to Damascus, which we read he sub-
dued and which paid . — ^-
tithes to him for some
time. It was in King
■Solomon's reign that she
was at the height of her
prosperity, and her temple
was the glory of the whole
world. But trouble was
brought on Jerusalem and
Damascus by their various
treaties with strong allies.
Egyptians, Philistines,
Israelites, Moabites,
Syrians, Assyrians,
Greeks, Romans, Per-
sians. Franks, Normans,
Turks — all in turn have
•fought against and around
these great cities.
Owing to the numerous
Jews from Jerusalem liv-
ing in Damascus, Christ-
ianity first began to
spread to that city, and
here one turns for the
scene of the Conversion of
St. Paul. That zealous
Jew, "a Roman citizen,"
hoped to keep Damascus
out of Christian influence.
Yet in after days his was
the great influence which
helped to make the city a
Christian one, until she
fell in 634 into the hands
of the Mohammedans.
They swept on, under
Caliph Omar, to Jerusa-
lem, which fell in 637.
Now, alas, for the pic-
turesque, an irregular
straggling suburb has
Es Sinaneyeh, Damascus
By Myra K. Hughes, A.R.E.
grown out of Jerusalem, west and north-west chiefly, com-
posed of hotels, hospices, hospitals, etc., and colonies of
Jews, Quakers, Russians, French, English, and others have
€stablished themselves there. No city in the world is so
well provided with hospitals. Every nation or secj of any
importance thinks that it must be represented by church,
school, or hospital ! Anyone who has travelled in Palestine
and Syria realises the need of "eye service" ; therefore one
of the best known is the British Ophthalmic Hospital,
founded by the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. This Order,
of which, in conjunction with the Red Cross Society, we
hear so much at the present day, wa^ founded in the eleventh
century for the protection of the pilgrims to the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre — illustrated on page 2. This church
was originally built by Constantine, and the Chapel of St.
Helena — which is under the same roof— by his English
mother, and both were consecrated in a.d. 336.
Close by the Jaffa Gate lies the Pool of Hezekiah, which
in summer has very little water in it, and what is there is
very dirty. The people in the surrounding houses throw
their rubbish into it. I saw every variety of debris, from
orange peel to a dead cat, lying on its surface, while the frogs
croaked around. The proprietor of one of these houses
courteously allowed me to step over -the railing on to the
roof to make a sketch when 1 saw a trap)-door under an
overhanging window open, and a big can was lowered by a
long rope into this unclean water below — filled, and pulled
up again. This occurred several times, so at last I a.sked
what could such water be wanted for, and was told as if it
were the most natural thing, " Dat is for de bath" !
The chief contrast between Jerusalem and Damascus lies
in their positions, Jerusalem being away from any great
caravan route, Damascus being at the centre of three — one
through Galilee to the Levant, on to Gaza, the door of
Asia, the outpost of Africa — then on to Egvpt ; another to
Bagdad ; and the third to Mecca. The last starts from the
South Gate, knoWn as "the "Gate of God," because the
pilgriifiages to Mecca leave from it. Thus, from being in a
centre of great routes, the oldest city in the world gained
her commercial prosperity in spite of having been at least
twelve times pillaged and burned.. Think of her standing
on the banks of Abana
4,000 years ago. when
Abraham crossed the
desert of Hauran. Yet she
is not old-fashioned. Did
not Damascus have elec-
tric light and trams before
anv other biblical city ?
.And now her Mohamme-
dan women have joined a
leapue in favour of un-
veiling. To show their
perverted idea of decorum,
I relate the following in-
cident. One day, as I sat
sketching on a little bridge
over the Abana, between
two rows of houses, a
servant girl, in her cotton
costume of baggy panta-
loons and loose over-all
tunic down to the knees,
came to draw some water.
She looked up at me
smilingly, but when a man
appeared behind me, her
one idea was to hide her
face from him. Witliout
a thought, she pulled her
tunic right over her head,
unconcerned that it ex-
posed all her back !
The swiftly flowing
Abana, which unites with
the Pharpar below Damas-
cus, is taken through the
city by channels and pipes
to every part, so that
every mosque, house, and
court has its fountain. In
the houses of the rich the
fountain is in the centre
of a court, planted with orange, apricot, and myrtle trees,
and the court, with its comfortable divans, is both refreshing
and beautiful. Damascus is in a desert plain, surrounded
by high hills, and in the middle of an oval of green, is the
pale golden city, with its hundreds of minarets, domes, and
huge bazaars. This green ring is not a close forest, but
cultivated plantations, orcheirds. parks, gardens, and corn-
fields. The long bazaar, leading from the citadel, ends at
the mosque Es Sininfiyeh, illustrated here, whose dome is
covered with blue and green and white glazed tiles.
The House of Rimmon stood on the site of the Great Mosque
Omayyades, and later Constantine erected on the same site
a Christian Church dedicated to St. John the Baptist. When
Damascus fell into the hands of the Mohammedans the
church wasi divided between the Christians and Mohamme-
dans. Seventy years later every Christian trace was oblit-
erated, and they closed the door the Christians used and
put up buildings in front of it. A few years ago this mosque
was burnt to the ground, but the old door escaped. No one
was more surprised than the Mohammedan himself to read
over its portal, "Thy kingdom, O Christ, is the kingdom of
all ages and Thy dominion endureth throughout all genera-
tions." Many felt superstitiously afraid of tampering with
the old door, so there the inscription still remains. *•
i6
Land & Water
March 14, 191 8
Life and Letters (nj J. C Souire
The Stage Irishmaa
WE cannot definitely deny tint every good book
in the end comes into its own and there are
cases (that of Herrick is cne) in which the
process has taken a centuiv. What happens
"in the end" we cannot say, as the universe
has not vet been wound up. But at this moment of time
ih^rc are certainly a good man v entertaining works which
havXenTn eSence\nything from ten to a hundred and
Sftv voars wluch have never reached the large audiences or
which thev are perfectly adapted or which have accidentally
and unjus^^^v slipped out of notice^ I'ate is ^on.et.mes uukind
even to works of fiction; as, for mstance, T^ Wallet of
K^Lung, about which I recently wrote here. But injustice
is far more frequently done to books of memoirs and bio-
Uphv. Any such book, if in the lerst candid, ^s readable
but there are scores of really exceptional ones which ahiiost
anybody would enjoy, but scarcely anybody reads. Among
them one may mention the staggering autobiography of
Tames Lackington, the first bookseller to deal on a large
scale in "remainders"; the Adventures of a Younger Son
by Shelley's friend Trelawney— an extraordinary record ot
adventure, accessible in Bohn's Shilling Library; Burdy s
Life of Skelt'm. which is as good as a fragment of Boswell ;
and Barringions Memoirs, now reprinted m every. Irishman s
Library (Fisher Unwin, 3s. net).
******
The "recoUections" of Sir Jonah Barrington are suffi-
ciently "established" to obtain a place in any Irish literary
liistor>' ; but how many Englishmen have read them ?
There was a time, perhaps, when one would have hesitated
to recommend them to Englishmen. That was the time
when the ordinary' EngUshman saw Ireland entirely through
the eyes of Lever and Lover. The island appeared to be
entirely populated by reckless hunting squires with a pasSion
for whisky and broiled bones, and devoted servants with
long upper lips and an unlimited capacity for saying
"Bejabers, Begorrah, Bedad," and constructing bulls. A
British farce was incomplete without an utterly incapable
and incorrigible Irishman, with towsled red hair ; and the
Irish stranger in England was expected to Uve the part.
It was scarcely unnatural that the intelligent Irishman
should revolt against this conception, and (as Canon Hannay
points out in his introduction to the hqw edition) there have
been several schools of protest. We have had generations
of grim young revolutionists "laming" England through the
medium of pohtics. We have had Mr. Bernard Shaw sug-
gesting that the Irish are a serious and a humourless race,
and contrasting the taciturn solid realistic Irishman Welling-
ton with the sentimental and feminine Englishman Nelson,
these two being, with as much solemnity as Mr. Shaw can
command, placed before us as characteristic types qf the
two races. Finally, we have had the neo-Celts who, in Canon
Hannay's words, "saw us/ and half persuaded cultured
England to see us, as a long procession of fate-driven
peasants with sorrowful eyes, behind whose shadowy figures
hover vast, maUgnant powers, spirits of cloudy poetry, and
tragical romance." This atmosphere has so dominated
Irish literature in our time, that Irish literary officialdom
has almost entirely neglected the stories of Somerville and
Ross. They have been resented rather as heirs of the Lover
and Lever tradition. But there was a foundation for Lover ;
and Lever was scarcely a caricature at all. He did not
represent all Ireland, any more than that admirable realist
Mr. W. W. Jacobs (riot to mention the Pickwick Papers)
represents all England ; and times change. But he was as
true to the facts of his day, and to Jonah Barrington,
as Thackeray and Trollope were to the facts of their day
and the Victorian diarists.
There is no risk, at this date, of anybody supposing that
Mr. W. B. Yeats, or even Mr. John Dillon, is a red-headed
man who makes bulls and attends wakes. It is therefore
permissible to observe that Barrington is the justification of
the nineteenth-century Irish novelists, and the stage Irish-
man not only existed, but existed in large quantities.
Englishmen, a hundred years ago, used to drink and sing
more than they do to-day ; but they did not drink and
sing like Irishmen. One would not go bail for all Sir Jonah's
stories ; but if he was a picturesque liar, he was so much
the more a stage Irishman himself. His memoirs deal, to
sonic extent, with important "affairs" of the day- the
Union with England, the wars, the fall of Napoleon. But
he writes of these with the same vivacity, discursiveness.
and airy independence as he employs upon the nipre con-
genial to]Mcs of divorce cases, duels, and junketings. He
had liis principles ;- he adored liberty and hated democracy,
lie said. But it was the. human, and particularly the human
weakness that he was interested in ; and there is no blunter
or more jaunty chronicler in English.
«|l«^<>* * * •
** Barrington's Irish gentry might have come straight out of
Lover ; his servants are "preposterously loyal, and they do
say "Arrah" and "By the hokey" ; and his pages ar<5
crowded with inadder freaks than any noveUst ever dreamed
of. He gets the atmosphere, no doubt a little ideahsed, at
the very start :
No gentleman of this degree ever distrainecl a tenant lor rent ;
indeed, the parties appeared to be quite united and knit together.
The greatest abhorrence, however, prevailed as to tithe-proctors,
coupled with no great predilection for the clergy who employed
them. . . . Every estated gentleman in the Queen's Couaty
was honoured by the gout. I have since considered that its
extraordinary prevalence was not difficult to be accounted for,
by the disproportionate quantity of adid contained in their
seductive beverage, called rum-shrub, which was then universally
drunk in quantities nearly incredible, generally from supper-
time till morning, by all country gentlemen, as they said, to
keep down their claret.
It is not long J)ef ore we come upon the first of his hundreds
of fearful anecdotes. His grandmother, exasperated with a
neighbour, Mr. Dennis Bodkin, said: "I wish the fellow's
ears were cut off ! That might quiet him " :
It passed over as usual : the subject was changed, and all went
on comfortably till supper ; at which time, when everybody
was in full glee, the old butler, Ned Regan, who had drunk
enough, came in — joy was in his eye ; and, whispering some-
thing to his mistress which she did not comprehend, he put a
large snuff-box into her hand. Fancying it was some whim of
her old domestic, she opened the box and shook out its contents
— when, lo ! a considerable portionjof a pair of bloody ears
dropped on the table !
After this, we are not surprised to hear of the baronet who
dreamt that his wife was a "Papist rebel" and nearly
strangled her in bed ; or of the young sportsmen who shut
themselves up in a cottage for a week with a cow and infinite
drink, pledged not to emerge until they had eaten the whole
cow ; whilst pipers, a fiddler, and two couple of favourite
hounds made music for the feast. Murders, elopements,
spectres, and discussions on the decadence of a later age,
pleasantly fill the interstices. "When," sighed Sir Jonah,
"I compare the foregoing the habits of the present day
..." Poor old man !
Among those vi-ho have put down their impressions of the
war as they have seen it, Mr. Jeffery Farnol, in Some War
Impressions, must hold a prominent place, for he, out of
visits to the Flanders battle line, and to munition factories,
has compiled a record which is something more than a cata-
logue— it is alive, which is more than can be said of a good
many books of this kind. This little volume (Sampson Low,
is.6d.) takes the rekder to the making of guns, to battle cruisers,
into a training camp, and out to the Ypres salient— and to
other places and doings as well — and it shows that there is
humour as well as tragedy in war and the things that are
made for war purposes. We commend the book most heartily
as a series of pictures of war.
Czech Folk Tales, by Dr. Josef Baudis (Allen & Unwin, 4s. 6d. )
is a book that may be taken two ways. It may be handed to '
a Qhild as a volume of fairy stories, or it may be con-
sidered as a serious contribution to the study of the Czech
peoples, and wrangled over by the erudite who wish to decide
whether the matter in "Nine at a Blow" was originally
Czech, or whether it came from a more Western source. The
main point of interest to the average grown-up is that these
stories are very close parallels on the fairy tales of the brothers
Grimm and Hans Andersen, and yet there are divergencies
that mark them as designed" for a race of a different tempera-
ment. In some of them is much beauty of imagery ; "Tlie
Twelve Months," for instance, has" a charm equal to that in
the story of Cinderella, and there are others in the volume
that will bear comparison with the best of Hans Andersen's
work. One thing is certain ; children will delight in this
new book of fairy tales, and most grown-ups will_find in the
book a new light on the Slavonic character.
March 14, 191 8
Land Sc Water
17
The Return : By Stacy Aumonier
A Story in Two Parts — Part II
To a struggling lower middle-class family there returns
suddenly from South Africa an almost forgotten uncle. This
Uncle Herbert is unexpectedly rich ; he takes pleasure in having
his nephews and nieces and their families round him, and
helps them with money in many ways. But he never talks of
his own affairs or how he came by his wealth. It creates,
privately, an uneasy feeling that the money is ill-gotten, more
especially as their affairs, notwithstanding his help, go awry.
This feeling grows stronger, they talk it over among themselves.
I SUGGESTED that we should have a family meeting
and discuss the best thing to do, and Albert agreed.
But the meeting itself nearly ended in another
tragedy. Albert dominated it. He said we must all
go to Uncle, and say to him straight out :
"Look here, this is all very well, but you've got to tell us
how you made your money."
And Christopher replied :
" Yes, I daresay. And then he'll cut up rusty, and tell us
all to go to hell, and go away. ., And then where will we be ? "
Louie and I agreed with Albert, but all the rest backed
Christopher's point of view, and the discussion became
acrimonious and at times dangerous. W'e broke up without
coming to any decision, but with Albert vehement that he
was going the next day on his own responsibility to settle the
matter. He and Christopher nesu-ly came to blows.
We were never in a position to do more than speculate
upon what the result of that interview would have been
because it never took place. In the morning we heard that
Uncle was dead. He had died the previous evening while
receiving a visitor, suddenly of heart failure, at the verj'
time when we were arguing about him.
When we went round to the house, the servants told us
that an elderly gentleman had called about nine o'clock. He
gave the name of Josh. He looked like a seaman of some
sort. Uncle Herbert had appeared dazed when he heard the
name. He told them inra faint voice to show the stranger in.
They were alone less than five minutes, when the stranger
came out and called them in the hall.
'.'Something queer has happened," was all he said.
They found Uncle lying in a huddled heap by the chester-
field. A. doctor was sent for, but he was dead. During the
excitement of the shock Mr. Josh disappeared, and had not
been seen since. But later in the afternoon he called, and
said that if there was to be any inquest he was willing to
come and give evidence. He left an address.
Of course, there was a post-mortem, and 1 need hardly say
that all our interest was concentrated on this mysterious
visitor. He was a tall, elderly man, with a grey, pointed
beard, a sallow complexion, and face on which the marks of
' a hard and bitter life of struggle had left their trace.
The case was ver\- simple and uneventful. The doctor
said that death was due to heart failure, possibly caused by
some sudden shock. The heart, in any case," was in a bad
state. The servants gave evidence of the master's general
disposition and of the visit of the stranger. When Mr. Josh
was called, he spoke in a loud, rather raspish voice, like a
man calling into the wind. ' He simply stated that he was
an old friend of Mr. Herbert Read's. He had known him
for nearly twenty-five years in South Africa. Happening to
be in London, he looked him up in a telephone directory, and
paid him an unexpected visit. They had spoken for a few
moments, and Mr. Read had appeared very pleased and
excited at meeting him again. And then suddenly he had
put up his hands and fallen forward. That was all. The
coroner thanked him for his evidence, and a verdict of
"Death from natural causes" was passed.
When the case was over, I approached Mr. Josh, and
asked him if he would come back to the] house with us. He
nodded in a nonchalant manner, and followed me out. On
the way back I made vain attempts to draw him out, but he
was as uncommunicative as Uncle Herbert himself. He
merely repeated -what he had said at^the inquest. He had
lunch ; and a curiously constrained meal it was, all of us
speaking in httle self-conscious whispers, with the|[ exception
of Albert, who didn't speak at all, and Mr. Josh, who occa-
sionally shouted "Yes, thank you," or "No, thank you,"
in a loud voice.
At three o'clock Uncle Herbert's lawyer arrived, and we
were all called into the drawing-room for the|[_ reading of the
will. I asked Mr. Josh to wait for us, and he'said^he would.
It need hardh' be said that we were all in a great state''of
trepidation. I really beheve that both Albert and I would
have been relieved if it were proved that Uncle had died
bankrupt. If we did indulge in this unaccountable arriere
pensee we were quickly doomed to disappointment. The
lawyer, speaking in a dry, unimpressive voice, announced
that "as far as he could for the moment determine," Herbert
. Read had left between £65,000 and £70,000. £30,000 of
this was bequeathed to various charitable institutions in
South Africa, and the residue of the estate was to be divided
equally between his nephews and nieces. I shall never
forget the varied expressions on the faces of my brothers and
sisters when each one realised that he or she was to inherit
between four and five thousand pounds 1 We gasped and said,
nothing, though I remember Christopher, when the reading
was finished, mumbhng something to the lawyer. I think
he asked him if he'd hke a drink. I know the lawyer merely
glared at him, coughed, and said nothing.
When he had taken his departure in a frigidly ceremonious-
manner, we all seemed too numbed to become garrulous. It
was a duU day, and a fine rain was driving against the
window-panes. We sat about smoking, and looking at each
other, and occasionally whispering in strained voices. We
might have been a co'.lection of people waiting their turn on
the guillotine rather than a united family who had just
inherited a fortune. Mr. Josh had gone out for a stroll
during the reading of the will, and we were all;_ strangely
anxious to see' him. He appeared to be our^last Unk that
might bind the chain of our earthly prospects to a reasonable
stake. He returned about five o'clbck, and strolled carelessly
into the room, nodding at us in a casual manner, in the way
that one might nod at a carriage full of people on a
railway journey.
We gave him some tea, and he lighted a cheroot. And
then we each in turn made our effort to draw him out. We
started casually, then we put leading questions, and tried to
follow them up quickly. But Mr. Josh was not apparently
to be drawn. He evidently disliked us, or was bored with
us, and made no attempt to illuminate the dark shadows of
our doubts. Perhaps he rather enjoyed the game. The
room began to get dark, and we slunk back into the gloom,
and gradually subsided into silence. We sat there watching
the stranger ; the red glow of his cheroot seemed the only
vital thing.
It was Albert, as usual, wlxo broke the spell. He got up
and walked to the window, then turned and cried out :
"Well, I don't know about all you; but I know about
myself. I'm not going to touch a penny of this damned
money ! "
I was sitting quite near our visitor, and in the half-light
I saw a strange look come into his eye. It was as though
for the first time something interested him. He started,
and I said as quickly as I could :
"Why not, Albert ?"
"Because the money's not clean," he shouted into the
room.
I don't know how it was that none of the others took this
up ; but we all sat there looking at the stranger. It was as
though we waited breathlessly upon a verdict that he alone
could give. He looked round at us, and carefully flicking
the end of his cheroot, he obliged us with this epigram :
"No money is clean. It passes through too many hands."
We waited for more, but nothing came. Then Albert,
with a tempestuous movement, bore down on him.
"Look here," he said. "I don't know anything about
you ; but you knew Uncle 'Erbert for twenty-five years.
For God's sake, tell us how he made his money."
The stranger looked at him, and blew smoke between his
teeth ; then he said slowly :
"Made his money? Your uncle never made more than
two or three hundred a year ii) his life."
"Ah, I knew it !" exclaimed Albert.
Whether it was the result of my brother's forceful manner,
or whether it was the atmosphere of suspense which urged
him to it, I do not know. But certain it is that at that
point oiu- visitor sank back languidly in his chair, and spoke :
"I'll tell you what I know."
We none of us moved, but we leant forward, and watched
him as he proceeded :
"In the spring of eighteen-forty-five," he began, "twc/
young men set out from^England to seek their fortunes^^in
iS
Land & Water
March 14, 19 ^^
■Sftov was a hVrd-headed, iKird-working man of affa r.
N'ow^n this case, which do you think would be the succe..ful
.ie ' You would naturally put your money «" Ba";\o;^
\nd vou would be wrong every time ! For a year or two
thev worked together, and then Banstow was offered an
overseas 5 in I tin mine. TlTev continued to live together
but tS work separated them. Lynneker was employed
on an ostrich farm The ostrich farm was a huge success,
but the tin mine failed. That seemecl to make the begmnmg
■of their divergence. Whatever Lynneker touched succeeded ,
whatever Banstow touched failed. , ^ , . u.H ,
Lynneker was a careless, easy-going person, but he had a
nati've genius. He could control men. Men loved him . . .
Mr fori, paused, and knocked the ash of his cheroot into
1 tray Then he continued : , ,r .u • u*
"Rmstow worked like a slave. He sat up half the night
scheming and plotting. He was infallible in his calculations,
Sd then he just missed. He didn't inspire anyone.
He misjudged men, and men didn't believe in him. As the
years went on. and Lynneker became morp and more success-
ful and Banstow made no progress, the thing began to get
on'Banstow's nerves. He quarrelled with his friend, and
they became rivals. The injustice of it all infuriated Banstow.
He worked, and Lynneker lazed and dreamed, and yet he
won every time.' They went into the diamond-mining
industry, and Lynneker began amassing a great fortune in a
careless, haphazard way. And again Banstow failed. In
ten years' time Lynneker was an immensely rich man, and
Banstow was a bankrupt clerk in a labour bureau. And
then one day, in a mood of sullen resentment, he hatched a
diabolical plot against Lyiftieker. He bribed some Kaf&rs,
and tried to get Lynneker convicted of illicit diamond-
bu\'ing- By the merest fluke the plot was discovered, and
it "was Banstow who was convicted. He was sentenced to
seven years' imprisonment. He served his term m full. In
the meantime Lynneker became a bigger and bigger man m
Africa. He lived in Johannesburg, and owned great blocks
of offices. But he always remained a dreamer. Sometimes
he would ride out at night into the karoo. They sa>' he
dreamed of a United Africa. I don't know. He certainly
wrote poetry in the intervals of amassing money. Two
weeks after Banstow was released from prison, Lynneker's
body was found out in the karoo, with a bullet through his
heart. He had ridden out alone one night, and as he hadn't
returned they sent out a search-party, and found him the
next day. Banstow was suspected, but apparently he had"
escaped. Nothing more was seen of him."
The stranger paused, and then languidly hghted another
cheroot. The interval seemed so indefinite that at last
.Albert said :
"Where does Uncle Herbert come in ?"
"Your Uncle Herbert was a cipher," replied our visitor.
He was merely one of the people who came under the
influence of Lynneker. As a matter of fact, I believe he was
one of the worst cases. He worshipped Lynneker. Lynneker
was the obsession of his life. He acted as secretary for
him for his' vast charitable concerns. And when Lynneker
was found dead, he nearly went off his head. He howled
like a terrier who has lost his master."
JHe glanced round at us, and in the dim light I thought
I- detected a sneer of contempt.
" Lynneker died a millionaire." he proceeded, " and among
other legacies he left your uncle certain blocks of mining
■ shares which were probably worth about forty or fifty
thousand pounds. That's how he made his money."
There was a gasp of relief round the room, and Albert
wiped his brow.
" Then the money was straight enough, after all !"
he said huskily.
The chilling voice of the stranger came through the darkness:
" As straight as any money can be."
Richard stood up and moved to the mantelpiece.
" Why the hell couldn't he tell us about this before, then ?
Why was he so secret ?"
" Herbert Read had no nerves. The thing broke him up.
Banstow had also been a friend of his at one time, and he
was convinced that Banstow had killed his master. He had
periods of -melancholia. The doctors told him that unless he
went away for a change, and tried to get it out of his head,
he would be in an asylum in a few months. And so I suppose
he came over here. But his heart was affected, and when
I gave him the news I did last week, the shock finished him."
We all started. i
■' That bSow was innocent. I was able to show him a
certificate from the master of The Birmingham, provmg that
on the night of the murder Banstow was a steerage passenger
on board his ship, seventy-three miles east-north-east of
the Azores Lynneker was probably shot by some vagrant
thief Certainly his watch and all his money were missing.
We all peered at the man hidden in the recesses of the easy-
chair, and Albert said : .
" How was it you had this information ^
The figure crossed its legs and the voice rephed languidly :
"I was interested. I happen to be Karl Banstow!,
\lbert groped past me on tiptoe, muttering :
■* In God's name, where is the electric light switch ?
It is a curious fact regarding these telepathic processes 1
have hinted at in this chronicle of our uncle's return, that
from the day when it was demonstrated that the money we
had inherited was to all intents and purposes clean, our own
little affairs seemed to take their cue from this consciousness.
Certain it is that since that time everything seems to have
prospered for us. (You should see Albert's shops, partic-
ularly the one on the Broadway, where he is still not too
proud to serve himself.) As for myself, as I am now in a
position to lead the indolent life of a scribe m this little
manor-house up in the Cotswolds, and as this position is due
entirely to the generosity of ITncle Herbert, it seems only
right and proper that I should begin my literary career by
recounting the story of his return.
Village Memorials
" The parish of Darrington lies in the centre of the Wapen-
take of Osgoldcross." This is the opening sentence of the
introduction to Mr. J. S. Fletcher's Memorials of a Yorkshire
Parish (John Lane, 7s. 6d. net), and it stimulates the
imagination. One inevitably wants to hear about that
picturesque locality, "the centre of the Wapentake oi
Osgoldcross," and its delightful surroundings, which are so
well illustrated by Mr. G. P. Rhodes, whose picture of
Darrington Hall we reproduce here. At the Crown Inn
of Darrington, which is on the Great North Road, forty
to sixty coaches would change horses during a day, in
the memory of old people who have died during the last
twenty years. And Darrington was the home of the
highwayman Nevinson, who went to the gallows like
Darrington Hall
a Fgentleman, and was the true hero of that famous
ride from London to York, attributed to Dick Turpin. There
were also witches at Darrington. Early in the seventeenth
century one Mary Pannell lived in a cave near by, told
fortunes, and gave "counsell and helpe" to the villagers, so
that the place grew too hot for her ; she moved to Ledsham,
where she was burned, after being tried and convicted for
witchcraft at York. ^
The very names of the families and places that abound
in this story of a Yorkshire village are almost an epic in
themselves • many of them are closely connected with the
history of the county and the realm. To Mr. Fletcher
cordial thanks are due, not only for the delightful character
of. these simple annals, but for the example he has set to
others. There ought not to be a single village in these
islands without its memorials, written in this pleasant and
straightforward manner. The story begins in Roman times,
and continues to the present day, and many glimpses are
given of the conditions of life of these Yorkshire villagers
throughout the centuries.
March 14, 19 18
Land & Water
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Land & Water
March 14, 191 8
House and Home : By Charles Marriott
IT woulJ be an amusing and a not uiiprotitablc exercise
to try to recreate the liouscs of different ages from
. .mtemi-iorarv pictures. Not necessarily from pictures
ui l)ou<es, or parts of houses, but from any sort of
pictures, on the general principle of suitability in
form and character to a particular sort of domestic interior.
The earlier pictures would not afford much evidence because
they were mostly painted for churches ; or, if not for churches,
for'pfdaces; but from the seventeenth century onwards
there would be plenty to help the imagination. Probably,
too, it would be found that in the good pictures, the relation-
ship to the house would be rather carefully considered. It
was not for some time after the advent of the easel or framed
picture, as distinct from the wall-painting, that artists lost
sight of the close connection between painting and archi-
tecture, and when and in proportion as they did lose sight
of it, both arts undoubtedly suffered.
To come to close quarters with the subject, there could be
no more damaging criticism of the Royal Academy than the
comparative lack in its exhibitions of any recognised connec-
tion between pictures and household economy. Most of the
pictures are obviouslj^
painted for the
Academy, and among
the rest there are
very few that seem to
anticipate any dis-
position more con-
sidered than that of
the gamekeeper's lar-
der. But honour where
honour is due; and it
was at the Academy
that one of the earliest
modern attempts to
indicate the place of
pictures in the house
was made. Visitors to
the summer exhibition
of 191 1 were startled
to see two small paint-
ings— one of a ring of
dancing girls, and the
other of a village green
at dusk — entirely dif-
ferent in character
from the pictures about
them. They had the
disconcerting effect
of simple remeu^ks in
the middle of elaborate
and confused conversation about the servants or the neigh-
bours. Instead of aiming at abolishing a section of wall
by creating the optical illusion of trees and things, they
really seemed to welcome the wall as a partner in their
contribution to the refreshment of life. As if to mark the
difference, each was called "living-room picture," without
any other title ; and se far as I can make out, nobody who
saw them has ever forgotten them. They were painted
by an artist, fairly well known, whose work until then had
been in the nature of additions to the expensive muddle
that used to be called art in the home. Having painted
them, he died, as if his message had been delivered. It
would seem that, nearing his end, with the sudden illu-
mination that approaching death often brings, he had
.liscovered that pictures are meant to be lived with, to be
part of the organi.sed beauty of the house ; and hastened
to paint accordhigly.
Not necessarily as a result of this pioneer effort, and seldom
under the same title, from that time onwtu-d the living-room
picture in fact has become quite common in our exhibitions.
At anv of the more modern shows, .such as those of the New
i:nglish Art Club or the London Group, there will be a reason-
able number of pictures that look as if they were designed
ior a definite place on the wall of a room not only occupied,
Init used by intelligent people of the present day^ Observing
tlie distinction between the wall-painting and ,the easel or
named picture that is made necessary by the small interiors
md shifting conditions of modern life, they do, nevertheless,
lake tht; wall into their confidence. They assume that their
mnction is to decorate the wall, and not "apparently to make
.1 hole in it ; that pictures are part of the house.
It is when you examine tln^ rli,ir;M ri>i-;«t;r^ ,,f f]ie Hving-
The Sports Coat : By Walter Bayes
room piciuu; that the matter becomes really interesting;
and for that purpose we may tvirn to the pictures of i\Ir.
Walter Bayes, on exhibition at the Leicester Galleries;'
one of which is reproduced here. Obviously, subject has
nothing to do with it, for Mr. Bayes has painted several
subjects of widelv different character. It is a matter of
treatment; and if "you study the treatment you will see that
it is, so to speak, half-wav between the freedom of nature
and the formality that would be adopted if the subject were
to be carried out in stained glass or coloured wool, or any
other obvious "material." So far as the attitude to nature
is concerned, we might say that instead of paint being used
in the service of nature, nature is used in the service of paint.
There is no arbitrary alteration of the shapes and colours of
nature, but thev are, so to speak, domesticated in paint,
with such modifications as are suggested if not compelled by
its characteristic employment.
What it amounts to, briefly, is the recognition of paint ;
and the moment paint is acknowledged, you are on the way
to the rehabilitation of the house and of all the materials
that enter into its composition. The importance of this can
hardly be over-estimat-
ed, for the very real
evil that young rebels
of the 'nineties de-
nounced as " stuffy
domesticity" was not
a little due to the
degradation of the
house. Instead of
being regarded as a
living organism, active
in every function, the
house had declined to
a mere " section of in-
finite space," to quote
Carlyle, which must
be heavily upholstered
before it could serve
the purposes of the
home. The transfor-
mation of the house to
the home, in fact, in-
volved the fraudulent
concealment of the
house.
There is no height
that art cannot reach
through and by the
characteristic use of
paint, and there is
no dignity or refinement of domesticity that needs the
neglect or concealment of the house. I do not wish to be
transcendental, but the saying about the foxes having holes,
and the birds of the air nests, is too good an illustration to
be ignored. The right alternatives are either to renounce
domesticity and have nowhere to lay one's head, or to
accept the house frankly and use it worthily as a means to
that condition. To pursue the same train of thought, the
body may be scorned ih favour of the soul ; but if the body
be accepted at aH, its needs are better considered frankly
than huddled away out of siglit to be indulged in a stealthy
and disorderly manner. Neither art nor domesticity caii
really flourish in a house of which they seem to be ashamed.
All this is implied in the existence and the name of living-
room pictures ; hence their importance. They mean that
their place and purpose have been considered ; that the
house itself, and not merely the taste of its occupants, is
regarded as worthy of them. The result in time should be
a levelling up of the house in all its details of structure and
function, so that, by accepting the house as part of the
scheme of art, good painting may encourage good architec-
ture. This cannot be if the picture seems to disclaim any
interest in the house, 'as so many pictures do. A picture that
you have to "get up to look at" is not reallv a part of the
house, or part of the life of the house. It is evident that the
pictures of :\Ir. Bayes do not need getting up to look at ;
whether they happen to be forcible or delicate in scheme,
tlieir clearness and simplicity will make them carry from
their place on the wall. Their relation to the rest of the
house, even to its foundations, is rightly that of blossoms
which, though finer in texture, are closely and organically
related to tlie rest of the plant— root, stem, and leaves.
March
2 I
1918
Supplement to Land Sc Water
VII
Two Watches of Quality
The **Land & Water"
Wrist-watch.
The *' Land * Water " Wrist-watch is dust
and damp proof. Tlie movement i« fully
jewelled and lilted with Micrometer R«gu-
tatoftoffive fine adjiistment, by means of
which it can be regulated never to lose of
gain more than < seconds j-er day. Each
watch is adjusted and compensated for all
positions and temii^ratures, and is j^uaran-
leed to stand M the shocks, jars, and
strains to which a wrist watch is subjected^
under the severest conditions. By far the
bes* watch for men in the Naral, Military,
or Kir Services.
"Land & Water*' Wri»t-w«tch,
The "Q" Pocket Alarm
Watch.
A perfect limekoejwr— it is guarant-sed for two
years— the 'Q* Pocket Alarm Watch assures
punctuality in k*e[)ing appointments. The
Alanii may be set to within a minute of the
desired time, and its note is soft and mellow. y«t
insistent :*nd unmistakable. liven if surroonned
by noise its xibrations compel one's attention.
At niKht-time the back of the case opens, so that
the watch may be stood at the bedside leady tu
awaken one m the morning. Fully lurainou^
hands and figures, it it in everj' way a perfect
watch.
.„ soUd silver case, with unbreak-
able glass, and fuUy luminous dial,
£5 0 0
fyRlTE FOR ILtmTRATED CATALOGUE,
Oxidized - £5 5«. Silver - £8 6r
(Black Dial. 5/- extra).
BIRCH & GAyDON.LTii
Techiiicil and Scicntilic lastriineai Makers lo (be Admirally,
(Dept. 4), 153 Fenchuroh Street, London, E.G. 3.
W..tEr.<lBr.i.cK,I9Kcc^iny Axed. S.W.I (Ut. JoKi. Bm-im)
Dri-ped makes the Difference
Tho man witli wet feet is either a pessimist or a hero ;
but the ordinary man who wears Dri-ped may always be optimistic. for
Dri-ped, the Super-Leather for Soles, is absolutely water-
proof; and the hiiher leather mounts in price, the more
Dri-ped's DOUBLE WEAR saves you.
War noods restrict Dri-ped supplies /or Mvilian wear, though a limited quantity
IS available. Soldiers and sailors can always obtain Dri-pvd from Repairers
possessing Governmcut permits. ~ ti> ■• ^ / . ■ , .
* -^^ Wnto lor free booklet.
Sec this trade mark
•Q purjjio every few
inches on each sole
Without it the leather
is a substitute.
Inquiries to Dri'ped Advt.
t}«(jt,, County Buildings,
Cannon St., Manchester.
\
St'/tf Mantt/acturers :
Wm. Walker & Sons,
Ltd., Uolton, Lanes.
The Super-Leather for Soles.
r™ stVdington
British-
Warm
This is now the Standard
Overcoat for Officers'
wear, and provides the
maximum of warmth
without weight, and
can be worn on all
occasions.
MADE TO ORDER
OR
READY FOR SERVICE.
Without fleece lining from
£5:5:0
With fleece lining from
£6 :6 :0
Supplied mith or without Belt.
Obtainable only from
Wt ' ■ L/MtTEl
MILITARY TAILORS
5I.CONDUIT STREET. BOND STREET W
67-69. CHAMCERY LANE. LONDON. WC
Y
I
i^-<^'-<'"<;
?-»»a
THE SUPREME
SUNBEAM
Allhough many makes of cars are in use on the
various batlle fronts, ii lias been left to the
Sunbeam lo demonstrate the utmost value of quality.
This is not surprising when one remembers
the extent of our experience in building cart and
SUNBEAM- COAXAL EN
AIRCRAFT ENGINES
Such experience will be further utilised in our
peace-time productions, and for that reason Sunbeam
supremacy will be of greater consequence than ever.
Priority of delivery of the po«t-
war Sunbeam will be secured by the
receipt of your inquiry now.
The SUNBEAM MOTOR CAR Co., Ltd.,
WOLVERHAMPTON.
M»nche«ler Showroom! " 106 Dtansjale.
London and Dulricl Agent! lot C.rt :
J. Keek. Ltd., 72 New Bond St.. W. 1 .
VIM
Supplement to Land & Water
March
21, I 918
WHITELEYS
PERIOD FURNITURE
The " Queen Anne
Dining Room Suite
THE "QUEEN ANNE" DINING-ROOM SUITE.
Important large sire Mahogany Sideboard, well constructed
and highly finished, 6 ft. long, large bevelled oval mirror in
back, coi^modions dravers and cupboards, cellarette, etc.
£39:10:0
Dining-Room Chairs, loose seats, upholstered in Rexine, small Chairs, 63/- each ; Armchair, 82/6
If you so desire you may
FURNISH
OUT OF
I NC O M E
AT
WHITELEYS
Goods are supplied at
ACTUAL CASH PRICES.
Deposit— one-tenth of the total
value. Interest at 2i% per ann.
only is added to the balance.
Instalments are spread over 1,
2, or 3 years, according to the
value of the goods selected.
THIS IS AN EXAMPLE OF
WHITELEYS EASY PAYMENT
TERMS:
GoodsatCash Prices £100 : 0:0
Deposit— one-tenth
of total value ...
Balance
Add Interest at 2^ %
for 2 years
24 monthly payments
of £3 18 9 . £94:10
10: 0:0
90: 0:0
4 : 10 : 0
MARSHALL!
NOTE.~Th,s EstablUlnn^nt u.ll SNELGROVE-
be closed on Saturdavs
until further notice.
VIKKSIRt:^! ■\N[).ox|(»Bl>-STKIPT
LONDON W
March 21, 1 9 1 8 Supplement to Land & Water
IX
LEATHER PUTTEES,
These most comfortable, good-
looking puttees are made en-
tirely of fine supple tan leather,
and fasteft simply with one
buckle at bottom. They are
extremely durable, even if sub-
jected to the friction of riding, as
the edges never tear or fray out.
The puttees are quickly put on or taken
off, readily mould to the shape of the leg,
are as easily cleaned as a leather belt, and
saddle soap soon makes them practically
waterproof.
The price per pair is 18 6, post free
inland, or postage abroad 1/- extra, or
sent on approval on receipt of business
(not banker's) reference and home
address. Please give size ol calf.
OFFICERS'
RIDING BREECHES,
A good name among sportsmen for nearly a century
is a sure measure of our ability in breeches-making,
to which gratifying testimony is now also given by
the many recommendations from officers.
For inspection, and to enable us to meet immediate requirements, we
keep on hand a number of pairs of breeches, or we can cut and try a
pair on the same day, and complete the next day, if urgently wanted.
Patterns and Form for self-measurement at request.
GRANT AND GOCKBURN
25 PICCADILLY, W.l. "
Military and Civil Tailors, Legging Makers.
lESTD. 1821
Military Scales
mm
e4
4*iM lli.i.;. L,.^^ i. q-q.
TRANSPARENT RANGE SCALES with angle piece for
gun position. Scale made to dovetail. 14.000 yds. at
1/20000, 7.000 yds. at i/toooo, in ca.=e - - SI 15 0
SEMI CIRCULAR PRO-
TRACTOR with range arm,
7,000 yd.s. at l/ioooo or
14,000 yd.s. at 1/20000.
£1 2 6 in case.
Sin. TRANSPARENT PRO-
TRACTOR, with cut-out
grids and range scale,
l/ioooo, 1/20000, 1/40000,
7/6
TRANSPARENT
CO-ORDINATED.
1/3
iv^nj
THE '• ETON " RANGE SCALE AND ARC, pencU holes
at every 500 yds. for drawing arcs.
8,000yds. at 1/20000 10/6. 10,500 yds. at i,'20ooo £1 5 0
«).ooo yds, at i/ioooo SI 5 0
J. H. STEWARD t
TD MILITARY 406 Strand
INSTRUMENT '"" 'f' """
M A K H R s 457 Strand
London
Floating
Flower Bowls.
Wedgwood Solid Black Basalt Ware
Originated in the year I 776. by Josiah Wedgwood,
throws forward the bea tiful natural cohours of
Its dullness
the flowers.
\€
Bullcrfliei painled in ibeir
BBlural colour!, filed on
ihe bowl wilh plallictnc.
4/6 t«ch.
Model o( Orintd Pa(«l>, in buutilul
colours cirried out in Slafordahire Porcelain,
very eBeclive placed in the centre of the
flower bowL
7il. high. IO/6 each.
Toadt. by Worceiter. in
red, green, or natural
colours.
S/6 each.
C'^een Glast Hanging
Frogs. 2/- each.
ALABASTER GLASS.
An original and ncluHve form, made in
three beautiful colouri, rose, sreco, and blue.
Diameter 10 in.. 25/-: )2 in.. 32/6; 14 m.,
42/- (Blackwood Standi extra. 6/6. 10/6.
14/6 each J
Floatins Rower Bowli. in Alabaiter Clas«. ai
above, but in the plain bowl shape as uiual.
10 in. 22/6; 12 In. 27/6; 14 in. 35/-
Blackwood Stand* to fit, 10/6. 12/6. 14/6
Alabatter Gtait oiiginated from a »lone known
ai alabaster. By a tecent ditcovery, it has been
made poa^tblc to blend ihii lemropaque ala-
baster sJass with • variety ol toft co'ouri, pro~
d'jciog a most brauliful effect, which it not
only pleating to the eye, but quite unique in
characlei.
Wedswood Solid Black Basalt Ware, lo an original and exclutive form. Floating
Flower Bowl. 16 in. diameter. Clataical Figure of "Cupid" or "Psyche" asdcilred.
on Polished Blackwood Stand Complete at illuitration, £4 15 0
The Bowls only, shape at above. Diameter |!l in., 14/6; 14 in . Zl-; 16 iD..30/-
Carved Blackwood Standi extra 12/6.14/6.18/6
All I he de'iigni exclusive 'y controlled by
SOANE ^ SMITH, Ltd.
" "TT/ic Speciolitf House of Originaliliei.
462 OXFORD STREET, LONDON, W.
Telejinone^ »'ail<lthiito5 .'j u. Tck-grams : " Eartbenwesdo, 1-ondon,''
(Orders over £1 Carriage Paid in England. Scotland, and Walci.)
Economy in
Floral Decorations.
Clatiical Figure of " Piyche." in Wedgwood
Black Basalt, or ' Cupid,'* as sh(.wn in tha
bowl, Si in. high.
45/- each.
OLD PUCE COLOUR GLASS.
>■;
A. new and exclusive form.
Diameter 12 in.. 22/6: 14 in.. 27/6;
16 in.. 35/-
Carved Blackwood Stands extra, 8/6, 8/6.
10/6.
Painted Blue Bhd by Wedgwood. 5/6 extra.
In progress.
Floating Flower Bowli, in Old Puce Colour
Glasi. as above, but in the plain bowl shape.
wilh the old welled rim, which it very
effective
Diameter lO in., 14/6; 12 in., 21/-;
14 in.. 25/-
Catved Blackwood Standi extra, 10/6. l2/6,
14/6
After continuous experiment*, this colour is
now absolutely perfect, and produces a most
beautiful effect.
Supplement to Land & Water March 2i, 191^
— When Germany so
rudely interrupted in
1914 ,
the Austin car had attained an immense popu-
larity. The Austin " 20-" was rc-cognised to Iw
an achievement of the highest automobile en-
gineering skill. The majestic conquest of tUe
Alps by a 2(1 li.p. model adilcd laurels to this
car. Avh'ich had already a wonderful record to it.s
credit. The Austin " 2<J " was bidding fair to be
the most iwpular car of its class on British
roads when Germany so rudely interrupted.
' Cut this iwpularity is " to
be continued in our next "
— our next il) h p. model
which will be i)laced on t he
market at the cl-ise ol
hostilities. and which
will be even a liner and
more cilrcicnt example of
car design an<l construc-
tion than its predecessors.
.\n echo of Austin pre-war popularity is reflected
in the number of inquiries and applications we
have had lor early delhery of our new after-war
model. May we not add your name to the List ?
The AUSTIN MOTOR CO., Ltd.,
479 483 Oxford Street, LONDON, W. 1
Trlepl.one
TcrJciratns
Head Office and Works
Mayfar 6230
' Austinette. We»do, London."
Northficld. Birmingham.
MANCHESTER. NORWICH, and PARIS.
B.S.A. on ^e^v Service
P
Is your Thresher
* Melcam ' interlined ?
Fj^VEN the THRESHER- the
J admitted best of all campaign
coats — may wear out, after years
of active service. It is well to re-
member, therefore, that the
Thresher of to-day surpasses the
original Thresher as far as that
surpassed its many imitators. It's
the new interlinio;; that makes the
difference the all-and-always
pliant 'Melcam' that cannot
crackle and that water can't be
even force-pumped through.
'Thresher' Trench Coal, f 4. 1 4 fi
Detachable' 'KamelcoU' £ I 11 A
Cavalry type, witli kiu-e M:ip^ ant! s-icUllc
Kussct, lS/6 extra.
l,.'i<)0 rnoriT 'Ihrf-^hcr^ lUif liwiit of
our present stork oi material anfi
coats) will be sold at these original
prices. After this a considerable rise
in price is inevitable, curing to the
heavy increases we are paying tor
all materials. Buy your Thresher
bejoru thi? rise.
TJ^E
ALL S:Zi;S LN SIOCK.
Senci size of chesi iiitd Jipproximale lu-ight,
and to avoid dnlay ^^iclosa cheque oj trade
reference witli order.
Over 21,000 Officers wear
flHII^iilHIll^
A smAll C'ldrr gl»in^' prices of N ivjI, Mi.ilary a' d
Koyal Air l-~orce I'nifonnsotiapplicatioii. (Fol'ler.il
THRESHER&GLENNY
(Esiabli-htd 1735'.
1S2 & IS3 STRAND, LONDON. W.C.2
By AppMnttfuiii
InH.M.ThcKlii::
WHEN the utmost urgency is needed B.S.A. reliability
never falters ; it relieves the rider from anxiety, and
minimises the possibility of a dangerous delay. The above
illustration shows B.S.A. Motor Bicycles in German East
Africa, where these famous machines gave every satisfaction.
Catalogue Free.
THE
BIRMINGHAM SMALL ARMS COMPANY, LTD.,
BIRMINGHAM.
Tot Solo e- SidccM^
No. 6.
SOFT AS A SLIPPER
THE "FORTMASON"
MARCHING
BOOT
The most perfect and
durable marching boot
in the world for hard
grinding wear. Built
on scientific principles
— minimum weight,
maximum strengtli
50/-
" ' Sizes 9 J tniii, 5/. extra.
Size 12 - - 7/6 extra.
To measure - 10/- extra.
The durability, softness and flexibility of
the Fortmason leather has stood the test
of the trenches in France and the dust
and heat of .\frica and Mesopotamia.
FORTNUM & MASON, ltd
182 Piccadilly, London, W. 1.
depot for "DEXTER" TRENCH COATS,
\
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXX. No. 2915. [.^I^k] THURSDAY, march 21, 1918 [r<^?v?rP=.^P#l] ^^Fc'^^^Jf^ETE^^^I
The Mosque of Omar, Jerusalem
official Photo
On entering the Holy City, General Allenby placed a guard over all sacred buildings, without respect
to creed or race. This picture shows the changing of the guard of Mohammedan soldiers of our
Indian Army — on this day Vaughan's Rifles, Punjab Frontier Force, relieved 123rd Outram Rifles.
Land &: Water March 21, 19 18
Two Historical Ceremonies
Memorial Service for the late Sir Stanley Maude at the Citadel, Bagdad
OgLiat Photo
General Allenbv leaving the Church of the Nativitv at Bethlehem
March 21, i 9 i 8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN lizS.
THURSDAY, MARCH 21, 1918.
Contents
PAGE
I
2
3
The Mosque of Omar, Jerusalem. (Photograph)
Two Historical Ceremonies. (Photographs)
The Outlook
Raiding the Rhine Cities. By H. Belloc 5
Convoys and Submarines. By H. Whitaker _ H
The Robber Barons. (Cartoon). By Raemaekers lO and^ii
Russia's True Voice. By C. Hagberg Wright 12
The Allies. Bv " Centurion " 13
Hit. By S. K". Vesey 15
America and the Far East. By J. D. Whelpley 16
French Art in Russia. By G. C. Williamson 17
Shockers. By J. C. Squire 20
The Story of "Northumberland. By H. R. S. 22
Domestic Economy 26
Notes on Kit ' xii
JOHN RATHOM'S REVELATIONS
Our readers will rennember that at the request of the
American Authorities we were obliged to discontinue
the series of articles describing the work of the German
spy system in America written by Mr. John Rathom,
Editor of the Providence Jowrwa/. We are now pleased
to announce that we have made arrangements to
publish in Land & Water a series of articles by Mr.
French Strother, Managing Editor of the World's Work,
New York, which will amplify and substantiate the
charges of intrigue and treachery which Mr. Rathom
brought against the German Government. These
articles are to be published by courtesy of the Bureau
of Investigation of the American Department of Justice,
which discovered Von Papen's connection with the
passport frauds, etc. Mr. Strother has been able to
verify the statements and documents contained in these
articles. The first article will appear in the next issue
oi Land& Water, March 28th, entitled:
THE AMERICAN REVELATIONS
The Outlook
THERE has been a recrudescence this week of
the rumours that Germany is again asking for
peace. These rumours seem to have a good deal
of substance and they are certainly credited
in quarters where something more than mere gossip
is registered. The terms, also, which are suggested as being
mentioned, have more reality about them than those which
were passed about some weeks ago, and, generally, it may
be judged that some special effort is being made. It would
seem to be directed towards the American Government and
to run upon the familiar lines of a considerable concession
in the West on condition of a free hand in the East.
What "a free hand in the East" would mean is by this
time familiar enough to the educated public in this country.
It would mean the recruitment of anything from 50 to 70
per cent, extra military forces for the Central Empires, their
economic exploitation of the Slav and their tutelage and
restoration of the Turkish Empire. It is equivalent to the
future easy mastery of Europe.
mm*
The effect of such a settlement upon the constitution
of the British Empire is more evident than any other of
the many propositions raised by the war in its present phase.
It;, would necessarily mean the loss of security in our com-
munications with India, for it would mean the loss almost
immediately of the isthmus of Suez. The settlement of
a frontier covering this point would be a mere paper settlement
if the control of the Bosphorus and the new railways termina-
ting there were to pass into the hands of Central Europe
under Prussian guidance.
Meanwhile, the alternative land route to the East could
be developed upon a purely German model and for German
ends. Such would be the efiect upon the Indian Dominion
of Great Britain and the n^ad to it, but it would mean much
more than that. It would mean the complete control of
the Baltic and of the Black Sea, and therefore the complete
control of the Russian market and the power to canalise
its export of oil and of wheat. The long possession of the
Bosphorus by a weak Power and the holding of the Sound
by two of the lesser European nations has made men forget
the meaning of a strong empire possessed of both those
gates. They would soon learn it if that empire were left
in possession of them. That they shall not be left in possession
has become one of the main objects of the war and for this
country an absolutely vital object.
Besides the Black Sea and the Baltic, and in a sense more
important than either, is the question of the Adriatic.
Whoever controls the Eastern littoral of that sea controls
the whole of it. That is the lesson of the last two years
which ought to have been apparent from the map even before
the war was opened. It is hardly an exaggeration to say
that the whole of the Dalmatian coast is one vast, deep,
land-locked and protected harbour. If Trieste is the "spear
point " of the Germans, Dalmatia is still more their guarantee
of power in the Mediterranean, and we may be certain that
any terms suggested for the West will not include a
compromise upon this essential littoral. It will be won or
lost by the fortime of the war. So far that fortune has here,
even more than elsewhere, and especially recently, strongly
favoured our enemies.
No matter what concessions remain in the West, if the
Central Powers retain their present position in the Balkans
and therefore upon the Dalmatian coast they own the Adriatic,
and through the Adriatic and the Bosphorus they are the
masters of the Eastern Mediterranean. Europe has something
to say to that quite apart from our own interests in the matter,
and for the future of Italy in particular the nature of the
settlement is all-important. But our own interests alone
are sufficient to define our position too clearly for any hope
of compromise.
* 41 «
The occupation of Odessa by the enemy — an immediate
and necessary consequence of the Rumanian peace — does
more than convert the Black Sea into a German lake. It
also puts a part of the Russian Fleet into German hands
and promises the complete control of that Fleet in the near
future. When the ice melts in the Baltic we shall have
the enemy reinforced upon the north and upon the south
with nearly every unit of the Russian Navy, subject only
to such destruction as calculated measures (or more likely
neglect) may have worked.
One of the effects of the position in the Black Sea will be
that the handing over of Georgia to Turkish garrisons can
be fully supported by the Central Powers, and further, that
the greater part of the oil supply of the Old World is now
in the enemy's hands. Whether the granary of Southern
Russia is in a condition to supply wheat this year to the enemy
in any sufficient quantity, and, if it is, whether the condition
of communications will permit of any great transports, may
be doubted, but the position for next year is secure.
Here, therefore, as in every other point upon the board,
the issue of the struggle in the West is decisive. If a victory
under arms in the West is denied us the enemy has won the
war, and our immediate future will be a preparation for
the next sttuggle under conditions far less favourable.
The action of the Germans in arresting British and
American subjects upon Finnish territory is not only character-
istic and for that matter inevitable, but is also an excellent
index of the relations now established through their recent
victories between the Hoheneollems and the new
"autonomous" nations they have set up. There is no
intention of annexing Finland even informally, Finland
is created as a completely independent Republic. But enemy
subjects are seized upon the territory of Finland exactly
as though that territory were Brandenburg or Hanover.
The incident is also an index of the confidence the German
Government now feels in its position. It is a challenge at
once to the Scandinavian group of nations, to the new Finland,
and to the Allies, and it is a challenge given in the confident
expectation that no results can follow from it adverse to
German interest. The calculation is just, for there are only
two possible issues to the present situation : Either the
Allies will achieve such military success as will enable them
to exact full reparation, not only for this but for countless
other enormities, or they will accept a German peace, ia
which case all that Germany has done will go unpuni^ed.
Land & Water
March 21, 1 9 1 0
Somewhai t- much has been made of a by-election
decided tliis week in a suburb of Berlin where the working-
class vote predominates. This vote was cast for the official
or Majority Socialist with an enormous lead over his Minority
opponent. No one with the least knowledge of German
conditions at this moment could have doubted the issue.
Even those who voted against tlic official candidate were,
for the most part, in favour of the full German view of what
peace can be enforced upon the Allies, for their protest is
rather academic than real and, in so far as it is real, concerns
domestic conditions much more tlian it does foreign policy.
Even so, the voting was taken without the presence of the
mobilised men. whose votes would only have gone to swell
the majority still more.
Tlie truth is that since Caporetto and the victorious carving
up of Russia, the whole German mind takes victory, and a
ver>' early victory, for granted— with the exception of the
few directing soldiers who can judge the gravity and d*ubt
of the military problem in the West. It is with such a
confident mood that we have to deal, in spite of the very
severe strain upon the civilian population, and that mood is
rendered the more confident by evtry misunderstanding of it
into which w'ell-meaning men fall over here. A great mass of
Germany not only thinks that it will win, but thinks that it
has won, and those who would parley with it confirm that
judgment.
* « *
Prince Lichnowsky's private memorandum of the diplo-
matic events which led up to the war is a document of out-
standing importance. It has been published in th.e Swedish
Socialist journal Politiken, and is undoubtedly authentic.
It proves beyond all question that whatever may have been
the faults or weakness of the British Foreign Office, Sir
Edward Grey did work most honestly and sincerely for the
peace of Europe. He found himself in much the same
position as a host who is warned that one of his honoured
guests is cheating at cards, but has no definite proof of it.
How ought he to act ? Viscount Grey's reputation may
be left to posterity. The late German Ambassador has made
it clear for all time that Britain strove strenuously not only
in the feverish July days of 1914, but for at lea?t two years
before, in order to avert the war which Germany was deter-
mined to force on Europe, strong in the belief" that world-
dominion was at last within her grasp. A perusal of this
memorandum can have only one effect upon the Allies —
sterner resolution that the military defeat of Germany must
be definite and complete if Europe is to have a settled peace.
* * *
The opening debate on the second reading of the Education
Bill promises well for the future of the measure. Mr. Fisher
has paid, perhaps, in his revision rather high a price for the
support of the local education authorities ; but that support
may make the difference between success and failure. The
really crucial question at issue is the question of abolishing
half-time before 14 and continuing education after that age.
Sir Mark Sykes made a new point when he argued that the
male population born between 1878 and 1900 would be
"practically shattered" by the war, and that consequently
in twenty years' time there would be far fewer men between
40 and 60, so special responsibilities would be thrown upon
the children of this and succeeding generations.
Mr. Fisher addressed himself directly to the capital diffi-
culty—the case of the cotton industry. He reminded the
House that this industry, erected originally on a basis of
workhouse labour, had never entirely recovered from its
unfortunate start, and he contrasted"^ with the difficulties
urged against the Bill the prospect that confronted the
nation if it refused to set its house in order. In point of
fact, the opposition did not come from Lancashire, for the
three Lancashire members who spoke in the debate all
welcomed the Bill. Discussion is still proceeding in the
textile districts, but it is quite clear that neither employers
nor workpeople are going to offer a united and uncom-
promising resistance to the Bill.
* * *
For the first time. Mr. Fi.sher gave the House an estimate
of the cost. Raising the school age will imply a million •
contmuation education something under nine millions'
thus the total cost of the Bill will be less than two days of
the cost of the war. A nation that can regard such expendi-
ture as a serious burden in the crisis in which we find our-
selves would not be worthy to govern a hamlet
An arnusing story is told of a meeting of a club of econo-
niists who assembled not long ago for the first time since
the outbreak of war. The previous meeting had been held
in the summer of 1914. Wlien the minutes were read it
appeared that the subject for the deliberation of the club
on that occasion had been a paper read by a distinguished
economist under the title, " Is it possible for any nation to
sustain the burden of our heavy expenditure ? " The war
had made the question look a little foolish in the interval.
It has certainly made it seem outrageous that anybody
should demur to adding ten millions to our expenditure
on education. The true criticism of the Bill is not that it
asks too much, but that it asks too little, for education.
* * 4c
The Central Board of Finance of the Church of England is
distributing a circular letter, signed by the Archbishops of
Canterbury and York, appealing to members of the Church
to subscribe liberally to a new Central Fund, which is to be
created to meet many urgent needs. Surely it would be
wiser before new revenues and endowments were created, if
the existing ones were placed on a sounder and more business
basis ? .'\n organised attempt, we believe, has never been
made to face this difficulty. Vested interests are so power-
ful, prejudice and bigotry so strong, that in the past it might
well have been declared impossible. But we have learned
in these years no reform is impossible, if it be carried
out with energy, courage, and determination. There is
no real reason, heavy though the task would be, why, under
.skilful organisation, a chartered accountants' statement
could not be prepared of the total revenues of the Church of
England, and a plan devised for their legislative readjust-
ment in accordance with the needs of the age. If disendow-
ment is to come, the Church of England could at least assert
that it had endeavoured to employ the money at its disposal
to the best purpose. It cannot say that to-day.
* * *
Only the other day the Bishop of London publicly declared
that the total of his private means was £100, which he had
earned by writing a book. Yet the emoluments of Fulham
Palace are £10,000 a year, almost as much — not quite — as
the fees of an Attorney-General. But merely because this
big sum represent^ ^hese emoluments and the needs of the
diocese are urgent, beyond the bare cost of living the
Bishop does not feel justified in touching a penny. But if
the work of the Church requires this readjustment, the duty
of effecting it should not be left to the individual ; it is most
unfair on him ; the adjustment should be made by the Church
in its corporate capacity. We have only referred to the
See of London as an illustration of our meaning and because
the facts are well known, but this inequity of stipends exists
in some form or other in every diocese ; it is one of the -worst
weaknesses of the Church, of England, and a scandal which
its lay members find most difficult to refute.
* * *
The Ministry of Reconstruction, though almost, if not
quite, the youngest of our new Departments, has got well
into harness. Apart from, "finding" themselves, they had
set up as early as December last eighty-seven separate
committees of inquiry into as many phases of national
activity, and this number is still being added to. Some of
them have already presented their reports, while others have
issued interim reports ; there is thus rapidly accumulating
such a mass of literature representing the considered opinion
of the members of these committees as will soon overwhelm
not only the various departments of Government concerned,
but those members of the public who endeavour to keep
themselves informed on matters of national welfare. Though
particular individuals seem to be put on to too many
committees and here and there one is overweighted by
departmental officials, which tends to too much theorising
and to abstract conclusions.
* * *
But the Minister of Reconstruction is not the only parent
of committees, A White Paper gives a fist of 267 commis-
sions, committees, or special branches of departments, "set
up to deal with public questions arising out of the war,"
34 of which had ceased to exist when the paper was pub-
lished, and a few of which are also included among the
87 children of the Minister of Reconstruction. Some of
these 267 commissions are also issuing reports, and it may be
assumed that all of them are intended to have some influence
on reconstruction when it actually begins.
Now, even if the general public were not too much engaged
to follow all this Hterature it is quite certain that they could
not digest it, and there is a very grave danger that much
future legislation will be based upon these reports which
may or may not be to the public advantage. A report
presented by a Committee, mainly composed of Government
officials, for instance, may be a 'masterly piece of abstract
work, cleverly constructed, and full of excellent theoretical
arguments ; but when translated into an Act of Parliament
it may easily become irritating^and inequitable.
March 21, ig i 8
J^and <x w ater
Raiding the Rhine Cities: By H. Belloc
THE new factor in the fighting season that is
opening is the use of the air against civilians.
The enemy some time ago deliberately created
a change for the worse in warfare between
European nations. That change consists , in a
repeated attack upon points far behind the siege lines of the
West and including the bombardment of the civilian popu-
lation in what are called (though the definition hardly
applies to-day) by the old-fashioned term of " open towns."
We shall do well at the opening of this season to consider
the respective advantages and disadvantages in this respect
of the two parties which are, in the West of Europe, deciding
the fate of the world : for there — not in Russia — lies the
issue between our victory or the enemy's successful resistance
and his imposition on us of his peace.
First, let us grasp the history of the thing.
Prussia inaugurated in 1870 a new principle in European
warfare. It was a principle in line with others which she
had created or expanded in previous wars. It was one which
her rivals fiercely denounced, hoped to be ephemeral, and did
not themselves copy. This principle was the principle that
civilians — all that part of the nation, including the women
and children, who are not within its military organisation —
should be subjected to the pressure of war without privilege
or special distinction of any kind. We must distinguish here
between the hurt done in hot blood or from lack of discipline,
or through the exceptional cnielty of a commander to civilians,
and the new Prussian doctrine. What made that doctrine
new — the essence of it^was universality and calculation. It
was, as I have said, a new principle, the like of which no
nation in Christendom had accepted before.
This new step was but the realisation in part of a general
thesis which lies at the very core of all the Prussian system :
that anything is permitted to PrussiaVi policy so long as it
tends to the aggrandisement of the Prussian State. In other
words, that the moral duty of increasing the power of the
Prussian State overrides for the directors of that State all
other moral duties.
Since the idea was profoundly immoral and inhuman, it
was not, as a fact, fully appHed. It grew slowly, because a
criminal always feels subconsciously, however perfect his
immediate immunity, that it may not be eternal and that
mankind is a permanent judge. All moraJ degradation,
however rapid, is (Successive, and nearly always goes by
distinct steps downwards. It is hardly ever a mere plunge.
We have had very striking examples in the present war of
this last truth. The enemy did not at once proceed to all
the logical consequences of his creed. The very last steps in
it have not even yet been taken.
For instance, when he retired from the Noyon salient he
propounded a theory tha* a belligerent might legitimately
devastate a whole countryside, carry off its inhabitants into
slavery, destroy every house, every fruit tree, and every well,
because such action was of military advantage to himself.
Yet he did not destroy Noyon itself, the most valuable asset
to his enemy in the whole district. In the same way, he has
laid down that the suspicion of even a slight advantage
given to his enemy by even the most important or sacred
monument of the past, justifies the destruction of such a
monument. That was his plea for beginning the destruction
of Rheims Cathedral on a doubtful suspicion that the towers
might be used as observation posts, infinitesimal as that
hypothetical advantage would have been. Yet, after
beginning this destruction, he did not complete it.
In the same way each successive Prussian novelty in
international crime has come after a considerable interval,
and the deliberate terrorising of the civilian population by
bombardment from the air has been of comparatively recent
development. Even now he continually drags in the word
"reprisals."
The enemy has, however, now definitely adopted this
method, and has continued it so long that the Allies have
been compelled to follow suit. Had they not done so they
would have left in the hands of Prussia an instrument of
victory of which they would themselves have been deprived
and its cumulative effect might have been overwhelming.
It is with the greatest difficulty that you can persuade men
to break with some long-established standard of honour even
under the most grievous necessity ; and the highest respect
is due to those who for long urged that retaliation should be
postponed. But it is now clear that retaliation is a necessity,
and what we have to consider — most unfortunately — are the
practical conditions under which this new method, can be
exercised by either side.
Much the greater part of these practical conditions are
forbidden to public discussion. The publicist knows little
of them, and the more he knows the more it is liis duty to
be silent. The military and constructional authorities, who
know most, have, beyond all other men, the duty of con-
cealing their knowledge. The number, the carrying power,
etc., of the machines used — which are the very first
practical factors — are things that must not be touched, and
many other similar points wUl occur to the reader as barred
from all publicity. But there are a certain number of topo-
graphical and political points which are open to analysis and
which it is important to grasp, both in order that the public
may understand the problem set and also that it may under-
stand what advantages the Allies enjoy in this unhappy
extremity to which Prussia has driven them ; for, with the
exception of one great province, unalterable until we break
the Prussian siege line in the West — I mean the province of
communications— ours maritime and therefore vulnerable
and slow, his continental and therefore rapid and invulner-
able— advantages can "be counted upon our side as well as
on his.
The Enemy's Advantage
Let us first of all appreciate what are his advantages —
advantages which led him to adopt this new policy.
The first and most conspicuous advantage he has is the
fact that the two principal capitals, not only of the Allies,
but of the world, Paris and London, are highly accessible to
his machines. The. distance from his starting points in
Belgium to the London area is, upon the average, less than
150 miles. The distance from his starting points to the
area of Paris is, upon the average, between 80 and 90 miles.
Secondly, the way to both capitals is indicated in clear
weather bj' water. The valleys of the Oise, the Marne, and,
in an approach from the south, of the Seine, can be followed
to Paris upon any clear night, however dark ; while London
lies at the apex of an estuary terminating in a broad and
unmistakable river. .
Thirdly, the great areas concerned, especially that of
London, make his task of recognition easier. The defenders
cannot hide a patch of this size upon the landscape of a clear
night, and the attackers cannot miss it. London is especially
vulnerable from the fact that the greater part of the trajec-
tory to it lies over the undefended area of the sea-, and because
of its very great size. Parjs is especially vulnerable because,
although the approaches to it are over land and the area is
smaller, the length of the trajectory is much less.
The two capitals are not only exceedingly vulnerable, but
are also, when attacked, places the raiding of which the enemy
can calculate to yield great fruit of the sort which he seeks.
For, in the first place, the closer and denser a population
the greater the moral effect of a raid. In the second place,
the mere numerical proportion of the whole nation which is
situated in each of the two areas is very large. In the
third place — much the most important factors-each Cjen-
tralises, in a degree unknown to other countries, the national
life. Each is the brain of the national organism.
Every one recognises this in the case of Paris ; a tradition
no longer corresponding with modern realities masks it in the
case of London. But if we honestly consider those realities
we shall perceive that London is even more of a national
centre than Paris. The Press, for instance, has far more
power in Britain than in France, and the London Press
largely moulds the opinion of the whole country. Every
direction of this war has for Britain its chief centre in London.
What is more, the principal offices are there gathered closer
together even than they are in Paris. One may put the
matter most clearly by an extreme case, which happily has
not yet been realised, and ask oneself what the effect would
be upon the strength of either nation if a really serious
destruction of records and disorganisation of personnel could
be effected in either capital by a raid on a much larger scale
than any that has yet taken place — always supposing the
present centralisation to be maintained.
The first great asset, then, of the enemy is the vulnerability
and essential importance of the two great modern capitals
which his aircraft can so easily reach.
His second asset is connected with this first, and consists •
in tho fact that his siege line happens to have fallen so far
Land & Watef
March
2 I.
1918
west that his own centres, so far as affecting civilian life is
concerned, lie much further from our points of departure
than do ours from Jiis All that is destroyed in the Western
siege belt is Belgian or French, or what the French count as
part of their territory, for it is Alsatian or of Lorraine. And
it so happens that the purely German centres which are
nearest to Allied points of departure are the less important.
For instance, if Alsace and Lorraine were really German
territor)', Metz, Strasburg, Colmar, Mulhouse, ThionviUe,
would be vulnerable, as no great corresponding Allied centres
are vulnerable with the exception of Nancy. But imme-
diately beyond the Rhine in this neighbourhood you have
only the Black F"orest and the territory of Baden with few
targets of importance, Freiburg and Karlsruhe being the
only considerable centres ; while the area where most can
be done lies far back in the basin of the Lower Rhine, from
Cologne northwards.
The enemy, then, has two great targets, each unique in
character, highly vulnerable, close to hand, and his siege
lines cover our targets at a much greater distance than they
cover his. l-'urther, for reasons that will be explained in a
moment, the finding of one's way to those targets is a some-
what longer and more difficult business.
There are two great sets of advantages present to the
Allies in this deplorable sort of warfare which the enemy
has brought upon himself.
The first is topographical, and therefore permanent, and
consists in the fact that the heart of German war industry
and of compact industrial population, though distant, is
within reach, while it is more concentrated than the more
distant centres of the Allies. It is to be found in that vast
mass of industrial humanity which is crowded upon a com-
paratively small area of the Lower Rhine basin, and par-
ticularly of the Ruhr Valley.
The second is moral or political, and therefore neither
necessarily permanent nor susceptible of exact calculation.
It is twofold, and consists in the superior work of the Allied
aircraft and in the awakening of the enemy to war upon
his own soil.
I will take these in reverse order.
It is a matter entirely dependent upon individual judg-
ment, and one upon which one can therefore make no positive
pronouncement, but one upon which general observation is
agreed that the immunity of German soil from the actual
presence of war has had very much to do with the main-
tenance of enemy moral. Personally, 1 do not believe that
if the siege lines had fallen within German territory the
German character would have held as the French has done.
But those who would differ from me in this will agree that
for any nation it is an immense moral advantage that the
destruction and the terror should be falling, so far as civilians
are concerned, upon enemj' territory. We have only to
coasider the difference between an invaded and an uninvaded
England to appreciate the force of that truth. Further, we
know from the German Press, and far better from reports
that reach the Allies, how powerful has been the effect of the
hitherto trifling punishment inflicted upon German centres.
The first raid upon Karlsruhe produced a violence of emotion
not comparable to anything that has taken place hitherto in
London or in Paris. Treves— a most important military
centre— IS beginning to caU itself uninhabitable ; and if we
had no other evidence, the tone of the enemy's allusion to
Mannheim alone would be enough ; though Mannheim and
stiM more the great group of factories on the opposite side of
the Rhme, are of the highest military importance quite
apart from the effect our raids have now produced upon
their civilian inhabitants. If these Upper Rhine centres
-4 am for the moment neglecting the great industrial dis-
trict of the Lower Rhme— were only a few isolated points
comparable, say, to the residential towns in the Severn
VaUey, the effect would still be striking enough • but in
■point of fact, the whole district between Strasburg on 'the
south and the gorge of the Rhine on the north is densely
inhabited and of high political importance. The vulnerable
areas of purely German character lying within the Rhine
basm. and accessible to aircraft with their present radius of
action, contain an urban population nearly half that of the
great cities of the Empire, if we exclude the two capitals of
Berlm and Munich, and the port ^nd neighbourhood of
Hamburg. The German Empire has a distribution of popu-
lation fairly simply arranged in three divisions There is
the densely inhabited basin of the Upper Elbe • there is the
larger and more thickly inhabited population of the Rhine •
^^utl'^ remainder by far the greater part, is not densely
R^rl-nf Hih '""*^'"l,""ly the great agglomerations of
Beriin and the ports of Hamburg and Bremen
There is another political point-vague, uncertain, and
only given for what it is worth-and that is the historical
connection of the Rhine district with the modem German
Empire. That connection was at first somewhat artificial ;
the character of its inhabitants is the most remote in all
Germany from the character of the Prussian squirearchy and
bureaucracy, which owes its modern supremacy entirely to
the victories of a generation ago ; and a serious dislocation
of civihan life upon the Rhine would have an effect, not to
be exaggerated but to be remembered, upon the whole
structure of modem Germany. The point of Prussia for
these people is not only that she has made them part of a
great State, and able to enjoy the sense of past victories, but
also that she can continue to confirm their security.
As to the asset manifestly possessed by the Allies at the
present moment in superiority of the work done in the air,
we can but note it, and hope and expect it to continue ; but
we must remember that it is not a permanent and necessary
asset as is the geographical one. British flights across
German territory ^ake place by day as well as by night ;
weather lias had to be less carefully chosen for our attacks
than for theirs ; and these attacks have a repeated and
assiduous character hitherto lacking in theirs. The whole
line of the river down as far as Coblentz and up the Moselle
as high as Treves has been alive with raids for two months,
although the season is but opening ; and the intensity of the
effort is rapidly increasing.
Cologne
Now let us turn to the chief objective, the great mass of
industrial population which stands upon a comparatively
small area of the Lower Rhine Valley, and particularly
within the basin of the right-hand tributary called the Ruhr.
If the reader will look at the map accompanying this
article, he will see, marked "A," a rather small heart-shaped
region just north of Cologne, but including that city, and
lying, for the most part, upon the right bank of the Rhine.
This region is the region of dense population which is some-
times generally termed, from the province, in which its major
part lies, "The Westphalian Coalfield." It is economically
the foundation-stone of the modern German Empire. Coupled
with the possession of the great ironfields in Lorraine,
captured in 1871, which send their ore northwards to this
coalfield, the Westphalian industrial district is the pivot
upon which the industrial expansion of modern Germany
has turned. The River Ruhr, coming down from the
Southern Westphalian Hills, holds in its basin the great mass
of coal upon which all this new mechanical power has arisen,
and the district is a nest of towns comparable to those of
our Lancashire and Yorkshire district, some actually touching,
all of them in close neighbourhood one with another. Essen'
the arsenal of modern Germany, is the best known in this
country, and the largest single municipality with just on 300,000
population. But Dortmund, with considerably more than
200,000, on the east of the coalfiSld, mns it close, and you
have, all within fifty miles by little more than thirty. Barmen
and Bochum, Mulheim, Duisburg, etc., with Crefeld cleaner
and cut off from the rest upon the western limit of the area.
To the south of this compact and highly vulnerable mass
stands what is now virtually the capital of it all— that is
the great historical town to which the whole place looks
socially, the town of Cologne, with over half a million
inhabitants— the chief crossing-place of the line, the prin-
cipal German station on the highway of Northern Europe.
If you stand in Barmen you have within a radius of a long
day s walk upon every side— within a radius that is of little
more than twenty-five miles and a good deal less than thirty
—an extraordinarily packed industrial centre any consider-
able disturbance of which would hamstring modern Germany
AJtIiough we speak of these centres of the Westphalian
Loalheld and of the Ruhr basin as separate towns, they are
like our industrial centres in the West Riding and in Lan-
cashire, often great groups of almost continuous building in
which the vanous towns merge. Gelsenkirchen and Essen
are continued on into Mulheim and Oberhausen, and the
latter into Hambourn almost without a break, whUe Duisburg
across the Ruhr from Hambourn, is only separated by the
water-courses and the docks. Crefeld and Dusseldorf stand
lairly separate, so does Dortmund at the other extremity of
the group ; but Elberfeld and Barmen are one long town
and there is not a mUe of clear country between these and
the hve-miJe stretch of houses which is caUed in various
parts Gevelsberg, Hospe, and Hagen.
Another way of grasping the importance of the district is
to appreciate that the total population of its large incor-
porated towns, apart from the smaller groups which are
virtuaUy part of those towns, comes to no less than just
over three million souls, or, if we include Cologne, more
than three millions and a half.
March 21, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
8
Land & Water
March
2 I
1918
This industrial district is. then, the economic heart of
''XTe^/s also, of course, the industrial belt of Saxony and
that of Silesia; there is the single '"dustnal distr ct of
Bavaria in the Allied Empire to the south^ There is the
intensely active little field in the Saar. important chiefly for
its proximity to the iron of Lorraine and Luxemburg. Kut
the kernel of modern German material power is here upon
the Ruhr and its neighbourhood.
The accident of tiie present war luis hitherto gnen this
new district a complete security. It happens to he imme-
<liatelv behind the most advanced sector of the German line^
jn France. Drop a perpendicular from Barmen to tho^,c
lines-that is, take the place on the Allied or German hne in
France nearest to Barmen (which, as we have seen, is tne
geographical centre of the industrial district)— and you strike
It Quentin 200 miles away. Again, the distance from the
nearest point of this industrial group, the most western
point to the closest of the Allied points of departure, is over
180 miles. The southernmost point which, though not
connected with the coalfiekl geologically, is socially its
capital Cologne, is in a direct line more than 160 miles, and
more hke 170 from the nearest practical point of departure.
There lies in between the whole occupied belt of Northern
France and Belgium, Luxemburg and Lorraine.
A further point which must always be remembered is the
difficulty of the intervening country in the way of land-
marks. The waste and tumbled hill-land of the Ardennes
and the Eifel lie between for anyone approaching from the
south. A waterway, the great guide by night, is found only
by following the Moselle and turning down the Rhine after
Coblentz— a long addition to the direct line. But though
the industrial district of the Ruhr is distant and difficult to
find, it is not out of reach, and the test of whether the
Germans were wise or no when they opened this new phase
in the war will be made when the first considerable raids
begin to be made upon it. The first severe punishment of
Cologne will be felt throughout the world, and will be a new
thing to the enemy, something quite distinct from what has
hitherto happened upon the Upper Rhine, because Cologne
is the gate of the neighbouring coalfield.
There is another centre of very great social importance to
Germany, lying but a short distance beyond Mayence, and
that is Frankfort on the Maine. Frankfort is, more than
anv other town in the German Empire, the financial capital
of that Empire. Its wealthier inhabitants have probably
long left it, and they would not be personally affected in any
case, for those remaining would leave it at once in case of a
raid. But it remains, none the less, the nerve-centre of
German finance, and it is a town of over 400,000 people — a
place on the same scale as, though little smaller than,
Cologne. It is also the centre of a densely inhabited district.
Comparatively close to the Allied points of departure,
and therefore subject already to continual bombardment, is
the small coal basin of the Saar. It is not so directly con-
cerned with our present problem as the other Rhine towns
because it is admittedly a military object, crammed as it is
with munition works. But the effect of attacks upon the
industrial district of the Upper Saar cannot compare with
the effect of similar attacks when they can be made upon
the Westphalian coalfield.
H. Belloc.
Convoys and Submarines: By H. Whitaker
This article was compiled, by the author from first-hand
information obtained during a cruise with the American
destroyer flotilla in the submarine zone.
OUT in the harbour a thirty-vessel convoy was
nosing up to its anchors ; the rattle of the
winches carried across the water and up the
hill to where the Base-Admiral watched the
departure from his office windows. His gaze
centred on one ship, a fine steamer, which, with her cargo of
twelve thousand tons of foodstuffs, was worth nearly a
milUon pounds. Her potential values, however, far exceeded
that figure, for the food stood for human flesh and blood —
the flesh and blood of women and children in France and
England and the thews and sinews of soldiers who must be
fed if the world is to escape the German yoke.
The ship was commanded by a Scot — an admirable
character, upright, courageous, self-reliant, the finest of
seamen, but hard in the mouth. Before the convoy system
was estabUshed he had voyaged a score of times through
the submarine zone, winning his way to safety by seamanship
and daring. A torpedo had once shaved his bows. Another
had almost clipped off his stern. He had fought half a
dozen artillery battles with boats ; all of which had raised
his opinion of himself and his ship fairly close to omni-
potence. He hated the naval discipline of convoys as much
as their slow sjjeed, and had bolted twice ; which fact was in
the Base-Admiral's mind when he turned to his Chief of Staff.
"McGregor, down there, has bolted twice. I have
advised his owners to replace him, but they won't. Sooner
or later the U-boats will get him. Wireless to N— — • to
watch him closely."
The order was duly noted by the Senior Commander of
the destroyer group that escorted the convoy to sea ; and
when his chief officer reported a few hours later that
McGregor was edging out of his column, they went after him
like dogs in chase of a bolting sheep.
"Who do you think you are, anyway ? " the Senior Com-
mander bawled out through a megaphone. "The Lord High
Admiral, eh ? Try that again, and I'll put an officer on
your bridge and recommend that your papers be cancelled."
"That ought to hold him," he remarked to his chief officer ;
"but I'll bet you the old chap is raving. His crew will
need to step lively during the next few hours."
And raving, McGregor surely was. If his remarks, as
afterwards reported by his crew, were printed here they
would bum a hole in the page. He, a master of twenty
years' standing, to be ordered about like that ! He, that
had out-fought, out-witted, out-run more U-boats than the
entire flotilla had ever seen ! He, with a sixteen-knot ship
to be held down to a six-knot crawl ! Put an officer on his
bridge, would they ? Cancel his papers, eh ? And so forth,
with profuse marginal notes and trimmings !
If a plausible excuse in the shape of a fog that fell like a
grey blanket over the convoy had not been furnished, these
fulminations, no doubt, would presently have subsided. He
would hardly have dared violate such specific orders. But
when the fog lifted towards evening, the convoy was scattered
over the seas to the horizon, and came scuttering back like
frightened chickens in response to the destroyer's wireless
duckings — McGregor was out of sight. Next news of him
came in a S.O.S. from a point just over the horizon.
" I'm torpedoed. Sinking. Submarine shelling boats.
Come at once. "
Too late ! On the wide and lonely ocean that had just
engulfed that fine ship with her sorely needed food, they
found two shell-torn boats full of wounded and dying men.
In the crest-fallen, troubled man who sat in their midst, it
was difficult to recognise the old "hard mouth." He was
repentent, of course ; but the tears that washed the iron
furrows of his face could not restore his ship, nor heal the
wounds of his crew.
From one point of view his conduct was criminal. Yet
it was natural, inspired by the same spirit that has kept a
thousand of his kind voyaging these dangerous seas — the
same spirit that had brought him and many another off
best in U-boat duels — the same spirit that animated that
fine old skipper of the North Sea who, with both legs shot
off and his vessel sinking, ordered his crew to throw him
and the code-books into the sea together. So allow him his
repentence, and permit the incident to illustrate at once
the merits and faults of the convoy system.
Its merits, taking them first, have been proved by the
decrease in mercantile sinkings since the old patrol system
was abandoned. Under the latter, the destroyer and patrol
fleets were scattered hke pawns over a vast checker board
that ruled off British waters — across which merchant vessels
moved from one patrol to another. Though they were
hunted incessantly, the U-boats managed to pick up in
those days anywhere between thirty and fifty ships a week.
But after Allied shipping was grouped in convoys and sent
through the danger zone under destroyer escorts, the weekly
average fell to eighteen large ships and four or five small
ones. During the last eight months of 1917, indeed, the
British and American destroyer fleets convoyed over one
hundred thousand vessels in and out of Allied ports with a
loss of one-eighth of one per cent. As a matter of fact, the
bulk of the U-boat weekly bag is taken from unescorted ships.
March 21, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
9
world are merchant ships ever allowed to go out alone ?
The answer is simple : We have not enough destroyers to
provide escorts for all. If we had, the submarine war would
now be of the past. Another reason — and it points out the
convoy system's chief fault — free ships make faster time,
and, accordingly, can move more goods than when they are
grouped in convoys. Tonnage, or carrying capacity (which
amounts to the same thing), is reduced ; first, by delays
waiting for escorts ; second, by limiting the speed of the
faster ships. The ship on which I recently came from New
York to Liverpool, ior instance, is a seven-day boat. Two
others in our convoy — vessels of enormous tonnage — were
equally fast : yet, by being forced to take the speed of the
slowest vessel, these fast ships took so many days to cross
that it almost sufficed for them to have made the return
\"oyage to New York.
In spite of this manifest fault, the convoy system is here
to stay ; for it is wholly impossible to maintain, safe routes
with merchant shipping scattered all over the world. To
control its passage and to divert it in accordance with enemy
movements, it must be grouped under war vessels. The
great reduction in mercantile sinkings more than makes up
for delays and low speed. It should not be 'forgotten that
after a convoy passes through the danger zone its units
are usually permitted to go on alone. So the speed limita-
tion apphes only for a couple of days. Summing up the
convoy system, it is safe to say that shipping interests will
be best served by extending it, as fast as possible, till it
covers all vessels. A step was taken in this direction
when, the other day, an Order in Council was passed
prohibiting vessels from leaving British ports without a
licence.
The limitations and advantages of convoys being thus
defined, let us briefly examine those of the submarine.
Instead of being free as the fish, they operate within quite
narrow lines while exposed to special risks. Think of the
uncharted rocks that must reach up into the underseas
lanes along which the U-boat blunders like a blind fish ; the
mine-fields, "floaters," treacherous tides, traps, decoys, nets,
that turn submarine navigation into one long blind hazard.
I heard of one U-boat that blundered into the Maelstrom,
the famous whirlpool ofi the coast of Norway, chosen by
Jules Verne to kill off Captain Nemo and his Nautilus. Then
think of the special war risks — the "blimps" and hydroplanes
dropping bombs from the sky ; the httle P-boats, always
ready to engage in one of those desperate sea duels where
no quarter is given or asked ; finally, the destroyer,
a foe so deadly that the Germans have talked long and
loudly of "underwater battle-cruisers" to drive it off the
seas.
Most of this talk was meant for foreign consumption, for
the German naval constructors are quite aware of certain
limitations that make against such a boat. Add armour to
a U-boat, and her size must be increased to provide more
buoyancy. Increased bulk calls for heavier internal struc-
ture, heavier engines, heavier gun platforms for bigger guns ;
larger quarters for a more numerous crew ; larger fuel and
ballast tanks ; all of which calls for more buoyancy, that is,
size ; which, again, calls for more armour plate.
Such a vessel would present a deeper target for a torpedo
than any destroyer ; and whereas she might drop twenty
shells on the latter without putting her out of commission,
one well-planted shot would send her to the bottom. She
would stand but a poor chance in a stand-up fight with the
half-dozen destroyers that are to be found with almost any
convoy. She would require, moreover, such deep water for
her manoeuvring that she could hardly operate in the shoals
and shallows around the British Isles, where her prey would
be principally found. Lastly, she could chase only one
vessel at a time. As two years have passed since we first
heard this "undersea battle-cruiser" talk, we can rest assured
that after balancing the cost in time, labour, money, and
materials, against possible advantages, the German naval
constructors have pronounced against them.
There are also decided limitations in submarine operation.
It cannot emerge and dive, 'as is generally believed, with
porpoise ease. If they go down at an angle of more than
12 degrees, the older types capsize their ballast tanks and
become helpless hulks. Abrupt dives, too, are very dan-
gerous. One commander told me how his hair stood on
end when, on a quick dive, his vessel went down and down
and down, and he thought he would never be able to stop
her. No doubt many a U-boat has nose-divod into the deeps,
where her steel sides were crushed like a thin egg-shell. Once
on the surface, it takes some minutes for a submarine to
submerge ; and if she be seen by a destroyer, a depth-mine
dropped at the head of the tell-tale wake is very likely to
Neither can a U-boat cruise indefinitely under water.
Seventy miles is about the limit — at any speed. After that,
it must recharge its batteries while steaming on the surface,
and if it be caught with exhausted batteries, its situation
is more than precarious. There is a case on record, indeed,
of three Germem submarines that lay for forty-eight hours
on the bottom, listening to the screws of the patrol chugging
above. Two that tried to sneak away in the night were
sunk. The third surrendered.
Surface cruising has also its limits, being dependent on
fuel. On the average, a U-boat can stay out about twenty
or twenty-five days ; but a considerable part of this time is
used up coming from and going back to the base, and many
attempts have been made to extend it by the establishment
of fuel bases. One ingenious commander used to cache
barrels of fuel, oil, and petrol, loot from c^tured tankers,
at the bottom of a sheltered cove. But ah oil spot betrayed
him one day to a British destroyer.
The usual procedure would have been to carry the barrels
off. But, with a flash of genius, the British commander,
so the story is told, removed the bungs, poured a few gallons
of picric acid — a powerful explosive — into each barrel,
resunk them, and sailed away. It requires but a small
effort of the imagination to picture what happened to the
U-boat when it began to use that petrol.
A Submarine's Dangers
Neither does the submarine have things all its own way
in duels with merchant vessels. Indeed, it fights at a dis-
advantage, for whereas a dozen shells may fail to stop a
fleeing vessel, one well-planted hit will send the U-boat to
the bottom. Though German torpedoes have an effective
range of 7,000 yards, shooting is uncertain at long distances.'
The U-boat usually tries to get within 2,000 yards, and this,
especially in shots at a convoy, endangers it getting away.
Rough weather also brings a pause in the hunting, for the
periscope describes a far wider arc than the hull, which
threshes around like a wounded whale in a seaway, making
both observation and the sighting of shots impossible. In
such weather, the U-boats lie on the bottom in some sheltered
cove. During the ektremely bad weather last November,
indeed, the U-boat bag fell from eighteen large ships to six
in the first week, to one in the second.
All of these dangers and difficulties of the underseas
campaign are increased by the reports of U-boat movements
sent out from observation stations on land and ships at sea.
When cruising with the American destroyer fleet, I was
astonished by the number and accuracy of those that came
in a constant stream to the bridge. Position and course
were always given, so, besides drawing the patrols and
seaplanes after them, merchant ships could easily avoid
their locality. The reports accounted for a despairing note
in a wireless message we picked up, one evening, in transit
between two U-boats.
" Have you seen any ships to-day ? The ocean seems
empty."
This commander's report was one of those, no doubt, on
which the German Adrniralty based its explanation for the
decrease in the U-boat weekly bag : "Enemy shipping is so
depleted by the attacks of our invincible U-boats that it is
becoming more and more difficult to find ships to sink " :
this during a week that had seen nearly five thousand ships
sail in and out of British ports alone ! And probably half
as many more from Allied harbours.
Summing the U-boat's capacities and potentialities, we
see that instead of being the original sea-devil, if is really a
hunted creature — hunted so successfully, moreover, that
from 40 to 50 per cent, were sunk last year. This great loss
was aggravated by that of the torpedoes, which take time
and money to make. Indeed, the yearly output of the
United States Torpedo Works before the war was only
twelve. The smaller U-boats carry ten each ; the larger
and later types, twenty. Accordingly, if one be sunk out-
ward bound, which happens quite often, the loss of the
torpedoes is greater than that of the vessel. It is highly
improbable that any U-boat goes down without carrying
some torpedoes with her. It is also comforting to know that
five or six are shot away for every merchant vessel sunk.
The weekly bag costs the German Government over a hundred
thousand poinds in torpedoes alone.
The outlook for the U-boat is bad. The life of a sub-
marine commander has never been what one could call a
good insurance risk. In 1917 he made two voyages and a
half before, quite literally, he went down and out. From
present indications — there are a few things in store for him
that I know of, but cannot tell — his life during 1918 will
"C<*)if<«*/;i9i8,ll/.S./)."^li^, ,,.
The Robber Bare
Bv L
B«»iW>IBiP"»^«^i^»"'*"*«*wo
imHiifMWMjUJ— wiw mM »wni,iiU>mi
>«-'
3 -
• ''^^,
^
^-<^*
)ve of Democracy
Copyrifkl, '-Land & Water.-
ekers.
12
Land <& Water
March 21, i 9 i 8
Russia's True Voice : By C. Hagberg Wright
rpa$y KaMsepjiMHry.
(OTtiKpumoe nutbM«).
Tpa^ KaHsopTHimt Bu— ^joab «o-ie- Oesi. apMlH. II* uptvjtaBMM Hjf, Bt iy«
ranifl noGiiABTeieR n CTijactt ooosopeu- sneuit ctjHi^b, vs-h iiapn£naro $a.R!er«(i
aofl Po«('iii. Osa 6pomeaa n Bamanh xa npog[aB:uie satic^ Pocoiu .<iioji8 t&sw
-oraMi Bamii npHrjyxBacB a areoTHlxe tia.ie a:jiBn npaFb aan-noqaii ^
craJH aaniHMi npaBHTej^. raovt FI vipi ' Bana H>fpT>, aan a npo^KuaaTii boSrj
«Kji»iaeTc« ae- MftxAf i8T«a eropoaaxfl, ' BbM. PoccLii se stpari 7b lame B9<a
THE text of this "Open Letter to Count Kaizerling,"
who is a German noble of Courland. with large
estates in that provinre and in East Prussia,
was originally published in two Russian news-
papers (the Den and the Petrogradsky Golos), but
no sooner did it appear in print than every copy discoverable
was destroyed by the Bolsheviks. This letter demonstrates
clearly that the voice of true Liberty will yet make itself
heard in Russia, and that the reason and conscience of the
Russian people arc
not dead, but stupe-
fied by the succes-
sive earthquake
shocks and torna-
does of revolution
and war. The coun-
sels of moderation
are unheeded, while
the overthrow of
authority and the
disbanding of great
armies create a
general condition of
chaos ; but the
forces of the ebbing
tide are equal to the
power of the flow,
and it requires no
excessive optimism
to recognise in this
protest against Bol-
shevism a sign and
portent of its ap-
proaching downfall.
The_ copy of the
newspaper from
which this letter is
taken is possibly
the only one which
has reached Eng-
land, for the present
Russian censorship
is rigorous, and
shows as little re-
spect for the liberty
of the Press as the
old regime was wont
to do. With regard
to the names men-
tioned in the course
ot the letter, be-
sides those of Lenin
and Stiirmer, the
Imperial Prime
Minister, which are
known to all Eng-
lish readers, it may
be added that
Myasoyedov was
the arch-spy at Rus-
sian headquarters,
who was eventu-
ally shot. Sukhomlinov was the War Minister, convicted of
treachery, and Sumenson and Kukovsky are Bolsheviks
who are said to have been employed by Germany in the
distribution of bribes. The following is the translation : g
"Count Kaizerling ! — You come an envoy of victors to the
capital of a dishonoured Russia which has been thrown down
at your feet. Your satellites and henchmen have become
our governors, and a peace is on the eve of conclusion ; but
it is not a peace between two antagonists, it is rather a pact
between two parts of the same victorious side, and one of
4 vexj; nptucTitBTtiMuia oia'^t) k toS-bo
"npaifCTByiJiBeB rropoHu, op« ie»^ o^t*
crepoBa cjckjiaja ce6b (bajbiseajD lodiipea'
H^Tb on. .Sana scero Barojia pyccsaro
Ho He Bre-ia pasao? Cojjhth at xe
3n.«yn> Boesin. Baiit ■ uupx He bvxpi^^
— Ba EfM.iefl (mipouli nf ib* aofibjBie.iji
Pyocceti -apHii bu a« Qo6tsjiaja Bu ae
i>o6iuuui M 11^ BocToiBOt! Opjccia—
Bam Donon M«eoi>AOBi. ae nu6tia 10
s< n ruaisa,— *aMi Boiior» Ctxoi(.<ib-
flon. Bu Be nofitiaja m j Croxoxa j
Tapaonou, y Para— aairi DOBtnn Jle-
Baai>. UpK Hoaapxla sauiaMH aresTava
6u3a AjiHca rncceacRa^ a apeitfcepi-ifB-
acrp* IllTnpMep^, PacnyraaT. croajii
aa Baci> ropott. ILicraja peBOiuoi^. a
■anssiu anBTaiiB eraja KosjobckiH b
CrMeRcoH-k; OBR otioramaf 9Cb Bameio -ton-
.Tpa6as,itoa) , oepBUii aTa&B <BoscTaBinaro
Bapo^a* vh iDX^ 6u.ib aaapaBjeau aa
BOUTi^%-paaB%jiKf, £'kiieiiBie BoeBHoaits-
BUe pySOBOJHJIH BOBBEtJMB xt3cTBi.a)ra
feii>fl>eBBKOBi> ■ BBBt arfc npasoTOJib-
CTse jEHx^BBo npKBiTCTBjen Baoi>, repp'K
rpa<}n> K<ift8ep.iBHn>.
OxBaso... Korjia ba ono iiraoBeirie kxi>
jrnoeHK xoouo AO nucxu apasesTa
Bscib BK BapoA-» Bh MtpiiLHCKiS i<eaTpi ,
cm .(Tofl Muoja npauuock OTsa^anex
\.xm Au Baei 6us-i jc^'P^'^bi qmiih
BVfl napan. ii pa6oqie b •ouatu biji
c% QpoxErroBaBBUMB ^AT0-psAatf»i% sa^-
OBCJiiia jufl yBBEeaU p<uuBM.
Ppa/^ KaSsepjHBn, ae sbpfcis STOiif
napajtjl Bact odttaauaaerL same ycjj»-
iBBoe npaEBTeJbcTBO. On n«rporpajiit
8axBaq«BBaro aacnam T^fliimi mTa6ojii .
jxo OToosHJOCi BCfr— yupafiia. a Aonii,
KaBsasi B CB6ap&, <t>BU.isflAta.ci>8CTauit
Ct, Ktm-se BU Bas.uoqaere impi?
H'bTT. cnopa, mm ho iioseMt Bo?Ba«i.
In the time of the Emperor, Alice of Hesse and Stiirmer, the
Prime Minister, acted as your agents ; Rasputin was your
mainstay. Then came the days of revolution, when
Kukovsky and Sumenson became your chosen hirelings,
enriching themselves with the fruits of 'contraband.' In
July the first skirmished of the populace in revolt were in
the nature of reconnaissances. It was by German prisoners
of war that the military operations of the Bolsheviks
were directed ', and now the Bolshevik Government, in its
ignominy, welcomes
you. Be that as it
may, when in their
enthusiasm they
proposed at one
moment to bring
you face to face
with the people in
the Marinsky thea-
tre that idea "had
quickly to be aban-
(loncd. Instead, a
magnificent proces-
sion was arranged
in your honour, and
soldiers and work-
men marched past
you bearing ban-
ners with devices
designed by your
Fatherland for the
humiliation of our
native country.
"Count Kaizer-
ling ! Put not your
trust in that page-
ant. Our servile
Government is de-
ceiving 3'ou. One
and all — the
Ukraine, the Don
province, the Cau-
casus, Esthonia,
Finland, and
Siberia — all have
severed themselves
from Petrogracl, of
which your secret
service has seized
hold. With whom,
then, do you say, are
you making peace ?
" There is no gain-
saying— we cannot
fight without an
army. But those
who sold Russia
have as little right
to conclude peace
as to continue
war. You know
well Russia does
not believe in your
magnanimity nor in your fantastic proposals to withdraw
your armies from Cburland, Poland, and Lithuania on the
futile condition of England's submission to the peace you
offer. Your nation is in a state of exhaustion. You know
well that England and America will crush you. It matters
little how 3'ou bluff, or how you drive or corner the unhappy
deluded Russians, you shall not escape the day of reckoning.
There is no peace. This is the conquest of Petrograd, not
the conquest of Russia.
"The Russian people are wont to make peace with honour.
They made peace with the French and with the English after
Sevastopol, and these are now our friends ; they made peace
KOAjane ft Bib npaspaqnoe coraaoie a»
aecTB BoBaifa BSk tLjp-AsaX'^, Tioiua^
JlarBu. . aa H:)jie!Dkfto.\ii> ycjesia iio,(^»
venU Ajrrsin HpeAAoseanoiq' Sana iup|
Baim> Bap»Ai acT"aieB^, e su BBant
<tTu Aarjiia n A.vtepHsa sacs pasxasxrii
Kbk^ aa xpaf^pai-ecb. taiwh hh iio6kfl
nx^re tat, i» yr.u QeeqacrabccB 0A7P*^
leBBvxii pyccimii, orb Boaiieaiia Bam
ae yflTa Uo a oAjpawBasK^ ae uaM
cqBTaTb jxb TpemtpmaiB Arpazajoi
Tasi cjytB.itre, rpppi KaSBapjiHHrb.
970— Be iupi>. 9to -saBOBBaafe llvrpc^
rpasa, ho bo Poecia yBBtnanBX yxyirt
Ataswh ra.iom Ceun^meBBava pycetpl
akfm»,—m ue oso.yiust Pescifl CWrpxi^
Ha see STO. Eam aa imBoeBaafe, ei, M|
TopEm BBnerAa Be npsmsptfTCA B&p<nra)
He jiyiR^Te, vo bu jtnai bi> Boin> mm
pioTBSH'b B iK^my Oai> ho n]>mBpaTCa|
Ob Hifpoirt r r Tponxaxs.. Rasi 'csntoaj
Ba;i Bcspa SI Bf.ui p;i»>epaTC)i stB»i
BucTb n tars. Otn> BoscranoBvn cbm(
ap"iR> a cAoa syxosswi tMSA—n Poeci^
Btuo.iro oyxeTb eairb ii8B{ifmap«Kuini
Bparax^
FjcctaK wKf»n sraporea ^eerao. Oq^
8aK.11D4BJ» KBf<b ei> !j>{>aa)^f33Ma B 9XTtM^
qaeaiiB vtcii Q-tm^ntaajia — b obh Haai
AM^sbB. Orb 8»Bj»<axb lupb ci £n«a>
OasiB— fl oai aaJOM xpyaba.
H n Sana BokJMOBau^ QMltEflS MMf/%^
BO uap^ <ip«si y<ip«ABT«2bBoe Cofipasi^
a He «peB% i^vb, aoee aa sun f»m
arb MMmerpEL
II;csb OB^ fiyjwxft xobbk, eau Pmi
cis ero Bacjyxxja Ea aa> Cjf/tn mm
poiTb, a ss BoneiML
BaiBa«i X* caB»aaaaifb KU, BOiyn
jjLDftBRriie. jBpii<Miirb: '-He Bi^'K, Pooat<
Ko DfWATejbBMtia 9to es liBpi*! H Pv
these swore falsely when it claimed to speak for the whole with the Japanese, and they are also our friends.
Russian people. That matters little ; the soldiers no longer
desire to fight. You are in no need of peace ; the right of
the conqueror is yours. But you did not conquer the Russian
armies. You did not win the battle in Eastern Prussia— the
traitor Myasoyedov came to your rescue. Neither did you
win the battle in Galicia— Sukhomlinov, the War Minister,
aided you. Neither did you win the battle at Skokhod, at
Tamopol, or at Riga — it was Lenin who was your helper.
"And with you it is also possible to make an honourable
peace ; but it must be a peace entered into by a Constituent
Assembly, and not one drawn up by those whom you have
sent here as Ministers. Make it onerous, if you will, and if
Russia deserves it so ; but it must be a real peace, and not
a farce. Now, in half-strangled accents, we cry aloud to our
Allies : 'Never, never believe that Russia is a traitor. This
peace is no peace. Russia has had no part or lot in it.' "
March 21, 1918
Land & Water
13
The Allies: By "Centurion
»i
D
OOZE oofs, see voo plaise ! Compronnay,
madame ? "
Marie Claire's lips parted and displayed two
rows of teeth. They were filbert-shaped and
v€ry white.
" Oui, je comprends very well — what you call it ? Twelve
■eerers, yes ? " , , , i j
"Non dooze," said the sergeant, stoutly. And he held
up two 'fingers. She noticed that the skin of the inside of
his thumb and of the middle joint of his forefinger displayed
a hard abrasion like a cobbler's. It's the trigger that does it.
"Ah! deux! Ecoutez ! 'Un' c'est 'one.' 'Deux'c'est
'two.' Dites-vous 'deux.' Comme^a!" And she expired
the monosyllable from her lips as though she were blowing
a kiss.
"Do!" said the sergeant.
"Kon, 'deux' !" ^
"Dew."
"Bien ! Trd.-; bien, voilk ! " And she produced two eggs
from their nest in the crate, and laid them on the counter.
"Combien, madame?"
"Vingt centimes. Mais 'madame' ! Pas encore ! 'Made-
moiselle.' Anglais— 'Mees'. Voyez?" And she displayed the
fingers of her left hend as though it were a parade inspection.
The sergeant looked at them. With a sudden movement,
he placed 'his hand upon them as they lay upon the counter.
"Non !" she said coldly as she hastily withdrew her hand.
" Fini ! Bon jour ! " And she turned her back upon him.
Sergeant John Lawrence put his twenty centimes on the
counter, took up his eggs, saluted, and walked out of the
dpicerie without a word. He felt hot and uncomfortable.
On the afternoon of the next day he came again. Before
he could open his mouth, Marie Claire had placed two eggs
on the counter. She looked at him abstractedly, as though
he were a piece of household furniture rather the worse for
wear, which might soon need replacing, and said indifferently :
^' Vingt centimes."
This df)ne, she turned to a shelf behind her, and began
moving the jars of confitures, occasionally pursing her lips to
blow away the dust. These expirations grew louder as he
lingered until their blasting effect upon him emotionally
produced the kind of functional paralysis associated with
the effects of high explosive. He stood rooted to the spot,
his eyes fixed on the back of her neck. He suddenly put
down the purchase-money, pocketed the eggs, and walked
out. After proceeding a hundred yards, with knit brows,
he stopped and ruminated. Opposite him was a dead wall,
the gable-end of a house. He put his hand in his pocket,
drew out an egg, took a short run, like a man practising on
■ a bombing-course, and, throwing from his hip, hurled the
egg at the wall. He noted with gloomy satisfaction the
protoplasmic effect, and taking the other egg, he hurled it
after its predecessor. And he resumed his walk.
Four day? succeeded one another, and each day Marie
Claire rehearsed a frigid reception for Sergeant Lawrence.
She rehearsed it in a newly ironed blouse and after carefully
washing her hair. Each morning as she rose from petit
ddjeuner she prepared herself to resent his appearance, each
evening as she sat down to diner she felt unaccountably
annoyed that he had not appeared. She began telling
herself that it did not matter two sous to her whether he
appeared or not. She told herself this very often.
One evening, towards dusk, she was sitting behind the
counter engaged in knitting a tricot. Her needles clicked
mechanically as she gazed abstractedly at the wall, and
occasionally she stopped to count the dropped stitches. She
beard ik footstep, and looked up. Sergeant John Lawrence
was st*ding at the counter. Before she had time to collect
her thoughts he had vanished, vanishing as suddenly as he
appeared ; so suddenlv that she began to doubt the evidence
of her senses. But on the counter lay a rose. She stared
at it for some time, and then suddenly took it up, burying
her nose in its petals as she inhaled their fragrance. It was
a Marechal Niel. She examined it, pulling back the petals
as though she were peeling an artichoke. But there was
nothing there. It was simply a rose. She sat with her chin
upon her hands, trying to conjure up the appearance of the
man who had laid it before her and wondering what it was
about him that had seemed so unfamiliar. And as she mused
it dawned on her that he had a rifle slung over his left
shoulder, a pack on his back, a water-bottle on his hip. She
rose and looked at the clock.
Copyright ia th« Unitad SUtM.
"Marie Claire! Marie Claire! Diner, Nom de . Dicu •
J'ai une grande faim. La soupe est froide."
She ignored this plaintive remonstrance, which came m a
stertorous voice from the parlour behind the shop, and,
slipping a shawl over her head, she stole out into the street.
It was curiously empty.
She crossed the Place, already steeped in shadows, and,
having covered some 400 yards, she stopped. Ahead of her,
in the middle of the street, were a number of soldiers drawn
up in long lines two deep. They were in full marching kit,
and in front of the nearest platoon a platoon-sergeant was
calling the roll. It was Lawrence. He held a roll-book in
his hand, and as he called each name, the owner shouted
"Here" ; the sound was taken up in a series of repetitions,
which as they collided acoustically with the same sounds
from other platoons farther up the street, produced the
effect of a prolonged echo. Having finished calling the roll
Lawrence went up to the platoon-commander, saluted, and
made his report. The company-commander took over.
"FORM FOURS !-RIGHT! AT EASE ! QU-I-I-J-I-
CK MARCH !" There was a shuffle of heavy feet, and the
long lines dissolved into columns of fours. The men's feet
went "CLIP-CLOP ! CLIP-CLOP !" on the pave with the
rhythm of a pendulum. The next moment the street was
empty, and Marie Claire was staring fixedly at the tail of the
column oscillating like a tuning-fork from right to left as it
receded in the distance in a cloud of dust.
* * *
Sergeant Lawrence, having cleaned his teeth with his Army
tooth-brush, stood in front of a mirror and studied atten-
tively a fixed smile— a smile which he produced and repro-
duced with reflex movements of his maxillary muscles.
It was a serious smile without mirth ; being intended, like
the capacious smile of a "chorus" lady, for purely exhibition
purposes. Dissatisfied with the result, he went over his
teeth again with a piece of charcoal until their lustrous
whiteness convinced him that art could do no more for
nature. For some days he had knocked off cigarettes owing
to their discolouring effect on the enamel ; he had also been
at pains to remove, with the aid of a piece of pumice-stone,
a large stain of a chemical brown on the inside of the middle
finger of his right hand. His face glowed with the applica-
tion of soap and hot water ; his buttons shone and twinkled
like the stars of the firmament.
At the end of an hour of these ministrations he pronounced
himself "clean and regular," and, taking a small cane in his
hand, he walked with an air of studied nonchalance down
the street, a prey to a secret obsession that he was a subject
of morbid curiosity to every passer-by. As he reached the
corner of the rue Gamhetta he suddenly ran into Sergeant
Robert Chipchase.
"Hulloa, Jack !" said the other. "Going for a stroll ?
"Y-yes," said John Lawrence.
"I'll" come with you," said the other, sociably.
Lawrence hesitated, and was lost. He fell into step
beside his companion. He walked some distance, replying
to conversational overtures with monosyllables.
"Got the hump. Jack ? " said the other suddenly.
"N-no," replied Lawrence. He stopped dead. "I've
forgot my handkerchief."
" Strewth ! I knew you had something preying on your
mind, like. Why didn't you say so before, inate ? Here
you are — use mine." And he tendered first aid.
"Anything wrong with it ?" said the other, sensitively.
V "No! No offence, I hope," said Lawrence. "The fact is,
"Bob," he went on breathlessly, taking each full-stop at full
gallop, " I-can't-walk-as-well-as-I-used-to-I-think-I've-
a-touch-of-trench-feet-you'll- excuse - me-old - chap -no -
no-I-can-get-back- to -billets- all- right -Don't -let -me -
spoil-your-walk-Bob." He paused to take breath. "It'll
do you good," he added, earnestly. "So long, old man."
And he turned on his heel.
His companion gazed after him. He walked slowly at
first, but his feet appeared to recover their circulation with
remarkable rapidity, and he was soon lost to sight. Sergeant
Chipchase soliloquised. T-,,r-x7/-u
"Sits in a corner of the mess mugging up hKEMCJl
AND HOW TO SPEAK IT. Says a man ought to improve
himself. Looks at a pal as if he wasn't there. Dreamy
like. Never passes the time of day. Asked me if I heard
a blooming nightingale. . . . Christ ! It's a wofmn !
And having finished his train of induction, he went on his
way whistling.
14
Land & Water
March 21, 191^
Meanwhile, Sergeant LawTence, having turned the corner
of the Place had arrived at the door of the ^ptcerte. He
reconnoitred it from nutsjde, and seeing two soldiers at the
counter, he retreated. He walked up and down once or
twice advanced to the door, and again retreated, until,
seeing the eye of a military policeman on the opposite side
of the street watching him with professional curiosity, he
walked straight into the shop. At the same moment the
two customers emerged from it.
Behind the counter was Marie Claire. A wave of colour
swept over her face as she saw him. They stood looking
at each other. ■■ ^ , ^
"Bon jour, M'sieu'. Douzeoeufs?" she said at last.
Sergeant Lawrence's eye caught sight of a rose in a vase
on the shelf behind her. It was a languid rose with drooping
petals, long past its first bloom ; but he thought he recog-
nised it. On the counter lav a small book with the words
" Francjais-Anglais " on the rover. He suddenly had an
inspiration.
"Afadame " he began.
"Mademoiselle," she corrected. "Encore Mademoiselle.
" Mademoiselle Marie ClaiEe"— she wondered where he had
got hold of her name — "voulez-vouse me donner lessons —
French — pour un franc?"
"Moi? "
"Oui."
She hesitated a moment. " Maman ! Ici ! "
There was . a sound of heavy breathing. " Maman "
appeared. She was large and round, and so richly endowed
by Nature that her chin seemed to melt into her neck, her
neck into her bosom. Wliere other people display joints,
her body exhibited nothing but creases. Her bosom rose
and felf continuously in short respirations, and the purple
satin of her blouse rose and fell with them as though it were
a natural plumage. Two large dimples appeared on either
side of her mouth, giving the spectator the impression that
she was smiling. The smile, however, was perpetual, and
afforded no index to the state of her emotions — it was one of
Nature's tricks of camouflage, and served to mask a variety
of moods ranging from lazy benevolence to active rapacity.
It was useful in business. If anyone objected to Madame's
terms, she always dismissed the objection with " les affaires
son/ les affaires," and continued to smile with the same
impassivity. She was a tj'pical bourgeoise.
"M'sieu' " began Marie Claire, turning interrogatively
to the sergeant.
"Lawrence — John Lawrence," said the sergeant.
■'M'sieu' Lorens wants me to give him lessons in French,
maman," said Marie Claire to her mother in her native tongue.
"He offers me a franc a lessofi," she added quickly, seeing
her mother hesitate, and fearing a prohibition of such
intimacy.
But Madame was not pondering the proprieties.
"DeiLX francs !" said Madame, with a smile of benediction
which expressed a genuine conviction that it is more blessed
to receive than to give.
"Oh, maman!" protested Marie Claire.
But Sergeant Lawrence jumped at the stipulation. " Done !
Bong! Bien!" he exclaimed hurriedly. Had Madame
made it ten francs he would have cheerfully acquiesced.
Then began for Sergeant Lawrence a course of French
Without Tears. It was intensive training, for he knew that
the battalion's "rest" in billets was short, and he took two
lessons a day. They were given in the parlour behind the
shop, with maman always in attendance, except for brief
and occasional absences when a customer claimed her
attention. During these absences the conversation took on
a less Ollendorfian character ; they ceased to ask each other
whether the gardener's mother-in-law had the paper-knife
of the tailor's step-brother, and Sergeant Lawrence found
himself speaking English, as a language more naturally
expressive of the emotions.
"Mademoiselle, will you come for a promenade ? " he said
suddenly in one of these truant intervals.
She hesitated. " It is not convenahle."
"Why not ?" he pleaded.
" In France we do not go for a walk unless we are— what
you call it ? — 'engaged' — fiance."
"Then let's get engaged," he said, decisively.
"Parbleu! To go for a walk!" Her eyes were full of
mirth.
"No! To get married," he said.
She coloured, but said nothing. He leaned forward and
seized her hand. This time she did not withdraw it. "In
France," she said, at length, " it is not convenahle to ask a
girl that." And, seeing his look of astonishment, she added :
"You must speak to maman first."
"Bon! Right away!" he said.
"Have you asked your papa?" .she said as they waited
■ for maman's return from the shop.
" My papa ! " he exclaimed. " You mean my old governor ?
Lord, no! Nor my grandpapa." He remembered there was
a Table of Affinities in the door of the church-porch at home,
proclaiming to all that a man may not marry his grand-
mother, but he could not see what that had to do with it.
"In France," explained Marie Claire, "the children do not
marry without the consent of their papas and mammas.
The garcon asks his papa, and his papa asks the papa of the
demoiselle. Then there's a conseil de famille."
" Lord love me ! It sounds like an inquest. . . .
Madame ! " he said, rising to his feet as maman returned.
"I would like to marry your daughter. Marie Claire. I — I
love her," h£ added simply.
"Bien," said Madame, with the eternal smile.
He thought she said "Combien?" and added, hastily:
" I'm a platoon-sergeant, my pay's 2s. lod. a day, I don't chuck
money about, and I've got ^50 in the bank. I've a clean
conduct-sheet, Madame. You can ask the adjutant."
To all of which — uttered in hurried English — Madame
made no replv, but continued to smile. For Madame knew
it all already. How ? By a series of judicious inquiries
conducted in many quarters. She had an instinct for these
things.
Lawrence did not tell her that he had the D.C.M., that he
had been at Mons, and that, if the Fates spared him, he
would one day wear a medal with many clasps which would
record "Mons," "Le Cateau," "the Marne," "the Aisne,"^
"Ypres," and many another tale of epic battles. After all,
these were not things that a fellow talked about.
And Marie Claire put up her mouth and received his first
kiss. Maman looked on with a mercenary smile, being
engaged at that moment in a rapid mental calculation of
how many francs there were in fifty pounds and also what
Marie's dot should be and whether she should throw in
the second best feather-bed. Sergeant Lawrence wondered
whether it was not "convenahle" to kiss one's fiancee except
in the presence of her maman. He wondered also whether
he ought to have kissed' w«waM first. He even wondered for
one brief moment whether maman had ever looked like Marie
Claire, but he peremptorily dismissed this unbidden thought
as treasonable and a temptation of the devil.
Sergeant Lawrence had an interview with his CO., and
the CO., having satisfied himself, in the spirit of No. 1360 of
the King's Regulations, that the lady was a virtuous woman
and precious above rubies, duly notified the D.A.A.G. 3rd
Echelon, who in turn communicated with the Officer in
Charge of Records. Which being done, the CO. was duly
informed that there appeared to be no just cause or legal
impediment in the way of the marriage. And John Lawrence
went before an officer who was a Commissioner of Oaths, and'
made a statutory declaration to the same effect. He also-
produced a birth certificate. All of which solemn declara-
tions the CO. forwarded to the Procureur de la RSpublique
of the arrondissement, who thereupon communicated with
the maire of the commune.
All these things took time, and Sergeant Lawrence liad tO'
go into the trenches again before the marriage ceremony
could be celebrated. Marie Claire spent many sleepless
nights trying to dispute a fixed idea that all the enemy
batteries had got John Lawrence personally "registered,"
and were laid on him. But he came out all right, and one
day Marie Claire and her maman, with an amazing retinue
of relations, illustrating all the Ollendorfian degrees of
affinity, who accompanied them, met Sergeants Lawrence
and Chipchase at the maison commune. Maman introduced
him to a beau-pere who was not "beau" and a belle-sceur
who was not "belle," but he reflected that the French are
nothing if not polite. It seemed extraordinarily like a
lesson in Ollendorfian French, as the stepfather was a
cordonnier and the brother-in-law was a charcutier, and they
all got mixed up in the most approved Ollendorfian manner.
Lawrence had obtained a certificat de coutume from the
consul at the base to the effect that in English law the consent
of the father is not necesseu-y to the present marriage ; and
this being duly read by the adjoint au maire, whom Chipchase
called the adjutant, Lawrence again solemnly declared that
there existed no just cause or legal impediment.
Whereupon the "contractant," John Lawrence, in English,
and the "contractante," Marie Claire, in French, declared
their wish to take one another for spouse.
And the adjoint declared them united in marriage. And
maman for the first time lost her smile and wept. And all
the relations, to the number of two score and three, wept
likewise, until Lawrence felt more than ever that it w^s like
an inquest. But Marie Claire's .smile reassured him.
And the adjoint, having recited his entries in the register
March 2 1, 1918
Land & Water
15
of the etal-civil, wrote down "Lectvire faite/' ffipgating the
words like a litany, and held out his pen. Whereupon John
Lawrence and Marie Claire, his wife, and her maman and a
great cloud of witnesses, .duly signed their names.
"You're married, right enough. Jack," said Chipchase, as
^he took his turn with the pen and gazed at the nine signatures
Which preceded his own. " It's like a Summary of Evidence
— you'd better take the old adjutant's award."
And John Lawrence gave his wife a nuptial kiss before
them all. WTiereupon Sergeant Chipchase, seizing the
youngest and prettiest of Marie Claire's girl friends, kissed
her also, explaining that this was the "custom" in England.
This obiter dictum was so well received that he promptly
kissed all the others, thereby wiping away all tears and
putting everybody in the greatest good humour,
* * *
I knew Lawrence, and was in fact in France at the time of
the wedding ; but it happened in 1915, and I had forgotten
all about it till one day last summer, when I was spending a
few day's leave in Dorsetshire. I had just heard that he
had got a bar to his D.C.M. And, as chance would have it,
my walk over the cliffs took me in the late afternoon into a
village churchyard within a stone's throw of the sea, where
I sat on the thick vturf in the shade of the cypresses. And
while I mused in the declining rays of the sun my eye fell on
a tombstone opposite me. 1 read the inscription :
To the honoured memory of
SERGEANT WILLIAM LAWRENCE
(of the 40th Regiment Foot)
Who after a long and eventful life
In the service of his country
Peacefully ended his days at Studland
November nth, i86g.
He served with his distinguished regiment
In the war in South America, 1805,
And through the whole of the Peninsular War, 1808-13
He received the silver medal and no less than 10 clasps
For the Battles in which he was engaged
JROLEIA, VIMIERA, TOULOUSE, CIUDAD RODRIGO,
BADAJOS
(In which desperate assault being one of the volunteers
Tor the Forlorn Hope he was most grievously wounded)
VITTORIA, PYRENEES, NIVELLES, ORTHES,
TOULOUSE.
He also fought at the glorious victory of WATERLOO,
June i8th, 1815.
While still serving with his regiment during the
Occupation of Paris by the Allied Armies,
Sergeant Lawrence married Clotilde Clairet
at St. Germain-en-Laye, who died September 26th, 1853,
and was buried beneath this spot.
1 got up and walked round to the reverse side of the tomb-
stone. On it was inscribed the words :
Ci-git
CLOTILDE LAWRENCE
N^e at St. Germain-en-Laye (France)
D^c^d^e k Studland
le 26 Sept., 1853.
Was it merely a coincidence ? I do not know.
Hit : By S. K. Vesey
Distant View of Hit
WE had
beenca-
ravan-
ing for
many
days in the Mesopo-
tamian desert when
we came to Hit, the
latest town to be
occupied by British
troops. From far off
we saw the smoky
vapours in which it is
enveloped, and we
smelt the sulphurous
smell for which it is
renowned. As we
drew nighcr it seemed
almost as if we Old Gateway, Hit
were approaching
some "Inferno" of Dante or Milton.
The road from Ramadieh was very beautiful in its desert
way, and just before lunch we passed through a fine gorge
and rode to the top of a hill which commanded a view of
the surrounding country. Desert everywhere, with little
knobs and hills of sand. We camped that night close to
the Euphrates, where river tortoises were disporting them-
selves in the water. During the night there was a great
noise of men and horses. No unusual occurrence, but this
time it proved to be a Turkish colonel and his troop of sixty
soldiers, who were out collecting taxes. They did not like
to leave us unguarded in so solitary a spot, so they said,
but as they breakfasted at our expense, their kindness
was not as disinterested as it seemed.
We started soon after dawn along a dreary way, with
torrential rain descending at intervals. The sky was dark
and gloomy, and mud and slime strove for the mastery
underfoot. We encountered the postman who plied between
Damascus and Bagdad. He was mounted on a horse, with
two large saddle-bags tied in front of him. Occasionally he
arrived at his destination intact, but, as a rule, his load was
considerably lightened on the way.
Our first impression of Hit was a tall minaret and black
smoke ; but gradually a village, perched on a rock, evolved
itself out of the gloom. There were rocky hills all round
from which smoke issued, indicating where hot sulphur
springs could be found. The ground was dotted with
unpleasant -looking black patches. The retainers dabbled in
these, returning with huge lumps of soft tar or bitumen.
We camped outside the town, and a fire of bitumen was
soon lit. It burnt splendidly, and warmed our chilled
persons and drenched garments. All evening we were
besieged by vendors of "antiques." The inhabitants find
them in old Hit, and sell them to passing caravans. Next
morning was finer, and we walked up to the town. It was
entered by this picturesque gate. The streets were very
narrow, with broken steps leading up to the houses.
We saw bread being made in one of these houses. It was
in a basket made of bitumen, and looked like porridge.
There was also a fire in a hole with bricks built round it.
A dirty girl came and washed her hands in dirty water, then
took up a ball of dough, worked it into a flat substance, and
plastered it against the brick wall.. In a few minutes it was
cooked. In spite of these terrible processes, the bread was
extremely good.
Later in the day we visited the bitumen pools. Some of
these were harmless, and one could dabble in them without
evil consequence, but others were sticky, and the stuff clung
to the hand like a black glove. Butter removed the thickest
coating, but fragments adhered for days. Another pool was
quite still when we arrived, but presently it began to dance
and foam as if possessed by an evil spirit. The edge of the
pool was all soft bitumen, but if gathered and laid on the
ground it hardened in a few minutes. Further on there was
yet another specimen of pool — sulphur and bitumen mixed —
which is used as a bath by the natives. It is also said to
cure any disease under the sun. Everything in and around
Hit was made or mended with bitumen. Houses were
patched together with it, boats were coated with it, and
baskets made watertight. It was carried away in baskets
on donkeys to the river, where it was shipped to Bagdad.
They were a disagreeable mongrel-looking people, but very
polite, and anxious to exhibit their town. Much of it was
built on the ruins of an older settlement, for the bitumen and
sulphur industry has existed from time immemorial.
i6
Land & Water March 21, 191 8
America and the Far East: By J. D. Whelpley
THJ-: (HUSO of the apparent hesitancy in Washington
in giving a mandate to Japan to enter Siberia is
twofold. The Washington (lovernment has clung
persistently to the liope tliat real democracy
would triumph in Russia, and long after other
Governments had presumably abandoned Russia to the
Russians, messages of cheer and comfort, coupled with
offers of material assistance, came to Petrograd from America.
It will be with real reluctance that President Wilson will
commit the Government of the i:nited States to any plan
involving possible armed conflict with the Russian people ;
which, of course, is what a Japanese advance into Siberia
might mean in the end. There is also an American principle
of foreign policy at stake, for the United States Government
has for many years used all its diplomatic power to give an
international character to all foreign movements in the Far
East. At Peking, in Manchuria, Mongolia, and Siberia
many enterprises have been undertaken by Japan in con-
junction with the Western Powers, so far as those Powers
were able to secure a part of the responsibility, and no Power
has been more alive to this situation than the United States.
The Trans-Siberian Railroad
To acquiesce in the advance of Japanese armies over the
Trans-Siberian railroad, unaccompanied by military repre-
sentatives from the West, would be a distinct departure.
If it is agreed upon in Washington, it will be an act of expedi-
ency dictated by the military situation in France and trans-
port difficulties the world over. Japan is on the spot, so to
speak, with a great navy, an army of a million and a half of
men, and comparatively little else on hand to engage either
the naval or the military energies of the nation. To let
Japan undertake this job — not such an easy one, either — is
the obvious course. Japanese statesmen say that they
require no mandate from America to go ahead ; but American
wishes would have great weight with the Allies, to whom
Japan looks for the word to go, and the deciding word lies
apparently with President Wilson and his Cabinet. He will
be guided bj' Allies' counsel, however, for the war is now being
fought as a single enterprise.
Americans are wonderfully well informed as regards
Siberia ; probably better informed than the people of
Western Europe. For many years American engineers have
been developing Siberian resources; American industrial
organisations have been successfully cultivating Siberian
trade ; and an enormous amount of publicity has been given
in America to the economic possibilities of the near future
in that country of amazing potential wealth. It has been
said that two United States of America could be laid out
west of Vladivostok, and the American who travels the
nearly eight thousand miles from the Pacific coast to Moscow
needs to look occasionally" at the people to disabuse his
mind of the impression that he is still in the middle or north-
western part of his own country. In geography, climate,
and soil, Siberia is very much a replica of a large part of
North America, with the advantage, strange to relate, of
better water supply, more timber, and a less variable climate
on the side of Siberia.
With the peaceful people of Siberia the world has no
quarrel, nor is it intended that any armed foreign nation
shall establish itself in their country to the disadvantage of
the population or to its own exclusive advantage. This,
indeed, may be said of the whole of Russia, for Germany has
raised the issue, and America and the Allies must and will
meet it successfully in time. There is a wonderful clarity,
positiveness, and unanimity of opinion as to Russia among
the American people, and it is summed up by the New York
Times when it says : —
Germany must be compelled to withdraw from the Russian
provinces she has seized. That is a war aim which the AlUes
cannot too promptly proclaim, and it is a purpose to which they
must inflexibly adhere. It is not alone the rescue of Russia
that is involved : it is the safety of civiUsation. If Germany is
allowed to retain her grip over Russia she will emerge from the
war victorious beyond even her own plan and imagining, for she
will be in a position to build up an irresistible mihtary power
and enforce her will upon the world. It would be the rankest
perfidy to talk of peace or think of peace with Germany on any
terms that would permit or condone the occupation of Russian
territory. It would be the abandonment of the great purpose of
the war. The Allies must again positively declare that they
will fight Germany until she withdraws from Russia, and that
they will give no thought to peace until she does so and makes
peace upon terms determined by the Allies. The one supreme
aim IS to destroy Germany's war-power plans. Until that is
accomplished, prating about peace at conferences, whether of
working men. of SociaUsts, or of Pacifists, is treason to the great
cause. The war must'go on until the end for which the Allies
took up arms is achieved.
Wlien Mr. Barnes, the Labour Minister of the British
Cabinet, in speaking of shipbuilding, said: "America is
failing us so far as shipbuilding is concerned." it is to be
regretted that he did not expand his statement to cover the
real situation. His remark was made in connection with
some estimates as to the shortcomings of British shipbuilding,
and it was to emphasise the seriousness of the situation that
he made the reference to America. The only failure that
can be attributed to the American shipbuilding industry is
that it has failed to satisfy the high expectations of the
general public here and even at home. American reputation
abroad for great industrial output has become almost a
belief in modern miracles among those who read of the
building of motor cars at the rate of "one a minute" and
of other standardised outputs.
In 1916 the United States lagged far behind other countries
in her merchant marine. Most of her foreign trade was
carried in foreign ships, and shipbuilding in America was
comparatively a minor industry. The demand for ships,
owing to the war, stimulated this industry considerably from
1915 onward, but it was not until less than a year ago that
America really entered into the business of supplying the
world-deficiency in sea-going tonnage. In a few months the
whole situation has changed, and at various places on
the North American Continent have sprung into being the
greatest shipyards the world has ever seen. Some of them
have even begun to launch ships, and with every passing
week the situation is improving. These great shipyards had
to be built before ships could be constructed, and the material
for these ships had to be assembled before keels could be laid.
The day is rapidly approaching when the extent of American
preparedness will be apparent to all in the vast output of
finished product, and there will be no disappointment in
this except to the enemy.
It has been said of American preparation for war that
no one can possibly realise its magnitude at the present
time, but that when the full possible output materialises the
world will be staggered with the totals. In all the long
months from August 4th, 1914, to April 6th, 1917, when j;he
rest of the world was at war, America made no preparation
for the day that was to come. This was due to social,
political, and legislative difficulties that blocked the way.
Following American intervention, there was a period of
mental effort necessary to secure the needed realisation and
consequent concentration of energy, a period that was all
the longer because of there being no danger of immediate
invasion by an enemy. The machinery of war in all its-
phases had to be created. It is now well on towards com-
pletion, and has all been done in a very few months. It
still creaks slightly in its joints ; but is finding itself with
marvellous rapidity, notwithstanding a clamour of tongues
always in evidence in a self-governing democracy, but not
without its usefulness.
Above the clamour of tongues can be heard the clang of
the hammers, the sound of marching feet, and the cheers of
the American soldiers as they land on French soil, and all in
constantly increasing volume. No criticism of America that
is heard in Allied countries equals in volume or vigour a
hundredth part of the fierce controversies that now rage
over alleged American shortcomings in Washington and
elsewhere throughout the country.
American labour is solidly for the war, and to no confer-
ence of pacifist tendencies or to no gatherings where repre-
sentatives of the enemy people \*ill be found, will American-
labour organisations send delegates. The people of America
are now confronted with much the same problem of how to
live as are the people of the AUied ^countries. Scarcity and
high prices demand their increased toll of American endur-
ance and earning power. It is well for the Allied peoples
to bear in mind, however, that the food and supply shortages
in America are caused largely by the great effort being made
to send more to the people of the Allies. It is a shorta^ge
created voluntarily by the American people that the Allies
can get on with the war in safety. Self-interest dictates
this voluntary rationing, it is true ; but the appeal is
naturally not as compelling as it would be if supplies were
actually short. In the midst of plenty, America is helping
to ration the world on an equal basis by plain Hving. This^
is fine testimony as to the spirit in which the Americaa
people have cast their lot with their Allies across the sea.
March 21, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
17
French Art in Russia : By G. C. Williamson
UNTIL recently there was more French silver in
the Winter Palace and the Anitchkoff Palace, in
Petrograd, than there was in the whole of France ;
and M. Paul Eudel, writing in 1884 respecting
French silver work, draws a piteous account of
the want of fine examples of the periods of Louis XIV..
Louis XV., and Louis XVL, in the country which had pro-
duced them. He pointed out that owing to the Revolution
and the Terror of 1793, France had been robbed of almost all
the fine examples of chased silver work executed during'
certain periods of her supremacy, and remarked, in a phrase
full of pathos, that one had to go to Russia to see the works
of Germain, the Roettiers, Claude Vallin, Biennais, and
Odiot. He added, moreover, as if to augment the pain to be
felt by his readers, that a journey to Russia for many of them
would be practically fruitless, as these choice examples of
French art were hid-
den away in the pri-
vate apartments of the
Emperor, or in other
sections of the palaces,
to which the ordinarv
visitor was not allowed
access, and which it
was often difficult
even for the student
to reach. He spoke
truly. It is to Russia
one has to go — or,
rather, it was to
Russia one had to go
—to see the finest
work of the Roettiers,
of the great master
silversmith, Robert J.
Auguste, and of his
valiant contempor-
aries of the eighteenth
century.
The Empress Cathe-
rine IL, in her desire
to encourage the
French silversmiths,
and also with that
love of magnificent
display which charac-
terised her, ordered
complete table ser-
vices of silver for the
governors of her seven
greatest provinces.
Four of these services,
executed between 1776
and 1778 by the mas-
ter engravers Louis
Lehendrick and
Charles Sprimann,
were delivered, the
last of the four not
reaching Russia till
1783. Of the other
services, only portions
came to hand, and
eventually the idea of giving them to the governors was
relinquished, and they were retained at the capital ; and in
consequence there are four great services of silver by
R; J. Auguste and his two collaborators still to be seen, com-
plete with magnificent centre-pieces, fruit bowls of extra-
ordinary beauty, and all the smaller accessories exquisitely
chased.
Two other silver services, by Fran9ois Thomas Germain,
were executed by command of the Empress Elizabeth, and
are of extraordinary elegance and charm. One was at first
intended for the King of Portugal, but the Empress bought
it. The second, which contains three magnificent centre-
pieces— "Bacchus and Love," "The Awakening of Love,"
and "The Birth of Comedy" — was originally commissioned
by the Empress Elizabeth, but passed into the possession of
Count Soltykoff, from whom it was redeemed by the Emperor
Alexander III. for 300,000 roubles. The famous Orloff
service, of nine hundred pieces, one of the great features of
which is the presence of ten grouped candelabra and fifty
magnificent candlesticks, was commissioned by the Empress
Jewelled Clock with Mechanical Movements
Catherine as a present for Prince Gregory Orloff, and is the
work of the two Roettiers (father and son) ; but, in some
mysterious way, it did not pass into the possession of the
person for whom it was intended, and could still be seen
quite recently in the Winter Palace.
Three later services are the work of Biennais and Odiot,
the goldsmiths who worked for the Emperor Napoleon I.
One is not only a dinner service, but a service for tea,
and also., for the deooration of a room ; and it includes a
fountain, two chandeliers, two magnificent centre-pieces for
fruit, hundreds of plates and dishes, and all kinds of separate
small pieces ; while the second, which Biennais made, is a
service of over a thousand pieces of silver, much of which is
engraved by Naudin ; and then, besides that, there are two
tea services by Odiot, a great fountain by the same man,
and three large chandeliers, all of silver, besides hundreds of
smaller pieces en-
graved by Fremin
(1780), Imlin (1797),
Feburier (1800), Boul-
lier (1781), Cedoz
(1809), Vachette
(rSio), and Lebrun
(1838). Altogether,
nine large rooms were
filled with this over-
whelming display of
sumptuous silver work .
to which there could be
no possibility of a rival,
for no such mass of
wrought silver existed
elsewhere, and no
other sovereign, save
the Empress Catherine,
ever commissioned sil-
ver on such a huge
scale, or pieces of such
magnificence, as were
some of the fountains,
chandeliers, wine cis-
terns, or centre-pieces
for fruit.
The F'rench pictures
which one saw in
Petrograd mainly be-
longed to one par-
ticular period. It was
works by Boucher,
Lancret, Pater,
Watteau, Fragonard,
and Nicholas Poussin,
that specially appealed
to the Russian royal-
ties. Many of them
were of extreme beau-
ty, two of the little
Watteaus being un-
rivalled in importance,
three of the Lancrets
almost equally beauti-
ful. The two principal
works by Poussin were
grand classical landscapes, the most important one by
Boucher, a very unusual subject for that artist — "Repose
in Egypt" — but painted somewhat on mj^hological lines,
superb in draughtsmanship, and beautiful in colouring. This
is not to say that earlier schools of France were not repre-
sented. There were two portraits attributed to Clouet ; one-
of Francis d'Alen9on, with some strong degree of probability ;
five landscapes by Claude, representing different hours of
the day, and several other landscapes by him of his usual
type. Le Meine was represented by a "Cupid Asleep," and
by the same artist there was a charming representation of
the mythological legend of "Jupiter and lo"; while in
another room were several portraits by Greuze and some
landscapes by Marne. In French sculpture, Houdin and
Falconet were well represented.
Another great feature of the French school was the presence
of the magnificent Gobelin tapestry, which covered the walls
of the museum of carriages, and gave to the long galleries in
which the Imperial carriages were presented a very
sumptuous appearance. Some of the very finest tapestry
i8
Land & Water
March 21, 1 9 1 8
that the Gobelin works ever produced cuuld be seen in these
ong RaUer,es; notable amongst them wcre^a series of repre-
Safions from the Book of Esther ." JIl^.^'^^P"^ o
Haman." "Haman Imploring Pardon. The Triumph of
Srdecki." and others) : in another room there were scenes
from Raphael, "Orj.heus and the Muses" ; and m another,
Russian palaces, covered in beautiful Beauvais tapestry,
especially furniture of Louis XV.'s time, and there were
many grand examples of the large commodes of the Louis XIV.
period, and some of the finest specimens in the worid of
bulil work. , , . • „ .• , ,
Yet another group of French objects specially noticeable
was represented bv the magnificent clocks, UKjst of them
distinguished by moving figures, or some unusual accessory
which appealed" to the rather childish taste of many of the
great monarchs of Russia. One of the clocks (it is illustrated
below) was always regarded with special delight, because,
by means of some cleverly revolving glass tubes, specially
cut and decorated, the effect of moving water in several
separate cascades was cleverly imitated. Tliere appeared to
be a fountain in the centre of the clock, from which rose five
distinct jets. By the side of it were two longer and more
powerful jets, beneath it was a broad flowing cascade, while
from two chimerical figures on either side there also flowed
streams of water. The effect was distinctly clever, and the
appearance of moving water quite striking at a distance ;
but it was meretricious decoration, and doubtless this
particular accessory interfered, as such accessories usually
do, with the timekeeping quality of the clock.
Another fine clock (illustrated opposite) had all kinds
of mechanical figures moving on it — a windmill and
a water-mill, and a revolving sun — all of which were set with
gorgeous jewels, and on the back of it a group of figures
moved in a landscape. Yet another represented a superb
temple, and there were three sets of mechanical movements
below, one pointing out the month, another the day of the
week, and a third the quarter, while above, in a separate dial,
was a complicated astronomical movement, giving all the
movements of the sun and moon.
A certain air of barbaric splendour marked almost all the
objects commissioned by the Empress Elizabeth or the
Empress Catherine from France or England. They appear
to have been seldom satisfied unless the objects in question
were glowing with jewels encrusted upon them in all direc.
Beautiful Panelled French Clock
representations after Guido, especially three great panels
which depicted the "Alliance of Love,'' "The Triumph of
Bacchus," and "The Triumph of Cupid."
The carriages which stood in these long galleries were also
representative of French art, because on many of them the
panels had been painted by Boucher. One carriage, which
was presented to the Empress Catherine II., had superb
panels, depicting "Labour," "Abundance," "Commerce," and
"Industry," all by Boucher. Another the same artist had
painted with allegories concerning Cupid, and yet another in
mythological subjects — "Venus leaving her Bath," — and
scenes of shepherds and shepherdesses, in the approved
Boucher manner. On one small carriage it was stated that
the panels were the work of Fragonard, and that it was the
only example of his individual work in this particular manner.
Yet another branch of French art which was superbly
represented was to be seen in the long series of snuff-boxes,
the work of some of the most noted French enamellers,
many of them of extraordinary beauty. On one box were
portraits of Marie Antoinette and her children ; and this had
a melancholy story attached to it, because it was presented
by Louis XVI. on the scaffold to his own personal servant,
who eventually sold it to the Emperor of Russia.
There were innumerable choice small things of the Marie
Antoinette period : cups, boxes, etuis, card-cases, inkstands,
handles for walking-sticks and canes, caskets for jewels, and
all the smaller accessories of the writing-table, almost invari-
ably in gold, chased with extreme beauty, and many of them
decorated with precious stones. There was a whole collec-
tion of wonderful French finger-rings, many enamelled with
arms, some of them having miniatures set within them,
others set with superb jewels ; and there was also a great
collection of the cases which contained ivory memorandum
slips, also wrought in gold and exquisitely chased. It was,
in fact, impossible to imagine a finer collection of the smaller
objects of gold work for which the time of Louis XVI. was
noted, more especially the objects that may be called the
useless ones upon which a lavish display of worlj was set out.
In this brief survey the furniture must not, of course, be
overlooked. There were many sets of furniture in the
■II- V
Clock with Mechanical Waterfall
tions, and in consequence the wealth represented in these
various objects must have been of enormous extent. What
has happened to these magnificent treasures is a source of
anxiety to all art lovers. Are they destroyed ? Have they
been looted ? Or are they by chance still in existence,
waiting to be carried off by Germany's tliieving Royalties ?
The good fortune that they will be saved to Russia seems at
the moment a remote one.
March
2 1
1918
Land & Water
19
"The Ambitious Man's Bible."
This striking phrase occurs in a letter which has come
to hand from a British military officer, in the course of which
he mentions that several " very sceptical " brother-officers have
recently become Pelmanists — impelled to that step by their
own observation of what the system had achieved for the
writer. His own opinion is strikingly expressed in the
phrase " the ambitious man's Bible," which he applies to the
Pelman books.
Nothing which could be said upon the subject of the new
movement, which is to-day reckoning its supporters by the
hundred thousand, could be of greater significance than the
frequency with which the sceptic ultimately becomes an
enthusiastic Pelmanist.
There are still a considerable number of men and women
who profess to ignore or disbelieve the published facts anent
Pelmanism — and this in spite of the unstinted praise which has
been bestowed upon Pelmanism after investigation by the
leading journals and by thousands of men and women of all
occupations who have studied the Course.
Let the sceptic examine for himself the astonishing records
of the Pelman Institute, or, better still, let him work through
only one of the Pelman " lessons," and his scepticism
vanishes with surprising speed.
The truth is that it has taken the public a fairly long while
to appreciate that the faculties of the mind are just as train-
able as the faculties of the body. To develop efficiency of
a mental faculty is no more difficult than to develop efficiency
of any particular group of muscles — always provided that an
appropriate method of exercise be followed.
"Pelmanism" is not an occult science. It is free from
mysticism, it is as sound, as sober, and as practical as the
most hard-headed "common sense" business man could
desire. And as to its results, they follow with the same
certainty with which mus<'ular development follows physical
exercise.
It is nowhere pretended, and the inquirer is nowhere led to
suppose, that the promised benefits are gained "magically,"
by learning certain formuhe, or by the cursory reading of a
printed book. The position is precisely the same, again, as
with physical culture. No sane person expects to develop
muscle by reading a book ; he knows he must practise the
physical exercises. So the Pelmanist knows that he must
practise mental exercises.
"The Finest Mental Recreation."
"Exercises," in some ears, sound tedious, but every
Pelmanist will bear out the statement that there is nothing
tedious or exacting about the Pelman exercises. Indeed, it
is no exaggeration to say that an overwhelming proportion
of Pelmanists describe the exercises as "fascinating," "de-
lightful," "the finest mental recreation I have known."
Returning to the sceptical man,' it is amusing to find this
ejaculation in the letter of a military officer : "Can yon tell
me why I did not take the Pelman Course before ? ' '
Set that letter beside the many— literally hundreds — of
letters in which Pelmanists say, "/ wish I had taken this
Course years ago," and the reader will form a good conclusion.
There are thousmds of people of all classes who would
instantly enrol for a Pelman Course at any cost if they oply
realized a tithe of the benefits accruing. Here again a
Pelmanist may be cited in evidence : " If people only knew,"
he says, "the doors of the Institute would be literally besieged
by eager applicants."
"We sometimes receive visits from inquirers who express a
fear that they are ' not clever enough ' to study the Pelman
Course," remarked the Secretary of the Institute recently.
"The remark betrays a misunderstanding of the nature
of the Course. Pelmanism is not severely scientific in form,
nor is it tediously technical. Otherwise we should not have
succeeded in interesting (and benefiting) so many thousands
of men and women.
"One of the most interesting letters received lately comes
from a lady in the Midlands, in the course of which she says
that, being 55 years of age, and being very delicate, she
had her doubts as to whether she should- take a Pelman
Course. She resolved to consult her son, a medical prac-
titioner, who at first laughed at the idea, but promised to
nuike inquiries. The outcome was a letter from- him. in
which the doctor wrote : ' Pelmanism ' has got hold of
me. I have worked through the first lesson and . . .
I am enthusiastic. His experience tallies exactly with
that of Sir James Yoxall, M.P., Mr. George R. Sims, and a
host of other professional men (doctors, solicitors, barristers,
etc.), who haye admitted that their initial scepticism was
quickly changed into enthusiasm.
"The Course is founded upon scientific facts: that goes
without saying. But it presents those facts in a practical,
everydayi fashion, which enables the student to apply, for
his own aims and purposes, those facts without 'fagging' at
the hundreds of scientific works which he might otherwise
read without gaining a fraction of the practical information
and -guidance secured from a few weeks' study of Pelmanism.
We have students who have studied psychology as a science
for years, but it remained for the Pelman Course to confer
practical and beneficial knowledge.
"The Course, in short is prepared for busy men, and is
designed to help them in their everyday problems — whatever
those problems may be. And there is written testimony
— mountain high — to show that every claim made for
Pelmanism is completely justified by the voluntary testimony
of those who have adopted it."
Everj- day brings its batch of flattering letters. Upon a
recent morning there came to hand letters of praise from
the following persons : — \
A British General.
A Chief Justice of the Hith Court of
2 Flying Officers.
A Busiaess Manager.
An Engineer.
A Woman of Independent Means.
A Solicitor.
3 Clerks.
A Clergyman.
2 (no occupation stated).
Fourteen letters !— and that is very far from being a "record"
day. Let any reasoning man or woman consider that list
and ask himself or herself whether a system which can evoke
voluntary testimony from such widely different classes is not
worth investigation. Who can a ford to hold aloof from a
movement which is steadily gaining the support of all the
ambitious and progressive elements in the Empire ? In two
consecutive days recently two M.P.s and a member of the
Upper House enrolled. "Run through the current Pelman
Register, and therein you will find British Consuls, H.M.
Judges, War Office, Admiralty, and other Government
officials. University graduates, students, tutors. Headmasters,
Scientists, Clergymen, Architects. Doctors, Solicitors,
Barristers, Authors, Editors, Journalists, Artists, Actors,
Accountants, Business Directors and Managers, Bankers,
Financiers, Peers, Peeresses, and men and women of wealth
and leisure, as well as Salesmen, Clerks, Typists, Tradesmen,
Engineers, Artisans, Farmers, and others of the rank and
file of the nation. If ever the well-worn phrase "from
peer to peasant " had a real meaning, it is when applied
to Pelmanism.
"A National Asset."
It is difficult to speak of Pelmanism without enthusiasm.
To say that the Pelman Institute is doing a great national
work is no more than the bare truth. The movement is no
passing craze, but is one which will endure and wax greater
and still greater as its supreme value comes to be more and
more understood and appreciated by the mass of the nation.
Pelmanism is a real national asset, and it possesses the
further advantage of being a valuable personal asset for
every man and woman who adopts it,
Pelmanism is fully explained and described in Mind and
Memory, which, with a copy of Truth's remarkable report
on the work of the Pelman Institute, will be sent, gratis
and post free, to any reader of Land & W.\ter who addresses
The Pelman Institute, 39 Wenham House, BloomsBury
Street, London, W.C.i.
Overseas Addresses: MELBOUUNE. 46 Market Street; TORONTO.
16 Toronto Street; DURBAN, Club Arcade.
20
Land & Water
March 21, 1 9 1 8
Life and Letters fiiJ.CSqum
Shockers
CAPTAIN HKETT- YOUNG'S last book was
Marching on Tanoa, the finest piece of literature
produced bv the war. He has now. with The
Crescent Moon (Seeker, Os.), returned to fiction.
But he is still under the spell of East Africa.
"That morning," he savs in his dedicatory letter, "while we
were riding in a forest -wa\- about dawn, a pair of soft-grey
doves had fluttered up from our path, and set me thinking
of the goddess Astarte and of her groves, of Sheba, and the
fleets that sailed for Ophir." Those thoughts of the past
— I shall return to this later— ma\- have been the starting
point; but the w(7/i/plavs no great part. He imagined his
ancient remains, great stone walls and a tall tower far inland
above the forest of a degraded black tribe. He imagined
the age-long perpetuation of the doves around the temple ;
the continuance (or resurrection) of the rites ; drums beating
under the young moon, wild dances, fires in the great kiln,
fren/.v, human sacrifice. And he conceived the association
of a white man with these ceremonies— Godovius, a strong,
handsome, German- Jew planter, perverse and sensual. But
the other characters and the other interest came in — at least,
this is what one supposes— and de\il-worship became a mere
element in the background of savagery against which his
story of passion and tenderness is unfolded.
*♦«***
I will not tell that story : one should only do that with a
bad book. It opens obliquely, in the Conrad manner,
when the narrator meets on the railway station of Nairobi
a pathetic group of missionaries and their families released
from the German prison at Nairobi, and notices a pale girl
standing. apart from the others :
I had noticed her from the first : principally, I imagine, because
she seemed horribly out of it, standing, somehow, extraordinarily
aloof from the atmosphere which bathed the assembly as in
weak tea. She didn't look their sort. .\nd it wasn't only that
her face showed a little tension — such a small thing — about the
eyes, as though the whole business (very properly) gave her a
headache. I think that if she hadn't been so dreadfully tired
she would have smiled. As it was, nobody seemed to take any
notice of her, and I could have sworn that she was thankful for it.
This is the heroine. She was the sister of James Burwarton,
a fanatical Nonconformist from Shropshire, in ^charge of a
mission station in German East. Those two, Godovius,
and McCrae, a bearded and one-armed hunter, are the char-
acters in the tragedy : those and Africa, her sun, her moun-
tains, her rivers, her forests, men and beasts, a land per-
petually smiling and insatiably cruel. The landscape, in the
broadest sense, permeates every page; "conveved-" never
with painfully accumulated plirases, but in hundreds of
little touches and unobtrusive repetitions. There are 'out-
standing scenes : James's journey at night to the House of
the Moon, the dance in the native village, the first encounter
with McCrae, the escape at the close ; but they grow
naturally, they are not "set." And at theclose the coming
of the War in that remote outpost is wonderfully imagined :
the sudden outburst of tom-toms, the bewilderment at the
mission, where McCrae "did not know then any more than
did Hamisi, sharpening his spear, that these angry drum-
throbs were no more than the diminished echoes of the
guns that were battering Liege." The book is short, and
Eva and McCrae are lightly drawn ; but thev are not too
little known to move one's sympathies profoundly, and to
be remembered.
In his preface, Mr. Brett-Young boldlv— or perhaps it is
timidly— describes the book as a "shocker." It is not my
idea of a shocker ; I should call it a rather realistic romance.
It is less of a shocker than She ; no more of a shocker than
Treasure Island ; scarcely- nearer a shocker than Lord Jim.
It is true that there is a " sensational " element in the idea of
the persistence of the rites of Ashtoreth and Moloch amongst
the Waluguru ; and it may be (as I have suggested) that
when he started he intended this to be the kernel of the
book. As things are, it is subordinate, almost irrelevant.
We have a book dramatic, intense, hea\'y with African
odours, and hot with the African sun. But it is not a
shocker. Its tragedies are inevitable ; its characters— though
we have to swallow a little in Godovius— are natural and
consistent ; its main interest lies in its powerful and accurate
pictures of that wild land, and in the truth and force of its
emotion. Its most moving chapter, in fact, is that in which
is described the flight of Eva and McCrae over the waterless
uplands, their strange lov(?-making, and their parting. Where
the authtir has an obvious opportunity of "laying it on
thick," such as those given by the Moon festival and by
James's end, he is restrained, or even shrinks back. If some
incidents are unduly " sensational," all I can say is that he has
not the courage of his unscrupulousness. He is an artist,
and he cannot help it.
That is not the way of the shocker. The genuine shocker
—and I won't hear a word against it — would collapse if the
author were fastidious about reality or bloodiness, or if the
characters began acting like real people. And the kind of
sincerity which enables an author to move powerfully the
heart would shiver a slicx-ker to pieces. The true shocker
does not aim at touching your heart, at purging you by
pitv or fear, at leaving you brooding over the persistence of
evil and the incomprehensibility of the Universe. Its pur-
pose is to give you the shivers and a sinking in the stomach,
to keep you on the jump, to make your flesh creep and your
hair stand on end. It is to the tragic tale what knock-about
farce is to the comedy of manners.. Its limits cannot be
exactly circumscribed ; like Mr. Chesterton's elephant, one
c-annot precisely define it, but one knows it when one sees it.
It taxes one's credulity, and one makes the surrender volun-
tarily for the sake of the game. One does not say (as one
says once or twice when reading T/;c Crescent Moon) : "Oh,
I am not sure that so-and-so would have done that " ; if one
is told a thing one accepts it. If the man walking down the
Strand (in the shocker) is accosted, during the space of
five minutes, by six dumb men wearing green turbans, one
does not say: "Tell that to the Marines"; one merely
quakes and goes on to find out from what mysterious power
these sinister strangers were emissaries. One delivers oneself
over to the author, gagged and bound.
I have just finished a good specimen of the real article.
I like it. It is not on the plane of Dracttla or The Beetle,
and it has no single chapter as thrilling as the chase b'v
aeroplane in The Twenty-nine Steps, or the blind detective's
nocturnal duel in Max Carrados. But I warm to it very'
much. It is called The Yellou^ Claw, and its author's name
is Sax Rohmer. Everything is there : underground passages,
skinny arms (body unseen) throttling their victims in the
moonlight, secret dooi^, veiled ladies in black arriving alone
at railway stations, a cab-chase by three cabs, warehouses by
the river, watchers outside flats, furtive servants who are
always on the telephone, a "gang" with "wide international
ramiiications, a portentous .Master- Villain whose face is
never seen, Scotland Yard men, and our old and ever-
welcome friend the suave, cultured, indomitable Chief of
the Paris Police. Brilliant politicians resort to East End
opium dens ; noises of dragging are heard, and women's
voices shrieking "Oh, no! Not that, not that!"; motor
boats chase each other on the foggy river ; baffled searchers
find that "the birds have flown." If there was a ghost, I
missed it ; but that is what I call a shocker. No space is
wasted over "psychological analysis" ; there is at least one
grue on every page ; and even the language assists in pro-
ducing the cold shivers, the author being especially prone
to the word "beetlesque." I will not say that a really
serious author could not write a shocker. Mr. Arnold
Bennett's The Grand Babylon Hotel and The Loot of Cities
were shockers. The first" of these at least was fascinating ;
for sheer ingenuity it beat the professional mystery-monger on
his own ground. But they were not perfect shockers. There
was a strong element of parody in them ; the characters
continually came to life ; the author took his mysteries with
too little seriousness, and constantly strayed into intelligent
comment and mere interesting description. This must be
the fate of every good reflective writer who attempts the
kind. His reason would revolt against the production of a
nightmare. He cannot bring himself to humbug people into
the creeps.
* * * * * *
My ideal shocker is a book which I have never read. I
saw it mentioned in an American paper ; but with all my
international ramifications, I have not vet been able to
run it down. It is called Three-Fingered Mike or A Bucket
of Blood; and even the British Museum officials know
nothing about it. . '.
March 21, 1918
Land & Water
21
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22
Land &. Water
The Story of Northumberland
March 21, 1 9 1 8
By H.R.S.
;,£^«#'%gf«i, Jfi*^ ^/?^f
.-TWS^f*'?--'' ""■■*£ ii'
Chillingham Castle, and The Cheviots in the distance
from an old engraving.
A WRITER once observed that Northumberland
in its natural contour and salient features is a
microcosm of England. He might have added
that its history is an epitome of the realm's.
And in nothing more than in the rural decadence
and depopulation of the last four decades, which to the
historian will appear as a hiatus in agricultural development.
The grave unbalance between manufacturing and agricultural
industry, between town and country life, is now submitted
to the shock of war, and will be eventually righted.
While in Northumberland rural depopulation, with its
concomitants, has been so marked and melancholy a feature
during the last generation, it is very noticeable how the old
folk-names survive and persist, though industrial Tyneside
and the Northumbrian coalfields have been flooded with
names of, in a sense, alien origin. In their entirety almost
they are the same humble names that figure so prominentlv
in the long subscription list that prefaces Mackenzie's wonder-
ful F»«x; of Northumberland, published in 1811 ; that list
■which is, as it were, an epitome or index of the trade, craft,
industry, and husbandry of the rural towns and villages —
a democratic scroll demonstrative of the spirit of local
patriotism, so prevalent about that time among the people.
The enumeration of the most recurrent of these names
makes evident the truth of this assertion :— Armstrongs,
Atkinsons ; Bells, Bates ; Carrs, Currys, Charltons ; Dixons,
Davisons, Dobsons, Dodds ; Elliots ; Grays, Greens ; Halls,
Hedleys, Heslops, Hutchinsons ; Jamesons ; Lees, Littles!
Lambs ; Maughans, Milburns ; Nixons, Nicholsons ; Olivers,
■Ords; Piggs, Potts, Pattersons; Reeds, Ridleys, Robsons,
Reays ; Steels, Stobbs, Storeys, Scotts ; Tates, Thompsons,
Telfords, Turnbulls, Todds ; Urwins ; Whites, Winships,
Wrights, Watsons, and Youngs.
A few of these names sound sonorously in the old border
ballads, but mostly when coupled with the patrimonial
place riames, as "Parcy Reed o' Troughend," and" the "fause
Ha's o' Girsonfield." As a whole, they have not commended
themselves to ballad-singers who have favoured more the
Northumbrian aristocratic patronymics. I remember how
in my earliest associations with North Tyne the alliance of
surname with place name— mill, shieling, onstead, or hamlet—
appealed to me with its musical assonance. These recur to
ray memory : Willie Smith o' Gunnerton, Stokoe o' the
Mams, Milburn o' the Wester Ha,' the Tailfords (Telfords)
o' Humshaugh, Tom Trumble (Turnbull) o' the Boathouse,
Kirsopp o' the Keeper Shield— all within a tiny and sparsely
peopled area.
That was thirty and more years ago. The old mills were
still grmding corn intermittently. The country airs and
dances still were favoured at meetings and merrymakings,
though the feasts and fairs were mainly a memory of the
past. The accumulated inheritance of country lore^— the
''glamourie of faws and fairies," holy and wishing wells, ghosts
and apparitions, haunted lanes and houses, fairy hills, knowes,
and springs ; charms, spells, tokens ; the marvels of treasure
trove and money hills, still exercised some of their potent
sway. The chase had its full quota of foot followers, who
preserved best its spirit of universal humour and fellowship.
The mirth of the rural sports still resounded on the village
green, and on the green haugh amid the amphitheatre of
woods. Youth had not yet in large numbers felt the lure
of the large towns and cities. But the time of change had
come, the tide had begun to set that way.
Now, and for long past, a strange somnolence has fallen
like a spell upon rural Northumberland. A primjEval-like
calm pervades its pastoral valleys and villages. I have been
a pilgrim on its high roads, old and new, through its lonely
by-ways and forgotten field-paths, and discovered for
myself its remote homesteads and hamlets. I have felt the
uplift of its hills and horizons, and invoked its mountains in
my muse, loitered by its rivers and burns, where the shy
dipper disports itself, the genius and naiad of rock and
waterfall, and where the kingfisher darts past like a flash
of heavenly flame. I have communed with solitude on its
heathy wastes, with heart strangely stirred by the curlew's
mournful call, or the heronseugh's piercing cry at dusk.
With mind informed of its varied history, I have looked upon
the memorials of its past — monolith, wall, causey, keep, pele-
tower, church, abbey, cross, caim, manor-house, inn, mile-
stone, miO — and felt the inexpressible appeal of its old border
towns — Wooler, with its clean Scots air, set against the
green mounded slopes of the Cheviots, Alnwick, grey and
stern, with rough cobbled streets, lion bridge and kingly
castle seated in state above the shallow shining Aln ;
Rothbury, with steep street of , stone descending to the gorge
of the Coquet, and fronting the huge saddleback of Simonside,
the rampant of the middle marches'; the Rothbury that
Thomas Doubleday memorised in such noble prose, and whose
Coquet he enwreathed with garlands of song.
Each place, each place-name has its charm — Kirkharle, of
which alone the church remains, cornless but sylvanly fair,
where " Capability Brown" first tried his 'prentice hand at
landscape gardening; Cambo, with its tall church tower and
chiming clock, overlooking the fair valley of the Wansbeck ;
Capheaton, anchored in deep sylvan foliage, home of the
Swinburnes ; the isolated hamlets along the. Watling Street
(the old drover's road from Scotland to Stagshaw Bank Fair)
whose names resoimd in the injunction of the old folk-song :
Sandy, keep on the road; that's the way to Wallington.
O'er by Bingfield Kame, and the Banks o' HalHngton,
Thro' by Bavington Ha', and in ye go to Wallington,
Whether ye gallop or trot, |ye're on the road to Wallington.
(Continued on page 24.)
March 21, 1 9 1 8
Land Sc ^Vater
23
BENETFINKS
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The City's
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(ESTD. 1844).
BLANKETS.
LONGCLOTH
Heavy, soft, white, fleecy. Size-about 70111. X
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make, white borders, size about
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GREY RUGS, very soft make,
with white border. Size about
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All Carriage Free.
CALICO. Best quaUty, fine white. Width
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TURKISH TOWELS, stout, brown
striped, very durable, size about 18 in.
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SILK TAFFETA RIBBON. One line only. Twelve colours,
about 6 in. wide. Sale price 6Jd. per yard, postage id.; 5/10 J
for 12 yards, post free.
The above offered Goods are Salvage and Clear-
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fl
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Vickery"« Rcgiilered and Exclusive and
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Plain Gold - - - 14/6
Without Chain - 10 6
18-carat with Chain - 21/-
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Gold, set Pearls, Kuby or
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Without Chain - - 17/6
(lold, set Diamonds - - 25/-
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With Whole Pearl .pnds - £4
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Khaki Colour Gold, with Chain 15,'6
Ditto, without Chain - 11/6
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NAVAL AND MILITARY
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ASK FOR LOFTON'S PUTTEtS.
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24
Land & Water
March 21, 191H
{Continued from page 22)
It was in Blanchland I found the ideal village, the "happy
village" of one of its poets, an entity whose charm, romance,
histoid', .and unique individuality it might suffice the pen
of any poet to describe.
The rural Northumberland of a hundred years ago finds
ample record in Mackenzie's view, and a certain expression
in the very improbable " IJfe of James Aller^, " the Northum-
brian piper, and horse stealer. But its most striking portrait-
ureistobe found in the tales of Surtees, which arc, in jiart at
least, a reflex in carica-
ture of the life and
humour he found along
the borderlands of the
two northernmost
counties, just as the
vivid landscapes he de-
picted— heath and hill
and sky — are those of
which he found tlic
counterparts to his
hand. Blandiland, I
discovered for myself,
is the "St.Bosweil" of
Hillingdon Hall, and
the Lord Crewe Arms
of that place is the
inn of the story. The
chairman depicted as
presiding at the St.Bos-
weil dinner was, in fact,
the Master of Minster
Acres Hall, Squire Sil-
vertop. On the white
Houghton Castle on the North Tyne
longing and intenser vision on their native place, and the
memory of those who have died will to those who mourn
them make sacrosanct field and fell, hill, homestead and
hamlet, where they were born.
Speed the plough is the motto now ; it must
ensure the future. Sylviculture, and re-afforestation, too,
will come to the fore, and with reason, for the sound of
falling woodlands is in the air, and the aspect of the country-
side is being rapidl\/ changed. A renascence of -agriculture
and sylviculture, the reliabilitation of village crafts and in-
dustries, these are
envisaged in the
new time. As a
background to this
effort, ^here is
the storied history
of Northumberland,
its prestige and pride,
its unique wealth of
lore and legend,
its riches of romance,
its incomparable stores
of folk-rhyme and folk-
song, its bede roll of
illustrious and famous
sons. What seemed
dead was only dor-
mant. In a new ves-
ture there will arise a
nobler Northumber-
land, in which the once-
loved landmarks of
Cheviot and Simon-
side will stand out
^n old engraving.
doorsof the upper bedrooms of the old hostelry the names of with a larger significance, and the northernmost county
R.^fi'^M Jl 'k ?' nimrods of his time are still shown, of England again justify the unrhvmed apostrophe that
HnHnlfK i^T!i ''"'?, ''^'Af^*^'''^ ^™"^ *''^ P''^'''^ ^y^ Mackenzie prefixed to his View of Northumberland in 1811 :
dunng the last four decades. Of necessity, it will come into
Its own again. Through all the stressful time the old rural Happy Northumbria I
framework remains. The remnant of its people are the Grateful thy soil, and merciful thy clime,
genuine native stock, with the old familiar folk-names, folk- w*., m Thy vaUies float
orSd'erTt5t'h?f"1- ']^°:r?° ^n^ from the'fields Sl^t SeS? U^^. rn^rSSS
01 Glanders and the far-iiung battle Ime will look with deeper Bellow the blackening herds in lusty droves.
The War in the Air
Whitehead Aircraft Ltd. and a Great Scheme
The supremacy xn aerial warfare to-day belongs to the British
race and, although the last word of conquest has yet to be written
tUe tune is not inopportune to hark back a little and dweU on the
means by which we gained it, for it is only by so doing that we can
learn how to deal with the problems of the future, which already
are calhng for solution. The greater issues of the war have closed
our eyes to some extent to the marvellous progress which has been
made with the science of aviation.
^^.^A^^"^^ or so before the war the few who were striving to conquer
^lw,t«°^^''' °} ^^^ ^" "^T ^°°^^ "P°" ^'^^ the pity which we are
thefr bonnet ^°°"^ *° ^^^°^ °° *^°'^ who have a bee in
air^tp«H°"<i^T*'i^^ ?,f ' f'^" *° ^'■^'^''^ ^"'^"^^ i° a heavier-than-
^n nf/lV ^Cody, the Wrights, and the rest of the world's workers,
^.,? /'"■°"^'' ^^^ ^'^^ °^ '^'•"'=' criticism, until at last some
measure of success began to attend their experiments
fliXr^ ff^K^^"" achievements had been witnessed and long-distance
fofc4 wetdT ^^^°°!^!«''- the war clarion sounded, and the aerial
in theTrim 'struggle!''"""' "'"' °'" *'' '^'^"°°'' *° ^'^^ ''''" P^^
imlre°ssed''w '">'', the thrilUng stories of their encounters were
o??hr. ,. ■■ \ • '7t*"?."t,the vision of those who had studied the trend
^he fl^h ^"''.'^l'"/,'^ '^''''''^'"^ t'^^'t i-^s^ a space of time than
o wfn soeid?F^ ° „^"" «e would come to Recognise that, if we were
nl fT„ V? ^ and crush Prussianism out of the hearts and minds
to soeed r^he'^r'^M' ^" r"'^. '''''"' ^ '«a'^« the effort of ourTve^
to speed up the building of craft of the air.
ofihe dav7„^nhl*'°°'Tf' '■^''■^^"' ^}° "'^^^'^ =^"°»'«1 the larger issues
we owf tL ffpfrV 'f'"" ''"'°" ° t*^^ f"*"'-'^- a°d "t is to them that
we owe the fact that at present there is in our midst a -foundation
sYan KrsTorl" ^"' *''= ''T^'' ^"^ "'"^ ^'^^ ^^^^h ara n^t on
snail DC ours for as long as we desire to hold it.
Whitehead li°Pn^i°K ""^ ^l' ^^'''^ ^^'"'^ ^^""^ America Mr. J. A.
to'St.'' cZlft^r^'t'wIn'thrw^r '•=''^™"^' *° '^ ^^^^ ^^ ^°^'^
proWem^he^saw ''Uf^.f'"' ^""^ gcn.us„he did not rush at the first
divs of the ^m . l**"^ .'^.''i"'^ "'^"y ^•■°"nd "s i" the opening
days of the war— but he set himself to reckon oat what wa>: th%
greatest .service which it lay within his power to perform *
Tutored to 00k farther ahead than many men he foresaw that
he nation which won the battles of the air^vrid be the ^i^ner fn
^<^^f^^riro/w^-^iLr^d^^^t/:^,^S
To the story of Whitehead Aircraft, Ltd., adequate justice could
no» be done in an article of this nature.
Beginning work in a small drill-hall, Mr. J. A. Whitehead has
organised and engineered his enterprise into one of the greatest in
the world.
The factories cover some acres, many employees are at work
turning out the finest aeroplanes, and there is- a splendid aerodrome
for present and future "work.
The Treasury have sanctioned the' raising of the capital of the
firm to one milUon pounds. This will be devoted to the purposes of
aviation in the war. What tliis means exactly is that, with the help
of the British public, we will be able to gain overwhelming superiority
in the air.
Whitehead Aircraft, Ltd., have turned out machines which have
helped to gain our aerial supremacy, and now the greater effort is to
be directed to deal the final blow.
The Germans are still building machines, but we have the inherent
capacity in the country to beat them.
The people of Germany know it.
Spectacular raids by Gothas may bolster up hopes for a moment
but all Hunland reahses that the hour of doom is at hand.
The work of our aviators at the front, our raids on Mannheim,
Stuttgart, and Coblenz, and other towns, have taiight them we are
out to win.
And they know a National British effort will make our Air Service
as powerful as our Armies and our Navies.
With new plant and greater factories, our aircraft construction
can easily out-distance the efforts of Germany.
Aircraft shares, if taken up enthusiastically by the public, will
be as effective as Tank Days.
More capital means more power to our daring and skilful pilots
and a speedier crushing of the enemy.
It means the dawn of peace and the era of progress and prosperity.
It means all that we have been fighting for since the commencement
of hostihties. Whitehead Aircraft, Ltd., believe in the theory that
the war will be won in the air, and they mean to make every effort
to increase the great work they have been doing.
Every one who helps to increase the capital will help to build an
aeroplane and defeat Gernjany.
Aircraft shares are a patriotic and an easy way to end the war.
and they are also a paying way.
The main thing, however, is to'build more aeroplanes than Germany,
and get the war over, and those who believe that a national effort
will accomplish this will welcome the opportunity now offered them
to become aeroplane builders. To learn how you can help with avia-
tion, write to Whitehead Aircraft, Ltd., Box 1918, c/o Land & Water.
LAND &W ATER
V0I.LXX. No. 2916. [v^rA] THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 19 1 8 • [rTE^4^pTp#l] ^^fc"^^5fJ?ETE'^N^c"2
A Famous Flyiiigman
This fine portrait of a British Flyingman, whose name is withheld, is painted by William
Orpen, A.R.A., an official artist at the Front. It is a splendid example of his work.
Land & Water
March 28, 19 18
Transport Ancient and Modern
Remounts on their way to a French Depot
OfficiiU Photo
A Motor Engine carrying Shells to the Guns
Ogiciai Photo
March 28, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
f A 'V T "PX O "\ 11 7 A 'TH T7^ "O ^^^ "P ^'^^ '■a-'^'^s of our amies. The Prime Minister spoke
L^/\|^\ L/ OC VV l\ L 11/ 1\ ^'^'■y '^""^ctly to a deputation of miners, which waited on him
■"-'■^ *■ last week. For once, he did not mince his words on a labour
question . Would that he had spoken as straightly on previous
occasions whenever they occurred. We have held con-
sistently that a prime factor in all labour unrest has been
the timid' way in which the Government has dealt with the
men ; impulsiveness has yielded to half-heartedness, labour
has been now rebuked, now cajoled like a spoilt child, and
the essential troth has been steadily overlooked that the
British working man is one and the same person, whether in the
shipping yards on the Tyne and the Clyde, or in the trenches
m France or Flanders. It is the handling of the men which
varies, and it is this which makes the difference in their
behaviour. We shall be surprised if there is any more
trouble over obtaining the necessary recruits from the labour
world after this battle. Already we hear the miners have
withdrawn their opposition to the "comb-out." We have
no doubt it will be the same with the A.S.E. England, or,
to use the greater word, Britain, is fighting for her exist-
ence and for those principles for which through the centuries
she has struggled tenaciously. It is impossible to believe
there is a single Briton who will in this crisis be fal.se to
himself or to his countrv.
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 1918.
Contents
PAGE
I
A Famous Flyingman. (Photograph)
Transport Ancient and Modern. (Photographs) 2
The Outlook 3
The Great Battle. By Hilaire Belloc 4
The End of the Road. By Raemaekers 10 and 11
Submarine Campaign. By Arthur Pollen 12
England. A Poem. By H. M. D. 13
The Balkan Stage. By H. Collinson Owen 15
The Great Passport Frauds. By French Strother 16
A Contemplative Mind. By J. C. Squire 19
Chronicles of the Great War. (Review) 20
A Neglected Industry. By Christopher Turner 20
Domestic Economy 23
Notes on Kit
25
The Outlook
THERE is inevitably only one topic of interest •
thfs week, only' one question which occupies the'
mind of us all — the issue of the great battle
now raging in Franije. Mr. Belloc writes at
length on the subject in the following pages, so'
it is unnecessary fo dwell on it I'lere. The future of European
civilisation sways in the balance during these momentous
hours, for this, the greatest battle in which the human race
has ever been engaged, a struggle far vaster and more terrible
than any war between Gods and Titans, will decide the
fate of the world's progress, and more nearly still the very
existence of the British Empire. It were folly to shut our
eyes to all that is involved in the fift5'-mile battle-line now
swaying to and fro in France— a battle-line that at any
moment may be extended. In one knowledge we have
content — the British Empire is worthily represented by her
armies ; the spirit which shone so brightly during the dark
hours of the Mons retreat, in the perilous onslaughts at
♦Ypres, and in a hundred other engagements where the odds
have been heavily against us, burns as steadily and as
brightly as ever. Amid the bare facts related by the war
correspondents in France tales of undying heroism con-
tinually emerge. We can place full confidence in our' men ;
the only doubt that disturbs is whether their numbers suffice
to stay the Teuton hordes, which are flung 'against them
with a most callous disregard of life.
* * *
This great battle, which history may well know as "The
Second Battle of the Somme," opened upon the early morning
of last Thursday, and the German offensive is being continued
with an unprecedented weight oi men and material upon an
unprecedented length of front, and, happily, with unpre-
cedented enemy losses. It had the result in the first five
days of recovering, roughly, three-quarters of the devastated
area upon which the enemy had retreated to the so-called
Hinflcnburg Line. It had by Monday last yielded in wounded
men left behind and in an unknown, but probably more,
number of unwounded prisoners, 45,000 claimed by the
enemy as captured and somewhat over 600 guns, the greater
part of which are, of course, field pieces. These losses in ground,
men, and material, though severe, are not the determining
matter ; they only strike the imagination of the reader at
home most strongly because the other features of this unpre-
cedented struggle cannot be dealt with in detail, and many
of them cannot be dealt with at all ; but, as is pointed out
in Mr. Belloc's article, the existence and ultimate effect of
the great reserves which the Allies have in hand are
specially to be considered, and there is no result to be
predicated until the effects of its use shall be known.
. ' * * *
Before the battle was joined, there was trouble in the
labour world regarding the comb-cut of men necessary to
The widespread demand for an official statement of the
true position of shipping at last compelled the Admiralty
to publish the figures of loss of tonnage. Now that they
have been made known, one is only surprised that this
information was withheld for so long, enabling the enemy to
hearten his people with exaggerated reports, which were
never authoritatively contradicted. The losses are heavy,
but Sir Eric Geddes was able to show a substantial margin
of safety, that is, provided destruction by submarines does
not increase. The curve points to a diminution, but we are
not aware of the number of U-boats operating round these
coasts or whether Germany is able to increase their number
faster than we destroy them. This is a factor not to be
overlooked. The whole question is fully discussed by our
naval writer, Mr. Arthur Pollen, on another page.
VVhilc the loss of mercantile shipping through enemy
action was not alarming, the statement regarding the output
of new ships was less reassuring. It is only too evident
there has been bungling and muddling here, and it is to be
hoped Lord Pirrie will be able in brief time to straighten out
things and put them on a proper footing. Lord Inchcape,
who has been actively engaged in the shipping world from
his youth upwards, tells a pitiful story in the Times of Monday
about the irreparable waste of time over the so-called
"national shipyard" at Chepstow on the Wye. This yard
was originated by private enterprise, and had it been left
to private enterprise to complete there would have been by
this autumn 100,000 tons of new shipping either constructed
or in course of construction. But last August the Chepstow
shipyard was commandeered under the specious plea of
making it "national," and nothing has been done. The
months that have been wasted can never be restored. Will
Government Departments never learn that time is different
from public money, in that it can never be replaced ? They
go on frittering it away with an untroubled conscience as
though it were as easy to make good a year as it is to put
another threepence on the income-tax. | |j^^
Raemaekers' cartoons have never been loved by the
Kaiser or his people. It is not difficult to understand this ;
their influence grows steadily, and even now it may be said
to be only at its beginning. The Teuton slowly realises
this. An exhibition of anti-German cartoons and drawings
was opened recently at Munich, under the designation of
"Our Enemies' Sowing of Lies." Besides these cartoons
were hung gentle German cartoons of the tamest kind. This
exhibition was promoted by the Bavarian Government, and
the leading Munich journal, in commenting on it, wrote :
" Most of the enemy productions are of the poorest' quality,
and produce only a feeling of disgust ; some, indeed, siich
as *he cartoons of Raemaekers, combine with the sense of
disgust a bitter feeling of pain at this unparalleled degrada-
tion of art." The bitter feeling of pain at the unparalleled
degradation 0/ humanity which Raemaekers' cartoons portray
will endure. It is the Germans themselves— not Raemaekers
—who have shown to the world that Germans are really
"Boches, Huns, and barbarians," three terms which rankle
and will continue to rankle in the Teuton mind.
Land & Water
March 28, i 9 1 8
From Arras to La Fere
March 28, 19 18
Land & Water
The Great Battle : By Hilaire Belloc
THE great battle which the Qnemy had announced
with extraordinary advertisement for many weeks
began four da}'s before these hncs are written,
and is still in progress. The present conditions
of printing make it necessarj- that this article
should be completed upon Sunday, the 24th of March. All
phases of the action later than the news reaching London
at that moment can only be dealt with in our next issue.
But the results of the first three days — that is, up to the
evening of Saturday, the 23rd — are sufficiently clear, in spite
of the inevitable brevity and imperfection of the news
received, to give us a grasp of its character, of the enemy's
objects, and of their first results.
The enemy's strategical object was to tear a great gap in
the British front as near as possible to its southern extremity,
or right, upon the River Oise, and thus at once to separate
the British from the French armies and to permit them,
when the breach has been fully opened and seized, to roll
up the British line.
He depended for the security of his left or southern flank
immediatel}', after the success of such an operation, upon
the Oise Valley, which is marshy and difficult at this point,
and belie\'ed that the obstacle will protect him from successful
Allied attack here, at any rate, for a space of time long
enough to permit his complete success towards the north.
This original plan may be and probably will be modified
in the course of the action, especially if it does not follow his
time-table and if, therefore, his losses are, for the results
achieved in the first few days, beyond his calculation ; but
that this was the main and simple strategical intention of
the enemy is obvious from the place and method of attack.
With these ends in view, he adopted the following
dispositions :
(i). He had chosen a very wide front of 76,000 yards,
or just over 43I miles as the crow flies, from the point where
the original British front line crossed the canalised River
Scaipe in the neighbourhood of Roeux to the point where it
crossed the River Oise in the neighbourhood of Vendeuil.
(These villages and most of those mentioned in the course of
the article are to-day, of course, only names for a few ruins
at the best, and in many cases a little scattering of brick-
dust upon a mass of shell holes). This front happens to be
the driest part of all the long Hne held by the British armies
in France and Belgium, and this feature, a great aid
to his offensive, has been powerfully accentuated by his
extraordinary luck in the weather.
(2). To ensure success, he had concentrated upon this
front of 43 miles in a direct line (enlarged by sinuosities to
somewhat over 50 miles, which will be again increased by
the greater sinuosities developed during the battle) perhaps
75 divisions out of the 186 which he had in line between
the Swiss frontier and the North Sea. Of these, he had no
less than 40 upon his immediate front for the delivery of the
first shock, and within 48 hours had added another ten to
replace his losses and to provide fresh material for the
assault. The numerical value of this force in bayonets can
only be roughly established. We know that the German
divisions have been reduced for many months past, and
for much the most part, perhaps for all, to some 6,500
bayonets, but it is very possible that additions have been
made from the younger classes and by the selection of men
from divisions the main part of which have still been left
upon the East. Perhaps we may average the divisions in use
at 7,000 bayonets or somewhat over, and we may, therefore,
estimate the number of German infantry already engaged
in these four days at somewhat more than 350,000, with
at least half as much again immediately behind them for
reinforcement during the course of the action. Most of these
units have been specially exercised for three months past in
view of the present operation ; they have been trained to
long marches, to sham attacks upon ground in the rear of
the German lines chosen for its similarity to the points for
which each unit would be used ; and the so-called " Storming
Troops," specially picked to act as the spear-hcads of the
shock, have been kept far back from the fighting zone, fed
and trained and disciphned in a manner particular to their
special use.
(3). An exceedingly large force of artillery, far greater
than any yet concentrated in proportion to the number of
bayonets involved, has been massed upon this front. It
includes not only the German heavy batteries released by
the betrayal of the Alhed cause in Russia, but also many
Austrian batteries ; and special attention, has been paid to-
the mobility of these for the following up of the expected
rapid advance.
(4). The clement of surprise was dehberately excluded
by the enemy, probably upon the ground that it was unattain-
able and that, upon the balance, it was better worth while
to hearten public opinion at home (under the very severe
strain it was suffering) by the announcement of the attack
and by the promise of. certain and decisive success to be
followed in a very brief delay by a Anctorious peace.
(5). The result to be achieved could only be reached
rapidly and therefore at a great initial expense in men. This
is the capital point of the whole business. It is that upon
which we must particularly fix our attention, for it is the
character which will determine the final result. The Prussian
tradition in tactics and strategy is rigid and inflexible. It
has the advantage of all rigid and inflexible things that it
permits a highly detailed study of its conditions anci a perfec-
tion therein. It has the disadvantage that if it fails it fails
altogether, from lack of alternatives.
This point, the dehberate intention to sacrifice vast masses
of men early in the action as a price necessary to the result
and as the cheapest price to pay in the long run, accounts
both for what has hitherto been effected by the enemy up
to the moment of writing and also for its failure, hitherto,
to follow the time-table assigned to it. By which we must
not be understood to mean any forecast of the ultimate
result, but merely to establish the character of the first three
days' engagement.
Political Necessity
F It need hardly be pointed out that the undertaking of
the offensive under such conditions teaches a very valuable
political lesson. It informs us that the enem}- has been
compelled to attack from the pohtical conditions existing
within the German and Austrian Empires. It was the
opinion of many who judged the situation su'dy upon its
mihtary side, that this offensive would not be delivered.
The unprecedented and exceedingly unusual advertisement
of it ; the relative success of the submarine offensive by
sea ; the length of time required by the United States
to put any considerable force into the field ; the very fact
that so long a period of dry weather made the chances of
a break in that spell, and more difficult conditions for the
continuation of the offensive, high ; the considerable activity
of the enemy in the East ; lastly, the self-evident truth
that such a gamble deliberately staked everything upon rapid
success, and that the only alternative to it was an ultimate
disastrous failure, led many of the best judges in -Europe.
especiaUy soldiers, to believe that the proposal to attack
was a deceit designed to compel the Alhes to distribute
their forces on the defensive and produce a policy of delay
that would lead to a negotiated. peace. Those who adopted
the opposite view, and who certainly included much the
greater part of those observing upon the spot, have proved
right. The internal conditionsM)f Central Europe are such
that the enemy could not postpone an attempt to obtaini
a decision early this year. It is on this account that the
dice have been thrown, and the issue is now clearly set between
his rapid ruin or our own.
Incidentally we may add that such a position puts an end
once and for all to every discussion of detail in domestic
or foreign policy. Such a discussion has been dangerously
indulged in during the long winter period of preparation
and inaction. It no longer has any meaning, and if any
of the small minorities that have conducted it with such
intensitj- in the Allied countries propose to continue it, thej-
will simply not be listened to.
« » ■
From these preliminary observations we may proceed tO'
the description of Xhe action so far as the very terse, general
and impel feet indications afforded permit us to so do.
It has taken the form of an attack first concentrated upon
the north of line in front of Arras and Cambrai ; then pressed
in the second day upon the decisive point to the south in
front of St. Quentin. It had by Saturday evening compelled
the retirement of the British line, pivoting upon the north,
from a direction 30 degrees E. of S. to a direction 20 degrees
E. of S., the northern point remaining stationary and the
southern suffering an average withdrawal of from six to
eight miles, a retirement still in progress.
Land & Water
March 28, i()iB
In the course oi tlu'-c- iiist uiai<itions, covering three days,
the line had remained intact. The enemy's total claim to
prisoners and guns covered some 25.000 prisoners and 400
pieces, the greater part of which, of course, are field pieces
which had been pushed right forward to take their toll of
the enemy masses. Unfortunately, we cannot at this early
<tage estimate with any degree of accuracy the essential
(joint of all. which is the expense to which the enemy has
been put to accomplisli this preliminary advance. We know
that it must, in the nature of things, be exceedingly high ;
the attack w;is pressed with very dense masses, used deliber-
ately under the theory that exceedingly heavy initial losses
were worth while. The failure to reach the original objectives
of the rin;t and second days must have involved an even
higher casualty list than had been budgeted for, and the
weakening of the 30 divisions thrown in to the first 48 hours'
attack wa.s already sufficient, by Saturday, to compel the
enemy to reorganisation and very large reinforcement for
the n xt phase of the straggle.
More than that we cannot say, but we note that the number
of prisoners taken is less than those attaching to any corre-
sponding great offensive in the war, front for front and
nuiubers engaged for numbers engaged. The loss in guns,
including, as it does, field pieces pushed up towards the
front hne is more considerable. But the figures point to
no decisive result upon any part of the line. They do not
even, so far as we have liitherto received them from the
enemy, point to any effective disorganisation upon the
.sector west of St. Quentin, where they penetrated the third
or main line of the defending army.
The Action
At half-past 5 — that is, just before dawn — on the morning
of Wednesday, the 2rst of March, the enemy opened his
intensive bombardment, stretching from his positions upon
the River Oise upon the south to his positions upon the
River Scarpe upon the north.
The front upon which this preparatory bombardment was
delivered exceeds in extent that of any other similar effort
undertaken by either side in the course of the war. The
distance, as the crow flies, from Roeux, upon the canalised
River Scarpe, to Vendeuil upon th^ Oise is, as we have seen,
76,000 yards, or somewhat over 43 miles ; and the front
attacked, in all its sinuosities, to well over 50. The
bombardment, though short, was of the most intense char-
acter ; more severe, in spite of the very great extent of the
line, than any which had preced^ed it. It included long-
distance firing far behind the fronts and a particularly heavy
destruction of the wire by the use of trench weapons which
had been brought up in very great numbers to the most
advanced positions upon the German side. Towards the
dose of the bombardment the proportion of gas shells used
was strongly increased and particularly directed against the
British batteries and cross-roads and points of concentration
beliind the line. The increase in the volume of gas delivered
wa^ an indication that the infantry attack was at hand.
This attack was not launched simultaneously along the whole
line, but, according to separate orders, from just after nine
till close on ten in the forenoon— with an exceptionally early
movement in one place shortly after 8. The advance of the
infantry was nearly co-extensive with the hne of bombard-
ment. It stretched on the north to the valley of the Sens^e
Stream (some 6,000 yards, or 3J miles, south of the Scarpe).
On the southern end of the line the infantry attack was
delivered up to the River Oise itself.
If this front as it stood before the opening of the battle
be examined, it will be seen that its trace formed a consider-
able salient before Cambrai ; the most advanced point of which
salient was the series of trenches which marked the end
of the retirement from the Cambrai battle-field after the
initial success and subsequent retirement of last November.
The first effort of the enemy during the course of Thursday!
March 2rst, was clearly designed to increase the curve and
therefore the peril of this salient by attacking it to the north
and to the south, the chief concentrations of German troops
being discovered' in the valley of the Sensee, to the north, in
front of Croisillcs, and in front of Epehy to the south. ' A
sufficiently rapid advance upon either of these points might
have cut off all that lay between and have resulted in a very
considerable capture of men and guns in the intervening
projection. The proportion of pressure exercised at these
two points will be dealt with in a moment.
Meanwhile, a third special effort designed to turn the
Bntish line as a whole by its' right was begun on the extreme
south just north of the Oise, with the object of throwing
the British in that neighbourhood back upon, and beyond,
the Crozat Canal: there was thus a repetition, on a large
scale, of the attack on two distant points, with the object of
"pinching" the intermediate portion and making a wide
gap, which the enemy has invariably used in east and west.
The number of the enemj' divisions between Switzer-
land and the North Sea we have seen to be 186. There
is a possible adtlition of four more divisions bringing
the total up to 190, and others hitherto within the Central
Empires may arrive. Of these 186 divisions, rather more
than half, 96 divisions, were aligned against the British
between the Oise and the lower reaches of the Yser, north
of Ypres. Not all these 186 or 190 divisions can be used
for active work on the front ; a certain proportion being
composed of material inadequate to such a strain. No
estimate save of the very roughest kind can be made of
the proportion thus to be eliminated, because the fittest
men can be chosen from units which are, as a whole unfit
for use in the shock, a"nd because we are necessarily in doubt
as to the exact condition of these units and can only judge
them by their composition as indicated by their categories.
But if we say that certainly less than 20 per cent, but a
great deal more than 10 per cent., may be thus regarded
as unable to appear on the front of shock even in the later
developments of the struggle, we have the limits of the
calculation defined as nearly as is possible. It is clear, of
course, that all the best units available will have been chosen
for this main effort.
Of the 40 divisions originally mustered to strike the first
blow all the way from the Sensee Brook to the Oise, the dis-
tribution was very unequal. The work of this first day
was mainly concerned, as I have said, with an attempted
reduction of the Cambrai salient, and it was upon this work,
though it was subsidiary to the main object developed the
next day of turning the British by their extreme right upon
the Oise, that the principal effort was made. More than
half of the total force lay just north and just south of the
Cambrai salient. Nor is it possible to regard so very large
a force as designed for a feint even in the most, general sense
of the term. 25 of the 40 divisions were to be found thus
attempting to cut off the area of which the village of Havrin-
court is the most prominent point, and if we add the 6
divisions used south of St. Quentin there are only nine
left for those intervening parts of the line which were less
severely pressed.
At the first onslaught, then, that of the Thursday, the chief
sector of the whole front attacked and that to which we
must particularly direct our attention, was the sector stretch-
ing frdm the valley of the Sensee, near Cherisy, to the
neighbourhood of Havrincourt village in front of Flesquiferes.
This is a front of roughly 20,000 yards, over a quarter of
the whole of the battle line, but much less than one-tliird.
It was here that the enemy intended, if possible, to effect a
breach at the very first shock, and certainly designed to
reach objectives far beyond the third or main line of the
British defensive system. He had massed altogether on
these 20,000 yards no less than 17 divisions, or 42 per cent,
of the whole of his original attacking force. The extreme
right by Fontaine held. What followed between that point
and the point 12 miles away by Havrincourt can only be
gathered very imperfectly and with difficulty so early in the
action from the brief dispatches sent home and from the
longer descriptions of correspondents ; but the main facts
would seem to have been these :
From the valley of the Sensee, south of Fontaine, the
object of the enemy was to reach the heights of Henin, where
the land falls away from the Arras-Bapaume road and also
beyond the brook the heights of St. Leger. Both these
points were covered by the British main defensive or third
hne. This line continued on southward and eastward,
covering what were the points where once stood Vraucourt,
Vaulx, Morchies, and Beaumetz, and so to the neighbourhood
of Havrincourt. Of the 17 divisions used upon this total
sector, the greater part, 9 divisions, were crowded into the
crescent between the Sensee brook near Cherisy and the
neighbourhood of the railway beyond BuUecourt, a distance
of less than 9,000 yards ; and this exceedingly dense mass
—by far the heaviest weight of men used anywhere on this
field— broke right through back to the third line, but on the
third line failed.
I had almost written that it was the heaviest concentration
for an assault which this war had seen. There was something
like it, if wc allow for the larger size of the divisions in those
days, when the Third Corps from Brandenburg and its neigh-
bour upon the right stormed the Douaumont Plateau in the
first days of Verdun, 25 months ago ; but that is the only
parallel to the use of such dense masses.
The result was achieved with very heavy losses indeed.
How high must, of course, be a matter of guess-work until
much more information is available^ but much of the firing
March 28, 19 18
Land & Water
with the British field-guns was point blank, and the assault
was made with that complete disregard of immediate cost
which is the logical consequence of the Prussian tactical
theory. The whole system of the Prussian service, I repeat,
and its whole tradition, at once the cause and the effect of
its type of discipline, involves extremely heavy initial expendi-
ture upon the conception that it is ultimately the cheapest
price to pay for success. Although the day was misty — at
any rate, during all its earher hours — the target afforded by
these successive waves was excellent and the execution done
against them was correspondingly great. It is very difficult
to discover from the as yet imperfect descriptions received
whether the retirement here was contemporary with that to
the south or came afterwards as a consequence of that to
the south ; but, at any rate, upon the southern half of this
same .sector, between the Cambrai front and the Sensee, the
remainder of this specially massed concentration got through
to near the third line in front of Morchies. But just as the
northern horn of the advancing crescent was held at Fontaine,
so was the southern horn held from the British positions iri
the wood of Louveral Chateau, and apparently the line
suffered little indentation between that point upon the
Bapaume high road and the village of Havrincourt. The
German attack on this southern half of the crescent, number-
ing about four tg one against the British defensive, was
conducted by the remaining eight divisions of the 17. When
the fighting died down at the end of the day the situation'
in this capital sector of the whole line was, so far as the
evidence afforded can guide us, what is seen upon the accom-
panying sketch-map i, with an enemy gain at the deepest
point, south-east of Bullecourt and at Croisilles, of about a
mile and a half. 5
It is clear that this falling back upon the third line in the
■orth would have left the Cambrai salient untenable, and it
IS equally clear that the line from in front of Havrincourt
village to the falling ground in front of Epehy liad to be
withdrawn to conform with the northern situation. But
the first accounts dealing with the Thursday's fighting tell
us very little about this portion ; a sector, if we count no
further south than the fields in front of Ep^hy, of about
12,000 yards, or rather more than 7 miles. Between this
pomt— the fields in front of Epehy— and the last of the line
•n the right towards the Oise (the fighting on the banks of
which river was about 20 miles south of Epehy) we were
only told, with regard to the first day, Thursday's, fighting,
that on the extreme right, just north of the Oise itself, a
heavy concentration of the enemy, 6 divisions strong, was
held by one British division during the whole day. There
was here, therefore, as I have said above, another special
concentration; but it failed of its effect, and the British
force here was only withdrawn at night after the fighting
■ad ceased to conform with the hue further north.
We may sum up the accounts received of the first day's
fighting, Thursday the 21st, briefly, then, as follows:
After an intensive bombardment, beginning a little before
iawn, continued in most parts of the line for four hours
(though in some for not more than three), the German
infantry was launched to the number of 40 divisions against
the whole British front between the Sensee Brook, just
south of the Scarpe. and the Oise, a distance, allowing for
the folds in the Une of over 50 miles. The chief weight of
the attack was upon the northern quarter of the Une a
sector of 12 miles, between the Sensee Brook and the Cambrai
front. Here the enemy penetrated to the third or main
British defensive line, occupying a crescent of land the two
horns of which stood at Fontaine and Louverval respectively,
and the maximum depth of which was not quite a mile and
a half. In conformity with this indentation, the Une further
to the south between Havrincourt and Epehy was retired,
both places being still covered by it, while Le Verguier
t\ miles south of Epehy, was also held. The last section
between the Somme and the Oise witnessed on its southern-
most extremity the very heavy pressure of six German
divisions, which were successfully held, but by nightfaU the
defensive was called back up to or behind the Crozat Canal.
On the Thursday night a dense mist again arose and
forbade effective operations. Aircraft could not leave the
ground in the southern area, where the mist was especially
dense ; the air was clearer in the north, and dispatches tell
us of heavy bombardment from the air against points in
Belgium, which have, of course, nothing to do with the main
action. The mist upon the southern sector, where the
enemy was to attempt a decisive effort upon this Friday,
the 22nd, rose late in the forenoon. As it cleared, perhaps
between 10 and 11 o'clock, it was apparent that the main
enemy effort was developing upon the south, and that
the decisive stroke for the turning of the British Une by its
right was being delivered.
The accounts so far received of what foUowed are meagre ;
but, piecing them together, and including the enemy's dis-
patches and claims, we' can airrive at a general outline. For
this purpose, we must take our view from the town of St.
Quentm and consider the ground extending over 150 degrees
from Ep^hy, 12 miles N.N.W. of St. Quentin to the neighbour-
hood of Tergnier, an equal distance due south of it, where
the marshy Oise Valley begins.
The whole of this district is that which was devastated
by the enemy during his retreat a year ago. It consists, for
the most part, of the upper basin of the Somme River, which
flows through St. Quentin and, after running south-west
towards Ham, bends round sharply north to Peronne. The
ground falls away westward by a gradual decline of about 300
feet from heights just west of St. Quentin, and is drained by the
three parallel streams of the Upper Somme with its canal, the
Omignon, and the Cologne. South of the Somme a water-
shed, from 150 to 180 feet above the water levels, separates
the Upper Somme from the Valley of the Oise. It is known
as the Ridge of Essigny. There is a depression at the south-
western end of this ridge which runs from the Somme itself
to the Oise Valley, and is used by the canal known as the
Crozat Canal.
We have seen that on the previous day, the Thursday, no
less than six German divisions had exercised their pressure
upon the small British force defending the upland between
the Upper Somme and the Oise Rivers, and that in the night
the British force, which had thus checked tlie enemy all
day, was retired to the neighbourhood of the Crozat Canal.
The fighting of Friday morning developed, therefore, upon a
line without any marked salient, running in front of Epehy,
Le Verguier, and so down to the Crozat Canal, and along it
to the marshy Oise Valley. The main weight of the attack
appears to have fallen to the north of St. Quentin, and
a protracted defence of Epehy and of Le Verguier, each of
them standing upon heights commancUng the fields in front of
them, was made. The holding of the latter point by the
24th Division being specially singled eut by the British
Commander-in-Chief for distinction.
In the course of the day the enemy's progress to the north
and to the south of Epehy, which had begun to form a pro-
nounced salient round that height, compelled its evacuation.
Heudicourt was reached upon the north and Villers Faucon
upon the south, and the point of Roisel to the south again.
Under these conditions, the whole line here had to fall back
to positions in front of Bertincourt, behind Roisel, and even
beyond Hancourt. Thence the battle fluctuated upon a line
running nearly southward, but a little eastward until it
covered Ham, and so on west of the Crozat Canal, across
which the British had retired, to the Oise VaUey.
We have not yet heard in what force the enemy came upon
thi^ front of 10 miles south of Heudicourt, but' it was here
in the Vermand district, that he forced his way through the
third or main defensive Une, and compelled a considerable
retirement, involving a modification of the whole line. It
wiU be of interest to study in detail the point where this
local success of his was accomplished.
Immediately in front of and to the north of St. Quentin
town the front British trenches ran, 1 believe, as follows :
They covered the chateau and park of Fayet, lunning
about 500 yards from the great high road which leads (rom
St. Quentin to Cambrai. About half-way between Fayet
and Gricourt they bent back somewhat westward, covered
the ruins of Gricourt village, and to the north-west of these
the marshy village of Pontni, but left Pontniet in German
Land & Water
March 28, i^l8
In the course of these first operations, covering three days,
the Une had remained intact. The enemy's total claim to
prisoners and guns covered some 25,000 prisoners and 400
pieces, the greater part of which, of course, are field pieces
which liad been pushed right forward to take their toll of
tlie enemy masses. Unfortunately, we cannot at this early
stage estimate with any degree of accuracy the es.sential
point of all, wiiicli is the expense to which tlie enemy has
been put to accomplish this preliminary advance. We know
that it must, in the nature of things, be exceedingly high ;
the attack was pressed with very dense masses, used deliber-
ately undex the theory that exceedingly heavy initial losses
were worth while. The failure to reach the original objectives
of the first and second days must have involved an even
higher casualty list than had been budgeted for, and the
weakening of the 50 divisions thrown in to the first 48 hours'
attack was already sufficient, by Saturday, to compel the
enemy to reorganisation and very large reinforcement for
the n txt phase of the struggle.
Mure tiian that we cannot say, but we note that the number
of prisoners taken is less than those attaching to any corre-
sponding great offensive in the war, front for front and
numbers engaged for numbers engaged. The loss in guns,
including, a.s it does, field pieces pushed up towards the
front line is more considerable. But the figures point to
no decisive result upon any part of the line. They do not
even, so far as we have hitherto received them from the
enemy, point to any effective disorganisation upon the
sector west of St. Quentin, where they penetrated the third
or main line of the defending army.
The Action
At half-past 5 — that is, just before dawn^-on the morning
of Wednesday, the 21st of March, the enemy opened his
intensive bombardment, stretching from his positions upon
the River Oise upon the south to his positions upon the
River Scarpe upon the north.
The front upon which this preparatory bombardment was
delivered exceeds in extent that of any other similar effort
undertaken by either side in the course of the war. The
distance, as tlfie crow flies, from Roeux, upon the canalised
River Scarpe, to Vendeuil upon the Oise is, as we have seen,
76,000 yards, or somewhat over 43 miles ; and the front
attacked, in all its sinuosities, to well over 50. The
bombardment, though short, was of the most intense char-
acter ; more severe, in spite of the very great extent of the
line, than any which had precedjed it. It included long-
distance firing far behind the fronts and a particularly heavy
destruction of the wire by the use of trench weapons which
had been brought up in very great numbers to the most
advanced positions upon the German side. Towards the
dose of the bombardment the proportion of gas shells used
was strongly increased and particularly directed against the
British batteries and cross-roads and points of concentration
behind the line. The increase in the volume of gas delivered
wa^ an indication that the infantry attack was at hand.
This attack was not launched simultaneously along the whole
line, but, according to separate orders, from just after nine
till close on ten in the forenoon — with an exceptionally early
movement in one place shortly after 8. The advance of the
infantry was nearly co-extensive with the line of bombard-
ment. It stretched on the north to the valley of the Sensee
Stream (some 6,000 yards, or 3i miles, south of the Scarpe).
On the southern end of the line the infantry attack was
delivered up to the River Oise itself.
If this front as it stood before the opening of the battle
be examined, it will be seen that its trace formed a consider-
able salient before Cambrai ; the most advanced point of which
saUent was the series of trenches which marked the end
of the retirement from the Cambrai battle-field after the
initial success and subsequent retirement of last November.
The first effort of the enemy during the course of Thursday,
March 2rst, was clearly designed to increase the curve and
therefore the peril of this saUent by attacking it to the north
and to the south, the chief concentrations of German troops
being discovered" in the valley of the Sensee, to the north, in
front of Croisillcs, and in front of Epehy to the south. A
sufficiently rapid advance upon cither of these points might
have cut off all that lay between and have resulted in a very
considerable capture of men and guns in the intervening
projection. The proportion of pressure exercised at these
two points wiU be dealt with in a moment.
Meanwhile, a third special effort designed to turii the
British line as a whole by its' right was begun on the extreme
south just north of the Oise, with the object of throwing
the British in that neighbourhood back upon, and beyond,
the Cro/.at Canal : there was thus a repetition, on a large
scale, of the attack on two distant points, with the object of
"pinching" the intermediate portion and making a wide
gap, wliich the enemy has invariably used in east and west.
The number of the enemy divisions between Switzer-
land and the North Sea we have seen to be 186. There
is a possible addition of four more divisions bringing
the total up to 190, and others hitherto within the Central
Empires may arrive. Of these 186 divisions, rather more
than half, 96 divisions, were aligned against the British
between the Oise and the lower reaches of the Yser, north
of Ypres. Not all these 186 or 190 divisions can be used
for active work on the front ; a certain proportion being
composed of material inadequate to such a strain. No
estimate save of the very roughest kind can be made of
the proportion thus to be ehminated, because the fittest
men can be chosen from units which are, as a whole unfit
for use in the shock, atid because we are necessarily in doubt
as to the exact condition of these units and can only judge
them by their composition as indicated by their categories.
But if we say that certainly less than 20 per cent, but a
great deal more than 10 per cent., may be thus regarded
as unable to appear on the front of shock even in the later
developments of the struggle, we have the limits of the
calculation defined as nearly as is possible. It is clear, of
course, that all the best units available will have been chosen
for this main effort.
Of the 40 divisions originally mustered to strike the first
blow all the way from the Sensee Brook to the Oise, the dis-
tribution was very unequal. The work of this first day
was mainly concerned, as I have said, with an attempted
reduction of the Cambrai saHent, and it was upon this work,
though it was subsidiary to the main object developed the
next day of turning the British by their extreme right upon
the Oise, that the principal effort was made. More than
half of the total force lay just north and just south of the
Cambrai salient. Nor is it possible to regard so very large
a force as designed for a feint even in the most, general sense
of the term. 25 of the 40 divisions were to be found thus
attempting to cut off the area of which the village of Havrin-
court is the most prominent point, and if we add the 6
divisions used south of St. Quentin there are only nine
left for those intervening parts of the fine which were less
severely pressed.
At the first onslaught, then, that of the Thursday, the chief
sector of the whole front attacked and that to which we
must particularly direct our attention, was the sector stretch-
ing frdm the valley of the Sens6e, near Cherisy, to the
neighbourhood of Havrincourt village in front of Flesquiferes.
This is a front of roughly 20,000 yards, over a quarter of
the whole of the battle line, but much less than one-tliird.
It was here that the enemy intended, if possible, to effect a
breach at the very first shock, and certainly designed to
reach objectives far beyond the third or main Une of the
British defensive system. He had massed altogether on
these 20,000 yards no less than 17 divisions, or 42 per cent,
of the whole of his original attacking force. The extreme
right by Fontaine held. What followed between that point
and the point 12 miles away by Havrincourt can only be
gathered very imperfectly and with difficulty so early in the
action from the brief dispatches sent home and from the
longer descriptions of correspondents ; but the main facts
would seem to have been these :
From the valley of the Sensee, south of Fontaine, the
object of the enemy was to reach the heights of Henin, where
the land falls away from the Arras-Bapaume road and also
beyond the brook the heights of St. Leger. Both these
points were covered by the British main defensive or third
line. This line continued on southward and eastward,
covering what were the points where once stood Vraucourt,
Vaulx, Morchies, and Beaumetz, and so to the neighbourhood
of Havrincourt. Of the 17 divisions used upon this total
sector, the greater part, 9 divisions, were crowded into the
crescent between the Sensee brook near Cherisy and the
neighbourhood of the railway beyond Bullecourt, a distance
of less than 9,000 yards ; and this exceedingly dense mass
— by far the heaviest weight of men used anywhere on this
field — broke right through back to the third line, but on the
third line failed.
I had almost written that it was the heaviest concentration
for an assault which this war had seen. There was something
like it, if we allow for the larger size of the divisions in those
days, when the Third Corps from Brandenburg and its neigh-
bour upon the right stormed the Douaumont Plateau in the
first days of Verdun, 25 months ago ; but that is the only
parallel to the use of such dense masses.
The result was achieved with very heavy losses indeed.
How high must, of course, be a matter of guess-work until
much more information is availablej but much of the firing
March 28, 19 18
Land & Water
with the British field-guns was point blank, and the assault
was made with that complete disregard of immediate cost
which is the logical consequence of the Prussian tactical
theory. The whole system of the Prussian service, I repeat,
and its whole tradition, at once the cause and the effect of
its type of discipline, involv-es extremely heavy initial expendi-
ture upon the conception that it is ultimately the cheapest
price to pay for success. Although the day was misty — at
any rate, during all its earlier hours — the target afforded by
these successive waves was excellent and the execution done
against them was correspondingly great. It is very difficult
to discover from the as yet imperfect descriptions received
whether the retirement here was contemporary with that to
the south or came afterwards as a consequence of that to
the south ; but, at any rate, upon the southern half of this
same sector, between the Cambrai front and the Sensee, the
remainder of this specially massed concentration got through
to near the third line in front of Morchies. But just as the
northern horn of the advancing crescent was held at Fontaine,
so was the southern horn held from the British positions in
the wood of Louveral Chateau, and apparently the line
suffered little indentation between that point upon the
Bapaume high road and the village of Havrincourt. The
German attack on this southern half of the crescent, number-
ing about four tg one against the British defensive, was
conducted by the remaining eight divisions of the 17. When,
the fighting died down at the end of the day the situation
in tfiis capital sector of the whole line was, so far as the
evidence aiforded can guide us, what is seen upon the accom-
panying sketch-map i, with an enemy gain at the deepest
point, south-east of Bullecourt and at Croisilles, pf about a
mile and a half. ''
It is clear that this falling back upon the third line in the
■orth would have left the Cambrai salient untenable, and it
is equally clear that the line from in front of Havrincourt
village to the falling ground in front of Epehy had to be
withdrawn to conform with the northern situation. But
the first accounts deahng with the Thursday's fighting tell
us very little about this portion ; a sector, if we count no
further south than the fields in front of Epdhy, of about
12,000 yards, or rather more than 7 miles. Between this
point — the fields in front of Epehy — and the last of the line
•n the right towards the Oise (the fighting on the banks of
which river was about 20 miles south of Epehy) we were
•nly told, with regard to the first day, Thursday';!, fighting,
that on the extreme right, just north of the Oise itself, a
heavy concentration of the enemy, 6 divisions strong, was
held by one British division during the whole day. There
was here, therefore, as I have said above, another special
concentration ; but it failed of its effect, and the British
force here was only withdrawn at night after the fighting
Mad ceased to conform with the Une further north.
We may sum up the accounts received of the first day's
lighting, Thursday the 21st, briefly, then, as follows :
After an intensive bombardment, beginning a little before
dawn, continued in most parts of the hne for four hours
(though in some for not more than three), the German
infantry wa-s launched to the number of 40 divisions against
the whole British front between the Sensee Brook, just
south of the Scarpe, and the Oise, a distance, allowing for
the folds in the hne of over 50 miles. The chief weight of
the attack was upon the northern quarter of the line, a
sector of 12 miles, between the Sensee Brook and the Cambrai
front. Here the enemy penetrated to the third or main
British defensive line, occupying a crescent of land the two
korns of which stood at Fontaine and Louverval respectively,
and the maximum depth of which was not quite a mile and
ft half. In conformity with this indentation, the hne further
to the south between Havrincourt and Epehy was retired,
both places being still covered by it, while Le Verguier,
6J miles south of Epehy, was also held. The last section
between the Somme and the Oise witnessed on its southern-
most extremity the very heavy pressure of six German
•Lvisions, which were succe.ssfully held, but by nightfall the
defensive was called back up to or behind the Crozat Canal.
On the Thursday night a dense mist again arose and
forbade effective operations. Aircraft could not leave the
ground in the southern area, where the mist was especially
den.se ; the air was clearer in the north, and dispatches tell
MS of heavy bombardment from the air against points in
Belgium, which have, of course, nothing to do with the main
action. The mist upon the southern sector, where the
enemy was to attempt a decisive effort upon this Friday,
the 22nd, rose late in the forenoon. As it cleared, perhaps
between 10 and 11 o'clock, it was apparent that the main
enemy effort was developing upon the south, and that
the decisive stroke for the turning of the British hne by its
right was being delivered.
The accounts so far received of what followed are meagre ;
but, piecing them together, and including the enemy's dis-
patches and claims, we' can airrive at a general outline. For
this purpose, we must take our view from the town of St.
Quentin and consider the ground extending over 150 degrees
from Epehy, 12 miles N.N.W. of St. Quentin to the neighbour-
hood of Tergnier, an equal distance due south of it, where
the marshy Oise Valley begins.
The whole of this district is that which was devastated
by the enemy during his retreat a year ago. It consists, for
the most part, of the upper basin of the Somme River, which
flows through St. Quentin and, after running south-west
towards Ham, bends round sharply north to Peronne. The
ground falls away westward by a gradual dechne of about 300
feet from heights just west of St. Quentin, and is drained by the
three parallel streams of the Upper Somme with its canal, the
Omignon, and the Cologne. South of the Somme a water-
shed, from 150 to 180 feet above the water levels, separates
the Upper Somme from the Valley of the Oise. It is known
as the Ridge of Essigny. There is a depression at the south-
western end of this ridge which runs from the Somme itself
to the Oise Valley, and is used by the canal known as the
Crozat Canal.
We have seen that on the previous day, the Thursday, no
less than six German divisions had exercised their pressure
upon the small British force defending the upland between
the Upper Somme and the Oise Rivers, and that in the night
the British force, which had thus checked the enemy all
day, was retired to the neighbourhood of the Crozat Canal.
The fighting of Friday morning developed, therefore, upon a
line without any marked salient, running in front of Epehy,
Le Verguier, and so down to the Crozat Canal, and along it
to the marshy Oise Valley. The main weight of the attack
appears to have fallen to the north of St. Quentin, and
a protracted defence of Epehy and of Le Verguier, each of
them standing upon heights commanding the fields in front of
them, was made. The holding of the latter point by the
24th Division being specially singled eut by the British
Commander-in-Chief for distinction.
In the course of the day the enemy's progress to the north
and to the south of Epehy, which had begun to form a pro-
nounced saHent round that height, compelled its evacuation.
Heudicourt was reached upon the north and Villers Faucon
upon the south, and the point of Roisel to the south again.
Under these conditions, the whole hne here had to fall back
to positions in front of Bertincourt, behind Roisel, and even
beyond Hancourt. Thence the battle fluctuated upon a line
running nearly southward, but a little eastward until it
covered Ham, and so on west of the Crozat Canal, across
which the British had retired, to the Oise Valley.
We have not yet heard in what force the enemy came upon
thi^ front of 10 miles south of Heudicourt, but it was here
in the Vermand district, that he forced his way through the
third or main defensive line, and compelled a considerable
retirement, involving a modification of the whole line. It
will be of interest to study in detail the point where this
local success of his was accomplished.
Immediately in front of and to the north of St. Quentin
town the front British trenches ran, I believe, as follows :
0/2 32fi/es
STQUENTlN
They covered the chateau and paik of Fayet, lunning
about 500 yards from the great high road which leads from
St. Quentin to Cambrai. About half.way between Fajet
and Gricourt they bent back somewhat westward, covered
the ruins of Gricourt village, and to the north-west of these
the marshy village of Pontru, but left Pontruet in German
8
Land & Water
March 28, i'1918
hands. Behind these front lines, rolling open conntry, with
one or two small copses, rises very slowly to a height shghtly
superior to all its surroundings and bearing the ruins of
Holnon village. Immediately behind Holnon Village its
highest part ujion a level with the ruins, but sloping slightly
down from them to the west, lies the large wood of Holnon,
througii which passes as a green lane the Roman road from
St. Quentin to Vermand. This wood is nearly two miles
long and in places a mile across. It was here that the main
British defensive position lay from 5,000 to ,6,000 yards
behind the original front line, and it was here, according to
The German dispatch, that the local breach was made in the
British main line. Thence the successful attack poured fan-
shape, increasing the breach, to the valley of the little Omi,gnon
River, a mile to a mile and a half below. This successful
movement rendered Saw and Rupy, to the south, untenable,
and compelled a rearrangement of the whole, line, which was
reformed from Tincourt to the neighbourhood of the junction
of fhe Crozat Canal with the Somtne and thence along. the
bank dominating that canal from the west to the Oise.
Meanwhile, as the Britisli line thus slowly fell back and in
good order, continuing its very heavy slaughter of the advanc-
ing enemy masses upon the south, the north, upon which it
pivotted, held. The enemy would seem to have reached
no further here than the foot of the St. Leger height and
just beyond Vraucourt and Vaulx ; during the night he had
penetrated into Mory, but was thrown out again.
The conclusion, therefore, of this first phase of the assault
showed the hne standing, on the Saturday morning, roughly,
paraUel to, and east of, the great road Arras, Bapaume,
Peronne, Ham. This line upon the map defines in a
general fashion the belt upon which the first phase of the
battle came to an end. We should remark that all the
northern portion of it, from Arras nearly to Peronne, lies
along heights up to which the land rises from the Scarpe
basin, and during this first half of its course the battle position
arrived at by Saturday last enjoys a corresponding advantage.
South of Peronne, and between that town and the Oise,
things are different. The battle zone here has immediately
behind it and from 60 to 100 feet below it the very marshy
valley of the Upper Somme. It will be easier to stand for
the moment behind such an obstacle. The last portion south
of Ham is composed of confused- high land, the last half of
which again, as one approaches the Oise, is densely wooded
and rises to over 400 feet above that river. It would, there-
fore, seem to be the section between Peronne and Ham
which is the critical section at the moment of writing, but
we note that the British dispatch of Saturday evening speaks
of very heavy fighring in the North upon the day ; the pres-
sure, therefore, was continued as much as the enemy could
bring it to bear after the moment upon Saturday noon or
thereabouts, when he had himself announced that the first
stage of the battle was ended. He was also engaged, some
hours earlier in the night, in making vigorous efforts to force
the British back on their extreme right from the posidons
which they held behind the Crozat Canal, and his action at
that, point is instructive.
There runs from St. Quentin to the Crozat Canal one
main road through Essigny. It had a bridge, destroyed, of
course, in the Gennan retreat, restored again by the AlUes,
and we may make certain destroyed once more when the
British recrossed it last Friday, which passed the canal at
about a third of its course between the Somme and the Oise.
Immediately upon the western or British side of the obstacle
stood the village of Jussy, and it was here that repeated
attempts were made all night long by the enemy to dislodge
the British force which held this point. Their efforts had, up
to the dispatch received upon Sunday morning last, failed,
but it was clear that the positions to which the British had
retired, and which they were holding at the end of what the
enemy calls the first phase of the battle, on Saturday, were
temporary only, for they stood far forward of the general line.
We may, before concluding this account of the action as a
whole cite the very brief couple of sentences in whicli the
enemy makes his confession of loss. They were dispatched
apparently towards the end of Saturday, and they run as
follows : 'V
"The first stage of the great battle in France is ended. A
considerable part of the English Army is beaten."
Of these two sentences, the first only has any significance.
The second is rhetoric. To bteat an army— that is, to obtain
a decision against it— is to put it out of action, which in
this case would mean the rupture of the line, and either the
'ompulsion of a forced and precipitate retreat or rolhng
it up along the flank thus formed. Nothing of this sort
had happened bv the night of Saturday last, and we must
therefore turn to" the first phrase to learn the meaning of the
<>ftemy's statement. That meaning is simple enough. By
Friday night the energy of the original assaulting'force, as
a whole, was partly spent. It continued to exercise pressure
as best it could, especially in the north and on the extreme
south at Jussy. But it attained no appreciable results in the
first district, and none at all in the second. There was,
therefore, a necessity for the Germans to bring up a great
number of reserve divisions although they had already put
in over fifty. How long such a rate of loss and reinforcement can
last, the energy with which he can return to the assault,
the consoUdation of the new line effected during the interval,
these are the factors upon wliich the next phase of the battle
will repose, upon which alone a judgment of it could be
based, and of which we are necessarily ignorant. By the
time these lines are in the hands of the pubUc — four days
after they are written — most or all of these questions may
have been answered by the event.
Summary of Results
We are now in a position to sum up the great two days'
action and to estimate the situation upon the third day,
the Saturday, when the enemy admitted his losses and
spoke of the f^rst phase of the battle as ended.
The original front line had run, as will be seen upon the
sketch map i, from Cherisy to Vendeuil, as follows ;
Passing just behind Cherisy and through the outer ruins
of Fontaine, it covered BuUecourt with a shallow salient,
passed rather less than half-way between Noreuil and Oueant.,
formed another slight salient beyond Lagnicourt, covered
the ruins of Boursies, with Louverval hamlet and chateau
behind them, and from this point on the Bapaume high road
began what is called the Cambrai salient. This salient just
covered Flesquieres and Ribecourt, climbed to the summits
of the La Vacqiierie heights, which the British call "Welsh
Ridge" ; left the ruins of La Vacquerie hamlet in the hands
of the enemy or in No Man's Land ; bent back to pass half-
way between Gouzeaucourt and Gonnelieu, and tenninated
about half-way between Epehy and Honnecourt ; thence
the line ran eastward to the neighbourhood of Vendhuille,
and then roughly southward to the point half-way between
Pontru and Pontruet, where begins the section immediately
north of St. Ouefitin just described. South of St. Quentin
the line, running only just outside the suburbs of that town,
just missed the ruins of Gauchy, covered those of Urvillers,
ran through those of Moy, and so through those of Vendeuil
to the Oise near La F^re. When the new line was estab-
lished by Saturday morning its trace, though if can only be
given approximately (for parts of it were still fluctuating)
would seem to have uncovered Croi>illes ; but still to cover
the height of St. Leger to have run behind Vraucourt and
Vaulx, through the neighbourhood of Bertincourt towards
Fins ; thence nearly due south behind Hancourt, and,
probably after some deflection westward, south-eastward
again towards the junction of the Somme and the Crozat
Canal. Its last section would seem to have followed the
canal, as I have said, along the heights of the western bank.
In mere measurement of ground — for what that is worth —
this gives a maximum depth of nearly nine miles just where
we should have expected it behind Holnon ; another depth
of perliaps over six miles behind the Cambrai salient, and
an average width of perhaps some three filing down to nothing
in the north, in the Scarpe Valley ; the whole movement
being, as we have seen, a pivotting b^ck upon the fixed
northern extremity of this long front.
Such are the results upon the map of the action up to the
moment of writing. We have no further news save that
no change was to be reported on the Sunday morning, but
that during the night between Saturday and Sunday the
enemv had begun to renew his vigorous efforts, concentrating
especially upon the high ground covering Peronne.
• » »
The daily Press, which has the advantage of following
every stage in the action more closely than can be hoped
for in this weekly paper, has everywhere enjoined the same
duty. It is an obvious one, and too much repetition of it
would be tedious or futile.
The moment in which these lines are. written is clearly
the most critical for this country and for the whole AUiance '
since the mastership of Foch in open manoeuvre decided
44 months ago the Battle of the Marne. The fresh and
eager mood in which the civihan public could then meet
the perils of the war has necessarily disappeared under the
long strain ; the full measure of the national danger is appre-
ciated, as it 'certainly was not in 1914 ; and, meanwhile, the
whole face of the Alliance has cfianged. The war, which
was for more than 2\ years a great and calculable siege,
became, through the dissolution of the Russian State, a duel,
and a duel in which until the force of the United States could
March 28, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
be developed — a necessarily tardy process — the weight of
numbers, as a whole, was against the Powers which are
defending European civilisation and the future of all its
traditions. The position was rightly envisaged as a duel
of this kind during tJie long, tense, but enervating lull of the
winter ; the political discussions which arose in tliat interval
did little more than mask a more profound feeling, which
was universal in the West, . and which' was a mixture of
expectancy, anxiet\^ and determination. The issue of that
duel is now joined. The two steels have met. The first
heavy lunge has been delivered. In the two fierce opening
days of its energy it has been parried: but with difficulty
and with no finality — as yet. A third day has passed, and
part of a fourth, without as yet the appearance of the next
move. It may be that the full suspense under wliich these
lines also are written will continue by tlie time they are in
the hands of the public.
The Prussian System
By so mucli as we had chiefly to consider during the time
when the war was a calculable siege, numbers, dispositions,
and. in general the purely military problem — a consideration
at which fools only mocked — but fools are many — by so
much the duty of the civilian at this moment is now the
converse of a merely mihtary consideration and has become
mainly a political one. It is the business of all neither to
prophesy success, as has become the fatuous habit of those
who suffer or enjoy temporary authority upon both sides,
nor_even to listen to such baseless and useless pronounce-
ments. It is rather our duty to reiterate to ourselves, to
recover and re-emphasise after its partial oblitersjtion during
the tedium of the lull now ]iassed, what is now beyond any
dispute and beyond any possibility of argument, the issue
involved. Not the least instructed of those who have
imagined Prussia to be something like themselves can be
in doubt any longer. No one, however ignorant of the
European past, but feels his own country at l^ast, and there-
fore his own being, to be at stake. Upon the grciat battle which
has now but just opened the conclusion of the whole campaign
must necessarily turn ; and our business is to envisage with
the utnaost clarity during the terrible attention of the next
few days or weeks the alternatives before us. If Prussia
now fails, she has failed for ever. The vast congeries of
mixed and various peoples whom she has drawn directly
and indirectly into her detestable system, will dissolve. It
has no natural foundation nor any natural bond. Even its
suppoi5ed (ierman basis is largely a modern academic fiction.
The rest is force, fraud, and mechanics. If it please God
that this system shall be destroyed by the sword of the
Allies, the world will be recovered.
We need waste no mental strength upon the wholl3' ephemeral
catch words which have cropped up in the course of the
struggle ; it is not true that democracy is admitted to be the
best form of human government ; still less is it true that
niodern industrial society is democratic or that Parliaments
are generally regarded as instruments of a happy and stable
freedom. It is not true to say, and it is not felt by the
millions who have suffered in this great cause, that par-
ticular mechanical schemes of international arrangement are
the object of the sacrifice. Men have neither volunteered nor
died nor endured such abominable things for so long nor have
women suffered the much worse things of the soul to which they
have been subjected, for any of these academic phrases. What
all have felt and what all still feel, what every man is feeling
who is, as I am writing, engaged between the Scarpa and the
Somme, is the necessity of preserving his countr)'. Patriotism
is the flame of this war ; and it is because Prussia is the nega-
tion of patrioti.sm that Prussia has made herself the enemy.
The love of country in our old civilisation is equivalent to
and is the expression of its general soul ; through it alone
we are wliat we are ; and through it alone does the modern
man receive the tremendous inheritance of Europe which is
now at stake. •
If in th(! great debate now actually joined before Arras,
St. Quentin, and Laon — three ancient witnessesof such things
— the enemy triumi)hs, what will go is our very souls. That
is what we must grasp and retain throughout all that may
be before us. Nothing whatsoever can compensate a man
for the loss of his national pride which contains, informs,
and creates his standing in this world. If we regard the pre-
servation of that- object as supreme; if we count nothing
whatsfx'ver in the balance against it, then no material victory
can ultimately prevent the successful reaction of Europe
against that which intends, and would produce, the death
of Europe : That which has already broken with European
morals and chivalry in war and has rendered detestable
what, for all its horror, had hitherto been glorious in arms.
If such a faith is held fast it can carr\' success not onlv
through this immediate trial, but through whatever an
untoward issue of that trial might impose upon us for the
future. If it is not held with sufficient clarity, smglcness,
and tenacity, even victory will yield but little fruit, and
deleat would be final. tt n
HiLAiRE Belloc.
Postscript
It has proved possible to delay printing for the addition of
a few words upon the further results obtained by the enemy
in the course of Sunday and during Monday, the 24th and
25th of the month, and to estimate" upon the further cost at
which these results' have*'been obtained.
Briefly (to take the- last point first), another twenty
divisions have been identified as throtvn into the struggle
for its second phase, and the total number recognised by the
defensive as having come in by Monday is no less than
seventy-three. It is indeed probable that divisions are
relieved, or their immediate task of assault taken^over, by
fresh units, after a loss less severe than was the case when
the enemy wa,s on the defensive last year. As we know, it
was, under those circumstances, only after the loss of some-
thing like 50 per cent, that a division was relieved. The
present proportion cannot be on the average anything like
so high, though certain units, oi course, have lost even more.
But it is none the less significant that there .should already
before the end of the fifth day have been drawn in and partly
used up nearly double the enormous numbers massed for
the first shock.
It is an index of the pace at which the thing is being forced,
the enemy's determination to succeed or fail "as rapidly as
possible ; in other words, to gamble very high. It is also
an index of the conditions upon which the Allies are banking
for their counter- stroke w-hen the large reserves shall be
used ; for it is now apparent that the defensive has been
maintained with economy.
So far as ground is concerned, the enemy reached and
passed on Monday the line of the high road, Arras-Bapaume-
Peronne, which on Saturday was everywhere covered by the
British forces. He was some thousand yards beyond
Bapaiune on Monday evening, he had occupied Peronne,
and he had established one bridge-head at least beyond the
marshy valley of the Somme ; though here he lost very
heavily, and full use was made of that obstacle by the defen-
sive to inflict loss on the attack. The number of prisoners
claimed has swollen to 45,000, and of guns to over 600.
The French have taken over the portion of the line on the
south, reaching apparently to somewhat north of Nesle, that
is, to the north-west of Ham, uncovering Guiscard and
Chauny (none of these places are marked in the sketch map
drawn for the results of Saturday, they fall into the area
covered by the inset). The appearance of the French here
upon the" right has nothing to do, of course, with the use of
the great reserves, which is a local extension undertaken by
units belonging to the general line.
The defensive was still intact by the Monday, and its
general line would seem to have been at that mpment one
lying almost due north and south from the neighbourhood
of Arras, involving, therefore, a further pivotting back upon
the northern hinge of another twenty degrees. Monchy Hill,
to the east of Arras, was in enemy hands, and so was the
high ground of Henin and St. Leger. The line, still in move-
ment, seems to have crossed the Arras-Bapaume road about
half-way between the two towns ; it then bent somewhat
westward round Bapaume, reached the Somme at a place
corresponding to the original line from which the offensive
started in ic)i6, and so ran southward over the devastated
area ; still covering Noyon and the wooded heights to the
north and east of it, where the French are still maintaining
them.selves.
It must be repeated in this postscript upori what basis all
sane judgment upon the situation depends. Any ground or
even losses of men and material by the defence (within a
certain measure which has not been exceeded) are nothing
to three factors, which only tiie event can determine for us,
and which are the real essentials of the situation.
The first is the condition of the defensive line — that it
should remain unbroken. The second is the rate of the
losses which are being inflicted upon the enemy. The third
is the effect that will be produced by the great reserves
when they come into play : whether this be in a war of
movement suitable for or in the shape of a counter-offensive
upon a standing line. This last feature of reserve, which
must be no more than named (although the enemy is, of
course, well aware of it, and has discussed it at length in
his Press), is that with which the Germans are most con-
cerned, and upon which we should therefore most rely. — H. B.
mmmmmmmmmmm
ffPHMMiiippmiiii^llllll
^^yTy^ f'^^^'r'^^^l^^ '—■:'r- "v'^tf '
Copyrigitt 1918, U.S.A,
Wm
The End
Bv Loi
" The enemy has paid a stupendous price for his gain of ground. It is ground which he himsel
m
the Road
Copyright. "Land & Water.'
(TS.
aste with absolute destruction"— Mr. Philip Gibbs {Daily Chronicle) on the German Offensive.
12
Land & Water
March 28, 191 8
The Submarine Campaign: By Arthur Pollen
THE coincidi'iice last week of tlic revelation by
the Government of the true position with regard
to tonnage incidentally, a bird's-eye ivview of
the course of the war at sea during the last yt^ar —
with the great attack on our front in France,
intended by the Germans to be decisive, has proved, as
nothing else could have proved, that the strategy of our
enemv is entirely dominated by the course of the war at sea.
Two other events -the destnn'ei" engagement that took
place last Thursday between Dunkirk and Zeel^rugge, and
the seizure of Dut'-ii shipping — interpreted, as they should
be, in the light thrown upon the sea war by the Admiralty
revelations, emphasise this broad truth still further. The
Dunkirk engagement serves further to indicate to us
certain essential truths governing the present sea war, which
seem to have been little appreciated during the last three
"A-ears. Let us deal with these points in order.
Tonnage of the World
Sir Eric Gcddes gave us the broad facts of the tonnage
position in his statement read to the House of Commons on
Wednesday. On Thursday e\-ening a White Paper was
issued setting out, graph-wise, the loss of tonnage and its
replacement by new construction since the outbreak of war.
Two diagrams were published, one showing Josses and recon-
struction as they affected l?ritish shipping onh', the other
illustrating the same for all neutral and all belligerents
other than the enemy. If we regard, as scientifically, 1
suppose, we should, the world's tonnage, so defined, as under
Allied control and equally available for Allied purposes, then
the situation revealed by the second diagram, while anything
but satisfactory to those who hope for a speedy victory by
America's military help, is very much less alarming than those
anticipated who have interpreted the food rationing to
foreshadow an impending surrender bj- famine, although, of
course, we have paid and must continue to pay until the end
of the war the penalty for this serious loss of tonnage.
The situation is, roughly, this. Over 11,800,000 tons
have been lost, T^ie British share is just ov^r 7,000,000 ;
the non-British share just under 5,000,000. Of this loss,
just over six and a half million tons have been repl^iced by
new construction, and just over two and a half milhons by
the seizure of en&my vessels. British new construction
amounts to just over three million tons, and the tonnage we
have captured to just under eight hundred thousand, so
that our total loss of seven million tons is diminished by the
total gain of 3,800,000, leaving us with a net loss of just
oven three and a quarter million. The non-British Powers
have constructed half a million more tons than we have,
and have captured a million tons more. Their gross gain is,
therefore, nearly 5,400,000 tons, and as their loss was only
4.750,000, they have a net gain of over 600,000 'tons. Setting
this off against the net British loss, the AlUed Powers and
neutrals together are just over two and a half million tons
to the bad.
This was the position at the end of last year, and in the
last quarter of last year the rate of loss was diminishing
\'ery rapidly indeed. It had fallen — since the third quarter —
from about a million and a half tons to about a million and a
quarter, while new construction had gone up from 600,000
to nearly 950,000 tons. The two curves as published, look
as if they were going to meet before the first quarter of this
year was completed — as if, in other words, they should have
met already. The curves, as published for Great Britain,
showed a similar tendency. At the end of the third quarter
of 1917, our loss of tonnage was at the rate of 950,000, and
our construction 250,000 tons. There was a gap, therefore,
of 700,000 tons. But by the end of the year, the rate of loss
had fallen below 800, oot) tons, and the rate of construction
had risen to over 400,000. So, where the graphs end, the
gap was below, being but little more than 350,000 tons.
Could the curves have continued, these two also would have
met by about the end of this month. As I shall point out
later, through the accidental selection of quai'terly periods,
both of these curves arc misleading.
Rut before going on to this demonstration, let us deal
with the actual situation at the close of last year. The
tonnage available to the .\llies, as we have seen, was then,
roughly, two and a half million tons down. This in itself
does not reveal a position that is dangerous. If new con-
struction were never to rise beyond the level at which it
stood at the close 'of 1917 — just under a million tons a
quarter — and if there was no improvement in the rate of
loss — just under 1,300,000 tons a quarter — it is certain that
the enemy would not be able, by such an attrition of our sea
transport as this, to bring the Allied combtnation to the
negotiation point — which is the , same thing as surrender
point— before exhaustion had overwhelmed the Centra!
Powers themselves. The curves, in other words, show at
the final point to which they have been carried, that if they
continued parallel to each other from now onwards, the
sea strategy embarked upon by Germany fourteen months
ago at the cost of bringing the United States into the war
has already been proved to be a failure.
J*
Failure of German Sea Strategy
The best proof that this is the moral of these curves is
that the Germans are concentrating the whole of their forces
in an attack upon the British lines to-day. They would not
do this if victory were attainable by other means. We have
only to look at the situation fifteen months ago to reahse
this. Germany had then just called upon the Allies to
make peace or take the consequences. The consequences to
England, if she declined to treat on the basis of the war map,
were to be, as was pointed out in these columns at the time,
the ruthless destruction of her shipping. This menacing
eirenicon was followed by a step not less significant by
President Wilson. This while seemingly an effort at peace
was really, as again was pointed out in these columns, only
the final preliminary to preparing .America for war. He
asked, it will be remembered, that both belligerents should
state their war aims, under the plea that they might not be
found too divergent for accommodation. The pretext was,
of course, the merest camouflage. All the^ world knew that
the German war- aims could not be stated — and no one knew
it better than the Germans. From the moment President
Wilson's note was published, the decision of Germany became
inevitable. There was literally no alternative to the ruth-
less submarine war — though such a war would throw America
on to the side of the Allies. The elements in Germany that,
quite rightly, judged that if the submarine failed American
intervention would be Germany's final ruin, implored
Bethmann-Hollweg, who was still Chancellor, to reconsider
this policy. He refused on the ground that the submarines
must succeed in a reasonable number of weeks. We had
then in the Chancellor's statement a measure of the German
hope, even if we had not the further measure that it was
worth American- belligerency. Had it succeeded, of course
— and we have only to look at the curve from February to
April to see how near it came to success — there would have
been no need for further fighting on the Western front. The
Allies simply could not have continued the war. But in
April the Navy began ^o get the better of the submarine,
and has continued not only successfully, but with increasing
effect, to defeat it.
If the net rate of loss to-day was likely to remain per-
manent it still would not be achieving for Germany what
Germany hoped to achieve when the campaign began. It is
this failure that has made the vast effort on land imperative,
and the effort has to be on this colossal scale because to
Germany there is no alternative between complete victory
and abject defeat. The collapse of Russia, it is true, puts
Germany in a very different position to-day in making a bid
for complete victory on land than was hers a year ago. But
the broad fact remains that a land victory, while to the
last degree improbable, is only possible at enormous cost,
whereas a sea victory by submarine, which seemed far from
improbable, would have been both cheap and rapid.
Will the Situation Improve ?
It is important to seize this fact, of the December position
being a proof of German failure, as the starting-point of a
further consideration of the problem, because it is even
more certain that the curve showing the rate of loss must
continue its downward slope. It is, as plainly, a mere matter
of statesmanship evoking the right moral, and of sound
business maiiagement producing the right organisation, for
the replacement curve to rise far more steeply in 1918 than"
in fact it rose in the last quarter of the preceding year. Whj-,
it may be asked, is it possible to speak so confidently on
these' two points ?
The answers to these questions are not very recondite,
and to make them -more intelligible, _I have ventured^to
March 28, 1 9 i 8
Land & Water
13
redraft the Admiralty curves. I have supplemented that
illustrating British tonnage losses (2) by another (i) showing
the monthly shipping losses. And I have varied the monthly
British replacement curve (3) by branching off at the month
•of October with, first, a new curve showing the monthly
rate of replacement — which is the curve (3 B). Secondly,
as a contrast to the Admiralty's curve for the last quarter
of last year — marked (3 A) in my diagram — I have added a
new quarterly curve (3 C) for the three months December,
January, and Februarv. This curve shows that the chance
selection of the three months October, November, and
December give, as a matter of fact, a totalh' false view of
the situation. If we regard the two curves, the loss curve
as showing the work of the Navy, and the replacement curve
England
as showing that of the civilians, the course of the campaign
is revealed to us almost at a glance. Where the White
Paper curve misleads is that it understates the initial
naval failure, by smoothing the curve for the three months
April, May, and June. It understates, therefore, the really
extraordinary character of the purely naval recovery of the
position. To reahse this we should not only contrast the
mean between the rate of los^in the third quarter of the year
and the rate of loss at the finish, but the rate at its highest
point in April, and at its lowest point in the second week of
March this year.
And, just as the recovery of the Navy is understated, so
the civilian effort is, quite unintentionally, flattered.
The published curve gives a picture of the civiHans about
to join hands with the Navy early in 1918. But if we take
the quarter which I have selected, we sec that, so far from the
ciyilians rising to meet the sailors, they are indeed in full
retreat from the enemy and retiring ignominiously from the
■struggle. The curves, instead of converging, are not even
parallel. The shipbuilders arc not contented to let the
Navy improve and only fall off in the same degree that the
Navy does improve. They have done worse ; they are
falling back on one flank faster than their allies are advancing
on the other, so that the curves, instead, of converging or
becoming even parallel, arc actually getting wider apart.
The Admiralty, of course, so far from having the slightest
intention of veiling this unpleasant fact, take very great
pains in the White Paper to warn the public against being
deceived For we arc specially cautioned that production
has fallen so far below the rate exhibited in the graph that
"if some improvement is not speedily made, the point where
production balances losses will be dangerously postponed."
I venture to think that, had the curves been continued as
they might well have been, to the end of Februarv, the
graphic index to the position would have made any verbal
caution unnecessary, and would amply have accounted ibr
so drastic a step as the creation of^a new dictator of ship-
building and the appointment of so eminent a master of
the business as Lord Pirrie to the new office.
Bad as this situation is, it is admittedly one that can be
retrieved. The First Lord evidently expects it will be
retrieved. But there is no immediate prospect of our seeing.
OUR best are dying in field and flood,
In our ears is the roar of a murderous hate.
On the wings of the night comes a terror of blood,
Was England ever so great ?
She was great in the days that are gone, we know.
When Drake was singeing the mad king's beard,
When Marlborough smote for her blow on blow,
When straight at the heart of his far-sought foe
Our passionate Nelson steered ;
When the worn red line stood, dogged and still.
Facing the Conqueror's desperate stroke,
.\nd over the brow of the gun-swept hill
T^ surge of his squadrons eddied and broke.
Aye, many a day when our Englishmen died
England had honour, and place for her pride.
But the land was touched by a poisonous breath,
And her arm wa.xed faint, and her heart grew cold.
And they laughed in their hate : "She is sick unto death.
She is ripe for our sf)oiling, the hoarder of gold."
And now ? Now before them she stands in the strait.
The hope of the nations, high foeman of WTong..
Unfearing, she takes up the challenge of fate.
The cold heart has kindled, the faint arm is strong.
And the gleam of her legions has girdled the earth.
As the lightning that flashes from East unto West,
At the sound of her voice they have leapt to their birth.
And the spoiler shall rue ere their banners have rest.
Shall we fail, shall we doubt her ? She stands for the right.
She was never so mighty, for never so true.
Though in blood and in woe we must win to the light,
Men and women of England, heads up and go through.
H. M. D.
in the British curve, so sharp an upward slope as the pub-
lished diagram gives. For -the maximum output for this
year is put at r, 800, 000 tons — a mean rate of 165,000 ton's a
month for the next ten months, while it is onl}' by the begin-
ning of next year that we hope to show a monthly output
of a quarter of a million tons — assumed to be this country's
maximum possibility of production. If, then, the two lines
are to cross, the rate of loss reduced to zero, and a definite
increase in the world's shipping to be brought about, we
must rely upon two other elements in the problem. First,
we must look to the Navy to cause a still greater decline in
sinkings, and, next, to our Allies and to the neutrals to
quicken their shipbuilding. Now, as to the last, there is
every reason to believe that the United States should come
very near producing four milUon tons this year. If another
million can be got from other sources, this output, combined
with our own, will give a mean rate for the year of 500,000
tons a month, and would beat the present loss curve so
greatly as to show a net gain of nearly a million and a quarter
tons a quarter. At this rate, the world's net losses — even
if they continued for some months longer — should be caught
up befote we are far advanced in 1919. All this, of course,
depends upon the shipbuilding effort here and abroad realising
the hopes of those who are organising it.
We are left, then, with the final question whether the
rate of loss cannot be diminished. On this point the
Admiralty, very prudently, dechnes to prophesy. But less
responsible people may without undue rashness indicate
their grounds for being optimistic. They arc, roughly, two.
If we look at the monthly rate of loss in April and contrast
it with that at the present time, we shall notice that the
gap between the highest and the lowest point is enormous.
Now, the naval effort which has accomplished this is marked
by two characteristics. For want of a better term, it can
be described first of all as almost mainly defensive. It has
consisted, that is to say, chiefly in concentrating shipping
into convoys, and then guarding those convoys by armed
ships, so that a submarine desiring to carry out its mission
must generally take the risk of encountering armed force
superior to itself before it can do so. We had, in other
words, finally, and after much hesitation, adopted in the
latter half of last year the simple principle of naval strategy
which had governed us in all previous sea wars when a similar
difficulty had to be met. We interposed superior force
between the enemy and its objective. I have called this
pohcy "defensive" in full realisation that the term is mis-
leading, because in the actual event it is the offensive which
14
Land & Water
March 28, 1 9 i 8
is taken against the submarine. But the initiative is really
left with the submarine. If, when it comes to the point, the
Hun pirate does not like the look of things, he will have to
kt the convoy go by rather than risk an encounter with its
protecting ships. The destruction of the enemy's submarines
— v/hich we gather from official statements to be at the rate
•f about twelve a month — is, then, only incidental to the
general course of our campaign.
We have not, in the period under review, been able to
carry, our direct offensive against the submarines very far.
The White Paper makes this clear : the reduction in the
sinkings "has been achieved in spite of imperfect knowledge
•f a new and barbarous method of warfare, and of a scarcity
•f suitable material. Our material resources for this warfare
are already improved, and are being rapidly augmented,
while science is placing at our disposal means of offence and
defence of which we have been in need." The progress made
since April, in other words, is not due to any sudden accession
•f material — always accepting the very welcome assistance
that Admiral Sims's destroyers brought at this critical
moment — but to the adoption of sound methods of using
the material available ; to the reorganisation of the higher
command brought about last May; to the consequential
adoption of the convoy system ; to a more scientific adapta-
tion of available means to the end in view ; to a wiser selec-
tion of men ; and, generally, to a closer co-operation between
all the agencies that could contribute to the desired result.
But on the direct offensive against the submarine only the
beginnings could be made. How these have progressed
since we have to gather from faint indications. I shall
touch on these in dealing with the Dunkirk argument.
For the moment, let us note that the Navy's strongest card
has not yet been played.
The second reason for expecting improved naval results
is that the defensive organisation that has revolutionised the
situation since last spring has not yet been applied in the
Mediterranean where, the First Lord told us, a third of our
losses are being incurred. It has been stated by some who
claim to know that our tonnage losses in the Mediterranean
are relatively heavier than elsewhere. If Admiral Calthorpe
can get his forces to work as satisfactorily as the British
and American forces in the Atlantic there should soon be a
very material improvement in this very important field.
Lastly, we surely cannot be deceiving ourselves in sup-
posing that the pirates themselves must now be going at
their work with greatly diminished belief in its efficacy.
Their losses are heavy ; their condemnation by the whole
world is known to them ; their victims are a diminishing
number ; they must be conscious that this combination of
guilt, suffering and failure has not gained, and now has no
prospect of gaining, that result for their country that would
have led to their being forgotten.
Now, if we put these elements together : (i) the admitted
capacity of British, American, and the allied and neutral
shipbuilding yards to reach a production of six million tons
in the course of this year ; and (2) the high probabiUty of
the naval effort continuing increasingly successful on its
present lines ; and {3) having in reserve a stroke which may
be far more successful than anything it has yet done — we
must, it seems to me, be blind indeed if we do not perceive
that the whole position has been reversed since April of last
year. It is a result which justifies those who insisted upon
the reorganisation of our chief command- long before things
reached their worst. And it is one that reflects infinite
credit upon all who, at the Admiralty and at sea, have
contributed to making the reforms of last May a reality.
And special credit must be given to the present First Lord
who, coming to the Admiralty when things were at their
worst — when, as Sir Edward Carson told us, the situation
seemed perfectly hopeless — has patiently and with infinite
labour first simplified and quickened the supply of material
to the Navy and — a far greater achievement — has now not
•nly reorganised the fighting side of the Admiralty to fit
it to direct the Navy's main work, but has gone so far. in
finding the right men to work the machine that he has created.
The Channel Raid
At five o'clock on Thursday morning last week, a flotilla
of German destroyers, taking advantage of a haze, stole
across to Dunkirk from Zeebrugge and bombarded the
place for some ten minutes. They were, however, inter-
cepted by some French and English destroyers and a runaway
action ensued. At the time of writing, no further details
are known except that no French or British boat was sunk,
and only one British boat injured ; that prisoners have
been brought in ; that it was believed that four of the enemy
had been sent to the bottom ; and that its navy admits
the loss of two. No doubt much fuller details will be in the
hands of my readers by the time this paper is printed. In
the meantime,, it is clear that a very welcome success has
been won by the forces under Vice-Admiral Roger Keyes'
command. A score, standing for the last month against
the enemy, has been wiped out. But the incident means
more than an agreeable reversal of fortune.
When, two months ago, the change at Dover was an-
nounced, it was suggested in these columns that if our forces
at this the main point of the Narrow Seas were rightly
handled, it would prove a very serious matter for the enemy.
In introducing the estimates, the First Lord gave us a more
precise indication of the form this pressure would take.
For a very considerable period the Germans have been
using the Channel freely as a thoroughfare by which to get
their submarines to their hunting grounds. But the new
tactics at Dover have included the extraordinarily bold
proceeding of illuminating the entire fairway, so as to make
an undetected surface passage impossible. The raid «f a
month ago was carried out to drive off the trawlers and
drifters that carried the flares necessary for the illumination.
By some oversight they were able to carry out this raid with
impunity. But it may be observed that the action of
Tlmrsday morning has not arisen out of any attempt t©
repeat it. The real interest, then, of this incident lies in
this : that once the enemy is cut off from one form of sea
activity — viz., by a denial of the shortest road to his sub-
marines— he is at once driven to some other, in this case a
repetition off Dunkirk of one of the fugitive raids which
he has so often attempted before.
If the Channel is effectively closed, the enemy, to get to
his hunting grounds, must go north about ; and from Heligo-
land to the western end of the Atlantic lanes by this route
is between 700 and 800 miles longer than by the Channel.
Double this difference — for the submarine always leaves in
hopes of coming home again — and you have the pirate's
cruising radius, once he is at work, reduced by no less than
1,500 miles. More than this, he has 1,500 miles more not
only of destroyer and patrol peril, but a marine risk as well.
A second reflection that this last engagement off Dunkirk
suggests is this :
From Dover to Zeebrugge is just over 70 miles ; and
Dunkirk is just over 35 from each point. Seventy miles
is, if I remember right, almost exactly the distance from
Port Arthur to the Elliot Islands, which the Japanese seized
and used as a base for operations against the Russian Fleet
in that harbour. These new activities at Dover tempt one
to speculate on the course the naval war might have taken
had it been possible for us to have seized and defended a
considerable anchorage within, say, a hundred miles of the
mouth of the Elbe. The Germans have often complained
of the disadvantage their Navy was at owing to their geo-
graphical position. But it is not at all certain that the dis-
advantage has been all on one side. Unquestionably, that
our main sea bases were five or six hundred miles from the
main German base has given a character to the war that it
could not possibly have possessed had we been situated as
were the Japanese in their war with Russia. And it is a
character entirely unfavourable to the stronger and more
enterprising side. The topic is a large one, and I do BOt
propose to pursue it at length now. I mention it only to
draw attention to the fact that we shall probably witness in
the case of Dover and Zeebrugge the development of a
campaign from wliich perhaps a "might-have-been" may
be reconstructed by the ingenious. In the meantime, we
have heard nothing more of the inquiry into the loss of the
drifters a month ago. But it is evident that the lessons of
that event have not been ignored. Arthur Pollen,
By the death of Mr. Edward Stott, A.R.A., British art
loses a painter of peculiarly native sentiment. Intensely
subjective in character, his work was religious in a deeper
sense than merely that of employing the traditionally sacred
themes that he so often painted. "The Holy Family," the
ostensible subject of his most important picture in last
year's Academy exhibition, was in a less obvious way the
subject of a great many more ; and if it were possible to
sum up the general inspiration of his art in a phrase, "the
sanctity of domestic life" would do as well as any other.
His imagination was constantly haunted with the idea
' expressed in the words of Mr. Edward Carpenter : "The trio
perfect : the man, the woman, and the babe, and herein all
Creation" ; and it was the humanistic rather than the
naturalistic side of pastoral life that attracted him. The
brooding quality of his painting was thoroughly in sympathy •
with its emotional pretext, and his pictures are to be felt by-
degrees rather than taken in at a glance.
Marcli 28, 1918
Land & Water
15
The Balkan Stage : By H. Collinson Owen
ONCE upon a time, for my sins or otherwise, I was
dramatic critic on a London morning paper. It
is accepted, and even desired, by most journalists
that their. work may take them into all sorts of
odd corners of the world ; but I never dreamed
that one day I should become a dramatic critic in the Balkans.
The other day I received a letter from a former colleague
which contained a sentence that was peculiarly apt to the
moment. He touched in his letter on the London theatres
as they were at the moment of his writing, and said, with
what was intended to be an insistence on the obvious : " But,
of course, you have no pantomimes in Macedonia." It was
curious that only the day before I had returned from a tour
of a large portion of our front line here, where I had been
solely in order to visit three divisional pantomimes. And
they were certainly among the best pantomimes I have
ever seen.
Our soldiers in all the zones of war are unexcelled in making
the best of things and in creating good entertainment out of
very little, but I doubt if in any army such good results have
been obtained as in the army of the Balkans. In France the
problem is much easier. The two great centres of civilisa-
tion, Paris and London, are each only a day away, with
their wonderful shops and limitless resources. As far as
civilisation goes our front-line men hei 2 are based on Salonica,
which is still no more than a burnt-out shell. But, all the
same, in spite of Fritz and his U-boats, both Paris and London
have been drawn on to contribute to the startling success of
these and other theatrical ventures. With the parcel post
as we know it, it is well to cultivate the long view in
Macedonia. Wise people order their winter things in summer,
and vice versa. Similarly, the devoted and hard-working
people responsible for these entertainments thought out their
problems aliead many months ago, and pressed into service
such lucky people as were then going on leave. Thus, on
programmes, all of which were distributed well within
artillery range (the Macedonian theatres have the honour of
being the furthest advanced theatres of any in the war) one
could read : " The principals' dresses from Paris and Athens " ;
"Costumes and wigs specially executed for this production
by Blank & Co., Brighton" ; and "Wigs and costumes by
So-and-so, Ltd., London." And thus it is that in a large
barn on the fringes of a miserable little wrecked Macedonian
village, Bluebeard comes on to the stage clad in gorgeous
garments that are a delight to the eye and the senses.
The three pantomimes were "Robinson Crusoe," "Blue-
beard," and "Dick Whittington" : homely old stories planted
down, with their comic ladies, principal boys, beauty choruses,
etc., all complete in darkest Macedonia. But each story was
adapted to the special circumstances. Robinson Crusoe was
wrecked not in the western seas, but somewhere on the
coasts of Macedon, and found his Man Friday in a faithful
vendor of the Balkan News. Bluebeard had his lair not in
Norway, but in Salonica, and was discomfited by the ever-
resourceful British Navy. And Dick Whittington took his
cat not to Morocco, but to somewhere in the Struma Valley,
where the faithful animal (wickedly dubbed Winston) .cleared
the rats out of the Pasha's Headquarters, obtaining before-
hand unconditional terms of surrender from the Turks.
The large majority of the British troops for whom
these entertainments were prepared were the fighting men of
the service. Many of them have been through big battles
in France, and others as big in Macedonia. They have
campaigned for what seems an age in a country which has
many discomforts and no distractions. They know some-
thing about malaria and dysentery. Lots of them have
never seen even a decent village since they left England or
France. The average Macedonian village is a poor affair,
and those that are not wrecked are generally out of bounds.
And here in the Macedonian wilderness, where the kites and
vultures wheel endlessly by day, and the jackal howls and
whimpers by night ; with Salonica (such as it is) fifty miles
away, and beer a rarity in the canteen, the men were able to
look across a real orchestra and real footlights, and see a
show which in its essentials was as good as anything which
could be found in that dear old Blighty which now seems
but the faint echo of a dream.
At each show the men are enraptured. It is impossible to
imagine audiences more delighted and keen. The vigour of
their approval radiated from them like electricity. They
pay 2d. admission, and. having seen the show once, any man
is willing to offer 5 drachmas for the ticket of a comrade
who is next on the list. It must be recorded, even, that
some "faking" has occurred with the tickets, and the box-
office clerks at the various theatres have had to keep open
very sharp eyes. I think I sympathise with the fakers. If
I had lived for two whole years in the Balkan front line, and
only a little scrap of paper of this kind stood between another
visit to the Divisional Theatre, I should be very muclj
tempted to try to bluff the guardians at the portals of so
much delight and happiness.
Eight Shows a Week,
The pantomimes have meant extremely hard work for
all concerned. Eight shows a week, including two matinees
(no Sunday performances) has been the rule, and the men so
engaged, largely infantrymen, have earned their pay ten
times over. Pantomimes comprise leading ladies and ladies
of the chorus. This is a difficulty which has long since largely!
disappeared from our Macedonian shows, and in these later
ones it has been triumphantly overcome. Each production
has its leaven of mediocre female impersonators, who are not
expected to do much more than look pleasant (as they -do)
in the costumes provided for them. But each production
also has something startlingly good to show in this respect.
The qualities include striking beauty, good dancing, good
singing, and — in one case particularly — amazing joie de vivre
and sprightliness of the soubrette type. There are several
cases where it is frankly next to impossible to believe that
the radiant creature on the stage is a soldier-man. At each
of the three pantomimes I have been "behind" after the
show, and though, of course, one had no real illusions as to
the sex of the players, yet, all the same, it came as a shock
to see these dainty creatures peeling off their feminine finery
and putting on again the rough khaki of active service.
Shakespeare was not confronted with the supreme difficulty
one has always imagined ini having to use men for his female
parts. The Balkan Army has shown that it can be done
with an extraordinary amount of success.
We have a principal boy (not unknown to the Londoa
stage) who is a positive marvel of willowy grace, and it is a
curious thing that this part, as played by a man, is the only
one difficult to accept, so accustomed are we to thinking of
the principal boy as a particularly buxom female. Two
French hospital nurses who saw him opened their eyes with
amaze. " Mon Dieu, qu'il est bien ! " exclaimed one. A
distinguished British officer, sitting with the fair visitors,
launched into an explanation in British-French of what the
principal boy stood for in pantomime ; but it is to be feared
that they understood him but vaguely, as not only had they
never seen a principal boy before, but they had never even
heard of a pantomime.
From all possible points of view, these pantomimes have
been complete successes. They have stimulated a good
deal of inter-Divisional rivalry and given innumerable sub-
jects for conversation, which are good things. They are,
without exception, clean, with not a questionable joke.
Talent has been poured into them. The "books" are witty,
the dancing good, the part-songs (in several instances) super-
latively good, the acting thoroughly competent, and the
comic men (and ladies) really comic. Lighting, costumes,
and scenery have all been treated with a professional hand,
limited only here and there by lack of space. And a very
special word must be said of the orchestras. Here the
various regimental bands have been drawn upon. All three
orchestras were excellent ; but one pantomime was easily
the leader in this respect. To listen to its orchestra playing
some of our best light music (cosily sunk in a trench, and
with a gold-painted iron rail hung with green curtains
separating it from the "stalls") was a delight such as only
those long separated from the pleasures of home can appre-
ciate. And a final word must be said for the daintily
appointed theatre bars, where coffee, cakes (and even other
things) could be obtained in much comfort. At one of them,
during an entr'acle, I bought a massive cigar de luxe at a
spot not far removed from a noted Bulgarian village
massacre during the wars of 1912.
Leaving this place the niorning after, I overtook a Scots
battalion, marching over the plain to take up its watch on
the Struma. The pipers were skirling aliead, and the sight
of those swinging kilties was one to stir the blood. And
I prefer to think that their jaunty step and happy air were
partly accounted for by the fact that on the previous evening
many of them had shared in the fun and hilarity and rousing
choruses of "Dick Whittington."
i6
Land & Water
March 28, 1918-
The Great Passport Frauds— Part I
By French Strother, Managing Editor, "The woria
s Work," New York
l-V/ien war [was declared, thsre'were a number of Gentian officers in the United States. In order that they
f night have a safe passage to Europe, it was necessary to provide them with fraudulent passports. This
was done with the connivance, if not at the instigation, of the German Ambassador at Washington, Count
von Bernstor^. Hoiv these frauds after hriiiQ- executed were detected by the Department of Justice, is told below :
■St.n ■■MUtm.
WHEN C„.i Ruroede, the "gnuu-, of the
German passport frauds, came suddenly to
earth in the hands of agents of the Department
of' Justice and unbosomed himself to the
Assistant United States District Attorney in
New York, ''he said, sadly :
" I thought I was going to get an Iron Cross ; but what
they ought to do is to pin a little tin stove on me."
the cold, strong hand of American justice wrung that
very human cry from Ruroede, who was the central figure
(though far from the most sinister or the most powerful) in
this earliest drama of Germany's bad faith with neutral
America — a drama that dealt in forgery, blackmail, and lies,
that revealed in action the motives of greed and jealousy
and ambition, and that ended with three diplomats dis-
graced, one plotter in the penitentiary, and another sent to
a watery grave in the Atlantic by a torpedo from a U-boat
of the very country' he had tried to serve. This is the story :
• • *
Twenty-five days after, the Kaiser touched the button
which publicly notified the world that Germany at last had
decided that "The Day" had come — to be exact, on August
25th, 1914 — The German Ambassador at Washington,
Count von Bernstorff, wrote a letter effusively addressed
to "My very honoured Mr. von Wedell." (Ruroede had
not yet appeared on the scene). The letter itself was
more restrained than the address, but^ in it Bernstorff con-
descended to accept tentatively an offer of Wedell's
to make a nameless voyage. The
vo3'a[ge was soon made, for on
September 24th Wedell left Rot-
terdam, bearing a letter from the
German Consul - General there,
asking all German authorities to
speed him on his way to Berhn
because he was bearing dispatches
to the Foreign Office. Arrived in
Berlin, Wedell executed his com-
mission, and then called upon his
uncle. Count Botho von Wedell, a
high functionary of the Foreign
Office. He was aflame with a
great idea, which he unfolded to
his uncle. The idea was approved,
and just after the elections in
November he was back in New
York to put it into execution,
incidentally bearing vdth him some
letters handed him by order of
Mr. Ballin, head of the Hamburg
American Steamship Company, and
another letter "for a young lady
who goes to- America in the interest
of Germany." If unhappy Wedell
had let this be his last voyage —
but that belongs later in the story.
Wedell's scheme was this : He
learned in Berlin that Germany
had at home all the common
soldiers she expected to need, but
that more officers were wanted.
He was told that Germany cared
not at all whether the 100,000
reservists in America got home' or
not, but that she cared very much
indeed to get the 800 or 1,000
officers in North and South America
back to the Fatherland. Nothing
but the ocean and tlie British Fleet
stood in their way. The ocean
might be overcome. But the British
Fleet ? Wedell proposed the
answer : He would buy passports
Spaniards, to whom S25 was of infinitely more concern than
a mere he — and send the officers to Europe, armed with these
documents, as neutrals travelling on business. Once in
Norway or Spain or Italy, to get on into Germanj' would
be easy.
For a few weeks, Wedell went along famously. He bought
])assports and papers showing nativity from Norwegian,
Swedish, Danish, and Swiss longshoremen and sailors. Mean-
time, he got in touch with German reserve officers, and'
])assed them on to Europe on these passports.
But he was not content with these foreign passports.
In the case of a few exceptionally valuable German officers
he wished to have credentieds that would be above all sus-
picion. Consequently, he set about to gather a few American
passports. Here his troubles began, and here he added the
gravest burden to his already great load of culpabihties.
For von Wedell was an American citizen, and proud of it.
But he was prouder still of his German origin and his high
German connections, and in his eagerness to serve them he
threw overboard his loyalty to the land of his adoption.
Von Wedell applied to a friend of his, a certain Tammany
lawyer of pro-German sympathies, who had supplied him
with a room belonging to a well-known fraternal organisa-
tion as a safe base from which to handle his work in passports.
What he wanted was an agent who was an American, and
who had political acquaintanceship that would enable him
to work with less suspicion and with wider organisation in
gathering American passports. Through the law^i'er, he came
J hi person to
hu Jtclared
it fof use in
afUr^named, ^
Tills i/dssfiort
A^nvy /^//^0/afr{/'Aeru ^?ray /^a
>rjfi///^/l. ''/'■/■ ///-yj/ ■ /C
\
How Ruroede (Wedell's Successor) Altered Genuine-
from longshoremen in New York
— careless Swedes or Swiss or
This particular passport is one of four genuine passports especially prepared by the State Department for the use
of the Department of Justice in getting the legal evidence upon which Ruroede was arrested and convicted. .The
identifying photograph of ** Howard Paul Wright," in tlie upper left-hand corner, was the photograph of an agent
of the Bureau of Investigation. Another Agent of the Bureau, who had worked his way into Ruroede's coniidence,
sold this passport to Ruroede, who altered it for the use of Arthur W. Sachse, a German reserve officer. The
method ot alteration was ingenious : Ruroede pasted Sachse's picture over •* Wright's"' (the picture above shows
the Sachse picture rolled back and the original Wright picture revealed). In order to get on Sachse's picture the
March 28, 19 18
Land & Water
17
in contact with an American, who for the purposes of this
article may be called Mr. Carrots, because that is not his
name, but is remotch' like it. Carrots seemed willing to go
into the enterprise, and at a meeting in von Wcdell's room,
von Wedell carefully unfolded the scheme, taking • papers
from a steel cabinet in the corner to show a further reason
wh\' the American passports he already had wottld soon be,
useless. This reason was that the Government was about
to issue an order requiring that a photograph of the bearer
should be affixed to the passport, and that on this photo-
graph should appear half of the embossing raised by the
impression of the seal of the Department of State. He
agreed to pay Carrots $20 apiece for all genuine passports
he would supply' to him. Carrots accepted his proposal,
and departed.
Instead of going out to buy passports, he went at once to
the Surveyor of the Port of New York, Mr. Thomas E. Rush,
and told him what Wedell was doing. Mr. Rush promptly
got in touch with his chief in the Treasury Department at
Washington, who referreH the matter to the State Depart-
ment, and they, in turn, to the Department of Justice. The
result was that Carrots went back to Wedell about a week
later and told him he would not be able to go on with the
work, but would supply some one to take his place. This
was satisfactory to Wedell.
In the meantime, Wedell had introduced Carrots to a
fellow-conspirator, Carl Rurocde, a clerk in the .ship for-
warding department of Oelrichs & Company — a man of little
position, but fired by the war with the ambition to make
a name in German circles that would put him in a position
to succeed Oelrichs & Company as the general agent of the
North German I.loyd in New York.
About this time Wedell lost his nerve. He was a lawyer,
and realised some of the possible consequences of some of
his acts. He had had occasion to forge names to two pass-
ports ; and, also, he found out that he had reasons to suspect
that he was under surveillance. These reasons were very
good : he had arranged for the transportation to Italy of
a German named Doctor Stark, using the passport of a
friend of his in the newspaper business, named Charles Raoul
Chatillon. Wedell got wind of the fact that Stark had been
/ f. J/' /,/////'//,
— Passports for the use of German Officers
embossed imprcsiion of the State Department aeal, which is always rc*]uired to show, lie turned the photograph face
down and placed over the back side of the seal a silk handkc-achief folded three or four times. Then with a blunt-
cdgcd instrtim'-nt like a letter opener he traced the seal on to the photograph oi Sachsc by rubbing the yielding
surface of the damp photograph into the indentations of the seal on the dry photograph of Wright. When Sachses
picture dried, the seal showed on it much better than in the accompanying reproduction, for before this was taken
the Sachse picture had been loosened again. But, for reasons explained in the article, Sachse got only half an hour
toward Europe on the steamer with it before he was taken off the ship by men from the Department of Justice.
taken off the steamer Duca de Aosla at Gibraltar, and was
being detained while the British looked up his credentials.
Wedell by this time was in a most unhappy plight.
Bernstorff and von Papen had no use for him because he had
been bragging about the great impression he was going to
make upon the Foreign Office in Berlin by his work. If any
impressions were to be made upon the Foreign Office in
Berlin by anybody in America, Bernstorff and von Papen
wanted to make them. Wedell was so dangerously under
suspicion that von Papen, von Igel, and his Tammany-lawyer
friend had all warned him he had better get out of the
country. Wedell took their advice, and fled to Cuba.
The substitute whom Carrots had promised now entered
the case, in the person of a man who called himself Aucher,
but who was in reality a special agent pf the Department
of Justice. Aucher was not introduced to Ruroede, the
now active German, and so, when he began his operations,
he confronted the very difficult task of making his own
connections with a naturally suspicious person.
Carrots had been dealing with Ruroede after Wedell's
disappearance ; and, by the time he was ready to quit,
Ruroede had told him that "everything was ofi for the
present," but that if he would drop around again to his
office about January 7th, 1915, he might make use of him.
Aucher. now on the case, did not wait for that date, but
on December i8th called on Ruroede at his office at Roorri
204 of the Maritime Building, at No. 8 Bridge Street, across
the way from the Customs House.
In this plainly furnished office, Aucher appeared in the
guise of a Bowery tough. He succeeded admirably in this
role — so well, indeed, that Ruroede afterwards declared that
he "succeeded wonderfully in impressing -upon my mind
that he was a gang man, and I had visions of slung-shots,
pistol-shots, and hold-ups" when he saw him. Aucher
opened the conversation by announcing :
"I'm a friend of Carrots'."
"That's interesting," was Ruroede's only acknowledg-
ment.
"He's the guy that's getting them passports for you,"
went on Aucher, "and all I wants to know is, did you give
him any cush ? "
"What do you mean?" asked
Ruroede.
" Ni.x on that ! " Aucher exclaimed.
"You know what I mean. Did you .
give that fellow any money ? "
To which Ruroede replied: "I
don't see whv I should tell you
if I did."
"WeU," retorted Aucher. "I'll
tell you why. I'm the guy that
delivers the goods, and he swears
he never got a penny from you.
Now, did he ? "
It was at this point that Ruroede
had his visions of" slijng-shots," sohe
admitted he had paid Carrots one hun-
dred dollars only a few days before.
"Well," demanded Aucher, "ain't
there going to be any more ? "
"Nope. Not now," Ruroede
replied. "Maj-be, pext month."
"Now, see here," said Aucher.
" Let's cut this guy out. He's just
nothing but a booze-fighter, and
he's been kidding you for money
without -delivering the goods.
What's the matter with just fixing
it up between ourselves?"
Ruroede now tried to put Aucher
off till Christmas, having recalled
meanwhile that the steamer Bergens-
fjord was to sail on January 2nd,
and that he might need passports
for officers travelling on that ship.
But Aucher protested that he was
"broke," and further impressed on
Rurocde 4hat he had received no
money from Carrots or Wedell for
his work for them. He also produced
six letters written by the State
Department in answer to appli-
cants for passports, and ' finally
convinced Ruroede of his good
faith and that he ought to start
him to work right away. They
haggled over the price, and finally
agreed on %20 apiece for passports
77u person tc
has declared
ii fof use ir
77/is fiOSSporL
i8
Land & Water
March 28, 19 18
for native-born Americans and Sjo apiece for passports of
naturalised citizens — the higher price because getting the
latter involved more red-tape, and hence more risk. Aucher
was to come back on December 24th and bring the passports
and get some money on account.
On that day .\uciier called at Ruroede's office, and after
further quarrelling about Carrots and his honesty, Ruroede
declared that he was read}* to do business. Aucher objected
to the presence of a young man in the room with them,
and Ruroede replied :
"Oh. he's all right. He's my son, and you needn't be
afraid to talk with him around."
.•\ucher then produced an .American passport, No. 45,57.?,
made out in the name of Howard Paul Wright, for use in
Holland and Germany. (A corner of this passport is repro-
duced on page 14.) It was a perfectly good passport, too, as it
had been especially made out for the purpose by the Depart-
ment of State at the request of the Department of Justice.
It bore Mr. Bryan's genuine signature and a photograph of
" Wright," who was another agent of the Bureau of Investiga-
tion. .\ucher also declared he was on the waj' toward
getting the other five passports. Ruroede threw the Wright
passport on his desk, and said :
"I'll keep this. Go ahead and get the others."
"What about money?" demanded Aucher.
"I'll pay you S25 for it— no, I'll do better than that.
To show you I mean business, take that," and he threw
a §100 note on the table. Ruroede also gave Aucher photo-
graphs of four German officers, and begged him to get pass-
ports right awa\' to fit their descriptions, because he wanted
Von Wedell's Successor in the Passport Frauds
Carl Ruroede, who operated from an office in the Maritime Building, acrots
the street from the Custom House in New York. His efforts to buy American
passports through American agents led him into trouble, involving him in the
toils of one of the cleverest and most complete pieces of detective work ever
worked out by th: United States Department of Justice. How the agents of
the Bureau of Investigation played upon his vanity to his vindoing, and how
he unwittingly became a party to the strange outcome of Von Wedell's career,
are described in this article.
to get these m,en off on the Norwegian Line Steamer
Bergensfjord , sailing January 2nd. He added that the
officers of the Norwegian Line had all been "smeared"
(otherwise "fixed"), and that they would "stand for any-
thing." He also said that he would take at least forty more
passports from Aucher.
.\uchcr delivered two more passports to Ruroede in his
office on the morning of December 30th. Ruroede was
rather indifferent about getting them because — alas for the
glory of the "invincible" Prussian arms ! — two of his German
officers had got "cold feet," and had refused to go. Ruroede
told Aucher to come back at two o'clock, and he would give
him Sioo. Aucher invited Ruroede to have luncheon with
him ; and as they left the building, Ruroede e.xplained,
with much pride, that he had chosen his office here because
the building had several entrances on different sides of the
block, and he used one entrance only a few days at a time,
and then changed to another to avoid suspicion.
The Government's special agent complimented him highly
"1
Mdoi',.>i< Avi,Huf Afo«(ry -'■
^ 1/
) i
.^^... Uff<^, -^--^- // #V--
BernstorfF appears as a principal of Wedell's
This letter reads in English as follows : **My very honoured Herr von Wedell :
I thank you very much for your friendly letter of this day, and the very kind
offer therein contained. I shall, eventually, gladly avail myself of the latter and
shall let you know when an opportunity for a trip presents itself. Most respect-
fully, Bernstorff." What the trip was for is explained by illustrations on
pages 16 and 17.
on this bit of cleverness in the art of evasion. Five minutes
later the two were sitting at a lunch-counter, with another
special agent casually lounging in and taking the seat next
to his fellow detective, where he could overhear and corro-
borate the account of Ruroede's conversation.
After a discussion of Wedell's forgeries and present where-
abouts, and a further discussion of the buying of passports
(in which Ruroede confided to Aucher that " there is a German
fund that was sent over here for that purpose"), the pair
walked back toward Ruroede's office. At the Whitehall
Street entrance, Ruroede told Aucher to come round to the
Bridge Street entrance in about fifteen minutes to get the
money, and that in the meantime he would send his son out
to cash a cheque so he could deliver it in notes.
In a few moments, Ruroede's son rushed out with a bank-
book in his hand. Aucher stopped him, and told him he
ought to have a coat on — a device to let Aucher's fellow-
detective identify the boy.
M'hen the boy returned, Aucher again spoke to him, and
said: "Tell your father I will be in the cafe at Whitehall
and Bridge streets, and that he is to meet me there. I don't
think it is a good thing for anybody to see me hanging
around the front entrance."
The boy went on, and Aucher walked to the assigned
rendezvous. ^^^ j^ continued.)
NOTICE.
We regret that it was erroneously stated in our issue
of February 21, that the series of articles entitled
" [ohn Raihom's Revelations " had to be suspended at
request of the United States authorities.
We are informed this was not the case. There were
important reasons, fully appreciated both by "The
World's Work" of New York and by Mr. Rathom,
which made further publication undesirable; and in
deference to their wishes the series was discontinued
in Land & Water.
March 28, 19 18
Land & Water
19
Life and Letters ^jJ.C^Souire
A Contemplative Mind
CAPTAIN GERALD WARRE CORNISH, whose
volume Beneath the Surface has just been pub-
lished by W. Grant Richards (6s. net), was
killed in France on September i6th, 1916. He
was not a professional author ; his writings,
spread over twelve years, consisted of a few "sketches" and
stories. He desired them to be collected and published ;
but, says Mr. Desmond MacCarthy, in his delicate little
introduction, "without any memoir or account of himself."
The reader who has finished the book will understand this
wish : the author was not principally interested in himself.
If he had ambition, it would not be ambition for fame, but
ambition to do well the thing he was trying to do. He was
far too concerned— one might almost use the hard-driven
word obsessed — with the eternal problems of man and the
Universe to attach much importance to the dates and daily
actions of his own life ; and if, as a meditative man must,
he took an interest in his own personality, it would not be
because it was his own but because it was the nearest and"
most observable of many millions, all equally mysterious
and valuable. Where the first personal pronoun occurs in
this book it is used merely as a convenience.
He was, that is, what is called an objective writer ; he had
the seeing eye and "the visiting mind." The term "objec-
tive," however, is most frequently applied to men who are
largely preoccupied, in a hard scientific way, with outward
appearances. From these he was poles apart. -Spirit, not
matter, was the "object" of his contemplation; not the
surface, but what lies "beneath." He was far from blind
to material beauty, and in "A Visit" he paints a mellow and
charming scene for its own sake. But he cannot rest on the
surface long. He is continually, like the bookbinder in
The Poet and the Atheist, seeing visions, terrible or exquisite,
through fissures in the face of things. Minor truths occupied
bim less than the greatest truth of all ; " and, being human,
all he could do with that was to grope after it.
The most remarkable and the longest of his stories faces
this directly. If any novelist has ever made so ambitious
£in attempt, I can only say that I do not know him. The
attempt to tell how the explorer Fin Lund travels up the
Euphrates, sailing simultaneously backwards up the stream
of creation, to penetrate, actually in the body, to the source
from which life flows over the earth, is not a complete success :
it could not be. But it is an astonishing failure ; and had
the author contented himself with recording phenomena, and
made fewer attempts at disclosing a metaphysical hypothesis
which could not be fully comprehended either by him or by
us, it would have been more remarkable still. As it stands,
he has done far more than could have been expected :
created, convincingly and without cheap dodges, a man of
more than normal powers, and infected us with his own
vision, however fragmentary, of the process of creation.
This is certainly the part of the book which gives one the
greatest respect for his possibilities as a writer ; but there is
not one of the stories which a person of reflective habit
would not read more than once and more than twice.
equally real, are seen from the same point of view, and with
equal sympathy and comprehension ; and . the details of
their backgrounds are no more fully suggested in one case
than in the other. Most writers, when "reconstructing"
ancient history, tend to concentrate too much on the trap-
pings. They think that if only they produce enough exotic
names, beasts, accoutrements, jewels, fabrics, designs in
wood and stone, they will produce the illusion of another
civilisation. It would clearly have bored Gerald Cornish
to go to museums and archa;ological books to accumulate
such masses of material detail as, for instance, Flaubert did
when he was writing Salammho. "Now," he writes,
the Greeks were armed. Their .six-deep line was a mass of
armour, stretching for half a mile and more inland from the
river, and shining with the dull blue glow of well-oiled, well-
tended steel. The rows of round-casqued, plumeless helms
pulled down over the faces, with two eyeholes in each vizor,
presented a terrifying and savage aspect. It seemed as if some
common wave of national hatred, sharper and deeper than aH
ordinary feelings, had risen to the surface, and was holding
them motionless and set like a steel-toothed trap, ready to snap
and spring.
He sees it clearly ; he makes us see it clearly ; he does not
destroy his effect by labouring the shapes of greaves or the
names of the animals from whose hides straps were made,
or the order in which the countless tribes of Asia were lined.
He gives enough for the reader's imagination to catch hold
of ; and succeeds in conveying a complete picture, material
and mental, whilst he is doing the thing he does always :
communicating his awe and wonder before the endless stream
of guttering life and the deep mysteries below it.
******
It was natural that so sincere and so unselfconscious a
man should write both simply and originally. One may be
fond of the pomp of magniloquence, the careful music of the
poet, the tumultuous music of the inspired enthusiast, without
wishing Gerald Cornish's writing anything else than it was :
straightforward prose which says precisely what he wants it
to say without ever reminding one that there is a writer
behind it, crossing out weak words in favour of strong ones,
concocting verbal melodies, seeing to it that his paragraphs
begin and end effectively, laying himself out to make the
reader exclaim: "This man knows how to do it." As his
writing is, so is his approach and his "forrn." Me at least
he never reminds of any other writer. A man putting on
paper the vacuity of that hunting M.P. and the way in
which he spent his day might well have succumbed to the
influence of Mr. Galsworthy, who has frequently done that
sort of thing. Had he so succumbed, he would have con-
tracted Mr. Galsworthy's over-emphasis of the trivial and
sordid aspects of his subject, and he would have lost that
sympathy which Cornish felt for the man he was analysing
— analysing as a fellow-creature, not as an offensive insect.
The Anabasis might have been done like Flaubert ; Beneath
the Surface invited treatment in the manner of Mr. Wells, or
even in that of Henry James. Cornish escapes all these
beckoning influences ; he writes as though nobody had
written before. And for the reason of it we return whence
we started: he was- interested in his subject matter; and
in his krt only secondarily as an instrument for dealing
with it. It is difficult not to speculate about what a man
with his intellect and his temper might have gone on to do
had he survived.
It is a slight book. And it is not, one may frankly say,
a book for everybody. It is dramatic ; but its drama is
subtle. It has incident ; but the incidents and adventures
are not of the gross theatrical kind ; and though a steady
spiritual ardour, which deserves the name of passion, is
throughout present, the fires that commonly appropriate
that name are not. Many, phases of life and action are
seen and recorded : there are battles, travels, fox-hunts,
scenes in poor cottages and ships, recreations of Persia,
Babylon, and Rome. Hosts of men fight and kill on the
plains of Mesopotamia ; work or strike under the smoke of
English industrial districts. But there is strange absence
of noise. All these things are seen, as it were, through a
veil of meditation, which softens, deadens, gives every age
and spectacle a common tone, a certain uniformity, something
of the quality of dream. As he shows them, his cottagers and
his hunting M.P. in Lancashire are no nearer, and no farther,
no more and no less "vividly" imagined in their surroundings
than Horace on his sabine farm and Cyrus on Xenophon
during the campaign against Artaxerxes. The people are
The main incidents of the French Revolution have pro-
vided material for many novelists, and what may be termed
the subsidiary incidents have also been often dealt with.
In Sir Isumbras at the Ford, by D. K. Broster (John
Murray, 6s.) the rising in La Vendee and the expedition from
Southampton in 1795 to aid the Royalist cause in France
provide the framework of a good story, and one that deals
with a phase of the revolutionary activity which is, so far as the
novelist is concerned, very nearly virgin soil. Fortune de la
Vireville, the central character of the story, is a fitting figure
for a romance of this kind, and the author has made a stirring
narrative of his adventures — and his quixotry. Vireville,
sentenced to be shot, and waiting his execution, gives scope
for a fine piece of descriptive work ; again, he and Raymonde,
the heroine, alone in the fog together, enact a scene shown
with real power — these as instances out of many, for the
author writes in such a way as to make his characters alive.
The sense of the period is evident throughout the book,
though, in spite of fidelity to historical fact, this is not so much
a story of a period as of men and women brayely facing life.
20
Land & Water
March 28, 191 8
Chronicles of the Great War
THE novelist and the biographer would find this a
poorer world to live in, were there readily avail-
able to readers the actual chronicles of all wars
— proclamations of kings, orations of statesmen.
Parliamentary statutes, and the bare recital of
battles by land and sea. These contain the very words that
stir the blood and that ring in the ears like the noise of
trumpets. The language, for the most part, is sparing,
rhetoric is avoided, the phrases are as cold as cold steel —
and as deadly. The Times is now preparing a Documentary
History of the War (the first four volumes are before
us), and every word written here applies to them.
The idea is to collect in these volumes (17s. 6d. each)
documents of the war in all its aspects, so arranged as to record
the events of tlie struggle and the circumstances which led up
to it. This history will consist of papers issued officially
or recognised by the various belligerents, such as diplomatic
correspondence, proclamations, ultimata, military orders,
reports, messages from monarchs to their peoples, etc.,
together with public statements by responsible Ministers
and correspondence in the Press of an authoritative char-
acter. It is proposed to have at least five main divisions :
Diplomatic, Naval, Military, Overseas, and International
Law, each division to appear in its own distinct set.
The first two volumes of the Diplomatic series carry the
story of the war to the beginning of October, 1914, and the
first two volumes of the Naval series to the end of that
month, so it i/ apparent that when these stately chronicles
are complete. The Times will have issued almost a library of
the vital facts of this mighty struggle for the survival of
European civilisation. The volumes are stoutly bound in
cloth, with excellently clear red and gold impresses on the
back — a matter of importance to librarians. There is no
comment, brief notes being added where it is absolutely
necessary to elucidate the text. A special feature is the
indexing ; it is lucid, and cross-references and annotations
abound. Looked at from the point of view of the student
or the historian, these volumes must be regarded as classics,
so carefully has every detail been thought out and put into
execution— details to assist the worker in. his task.
What a long way we have travelled since that September
day of 1914, when at the prorogation of Parliament the
King began his speech in these words: "My Lords and
Gentlemen, I s^ddress you in circumstances that call for
action rather than speech."
In the Naval section we have, among other papers, the
story of the escape of the German battleships, Goeben and
Breslau, the latter now at the bottom of the Mediterranean.
There is hardly any single incident which has exercised a
more potent influence over the future course of the war than
this one, and at this time of day it is most interesting to
read the contemporaneous records of the episode.
Also here may we read the German account of the victory
off Coronel of Admiral von Spec's ships over Admiral Cradock's
brave but unfortunate squadron. This happened on Novem-
ber ist, 1914, which was All Saints' Day, and the German
admiral begins his dispatch in these words : " Yesterday
was All Saints' Day, and a lucky day for us." But there
was not to be any luck for the German admiral some
■five weeks later — on December 8th, which was No Saints'
Day — when off the Falkland Islands his squadron met the
same fate as Admiral Cradock's. These two naval engage-
ments are described in these volumes in the naked sentences
of dispatches, and their story is a grand one, for on both
sides there was bravery, and the German Navy in the Pacific
had not then tarred and feathered its fair fame with the
cowardly and contemptible actions in which it has since
gloried. Space forbids us to deal further with these
chronicles. No person of intelligence can open them and
begin reading without finding difficulty in laying the book
down. The. fact is that when great deeds and splendid
actions are done, the fewer words in which they are described
the more fascinating becomes the story. We have yet to
apprehend fully that action is far older than language, and
that no system of human speech has been devised, which
does not in some way conceal the glory of noble deeds. It
is for this reason that the old ballad quickened the pulses
with its crude and rough diction, and in .these modern days
the dispatch of general or admiral who does not polish his
periods has much the same effect on the human mind.
A Neglected Industry : By Christopher Turner
Potato Production in tons (Board of Trade figures) :
United Kingdom. Germany.
1893 5,634,000 .. 27,530,000
1913 .. 5,726,000 49,463,000
THE full and proper use of the potato has never
been understood in this country. The soil and
climate of England are more suited to potato
growing than those of Germany, and our potato
growers are the most highly skilled in the world :
yet compare the above results both relatively and progress-
ively. The chief reason why the United Kingdom does not
show better results is that our people think of the potato
in terms of "table" use, whereas the German thinks of it
as a most valuable raw material of industry. Of the fifty
million tons of potatoes produced in Germany only some
ten million tons were used for human consumption. The
remaining forty million tons were used in the production
of alcohol — the key to the bleaching and dyeing industry
(which they captured from us) the residuary pulp being used
as cattle food — in the production of potato flour, corn-flour,
artificial sago, dextrine, glucose, starch, size and so forth.
From time to time one hears of the need of subsidiary agri-
cultural industries. What a range of industries might not the
potato alone set going !
The potato produces more starch per acre than any ^ther
plant. So that, on the one hand, we see in Germany a great
reserve of carbo-hydrates which, when the war broke out,
could be utilised for human food as necessity required, and
on the other hand, in this country an ever-lessening supply
of carbo-hydrates, till we find ourselves to-day faced with
such a serious shortage that, after satisfying the bread and
flour requirements of human beings, we are left with
insufficient concentrated food for pigs and cattle.
Last year owing to the efforts of the Government (and to
it being a good potato year) some two millions tons above
the average were produced. A sound policy of concentrating
on a vast increase in the output of pigs and potatoes, if
inaugurated three years -ago, would have placed the nation
in a very different position from that in which it finds itself
to-day in regard to food. Even now all attention should
be centred upon these two commodities, for, quicker and
greater results can be achieved with them than with any
other articles of food.
But we must not rest content with the production of an
extra two- mOlion tons of potatoes. We should aim at an
extra ten million tons. The national safety demands it.
This great increase could be effected without interfering
with the policy of the Government as regards cereals. It
would remove any fear of actual starvation and any surplus
of potatoes could be used for feeding pigs and cattle. Quite
a sufficiently fat pig can be turned out fed on pQtatoes and
scraps with little or no meal at all.
But hand in hand with the increased output of potatoes
should go the erection of potato flour mills and drying plants.
Excellent bread can be made with 30 per cent, or 40 per cent,
potato flour added to the wheat flour.
The Government is encouraging the growth of potatoes,
it has fixed the prices for the coming crops ; it has agreed
to buy all the potatoes that the farmer cannot sell in the
ordinary course. But it is to be feared that the farmer
is still thinking in pre-war terms, and in spite of the Govern-
ment's offer the idea of an extra ten million tons would
probably stagger the producer.
The question is : "Has the Government taken a sufficiently
strong line in regard to potatoes ?" If it is agreed that they
are a prime necessity, then at all costs the area of land
necessary to produce the desired quantity should be pre-
scribed. Necessity knows no limits. Before the crop comes in
we could have our drying plants and our mills ready for it, if
the Government takes the matter in hand seriously.
We should in this way be able to obtain a supply of
pig meat that would greatly ease the situation from the
point of view of food, and also on the financial side ; for a
largely increased production of potatoes and pigs would reduce
our enforced expenditure on imported meat and flour staffs.
April 4, 19 1 8
Supplement to Land & Water
IX
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Supplement to Land & Water
April 4, 1918
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Although British motoring concerns, including
the Austin Motor Co., Ltd., were obliged by
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pleasure cars for more important war work, it
would be absurd to imagine that we have seen
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LAND & WATER
Vol. LXXl. No. 2917. [vITr] THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1 91 8 [r''il^,^fpTpE*l] ^Kfc'k'^JJfgE^P^E^Ic'S
The British Soldier, Britain's Shield
liy William Orpcn, A.R.A., an Offici.nl Artist at the Kiont.
Land & Water
April 4, 19 1 8
The Road from Arras to Bapaume
Some of the fiercest fighting of the great battle took place on this ro:id.
By C. R. W. Nevinson, an Official Artist at the Front.
April 4, 1918
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone •. HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1918.
Contents
PAGE
Tlie British Soldier. By W. Orpcn, A.R.A. i
Arras-Bapaume Road. By C. R. W. Nevinson 2
The Outlook' 3
The Great Battle. By Hilaire Belloc 4
" This is My Battle." (Cartoon) By Raemaekers. 10 and 11
Citizen Soldiers. B\' the Editor 12
On a Balloon Ship. B\4 Lewis R. Freeman, R.N.V.R. 13
The Great Passport Frauds — Part II. By French
Strother 15
Angels and Ministers. By John Ruan' 18
The English Peasant. By Jason ig
Murders. By J. C. Squire 22
Books to Read ' 24
Notes on Kit xi
Domestic Economy xii
The Outlook
No Royal act during the war has given intenser
pleasure to the nation than the unpremedi-
tated vi«Tt of the King to the Western Front last
week, and the informality which accompanied
it. His Majesty went to his armies in the heat
of the great battle as the representative of the British nation,
or, more precisely, of the British Empire. He was able, by
his presence among the soldiers, to convey to them in a way
no words could express how the thoughts of the whole Empire
are with them, and the complete confidence which the
Empire places in their "indomitable courage and unflinching
tenacity." Nor- can anyone fail to p'crceive the contrast
between the Supreme War Lord of Germany, who flings his
subjects into the furnace of battle with wilful recklessness in
order to save his dynasty, and of the King-Emperor of the
British Dominions, whose advent on the battlefield is to
hearten his men and to carry the nation's sympathy to the
stricken and wounded. These two Royal cousins epitomise
in their acts and words — (place the King's letter to Sir
Douglas Haig beside the vainglorious messages of the Kaiser
on the first days of the battle)^the two civilisations which
are at war together. Much is written, and often written
vaguely about democracy and militarism ; it is not always
easy to define them, but we cannot mistake the spirit
that underlies those opposing ideals, and it was this spirit
that was manifest in France last week.
« * *
The great battle of Picardy upon which the enemy is
btaking everything for a vagup decision is now clearly per-
ceived to stand, up to Easter Sunday, in two phases. The first
almost exactly covered the week following its inception, and
ended upon Wednesday, the 27th of March. It had taken
the form of successive advances by the enemy, each slightly
less pronounced than the last, and putting him at their
close within possession of a great triangular area with a
western and a southern face, tlie western menacing Amiens
and the main railway to Paris held mainly by the British,
the point of contact between the two armies being a few
miles south of the Somme River. This western or main
front was the result of the British retirement pivoting upon
Arras. Meanwhile, a southern front at right angles had
been created, nmning from La F6re to Montdidier. The
last western 20 odd miles of this, after it left the Oise Valley,
were uncovered, exposing the enemy to some peril upon liis
flank, and compelling him to concentrate heavily there. The
second phase of the battle, which filled the end of Holy
Week, took the form of no further serious advance, but a
violent and fluctuating struggle ; and one in which this trace
was, upon the whole, maintained everywhere. The hinge
at Arras successfully stood out against a violent assault.
The enemy made a few hundred yards' progress at a few
separate places south of the Somme on the southern front ;
a furious and continuous combat still left things uncertain.
and the fighting belt developed on the 27th was but little
changed by the 31st.
* * *
Apart from the great battle, certain other minor military
events have occurred during the week. The new long-range
guns have continued to bombard Paris, causing upon Good
Friday in particular, at the moment of the afternoon service,
a terrible disaster in a great Metropolitan Church. In
Mesopotamia there has been a renewed advance up the
Euphrates for 83 miles north-west of Hit, with the capture
of 5,000 Turkish prisoners, an event which shows both the
present disorganisation of the Turkish forces in the absence
of the former German control and supply, and the lack of
correspondence between their nominal strength and divisions
and their real strength in numbers. The same thing has
been apparent in Palestine, where a further advance has been
made of about two miles along' the Sechem or Nablus road.
But, more important than this, the Hedjaz Railway upon
the East has been reached by colonial mounted troops, who
have destroyed many miles of its track at a point nearly
east of Jericho. This cuts off aay Turkish troops who may
remain in the Arabian field, where we know them to have
been formerly operating against the Arabs of Mecca and the
Holy Places. It also ends any anxiety (for which, however,
there was no ground) of an enemy force arriving on the east
of the British force and behind it.
* * *
The Prime Minister has sent to the Dominions a strong
appeal for more men, and in this message reiterates that the
Government propose to ask Parliament to authorise imme-
diate measures for the raising of fresh troops. Parliament
does not re-assemble until next Tuesday, but it is to be
hoped that the proposals which the Government intend to
lay before it, will be authoritatively announced before then.
The nation is ready to accept a most stringent measure, but
any half-measure or any shrinking from responsibility will
be strongly resented. Ireland must at last be brought
within the scope of conscription. This is not the occasion
for adverse criticism of past actions, so long as there is no
repetition of them. Never in the history of our race has
there been more urgent need for courageous leadership. The
people look for it. They understand the situation well,
partly because there are few homes — certainly not a hamlet
or village — which has not -at least one representative actively
engaged in this vast struggle. It is a battle of nations,
not of armies, and this nation is ready to fight to the last
man. But it requires to be led.
* * *
"Kultured" Teutons, with their admiration for Shakes-
peare's plays, must be reminded of the tragedy of Richard III.
by the manner in which the ghosts of the past refuse to rest
quiet in their graves. The latest spectre to fix blood-guilt
on the Kaiser is Prince Lichnowsky, who with murdered
Buckingham might declare: "The last was I that felt thy
tyranny. ' ' From his notorious memorandum, The Times
has given copious extracts. It is obvious that the Prince,
when German Ambassador in London, worked not only
sincerely in the cause of peace, but also most ably for the
advantage of Germany, and the terms he was able to obtain
from Sir Edward Grey in order to promote a better under-
standing, were of so generous a nature that they seemed
only just to fall short of abdication of dominion. For-
tunately for the British Empire, the German war machine
was in 1914 considered complete and perfect in all its parts,
so diplomacy was scrapped ; but had the war been delayed
for a few years, and had Germany accepted the rights our
Foreign Office offered to them in Asia and Africa, it is difficult
in the light of the last three years to see what could possibly
have saved the British Empire from disruption when
the clash of arms came. These revelations establish con-
clusively that Britain had no desire for war, nor the sHghtest
wish to run a ring-fence round the German Empire.
« * *
The big guns that bombard Paris are no longer a mystery ;
they, are the work of Krupps — not of an Austrian factory,
as was at first thought. Whether the gun is an effective
engine of war is doubtful, its purpose so far having been
to terrify Paris — a purpose in which it has failed. "That it
should have bombarded Paris on Good Friday is entirely in
keeping with the German spirit. This spirit has nothing in
^mmon with Christianity, as Christianity is understood and
practised here and in France. When will people fully realise
this fact ? The Germans are barbarians, for alltlieir science
and material progress ; and the longer the war lasts the
more forcibly is this truth emphasised. They continue to
pile up offences against humanity for which there can be no
condonation. Punishment must eventually be exacted f free-
dom and mercy are to be maintained. Can any one doubt this ?
Land & Water
April 4, 19 ' J
The Battle Line in Picard'
April 4, 19 1 8
Land & Water
The Great Battle : By Hilaire Belloc
WHAT is the Great Battle of Picardj-, the
second Battle of the Somme ? What is its
main outHne as it has developed in its first ten
days up to the end of March ? Let us grasp
this a4 a preface to any comprehension of it.
There was a great line from the North Sea to the Aljjs
held under siege conditions, that is, under those of a war
of positions. The enemy had been forced back to tlus while
he was still fighting upon two fronts, the Eastern and the
Western. He held it in the West with difficulty against
a superior force because his vast resources had to be divided
for an Eastern War. Opposed to him were two armies
proceeding from two ver\' different civilisations, the French
and the English, acting in alliance to defend Europe. These
two armies held the one, the southern half of the Western
line frd^m the Alps to the neighbourhood of the River Oise,
the other the Northern half from the neighbourhood of
the River Oise to the North Sea. That is very roughly and
truly the first condition.
Upon the diagram appended the scheme is suggested by
the sides of an obtuse angle, A — B, which is the British line,
and B — C, which is the French.
The enemy's continued inferiority was turned into a certain
superiority by the betrayal of the Allied cause in Russia.
He no longer had an Eastern front to 'consider. He could
mass his enormous forces against the West. What should
he do ? It would take him some little time to concentrate
upon the West, and further he must await the season. But
with the advent of the season and with that time elapsed
he could strike with superiority upon the West whenever
he chose. Would it be to his advantage to strike thus upon
the West at all ? His submarine campaign was progressively
diminishing the strength of his great western opponents.
It was hampering the civUian life of one island half — Britain
— the supplies of munitions from that half to the Continent
(especially to distant areas of warfare based on the Medi
terranean), and its continuance appeared assured. His losses
had been, in proportion, somewhat more severe than those
of the French ; more than those of the Italians, and far
more than those of the British ; he therefore had but his
last resources to use if he would risk them. The new
American pressure could not be felt seriously for many months
to come. Upon such a purely miHtary calculation it was
his to stand still upon the defensive in the West in spite
of his slight present superiority and to take advantage of
the increasing domestic strain among those opposed to him :
Not to strike at least till that strain was at its maximum.
Civilian conditions within his own countr}', however, were
far more serious than those among his opponents. Under
the pressure of these conditions he determined to stake
everything, and to win or to lose in a brief and intense
adventure.
This conclusion reached, what should be his scheme ?
Clearly, to strike upon the right of the British front, that
is, nearer B than A and as near B as possible.
Such a blow would have the advantage of coming at the
point where British supply had the furthest to travel from
the Channel. It would menace the main Allied railway
communication ; it would have the incidental minor
advantage of choosing the driest ground — particularly dry
after a long spell of exceptional weather and therefore
permitting rapid movement. It would have the capital
advantage^the whole object of, the move — of separating the
French from the British forces, and, if the rupture were
immediately effected, of putting him upon the flank of the
British line, A — B, and rolling it up. He would destroy
the British Army as a fighting force before the reserves
of the Allies, particularly of the French, could come into
play. The Valley of the Oise, marshy and difficult, would
protect him from danger upon his own flank during this
sharp and very expensive, but decisive manoeuvre. He would
strike with an overwhelming mass — and consequently with
extraordinary losses ; but he would risk the expense because
that expense, if he were immediately successful, would
be worth while. How could he be immediately successful ?
How could he obtain a decision within a space of time short ■
enough to ensure that his very heavy losses in such a gamble
would not have to be continued to the point where h§ should
be again in a position of inferiority, and that inferiority
final and irretrievable ?
He could do this by making the breach while his left flank
was still well covered by the Valley of the Oise — a mile
of marshes and backwaters with few crossings. This
invaluable obstacle would serve him down to about the point
of Noyon, which I mark N upon the accompanying dia-
gram I.
If the British Hne yielded and he could get round it before
a retirement beyond the point N had been made, he had
separated the two armies : He had separated them so rapid-
ly that the Allied reinforcements would not come up in time
to be of service. He had separated them with a good
obstacle between him and any danger of immediate attack
upon his own flank.
But things did not so develop. The British line, losing
terribly and continuing to retire, still remained intact,
pivoting upon its hinge at H, which is the neighbourhood
of Arras. It went right back, the French extending and
keeping in contact with it as it receded. Montdidier at
M was lost by the French : the angle became sharper and
sharper ; and there had appeared more than 20 miles of
open country between M and N : open country not protected
by the marshy mile width of the Oise valley, open therefore
to a flank attack by the French reserves.
On the tenth day of the battle that is how the position
stands. This open southern flank is his concern. The enemy
must at all costs prevent increasing pressure upon this
imperilled open flank between M and N, that is, between
Montdidier and Noyon. If, indeed, he can still break the
Allied, which is principally the British, front between M
and H he has succeeded, although that dangerous southern
face between M and N is still insecure — for he could therv
attend to it at his leisure later. If he retains sufficient
strength to enlarge himself further upon that southern face
between M and N and to reverse the French pressure there,
he has also succeeded. But his immediate concern at the
end of last week was to save that open, endangered site
which has come into being through the retardation of his
original programme and through the steadiness of the British
retreat.
That is the scheme of the Second Battle of the Somme
as it stands upon its loth and nth days, Saturday and
Sunday the 30th and 31st of March, 1918 : A battle that
will probably decide the fate of Europe.
From this, the roughest outline, let us turn to follow
it in more detail.
The great battle in Picardy is at the moment of writing
(the evening of Sunday, March 31st, based upon dispatches
sent upon the evening of Saturday, March 30th), entering its
nth day.
Considerable as that period is for an action in which more
than half the German forces in the West and nearly half
tlie German army as a whole is engaged, not only has no
decision yet appeared but there lias not yet appeared either
any one of those final elements which point to a decision.
Land & Water
April 4, 19 iB
The junction between the Allied armies remains at the
moment of writing intact : the chain though still in some
movement holds in every link ; the losses inflicted upon
the enemy continue to be those inflicted by an inferior
defensive against a superior offensive ; the bringing up of
the enemy's heavy artillery to his more forward positions
is not yet accomplished.
Before attempting to grasp' the situation as it stands at
the moment, let us recapitulate the various phases of the
battle and its development during these ten days.
It will be remembered that the enemy opened his bombard-
ment upon a front of 50 miles from the River Scarpe to the
River Oise an hour before dawn upon the morning of Thurs-
day, March 21st, when he launched his infantry from three
to foiir and a half hours afterwards (according to the sector
of 'the line upon which he attacked). His principal effort
was directed to the cutting off of the Cambrai salient and
presumably to the creation of a rupture in the British line at
that point.
This salient lay at about or rather more than one-third of
the distance from the southern to the northern river, and
had he succeeded in breaking the British defensive organisa-
tion there, he would at once have effected his purpose, for
though a considerable portion — some 30 miles — of the British
line would still have lain to his left (that is, below or to the
"south of the point of rupture), he would have turned the
great bulk of the British army by its right, could easily
have thrown back the remnant upon the marshy obstacle
of the Oise Valley, and, long before aid could have appeared,
would have begun to roll up the main line from the south
northwards.
We know, from captured documents, that his plan was
based upon a very rapid advance upon this first day, and
that he expected by its close, having broken the main British
position, generally called the third line or principal line of
defence, to reach the neighbourhood of Bapaume, and to
have advanced over a distance of about 12 miles.
His failure to do this upon the Thursday had, as we shall
see, a very considerable effect upon the later development
6f the battle. Though more than one-third of his total
assaulting force was concentrated upon this effort against
the Cambrai salient, he did not succeed in creating a rupture,
and the third line everywhere stood intact ; his deepest
penetration being in the neighbourhood of Croisilles and the
subsequent retirement of the British through the night
being effected in order to the main defensive positions behind.
In mere ground, the deepest part of the belt thus occupied
was less than two miles, and on the morning of the second
day he still had in front of him the-unbroken defensive front
which it was his business to pierce. He had had extremely
heavy losses, and could count as \'et only 10,000 prisoners
— most of them wounded — and the numerous field pieces
abandoned in the front lines to which they had been pushed
up to take their toll of the assault. Meanwhile, he had
been acting with considerable force upon his extreme left
towards the Oise, south of St. Quentin. There also he had
compelled a retirement, but it was an orderly retirement,
to the neighbourhood of the Crozat Canal, undertaken during
the night, and here also on the morning of the second day
he was everywhere in front of a main British defensive
position ; that is, positions fully wired and long-entrenched.
On Friday, March 22nd, things changed.
Upon that day, though still attacking with great energy
along the whole 50 miles of front from the Scarpe to the
Oise, his principal efforts were made upon the left in front of
St. Quentin, and at some time between half-past 3 and 5 in
the afternoon he pierced the main British defensive positions
west of St. Quentin in the neighbourhood of the ruins and
great Wood of Holnon. His forces poured through the
breach thus created rapidly down in an opening fan upon
the Valley of the Omignon Stream, the neighbourhood of
Vermand, and the open country to the south of it. This
misfortune compelled a readjustment of the whole British
line which had to retire by its right, pivoting upon the north,
which still stood unbroken. The retirement was over an
angle of about twenty degrees, the hinge of which was the
Vimy Ridge and the country to the south of it, just in front
of Arras. By the Friday night, though the British right
still stood just behind the Crozat Canal and upon the high
ground dominating that depression from the west, the centre
was bent backward to the neighbourhood of Monchy La
Gache, and thence ran due north to the neighbourhood of
Fins, after which point it veered north-eastward to the hinge
above mentioned in the neighbourhood of Arras. The
heights of Henin and St. Leger were there still held, pro-
tecting the hinge, and the Vimy Ridge, of course, in the
extreme north beyond the Scarpe, was intact.
But tliis retirement of the second day could not be made
upon a fully prepared defensive pOsitioH, for such no longer
existed. It was but the beginning of a general retirement,
which continued in good order, but without interruption or
serious check to the enemv, throughout the next three days.
The first natural obstacle behind the British as they yielded
to the pressure was the middle course of the Upper Somme
between Ham and Peronne, and it was already clear that
the first phase of the battle would end upon a line just
covering the main road, Arras-Bapaume-Peronne-Ham. With
such a trace, the positions along the Crozat Canal upon the
right were far forward of the centre, and a retirement in this
neighbourhood also was necessary in order to conform to
the general movement.
During the Sunday, March 24th, the battle was fought
for this line of the main road and of the Upper Somme and
necessarily terminated in favour of the very great masses
the enemy had brought to bear, in which had already been
identified over sixty divisions. By the Monday evening,
the 25th, the enemy was in Bapaume and in NesJe and had
crossed the defensive middle line of the Upper Somme. He
probably counted at that moment some 50,000 prisoners
and 600 guns, the former category including, of course,
wounded men who made up by far the greater part, or nearly
the wliole, of the list, for there had been no surrounding
of units — as is proved by the fact that no Staff captures
were reported. The French were already in action upon
the extreme right of the British, but as yet in comparatively
small numbers. They were only beginning to take o\'er
the right of the British line.
Character of the Defensive
We must pause at this moment in the action to emphasise
two essential facts : First, that so far the whole weight of
the enemy had been thrown against the British alone ;
secondly, that the defensive had been undertaken, as classical
rule directs, by the smallest number of men necessary to
maintain the line intact and to inflict the maximum number
of losses upon the defensive. Meanwhile that defensive was
now being rapidly fed with newly arriving units, and though
the retirement could not fail to continue with the necessary
losses in prisoners and in guns the chances of preserving
the line increased.
On the Tuesday evening the Germans stood before Albert ;
the French, who were rapidly taking over the southern part
of the line, had abandoned Roye and Noyon, so that the
battle was to rage the next day along a line nearly due south
and north from the neighbourhood of Arras, the hinge in
the north, which still stood intact. By this time 70
German divisions at least had been identified as having been
thrown into the battle area. Albert was occupied by the
enem}' upon the evening of the Tuesday. Upon Wednesday
the somewhat increasing strength of the British line began
to tell, and this, coupled with the difficulty the enemy had
in following up his rapid advance with supplies, munitions
and heavy guns, caused but a slight fluctuation upon the.
map north of the Somme, where the line lay from just before
■ Chipilly along the heights to the west of Albert, across the
old starting-point of the battle of the Somme near Beaumont-
Hamel, and so through Bucquoy to the unchanging positions
which defended Arras.
But on the same day — Wednesday— two events modified
the battlefield ; the first was the crossing of the Somme
near Chipilly by the Germans, compelling a considerable
retirement upon its left bank to the neighbourhood of Le
Hamel, while much farther to the south against the French,
the Gentians reached a point immediately in front of
Pierrepont ; and the French, evacuating Montdidier and
the hollow of the river Avre stream called "Des Doms"
(of the ponds) which passes by that town, took up positions
on the heights immediately to the west of it. These positions
therefore form, as will be seen upon the map, the point of
an angle too sharp to be long maintained either by the enemy
or by the Allies.
The enemy now held — that is, by the morning of last
Thursday — two quite distinct faces of the angle. The one
face ran for 55 miles to 60 looking a little north of west from
Montdidier to east of Arras ; the other ran at right angles
, to it, facing a little west of south, and passing from these
heights near Montdidier through Lassigny to the Oise below
Pont-L'Ev6que, With this sharp right-angular form of the
fronts, whicl) was to give the battle all its characteristics
during the ensuing days, I shall deal at length in a moment ;
for it is still at the moment of writing the capital point
in the situation.
Meanwhile, all during this Wednesday, the 27th, a separate
attack in very great strength was made upon a narrow front
with the object of breaking the standing hinge at Arras.
April 4, 19 1 8
Land & Water
Upon this action a short digression may be permitted ; for
though local, it was of extreme importance.
The enemy mustered here no less than ten divisions with
the special object of breaking the hinge, a success the effect
of which would have been to shake the whole line and compel
we know not what dangerous and rapid modification of it
to the south.
Not onlv the place, but the time, is worthy of special
attention. By this, the seventh day of the action , it was already
apparent that the enemy was prepared to throw in ultimately the
full 100 divisions of which we have spoken, and much more than
three-quarters of them had been already compelled to suffer
the strain of the enormous conflict. His losses, which were
in the ratio of anything between 2| to 3 times those of tlie
defensive, had reached something like a quarter of a million
and may have approached the larger total of 300,000. It
may be an exaggeration to say that one man out of three
in the troops used for attack had fallen ; but as a rough
gauge of the proportion it would not be greatly in excess of
the truth. We must remember in this connection that these
gigantic totals have quite a different meaning in an action
of this sort, compelled by political circumstance and therefore
depending wholly upon rapidity, from what they had in the
long .drawn out struggles of Verdun and the Somme. This
is true not only from the obvious fact that time permits
the training of new recruitment and its gradual absorption,
and is still more valuable in permitting the return of wounded
men, but also from the effect of such enormou.sly rapid losses
upon organisation and moral. The Germans had certainly
not reached the maximum loss which they had budgeted for as
the very maximum they could afford for the price of complete
success. They therefore certainly intended to throw in fresh
units with equal vigour for many days more rather than
abandon their hope of ultimately breaking the line. But tlie
limit was approaching much nearer than had been allowed
for in 90 short an interval and undoubtedly gave cause for
anxiety. The enemy press was already being instructed
to warn opinion within the German Empire of the severity
of these losses and to say all it could to prepare opinion for
their reception.
Note, for all these reasons, the importance of the effort
before Arras begun upon this Wednesday, and continued
till Thursday evening. This first great assault upon the
Arras hinge was fiercely prosecuted, but completely failed.
On the north of the Scarpe if reached the foot of the Vimy -
Ridge, and just touched the lower southern heights of it,
but went no further. Here the British position was, of
CpiauuzlBpi^ish£>ine
Line ifKBTz w/iicA German
Line wAere it/ai^ed
■4000 VODO
Yards
Ikigh£s above 120/mirBS
■Sooo ' ■ so ■■ ,//////
course, strongest, and it is possible that the enemy did not
envisage his principal success here, for by a success to the
south of the Scarpe he would have turned the heights, could
have compelled a retirement from the Vimy Ridge, and
thus disengaged the whole area. In other words, he would
have broken the hinge if he had succeeded, as he spent the
utmost energy in attempting to do south of the Scarpe.
The battle continued all during the Thursday, wher it
reached its height, and was observed and directed by the
enemy from the hill of Monchy, which he had capturedsome
days before, and whence the whole of the country south of
Arras lies below one to the west.
By 9 o'clock of the Thursday morning the German 12th
Reserve Division had gained somewhat over a thousand
yards of ground, and reached what were their supporting
trenches before the battle of Arras this time last year. It
was behcved, on account of the importance of the point,
that a second attempt would be made upon the Friday or,
at any rate, upon the Saturday, when fresh troops could be
brought up ; but no such development followed, and the
last dispatches received — those reachiiig -London upon the
Sunday — give no news of any continued effort to shake the
pivot point in the north. But it may well be renewed by a
continued attempt to turn Arras from the south.
Captured documents during this action show — what was
also obvious from its nature — that the enemy's purpose was
to turn the Vimy Ridge from the south and to enter Arras
itself, and in the course of the second day it was established
that the total forces mentioned above — no less than six
divisions engaged in the . first attack and four brought in
later — had been engaged. In other words, upon this com-
paratively narrow front — a sixteenth of the whole line^ —
more than an eighth of the whole of the German units hitherto
thrown in had appeared and had been broken without attain-
ing the success they, had aimed at. The Field-Marshal
characterised the whole operation as a severe defeat for the
enemy. The phrase is a strong one, but not too strong for
tTie result when we consider the very great importance to
the enemy of attaining the objects he sought here.
From this digression, we may return to the main action
southward.
We left the Allied line (after the enemy had forced, the
crossing of the Somme near Chipilly, and thus compelled
the falling back of the British to the neighbourhood of Hamel)
running north with little indentation from the sharp comer
just west and south of Montdidier, covering Pierrepont,
Hamel, and west of Albert, near Rossignol Wood, and so
near Bucquoy up to the positions in front of Arras, which
were the scene of the action just described. The enemy
counted at this stage, when the line had reached a fairly
even trace from Montdidier to the Vimy Ridge, 70,000
prisoners and over a thousand guns.
On the Friday, the 29th, his activity north of the Somme
slackened, but south of the Somme he fought very hard to
advance his line, and a large and continuous concentration
beyond it was observable proceeding during the whole day.
He pushed forward to just beyond Hamel, some hundred
yards west of Marcelcave, and reached his furthest western
point in the fields just west of the ruins of Demuin. So much
for the -British section upon that day — Friday, the 29th.
Upon the heights just west of Demuin was the point where
the French, relieving the English line, were in contact with
them upon that day. The French held the ruins of Meziferes ;
thence their line bent back towards the Avre, covering
Laneuville, Pierrepont, and Gratibus. It stood, therefore,
just in front of the little stream of the .\vre and upon the
heights dominating its depression from the East. The
stream is here not difficult to cross, and forms .no serious
obstacle. Were it otherwise, the line would have been taken
up upon the west of it. It crossed the small tributary of
the Avre, the brook of Doms, somewhere in the neighbour-
hood of Courtemanche and held the heights, the crown of
which is marked by the village of Mesnil St. Georges, west
of Montdidier.
Jr From that point, as will be seen upon the map, the second
and now quite separate southern face of the enemy's great
angle begins. It runs round through the hamlet of Montchel,
where it crosses the marshy little sources of the Doms Brook,
uncovers Lassigny, and reaches the Oise in the neighbourhood
of Pont L'Ev^que.
Now, it is to this southern face that we should direct
particular attention if we are to understand the enemy's
position upon Saturday and Sunday last, after which dates
we have no material upon which to study the action for the
purposes of this article.
This southern face is of the last importance to the enemy.
It has developed in a fashion which he did not allow for
when he laid down his plan for the great attack.
8
Land & Water
April 4, 19 1 8
Its trace running at a sharp angle to the main iront which
faces and threatens Amiens, is an obvious peril to him. It
is here that the I'rench can concentrate most rapidly, and
he hiis that concentration right upon the flank of his main
effort ; so that if tlie I-Vcnch pushed him northward between
Montdidier and Noyon his lines of supply would be lost,
his enemy would have got behind him. His main attack
on the British he had designed tt> ])r(jceed more rapidly
than it has actually proceeded. While he created the breacli
which he took for granted he would create in the British
line, while he thus separated it from the French, he planned
to be secure upon his tiank by reposing it upon the marshy
valley of the Oisc. Across that marshy valley all the way
from La F6re to the neighbourhood of Noyon a passage is
extremely difficult. The enemy could hold it with a com-
paratively weak curtain of troops and guns, and, from the
heights north-east of Noyon especially, he swept the whole
of it. Had he made his gap while his tlank still extended
no further than beyond Noyon or its immediate neighbour-
hood, he would liave been secure. As a fact, that flank
now exists over ojien country for more than 20 miles from
Mcsnil to Pont L'Evfeque. He is therefore under an imme-
diate and unexpected necessity of checking the French
menace here and of getting plenty of elbow-room, which
effort may in its turn develop into an attempt to obtain
here his principal success.
I-et us, before following what has happened along this
critical piece of country, pause for a moment to consider _the
effect upon the enemy of such an unexpected change of plan.
A battle which does not proceed exactly according to ])lan
will necessarily, as it develops, produce elements of weak-
ness to the side which has had the best of it ; and it is when
those elements of weakness can be taken advantage of by
the hitherto weaker opponent that the tide is turned. We
saw that in the case of the Mame, and all history is full of
it. But very great actions rarely proceed accorchng to plan.
Now, it is a curious modern tradition of the Prussian service
to exaggerate this conformity of an action to its original
design. In their dispatches they are perpetually using
phrases to indicate that all goes along lines previously pre-
pared ; in their military studies they delight to present an
original plan, real or fictitious, which corresponds to the
actual event, and when the plan is not carried out there is
always a note of grievance in the account.
This trait in the Prussian service proceeds mainly, of
course, from the general character of that service, and
especially from its rigidity ; but to-day it also and mainly
proceeds from the crushing successes of 1864, 1866, and 1870.
We should never forget that the mechanical fighting
machine produced by the Prussian State has experienced
only one closely connected set o[ campaigns in just on a
hundred years. Between June, 1815, and July, 1914, it had
no experience of war in any fqrm save the campaigns of
1864, 1866, and 1870, which gave Prussia complete power
■over Northern Germany and ultimately over Central Europe.
By an accident which was \-ery useful to the Pnissian State,
the oldest men who supervised those campaigns could just
remember as young men the last of the fighting in 1812-5,
first on Napoleon's side, and then against him ; while the
youngest men fighting in those campaigns have also lived
to be present as soldiers in their old age upon the present
battlefields. But, in spite of this advantage, which gives a
personal continuity to the Prussian tradition,, the fact that
only one very brief and enormously successful interval of war
exercised it during a whole century has had a powerful
effect. Contemporary fighting, which the Prussians have
very carefully studied (the American Civil War, the per-
petual English colonial campaigns, the, Russo-Turkish and
the Russo-Japanese campaigns, etc.), informed them theo-
retically, but failed to affect the spirit of their army. For
at bottom they despised everything Ihat was not them-
selves. '
Now, it so happened that this group of campaigns, 1864-70,
followed plan exactly, and that in a sort of crescendo each
new Prussian strategic scheme followed its calculated course
even more exactly than its predecessor. The consequence
was that from 1870 onwards the Prussian mind was firmly
fixed on the idea of a strategic plan which, if it were Prussian,
would in some necessary way head to a preconceived result
along precise lines laid down for it ; \ conversely, a disturb-
ance of plan weighed more heavily upon the Prussian service
than upon its rivals, jj It would be a bad misun ierstanding
of this feature to neglect the advantages attachihg to it.
It permits of extraordinarily detailed study and exceedingly
accurate machinery, but the disadvantages are such that
even an unexpected success cannot be properly developed —
witness Caporetto, the stunning magnitude of which pro-
duced nothing, after all ; and witness also the Mame. To-day
we are the spectators of a great debate as to whether a similar
unexpected development, upsetting the original Prussian
plan, can be restored to tlie Prussian advantaige, or will be
decided against it. This development is, as we have seen,
the great extension f)f the southern front against the French.
The original Prussian plan was perfectly clear. One might
almost say that it was not even concealed.- It has been
twice stated here. Its central object was the creation of
a rupture between the British and the French armies. A
breach 1 anywhere from the neighbourhood of Carnbrai south-
wards would have sufficed. The more it lay to his left
towards the Oise the better for the enemy.
We have als(j seen how that plan failed to follow its exactly
calculated lines. The time-table could not be observed.
No complete breach was effected in the British line. By
the time the exceedingly expensive but deep advance of
the enemy had reached the line of the Avre and the Doms
Brook on the west and of the villages from Hamel to Mezi^res,
as its extreme extension that is, upon the evening of Saturday
last, the 30th of March, an open flank much more than
20 miles in extent as the crow flies, and more than 25 foUow-
ing all tli(> sinuosities of the line, was exposed between the
Oise at Pont L'Evfeque, just south of Noyon.
Of the fighting upon this essential piece of country nothing
conclusive can be said at the moment of writing. There is,
as it were, a race between the I-"rcnch pressure increasingly
exercised upon it from the south, and the German counter
pressure exercised by the peqjetual bringing in of fresh units
from the north. Tiie dispatches of Saturday present a
picture of a closely contested fluctuating struggle along the
double front of which ceaseless small fluctuation takes place.
Pont L'Ev&que and the crossing of the Marne is lost and taken
again by the French. The httle village of Plessis de Roye,
just south of Lassigny is lost, retaken, and then half lost
again, the French line passing, upon Saturday night, through
the comer of the Park immediately to the south of it. Bier-
mont and OrviUers, four miles to the west, the French
recover. They approach Caj>p\- also. The hamlet of
Montchel, down on the marshy sources of the Doms Brook
a couple of miles south of Montdidier, the French having
abandoned it, they retake at the point of the bayonet. The
height of Mesnil about 100 feet above the valley facing and
overlooking Montdidier, is still held. There is no appreciable
result obtained during all tliat day's fierce struggle upon
the one side or the other.
Such is the general aspect of the Great Battle of Picardy
as it stands according to the news received not later than
Easter Sunday morning, March 3rst.
Yet, though it is the open southern face, between Mont-
didier and Noyon, which is the principal concern of the
enemy and of the Allies in the present extraordinary shape
of the whole line, with its sharp angle in front of Montdidier,
the ground has other features which may at any' moment
assume a new importance of their own.
Look, for instance, at' the situation of the great main
railway line uniting Boulogne and Calais to Paris, through
Amiens, and forming ever since the Battle of the Marne the
great lateral communication of the Allies in the North. It
is already imperilled by the German advance. At the
nearest point of the fluctuating and contested line — that is,
at Demuin — the enemy's most advanced troops are barely
ten thousand yards from its metals — that is, only just over
six miles — and it is clearly enormously to their advantage
to put it out of use. Once it be cut or so nearly approached
as to be useless, there is no othet double line for a long way
bqfk, and the strain upon it would be very heavy, apart
from the additional mileage entailed.
Again, the enemy can get more eUxnv-room not onh' by
forcing the southern front, but bv enlarging the corner
round Montdidier to the west and tlie north of that town
beyond the brook of Doms.
Lastly, tlicre is the obvious ptnnt of Amiens, about which
a gi^eat deal has been written because it is the most obviously
appreciable geographical point for the general reader. Amiens
is not, of course, and cannot be the main objective of the
enemy. He is clearly making for an immediate decision, as
his enormous expense of men proves, and no one can seriously
pretend that the mere occupation of Amiens would give him
that decision.' But that does not prevent the great town
from having a very high importance of its own, apart from
the still greater importance of the railway which runs through
it, and might equally be menaced at any other point, whether
a town was 'standing there or not. Amiens is a centre for
military activity of every kind, and the dislocation of estab-
lishment there would be exceedingly serious. It has the
shops and the turn-tables and the sheds of a great railway
April 4, 1918
Land & Watef
centre — or, rather, these are to be found in its immediate
neighbourhood. It is a perfect focus of great roads.
Arras, as we have seen, is yet another secondary objective
which the enemy must regard. He has tried once hard to
break that hinge, and it is exceedmgly probable that he will
try again. But it still remains true that, short of a rupture
in the line elsewhere, the exposed southern flank is, at
present, the cnicial piece of ground upon the fortunes of which
the decision depends. H. Belloc.
Postscript
Since writing the foregoing, on Easter Sunday, March 31st,
■ the battle has not developed in the matter of ground, but
the official dispatches and the commentaries of correspondents
make it plain that-Saturday was filled with a most intense
effort to create a rupture between the French and the British
to approach the main railway, and therefore to exercise
the greatest pressure possible just north of Montdidier up
to the stream of the Luce.
The effect of the event measured in ground was not great.
The heights west of the Avre were rushed by the enemy,
and he took the village of Mesnil, which had up to that day
formed the corner of the great angle. He gained a maximum
depth in this sector of only a mile and a half. But the
significance of the day was not the trifling gain in ground,
nor even the sector upon which it was obtained, but the
tremendous weight of infantry with which the enemv attacked,
and the very high price he was willing to pay, and did pay,
ifor his defeat. Thirteen divisions at least were identified
upon the small front chosen for the effort. For S(bme reason
which is not easy to define, there was not sufficient weight of
enemy artillery behind this effort : and yet the enemy
thought it so imperatively and immediately necessary that
he sacrificed here alone for the moment perhaps 20,000 men
and had permanent losses of perhaps 8,000 in trying to
get forward.
Meanwhile, upon the open front, which is strategically
the problem of the whole battle— the front between Mont-
didier and Noyon — there was no appreciable gain either
way ; but we have had, with regard to that front, since the
main article was written, the very significant piece of news
that the enemy was beginning to entrench, especially in
front of Lassigny, just west of which point the French
pressure had begun to be felt most severely. If it show
proof of the enemy's intention— if he fail to enlarge his
line — to create a new siege front thus advanced, his power
to do so obviously depends upon the factor of time : whether
the Allies can begin their full pressure upon him so early
as to prevent the completion by him of a good defensive
scheme. We know from the experience of this war that a
salient, no matter how awkward, can be held if time for
the proper defence of its two angles is given. The still
sharper salient of St. Mihiel is an example.— H. B.
Sea and Land Communications
To the Editor, Land & W.\ter.
Sir,— Writing on "Raiding the Rhine Cities," Mr. Belloc
mentions our maritime communications are "slow and
vulnerable," whilst the enemy's communications, being
contmental, are "therefore rapid and invulnerable." I have
never been able to see the force of these conclusions. Why
should a fixed permanent way like a railway be less vulner-
able to aerial attack than ships (which have a choice of
routes over hundreds of miles of the pathless seas) are to
destruction at the hands of submarines ? In the latter case
a submarine cannot injure a route; it can only destroy
ships, and it must do this individually and separately ' On
the other hand, the destruction of a" railway bridge or part
of the permanent way may hold up the traffic of an entire
system. And surely a railway, with its junctions, bridges
and tunnels, offers a much better target for a bomb dropped
from an aeroplane than a vessel offers to a submarine.
I should have thought that a fleet of aeroplanes, expressly
employed for bombing the enemv railways and roUing stock
as often as the weather permits, might have proved far more
disastrous to him than anything he might inflict upon us
with his under-sea craft Our enemv is very short of loco-
motives, freight cars, etc.. and his 'rails are beginning to
wear out. It would seem, therefore, that constant and
systematic attacks in this direction would cripple him in a
very vital place.
Arthur Kitson.
The British Empire Club, St. James's Square,
March 22nd, ,1918.
Pendant la Bataille
By Emile Cammaerts
La lune s'est. levee derriere les peupliers,
Limpide et pure comme uiie fiancee,
Sous le souffle du soir les branches ont frissonne . . .
Donne leur la Victoire, 6 Dien des armees.
La brume serpente le long de la riviere,
Les sansonnets jacassent perches sur la goutti^re.
La rosee du printcmps parfume la poussiere, . . .
O Dieu des armees, ecoute nos prieres.
Les oiseaux se taiscnt, les enfants sont couches.
La prairie est tendre et douce sous le pied.
Tout est calme ici, tout est serenite . . .
Donne leur la Victoire, 6 Dieu des armees.
Ce n'est pas pour la gloire, ce n'est pas pour la guerre,
Pas meme pour I'idee, pas meme pour la terre.
Mais pour le ciel, Seigneur, et son sacre mystfere, . . .
O Dieu des armees, e.xauce nos prieres.
[all rights reserved]
From a German Note Book
THE German Imperial Budget for 1918, which was
recently published, was a reminder to the German
pubUc that they are paying heavily for glory. The
ordinary Budget balanced at 366 million pounds sterling,
as compared with 224 milUons last year, and of the total
expenditure for the year, 295 millions sterling was for
interest on the public debt. A modest 9 millions sterling
sufficed for the purpose in 1914 : No wonder the Pan-
Germans are dinning into the ears of the workers that
unless Germany obtains an indemnity, she will be bankrupt.
But bad as the position appears to be in the Budget, the
whole of the financial statement is fictitious. Expenditure
on the army and the navy is left out altogether ; and what
IS to be said of a Budget which gives no indication of this
very important item ? Furthermore, as it stands it repeats
the old 1914 figures, with some slight variations, and thus
guileless Fritz is led to believe that 38 millions sterhng will
be forthcoming this year from Customs duties. All the worid
knows that owing to the British blockade the amount received
by Germany from Customs duties has sunk very low indeed.
Yet these 38 millions figured in the Budgets for 1915, 1916
and 1917, and they turn up once more in 1918. It needs
no great insight to estimate the true value of a document of
this kind. Nevertheless, Germany, one of the Great Powers
of Europe, is not ashamed to have recourse to Ijnng and
deceptive statements of a character which even a bankrupt
Central American Repubhc would disdain.
Even this make-believe Budget, however, ends with an
enormous deficit, which will have to be made good by special
war taxes. They are talking of higher duties on beer and
spirits, and taxes on business transactions. But why no
taxes on incomes, it may be asked ? The answer is simple.
The Pan-German annexationists who desire to pocket as
much belonging to other countries as they can seize are very
unwilling that their purses should be touched. In a recent
debate on the Prussian Diet, Freiherr von Zedlitz, one of
the leading Ughts of the reactionaries, called upon the Govern-
ment to oppose with all the forces at its command any further
encroachments on the part of the Imperial Treasury on private
incomes and private property.
Sport and Fashions
Ever since the beginning of the war there has been a move-
ment in Germany to get rid of all foreign words, which have
been replaced by native productions. In a large number
of instances the transformation succeeded ; but a few words
were left over for which no exact German equivalent could
be found. Characteristically enough, these included the
words "lady" and "gentlemen," both of which were in
common use in Germany. Perhaps the reason for the failure
is that Germany lacks what these words indicate. And now
it is the turn of sport. The hnguistic speciahsts are greatly
troubled to find exact German expressions for "sport" itself,
for "lawn tennis, " "hockey," "golf," " cross-countrv, "
starter," "amateur." Scholars agitate themselves over
the search, and when they find a more or less satisfactory
equivalent, it sounds strange even in German ears.
Copyright 1918, U.S. A
''This is my 1
By
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le." — The Kaiser
a-iniiekers.
Copyright, " Land & Waltr.'
12
Land & Water
April 4, 191 8
Citizen Soldiers : By The Editor
THE power of the Press is a far older topic of
disputation than many realise. There are those
who have always regarded it as anathema
maranaiha, while others have gone to the opposite
extreme, and inasmuch as they deem a newspaper
vox populi, worship its writings as vox del. Both these views
are strained ; a man's a man, whether his daily duties be
journalistic or connected with any other profession ; and it
ma J' tend to steady those who still hold extravagant ideas on
this subject to learn that one of the most distinguished
generals in the Canadian Army is a newspaper proprietor,
a man who until he joined
up, in the autumn of 1O14,
was actively engaged in
the production of a daily
newspaper, f^nd who, when
the war is over, looks for-
ward to returning to the
same duties. Major-
General Sir /David \yatson,
K.C.B., C.M.G., command-
ing the 4th Canadian Di\'i-
sion, is the principal pro-
prietor of the Quebec
Journal. He was in his
forty-fourth year when war
began. Since a boy, he
had belonged to the
MiHtia — or to the Volun-
teers, as we should call the
force in this country. This
he had done not from
miUtary ardour, but be-
cause he held it to be part
of the duty of every honest
citizen to be prepared to
defend his country if occa-
sion arose.
True to his principles, he
was among the earhest to
volunteer for active service
in France, and he landed in
England wi th the first Cana-
dian contingent on that
memorable October morn-
ing of 1914, in command
of the 2nd Battalion, ist
Canadian Division. He
commanded this battalion
in the second battle of
Ypres, has since taken
part in many hard-fought
engagements, been wound-
ed and gassed, and is at
the moment in command
•of the 4th Division. His
business experience has
served him well ever since
he put on khaki ; for he
was one of the founders of
the Valcartier Training Camp, and has been able to utilise
in other ways those qualities on which he relied for success
in civilian life.
It has been argued that since the war of positions began,
all soldiers started even ; that is to say, that the training,
experience, and special education of the professional soldier
were of slight service in trench warfare. There is, no doubt,
much truth in this saying ; for since the battle of the Marne
so many unforeseen factors have been introduced into warfare
that it signified little, so long as a man understood discipline,
what his position in life might have been previous to the
autumn of 1914, provided he was thoroughly fit in body, of
an alert and adaptive mind, quick to form a decision or to
seize an opportunity, and possessed of the subtle and indefin-
able power of being able to handle men This truth has
been more fully realised by the French nation than by our-
selves, with our strongly conservative notions. One may
regret it, but there is no occasion to be surprised at it ; it is
a defect of our quahties ; were you to turn to Kipling's
Departmental Ditties* you will find exactly the same spirit
prevailing in the management of Indian State railways forty
♦ The ditty is called Public Waste. •
Major-General Sir David
commanding 4th
years ago. But war is a high explosive ; it looks as if even
the reinforced concrete of professional ])ride and prejudice
(which applies to all profesr-ions alike) is, so far as the Amiy is
concerned, to be shatti red for all time. Certainly tliis is true
of the Canadian Army, entirely a civilian force to-day.
If the civilians, gathered in from all sorts and conditions of
life, bring to the Army fresh ideas and new standards of
value, let it be remembered they take from it gifts at least as
precious. And the best of these is discipline. Find the
civilian soldier, no matter of what rank, who lias fought at the
front and been through tlie hell of battle — that hell which has
been raging .so furiouslyTor
the last two weeks — who
will not extol the power of
discipline. As General
Watson remarked:' "It's
discipline, discipline, dis-
cipline, all the time, and
the men themselves take
as great pleasure and pride
in the smartness and effi-
ciency of discipline, once
they realise all it stands
for, as does any officer."
When these civilian
armies are demobilised,
they will take back with
them to their homes
throughout the Empire a
different standard of life.
No soldier will be able to
eliminate from his being
the influence and lessons
of these months of war.
Ihis is bound to declare
itself, and there is no pro-
blem which the civilian
soldier ponders over more
deeply than how it will
work in the future. At the
front, he has been receiving
object-lessons in that in-
discipline which was a nor-
mal part of his former life.
Strikes, labour disputes,
political wranglings, public
intrigues, and calumnies —
all thi,s turmoil disturbs
and disgusts him. Why,
he asks, cannot every man
do his job in the same spirit
as do the fighting men ;
why cannot men lead in
thejx)Iitical arena with tlic
same clear purpose and dis-
regard of self as they do on
the field of battle ; why is
a man in civil life per-
petually slandering and
Isackbiting his fellow-men
and is unable to see good even in his friends, while the soldier
takes life as it comes, knowing at any moment it may end, and
can find good even in his enemies ? Few realise how deeply this
questioning cuts into the heart of the civilian army. What
its effect will be in the future it is impossible to forecast, taut
it may lead to startling surprises — socially and politically.
There is certainly a strong feeling among the men who
have proved themselves leaders of mcri in warfaj-e not to
lose their grip on their fellows in peace time, but to guide
them to higher ideals and a better use of life than in
the past.
It is good to have a talk with a man of one's own profes-
sion, who, laying aside temporarily the pen, has gone out to
defend all he holds anost dear. As one discusses the ordinary
topics of life, tliose little intimacies which similarit\' of work
creates, one gets a glimpse between the spoken words of the
new outlook the new life has given There has been no
attempt here to put General Watson's views into print ; the
opinions are those his conversation, often on very different
topics, awakened. But it was brought home to the writer
with new force what a marvellous power for good is the bond
of British blood, the common ideals which can move men to
the same sacrifice in their delence in all parts" of the world.
Watson, K.C.B., C.M.G.,
Canadian Division
April 4, 1 91 8
Land & Water
13
On a Balloon Ship : By Lewis R. Freeman, r.n.v.r.
I HAD crossed on the old "Xerxes" in tliose ancient
days when, as the latest launched greyhound of the
Cunardcr fleet, she held for a few precarious months
the constantly shifting blue-ribbon for the swiftest
transatlantic passage ; but in that angular "cubistic"
lump of lead-grey looming over the bow of my spray-
smothered launch to blot out the undulant skyline of the
nearest Orknev, there was not one familiar feature. Her
forward funnel had been "kippered" down the middle to
somewhere about on the level of the lower deck, and carried
up in two smaller stacks which rose abreast to port and
starboard. This had been done (as I learned later) to make
room for a platform leading forward from the waist over
which seaplanes could be wheeled to the launching-stage,
which ran out over the bow from beneath the bridge. The
break in the forecastle had been closed in in connection
with a sweeping alteration which had converted the whole
forward end of the main deck into a roomy seaplane "reposi-
tory" and repair shop.
The changes aft were no less stattling. The old poop
seemed to have been razed to clear the last two hundred
feet of the main deck, and o\er the ten or fifteen-feet-high
railing, whiqh surrounded this, the top of a pa'rtly inflated
observation balloon showed like the back Of a half-sub-
merged turtle. The whole effect was weird and "impossible"
in the e.x:tremc, and I felt like exclaiming with the yokel
who saw a giraffe for the first time : "Aw, there ain't no
such animal."
I had been asked aboard the X for an afternoon of
seaplane and balloon practice. 1 had already seen a good
deal of the former at various points in the Mediterranean
and Adriatic, but the towed observation balloon — the "kite,"
as they called it — was an entirely new thing. I "put in"
at once for an ascent in a kite, for I was anxious not only
to get some sort of a first-hand idea of how it was being
employed against submarines — of which I had already heard
not a little — and also to compare the work with that of
handling the ordinary observation balloons, of which I had
seen so much in France, Italy, and the Balkans. The captain
— whom I found just getting the sliip under weigh from the
bridge — after some hesitation, promised to "see what he
could do," if there was not too much wind, when he was
ready for "balloon work."
To one who has had experience only of hangars on land,
perhaps the most impressive thing about an "aeroship" is
the amount of gear and equipment which can be stowed
and handled in restricted spaces. Wings and rudders which
fold and re-fold upon each other until they fonn compact
bundles that can be trundled about by a man or two, collap-
sible fuselages and pontoons, wheels which detach at a touch
of a lever, "kncx;k-down" transmissions — these things were
everywhere the rule. One "baby" scout I saw almost com-
pletely assembled on the launching-stage, and the "tail,"
which a couple of men wired to the main body in little more
than a minute, I would have sworn I could have knocked off
with a single well-placed kick. Yet, five minutes later, I
saw that same machine "loop," "side-flop," "double-bank,"
and (quite at the will of its. young pilot, who is rated the
most expert seaplane man in the British Naval Air Service)
recover at the end of a live-hundred-feet rolling fall, all
without apparently starting a strut or rivet. " CoUapsibility "
and portability are evidently secured without sacrificing any
essential strength.
The science of working the seaplane from the deck of a
ship is still in process of development. Even up to quite
recently it was the practice tp put a machine overboard on
a sling, and allow it to start from the water. The use of
detachable wlicels — which fall off into the sea after they
have served their purpose in giving the preliminary run —
has made launching from the deck practicable and compara-
tively safe, but the problem of landing even a wheeled
machine on deck lias not yet been satisfactorily solved.
On account of lack of room, most of the experiments in this
direction have ended disastrously, even tragically.
When a seaplane is about to be launched, after the usual
preliminary "tuning" up on the launching-stage, the ship is
swung dead into the teeth of the wind and put at full speed.
This matter of wind direction is very important, for its
variation by a fraction of a point from "head-on" may
easily make a crooked run and a fluky laimching. As the
latter would almost inevitably mean that both plane and
pilot must be churned under the swiftlj' advancing fore-foot
<>( the ship, no precautions calculated to avoid it are omitted.
Besides a wind-pennant at one end of the bridge, assurance
is made doubly sure by the turning on of a jet of steam in
the mathematical centre of the extreme tip of the launching-
stage. When the back-blown steam streams straight along
the middle plank of the stage, the wind is "right/'
The captain, from the bridge, lifts a small white flag as a
signal to the wing-commander that all is ready. The latter
nods to the pilot, who starts his engine at full speed, while
two mechanicians, braced against cleats on the deck, hold
back the tugging seaplane. If the "tone" of the engine is
right, the wing-commander (standing in front of the plane,
and a little to one side) brings down his red-and-yellow flag
with a sharp jerk, falls on his face to avoid a collision, and
the machine, freed from the grip of the men holding it, jumps
away. The next two seconds tell the tale, for if a seaplane
"gets off the deck" properly, the rest of its flight is not likely
to'be "eventful."
Practice Flights
At practice, a seaplane sails over and drops its detachable
wheels near a waiting drifter, whiq^ picks them up and
returns them to the ship. The machine swoops low, and
"kicks" loose the "spares" at a hundred feet or less above
the surface of the water, and a pilot who let his wheels go
from a considerably greater altitude drew a growl from the
bridge, as a long fall is likely to injure them. Its flight over,
a seaplane returns to the ship by alighting on the water
several hundred yards astern, and floundering up alongside
as best it can. With a high wind and a choppy sea, it is
rough work. The machine is so "balanced" that its tractor
propeller should revolve in the air and clear the water by
several inches, even in a rough sea. It will occasionally
strike into "green water," however, which is always likely
to shatter the ends of the blades, if nothing else. The
sheathing of the blades with metal affords considerable
protection, though a certain risk is always present. The
operation of picking a seaplane up and hoisting it aboard is
a nice piece of seamanship at best, but in bad weather is a
practicable impo.ssibility. With the wind much above thirty
miles an hour, indeed, only a very real need is hkely to induce
a "mother ship" to loose her birds from the home nest.
With the sea too rough to make it possible for a seaplane to
live in it, it is sometimes possible to carry on imperative
reconnaisance by sending up an ordinary aeroplane (some of
which are always carried) ; though the latter must, of course,
make its landing on lerra firma when its work is over.
The wind had been freshening considerably all afternoon,
but with no more than thirty miles an hour showing on the
indicator, there was no reason for not letting me have my
"balloon ride."
As the time approached for its ascent, the balloon was
allowed to rise far enough from the deck to .permit its car to
be pushed underneath the centre of it, in order that the
latter might not be dragged in the "getaway." I could now
see that the monster had rather the form of the "bag" of an
airship than the "silkworm-with-stomach-cramps" shape of
the regulation modern observation balloon. Its nose was
less blunt than that of the "sausage," and the ropes were
attached so that it would be pulled with that nose boring
straight into the wind, instead of tilted upwards like that of
its army prototype. The throe "stabilisers" at its stern
were located, and appeared to function, similarly with those
of the "sausage."
The basket was mid- waist deep, and just big enough to
hold comfortably two men sitting on the strips of canvas'
which served as seats. Supplementing our jackets, two small
life-preservers of the ordinary type were lashed to the inside
of the basket. When 1 asked about parachutes, I was told
that, while it was customary to carry them, on this occasion
— as they were worse than useless to a man who had not
practised with them — it was best notHo bother myself with
one. "Stick to the ba,sket if anything happens," some one
said; "it will float for a month, even if full of water." Some
one else admonished not to blow up my jacket until we had
stopped rising, lest it (from the expanding air, I suppose)
should in turn blow me up. Then wc were off. The last
thing I noticed on the deck was the ship's cat, which I had
observed a few moments previously rubbing his arched back
ecstatically against a saggjng "stabiliser," making a wild
leap to catch one of the trailing guide-ropes.
"He always does that," I heard my companion saying
behin^ me. "Some day' perhaps he will catch it, and then
14
Land & Water
April 4, 191 8
— if it happens at a time when there isn't an opportunity to
wind in and let him down easy — I'm afraid there won't be
a one of his nine hves left in the little furry pan-cake it will
make of him when he hits the water. It's surprising how
the water will flatten out a — anything striking it at the end
of a thousand-feet fall. Only week before last— — "
To deflect the conversation to more cheering channels,
I began to exclaim Sbout the view. And what a view it was !
The old "Xerxes " was lying well down towards one end of the
mighty bay, so that without turning the head one could
sweep the eyes over the single greatest unit of far-reaching
might in the whole world-war, the Grand Fleet of the British
Navy. And in no other way than in ascending in a balloon
or a flying machine could one attain a vantag<^ from which the
whole of the fleet could be seen. Ijooking from the loftiest
fighting-top, from the highest hill of the islands, there was
always a. point in the distance be)'ond which there was
simply an amorphous slaty blur of ships melting into the
loom of the encircling islands. But now those mysterious
blurs were crystallising into definite lines of cleavage, and
soon — save where some especia^lly fantastic ^^rick of camou-
flage made one ship look like two in collision, or played some
other equally scurvy trick on the vision — I could pick out not
only battleships, but cruisers, destroj'ers, submarines, ranged
class by class and row on row. Even the method in the
apparent madness with which the swarms of supply ships,
colliers, oilers, trawle«, and drifters were scattered about
was discernible.
An Average Day
Save for the visibility, which was diamond-clear in the
slanting Ught of the low-hanging winter sun, it was just an
ordinary, average Grand Fleet day. A squadron of battle-
ships was at target practice, and — even better than their own
gun-control officers — we could- tally the foam-jets of the
"wides" and "shorts" and the narrowing "straddles." A
squadron of visiting battle-cruisers had just come to anchor
and were swinging lazily round to the tide. Two of them
bore names which had echoed to the ends of the world ; the
names of two of the others — from their distinctive lines and
great size, I recognised them as twin giants I had seen still
in the slips on the Clyde scarcely a year previously — the
world has never heard. A lean, swift scout-cruiser, with an
absence of effort almost uncanny, was cleaving its way out
toward the entrance just as a line of destroyers came scurry-
ing in after the rolhng smoke-pall the following wind was
driving on ahead of them. Out over the open seas to the
east, across the hill-tops of the islands, dim bituminous dabs
on the horizon heralded the return of a battleship squadron,
the unceremonious deparijure of which two days previously
had deprived me of the lalt two courses of my luncheon. In
the air was another "kite" — floating indolently above a
battleship at anchor — and a half-dozen circling aeroplanes
and seaplanes. Countless drifters and launches shuttled
in and out through the. evenly hned warships.
We were now towing with the cable forming an angle of
about si.xty degrees with the surface of the water, and running
up to us straight over the port quarter. The ship had thinned
down to an astonishingly slender sHver, not unsuggestive of
a speeding arrow whose feathered shaft was represented by
the foaming wake.
"She's three or four points off the' wind," commented my
companion, "and yet-^once we've steadied down — you see
it doesn't make much difference in the weather we make of
it. A head wind is desirable in getting up to keep from
fouling the upper works amidships, but we, hardly need to
figure it down to the last degree as in laimching a seaplane.
When we're really trying to find something, of course, we
have to work in any slant of wind that happens to be blowing.
The worst condition is a wind from anywhere abaft the beam,
blowing at a faster rate than the towing ship is moving
through the water. In that case, the balloon simply drifts
ahead to the end of its tether, swings around, and gives the
ship a tow. If the wind is strong enough^say, forty miles
an hour, with the ship doing twenty — to make her give a
good steady pull on the cable, it is not so bad ; but when it
is touch-and-go between ship and wind the poor old 'kite'
is all over the shop, and about as difficult to work in as to
ride in — which is saying a good deal."
"What do you mean by work ?" I asked.
"Looking out for things and reporting them to the ship
over the telephone," was the reply. "Perhaps even trying
to run them down and destroy them."
" Can't we play at a bit of work now ? " I suggested. " Sup-
posing we were at sea, and you saw what you thought to be
the wake of the periscope of a U-boat a few miles away.
What would you do ? "
My companion laughed. "Well," he said, "if I had the old'
" Xerxes " down there on the other end of the string, I should
simply report the bearing and approximate distance of the
periscope over the telephone, and let her do the rest."
"And what would 'the rest' consist of?" I asked.
"Principally of turning tail and running at top speed for
the nearest protected waters," was the reply, "and inci-
dentally 'broad-casting a wireless' giving position of the
U-boat and the direction it was moving in."
" But supposing it was a destroyer we had ' on the string ' ? "
I persisted ; "and that you had no other present interest in
the world beyond the finding of one of these little V-shaped
ripples. The modus operandi would vary a bit in that case,
wouldn't it ? "
" Radically," he admitted. "I would give the destroyer
what I figured was the shortest possible course to bring her
into the vicinity of the U-boat. As long as the wake of the
periscope was visible, I would correct that course from time
to time by ordering so many degrees to port or to starboard,
as the case might be. As soon as the periscope disappeared
— which it would do, of course, just as soon as the eye at the
bottom of it saw the ' kite ' — I would merely make a guess
at the submarine's most likely course, and steer the destroyer
te converge with that. Our success or failure would then
hinge upon whether or not I could get my eye on the sub-
marine where it lurked or was making off under water. In
that event — provided only there was enough light left to
work with-»-it would be long odds against that U-boat ever
seeing Wilhelmshaven again. Just as you guide a horse by
turning it to left or right at the tug of a rein, so, by giving
the destroyer a course, now to one side, now to the other,
until it was headed straight over its prey, I would guide the
craft at the other end of the telephone-wire to a point from
which a depth-charge could be dropped with telling effect.
If the conditions were favourable, I might even be able to
form a rough estimate of the distance of the U-boat beneath '
the' surface, to help in setting the hydrostat of the charge
to explode at the proper depth. If the first shot fails to da
the business, we have only to double back and let off another.
Nothing but the coming of night or of a storm is likely
to save that U-boat once we've spotted it.
"Is it difficult to pick up a submarine under water?"
I asked.
"That depends largely upon the light and -the amount of
sea running," was the reply. "Conditions are by no means
so favourable as in the Mediterranean, but, at the same
time, they are much better than in some other parts of the
North Sea and the Atlantic. The condition of the surface
of the water also has a lot to do with it. You can see a lot
deeper when the sea is glassy smooth than when it is even
slightly rippled. Waves tossed up enough to break into
white-caps make it still harder to see far below the surface,
while enough wind (as to-day) to throw a film of foam all
over the water cuts off the view completely. On a smooth
day, for instance, a drifter which lies on the bottom over
there — deeper down than a U-boat is likely to go of its own
free will — is fairly clearly defined from this height. To-day
you couldn't find a sunk battleship there."
I remarked on the fact that, in spite of the heavy wind,
our basket was riding more steadily than that of any stationary
observation balloon I had ever been up in at the front. "It
'yaws' a bit," I observed, "but I have never been up in a
balloon with less of that 'jig-a-jig' movement which makes
it so hard to fix an object with your glasses."
"The latest 'stabilisers' have just about eliminated the
troublesome 'jig-a-jig,' " replied my companion.
He turned to me with a grin. "You're in luck," he said.
"Ship's heading up into the wind to let a seaplane go just
as they're ready to wind us in. You'll learn, now, why
they call one of these balloons a 'kite.' There they got
Hold fast ! "
There was a sudden side-winding jerk, and then that
perfectly good seascape — Grand Fleet, Orkneys, the north
end of Scotland, and all — was hashed up into something
full of zigzag hnes hke a Futuristic masterpiece or the latest
thing in "scientific camouflaging." My friends on the deck
told me, afterwards, that the basket did nol "loop-the-loop,"
that it did not "jump through," "lie down," and "roll over"
like a "clown" terrier in a circus; but how could they,
who were a thousand feet away, know better than I,
who was on the spot ? When I put that poser to them,
however, one of them replied that it was because they had
their eyes open. The only sympathetic witness I found was
one who admitted that, while the 'kite' itself behaved with
a good deal of chgnity, the basket did perform some evolu-
tions not unrcmotely suggestive of a canvas water-bucket
swung on the end of a rope by a sailor in a hurry for his
morning "souse."
April 4, 191 8
Land & Water
IS
The Great Passport Frauds— Part II
By French StrOther, Managing Editor, "The world's work," New York
^■.%'^^
Ruroede, who was a clerk in the North German Lloyd Shipping
Office in New York, was the "genius" of the German Passport
Frauds in America ; he succeeded von Wedell. Both the men, it
was discovered, worked under the instructions of the German
Embassy in Washington to secure passports by fraudulent
methods to enable German officers of the reserve to return to
Germany. Aucher, a Government special agent or detective, had
charge of the case. He handed Ruroede two A merican passports, ■
the latter agreeing to pay him Sioo. Ruroede sent his young
son to a bank to cash a cheque, and Aucher waited for the money
in a cafe near by.
jA UCHER then went into the cafe, and signalled
^% to three other detectives to follow him. He
/ ^ took a seat in a boot-black's chair near the
/ ^L entrance, and proceeded to have his shoes blacked.
*- -^^ In about ten minutes, Ruroede's son came out,
and was about to pass by him, when Aucher hailed him.
Ruroede's son then
took a sealed envelope
■from his inside pocket,
and handed it to
Aucher.
" Where is your
father?" Aucher
asked.
" Oh, he's got a man
upstairs \vilh him,"
said young Ruroede,
' and he couldn't come
down."
"Wait a minute,"
said Aucher, and tore
open the envelope, and
in the presence of
Ruroede's son, and so
that the other special
agents could see him
■do it, counted out ten
|io notes — $100 in
all. As he was count-
ing them, the detec-
tive who had followed
Ruroede's son to the
bank came in, and
shouldered the boy
to 'ypn& side, and
seated, two of the special agents came in and took a table
about fifteen feet away. After Aucher had ordered lunch
foh himself and Ruroede, he took out of his pocket another
of the series of genuine passports supplied by the State
Department, to which he had attached one of the photo-
graphs Ruroede had given him for this purpose. He handed
~the passport to Ruroede, who opened onh/ one end of it,
just enough to glance at the photograph and seal.
"That's fine," said Ruroede, and was about to sUp it into
his pocket, when Aucher seized it, and exclaimed :
"Fine ? I should say— — ," and opened the passport wide
so that one of the other special agents could see the red
seal on it. " Just look at that description. Eh ? He is
the fellow with the military bearing, and I gave him a descrip-
tion I figured a man like him should answer to."
At this point, the special agent lyho had seen the seal
left his seat at the table, and walkea to the cashier's desk.
As he passed, Ruroede was holding the passport in his hands
and Aucher was point-
awroftignwawwwwiiiiWrWiiiwmnTW'iMi'fi
*Kr^»4/}fuy
■waawaaw
MOBRBisxanni
■>f/
Von Papen becomes Accessory to a crime
Though this cheque wjs made out in favour of G. Amsinck & Co., the German-American bankers
then stood rieht bv of New York, the couaterfoil bears the notation "Travelling expenses vW," that is, "von Wedell."
This cheque wai »:nt him by von Papen to enable him to escape after he had forged signatures to
two fraudulent passports and realised he was under surveillance— von Papeo, Military Attache to
the German Embassy, thus becominj accessory after the fact to a crime against American laws.
him while the money
was being counted.
Aucher went on to
impress on Ruroede's 'son that business was business, and
that the best of friends sometimes fell out over money
matters ; that his father might have unintentionally counted
oijt S80 or $90 instead of the full |ioo, and it was safer to
take some precautions than to take a chance of creating
bad blood between them. He then invited Ruroede's son
to have a drink with him, which he did, both of them taking
the strongest Prussian drink — milk. When they were about
to part on Whitehall Street, Aucher told Ruroede's son to
tell his father he would be down the- next morning with the
other two passports he had mentioned to him, and again
impressed on the boy the importance of accuracy in money
matters. Aucher then returned to lieadquarters with the
other special agents, and made a memo of the distinguishing
numbers on the notes, and marked them for future
identification.
The next morning Aucher telephoned to Ruroede, and
told him he had been able to get only one of the two passports
he wanted, giving as the excuse for his failure to get the
other the story that it had been promised to him by a man
working on a job in Long Island, and that this man had met
with an accident, and was in the hospital; that it would
take a day or two to go out there to get a written order
from him to a brother who would turn the passport over to
.\uciier. Ruroede accepted an invitation to take lunrheon
with Aucher at Davidson's restaurant at the corner of Broad
and Bridge Streets.
Shortly after noun they met on the street, and went into
the restaurant together. A few minutes after they were
ing out the descrip-
tion. Ruroede then
put the passport into
his pocket, and said
again, "That's fine."
Aucher then open-
ed a discussion of
von Wedell's career
a 1^1 disappearance.
Ruroede was \'ery
contemptuous of the
missing man. "He
was a plain fool," he
said. "He paid £700,
altogether, and got
very little in return.
A fellow came to him
one day and told him
he could get him
American passports,
and von Wedell said:
' All right ; go ahead.'
The fellow returned
later and said he would
have to- have some
expense money, and
he -gave him $10. A
little while later a
friend of the first man
came tp von Wedell,
wanting expense
money. When von
Wedell decided to put him off, he became threatening, and
von Wedell, fearing he might tell the Government authorities,
gave him some money. A few days later about twenty fel-
lows came looking for von Wedell. But, quite aside from that
sort of business, von Wedell's foolishness in forging two names
on American passports is the thing that made him get away."
"Did I understand you to say," asked Aucher, "that he
had gone to join his wife ? "
"No," rephed Ruroede, "she will be in Gerrriany before
him. She sailed last Tuesday. He went to Cuba first, and
there got a Mexican passport of some sort that will take
him to Spain. He ought to be in Barcelona to-day, and
from there work his way into Germany."'
"You say von WedeU spent £700 of his own money?"
Aucher asked.
"No, no," exclaimed Ruroede, "he got it from the fund."
"Well, who puts up this money — who's back of it ?"
"The Government."
"The German Government?"'
"Yes," said Ruroede. "You see, it is this way. Tliere
is a captain here who is attached to the German Embassy
at Washington. He lias a list of German reservists in this
country, and is in touch with the German Consulates all
through the country, and in Peru, Mexico, Chile, etc. He
gets in touch with them, and the Consuls send reservists
who want to go to the front on to New York. When they
get here, this captain tells them : 'Well, I can't do anything
for you, but you go down to see Ruroede.' Sometimes he
gives them liis personal card."
i6
Land & Water
April 4, 1 9 1 8
' J / r /j //■ / / J /
/-V/'/.-
1
\
i
^ ///...
■;
\
■ -^tx/lf/V-tl
///,
\
\
\
/'/<,
/
Two of Ruroede's Visitors' Credentials
These cards, with the addresses written on the backs, were presented by two German oflicers in search of fraudulent passports. They were stnt by Captain von
Papen and by Dr. .'Arthur Mudra, German Consul at Philadelphia) who both frequently directed such ofllcerj to Rurocde for this purpose.
" Is this captain in reserve ? " Aucher interrupted.
"Oh, no; he is active," Ruroede repUed. "You see,"
he continued, "he draws on this fund for §200 or $300 or
$1,000, whatever he may need, and the cheques are made
to read 'on account of reservists." You see, they have to
have food and clothing, also, so there is nothing to show
that this money is paid out for passports or anything like
, that. I meet this captain once a week or so, and tell him
' what I am doing, and he gives me whatever money I need.
You see, there must be no connection between him and me ;
no letters, no accounts, nothing in WTiting. If I were caught,
and were to say what I have told you, this captain would
swear that he never met me in his life before."
Who tliis captain was became perfectly clear through an
odd occi^rrence two days later. On that day — January
2nd, 1915 — Aucher telephoned to Ruroede at his office, and
made an appointment to meet him at a quarter to one.
This meeting will doubtless remain for ever memorable in
Ruroede's experience.
At 12.30, a whole flock of special agents left the office
of the Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice
in the Park Row Building. There were nine representatives
of the Department in the group. When they got near
Ruroede's office, they were joined by two others, who had
been shadowing Ruroede. They had located him at the
Eastern Hotel, several blocks away, where he was at the
moment with one of the German officers who planned to
sail that day on the Norwegain Line steamer Bergensfjord
with one of the false passports.
Shortly after one o'clock, one of the special agents notified
the group that Ruroede had returned to his office, and then
this detective, and one other, went to the Customs House
and stationed themselves at a window opposite Ruroede's
office to wait for a signal which AucTier was to give when
he had delivered the passport to Ruroede. ,
When Aucher met Ruroede in Ruroede's office, Ruroede's
son was present ; but in a few moments the younger man
took his leave, and liis departure was noted by one of the
agents outside. After a few minutes' con\'ersation, Aucher
handed Rurocde the missing passport and made his signal
to the two men inside the Customs House window. These
men reported to the main group on the street, and thereupon
the whole flock descended on Ruroede's office, and placed
both Ruroede and Aucher under arrest.
They seized all of Ruroede's papers before they took him
away, including the passport wliich Aucher had just delivered
to him. Aucher put up a fight against his brother officers,
so as to make Ruroede beheve that his arrest was genuine,
but was quickly subdued and taken away. A few minutes
later Ruroede also was taken from his office over to the
ofiices of the Bureau of Investigation, but to another room
than Aucher. Detectives were left behind in Ruroede's
office, and in a little while Ruroede's son came in. He, too,
was airested and taken to still another part of the office
of the Bureau.
Now, there entered in Ruroede's office a stranger, who to
this day does not know that he unwittingly gave the officers
of the United States Government the information that
Captain von Papen was directly responsible for the passport
frauds. This man entered wliile one of the detectives was
busily gathering up the papers on Ruroede's desk. He said
he wanted to see Mr. Ruroede. The detective asked him
what his business was, and he repKed that he had a letter
to give him ; and, answering an inquiry, he said this letter
. was given him by Captain von Papen, to be delivered tO'
Ruroede.
The detective calmly informed the caller that he was
Mr. Ruroede's son, and that he could give the letter to him.
The stranger refused, so the detective told him that his
"father," Ruroede, would be in in a few minutes. After a
few minutes were up, he told the caller that he was sure that
his "father" would not return, after all, and that he had
better go with him to where his "father" was. The stranger
agreed, and they left the office together, the detective taking
him directly to the office of the Bureau of Investigation.
On the way, the stranger decided to give him the letter
from Captain vvon Papen, and also told him that he had
come from Tokio by way of San Francisco ; that he was
very anxious to get back to Germany ; and that he was
sorry he was not saiUng on tlie boat leaving that day. He
knew, he said, that Ruroede had a great many officers saihng
on the ship that day, and asked if he thought the operative's
"father" could make an arrangement to start him to Ger-
many, too. He gave as a reason for his urgency the fact
that he had with him eight trunks, wliich contained very
important papers in connection with the war that should
be delivered to Berlin without delay.
Upon arriving at the office of the Bureau of Investigation,
the detective excused himself for a moment, and went into
another room, where he concocted a plan with a fellow-
agent to pose as the senior Ruroede. The detective then
brought the stranger in, and introduced his confederate as
his father. The stranger gave this agent of the Department
liis card, which was printed in German, and which read,
translated into English : " Wolfram von Knorr, Captain of
Cruiser, Naval Attache, Imperial German Embassy, Tokio."
But let us leave the guileless caller in the hands of the '
guileful agent of Justice for a few moments, returning to
him a little later.
* * ^
Meanwhile, four of the agents from the Department — the
minute they received the signal that Ruroede was under
arrest—hastened to the Barge Office dock and boarded the
revenue cutter Manhattan, on which they overtook the
Norwegian Line steamship Berge?isJ'jord at four o'clock, about
one half-hour after it had set sail. They were accompanied
by several customs inspectors, and ordered the Bergensfjord
to heave to. All the male passengers on board were lined
up. Strange as it may seem, they discovered four Germans,
of such unmistakable names as Sachse, Meyer, Wegener.
April 4, 191 8
Land & Water
17
and Muller, travdling under sucli palpable English and
Norwi^gian names as Wright, Hansen. Martin, and Wilson.
Stranger still, they all turnec;! out to be reserve officers in
the German Army. Sachse proved to be travelling as none
other than our friend "Howard Paul Wright," for whom
.\ucher had supplied Ruroede with the passport — as, indeed,
lie had for the three others.
, Meanwjiile, Ruroede was the centre of another little drama
that lasted until well toward midnight. He was being urged
by the .Assistant United States District Attorney to "come
across" with the facts about his activities in the passport
frauds, and he had stood up pretty well against the per-
suasions and hints of tlie attornej' and the doubts and fears
of his own mind. About eleven o'clock at night, as he was
for the many'th time protesting his ignorance and his
innocence, another agent qf the Bureau of Investigation
walked across the far end of the dimly lit room — in one door
and out another — accompanied by a fair-haired lad of
nineteen.
".Aly God!" exclaimed Ruroede, "have they got my son,
ttx) ? The boy knows nothing at all about this."
This little ghost-walking sgene, borrowed from "Hamlet,"
broke down Ruroede's reserve, and he came out with pretty
much all the story, ending with the melancholy exclamation
with which this article began : " I thought I was going to
get an Iron Cross : t>ut what they ou^ht to do is to pin a
little tin stove (.in me."
Ruroede admitted that he had met rap.i;., \ m Papeii p
New York numerous times, and lliat v'-<n Paj en had i.;;\i.ii
Lid nr ney at dilTerent times, but he denied thi". ^\<i'. n,one\
:;iv ii hii I'or u"e in iurnishing pa.sspor (in this
I' : he st<. X lJ^t^; and to this 'daj' he has noi tlirectly
. I'l '.jcated \i<!! Pajion in these frauds, thoui'fi it cost him
a sentence of 'three years in the Tederal j)enitentiTry at
.^'•lanta, imposed just two months later.
{^nc thing Ruroede did confess, however ; and, in doing
■ . he was the Hand of Fate for the timorous von Wedell.
Ruroede confessed that his assertion to Auchcr that Wedell
was then in Barcelona was a He, and that the truth was that
Wedell had recently returned from Cuba, and was aboard
the Bergenh/jord ! This confession came too late to serve
thnt day, for the agents of the Bureau had by that time left
the ship with their four prisoners, and the Bergciisfjord was
■ >ut to sea. But Fate had, neverthel<^ss, played Wedell a
harsh trick, for the processes of extradition were instantly
put in motion, and with strange results.
♦ • ♦ -
Now, we may appropriately return to the conierence
between the guileless .stranger from Tokio and the guileful
agent of the Bureau of Investigation, in another room. The
guileless stranger from Tokio revealed what Ruroede would
not disclose — and revealed it all unconsciously. He talked
so frankly with "young Ruroede's father" that he told
several most important things. For one, Captain von Knorr
declared that Captain von Papcn had sent him.' Whereupon
the pretended Ruroede asked him whether the fact that he
was expected to assist von Knorr back to Europe was known
to the German Embassy at Washington. To this von Knorr
replied: "Of coufse. I just had a talk with Captain von
Papen right here in New York."
"Ruroede" still insisted on having, better proof that von
Knorr came directly from the Embassy, to which von Knorr
retorted that "von Papen has had sufScient deahngs with
\ou for you to know that any one sent by him to you is all
right." "
F'inding himself dealing with a somewhat reluctant
saviour, von Knorr adopted a conciliatory mood, and slapped
iiis broad hand several times on "Ruroede's" left breast,
saying: '-'That chest ought to have something," meaning
a decoration from Berlin.
.'X.'^ter some verbal sparring, von Knorr was allowed to
drift off the scene as innocently as he had entered it, and
he has yet to learn that his visit was in an office of American
law and that his dealings were with the officers of Justice.
But he left behind a legacy quite as valuable as his care-
full\' remembered spoken words. This legacy was the paper
wliich he had brought from Franz von Papen.
Two most important facts emerged ultimately from a study
of this 'innocent bit of paper. When Ruroede was arrested,
among other papers taken from his desk by the officers of
the law were numerous typewritten sheets containing lists
of names of German officers, their rank, and other facts
about them. Ruroede never ^would admit that these were
from von Papen, but that admission was made for him by
a far more trustworthy testimony than his own. This
testimony was an expert comparison, under a powerful
magnifying-glass of the typewriting on these sheets and the
typewriting on the von Knorr memorandum which had
undoubtedly come from von Papen. Thev were beyond all
questioning identical. The same typewriter had written all.
Bj' this microscopic test, von Papen and the other
ruthless underhngs of Germany were first brought within
sight of their ultimate expulsion from Jtmerica.
The other pregnant fact about the von Knorr memorandum
was that the eyes of Justice rested on the name of \Aerner
Horn, and lingered long enough to fix that name in memory.
Here first swam into its ken the man whr; tried to destroy
the international bridge at Vanceboro, Maine, and whose
story is one of the most romantic and ad\ enturou.- of all the
German plotters ! That story' will he told in full in Land
& Water. Hence it need not be d>velt on hrre.
One last touch in tliis drama : A ^:w mon ent-s ago we left
von Wedell — ambitious, timer jUS, vou W dell — on the high
seas, bound for Norway. I'V Fatr \\as:'lter him. Ruroede's
moment of weakncs— hib moment of 1 ique, when he swore
iit tt»H3 i,aiaitUi nurds
fun t»>4 vnsbfl an ieti mi»« PeVRnttnotsf te*.
• ittehts-
'** r»Btl iOftilJJt
Jof iMtaai ilnntia* liv >e( «titnt oicbt («u(t . ,Uk
Ml iitmm }«4«a iTttthAt v»i |i»<9irt«, isctcm iuft.
Mm >»* s'lliae^m I^u ant abtoinzt ?tetn<iHk«jt,
at «iafex »i»» ii/rst Ti<jiuc m 4iilBr.iii vcui>«fUrl-
»urs <>i>n<i«M<<s.r*>M iito lautat rtif ftroic H^tr gnd
ru allot ttUoi •s?lji»"-T'Urii'
Instructions to C^erman Officers travelling on
False Passports
Telling them how to behave on shipboard 30 that they will not arouse suspicion.
In English the instructions read : —
1. On no condition and in no way whatever must anything be let out in regard to the conditions
under which the voyage was ctfecled. I 4
2. During the passage one should Iceep aloof from other passengers and make no acquaintances
' on board.
J. Deportment on board, during the trip, should, as far as it is at all possible, be in harmony
with the particular characteristics describedjin he pa sport.
4. Should any questio s be asked, answer with reserve, and moreover, it is fitting to ma1<e use,
as far as practicable, of the need created by sea-sickness for remaining in seclusion. Mv
5. Finally, everything will depend on the maintenance, in every respect, of absolute reticence.
All incit. mcnts to political or similar discussions of the war or of soldieis and their obligations must
be absolutely avoided.
' . It should by no means be understood that on landing one should tell everybody everything
that happened, on the contrary, then too is silence absolutely necessary, lest through too much
talking it become impossible for others to likewise get to the other side.
7. Briefly, the watchword, always and at all times, is ** Silence,"
he would not shoulder all this bitterness alone — had set her
on his trail. A cable message to London, a wireless from
the Admiralty, and then— this entry in the log-book of the
Bergensfjord, for Monday, January nth, 1915 :
"All male first and second class passengers were
gathered in the first-class dining-saloon, and their
nationahty inquired into.
"About noon, the boarding officer of the cruiser
(EngHsh) went back and reported to his ship. About
0.45 p.m. he came over with orders again to take off
the six German stowaways and two suspected passen-
gers. These passengers were as follows : •
"i. Rosato Sprio, Jlexican. Destination Bergen.
■ Cabin 71, second-class. ...
"Rosato Sprio admitted, after close exainination, to
be H. A. Wedell. Claimed to be a citizen of the United
States. . . .
"2. Dr. Rasmus Bjornstad, claimed to be a Nor-
wegian ...
"As both passengers apparently were travelling under
false pretences, the Captain did not feel justified to
protest . against the detention of the two passengers.
These were accordingly ... taken off and put on
board the auxiliary cruiser- ."
Unhappy \^'edell ! This auxiliary cruiser was a ship that
never made port. Wedell's high connections in the German
F'oreigh (Jffice could not save him from the activities of the
high officials of the German Admiralty. A U-boat fired a
torpedo into the cruiser and sent her to the bottom, with
Rosato Sprio, alias H. A.' Wedell, aboard.
Exit Wedell and Ruroede.
Enter Werner Horn.
{To be conlinued.)
1 8 Land & Water April 4, 19 18
Angels and Ministers: By John Ruan
.JWSiiSiafJ
If
Clio and the Children
Hy Charles Sims
1915
DREAMS, visions, apparitions, and mythological
and allegorical figures ought to be treated
frankly in art, for art is concerned with reality,,
and reality is a thing of the mind. For the
purposes of art, there is very little difference
— as regards reality — between an angel and a stockbroker.
If anything, the advantage in reality is on the side of the
angel becajUse the stockbroker is more dependent on circum-
stances. An angel is an angel all the time, but a stockbroker
exists only so long as there is a stock exchange. In art the
important thing is not whether a thing is true, but whether
it is believed.
Mr. Edward Carpenter wrrfte a book or an essay — I am
not sure which — called Angels' Wings. I have never been
able to get hold of it, and consequently I do not know
whether or not I am plagiarising him. If I am, so much
the better, because that will be two opinions instead of one.
Anyhow, it has always seemed to me that the reality of art
at any period could be judged from its treatment of angels'
wings. If you look at the wing of an angel by Fra Angelico,
or Botticelli, or the Byzantine mosaic workers, or Mestrovic,
the Serbian sculptor, or at the wing of a Greek or an Egyptian
sphinx, you will ?ee that there is no attempt to make it look
like the wing of a bird. There is no attempt at plausibility,
and therefore the idea of impossible anatomy never enters
• your head.
But in the angels of even such great painters as Rembrandt
and G. F. Watts — not to speak of the angels of Gustave Dore,
German Christmas cards, and modern R.A.s — the wings are
painted lOvC the wings of a bird, with palpable feathers.
That is to say, there is an attempt at plausibility. It is the
same with the treatment of the Nimbus or Glory. In the
works of the Primitives it is painted uncompromisingly as a
Hat plate or circle of gold ; but in the works of inferior artists
— inferior, that is to say, in faith — it is made to look like an
emanation of the figure, "the aura" of modern psychical
terminology. The paradoxical result is that y'du accept the
Fra Angelico or Botticelli angel as a reality — a creature of
the mind, an idea made visible ; while you wink at the
German Christmas-card angel as a polite fiction for the
ediiication of children.
There is nothing more detestable in art than the attempt
to give plausibility to miracles by approximating them to
natural phenomena. The implication is that if people
stick at your miracle you can always wriggle out of it by
giving a pseudo-scieptific explanation. Almost always the
explanation is much less convincing than the miracle ; as
the little girl's explanation, when rebuked for falsehood, that
God said: "Don't mention it. Miss Brown; I have often
mistaken those big yellow dogs for lions, myself." This was
much less credible than the positive assertion that she had
seen a real lion in Kensington Gardens.
These reflections are prompted by the picture of " Clio and
the Children : 1915," by Mr. Charles Sims. If I remember
rightly, Mr. Sims has been blamed before now for his habit
of introducing mythological or allegorical figures, creatures of
the mind, into everyday surroundings. That is really one
of his great merits as an artist ; the reality that he gives to
creatures of the mind — or of faith, if you like to put it that
way. Clio, the Muse of Historj', embodies an idea tliat is
real because it is universally accepted. She is at least as
real as Betty and Sue and Tom ; and why should she not
be painted with the same reality ? The children, at any
rate, have no doubt of her reality. They are awed not by
her presence, but at the reading of her scroll. If the picture
has a defect, it is not the realit}' of Clio, but the realism — a
very different thing — of the children and the land.scapc. As
compared with Clio, they arc mere phenomena.
The slight discrepancy, not enough to hurt the picture, is
interesting because it puts us on the track of a difficulty that
does not exist in any art except that of painting : the rival
claims of bodily and mental vision. There is not the same
difficulty in writing because, even in the most realistic study,
everything has to be translated into mental terms before it
can be described in words. The painter, unless he forswears
mental vision — when he becomes inferior to the camera —
is constantly bothered bj- two categories. He is like a man
having to do a sum in mixed vulgar and decimal fractions,
and forbidden to convert one into the other. Personally
— and I have the support of Blake, at any rate — I am inclined
to believe that he is only self-forbidden ; that if he plumped
for mental vision his difficulties would disappear.
Blake said some interesting things on this point. Defending
his illustrations to "The Bard, from Gray," he wrote :
The connoisseurs and artists who have made objections to Mr.
B 's mode of representing .spirits with real bodies would do
well to consider that the Venus, the Minerva, the Jupiter, and
Apollo, which they admire in Greek statues, are all of them
representations of spiritual existences of gods immortal, to the
mortal perishing organ of sight ; and yet tliey are embodied
and organised in solid marble. . . . The Prophets describe
what they saw in Vision as real and existing men, whom they
saw with theip- imaginative and immortal organs ; the Apostles
the same ; the clearer the organ, the more distinct the object.
A Spirit and a Vision are not, as the modern philosophy .supposes,
a cloudy vapour, or a nothing ; they are organised and minutely
articulated beyond all that the mortal and perishing nature
can produce.
Elsewhere he speaks of the necessity for definitcncss in the
treatment of the ideas of ordinary perishable things. " Yet
the oak dies as well as the lettuce ; but its eternal -image or
individuality never dies, but renews by its seed."
Well, all artists cannot expect to have the imagination of
William Blake, but they can at least give to their visions the
reality he demanded, instead of trying to make them plau.'^ible
with "auras" and things. And if tliey are to be introduced
into ordinary or perishable surroundings the best way to
obtain consistency is not to lower the vision to the critical
standard of bodily eyesight, but to raise the perishable
surroundings to the standard of the mirid's eye.
April 4, 19 1 8
Land & Water
19
The English Peasant: By Jason
A CENTURY ago one of the leading economists of
the time prophesied that France would become
"the great pauper warren of Europe" because
she had turned her people into a race of peasant
owners. His remark would have struck most of
his generation as a commonplace, for the agrarian revolution
which created the landless labourer seemed to the economist
of the age not less happy and providential in its working
than the industrial revolution that created Lancashire and
the Black Country. Among the educated minds of the day
it was only here and there that any misgivings arose about
the future of the village society that was reformed so ruth-
lessly in the age of the enclosures and the introduction of
the large farm. To most of the enlightened it was as clear
as daylight that France was taking a retrograde step in
establishing, and that England was making a great social
advance in disestablishing, her ancient peasantry. The _
peasant, i.e., the cultivator with rights over the soii, was as
much of an anachronism as the hand-loom weaver.
Of course, the contrast with France was emphasised by the
war. Two nations were at war in a sense in which nations
had rarely been at war in the past. For the war with France
was not merely a struggle between Governments on the
watch for opportunities of trade or political power, or moving
restlessly for more elbow-room in the world. It was a
struggle between two social systems. And just as the Europe
which will emerge from the present conflict will not be the
Europe we knew in that distant summer of 1914 — for too
many hammer blows have fallen on its body and its mind —
so the Europe from which Napoleon stepped on to his exile's
ship was very different from the Europe that had listened to
the echoes of the tumbling Bastille. And the changes that
had come about in each country were the result of the dis-
tribution of power, for the governing forces guided and
controlled the changes that we are apt to speak of as
economic and impersonal.
Two Diverse Societies
in the Middle Ages, England, as a rural society, differed
little from the rest of Western Europe. There is a common
background ; a common past. How different their face
to-day ! Over the greater part of France the place of the
serf cultivators of the Middle Ages has been taken by peasant
proprietors, whereas in England the great bulk of the land
belongs to large landowners who let it out to comparatively
large tenant farmers who in their turn employ labourers for
wages. Two diverse societies have developed from a common
civilisation. Modern historians are coming to realise that
the terms on which each society in Europe dissolved its old
mediaeval village system are among the most important facts
of its history, and that the old analysis of these changes was
far too easy and simple.
Why and under what conditions did the peasant survive,
and why and under what conditions did he disappear ?
Five years ago Professor Ashley gave an important address
to the International Congress of Historical Studies in which
he collected the results of modern research on this subject.
Roughly speaking, we may say that there were everywhere
reasons of State for keeping a peasantry and reasons of class
interest for dissolving it. The reasons of State are clear
enough. There is an old saying : "Pauvres paysans, pauvre
royaume, pauvre royaume, pauvre rot." In the old statutes
against depopulation stress was laid on the military import-
ance of the peasant, and one of the charges brought against
engrossing landlords was that "the defence of this land
against our enemies outward is enfeebled and impaired."
Peace, defence, order, and taxation all demanded, in the
eyes of a provident English statesman of the sixteenth
century or a Continental ruler like Maria Theresa or Frederick
William III. of Prussia, that the peasantry should not be
torn from the soil. On the other hand, the reasons of class
interest are not less apparent, and in the eighteenth century
the landlord who wanted to add to his property had the
sanction of the economist not only in England, but in France,
for it is important to remember that McCuUoch was not
more hostile to peasant farming than Quesnai or Turgot,
and that the French Physiocrats were actually the pioneers
in preaching enclosure.
Now, the great difference between England and France was
the difference in the position of the aristocracy. In France
before the Revolution the noble was a courtier, where in
England he was a ruler. Consequently the actual Govern-
ment of France was not in the hands of the class whose
instincts of self-interest, reinforced by the teaching of the
economists, prompted enclosure. The French noble amused
himself at Versailles while the intendant administered the
countryside. The seigneur who resided on his estate had
become, in nine cases out of ten, a mere rent-receiver. When
the Revolution came the French peasants were, in the main,
customary tenants of one kind or another. The Revolution
released them from the dues and services — vexatious and,
in some cases, humiliating — under which they held their
land. In this respect, the Revolution put the peasant on
his feet. Further, a certain amount of the land that was
confiscated, though not the greater part, of course, came
into his hands. Meanwhile the Revolution set up a Central
Government, which had every motive for protecting the
property of the peasant, who was the natureil defender of
the new order against the danger of the restoration of the
ancient regime.
In Prussia
It used to be said that Stein and Hardenburg did for the
peasants in Prussia what the French Revolution did for the
peasant in France. This view is now discredited. The
French Revolution enfranchised the peasant, by a stroke of
the pen abolishing all feudal dues and obligations with the
enthusiastic approval of the liberal nobles. Stein and
Hardenburg enfranchised the Prussian peasant on much
harsher terms, for the peasants had to surrender from a
third to a half of their holdings to compensate their lords
for the loss of their labour services. Secondly, enfranchise-
ment in Prussia was limited to the larger holders ; the smaller
men, customary tenants and cotters, lost their footing as
completely as did the English labourer. Thus the legisla-
tion of Stein and Hardenburg reflects the power of a landlord
class, which was able, not indeed as in England, to do exactly
what it pleased, but to control legislation in its own interest.
In Bavaria, where the peasants were turned into proprietors
in the middle of the last century, there was no powerful
landlord class, because half the duchy had been in the hands
of ecclesiastical bodies down to the nineteenth century.
The peasants \yere consequently enfranchised on much
easier terms.
In England the serf disappears much earlier than on the
Continent, but the general conditions on which the mediaeval
village was finally rearranged were prescribed by an all-
powerful landlord class. Now, the landlord class saw no
conflict between the reasons of State and the reasons of
class interest. In their minds public policy and private
interest pointed the same way. Their power was absolute ;
strengthened, first, by the confiscation of the monasteries ;
secondly, by the Revolution of 1688 ; and, thirdly, by the
freedom of English social life from the strict superstitions
that made the French nobleman shrink from trade. The
English aristocracy was immensely more powerful just
because it was not a close aristocracy. And the English
landowner was not a hypocrite when he asserted that the
larger his estate, the more prosperous the nation. For the
Revolution of 1688 had consummated the process by which
the landlord class had become the Government, and he was
a very active, zealous, and self-confident ruler.
To thinkers like Burke it was an axiom that the govern-
ment of the landlord class was the greatest blessing that
could be bestowed on any people, and if Burke coyld have
guided the French Revolution he would have set up the
nobles as the successors to the rule of Versailles, and turned
the peasants into English labourers. If Burke thought this
an ideal system, the landlords were not to be blamed for
putting their own services to the nation pretty high, and for
thinking that the dispossession of the peasantry was not too
great a price to take in return. Thus the broad difference
between the course that agrarian history has taken here and
in the rest of Western Europe may be summarised. England
escaped from the abuses of mediaeval society long before the
Continent, but the classes that established ParUamentary
and Constitutional Government rewarded themselves by
using their power to dispossess the peasantry. Medievalism
survived on the Continent down to the nineteenth century in
some of its worst forms of personal oppression, but wfien it
disappeared the Revolution (outside Prussia) helped the
peasant instead of destroying him. If the English nobleman
had been a gay trifler Uke the French, he could never
have acquired the power that enabled him to make the
20
Land & Water
April 4, 19 1 8
great enclosures, and instead of the country gentleman,
an official like the intendant would have ruled the country-
side.
The struggle between the reasons of State and the reason
of class interest ceased when the State was merged in a class.
The effect is seen in comparing the enclosures of the eighteenth
century with those of the sixteenth. In the eighteenth
century it was assumed by the governing class that a process
which turned the mass of the villagers from men with rights
and property into mere wage-earners was a blessing to
civilisation. In the sixteenth century Governments still
kept something of the old fear of the social consequences of
enclosure. We have Acts of Parliament prohibiting the con-
version of arable to pasture, enacting that houses which have
decayed must be rebuilt, and forbidding the letting of
cottages to labourers with less than four acres of land
attached. We have a Royal Commission for checking
enclosures in the Midlands. A century later, Charles the
First actually annulled enclosures, and Cromwell's influence
in the Eastern Counties has been attributed by Professor
Firth to his championship of the commoners in the Fens.
There is nothing of this spirit in the proceedings of Parlia-
ment in the eighteenth century. There it is taken for
granted that the old common rights and common customs
are obsolete, and an encumbrance. The word most often
applied to them is barbarous, and it was argued that they
were more suitable to a Tartar State than to a modern and
civilised society. This was the view, it must be remem-
bered, not merely of the landowners themselves, but of the
thinkers and economists of the day.
Force of Ideas
If we want to know how a society will behave in any
circumstances we must know what is in men's minds. The
Industrial Revolution would have had quite different conse-
quences if the age in which its decisive phases occurred had
been under the influence of a different set of ideas. So with
the enclosures, and the Agrarian Revolution of which they are
the most striking feature. That revolution destroyed the
old common life of the village and changed the population
from men with rights and property of one kind or another
into landless wage-earners. It had fierce critics in Cobbett,
Sadler, and, after 1801, in Arthur Young. It was bitterly
hated by the poor, as anybody can see from chance allusions
in the novels of Fielding and Jane Austen, if his study of the
period has led him no further. But the dominant view was
that it was better for the nation that the man who worked
in tjie fields should be a wage-earner, entirely under the
power of the farmer, than that he should have any kind of
independence. Of course, the old common field system
needed reform, but it would have been possible to reform it
in such a way as to preserve the elements of independence in
the village population. Cobbett, Arthur Young, and the
great Lord Suffield, who took so large a part in the attacks
on the abuses of the prisons a century ago, presented schemes
for this purpose. If the changes necessary for making the
methods of agriculture more productive and scientific had
been guided by their ideas England would have retained a
peasant class. But those changes were carried out by men
who beUeved with the economist, cited at the beginning of
this article, that it was precisely because the men who tilled
the soil of France had rights as French peasants that France
was in danger of decay.
It is sometimes argued that England had to choose between
poverty culminating in famine and the loss of the peasant ;
tliat it was only by means of removing enclosures that the
country maintained itself during the long struggle with
France. But to the generation of the enclosures there was
no such reluctant and anxious dilemma. The loss of the
peasant seemed not a loss, but a gain. We caa see the prevail-
ing notions of the time in the debates in Parliament and in the
Reports to the Board of Agriculture whidi was established
in 1793, with Sir John Sinclair as President, and Arthur
Young as Secretary. Take, for example, the extract from
the Report on Somerset in 1795 : "The possession of a cow
or two, with a hog and a few geese, naturally exalts the
peasant, in his own conception, above his brethren in the
same rank of society. It inspires some degree of confidence
in a property, inadequate to his support. In sauntering
after his cattle he acquires a habit of indolence. Quarter,
half, and occasionally whole days are imperceptibly lost.
Day labour becomes disgusting ; the aversion increases by
indulgence ; and at length the sale of a half-fed calf or hog,
furnishes the means of adding intemperance to idleness."
The gentleman who reported in Shropshire put the case still
more plainly. "The use of common land by labourers
operates upon the mind as a sort of independence." He
went on to give as some of the advantages that would follow
the enclosing of the common, "the labourers will work every
day in the year, their children will be put out to labour
early, and the subordination of the lower ranks of society
which in the present time is so much wanted will be thereby
considerably secured."
With these ideas in the ascendant it was not likely that the
rights either of the individual peasant or of the village as a
peasant society would be too jealously safeguarded in the
process of enclosure. In point of fact, they were almost
wholly disregarded. Where enclosure was carried out by
Act of Parliament, procedure was by private Bill. Commis-
sioners were appointed to inquire into local rights and to
make the enclosure award. Only two interests were formally
and definitely protected in the Bill : the interest of the
Lord of the Manor and the interest of the tithe owner. The
inclividual proprietor and the individual commoner had to
make out his case as best he could, and the compensation he
received took the form very often of a small plot of land,
which was worthless when unaccompanied by rights of
pasture on a common. But, of course, in hundreds of cases
the small commoner could not make out a case at all. He
was uneducated, and of the rights that were at issue he knew
little except that as long as he could remember he had kept
a cow, driven geese across the waste, pulled his fuel out of
the brushwood, and cut turf from the common, and that his
father had done all these things before him. If Parliament,
the local commissioners, the landowners, and the lawyers
had all been full of the idea that a population with rights of
this kind was a better basis for building up a village society
than a population of men without land and without rights,
the enclosures 'would have been carried out in such a way as
to preserve this element in village life, while enlarging the
opportunities for production and the power of the improving
landowner to introduce the ideas of a Coke or a Bakewell.
But, as it happened, their heads were full of just the opposite
idea : the idea that the nation would be happier, as well as
richer, if the village labourer had to depend entirely on his
earnings from day to day.
This same belief gives the key to a momentous chapter in
English rural history. Towards the end of the century
there came two or three years of bad harvests and high
prices. The labourers, deprived of all their customary
means of livelihood, were in danger of starvation. Some of
the magistrates of the day proposed to establish a minimum
wage for agriculture, and a Bill with this object was intro-
duced by Samuel Whitbread into the House of Commons.
But the predominant opinion was hostile. Pitt opposed the
Bill, and the magistrates all over the country adopted as an
alternative the vicious system, generally known in history as
the Speenhamland system. Under this system a man's
wages were supplemented, according to a fixed scale, out of
the rates in proportion to the number of his children. The
system takes its name from a place, now part of Newbury,
where the Berkshire magistrates met in May 1795, in order
to fix wages. But when the meeting was held, the proposal
to fix wages, made by Charles Dundas, the M.P. for Berk-
shire, was rejected in favour of the fatal alternative. The
degrading and depressing effects of this policy are notorious,
and the reason for preferring to supplement wages out of the
rates rather than compel farmers to pay adequate vages
was the belief that the more dependent and helpless the
position of the labourer, the better for society. Men were
afraid of recognising any right or moral claim on the part
of the labourer, and they wanted to keep the atmosphere of
charity about him.
The agrarian problem, as Mr. Arthur Acland once pointed
out, has two aspects. Agriculture is an industry : the
system of life that depends on it is a civilisation. The great
English landowners who performed such signal services to
the nation in introducing improvements, and in making
agriculture an infinitely more productive industry, did not
lose sight of this truth. The chief argument for the form
that the enclosures took was the argument that the world
needed more food, and that these methods helped to satisfy
that need. But this was not the only argument. It was
believed that the concentration of social power produced in
itself a desirable civilisation, and that the view that there
was some virtue in a community of men enjoying a certain
economic independence was a sentimental superstition.
Now, we are at this moment supremely interested in the
problem that confronted our great grandfathers. We want
to increase production, and we also have our ideas of the
qualities that make a civilisation more or less desirable ; and
these ideas are not theirs. It will be interesting in a later
article to examine the effect of the ideas of that age on the
problem as we find it to-day, for the English village has lain
for a hundred years under the shadow of the eighteenth century.
April 4j 191 8
Land & Water
2r
Well=Known M.P. on "Pelmanism"
81 Admirals and Generals
nowr Enrolled.
75 ENROLMENTS IN ONE FIRM !
" Pelmanism" continues its extraordinary progress amongst
all classes and sections of the community.
To the many notable endorsements of the System which
have been already published there is now added an important
pronouncement by a well-known M.P. — Sir James Yoxall,
whose eminence, both as an educationist and as a Parlia-
mentarian, gives additional weight to his carefully con-
sidered opinion.
" The more I think about it," says Sir James Yoxall,
"the more I feel that Pelmanism is the name of soine>
' thins much required by myriads of people to-day."
He adds : " I suspected Pelmanism ; when it began to
be heard of I thought it was quackery.
" No^v I wish I had taken it up ^vhen I heard of it first."
This is verj' plain speaking ; but plain speech is the key-
note of the entire article. Thus one of the greatest national
authorities upon the subject of education adds his valuable
and independent testimony to that of the many distinguished
. men and women who have expressed their enthusiasm for
the new movement.
81 Admirals and Generals are now Pelmanists, and over
20,000 of all ranks of the Navy and Army. The leged and
medical professions are also displaying a quickened interest
in the System — indeed, every professional class and every
grade of business men and women are enrolling in increasingly
large numbers.
Several prominent firms have paid for the enrolment of eight,
ten, or a dozen members of their staffs, and one well-known
house has just arranged for the enrolment of 75 of the staff.
With such facts before him, every reader of Land & Water
should write to the address given below for a copy (gratis
and post free) of "Mind and Memory," in which the Pelman
Course is fully described and explained, together with a
special supplement dealing with " Pelmanism as an Intel-
lectual and Social Factor," and a full reprint of Truth's
remarkable Report on the work of the Pelman Institute.
A DOCTOR'S REMARKABLE
ADMISSION.
Fascination of the " Little Grey
Books."
Within the past few weeks several M.P.s, many members
of the aristocracy, and two Royal personages, as well as a
very large number of officers in H.M. Navy and Army,
have added their names to the Pelman registers.
One of the most interesting letters received lately comes
from a lady in the Midlands. Being 55 years of age and
being very delicate, she had her doubts as to whether she
should take a Pelman Course. She consulted her son, a
medical practitioner, who at first laughed at the idea, but
promised to make inquiries. The outcome was a letter in
which the Doctor wrote :
"'Pelmanism' has got hold of me. I have worked
through the first lesson and ... I am enthusiastic."
His experience tallies exactly with that of Sir James Yoxall,
M.P., Mr. George R. Sims, and a host of other professional
men (doctors, solicitors, barristers, etc.), who have admitted
that their initial scepticism was quickly changed into
enthusiasm.
"Truth's" Dictum.
Truth puts the whole matter in a nutshell in its famous
Report on the work of the Pelman Institute :
"Ths Pelman Course is . . . valuable to the well-
educated, and still more valuable to Xho half-educated
or the superficially educated. One might go much
farther and declare that the work of the Pelman Insti-
tute is of national importance, for there are fcw^
people indeed who would not find themselves men-
tally stronger, more efficient, and better equipped for
»ho battle of life by a course of Pelman training."
"delightful," "the finest mental recreation I have
Easily Followed by Post.
"Pelmanism' is not an occult science; it is free from
mysticism ; it is as sound, as sober, and as practical as the
most hard-headed, "common sense" business man could
desire. And as to its results, they follow with the same
certainty with which muscular development follows physical
exercise.
It is nowhere pretended, and the inquirer is nowhere led
to suppose, that the promised benefits are gained "magically,"
by learning certain formulae,' or by the cursory reading of
a printed book. The position is precisely the same, again,
as with physical culture. No sane person expects to develop
muscle by reading a book ; he knows he must practise the
physical exercises. Similarly, the Pelmanist knows he must
practise mental exercise.
" The Finest Mental Recreation."
"Exercises," in some ears, sound tedious ; but every
Pelmanist will bear out the statement that there is nothing
tedious or exacting about the Pelman exercises. Indeed, it
is no exaggeration to say that an overwhelming proportion
of Pelmanists describe the exercises as "fascinat-
ing,
known."
There are thousands of people of all classes who would
instantly enrol for a Pelman Course at any cost if they only
realised a tithe of the benefits accruing. Here again a
Pelmanist may be cited in evidence : — " If people only knew,"
he says, "the doors of the Institute would be literally besieged,
by eager applicants."
The Course is founded upon scientific facts ; that goes
without saying. But it presents those facts in a practical,
everyday fashion, which enables the student to apply, for
his own aims and purposes, those facts without "fagging"
at the hundreds of scientific works which he might otherwise
read without gaining a fraction of the practical in-
formation and guidance secured from a week's study of
Pelmanism.
A system which can evoke voluntary testimony from every
class of the community is well worth investigation. Who
can afford to hold aloof from a movement which is steadily
gaining the support of all the ambitious and progressive
elements in the Empire ? In two consecutive days recently
two M.P.s and a member of the Upper House enrolled.
Run through the current Pelman Register, and therein you
will find British Consuls, H.M. Judges, War Office, Admiralty,
and other Government Officials, University Graduates,
Students, Tutors, Headmasters, Scientists, Clergymen,
Architects, Doctors, Solicitors, Barristers, Authors, Editors,
Journalists, Artists, Actors, Accountants, Business Directors
and Managers, Bankers, Financiers, Peers, Peeresses, and
men and women of wealth and leisure, as well as Salesmen,
Clerks, Typists, Tradesmen, Engineers, Artisans, Farmers,
and others of the rank and file of the nation. If ever the
well-worn phrase, "from peer to peasant," had a real
meaning, it is when applied to Pelmanism.
Over 250,000 Men and Women.
The Pelman Course has already been followed by over
250,000 men and women. It is directed through the post,
and is simple to follow. It takes up very little time. It
involves no hard study. It can be practised anywhere, in
the trenches, in the office, in the train, in spare minutes
during the day. And yet in quite a short time it has the
effect of developing the mind, just as physical exercise
develops the muscles, of increasing your personal efficiency,
and thus doubling your all-round capacity and income-
earning power.
The improvement begins with the first lesson, and con-
tinues, increasingly, right up to the final les on of the course.
Individual instruction is given through the post, and the
student receives the utmost assistance from the large expert
staff of instructors at the Institute in solving particular
personal difficulties and problems.
"Pelmanism" is fully explained and described in "Mind
and Memory," ' which, with a copy of Truth's remarkable
report on the work of the Pelman Institute, will be sent,
gratis and post free, to any reader of Land & Water who
addressee Tlie Pelman Institute, 39, Wenham House,
Bloomsbury Street, London, W.C.i.
22
Land & Water
April 4, 191 8
Life and Letters Qj J. C Squire
Murders •
MR. H. B. Irving — a very fine lago one remem-
bers— has long beguiled his leisure with
criminal research, and his new Book of
Remarkable Criminals (Cassell, 7s. 6d.) is
his third or fourth work of the kind. He
tells here the stories of six famous criminals, and of four
pairs who worked in conjunction. One may regret that he
confined himself entirely here to persons who committed at
least one murder (for ingenious theft is delightful to read
about) ; and, if one is insular, ohc may be sorry that so many
of his criminals are French ones, moving in a milieu, and
speaking a language, which are not familiar to us. But his
Frenchmen are excellently selected, and his Anglo-Saxons,
include Peace, who was only incidentally a murderer, and
•who, indeed, lumself reaUsed at the close of his career that
his murders had been highly reprehensible. "My great
mistake, sir," he said to the clergyman who visited him in
the condemned cell, "and I can see it now as my end
approaches, has been this — in all my career, I have used
ball cartridge. I can see now that in using ball cartridge
1 did wrong. I ought' to have used blank cartridge ; then
I would not have taken life."
Charley Peace deserves the long chapter he gets. He has
claims to be considered the greatest of English criminals.
It is impossible to like him : he was of repulsive appearance
and a most monstrous egoist. But he had some qualities
on a heroic scale — courage, alertness, impudence, imagina-
tion. The man whose execution the English crowd deplored
and whose betraj'er they nicknamed "Traitress Sue" was
not the whole Charles Peace of real life, but the sly fox who
got out through the roof when tlie police were downstairs ;
who, in disguise, discussed his own crimes with interest
and reprehension ; who wandered about earning his Hving
as a fiddler under the noses of the authorities ; who lived for
two years in Streatham as a Christian old gentleman, enter-
taining the neighbours to charming musical evenings and,
at a later hour of the night, sallying out at the back door
with pony, cart, lantern, and crib-cracking tools to plunder
their houses — that, and the daring adventurer who, even
at the last, leapt out of the window of the train, and only
failed to escape his warders b\' breaking his leg. Before
him, all Mr. Irving's other criminals pale ; but one may
commend the philosophic Robert Butler (who said he had
modelled himself on Napoleon and Frederick the Great),
Professor Webster, and H. H. Holmes of America, a smug
fiend whose pertinacity and cunning were only equalled by
those of the man who ran him down. Webster was a Pro-
fessor of Chemistry at Harvard and a colleague of that quite
unimpeachable professor who wrote The Autocrat of the
Breakfast Table. He was a family man ; a fairly good
scientist ; benevolent-looking, sociable, spectacled, middle-
aged. Yet — and it is still uncertain whether the crime was
premeditated or the result of momentary exasperation — he
slew an old friend who had lent him money and discovered
him in trickery. And, having slain him, he cut him up
into small pieces, buried bits of him, burned other bits, and
worked for days at the job behind closed doors. Had.it not
been for the refusal of a fine set of teeth to be incinerated
he might never have Been condemned- though he would
certainly have been suspected. As for Holmes, he is a
remarkable example of how one thing leads to another.
His original intention was merely to swindle an insurance
company ; a thing that many people would consider as
only less venial than cheating a railway company. This led
him into murder. Having murdered one man, it became
necessary, in order to cover up his tracks,' to get rid of the
deceased person's family — six in number. He had disposed
of three when he was caught. Had he been given away by
nothing else, he would, to the percipient eye, have been
hopelessly betrayed by his protest to the bereaved mother :
"Surely you cannot think that I would murder innocent
children, especially without a motive." His story, Hke the
others, is told by Mr. Irving with commendable precision.
Tennyson once told Mr. Irving's father that he and Jowett
had sat up talking well into the small hours of the morning.
Asked what thej' were talking about, the poet said "murders."
Some people would affect to be shocked at this in Tennyson ;
though the same people would read Browning's The Ring
and the Book with interest and admiration merely because
the murder with which, and its concomitant circumstances,
the poem is wiiolly concerned took place some hundreds of
years ago, and is, consequently, history and not mere vulgar
crime. But one doubts whether there Ls a man alive who
lias not at least the inclination to read murder trials, however
much he may be ashamed of it. That this interest in murders
is not — as is sometimes hastily assumed — a dcl)ased craving
for mere blood is proved by the fact that ordinary straight-
forward murders in hot blood get no space in the news-
papers. What provoke men's curiosity are mysteries,
mysteries of motive or stratagem ; astute or daring plots ;
the unaccountable lapses of respectable citizens ; the opera-
tions of the mind in self-justification ; the battle of wits
between criminal and police. If a man, in a fit of sudden
temper, "takes a chopper to some one," and then kills him-
self or delivers himself up to the police, no sane person, out
of mere blood-lust, will read about him. The man we r6ad
about is he who, possessing fine qualities of courage or clever-
ness, endeavours to cover up his tracks ; the oddity who,
apparentlv normal, secretly poisons- his fellows wholesale.
We enjoy the adventures and the escapes — we even appre-
ciate good burglaries better than good murders because we
are spared the horrors — we are curious to know precisely
where it is that the criminal's mind differs from ours, and
we habitually, though often unconsciously, match our own
resourcefulness, in face of all the legal engines of civilisation,
with that of the man who has actually "done the job." For,
in the last resort, the murderer and the burglar, the daring
criminal and the desperate fugitive, have done in the flesh
things that we all do in our minds.
I do not suggest that there are no differences between
criminals as a class and ordinary people, though there are
a good many ordinary people among criminals and a good
many very wicked men who will never see the inside of a
jail, "and can often be found on the inside of a church. Some
of Mr. Irving's murderers were criminals owing to environ-
ment or an accident that might have happened to anyone ;
but some certainly committed their crimes because they
lacked some restraint, of reason, of morals, of human sym-
pathy, of pity, which in most of us keeps the murderous
impulse in check. But we all have the law-breaker in us,
even though our better, or our more calculating, selves keep
him permanently in a strait waistcoat. I do not believe
there is a man alive (always excepting the Archbishop of
Canterbury) who has never, sitting innocently in his chair
or lying peacefully in his bed, pictured himself committing
a crime and then trying to evade the consequences. Charles
Peace ? Jack the Ripper ? Why, they were merely the
projections of lines in our own mental diagrams I In
animosity we have played with the idea of getting rid of
our abominable private enemy or that politician whom we
regard as a Wight on the country ; and, still more often,
with our private passions totally disengaged, we 'hare played
crime as a game. . We also have fired the bullet through a
lighted window, tipped the man out of a train or over a
bridge, poisoned thousands in a quite undetectable way,
traded on our respectable reputations to burgle our neigh-
bours, blown up rails, soaked straw with paraffin, hidden
in the house in Belgrave Square, burrowed long tunnels
under banks, broken jewellers' windows and bolted. We
also have passed ir/ twenty towns under twenty names,
Hke H. H. Holmes, played the suburban philanthropist and
music-lover like Peace, shaved and grown beards, had secret
dug-outs, hidden suits of clothes, obtained our revolvers,
poisons, and notepaper from places which would give no
clue. Yes, above all, we have avoided those absurd clues.
We never wear shirts spattered with little rusty spots which
"prove, on examination under the microscope, to be human
blood." We never carry compromising papers, leave our
laundry-marks about, repeat ourselves, overreach ourselves,
rashly confide in fellow-criminals, turn pale at inconvenient
moments, or lose our nerve when a policeman accosts us, or
publicly threaten to "do somebody in." We do what we
like. Our victims are an easy prey. Our lairs are crammed
with diamonds, gold watches, bullion, petrol, margarine,
sugar, and matches. We go on for ever and are never caught.
That is where we differ from the ordinary criminal. But we
are close enough to take an interest in him ; and an5'one
who reads Mr. Irving's bodk will find it fascinating.
April II, 19 1 8
Supplement to Land & Water
IX
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Supplement to Land Sc Water
April
1 I
1918
Personality in Dress
" Lista " Shirts and Pyjama* reflect
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Others in Silver - from £2 15 s.
Gold, from £6 10s.
Military Badge Brooches.
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Prices on Application.
Sketches sent for approval.
OLD BOND ST., W.l.
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THE "FORTMASON" MARCHING BOOT
is very strong, and fib. liahter than any similar boot. Special wear-resisting soles.
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LAND &W ATER
Vol. LXXI. No. 2918. [v»|rR] THURSDAY, APRIL II, 1918 [F°i?;fs^TpE*l] 'p^?c"i^JJfSE^p¥i?^S
:»t^\t0u.
Official Photo
The King's Visit to France
His Majesty talks to a Highlander just back from the Battle
Land & Water
April II, 19 18
April II, 191 8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN 2818.
THURSDAY, APRIL ii, 1918.
Contents
PAGE
I
The King's Visit to France. (Photograph)
Pozieres. (Illustration.) Bv Captain Handley-Read 2
The Outlook " 3
The Continued Battle. By Hilaire Belloc 4
A New German Port. By Arthur Pollen 9
Good Friday, 1918. Bv Raemaekers 10 and 11
Mr. Wilson's Great Stroke. By Arthur Pollen 12
German Plots Exposed. By French Strother 13
The Petitot Snuff-Box. By G. C, Williamson 16
Our Band. By Etienne 17
Mr. Asquith as Author. B\- J. C. Squire 19
Motor Tractors in Agriculture. By H 20
Domestic Economy 24
Notes on Kit xi
The Outlook
AT the beginning of the first week of this month
the enemy's main attack was held by the in-
creasing resistance of the Allies as portions of
the French Reserves came up. But in two
great attacks whic'h followed during the course
of that week, and the last and most severe of which was last
Thursday, the enemy still continued his vast expenditure in
men with the clear object of creating a nipture in the line
as soon as possible. In the course of these efforts the
Germans occupied the western or left bank of the Avre, and
finally reached the point where the brook Luce falls into
that river, thus occupying new ground in the shape of a
crescent about twelve miles long and rather more than a
couple of miles deep at the deepest point.
TTiis movement brings the most advanced German posts
to within three miles of the main railway between Amiens
and Paris, which they have already had under distant fire
for a long time, and, at Castel, to about nine miles from the
heart of Amiens. But the coSt of the effort continues to be
enormous, the German losses to date being at least a third
of a million men and probably more — 60 per cent, of their
whole annual revenue in recruitment. The Allies still stand
upon the defensive, and a rough rule governing the situation
is to regard that defensive as about half the strength of the
offensive which it is for the moment holding, and creating in
, the offensive losses about double that which itself suffers.
• • •
The lesser military incidents of the week include the con-
tinued bombardment of Paris by the long-range guns which
the enemy has established between La Ffere and Laon, which
have caused a few casualties in the course of the week, but
nothing seriously disturbing the life of the city. Unfor-
tunately, among the victims was a niece of Mr. Sargent, the
painter whose unique position in this country is familiar to all.
This young lady was the widow of a French officer already
fallen in this war.
Apart from the main attack ujwn the junction between
the French and British armies, strong pressure was exercised
by the Germans just south of Albert, with the result that
they gained a further narrow strip on the high ground beyond
the Ancrc River ; but considerable efforts made further to
the south again, between this point and the Somme, broke
down with serious losses.
The German Press continues almost unanimously to pro-
phesy immediate victory as the result of the present action,
and the attitude of the Socialist organs is worthy of special
attention , These surpass their rivals in their certitude of
the imminence of a complete military success and in their
support of the policy now leading to it. There has been no
more conspicuous change of tone in Europe than this new
attitude of the German Socialists, unless it be the converse
change which has taken place in this country since the
enemy showed his hand a couple of weeks ago.
• • • '
Never since the war began has British public opinion
ijcen more averse from a "negotiated peace" than it is at
present. It is not only the battle now being fought so
sternly in Picardy that is accountable for this healthier
state of feeling. The Lichnowsky memorandum has knocked
the bottom out of the favourite argument of the Pacifist
that this country in some mysterious way was responsible,
at least in part, for the war ; also recent events in Russia,
Finland, and Rumania have conclusively established the
kind of treatment any nation may anticipate which is willing
to conclude a German peace.
The Government in carrying into effect its new Man-
power Bill will bo met more than half-way both in the House
and the country. The proposals are far-reaching, and
Ireland is at last to have conscription ; but before it is
enforced, a new Home Rule Bill is to be passed. It will
be interesting to watch the welcome now accorded to Home
Rule 1iy the various Irish sections.
# » ♦
April 6th will always be hailed as a festal day in the United
States. It is the date on which America entered the war,
and the first anniversary was fitly celebrated in London by a
luncheon given by the Lord Mayor of London at the Mansion
House last Saturday. A distinguished company had been
invited to listen to the speeches of Mr. Balfour and the
American Ambassador. Mr. Page made a deep impression
by following up his remark that "his countrymen were
aroused and united as they were never united and aroused
before," with the observation : "To no previous war did we
give our unanimous approval. Neither Washington nor
Lincoln had all the people behind him. Such unanimity as
President Wilson has is a new fact in our history. It took
the boundless and barbarous ambition of Germany to bring
this about."
Mr. Page also put into memorable words the task that
still lies before the Allies : " No nation that helps to stay this
plague will ever outlive the glory of its achievement nor the
thanks of succeeding generations." And on this same day
Mr. Wilson delivered at Baltimore yet another of those
speeches that will pass into history. According to the Reuter
report, it concluded with the following sentences, to which
it is impossible to give too wide publicity :
Germany has' once more said that force and force alone shall
decide whether justice and peace shall reign in the affairs of men,
whether right as 'America conceives it, or dominion as she con-
ceives it, shall determine the destinies of mankind; There is,
therefore, but one response possible from us — force, force to the
utmost, force without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant
force which shall make right the law of the world and cast erery
selfish dominion down in the dust.
• * *
Mr. Balfour did well to differentiate clearly between /the
speeches and the acts of the enemy. It is a favourite German
trick to endeavour to fog us with words, and it is one for
which the rulers of Germany have some justification in that
in this manner they undoubtedly did deceive us in the past.
All their careful war preparations were made behind a cloak
of protestations of desire for peace and for friendly relations
with their neighbours ; their endeavours to estrange the
Allies have always been undertaken by verbal protests of
respect first for this one and then for the other of their
adversaries, and, like the drowning man, they still cling to
the straw that though might fails them and their armies are
defeated in the field, they will secure victory at the last
either by tongue or pen. Therefore, Alhed statesmen cannot
be too precise and emphatic in their references to Teuton
hypocrisy.
Mr. Balfour drew attention to the methods Germany is
employing to secure self-determination in her own favour.
"Is it not a very simple plan, either by massacre or other-
wise, to change the character of a population ? That sounds
almost incredible in its brutality. It has been done. It is
being done. And it is proposed to be done at the very
moment at which I am speaking, under the a?gis of those
civilised nations Germany and Austria." These are plain words.
And to drive them home, the Foreign Secretary told what
was not generally known before : that Rumania's alternative
to accepting Germany's terms of peace was her destruction
as a nation, her dominions to be equally divided between
Hungary and Bulgaria.
» « »
The Prime Minister would be well advised to break himself
of the habit of uttering words in order to galvanise liis audi-
ences. He has confessed it was the real reason for his Paris
speech which gave rise to regrettable misunderetandings, and
we conclude it is also the origin for the final sentence of his
April 6th message to the Lord Mayor of London : "During
the next few weeks America will give the Prussian military
junta the surprise of their hves." It would be wiser and
so much more dignified were these "surprises" only spoken
about after accomplishment. Experience warns us that the
anticipated "surprise" is usually a frost.
Land Sc Water
April II, I 91 8
British Line
TTreiicA L>ute
10
^
WMUis^
Area, occupied uiJu'st^S <Jays
' Area occupied ui succcedui^ S days
Two Phases of the Great Battle
April II, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
The Continued Battle : By Hilaire Belloc
THE strategical object of the enemy in this very
rapid and, to him, intensely expensive and
presumably final gamble, is to separate the
French and EngUsh armies.
What advantage has a general in separating
two fractions of an enemy numerically equal or even numeri-
cally superior ? He has the advantage that his army remains
one organism while his enemy becomes two organisms, and the
effect is vastly increased when the two halves thus separated
are dissimilar and under distinct commands. Two divided
halves are obviously weaker than one whole, for the one
whole can operate with single and immediate determination,
possessing full initiative after its success, and able at will
to expend a minimum force in defending itself against one
half of the defeated body, and a m^aximum effprt against
destroying the other half. The united whole is in this military
sense much greater than the two separate parts. That is
why any rupture in any line, since first human beings began
to deploy and to fight with method in large organised bodies,
has been immensely to the advantage of the offensive creating
the rupture. That is why, to take the classical modem
instance. Napoleon, in the Campaign of Waterloo, struck for
and all but effected (but failed completely to effect) a rupture
between the two halves of his opponents, Wellington on the
left and Blucher on the right, who were considerably superior
in combination to his own forces.
The enemy's first plan, as we know, was to effect a rupture
between French and British somewhere between Cambrai
and the Oise, that is in the sectors of St. Quentin and (or)
Cambrai. Had he succeeded immediately he could have
stood upon the defensive towards his left against the French
with very small forces. For he would have had two advan-
tages. First : Doing the thing at once he would have some
days of grace before the French could possibly concentrate
against him ; secondly, he would have had, protecting that
left flank of his, the broad and very difficult obstacle of
the marshy Oise Valley. He would therefore have had
very nearly the whole of his forces free to roll up the British
line, upon the flank and rear of which he would have
debouched through the gap.
He sUpped upon the threshold ; because the British
resistance upon the first day, notably the magnificent organ-
isation and fighting power of the Third Army, held him up
with cruel losses from the Cambrai salient all the way to
the hinge at Arras. PJaving slipped upon the threshold,
he none the less did what he wanted to do — but thirty-six
hours later than his time-table- — in the break through west
of St. Quentin upon the sector of Holnon. That thirty-six
hours made a great difference, for it permitted several days
later what has been called "the shepherding" of the German
push slightly northward of west from the heights just beyond
Noyon. This important manoeuvre we know now to have
been the work of General Fayolle when he came up just in
time, though as yet necessarily in small force, with French
troops to begin the taking over of the right of the British hne.
Result of Retirement
This "shepherding" from Noyon, coupled with the main-
tenance of the British line intact as it retired, pivoting
upon Arras, gave the battle front at last that peculiar fomi
of a great right-angled triangle with its apex near Montdidier,
which all have remarked, and which created, in spite of
the enemy and vastly to -his disadvantage, a big open
improtected flank of over twenty miles between Noyon and
Montdidier, upon which flank in the succeeding days the
French had time to concentrate. The French meanwhile
rapidly took over not only the new open southern side of
the triangle — that between Noyon and Montdidier — but also
a portion of the western side of the triangle, where they re-
placed the losses of the British Fifth Army, from the neighbour-
hood of Montdidier to the stream of the Luce, 12 miles away
to the north. The enemy's main object was still (after
more than a week's fighting, and losses in the neighbourhood
of 300,000 — say one-third of the vast masses he had already
thrown in) to effect his breach between the British and
the French armies. He had to make the attempt now uader
more difficult conditions than at first because he had tliis
open flank threatening him upon the south, but the forcing
of a gap still remained the grand end to which all his actions
were directed. The cutting of the main railway between
Amiens and Paris, the occupation of Amiens itself, were
still subservient to this main obvious and, as he hoped
and hopes, decisive object : The separation of the Frenct
from the Bri,tish forces.
That is the whole of the battle. It is on this accoun:
that he had been attacking, under conditions which arevirtuallA
those of open warfare, without as yet full support from hi^
heavy artillery, with continued immense losses, and always
between Montdidier and the Somme — that is, up6n the sector
where the British and the French armies join.
The whole first week of April was proof that the enemy
in spite of the grave risk which will be presented by his open
southern flank if he does not rapidly obtain a decision, and
in spite of losses at three times the rate he has ever risked
over so long a period in the past, and in spite of the faci
that those losses are coming at the end of his national
exhaustion in men, still thinks it worth while so to act in
such^ situation because he beheves that he can get through
and separate the British armies from their French Allies.
We have here one of those rare cases in the preseat war
where the map alone is sufficient to tell the whole tale.
The Present Enemy Thrust
If the reader will look at Map i, with its contrast between
the line at the end of the 9th day of fighting — Easter Eye —
with the line at the end of the 17th day (last Saturday
April 6th, the dispatches sent on which day are the latest
available for this article), he will appreciate that the great
rush after the enemy's momentous success just west of
St. Quentin was stopped roughly upon the line River Ancre-
Moreuil-River Avre-Brook of Doms-Montdidier. But he
will further note that since what General Foch has called
"the Dam" was built up against him his great weight of
effort has been to break down that dam upon one sector.
and this sector precisely that upon which the French and British
armies meet. There is clearly apparent upon Sketch i the
shaded "dent" which he has made during the first week of
April, and that dent is as clearly the continuation of his
effort to separate the two armies. To make this small
advance, he threw in — and thought it well worth while to
throw in — at least twenty divisions, first and last, including
fresh material. He fought two actions of the utmost vio-
lence, the first putting him on the west bank of the Avre
but still leaving him east of Moreuil ; the second, upwn
Thursday and the end of the week giving him the marshy
low-lying land between the Avre and the Luce, Moreuil and
its wood, and the heights upon which that wood stands,
and, as a furthest point, the ruins of Castel.
In other words, before he began this violent second effort
of his in the first week of April, he was six miles from the
Amiens railway at his nearest point and 12 miles from the
centre of Amiens town. At the end of it he had an advantage
of >hree miles more. He was only nine miles from Amiens
town and only three from the railway track. But it is not
his approach to the railway (which can be supplemented by
the main western line from Beauvais as well as by the single
line in between), nor even his approach to Amiens, exceed-
ingly important as that point is, which is the measure of his
object or of his nearness to realising that object. The motive
of this slight advance is ultimate penetration between the
British and the French. If he fails to make such a gap.
even by further advance, he has failed altogether. If he
makes it even after a slight further advance he has succeeded.
The tremendous movement after St. Quentin was a conse-
quence of the break at Holnon ; but the test of whether
Holnon would break was not the rate of advance imme-
diately before the break. The vast affair in Italy last
autumn was due to the break at Caparetto ; but no previous
advance heralded that break.
We postulate, then, as giving its whole meaning to the
present situation, that the enemy is deliberately risking a
bad strategic situation with arKT5pen flank, and is deliberately
risking immense losses in his last stage of national exhaus-
tion, because that open flank will cease to count, and those
losses can in his estimation be afforded if, before it is too
late, he breaks the link between the two Allied armies.
We have next to ask ourselves what total of loss — irrepar-
able in so short a time — would decide the issue against him
should he find himself at that loss without having achieved
his end.
At what does he estimate that maximum loss up to which
he is prepared to go before he must admit that he has lost ?
Land & Water
April II, I 9 1 8
Any answer must be vague ; but we may say perhaps 600,000
men. That is, some double of wliat he had lost in the first
nine or ten days. He is clearly dctennined to do the thing
at once or not at all. I-'or reasons which he can gauge better
than we can, which are mainly political and concerned with
his condition at home, he is all out to win or lose. With
his dangerously exposed southern flank he musl do the thing
(^uicldy or not at all. If he can do it, whatever immense
losses he has budgeted for will be worth his while. That is
the situation.
Should he effect the rupture, he envisages this state of
affairs :
Obstacle of the Somme Valley
Below Amiens runs an obstacle which is among the chief
in all North-Western Continental Europe, and which has
played its part again and again in the wars of the last two
y thousand years. This obstacle is the Lower Valley of the
Somme, which is a mass of ponds and backwaters far more
formidable even than the Valley of the Oise. Upon this he
could count for keeping his flank towards the French while
he rapidly advanced upon the isolated British forces.
Holding Abbeville, which he might regard as the con-
sequehce of the rupture following immediijitely after his
entry into Amiens, he w(mld have the old Noyon-Oise condi-
tions reproduced on a vastly larger scale. The Somme
Valley, a far more formidable obstacle than the Oise, would
protect his left flank. He would have cut off all the remain-
ing British forces not only from their French allies, but from
most of their great ports of supply and innumerable other
au.xiliary aids. A rhetorician would say that he would have
tfae Alliance at his mercy. A sober critic would say with
justice that he had at least achieved his end for the time
being, whatever future surprises this incalculably great
campaign of the world might have in store against him.
For he would have half the Western forces cut off and backed
against the Channel, nearly all his own free to crush that
lialf, and the balancing new force, the American Army, not
\'et in the field in any decisive strength.
There, then, is the plan, still pursued ; missed in its first
and easiest form, but continued in its later and more difficult
form because the prize is so great and the crisis so near that
the enemy thinks it worth the immensely increased and
rapidly increasing risk he runs from the shape of his front
and from his outrageously rapid loss. What we have to
watch is his real approach — not only in ground, but in ground
as measured in loss of men ; not only in advance, but in
advance as threatened by his open flank — towards a separa-
tion between the French and the British.
We do not know, and he does not know, how far the situa-
tion has already called up the Allied reserves. The reason
we do not know is that no one ought to know this, lest it
should dribble through to him. But remember, before any
rash judgment is formed one way or the other, that this
unknown factor is the kev.
The three grea^ factors of the battle are the maintenance
•>i the junction between the British and the French, the
strength and use of the Allied reserves, and the rate of enemy
exhaustion.
The first we have dealt with. It is still intact ; the conse-
quences of its rupture we have noted, and to produce that
rupture is the main object of the enemy. The second is
very properly denied to all students of the situation, and
must not be touched upon at all. But with regard to the
third, which is co-equal in importance to the other two, we
are now beginning to have serious and even detailed informa-
tion. To that I shall therefore now turn.
Rate of Enemy Loss
1 1 we knew exactly the rate of German loss and its extent
to date we would, subject to the necessary silence upon tlic
use of Allied reserves, be almost able to give a curve of the
battle and of its future chances. There is nothing known
yet, of course, sufficient for this ; but what is already known
}X)ints to a general conclusion of some moment. That con-
'lasion is : That the enemy threw in about 61 divisions
during the first nine days, increased them to 64 on the tenth,
and to over <So during the violent blow at the French right
and the junction of the armies just after, and to mnre than
S6-^riiaps go— by the fifteenth day, Tlmrsdav tiie 4t!i of
April, when he captured Moreuil and Castel. Of this vast
force he has of all arms lost perhaps a third. He can continue
but not double the effort and the consequent loss— and
all this vast expenditure is proof that the enemy is determined
upon an extremelyrapid decision.ithat is, upon a gamble against
time, and our knowledge that he is so risking loss will be
confirmed by an examination of the figures we are about to
give.
The figures are based upon the examination of prisoners
and, occasionally, upon captured documents. They are
separate altogether from vague estimates based upon a view
of particular parts of the field or the number and observed
effects of attacks behind the enemy's line from the air. They
deal only with precise information which can be checked.
We must remember that in a defensive action the first phase
of which is a rapid, difficult, and very expensive retirement,
the proportion of enemy prisoners taken is small and the
information correspondingly insufficient.
In the fifteen days' fightinf which had elapsed up to the
morning of Friday, Ajiril 5th, 21 divisions of the enemy
had furnished details available for publication in the judgment
of the British Command. The enemy had by that time
thrown in rather more than 80 divisions, of which a certain
proportion had come in against the French. We may say.
then, that we have at the time of writing various items
of information, items of very different values, upon enemy
lo.sses in about a third of the enemy's divisions engaged against
the British.
Next let us note that the losses ascertained regarded,
for the most part, not the Whole period of fifteen days, but
only the first eight or ten.
This proportion of units dealt with, one-third, is sufficient to
serve as a sample for the whole, but it is not ample. This reserve
also must be made : That prisoners and documents captured
usually come from units which have been specially heavily
engaged. They do not always come from such units, but
in most cases they are provided by a body of men which
has got far forward, fought very hard, has then suffered a
check, has been beaten back, and has therefore probably
lost more than the average of the whole lump. I say this is
generally the case. That there are exceptions and many
exceptions is exddent : For instance, you may capture
prisoners from a single enemy company that has got into
difficulties. Those prisoners may give you information with
regard to something that happened to their whole division
many days before, when it was not suffering exceptional
losses. But as a^rule the information on enemy losses comes
to the defensive, and especially to the retiring force, from
enemy units which have suffered somewhat beyond the average.
It is important to make this proviso.
The 21 divisions on which we have information are as
follows :
( The I2th Division
I The Guards Erzatz Division
rThe 119th Division
JThe 1st Division
^The 13th Division
The 45th Division
The 5th Division
The 88th Division
j The 20th Division
Oi
m
2 6-
do
<u "^
Is
§1
a
The 208th Division
The 6th Division 1^
The 125th Division
The 1st Bavarian Division
o g ^The 4th Division
7! Q
M.M o
^.a
The 50th Reserve Division
The 239th Division
The 26th Division
5 ^The 41st Division
The 3rd Division of the Guards
The i6th Bavarian Division
The 1st Guards Reserve Division
They fall into two groups. There are those concerning
which we have information of the suffering of the division as
a whole, and those on which we have information, highly
detailed indeed, but referring only to certain units of the
division.
The former of these categories is the largest. It deals
with 13 out of the 21. The latter deals with only eight.
In other words, we have divisional information, though often
it is only of a general kind, upon rather less than two-thirds
of our subject covering the average losses of the divisions as
a whole. The more detailed evidence which gives you
accurate figures for small portions, which confirms doubtful
points, but upon wliich it is more difficult to build large
conclusions, deals with more than one-third of the formations
mentioned. We may therefore say with justice that we get
our only good view of the general losses from two-thirds of
the material examined, which is but a fifth or sixth of the whole,
while certain fragmentary information concerning another
tenth supports us in our conclusion by detailed examples.
April
1 1
191 8
Land & Water
The 13 divisions of the first category (that which deals
with divisions as a whole) are as follows :
(The 1 2th Division
I The Guards Erzatz Division
rThe 119th Division
1 The ist Division
The 13th Division
The 45th Division
The 5th Division
The 8Sth Division
The 20th Division
(The 208th Division
The 6th Division
The 125th Division
The ist Bavarian Division
These 13 divisions on which we have general iijformation
pro\'ide that information in three separate groups — the first
two showing the lightest losses, the next three heavier losses,
the last eight very heavy losses indeed.
We have first the two standing at the head— ;-the 12th
Division and the Guards Erzatz.
These two betray a loss of 25 per cent, in the first week's
fighting. Considering the nature of the fighting, its pro-
longation and the fact that these units were at work all
through, that figure is low. Moreover, in the case of the
I2th Division, it is accounted for largely, such as it is, by the
very heavy losses of the 62nd Regiment, which was caught
in its advance along the Arras-Cambrai road, early in the
battle, and lost 800 men apparently at one blow.
The three next divisions — the 119th, the ist, and the
13th — form the next group, which is that upon which we have
•btained — not true di\-isional figures — but the average remain-
ing strength of many individual companies after a week's
fighting. We apparently have no divisional documents or
information from prisoners upon these divisions from staff
reports, but have found a fairly uniform return for company
strength by examination of prisoners ; and in these divisions
the companies examined fell to numbers varying from far
below to just over one-half their original strength during the
irst week's fighting.
Heaviest Losses
The lemaining 8 divisions — much the largest group in the
whole category of 13 — not only furnish information upon
divisional losses as a whole, but show an extraordinarily
high proportion of such losses.
The 45th Division lost 50 per cent, in the first day's fight-
ing ; at what point in the line we are not told, but presumably
upon the north.
The 5th Division is that same Brandenburg Division which
has been re-formed over and over again since it was so cruelly
butchered in front of Verdun two years ago. Its tradition
remains, and it is one of the best divisions in the
German Army. It was thrown in to try to stop that
"shepherding movement" of which I spoke when the
German flood was deflected westward from Noyon. It was
therefore specially heavily tried. It lost 50 per cent, at
Ham and more at the crossing of the Somme River
immediately after.
The 88th Division lost 30 per cent, on the first day's fighting
against the English and 40 per cent, of the remainder in the
fighting against the French on the 29th at Meziferes. The
total losses, therefore, in nine days reduced it by nearly
60 per cent. It would seem that this division was one of
those withdrawn after the first day's ordeal and put in again
later, after a short rest. It may have been exceptionally
unlucky. •
The 20th Division lost in the week half its strength, and
suffered especially heavily in officers. The 208th lost more
than two-thirds of its strength.
The 6th (another Brandenburg Division, memorable in the
attacks at Vaux in 1916) and the 125th suffered a total loss
of Ihree-quarlers.
Sucli an enormous proportion of loss for such large units
will be questioned by many. It is difficult to see how any
organisation could remain after punishment of this sort,
though, of course, smaller units do not come under the same
criticism. But we must accept the evidence given us ; and
we may be certain that it has been carefully controlled,
co-ordinated, and checked.
The 1st Bavarian seems to have suffered in much the same
proportion, though the figures are less precise.
Of these tremendously heavy losses in the worst tried of
the enemy's divisions during the week, we have corrobora-
tion in a special instance taken from the second category of
evidence, that of small units, to which I now turn.
The eight divisions which provide details of this sort
— that is, details about special units only — are :
The 4th Division (also an elite which did very hca\^'
' work at Verdun two years ago)
The 50th Reserve Division ,
The 239th Division
The 26th Division
The 41st Division
The 3rd Division of the Guards
The i6th Bavarian Division
The 1st Guards Reserve Division.
These eight divisions provide very different types ot
information, but the first mentioned of them, the 4th Division,
helps us, as I have said, to understand how some divisions
have actually lost three-quarters of their total numbers.
For we have in the case of this unit very precise details
upon the fate of the ist Battalion of the 140th Regiment.
The four companies of this battalion would, at their
full establishment count 250 men each. Even if we allow
only 250 men to have been actually present in the battle
in each company, the losses (which have been ©btained
with absolute precision from a captured document) are amazing
and they all took place in the first day's fighting. At the end
of that day the ist company had 35 men left ; the second
company 16 ; the third 26; and the 4th 17 — with an even
heavier corresponding loss in officers and n^n-commissioned
officers. In other words, at the end wf the first day, se far
as this battalion was concerned, less than •ne-tenth of its
full establishment remained unwounded, and even if that
'SritUkLine
Arax occupcecffy-Oieiays Oi/nznx ^w7'
establislmient was reduced, as most of the German establish-
ments now are, the killed and wounded were still seven-eighths
of the whole !
In the 50th Reserve Division we get something of the same
sort, though the details are less precise. It would seem that
the remnants of whole regiments had to be reorganised
together, and we have evidence of one company completely
annihilated.
In the 239th Division two regiments lost 30 per cent
to 50 per cent.
Of the 26th Reserve Division and the 41st Division we
have such fragmentary evidence as that in tlie first case
a whole company were annihilated ; in the second that one
battalion lost just under half its officers apparently, in a
single day.
The i6th Bavarian gives, in certain unnamed regiments,
a loss of 25 per cent. only. Of the 3rd Division of the Guards
we have company details only showing losses of 40 per cent.
Lastly, we have the curiously minute evidence from a
fraction of the ist Guards Reserve Division. It concerns
only a single battalion of the 64th Reserve Regiment, but
it is absolutely complete. This battalion was engaged in
the fighting for Bapaume, astraddle of the great high road
from 13apaume to Cambrai, and was reduced in the tremendous
struggle for Bapaume from a full nominal establishment
of a thousand) which can hardly liave been much less than
an actual 800 men) to only 80 unwounded at the end of the
day ! It called for a draft, and could only receive 150 men,
bringing it up again to 230, at which strength it stood in
8
Land & Water
April II, 1 9 1 8
Bapaume ruins when these were reached. But a day or
two later, when next information could be obtained, that
remnant had again falleii by nearly half : There were 120
men left.
Summary of Evidence
Now if we put all this evidence together what we arrive
at is this : —
The best divisions were used early and used hard : Guards,
Brandenburg, etc. The least tried divisions on which we
can get information lost only a quarter of their men — but
these are but a tenth of those examined. A next and larger
batch lost one-half or something approaching one-half. The
largest batch of all, the great majority of the divisions analysed,
had enormous losses passing from one-half to two-thirds,
and even, in the case of three of them, up to three-quarters.
While fragmentary but highly detailed and complete evidence
with regard to units smaller than divisions, from companies
to battalions, show us that these very high figures are credible
for the divisions as a whole.
.\llowing, as we must, that most of the evidence comes
from the more sorely tried bodies and that the average is
brought down sharply by the bodies that came in latpr,
or which were not concerned in the worst parts of the fighting,
we are certain that in the first nine days or so, a third, at least,
of the forces thrown in were hit. The evidence would warrant
lis putting it higher and saying nearly one-half, but one refrains
from so high a figure because it would surely mean a dis-
organisation on the enemy's side which his continued offensive
does not support. If we say of the first nine days somewhat
over a third for the units thrown in during those first nine
ciays — if we think in terms of well under 40 per cent., but
more than 34 per cent. — I think we are on the right lines.
I see it suggested by the field-correspondents (who write
with direct and quasi-official information before them) that
we may reckon «n more than three thousand, but not more
:han four thousand losses to the division. The latter figure
would certainly be exceedingly high, yet it may, when we
aave full evidence, prove true. In any case, we have now
:onfirmed by ample figures the first rough guess of a toll
Taken out of the enemy's material for action ; it comes to
something certainly not far short of 300,000 men, and
possibly over 350,000, up to a period more than ten days
before these lines will be in the hands of the public.
This is a rate of exhaustion the like of which has not
appeared in any other fighting, even of this war. It helps to
explain the continued AUied defensive ; it illuminates a
phrase whic}\ has been used upon the French front, and
which -I have heard quoted: "Patience: They have still
many more divisions to pass in front of our machine-guns."
Numerical Position
We must recall at this point that foundation of all miUtary
judgment which has' been somewhat obscure during the
last few months, the numerical position of the enemy.
• We have far less data upon which to base it now than we
aad a year ago. There has been no loss upon the Eastern
front for very many months. What is worse, there has
i>een no serious information from the Eastern front. The
enemy has stopped giving us even those belated and wilfully
lessened figures of losses which for nearly three years afforded
in excellent check upon other forms of calculation.
Nevertheless, our knowledge of the situation as it stood a
year ago, the known rate of German recruitment, and the
Known or nearly known position of his present establishment,
coupled with some guess at his losses during last summer
ind autumn in Flanders, are sufficient to convince us, even if
the enemy's movements were not there to prove it, that he
IS now staking everything. What he may call up from his
.\Uies, as we shall show in a moment, is hardly significant
to the struggle.
The total German losses at the end of 1915— that is, after
17 months of war, and counting as dead all those who had
died after ever being upon the ration strength of that service
m any form since the beginning of the war — was approxi-
mately one milUon. After the further lapse of an equal
space of time, after another 17 months — that is, at the end
of the 34th month of the war, by May, 1917 — in spite of the
very heavy losses sUffered under the recent English and
French offensive^ of Arras and Champagne, his losses in
dead were not 'doubled. In other words, the total late of
loss had slightly slackened, the reason being that he had had
prolonged repose upon the Eastern front during the break-up
of Russia. He had not quite two million dead at this moment.
He had more than a million and three-quarters.'* He had
* Sli or seven weeks earlier the au(tioritte9 la Germaay were admituag one and a half
million dead to the American Ambassador ia Berlia, but still giving under oa« raiUioo
In their otJQcial lists.
perhaps more than 1,800,000, but wo may doubt whether he
had i,goo,ooo. In the lest 12 months the rate again
slackened. The last Russian effort was short, and broke
down, and his main losses were due to the heavy fighting in
Flanders under the pressure of the British and his own
pressure exercised earlier for many weeks on the Chemin
des Dames in front of Laon. On the other hand, the effect
of time and of the blockade was being felt ; losses from
sickness were going up and old cases were dropping off,
many of them after discharge to civilian life. Meanwhile,
he had a regular annual recruitment of just on half a milhon,
and had called up every available lad, including, at the
end of last year, class 1920. He stood before the present
offensive with a ration strength of some five million and a
strength organised in divisions of some three millions.
Nearly the whole of what could be used for active effort
was on the Western front. Of liis total forces available, he
has already put in, roughly, one-half into the single
battle area of. the triangle Arras-Montdidier and Noyon.
Reckoned in fighting value, he has put in far more than
one-half.
If he had no more material to put in, if the remaining
half were pinned down to other sections of the line and
immovable, his losses would have already been sufficient
to cripple his effort. But they are not so pinned down.
He can send back to quiet sectors of the hne divisions hammered
out of this battle and throw in as fresh material the divisions
which these replace. Roughly speaking, he can still risk
material and losses double those already incurred— but
that will be the end or very near the end of continued
offensive power so far as the German resources alone are
concerned-,
I do not know whether any readers of Land & Water
want to waste time over the favourite thesis of certain
writers that the German armies suffer less than the Allies (in
spite of their tactical formations), or upon the alternative
thesis (which seems- equally popular) that the German
General Staff can work a miracle and create men out of
nothing indefinitely. I hope I may take it that we need not
waste space here upon the discussion of these alternative
theses.
The unknown factor that does apparently remain is the
factor of enemy supply for the West of men other than German.
I have read that there are certain Bulgarian units now west
of the Rhine. No proof is given and the point is not really
very material for the numbers must be insignificant in any
case.
The Austrian situation is worth a more serious consider-
ation. The highest number given for the existing Austrian
divisions is 76. The Italians report 60 Austrian divisions
opposed to their line. If that report is correct it means
that at least 11 divisions have been brought from the east
to reinforce the reduced front between the Swiss frontier
and the mouth of the Piave. That would seem a very high
nvunber and some doubt has naturally been expressed in
France and England as to the accuracy of the very high
figure 60 which the Italians give us. But we must remember
that we ignore the internal condition of the Austrian army.
We do not know the present strength of those divisions well.
There is here a phenomenon something hke that which was
discovered — in a much higher degree — relative to the Turkish
forces some months ago. The divisions supposed to exist
and noted were numerous enough to make us believe that a
Turkish effort was probable in Mesopotamia. No such effort
developed. Upon the contrary, the Turkish front weakened
more and more, and the explanation could only be that the
nominal strength of the Turks was vastly in excess of their
real strength, and that disorganisation, as well as other
forms <jf loss, accounted for the balance.
At any rate, if we accept the Italian figures, there would
be a balance of not more than 16 Austrian divisions ; but of
these, some must be at work in Russia and one or two in the
Balkans, and the number that could be spared for adding
to the German forces in France cannot be very large.
All this is leaving out the natural political argument that
the Government of Austria-Hungary would be reluctant to
send more men than it could help to the Western front, and
the military argument that the obvious way to use the
remaining strength of Austria would be for action upon the
Italian front next month or at the latest in June, when the
weather permits the renewal of an offensive upon that perilous
mountain flank left open by the decision of the Allies to
cover Venice, and not to retire upon the natural line of the
Adige. We know that, as a fact, the Austrians have con-
centrated heavily in the Tyrol, and it seems to stand to
reason that the Italian situation will be kept in hand as a
sort of balance to work with in case the great offensive in
France should fail. H. Belloc.
April II, 19 1 8
Land & Water
A New German Port: By Arthur Pollen
WHEN Kerensky fell and the fortunes of Russia
were confided to a Government of fanatics and
traitors, it became obvious that the military
situation on the Western front would suiter a
change very damaging to us, as soon as the
enemy troops, hitherto contained by our late ally in the
East, could be transferred to the sole remaining field of war.
What in the late autumn it was obvious must happen, has
in the last three weeks actually happened. To what extent,
if at all, is the naval position adversely changed by the
elimination of Russia from the war ?
Some weeks ago it was pointed out here that the most
obvious of the naval advantages that Germany could gain
by her advance Qn Petrograd would be the possession of so
much of the Russian Baltic Fleet as was either in fighting
condition or could be completed or refitted. If the battle-
ships and battle-cruisers of the old programme had been
ready by their due dates, were in fighting trim, and were so
surrendered, the enemy's reinforcements might be so for-
midable as to make it necessarj' for the Grand Fleet to be
enlarged by all of the American fourteen dreadnoughts.
Nothing appeared in our Press on this subject since that
article was written until last week, when Reuier's corre-
spondents at Stockholm and Petrograd informed us that
the Germans had landed 40,000 men, 3,000 guns, 2,000
machine-guns and armoured cars at Hango, and had already
advanced to Ekenaes, twenty miles along the railway which,
seventy miles further on, forms a junction with the line
that leads down to Helsingfors. We learned also that at
Helsingfors are moored two Russian battleships, a division
of destroyers, five submarines, and numerous transports, and
that these are ice-bound and cannot move, because the only
ice-breaker had left Helsingfors and surrendered to the
Germans at Reval, just before the landing at Hango took
place. At Hango itself there were four submarines and
several other Russian warships, and the commanders of these
vessels, being unable to resist the landing, blew them up
rather than that they should fall into the hands of the
enemy.
The only satisfactory feature of this news is that some
Russian warships are still under the command of men loyal
enough to their country, to prefer seeing their ships destroyed
to seeing them tamely handed over to the enemy, not only
of Russia, but of mankind. Whether the battleships at
Helsingfors are in such loyal hands we do not know. It
would clearly be possible, by exploding small charges in the
engine-rooms, the gun-mountings, in the guns themselves
and in the ships' bottoms, to put the vessels beyond the
possibiUty of repair, and to do so without risk of any kind to
the surrounding population, supposing the ships to be moored
, where their complete destruction, by blowing up the maga-
zines, would be a public danger. If they are not in such
hands, the first accession of naval strength to the enemy will
become an accompUshed fact, and Allied plans will have to
be altered to meet them.
But, as has been foreseen from the first moment when the
German expedition into Finland was announced, the enemy
has a second naval objective in view which, if it succeeds,
may prove far more embarrassing to us than any increase of
his battleship, cruiser, or destroyer strength. On Wednesday
■ last week The Times correspwudent at Petrograd announced
that Germany's Finnish allies were already advancing on
Kem, a port on the North Sea, the most important town on
the Munnan Railway that connects Kola with Petrograd.
This correspondent also hints that some Allied effort is being
made to prevent this railway falling into traitorous hands.
If the possession of Kem were followed up by the effective
occupation of Finland, not only would Petrograd be hemmed
in from the North, but German access to an ice-free Arctic
port would seemingly be secured, except for such opposition
as a navy working with or without military assistance could,
oppose. The possession of this port would be of incalculable
value to the enemy for various reasons.
The latest maps seem to give the name of Romanov na
Murmanye to this latest Russian effort to get access to the
sea, and it is situated half-way up an inlet known as Kola
Bay, which is, in fact, the estuary of the River Tulom. It is
situated about seventy-five miles from the Finnish and
Norwegian boundary in the Varanger Fjord. Though nearly
ten degrees north of Archangel, it is not ice-bound in winter.
It is not the lowness of temperature that makes Archangel
useless in the winter months, but the fact that the southerly
currents from the Arctic Ocean, combined with the pre-
vailing winds, carry the ice floes southward into Dwina Bay,
and there pack them in such masses that it is neither possible
to prevent the channel being altogether blocked, nor to
blast nor break a channel when the block has taken place.
Kola Bay is free from both these phenomena, and though
the surface may freeze, it seldom, if ever, attains the thickness
that cannot easily be dealt with.
The advantages that a properly equipped port at this
point would give to Russia had long been realised, and ever
since the beginning of hostilities, great and sustained efforts
have been made, not only to complete the port itself in every
respect for the reception and unloading of ships, but to
complete the Murman Railway to connect the port with
Petrograd. There is reason to believe that both port and
railway are now ready for use.
Kola Bay
If the Germans could seize the sea-board railhead, and
establish railway communications either with Helsingfors or
Petrograd — which they can occupy when they will — they
could establish there a new submarine base free from the
very patent disadvantages of those from which her under-
water craft have now to operate. If we suppose, as seems
likely, that the English Channel will before long be made
impassable for thfe submarine, and further suppose that the
enemy's main field of operations must always be the western
end of the Atlantic lanes. Kola Bay will only be some six
hundred mUes further from the submarine destination : a
.very inconsiderable handicap when it is remembered that,
in exchange for six hundred miles of well-patrolled, and
therefore highly dangerous passage, the U-boats will have
but double this distance to go — and a journey in which
almost complete immunity from attack may be expected.
All these considerations have long been before the Allied
Governments, and it cannot be doubted that some and, let us
hope, adequate measures have been taken to prevent, not only
the Murman Railway with its port, but, if possible. Archangel,
too, from falling into enemy hands. Should certain measures,
however, not prove adequate, new duties will be thrown on
our naval forces, and it is perhaps worth considering what
they must involve. .It will make what has to be considered
more intelligible to rehearse once more the essential character-
istics that distinguish submarine from other attacks on trade.
Most people, when they think about the submarine, imagine
its unique merit to be its power of unseen attack. This,
however, is not really the case. For nine out of ten sub-
marine attacks have to be made with the submarine either
altogether or at least partially visible. The unique charac-
ter of the submarine is its power of invisible passage. It
can, that is to say, set before itself a destination, arid by
coming to the surface only during darkness, travel in almost
continuous invisibility until it has reached the desired
point.
The development of under-water hearing makes it possible
in some conditions to discover that a submarine is in the
neighbourhood. But under-water hearing cuts both ways,
and for the moment it is doubtful if, in the open sea at least,
the submarine has not gained most by its development.
For, being able to lie motionless — and therefore soundless —
on the bottom, it can, by periodically stopping to listen,
decide whether at any moment it is safe to come to the
surface or not. For practical purposes, therefore, the sub-
marine, if it can avoid mines, can navigate the seas with
comparative freedom from risk. Hence, though I have no
definite information to guide me, I will hazard the guess that
95 per cent, of the submarines that are destroyed are caught
either when they are on or near the surface for" purposes of
attack, or just after diving from the surface, when the area
within which depth charges will reach them can We judged
with sufficient accuracy to make the counter-attack almost
sure. It follows, then, that only such submarines are
destroyed as are either surprised when their commanders
think they are in safety, or intercepted when their com-
manders think they are taking a legitimate risk in coming up.
Thus the anti-submarine offensive depends for its efficacy
almost entirely upon the greed of the submarine for its prey,
just as the — very uncertain — success of an angler depends,
as Sir Wilham Simpson says, on the appetite "of a scaly but
fastidious animal."
When men fish for a living, they do not rely on anything
so uncertain as the combination of skill and judgment of the
ifiontinued on page 12.)
Copyright igii, tl.S.A.
Good F
]
By Loi
" On Good Friday, at the very hour of the death of our Lord Jesus Christ, when the faithful gathered in the churches to ce
churche. and the vaulted roof collapsed, crushing m;.ny of our faithful attending Divine Service. There are at least 75 k
at such an hour arouse, reprobation in every heart. In an hour of profound grief it is our duty to echo this reprobatioi
mn
Copyright, : I, and & Water."
.V
1918
eke
rs.
r
it mystery, the Germans resumed their bombardment of Paris after several djys' interruption. A shell fell on ont- of our
,urcd, who for the most part are women and children. Such a crime committed in such circumstances on such a day and
1 to the justice of God, while imploring His compassion for the victims." -Protest by Cardinal Amette, Archbishop of Paiip.
12
Land & Water
April II, 191
{Continued front page 9).
angler with the appetite or voracity in the fish. They deal
with the quarry not as a creature that can be tempted to the
surface, but as a resolute denizen of the depths, and proceed
to intercept him between his starting-point and his destina-
tion by means from which, being invisible and submerged,
he cannot escape. The professional fishermen, in otlier
words, recognise that the under-water quarry, if it is to be
attacked wholesale, must be attacked by under-water means.
The application of this counsel to the case of the submarine
has, from the first, been obvious enough. The arming of
merchantmen and their convoy by gun- and depth-charge-
carrying destroyers, the regular patrolling of infested areas
to search for submarines while recharging their batteries
on the surface at night, the employment of aeroplanes to
discover them near the surface — all these things may be
likened to the angling side of the fisherman's craft. It is
no doubt the more attractive form of fishing. It appeals
more to the artist and to the sportsman. But it is too
accidental to be the method that gets satisfactory results in
fish brought to market. For this, wider and, if you like,
brutal ways are better. For obvious reasons, you cannot
trawl for submarines, nor does it seen; likely that stationary
obstacles, whether nets or otherwise, ' would be effective — if
merely designed to impose a passive barrier between the
submarine and his destination. Through any such obstacles
as these some means could certainly be found of using a
torpedo to clear a passage. But it is not at all certain that
the submarine could ever find a way of evading continuous
mine-fields, spread from shore to shore over the Channel
and North Sea, and repeated at different depths, so that at
no level or even on the surface could a safe passage be found.
It looks, then, as if the only wholesale method of dealing with
the submarine is to^make its_^passage through any tract of
sea that it is bound to pass, if a destination is to be reached,
wholly impossible.
The advantage of a Kola Bay port to the Germans would
be the possession of a port free from what might be called
the geographical shortcomings of her present naval bases.
It is, of course, not a base that would be of value for anything
except for submarine work, for it is inconceivable that any
useful number of surface ships— even of the fastest de-
stroyers— could pass through our guard and reach so distant
a point in safety. And from this it follows that it is in
theory a port, the use of which by submarines could be denied
to the enemy by\close investment. As has so often been
pointed out, the present German bases cannot be blocked by
a mine-barrage because mine-fields must be protected by
surface ships, because the integrity of the German Fleet
would make the defence of a mine-field near to the German
harbours possible only by employing our own battleships
there, and because to emjiloy our battleships in narrow,
shallow, and uncharted waters, would expose us to such
disadvantages as to make the risk almost impossible. But
if no powerful surface sliips could be brought into Kola Bay,
then a close investment of this inlet by a mine-field, watched
by surface vessels more powerful than anything the enemy
could have there, should, as I have said, be possible. But
I use the phrase "in theory" because the actual operation
would present extraordinary difficulties. For we should be,
presilmably. without a base on the Murman coast ourselves,
and to maintain an inshore watch in the Aictic regions,
1,200 miles or more from the nearest port in which it would
be possible to refit ships and refresh crews, would be an
undertaking entirely without precedent in warfare. Em-
phatically', therefore, the problems that must arise from the
German possession of a port in Kola Bay are far better dealt
with by prevention than by cure. Arthur Pollen.
Mr. Wilson's Great Stroke : By Arthur Pollen
I
DOUBT if the majority of Enghsh people really
appreciate the fuU significance of what President
Wilson, seemingly at the suggestion of General
Pershing, has decided to do, not only with the
American troops in France, but with all the troops
that can be got to France in the immediate future.
^The decision in itself is that the American battalions are
to be brigaded as occasion requires with the French and
British battalions, and to be sent into the firing line — of
course, under their own colonels, majors, and company
officers, but — as units controlled by French or British
Brigadier-Generals of Division and so upwards. To many
people, the President seem^, in this, first to have done no
more than meet a very clear necessity of the situation, and,
secondly, only to be following a course for which he himself
and the British Admiralty have already supplied precedents.
As to the first point, I see it stated that there are in France
a large number of American troops available for the purposes
designated, a nvunber which must very much exceed the
total of the Allied losses in the battle which still continues.
Of the timely value of this reinforcement there can be no
two opinions. As to the second, a precedent for the principle
involved has existed for several months in the case of the
American destroyers operating in the Atlantic under the
ultimate command of one of the most experienced and most
brilliant of our senior admirals. They are, of course, only
part of the forces at the disposal of this officer, and to make
the analogy complete, Admiral Sims commanded the entire
combined forces himself for a period.
This reciprocal action by the Governments of the United
States and Great Britain is, I believe, entirely without
parallel in history. It has often happened that Allied forces
have worked together under a Generalissimo, but in each
case every unit, and every individual in it, looked to the
national commander-in-chief for orders. What was unique
in this Anglo-American naval arrangement was that the
captains and officers of English and American ships came
under the direct orders of an officer nol of their own
natioriality. Those who have been privileged, to see at first
hand how this arrangement has worked in practice have
been deeply impressed by the skill and tact, no less than by
the fine warlike and patriotic spirit which has alone made
its complete success possible. And it is not a far-fetched idea
to suppose that the real authors of President Wilson's epoch-
making decision are Rear-Admiral Sir Lewis Bayley, Vice-
Admiral Sims, and the officers and men of both nationalities
who have served under them
But, precedent or no precedent, the case of the Army is in
reality an infinitely more striking affair. For seamen are as
a race apart. The long training and the sustained self-
devotion necessary to^ gain mastery of a science and a craft
incomprehensible to the lay segregate the sailor so com-
pletely from the landsman that when a common cause bids
them unite their forces, it is almost easier for English naval
officers to feel the bond of brotherhood with American
colleagues than with brother Englishmen not of their own
high and select calling. The professional training of the
soldier confers no parallel aloofness and, where you have the
citizen soldier, there is almost no qualification of his purely
national prejudices and characteristics. Without question,
every American who volunteered for this war — and nine out
of ten of those in France must be men who had gone into
training before the draft came into force — did so to become
a member of a purely American force, to fight under the
Stars and Stripes for the credit and glory of his own country,
to be commanded by American generals, and to be led and
directed by an American staff.
To sacrifice so much of this ideal, to consent to so much of
the merging of so much of the national identity — this would
be extraordinary in any event. It approximates to the
heroic in the case of a nation so singularly self-conscious of
its nationality. The President has not, of course, by any
means abandoned the building up of an American Army
with its whole apparatus of Generals, Staff, and so forth.
But the decision not to wait for the realisation of this plan
before enabling his ardent countrymen to strike a blow for
justice and freedom, has necessarily postponed the Army's
creation, and to do this called for moral courage of a very
high order. It is a thing that claims our sincere gratitude,
and not the least of its many pleasing aspects is the very
obvious satisfaction of the people of America with their
President's decision.
Three months ago, in these columns, 1 offered my tribute
to the unlimited willingness of the American people to make
every effort and every sacrifice demanded of them for victory ;
but it did not occur to me that this particular demand would
so soon be made. But circumstances have made it necessary,
and great and unusual as the event is, those who realise that
America's determination to fight and not to stop fighting
till victory is won, will^not be surprised that the President
has not hesitated to do what to a more narrow view of
national dignity would have seemed prohibitive, or that the
nation as a whole should have endorsed this finer vision
with unanimous enthusiasm.
April II, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
13
German Plots Exposed
Enter Werner Horn
By French StrOther, Managing Editor, "The Woria-s work," New York
No villainy icas loo bad to check the German Embassy at Washington
in its plots against A merica, then a Neutral State. The attempt to blow
up with dynamite the Vanceboro Bridge that divides the State oj Maine
from Canada is described here. Von Papen, German Military Attache
at Washington, again plays a leading part in this dramatic episode.
THE real mys-
tery in the
case of Werner
Horn is this :
Who was the
man in Lower 3 ? (If he
had only known !)
Because, except for this one missing fact, the story of Werner
Horn is as clear as day. It is the story of a brave man,
too honest to He with a straight face, who was used by the
villainous von Bernstorff and von Papen only after they
had hed without a quiver, on at least three vital points, to
him. He meant to fight the enemy of his country as a
soldier fights, and they cynically sent him on an errand
which they meant should be an errand of miscellaneous
crime, including murder. He was to go to a felon's death,
for this one of the many devilish plots they were concocting
against American lives, while they lived in luxury in Wash-
ington and lied with smihng faces to the representatives of
the people whose hospitality
they were betraying. There
have been few more despicably
outrageous, more cold-blooded,
■crimes than this — except ^that
. other one (also of their de-
vising) in the ship bombs case
— but that is another story,
to be told later.
The story of Werner Horn
begins in Guatemala. Horn
^was the manager of a coffee
plantation at Moka. He had
seen ten years of service in
the German Army when, in
1909, he got a furlough from
tlie authorities in Cologne
pennitting him to go to Central
America for two years. This
furlough writes him down as
an " Oberleutnant on inactive
service": which means, roughly,
he was a first-Ueutenant of
the German Army, out of
uniform, but subject to call
ahead of all other classes of
men liable for military duty.
Then came the war.
Two hours after word of
"The Day" reached Moka,
Werner Horn was packed and
on his way to Germany. From
Belize he sailed to Galveston,
where he spent two weeks
looking in vain for a passage.
Then on to New York, where
he tried for a month to sail.
Finding that impossible, he
went to Mexico City, and
there learned that another
man in Guatemala had his job
one, on an American coffee plantation at Salto de Aguas,
in Chiapas, and was about to go there by launch from
Frontera, when he got a card telling him to try again to
get to Germany. By December 26th he was back in New
Orleans, and a few days later he was lodging in the Arietta
Hotel on Staten Island, in New York Harbour.
Now began a series of conferences with vop Papen. Horn
was afire with honest zeal to serve the Fatherland, and
von Papen was unscrupulous as to how he did it. When he
could not get passage for him back to Germany, von Papen
determined to use this blond giant (Horn is six feet two)
for another purpose. He then unpacked his kit of lies.
• •••••
A little after the midnight of Saturday, December 29th,
1914, a big German in rough clothes and cloth cap, entered
the Grand Central Station, carrying a cheap brown suit-
case. A porter seized it from him with an expansive Muile.
o'clock New Haven train
to Boston. " Boss, yoh
sho' has got a load o' lead
in theah," was his puffing
comment as he^ got his
tip. The German grinned,
and a few minutes later
swung the suit-case carelessly against the steam-pipes under
Lower 3, and clambered to the upper. A suit-case full of
dynamite — and the man in Lower 3 slept on I
Several people on the Maine Central train that left North
Station, Boston, at eight o'clock the next morning, after-
wards identified the big blond German who left it at Vance-
boro, Maine, at six forty-five that evening None of them
recalled his luggage.
But trust the people in a country town to catalogue a
stranger. Horn went directly from the train about his
errand ; which was reckoning without the Misses Hunter
and the twelve-year-old Armstrong boy. They saw him
toiling through the snow,
marked the unusual weight of
liis suit-case from the way he
carried it, saw him hide it in
the woodpile by the siding—
and then they talked. Soon
Mr. Hunter hurried to the
Immigration Office and told
an inspector there about the
suspicious stranger. The in-
spector hurried down the rail-
road track and met Horn
returning from the inter-
national bridge that spans
the St. Croix River a few
hundred feet away. He asked
where the stranger was going.
Horn's reply was to ask the
way to an hotel. When his
name was next demanded he
gave it as Olaf Hoom, and
said he was a Dane. The
inspector then asked what he
was in town for, and Horn said
he was going to buy a farm.
And finally, the inspector asked
him where he came from.
When Horn explained in detail
that he had come from New
York via Boston the insf>ector,
with a true legal mind, decided
that he "had no jurisdiction,"
and let it go at that. His
concern in life was with
"immigrants" from Canada
— and this man had proved
that he had come from "an
interior point." Hence he
could do nothing officially,
for the moment,
sharp eyes saw the stranger,
after this interview, recover the suit-case from the woodpile
before going on to Tague's Vanceboro Exchange Hotel for
the night. The host at the hotel was not on duty when
Horn registered, and never saw his luggage, but his mother,
who happened to have occasion to enter Horn's room in his
absence on the following Monday, noticed the suit-case,
tried to lift it, and wondered how any one could carry it.
Horn was a marked man from the moment he arrived in
town.
Evidently he sensed the suspicions he aroused, for he
made no effort to proceed about his business that niglit, or
the next. But shortly before eight o'clock on Monday
night Horn gave up his room and said he was going to Boston
on the eight o'clock train. He, took his suit-case and dis-
appeared. Instead of going to the station, he liid out in
the woods until the last train for the night should go by.
At eleven he was encountered in the railroad cutting above
Werner Horn
He had just found another But the" Misses Hunter's
The smile faded long before they reached car 34 of the one- the bridge by an employee of the Maine Central RaUroad
14
Land & Water
April
1 1
1918
who got such unsatisfactorj' answers to his questions that
he talked the matter over witli a fellow workman in the
roundhouse, though without results. -So Werner Horn
marched out alone upon the bridge -alone except for his
cigar and his suit-case, the spirit of the Fatherland upon
him and the lying words of von Papen in his ears.
He had need of the fire of patriotism to warm his blood
and to steel his courageous spirit. It was a black, winter
nifeht. The mercury was at thirty degrees below zero, the
wind was blowing at eighty miles an hour, the ice was thick
upon the cross-ties beneath his stumbhng feet. The fine
snow, like grains of flying sand, cut his skin in the gale.
The Vanceboro Bridge
rhe suit case, full of dynamite, was placed beiide a beam (X) at the Canadian
end of the bridge.
But Werner Horn was a patriot and a brave man. Von
Papen had told him that over these rails flowed a tide of
death to Germans— not only guns and shells, but dum-dum
bullets that added agony to death. He must do his bit
to save his fellow soldiers ; must help to stop the tide.
Destroy this bridge, and for a time at least the cargoes would
be kept from St. John and Halifax, It was a short bridge,
but a strategic one, and the most accessible. So Horn
stumbled on. He must get beyond the middle. Von Papen
had not urged it, but Werner Horn had balked about this
business from the first — not through lack of courage (he would
go as a soldier upon the enemy's territory and there fire his
single shot at any risk against their millions), but he would
not commit a crime for anybody, not even for the Kaiser ;
nor would he trespass on the soil of hospitable America.
Hence on each sleeve he wore the colours of his country :
three bands, of red and white and black. Von Papen had
beguiled him into thinking these transformed him from a
civihan to a soldier. Twice as he struggled through the
darkness, he slipped and fell, barely saving himself from
death on the ice below. Each time he clung doggedly to
his suit-case full of dyrwamite.
Suddenly a whistle shrieked behind him, and in a moment
the glaring eyes of an express train's locomotive shone upon
him. Horn clutched with one hand at a steel rod of the
bridge and swung out over black nothingness, holding the
suit-case safe behind him with the other. The train thun-
dered by, and left him painfully to recover his uncertain
footing on the bridge. The second of von Papen 's lies had
been disproved.
He had promised Horn that the last train for the night
would have been gone at this hour, for Horn had said he
would do nothing that would put human lives in peril. But
Horn thought only that von Papen had misunderstood the
time-tables.
A few moments after he had got this shock another whistle
screamed at him from the Canadian shore, and again he
made his quick, precarious escape by hanging out above
the river by one hand and foot. He now decided that all
time-tables had been put awry, and that he must change
his plans to be sure of not endangering human beings. To
accomplish this, he cut off and threw away most of the
ftfty-minutc fuse that he had brought along, and left only
enough to burn five minutes. No train would come sooner
than this, and then the explosion would warn everybedy
of the danger.
In doing this, Horn deliberately cut himself off from
hope of escaping capture. He had planned such an escape
-an ingenious plan, too, except that it was traced on a
railroad time-table map of the Maine woods in winter by a
strange (ierman fresh from the tropics. He had meant to
walk back one station westward, then cut across the open
country to the end of a branch line railroad, and then ride
hack to Boston on another line than that on which he came
east to Vanceboro. It was a clever scheme, except that it
missed all the essentials, such as the thirty miles of trackless
woods, the snow feet-deep upon the level, the darkness of
winter nights, and the deadly cold. Still, Horn childishly
believed it feasible, and he did a brave and honorable thing
to throw it overboard rather than to cause the death «f
innocent people.
He fixed the dynamite against a girder of the bridge above
the Canadian bank of the river, adjusted the explosive cap,
and touched his cigar to the end of the five-minute fuse.
Then he stumbled back across the gale-swept, icy bridge,
made no effort to escape, and .walked back into the hotel in
Vanceboro, with both hands frozen, as well as his ears, his
feet, and his nose. A moment after he entered the hotel, the
dynamite exploded with a report that broke the windows in
half the houses in the town and twisted rods and girders on
the bridge sufficiently to make it unsafe, but not enough
to ruin it.
Everybody in Vanceboro was aroused. Host Tague, of
the Exchange Hotel, leaped from his bed and looked out of
the window. Seeing nothing, he struck a light and looked
at his watch, which said i.io, and then he hurried into the
hall, headed for the cellar, to see if his boiler had exploded.
In the hall he faced the bath-room. There stood Werner
Horn, who mildly said "Good morning" to his astonished
host. Tague returned the greeting and went back to get his
clothes on. He had surmised the truth, and Horn's connec-
tion with it. When he came back out into the hall, H»m
was still in the bath-room, and said : " I freeze my hands."
Small wonder, after five hours in that bitter gale I Tague
opened the bath-room window and gave him some snow to
rub on his frozen fingers, and then hurried to the bridge to
see the damage. He found enough to make him press on to
the station on the Canadian side, and then come back to
Vanceboro, so that trains would be held from attempting
to cross the bridge.
When he got back to his hotel, Horn asked to- have again
the room he had given up that evening. Tague had let it
to another guest, but gave Horn a room on the third floor.
There the German turned in and went to sleep.
Meanwhile, human nature as artless as Werner Horn's
was at work in Vanceboro. The chief officer of law there-
abouts was "John Doe," a deputy sheriff, chief fish and
game warden, and licensed detective for the State of Maine.
His later testimony doubtless would have had a sympathetic
reader in the Man in Lower 3 (if only he had known I) ; "I
was asleep at my home, which is about three or four hundred
feet from the bridge ; heard a noise about i.io a.m., which
I thought was an earthquake, a collision of engines, or a
boiler explosion in the heating plant. The noise disturbed
me so that I could not get to sleep. (And the Man in Lower 3
slept on !) I got up in the morning about half-past five ;
met a man who said they had blown up the bridge."
But while Mr. Doe was about his disturbed slumbers, the
superintendent of the Maine Central Railroad was making a
Sheridan's Ride through the night by special train from
Mattawamkeag, fifty miles away. He, at least, was on the
job — he had brought along a claim agent of the road, to take
care of suits for damages. When they reached the Vanceboro
station they sent for Mr. Doe, and when he arrived at seven
o'clock, Canada also was represented by two constables in
uniform. This being a case of law, and not for commerce,
Mr. Doe took charge. He told the others that the first thing
to do was to cover all the stations by telegraph and arrest all
suspicious parties. Then he led his posse to the hotel.
There Mr. Tague told them about the German peacefully
a.sleep upstairs. He led them to the upper floor and pointed
out the room, but went no farther, as he thought there might
be shooting. His sister, being of the same mind, sought the
cellar. Doe knocked upon the door.
"What do 3'ou want ?" called Werner Horn.
April II, I q 1 8
Land & Water
15
r,
a^-A ti.
l.>»/-rt> *4
^■■
-i i
■:r
/r
"Open the door," commanded Doe.
The door swung open, and the big German sat back on his
bed. Then he saw the Canadian uniforms, and jumped for
his coat. Doe shoved him back, and one of the constables
got the coat, and the revolver in it. When Doe told Horn
he was an American officer, Horn stopped resisting, and
said ;
" That's all right, then. I thought you were all Canadians.
I wouldn't harm any one from here."
Doe handcuffed Horn to his own arm, and took him to the
Immigration Station to make an inquiry. Here Horn told
a straightforward story, but with one embellishment that
caused more excitement than all the rest, and that ultimately
revealed his own character in its clearest light. This story
was that he had not brought the dynamite in his suit-case,
but that, by prearrangement, he had carried the empty suit-
case to the bridge, and there met an Irishman from Canada,
to whom he gave the
password "Tommy," ,' „'
and that this Irishman
had given him the
explosive and then
•disapp>eared.
"Tommy" imme-
diately became a
sensation who over-
shadowed Horn him-
self. Canadian officers
scoured the Canadian
shore for days, looking
for this dangerous
renegade, and Ameri-
cans were as zealous
on their side of the
river.
But Horn himself
was in a dangerous
position. Lynching
bees were discussed
•on both sides of the
river, and probably
only prompt action
by the local author-
ities prevented one.
Both to hold Horn
for more serious
prosecution and to get
him out of peril, he
was charged in the
local p)olice-court with
maUcious mischief in
breaking the window
^lass in one of the
liouses in Vanceboro ;
he pleaded guilty, and
was at once removed
to Machias, the county
seat, to serve thirty
(lays in jail. Five days
after the explosion,
the Department of
Justice had Horn's
signed confession,
taken in person by
the Chief of the Bur-
eau of Investigation.
It was in the giving of this confession that Werner Horn
revealed himself most fully as a patriot and a gentleman,
and, all unconsciously, revealed that the cynical von Papen
was a liar, a cold-blooded criminal, and, for the second time
in the first months of tlie war, the secret hand behind the
violations of American neutrality instigated through him
and Bemstorff at the behest of the Imperial German Govern-
ment.
When the Government Agent saw Horn in jail at Machias,
and warned him that what he said would be used against
him in proceedings for his extradition into Canada, or prose-
cution here, Horn told the same straightforward story, with
the same embellishment about "Tommy." "I met a white
man," so Horn said, "whom I liad never seen before, but
who was about 35 or 40 years ' of age — clean shaven —
'Tommy' — I was told to say 'Tommy' when I met him -
I cannot say anything that would involve the Consulate or
the Embassy — Gcfrmany is at war — I received, however, an
order which was from one who had a right to give it, a verbal
urder only — received it two or three days before leaving
New York for Vanceboro."
Later he said : " I cannot sjicak of the rank of the man
t)
t- Q
LcA^-fO
i
11
\
vLi<. fl , ^- 1-
1^-
h C/''-
\v.-t.
VW.^'*..*^*— •- -^— .
Werner Horn's Confession
la which he unintentionally revealed the guilty purposes of Von Papen to violate American
neutrality and commit a crime against human life, and which Horn refused to sign upon his
"honour as a Germ.in officer" until it was .lUcred to remove the fantastic tale about a
confederate in C'lnada.
who gave the orders — I cannot even say that he was an
officer. No one was present when the orders were given me
in New York City. I cannot tell more because it was a
matter for the Fatherland. I would rather go to Canada
(where he knew they wanted to lynch him) than to tell more
about my orders — -this would be impossible — at least, until
after the war is over."
Horn admitted he had met von Paj^en several times at
the German Club in New York City, but no art could compel
him to admit that he had got his orders from him. But, as
the agent noticed, his manner gave his words the lie ; and
whenever he tried to tell anything that was inaccurate he
did so with great difficulty and embarrassment. But finding
him determined, at whatever risk, to witlihold this informa-
tion, and determined, too, to stick to the absurd story about
"Tommy," the agent wrote out by typewriter a statement
of the facts as he had given them for Horn to sign.
Horn read the state-
ment over and said
that he would sign it.
Then the agent took
out his pen, added a
few items of new
information, and wrote
these words :
"I certify on my
honour as a German
officer that the fore-
going statements are
true," and handed
Horn the pen to sign
it. Horn read the last
sentence, and seemed
non-plussed. He
turned back through
t'ne pages of thestate-
, m e n t , blushed,
scratched his head,
and finally grinned
up at the agent with
the one word :
"Tommy ! "
The agent grinned
in turn :
You mean it's all
right except ff)r
Tommy ? "
"Yes."
Horn would not sign
a lie and pledge his
honour it was truth.
.\ close scrutiny of
the block on. this page
will show where tlie
]ieriod after the word
"true" has been
erased, so that the
sentence could go on
to say, before lie
signed it, " except as to
' Tommy ' that I did
not buy the nitro-
glycerine, but received it
in New York, and took
it with me in the suit-
case. I cannot say from
whom I received it. Werner Horn."
It Werner Horn had been less honest, less humane, the
black wickedness of his Imperial masters would have been
less clearly visible. He was the one who was punctilious to
respect American neutrality — while they flouted it. He was
the one who risked his own life rather than imperil others- —
while they sat snug in Washington devising means to place
on the rudders of American ships the bombs that would add
another horrid chapter to their crimes. A mere criminal at
Vanceboro might have been accused of exceeding their
criminal instructions — Werner Horn refused to carry out
the instructions they had given.
But the American Government was on still other German
plotters' trails. How the Department of Justice soon
had a network of special agents and detectives in every
city, town, and hamlet in the country, is told in the next
article, which is the story of the ship bombs, another of the
infernal imaginings of the evil geniuses at Berlin, one of the
most heartless of the cruelties of von Bemstorff and von
Papen, and one of the cleverest pieces of American Govern-
ment detective work born of the war.
{To be continued.)
>3 Ri<JU>vr-*-cv\
.X.
^ ^-' Y-r
i6
Land & Water
April II, igi8
The Petitot SnufF-Box : By G. C. Williamson
Miniatures on the Top (Left) and Bottom (Right)
ONE of the chief treasures that belonged to the
late Mr. Alfred de Rothschild was the famous
gold snuff-box decorated by Petitot. Few things
that the great collector valued were more
highly esteemed than this precious box, which
has now, with other famous jewels, passed into the possession
of the Countess of Carnarvon, who has succeeded to the house
in Seamore Place, with all its valuable contents.
The gold box came
from the collection of the
Marquis de la Reigni^re,
and was purchased by
Mr. de Rothschild many
years ago at a very high
price, included in the
bargain being an import-
ant document, always
preserved in the box,
setting forth the names
of the persons depicted
on it. It was adorned
with no less than four-
teen portraits in enamel,
executed with marvellous
fidelit}'^ and exquisite
detail. On the top were
three portraits: La
Duchesse de la Vallifere,
the mistress of Louis
XIV., who was neglected
for Mme. de Montespan,
and retired to a convent
Jean Petftot
From a Portrait in the Collection of the
Earl of Dartrey
and died in 1710, in the centre ; Mme. de Maintenon, who in
her turn ousted Montespan, on the right ; and La Duchesse
de Fontanges, Marie Angehque de Scoraille, another of the
king's favourite ladies, on the left.
On the bottom of the box were three more portraits. In
the centre, the famous niece of Cardinal Mazarin, Hortensia
de Mancini, who fled to England, and died in Chelsea in 1690 ;
the Marquige de Montespan, who succeeded Louise de la
Vallifere in the king's affection, on the left ; and, on the right,
the famous beauty, Mile. Dupre, "La Belle Jardiniere de
Meudon."
On the front of the box Come three more : The centre is
a portrait of La Duchesse de Brissac, on the right is the
daughter of the Marquise de Sevigny, La Comtesse de Coignj',
and on the left Mile, de Blois, Princesse de Conti.
The back has yet three more portraits : Madame de
Montespan's niece, known as La Duchesse, is on the right ;
Henriette de Coligny, La Comtesse de la Sure, on the left ;
and in the centre La Duchesse de Nevers ; while right and
left of the box are single portraits, the dissolute French
beauty, Ninon de I'Enclos being on the right and one of the
same frail sisterhood, who cannot be identified with cer-
tainty, on the left.
It will be seen, therefore, that this wonderful box is a
treasure home of portraiture of the famous beauties of the
Court of Louis XIV., all alike painted by the greatest portrait
painter in enamel that the world has ever seen. We illus-
trate the top and bottom, the front, the back, and the two
sides of the box, and also a signed portrait of Petitot, which
comes from Lord Dartrey's collection.
So much for the portraits, of which our illustrations give
ample evidence as to beauty and charm, save that they lack
the exquisite colour of the originals ; but what about the
famous painter whose chefs d'auvre they are ?
Jean Petitot was a Genevan Huguenot, a man who belonged
to the French Reformed Protestant religion, and came of
the same group as the potter Palissy, the ebeniste Boulle,
the tapestry-worker Gobelin, the architect Salomon de
Brosses, the painter Jean Cousin, the sculptor Jean Goujon,
and the enameUer Limousin, as well as many other men
who have been noted in literature and art, including Beza,
Calvin and Zwingli.
His family came originally from Burgundy. His grand-
father was a medical man, his father a wood-carver ; and
the Petitots fled from France to Switzerland on account of
religious difficulties, as did the Arlauds, the Bordiers, the
Huaulds, and the Thorons — all artists of repute. Young
Jean Petitot, with whom we have to deal, was born in 1607,
and apprenticed to the jeweller-goldsmith Pierre Bordier,
some of whose descendants still reside in Geneva. His
master was not very much older than Petitot himself, and
the two men, master and pupil, formed a close attachment,
and becoming dissatisfied with the progress of their work,
determined to learn more about enamelling and to do finer
portraits. For a while, in Paris, they were engaged in the
workshop of Jean Toutin, the king's jeweller, and when
they left him, so pleased was he with their industry that he
gave them a letter of introduction to Turquet de Mayerne,
the celebrated physician, who was the confidential adviser
to Charles the First. This man, when they came to England,
gladly received Toutin's two promising assistants, made
them free of his own workshop, where he was investigating
the secrets of enamel work and chemistry, and eventually
introduced them to the king. Charles was delighted with
their skill, and Petitot executed portraits not only for the
king, but for many of the notable persons about the Court,
his greatest work at this time — say, in 1642 — being perhaps
his portrait of Rachel de Ruvigny, Countess of Southamp-
ton, the copy of the painting, by Vandyck, now to be seen,
although damaged, at Chatsworth.
When the king was beheaded, and the Royal Household
fled to Paris, Petitot went with them. His friend Bordier
remained in England, and he it was who was employed by
the Commonwealth Government to execute the Naseby
jewel, which now belongs to Lord Hastings. Petitot found
in Paris a cousin of his friend, one Jacques Bordier, however,
entered into partnership with him, and became the most
famous and popular worker in enamel in the city. Then it
was that he was employed by Louis XIV., and to this period
of his life belongs the famous box to which allusion is made
in this article.
The drawing of the portraits seems to have been done by
Petitot, and a few of his actual signed sketches survive ;
but in the execution of the enamel work the skill of his
partner also came into play, and portraits usually ascribed
to Petitot should more justly be attributed to the joint
efforts of the two men.
Petitot married in 165 1, and his wife was Marguerite Cuper,
whose sister Anne Madeleine had in the previous year
espoused his friend and partner, who now became also his
brother-in-law. He had seventeen children, and has left
behind him, now carefully preserved in Bordeaux, a wonderful
April II, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
17
t
little journal in which he
has recorded all their names
and ages.
For a while he was so
popular in political circles
that he represented the
Republic of Geneva as official
agent, but when the Revo-
cation of the Edict of Nantes
took place, in 1685, disaster
came, and troubles were
serious and swift. The king
tried to protect his favourite
artist, but in 1686 Petitot
was arrested and confined to
prison.
Bishop Bossuet visited him
many times, but to no
purpose, and at length his
health gave way, an'd then,
owing to special efforts on the
part of the RepubUc of
Geneva, he was released and
left Paris in 1687 for his
native town. There, at first,
he was not too well received,
but presently was able to
settle down to his profession
and to produce many famous
works for the weU-to-do
people of his country and
for the Court of Poland.
While in the full strength
of his work, and actually
when paiiiting a portrait, he
was seized with paralysis, on
April 3rd, i6gi, and died
that very night, at the
Downwards:Viewof Front, Left, Right and Back
advanced age of 84. A
touching account of his last
hours was written by his
son Paul in the httle journal
to which we allude, and
which we have seen. It is
adorned with portraits from
his own hand of himself and
his wife, and besides that has
other drawings in it and by
him, and a vast amount of
genealogical information in
his handwriting, and in that
of members of his family
and of their descendants.
It was mainly prepared in
1674, and has never left the
hands of the family. It is
the chief source of all the
i'nformation respecting
Petitot that we possess,
and to it we have to go also
for information concerning
his almost equally well-known
son who bore the same name
and carried on the sanie
tradition of fine work. _^
Other artists of high
renown, such as the Cupers,
the Bordiers, and the Prieurs,
are alluded to in its pages,
and on some future occasion
we may perhaps return to
it, and give some notes-
regarding two of these men,
of whom but little, save
their splendid productions
in enamel, is known.
Our Band: By Etienne
MEETING an old shipmate at the sign of
Capricomus, fhat Zodiacal spot known only
to naval officers and to a few of the very
best soldiers, wluch bears four cables north-
west of Piccadilly Circus, we refreshed our-
selves, then retiring to a corner which was adorned by the
flag of a defunct U-boat, we discussed the old ship and the
Navy in general.
I had left the ship some months previously, but my friend
was stiU in her, and he explained his presence in London by
the fact that the old junk was at last getting a decent refit.
"Fourteen days' leave of the best and brightest," said he,
with smug satisfaction. "There are rumours of strikes
amongst the riveters, so we may get an extension of four
days," he added quietly, as a thoroughly unpatriotic after-
thought.
This last remark amused me, for, when I had last refitted
in the ship and there had been labour troubles which had
delayed us somewhat, I remembered my friend had ful-
minated for hours in front of the wardroom stove as to the
iniquity of strikes in war time, and the grave danger we ran
of missing an operation which a cousin of his in high places
had told him was impending.
For half an hour he told me all the local news, of how the
"sub" had nearly got engaged, and that the "Pay" was
suspected of designs on a Scotch widow in Edinburgh, of
how they had at last wangled triplex glass out of the dock-
yard, of how the engineer-commander had been defeated in
the quarterly auctions for back numbers of La vie Parisienne
by the assistant-paymaster after a duel which ran the price
up to two shillings a copy. He told mc that the piano on
which I used to make such hideous noises was still going
strong, though a bit queer in the treble, as a green sea,
coming down a badly battened skylight, had half-filled up
the noble instrument, and the treble strings had broken,
and the ship, being far from civihsation at the time, the
torpedo-lieutenant had replaced half a dozen of the missing
strings with electric fuze-wire of various sizes.
All these matters, and many others,, concerning their
comings and goings, what they had seen — and more especially
what they had not seen — in the North Sea, my friend told
me of. Until at length I asked him about that which had
been as an ewe lamb to me in the ship.
"And what of our band?" said I.
"Broken up," he replied,and I'll swear his hand trembled
slightly as he lifted his glass. When I had left the ship,
I had turned over the business of fathering our band to this
officer, and he had taken it over without a murmur. The
stupendous and well-filled "spring-back," replete with bills,
a few receipts, and reams of official correspondence, the
endless reports of band committee meetings, all these things
he had cheerfully taken on his shoulders — so I had known
him to be an enthusiast. V
Well, the band served its purpose, and now that its
chequered career of three years has ended, it seems fitting
that there should be some historical record of the "Voluntary
Band of H.M.S. Orpheus." It originated in the very early
days of the war, as the result of a brain-wave between the
secretary and myself. It was then of the drum-and-fife
variety.
'We managed to wheedle £% out of the ward-room, by
striking when the iron was hot, after a very cheery guest
night. The secretary attacked the admiral for a subscrip-
tion the day he got his decoration, and touched him for £2
— which shows what enormous influence secretaries have
over admirals. With this capital of ten pounds we pur-
chased instruments and started operations.
But the "matelot" is one of the most ambitious creatures
on eartli ; wood-wind but ill-satisfied his desire for music,
once the appetite was excited. One of our number. Able-
seaman Thomas, suddenly produced a cornet, upon which
instrument he proved to be a remarkably good performer.
A brass band was forthwith suggested and it was enthusias-
tically approved.
In strict historical fact, the honourable part played by
the torpedo-lieutenant should come in here ; but if this
meets his eye, he will, I feel sure, excuse me if I show a
reluctance in attempting to describe the extraordinary com-
pUcated transactions which took place before the drum-and-
fifers were amalgamated with the " brassers" with a minimum
of resignations from either camp. I had never fully under-
stood the trials which theatrical managers and producers
have to undergo in their dealings with the artistic tempera-
ment— I do now ; all the members of our band claimed
the artistic temperament, and A.B. Thomas was the greatest
artist on tlie lower deck. His opening gambit, when
i8
Land & Water
April II, 19 1 8
brought up before the commander on those rare occasions
on which he was caught breaking the regulations, ran as
follows :
" Intimately hassociated as I am with every social hor-
ganisation in this Vrc ship. I hegs to point out . . ."
The alternative to this opening was as follows :
"Speakin' not so much fer myself as fer those wot ain't
fluent, I begs to point out . . ."
Either remark is a perfect index to a character which,
though interesting to study, was a thorn in many fleshes.
Early in 1915 the brass band was in full swing. A.B. Thomas
was the amateur bandmaster, and undoubtedly knew his
job. He played the cornet with tremendous vigour, and
kept the band in good order. I remember, one day in the
middle of the Japanese .Anthem, he removed his cornet from
his lips, and, shaking it in the direction of a panting signal-
man, shouted : "Blow you — , yer dirty hound." A fearful
blare from the criticised performer, who was supporting a
b;issoon, testified to the accuracy of the bandmaster's
criticism.
The manner in which this signalman became a bandsman
was typical of many of our recruits, and illustrates the average
sailors' behef in his own capabilities. Signalman Bunting
came to my cabin one evening, and informed me that he
desired to join the band. Much gratified, I inquired what
instrument he played. He explained that he did not actually
play any instrument, but that, noticing an advertisement
which offered a second-hand bassoon for £6, and observing
that he happened to possess £$. he considered that the
opportunity was unique.
Although I did not feel quitf so sanguine as he did, 1 had
not the courage to damp such enthusiasm ; I had my reward,
for, strange to say, as a result of daily practice in the sohtude
of the starboard condenser-room. Bunting became quite a
good performer. Another sportsman bought a silver-plated
trombone on the credit system, which was priced £12 los.
On being pressed for pavmcnt, he applied to me for a loan
of £10.
I was weak enough to oblige him, and every month I
used to receive niasses of coppers and sixpenny-bits, until
at the end of a year we were square. I could never make
out where he got the money from, as he was in the habit of
bringing instalments at al! sorts of odd times, whilst the
hands, of course, are paid monthh'. The secret was revealed
upon the day on which , the ship's police discovered him
presiding over a crown and anchor board in the screw alley.
Fortunately for me, this event took place some time after
the debt was liquidated. I can still remember the anxiety
with which I used to watch this gentleman on those occasions
when we came under shell-fire.
As the months went by, the band improved and grew in
grace ; a certain town sent us music, and, more wonderful,
an official letter to the School of Music eventually extracted
some most interesting old orchestrated operas whose tuneful
rhelodies must have charmed our fathers ; not that it
mattered in the least, as our band would have played Cesar
Franck, Debussy, Rameau, Scriabine, or any of the moderns
with the same pleasure with which they tackled "The Merry
Peasant" or the latest ragtime — all was grist that came to
their mill.
Every morning at 8 o'clock they played three national
anthems from amongst those of the Allies, and our initial
practice of betting in our baths as to which they were, soon
lost its interest. As soon as the band got properly going it
was placed on a semi-official basis ; it had a special routine
of its own, the principle of which was that, in return for
services rendered at route marches, and to the ship's com-
pany during the dog-watches, the band were excused certain
duties.
The rush of recruits was amazing, and at one time we had
no less than thirty-seven, all working '"ands" on some
form of musical instniment. The commander was a true
patron of the fine arts ; but when the excused list rose to
thirty-seven I had an interview with him, and I was told
that future candidates would have to go on a waiting list,
unless they were exceptionally talented.
I also used to find a certain difficulty in persuading the
gunnery-lieutenant that musical members of a gun's crew
were as well employed" at their instruments as at their guns
during "quarters clean guns" periods. Can it be that
gunnery-lieutenants as a class are not musically inclined ?
It must not be supposed that the band had no enemies,
for, though much appreciated by the ship's company as a
whole, there were always a few objectors.
The big drum was punctured at regular intervals in a most
mysterious manner ; these outbreaks generally coincided
with the expulsion of some refractory member from the
band. One memorable evening the band were playing to a
crowd of about a hundred sailors on the boat deck, when an
enemy of the band threw a halfpenny down the euphonium.
As the euphoninm-playcr, a certain Stoker Emmanuel Millar,
explained to me afterwards in the privacy of my cabin,
" I was a-suckin' at the moment, sir ! an' that swine 'e knew
it, 'e did, and wot I sez is, I chucks me blinkin' 'and in, I
does, with t;liis 'ere band. I expects appreciation, not
insults." I eventually soothed his outraged feelings, but it
cost the band fund £'3 12s. fid. to get the euphonium stripped
in Edinburgh and the deadly coin removed. Two engine-
room artificers and the blacksmith volunteered to do the job
as a mark of their esteem for the band.
As time went on, most of the other ships of the neigh-
bouring squadrons started bands ; and a tremendous spirit
of competition grew up, deadly feuds existing between rival
l)andmasters. This was well illustrated at the squadron
sports, at which function the bands were scheduled to per-
form in "mass" formation. The burning question arose as
to which bandmaster was to have the honour of conducting.
It was eventually decided by drawing lots. The lot did not
fall upon Able-seaman Thonias, whereupon this gentleman
registered his displeasure on the day of the event by per-
sistently playing his cornet a tone flat, -alleging, in reply to
my indignant accusations, that "me lips were all of a crack."
Curiously enough, this unsportsmanlike act was highly
approved of by all our band, who apparently considered it a
very natural outcome of an artistic temperament.
The band continued with ups and downs for three years,
when most of its members left the ship, and it died a natural
death.
Before concluding its histor\', one incident in connection
with our liig-drummer deserves to be told. We had a very
fine big drum, on which our battle honours were cunningly
inscribed, and its purchase price hung for months like a
mill-stone round our financial neck. The drum was played
by an enormous seaman, who, by dint of much saving, Iiad
purchased a second-hand leopard skin ; and vvhen route
marching he was our pride and joy. At Jutland he lost a
leg, and soon after his removal from the operating-room, I
went along to see how he was getting on. A pal of his came
in at the same time and, by way of letting him know the
worst, said, in lugubrious tones :
"Them Huns have put a shell right through your drum.
Bill — smashed it up, a fair treat, they have."
Bill was supposed to be suffering from severe shock at the
time, and the sick berth steward was horrified at the blunt-
ness of this remark. It acted in an unexpected manner on
Bill, who had been lying very still.
Raising himself on one arm, he shook his fist at the deck
overhead, and came out with a torrent of abuse concerning
the Huns. The doctor told me afterwards that Bill spent
most of the night muttering and damning the Germans ;
he seemed to consider that tlie loss of a leg was a matter of
secondary importance. It is pleasing to record that Bill is
now estabhshed in a comfortable job ashore, and that the
shattered drum is in safe keeping as an honoured relic.
Though the band is now dispersed and its members are
scattered, it served its purpose and brightened many a
monotonous hour in the North Sea. We may also say with
pride that where we led the way others have followed, as
I believe there are at the present moment more than a dozen
voluntary bands in the small ships of the Fleet. Perhaps
we are a musical race, after all ?
Jason's essays on reconstmction have been a feature of
L.AND & W.VTER for some months past. A baker's dozen of
them are now published in book form under the title Past
and Present (Chatto & Windus, 3s. 6d.). The author mentions
in his preface that he makes no attempt to explore the whole
field of social politics ; he lays down no programme, he only
discusses a spirit which will revolutionise our way of looking
at every programme. In his opinion, "the great lesson of
the war is the lesson of equality." Jason reviews the pa.st
only to show the more palpable social errors that have been
committed, and he regards the future as being critical just in
so far as we can or cannot combine power with equality,
organisation with freedom. "For the needs and perils of the
world make the waste and disorder of energy a crime, and
the hiunan will revolts against tyranny, whether it takes the
name of military necessity or economic law." We have
indented rather largely on this preface in this introduction of
these essays in their new book form, for it explains the
author's true purpose. Jason, in our opinion, voices the
sincere desire of a large body of intellectual men and women
that in the future wider and wiser freedom and opportunity
be given to all classes, and that in this country we abolish
that poverty and misery which are the outcome not of
individual failings, but of the faults of our social svstem.
April
1 1
1918
Land & Water
19
Life and Letters Gj J. C Squire
Mr. Asquith as Author
EXCLUDING collections of political speeches, Mr.
Asquith's Occasional Addresses, 1908-16 (Mac-
millan, 6s. net), is his first book ; unless, indeed,
like most able young lawyers, he wrote something
about Torts or Company Law in an earher age.
The book consists mainly of five considerable addresses : on
Criticism, Biography, Ancient Universities and the Modern
World, Culture and Character, and the Spade and the Pen
— the last being concerned with classical studies and the
place of archaeology. There are also lesser addresses on the
Enghsh Bible, Omar Khayyam, and other subjects, a Latin
speech made at Winchester, and several obituary " tributes "
to eminent men deceased. These last, perhaps, would not
all have been included had Mr. Asquith not desired to give
the pubUc a respectable sized book for its money.
• « * ♦ «« -■'"
" BuTthe smaller book would have been well worth it. No
professional author has constructed in our time so clear, so
compressed, so convincing a defence of the humanities, and
so eloquent a demonstration of their daily practical value as
Mr. Asquith has produced in the sporadic addresses of his
restricted leisure. It is not to be supposed that he devotes
himself entirely to generalisations as to "culture," absorbed
discursively, or under curriculum. Both his addresses to
students and the others are full of incidental judgments
upon books and men, criticisms usually indisputable, and
often original. His criticisms of the Uteratures of the ancient
world, as well as of English books of several centuries, would
be well worth having if they illustrated no general argument
at all. His tastes are, on the whole, orthodox ; one deduces
that he is most drawn to the admittedly greatest of writers.
But though never eccentric, he thinks independently. The
evidences of this are everywhere. One may quote his acute
observation that
■ U we were given fewer of a man's letters to his friends, and more
of his friends' letters to him, we should get to know him better
because, among other reasons, we should be better able *o realise
how his personality affected and appealed to others.
One may quote also his illuminating pages .on the neglected
autobiography of Haydon, the painter ; his description of
Haydon as "one of the acutest and most accomplished
critics of his time," and his question, though it be a mere
question, why it was that Haydon was not a great portrait
painter. We may note, incidentally, as lights on his tastes,
that he is a close student of Bacon and a devotee of Sir
Walter Scott, and that he beheves most of Shakespeare's
sonnets to have had no relation with the poet's personal
career. One has not, however, space here to enter into such
questions of detail ; and one must be content, as to Mr.
Asquith's general views about culture, to refer readers to
the book itself, and especially to the noble passages on pages
25 and 6g. Nothing is more remarkable about these addresses
than the apparently effortless way in which their author
"lifts" to a higher level of eloquence. He favours the sus-
tained peroration ; but his perorations grow out of, are all
of a piece with, what has gone before, instead of being shame-
lessly stuck on like those of the wanton rhetorician. One
result of this, however, is that they are not detachable : one
always wants to take in the sentence before, so to speak.
Instead of attempting to quote them, therefore, one may
be permitted to pass to a few remarks upon his way of
expressing himself : what, vaguely, we call his style.
******
In his lecture on "Culture and Character," Mr. Asquith
refers to the frequency with which " a man takes an hour to
say what might have been as well or better said in twenty
minutes, or spreads over twenty pages what could easil)'
have been exhausted in ten." The offence of being "shp-
shod and proUx" is never committed by him. There is no
greater living master of the summary ; and the quahties of
his speaking are present in his wnting. He surveys his
field from a detached eminence, and sketches its main out-
Hnes with precision and in their due proportions. His
survey is so simple and straightforward as sometimes to
appear easy and obvious ; but a man who should succumb
to that impression might be recommended to attempt the
operation for himself. The certainty with which Mr. Asquith
grasps his general ideas is matched by, and allied to, the
lucidity with which he formulates them. No one, I might
add, who was not habituated to accurate expression could,
when occasion calls, say nothing at all with Mr. Asquith's
ease and safety. His verbal instrument is the perfect
servant of his mind. It is indeed difficult for a politician
to retain a sound stj'le. Whenever he rises he must play
St. Anthony to beckoning hosts of cliches ; and according
to his temperament he will be more liable to yield to one
bevy or the other, to those of wooden pomposity and sham
dignity or to those of intemperate rhetoric and sham passion.
Mr. Asquith, as a political speaker, has been known, not
infrequentlj', to lapse into a hollow resonance, and there
are a few examples of this pardonable and almost unavoid-
able humbug in the obituary speeches printed at the end
of this volume. But as a speaker — or, rather, a writer —
on other subjects he is entirely free from it ; and his style
is literallv a model of its kind.
It is what is called a classical, what used to be called a
"correct" style : the style natural to a man of his intellect
and temper. His sentences are close-knit : packed, but
easy. Every phrase adds something ; but an intractable
content never destroys the balance. In the Latinity of the
language, in the structure of the sentences, in the objectivity,
impersonality, of the writer's attitude, there is something
reminiscent of the eighteenth century. There are constant
faint traces of Johnson, of Burke, of Gibbon. We observe
the affectionate use of words like "denigration" and "fuligi-
nous" ; and admirably compendious phrases like that in
wWch, referring to the production of superfluous biographies,
he speaks of "the monuments which filial piety or mis-
directed friendship is constantly raising to those who •
deserved and probably desired to be forgotten." One has
employed the word "affectionate"; and here, of course, is
one of the places where personality does come in. Marked
proclivities in language are in themselves windows into
personality. And in these addresses Mr, Asquith's indivi-
duality peeps out in all sorts of ways : in the revelation of
his tastes, in the warm mental glow which saves from frigidity
the most "scientific" of his paragraphs, and in his frequent
humour. But he does not write to display his powers of
writing ; he does not parade his tastes because they are his,
announcing them merely because they appear to him to be*
sensible and reasonable ; and he does not jump over the
hedge for any joke or take even those which stand right in
his road save in the most delicate and undemonstrative
manner. Many readers, by no means obtuse, might well
miss the gentle jest in his address to the Royal Society,
which was founded by Charles II. :
Whether the interest in anatomy displayed, as your annals show,
by the Society in its earliest years was due to the proclivities of
its Royal Patron, I do not know ...
The passage on the uses of the bastinado and the knout
in criticism might also be quoted ; and the charming account
of Jeremy Bentham's variegated evenings. His criticisms
and apt images are all the more enjoyable because of their
subservience to his main purpose : his refusal to allow the
garlands to conceal the pillar. And one must mention his
extraordinarily happy and judicious use of quotations. They
are never dragged in by the heels to display learning or
import a facile colouring ; but the few he makes, both from
Enghsh and from classical authors, are, by their very nature
and pertinence, an unmistakable proof of large reserves.
His temper, almost always, is amiable. But just as the
even surface of his language is sometimes abruptly and
effectively broken by an unusual or a colloquial word, so his
pervasive easy tolerance now and then yields. Something
hard comes into sight, like black rocks under a smooth sea :
self-knowledge, determination, a settled, though usually
concealed, contempt for the complacent, stupid, and the
pretentious superficial. But he never Ibses his self-control.
It would be easy to supplement this brief catalogue of
some of Mr. Asquith's qualities with a list of the quahties
which he does not possess. He has little, no doubt, in
common with Rousseau, Shelley, and John the Baptist ;
like the rest of us, he is something and not something else.
But, reading this too slight coDection, one remembers the
superb generalisation that "conference maketh a ready man,
reading a full njan, and writing an exact man" ; and one
feels that the three processes have here been operating, with
uniform success, in one person.
20
Land & Water
'April IT, 19 I 8
Motor Tractors in Agriculture: By H.
A Steel Mule breaking up Grass Land
By courtesy oj the Hif:Uand Agricullural Sociely, ScollanJ
emi
■"■ ^HE gradual adaptation and improvehient of
. I machinery for agricultural uses was a well-
■ marked feature of the latter half of the nineteenth
H century, a period which was especially notable
-^ for the introduction of the self-binder, which is
still one of the most ingenious of farm implements and the
greatest of labour- savers.
The inventiveness and resource of the agricultural engineer
* throughout the same period evolved various farm implements
now considered almost indispensable, such as corn-drills,
potato-diggers, cultivators of various descriptions, and a
variety of machines for dealing with the hay crop. On
large arable farms at the present day an inspection of the
implement shed is an indication of the large quantity of
expensive machinery now considered essential for the prompt
and efficient performance of the various agricultural opera-
tions. For the care and best use of such implements not
only the farmer, but those in his employ, must have quite a
considerable mechanical knowledge such as was Uttle thought
of even thirty years ago.
The severity of the period of agricultural depression
between the 'eighties and the end of the nineteenth century
no doubt gave, an increased stimulus to the use of machinery
in agriculture. The low level to which prices fall made it
impossible to employ profitably as much manual labour as
formerly, even at the moderate rate of wages then prevailing,
and if agriculture was to be carried on at all an increased
reliance on mechanical power became inevitable. During
this period, however, the whole trend of invention was in the
improvement and perfecting of the implement or machine
which it was always assumed would be horse-drawn, and no
other form of motive power was thought to be possible in
practice. It is true that fully fifty years ago high expecta-
tions were formed of the capabilities of steam ploughing ;
but, from one cause or another, steam tackle gradually went
out of use, and was almost entirely abandoned. Objections
were found in the severe compression of the soil at the ends
of the fields by heavy engines, the ill effects of which were
in some cases apparent for several years. Damage was also
done in many instances to tile drains, and on uneven ground
it was difficult to maintain the plough or other implement
at an even depth.
The invention of the internal combustion engine, and its
rapid application to motor traction on roads, not unnaturally
turned the thoughts of engineers afresh to the problem of
motive power in substitution for horses in agricultural opera-
tions. Moreover, with the early years of the present century
came signs of a slight revival in agricultural prosperity,
accompanied in many districts by ah increasing scarcity of
agricultural labour. Emigration of agricultural workers to
Canada and Australia became considerable, and the question
of rural depopulation began to engage the serious attention
of politicians and economists. One view e.xpressed was that
agricultural labour was being driven off the land by the
increasing use of machinery. This explanation was, hovvever,
manifestly incorrect, seeing that there was no agriculturai
unemployment. . What had in realitv occurred was that the
increasing scarcity of labour had compelled the farmer to
rely more and more on machinery in place of manual labour.
These conditions have, as is well known, become greatly
aggravated since the outbreak of war. Agriculture has, in
common with other industries, contributed her full quota
to the fighting forces ; but has felt the strain in a special
degree, partly owing to the fact that the rural population
form the healthiest and strongest class from which recruits
are drawn, and also on account of the urgent demands now
being made for increased cultivation.
There can be little doubt that for these reasons, coupled
with the increased cost of labour, the application of mechanical
traction for agricultural work has received its greatest impetus.
Motor tractors have been so much advertised anc> written
about that it is almost impossible for anyone not an
expert to form a reliable opinion upon respective merits.
One farmer may state he has found a certain type of tractor
invaluable and reliable for ploughing and other kinds of
work. Another farmer may, from his experience, express
an entirely contrary view. Such conflicting evidence merely
goes to prove that the agricultural tractor is vet in its infancy,
and that its development within the next few years dan
scarcely be foreseen. It may be asserted, however, with
.some confidence, that tractors have come to stay— at any
rate, in the cultivation of large arable farms-^and that
improvement in design and increasing reliabilitv mav be
looked for in the future.
Probably the most extensive and complete demonstrations
and trials of iigricultural tractors which have yet taken
place in this country were those organised bv the" Highland
and Agricultural Society of Scotland in the autumn of 191 7
The trials were held at three centres-Edinburgh, Glasgow,
and Perth— and a special report has been published deahng
with the results. {Demonstration of Agricultuml Tractors and
Ploughs. Messrs. William Blackwood & Sons, October, 1917.)
Twenty-nine tractors were entered, and a short description
and illustration of each is given in the report. To anyone
desiring full information on the subject this report will repav
careful study. The Conmiittee have avoided placing the
tractors entered for the trials in any order of merit, and
(Continued on page 22.)
April
I I
1918
Land & \^'ater
21
THE FRENCH ARMY.
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Practically all expenses defrayed.
BRITISH AMBULANCE COMMITTEE,
23a BRUTON STREET,
LONDON.
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THE ROYAL SAVOY ASSOGIA
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President: Vice President:
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Rttiiltrei undtr Iht War Charillts Acl.
Av:hori$ed by th* Central Pritentrt of War Committee,
22
Land & Water
April II, 1918
(Continued from page 20.)
probably they are wise in taking this course. They have,
however, summarised their conclusions a& follows :—
Weight. — TJie weight of tractor should not exceea ^o cwt.
Horse-po'wer. — Should be ample. Not less than
20 B.H.P.
Caterpillars and Wheels. — Caterpillar tracks have not
been shown to possess any advantage in gripping-power
over the best type of wheels.
On Heavy Ground
spikes, Bars, and Sptids. — Well-designed spuds {on
■.wheels) appear preferable to either spikes or bars.
Accessibility and Protection. — Working parts of machin-
■ery should be readily accessible. Complete protection
■against weather and interference should be provided.
Brakes. — Adequate brakes should be fitted.
Durability. — Exposed gear drives on wheel tractors and
excessive wear on caterpillar tracks tend to impair dura-
bility.
Speeds. — 2\ and 4 miles per hour forward, with reverse,
appear to be most generally useful.
Fuel. — Complete vaporisation of paraffin does not appear
to have been generally attained, and it may be found more
satisfactory to use petrol when normal conditions return.
Price.— The price should not exceed £300.
'Several of the tractors entered for the demonstrations would
mot comply with these conditions, and from a study of the
particulars of each machine it is not difficult
to reduce the number, from which to make a
selection, to comparatively narrow hmits.-
There do not seem, meanwhile, to be many
reliable records of the cost of operating tractors
for ploughing or other work. Much naturally
depends on the skill of the man in charge for
freedom from minor accidents and breakdowns,
which in many instances have been the cause
of unforeseen and exasperating delays. Even
where accurate records exist of the cost of
wages, fuel, etc., there must be an element of
uncertainty as to the proper allowance for de-
preciation, and for current repairs and replace-
ments. It is clear, however, that the cost of
ploughing by tractor is not meanwhile any less
than ploughing with horses, the rates charged
for the hire of tractors varving from 20s. to
25s. per acre.
With increasing reliability, reduction of prime
cost, and, above all, substantial reduction in the
price of oil and petrol, there is every reason to
anticipate that the operating charges may be
substantially reduced in the future. It must be
acknowledged that, in spite of present defects
and shortcomings, the tractor has been the
means in a national emergency of getting a considerable area
of land ploughed and put under crop which would have
otherwise remained in grass. The sphere of usefulness of the
tractor is by no means confined to ploughing. It has been
tried with some measure of success in various other agricul-
tural operations, such as cultivating, harrowing, drilling com
hauling reapers and self-binders, and also when stationary for
■ driving a threshing mill.
It seems probable, however, that, whatever the tractor
• may accomplish on the land, it is not likely to be efficient for
road-haulage purposes. In the fi.rst place, the speeds suit-
able for work on the land are too slow for road transport,
and to design the engine and gears for higher speeds would
not only add to the weight, but would unduly complicate the
machine. Another practical difficulty in adapting tractors
for road haulage is the absence of springs. These would
merely add to the weight without any corresponding advan-
tage for work on the land, while for road transport strong
springs are almost essential in order to protect the engine
and working parts from excessive vibration.
Fortunately, another form of road transport
suitable for agricultural purposes is already
available in the motor lorry, carrying a load of
from one to three tons. The lighter types have
proved of great value, especially for market gar-
den and for dairy work. To meet the require-
ments of the more remote and outlying districts,
however, the motor carrying a three-ton load is
preferable in every respect. The cost of horse
haulage has become almost prohibitive in carry-
ing out agricultural improvements such as lim-
ing, draining, or the erection of new buildings,
unless a railway station is available within a few
miles. Even the routine carting of grain, feed-
ing stuffs, manures, and coals is becoming an
increasingly costly item of expenditure. Ex-
perience has proved that the larger the load
carried by motor lorry the lower the cost per
ton ;, but the application of this principle is
limited in country districts by the capacity of
the roads to stand the traffic, and a further limit
is placed upon the width and length of the
motor, by the narrowness of gates and roads,
and the sharp turns which may have to be en-
countered. In practice, therefore, it has been
found that a motor lorry weighing three tons unladen and
carrying a three-ton load is about the most convenient size.
Many thousands .of motors of this type must be in use
for military purposes, some of which might be subsequently
made available for rural transport. It would be impossible
for any but the largest farms to find constant employment for
a motor of this type, but the purchase and management of a
three-ton motor at rates of hire calculated to cover all working
costs and depreciation would be an eminently suitable object
for farmers or small-holders, co-operative societies or similar
bodies. In many instances, no doubt, the owner of an estate
might acquire such a motor for estate purposes, and [for
hire to tenants on the estate.
The choice of machinery and implements open to the
agriculturist is now so wide that there is a strong temptation
to the enthusiast entering upon farming to purchase more
than he actually requires, and to sink too much capital in
A General Farm Tractor
this branch of expenditure. The safest test to apply, to any
machinery or plant not in constant use, is that of the balance-
sheet. Is the saving which it is expected to make in manual
labour or in other ways at least equal to the depreciation on
the particular implement or machine and the interest on its
cost ? If, to use a term beloved of Cabinet Ministers, "the
answer is in the affirmative," the contemplated purchase is
clearly desirable. If, on the contrary, "the answer is in the
negative," the purchase is undesirable, and the money can
be better spent on some other fnrm nf atrrimUnrai rMifioT,
LAND&WATER
VoLLXXl. No. 29.9. [vir.] THURSDAY, APRIL 18, 191 8 [r^S^Tr^H ^J^i^^fgE^P^^l
Daily Mirror Photo
Brigadier-General Sandeman Carey, C.B.
Land & Water April i8, 191 8
. The Flanders Battlefields
Duck-walks below the Passchendaele Ridge
Sunset, Inverness Copse
By Lieut. Paiil Nash, nn Official Artist at the Front
April I 8, 19 1 8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephoac : H0L60RN 2828.
THURSDAY, APRIL i8, 1918.
Contents
PAGE
Brigadier-General Sandeman Carey, C.B. (Photograph) i
The Flanders Battlefields. (Illustrations.) By Paul Nash 2
The Outlook 3
Battle of the Lys. By Hilaire Belloc 4
Liberty Against Kaiserism. By Raemaekers 10 and 11
Lichnowsky's Revelations. By Sir Mortimer Durand 12
The Irish Convention. By Harold Cox 13
Fay and the Bombs. By French Strother 15
From a German Note Book 16
Shakespeare's Sonnets. By J. C. Squire 17
Official Art. (Illustrated.) By Charies Marriott 18
Electrification of Seeds. By Charles Mercier 19
The Attorney-General's Pilgrimage. (Revniew) 20
Domestic Economy 22
Notes on Kit ■ / 25
The Outlook
IN the extreme gravity of the present moment the
prime duty of all is to keep their sense of proportion.
Panic is the worst of counsellors. Next worst is dis-
tortion. The magnitude of the war has been such
from its very origins that this task has been exceed-
ingly hard to fulfil. There has been something of the contrast
here which one gets in private life when there is Death in the
house. The little affairs of every day go on side by side with
the tremendous event which overshadows us. What is more,
we do not get out of the rut of the past. We do not forget
or see the pettiness of our ordinary anxieties imtil long
after the blow has fallen.
So it is with these terrible four years and their present
climax. We are all inevitably driven to see things out of
perspective ; to remember political quarrels which are now
meaningless ; still to discuss personalities and policies of
finance or domestic administration, when all that should
really concern us is that overhanging issue, the maintenance
or the fall of England. No one escapes from tliis unfor-
tunate and inevitable lack of proportion, but every man ran
escape from it in that degree at least to which he makes his
effort to see things as they are. It is possible to state things
as they are. It hais been done over and over again here and
elsewhere. It may be made yet clearer with each repetition,
and there is still ample need for the reiteration of the truth.
« * *
Prussia, strong in a vast alliance of various dependencies,
forced on what she thought would be a short and triumphant
war. These dependencies were (for the purposes of war)
almost subjects. The Prussian and Austro-Hungarian armies
had. one word of command and one system of drill and organi-
sation, from Lemberg and from Konigsberg to the North Sea,
the Vosges, and the Alps. They had a population of 121
millions to recruit from. They had no active internal diffi-
culties within their boundaries. It is quite futile to discuss
the Prussian motive ; it is enough to affirm it. That motive
was a mixture of wounded vanity, exaggerated (almost
insane) pride, including a mystical beUef in a "mission" of
vileness ; contempt for things outside the orbit of Prussia ;
and all this mixed with two apparently (but not really con-
tradictory) things ; curiously detailed and treasonable study
of special conditions in countries other than those which
Prussia dominated ; and an ignorance of their soul. Prussia,
thus prepared and inflamed, desired the war, Prussia made
the war, and her closest friends abroad (and here) have,
under the recent effects of domestic revelations and her last
military policy, themselves abandoned the ridiculous false-
hood of some "misunderstanding." There is a clean conflict
between a mere ruining foice in Europe and the civihsation
"Ivhich it is attempting to destroy. Prussia wanted the war ;
Prussia launched the war. If Prussia loses, Europe lives.
If Prussia wins, Europe breaks down.
* * «
The ability Prussia has thus discovered after a long siege
to press the issue to an immediate conclusion is entirely due
to the collapse of the Eastern front. Nothing that we could
have done in the West would have saved the situation. That
situation was produced entirely by the internal condition of
the Russian Empire. That State — largely artificial — existed
through and by an autocratic central machine. The religious
foundation of that autocracy had long declined ; it had
recently been actively challenged ; it was in rapid decay.
It had governed and united artificially a vast population,
exceedingly backward according to the standards of modem
material civihsation, and particularly backward in the
industrial development of to-day.
Being thus backward, the common enemy pushed this,
our insufficient ally, back by hundreds of miles when once
the original stock of supply was exhausted. The populations
under the Tsar suffered frightful losses, and thereby was
provoked an aeritation against the only possible form of
government which could hold together what had hitherto
been called the Russian Empire. When that agitation
passed a certain point the autocracy and its central govern-
ment collapsed. Nothing could take its place.
' * * *
It is foolish to regard the sly, cowardly, and corrupt inter-
national elements that then came to the front as mere paid
agents of the Germans, though the Germans indirectly sub-
sidised many of them. They thought peace with the enemy
an obvious good because the love of country which alone can
make the abominable suffering of war tolerable was ridiculous to
them. They had no country. The mere fact that they tempted
men with a rehef from the terrible strain drew to them at
once the mass of the broken-up soldiery and the worn-out
countrysides. The enemy from that moment had nothing
more to fear upon the East. The siege under which he had
lived for three years was raised. He could concentrate
entirely upon the West. The result was that from last
summer onwards the initiative passed into his hands.
He struck first, last autumn, in Italy, overrunning a
whole province; capturing a quarter of a million men and
half the artillery of his Itahan opponent ; he was only just
prevented from driving that opponent wholly out of the
field. The weight of his attack having proved so rapidly
and easily successful, his losses were not yet serious, and he
was free to design at leisure the risk of a next blow against
his chief antagonists, the French and the Enghsh, between
the Alps and the North Sea. But when we say that such a
policy was a policy of risk, we are saying a thing not less
obvious than his power to undertake it upon his own initia-
tive. His domestic conditions were (from lack of food, and
especially of lubricants and fats) getting desperate. The
United States would, in time, provide overwhelming masses
of men and material against him. His great Western attack,
therefore, unless it were immediately successful, might be so
expensive as to leave him at the end of it exhausted before
he could reap its fruits.
* * *
He took the risk in the fiJlest sense He engaged
all he could p>ossibly engage. Opening his attack upon
March 21st, he has continued it to the present day. He has
paid a price in total casualties which amount already to
nearly one-third of his available margin for offence ; and the
corresponding losses he has inflicted upon an equal opponent
who (if Pru.ssia fails) wiU soon be a greatly superior opponent,
are much less than his own. It is none the less worth his
while to press the adventure on. For if he loses, he does
but die earlier, having to die anyhow ; whereas if he wins
before he reaches his maximum possible expenditure in men
— perhaps double what he has already invested — he will
have saved himself and have destroyed us.
In this tremendous moment he is occupied in pursuing
such a gamble of hfe and death. Nor must we misjudge the
situation either through overstrain during its sharpest
moments or through reaction during the checks he receives.
Whatever happens during the process of the great battle
—it is all one battle on whatever sector he may choose
successively to fling himself — the ultimate issue is the only
thing that counts. Either he will fail before breaking us
— in which case he has failed for good, and we shall reap the
full fruits of the failure rapidly enough — or he will succeed
in breaking us before his last margin of men is spent. He has
himself forbidden himself all opportunity for a third course.
I/he exhausts his remaining margin without reaching a decision,
he is at our mercy.
In the presence of this obvious truth, there is only one
problem, and it is a problem of hfe and death. It is
how to increase the military strength of the nation
by the means — principally indirect — which are alone
now open to us between this moment and the end of the
summer. For in those few weeks (and they will pass with
terrible rapidity) the fate of this country will be decided.
Land Sc Water
April I 8, 1918
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The Two German Salients
April 1 8, 191 8
Land & Water
Battle of the Lys : By Hilaire Belloc
THE present action of the enemy in Flanders is
connected thus with the campaign as a whole : —
The enemy had planned to make his great
attack in the West upon March 21st. He had
concentrated for that object a far greater weight
of artillery than had ever been gathered before. Out of a
total force of not quite 200 divisions available for every kind
of service, he marked down actually over one-half, and those
tlie best, for a particular object — to fail or to succeed in
which would probably decide the war.
What that object was is now as clear as daylight. Now
that we know he was prepared to put in one hundred divisions,
and now that we have seen the continuous expenditure in
men which he deliberately permitted, it is mere nonsense to
speak of the great attack of three weeks ago as but one of
two or more plans. It was as single and as decisive a moment
as ever there has been in military history. His aim was to
tear through the British line as near to its right as possible,
where it joined the French ; to pour through the gap, restore
a war of movement — for which he had been training close
on a million men first and last for months — and by his
rapidity and the superior value he claimed in such a war of
movement to thrust the British Army up north with blow
upon blow towards the sea, daily reducing its value as an
opponent, and rapidly thus achieving a decision.
There existed, as he well knew and perpetually discussed
in his Press, a large AlUed force free from the line and ready
to act as a mass of manoeuvre. That was his risk. But his
insurance against that risk lay ii^the calculated rapidity of
his action against the British Army when it should have been
torn asunder from its Allies and should be compelled to what
he conceived would be its increasing confusion in an open
war. The British Army had been created during a period of
siege war ; once manoeuvring at large, he thought himself
its master.
We know what followed. It was the unexpected for both
sides — much the most general happening in war. He did
break through. He did restore a war of movement. But
he just did not succeed in maintaining it. The flood began
to pour through, but was rapidly dammed. Its full energy
was maintained for nearly a week. By the tenth day — that
is, by Easter Sunday — it was slowly gaining in a few last
waves, but had already come up against a sufficient bank of
resistance. In a day or two over the fortnight it was defin-
itely held : for the last great assault of April 4th failed
with murderous loss.
A number of subsidiary advantages which the enemy had
gained were the elimination of a quantity of Allied material,
the threat to one great line of communications, etc. But on the
debit side there was far more, and the balance was against
the German. He had lost upon the balance, far more men
than his equal opponent, just in this phase Of the war when
the whole thing is a struggle of each to reduce the effective
numbers of his foe. Ahd he found himself upon an abomin-
able line, with high ground against him everywhere, with a
huge vulnerable flank of over 20 miles on the south, and
more than half as much again to hold in mileage without
prepared defences as he had before he began.
The price of all tliis failure — for it was a failure — was the
eUmination of a great part of the margin which he had free
for attack over and beyond what was necessary to hold his
line.
He had no option but to make a new, a separate movement,
while the continued holding of their hands by the Allies
permitted him the initiative of risking these continued losses.
tie might make that movement wherever he chose. He
might have made it, for instance, upon any part of the great
new Montdidier salient. He might even mal;e it where his
last pressure had ebbed away on the westernmost point of
that advance towards .'\miens. But even so, it would have
been a second and a separate effort, and would have had to
be made with less strength tharj the first, for tlie simple
reason that less strength remained to him.
He decided, as a fact, to make it upon the northern sector
of Lille ; acting thus as he has always acted, to wit, in copy
of his own past ; for to strike alternately and to create
double salients was his method all through his Russian
campaign and remains his gospel for his last effort in the
West. The date April 9th was chosen for this second effort,
and, as I have said, the sector in front of Lille and an ultimate
development of 20 miles of front there— less than half that
of his first effort — was his choice.
The reasons for which the enemy chose this particular
sector of attack may be tabulated as follows : —
(i) It was as far north — that is, as distant from hi^ first
main battlefield and point of pressure in front of Amiens-^
as could usefully be chosen to impose by its distance a maxi-
mum strain upon Alhed reinforcement. Had he struck yet
further north he would have had high ground in front of him
and north of that again flooded country.
(3) Striking thus not in the extreme north, but in the
north of the centre he could threaten the communications
of, and therefore, if he were immediately successful, would
destroy all the British forces that lay between his point of
attack and the sea.
(3) He knew that there were here not a few divisions
sent to redress, under the conditions of a sector long quiet,
the strain and loss which they had suffered elsewhere ; and
he knew in particular that one division consisted of what he
was pleased to describe as second-class troops.
(4) He enjoyed a remarkable superiority in railway com-
munication.
This point is of such importance that I would beg my
readers to consider it in detail.
Railway Communications
If the reader will turn back to Map I., and look at the
sinuous Une of the front as it stood from the Amiens-Arras
sector to the sea at Nieuport upon April 8th — the eve of the
new offensive — he will perceive what admirable oppor-
tunities for concentration upon Lille the railways, double
and single, in the hands of the Germans present ; and, at
the same time, how perfect is the continuous line of lateral
communications from Ostend southward through Lille and
Douai and Cambrai. The whole is a double-line railway,
with the exception of the strip between A and B. This in
the past four years he must surely have doubled — no very
difiicult task, for it runs through flat country. When I
speak of this part of the hne as single, I am entirely depen-
dent upon information as belated as that of 1913. Unless
I am mistaken, the section between A and B was a single
line in that year ; but all the rest of the lateral communica-
tion was a double track, and we observe that it exactly
follows the line of the front all the way down, and at a suffi-
cient distance from that to be continuously available,
in spite of the heavy work done against it from the air.
Upon Lille itself there converge no less than five great main
lines of double track, probably increased by this time, as
I have just said, to six. There are, of course, large railway .
works and sheds, innumerable sidings, and all the oppor-
tunities for concentration afforded by a great town.
Now contrast this with the corresponding communications
upon the Allied side in reference to the sedqr of attack.
Here also there is a lateral line : Dunkirk-Hazebrouck-
B6thune-St. Pol-Amiens. But it is devoid, in the neighbour-
hood of the sector opposite Lille, of any great centre of
concentration — the best is the comparatively small though
exceedingly important junction of Hazebrouck. It has — or
had— a very considerable sector of single line ; it is indif-
ferently parallel to the front, approaching it far too close at
Bethune, receding too much from it elsewhere. What
Hazebrouck means, by the way, we shall see later on, when
we consider the field of action in detail. The alternative line
behind the nearest lateral communication is the great main rail-
way Amiens-Calais ; the hilly country between, coupled with the
necessity of linking up the ports, has thrust this line far back.
Added to these advantages in railway communication
which the enemy would enjoy if he chose this Lille sector for
his second offensive was the fact that, so far as railways
were concerned, he was virtually working upon interior lines.
Let me explain this point.
If you are working within a large concave, such as that of
.\-B in the accompanying diagram, and if both your lateral
communication C-D and that of your opponent E-F are
each roughly parallel to the front, it is clear that you can
move your troops more quickly than your opponent can
move his. You can bring a particular unit of yours from
D to C in a little more than half the time that he can bring
a unit of his from F to E. That is called the strategic advan-
tage of working upon interior lines. There is no sucii advan-
tage, of course, when the concavity is small and cramped,
but the advantages are obvious when it is large.
Now this advantage of interior lines exists in another form
Land & Water
April 1 8, 1 91 8
even if your front has not a concave shape, for it exists
when your most vital and necessary communications (which
to-day, in spite of the extension of petrol traffic, still take
the rare and expensive shape of railways) give you more
rapid movement. For instance, your front might be actually
convex as in H-K, but if your lateral communications were
short and convenient hke M-N, while those of your opponent
were long and inconvenient like 0-P, you would still have
the advantage of what could technically be called interior
lines, for you could move a unit from M to N more rapidly
than your opponent couM move one from P to O.
With this consideration in mind we have only to look at
the railway map of Northern France and Belgium to see
that the enemy here, although the front as a whole is not
concave, has this advantage, and if we consider not only
the northern part from the Arras-Amiens sector to the sea,
but the whole line from AlSace to the sea, the greater distance
through which the Allies must move to meet an enemy
concentration is still more apparent.
(5) Apart from this advantage in possessing what were
virtually interior lines, which the enemy would enjoy if he
chose this sector for his second offensive, there were certain
local advantages which will appear more clearly when we
discuss the action in detail. He had the great town of Lille
in which to mass unobserved ; it was screened by the Aubers
Ridge ; and above all, certain vital nodal points of commu-
nication lay dangerously close to our front, notably Hazebrouck,
Cassel and B^thune. If the reader will look at map III.
which indicates the railways and main roads of the northern
British front he will see the capital importance of these three
points : Hazebrouck, Bethune and Cassel.
Everything coming up from the south directly by rail
must go through Bethune. Everything com! ng indirectly f rom'
the south by the Boulogne railway, or directly from the
north and west, the Ports of the Channel, must go through
Hazebrouck junction. The only line excepted is the
insufficient single coastal line Calais-Dunkirk. Save
round by the coastal road, all road vehicles supplying and
evacuating that front converge directly upon and must pass
through Cassel. The sea was not far behind and there
could be no rapid retirement of a large force beyond a sea
line.
(6) For what it is worth, there was the moral effect of
an attack developing close to and threatening that highlv
sensitive point the Straits of the Channel, the shortest and
most direct communication between this country and its
forces overseas.' But this must be set against a corresponding
disadvantage which will be mentioned in a moment.
So much being safd, we may equally tabulate the
disadvantages and therefore risks which the choice of this
sector would entail and which were as well known to the
enemy as to ourselves.
(r) It was the sector upon which reinforcements from this
country could be poured most rapidly and the one behind
which was the largest and most immediate supply of material
as well as of men.
(2) Upon one flank at least, that to the north, was the
strong position of the Messines Ridge, continued by the strong
position of the Passchendaele Ridge. To the south there
was no equally strong flank, and it is on this account, as we
shall see, that the enemy in his first plan made Bethune
his chief objective — an objective wliich he failed to reach
through the gallantry of the Lancashire troops. He knew
then that if he did not succeed upon his left at Bethune
his right would almost certainly be held on the Wytschaete-
Messines heights and th%t he would be condemned to action
upon the comparatively narrow front of 10 miles.
(3) The triple lines in front of him — that is, the defensive
zone which he had to break — ran through difficult, marshy
ground, cut by numerous dykes, and the countryside having
been densely populated before the war was fuU of strong
posts in the ruins of cottages and farms. The enemy was
therefore well justified in boasting of a special feat when he
proved his capacity to break through this long-prepared and
difficult organisation. Further, there lay immediately
behind this defensive zone an obstacle, not very formidable,
indeed, but still not negligible, in the shape of the Lys River.
This little stream is a partly canalised piece of water, quite
narrow (hardly anywhere 100 feet across), and in most places
fordable so far as depth is concerned ; but it has a muddj'
bottom, and the approaches are often marshy.
(4) Any such offensive would, after the failure of his main
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April I 8, 19 1 8
Land Sc Water
scheme in the south between Arras and the Oise, with its
vast expense in men, depend upon a smaller attacking force
for its conduct. This was by far the most important matter
from the enemy's point of view. The new offensive, wherever
it was decided upon, would have to be on a lesser scale than
the first, and, other things being equal, would have a lesser
chance of effecting a complete decision. If he were to exploit
a success here his exploitation would have to be rapid
because he ha,d already committed himself irrevocably in
another and distant field to, the use of the great mass of his
men, to the loss of a great proportion of them, to the pinning
down of many for the maintenance of an open, greatly in-
creased, and extended front.
We shall not understand the battle it all, even the factors
against us, still less the factors in our favour, unless we
fully appreciate this point, which I have already emphasised
but to which I would return. When the enemy dehberatdy
engaged a month ago in what may properly be called his
great speculation between Arras and the Oise he banked
upon i^utting in more than half of his total numerical
strength, far more than half his real fighting strength, as
measured not only in numbers, but in the efficiency of units.
He had thus mortgaged on the speculation of victory there
the most of all that he had in men and material available for
attack. He could, of course, draw up very considerable
reinforcements northwards for a struggle of many days, 5ut
the whole thing would necessarily be on a reduced scale.
He also in that deliberately planned hazard prepared to
lose, and did lose, men upon a scale — measured in numbers
and time — unprecedented even in this war. He must have
lost in a fortnight, for immediate purposes at least, more
than a quarter of a million men, and perhaps nearer a third
of a million. An even larger expenditure would have been
justified had it produced the expected rupture between the
French and the British. FaiUng to produce such a rupture,
its excess over the expenditure imposed upon the AlUes was
dead loss ; and, as we know, that rupture was not effected.
But this is not all. His full measure of success in the
south, between Arras and the Oise, had put him upon a
trace of new front far longer than his old one, and also more
expensive to hold. Nowhere in all that new front did the
enemy get hold of good defensive dominating positions. He
failed with very heavy loss to seize the Lassigny Hills ; he
failed to take the Renaud Hill in front of Noyon ; he failed
to carry the great glacis which slopes up westward from the
Avre, and he failed to take the especially important bank of
high ground west of Albert and the Ancre Valley ; he failed
to carry the Vimy Ridge on the extreme north. He started
from a line of 50 miles. He created by his advance a line
which, in all its sinuosities, is nearly 85 miles in length, and
on the whole of its vast concavity he was not in any one
place possessed of a naturally strong defensive position. He
was everywhere overlooked. All this meant that he would
be compelled to do whatever he had to do in the north quickly
and with but a reduced remaining margin of the force he
could spare for attack.
As a matter of fact we discovered that even at the moment
when his destruction of the main defensive zone and his
passage of the Lys upon the first day, April 9th, had given
him his great opportunity, he could not throw in, fresh and
used combined, more thf>n thirty divisions over a period of
five days. That is a very large number positively, of course.
It indicates a loss enormously in excess, mile for mile, time
for time, prisoner for prisoner, and effect for effect, of what
the French and British offensives cost in the past. Also
that tremendous expenditure did in this case permit him to
break through a defensive zone and create for a time a war
of movement. But relatively, even this great number repre-
sents action upon a scale nearer a third than a half of that
upon which the first great effort of March had been designed.
The Action
Now let us turn to the details of the action.
The enemy as he conceived his plan and studied the battle-
field before him had the following ground to consider : — .
From above Merville to Armenti^res the little river Lys
flows through a plain some miles to the north of which nm,
in a crescent, a series of obstacles : The great forest of Nieppe,
the slightly rising ground of Bailleul, and its neighbourhood,
and at last the Messines-Wytschaete heights, which come
down near to the river again on the east. That plain
extends south of the rivor for some five miles, up to the
Aubers Ridge, covering LiUe, where the enemy had his
observation-posts, and from whence (it is very low) he over-
looked the scene of his coming attempt. He proposed to
break through upon the flat from Bethune to Armenti6res,
seizing Bethune at once so as to cut the final junction there
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and to prevent his action, as it developed, having too narrow
a base and the salient crea'ed being too pronounced. He
proposed, immediately he had obtained a rupture on the
flit between 66 hune and Armentiferes to push on across
the Lys, mushrooming out to the left and the right ; upon
the left getting round the big Nieppe Wood and closing
upon Hazebrouck, the second vital railway junction, and
upon the right working up from the south belunc^the Messines
Ridge, while further forces upon his right came into play
against the same ridge from the east. With that ridge gone,
further advance right and left turns the middle of the crescent
of heights, gives him Bailleul, and brings him up towards
Cassel, the great junction of road communication, as Haze-
brouck is of railway communication. By that time, if the
blow could be struck with sufficient rapidity, he would have
the whole of the forces opposed to him between the hills of
the Artois, which run from St. Omer to Calais, and the
extreme northern front which runs round Ypres to the sea
at Nieuport, disorganised and undone.
We shall see in what measure he carried out this pro-
gramme, and where and how it was in part — and, let us hope,
finally — checked.
The details of the action up to the moment of writing
cover six days, Tuesday morning to Sunday night inclusive,
and are as follows : —
At 8 o'clock in the evening of Monday the 8th of April,
a heavy bombardment opened upon a front of about 12
miles from the neighbourhood of Houplines beyond
Armentieres upon the north-east, to the La Hassle Canal
upon the south-west, that is, over all the flat and marshy
plain which extends southwards from the Lys River. This
bombardment lasted eight hours, ceasing at midnight. The
back areas were particularly heavily searched and the enemy
employed gas very extensively, especially against the towns
which were points of concentration far behind the Allied
lines and also in Armentieres upon their front. From 12
midnight to 4 a.m. the bombardment ceased ; but at 5
minutes past 4 in the morning of Tuesday, April gth, just
before dawn, up to a quarter past _$ in some places, and as
late as half past 5 in others, a last intensive bombardment
was delivered and was carried on not only along this line
and with special vigour against the back areas, but far to
the south of the La Bassee Canal, in order to prepare what
was coming. The weather was very misty — as in the first
great affair a month ago.
At a quarter past 5 a.m., just as it grew light, the first
German infantry attack was launched against Neuve Chapelle
and almost immediately, that is within the next quarter of
an hour, the whole line was at work from the La Bassee
Canal right up to Armentieres. Under this pressure, the
first, second and third lines in the centre, held by the
Portuguese, were overrun. Laventie, a strong part of the
organisation on the last or third line was reached by the
enemy by about 11 o'clock, and though certain posts still
held out for an hour or two later, some of them apparently
even up to 2 o'clock, the centre may be said to have gone
by noon, and this wide breach in the deferisive zone to have
been created in the first six hours of the action.
Meanwhile, it was essential for the enemy, if his full plan
was to develop, that he should immediately reach B^thune
upon his left. If he failed to do this, if this corner still
held for any considerable time against him, the presence of
the strong Messines Ridge on his right, coupled with this
resistance upon his left, would cramp him within a compar-
atively narrow gate, and though he might expand the area
he should occupy beyond that gate and to the north and
west of it, he would inevitably be checked in his advance
unless the neck of the area were widened. Essential as
it was for him to seize Bethune at the earliest possible moment
in this first successful shock, he threw in directly westward
towards against the point of Givenchy no less than four
divisions out of a total eight (rapidly increasing to eleven)
which he had put forward for his first blow.
But at Givenchy a division which he had hoped to find
weak from fatigue, the 55th from the western part of Lanca-
shire and Liverpool, upset his plan. The ruins of Givenchy
stand upon a very slight rise of ground, only just showing
above the general level of that flat and marshy land. Fight-
ing four to one the ruins were rushed by the enemy, appar-
ently before noon ; but the Lancashire men retook them.
Further masses of the enemy debouched from La Bassee and
fought all day to re-obtain the place. During the night
they once more entered the ruins, and were once more thrown
out, and by Wednesday morning Givenchy still held, covering
Bethune — covering, therefore, the important double track
of railway by which communication is maintained from the
south to Hazebrouck, and which comes nearest the enemy's
Une (and is therefore most imperilled) at Bethune. This
unique and splendid local defence of Givenchy modified at
its very outset the course of the battle. Elsewhere the whole
of the Tuesday was taken up by the enemy in reaching,
and attempting to cross, the line of the Lys. He could only
touch the river at the extreme of the salient he had created
— that is, opposite Estaires, perhaps near Sailly, and opposite
St. Maur, where there used to be a ferry, succeeded for many
years past by a bridge. All these three points are approached
by a road. To the left of these points the continued defence
of Lestrem held him and on the right the continued defence
1>\- the British of Fleurbaix.
The Lys Forced
The accounts are still somewhat confused, so that exact
hours cannot be given ; but apparently the enemy forced
his way across the Lys — at any rate, at the point of St. Maur,
if not at other points — in the course of the afternoon or
evening of the Tuesday, for it was during the night that a
counter-attack threw him back across the river at St. Maur
and in the suburbs of Estaires. There had been at the very
end of Tuesday a sharp advance of the enemy beyond St.
Maur for nearly a mile to the place called the Ferry Cross, or
Croix du Bac. But the counter-attack in the night threw
the enemy right back from there, and he did' not readvance
to it until the next day. In the early morning of Wednesday,
the loth, therefore, the second day of the battle, the position
would seem to have been somewhat like this : —
The 55th West Lancashire Division at Givenchy and un-
named British troops at Fleurbaix held either post or corner
of the big gap made where the triple line of the defensive
zone between Laventie and Neuve Chapelle had given way in
the overwhelming of the Portuguese divisions, which originally
stood upon either side of Neuve Chapelle.
The enemy had reached, crossed for a moment, then re-
crossed during the night, and was now again fighting for the
passage of the River Lys, and he created a salient of over
three miles at his deepest part upon a front between Givenchy
and Fleurbaix of nine miles, and, the defensive zone being
gone, he was fighang in the open.
So far, the only German army which had come into play
'was that of von Quast — the ■6th Army. His command was
apparently of the strength of 12 divisions, of which onlj
8 had so been identified in the course of the fighting, though
probably 11 had already appeared in the first twenty-four
hours. But with the morning of the second day — Wednesday,
April loth — a development of the utmost importance
appeared, the ultimate fate of which was comparable upon
the north to what the resistance of Givenchy had been upon
the south. This development was the entry into plav of the
4th German Army, lying to the north of von Quast, under
the command of Arnim, and the attempt of this in co-opera-
tion with Quast's t^oops to seize the Messines Ridge, and
thereby to enlarge immensely the area of the push, give it
elbow-room, and permit its far more rapid advance.
The enemy apparently calculated, rightly enough, that the,
Messines Ridge could hardly be taken by any direct assault
from the east. He lay upon this morning of the Wednesday
just to the east and beneath it from Hollebeke to the Lys
before Warneton, and if he had struck from this line up the
slopes unaided he might not hope to reach the summit. The
full plan was, therefore, partly to threaten to turn the
Messines Ridge from the south, while attacking directly from
the east, von Quast's extreme right undertaking the first
task, and von Arnim's divisions the second.
At the same time, on the morning of the loth, apparently
early in that day, the Germans, who had crossed the Lys at
St. Maur, had already got so -far round to the east that they
were in Ploegsteert and into the big wood to which that
village gives its name immediately to the north. They thus
already looked at the Messines Ridge from its reverse side.
Nearly coincident with this movement came the blow struck
by von Arnim upon the east. The attack blazed up from
the south northward, beginning in the early morning, and
by noon had reached the summits of the ridge at Messines
and Wytschaete, while to the north-east von Arnim's men
had taken the ruins of Hollebeke.
There must have been a moment at and after the middle
of this second day in the action — Wednesday, the loth —
when it looked as though Messines Ridge and all that it
meant might go. But the gth Division counter-attacked in
the early afternoon, pushed well past Wytschaete, driving
the enemy down the eastern slopes by some 500 yards.
A harder task was involved in the clearing of Messines, nor
was the site of that vanished village wholly retaken ; but
by nightfall most of the summit was recovered, though the
enemy remained just clinging to the further edge of it, and
so remained apparently through the succeeding days. This
April I 8 , 1 9 I 8
Land 6c Water
maintenance of the Messines Ridge was of the greatest
consequence to all that followed.
Meanwhile, in the plain below, Armentieres, more and more
threatened as Quast's troops over the river spread eastward
and von Arnim's troops attacked westward, was being
evacuated as rapidly as could be (it was full of gas) before
disaster should befall it. The evacuation was far from
cbmpleted before the place was virtually surrounded ; for
the enemy claimed the surrender therein of 3,000 men and
the General Officer commanding them.
During this same day — the second day of the battle,
Wednesday, the loth — the enemy also crossed at Estaires,
and was fighting northward and westward from that town.
He had tried hard to get further elbow-room westward by
taking Lestrem ; had held it for a moment, but lost it again.
He would seem, then, by the evening of the second day
— Wednesday, the loth — to have been upon the line indicated
on the map : the second line in front of Steenwerke and
Nieppe Village, beyond Estaires, holding part of Ploegsteert
Wood, just clinging to ^he eastern slopes of Messines, missing
Wytschaete, and so round to Hollebeke.
On Thursday, April nth, it was apparent by mid-morning
that the momentum of the attack was being diverted and in
places held. Though there is naturally complete silence
upon the rapidity and number in which reinforcements were
pushed up to tlie British Une, their effect had begun to be
felt, and that although the enemy seeing what a gate he had
obtained through the defensive zone, and how thoroughly
he' had obtained (though upon a comparatively narrow front)
a war of movement, had for at least thirty hours past begun
to call up from the south and elsewhere further divisions.
Up to this moment — Thursday, April nth — About 16
German divisions had already been identified, counting the
four from von Arnim's army, which had struck against the
Messines Ridge (among which four may be quoted the first
two to attack, the 49th Reserve German Division and the
17th). But before the next three days were oyer the enemy
more than doubled this feeding in of divisions. He reached,
as we shall see, by Sunday night the total of well over 30,
the latter half of which were mainly spent in attempting
with increasing difficulty to advance the line attained, a
result only effected — and that imperfectly — on his extreme
left beyond Estaires.
The end of that Thursday — the third day of the battle —
found the enemy just north of Estaires and Steenwerke,
holding all the ruins of Ploegsteert, and perhaps half-way
between that village and Neuve Eghse, and most of Ploeg-
steert Wood ; but they had made no further impression
upon the Messines Ridge, though once again there had been
a tremendous assault upon it, and once again the enemy
had been thrown out by the 9th Division, which still stood
there maintaining the crest.
On the next day — Friday, the 12th — probably by the
arrival of considerable new forces, the 'enemy enlarged himself
upon the north by a crescent as much as a mile and a half in
depth at its deepest part, and achieved the very real success
of pushing westward to Merville ; whence, as we shall see,
he was to push southward and try to turn B6thune. The
crescent by which he advanced on the north brought him
from his positions in front of Neuve Eglise to a fluctuating
and violently contested front not far from Bailleul Station ;
thence round between Old and New Berquin, and so just
including Merville to the river line. The importance of this
extension westward, including Merville, was that it turned
the stoutly defended line of that little obstacle the Lawe,
and therefore for the first time seriously threatened Bethune.
This will be clear from looking at the line upon the sketch-
map wliich indicates the position upon the evening of Friday
last. That line may be seen still to cover Givenchy and the
straggling hamlet of Locon, but the line of the brook is
abandoned, and the enemy is facing right down upon Bethune
from the north. It goes without saying that a huge projec-
tion of this sort, curiing round a strongly held post like
Givenchy, would be very perilous to any advancing force, if
there were at the right moment sufficient bodies of opponents
to press hard into the neck of the salient — that is, from the
Givenchy region north-eastwards — and so threaten its
existence. But it is clear that the enemy, when he thus
Hooded westward into Merville and then turned southward
towards Bethune, still took for granted, and had a right to
take for granted, his continued numerical superiority. He
was in again, as he had been a fortnight before, on the Somme,
for all he was worth, though upon a smaller scale. By the
night of this fourth day, Friday, the enemy claimed 20,000
prisoners and 200 guns.
Upon Saturday the gravest enemy success, so far as the
still-important point of Bethune is concerned, was registered.
The enemy entered (but did not pass) Locon, and just reached
the projecting curve of the B6thune Canal. If the British
Hne still at that moment held Givenchy, a point on which
I have no information at the moment of writing, the German
thrust southward on this extraordinary bulge must have
reached its utmost limits of stability.
In every other part of the field the advance was held.
Though the enemy was now wholly in possession of Ploeg
steert Wood, and even got into Neuve Eglise, he was thrown
out of the latter place. He could not push, during the
Saturday, Beyond the neighbourhood of the railway at
Bailleul Station, which railway he failed to reach or to cross
at that point. He just passed the railway somewhere in
front of Meterem ; thence south-eastward he was much
where he had been before, between Old and New Berquin,
and close on the former, and feeling the eastern edges of the
big Nieppe Forest. The whole effect of that Saturday on
the shape of the front was slight. There seemed to be taking
place what had taken place on the Somme — a gradual banking
up of the flood.
All the next day — last Sunday, April 14th — he was fighting
furiously to increase this front, by however little, but the
resistance grew stronger hour by hour, and he on that day
achieved nothing appreciable to affect the future. He still
stood, when night fell, upon the line which rims from Holle-
beke to just the southern end of the Messines Ridge, thence
in front of Wulverghem, Neuve Eglise, Bailleul, Meterem
—all of them s. f.ht glacis, or rising slopes, possessed by the
British. Thence I is line curved round, no further advanced,
in front of Merris, Old Berquin, the edges of the Nieppe
Forest ; so west of Merville town, due south across the
Clarence River until it touched the canal ; thence through
the ruins of Locon, and so to Givenchy ; all the latter part
making an extraordinary western bulge of impossible shape.
The factors in the maintenance, extension, or redressing
of this western bulge we cannot judge ; but apparently, for
the moment, it can neither be used by them for further
outflanking Bethune, and thus cutting the railway and
increasing their area of movement, nor as yet by us in counter-
stroke behind them. That western bulge upon its either
face, northern and southern, looks at, threatens, and
approaches the two vital railway points marked A and B
upon map 4. The one A, that through which passes, or did
pass, a direct supply of men and material from the south ;
the other, B, that through which comes all railway supply
in men and material from the channel ports, Boulogne,
Calais, and Dunkirk, Their retention or loss the future
must decide. ,
The Numerical Situation
Such was the situation when the last dispatches were sent
after the nightfall of Sunday last, April 14th. The line of
that moment, as shown in those dispatches, is indicated
upon the accompanying map.
But meanwhile there came by Saturday evening news
more interesting and perhaps more important than the
description of the line in the war of movement thus restored.
It concerned a point already touched on, the number of
divisions which the Germans had already thrown into the mill.
That is the heart of the matter.
Up to that date — the evening of April 13th — there had
been identified upon the fronts of the two offensives since
March 21st no less than no German divisions, and of these
no less than 40 had been thrown in twice.
Now let us appreciate what this means. We are dealing
with exactly twenty-four days, of which about two-thirds
have been days of very violent fighting, and of which the
remaining third have also seen very expensive and heavily
pressed local attacks. We may say that we are dealing
with the equivalent of twenty days of maximimi effort.
During this period there has been a call upon the German
Army to the equivalent of 150 divisions. He began with
50 in line during the first two days of his great main offensive
of March, the fifty grew to over 100 ; his second offensive,
here in April, used in the first two days perhaps 16. The
r6 grew in six days to something well over 30 — perhaps to 40.
He is putting stuff through the mill at the very maximum
rate. He is giving divisions much less than half the old
average time to rest in between two appearances on the
l>attleneld. He has used his units at more than three times
the rate of their use during the longer drawn battles of the
last two years. In other words, he is straining his power of
endurance after a fashion which we may represent as multi-
plied by two or three times the fashion of any earlier period
— of Verdun, Champagne, or the Somme. Tlie whole thing
is a violent confirmation of the thesis that he is out to win
in a very short time, or to be decisively beaten.
HiLAiRE Belloc.
Copyright 1918, U.S.A.
Liberty Ag
By Lou
Li
Copyright, •■Land <r tVater."
:t Kaiserism
ekers .
t
12
Land & Water
April i8, 1918
Lichnowsky's Revelations: By Sir M. Durand
SOME remarkable papers have seen the Hght in
Germany duri-ng the last few weeks, and the more
they are studied by the British public the better ;
for they reveal with striking clearness the real facts
about the rcsponsibihty for the war, and incidentally
they bring out the difference between the general attitude of
Germany and that of Great Britain in matters of foreign
policy. We English — or nearly all of us — have been satisfied
from the beginning that we were entirely in the right. Like
most people, we are apt to take that view of our own pro-
ceedings. But it is one thing to be absolved by the voice of
conscience, it is another thing to find ourselves openly and
formally absolved by an enemy who has hitherto proclaimed
that England has been the arch-plotter against the peace of
Europe — the instigator and leader of a wicked conspiracy to
hem in and destroy the peace-loving German Empire,
First among these papers is the famous memorandum of
Prince Lichnowsky, late German Ambassador in England.
Prince Lichnowsky was representing his country here when
the war broke out, and he had therefore the fullest knowledge
of the course of affairs. He has not hesitated to declare in
his memorandum that the responsibility for "the war rests
upon Germany — not upon England. "We deliberately de-
stroyed," he says, "thepossibihty of a peaceful settlement" ;
and "my London mission . . .- was wrecked not by the
perfidy of the British, but by the perfidy of our pohcy."
These assertions he supports by a statement of " indisputable
facts" drawn from official pubUcations, and not controverted
by the German White Book. He shows that to the end
Great Britain made repeated efforts to maintain the peace
of Europe; and he sums up with the remark, "it is not
surprising that the whole civilised world outside Germany
attributes to us the sole guilt for the world war." The
unfortunate Ambassador, it may be observed, was tricked by
his own Government as to their intentions ; for under a
system well known in the German service, the Kaiser kept in
London two diplomatic instruments, one a representative,
himself deceived so as better to deceive our people, the other
a subordinate working in secret over the head of his chief.
Prince Lichnowsky does not stand alone, for Herr Miihlon,
an ex-director of the great Krupp firm, almost simultaneously
declared that the Kaiser himself was personally responsible
for the war. Then Herr von Jagow, German Foreign Minister
from 1913 to 1916, Hvas apparently put up to answer Prince
Lichnowsky's memorandum ; at all events, his observations
upon it are pubhshed by the German Government. And
what is his answer ? Anyone who studies it will see that it
is practically no answer at all, for the main facts brought
forward in the memorandum are in no way disproved. - As
to Great Britain, Herr von Jagow makes the following
remarks : "I am by no means willing to adopt the opinion,
which is at present widely held in Germany, that England
laid all the mines which caused the war ; on the contrary,
1 believe in Sir Edward Grey's love of peace, and in his
serious wish to reach an agreement with us. . . . Among
the English people also the war was not popular." It is
true that Herr von Jagow says Sir Edward Grey "did not
prevent the world-war, as Ke could have done," but no proof
of this assertion is brought forward beyond the remark that
"he had involved himself too deeph' in the net of Franco-
Russian policy" and "could no longer find the way out."
Finally, other persons of some note in Germany have
apparently accepted, and have been permitted to express,
the view that Great Britain was not the guilty party. For
example, the naval critic. Captain Persius, has written in
the Berliner Tageblatt : "An understanding ought to be
easier now that we have heard from two opposing sources,
from von Jagow and Lichnowsky, that England was not
responsible for the war, as hitherto has been believed in wide
circles in Germany." ,
Now, the first thing that strikes one on reading these
various pronouncements is the fact that they should have
been allowed to see 'the light in Germany. It seems evident
that the pubhcation could not have been made without the
permission of the German Government. Such a complete
change of front must have a meaning.
A friend of mine once told me it was a sajing in his country
that the best way of coming to terms with an Englishman
was to knock him down first and then talk nicely to him.
The words of Captain Persius quoted above, and other
expressions used by German newspapers, would seem to
show that the German Government has resolved to try this
method. It looks as if they hoped that by dealing a great
blow at our Army in France, and then proclaiming the
innocence of Great Britain, thcj- might induce us to conclude
a separate peace, inducing their own people at the same time
to regard such, a settlement with favour. It is a grotesque
idea ; but any other explanation of the German action is
difficult to imagine.
This, however, is a point of minor importance. Whatever
may be the intention of the German Government, the imme-
diate effect of their action is clear. The veil has been torn
from the face of the Kaiser, and the responsibility of Germany
for the war is definitely estal)lished. It will be observed,
incidentally, that no German except Lichnowsky seems in
the least ashamed either of the villainous aggression by which
the war was brought about or of the long-continued campaign
of falsehood by which the German Government sought to
throw the blame on England.
Some hard things have been said of late in England about
the British Foreign Office and the methods of British diplo-
macy. I hold no brief for the P'oreign Office, and fully believe
that some of its proceedings in the past have been open to
attack. Granted that the Foreign Office is full of sin, this is
not because its proceedings have been false and aggressive
like those of the Germans ; it is for the precisely
opposite reason, that they have been simple and conciliatory
to the verge, and at times beyond the verge, of feebleness.
Partly from that timidity in matters of policy which is as
marked a characteristic of our people as courage in the field,
partly from an honest desire for peace and goodwill among
men, we have not always "held up our end," as we might
have done ; and we have suffered in consequence.
Our Policy Towards Russia
An excellent example of this is the course of our pohcy
towards Russia, especially since the Crimean War, when she
began to push out seriously along her natural "slope" to the
eastward, and in the opinion of our statesmen to threaten
India closely. We allowed the Russians, when they were
much weaker than we were in Asia to "draw" us to an
extent which would have been reaUy comic if it had not been
so dangerous. By an attitude of perpetual apprehension
— not to say alarm — at their smallest movement in Central
Asia, we impressed them and unluckily impressed all Asiatics,
including the natives of India, with the idea that we were
afraid of Russia and dared not stand up to her. This attitude
did great harm.
{3i,Writing as late as 1897, I urged that Russia was
not strong enough to attack us, and that we should do
well to show more confidence in our own strength, which, as
long as the people of India trusted us, was immense. I
urged also that we should do well to show less distnist of the
good faith of the Russians, who had not for seventy years
made any serious encroachment on the treaty frontiers of
Persia, and were pledged by a formal agreement, not hitherto
broken, to respect the frontiers of Afghanistan. But this
was not the view generally taken, and the old pohcy of alarm
continued to hoM the field. Then in 1907 came indeed a
new pohcy, one of rapprochement towards Russia, prompted
in great measure by our growing sense of the aggressive
spirit of Germany ; but there remained witli the new policy
the old exaggerated estimate of Russian strength, and the
old distrust of our own. The result was the Anglo-Russian
Convention, by which we hoped to put an end to .Anglo-
Russian rivalry in Asia.
I am not now discussing the general merits and effect of
that agreement. I wish only, to bring out the particular
point that our policy towards Russia was concihatory in the
extreme. When the matter came up in the House of Lords,
Lord Lansdowne and Lord Sanderson pointed out that in
the past we had been ready to come to an understanding
with Russia, but that she had been unwiUing to meet us.
And the critics of the Convention had no difficulty in showing
that, now she had met us, we had in the interests of concilia-
tion made a very bad bargain with her.
Wc undoubtedly had a bargain so bad that it was regarded
throughout Asia as a discreditable surrender to superior force.
For example, in Afghanistan the Russians were to have any
trade facilities the Afghans might give us, but there was no
clause securing to us any facilities they might give the
Russians. Also, though we promised the Russians equal
commercial opportunities in that country, where our influence
predominated, they did not promise us equal opportunities
in regions where they were predominant. As Lord Lansdowne
April 1 8, 1918
Land & Water
13
observed: "A more one-sided application of a sound prin-
ciple I never came across."
More might be said about Afghanistan and something
about Tibet. But the main sacrifice was in Persia. That
great country was divided into Russian and English spheres
of influence in no way corresponding to the positions
— pohtical and commercial — of the two Powers.
Further examples of the conciUatory and peaceful attitude
of our Governments for a long time past might easily be
cited from the history of our relations with other Powers
—with Germany, perhaps, in particular. To the; very end,
when she had everything ready for war, and, to use
Lichnowsky's words, was "insisting that Serbia must be
massacred," England, whom she accused of encirchng and
throtthng her, was granting her concessions of many kinds,
even consenting — most improperly, I think — to the extension
of the Bagdad Railway down to Basra, so as to open Meso-
potamia to lier operations. Every one knows of the con-
cihatory spirit in which we met France when the time came
for a rapprochement. Every one knows, of the spirit of
goodwill — and more than goodwill — which for years past
we have shown towards the Americans, until our Govern-
ments really seemed actuated at times by the feeling which
a famous American novelist ascribes to one of her characters,
"the desire that England should have an excuse to hug us."
As is evident from what I have written, I do not contend
that our prevailing attitude in matters of foreign policy has
always been dignified or successful. Personally, I believe it
has often been wanting in strength, and has led at times to
the sacrifice of \he legitimate interests of Great Britain and
the Dominions. I feel that when the personal and party
feelings involved have passed away, history will not easily
forgive the extreme anxiety shown by some of our public
• men to make the nation believe in German goodwill towards
us when they well knew, or certainly ought to have known,
that no such goodwill existed — an anxiety which even led to
shameful attacks upon the great soldier who spent his last
years in trying to open our eyes and make us prepare for the
deadly peril that was coming upon us. For such proceedings
there can be no excuse. And it may well be held that a
more virile attitude might often have been not only more
honourable to us, but more useful to the world.
But when all that is said, there remains something more
to be said. If other nations besides Germany have now
and then seemed inclined to take advantage of our softness
— if, for example, the Russians in Asia were somewhat high-
handed in their working of the Convention of 1907 — yet
I believe the certainty that England could be trusted to keep
to her engagements, and was honestly desirous of peace, did
have its effect upon the attitude of the world towards us.
As Admiral Mahan asked when discussing the alleged " stupid
ity" of British officers : "Where has it placed Great Britain
among the nations of the earth ? "
It is not a little thing that Palavia Inglesa has become
a household word. Substantially the nations keep faith and
peace with us as we keep faith and peace with them. Russia,
until she broke up under the twin solvents of ideologue
TURKEY AND THE WAR.
When the history of the world-war comes to be written, the most
outstanding event after the battle of the Marne will be found to
have been the entrance of Turkey into the war on the side of the
enemy. But for this there would have been no Gallipoli, no fall of
Kut; the expeditionary forces to Salonika, Mesopotamia, and
Palestine would have been unnecessary; the Dardanelles would
have remained open for the export of corn and oil from Russia and
Rumania; Rumania would have been secure, Bulgaria not daring
to move, with neutral nations friendly to the Entente on either
flank; there would have been no Armenian massacres. Think
what it would have meant, had Turkey remained neutral!
Victory would have been won months ago.
Friendship and goodwill between Great Britain and Turkey was
traditional. How did it come about that it broke down at this
tremendous crisis? The circumstances have hitherto been veiled
in secrecy, but with the publication of the diplomatic experiences
of Mr. Morgenthau, the American Ambassador at Constantinople
from 1913 to 1916, all the facts will be revealed,
Mr, Morgenthau'6 diplomatic record will be published in
Land & water early next month. It is an invaluable contribution
to the history of these times; it relates the incidents of the escape
of the "Goeben" and '' Breslau," and it explains how Germany
was able to establish her dominance over Turkey at that critical
hour. It is all the more interesting in that Mr. Morgenthau was by
birth a German, having been born at Mannheim; he went to
Americawhen ten years of age, and is now American to the backbone.
chatter and German gold, adhered faithfully to the under-
standing which lay at the root of the Convention, and did
great service to the Allied cause. Our old enemy France
is now our firm friend and staiuich ally. Along the
immense frontier hne between Canada and the United States
there has been peace for a hundred years, and practically no
armed force, because on each side there has been an honest
desire for peace ; and now, thank God, the Stars and Stripes
and the Union Jack are flying side by side in defence of
liberty. Italy, Greece, Belgium, Japan, and many other
countries seem to trust us thoroughly. Only Germany was
left to denounce us as false and aggressive, and now the
guilt of falsehood and aggression has been firmly fixed by
Germans themselves upon their own ' country ; and the
sincerity and peacefulness of England have been formally
acknowledged even in Germany.
Of course, the German Government has not definitely
accepted the burden of criminality. It has left itself a loop-
hole for the repudiation of the truth, and when England
declines to be tricked into peace by soft words the old bogey
may be set up again for the deception of the German people.
But if they should be again deceived no one else ever will.
Prince Lichnowsky and others may be disgraced and punished
for speaking the truth, but it has been spoken, and nothing
can alter that fact.
Henceforth, England stands out clear of all responsibihty
for the monstrous wickedness which has been let loose upon
the world ; and when the gigantic conflict comes to an end
she will be not only greater than ever, but more highly
trusted and honoured.
The Irish Convention : By Harold Cox
WHETHER the Convention over which Sir
Horace Plunkett so patiently presided for
nearly nine months has rendered any service
to Ireland is a matter upon which opinion is
divided ; that it has rendered an immense
service to England is beyond question. For two generations
at least Irishmen in all parts of the world have been denounc-
ing England as the cause of all their troubles. They have
proclaimed on thousands of platforms that England denies
to Irishmen the right to self-government, and insists on
holding in subjection a nation that for centuries has struggled
in vain for freedom.
The report of tlie Irish Convention has disposed of this
delusion. It proves that the obstacle to Home Rule for
Ireland is not some curious mental twist on the part of
Englishmen, but the inability of the inhabitants of Ireland
to discover any scheme of Home Rule upon which they can
even approximately agree.
The Irish Convention was called into being last summer as
the result of correspondence between thp present Prime
Minister, Mr. Lloyd George, and the then leader of the Irish
Nationahst Party, the late Mr. John Redmond. "Irishmen
of all creeds and parties" were invited to meet together
" for the purpose of drafting a constitution for their country."
A more comprehensive invitation cannot be imagined. The
mere fact that it was given disposed of the idea that the
British Government for some, strange malicious motive
wished to deny freedom to Ireland. The subsequent history
showed what is and ■always has been the obstacle to Home
Rule for Ireland. Every effort was made at the outset to
meet the Prime Minister's request for a Convention representing
the whole of Ireland. A very considerable amount of success
was achieved. The members of the Convention were well
chosen ; they were men of distinction in their respective
spheres of activity, and probably no better men could have
been .found to give expression to the different points of view
which they represented. Yet even so, the Prime Minister's
ideal of "all creeds and parties" was not attained, for the
very important Sinn Fein Party refused to have anything to
do with the Convention. Therefore even if the findings of
the Convention had been unanimous they would have been
discounted by the fact that a party which has won a majority
of the by-elections in Ireland in the past twelve months
was contemptuously hostile.
But the Convention did not reach an agreement — not even
an approximate agreement. Sir Horace Plunkett, whose
services to Ireland cannot be too highly estimated, evidently
struggled hard to secure some show of agreement. He got
14
Land & Water
April 1 8, 19 1 8
so far as to feel himself jiistified in saying, in his letter trans-
mitting the report to the Prime Minister, that the "Conven-
tion had laid a foundation of Irish agreement unprecedented
in history." That may quite easily be true, for as far back
as the history of Ireland can be traced the inhabitants of
that island have been engaged in fighting with one another.
Therefore, judged by Irish standards, it is possible that
some progress has been made. But when we pass from
Irish conceptions to prosaic facts it will be seen that agree-
. ment, for all purposes of action, is as remote as ever.
In the first place, Ulster remains outside. Nineteen
representatives from Ulster attended the Convention in the
hope of finding some common ground between themselves
and the Nationalists. They report that the Nationalists,
instead of tntdng to meet their objections to the Home Rule
Act of 1914, put forward claims which went far beyond that
Act. The only concession offered to Ulster wa.s a proposal
that in an Irish Parliament "Unionists should have a tem-
porary representation largely in excess of what they are
entitled to on the basis of population." This proposal may
have been well meant, but obviously such an arrangement
could not long endure, and the Ulster representatives pru-
dently declined to accept the proffered concession.
The Southern Unionists
On the other hand, there is the notable fact that the
Southern Unionist representatives on the Convention, led by
Lord Midleton, did co-operate to a very considerable extent
with the Nationahst Party, and did vote in the final division
in favour of the motion "That the report as a whole be
adopted." That motion was carried by 44 to 29. As the
Convention at the time of voting contained 90 members, it
will be seen that less than half voted in favour of finally
endorsing the report. The majority of 44 consisted of
Nationahsts and Southern' Unionists, plus two or three
Labour representatives ; the minority consisted of the Ulster
Unionists and eleven of the more extreme Nationalists.
Thus superficially there was a combination of moderate men
in favour of the report, while the extremists on both sides
voted against it. This is just the kind of situation that is
dear to the heart of an Enghshman. But the EngUsh love
of compromise finds no place in Irish mentality, and when
two Irishmen have agreed to what appears to be a compromise
it is safe to assume that they have only agreed to differ —
which is a very different proposition. An examination of
the report of the Convention will show that this is exactly
what happened in the case of the apparent compromise
between the Southern Unionists and the more moderate
Nationalists They both indeed had one common purpose
— to prevent the partition of Ireland. The Southern Unionists
are opposed to the exclusion of the six north-eastern counties
of Ulster — to which John Redmond and his followers agreed
both In 1914 and in 1916 — because they want the support
of their Ulster friends against their Nationalist enemies ;
the Nationahsts, since the Sinn Fein movement became
formidable, refuse any longer to accept the exclusion of the
six counties because that exclusion conflicts with the con-
ception of "Ireland a Nation." This was the common
ground between the Southern Unionists and the Nationalists ;
there was none other.
The Southern Unionists begin their separate note to the
report by declaring "their unaltered conviction that the
Legislative Union provides tlie best system of government
for Ireland." They go on to say that they entered the
Convention in response to an appeal from His Majesty's
Government which they did not feel justified in disregarding,
and that they had done their best to assist in devising a
constitution. After this preface, they enumerate the condi-
tions which they consider vital to a satisfactory settlement,
and they say expressly that their action "must be subject
to these conditions." That is to say, the Southern Unionists
must be regarded as opposed to the scheme for which they
voted unless these conditions are satisfied. The more
important of the conditions enumerated arc the following :
" That all Imperial questions and services, including the levying
of customs duties, be left in the hands of the Parliament of the
United Kingdom."
" That the whole of Ireland participate in any Irish
Parliament "
" That an adequate contribution be made by Ireland to
Imperial services."
The first of these points raises an issue the importance of
which has not hitherto been appreciated in England. In
reality it is a touchstone by which to test the meaning of
the phrase Home Rule. The mere Englishman or Scotchman
who says he is in favour of Home Rule for Ireland means
by that phrase that Ireland is to be endowed with a strictly
subordinate parliament, whose powers will be hmited to
strictly Irish affairs, leaving the parliament of the United
Kingdom in unquestioned control of all matters concerning
the kingdom as a whole. That is also the meaning attached
to the phrase by American critics of alleged English obstinacy.
"Why not," asks the impatient Yankee, "make Ireland a
State in your Union, as Massachusetts is a State in our
Union ? " The answer is that this is not what the Irish
Nationalist wants. His slogan is "Ireland a Nation."
Massachusetts is not a nation, it is a state ; the nation is the
United States. The Irish Nationalists are not content witli
statehood ; they want nationhood. Some of the Nationalists,
in spite of the Sinn Feiners, are willing that the Irish nation
shall continue to form part of the British Empire, but only
on condition that it has tlie full status of a Dominion like
Canada, or Australia, or Soutli Africa. With absolute dis-
regard for the facts of geography, the Irish Nationalists
demand that Ireland, situated within sixty miles of the
coast of Wales, within eyesight of the coast of Scotland,
should be placed on the same footing towards Great Britain
as the Dominion of Canada two thousand miles away, or the
Commonwealth of Australia at the Antipodes.* That is why
the customs controversy occupied so large a share of the
time of the Convention, for the control of customs is every-
where a function of the national or federal legislature, never
of the state or pro.ancial legislatures. Consequently, the
Nationalist demand for the control of customs shuts out the
federal solution of the Irish problem wliich is so often talked
about by people on this side of St. George's Channel. How,
then, did the Convention deal with this crucial issue ?
Simply by postponing it.
The second of the conditions enumerated above as being
requisite to any acceptance of Home Rule by the Southern
Unionists is that the whole of Ireland should participate in
an Irish Parliament. This means that unless Ulster comes in
the Southern Unionists will have no Home Rule. In this
case the Convention did not even make a pretence that unity
had been reached. The attitude of Ulster is unmistakable.
The six north-eastern counties demand exclusion, and mean
to insist upon it.
The third condition on which the Southern Unionists
insist as essential to their acceptance of any form of Home
Rule is that an adequate contribution must be made by
Ireland to Imperial services. The attitude of the Nationalists
towards this demand is made sufficiently clear by the
separate reports which the two Nationalist parties on the
Convention have drafted. Both these parties, while verbally
accepting "the principle" of an Irish contribution, make
it clear that they do not intend to part with any appreciable
amount of cash. They demand that the amount of *he
contribution should be left to be settled by agreement between
the Irish Parliament and the Imperial Parliament, and t>»fy
show the spirit in which they would approach negotiation
on this question by insisting that Ireland must be freed
from all hability for the Imperial debt. Ireland is to receive
the full security that victory will bring to the United King-
dom, but she is to accept no responsibility for the debt
incurred in winning that security. ; More than this, the
Nationahst parties .demand that in fixing the amount of
contribution from the prosperous Ireland of to-day account
must be taken of sum"s alleged to be due to Ireland for
liypothetical over-taxation eighty or ninety years ago, when
Ireland was poor. In addition, the extremer Nationahsts,
who represent the real driving force in Irish pohtics, suggest
that the cost of various services wliich they admit to be
Irish must still be debited to the Imperial Exchequer and
that any balance due from Ireland "could best be paid in
kind by the provision of ships or other war material manu-
factured in Ireland."
There we have a revelation of the true Irish mentahty —
picturesque talk about Ireland a nation, but a refusal to
part with a single sixpence to pay lor the pride of nationhood.
Nor is that all. It was said above that on no point was an
agreement reached by the Convention. That statement is
not quite accurate ; on two points the Convention was
unanimous. It decided unanimouslv that the Imperial
Exchequer should be called upon to" furnish more money
both for Irish Land Purchase and for Irish Housing. In
fairness to the Unionist members of the Convention, it must
be added that they insisted at the same time on' the full
liabihty of Ireland for an adequate share of all Imperial
charges, so that the Irish taxpayer would in their view have
shared the increased burden with the British taxpayer.
• In his speech in the House of Lords when the Home Rule Bill of
1893 was rejected, the Duke ot Argyll said that he had recently been
spending a few weeks " in a part of Scotland whence we look down
upon the hills of Antrim. We can see the colour of their fields and in
the sunset we gan see the glancing of the Ught upon the windows of
the cabms of the people. And this, my lords, is the country which we
are told must be governed as we govern the Antipodes."
April 1 8, 19 1 8
Land & Watei
15
German Plots Exposed
Fay and the Bombs
By French StrOther, Managing Editor, "The World's Work," New York
In this picture of infernal imagining the true character of German
plottings in America stands revealed. Ingenuity of conception
characterised them, method and patience and painstaking made
them perfect. Flawless logic, flawless mechanism! But on the
human side, only the blackest passions and an utter disregard of
human life; no thought of honour, no trace of human pity.
ROBERT FAY
landed in New
York on April
23rd.1915.He
landed in jail
just six months and one
day later — on October
24th. In those six months he slowly perfected one of
the most infernal devices that ever emerged from the
mind of man. He painfully had it manufactured piece by
piece. With true German thoroughness he covered his trail
at every point — excepting one. And five days after he had
aroused suspicion at that point, he and his entire group of
fellow-conspirators were in jail. The agents of American
justice who put him there had unravelled his whole ingenious
scheme and had evidence enough to have sent him to the
penitentiary for life if laws since passed had then been in
force.
Only the mind thaf conceived the sinking of the Lusitania
could have improved upon the devilish device which Robert
Fay invented and had ready for use when he was arrested.
It was a box containing forty pounds of trinitrotoluol, to be
fastened to the rudder post of a vessel, and so geared to the
rudder itself that its oscillations would slowly release the
catch of a spring, wliich would then drive home the firing-pin
and cause an explosion that would instantly tear off the
whole stem of the ship, sinking it in mid-ocean in a few
minutes. Experts in mechanics and experts in explosives
and experts in shipbuilding all tested the machine, and all
agreed that it was perfect for the work which Fay had planned
that it should do.
Fay had three of these machines completed, he had others
in course of construction, he had bought and tested the
explosive to go into them, he had cruised New York harbour
in a motor-boat, and proved by experience that he could
attach them undetected where he wished, and he had the
names and sailing dates of the vessels that he meant to
sink without a trace. Only one little link that broke — and
the quick and thorough work of American justice — robbed
him of another Iron Cross besides the one he wore. That
link — but that comes later in the story.
Fay and his device came straight from the heart of the
German Army, with the approval and the money of his
Government behind him. He, hke Werner Horn, came
.originally from Cologne ; but they were veq^ different men.
Where Horn was almost childishly simple. Fay's mind was
subtle and quick to an extraordinary degree. Where Horn
had been humane to the point of risking his life to save
others. Fay had spent months in a cold-blooded solution of
a complex problem in destruction that he knew certainly
involved a horrible death for dozens, and more likely hun-
dreds, of helpless human beings. Horn refused to swear to
a lie even where the lie was a matter of no great moment.
Fay told at his trial a story so ingenious that it would have
done credit to a noveUst, and would have been wholly con-
vincing if other evidence had not disproved the substance
of it. The truth of the case runs like this :
Fay was in Germany when the war broke out, and was
sent to the Vosges Mountains in the early days of the con-
flict. Soon men were needed in the Champagne sector, and
Fay was transferred to that front. Here he saw some of the
bitterest fighting of the war, and here he led a detachment of
Germans in a surprise attack on a trench full of Frenchmen
in superior force. His success in this dangerous business
won him an Iron Cross of the second class. During these
days the superiority of the Allied artillery over the German
caused the Germans great distress, and they became very
bitter when they realised, from a study of the shells that
exploded around them, how much of this superiority was
• due to the material that came from the United States for
use by the French and British guns, t'ay's ingenious mind
formed a scheme to stop this supply, and he put his plan
before his superior officers. The result was that, in a few
weeks, he left the army and left Germany, armed with pass-
ports and £700 in American money, bound for the United
States on the steamer Rotterdam. He reached New York
on April 23rd, 1915.
One of Fay's qualifications for the task he had set for
himself was his familiarity with the English language and
with the United States.
He had gone to America
in 1902, spending a few
months on a farm in
Manitoba and then going
on to Chicago, where he
had worked for several
years for the J. I. Case Machinery Company, makers of
agricultural implements. During these years, Fay was taking
an extended correspondence school course in electrical and
steam engineering, so that altogether he had a good technical
background for the events of 1915. jIn 1908 he went back
to Germany. '-
What he may have lacked in technical equipment. Fay
made up by the first connection he made when he reached
New York in 1915. The first man he looked up was Walter
Scholz, his brother-in-law, who had been in America for
four years, and who was a civil engineer who had worked
there chiefly as. a draftsman — part of the time^for the Lacka-
wanna Railroad — and who had studied mechanical engineer-
ing in his spare time. When Fay arrived, Scholz had been
out of a ^ob in his own profession and was working on a
rich man's estate in Connecticut. Fay, armed with' plenty
of money and his big idea, got Scholz to go into the scheme
with him, and the two were soon living together in a- boarding-
house at 28 Fourth Street, Weehawken, across the river
from up-town New York.
To conceal the true nature of their operations, they hired
a small building on Main Street, and put a sign over the
door announcing themselves in business as "The Riverside
Garage." They added verisimilitude to this scheme by
buying a second-hand car in bad condition and dismantling
it, scattering the parts around the room so that it would
look as if they were engaged in making repairs. Every
once in a while they would shift these parts about so as to
alter the appearance of the place. However, they did not
accept any business; whenever a man took the sign at its
face value and came in asking to have work done. Fay or
Scholz would take him to a neighbouring saloon and buy
him a few drinks, and pass him along by referring him to
some other garage.
The most of their time they spent about the real business
in hand. They took care to have the windows of their
room in the boarding-house heavily curtained to keep out
prying eyes, and here, under a student lamp, they spent
hours over mechanical drawings which were afterwards
produced in evidence at the trial of their case. The mechanism
that Fay had conceived was carefully perfected on paper,
and then they confronted the task of getting the machinery
assembled. Some of the parts were standard — that is, they
could be bought at any hardware store. Others, however,
were peculiar to this device, and had to be made to order
from the drawings. They had the tanks made by a sheet-
metal worker named Ignatz Schiering, at 344 West 42nd
Street, New York. Scholz went to him with a drawing,
telling him that it was for a gasolene tank for a motor-boat.
Scholz made several trips to the shop to supervise some of
the details of the construction, and once to order more tanks
of a new size and shape.
At the same time, Scholz went to Bernard McMiUan
— doing business under the name of McMillan & Werner,
81 Centre Street, New York — to have him make a special
kind of wheels and gears for the internal mechanism of the
bomb, from sketches which Scholz supplied. At odd times
between June loth and October aoth McMillan was working
on these things, and dehvered the last of them to ScholJ
just a few days before he was arrested.
In the meanwhile Fay was taking care of the other neces-
sary elements of his scheme. Besides the mechanism of the
bomb, he had to become famiUar with the shipping in the
port of New York, and he had to get the explosive with
which to charge the bomb. For the former purpose he and
Scholz bought a motor-boat — a 28-footer — and in this they
cruised about New York harbour at odd times, studying the
docks at which ships were being loaded with supplies for the
AUies and calculating the best means and time for placing
the bombs on the rudder-posts of these ships. Fay finally
detennined by experience that between two and three
o'clock in the morning was the best time. The watchmen
i6
Land & Water
April I 8, 19 I 8
on board the ships were at that hour most Ukely to be asleep
or the night dark enough so that he could work in safety
and with Uttle fear of detection.
Fay made actual experiments in fastening the empty
tanks to the rudder-posts, and found that it was perfectly
feasible to do so. His scheme was to fasten them just above
the water-line on a ship while it was light, so that when it
was loaded they were submerged and all possibihty of detec-
tion was removed.
The getting of explosives was, however, the most difficult
part of Fay's undertaking. This was true not only because
he was here most hkely to arouse suspicion, but also because
of his relative lack of knowledge of the thing he was deaUng
with. He did know enough, however, to begin his search
for explosives in the least suspicious field, and it was only
as he became ambitious to produce a more powerful effect
that he came to grief.
The material he decided to use at first was chlorate of
potash. This substance in itself is so harmless that it is an
ingredient of tooth-powders and is used commonly in other
ways. When, however, it is mixed with any substance
high in carbons, such as sugar, sulphur, charcoal, or kerosene,
it becomes an explosive of considerable power. Fay set
about to get some of the chlorate.
But it is now time to get acquainted with Fay's fellow-
conspirators, and to follow them through the drama of
human relationships that led to Fay's undoing. All these
men were Germans — some of them German-Americans — and
each in his own way was doing the work of the Kaiser in
America.
Herbert Kienzle was a dealer in clocks with a shop of his
own on Park Place, in New York. He had learned the
business in his father's clock factory deep in the Black Forest
in Germany, and had gone to America years ago to go into
the same business, getting liis start by acting as agent for
his father's factory over there. After the war broke out he
had become obsessed with the wild tales which German
propaganda had spread in the United States about dum-
dum bullets being shipped for use against the soldiers of the
Fatherland. He had brooded on the subject, had written
very feelingly about it to the folks at home, and had pre-
pared for distribution in the United States a pamphlet
denouncing this traffic. Fay had heard of Kienzle before
leaving Germany, and soon after he had got to New York
he got in touch with him as a man with a fellow-feeling for
the kind of work he was undertaking to do.
One of the first things in Fay's carefully worked out plan
was to locate a place to which he could quietly retire when
his work of destruction should be done — a place where he
felt he could be safe from suspicion. After a talk with
Kienzle, he decided that Lusk's Sanatorium, at Butler, New
Jersey, would serve the purpose. This sanatorium was run
by Germans, and Kienzle was well known there. Acting on
a prearranged plan with Kienzle, Fay went to Butler, and
was met at the station by a man named Bronkhorst, who was in
charge of the grounds at the sanatorium. They identified each
other by prearranged signals, and Fay made various arrange-
ments, some of which are of importance, and will be de-
scribed later in the story.
Another friend of Kienzle's was Max Breitung, a young
German employed by his uncle, E. N. Breitung, who was in
the shipping business in New York. Young Breitung was
consequently in a posirion to know at first hand about the
movements of ships out of New York harbour. Breitung
supplied Fay with the information he needed regarding
which ships Fay should elect to destroy. But first Breitung
made himself useful in another way.
Fay asked Kienzle how he could get some chlorate of
potash, and Kienzle asked his young friend Brietung if he
could help him out. Breitung said he could, and went at
once to another German who was operating in New York
ostensibly as a broker in copper under the name of Carl L.
Oppegaard.
It is just as well to get better acquainted with Oppegaard
because he was a vital hnk in Fay's undoing. His real
name was Paul Siebs, and for the purpose of this story he
might as well be known by that name. Siebs had also "been
in America in ea,rlier days, and during his residence in
Chicago, from 1910 to 1913, he had become acquainted with
young Breitung.
Siebs, moreover, had gone also back to Germany
before the war, but soon after it began he had returned to
the United States under liis false name, ostensibly as an
agent of an electrical concern in Gothenburg, Sweden, for
the purpose of buying copper. He frankly admitted later
that this copper was intended for re-export to Germany to
be used in the manufacture of munitions of war.
{To be continued.)
From a German Note Book
WHATEVER else may have influenced the German
High Command to launch their offensive in the
West, certain it is that two factors predominated.
The German people were suffering from that sickness of
hope deferred. Peace had been forced on Russia, and yet
peace conditions in Germany are as far away as ever.
The "news of the offensive electrified the nation. People
were transported back into the days of August, 1914, when
every edition of the newspapers brought intelligence of
^victory. As in that early period, so during the last two
weeks the crowds in Berlin thronged round the windows of/''
the newspaper offices to read the telegrams. But while in
1914 their rulers held out to them the promise of worid
dominion, to-day their task-masters babble of peace.
At any rate, the offensive has reawakened the war fever
in Germany— no small matter for the military party. But
it was also necessary for another reason. With clock-work
regularity Germany has floated a war loan every six months
—in March and September. Seven have already been
launched ; the eighth is now in progress. The result of the
loans certainly warranted the satisfacrion they called forth.
The seven war loans have yielded altogether 3,632 million
pounds steriing. Be it remembered, however, that the
inflation of currency in Germany, even on German showing,
is immense. Secondly, the country is denuded of all stocks,
and manufacturers and shopkeepers have plenty of money^
but no goods. What are they 'to do with their cash ?
The day of reckoning, however, will come after the war,
when the investors will require cash and will sell out their
holdings of war stock. The results may be imagined, when
such large amounts are involved. But even now there are
searchings of heart. In the budget for 1917, no less a sum
than 178 millions sterling was allocated for payments of
interest on the war loans. When in the budget for 1918
the sum was fixed at 295 millions sterling, even the most
patriotic Germans were aghast, and the Press could not
restrain its anxiety. Where would this lead to ?
Wherefore, when the eighth war loan was floated, it was
not popular. The wildest rumours spread about among
them that the Government would confiscate all the stock,
and would-be investors were a httle frightened of coming
forward. The President of the Imperial Bank found it
necessary to make a public statement in which he reassured
the public that all was well.
This atmosphere of doubt and hesitation was hardlj'
conducive to a successfiil loan. The offensive therefore
became a necessity, and was in a sense part of the propaganda
for the war loan. "Read the daily communiques and sub-
scribe," the German reader was urged in all the papers on
March 27th. "The success of the loan means the success of
the sword. The success of the s\Vord means — Peace. There-
fore, subscribe T" This was the significant message on the
succeeding day. And on the 29th, the following legend was
put under his eyes with that characteristic lack of perception
which marks the Pnissian soul: "Are you still debating
whether to subscribe or not ? Ask the Frenchman and the
Russian, the Serb, the Rumanian, and the Itahan what it means
to have the enemy in the land. Are you still debating ? "
The enthusiasm engendered by the results of the offensive
is somewhat damped. Industry is at a standstill ; only the
munition works are doing well. A manufacturer has informed
the readers of the semi-official Prussian State organ that in
the cotton industry only 70 out of a total of 1,700 spinning
and weaving establishments were kept going ; in bootmaking,
only 300 factories out of 1,400 ; in the oil industry, 15 alone
are left out of 720 works ; and in the sil6-weaving industrj'
2,500 looms are still busy out of a total of 45,000.
Bad as are these conditions, they are aggravated by the
high cost of living, and still more by social diseases brought
about by the war. Berlin swarms with criminals who carrj'
on their nefarious handiwork on a large scale and in organised
bands. There were four startling murders in one week in
Berlin only a fortnight ago. Burglaries are daily occur-
rences, and the advertisement boards exhibit any number of
flaring red posters offering rewards for the capture of the
guilty parties. Very frequently the robberies are per-
petrated in broad daylight.
One of the Berhn insurance companies estimates the
number of daily burglaries in the German capital at 300,
to say nothing of thefts on the railways. In 1912 the Imperial
postal authorities had to recoup the public for parcels lost in
transit to the extent of £5,000 ; in 1917 the amount had
risen to £155.000. Goods trains are boarded en route and
the railway guards attacked by armed men, who seize and
decamp with what they^can lay hands on.
April i8, 1918
Land Sc Water
17
Life and Letters mjJX- Squire
Shakespeare's Sonnets
IT is nearly twenty years since Messrs. Methuen, with
Mr. W. j. Craig as editor, began the pubhcation of
the Arden Shakespeare ; nearly ten since Mr. R. H.
Case took over general control of the series; and,
I should think, at least two since a volume was issued.
Mr C. Knox Pooler's edition of the Sonnets (3s. net) has
at last appeared. It was worth waiting for.
******
The notes are considerably more voluminous than the
text. This is not always a tribute to a poet's editor ; and it
necessitates an arrangement of the page which makes the
edition an inconvenient one for ordinary reading. At the
same time, a man who should habitually read the Sonnets
without an occasional hankering for a fully annotated edition
would be more than human. Both their nature and their
condition make them cry out for explanation. They appear
to tell a story ; but what stoty ? They are evidently a
sonnet sequence ; we have the sonnets, but almost certainly
not the sequence. They are dedicated by the printer to a
mysterious person whose identification might or might not
provide a clue which would illuminate their whole content.
They are full of phrases which need explanation, and words
which open the door to conjecture ; the originals of the
greater portion of our text are two evidently corrupt editions.
One of these editions was published, apparently by a pirate,
in Shakespeare's lifetime ; the other by an ignoramus
twenty-four years after his death. On all sides we are
besieged by questions. For whom did Shakespeare write
them ? Are the whole of them meant to hang together ?
Where does euphuistic compliment end and passion begin ?
Who were the persons mentioned, including the brother-
poet ? Which of the thousands of variant readings are
correct ? What is the correct order ? And even — though
this is not commonly put — do we possess the whole of them ?
******
Mr. Pooler is an editor of the cautious and judicious type.
His qfotes on the text — interpretations, variants, parallel
paissage — embody a great deal of what is valuable in the
work of his predecessors, and much, uniformly sensible, that
is his own. On more general questions, however, he inclines
to summarise the arguments of two centuries of commentators
instead of parading theories of his own. One positive and
exhaustive argument he does carry through, as I tliink,
successfully. He argues, as against Sir Sidney Lee, that
Benson for his edition of 1640 had no other materials than
Thorpe's 1609 edition and The Passionate Pilgrim (1599),
which contains two sonnets. Prima facie, there is a good
deal in favour of Sir Sidney Lee's view : Benson leaves out
some sonnets, misdescribes many in head-lines, muddles
them up with other poems, and frequently varies tlie text.
But most of his exploits can be explained away as the stupidi-
ties of a dolt or the deliberate changes of a knave. Premising
that "one blind beast may avoid the hole into which another
blind beast has fallen, but it cannot fall into the same hole
unless it is going over the same ground," Mr. Pooler collects
a very large number of instances to show that, where Thorpe
had committed misprints or errors of punctuation which
play havoc with the sense, Benson corvtinually follows him.
This is not what is called a "mere" bibhographical question.
For in Benson's edition, to put it briefly, a great many of the
"he's" are altered into "she's," and if it could be proved to
be anything more than a mere adaptation of Thorpe's, the
sex of the person addressed in most of the Sonnets would
be more open to doubt than it is.
* ' * * * * «
The theory that the Sonnets do not refer to actual occur-
rences, often propounded (and recently, supported, by the
way, by Mr. Asquith). does not seem to me tenable ; I do
not think that a poet whose own personal feelings were not
directly engaged ever produced sonnets with the ring that
these have. There is no justification, on the face of the
poet's statements or in the general spirit which permeates
the sonnets, for those interpreters who, sometimes from
interested motives, have detected abnormality in Shake-
speare's love for that friend of whom he said :
And for a woman wert thou first created
Till Nature, as she wrought thee, iell a-doting,
And by addition me of thee defeated. . . .
But ill' existed ; Shakespeare urged iiim constantly to marry ;
and there was a breach. In spite of all the fever of all the
controversialists, we do not know who he was. We do not
even know whether his initials were W. H. ; Sir Sidney Lee
thinks that " W. H." was a seedy hanger-on of the publishing
trade. Whether the "Dark Lady" has ever been identified
with Anne Hathaway, Mr. Pooler does not say, and I do not
know. But there are several candidates for her post, and at
least six for that of the "rival poet." The amount of inci-
dental information brought to light by all their supporters
has been enormous ; even Baconian research has a silver
lining. But nothing near proof has ever been produced.
The "Dark Lady" remains in the dark, and under " W. H.'s"
dedication, as under Junius' title, the motto "Stat nominis
umbra" must still be written.
******
Possibly the mystery will never be solved. But even if it
were, a greaterjnystery remains, and one that envelopes the
Plays as well as the Sonnets. It is the greatest of all Shake-
spearean mysteries ; far greater than the mystery, so obsessing
to the Baconians, of how "the drunken illiterate clown of
Stratford" could have known so much law, grammar, and
classical mythology. Why was the greatest of all poets so
utterly careless about the perpetuation of his texts ; why
did he apparently take no steps to get the bulk of his work
published or even to correct the corrupt versions that did
get published ? Why, in an age when everybody rushed
into print, did he leave his manuscripts about to die or
precariously survive like foundlings ? In any case, had he
never said a word about his art himself, this would have
been inexplicable, in the light of what we know of human
nature and the nature of poets. But, apart from that, there
is plenty of quite indisputable detailed evidence that he
who envied "this man's art and that man's scope," and who
spoke of the "proud full sail" of a rival's "great verse"
revered his own 'calling. More, over and over again, in the
Sonnets themselves he not only shows that consciousness of
his own powers which great poets always have but definitely
anticipates the durability of what he has written. He never
says that he is writing for his private amusement or relief
and that he does not care what becomes of his work or whether
anyone ever reads it : though that is the attitude that some
critics, anxious not to admit any puzzle insoluble, have
absurdly imputed to him. W^at he says is :
Not marble, nor th^ gilded monuments
Of princes shall outlive this powerful rhyme ;
But you shall shine more bright in these contents
Than unswept stone, besmear'd with sluttish time :
When wasteful war shall statues overturn.
And broils root out the work of masonry,
Nor Mars his sword fior War's quick fire shall burn
The living record of your memory.
'Gainst death and all obUvious enmity
Shall you pace forth ; your praise shall still find room,
., Even in the eyes of all posterity
That wear this world out to the ending doom.
So, till the judgment that yourself arise,
You live in this, and dwell in lovers' eyes.
" Who will believe my verse in time to come ? " he asks again.
"Do thy most,, old Time," he says. "My love shall in my
verse ever live long." ''To times in hope my verse shall
stand. Praising thy worth" :
Your njonnment shall be my gentle verse.
Which eyes not yet created shall o'er read ;
And tongues to be your being shall rehearse,
When all the breathers of this world are dead ;
You still shall live, such virtue hath my pen.
Where breath most breathes, even in the mouths of men.
And where he is not promising, but hoping, we see the con-
fidence behind the hope, as in that sonnet with the marvellous
beginning :
Since brass nor stone, nor earth, nor boundless sea,
But sad mortality o'ersways their power,
How with this rage shall beauty hold a plea.
Whose action is no stronger than a flower.
He had written in some of these sonnets the greatest lyric
verse in the world, and he knew it ; verse which in its effort-
less fertility of image, its "inevitable" directness of phrase,
its perfection of rhythm, must be the idol and the despair
of every writer who reads it and sees Shakespeare doing a
thousand times "on his liead" what he himself would be
proud to do once. There are contorted sonnets ; there are
oven dull ones ; but the best, and the best jiarts of the others
surpass anything in English poetry. And they were, appar-
ently, the by-product of a voluminous professional
dramatist.
i8
Land & Water
April 1 8, 1918
Official Art: By Charles Marriott
So far as can be judged from a photograph, the first
prize design for a meiriorial plaque to be presented
to the next of kin of members of His Majesty's
Forces who have fallen in the war has the right
dignity and simplicity. The idea expressed in the
design is worthy, the feeUng restrained, the sjTnbolism apt
and easy to read, and the modelling clean and firm. On the
whole, the artist, the Government, and the general pubUc
are to be congratulated. As a rule, this sort of thing is
done badly in England, and it may be worth while trying to
discover the reason why. Certainly it is not lack of ideas
or of technical abihty in this country.
For some reason or other, a great many people, including
intelligent and educated people, and even
some artists, do not seem to be able to
bring to art the same good faith that
they bring to literature. For ex-
ample, they use the words
"truth to nature" with an
entirely different meaning
in speaking of literature ,^^^^^^^H%F / /
and in speaking of
painting or sculp-
ture. In the case
of literature they
tacitly, and right-
ly, mean truth to
nature in words ;
but in the case of
painting or sculp-
ture they do not
mean truth to
nature in paint or
bronze or marble.
They mean the
imitation of na-
ture in those' sub-
stances. In the
one case they
tacitly assume
translation into
terms of the
medium^ and in the
other they do not. As
apphed to hterature
they interpret the phrase
"holding the mirror up to
nature" figuratively, as it was
intended ; but in the case of
painting, they interpret the phrase
literally, as it was not intended. The
reflection in a mirror is a respectable .
ideal for a possible art, but it is not the Design
art of painting. It is the art of perfect
colour photography. The art of photo-
graphy, indeed, is essentially and
hteraUy the art of holding up a mirror to nature and fixing
the reflection.
As will be seen, a good deal of the confusion is caused by
the bad habit of talking about "art" in the abstract.
Strictly speaking, there is no such thing as art as distinct
from the particular arts of painting, carving, or modelling.
The essential thing about any art is control of the medium
according to its nature and capacities. In the case of litera-
ture this is more or less clearly recognised. The people of
whom I spoke recognise that, irrespective of subject, litera-
ture is primarily the right and effective use of words ; that
the writer is, in fact, a word-smith ; but they do not recognise
that, equally irrespective of subject, art is primarily the
right and effective use of paint or marble or bronze, or what-
ever the substance may be ; and that in one case, as in the
other, truth to nature implies translation. The parallel in
literature to what such people expect of painting or sculpture
would be the sacrifice of articulate language to imitative
sounds.
In order to satisfy the public, and, above all, the official
pubhc, an artist has to make a compromise between truth
to nature in terms of his medium and the imitation of nature
which violates his medium — as imitative sounds would
violate language. Even in pictorial art, where a reasonably
close imitation of nature can be indulged without serious
injury to the medium, the difficulty exists ; but when it
comes to special forms of art, such as the designing of coins
or medals, the difficulty is eriormously increased. There is
not only the special substance, but, the special form to be
considered in the translation of nature. I have talked to
several of the artists responsible for official insignia actually
in use, and they all tell me the same story : the problem was
to dodge in the interests of craftmanship the official demand
for an imitative representation. Generally, the result is a
bad compromise ; * and if you examine the various examples
of official art in use, from decorations to "Bradburys" and
postage stamps, you will see that their general character is
that of a more or less good pictorial design clapped on to the
surface of the materials. They are not designed in terms of
the material or in terms of the particular art involved.
The difference between the task of the
artist and that of the writer in satisfy-
ing the ofiicial mind can be illus-
trated in a very simple way.
Everybody must have noticed
that in most public memorials
the inscription is the best
for Memorial
By E. C. Preston
part. The reason is not
necessarily that the
artist was inferior to
the writer chosen,
but that the
writer was ad-
dressing a sounder
judgment. He
could use his
medium freely
with the certainty
of being under-
stood. Nobody
would pull him up
and point out
I that the word was
not really "like"
the thing. Good
as is Mr. Preston's
design for the
memorial plaque,
it has not quite
the felicity of ' the
inscription : "He died
for Freedom and Hon-
our." I cannot help think-
ing that the combat between
the British lion and the German
eagle was an anticipatory conces-
sion on the part of Mr. Preston. As
somebody said when I pointed it out,
he has done it " very small." Certainly
it adds nothing to the dignity of the
design or to the value of the leading
idea. Fighting for honour and freedom
and fighting Germany are not inevit-
ably the same thing. They only happen to coincide.
The reason why most of our official art is bad is not
that the artists are incompetent or that the officials are
insensible to fine conceptions or even hostile to good crafts-
mansliip in itself. It is the much simpler and much less dis-
couraging reason that, as a rule, the officials responsible do
not understand that in art, as in literature, in order to be
effective the thing must be done in terms of the medium.
Sometimes, of course, the chosen artist is incapable of
making the necessary translation because he has not been
trained as a craftsman, but only as an "artist." It is much
easier to imitate nature skilfully than to master a medium.
Hundreds have poetical ideas, most people can write, but
few can write poetry. I would say that for every
hundred artists who are capable of a fine conception there
will be only ten who can embody it in a good design ; and foi
every ten who can embody it in a good design in the abstract,
there will be only one who can design it in characteristic terms
of a particular material for a particular purpose.
Fortunately, this last is a removable deficiency, and that
brings me to what I beheve is one reason why Mr. Preston
has succeeded where so many have failed. Besides being a
medallist and painter, he is a maker of toys, and he has done
a great deal of work in connection with the Lord Roberts
Memorial Workshops. I venture to say that he learnt
more about designing medals in his toy-making than from
his artistic training in the usual sense of the words.
Plaq
ue
April 1 8, 19 1 8
Land & Water
19
|M.x.'>.^%.'fc.%v^^^^%%^^'^m.%m.^%».^»-%m.^%.»-%.v*-^<.^^^^m.%^i»^^.r#^#.yr^.y.r##'########j>#####J^J>-i'^-»^jr^#-####^/5BH
Electrification of Seeds: By Charles Mercier, m.d, f.r.c.p.
ELECTRICITY is a word to conjure with. In the
estimation of the ignorant it is a kind of superior
witchcraft, a mysterious power that is capable of
working great marvels, they do not in the least
know, or care, how. For this very reason, those
who do know a good deal about electricity are apt to be
sceptical when some new claim is made on its behalf. They
are inclined to put the claim— provisionally, at any rate —
on a level with the assertion that "Electricity is Life," and
to regard it as a bit of quackery.
This, at least, was my own mental attitude when I heard
it asserted that treatment of seeds by electricity before they
are sown produces an increase in the crop that grows from
them, and I was reluctant to waste time in investigating the
process. But when I was assured that an agent of the
Ministry of Food was taking sufiScient interest in the process
to inquire into it, I began to think there might be something
in it ; when I found that the Ministry of Munitions had
released the materials and machines necessary for con-
struction and working of the plant, my interest was aroused ;
when I read the reports and heard the verbal explanations of
agricultural experts of eminence, it seemed that the thing
was worth examination ; when I heard that the firm of
Mitsui, the Rothschilds of Japan, had taken the matter up
and are arranging to instal a plant in Japan, I was con-
finncd in the view ; and when I discovered that practical
farmers, farming on a large scale, who had in previous seasons
made trial sowings of a few acres, were now preparing to sow
a large acreage — the whole of their cereals — with treated
seed, I could no longer doubt that the project was worth
serious examination. I was now prepared to find that there
is something in it. I was not quite prepared to find how
much there is in it.
The process was invented by Mr. H. E. Fry, a gentleman
residing at Godmanstone, near Dorchester, who has been
working at it for the last six years, and by means of some
hundreds of experiments of gradually increasing magnitude,
has brought a promising conjecture to a practical success.
He has been fortunate in possessing open-minded neighbours,
who have confidence in his ability, and who have conducted
for him field-trials upon a considerable scale. The process con-
sists in steeping the seed in a Uquid, such as solution of
common salt, or of calcium chloride, that is a good conductor
of electricity, and in passing, when the seed is thoroughly
soaked, a current of electricity through the solution, and
thereby through the seed also. The current is allowed to
flow for a time that varies with the kind of seed treated,
the optimum duration for each having been determined
by many careful experiments. The moment the proper
time has elapsed, the liquid is run off, and the seed is taken
out and dried ; and at this stage a very unexpected result
was manifested.
In the early trials, the seed was not thoroughly
dried, or but little attention was paid to the drying ; but
subsequent experiments showed that the drying is a very
important part of the process. The temperature needs
careful regulation, and the more thoroughly the moisture is
removed, the greater is the increase in the yield of the crop.
The crude methods of drying at first resorted to are now
superseded by kiln-drying, which, though not ideally perfect,
is very satisfactory in practice. When the seed is dry, the
pr(x;ess is complete, and the seed is ready for sowing. The
sooner, in reason, it is sown, the better are the results ; but
it is ascertained that the seed retains its increased power
wjtliout serious diminution for a month, and may then still
be sown with profit ; but at or before the end of two months
deterioration sets in, and the seed gradually reverts to the
condition it was in before being treated. It suffers no harm
from the treatment, if this is properly conducted, but if the
sowing is delayed beyond a month the treatment is partly or
wholly wasted.
The early experiments showed varying results. In most
of them there was a gratifying and encouraging increase in
the growth of the plant, and in the yield from it. In some,
little or no improvement could be discovered ; and in a few
there was an actual deterioration. As the experiments pro-
ceeded and the method was perfected, these discrepancies
disappeared, and a stage has now been reached at which it is
possible to reckon confidently upon an increase in the crop,
and upon a greater increase than was attained in the early
stages of experimentation. It may now be said that an
increase of yield more than compensating for the cost of the
process is assured.
The cost of the treatment is, indeed, trifling, being only
about 14s. per sack, which will sow an acre of ground in
spring and more than an acre in autumn. To get this money
back at the present price of wheat, the yield should be
increased by 3 bushels per acre, or about 10 per cent, on a
moderate crop of 30 bushels to the acre. In fact, the average
increase on the trials in 1914-5 was 36 per cent. ; in 1915-6,
22 per cent. ; and in subsequent seasons these percentages
have been maintained.
To judge of the trustworthiness of these results, it is neces-
sary to know how the trials are conducted. The method is
this : of a given bulk of seed, so many sacks are taken and
submitted to the treatment. The treated seed is then sown
in one patch, side by side with the untreated seed from the
same bulk. The whole of the field has precisely the same
preparation ; the whole has been cropped in the same manner
in previous years ; the whole is similarly manured ; the two
samples of seed are sown on the same day, with the same
drill, the rows at the same distance apart, the same amount
of seed to the acre. The subsequent cultivation is the same
in every respect. No field is precisely uniform in every
respect in every yard of its surface, but these little local
differences are swamped and submerged when a sufficient
area is taken. In the trials that have been made, the areas
taken have been considerable ; that is to say, several acres
— from 6 to 20 — in extent. When, under these conditions,
trial after trial, by different farmers, in different parts of
the country, as widely distant as Dorset and Cheshire, show
results uniformly in favour of the treated seed, it is no
longer possible to doubt that the difference is due to the
treatment the seed has undergone. Scepticism becomes
unreasonable.
It would be incorrect to say the results have been uniformly
in favour of the process. Therfe have been a few failures;
but when these have been investigated it has been found
that either the treatment of the seed has been ifi some respect
faulty, or the conditions of cultivation have not been the
same.
If the facts are as here stated, doubt becomes unreason-
able ; but are the facts as here stated ? To establish this it
is necessary to call evidence. The evidence is abundant,
far too abundant to give here, and I must be content with
citing that of a single witness, but this witness is of unim-
peachable authority. Mr. Molyneux is accepted throughout
the world of agriculture and horticulture as a man wl\ose
authority cannot be gainsaid. He has judged more frequently
at agricultural shows than perhaps any other living man.
20
Land & Water
April 1 8, 19 1 8
and the following extracts are from a report signed by him
that appeared in the Gardener's Chronicle on December 6 : —
On approaching the field I at once detected a difference in
the greater luxuriance of the growth. [Mr. Molyneux does not
say so ; but, in fact, the difference was noticeable at a distance
of a quarter of a mile.] On a closer inspection, the straw on the
half of the field so treate<l was found to be eight inches higher
than in that untreated. Mr. Smith seized a handful of straw
in quite a haphazard manner in both plots — treated and untreated.
The comparison showed much difference in the tliickness of the
straw and the size of the ears.
The next field inspected was 10 acres of Champion Hybrid
Yellow Turnips. . . . The treated seed occupied every fifth
drill. The difference in the appearance of the plants in tliis
single row was very striking. The foUage on many of the plants
was much more robust, and possessed more chlorophyll than''
the untreated plants in the four remaining drills. I pulled up
roots opposite each other froiYi the two rows without any attempt
to choose. That from the treated seed was distinctly larger. . .
We then crossed over to Nethercerne, a neighbouring farm,
owned by Mr. Maby, who has taken an interest in the subject,
and has sown two fields with treated and untreated seed. The
barley was being cut. Here the untreated portion showed less
luxuriance of growth in the thickness of the straw, as well as in
. the height and in the size of the ears.
The oats were sown in a field which had previously lain some
years as derelict grass. . . . Here the difference in the treated
portion was most striking in the length of the straw
The conclusions I drew from these inspections arc that, to use
a common phrase, there is "something in it." If by treating
the seed only two more sacks per acre are produced, which is a
low estimate, in value the two sacks are worth 40s., and surely
the gain is considerable.
In the Middle Ages, a Pope could not be convicted of
crime except on the evidence of at least seventy-two unim-
peachable witnesses. That a Pope should be guilty of crime
is in the highest degree improbable ; but it would be almost
as difficult to convince a farmer that the yield of his corn
can be increased by 30 per cent, as to convince him that a
Pope could be guilty of crime. In the one case, as in the
other, a multitude of unimpeachable witnesses is required ;
and as to the corn, the witnesses are forthcoming. They are
not only agricultural experts like Mr. Molyneux, or ignorant
outsiders like myself, but comprise seed experts, seed
merchants in a large way of business, and, above all,
practical farmers whose living depends on their success in
farming, and who are by nature a cautious, sceptical race,
clinging to traditional ways that have proved successful
through the years of many generations, and shy of new-
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fangled methods that have been insufficiently tested. More
than a hundred such men have already testified in the most
practical manner to the value of the electrifying process by
using electrified seed. On a Saturday of last month no less thaa
twenty tons of electrified seed potatoes were sold in Dorchester
Market alone, and it is no exaggeration to say that hundreds
of tons of electrified seed potatoes will be sown this season,
■ and hundreds of acres will be sown with electrified seed
com.
It seems to me, therefore, that a knowledge of the process
should be more widely disseminated in other parts of the
country. I do not say that it is so completely past the
experimental stage as to warrant its universal adoption,
but I do say that it is worth a widely extended trial. It is
open to any agriculturist to experiment for a few shilling*
with a sack or two of corn. The trial plots are already 3»
numerous that the harvest of igi8 will put the matter
beyond doubt ; but localities, soils, and other circumstancec
differ so much that the trials cannot be too widely
extended.
In conclusion, let me say that my interest in' the matter
is scientific and patriotic only. Of' the commercial side »f
it I know and care nothing.
The Attorney -General's Pilgrimage
THE extreme versatility of the writer is the first
impression gained from perusal of Sir F. E.
Smith's My American Visit (Hutchinson, 6s. net).
The tour occupied two months, including the
voyages to and from Liverpool ; in that period
"F. E. " addressed forty-eight meetings, which meant an
average of about four a day ; yet there was time to visit,
time for Turkish baths, for dinners with such people as
Elsie Janis and Maxine Elhott, and a considerable amount
of social intercourse. The reflections on American life, and
especially on America at war, . may be assigned to the
slack times of the return voyage, which, on the word
of the author, gave opportunity for the compilation •f
the book.
In spite of the hurried nature of the visit, the view afforded
of the States is very complete, probably because the writer
has not attempted to present a reasoned study of conditions
from New York to San Francisco, but has set down ably
and simply the things that he saw and the people he met.
Where necessary, the narrative is supplemented by state-
ments of American men — notably that declaration by the
President of the American Federation of Labour :
I Uved in a fool's paradise ; I have believed in men ; beliered
that, when they solemnly pledged themselves and those in whose
name they were authorised to speak, they would go to the limit
in their own countries to prevent the rupture of international
peace. I believed them, for I felt that I would have gone to
the furthest Umit to uphold those pledges. Almost out of a
clear sky came the declaration of war, and I found the men who
pledged their word to me and mine to maintain peace, flying to
the (^olours of the greatest autocrat of all time — a scientific,
intellectual murderer — flying to attack their brothers whose
lives they had sworn to protect ; and from then until the peace
of the world is assured I count myself transformed from a pacifiat
into a living, breathing, fighting man.
In this statement Sir F. E. Smith saw the attitude of the
United States toward the war. He emphasises the necessity
for patience. "The United States have undertaken simul-
taneously a number of tasks, each of which is so stupendous
that even their gigantic energy must prove slower in its
fruits than was hoped." He bears testimony to the unity
of the American nation. Even the German element in
Cincinnati, St. Louis, Cleveland, etc., supported the Mihtary
Service Act and made no more attempt to appeal from con-
scription than the rest of the population — "many of them,
it was pointed out, had left Prussia precisely in order to avoid
the military virus which had brought this cataclysm upo«
the world." It is almost incredible that in so short a tour
one man should have seen so much and done so much — the
net impression of the book is a panoramic view of all the
States, necessarily superficial, but not the less interesting,
and even illuminating with regard to the cjuahty of the
war America is waging.
There are certain criticisms of the apphcation of "dry"
measures to the various States of the Union which are not
devoid of humour, both conscious and unconscious ; these
are necessarily brief, for throughout the book is the note of
hurry that must have been a dominant characteristic of
the tour itself. The author admits that his work is " informal
and often disconnected," but it is doubtful if a more careful
and pretentious record of such a crowded tour would have
been equally effective as this vivid series of keen and often
brilliant impressions.
April 25, 19 1 8
Supplement to Land & Water
IX
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Supplement w Land & Water
April 25, igi8
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LAND & WATER
Vol. LXXI. No. 2920. [41^^] THURSDAY, APRIL 25, 191 8
fREGISTERED AST PUBLISHED WEEKLY
LA newspaper] price NINEPENCE
J. RusuU & So»s
Lieut. -General Sir David Henderson, K.C.B., D.S.O.,
late Vice-President of the Air Council.
General Henderson's resignation, following the retirement of Sir'Hugh TrencharJ, Chief of the Air Staff, has given rise to much discussion.
Land & Water
April 25, 1 91 8
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephones HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, APRIL 25, 1918.
Contents
PAGE
Lieutenant-General Sir DaVid Henderson. (Photograph) i
The Outlook 2
Battle of the Lys (continued). By Hilaire Belloc 3
The Channel Straits. By Arthur "Pollen 9
German Socialism. (Cartoon). By Raemaekers 10 and 11
Climax of Two Great Wars. By Dr. J. Holland Rose 12
Fay and the Bombs— II. By French Strother 14
Rumania's National Shrine : By G. C. Williamson 16
Leaves from a German Note Book 17
Remnants. By J. C. Squire 18
The Two Frances. (Review). By Winifred Stephens 19
History of the Rural Labourer. By Jason 20
Domestic Economy 26
Notes on Kit xii
Mr. Austen Chamberlain is a man of integrity in private and
public life, and it was only reasonable for him to assume that
when the Prime Minister offered him a seat in the War Cabinet
it was because, in Mr. Lloyd George's opinion, Mr. Chamberlain
could render service to the country at this crisis. It must,
therefore, have been a surprise to Mr. Chamberlain that, no
sooner had he received the offer, he should be made the sub-
ject of virulent personal attacks in the very organs of the
Press which have assured and reassured the country that
the present Prime Minister is the one and only public man
in England who can win the war. On the strength of it,
these journals have at times almost claimed for Mr. Lloyd
George the ancient divine right of kings, so this attack on
Mr. Chamberlain for the fault of Mr. Lloyd George serves as a
curious commentary on the prescience of those who are
responsible for these opinions.
In our opinion, neither the inclusion of Mr. Chamberlain
in the War Cabinet nor the transference of Lord Derby to
the British Embassy in Paris are to be commended, and it
cannot be overlooked that both these gentlemen exercise
considerable political influence in two important areas —
Mr. Chamberlain in Birmingham, Lord Derby in Lancashire.
But for this influence, would they have been chosen by the
Prime Minister ? This question has been widely asked, not
in a rancorous spirit, but because even firm supporters of
Mr. Lloyd George find it impossible to justify either appoint-
ment by outstanding abihty.
The Outlook
THE military situation during the second week of
the battle of the Lys gave no appreciable new
advantage to the enemy with the exception of
putting him in possession of the summits of the
Wytschaete Ridge. He obtained the ruins of
Wytschaete as he had those of Messines — or, rather, their
sites — and held them from the night of Tuesday, the i6th.
This success naturally compelled a flattening of the Ypres
salient, but it was effected in perfect order, and without the
enemy's knowledge, or the Ifiss of any men or material.
For the rest, on the northern front of the enemy's saUent
he advanced his line by a few hundred yards through Meteren,
in front of Bailleul and Neuve Eglise, points that put him
at the foot of the hills, which it is his object to hold or turn,
but do not seriously advance that object.
Two more remarkable actions have marked the week;
the first, which might have had very serious consequences,
was an attempt a week yesterday to force the Belgian front
just north of Ypres with four German divisions ; to advance
towards Poperinghe, and so to turn the whole of the British
positions on the Kemmel Hills. It completely failed, leaving
in Belgian hands over 700 prisoners. The second was the
very vigorous effort on Thursday, the i8th, to force the La
Bassfee Canal just where it covers B6thune, at the place
where it was formerly crossed by the Hinges Bridge, an
action supported by stronsj pressure to the left and right at
Robecq and Givenchy.
* * *
The rest of the military news of the week consists in that
of a local French advance at the extreme apex of the new
salient in front of Amiens, with the capture of about 800
German prisoners. The Germans reacted here, and fighting
was still in progress when the last dispatches of Sunday
left the front.
There has been noted, but without any official confirma-
tion of it, the .concentration of considerable bodies between
Albert and Arras, as though this sector were the next to be
attacked. The minor features of the last few weeks have
also taken their part ; the long-range guns bombarding
Paris claimed a number of victims at a public nursery in
Paris ; but interruption in the action of these pieces has
lasted in the course of the week for as much as forty-eight
hours. The Frencii divisions sent north in aid of the British
upon the Lys, have arrived, and have taken part in the
fighting upon the northern front of the new German salient.
-vAn estimate has appeared under official French sanction
of the enemy situation in the west in round figures. He is
credited with some 200 total divisions, of which from 170
to 175 are available for the strain of attack. Of these, from
106 to no have already been put into the recent offensives;
more than a third of them twice and about half a dozen
three times. There remain, therefore, still some 60 to 70
divisions which have not yet been in the fighting emd can
replace tired units. In other words, the enemy has chosen
to use in the intense action of the last month just on two-
thirds of his available force.
These pohtical movements have distracted the public
mind from a far more serious change in personnel — we refer
to the resignations of Sir Hugh Trenchard and Sir David
Henderson from the Air Board. It may at the outset be
said without fear of contradiction that if efficiency and
proved abihty were the touchstone of office, the resignation
of every one else on the Air Board would have been accepted
before Sir Hugh Trenchard was permitted to retire. General
Trenchard is perhaps the most outstanding figure the war
has produced ; flying men regard him as the Nelson of the
Air Service. He has that touch of genius both for command
and brotherhood which made the British Fleet what it is
to-day and bestowed immortahty on Nelson. We are aware
that this is exceedingly high praise, but we have never yet
met an active member of the Air Force whose praise and
appreciation of General Trenchard was not higher. Sir
David Henderson has also done splendid work for the Force,
and his resignation is almost equally to be regretted.
« « *
Lord Rothermere is to be given , an opportunity m
the House of Lords this afternoon to explain personally
these resignations and also, it is hoped, the reasons which led
to his letter to Colonel Faber, M.P., and its publication at
that juncture. The implication, of course, is that the
multiplicity of staff appointments at the Hotel Cecil is
the root-cause of these resignations. This we believe is
entirely eiToneous, and the Minister of the Air Force will
no doubt welcome gladly this opportunity of setting facts
straight. But the departure of Sir Hugh Trenchard is a
serious matter, emphasised as it is by the going of Sir David
Henderson. It will be felt through every branch of the Air
Force ; the actual truth of it will soon be known by all
ranks, because though easy to conceal from the public, when
a man is beloved in his own service, no trouble is too great in
order to obtain exact knowledge on a point of honour.
But back of all this is the uncomfortable feeling that the
best interests of the country are being jeopardised by the
inexperience of a Minister. We have estabhshed a superiority
in the air, for which General tienderson and General Trenchard
are largely responsible, and this is the last moment when any-
thing should be done that is calculated in the ieast degree to
check or interfere with this superiority.
• • •
The whole of Great Britain is now rationed for meat and
sugar. It has taken time to do this, but now the scheme is in
force it works so well that already one hears of its extension
to lard and possiblv to tea.
We have bowed the knee for so many years to the fetish
of German organisation and efficiency that we may well ask
ourselves how it comes about that rationing work's so much
more easily here than there. The German people, we know,
are disciplined, yet the British nation, though far from
being disciplined in the German manner, have shown greater
readiness to conform to these irritating rules and restrictions
than the subjects of the Kaiser. The tnith probably i^ that,
being convinced that these restrictions are necessary, and
knowing that they are applied to all equally, every subject
of the King has taken a certain pride in conforming to them.
April 25, 19 1 8
Land & Water
Battle of the Lys : By Hilaire Belloc
The 7th to the 14th days
BEFORE describing the details of the great
action in the valley of the Lys as it has developed
during the past week, it may be well to put
simply and in diagrammatic form the enemy's
past and present situation.
Before he attacked upon this sector he found the Allied
armies (here almost entirely British, save for the Belgian
forces north of Ypres and one Portuguese division in front
of Lille) occupying a big right-angled comer of land which
is that of the French side of the Straits of Dover. Each
side of this angle was roughly 50 miles long. North of
Abbeville the only way out of it was by sea and the only
three effective ports open were Dunkirk, Calais and Boulogne.
This main group of the British forces relied for its supply
from the sea — apart from roads — upon railways passing through
Abbeville and Amiens from west and south-east on railways
coming from Boulogne, Calais and Dunkirk upon the coast
immediately Sehind. All the?e railways passed through the
junctions of Bethune and Hazebrouck and through that of
Bethune ran all the direct communications with tlie south,
that is with the French.
When the enemy struck on April gth, a fortnight ago,
upon that sector of the front lying beyond the points 2 and
3 upon diagram i, his object was to seize Bethune immediately;
in the next move Hazebrouck, and so before there could
possibly be time to organise a retirement from all the north-
eastern part of the district, to cut the communications at
the nodal points and throw out of action all this part of the
Allied forces. How far such rapid rupture would have
proceeded we cannot tell, but we may be certain that it
would have destroyed, principally by way of capture, every-
thing to east of the line Dunkirk, Hazebrouck, Bdthune.
It would probably have overrun the whole of the belt
to the sea, for the opportunities of resoldering the line after
that bre^k through would have been less than they were
in the south a month ago ; there would have been no room
for manoeuvre and no sufficient opportunity even for retiring
any appreciable proportion of the forces by way of the sea-
ports behind.
As we know, so complete a success was happily denied the
enemy. He broke through, indeed, upon the sector 2-3,
but he failed to reach Bethune altogether. He was held
by the Lancashire men at the comer of the point 3, which
is Givenchy. His advarice through this check took the form,
after about eleven days fighting, of a large bulge, very much
the same in shape as the great salient he had formed to the
south before Amiens : This similarity of shape we will discuss
in a later article. It is not an accident but it has its defin-
able causes. As men were rapidly pushed up to the menaced
districts his advance was further checked. The shape of the
new area he held upon the nth day of the fighting may be
reduced to a triangle, although the actual shape of the front
was, of course, sinuous and complicated. This triangle I have
marked on the diagram 1-2-3, <^he apex i being in front of
the little town of Merville which he holds.
In such a situation and after so great a lapse of time he
could no longer hope for anything like a decisive result.
But he could hope to effect ultimately a change in the dispo-
sition of the Allies greatly to his advantage, and that change
may be called the swinging back of the Allied line pivoting
upon Arras to the line of the Aa river. This would have
involved a complete abandonment of all the north-eastern
square in which Dunkirk and the ruins of Ypres stand, and
even if that abandonment were conducted in complete order,
the final result would have the following great disadvantages
for the French and British.
(i) The port of Dunkirk would be in the enemy's hands,
putting him much nearer the Straits of Dover than he had
yet been.
(2) A different salient would have been created round
.4rras, which salient he might hope to reduce as it would
be a long time before the new defensive could be strongly
organised.
(3) J He would have found himself, then, within but a
short distance of Calais, about ten miles, able to molest
that harbour with his heavy pieces and probably to close
it altogether.
(4) He would have produced an Allied defensive line
possessing no lateral communications save the distant one
along the sea coast.
(5) He would have reduced to still narrower and very
perilous limits the margin of manoeuvre remaining to the
Allied forces here in the north against the Channel. In other
words, every further advance of his would have meant
disorder and with that disaster, not only the loss of great
numbers to the Allied side, but the possession by him of the
Channel ports.
Now, to compel the swinging back of the line thus to the
line of the Aa river— a good line of defence, so far as it goes,
with excellent observation behind it from the hills, and a
perfectly straight marshy line to defend, better even than
that of the Yser— two forms of action from the triangle
which he occupied, two forms the success of either of which
singly would go far to achieve his end, and the success of
which both together would certainly achieve it, lay before
him. These forms of action consist in pushing forward
along the north front of the triangle 1-2 and along the south
front 1-3. The first would ultimately give him the line of
heights M-K— that is, from Mont des Cats to Kemmel, the
junction at Hazebrouck, and the hill of Cassel. Long before
these were fully held, from the moment their occupation
seemed probable, retirement back along the coast would
have had to begin. On the other front, from i to 3, his
advance would give him the junction of Bethune, and begin
to create a pronounced and dangerous salient at Arras.
This action, with both elbows alternately upon the northern
and southern front of the triangle to which he has been
confined by the increasing resistance of the defence, is some-
times and quite properly called "an attempt to enlarge his
salient." It is that. And the enlargement of a salient
both gives you more room for action and increases the length
of shaken front upon which you are working. But a mere
enlargement of the salient is no final strategic aim. The
final aim was to compel the swinging back of the whole
Allied line at the very least to this next possible defensive
position of the Aa, with all its inconveniences and perils.
Thus it is that we find him spending in proportion to the
front attacked such enormous forces in trying to reach and
occupy (probably by turning them to the right and to the
left) the hills from M to K and to seize Hazebrouck. In
other words, that is why you see him in the past week striking
so furiously upon the front 1-2, while the complementary
design of seizing Bethune explains the other co-relative
action alternating with the first upon the Hne 1-3.
With this in mind, we may turn to_the details of the last
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April 25, 19 1 8
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Battle of the Lys
April 25, 19 18
Land & Water
5
week, so far as we have them up to the moment of writing,
for all that I can say here is based at ' the latest upon the
dispatches sent from the front upon Stinday night, the 21st.
The Action
The battle of the Lys had, when the dispatches of Sunday
night, Aprili4th, reached London, lasted six days, and upon
the events of those six days my last article was based
Those six days had seen the following situation develop :
The enemy had completely broken through the old defen-
sive zone between Fleurbaix and Givenchy. He got up to
the line of Lys at the end of the first day, and in the course
of the night was occupied in trying to push beyond the
river. That was on Tuesday, April 9th — the first day of the
battle. This success was unexpected, considerable, and the
enemy hoped it might be decisive. But three accidents
interfered with his complete success. The first was the
magnificent defence of Givenchy, covering Bethune ; there
he was completely held, and so long as he was completely
held there the main line by' which supply and reinforcement
could come up from the south was free, and the avenue for
his advance was cramped upon that side : his left.
The second interruption to his plan was the defence of
Fleurbaix, which held him for most of the first day upon the
northern post of that same gate, cramping his advance.
The third interruption, which he had foreseen, but the
length of which he had not foreseen, was the position of the
Messines Ridge behind and further to the right.
The enemy crossed the Lys successfully in spite of counter-
attacks which made the line fluctuate, and reached on the
evening of the third day a sort of flat horseshoe front, mushroom-
ing out to the right and to the left, but especially to the left
of his original advance. He had made no impression upon
Givenchy, but he had got beyond Merville ; he touched the
edge of the Nieppe Forest, and rourid by the north he was
outside Bailleul and Neuve Eglise. Meanwhile he had made
a determined effort to get hold of the Messines Ridge, but
had only succeeded in holding on to the southern end of it
by the ruins of Messines, not quite at the summit ; from the
other end at Wytsrhaete he had been thrown off.
That was the situation in the first three days advance,
which were the three serious days at the opening of the action.
They were the days in which the element of surprise (which
was evidently considerable) was fully taken advantage of ;
they were the days in which though reinforcement was
hurrying up it had not yet arrived in any sufficient strength.
The three following days were of quite a different nature.
On the one side the enemy was bringing up fresh divisions
to exploit this success ; on the other hand British reinforce-
ment was already beginning to. come in strength, and the
front of the salient was but sUghtly advanced. It did get
a Uttle nearer Bethune ; it was contesting the outskirts
of Bailleul and of Neuve Eglise, but the Messines Ridge as
a whole still held, and one might say that with the Sunday
night, April 14th, a first phase of the battle of the Lys was
ended.
The enemy then stood i^pon those two fronts I have
described making about a right angle one with the other,
much in the same form as the two fronts which, upon a larger
scale, make an angle one with another from Arras to Mont-
didier and from Montdidier to Noyon in front of Amiens.
Tl)e first day of the second phase of the battle, the phase
in which the enemy was trying to enlarge an accomplished
salient, the phase which began upon Monday, April 15th,
developed almost entirely upon the northern face. The
pressure here resulted in a withdrawal, during the night,
of the British troops which had been holding Bailleul, and
by Tuesday morning the German line ran north of that
little town just along the brook which separates it from the
considerable range of hills of which it is the outpost. The
occupation of Bailleul by the enemy gave him no appreciable
advantage in the way of ground and was exaggerated in
importance at home.
What took place the next day, Tuesday, was correspond-
ingly misunderstood, though it was far more important —
for on Tuesday the i6th, the enemy reached the summit of
the Messines Ridge in every part. He already held the site
of what had been Messines on the southern end ; he now held
the site of what had been Wytschaete upon the northern
end. It was clear that if he could maintain himself upon
the summit of this low rise, it would compel a certain
flattening of the saUent round Ypres to the north ; a retire-
ment which was duly and regulariy accomphshed without
molestation from the enemy and without any loss in men or
material.
A counter-attack which, the next day, Wednesday the 17th,
re-took the northern end of the ridge for some hours, was
probably intended only to give elbow-room for the end of
this retirement to the north.
The loss of the Messines Ridge was of importance, not
because it would compel this flattening of the Ypres salient
— a purely sentimental point — but because it prepared the
way for the turning of the Kemmel range of hiUs from the
east. The summit of the ridge gives observation westward
to the slopes of Kemmel and over the depression between,
and positions there support any advance nor|th-eastward
from Neuve Eglise through this depression which the enemy
might make with the object of turning the hills by that end ;
since they are so difficult of direct assault.
He did not, however, on that Wednesday pursue his
advantage at this point. He undertook another manoeuvre
most significant and interesting which, had it succeeded,
would have altered the whole situation suddenly in his
favour.
There was a very obvious strategic move open to the
enemy — so obvious that he had been told cheerfully enough
in the continental Press, and particularly by the French,
how glaring it was, and how thoroughly it was appreciated
upon the Allied side.
That move was to strike north of the Ypres sahent. Were
the enemy to succeed here — I mean, were he to break a
front here — he would certainly uncover Dunkirk and put
out of action a very large number of men and guns
between the southern thrust and the northern. That
one successful movement upon an axis Bixschoote-
Popcringhe would in its ultimate effect give him all that
he has failed to achieve upon the Lys. But, I repeat,
the thing is so obvious that there can be no element of sur-
prise in it. An advance here not only turns the line of hills
from Mont Kemmel to the Mont des Cats, it also turns the
obstacle of the inundated country upon the Lower Yser ;
it cuts through the main lateral communications by road
between the Ypres sector and the sea ; it compels rapid
retirement north and south of it through bottle-necks which
are quite insufficient to the task.
Seeing that every one perceived this, and that, in countries
where the Press writes in military terms, it was openly
defined as tlie serious menace of the moment, the reader may
ask whether the enemy will again attempt his original failure
in which we are about to follow.
The answer to this is that no sensible being dares to
prophecy in war.
Immediately in front of the south-western edge of the
forest and astraddle of this main road, lay the Belgians.
The enemy designed to break the front here, on a front of
4,000 yards, just as he had broken the Portuguese front south
of the Lys eight days before, and thus to create a highly
pronounced, rapid, and perhaps decisive enveloping movement
against all the Ypres forces in between. Had he got through
he would have been half way to Poperinghe that night.
The extreme significance of this move was naturally not
seized at once by opinion at home, nor the corresponding
value of its failure ; but it was certainly apparent over there.
The attack was made with 21 full battalions — rather over
5 men to the yard were chosen for the shock, drawn from
four first-class German divisions : The 2nd Naval Division
furnished 3 battalions — the 5th regiment ; the 58th Saxon
furnished 3 battalions of one regiment ; the 6th Bavarian
sent in 6 battalions (2 regiments), and a 4th division, the
ist Landwehr, sent in all its 9 battalions. The concentration
had taken place during the .course of the previous forty-
eight hours, and it is clear that the moment for attack was to
be timed by the enemy occupation of the Messines Ridge
to the south. That occupation was effected upon the Tuesday,
as we have seen. Upon the Wednesday, the 17th, at half
past eight, the German infantry went over the top without
the usual preliminary bomWrdment : It was an effort at
surprise. The first lines of the Belgians were pierced at
one point about 3,000 yards from the forest immediately
to the west of the Bixschoote high road. The reinforcements
immediately sent up by the Belgians came on the advancing
enemy from that enemy's right flank, that is from still further
west, and completely restored the position. They drove the
Germans into pockets of marshy ground, killed some 2,000
first and last, and took over 700 prisoners. By the beginning
of the afternoon this attempt to envelop the Allies by their
left had disastrously failed.
These movements upon the north having come to nothing
after occupying the first three days of the week, the enemy
turned to the southern face for his next blow, and undertook
upon the following day an action as momentous as that
which had failed in the north.
On Thursday, April i8th, then, came .this extremely
important movement upon the part of the enemy, the magni-
tude and significance of which was not at first grasped in
Land & Water
April 25, 1918
this •country for the simple reason that it failed. And here
again we may remark that the enemy attacks which fail are
not sufficiently emphasised in our Press nor their significant
character grasped by public opinion. In the enemy's country
it is otherwise. The German General Staff do everything
to impress upon its civilian population the undoubted truth
that when an opponent makes a great and expensive effort
the results of wh ch would have been of great moment had
it succeeded, and when that effort fails, then, even if not a
single prisoner is taken, and even if the trace of the front
does not vary by a yard, a big item ha- at once to be set
down upon the credit side of the great account in losses
whose sum is victory.
The important movement of which I speak was the effort
made by the Germans upon this Thursday last, the i8th, to
pierce the southern front of 'he new salient he has created,
and to turn, as so far he had failed to turn during eleven days
of effort, the essential position of Bethune.
It may be remembered that the enemy liad already reached
some days before a point where he just touched the canal
which runs eastward from La Bassee to Aire and beyond.
This canal is the chief defensive obstacle, slight though it is.
covering the position of B6thune. Its whole object on this
Thursday, the i8th, was to force the line of the canal and to
establish a bridge-head upon the further side.
The essential points to remember in this narrow area are
the following :
First a road (see map) which runs from Merville to B6thune,
formerly used a bridge (now destroyed) across the canal,
called "Hinges Bridge," and continues on its way to B6thune
beyond the canal through the village of Hinges.
Secondly, a wood coming quite close to the canal — within
two hundred yards of it. and with a frontage facing the
canal of about a thousand yards. This wood is known, from
the name of a neighbouring hamlet, as the wood of Pacaut.
Thirdly, south of the canal, upon the side which the Allies
hold, the isolated lump known as Bernenchon Hill, about
40 feet high, which gives observation over everything to the
north beyond the canal, from Robecq, on the left, to far
past the Hinges Road, on the right.
The enemy's object was to force a passage of the canal
in this neighbourhood and to establish a bridge-head as near
as possible to the point where he could use in his further
advance the Hinges Road. If he had succeeded, the threat
to Bethune would have been serious.
During the whole of the previous nigfjt — the night of the
Wednesday and the Thursday — he had continued a pro-
longed and heavy bombardment upon all this sector, far to
the right and far to the left of the central point which he
desired to seize as a bridge-head. It was a bombardment
characterised like all these upon the Flanders front during
the last fortnight by a lavish use of gas. He had also occupied
the village of Riez in front of Robecq to support his centre.
At four o'clock in the morning of the Thursday, while it was
still dark, he launched the infantry in extraordinarily dense
formation. Six divisions were used first and last on that
day from the Pacaut Wood to Givenchy. But at the vital
point of the Hinges Bridge his depth was at the rate of one
division to every 800 yards, or something like nine or ten
bayonets to the yard run : two divisions in just over a mile
appeared before the end of the attacks. Three divisions were
also concentrated against the "pillar" of Givenchy on the ex-
treme British right, while upon the left, near Robecq, one
division attacked : to pin the troops down in front of it and
prevent reinforcement of the centre. The pressure at the
Hinges Bridge must have been as heavy as anything that has
been seen even in this extraordinarily expensive German
effort on the field of the Lys.
The divisions which had the principal task assigned to
them — that of forcing the canal at or near the point where
the bridge used to stand, by which the Hinges Road crosses
the waterway— were easily identified after their defeat.
They were the 240th and 239th Divisions. The 240th
attacked first, the German right or west, and the 23gth later
to the left of it.
The first movement in the early morning before dawn
was made by the enemy in four waves which issued from the
Pacaut Wood, under the imperfect cover of which their
concentration had been made the day before, and charged
for the canal. The banks of the waterway were nearly
reached, but the rate of destruction was too much for them
and ultimately they broke just before it grew light. Then
came a pause of over one hour in the enemy's effort, during
which he was presumably drawing up the fresh men of the
239th, and certainly reorganising the chaos of the broken
240th which had taken refuge again among the trees.
In tliis second effort — principally made by the 239th along
the main road east of the wood — not only was the bank
of the canal reached but pontoons and floaters began to be
placed by the survivors of the terribly expensive onslaught.
But the crossing was not made. Those who had succeeded in
beginning the placing of the pontoon floaters were wiped out.
Another wave of men coming up immediately behind were
upon the bank before the crossings could be destroyed,
and it looked for a moment as though the crossing would
be effected. The fire of the defence was just too much for
III
April 25, iqi8
Land 6c Water
them. There was something like a local panic, some of the
men offering to surrender even as they advanced, and the
whole at last breaking back for the cover of the wood in
disorder. As may be imagined, under such conditions in
what was now broad daylight, those who fled were nearly
all destroyed before they reached the edge of the wood,
close as this cover was. A few prisoners, some 200 or 300,
were taken on the canal itself.
Upon this second failure — which was complete before
8 a.m. — the attempt to cross the canal that day was
abandoned and the main effort had failed. Meanwhile,
upon the two wings, towards Robccq upon our left
and Givenchy upon our extreme right, the whole day
was filled with a very violent struggle. Certain advanced
posts round Givenchy changed hands many times, but at
the end of the day the " pillar " on which the whole of this
front depends, stood firm with the same trace in front of it
as had been held at the beginning, sav;e for the loss of two
outposts. Upon the right in front of Robecq the enemj%
made a most determined effort to advance, chiefly con-
ducted by his i6th division, and was also there completely.
checked.
At the close of this effort, therefore, the line stood as it
had stood at its opening. The obstacle of the. waterway
was intact. Robecq upon the left and the far more important
point of Givenchy on the right were both held. Neither
side could claim ground. But the severe repulse of so intense
an effort will form a landmark in the story of this battle.
Though this was the principal work of the Thursday,
heavy fighting was, of course, proceeding elsewhere upon the
northern face of the sahent. There was a strong effort to
advance beyond Meterem, which failed. The ruins of that
Uttle place remain a No Man's Land, and apparently the
sHghtly rising ground to the north, which used to have a
windmill upon it, and is known as Hill 62, is not yet in the
hands of the enemj'. To the south, where Merris is in his
hands, there was a slight Alhed advance.
The third scene of special action was upon the front between
Bailleul and Dranoutre. Here no advance was effected.
The fourth region of effort, though very heavily pressed,
could hardly have been expected to succeed, but must rather
have been in the nature of a containing action, for it was
pressed right upon the steepish and wooded slopes of Mount
Kemmel itself. However, whether it were a side-issue or
no, it was engaged with not less than two divisions, one of
them fresh, and at a particularly heavy expense, which
could be the better noted from the fact that the whole field
here is a gradual and even rise up the slopes of Kemmel
right under the eyes of the observation-posts above.
So heavy had been the loss in men and the futile expense
in energy of this Thursday that the whole of the next three
days — last Friday, Saturday, and Sunday — were passed by
the enemy without any serious effort to attack along the
whole of the line. The British took occasion of this lull to
effect upon the second day, the Saturday, a rectification of
the line in front of Givenchy and Festubert, where a couple
of advance-posts had been rushed by the enemy two days
before. Beyond that there was nothing to report.
The Meaning of Reserves
AFTER more than a month of the most intense effort
upon the part of the enemy, an effort far more intense
than any that has been made before in any phase of
this war by any belligerent, and therefore an effort of exceed-
ingly rapid exhaustion, there is still a necessity for making
clear the fundamental point of all which is that of reserves.
The governing principle of the whole matter is this : No
party to any struggle can put in his whole strength at once :
he can only act tjfirough a number of successive moments.
Whatever you have in hand at any given moment still
fresh, not yet engaged, is in the most general sense of the
term, your reserve.
That reserve, then, always existing to some degree in
general form up to the last moment of a conflict, is given a
particular form by the commander when he calculates its
amounts and apportions its station. It enters into his plan
at any given, moment as a factor separate from the troojjs
actually engaged at that moment. As we shall see, it can
be used in various ways, kept back for one blow at the end,
dribbled out, thrust in quite early, etc., and it is largely upon
the calculation of which way of using it is best that military
success depends.
In the present great struggle the units in which you count
your reserve are great numbers of divisions; you say "a
reserve of 50 divisions," etc., and a division is, for nearly all
the belligerents engaged to-day in the West, nominally to
be measured as 9,000 bayonets. In practice, with deductions
for services out of the field, for inevitable delays in recruit-
ment, for occasional temporary disabilities, etc., it is 8,000
or somewhat less. You must measure in bayonets — that is,
in infantry— because although your other arms largely
increase the total, and are each essential ; and although
some of them — notably the artillery — may on occasion
suffer more than the infantry ; and although the power
both of the attack and of defence is also controlled by the
weight of artillery ; yet the one great measure of strength,
the one great element that is used up, and the using up of
which is the test of the whole, is the infantry.
Both parties have an income as well as an expenditure in
divisions ; therefore, you cannot estabhsh a fixed limit in
time and say : "We are only .concerned with the expenditure
up to such and such a date, and our reserve can be exactly
measured at this moment by the numbers remaining in hand
between it and the final date." But this income is obviously
of less importance as the rate of wastage increases.
Next, let it be noted that a revenue in men — that is, in
divisions — may come in various ways. It may come in
continuously or it may come in by big lumps twice a year,
or even only once a year. It may be increasing rapidly on
the one side while it is constant or diminishing on the other —
and so forth. All these modification^ affect the issue of
reserves.
One power is getting its recruitment by yearly classes ;
it will have incorporated nearly all the men of the 1919
class before it can incorporate the next class of the 1920
men. Another Power takes every lad as he reaches the
age of 18, and trains small batches successively, enjoying
thus a continuous income. The system once matured can
only with difficulty be changed. Yet another Power (such
was Great Britain two years ago, such is America to-day)
has a prospect of a rapidly increasing income in men. The
rate at which it is receiving at a given moment is less than
the rate at which it will be receiving four months hence,
and that in its turn much less than the rate at which it will
be receiving eight months hence.
With all these obvious preliminaries clearly before us, we
can approach the particular point we are studying — that is,
the situation of the two groups in the West during the present
crisis and the meaning of the word "reserves" as appUed
to them.
The enemy has for effective use upon the West about
— or perhaps just over — 170 divisions-. The actual number
on which he can count in the West as a total is now a little
over 200 divisions. But he will not be able to use more
than 170 or 175 of these because the balance are not of a
composition suitable for the tremendous strain involved.
Call it 180 divisions at a maximum, and you have a figure
certainly beyond the mark.
Can this figure be materially enlarged in future ? It
cannot, for reasons we have already seen in these columns.
The small active balance of the German armies is needed in
the East even under present conditions. The succour that
Austria-Hungary can afford is very small. That Power is
not now more than one-third as strong as her Ally. She
also has to act upon the East, and, unless we are misinformed,
is compelled to maintain the great mass of her forces upon
the ItaUan front. It has been said that Austria could not,
in the course of this fighting season, lend her ally more than
ten di\dsions. That is the figure given even by those who
desire, for whatever reason, to put at the utmost the forces
against us, and it is certainly not under-estimated. As a
fact, we have seen no Austrian divisions against us yet,
though we have seen plenty of Austrian guns, and the
Austrian infantry is not of a type that would be kept for
final use on account of any superior excellence of theirs over
the Prussian. There may be Austrian forces in the West
behind the Unes, but they cannot appreciably affect the
issue.
There remains annual recruitment. The annual income
of the German Empire in men is about half a niiUion. It is
probably in practice a little less ; but half a million is the
round figure to take. These lads provide, by the time they
are trained and incorporated, the equivalent of 35 divisions.
All class 1919 has been incorporated long ago. Part of 1920
is being incorporated, but it is the bulk of 1920 which we
have to consider. It has already been suminoned for some
weeks ; it will be examined and put in full training imme-
diately. It can begin to appear in active units towards the
8
Land & Water
April 25, 19 I 8
end of the present fighting season, but not before. As the
enemy is working at the highest possible pressure — that is,
spending men at the maximum rate — all that he really has
to consider as available in the crisis of this spring and summer
is the sum of more than 170, but less than 180 divisions.
Of these he has put in since March 21st at least 106 —
perhaps no. Many of them have been put in twice, and
some of them even three times ; but for the moment we
are only considering the total number of divisions available.
Fresh divisions not yet used leave him a balance of some-
thing between 60 and 70 divisions.
The exhaustion of all fresh divisions docs not mean the
exhaustion of an army. A division "put through the mill"
is not destroyed — it is only weakened. Nevertheless, it is
by the "fresh" divisions remaining that one measures the
comparative reserve strength of two opponents, for he that
has the largest such group in hand at the critical moment
should win.
The enemy, like ourselves, has to hold a long line as well a
to mass upon the sectors of active engagement. He must,
therefore, always have a certain proportion of his total kept
out of the battle upon those lines ; but this does not mean
that his divisions upon what are called "the quiet sectors"
form no part of his reserve. They do. They can be brought
in one after the other, and their place taken by " tired divi-
sions" withdrawn from the battle.
We may say, then, that the enemy has in hand a reserve
of some sixty to seventy divisions at the present moment,
and this statement, as applied to the limits of this fighting
season and of these great actions (which he evidently intends
to be decisive one way or the other), is mathematically true.
It is mere waste of time to argue against people who think
that there is some miraculous method of increasing the
number, just as it would be waste of time to argue against
what exactly the same people would be saying if they were
in one of their opposite fits, to wit, that the German force
in reserve was smaller than it is. The enemy has from
sixty to seventy fresh divisions wliich he can use in various
fashions according to what his plan may be, and on his use
of them, as compared with the Allied use of theirs, will
depend the result.
Alternative Offensive Methods
Now, there are two ways in which you may choose to use
reserves when you are on the offensive, and two ways in
which you may choose, or may be compelled, to use reserves
when you are on the defensive. These two ways are apparent
all through mihtary liistory in either case, in the case of the
offensive and in the case of the defensive, whether you are
dealing with the smaillest tactical operations or with the largest
strategic ones.
You may definitely ear-mark a proportion of your forces,
set them aside to be used at a critical moment which you
foresee coming, and then launch them to obtain your decision
at that moment. That was Napoleon's usual method, which
he used with success time after time ; which he hesitated
(perhaps wrongly) to use at Borodino, and which he used
too late at Waterloo. Or you may feed in your reserve
continually using it as a reservoir with the tap always on,
maintaining your rate of expenditure pretty well the same
throughout your operations, and approaching your limit of
exhaustion by regular steps.
Let us see the advantages and disadvantages of each method
in the case both of the offensive and of the defensive.
If you are on the offensive, and you think that your success
under the circumstances can be obtained by an immediate
and maximum expense of energy, you adopt the second plan.
You cannot put in all your men at once, but ydu put them
in as fast as ever you can, and you use your reserve as a
reservoir from which you draw at top speed and without
cessation in the hope that a favourable decision will be
obtained before your limit of exhaustion is reached. In
the alternative case you judge that continuous pressure dis-
tributed over some time will put him into a condition in
which at a particular moment a sudden and much more
violent blow will break him up. In most cases, and in this
case of the German attack, the offensive is free to choose the
one method or the other.
In the case of the defensive the problem is nearly always
to keep as large a reserve as you can, for as long a time as
you can, and meanwhile to hold yoi^r enemy with as small a
force as you dare. But the defensive has not the same
choice as the offensive here. That phrase "as small a force
as you dare" is the kernel of the whole business. You may
say : " I will hold with only twenty units, and keep ten
back ; I tlunk the twenty are enough to hold and exhaust
the attack." If the twenty prove not to be enough, and a
weak sector gets into trouble so that the line looks like
breaking, gets badly pushed back, loses great numbers of
men and material, etc., then, willy-nilly, you find yourself
compelled to draw upon the balance which you had kept
back for action when your attacking enemy should be
exhausted.
If your enemy by his attack compels you to exhaust the
whole of your reserve within the limits of the action, while
he has still fresh troops for assault in hand, he will win.
But if you manage to hold with less forces against him,
costing him (as he is the attacking party) much heavier
losses than your own ; and if you thus find yourself at
the end of the process, with a balance of fresh troops
still in hand, while he has reached the limits of his, you
will win.
In the light of this simple contrast the present battle is
plain enough, and indeed its character has been emphasized
over and over again without much difference by the two
opponents in their Press, and even in their official pro-
nouncements.
The Germans are working upon the first system of the
offensive. That is perfectly clear. They seek to obtain as
rapid a decision as possible with a continuous and very
high expenditure in men. Never was an army more thor-
oughly committed to this system than is the German Army
at the present moment. So obvious is this that we find
the first German blow delivered not only with more than
half the total number of infantry available for all purposes,
but with the very best units.
The last tremendous attempt to break the Western line
in front of Amiens was made on April 4th, after more than
a fortnight of the heaviest possible fighting and after losses
involving certainly a quarter, and probably more, of the
eissailants.
The second blow began immediately afterwards with the
bombardment of April 8th in the north and the infantry
attack at dawn on April 9th. It continued from that day
to last Thursday without any intermission, and fresh troops
were perpetually being called up to replace broken divisions,
and were thrown daily. The enem}' so acts because he
calculates that this continued effort will, before his limits
of exhaustion are reached, have brought all that there is
for defence against him into line. He knows as ^yell as we
do that if his calculation fails he is defeated. For he has
not in one short month put two-thirds of his available strength
through the mill without meaning to do the trick this season
or never.
It is, on the other hand, the firm calculation of the Allies
— that is, of their higher command — apparent in everything
they have done, in the comparatively small forces with
which they have held this tremendous onslaught ; in the
choice of the vital points for resisting it, and, above all, in
the frequent but necessary exhortations to patience which
' they have given to the civilian population upon which they
repose, that at the end of the effort they will still have in
hand a sufficiency of fresh forces when the enemy shall,
though still possessed of very large bodies, have none not
yet put under the ordeal.
In these circumstances it is, or should be, grasped by
every publicist that his duty is to confirm public opinion.
The test of character is a defensive, and the proof of folly is
panic and impatience under that test.
A defensive deliberately adopted and biding its time,
perhaps for months, is the hardest trial through which an army
and the nation behind it can be put.
Anyone who in the midst of a defensive battle — or, to be
more accurate, during the defensive phase of a great battle —
tries to act behind the soldiers, or, in spite of the soldiers,
butts in with inane amateur suggestion, vents a personal
spite, or, still worse, attempts some private profit to be
obtained through excitement at the expense of the nation,
is almost like one who spreads disaffection or disorder in a
besieged fortress. The only difference is this : The case of
a besieged fortress, every one understands, and therefore,
short of actual treason, it is a case in which every one does
what he can to keep out the enemy. Mere ignorance and
mere folly would there have little chance of appearance.
But the nature of a great action in which the first phase is
necessarily a prolonged and difficult defensive — the way in
which that first phase is the necessary and inevitable condition
of final victory — is less generally understood. By the mass
of your politicians and wire-pullers it is not understood at
all. These men should therefore be told sharply, and their
dupes more gently, that to hurry or to disturb the operations
of the defensive phase is in effect, though, of course, not in
motive, exactly the same as direct treason. Our whole duty
— and, after all, an easy and a simple one — is to stand by.
H. Belloc.
April 25, 191 8
Land & Water
The Channel Straits: By A. H. Pollen
THE following question has been put to me :
" I observe that, in the current number of Land
AND Water, your colleague, Mr. Belloc, in ex-
plaining the enemy's selection of the Messines-
Givenchy sector for his recent attack, points out
that, among the arguments in its favour, 'for what it is
worth there was the moral effect of an attack developing
close to, and threatening that highly sensitive point, the
straits of the Channel.' Is it not possible that he had
something more than ' moral effect ' in view ?
" I am driven to ask this question : Is it possible the
enemy has some objective, altogether independent of the
direct military advantages of his procedure ? Is he, in other
words, trying to manoeuvre us into giving up Dunkirk, and
then, possibly, Calais ? If there were some overwhelming
naval advantage to be gained by the possession of Dunkirk,
his policy might seem to be justified. Is it possible to
state, with some precision, the change that would be brought
about in the naval position if the enemy were either at
Dunkirk, or at Dunkirk and at Calais ? "
In essaying to answer this question, I shall not attempt to
assess either the probabilit}' of or the military effect of our
withdrawal from Dunkirk, or of our being compelled to give
Calais to the enemy. Though the first seems to me highh'
improbable, and the second altogether out of the question,
all I am concerned with here is to deal with the effect their
tenure by the enemy would have in assisting his naval opera-
tions in impeding ours, and in giving him means, other than
naval, for interfering with our sea traffic. Before
attempting a reasoned answer, it might be as well to
glance at what may be called our traditional policy with
regard to the Dutch, Flemish, and French Channel ports ;
for it is really to this tradition, and not to the facts of the
situation of to-day, that we must look for the moral effect
of which my colleague wrote last week. From very early
times it has been taken for granted that the possession of
these ports by an enemy must constitute a serious sea menace.
It is largely for this reason that, ever since the fall of Napoleon,
the maintenance of the independence and neutrality both of
Holland and of Belgium has been a corner stone of our foreign
policy. When, therefore, in September and October, 1914,
the enemy, having seized Ostend and Zeebrugge, was engaged
in a determined effort to get Dunkirk and Calais as well, the
utmost unea.siness was created in this country. But I do
not think many people could have stated explicitly their
exact ground for uneasiness in the sense of being able to
say precisely what particular naval and military operations
the possession of these ports would have made possible for
the enemy. People forgot that our historic attitude in this
matter dated from the period when there were not only no
submarines, but no thirty-knot destroyers, nor guns with
the modern command of range, nor air power. Conse-
quently, if it was traditional policy with us that the Dutch
ports, the Flemish ports, and the French ports, should be
in separate possession, and two of the groups neutral, it
seemed necessarily to follow that, if an enemy could get
two groups into his own possession, not must an immediate
blow have been struck at our prestige, but some kind of
naval loss of a serious kind would follow. Calais and Dun-
kirk, then, grew into symbols just as Verdun did later
on. To possess them became an end in itself, and hence
their denial to the enemy became of crucial importance.
As a simple matter of fact, the actual possession of Dunkirk,
or even of Calais — viewing the thing altogether apart from
the military consequences involved — would affect the naval
position adversely at a single point only. And the explana-
tion of this is not very recondite. The two governing factors
at sea are, first, that the enemy's only free naval force is his
submarine fleet, which is almost independent of port
facilities, and, secondly, that outside the immediate vicinity
of his larger ports, the enemy possesses no freedom of surface
movement at sea at all. If you examine these propositions
separately, their truth becomes obvious. The two main and
most profitable fields of the enemy's submarines have been
from the Chops of the Channel westward, and in the Mediter-
ranean Passim. To be a thousand miles from its base makes,
therefore, very little difference to the submarine. To give a
submarine-using enemy a base a few miles nearer his main
field would consequently confer no advantage on him of any
kind whatever.
Curiously enough, if we suppose the Channel to be the
field of their operations, the same thing is true about the
enemy's surface craft, though for a very different reason.
For, as things stand to-day — and as they would stand if
he got Dunkirk, Calais, and even Boulogne — his freedom to
get his destroyers or other ships out of harbour can be exactly
measured by the distance he is from the nearest British
base. The truth of this was instructively shown last week.
Twice in the course of a few days we heard that our ships
had swept into the Kattegat and the North Sea, each time
destroying German trawlers on outpost duty, and capturing
their crews. On two other occasions unsuccessful efforts
were made to cut off destroyers that had been bombarding
parts of the Belgian coast, west of Nieuport. On each of
these the enemy escaped in the darkness. The point of
the contrast hes in this. When he is four or five hundred
miles away from a British base, the enemy can venture out
by daylight, so long as he does not go so far afield that he
ma}' be cut off and brought to action before dark. If no
British force appears in such distant waters for some days
together, he may even venture to send out light craft, such
as trawlers, either to lay mines or to sweep for them, or to
engage on some other operation. But even -here he risks
their destruction if he does so. But from Zeebrugge, which
is less than eighty miles from Dover, he dare not venture
out at all except by night. You never hear of German
trawlers being raided off Ostend by Admiral Keyes' command.
And, whenever there is news of an engagement, it is either
a midnight or a mid-fog affair.
Zeebrugge and Ostend
Zeebrugge and Ostend, then, are, on the experience of the
last three years, perfectly useless to him for any daylight
work. They are just jumping-off places for night raids,
and refuges into which the marauders must rush for safety
at the first threat of attack. Observe that never yet has the
enemy in such encounters even pretended to fight the engage-
ment to a finish. He runs — as he did the other day — though
he had a force of eighteen boats against a bare half-dozen:
He cannot, from the nature of the situation, even risk delay.
He must always fear a still stronger force coming on the
scene. Hence, they are not bases from which systematic
naval operations could be carried out, nor any orderly form
of sea-pressure be put upon us by regular and methodical
operations. The fact, then, that "we control the surface of
the sea robs Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne of any surface-
craft value to the enemy, just because they are so much
nearer to our main base at Dover than are Zeebrugge and
Ostend. Indeed, we can go further. If he hardly now
dares come out of Zeebrugge, it is doubtful if he would run
and go into Dunkirk or Calais. Neither can help him then
with his destroyers. And, because submarines do not
require bases into which to run for refuge, these ports are
unnecessary to him for his submarine campaign.
I said just now that there was one respect in which the
possession of this strip of French coast would be an advantage
to the enemy. It is that the blocking of the Channel at its
narrowest parts by mine barrages would be either impossible
or exceedingly difficult. But the possession of Dunkirk only
would hardly affect this, for from Dunkirk to Cape Gris Nez
is nearly forty miles ; and our estabUshment and mainten-
ance of a barrage would not be affected unless the enemy
occupied not only Dunkirk, but the whole coast right round
to Boulogne.
We may then, it seems to me, make our minds compara-
tively easy as to the effect on the naval situation of any
further advances of the enemy along the French seaboard,
so far, at least, as the naval situation can be affected by
purely naval means. But are there not other than purely
naval means that would affect, if not our naval forces, at
any rate, the sea traffic which it is one of the main objects
of naval force to protect and guarantee ? The enemy, we
are told, has been bombarding Paris with unpleasant regu-
larity from a range of seventy-five miles. From Dunkirk to
the Downs is not more than half this distance. Every mile
he can push on of the twenty-five that intervene between
Dunkirk and Calais will very nearly reduce the range of the
Enghsh coast by an equal amount. Would it still be safe
for ships to come up Channel aijd enter the mouth of the
Thames ? Or would London cease to exist as a port, except
for such traffic as could come to it north about ? Far be it
from me to suggest the Hmits of the enemy's ingenuity in
designing, or of his industry in producing, cannon of fabulous
reach. But the merest tyro in the art of gunnery would be
{Continued on page 12).
Copyright, 1918, U.S.A.
i< |i III, la mt"*^ "-■ ' »■■»«■
At the Grave c
By Lc
Schcidemann, a leader of the German Socialists, has publicly declared that Socialist;
rTman Socialism
iiaekers.
't their influence in Germany since the military successes on the Somme and the Lys.
Copyright^ " Land & Wttltr "
I 2
Land & Water
April 25, 19 1 8
(Continued from page 'J).
able to reassure us on the value of tliis artillery as a menace
to trading shipping going up and down the Channel. If the
enemy held the coast of France from Dunkirk to Cape Oris
Nez, his guns could reach Shoreham on the Sussex coast and
Orfordness in Suffolk ; ■ so that the whole of Kent, all of
Surrey and Sussex that lie east of the main Brighton line
would be under his fire. His hmit of range would be just
short of Croydon, from a point just opposite Erith to the
south of a line through Chelmsford and Colchester. The
lower corner of Suffolk, including Ipswich, would complete
the danger area. The Thames, of course, would be under
fire almost right up to the docks in London.
This may all sound very terrifying, but it would be entirely
without naval significance, for the simple reason that at
these extreme ranges no aiming with a gun is possible at all ;
and the value of guns of this kind, trained even on a great
city like London or Paris, is not distinguishable from that of ,
regularly conducted air raids. Indeed, as far as destruction
of life is concerned, it is probable that the same number of
air bombs^from the fact that their explosive charge is so
much greater — would be far more deadly than the 9-inch
shell, whjch the German long-range gun is supposed to carry.
As to such guns, or even the much more accurate naval gun,
being mounted on the coast to prevent the passage of mer-
chant shipping, this menace is entirely chimerical. If the
best naval ordnance in the world were perfectly mounted
and controlled from Dover or Calais, shipping could, in
broad daylight on a clear day, pass up mid-Channel with
complete safety, if they adopted the simple precaution with
which every merchant skipper is famihar, from his experi-
ence with submarines. He has only got to zigzag his course
to make hitting impossible at ten miles, and at twenty no
accurate fire of any sort would be conceivable. We must,
therefore, look for a purely mihtary explanation of the
enemy's present mihtary pohcy. A. H. Pollen.
Climax of Two Great Wars: By j. Holland Rose, Lkt.D.
AT no time during the present war bave the pros-
pects of the British people been so gloomy as they
were after the collapse of Austria in the Wagram
Campaign of the year 1809 and the disgraceful
Walcheren expedition of that autumn. It may
be well to outline the situation in the j'ears 1810-11 and to
suggest comparisons at some points with that of the far
greater war against the Central Empires and their Allies.
In this article I attempt to form estimates on mihtary and,
naval affairs at the two periods, and in a subsequent article
to treat questions of food-supply, commerce, and financial
stability.
The defection of Russia has brought about a state of affairs
not unlike that which Napoleon's triumph over Austria pro-
duced in 1809. Thenceforth, up to the end of 181 1, he threw
his whole strength into the West. In 1810 a veteran army
under Massena swept through Spain and Portugal, and
pinned Welhngton's forces to the Lines of Torres Vedras.
The tenacious Kritish resistance (far from appreciated at the
time) saved frorn utter ruin the cause of the Portuguese and
Spanish "Patriots," inaugurated a time of balance in the
Peninsular War, and encouraged the Tsar, Alexander I., to
the independent fiscal policy which brought about the French
invasion of Russia in 1812. Thus the years 1810-2 form
the crisis of the Napoleonic War. Without Torres Vedras,
there would have been a timorous peace, an unchallenged
French ascendancy, broken by no retreat from Moscow, no
Leipzig, no Waterloo.
The obedient journalists of Berlin have asserted that the
great German push which began on March 21st, 1918, can be
more than once repeated ; that they do not rely chiefly on
the submarine campaign, but will force a military decision.
In a general way, therefore, the present push may be compared
with the effort of Massena ; but Germany confronts Allies
who equal her in determination and excel her in man-power,
money, and material. She controls a central mass of terri-
tory and possesses an admirable mihtary organisation —
advantages possessed in a unique degree by Napoleon over his
feeble opponents of 1810-11. But her mass, like his, is
gripped by sea power ; and she, any more than he, cannot
escape from its economic pressure by subjecting Russia as
he did at Tilsit in 1807. Indeed, the more the Teutonic yoke
galls the Russians, the more likely are they to cast it off at
the first opportunity. The more intelligent Germans blame
their Government for imposing humiliating terms on Russia,
just as Talleyrand censured Napoleon for alienating pubhc
opinion in 1811-12. But the Germans persist, even as he
persisted. Early in 1812 his nervousness as to the East
prevented him sending into Spain the forces needed for
ending the war. Even so, the Germans persist in their
penetration of Russia. Sooner or later, then, sympathy must
reawaken among the Russians with their former Allies, just
as in the winter of 1811-12 Alexander I. based his resistance
to the Napoleonic decrees on his confidence in Wellington's
indomitable resistance, while the duke fought his uphill
fight with the more spirit because he foresaw the Russo-
French rupture. Adsit omen !
As the Berlin Press assures the world that the time is at
hand when the war-will of the Western peoples must collapse,
it may be well to recall the odds against which our fore-
fathers fought. The census of 1811 gave the population of
Great Britain as 12,596,803 souls. That of Ireland in 1821 was
6,801,827 ; and in 1811 it may be reckoned at about 6,250,000.
The numbers of the white population in our chief colonies are
not known until the following dates : Canada, 1,172,820 in
1844 ; New South Wales (inclusive of what is now Victoria),
36,598 in 1828 ; Van Diemen's Land, 12,303 in 1824 ;
Western AustraUa, 2,070 in 1834 ; South Austraha, 17,366
in 1844 ; New Zealand, about 3,000 or 4,000 in 1847 ; Cape
Colony, 68,180 in 1839. In 1811 these figures would be
about one-half of those just presented. Consequently, we
then had no military succour from the British race beyond
the seas ; and, owing to the disputes with the United States
and the Dutch, Canada and Cape Colony (not to speak of
India) needed considerable garrisons from the motherland.
It , is well, then, to realise that the British race within
the Empire (including the Irish, but excluding the French-
Canadians and the Dutch of Cape Colony) numbered less
than twenty milHons in the year 181 1. Captlin C. W.
Pasley, R.E., in his Essay on the Military Policy of the British
Empire (1811), reckons only Great Britain as counting in the
war, and, estimating the population of the Napoleonic
Empire and vassal States at 77,000,000 souls, concludes that
the odds against us were more than five to one. Probably
he exaggerates the hostile numbers and underestimates our
own ; but, after Napoleon's annexations of the Papal States,
Illyria, Holland, and N.W. Germany (as far as Lflbeck), the
French Empire must have included nearly 60,000,000 souls.
This, however, is not all. In June, 1812, Napoleon marshalled
for the Russian campaign 147,000 Germans from the Con-
federation of the Rhine, and some 80,000 Itahans, 60,000
Poles, and 10,000 Swiss, besides exacting contingents of
50,000 from the quasi-dependent States, Austria and Prussia.
If we include all the lands which furnished the Emperor with
man-power, Pasley 's estimate of the odds is within the mark
— at least, for 181 1.
It is needless to point out the sharp contrast afforded by
the present struggle. Probably the white population of the
British Empire now approaches — or even equals — that of
Germany, about 68,000,000. The deficiencies of the AlUes
are in their scattered positions and their military unprepared-
ness. But in 1811 the British and the Spanish and Portu-
guese patriots were still more deficient by comparison with
Napoleon. He had the great advantage of inheridng a
system of national conscription founded by the French
Jacobins in August, 1793, and developed more systematically
in 1798. He applied this system to his vast Empire, and
expected vassal princes to supply almost as large a quota.
True, by the year 1810, warlike enthusiasm had declined,
and bands of refractory conscripts had to be hunted down.
The levies which he exacted from his vassals were half-
hearted, only the Poles and the North Italians fighting with
enthusiasm. Still, love of glory, hope of plunder, or the
longing to secure a lasting peace impelled the mass forward.
As Count Segur says : "There was not a hope which Napoleon
could not flatter, excite, and satiate. . .' . A war was often
only a battle or a short and brilliant excursion.'! Such, too,
is the Prussian tradition, based on the triumphant wars of
1864, 1866, 1870.
To break down the moral which in 1810-11 still inspired the
best of Napoleon's troops was a stupendous task ; but
Welhngton impaired that moral at Busaco, wore it down at
Torres Vedras, displayed the full fighting strength of the
British soldier at Badajoz, and his superiority in the mighty
clash of Salamanca (July, 1812). Even so, in the present
w^r, the Allies, owing, first, to lack of numbers, and then of
April 25, 1918
Land & Water
13
thoroughly trained troops, have been confined mainly to a
defensive strategy. The Germans, also, like Napoleon, having
the advantage of inner hnes of operation, could adopt his
methods which so often won a decisive triumph in a single
campaign. Considering their superiority in numbers, equip-
ment, and position in 1914, they cannot be pronounced
brilliant pupils of the great commander.
It is well to reahse how slowly and awkwardly the
British military machine worked in WelHngton's day.
Nor must the fault be ascribed solely to the Govern-
ment ; it must accrue to the nation as a whole. Take
the following jottings of Lord Uxbridge's agent at Plas-
newydd in August, 1807, when England stood entirely albne :
"Our regular army is now to be increased by enlistments
from the militia, but there is great unwillingness to save the
country unless in a constitutional way. . . . Our country
gentlemen make no distinction in the means of defence they
would adopt between an insignificant rebellion in Scotland
and the mighty invasion with which we are now threatened.
. . . We have nothing very great to expect till the enemy
is actually amongst us. He will then give us a practical
lesson."*
Politicians Aforetimcs
Nothing awakened John Bull. He jogged along in the
old ruts. Successive Cabinets sought to co-ordinate the
regular army, militia, and volunteers. Pitt, Dundas, and
Windham ; Addington and Hobart ; Pitt, Camden, and
Castlereagh ; Grenville and Windham, successively produced
their reforms until chaos reigned supreme. The Perceval
Ministry (1809-12) totally failed to solve these difficulties,
which, of course, could be overcome only by the adoption of
conscription ; but that nervous Cabinet feared to take so
drastic a step. After the disastrous failure at Walcheren it
hesitated to send Wellington tlie needful supplies either in
men or money ; and (as will appear later) so unpopular was
the Peninsular War that the Whigs, who opposed it outright,
might well have ejected Perceval if he had greatly increased
the taxes. Home poUtics, therefore, prevented a vigorous
prosecution of the war, until, in the summer of 1812, the
action of Russia breathed new energy into the calculating
trimmers of Westminster. Harsh things have been said
by soldiers of politicians during this war, but nothing com-
parable to the insults hurled by Napier at the memory of
Perceval : " The politician, believing in no difficulties because
he feels none, neglects the supplies, charges disaster on the
general, and covers his misdeeds with words."f
But the damning charge against the Portland and Perceval
Cabinets is their ineffective use of the existing forces. In
1808-9 the effectives were 26,500 cavalry, 178,000 infantry,
artillery and engineers, 24,000 ; and the embodied militia,
77,000, Pasley in 181 1 reckoned that, by calling up the
reserve militia and training the volunteers, 120,000 men
might be spared for active service. He arraigned British
statesmen of timidity and blindness in keeping so many
regulars at home, and in frittering others away in spasmodic
and generally belated efforts. Our troops (he wrote) cost half as
much again as those of any other nation ; our politicians rarely
looked ahead, never framed a consistent military policy, or
provided adequate equipment. If they continued to act
thus we should "have nothing before us but the gloomy
prospect of eternal war." We must act on land as vigor-
ously as by sea, or else we might be conquered on both
elements. Trust in Coalitions was futile ; indeed, in course
of time— " Germany might become so power/id as to act the
part which France now does." Let us vigorouslj' support
Wellington and the Spaniards, for there only could we hope
to overthrow Napoleon's power.
Such is the gist of Pasley's essay, which I recommend as
a tonic to the croakers of to-day.{
Wellington also, in the spring of 1812, asserted tliat
Napoleon's ascendancy was rotten at the base, being "sus-
tained by fraud, bad faith, and immeasurable extortion";
and that an honest understanding among the European
Powers would end it. 5 If in those dark times our military
thinkers foresaw the issue of 1814-15, have we any cause for
pessimism now, when all the Powers of the world are united
for the overthrow of a supremacy which is less intelligent
and inspiring, far more odious- and extortionate ? May we
not also derive conlidence from a survey of our recent military
* Th$ Paget Papers, II., p. 316.
t Professor Oman {Peninsular War, IV., p. 67) rebuts the diatribes
of Napier against Perceval (Napier, bk. xi., ch. 10, xiv, ch. 2) ; but,
surely, after Torres Vedras, Perceval should have properly supported
WelUngton or resigned if Parliaraeut refused.
I Pasley, op. cit., pp. 19, 40, 98, 105, 119, 146, 498-501.
§ Life of Sir IV. Gomm, p. 240.
efforts which dwarf e\ery thing that Pasley deemed possible ?
In efficiency the British Army probably excels our Peninsular
Army which in December, 1812, Wellington pronounced
inferior to a French armj' presumably of equal size.* The levies
of 1914-16 are certainly equal to the highly trained German
Army — a feat of organisation which dwarfs every other
effort in our annals.
Relatively to Germany, it seems probable tliat we occupy
a position more favourable in naval affairs than our fore-
fathers did to Napoleon in 1810-12. At that time and down
to the spring of 1812 he excluded us from intercourse with
the Continent, except Turkey and parts of the Spanish
Peninsula. His empire comprised nearly all the coastUne
from Hamburg to Venice and Ragusa ; he had the active
support of the Danes, and in June, 1812, when Russia failed
him, the United States declared war against Great Britain.
Potentially, therefore, his resources in shipbuilding were far
greater than ours, and he hoped to overwhelm us at sea.
Thus, on March 8th and August. 9th, 1811, he bade Decrfes,
Minister of Marine, prepare for great naval enterprises in
1812 ; eight sail of the line must be ready at the Texel,
twenty at Antwerp or Flushing, and large squadrons in
French and Italian ports, for expeditions to Ireland, Sicily,
Egypt, Martinique, Surinam, " et tout le Continent hollandais "
(Australia). Pinnaces were to be built suited to the naviga-
tion of the Nile and the Surinam. The Boulogne flotilla
must be prepared to carry 30,000 infantry, 6,000 cavalry,
and 2,000 artillerymen. In the spring of 1812 fears of
invasion revived in England. On January 23rd, 1813,
(that is, even after his disaster in Russia), he ordered naval
construction which would raise the numbers of his battle-
ships to 104. At that time we had only 102 in commission,
with 22 in reserve ; and in view of the hostilities with the United
States, the horizon was not reassuring. True, we had reduced
the last of the enemy colonies, Java, and we controlled the
tropics ; but the immense extent of the Napoleonic coast-
line required that at least five British squadrons should
blockade or observe his chief ports, and he hoped thus to
wear us out until his new fleets could challenge us to decisive
combat.
In guerilla tactics at sea he had many advantages. It was
impossible to prevent hostile cruisers from slipping out and
doing mischief. In 181 1 the French and their naval Allies
captured seven, and in 1812 eight, British cruisers, while we
took or destroyed seven and four respectively. Our losses
by wreckage were always far heavier (e.g., three sail of the
line and 15 cruisers, as against one French cruiser in 181 1).
In that year not one hostile squadron evaded our blockading
forces, though the Toulon fleet attempted a futile sortie.
But Napoleon continued to press on liaval construction, and
Pasley deemed the scattered British possessions so vulnerable
as to make the issue doubtful against the dominating mass
of the Napoleonic System. Strategically, it possessed enormous
advantages over the present German Empire, which in open
waters can act only from "the wet triangle" (the Ems,
Heligoland, the Elbe) and from the Flemish coast. The
further Jiis System extended, the heavier were the losses to
our merchant shipping, viz., 387 in 1804 to 619 in 1810.
Thus, Trafalgar procured no immunity for our mercantile
marine, which in 1810-12 was at the mercy of cruisers and
privateers from nearly all the ports between Copenhagen
and Venice.
On one topic the Napoleonic and the German strategy lays
equally insistent stress, viz., the supreme importance of
possessing the Flemish coast. "He who holds Antwerp,"
said Napoleon, " holds a loaded pistol at the head of England."
During the futile negotiations at Chatillon in March, 1814
(i.e., when he had virtually lost Holland), he said: "I am
ready to renounce all the French colonies if I can thereby
keep the mouth of the Scheldt for France." That dominating
point, then, was worth the former colonial Empire of France,
obviously because from Antwerp to Ostend he could coerce
England at his will. Such, too, is the creed of Berlin ; and
by their submarine and aerial warfare, waged largely from
Belgian bases, the Germans have, with their usual fatuity,
supphed novel and irresistibly cogent arguments for ejecting
them thence. j.
The crowning contrast between 1811-12 and 1917-8 has
already been hinted at. Perceval's unwise maritime pro-
cedure led to the American declaration of war in June, 1812,
and to a serious diversion of British naval and military
strength. The signal tact and moderation of the -British
Foreign Office and Admiralty in 1914-7 paved the way for
friencUy relations with our kinsmen ; and under the pressure
of German frightfulness these developed into an alliance
which may prove to be one of the decisive issues of the war.
" Crokcr's Diaries, I., p. 41.
H
Land Sc Water
April 25, 191 8
German Plots Exposed
Fay and the Bombs — II
By French StrOther, Managing Editor, "The Woria-s Woric," New York
Three years ago—on April 23rd, uji^— there arrived in New York, one Robert Fay, a German soldier born at Cologne,
who had been through the earlier fighting of the war. His avowed intention was to check or prevent the export of munitions
from America to the Allies. He had lived in America for some years previous to the war, and could speak English
fluenth: He also had a brother-in-law, Scholz, a civil engineer, in -ike United States ; the two men came together and opened,
as a blind, a garage in New York for motor repairs. Here they worked at making bombs to attach to the rudders of ships.
Their main difficulty was to obtain explosives, and with this end the two men got in touch with four other Germans who were
prepared, for due payment, to help in their schemes. These men were Kienzle. a clock maker ; Bronkhorst, who worked at a
sanatorium at Butler, New Jersey, run for Germans ; Brcitang, a friend of Kienzle in the shipping business, and Siebs,
who knew Breitung and was in New York ostensibly to buy copper for a Swedish ComJ>any but really to ship it to Germany.
At this point the story of " this injernal imagining," of which the first part was told in Land & Water last xveek, continues :
SIEBS had not liad mucli success in liis purchases of
copper, and he was finally forced to make a living
from hand to mouth by small business transactions
of almost any kind. He could not afford a separate
office, so he rented a desk in the office of the
Whitehall Trading Company, a small subsidiary of the
Raymond-Hadley Corporation. His desk happened to be
in the same room with the manager of the company,
Carl L. Wettig.
When Breitung asked Siebs to buy him some chlorate of
potash, a chemical largely used in making certain forms of
explosives, Siebs was delighted at the opportunity to make
some money, and immediately undertook the commission.
He had been instructed to get a small amount — perhaps
200 pounds. He needed money so badly, however, that he
was very glad to find that the smallest kegs of the chlorate
of potash were 112 pounds each, and he ordered three kegs.
He paid for them with money supplied by Breitung, and took
a delivery -slip for it. Ultimately this deUvery-slip was
presented by Scholz, who appeared one day with a truck
and driver, and took the chemical away.
Fa}- and Scholz made some experiments with the chlorate
of potash, and Fay decided it was not strong enough to
serve his purpose. He then determined to try dynamite.
Again he wished to avoid suspicion, and this time, after
consultation with Kienzle, he recalled Bronkhorst down at
the Lusk Sanatorium in New Jersey. Bronkhorst, in his
work as superintendent of the grounds at the sanatorium,
was occasionally engaged in laying water pipes in the rocky
soil there, and for this purpose kept dynamite on hand.
Fay got a quantify of dynamite from him. Later, however,
he decided that he wanted a still more powerful explosive.
Again he applied to Kienzle, and this time Kienzle got in
touch with Siebs direct. By prearrangement, Kienzle and
Siebs met Fay underneath the Manhattan end of the Brooklyn
Bridge, and there Seibs was introduced to Fay. They
I walked around City Hall Park together, discussing the
subject ; and Fay, not knowing the name of what he was
after, tried to make Seibs understand what explosive he
wanted by describing its properties. Siebs finally realised
that what F'ay had i;i mind was trinitrotoluol^one of the
three highest explosives known. Siebs finally undertook to
get some of it for him, but pointed out to him the obvious
difficulties of buying it in as small quantities as he wanted.
It was easy enough to buy chlorate of potash because that
was in common commercial use for many purposes. It was
also easy to buy dynamite because that also is used in all
kinds of quantities, and for many purposes. But trinitro-
toluol is too powerful for any but military use, and it is
consequently handled only in large lots and practically
invariably is made to the order of some government. How-
ever, Siebs had an idea and proceeded to act on it.
He went back to the Whitehall Trading Company, where
he had a desk, and saw his fellow-occupant, Carl Wettig.
Wettig had been engaged in a small way in a brokerage
business in war supplies, and had even taken a few small
turns in the handling of explosives. Siebs had overheard
him discussing with a customer the market price of tri-
■ nitrotoluol some weeks before, and on this account thought
possibly Wettig might help him ou-.-t When he put the
proposition up to Wettig the latter agreed to do what he
could to fill the order.
In the meanwhile, Fay had sent another friend of Breitung's
to Bridgeport to see if he could get trinitrotoluol in that
great city of munitions. There he called upon another
German who was running an employment agency— finding
jobs for Austro-Hungarians who were working in munition
factories so that he could take them out of the factories
and divert their labour from the making of war supphes for
use against the Teutons. The only result of this visit was
that Breitung's friend brought back some loaded rifle cart-
ridges which ultimately were used in the bombs as caps to
fire the charge. But otherwise his trip was of no use to Fay.
Carl Wettig was the weak link in Fay's chain of fortune.
He did, indeed, secure the high explosive that Fay wanted,
and was in other ways obUging. But he got the explosive
from a source that would have given Fay heart-failure if he
had known of it, and he was obliging for reasons that Fay
lived to regret. Siebs made his inquiry of Wettig on
October 19th. The small quantity of explosives that he
asked for aroused Wettig's suspicions, and as soon as he
promised to get it he went to the French Chamber of Com-
merce near by and told them what he suspected, and asked
to be put in touch with responsible police authorities, under
whose direction he wished to act in supplying the trinitrotolyol.
From that moment, Fay, Siebs, and Kienzle were "waked
up in the morning and put to bed at night" by detectives
from the police department of New York City and special
agents of the Secret Service of the United States. By
arrangement with them Wettig obtained a keg containing
25 pounds of trinitrotoluol, and in the absence of Fay and
Scholz from their boarding-house in Weehawken, he delivered
it personally to their room, and left it on their dresser. He
told Siebs he had delivered it, and Siebs promptly set about
collecting his commission from Fay.
Siebs had some difficulty in doing this because Fay and
Scholz, being unfamihar with the use of the explosive, were
unable to explode a sample of it, and decided that it was no
good. They had come home in the evening and found the
keg on their dresser, and had opened it. Inside they found
the explosive in the form of loose white flakes. To keep it
more safely, they poured it out into several small cloth bags.
They then took a sample of it, and tried by every means they
could think of to explode it. They even laid some of it on
an anvil, and broke two or three hammers pounding on it,
but could get no result. They then told Siebs that the stuff
he had delivered was useless. Siebs repeated their complaint
to Wettig, and Wettig volunteered to show them how it
should be handled. Accordingly, he joined them the follow-
ing day at their room in Weehawken, and went with them
out into the woods behind Fort Lee, taking along a small
sample of the powder in a paper bag. In the woods the
men picked up the top of a small tin can, made a fire in the
stump of a tree, and melted some of the flake "T.N.T." in it.
Before it cooled, Wettig embedded in it a mercury cap.
When cooled after being melted, T.N.T. fonns a sohd mass
resembling resin in appearance, and is now more powerful
because more compact.
However, before the experiment could be concluded,. one
of the swarm of detectives who had followed them into the
woods stepped on a dry twig, and when the men started at
its crackling, the detectives concluded they had better make
their arrests before the men might get away ; and so all
were taken into custody. A quipk search of their boarding-
house, the garage, a storage warehouse in which Fay had
stored some trunks, and the boat-house where the motor-
boat w.as stored, resulted in rounding up the entire para-
phernalia that had been used in working out the whole plot.
All the people connected with every phase of it were soon
arrested.
Out of the stories these men told upon examination
emerged not only the hideous perfection of the bomb itself,
but the direct hand that the German Government and its
agents in America had in the scheme of putting it to
April 25, 19 1 8
Land & Water
^5
its fiendish purpose. First of all appeared Fay's admission
that he had left Germany with money and a passport supplied
by a man in the German Secret Service. Later, in the
witness-box, when Fay had had time enough carefully to
think out the most plausible story, he attempted to get
away from this admission by claiming to have deserted from
the German Army. He said that he had been "financed in
his exit from the German Empire by a group of business
men who had put up a lot of money to back a motor-car
invention of his, which he had worked on before the war
began. These men, so he claimed, were afraid they would
lose all their money if he should happen to be killed before
the invention was perfected. This tale, ingenious though it
was, was too fantastic to be swallowed when taken in connec-
tion with all the things found in Fay's possession when he
was arrested. Beyond all doubt, his scheme to destroy ships
was studied and approved by liis military superiors in
Germany before he left, and that scheme alone was his
errand to America.
Von Papen Again
Far less ingenious and equally damning was his attempt
to explain away his relations with von Papen. The sinister
figure of the military attache of the German Embas^ at
Washington leers frorh the background of all the German
plots. And this case was no exception. It was known that
Fay had had dealings "with von Papen in New York, and in
the witness-box he felt called upon to explain them in a
way that would clear the diplomatic service of implication in
his evil-doings. He declared that he had taken his invention
to von Papen and that von Papen had resolutely refused to
have anything to do with it. This would have been well
enough if^Fay's explanation had stopped here.
But Fay's evil genius prompted him to make his explana-
tion more convincing bj' an elaboration of the story, so he
gave von Papen 's reasons for refusal. These were not at all
that the device was calculated to do onurder upon hundreds
of helpless men, nor at all that to have any part in the busi-
ness was to play the unneutral villain under the cloak of
diplomatic privilege. Not at all. At the first interview,
seeing .only a rough sketch and hearing only Fay's description
of preliminary experiments, von Papen's sole objection was :
"Well, you might obtain an explosion once and the next
ten apparatuses might fail."
To continue Fay's explanation :
"He casually asked me what the cost of it would be, and
I told liim in my estimation the cost would not be more
than $20 apiece. [$20 — £4 — apiece for the destruction of
thirty lives, and a million-dollar ship and cargo !] As a
matter of fact, in Germany I will be able to get these things
made for half that price. 'If it is not more than that,' von
Papen said, 'you might go ahead, but I cannot promise you
anything whatever.' "
Bay then went back to his experiments, and when he felt
that ha had perfected his device, he called upon von Papen
for the second time. Von Papen's reply was :
"Well, this thing has been placed before our experts, and
also we .have gone into the political condition of the whole
suggestion. Now, in the first place, our experts say this
apparatus is not at all seaworthy ; but as regards poUtical
conditions, I am sorry to say we cannot consider it, and,
therefore, we cannot consider the whole situati6n."
In other words, with no thought of the moral turpitude of
the scheme, with no thought of the abuse of diplomatic
freedom, but only with thoughts of the practicability of
this device and of the effect upon political conditions of its
use, von Papen had put the question before technical men
and before von Bemstorff, and their decision had been
adverse solely pn those considerations — first, that it would
not work, and, second, that it would arouse hostihty in the
United States. At no stage, according to Fay, was any
thought given to its character as a hideous crime.
The device itself was studied independently by two .sets of
military experts of the United States Government, with
these results :
First, that it was mechanically perfect ; second, that it
was practical under the conditions of adjustment to a ship's
rudder which Fay had devised ; and, third, that the charge
of trinitrotoluol, for which the container was designed, was
nearly half the quantity which is used on our own floating
mines, and which is calculated upon explosion twenty feet
from a battleship to put it out of action, and upon explosion
in direct contact, absolutely to destroy and sink the heaviest
super-dreadnought. In other words, beyond all question,
the bomb would have shattered the entire stern of any ship
and would have caused it to sink in a few minutes.
A brief description of the contrivance reveals the mechanical
ingenuity and practical efficiency of Fay's bomb. A rod
attached to the rudder, at every swing the rudder gave,
turned up, by one notch, the first of the bevelled wheels
within the bomb. After a certain number of revolutions of
that wheel, it in turn gave one revolution to the next ; and
so on through the series. The last wheel was connected
with the threaded cap around the upper end of the square
bolt, and made this cap slowly unscrew, until at length the
bolt dropped clear of it and yielded to the waiting pressure
of, the strong steel spring above. This pressure drove it
downward and brought the sharp points at its lower end
down on the caps of the two rifle cartridges fixed below it —
like the blow of a rifle's hammer. The detonation from the
explosion of these cartridges would set off a small charge of
impregnated chlorate of potash, which in turn would fire the
small charge of the more sluggish but stronger dynamite,
and that in turn would explode the still more sluggish but
tremendously more powerful trinitrotoluol.
The whole operation, once the spring was free, would take
place in a flash ; and instantly its deadly work would be,
accomplished.
Picture the scene that Fay had in his mind as he toiled
his six laborious months upon this dark invention. He saw
himself, in imagination, fixing his infernal box upon the
rudder post of a ship loading at a dock in New York harbour.
As the cargo weighed the ship down, the box would disappear
beneath the water. At length the ship starts on its voyage,
and, as the rudder swings her into the stream, the first beat
in -the slow, sure knell of death for ship and crew is clicked
out by its very turning. Out upon the sea the shift of wind
and blow of wave require a constant correction with the
rudder to hold the true course forward. At every swing the
helmsman unconsciously taps out another of the lurking
beats of death. Somewhere in mid-ocean — perhaps at black
midnight, in a driving storm — the patient mechanism hid
below has turned the last of its calculated revolutions. 'The
neck piece from the bolt slips loose, the spring drives down-
ward, there is a flash, a deafening explosion, and five minutes
later a few mangled bodies and a chaos of floating wreckage
are all that is left above the water's surface.
This is the hideous dream Fay dreamed in the methodical
180 days of his planning and experimenting in New York.
This is the dream to realise which he was able to enlist the
co-operation of half a dozen other Germans. This is the
dream his superiors in Germany viewed with favour, and
financed. This is the dream the sinister von Papen .en-
couraged and which he finally dismissed only because he
believed it too good to be true. This is the dream Fay
himself in the witness-box said he had thought of as "a good
joke on the British."
In this picture of infernal imagining the true character cf
German flattings in America stands revealed. Ingenuity of
conception characterised them, method and patience and pains,-
taking made them perfect. Flawless logic, fl.mless mechanism.
But on the human side, only the blackest passions and an utter
disregard of human life ; no thought of honour, no trace of
human pity.
It happened in the ca.se of Fay that the agent himself was
ruthless, and deserved far more than the law was able to
give him when convicted of ^lis crimes. But through
all the plots, von Papen, von Bemstorff, and the Imperial
German Government in Berhn were consistent. Their hand
was at the helm of all, and the same ruthless grasping after
domination of the world at any price led them to the same
barbarous code of conduct in them all.
(To be continued.)
TURKEY AND THE WAR.
Y^HEN the history of the war is written, the most outstanding
"^ event after the battle of the Marne will be found to have
been the entrance of Turkey into the war on the side of the
enemy. But for this there would have been no Gallipoli, no fall of
Kut; the expeditionary forces to Salonika, Mesopotamia, and
Palestine would have been unnecessary; the Dardanelles would
have remained open for the export of corn and oil from Russia and
Rumania; Rumania would have been secure, Bulgaria not daring
to move; there would have been no Armenian massacres. Think
what it would have meant, had Turkey remained neutral !
Victory would have been won months ago.
Friendship and goodwill between Great Britain and Turkey was
traditional. How did it come about that it broke down at this
tremendous crisis? The circumstances have hitherto been veiled
in secrecy, but with the publication of the diplomatic experiences
of Mr. Morgenthau, the American Ambassador at Constantinople
from 1913 to 1916, all the facts will be revealed,
Mr. Morgenthau's diplomatic record will be published in
Land & Water early next month, It will be found to be an in-
valuable contribution to the history of these times.
i6
Land & Water
April 25, 1918
Rumania's National Shrine : By G. C. Williamson
Cathedral of Curtea de Argcs, a town in the Carpathians
VERY few persons have travelled in Rumania
compared to those who have followed the
ordinary tourists' ways, but the country was
well worthy of more attention, and those whose
occupation or desire have led them in past
years to visit that interesting land have been well rewarded.
It is a country of great natural beauty, its mountains and
rivers, forests and valleys well repaying attention. Its
people are little spoiled in the more remote districts by
modem civilisation, and their village handicrafts and those
of the vagaband gipsies who abound in the place are of
great interest.
Its language, which is so closely akin to Italian, is
easy to learn, the costumes of its people are beautiful and
picturesque, its history is one long romance, and many of its
notable buildings are of the highest architectural and his-
torical importance. Students of Roman antiquities will find
there a new field of activity, and the Roman basilicas,
the Trajan monuments at Adamklisi commemorating his
Dacian victories, the Villa of Commodus at Celeiv, the Trajan
wall at Cernavoda, the great road of the Dobrudja, and the
Temple at Slaveni, will all repay closer investigation. The
student of natural history will be interested in the famous
black buffaloes of Rumania, in the remarkable hosts of
waterfowl, in the rare species of crows and woodpeckers, and
in the bears and chamois. The entomologist will find several
very rare insects in the country, especially some curious
weevils ; while the mineralogist will find ample fields for
attention in the numerous mines of rock salt, nickel-cobalt,
arsenic, gold, lignite, anthracite, cuinabar, sulphur, and
china clay. The greatest attraction as an architectural
monument is, however, the national shrine of the Cathedral
of Curtea de Arges, a church of unique importance, by far
the most famous in the country, and differing from every
other chvu-ch in Europe.
It is very dear to the national heart of the people, and if
it has been injured in the recent attacks of the enemy there
will be undying hatred on the part of the people toward
their ruthless and treacherous invaders.
The cathedral was founded in 1517 by Prince Nagul
and his wife Despina of Serbia, continued by his successor
and son Theodosius, but completed by Radul d' Afumati, the
Voivode of Wallachia who, with the aid of the Hungarians,
defeated the Turks in 1522.
Of the original ' building, little save the walls and the
tombs of the founders and their successors now remains,
and of the accessories and treasures with which Despina
enriched it still less, but all its architectiu-e is of the deepest
interest because it belongs to many successive periods, and
because it is so very national in its strange Byzantine-cum-
Moorish characteristics. ,
In the convent of Krusedol is still preserved — or was
when I visited it— the collar of a chasuble wrought
by Despina and her four children for the cathedral and com-
pleted on June 15th, 1519, as the needlework inscription
itself sets forth, and in the great church itself are two fine
images or icons which belonged to the founder, having
on one of them Despina represented with her son Theodosius
in her hands and the inscription "O Queen of Heaven,
receive they servant John Theodosius and guard him in thy
kingdom."
There is, furthermore, a piece of , beautiful woven
material from a robe found in one of the tombs carefully
preserved in the cathedral. In 1681 considerable additions
were made to the original structure by Prince Serban
Cantacuzene, but while Rumania was under the Turkish
rule— and for a long period the districts of Wallachia and
Moldavia were simply so many roads across which the Turks
passed in their plundering expeditions against Hungary—
the buildings erected by the Voivodes were destroyed, so
that in 1866, when the late King Carol visited the place
he found the magnificent building largely in ruin. He took
the advice of VioUet le Due as to its restoration, and the
great French architect recommended an artist named
April 25, 1918
Lecomte de Neiiy, who
gave immense pains to the
task and encouraged and
aided by the King and
by "Carmen Sylva," who
now, alas, lies within the
building, having died since
the days when they gra-
ciously entertained me
many times at Sinaia —
he restored the building
in superb style. Lecomte
tells us in his own papers
how diligently he visited
thechurchesat Jassy, Horez,
Cozia, Valcei, Padure, and
Campulung. and from these
famous buildings acquired
a sound knowledge and
deep affection for the
Rumanian architecture of
the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries. Satu-
rated with this knowledge,
he set to work, and now
with wonderful frescoes
and mosaics, glorious
bronzes, rich marble,
stained glass, and gold,
silver, and wrought iron,
the whole place is a glowing
feast of colour. In archi-
tecture the building is
rectangular, with an ir-
regular shaped annexe, and
is surmounted by a dome
with two small cupolas, and
by a great dome surmount-
ing the annexe; a strange
mingling of Arab, Roman,
and Byzantine forms, char
Land & Water
The Reredos
acteristic of the people whose national shrine it has become.
Its adornment is that of involved and intricate Arabesque,
combined with wreaths of lilies carved on all the windows,
cornices, and balconies. Wonderful bronze doors lead to its
interior, adorned with fine tapestiy, superb marble columns,
elaborate mosaic decoration in the saucers of the domes,
long and decorative inscriptions, and extraordinary fresco
17
work. The accessories for
worship are, of course, all of
recent date, but specially
designed and carried out
in the sentient designs of
Moldavia ; and bronzes and
crosses, iconoatasis and
icons, candlesticks and
vestments alike speak of
incessant attention to de-
tail, profound study of
native art and scrupulous
adaptation to purpose. The
book of the Gospels is alone
worth a journey to see, as,
painted and illuminated by
Queen "Carmen Sylva"
herself, it is one of the
finest works of imaginative
decorative art that the
century has produced, a
veritable triumph of illu-
mination, the highest pos-
sible achievement of that
gifted lady for the sanc-
tuary she loved so well
and where now she is
buried.
The King and Queen
devoted themselves to this
great work, becoming more
Rumanian even than the
Rumanians in their earnest
desire to help their people,
and their names will ever
be feelingly associated with
the cathedral, where Masses
for their souls will per-
petually be said.
When the work was com-
pleted. King Carol in-
structed Herr Jaffe to prepare a great book on the
building, and from this elephant folio, privately pnnted and
presented to the writer by the King himself, our illustrations
have been taken. The plates are in colour and in mono-
chrome, and it lavishly represents in every possible view
the building and its contents that all Rumania loves and
that 'the native regards as its great national shrine.
Leaves from a German Note Book
THE British blockade is making itself felt, despite
German denials to the contrary. The food situation grows
more and more difficult. Consider the rations of a large
town like Frankfort for the first week of this month : Meat,
7 oz. ; sausage, i| oz. ; margarine, 2 oz., costing 3d. ; i egg,
costing 5d. Another change which is significant is that, as
from the latter end of March, self-providers were ordered to
reduce the quantity of flour for bread-making from ig lb.
to 14 lb. This harcHy points to a state of plenty.
Clothing, too, is expensive and unobtainable. Take a
well-to-do woman's requirements. Before the war a pair of
silk stockings in Germany cost afcout 3s. ; patent-leather
boots, us. ; tailor-made costume, 40s. ; blouse, 20s. ; hat
trimmed with an ostrich feather, 15s. ; pair of kid gloves, 2s. ;
umbrella, 6s. And to-day ? Here are the prices taken from
the lists of an ordinary Berlin general store. The silk stock-
ings cost 15s. ; shoes (be it noted, made of substitutes), 36s. ;
coat and skirt, 150s. ; blouse, 70s. ; hat, 50s. ; gloves, 8s. ;
and umbrella, 25s. But even at these high prices, the goods
are not always obtainable, and the latest ukase provides
that as from the ist instant, only one purchasing permit for
boots should be allowed for a whole year.
Coal has gone up in price us. a ton .since August, 1914,
and this limit would have been left far behind were it not
that the coal merchants charge the neutral consumers
unheard-of prices for the coal exported from Germany. Even
so, a ton of coal costs to-day in Hamburg as much as 71s.
The present is sombre enough, and over the future there
hangs the shadow of economic ruin. Judging by the energy
with which the authorities are endeavouritig to show the
people that their future is not nearly so hopeless as is generally
believed, it would seem that the Germans must be greatly
terrified at the prospect of being deprived, when the war is
over, of essential raw materials like rubber and cotton, jute,
and copper, which the AUies control, to say nothing of such
vital necessaries as palm-oil and grain. Lecturers have
recently been sent all over Germany whose purpose it is to
dispel the fears on this point. But the people have been
deceived too often, and their eyes are no longer shut either
to the past guilt or the future punishment of Germany. In
view of all these sufferings and privations, the plaint of the
Frankfurter Zeitung is intelligible :
Germany's Lent has lasted almost four years— years of
deepest sufiering, sharpest pain, bitterest need, and manifold
death. ... Let us admit that we have at all times passed
through hours of terrible anxiety, helplessness, and despair.
But now the hope of peace through victory buoyl up the
whole nation. This was written at the beginning of the
Great Offensive, and victory once again is deferred. Rumours
of May Day labour troubles are in the air.
The Arbeiter Zeitung, of Vienna, which often looks at
affairs dispassionately, did not share the optimism of its
Frankfurt contemporary. Even if Germany forces France
and Italy to their knees, she will still not have peace so long
as England is in her island home and America protected by
the ocean.- "They would always be able to continue the
war by sea and cut us off from raw materials and food. Only
a peace by understanding is possible with these two countries.
A peace based on might cannot be enforced by Ihe most striking
victory on land." What follows ? That if Germany desires
peace, she must recover from her vain dreams of conquest and
forgo all her plans of vain-glorious world-dominion.
As long as England and .\nierica hold the command
of the sea, even the mightiest \'ictories on land are
futile, for the determining factor of the war is in their
hands. This Vienna journal has spoken many a true word
before now, but nothing truer than this.
i8
Land & Water
April 25, 19 1 8
Life and Letters Qj J. C Somm
R
Remnants
EMNANTS" (by Desmond MacCarthy. Con-
stable, 5s. net) is a title which is calculated to
mislead. It has a savour of the depressed
novel about it. We have got so used to these
morose metaphors. Either, we suppose, the
"remnants" will be odds and ends of unsuccessful people
thrown up on some obscure beach by the sea of life, or else
they will be the poor shreds of consolation with which some
discontented man — or, more probably, woman — ^will content
(damn these alternative pronouns of gender) hprself after
twenty-five years of disillusionment with a husband who
does his best, several deaths, several survivals, crippling
poverty, embarrassing wealth, and the bitter disappointment
of bringing up children who have turned into young men
with round, red faces — all the experiences, in fact, with
which contemporary novelists make their characters unhappy
and bring their readers to the verge of suicide. But in this
instance the title of the book has no such name or bitter
significance. The author has gathered together a few essays
and stories. They are various, and they are a selection from
a large journalistic product ; and their modest author,
evidently despairing of a really accurate descriptive title,
has taken refuge in this.
* Ik « * « *
The volume contains seven short stories and "sketches,"
and sixteen essays on places, men, books, plays, and human
habits. The stories are so good that one wishes there were
more of them. The Brothers Brindle, which exposes to
the gaze the tricks of picture dealers, might to advantage
have been greatly lengthened, and The Snob Doctor contains
a beautiful idea of which much more might have been made.
"Perhaps," it begins,
some of my readers also received a copy of the prospectus,
which I found enclosed in a large envelope of superfine
quality on my breakfast table the other morning. The
drift of it was unusual. In this document, Mr. Ponde,
M.A., of Harley Street, announced that his consulting
hours were 10 to i and 3 to 5, and that between those hours
he was at the service of anyone who wished to consult
him about any uneasiness they might feel with regard to
their social position. "It is not uncommon," the pros-
pectus ran, "for those whose accomplishments, education,
incomes, and good sense might be expected to render them
immune from such uneasiness, to suffer intermittently, or
even chronically, from distressing doubts as to their own
claims to gentility, especially in the company of those who
set store by such distinctions. Their trouble has been
in most cases much aggravated by reserve, such matters
being regarded as too delicate and invidious to be touched
upon in conversation. For although the claims of the
absent to be lady or gentleman, as the case may be, are
often brightly discussed among their friends, the person
concerned derives Uttle benefit from these discussions ; on
his or her appearance the conversation is too often turned
into other channels. On the other hand, free communica-
tion on the part of the patient about his own sufferings
and symptoms — wide experience has convinced Mr. Ponde
is the first step towards healthy recovery.
" Enclosed were a number of testimonials announcing com-
plete recovery from fear of flunkeys, unintentional con-
descension, unwilHng humility, chronic oblivion of unsuccess-
ful relations, and cases of the most virulent compound
snobbishness." We are taken to Mr. Ponde's consulting-
room ; we see the man operating upon a fashionable preacher
who has scourged his congregation for subtly snobbish
reasons, an honest Labour leader alarmed by the flutter he
has felt when driving with a Marchioness, etc.; and the
author's sly observation is as accurate as his manner is
arch and delicate. But the best of this group is A Hermit's
Day, which conducts us from morning to night through a
typical section of the aged Voltaire's life at Femey. The
introductory paragraph is sure, firm, and arouses expect-
ancy at once :
Blue damask curtains were drawn across the' windows,
but one long slit of daylight made every shadowy object in
the room discernible : a cold white pyramidal stove opf)osite
the marble fireplace, the portraits and the magnificent
mirror on the walls, five writing-tables piled with neat
papers, and under its canopy of blue silk the low, plain
bed, with a deep cleft in the swelling pillow. Absolute
stillness reigned.
In a few pages the whole character of the philosopher and
his odd menage are painted : the crowd of subsidiary people
are touched in with subtle strokes, and perfect art is shown
in the selection of incidents to draw out Voltaire's leading
traits. It is not for everybody ; nor is the book as a whole.
But anyone who is already familiar with Voltaire will get a
rich and a repeated pleasure out of it.
i * * * « *
The literary and dramatic essays are rather too miscel-
laneous, and one or two of them are too scrappy, but they
are so sane and persuasive that one can finish none of them
without one's views having suffered some slight modification.
Why is it that they nevertheless leave us — most of them —
with a feeling of dissatisfaction ?
******
Mr. MacCarthy has qualities which should put him among
the best occasional essayists. His interests and his sym-
pathies are universal and his tastes catholic. He is not one
of those critics who are so impressionable and ductile that
they take the colour of the last powerful book they read
or^the last emphatic man they met. He has an attitude ;
his ideas about morals and manners are personal and fixed.
You cannot contrast one essay with another and say, "Here
he is sceptical," "Here he believes," "Here passion and here
reason is in command of him." He is certain about his
few certainties and his uncertainties ; his standards and his
affections do not vary ; he preserves his criteria and his
balance. But his own position is always rather hinted at
and implied than stated, and he is not so preoccupied with
it as to be unable to give the fullest measure of understanding
to men of other types and with other opinions. He has a
wide knowledge of books and a love of fine writing ; but he
is never in the least bookish. Books are only one element in
the glittering phantasmagoria of life; and his principal interest
is not art, not inanimate nature, though he writes vividly
and intimately of both, but the heart and mind of man,
particularly in their more secret and less observed workings.
His criticism is the fruit of long experience and reflection,
an eye quick to seize appearances and quick to pierce them,
a brain to which make-believe and self-deception are not merely
wrong, but also boring. In a casual way and without parade,
he will bring out — whether he is discussing the speeches of
a politician or the grimaces of a clown — some truth about
everybody's inner life which one has never heard stated
before. He has an instrument exactly suited to him, a
vocabulary full of fine shades, an easy, flexible style, capable
both of fluent eloquence and colloquial abruptness. But
he works under a very great handicap.
It is a handicap that must in this age oppress every essayist
of his curious, sagacious, leisurely, discursive kind. That
handicap is the nature of what the literary agents would call
the market for serial rights. A century ago, when Lamb
and Hazlitt wrote their essays ; less than a century ago,
when Macaulay, Bagehot, and Matthew Arnold wrote their
essays on' criticism, the quarterly and monthly reviews
dominated the critical world. They had the reputations,
they had the audiences; they usually had the funds ; and
their daily and weekly rivals offered them Uttle rivalry.
The man who wrote for them — and the essayist got an
opening nowhere else — was allowed plenty of elbow-room ;
four thousand words he regarded as quite a moderate allow-
ance, and he ran to much greater lengths when he chose.
In our own day, the centre of interest and of influence has
shifted to the literary weeklies and some of the dailies.
Almost all the work of our best modern essayists — Mr.
Chesterton, Mr. Belloc, Mr. Lynd, Mr. Lucas — has originally
been done either for weekHes wliich cannot do with more
than two thousand words at a time or daihes which permit
anything between twelve and eighteen hundred words. A
great deal of very fine work has been done within these
limitations. They restrict some writers less than others.
They put a premium on rapid effects, on impressionism,
on the picturesque paragraph, and the brilliant phrase, and
they bear most hardly on the critics of literature who wish
to exhibit a subject in all its aspects, and the meditative
man who has a full mind and an undemonstrative manner.
The feeling one so often has with modern essayists — the
feeling of disappointment that they have come to a stop
just when we are beginning to be touched or excited — is
especially acute when the essa5dsts are of this critical type,
and one feels the defect of length, particularly with Mr.
MacCarthy, who gives the impression that he could say
ten times more on a subject than he actually has done.
April 25, 1 9 18
Land & Water
^9
The Two Frances: By Winifred Stephens
IT would be difficult to imag.ne any one better qualift^u
than Mme. Duclaux to interpret to British readers the
true spirit of France.* By birth an Englishwoman, by
vocation a poetess, France is the country of her
adoption. There, where she has long resided, she has
been intimately associated with two distinguished French
families and has enjoyed the friendship of gifted French
scholars. Already in many volumes she has displayed
insight into and sympathy with French national character,
literature, and institutions. It is not surprising, therefore,
to find in her History of France one of the clearest, most
penetrating presentments of a vast subject embracing no
less than 2,000 years.
Mme. Duclau.K could never be dull ; and every page of
this book thrills with interest. Constitutional matters,
philological questions, points legal and fiscal, which, under
less skilful treatment might be obtruse, are so cleverly woven
into the warp and woof of the story that they jump instantly
to the reader's comprehension. Though far too scholarly
and artistic to obtrude her own opinions, the historian intro-
duces enough of the personal touch to enliven and point the
narrative. While retaining a certain critical attitude, she
cannot conceal her admiration of and esteem for France and
the French, not excluding even that administration, which,
although it Ls to-day almost universally condemned by
Frenchmen themselves, Mme. Duclaux considers, despite its
obvious imperfection "to be on the whole more efficient
than that of any other country."
The book is fairly well sprinkled with dates. We miss
some of the old familiar landmarks such as the eighth-century
Battle of Prtitiers or Tours and the thirteenth-century
Bouvines. But the historian's object — and one brilliantly
achieved — is not so much to chronicle facts and^dates as to
present the spirit of successive £iges. Thus with perfect
lucidity, for example, she foUows the cross-currents in the
confusion and anarchy of the "Wars of Religion." A few
graphic words sum up the character of another period. " The
age of Louis Quinze was not an age of glory. Contrasted with
the reign of Louis Quatorze, we see the ugliness of its absurd
contrasts and the monotony of its dull frivolity. And yet it
was undeniably an age of progress ... it, too, contributed
to the growth of France by the general diffusion of know-
ledge and the gradual constitution of a public mind."
This historian is equally happy when she characterises a
region : Bordeaux, " curious, intelligent, philosophic, sceptical,
commercial" ; Lyons "m3^ticaLl, emotive, sensual yet
highly moral" ; Toulouse, occupying a position not unlike
that of Odessa, "the depository and hoarding-place for the
wealth of a vast agricultural region."
Of the striking personal portraits, many of them illus-
trating the marvellous, natural ability of Frenchmen, which
look out upon us from these picturesque pages, it is impossible
to give any idea here. Mme. Duclaux has her favourites.
She, the biographer of Margaret of AngoulSme, has naturally
a kindly feeling for Margaret's grandson Henri Quatre. And
we suspect her of a weakness for the unhappy Louis XVI.,
whom she does not think such a fool as many have made
out. He "had a long head for detail, much good sense, a
certain ^administrative capacity."
But perhaps what strikes one most in reading Mme.
Duclaux's history is the existence of two marked and
different strains in the French national character. We
discern two Frances, the industrial France of Henri IV.,
the imperialistic France of Louis XIV., the France of the
Celt, and the France of the Roman. One is the pas-tsionate
advocate of freedom and the rights of man, the other of
equality, unity, regularity, and noble order. One has the
delicacy of a Vauvenargues, the other the coarseness of a
Rabelais. One France is a devoted home-lover, the other is
ever attracted by the glamour of distant lands. One France
is essentially logical, ever ready to push a proposition to its
conclusion ; the other is sentimental and romantic. One
gazes keenly into the future passing with the hopeful
logic of Anatole France through "the ivory gate" which
leads to the Europe of 2,270 ; the other dreams with Barrfe
of the past, performing with him the rites of Le Cidte des
Moris. In the words of our own poet, France has ever been:
" First to face the truths and last to leave old truths behind."
While all down the ages of French history sometimes one,
sometimes the other strain has dominated, there have been
periods when the two, running side by side, seem equally
* A Short History of France. By Mary Duclaux (A Mary I- .
prono jnced. Throughout the Revolution, for example,
while with Celtic frenzy France was tearing to pieces the
old regime, with true Latin statesmanship, she was building
up the new order; while "sectarian fury" was raging in the
provinces, the Jacobin; in Paris were p.ofessing one
religion, the Stae, and possessing one virtue, patriotism.
R 'vqlutionaries who were proclaiming the rights of man,
were making war on private property. And while they were
striving after the liberty of the individual, they werfe impro-
vising a strong centralised Government. In the words of
Marat, they were opposing "the despoti m of freedom
to the despotism of kings." ^
Not only in the same age, but sometimes in the same
character the two strains mc^et. They were present in
Henri Quatre, the leader of a faction during the Civil War,
and later the originator of one of the earliest schemes for a
League of Nations. They were equally present in that
naturalised Frenchman, Napoleon, whom Mme. Duclaux
describes as "a logical dreamer. . . . The sort which does
great things in France." His attempts to realise his dreams
so exhausted the nation that, returning from Elba, he found
the imperialist France dead, and nothing left for the moment
but the industrial France, asking only to be let alone to
cultivate her garden in peace.
If Mme. Duclaux had brought her history down to the
present day instead of closing it with the Battle of Waterloo,
she doubtless would have continued to trace these two
strains in French national character, and she would have
told, as she has -done so forcibly in her essay in The Book
of France,] how, in the summer of 1914, internal discord
was suddenly silenced by that "strange sinister tattoo,"
which, resounding throughout the land, announced that
la patrie was in danger. This cry has never failed to end
internal dissensions and to join both Frances in the bonds
of sacred union.
The Miraculous Herring
MR. ARTHUR SAMUEL, who comes of a famUy long
settled in East Anglia, and has himself been Lord
Mayor of Norwich, has, written a book on that
humble Ash the herring, which has played a bigger part in
history than any other denizen of the deep, including either
whale or pearl-oyster. For five hundred years — that is to
say "from the twelfth to the seventeenth centuries — wool
and herring were what would now be called key industries.
On them our national policy may be said to have largely
turned, whenever the rulers of England entered upon dis-
cussions, peaceful or warlike, with other nations." These
sentences are taken from Mr. Samuel's preface to his new
work. The Herring, Its Effect on the History of Britain (John
Murray, los. 6d. net). The policy of Britain, which cul-
minated in Cromwell's wresting their sea-carrying trade from
the Dutch, began with squabble ; about the herring fishery.
It would be hard to over-emphasise the influence which these
inexhaustible shoals have exerted over the national hfe of
this country, both internally and externally. How inex-
haustible they are may be judged that in one year — 1908 —
a million tons of fish were taJcen from the North Sea, of which
more than half (57 per cent.) were herrings caught in drift-
nets. And this harvest has been in progress to a greater or
less extent for centuries.
This book is delightfully illustrated by reproductions of
old prints, illustrating fishing, curing, and eating' of the herring.
There are^many quaint recipes given which have fallen out
of use; but in these days, when, to quote Pimch, "quite
nice people eat fresh herrings," some may hke to revive
these recipes. The price of the herring has been frequently
controlled, and in the fourteenth century the wholesale
price in Yarmouth market was fixed at 6s. 8d. a last, which
works out at 165 herrings for one penny 1 Cran, the usual
measure for herrings nowadays, comes from the Gaelic word
"craun," and means a barrel of 36 gallons, and it holds
3j cwt. of fish, or from 600 to 1,000 herrings, according to
size. A shoal swimming down the coast is "often eight or
nine miles in length, three or four miles in breadth, and of
unknown depth, the fish closely packed like sheep in a flock
moving along a country lane." The miracle of quails in the
wilderness is nothing to the miracle of herrings in the ocean.
Read this book ; it is as full of meat as the fish it describes.
t See The Background of a Victory, by Mme. Duclaux. The Booh
of France, ed. 1915, by Winifred Stephens for the benefit of the invaded
20
Land & Water
April 25, 1 9 18
History ot the Rural Labourer :^By Jason
WHEN Englishmenjwere full of the triumphs of
the agrarian revolution, Sismondi came over
on a visit. He had expected to find the
labourers working on the reclaimed commons
with the zeal and energy of peasants, and,
instt ad, he found them in the workhouse, or breaking stones
on the roads, or serving what looked like a penal sentence as
roundsmen. For when the practice of paying allowances
out of the rates spread over the country, the labourer became
a kind of overseers' property. No farmer paid proper wages,
but every fanner contributed to the rates, and almost all
labourers were in part maintained out of the rates. The
labourer was thus regarded as a kind of parish serf at the
disposal of any employer sanctioned by the overseers, and
passed from one farmer to another without any reference to
his own wishes. Sismondi coming upon this world, of which
he had heard such glowing rumours, asked a pertinent ques-
tion : "You tell us you have improved the land ; but^what
have you done with the labourers ? "
'The Agrarian Problerrn
Sismondi's question goes to the root of the agrarian prob-
lem. Nobody is satisfied with the position of the agri-
cultural labourer or the life of the ordinary English village.
Jfien of public spirit in all classes have been groping about
for remedies for generations. But the truth is that agricul-
tural life has been seen in a false perspective ever since the
era of the enclosures, and it is that false view which has
vitiated all our efforts at reform. Nobody has described
the situation more accurately or more vividly than Mr.
Prothero in the concluding pages of his book on English
Farming : Past and Present :
Under the older system peasants were rarely without
some real stake in the agricultural community ; they were
not members of an isolated class ; they were not exclusively
dependent on competitive wages for their homes and liveli-
hood ; they were seldom without opportunities of bettering
their positions ; they had not before them the unending
vista of a gradual process of physical exhaustion in another's
service. Under the modem commercial system the condi-
tions from which pesisants were generally free are those
under which the average agricultural labourer Uves, though
exceptional men may struggle out of their tyranny. They
have no property but their labour. Even of that one
possession, such are the exigencies of their position, they
are not the masters. If they fail to sell it where they are
now living, or if they lose employment by a change in the
ownership or occupation of the land on which they work,
they must move on. Their home is only secure to them
from week to week. . . . Agricultural labourers believe
that there is Ufe in the towns ; they know that in the
villages there is none in which they share as a right, or
which for them has any meaning. They may be indis-
pensable, but it is only as wheels in another man's money-
making.
The history of the labourer is summed up in the first and
last sentences of this passage. The Agrarian Revolution,
like the Industrial Revolution and the philosophy that it
taught, reduced men and women to the category of instru-
ments. We have seen in the case of the industrial worker
the consequences of a creed which beUeved that society had
to accommodate itself as its first duty to the needs and
demands of capital. It was supposed that a nation's pros-
perity depended on the encouragement it gave to capital,
and that as long as industry earned high profits and the
State put no restrictions on its power, men and women
would secure as much happiness and liberty as this imperfect
world of ours allowed. The whole life of industrial society
was branded with this doctrine. The Lancashire town
to-day is not the town of a society with leisure, with tastes,
with any play of mind and fancy. It is the settlement of a
population only thought of as workers, as the servants of
the industrial system.
The same thing has happened to the village and the village
population. . At the beginning of the nineteenth century
there was boundless optimism about the expansion of agri-
culture. This in itself was not surprising, for it was a time
of xemarkable achievements and progress. Every year from
1778 to 1821 Thomas Coke, the great Norfolk Whig, used to
collect celebrities from all parts of the world at his annual
sheep-shearing. This event grew out of his custom of
bringing all his tenants together to talk over agricultural
topics and discuss discoveries and suggestions. As the fame
of Coke's farming spread over the world, these annual
shearings developed into a great pageant attended b)- rejire-
sentatives from all rcuntries who came to admire Coke's
farms and =tock, and to discuss with him and with Arthur
Young and the chief scientists of the day the virtues of
this or that fertiliser and this or that breed. The ambas-
sadors of foreign countries used to attend, and nobody who
valued his reputation as an agriculturist faikd to witness
one of these famous gatherings. [
Coke was the most celebrated of a class of improving
landowners who vied with each other in promoting scientific
agriculture. His position in the agrarian revolution may be
compared roughly with that of Arkwright in the industrial
revolution. He supphed brains as well as capital. He made
scientific farming the fashion in a country which had been
conspicuous for its attachment to obsolete methods. He
introduced Southdowns in place of the Norfolk sheep; he
set the example in planting and in heavy stock farms ; he
taught the wonders of marhng and draining, and he con-
verted Norfolk from a corn-importing county into one of
the chief corn-producing counties of England. A large part
of the estate that he created was originally composed of
salt marshes on the coast of the North Sea, and it had been
believed that wheat would not grow between Holkham and
King 's Lynn.
Coke, unhke most landlords of his time, , retused to
rent his tenants on their own improvements, and gave them
the relative security of long leases. He represented the best
aspect of the new system. Cobbett, whose appreciation of
the moral consequences of enclosures as a general policy
made him a bitter critic of the landlords of his day, noted
Coke's great popularity in his own county. "Every one,"
he said in the diary of his rural rides, "made use of the
expression towards him which affectionate children use
towards their parents."
Coke's generation drew from the spectacle ot the jiew
agriculture two morals. The first was the moral that in
agriculture, as in industry, the one test was the test of pro-
duction. The second that development of agriculture
demanded the capital and the personal interest of the large
landowners, and that therefore the most important thing
was to make country life attractive to that class. These
two views are illustrated in the legislation of the time ; the
first in the wild and "uncontroUedFprocess of enclosure, the
second in the passing of game laws that can only be described
as barbarous. * .
Game Lawsi
In 1816 an^Act'was passed of which Romilly said that[ no
parallel to it could be found in the laws of any country in thd
world. By that Act a person who was found at night with
a net for poaching in any forest or park could be punished
by transportation for seven years. Next year Parliament
modified the law to the extent of hmiting this punishment
to persons found with guns or bludgeons. When anybody
tried to reform the game laws he was met with the question :
"Do you wish to drive the country gentlemen off their-
estates ? " Y'et these laws were playing an immense part
in disturbing the peace of the countryside. In three years,
between 1827 and 1830, 8,500 persons were convicted under
these laws, many of them to be transported for hfe.
As the labourers' condition grew more and more desperate,
poaching as the alternative to starving grew more common
and bolder in its methods, and magistrates more severe in
the punishments they inflicted. A Member of Pariiament
stated before a committee of the House of Commons in 1831
that as men who had been transported were not brought
back at the public expense, they scarcely ever returned, and
that agricultural labourers specially dreaded transportation
because it meant entire separation from former associates,
relations, and friends. Readers of Marcus Clarke's famous
novel For the Term of his Natural Life will remember the
scene on the transport ship, with the village labourer thrown
into the society of forgers, housebreakers, and footpads.
"The poacher grimly thinking of his sick wife and children
would start as the night-house luffian clapped him on the
shoulder and bade him with a curse to take good heart and
be a man."
During the opening chapters of the nineteenth century
the agricultural labourer passed through a period of distress
and growing destitution comparable to that of the hand-
loom weaver in Lancashire. He had lost nearly all his
{continued on page 22)
April 25, 191 8
Land & Water
21
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22
Land & Water
April 25, 19 1 8
(continued from page 20)
customary rights, which meant food and fuel. He had lost,
in r^any places, the right of gleaning. He was dependent
on wages, and his wages were falling. No body of English-
men will resign themselves to this fate without a struggle,
and the misery of the labourer broke out in the winter of
1830 in a rising. The methods of the rioters were crude,
and consisted mainly in breaking thresliing machines. In
many cases the whole village would turn out in a threatening
deputation to the farmer calling on him to raise wages. The
labourers were, in fact, in revolt against the general degrada-
tion of their hves, with its squalor, its starvation, its endless
servitude, and its humiUating bondage to farmer and over-
seer. A certain amount of damage was done, one or two of
the rioters were killed, but nobody was seriously injured by
any labourer or body of labourers.
If such a tiling happened to-day it would be recognised as
a crisis demanding attention and remedy. Unfortunately,
in the state of mind of the ruling class in 1830, it was a crisis
demanding only repression, for no remedy seemed possible
to nine people out of ten in the atmosphere of the times.
And repression took a savage form. Six men and boys were
hanged for rick-burning, three for rioting, 450 were trans-
ported, and 400 sentenced to imprisonment at home. Mr.
Hudson, whose vivid book A Shepherd's Life recalls some of
the memories of those days, tells us that of the 150 labourers
who were transported from the Wiltshire Downs only' one
in five or six ever returned.
Terrible Events
These terrible events have received little notice in our
history books, and the reader of Cobbett's Political Register
is at first a Uttle bewildered when he comes upon them. It
is probable that few of the country gentry to-day hear much
about them ; that, as a rule, the country parsons and the
immigrants from the towns who have /found quiet retreat in
a village where they spend their week-end or part of the year,
have never heard of them. They may know a great deal
about the history of their nation and yet be quite ignorant
of that passionate and very important chapter in the history
of their own district. The story of the conduct of the judges
who compelled the prisoners at Winchester to see their
comrades hanged would read to them as more in keeping with
the stories of the French Terror than with the gentle and
amiable traditions of the English upper classes. They would
find it difficult to beUeve that the peaceful village where
they watch the sunset on a still evening and contrast
the silence of the countryside with the distracting noise of
London is the home of such fierce and cruel memories, and
that so many hearts and homes were broken there only
three generations ago. But the legend of that retribu-
tion still lingers in the labourer's home, as any traveller in
the villages of Hampshire and Wiltshire may discover if
once he can break the ice and find out what the labourers
are really thinking. One boy from a HampSliire village
who was hanged at Winchester for striking a countrj' gentle-
man was buried in liis village churchyard with every circum-
stance of respect from Ms neighbours,, who looked on his
execution as murder, and to-day — nearly ninety years later —
it is still beheved in the cottages that "the snow never lies
on his grave," as a villager said to the writer.
If Hampshire and Wiltshire have burning memories of
that winter, the Dorsetshire labourers have their own martyrs
in the Tolpuddle exiles. In this httle village a few labourers
tried to form a union in 1833 (wages had just been reduced
from gs. to 7s. a week). Next year the chief promoters were
arrested and sent to prison. The village parson visited them
in jail to tell them that the labourer was better off than his
master, to which Loveless, the men's leader, rephed that he
found it difficult to believe this when he saw what a number
of horses were kept for no other purpose than foxhunting.
The men were tried under the Act passed in a moment of
panic at the time of the Mutiny at the Nore, and the judge
sentenced them to seven years' transportation, not for
anything they had done, but as an example to others.
The authonties in that year determined to crush the spirit
of revolt, and they succeeded beyond their wildest dreams.
The agricultural labourer, whose ancestors, as Mr. Prother^
has pointed out, were members of a community, has been
the most isolated and lonely figure in our society. Take
any aspect of his hfe. No class of workman stood more in
need of the help and power of trade unions, and in no class
has the struggle for trade unionism been so hopeless.
In the old days the agricultural labourer was not friendless
in his own village. The economy of small farming encouraged
the labourer holding land or enjoying common rights, for by
that means the small farmer could have labour when he
wanted it, without pajdng for it, all the year round. It was
often difficult to draw the Hue between the smaU farmer
and the agricultural labourer. The village was a society of
men and women understanding each other, whose arrange-
ments and lives fell into a common scheme of mutual help
and sympathy. The new type of farming isolated tlie
labourer, setting up two hostile interests — the larjge f.trmer
and the shopkeeper.
The New Village
The farmer of the new type believed that if the labourer
had land or any kind of independence he would be a less
diligent worker ; the new shopkeeper who supplied the food
that was formerly supplied by the small farm thought that
if the labourer could grow his own food again he would lose
his customers. Thus, in respect of its economic structure,
the new village was just the opposite of the old ; economic
influences were adverse and not favourable to the ambitions
of the labourer.
Nobody took the place of the old village, for Parliament
and the Church were under unsympathetic influence. In
1872 the labourers embarked on a great campaign to organise
trade unions. Their leader was Joseph Arch. They had
good friends in politicians like Fawcett, Auberoh Herbert,
Jesse CoUings, WilHam Morrison, and the great Bishop
Eraser and Canon Girdlestone, who preached to his farmers
that the cattle plague was a just punishment for their treat-
ment of their labourers. 1 But those were exceptions. The
Liberal Government allowed soldiers to be used as strike-
breakers ; landlords sided with the farmers, and the Church
followed suit. The labourers met by moonhght ; they
faced the dangers of eviction ; they tried emigration on a
large scale ; but in vain. They were beaten. A year before
the war there was a labourers' movement in Lancashire,
and a union had made progress in Norfolk. But trade
unionism has still to win its first considerable battle.
Or take again the labourers' home. It matters enormously
to most of us in what kind of a house we live, whether it is
adequate, comfortable, dry, wami, healthy. It does not
matter less to people who have to work day after day in all
weathers. Rather it matters more. In 1867 the commis-
sion on the employment of women and cliildren in agricul-
ture reported that there was nothing injurious in the work
itself, but that serious evils arose because fuel being so
difficult to get on their meagre wages, they were unable to
dry their clothes, and had consequently to go to work the
next morning with the wet clothes they had taken off the
day before. This difficulty still exists.
Nobody who reads the reports of the County Medical
Officers of Health can suppose that the houses of the
labourers arc, as a rule, adequate, comfortable, warm, dry,
or healthy. But the labourer has no choice in the matter.
Often he has to live in a tied house, and if it is asked why
houses are not built either by private landlords or by local
authorities, elected in part by agricultural labourers, the answer
comes back again to the labourer's circumstances, for it is
explained that his wages are so poor that he cannot afford to
pay a proper rent, and that therefore houses can only be built
at a loss. Our ancestors, who thought they could build up
a prosperous industry by sacrificing every consideration to
that of giving the landowner and the farmer a free hand,
have reduced this industry to such a predicament that it is
not self-supporting.
Take again his pleasures and his whole life. Social life
and recreation are specially necessary to the agricultural
labourer. The man or woman who works in a factory meets
other people constantly in the course of his or her work,
whereas the man who ploughs and trims hedges and hfts
turnips, works often in solitude and sees scarcely a soul.
One reason why allotments are popular with townsmen is
that they provide opportunity for quiet and private occupa-
tion. For the same reason, it is specially important to have
theatres, pictures, clubs, cricket and football grounds, and
libraries in villages. Yet, as a rule, there is scarcely any
recognition in our village of this urgent need, and the village,
which two hundred years ago had dances and music, is too
often destitute of all the essentials of social life.
Such have been the consequences of treating the men and
women engaged in agriculture as if their condition was less
important than the state of the crops or the attractiveness
of country life to the country gentry. If at any time the
ruling class had said to itself that it was the first duty of
society to see jthat the conditions necessary to a free and
civihsed life were within the reach of all classes, they would
have set to work to build up village life on a different basis.
To-day that is the conviction of the nation as a whole, and
rural life will be reconstructed on new lines.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXXI. No. 2921. [v^^Tr] THURSDAY, MAY 2, 1918 [r'-^^fv^F.m '.IfM'^^^^ s^'ufl^hl
\
The American Ambassador
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May 2, 1918
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Land & Water
LAND & WATER
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Telephone : HOLBORN 282S.
THURSDAY, MAY 2, 1918.
- - ■ ■ ■ ■ .
Contents
PAGE
The American Ambassador. (Photograph) I
The Outlook 3
America's Effort. By H. Belloc 4
Flying Sailors. (Illustrated). By Herman Whitaker 6
Sir Roger Keyes' Victory. By Arthur Pollen 9
Comrades in Arms. (Cartoon.) By Raemaekers 13
Fighting on the Western Front. By H. Belloc 14
President Wilson's War Mind. By L. P. Jacks 17
The United States Navy. By Lewis R. Freeman 19
Education of the Soldier. By Centurion 21
The Higher Punctuality. By G. K. Chesterton 23
Rivers. (Poem.) By J. C. Squire 24
Famous Jewels. (Illustrated.) By G. C. Williamson 26
American Text Books. By J. C. Squire 30
America's Industrial Strength. By J. D. Whelpley 34
Motor Utility Machines. By H. Massac Buist 40
Notes on Kit 44
Household Notes , 48
THE publication of the diplomatic experiences of
Mr. Morgenthau, the American Ambassador at
Constantinople from 1913 to 1916, will begin in
next week's issue of Land & Water.
This record throws a flood of light on the tortuous
ways of Germany and Turkey. It explains much that
has hitherto mystified students of affairs and incident-
ally it reveals how very near at one time the Allies
came to the forcing of the Dardanelles.
The Outlook
NOT yet do we^realise the exact significance of
the entry of America into the war on the side
of the Allies. It is not difficult to estimate the
final effect of her aid in men, material, and
finance ; but these, important though they be,
are in a sense only the beginning of things. The vital fact is
of a moral character ; the New World stands shoulder to
shoulder with that part of the Old World which is shedding
the best of its life-blood in defence of a civilisation which
places humanity, justice, and freedom in the forefront of its
creed. Democracy is a big word of diverse meanings, but
there can be no mistaking the ideals for which the world is
at death-grips. Germany has made the ^dividing line a
clean cut ; she makes no pretence of hiding the raw brutality
of her actions, still hoping that victory may justify them.
Heaven help mankind were this possible ; but now that the
United States has thrown the full weight of her power into
the contest the impossibility of it is greater than ever.
• • •
The resources of- America are so immense that it seemed
as if the seed had only to be scattered for crops of armed
men to spring instantly from the ground. This is, as it were,
true so far as men are concerned, for already the first of
America's armed forces is in the battlefield, and has given a
good account of itself in actual fighting. Her Navy, also,
has rendered valuable assistance in the hunting down of the
U-boats. But, in so far as guns, aeroplanes, and sliips are
concerned, it is evident there must continue to be delay
before they are ready in appreciable quantities. Meanwhile,
the Allies are providing America with all she stands in need
of in the way of munitions of war. Wisely we have not
checked our rate of manufacture, and thus England and
France are able to supply the necessary material, until the
ordnance and aeroplane factories across the Atlantic are in
a position to deliver the goods.
• • *
Dr. Page, America's Ambassador in London, whose photo-
graph appears as the frontispiece of this Special Number of
Land & W.\ter, has won the esteem and gratitude of every
Briton. At the beginning of the war, the American Embassy
took charge of German interests in this country. It was a
difficult duty ; but Dr. Page discharged it with the utmost
tact and good judgment. Whenever he could render services
to Englishmen that in no way interfered with his diplomatic
duties, he invariably did so, and many inquiries about the
missing were made by him during the earlier years of the
war. How great was the restraint which the American
Ambassador had to place on his feelings, until neutrahty
was abandoned by. his own country, has been made evident
in his subsequent speeches. America has sent many dis-
tinguished citizens to act as her representative at the Court
of St. James's ; but Britain will always regard herself as
fortunate in having at this great crisis in her history an
ambassador who combined with sterling character and
honestv of purpose, those high qualities of sympathy, sound
sense, and reticence which will cause Dr. Page to figure,
when history comes to be written, as one of the outstanding
diplomatic figures of the Great War.
♦ • •
The Royal Air Force has changed its minister, Lord
Rothermere having resigned and Sir William Weir having
been appointed in his stead. The sympathy which was
extended to Lord Rothermere owing to the reasons assigned
for this step was unfortunately rather checked by the
exuberance of the Prime Minister's laudation. To say
that a civilian had it in his power to "take over the
conduct of an entirely new arm of the Service," and in the
space of five months "to bestow on its administration an
initiative which has given the new force a real supremacy
at the front " is pernicious nonsense. It encourages the
idea that, in the opinion of the Prime Minister, soldiers and
sailors are the blind instruments and slaves of the politician,
devoid in themselves of initiative or the ability to conduct
the work to which they have devoted their careers. Every-
body knows who have made the Air Force — not the politicians,
but the fighting men. The sooner Generals Henderson and
Trenchard are permitted to resume the duties for which
they have proved themselves pre-eminently qualified, the
quicker will the nation be satisfied.
» • ♦
Mr. Bonar Law's Budget had many points of interest, and
though it was received at first with extraordinary favour
both in the House and the country, opposition to details was
bound to ensue. This has crystalised, mainly, into objec-
tion to the doubling of the stamp-duty on cheques. It is
just sixty years — in 1858 — since this duty was first imposed,
and during that period the use of cheques has so largely
increased, more especially latterly, that for all practical
purposes they represent at least 80 per cent, of the currency.
Anything that may tend to restrict the use of this popular
form of paper-money is bound to meet with opposition in
influential quarters ; we should not be surprised were the
enhanced duty dropped. The rest of Mr. Bonar Law's
proposals seem likely to be accepted with good grace,
though they mean, broadly speaking, a further reduction of
10 per cent, on the professional man's fixed income, which
has already been reduced by from 40 to 50 per cent,
through the increased cost of necessities. At the same time,
there must be plenty of money in the country. The excess
profits duty is estirnated to bring in 300 millions sterling,
which leaves at least 75 millions sterling to be divided among
certain fortunate private citizens.
» • «
Luxury taxation is the novelty of the Budget. What is
luxury ? One dictionary defines the word as " anything
productive of enjoyment." On this basis, taxation might
be enormously widened. Again, will there be one luxury
for all classes, or will what is deemed a necessity for
Dives of Bayswater be taxed as a luxury for Lazaruski of
Whitechapel? Man and woman should be permitted to
clothe themselves neatly and not extravagantly, according
to their station in life, without incurring a penalty for undue
expenditure. Another point about the Budget indirectly
deals with French light wine. Now that beer and spirits are
taxed more heavily, does the Government propose to
release greater quantities of this wholesome fluid from bond,
where the lighter qualities are fast becoming un,wholesome,
inasmuch as they will not keep ? There seems a nemesis in
this country dogging the footsteps of those who desire
sincerely the promotion of temperance. Under proper
management, there need never have been the slightest
necessity for any shortage either in tea or fight wines. This
shortage has been artificially created by bungling and
political chicanery, and the opportunity to popularise the
Vgreater consumption of claret— possibly the healthiest beverage
there is, with the exception of milk — has been lost.
Land & Water
May 2, 19 1 8
The American Effort : By Hilaire Belloc
MUCH the most • important aspect of the
American effort for the Allies as a whole,
and for the Americans themselves, is the
contrast it presents with every other historical
example of miUtary alliance during a great
struggle. There are other :ispccts more immediately enter-
taining or more encouraging. One may talk at large upon
the national intention of the United States, upon the long
forbearance of their Government, followed by its present
clear resolve, and such disquisitions are of value in main-
taining the spirit of the alliance and in expressing its soul.
But by far the most practical issue is the purely military
one, and in that issue the great outstanding feature, is the
novelty of the position.
It is the novelty of the position which gives the enemy
his ground for hoping that the advent of the American forces
will not turn the scale, and it is the novelty of the position
which creates all the cTifficulties which we have to surmount ;
difficulties consider-
able in themselves and
made greater from the
very fact that they
are new.
When we say that
the outstanding mili-
tary feature of the
situation is its novelty,
that is a truth which
may be masked Uke so
many other truths in
this great modem war
by the use of general
terms brought from the
past. For instance,
men talked for months
about the exposed
salient of St. Mihiel as
though we were still
during 1 915 in a war
of movement, whereas
we were, in point of
fact, in a war of siege.
In the same way, one
can present the con-
ditions of the American
effort in the terms of
former campaigns and
make it seem other and ea!sier than it is. One may say that
a nation living across the sea has promised to raise and send
troops in aid of its Allies upon the further side, and that
things of this sort have been done times out of number from
the beginning of history.
The novelty of the situation certainly does not consist in
that. It consists — apart from the question of the blockade
and of belligerent action by sea — in three great factors
never before present.
The first of these factors is the creation of a highly trained
and what ma}' be called a technical force upon a very large
scale out of a very small nucleus or germ within a very
narrow limit of time.
The second factor is the reconstruction of transport
necessitated under these particular conditions.
The third is the necessity of special intensive training of
the units created after they have been transported oversea
and put down upon Allied soil.
None of these three factors ever appeared before in any
transmarine expedition, and the combination of them it is
which gives the enemy his hope that the difficulties created
will be in practice insurmountable ; that is, will not be
surmountable within the useful limits of time assigned to the
effort. The surmounting of those difficulties, on the other
hand, if it is accomplished, will make the issue of the war
absolutely certain, in spite of the disappearance of the State
that used to be called the Russian Empire and the consequent
present preponderance of the Central Powers. If those
difficulties are successfully surmounted within the limits
of time that bound useful action we shall owe that success
mainly to the energy of the Americans themselves, and they
may well boast that this energy has decided the victory of
civilisation.
Let us examine these three novel points in their order.
The creation of a large trained body, of a body so highly
American Soldiers passing through London
trained that it may properly be called expert or technical,
compared with the levies of the older wars, has a parallel
effort in the amazingly successful corresponding effort of
this country. Great Britain in the first two years of the war
expanded a small professional army into a force of many
millions of men. I have often quoted one of the test points
of this achi.vement, the creation of the heavy artillery. It
had hitherto been taken for granted that the heavy gunner
could not be properly trained under three years, while his
officer required a far longer training, and the multiplicity of
types developed in the present war as it became a war of
positions enhanced the magnitude of the task. Nevertheless,
we know that the task was accomplished with extraordinary
success, and that by the late summer of 1916 the new force
was in full being, and had reached a very high point of
efficiency. Further, this force thus suddenly expanded had
to cross the sea.
But the American task differs in certain degrees so much
from ours that it is a
novel proposition, just
as ours was a propo-
sition completely novel
compared with any-
thing that had gone
before.
In the first place,
the nucleus from which
the expansion must
take place is in propor-
tion far smaller. In
the second place, there
was in existence hardly
any machinery for such
expansion. It had not
been imagined possible
or necessary at all.
For, in the third place,
all the history and tra-
ditions of the country
involved were conti-
nental, and no raising
of a very large force to
meet an already highly
trained and, at least,
equal opponent far
over the sea had en-
tered into American
experience. In the fourth place— and most important of all
— the limits of time imposed upon the British effort were less
severe.
The new American Army must depend for its instruction
upon a body of men less in proportion to its numbers than
what we could call upon in this country between three and
four years ago. We had, in proportion to our population, a
larger professional Army than the Americans by far. We
had particularly a larger number of officers, a very consider-
able proportion of whom had seen active service in the
numerous Colonial and Indian wars of the British, ;ind we
had thus beginnings of cadres on what it is true was a small
but what proved happily a sufficient scale. Further, thanks
principally to the foresight and industry of Lord Haldane,
machinery for expansion had long existed. A considerable
Expeditionary Force was in being, so that the plan, though
upon a small model, was already present ; one had but to
enlarge its scale. A system for the elementary training of
lads who might have to be given commissions was in full
swing, and had already covered a considerable amount of
ground ; and the Territorial Army, though, as we know, its
use was restricted, and even delayed, had also provided a
considerable mass of elementary training before the war
broke out.
The tliird element, though it is not a precise one, is also of
importance : The tradition and habit of transmarine expedi-
tion was not estabUshed in the United States as it is here.
The whole of English history is full of such expeditions ;
the numerous Britisli wars of the last 170 years consist of
nothing else. The Seven Years' War, so far as England was
concerned ; the American War of Secession, the Peninsular
War, the Waterloo campaign, the Crimea, the Indian Mutiny,
the South African War, and innumerable intervening smaller
operations, all of them of necessity meant the transport of a
force oversea, usually to very great distances, and its niain-
Ogicidl Photo
May 2, 191.8
Land & Water
J finch u^iu*
American Troops on the Verdun Front
French Officii
General Philipot presents the Croix de Guerre
tenance and supply under those conditions. This form of
warfare was the form normal to British tradition and experi-
ence. With aJl other nations it was rare, abnormal, and,
as a rule, unsuccessful.
It is true that the United States had quite recently engaged
in two such affairs — the Cuban War and the occupation of
the Philhpines. But the former was close at home, and
neither were conducted against an equal enemy. There
could be no serious threat of interference with communica-
tions ; there was no serious fear of an equal struggle upon
landing being established ; and if we omit those two recent
e.xperiments, the whole mihtar\' and jwhtical tradition of our
present Allies was purely continental and, indeed, domestic.
But it is the hmitation of time, as I have said, which is the
most serious condition of all which affect this sudden creation
of a vast new force out of such insufficient origins. It is as
evident to the enemy as to ourselves that, while no exact
hmit can be laid down, the interval between the opening of
the present fighting season and the moment when consider-
able American forces can first appear in the field must be the
crisis of the whole campaign. In other words, there is
applied here a spur of haste, with its consequent threat of
insufficiency and confusion, and it is apphed after a fashion
far more severe than was the case between 1914 and 1916,
when the vast Russian armies were still in being, and when
the siege of the Central Powers was still fully maintained.
This, then, the mere creation of so great a force within
such menacing hmits of time, is the prime difficulty over-
shadowing all others. It is the one upon which the enemy
most counts, and with reason. But it is also a problem the
solution of which the enemy should most dread, for if it is
solved his doom is certain. By so much as his latest opponent
is distant, and by so much as that latest opponent is numerous,
by so much must the enemy forgo any hope of a poUtical
diversion. If the new great armies are created in time, their
effect will never be Aiodified in favour of the enemy by any
pohtical action of his to divert them from their aim. They
will come fresh frorn a nation fully determined ; unex-
hausted by previous effort ; quite secure at home, and with as
clean an objective before it as that of the French themselves.
The second and novel difficulty — the mechanical one of
communication— may be said to differ only in degree from
similar difficulties in the past. But the degree is so great
that it involves a clear difference in quality.
All the older wars normally permitted of an easy landing
wherever that landing was unopposed ; that is, of an easy
transition from the maritime to the terrestrial communica-
tions of a transmarine force. There were many reasons for
this : The proportion of the armies to the civilian population
was such that civUian harbours were usually ample for
maritime needs. In many cases, landing could be effected
when it was possible to choose one's weather, from open
roadsteads. The material to be transliipped from vessels •
to the shore was not in very heavy units. Once the tran-
shipment had been effected, the orcUnary means of communi-
cation by land were, as a rule, ample and available to the
advancing force.
What has changed all this to-day is the magnitude of the
forces compared with the civiUan population ; the greater
draughts of ships and the weight of the units of material that
have to be handled. The accommodation of civihan harbours
is unsuited to the transhipment of a large force save in very
rare cases. The railway terminals, the wharfage accommoda-
tion, the amount of rolling stock present, and the nature of
the track leading from the harbours inland are, save in those
rare cases of exceptionally large and deep marine depots,
insufficient for their work. A great deal has to be remade.
In the particular case of this Expeditionary Force there is
a further handicap. Most of the best French harbours in
the north are already earmarked for British supply. Those
nearest to the American ports, and providing the shortest
communications by the sea, are, with few exceptions, of
moderate depth ; nor were they engaged in any great volume
of trade such as would have developed their resources. Many
of those most famous in history did their work undet the old
conditions of small vessels and import upon a far smaller
scale than that of the great commercial nations to-day.
The French western and north-western coasts have nothing
corresponding to Antwerp or Plymouth or New York. There
lies behind them a broad belt of purely agricultural territory ;
the happier and the more civilised, indeed, from what is
called "industrialism," but none the less consequently iU-
provided with rapid communication, and neither needing
nor creating large facilities for import at its few points of
access- by sea.
The result of all this is that the harbours, the terminals,
the railway tracks beyond, and their rolling stock, all have
to be transformed with the utmost rapidity if the Americam
force is to come into play at all in useful time ; and such a
condition has never arisen in the history of war before — or,
at any rate, upon nothing like this scale'.
The last of the principal difficulties we are noting is the
most novel of all. It is unique and particular to this war.
The developments of the campaign since ^he autumn of
1914 have been such that a completely new tactical art has
arisen, most of which can only be learnt upon the spot. The
old armies, if they left your home ports as trained soldiers,
landed upon a distant soil as ready for combat as ever they
would be. The weapons they had to handle and their way
of handhng them were as famihar to them at home as abroad.
The trench warfare of the last three years, the elements of
poisonous gas introduced by the enemy ; the enormous-
expansion of aerial observation, experience not only of cover,
but of leaving cover, of concealment, of a vast development
of new missile weapons, and on the top of all tliis the unpre-
cedented strain of the thing — all have to be learnt, or, at
least, the learning of them completed within the zone of-
action, and most of them upon the front of that zone. You
can teach a man at home to dig a trench and to put up wire,
to handle trench weapons, and (with no feeling of reality)
to adjust a gas-mask. You can / teach them somewhat
imperfectly the rudiments of observation from the air ; but
the difference between this preliminary instruction and its
completion upon the front is like the difference between
learning the grammar of a foreign language at school and
having to talk it abroad. It is a new chapter altogether, and
an absolutely necessary one.
The consequence of this is that to the difficulties of merely
raising and training a vast new force out of a very small
nucleus and to the special difficulties of transhipment you
have added the "bottle neck" of intensive training upon the
European side. The great bodies of men, even though long
under discipline and of good training poured over from the
reservoir beyond the sea, must pass through the gate of
special instruction before they can spread out upon the far
side of it as troops in line equal to the present emergency.
And that again is a condition which the past never knew.
HiLAiRE Belloc
Land & Water
May 2, 1918
Flying Sailors : By Herman Whitaker
"•tMWMMH
Seaplane leaving the Water
w
' HAT in the world are those fellows ? "
On the transport that brought three thou-
sand of us across from America, this ques-
tion was asked whenever two young men
appeared on deck in khaki suits that bore
the blue >and gold shoulder straps of an American naval
lieutenant ; and the explanation that they belonged to the
U.S. Naval Aviation Service invariably produced the same
exclamation : "I did not know that we had one. "
I confess to sharing this general ignorance, and if a ship-
load of Americans knew nothing about the naval aviation
stations which Uncle Sam has scattered with a free hand
along the seaboards of England, Ireland, Italy, France, it
is reasonable to suppose that the British public is equally
unaware of their existence.
When an opportunity opened for me to visit certain of
our American aviation stations in France, I jumped at the
chance to remedy my ignorance and took the first train
to a little south-coast town, where I found the station
surrounded by peaked stone houses, grey with age, and
menaced by fat-bellied windmills that waved wooden arms
in the distance, hke plethoric millers warming their hands
on a frosty morning.
A convoy had been reported as approaching the sector
just before my arrival, and when the commander asked if
I would Uke to go out with the air patrol, I jumped at
the chance. A flight with a sea patrol guarding a convoy
against the attacks of U-boats does not drop in every day.
Five minutes after he made the offer, I emerged from his
office in a quilted flying suit and woollen boots, every inch
an aviator — on the outside.
The planes were already launched, and sitting there on
the water, their golden fish bodies under widespread white
wings spotted wth the red and blue flying circles, they looked
like gay aquatic birds. The sailor lad who filled the dual
role of observer and wireless operator, was crouched in his
cubby hole in the great bird's thick beak. Lest the wireless
fail, however, we took with us a pair of carrier pigeons.
For though the planes had been subjected to a microscopic
examination and the motor tested and groomed to racing
fitness, accidents will happen. The tiniest nut falling on
to a propeller revolving at two thousand revolutions per
minute Twill pierce the blade like a high-power bullet, and
the ensuing vibration will wreck the motor.
Just forward of the pilot's seat, where he could release
them with a touch, two large bombs hung in tlieir bracket.
Dropped from an altitude of ten thousand feet at a speed
of seventy miles an hour, they will strike twelve hundred
feet beyond the point above which they were let go. At tlie
lower altitudes maintained by sea patrols, two hundred feet
is a sufficient allowance, but even then a good deal of practice,
skill, and judgment are required to secure a liit.
Another plane, our consort, was already spinning around
the channel warming up her motor, and while we followed
suit my oificer-pilot delivered a short lecture on the clocks
that indicate altitude, levels, air pressure on the engine,
propeller revolutions and so forth, and had me peep into the
cubby hole where the wireless operator was "tuning" his
receiver. When we rose he would let down his aerial, where-
after we should be in constant communication with our base,
A deafening roar, a dash of smarting spray, a sudden blow
in the face from a bitter wind, marked the get-away. The
day was cold in any case, and that fierce wind chilled my
face to the bone. Soon it settled into a more comfortable
numbness, then as my eyes grew accustomed to the goggles,
I saw, far beneath, a line of white surf along seamed black
rocks, a toy lighthouse, a golden beach ; beyond all, a
dull green plain scored with yellow roads that led on to toy
hamlets. All this quickly vanished, and there remained only
the sea, grey-green through a golden haze, chased and fretted
with tiny wavelets ; across which we raced our own shadow
toward the indefinite horizon. I had always thought of
gulls as flj^ng swift and high ; but down there, almost
stationary by comparison with our flight, a flock floated
hke bits of feather fluff.
Rising out of his cubby hole, the observer now began to
sweep the waters with a powerful glass. From a plane the
dark mass of a submarine can be detected sixty feet under
water ; and though so small, mere black pin-heads in the
sea's translucent green, mines are sometimes seen. Up there
with the roar of the motor in one's ears conversation was
impossible. Though I shouted, for experiment, I could not
hear my own voice. Sign language obtained and following
the pilot's pointing finger I saw, first a red-sailed
fleet of fishing boats, then a large ship. From stem to stem
she lay flat on the sea just as though etched on the water ;
the only sign of life, sp shirt and pair of trousers that fluttered
in the breeze.
It seemed to me that we had scarcely passed her before
the island where we were to pick up our convoy hove in
sight. To passing ships it must have appeared as a rock-
ribbed shore smothered in surf. To us it presented the
customary rehef map on which a toy Hghthouse posed with
a toy hamlet, toy churches, toy windmills, all within the
sea's edging of green and white lace. The ships, however,
were not in sight, and on the chance that they had gone
up the other side, we swept around a twenty-mile circle
and came roaring down the opposite shore. A golden haze
spread its thin veil over the ocean, and from its midst
suddenly sailed out twenty vessels in three columns with
a destroyer in the lead and a converted yacht behind. We
were too high to distinguish people, but a white flash from
the destroyer, followed by a quick electric blinking, spelled
out the hearty greeting: "Glad to see youl"
We answered in kind, then flew on down the long Unes
of ships that rode the shining sea, each with a white-feathered
wake behind, a plume of dark smoke above. First the
destroyer, slender as a lance ; next the broad white decks
of a tramp ; on over ship after ship till the graceful shape
of the converted yacht passed below. Up there the sun
shone with an effulgence unknown on earth. As it were in
great silence — for that was the effect of the tremendous
noise — we shot back and forth circhng and recirchng the
fleet. When we swung out on its flanks, it would appear
to break up into small detachments — to resolve once more
into lines as we swung ahead or astern.
It was a beautiful as well as a wonderful sight, but when
I tried to photograph it — well, imagine yourself leaning down
from a plane with an eighty-mile wind tearing at the camera
while you strive to see in the finder an object a thousand
feet below. It is not easy to do. Even when our consort
flew alongside for me to take her picture, it was difficult
to find her in the lens.
At intervals the wireless observer had dived down into
May 2, igrS
Land & Water
his cubby hole and we would see only his bark bent over
the wireless receiver. He now bobbed up holding a slate
on wliich he had chalked a message just received. It was
not from the convoy sailing so quietly under our protecting
wings. It came hurtling along the meridians ; perhaps from
the Mediterranean ; more likely from far up the British
Channel.
" Enemy ships in sight."
With the German Fleet bottled up in port ? It seemed
absuro. At tne station that evening, the commander in-
sisted that the man must have misread the message. But
^I am not so sure of that. It was the very day that the
German destroyers made their "tip and run" raid and sank
the trawler patrol off Dover. It may have been the strangled
call of a small boat encountered earher in the day.
"Submarine quite near," a second ran.
This undoubtedly came from a distance, yet the thrill of
it tautened Our nerves, stimulated our watch on the waters
below during the rem3inder of the forty miles we escorted
the convoy across our sector.
A red pennant streaming
from below the golden fish
belly of our consort gave the
signal for home, and down
the streaming path of the
low sun between the blue
sky and grey-green sea we
roared on like great birds
homing from afar. Our
consort was flying higher
than we. and as I watched
her against the sky there
came one of those incidents
that have given rise to a
rule that no plane must
ever fly alone. She wavered
like a duck shot in mid-air ;
the next instant swooped
down on a long nose-dive and
alighted with a great white
splash. She was sitting there
when w6 caught up, wings
outstretched like a winded
gull, thirty miles from home.
Twice we circled her to make
certain she was not in im-
mediate distress ; then flew
on, faster than her pigeons,
faster than the swiftest bird,
covering the thirty miles
in a little more than twenty
minutes ; landing with barely
enough gasolene to carry us
ten more miles. Time had sped so quickly, I could hardly
beUeve my eyes — we had been out four hours and a, quarter,
and covered two hundred and fifty-seven miles, a record for
the station.
Going up, I had felt anything but sure of my behaviour.
But the novelty, stark beauty of it all, out-sailing the birds
between sea and sun, had lifted me above fear. But I was
both greatly tired and stone deaf. Down here, on earth, it
seemed so confoundedly quiet. The commander's greeting
sounded as though played on a run-down phonograph on a
badly cracked record several miles away. Nor. did I fully
recover my hearing for twenty-four hours later.
"You'll sleep to-night," my pilot told me; and I did —
like the proverbial log.
He, poor fellow, had to hop into a motor-boat and go after
our consort. She had broken, it seemed, a connecting-rod.
Darkness fell before the boat covered half the distance. A
strong tide carried her six miles from the point we left her,
and but for the hand-rockets her pilot fired at intervals, they
would never have found her at all. She might have had the
same experience as another crew that drifted for two days
and nights before they v/^re picked up. As it was, midnight
passed before she was towed into the dock.
We had neither seen nor captured a submarine that day.
But prevention is better than cure. The daily sweeping of
the French channels by our patrols has rid them of the
nesting submarines that used to sow them thick with mines.
It is human to love adventure. If it were not, where should
we get men to fly our planes ? It is natural that these flying
sailors of ours should long for the thrill of actual encounter.
Instead of for bread, their daily prayer now iMns : "Give us
this day a submarine 1" But their work will be just as
valuable if they never set eyes on one during the war.
* ♦ • * »
My second flight was made at a third station in North
France, and I will take up the tale on the morning, two
weeks later, that I sat with the chief pilot on the quay wall,
dangling our legs above a miniature gale raised bv the pro-
pellers of a seaplane that was being "tuned up" for patrol.
A dozen stout men were holding it, and the big bird's struggles
in their hands strongly reminded me of a Christmas turkey
. in sight of the axe and block.
It was easy to tell this for the war zone. A ne^t of British
gunboats, the night patrol, cuddled like sleepy ducklings
under the opposite quay. Two squat monitors, bull-dogs of
the ocean, drowsed heavily further down the channel — their
fifteen-inch guns, however, still trained on the German naval
base fifteen miles away in readiness for anything Fritz might
see fit to start.
Behind la}' the Uttle port, battered and mangled by three
years of war. A single monster shell, fired from twenty
miles away, had laid in ruins its greatest pride— a fine old
churcli. Blank windows stared like sightless eyes from dead
and ruined houses Neither had the station escaped scot
free. Four bombs had struck
recently within a few hundred
feet of where we sat, and the
huts and hangars were nicely
riddled by shrapnel and
splinters. All of which formed
a grim war background for
the sea and land planes that
whirred and whined above.
A burst of machine-gun
fire drew our gaze to five
British planes that were
manoeuvring in mimic war.
Three were in swift pursuit
of two across the sky. But
just as they gained position,
the pursued looped and
dropped on the tails of pur-
suers with bursts of blank
fire that put them, techni-
cally, do.wn and out. It was
fascinating to watch these
green pilots practising every
trick of the garte they would
soon be called up to try on
the Boche. But when he
spoke, the chief pilot's point-
ing finger indicated a dozen
white specks at least fourteen
thousand feet up in the blue.
"That is the British bomb-
ing squadron returning from
a raid. They are big fellows
that can do a hundred and
fifty miles an hour with a heavy load of bombs. Fritz is always
claiming aii-supremacy, and finds fools even among ourselves
to believe his boasts. Those chaps have evidently made a big
killing. They fly low and drop quietly into camp when the
luck is bad." Just then, from that awful height, the planes
began to drop earthward in a series of dizzy loops. "There
they go ! pulling the joy-stick to beat the band. They
must have cleaned up the German submarine base."
He turned and looked up at the last plane, which was
tying the finishing double-knot in the atmosphere before
dropping into camp. "There's no getting away from it —
these British lads have set us a terrific pace./ We'll have to
go some to catch up."
The glint in his eye, however, told that they were going
to try. He was a quiet chap, anyway ; not given to talk.
Only by accident had I discovered that he had come into
the American Naval Aviation Service from the Lafayette
Escadrilla, and had been mentioned by both the French and
Belgian Governments for shooting down German planes ;
and he simply would not talk about it. But he was quite
eloquent about his fellows. Two of them, an officer pilot
and bluejacket observer, had crashed fatally the preceding
week ; but it had not affected the nerve of the others. All,
for matter of that, had had their shaves. One had driven
a plane at a hundred miles an hour between two trees twelve
feet apart. He stripped both wings and landed with the
motor in the bushy top of a pine a hundred feet away, from
which he climbed down and walked back to his hangar.
Yesterday one of the little fighting planes that guard the
hydros on patrol had crashed on the other side of the Channel,
and sunk at once, leaving its pilot swimming for his Hfe. He
was almost exhausted when picked up by the hydroplane he
was guarding ; but though no hves were lost, the accident gave
rise to one of tliosc minor tragedies the birds and beasts contri-
bute to the war. His carrier pigeons went down with the plane.
Converted Yacht guarding Convoy
Photo taken from a Seaplane by Author
8
Land Sc Water
May 2, 19 1 S
Of the two released from another breakdown, one flew
straight home with the news ; but the other fell in, t)n the
way, with a boy and a gun, for after laying up two days for
repairs, the faithful little creature finally arrivvd home with
its tail feathers shot of? and a pellet-wound in the back.
" But there's our star case."
The pilot indicated a dog that had just trotted out from
behind a hangar. He was not much to look at ; belonged,
in fact, to that yellow-cur variety one may see being hugged
and cuddled by small urchins on almost any American street.
His air was cheerful as he nosed for bones or anything
else eatable the canine gods might vouchsafe. But suddenly
he paused and shrank in a cjueer, paralytic crouch
"Shell-shocked during a raid. He will probably recover.
Meanwhile, he has learned his lesson ; bolts for the dugout
ahead of the men when
COLLAR iBIo
^^^irHr^M-
ADMIRAL Of the: NAVY
^H^ir * •
* •
VICF. ADMlliAL
4^ ik H:
KtAR ADMIRAL
+# *m
he hears ' Mournful
Mary's' first j yell.
'Mary' ? She's a siren
with a sob in hiir voice.
You'll probably make
her acquaintance to-
night, for a Boche
plane hovered over
here yesterday taking
photographs, and ru-
mour has it that we are
to be gassed to-night."
1 carried tiiat in-
teresting piece of in-
formation back vvitli
me, that evening, to
the hotel where I was
lodged on the top
story with only a few
slates between me and
the Boche. Being
bombed is one thing ;
gassed — quite another.
I once helped to pull
a pair of farmers out
of an hotel bedroom
after th?y had blown
out the gas. They
looked horrid. When
awakened by " Mourn-
ful Mary's" lugubrious
wail in the middle of
the night, I felt that I
was looking hke them.
Far off, the "Old
.Man," a second siren
of the masculine gen-
der, was cursing the
Boche in stentorian
tones. But, louder
than either — at least,
so it sounded to me
— rose the "grumph !
grumph ! grumph !" of
German planes.
There's no mistaking the sound, and — they were directly
overliead. I know that I must have presented an accurate
reproduction of that Baimsfather cartoon wliich shows a
Tommy, hair on end, stretched out flat on " No Man's Land"
under the glare of a star-shell. But they were not after me.
Four hours later "Mary" warned us of their return, fresh
from the murder of women and children in Paris.
• * ♦ • •
The sea patrol, two hydroplanes, and three small lighting
planes, were perched hke so many dragon-flies and attendant
wasps on the quay when I came back to the station the
following afternoon. The pilots and observers were already
in their places, the former trying out motors and controls,
the latter fitting and loading the machine-guns in the fore
and aft pits. The after-observer, by the way, has to be
cool-headed, or he may cut a few wires and shoot off the tail.
In their quilted suits and leather helmets, they looked like
hooded knights ; and surely Arthur's Knights of tlie Round
Table never sallied forth on more desperate quests, for the
fabulous winged dragons of their day are real in this age.
I also was to fly, and after thd patrol had got away, I
dropped into the forward observer's place in a third great
bird. This time I had wadded my ears against the deafening
roar and knew what to expect. A rush down channel, the
familiar dasli of spray, then we rose, lifting, lifting, lifting
on the long low flight of a mallard, till we soared over the
lighthouse at tlie pier end.
ADMIRAL
or THr. NAV>
SHOULDER
'Ovttcoali *n'l Whirf Sen
?i'^-^-|f<^
JVPMIRAL OF THt NAVY
VICE ADMIRAL
REAR ADMIKAC
» -It'^'
REAR ADMIRAL
COMMANDER
LIEUT CO.MMANDER.
LICLTENANT
LtEUTLNA\T
mm
CAfT/,!:.
tOMM ■ ■. ■':■
4D If i
UEUT. Ci A"/ \-.L'! K
III
Insignia of Rank, United States Navy
A wide circle laid the town chrcctly beneath, its red-roofed
houses in vivid contrast with the dull winter gleam of the
surrounding prospect. I did not iialf like it, there, over the
land. A seaplane is a seaplane, and the ground looked so
confoundedly hard. Those pretty red pebbles of houses
would hurt like the dickens in the small of one's back. Though
I knew we should crash just as effectively if we fell into the
sea, still the water looked soft.
As on my other flight, the country lay below like a map
in relief — hills mere green knobs in a silver lace of water
channels, the beacli satin-gold, edged by the foaming surf
of the sea. To-day the visibility was not so good, yet the
haze that wrapped sea and land as in a golden cloak lent
them mystery. Anything could come out of that enchanted
prospect — flying Boche dragons, for instance, belching five
• hundred bullets a
minute from the midst
of fire and smoke.
But it was all so
beautiful, the air so
crystalline, sunlight
golden clear, sea so
green and wi de —
Boche obnoxiousness
had no place in it.
I quite forgot him as
we roared on between
sea and sky, while toy-
ships, like coast vil-
lages, passed in swift
procession beneath. I
had almost forgotten
even that I was flying
when — t h e motor
"stalled."
Then it was that I
n cognised the tnith
of an eminent English
doctor's statement in
the British House of
Commons: "Though
the flyer may have no
conscious fear, his ner-
vous system is never-
theless aifraid," Un-
consciously my heart
had synch roijised with
the motor. They
stopped ~ and started
together when, after
we had fallen a few
hundred feet, the pilot
coaxed the motor into
going again.
After that how that
man did climb, climb,
climb, until a couple
of miles out from
the base, we had risen
fully seven thousand
feet. And again we
needed it, for, with a last vicious snarl, the . motor refused
the propeller another turn. Seven thousand teet in the air,
and the motor stalled ! A nice place for a peaceful
correspondent !
It was a new sensation, that headlong dive through golden
space, in silence broken only by the harping of the Wind on
our wires. I should have enjoyed it— if I had not been
afraid. I hope and believe the pilot did not notice my fright,
for I camouflaged it by taking a few snapshots at those
nasty little pebbles of houses as we fell. Perhaps he was
afraid himself ? Though I do not think so. No doubt, in
the pride of his skill, he took great pleasure in those sickening
careens on the curves that seemed to me the beginnings of
side-slips. But, be this as it may, for six long minutes we
fell, fell, fell, and as each loop brought those red, pebbly
houses up to meet us, I experienced once more that absurd
preference for the sea.
The channel in front of the hangars, too, looked about the
size of a cotton thread, and— there was so much land on-
each side of it. Even at a thousand feet it looked no wider
than a length of baby ribbon. I did not believe we could
possibly hit it ; was rather surprised, on the whole, when
we took the water with scarcely a splash almost in front of
our hangar.
"That was as pretty a spiral dive as ever I saw"; the
chief pilot extended us congratulations when we came ashore.
I do not doubt it, but— I should not care to do it again.
LIEUTENANT (Ju..;
May 2, 19 I 8
Land & Water
Zeebriigge : By A. H. Pollen
IN the course of the night April 22nd-23rd an attack
was made on the two Flemish bases Ostend and
Zeebriijge with a view to blocking the entrances of
both by the familiar method of sinking old cement-
filled ships in the narrow fairway. It is suspected
that at Ostend the block-ships were grounded slightly off their
course. But there seems little doubt that the Zeebru|ge
block-ships got into their chosen billets, and are safely
grounded there. The latter port must, in spite of official
denials, for some weeks — if not months — be useless to the
enemy, and it is probably safe to assume that the value of
Ostend will be considerably diminished. Material results,
therefore, of high importance have probably been achieved
by this enterprise.
These operations are worth examining from three quite
separate points of view.
First, what is the strategical
value of their objective ?
How, that is to say, would
the naval activities of Great
Britain and her Allies gain
by Zeebriigge and Ostend
being, for some months at
least, out of action ? And,
conversely, what would the
enemy lose ? Unless we
are satisfied that the gain
must be substantial — apart
altogether from the moral
effect — we should obviously
have a difficulty in justify-
ing, not the losses in ships
incurred, which are trivial
and easily replaced, but the
losses in picked men, which
are irreparable. Secondly,
the incident is clearly worth
examining for its tactical
interest. What were the
difficulties the Vice-Admiral
in command had to over-
come ? By what weapons,
devices, and manoeuvres,
did he attempt to effect his
purpose ? Thirdly, there
is the direct moral effect
of this enterprise on our-
selves, our Allies, and our
enemies. Finally, we are
encouraged to ask our-
selves if the event suggests that further operations, either
of the same kind or of a cognate order, are now shown to
be possible ? Have we, in short, naval assets in men and
material that we have not so far used and can use ? Let
us begin with the strategy involved.
Strategical Object
There is now only one theatre of the war, and in this the
issue of civilisation or barbarism must be decided, by mihtary
action, in the next few months. The event depends upon the
capacity of the sea power of the Alhes to deliver in France all
the fighting men and all the war material that Allied ships
can draw first from Asia, from .Australia, from South America,
from the United States, and from Canada, and then dehver
either directly into France, or first into British ports, and
then from Britain into France. To beat the German Army
is ultimately a problem in sea communications. The whole
of them have to pass through the bottle-neck of the Western
end of the Atlantic lanes. Into an a«a south of Ireland
and north of Ushant, a hundred miles square, every ship that
comes from the Mediterranean, from the Cape, from Buenos
Ayres, Rio, the West Indies, or the Gulf of Mexico, from the
Atlantic seaboard of America, must come, as is shown by
the diagram on the next page.
Secondary only to this are the areas that feed ships into it,
or into which the ships that pass through it are dissipated
on their way to the several ports — the Mediterranean, the
Bay of Biscay, the English Channel, St. George's Sound, the
Irish Sea. It is in these, when it is driven from the main
funnel point of traffic, that the submarine must do its work.
The defeat of the submarine turns upon two factors : the
efficiency with which ships liable to attack are protected by
Vice-Admiral Sir Roger Keyes
convoy, and the skill and persistence with which submarines,
once on their hunting-grounds, are in turn hunted. Con-
voying and submarine-hunting make heavy demands on
material, on personnel, and on sldll, judgment, and organisa-
tion. But the decisive material factor is the number of
destroyers available for both forms of work. When it comes
to a close-quarters fight, no craft that has a speed of less than
thirty knots, that cannot maintain itself in any weather,
that does not possess a large cruising radius, can be of the
first efficiency. ,
The larger petrol-driven submarine-chasers and the mariy
special craft which are built for various purposes in
connection with the defensive campaign, all have their field
of utility. But for the final power to rush swiftly on to a
submarine, if it is momentarily seen afloat, and for covering
the area into which it can
submerge itself, while the
destroyer approaches with
depth bombs, the destroyer,
if only from its superior
speed, stands supreme as
the enemy of the U-boat.
From the very earliest days
of the submarine work it
has, then, been axiomatic
that every measure which
will put a larger number
of destroyers at our dis-
posal should be taken at
almost any cost. How docs
the stroke at Zeebi^gge
and Ostend help us in this
respect ?
At these two ports our
enemy was able to maintain
a very considerable de-
stroyer force. Its activities,
as we saw last week, were
necessarily mainly confined
to work in darkness or in
thick weather. But in such
conditions its efficiency was
of a very high order. The
public only heard of its
activities when it shelled
some point of the coast of
Kent, or raided our traw-
lers or other patrols, and,
in all conscience, it heard
of these activities often
enough. Yet we were incUned to suppose them unim-
portant because their material results were insignificant.
But their value to the enemy should not be measured
by the casualties they inflicted on our light craft, nor by
their occasional excursions into the murder of civilians
on shore. It lay in the fact that the enemy's force
permanently withdrew from the anti-submarine cam-
paign numerous destroyer leaders, and destroyers which
had to be maintained at Dover to cope with it. From
ZeebrQgge to Emden — the nearest German port — is, roughly,
300 miles by sea ; and it does not need elaborate argument
to show that, with Zeebriigge and Ostend out of action, the
problem of dealing with enemy craft in the Narrow Seas is
totally and entirely changed. With these gone, the East
Coast ports become the natural centres from which to com-
mand the waters between Great Britain and Holland. They
are fifty miles nearer Emden than is Dunkirk. If any
German destroyers got west and south of Dunkirk, and the
news of their presence were cabled to an East Coast base,
destroyers could get between the enemy and his ports without
difficulty. Thus, enemy surface craft, based upon German
ports, would practically be denied access to Flemish waters
altogether, and this by the East Coast and not by the Dover
forces. In other words, the Dover patrol forces would, by
the closing of Ostend and Zeebriigge, be set free for the
highly important work of aiding in the anti-submarine
campaign — and there is certainly no naval need of the moment
that is greater. .
The strategical objective, therefore, which Admira* Keyes
put before himself in his expedition was to set back the
enemy's naval bases by no less than three hundred miles.
The direct importance of this to the submarine campaign is,
as we saw last week, while not unimportant, of no decisive
Vandyk
lO
Land Sc Water
May 2, 1 918
value. But its indirect importance as setting free new
forces for attacking the submarine cannot be exaggerated,
for it will be a step — and a great step — forward in making
sure of the sea communications on which all depends. It
must be conceded, then, that the results Admiral Keyes had
in view amply justify a very considerable expenditure' both
of material and rnen. Let us next ask ourselves what kind
of material he chose, and how he proposed to use his forces
with utmost economy and maximum tactical effect.
Sir Roger Keyes' Tactics
™ The purposes of the expedition, as we have seen, was to
block the exit of the canal at Zeebriigge and the entrance
of the small, narrow harbour at Ostend with old cruisers
filled with cement, the removal of which would be an opera-
tion of a lengthy and tedious kind. Incidentally, the plan
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was to effect the maximum destruction of war stores and
equipment at ZeebrQgge and to sink as many as possible of
any of the enemy vessels found in either port, and, finally,
to inflict on the enemy the maximum possible losses of
personnel. As there were two points of attack, the expedi-
tion naturally resolved itself into two distinct, but simul-
taneous, undertakings. The simpler, the less dangerous, the
less ambitious but, as the event showed, the more difficult
operation of the two, was the attempt to block Ostend. The
larger, more complex, and infinitely more perilous under-
taking, but because of its very complications, ultimately
easier, was the attempt at Zeebriigge. In its broad outlines,
the scheme was to get the ships as near as possible without
detection, and then to trust to a final rush to gain the desired
position. Concealment up to the last moment was to be
secured by smoke screens. At Ostend the problem was
simply to run two or three ships into the entrance — that is,
to get them there before the enemy's artillery would sink
them where their presence would do no harm. If the Ostend
attempt failed, it was largely because a sudden change in
the weather conditions robbed the smoke screens, which
were to hide the ships, of their value, so that the operation
of placing the block ships accurately was made almost
impossible. It may be asked why, in these conditions, the
attempt was hot postponed ? The answer is obvious. The
enemy could not be surprised twice, and though the oppor-
tunity was not as good as had been hoped, the best had to
be made of it. The operation of blocking such entrances
has, of course, long been familiar. The exploit of Lieutenant
Hobson in the Spanish-American War is fresh in the memories
of all sailors. This failed through the steering gear of the
blocking-ship being destroyed by gunfire at the critical
moment. The Japanese attempted the same thing on a
large scale at Port Arthur, but with anj'thing but complete
success. If the Ostend effort, then, falls short of finality,
we have the experience of these earlier precedents to explain
and account for it.
I have dealt with Ostend first because, after the preliminary
bombardment, nothing more could have been attempted
than to force the ship^ into the harbour entrance and sink
them .there. But at Zeebriigge, as a glance at the plan of
the place shows, a far more intricate operation was possible.
Zeebrugge is_not a town. It is just the sea exit of the Bruges
Canal, with its railway connections, round which a few
streets of houses have clustered. The actual entrance to the
canal is flanked by two short sea-walls at the end of each of
which are guide-lights. From these lights up the canal to
the lock gates is about half a mile. A large mole protects
tiie sea channel to the canal from being blocked by silted
sand. The mole is connected to the mainland by five hundred
yards of pile viaduct. The mole is nearly a mile long, built
in a curve, a segment amounting to perhaps one-sixth of
a circle, the centre of which would be a quarter of a mile
east of the canal entrance, while its radius would be three-
quarters of a mile. It is a large and substantial stone struc-
ture, on which are railway lines and a railway station, and
has been turned to capital military account by the enemy,
who erected on it aircraft sheds and mihtary estabhshments
of many kinds.
The general plan was to bombard the place for an hour by
monitors and, under cover of this fire, for the attacking
squadron to advance to the harbour mouth. Then, when
the bombardment ceased. Vindictive was to nm alongside
the mole, disembark her own landing party, and those from
Iris and Daffodil, who were to overpower the enemy pro-
tecting the guns and stores, while the old submarines were
run into the pile viaduct to cut the mole off from the main-
land, thus isolating it. Meanwhile, other forces were to
engage any enemy destroyers or submarines that might be
in the port. Finally, the block-ships were to be pushed right
up into the canal mouth, and there sunk. The success of
the latter part of these operations turned upon the success of
the attack on the mole, for it is seemingly on this that the main
artillery defences commanding the inner harbour at short
range, were placed ; so that if these could be put out of
action, the attack on the lock-gates, the sinking of the enemy's
ships, and the navigation of the block-sliips to their right
positions, would be as little inteifered with as possible.
To ensure success against the mole, several very ingenious
devices were brought into play. The first, and, it must be
presumed, the main landing parties were placed in Vindictive.
This cniiser — which displaces about 5,600 tons, and has a
broadside of six 6-inch guns — was fitted, on the port side,
with "brows" or landing gangways, that could be lowered
on the mole the moment she came alongside. All the vessels
of the squadron were equipped with fog or smoke-making
material, which would veil the force from the enemy until he
sent up his star-shells and, in the artificial light, would
conceal the character, numbers, and composition of the force
as completely as possible. It seems that a shift of wind at
the critical moment — here, as at Ostend — robbed this plan
of some of its anticipated efficiency. At some point of the
approach, then, apparently just before Vindictive rounded
and got abreast of the lighthouse, the presence of the invaders
was detected, and they were saluted first by salvoes of star
shells and next by as hot a gunfire as can be conceived.
Vindictive lost no time in replying. Her six 6-inch guns
— and no doubt her 12-pounders as well — swept the mole
as long as they could be fired, and once alongside the "brows "
— only two out of eighteen seem to have survived the heavy
gunfire — were lowered, and officers and men "boarded" the
mole.
The earlier accounts stated that this landing was effected
in spite of the stoutest sort of hand-to-hand fighting, that the
enemy was overcome and driven back, and that the landing-
party then proceeded to the destruction of the sheds and
stores. The plans had included the blowing up of the pile
viaduct, which connects the stone mole with the mainland
— by means of one or two old submarines charged with
explosives, and so virtually converted into giant torpedoes.
May 2, 1918
Land & Water
1 1
These did their work most effectively, and had the enemy
been in occupation of the mole, his force would have been
isolated. But, as a fact, the mole was not occupied, and the
enemy relied upon machine and gun fire organised from the
shore end of the mole for making the landing impossible.
In spite of a withering fusilade, a considerable landing-party
of marines and bluejackets got ashore, though Colonel Elliott
and Commander Halahan and great numbers of their men
were killed in the attempt. Those that got on the mole
proceeded to destroy, as far as possible, the sheds, stores,
and guns, and then turned their attention to the destroyers
moored against its inner side.
Meantime, the only enemy destroyer that seems to have
had steam up tried to escape from harbour, and was either
rammed and instantly sunk, or torpedoed. Others, less well
prepared, were either _^___,.,____^__^__^_^^__
boarded, after the resist-
ance of their crews had
been overcome, and, it
must be presumed, sunk
also. Others, again, were
attacked by motor
launches, which pre-
ceded and helped clear
a way for the block-
ships. Whether an at-
tempt on the lock-gates
was made or even con-
templated, we have at
the time of writing not
been told ; but the main
purpose of the expedi-
tion, the sinking of at
least two out of the
three old Apollos in the
right place, seems to
have been achieved with
precision. The moment
the block-ships were in
place, the jiurpose for
which the mole was
occupied was gained,
and the order was
rightly given for an im-
mediate retreat. The
work had been done, and
there was no knowing
what new resources the
enemy could have
brought to bear, had
time been wasted. Many
of the vessels, including
Vindictive, had been
hol^d by ir-inch shells.
But Vindidive's dam-
ages were not of a
serious kind, and the .
whole force was able to withdraw in safety, with the" ex-
ception of one destroyer, and two motor launches. The
destroyer is known to have been sunk by gunfire. The fate
of the other two is, at the moment of writing, uncertain. The
successful withdrawal of the expedition is conclusive evidence
that the enemy was demoralised.
For such close-quarters work Admiral Keyes, naturally
enough, armed his forces as for trench fighting. Vindictive
carried howitzers on her forward and after decks ; and her
boarding parties were liberally armed with grenades and
flame-throwers, as well as with rifles, bayonets, and truncheons.
Machine-guns also seem to have been landed, so that hand-
to-hand fighting was prepared for in the full Hght of the
most recent war experience. The plan, it should be noted,
was to have included aeroplane co-operation to supplement,
if not to assist, the work of the monitors ; but the change in
the weather appears to have interfered with this part of the
programme, and may quite easily have made ciny accurate
work by the monitors impossible also.
It is, first of all, patent that the expedition was thoroughly
thought out in all its details, and therefore closely planned.
An accurate study of the enemy's defences had been made,
and suitable means of avoiding his attack or overcoming his
defences had been elaborately worked out. It is equally
clear that almost to the moment when the attack was made,
the weather conditions were those which the plan contemplated
as necessary to success, and that it was only the sudden
unexpected change in the wind that threatened the Ostend
part of the operations with partial failure, and made the
Zeebriigge operations more costly in life than thev should
otherwise have been. When it is remembered that the
H.M.S. Vindictive
approaches to Ostend and Zeebriigge are commanded by
very formidable batteries, armed with no less than 120
guns of the largest calibre, and that the mole and the sides
of the canal bristled with quick-firing 12-pounders and larger
pieces, it will be reahsed that, to the enemy any attempt
actually to bring an unarmoured vessel, with her cement-
laden consorts, right up either to the mole or to the actual
mouth of the canal must have appeared an undertaking too
absurdly hare-brained for anyone but a lunatic to have
attempted. It was just because Sir Roger Keyes had
evaluated the enemy's defences with exactitude and had
thought out and adopted first, methods of evading his vigil-
ance, and, next, manoeuvres that would for the necessary
period make his weapons useless, that it was possible not
only to make the attempt, but to realise the very high degree
of success that has ap-
parently been won.
The essence of the
matter, of course, was
to take the enemy by
surprise. At first sight,
it may appear a curious
way of putting him off
his guard, that he
should for an hour be
bombarded by moni-
tors and aeroplanes.
But the Vice-Admiral
probably reasoned that
this would lead, as it
often does, to the crews
of the big guns taking
shelter underground
until the attack is over.
If the monitors were
placed at their usual
great distance from the
ports, and were con-
cealed by smoke or fog
screens, the enemy gun-
ners would know that it
was merely idle • to at-
tempt to reply to their
fire. If nothing was to
be possible in the way
of response until day-
hght, the gunlayers were
just as well in their
shell-proofs as any-
where. Under cover,
then, of this long-range
wmbardment, and con-
.'caling his squadron by
the ingenious fog
methods invented by
the late Comman-
der Brock, Sir Roger
Keyes made his way within a very short distance of the veiled
lights at the end of the mole. It was at this point that the
wind shifted and the presence of the squadron was revealed to
the enemy. There was a brief nterval before the big guns
could be manned, and it was doubtless owing to this that
Vindictive got alongside before more than one 11 -inch shell
had struck her. Once under the shelter of the mole, she was
safe from the larger pieces, and only her upper works could
be raked by the smaller natures.
Attack on the Mole
The policy of attacking the mole and making that appear
to the enemy the central affair, was a fine piece of tactics.
The engagement which developed there was, in fact, a con-
taining action,, which left the execution of the main objective
to the other forces, and its purpose was to prevent the enemy
from interfering too much with them. Nelson, it will be
remembered, cut out a block of ships in the centre of the
enemy's line at Trafalgar, occupying them so that their
hands were full, and preventing both them and the van from
coming to the succour of the rear. The main operation
was the destruction of the rear by Collingwood. Here it was
Vindictive, with her landing-party, that played the Nelson
r61e, while the Vice-Admiral — in Warwick — himself directed
the crucial operation, namely, the navigation of the block-
ships to their billets. The moment they were blown up and
sunk, the purpose of the expedition was fulfilled, and Vin-
didive's siren recalled all those from the mole that could
get back to the ship. The actual fortunes of the fight on
the mole itself, while of thrilling human interest owing to
tJJflUM i^ttOtO
12
Land & Water
May 2 , 1 9 I 8
the •xtraordinary circuiiistanceti in which it vva» undertaken,
were of quite subsidiary importance. The primary object,
it must be borne in mind, was not the destruction of the
mole forts, or of the aeroplane shed, or of whatever military-
equipment was there, or even of killing or capturing its
garrison. These were only important in so far as their
partial realisation was necessary to relieving the block-ships
from the danger of premature sinking.
This is a matter of real capital importance and of very
great interest, for it is, I think, not diificult to realise that,
had similar circumstances existed at Ostend — had it been
possible, that is to say, to occupy the defenders and distract
their attention on some perfectly irrelevant engagement^
the requisite time would have been given to those in command
of the block-ships to make sure of getting them into the
right position. As things were, they were threatened b}'
the fate which made Hobson's attempt at Santiago a failure.
With the whole gun-power of Ostend concentrated upon the
blocking-ships, there was not a minute to be wasted. But-
with the enemy's fire drawn there would have been the
leisure which alone could make precision possible.
Moral Effect
This enterprise, carefully planned and boldly and resolutely
carried out, seems to have achieved a very high measure of
success. It is natural enough, on the first receipt of the
news, that we should all have been carried away by our
wonder and admiration at the astonishing heroism that made
it possible to carry through so intricate a series of operations,
when every soul engaged was seemingly aware of the desperate
character of the enterprise, when no one could have expected
to return alive, when the enemy's means seemed ample, not
only for the killing of every one engaged, but for the imme-
diate frustration of every object that they had in view. For
nearly four years now we have had a constant recurrence of
such feats of courage, and repetition does not lessen their
power to intoxicate us with an overwhelming admiration of
those who are the heroes of these great adventures. But we
should be misconceiving the significance of this event if we
were to measure its importance either by the ordered daring
of those engaged in it, or by its successful execution, or by
its immediate military results, great and far-reaching as these
seem certain to be.
The tiling is more important as affording conclusive
evidence that the British Navy, as inspired and directed
from headquarters, has now abandoned the purely defensive
role assigned to it by ten years of pre-war, and three and a
half years of war administration. It means that the Fleet
has escaped from those counsels of timorous — because un-
imaginative and ignorant — caution, which have checked its
ardour and limited its activities since August, 1914. The
effect may be incalculable. The doctrine that every opera-
tion which involved the risk of losing men or ships must
necessarily be too hazardous to undertake, is no longer the
loadstone of Whitehall's policy. The Navy is at last set
free to act on an older and a better tradition.
It is indeed on this tradition that on almost every occasion
the Navy has, in fact, acted when it got a chance. When
Swift and Broke tackled three times their number of enemy
last year, and Botha and Morris six times their number a
month ago, the gallant captains of these gallant vessels did
not wait to ask if the position of their ships was "critical"
or otherwise ; but, with an insight into the true defensive
value of attack — which, seemingly, it is the privilege only of
the most valorous to possess — went straight for their enemies,
fought overwhelming odds at close quarters, and came out
as victorious as a rightly reasoned calculation would have
shown to be probable.
Similarly, on May 31st, igi6, Sir David Beatty, when
his force of battle-cruisers, by the loss of Indefatigable
and Queen Mary, had been reduced below that of the enemy,
persisted in his attack upon von Hipper and, by demoralising
the enemy's fire, provided most effectively for the safety of
his own ships. Losses did not make him retreat then, nor,
when Scheer came upon the scene with the whole High Seas
Fleet, did he withdraw from the action — his speed would
have made this easy — 'though the odds were heavy against
him. He. kept, on the contrary, the whole German Fleet in
play, drawing them dexterously to the north, where contact
with the Grand Fleet would be inevitable. And, when the
contact was made, his last effort to break up the German
line was to close from the 14,000 yards, a range he had
prudently maintained during the previous two hours, to'
8,000, where his guns would be more certainly effective,
realising perfectly_ that no loss of ships in his own squadron
would signify, if only the entire destruction of the German
Fleet were made possible by such a sacrifice. It would not be
difficult to give score* of incidents in which individual admirals
and captains have shown the old spirit under new conditions.
But, save only for the crazy attack on the Dardanelles
forts — and this was hardly a precedent we should rejoice to
see followed — we have looked in vain for any sign of naval
initiative from Wliitehall. The explanation lies in the fact
that we had no staff for planning operations, nor the right
men in power for judging whether any proposed undertaking
was based on a right calculation of the value of the available
means of offence and defence. The events, therefore, of the
night of the 22nd and the early hours of the 23rd are of
quite extraordinar\- importance, for they mark an under-
taking needing long and elaborate preparation, and one
which could not have been brought to a successful issue,
had it not enjoyed from its first inception the entlmsiastic
support of the Admiralty. But this is not all. Not only
was this an Admiralty supported undertaking, it was one
that, unlike the Gallipoli adventure, was carried through on
right staff principles. There was a definite, well-thought-out
plan — careful preparation for every step in the right selection
of men and means for its execution.
I think it is right to put this forward as the most important
aspect of a significant, stirring, and successful enterprise. It
is the most important because the news of Wednesday last
means much more than that Zeebriigge is blocked, that
Ostend is crippled, and that an expedition — at first sight
perilous beyond conception — has been carried through with
losses altogether disproportionate, either to its dangers or to
the results achieved. The news means that a new direction
either has been, or certainly can, and therefore must, now be
given to our naval policy. A year ago sceptics were asking
if the Army would win the war before the Navy lost it.
Why, they said, if our land forces can force a way through
what we were told were impregnable fortifications, should
the greatest sea force in the world be impotent against an
enemy who sUnks behind his forts with his surface craft,
while devastating our sea communications with his sub-
marines ? Is naval ingenuity, they asked, so crippled that
we can neither protect our trade against the submarine at
sea, nor block the enemy's ports so that the submarine can
never get to sea ? The critics repUed that all was well with
the Navy, but that all was sadly wrong with its official chiefs.
The reorganisation of the Admiralty a year ago was imme-
diately followed by the adoption of the convoy principle —
and submarine losses were reduced to half. This long-
advocated measure, the recently inaugurated barrage at
Dover, and now the events of the morning of April 23rd,
have justified the critics and the changes in method and men
which they urged. Zeebriigge has been in the enemy's
hands since September, 1914, and it has taken us three and
a half years, not to discover a man capable of attacking it,
but in developing an Admiralty capable of picking the man
and giving him the right support before the attack could be
made. If a similar spirit had actuated a properly constituted
Admiralty all these years, what might not the Navy have
accomplished ?
In the last eleven months the emancipation of the Navy
has gone forward apace. And not the least significant of
the stages in the process were first the appointment of
Admiral Sir Roger Keyes to be head of the Planning Division
at the Admiralty, next his removal from the Admiralty to
Dover, next the inauguration of the Channel barrage, and
now his surprising and masteriy stroke at the Flemish ports.
The enumeration of these stages is worth making, for they
mark the genesis of the plan we have seen achieved. It was.
if I am correctly informed, quite understood when .Admiral
Keyes went to Dover that his mission was temporary. If he
was sent to do the things which he has done, and now that
he has done them is taken back to Whitehall, then it might
seem as if we might look forward to an aggressive policy at
sea more worthy of the superb force which we posses?, "and
more consonant with its glorious heritage than anything
which we have witnessed in the past. And, if Sir Roger
cannot be spared from his new command, so auspiciously in-
augurated, then we must trust that some other of equal brains
and spirit has already taken or will take his place. Zeebrugge
and Ostend, then, will figure in naval history, not only as
the names of achievements unique and splendid in them-
selves, but more famous as the harbingers of still greater
things to come. Arthur Pollen.
The History of the British Army, by the Hon. John Fortescue,
is a classic. The author has now taken from it extracts which
deal with British operations in the Low Countries from 1690 —
1794, and publishes them separately under the title British Cam-
paigns in Flanders (Macmillan. 8s. 6d.). It is a most interest-
ing volume, and not only for the soldier, but for all who take an
historical interest in the great battlefields of this era, and in the
settling of the present war.
May 2, 19 1 8
Land & Water
13
Comrades in Arms
Copyright, 1918, U.S./4,
Copyright, " Lard & Water."
The Old Campaigner
By Louis Raemaekers
14 Land & Water May 2, 191 8
<
Villers-Brettoneux and Kemmel : By H. Bclloc
THE week has been marked by two operations,
both of great importance : the attack on Kemmel
and the attack in the region of Villers-Brettoneux
upon the junction of the French and British
armies in front of Amiens. The first of tliese
was a success for the enemy, though a success the expense of
which we cannot gauge ; the second was certainly a very
expensive failure. As has been naturally the case in the
past, through the proximity of the fighting to these shores,
the acquaintance of many writers with the district since the
war began, and the apparent threat to tlie Channel ports,
the former of tiiese operations has been somewhat over-
estimated (important though it is) and the latter somewhat
under-estimated.
Before looking into them in detail, we must appreciate a
fact about the whole nature of the front to-day which affects
the enemy's operations from first to last. That fact con-
sists in two complementary elements : First that he has the
initiative, and secondly that he has the initiative upon a
front nearly all of which is now a front of slow and partial
but continuous movement.
All belligerents know, from the experience of now many
years, what a strongly fortified defensive line established
over a great length of time means in modern war, and what
the form of an initiative undertaking its rupture may be.
If your offensive action slowly proceeds to the point of
exhaustion without doing more than slightly modifying or
indenting the original line by a few miles, the defensive has
the advantage. Its losses are normally less than its oppon-
ents ; the strategic result at the end of the affair is nil. If a
nipture be effected and a rapid advance takes place through
the gap, the defensive loses heavily in men and guns before
the Une is re-established. It should in theory lose much
more heavily than the attack. That was certainly the case,
for instance, in Italy last autumn. But if the original effort
was made with overwhelming forces — spent like water in
order to obtain an immediate decision — and if the attempt
to get that decision is carried on long after it has become
impossible, then the offensive will lose more than the defensive
by far ; although the fact that the defensive loses so many
prisoners brings the definitive losses — that is, the losses for
good 'and ail, the losses in men who never return — nearer
to an equality.
A decision having then failed the offensive, but the initia-
tive still remaining (from superiority of force properly handled)
with the offensive commanders, a third phase may arise ;
and it is precisely such a third phase that has arisen between
Noyon and the sea to-day. This third phase is what I have
called a war of slow and partial but continuous movement ;
C^ort/i Sea.
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in other words, by continuing to attack now here, now there,
the offensive can prevent a re-crystallisation of the defensive
line in the intervals of heavier blows designed to try once
more the chance of breaking it for good and all. When the
original defensive front has gone, the creation of a new one
equally solid is a very long business. Ludcndorff spent
months at it behind his hues during the Battle of the Somme
in the preparation of the defensive zone generally called
"the Hindenburg line" from the Vimy Ridge to the Forest
of St. Gobain. When on the third attempt, while the Allies
still possessed the initiative, this zone was itself pierced, it
was only pierced on a comparatively narrow front astraddle
of the Scarpe River. It was able to re-crystallise again.
Now, in the present phase the enemy has the advantage
for his continued effort of an immense line, only a small
fraction of which is now the original defensive zone and no
long portion of the rest of which has had even one full month
in which to strengthen itself permanently.
If we look at the map and compare the lines drawn across
it we shall see that the proportion of original British front
left between the Aisne Ridges and the sea consists of no more
than the northern part of Vimy Ridge, continued northward
up to Givenchy, and the stretch north of Ypres, which is
protected by the continuous and widening marshes of the
Yser. We shall further see that what may be called the new
fronts have, as yet, no real stability. There is still fluctua-
tion in sectors all roimd the great Amiens salient ; and there
is still fluctuation latterly, as we have seen of a very grave
kind, on the new Ypres sahent. The proportion even of
the new line which has been fairly steady for even as little
as four weeks, is quite insufficient to stabihse the whole.
Now, in these conditions, quite apart from any chance
success greater than he has planned, and apart even from a
third great movement on a wide front, it is obviously the
enemy's pohcy to keep shaking the defensive. He has taken
Kemmel. Let us suppose — though it should take him three
weeks or more — he captures the whole line of heights up to
Mont des Cats. According to the length of time involved,
there is less and less menace of disaster to his opponents, in
spite of his success. The awkward salients formed upon
the north can be flattened back if time is provided — and.
after all, he did not get to the top of Kemmel until more
than a fortnight after his first thrust at Hazebrouck and
Bethune. But the point is that he keeps the line continually,
though slowly, moving, thereby certainly prevents its cry-
staUising, and possibly threatens it with disaster at some
unexpected point of which he hopes to take immediate
advantage. It is true the movement has been only slowly
progressive, but it is obviously intended to bear such fruits.
Further, with every pronounced advance, even at great
expense and spread over a long time, some strategic object
is clearly achieved. For instance, supposing he compels the
Allies, before he is exhausted, to fall back upon the line of
the Aa, of which I spoke last week (an excellent natural
line), he thereby destroys what used to be our nearest lateral
communication, he uncovers Dunkirk, he is within long
range of Calais Harbour, and he creates such a salient round
Arras that he might hope to make that his next prey. This
latter effect he also produces if, checked in the north, he
produces a new dent between Arras and Albert. Again, as
we shall see in a moment, if he seizes the junction land between
the Avre and the Somme his observation stands upon the
high plateau of Villers-Brettoneux and gives him great
advantage. The same thing is tnie of a success upon any
one of the heights which now look down upon him all along
the very awkward Hne which chance estabhshed for him after
his advance in March. For instance, there is great strategic
advantage in reaching the top of the ridge between the
Avre and the Noye, or in seizing, as he has failed to seize,
the extremely marked Lassigny Hills ; or in getting Mount
Renaud outside Noyon.
One can never understand even the simplest military
operation without appreciating its hmitations. The advan-
tages of the enemy are obvious, and will remain obvious for
some time to come. He has what are virtually interior
lines : he has what is still superiority of organised number.
He has compelled the considerable reduction of a detached
reserve prepared for a very different purpose and now neces-
sarily used only defensively as regards at least a portion of
it. He has, thanks to the Russian treason and his Itahan
victory, a superiority in pieces if not in munitionment.
All this he has ; but his limitation on the debit side is his
May 2, 191 8
Land & Water
15
expense in men. You can no more say which of two oppon-
ents under such circumstances will play his hand better than
you can say it of two chess players of whom one has " the
move," but of whom neither has yet so lost pieces as to be
manifestly inferior. What you can present is the conditions
of the play.
The object of this offensive is, before the limit of its exhaus-
tion is reached, to absorb — that is, to put through the mill
in defensive work — all that is still fresh upon the Allied side,
and in the process so to shake a line that has already been
rendered viscous as first to render it fluid and then dissolved.
The object of the defensive is to compel the offensive to
crippling losses which will end by his exhaustion while the
defensive still stands organised and still has solid fresh assets
in hand. This is all the more the game of the Allies because,
though the time handicap is very severe, there arc very large;
resources ultimately behind them.
A concrete point will make this play of judgment clearer :
You, the defensive, are holding a certain sector of, say,
20 miles, on to which you only returned, say, ten days ago,
and of which the new defensive system is necessarily imper-
fect. To the south end of that sector is a specially strong
point — say, a hill or well-wired wood. The offensive com-
mander says to himself : " If I launch four divisions at that
point, which I now know to be held by only one division,
I shall probably take it — at the immediate expense of perhaps
10,000 men. I njay suppose the 8,000 or 9,000 men opposed
to me to lose less than half that amount. I may have better
luck, and make them lose nearly their whole effectives, in
which case our losses are pretty well equal. But, meanwhile,
if I get it quicker than they expect, the line to the north will
have to fall back again from their already imperfect defences,
and begin others yet more imperfect — partly prepared, no
doubt, but not yet strong — behind the sector they are now
holding." The defensive commander says to himself: ''If
there is a tactical success, and I hold the strong point for,
say, forty-eight hours, there will be plenty of time for the
pyeoplt in the north to fall back ; and in such a time of con-
tinued assault I will inflict far greater losses on the attack
than he will inflict on my men. It may be that my defensive
success will be complete (compare the case of the Hinges
Bridge a few days ago) ; in that case, I have locally suc-
ceeded in my general object beyond all expectation. But it
may be that his success will be unexpectedly rapid. In that
case, I must tell my one division to hang on until it is wiped
out, and even then there may be only just barely time for
the people to the north to get back."
The hazard is engaged, and, in general terms, one of these
two things happens in a greater or a less degree. Either the
strong point is rapidly taken, the single defending division
knocked to pieces without more than corresponding loss to
the attack and the line to the north badly shaken by its
necessity for rapid retirement on to the imperfectly prepared
defences behind, or, in various degrees, the defensive gets
the advantage by its prolonged resistance, the most extreme
example of which would be the complete repulse of the attack
with losses corresponding to its violence and density.
It is clear that any amount of modification surrounds so
simple a statement. The attack or the defence may be
blunderingly led on to attempt an impossible task, and
may suffer correspondingly. The man commanding the
sector in the north may send word that it will take him two
days at least to effect his retirement because he has mis-
handled things, in which case the unfortunate defensive will
have to go on feeding fresh men into what is virtually a new
offensive of its own, terribly expensive. The attacking
general may lose his head or even his temper (such things
have happened in war), and get men massacred quite use-
TfighHnad
"E^eqfPtateau '*i»in«"iii-
Exfitnte Umii'of
Etvemyiaffadi
iTvtttatendqfaitLin .— — — —
lessly by a prolongation of what he ought to have seen after
the first stages to be an impossible task — something of that
sort happened on April 4th to the Germans in front of Amiens.
Meanwhile, the general principle holds. The best player is
he who in this terrible game first exhausts his adversary.
The best player wins, only, unfortunately, nobody knows,
or can possibly know, the full situation even at a given
moment — let alone its future chances.
Two Great Actions
Now, let us turn to the two great actions of the week :
that of Villers-Brettoneux and that of Kemmel.
The action in front of Villers-Brettoneux was of great
importance.
There stands between the Somme River and the valley of
the Brook Luce, a tributary of the Avre, a plateau about
150 feet above the water levels, rising in some places to as
much as r8o. It is a bare rolling countryside of open fields,
diversified only by two considerable tracks of wood, the
smaller on the south known as Hangard Wood ; the larger,
on the north, called in various parts by various names, but
better called, for the purposes of our study, the Wood of
Villers. This plateau is the last high ground between the
junction of the Avre River with the Somme, and is therefore
the last high ground directly in front of Amiens. From the
edges of it the land falls away uninterruptedly to the great
railway junction and works at Longeau, almost a suburb of
Amiens, hardly more than three miles from the edge of the
plateau, and entirely overlooked from it. Further, this
plateau between the Somme and the Brook Luce, upon a
trace of about 10,000 yards, carried the point of union between
the British and the French forces. The escarpment of the
plateau towards Amiens is not regular. It falls away sharply
immediately behind the village of Villers-Brettoneux, but to
the south it leans much further away and more gently west-
ward. While immediately beyond the village of Villers-
Brettoneux and along the edge of the escarpment runs the
big wood of which I have spoken, having about half-way
along its southern edge the village of Cachy. To the south
in the French line, on the edge of the plateau overhanging
the Brook Luce, are the ruins of the village of Hangard.
It will be clear from all this what the object of the enemy
was in this neighbourhood. It was his task to thrust the
British back over the edge of the plateau and hold Villers-
Brettoneux ; to work round the wood by the south at
Cachy and to push the French back from Hangard.
The attack as a whole was undertaken, as far as we can
make out, by eight divisions, counting those who were trying
to work round by the extreme south. Three'divisions struck
against the British along the high road, starting from their
original line about a thousand yards east of the village ;
while another three divisions attacked the French against
the wood and village of Hangard down to the Luce. Mean-
while, apparently two divisions (but the number is not given)
fought hard to outflank the French by the south.
The action began at half-past six in the morning of Wednes-
day, the 24th, after the usual intensive preliminary bombard-
ment. Its general result was as follows :
In the first attack it was repulsed along the whole line.
In the second it entered the eastern edge of the wood of
Hangard and the ruins of Hangard village. What is more
important, it also in the second attack (in which the German
tanks appeared ior the first time) carried the village of
Villers-Brettoneux ; reached the edge of the plateau, and,
south of the wood, got to the outskirts of Cachy. This
latter movement uncovered the French left flank and caused
'the French to leave Hangard. By the evening two more
divisions had appeared against the British, and it was evident
that the enemy intended a very serious operation.
But the point was altogether too important for the "selling
of ground," which is the general policy of the defensive where
there is opportunity for manoeuvre. A counter-attack was
organised, and proved completely successful. Fighting con-
tinued throughout the night, and in the morning of
Thursday, April 25th, the Germans were thrust back again
far from Cachy (where some of the new British tanks did
great execution) and by noon out of Villers-Brettoneux
itself ; the latter success being due to Australian troops
co-operating with British battalions. The fighting for the
village had gone on all during the night, and the consumma-
tion of the success covered the hours from seven in the
morning onwards. About a thousand prisoners were left in
British hands after the affair. The sum total of the action
was that the enemy had completely failed to master the
plateau. He had for the eighth time penetrated into Hangard
Village and Wood (the line here is perpetually fluctuating),
but these are far from the edge of the plateau. Villers-
i6
Land & Water
May 2, 19 1 8
Brettoneux, the essential point, he had gained, but lost
again.
Once again we have to ask the question, impossible to
answer with exactitude, what the cost to the enemy may
have been ? The nature of the attack proves it to have
been considerable. For it was one in which more and more
men had to be fed in, and yet in which the object was not
accomplished. Also some of the best divisions available
were used. There came in the first attack the 4th Division
of the Prussian Guards which had already been used twice
since March 21st, and which had been given a fortnight's
rest, and its ranks fully replenished from its Berlin recruit-
ment. A fresh division back from the Eastern front, the
77th Reserve — Westphalian in composition — was also used.
Two more divisions came in during the day ; and prisoners
were taken before the end of the thirty-six hours from yet
two more, the 228th and the 243rd. It is not certain that
the whole of these last units were engaged.
As the British re-advanced over ground previously lost
it was possible to make some estimate of the proportion of
German dead, and the official dispatch from headquarters
says that the numbers of these were exceptionally high. In
other words, the German effort at Villers-Brettoneux was
not only a failure, but an exceptionally expensive one.
^ As is usually the case when the enemy's plans go wrong,
his dispatch upon this occasion is misleading. He may
very well be exact in claiming some 2,000 prisoners and
4 guns, for he made a rapid advance on the evening of the
Wednesday. But to say that our counter-attacks "broke
down with sanguinary losses" is obvious nonsense, while to
leave out all mention of the capture and recapture of Villers-
Brettoneux is equally ridiculous. The counter-attack was
completely successful. That, indeed, is the whole point of
the action.
Nearly coincident with this principal piece of work, which
may be called the action of Villers-Brettoneux, was a second
piece of work in the north which may be called the action of
Mount Kemmel. It opened upon the morning of Thursday,
April 25th, and continued throughout two days and part of
the third, reaching its maximum, which was also the moment
in which the hill was seized, during the first twenty-four hours.
The tactical details of this action have been clearly given
in the daily Press and have been followed closely by opinion
at home. What has been perhaps less thoroughly dealt with
has been its strategic aspect.
The tactical details were that a very large force drawn
apparently entirely from the 4th Germany Army, that of
von Amim, fought to surround the hill of Kemmel by the
north and by the south. Among those who attacked were
identified the Alpine Corps, the 117th Division, the nth
Bavarian Division, and the 56th Division. The enemy
carried Dranoutre and pushed up the valley to the west of
Mount Kemmel. He carried Kemmel Village itself to the
east of the height (and by that time the summit was clearly
turned on both sides) ; he reached, but did not pass, the
"Cross Roads" (for which the Flemish is Vierstraat), and he
got into the mass of craters at St. Eloi. As the enemy had
outflanked the summit of Mount Kemmel, both from the
east and from the west, the summit was doomed. But for
local reasons, probably connected with the necessity of
holding the enemy during the formation of new dispositions
behind, it was determined to hold the summit as long as was
possible. This sacrifice was allotted to a French division,
which maintained the defence until the hill was completely
surrounded and its defenders lost with it.
By the morning of the next day — Friday — the enemy
claimed 6,000 prisoners, most of them French, and his line
la}' from in front of Locre right up the depression between
Mount Kemmel and the Scherpenberg to the neighbourhood
of La Clytte ; thence along the northern base of Mount Kemmel
to Vierstraat and so to St. Eloi. His capture of Kemmel
had already given him the whole of its district at a blow.
The familiarity of the public with this part and these
names, their proximity to the British seas, and the fame of
Ypres and of its salient during the last three years, between
them somewhat obscured and exaggerated the strategical
meaning of the German success.
That success is important, but it does not in itself connote
any great strategical change. Had a similar effort been
made, for instance, against Hazebrouck, it would have been
worth while meeting and containing it, and it would have
been met and contained. What the capture of Mount
Kemmel does is to give complete observation towards the
north, and to begin a gradual advance westward along the
chain of hills of which Kemmel is the eastern bastion, and
render the Ypres salient more and more difficult to hold.
But supposing that salient evacuated completely and the
line redrawn from the marshes of the Yser south-westward,
no considerable strategic result immediately follows. As
part of the general German plan to shake the Allied front
and to keep it continuously in movement, all this has its
place. But there is nothing decisive about it. There is no
great strategic move taken, until, for instance, Dunkirk be
uncovered : a contingency already mentioned as possible in'
the future if the enemy should compel a retirement to the
fine of the Aa. And we must clearly keep in mind during
all these actions that pace is everything, for pace is measured
in expense. So long as (i) the yielding is gradual ; (2) the
cost imposed upon the advance is far superior to that imposed
upon the defence ; (3) the yielding takes place where there
is room to manoeuvre and where nO strategic consequences
follow ; (4) the yielding does not lead to any disintegration
or confusion— so long advance here or there is not to the
enemy's advantage. He continues to make it and will con-
tinue to make it because he hopes that on every one of these
four points he will some day score and so achieve his result.
But until he does so he is still hazarding expense of men
against a possible but not attained result. H. Belloc.
May 2, 19 1 8
Land & Water
1.7
President Wilson's War Mind : By L. P. Jacks
To understand the war-mind of President Wilson,
and to leam the lesson it conveys, we must read
his speeches from the beginning of the war as
though they formed a continuous whole. Those
who have not the full text of the speeches before
them will find a good substitute in The Foreign Policy of
Woodrow Wilson, by Messrs Robinson and West (Macmillan),
in which the relevant passages are presented in historical
order. Reading them continuously, they present us with a
natural, inevitable, and yet very remarkable evolution. I find
nothing inconsistent between the earher and the later sa^nngs
of the President, notwithstanding that the former are devoted
to the advocacy of peace and the latter to the advocacy of
war. On the contrary, the later passages throw back a
meaning on to the earlier, which makes them doubly signi-
ficant, while the earlier are
like the clear hours of the
morning in which the
weatherwise may read the
portent of a coming storm.
It has been said that
whosoever writes the his-
tory of the war must
write it as a drama ; and
certainly there has been
no more dramatic feature
in the whole tragic story
than that presented by
the movement of Mr.
Wilson's mind from
position to position in
correspondence with the
gradual . unfolding of the
plot. In reading through
these speeches one has the
feeUng famiUar to every
lover of the Odyssey.
There is the same gradual
darkening of the atmo-
sphere as events march on
to the final catastrophe,
the same tightening of
expectancy and tension as
the gathering storm comes
nearer, until at last, when
the gloom is deepest, the
lightning leaps out and
retribution falls on the
wrong-doer. If the words
are not inadequate to
matter of such moment,
'one may say of the
speeches that they have
the wholeness of a work
of art. The germinating
idea of Mr. Wilson's policy
is that America, because of her greatness, of her power,
of her vast potentialities, is a servant among the nations,
and not a master It is a noble conception, and peculiarly
fitted to inspire a young and mighty people with a vision
of its destiny, and so to mark out for it in the centuries
that are to come a line of development different from
and I think higher than, any which the older States of the
world have so far pursued. Though the idea of greatness in
service has been long familiar in other connections, where
perhaps it has received more lip-service than loyalty, President
Wilson is the first statesman to make it operative, or to
endeavour to make it operative, as a guiding principle of
international politics ; and this alone, whether he succeeds
or not, assures him a distinct place in history and in the
grateful remembrance of mankind. Needless to say, this
idea — that the greatest nation must needs be a servant-
nation — stands out as the polar opposite to the notion of
national greatness which prevails with the rulers and appar-
ently with the people of Germany ; and a prescient mind,
on hearing it first announced by Mr. Wilson in the early
stages of the war, might have predicted that a moment
would come when the two opposites, driven by a dramatic
or moral necessity, would break out into open conflict with
one another.
From the very first, the question uppermost in the Presi-
dent's mind has been this : In what way, by what policy,
by what action can America best serve the nations involved
Bust of the President: By Jo Davidson
(Now on view at the Fine Art Society, 148 New Bond Street.
This buit was executed by Mr. Davidson at the White House just before America
entered the war. It is the only bust for which the President has given sittings.
in the struggle, and through them mankind at large ? Again
and again his public utterances have repeated this, thereby
showing its solemn insistence in his pHvate mind • and though
he has varied his answer with the change of circumstance, he
has never departed from the purpose and spirit of the ques-
tion. Indeed, he did not wait for the war to disclose his
guiding idea.
On March 5th, 1914, he said, in a message to Congress
when the Panama tolls were under discussion : "We are too
big, too powerful, too self-respecting a nation to interpret
with too strained or refined a reading the words of our own
promises just because we have power enough to give us
leave to read them as we please" — a sentence which, in its
latter clause, anticipates the most hateful aspect of German
pohcy both in the initiarion and the conduct of the war,
and is almost a prediction
of the coming conflict.
Again, on April 30th, 1915,
he said to the members of
the Associated Press : " We
do not want anything that
does not belong to us.
Is not a nation in that
position free to serve other
nations ? " And three days
after the Lusitania had
been sunk he followed
with the statement, so
much misunderstood at
the time: " I am interested
in neutrality because there
is something so much
greater to do than to fight.
There is a distinction wait-
ing for this nation which
no nation has ever yet
had." A year later he
sounded the same note.
On April 19th, 1916, he
said: "We cannot forget
that we are the responsible
spokesmen of the rights
of humanity." What this
last involved comes out
very clearly in the Address
to Congress on the occasion
of America's entry into
the war. "We shall fight
for the ' things we have
always carried nearest our
hearts — for democracy, for
the right of those who
submit to authority to
have a voice in their
own government, for the
rights and liberties of
small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such
a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and Safety to
all nations, and make the world itself free,"
If the reader will take these speeches as a connected whole, •
or even the few sentences I have quoted, he will have before
him the Odyssey of the President's mind. They indicate the
successive stages through which he passed in his efforts to
find an answer to the question : How can the United States,
in the world crisis that has now arisen, most effectually serve
mankind? In the earher stages "neutrality" covered the
answer that then seeme4 most fitting. By remaining neutral
the President beheved that the United States could render
most help not only in hastening the advent of peace, but in
giving to peace, whenever it should come, the form most
conducive to the just interests of all concerned. He believed
— and rightly believed — that impartiality would confer
upon America rights and powers as a peacemaker both
during the conflict and afterwards ; and he saw, further,
that a peace-making nation was the world's greatest need at
the time. Then, through no will of his own, but by the
direct action of Germany, the right to be neutral, the power
to be impartial, was taken from him. The consequence was
that the first form of his answer was necessarily abandoned
as no longer apphcable to the circumstances, and another had
to be sought. Only one was possible. If America was to
serve all nations she must make war on the Power which
was striving to make all nations serve itself. Thus, by what
i8
Land & Water
May 2, 1 91 8
I again venture to call dramatic necessity, we are carried
stage by stage from the moment when the President declared
"there is such a thing as a man being too proud to fight"
to the last sentence of his speech the other day : "There is
therefore but one response possible from us : force, force to
the utmost, force without stint or limit, the righteous and
triumphant force which shall make right the law of the
world, and cast every selfish dominion down into the dust."
Thus was Wilson the peace-maker turned into Wilson the
war-maker. The "diNanity that shapes our ends" is clearly
accountable for the transition, and the worid may rejoice
that it found in the President an instrument amenable to its
guidance. He stands out to-day as the foremost interpreter
of the international mind.
Dealings with Mexico
The authors of the admirable book to which I have referred
have done well to interweave with their narrative the almost
synchronous story of the President's dealings with Mexico,
for the two things throw light upon one another. If a
guarantee were needed for the entire sincerity of Mr. Wikon's
professions it could be found in the record of the Mexican
transactions. These had given rise to the notion among his
European critics, and also, I think, among not a few of his
fellow-countrymen, that he was an impracticable idealist.
We now know that his Mexican policy and his European
policy were intimately related. They sprang from the same
root, and had the same guiding idea. Judged by the stan-
dards which most conquering Powers have applied to their
actions, Mr. Wilson would have been«fully justified in making
war upon Mexico for the purpose of restoring order, if for
nothing else. There were many Liberal statesmen in other
countries who found his attitude hard to understand, and in
some instances openly condemned it, and there is little doubt
that he would have raised his general reputation as a states-
man— at least, for a time — if he had pursued a "stronger"
policy. We now know, however, and by the clearest of
evidence, that the "impracticable idealism" which kept him
out of war with Mexico was identically the same with that
which later on brought him into war with Germany. As in
the later so in the earlier problem, the question Mr. Wilson
set himself to answer was how can the American Republic
hdp — how can it best serve the interests of the rich but
disordered and miserable country which fate has assigned
as its neighbour ?
There were abundant precedents for intervention to which
Mr. Wilson might have appealed without the slightest
fear that his credit would suffer. He came to the con-
clusion, however, that the best service the United States
could render to Mexico was to respect her integrity and
independence, and leave her to work out her own salvation.
To the argument that Mexico was incapable of doing this,
and that neither her integrity nor her independence was
worthy of respect he consistently turned a deaf ear ; nor
was he much more attentive to the various commercial
interests that were involved.
As one reads the story in the light of later events, one is
tempted to believe that some kindJy genius was warning. the
President of the situation he would shortly have to face.
For, if he had acted on the lines demanded by his critics, he
would not only have tied up a considerable part of the
national resources at a time wlien they were all wanted for
a far graver enterprise, but he would have seemed to be
.acting on the accursed principle which underlies the creed
of Germany, and so deprived the Allies of the enormous
moral force which the entry of .America into the war has
conferred on the common cause. Had Mexico been within
striking distance of German aggression there is not a doubt
she would have been fonquered, exploited, and enslaved.
We well regret that Mekico is still in the condition of chaos,
and may possibly remain so for some time to come. But
this is as nothing compared with the fact that President
Wilson has clean hands.
I cannot refrain from thinking, however, tliat the Presi-
dent's experience with Mexico may be in some measure
accountable for what I wiU venture to call a certain limita-
tion of vision in his view of " the smaller and weaker nations"
— a limitation he shares with many who have less excuse
for displaying it. In his public utterances, especially in
those which refer to the League of Peace, he constantly
tends to speak of these small nations as though they were
satisfied with their present smallness and nurtured no designs
of expansion at the expense of their neighbours — a descrip-
tion which is true of some of them and possibly of Mexico
and of other Latin-American States with which the President
has been brought into more immediate contact. Whether
or no I am right in assigning this as the cause — and perhaps
I am totally wrong-there can be no doubt that Mr. Wilson's
LbTt of mind incUnes him to think of smaU States as needmg
rather protection than restraint. , . ^ ^. . , , , „
Sand again we find him refernng to the nght of small
States to develop their own hfe in their own way and of the
duty of great States to protect them '^ th.« "ght^ Unfor-
tunately however, there are some smal States whose out-
standing characteristic is the desire to become big ones at
the expense of their neighbours, and whose notion of l.vmg
their own hfe in their own way takes precisely that form.
Small States of this character-and there are several of them—
are among the chief troublers of the peace of the worid ;
and it would be difficult for Powers wliich were once small
ones themselves, and have grown great by conquest to
make a rule forbidding the present smaU Powers from follow-
ing their own example, and the first attempts to enforce
such a rule would certainly lead to some embarrassing re-
minders, and perhaps to some bitter taunts. But here again
the Wstory of the United States has been very different from
that of the other great Powers. She would be immune— or
almost immune— from the taunts to which the others would
be exposed And this perhaps may also accoxmt, in part,
for the fact that Mr. Wilson shows a tendency to overlook
the difficulty. No doubt the difficulty would be largely
overcome if it were the lot of the United States to exercise
a dominaring influence in the League of Narions. And this
we may very well believe to be her destiny. "Amenca,"
asserted President Wilson, in May, 1915. "was created to
unite mankind." .,, , , ^ ,
That the rights of great nations are entitled to respect only
when they are translated into corresponding duties to man-
kind is a principle wliich the guiding minds of the British
Empire are prepared to accept. Our people have long
been famihar with "the White Man's Burden," and all that
Mr. Wilson has said about America as the uniter of nations is,
if I mistake not, only a wider application of the principle
which underlies that phrase. He speaks a language we
understand, and he will find us ready to join hands with
him, and with his countrymen, in united effort to realise his
great ideal of international service. It is not enough that
an aUiance should exist between America and Great Britain.
It is essential that it should be guided by a clear and lofty
principle of action. This principle Mr. Wilson has supplied,
and he has stated it in a form which expresses the best
elements of our own political aspirations. The effect has been
not only to increase our confidence in the outcome of the
war, and to give us a new assurance that we stand upon the
rock, but to open out a great prospect of future service to
humanity in which America and Great Britain will be joined
hand to hand. Only when nations are united on the highest
ground can we say that they are united at all. It is to the
highest ground that Mr. Wilson has raised our aUiance, and
so long as we stand there together this alliance will remain
indissoluble.
I have spoken of President Wilson's mind as having evolved
its present character. It is a war-mind evolved from a
peace-mind, the most dangerous sort of mind for an enemy
to encounter. But we should make a mistake if we were to
assume that Mr. Wilson's evolution will be arrested at its
present stage. It will unquestionably go on to further
developments. What precisely these will be it is, of course,
impossible to say ; but we may be sure that they will follow
the general course of his evolution up to date. This has
taken the form of making clear and explicit in liis later
policy what was hidden and implicit in his earlier pxjlicy.
In forecasting the line of his future influence we should do
well, therefore, to ask which of his present principles contains
the largest implications, for he is certain to develop them
as time goes on. My own choice would be for the principle^
contained in his saying that America's purpose in going to
war is "to make the world safe for democracy." Making
the world safe for democracy involves much more than is
apparent at first sight. The first requirement is, of course,
the overthrow of autocratic domination ; for it is certain
that, so long as democracy is entangled with autocracy in a
common system of international relations, autocracy will call
the tune and war will be a perpetual menace to mankind.
For the time being we need think of nothing else ; but when
this has been accomplished we shall have to go much further
if Mr. Wilson's ideal of a world "safe for democracy" is to
be made good.
I beheve that Mr. Wilson is fully prepared for this, and that
he will develop his principle when the time is ripe. Punch,
in a famous cartoon, unconsciously hit the nail, when it
exhibited the White House with a closed door, on which the
words were written : " The President is thinking." Yes, he
was thinking to some purpose, and he is thinking still. So
are we.
May 2, 191 8
Land & Water
19
The United States Navy : By L. R. Freeman
Since the first units of the United States Navy appeared in these waters,
the greatest interest has been taken in them. In this article Mr. Freeman
depicts the spirit of the United States Navy and also describes the course
of instruction through which an American Naval Cadet passes. The
United States Navy, he points out, has been modelled on the British Navy.
IN writing in L.'iND
& Water some
months ago on
the coming of the
American Army to
France I quoted the naive words used by a French Staff Officer
to describe the impression the new arrivals had made upon him.
After speaking of the keenness of the American officers to
learn from those who had had the experience, he concluded :
"We hke them very much. In fact, they have been quite a
surprise. They have not displayed the least tendency to
show us how to run the war. Indeed, they are not the least
American ! "
I do not know that I have heard a British naval officer use
precisely the same words in voicing his relief that his American
"opposite number," whom he is now beginning to meet
with increasing frequency and intimacy, has not fulfilled
expectations in insisting on showing the British Navy how
to win the war ; but that precise sentiment I heard implied
many times, though, I am happy to record, less and less
frequently as the favourable impression formed by
those who have had opportunity of meeting the first
officers from across the Atlantic, has had time to percolate.
Save on the score of technical training and uniform, there
is very little to differentiate the American naval officer from
his brother in the Army who has furnished so agreeable a
surprise to his Allies in France, and there need be no fear
(whatever may have been expected from those who have
not had the opportunity of meeting him before) that the
former will not "keep station" at sea in the same quiet
tmostentatious way that the latter has "fallen into step"
on land.
So far, since American naval activities in the war zone
have been largely limited to the operations of their fleet of
destroyers off the Irish coast, the two navies have had fat
less opportunity to get acquainted than have the British and
American armies. The liaison established at Queenstown,
however, may be taken as a microcosm of the co-operation
that will be established on a larger scale should the exigencies
of the situation demand it. As thoroughly characteristic of
the spirit in which the Americans are taking up their work
in these waters, I may quote the words of an officer of one of
their destroyers with whom I talked recently.
"Green as we came to the job," he said, "in comparison
to their three years of hard experience of the British, our
taking over here was almost like a lot of boy. scouts replacing
a regiment of seasoned veterans in the trenches. We were
all for the job, however, and somehow we began to get results
right from the get-away. Let me tell you, though, that if
we had had to find out all the wrinkles of the game ourselves
— if they had not given us the benefit of all they had been
paying in ships and men for three years to learn — it would
have been a far slower business for us, and a far more costly
one as well. 1 take off my hat to the British destroyers and
trawlers, and to the men who man them. I have not had a
chance yet to see anything of the rest of their Navy, but if
the officers and men are of the same stamp as those we have
worked with here, when our capital ships come over it will
be just like joining up with another American fleet."
These sentiments seem to me thoroughly typical of the
spirit with which the American Navy is taking .up its task in
European waters, and such also was the opinion of a dis-
tinguished British Naval officer to whom I quoted them
not long ago.
"I have known American Navy officers a good many
years," he said, "principally on the China and West India
stations, so that, persona:lly, I had none of the doubts about
our ability to co-operate with them that may have been
harboured by some of my friends who had been less fortunate
than myself on that score. The fact that the average
untra veiled Briton has had to judge the American wholly
by such specimens as seemed to him the most characteristic
among those coming to this side of the water — that is, by
the Cook's tourist and the money-slinging millionaire, neither
of whom are in the least representative — has been responsible
for our getting, as a nation, a distorted picture of you, as a
nation. It was that which gave the more conservative
element in both our Army and Navy some doubts as to
how we might settle down to pull in double iiamess.
"One of the best things about the American naval officer
— and one that stands him in good stead at the present
time— is his open-mindedness. He may have come over
here firmly believing that some gun, some explosive, some
system of loading or fire-
control, or any of a
number of other things he
has perfected to the best
of his experience, is
better than anything else of the kind that Britain or
any other nation has got. But that does not blind him
in the least to the good points of the latter, and no false
sentiment, pride, or conservatism will prevent the
incontinent scrapping of his own long-laboured-over invention
to make way for what his open mind and sterling
common sense tell him is better. It is this which makes it
comparatively easy for the American to do a thing which
is above almost all othefs difficult for the Briton — to profit
and take advantage of another's experience.
"An American destroyer — and the same will be true of
any other ships of whatever class that may be sent over —
takes its place as a unit of one of our fleets or squadrons
just as easily and naturally as if a new British ship, manned
by British sailors, had been commissioned, and that will go
on just as long as it is necessary or advisable to increase
your naval strength in European waters. Indeed, the
effective smoothness of the system under which the
American ships work with ours makes one feel that — quite
without realising it — we have taken the first step in the
formation of what has so long been talked of as a Utopian
dream — an 'International Police Force.' It is hardly the
time to talk of such a consummation at this stage of things ;
but if it ever does eventuate, you may take it that an
Anglo-Saxon naval force will be its foundation."
Because it has been impossible to tell the public scarcely
anything about American naval co-operation with the
British, the historic significance of that event has been
almost overlooked. As a matter of fact, however, it marks
the first occasion in which the ships of one Allied nation
have been practically incorporated (as far as the direction
of operations are concerned) in the navy of another. Allied
fleets have carried out operations together — as the French
and the British at the Dardanelles, or the British and the
Italians in the Adriatic — but never has the co-operation
been more intimate— and, it may be added, more success-
ful— than in the present instance.
That the British and American naval officer would "hit
it off" well personally from the outset no one with any
acquaintance with both of them could ever have had any
doubt. As a matter of fact, indeed, there is less difference
between them than between the average American and
Englishman, and even that is a good deal less than most
people imagine. In the first place, they come from very
nearly the same classes socially (I am speaking now of the
regular "R.N." and "U.S.N."), in their respective countries,
and there is very httle indeed to differentiate the English
lad of thirteen or fourteen and the American lad of a year
or two older, the one beginning his naval training at Osborne
and the other at Annapolis. Differing in details though
they are, the training of these two naval schools is far less
divergent than that of English and American public schools
and universities. That is to say, the naval schools of the
two countries are aiming at precisely the same thing — the
turning out of an officer who knows his business — whereas
public schools and universities are working in a number of
different directions.
The system of appointing the American naval cadet ensures
that each year's class is selected as nearly as may be from all
parts of the country. Each member of Congress is required
to make one appointment to both the naval and military
academies, and, in addition to these, there are ten or more
appointments at large made from Washington. In this way
each State is represented in the Naval Atademy according
to its population. Thus New York, with, say, forty mem-
bers in the House of Representatives and two in the Senate,
would have forty-two nominees, while Nevada, with three
members in the House and two in the Senate, would have
five. A Member of Congress has his choice of making the
appointment open to a competitive examination or giving it
direct to any boy fulfilling the requisite requirements.
Even in the latter case, however, the prospective nominee
must pass very stiff examinations calculated to establish his
mental, moral, and physical fitness, and it is practically
impossible for him to be pushed in simply because he has
friends in high places. It is, I believe, becoming more and
more the custom to resort to competitive examination, so
that the boy named by each member is usually the brightest
20
Land & Water
May 2, 19 1 8
of a score or more striving for that honour from his Congres-
sional district, which contains, roughly, a population of from
two to three hundred thousand.
As nearly as tlie comparison can be made, the four years'
course at the Annapolis Naval Academy covers about the
same ground that the British cadet covers in his two years
at Osborne, the same period (since the war somewhat reduced)
so that he is competent ultimately to perform the duties of any
officer on any ship of the Navy, but actually to require him
to serve several years in each of such various capacities as
engineer, navigator, gunnery, or torpedo ofiicer.
This system gives the officer who has been through the
mill an incomparable experience by the time he attains
his captaincy, but the number of good men (who might
at Usbome, the same period (since the war somewhat reduced) his captamcy, but the number 01 good me
at Dartmouth, and his first year as a midshipman. Since have made most excellent specialists) who "fell b'y the
the average age of entrance to Osborne is about thirteen wayside" because they were not able to stand the pace
and a half, and to Annapohs about sixteen, it is'difficult to '""■ ""-f'f"<"" f"-- "^^ -rr^ot o ranorp nf Hiifif.« matpc nnn rir.i,K+
compare the entrance requirements or the courses. As the
British cadet has about two and a half years the start of the
.American in the matter of age, it follows that the latter
— to reach an equality of training, if not of rank, at twenty —
must cover in four years the same ground which the former
does in six and a half. This, I should say, he comes pretty
near to accomplishing.
The fact that the American Navy was less than half of the
for quahfying for so grea.t a range of duties makes one doubt
if it is practicable for any nation situated otherwise than
was the United States up to its entry into the present war —
that is, with a huge population and a modest navy. With
the development of the modern man-of-war, the increasing
mastery of technical detail which such duties as those of
torpedo or gunnery officer entail would seem to make it
inevitable that such officers should not be required to divert
their attention or energies to anything else. This fact we
nj ii.- * i j._ a^^i.^^ K,.^u .'« i-u„ J. ;__•
ic icu-i inai ine .'vmencan iNavy was less tJian Halt ol the tneir attention or energies to anyining eise. inis ract we
size of the British, while the population from which officers may confidently expect to see reflected both in the training
could^be dra\vn was more than twice that of the British of the cadet at Annapolis and in American naval practice
before very long —
perhaps even during
the war.
The fact that — as
was only natural — the
United States Navy,
when it was formed
during the Revolu-
tionary War, was
modelled on the only
other Navy of which
the colonials had ex-
perience— the British
— is responsible for
many^. similarities in
the forms and
practices of. the re-
spective services to-
day. The gold sleeve
or shoulder stripes
indicating the rank of
officers are practically
identical, save only
that the Americans
replace the British
executive "curl" with
a star. The American
Marine even retains
the silver half-globe
Isles, made it possible
for Annapolis to insist
on a mental and phy-
sical standard in its
entrants calculated to
make them equal to
the very stiff years of
work ahead of them.
The system of naming
as "alternative" the
boy who passed
"Number 2" in the
competitive entrance
examination also made
it possible to weed out
and replace in the
first year any cadet
who began to lag
behind his class.
Not only was the
"book " and class
room work at Anna-
polis a good deal stiffer
than in the corres-
ponding years at
Osborne and Dart-
mouth, but the year
was a longer one in
point of work. At
Osborne the cadet spent three terms of three months
each, with the other three months of the year divided into his
Easter, Summer, and Christmas holidays. At Annapolis
there was something like nine months of work at the
academy proper, with the summer months spent in cruising
on a training ship.
At the end of four years — or at about the age of twenty —
the American cadet, on passing the examinations, received
the rank of ensign— corr^ponding to the British sub-lieu-
tenant— and began his sea career as an officer. The British
midshipman usually managed to;, qualify for his first stripe
at a somewhat earlier age than' his American cousin, and
this start tended to increase rather than decrease as he
climbed the ladder of promotion. Speaking very roughly,
the British lieutenant appears to average two or three years
younger than his American "opposite," the lieutenant-
commander three or four, the commander three to five,
and the captain five to seven.
Of the training of the cadets in the British and American
naval institutions, only the briefest comparison is possible
here. On the physical side there is very little difference,
both giving the greatest encouragement to outdoor exercise
and bodily development. Each pays equal attention to
aquatics— rowing, swimming, and sailing— and American
U.S.N. Destroyer Crossing the Atlantic
which is so characteristic a feature of the badge of the Royal
Marine of the British Navy. In manning guns, and even whole
turrets, with Royal Marines, it would appear that the British
Navy has progressed rather farther than has the American
from the time when this "anachronistic amphibian," as some
one has called him, was carried principally to swarm over
the rail with a cutlass when the old ships of the line closed
in a death grapple. In general multifarity of duties, however,
there is little to choose between this always useful "soldier-
and-sailor-too " of either service.
The comparatively short term of service in the American
Navy was responsible for the fact that the Yankee man-o'-
wars-man was a good deal less of a "jolly Jack Tar" in
appearance than his British cousin, a difference which has
been accentuated since America entered the war by the
necessity of an even further "dilution" of landsmen. The
practice of allowing the American sailor to wear a sweater
and toboggan cap, except on "dress" occasions, has also
tended to make him smack less of the sea than the flowing-
collared sailorman who will be performing similar
duties on a Bntish ship. Since the fighting of the modern
warship is about 90 per cent, "mechanical" and 10 per cent.
■ "fh ^'v' ,''°'^^'^f' ^^^ la<:k of the "Yo-heave-ho" touch
football gives the Annapoiis°cadet-the™s^''e v^'o^ourmTni; Sn the^'ntrTry'lLXd^the ^Ir^lTZt'lf '^"'r""'.
training as it does those of Osborne and Dartmouth come to sea mav indicate that h7h.f . n.u "^^^ ^"'^
Baseball and cricket are more or less the same. in mas^.rin.^h^ "^f'w;'?! ^l^.^_'P^"* ^" ^.^^ .^ore time
BasebaJ! and cricket are more or less the same.
On the technical side there was also a good deal of simi-
larity in the training, though it seems probable that the
"specialisation,'- which is the principal differentiation between
• „ „. . ., " . , . . "^ ""^ opcui ail tiic more ume
in mastenng the intncacies of machinery and electricity and
the other things which enter so much into the efficiency of
the present-day fighting-ship.
To quote my American naval friend again, both navies
the British and American naval officer (who is given an have man7th7ngs tSare dllrJt k?^'"' ^°'^ '''■^'''
"aU-round" preparation), is being given Vore and more execuSve^systeT SaSn^^^^^^^^^
attention in the British schools as the necessity of turning pride in itsowXnssTheJf...^f\^I^ ^^^^ t "'''"'"^
out officers rapidly has increased during the w^. The fact Lvy the otS^r can p?ofit bv bu^ ^ie^tS^?'^^^^'' '^'^
that It IS the Bntish rather than the^American officer who bearing in mind that eve^hin^ new <■>,?« I t^^^^'l ''
is trained as a "specialist" presents a curious anomaly, for to offer it has been twJH^nH^ ^ the British Navy has
generally speaking, the United States is, of all the nations penence whUe ^U the new thinr U \l t^ T^ ^^"^ T
m the worid, the one where specialisation is carried to the British Navy have oiUy bel ou^^to Lt . *°. f^' ^^^
greatest length. Yet the fact remains that it has always now that American ships are^havfn,? .*™f ^^'*'- ■ ^"^
been the American practice not only to train the naval cadet that is beingXred rapSy ^ P'^*'*"'^^ experience.
May 2, 19 1 8
Land & Water
2 1
Education of the Soldier : By Centurion
FROM the moment a civilian attests or is called up
he is subjected to what experts in the treatment of
shell-shock call a process of "re-education" — with
this difference, that in his case the process is not
restorative but revolutionary. He finds he has
many things to learn, and still more to unlearn.
The first thing he learns is that his personal tastes are of
no importance. He is taken before the company orderly
sergeant and told with some asperity to get his hair cut ;
the operation is performed with an incisiveness that leaves
nothing to be done in the way of uniformity except the
branding of the scalp with a broad arrow. He goes before
the quartermaster-sergeant and exchanges the whole of his ■
variegated wardrobe for ready-made garments more remark-
able for uniformity than cut. He is allowed little private
property; but a large number of articles, all exactly like
everybody else's, are issued to him, which he is expected to
keep with as much care as if they were his own, under penalty
of being put under stoppages of pay if he becomes " deficient."
He finds that he has to black his boots, brush his clothes,
polish his buttons, and make his bed, with an eye not to his
own satisfaction, but to that of some one else. He has to
rise and retire at inexorable hours, and from reveille to
tattoo his life is subject to a time-table. He is free to make
a pal, but his choice is strictly limited to the ranks ; the
shades of distinction in these things are fine but definite.
He has probably reflected, on the way to the depot, that the
tolerant smile of the sergeant conducting the draft, under
the volatile chaff of the slouching recruits, is indicative of a
large heart and a sociable disposition ; a few days' experience
of N.C.O.'s on the square wiU induce him to think that there
was irony in that srnUe, and his one ambition will be not to
attract a sergeant's attention, but to avoid it.
He may feel that he would Hke to know his CO., but he
soon finds that the opportunities for seeing him are singularly
restricted and usually avoided unless they come unsolicited
from the orderly-room, in which case it generally means that
he is "for it." He finds that to go unremarked is at this
stage more creditable than to attract attention, and
originality is out of place.
Unless he is both modest and humorous, his first days will
be depressing. He \yill find that the N.C.O.'s, though he
may be better educated than they, give him credit for pos-
sessing very littre intelligence — and when he is wiser he will
recognise that they were probably right. He will find that
the instructors are quick to discover an element of "personal
error" in him which he did not know himself. He finds
that he never "orders" his dinner or anything else, but that
everything is ordered for him. He is subject to all kinds of
."inspections," and if, like most civilians, he has been very
casual about his chattels, knowing that he could always
walk into a shop and order a substitute for the article he has
mislaid, he will almost certainly be "deficient" at his first
kit inspection. He discovers that to be slack, unclean,
disorderly, haphazard, are not merely faults : they are
"crimes." He must inwardly digest the lesson that the
first duty of a recruit is to be "clean and regular" ; if he
learns it thoroughly he may aspire, when put on- guard duty,
to "get the stick" and be made orderly-room orderly. H
he does not, he is "for it." It will console him to discover
that everybody else, including the N.C.O., has to be "clean
and regular," too, and that if the regimental institutions
which minister to his comfort, from cook-house to canteen,
are not clean and regular, the Orderly officer will know the
reason why. If the company-sergeant seems hard on him,
he may reflect that the company-sergeants might, with as
much or as little justification, think the same of the sergeant-
major and the sergeant-major of the CO. By the time he
has got his first stripe — if not before it — he will have realised
that all this inexorable discipline has a meaning, and- that
he and his fellows are, in the language of the Apostle, members
one of another.
The "re-education" of the recruit is a series of surprises.
He discovers on the square that he has never learnt how to
use his legs ; at Observation he finds that he has never known
how to use his eyes. To translate a command " Right turn ! "
into an immediate co-ordination of the musc!(?s of the heel
of the right foot and the toe of the left is at first an act of
painful deUberation ; it is only later that it becomes a reflex
movement. Unless he was an athlete, he was probably a
stranger to his body until he joined the army ; after
"physical jerks," he discovers by the location of numerous
Copyright in U.S.A.
aches and pains that it contains a number of muscles which
he has long neglected, until they were in danger of becoming
as obsolete as the vermiform appendix. The first thing is to
get him "fit" — physical jerks do much, the "gym squad"
and route-marching do the rest.
All the time his mind is not being neglected ; indeed, like
his body, it is treated as singularly unformed. Squad drill
probably strikes him as a stupid and elementary operation ;
but he is astonished — with a wholesome humiliation — to find
that to remember your right from your left and whether
you are odd or even is not so instantaneous as he had thought
it was. At section-drill he begins to grasp the great principle
of the composition of a battalion, namely, that it is founded
on a standardisation of parts ; when he has done his company-
drill the lesson is complete. During these stages he feels that
he is becoming merely automatic, and so he is. He is
learning to subordinate his personality to the will of others.
Observation Lessons
At "observation" he learns how to use his eyes, and
discovers — especially if he is a townsman — that all his life
he has been in the habit of looking at things without seeing
them. A class of recruits, when invited to estimate the
number, distance, and size of given objects, will exhibit the
most astonishing differences of judgment, which will have
nothing in common except that they are all wrong. In
time, they will learn the chronology of "six o'clock," will be
able to locate objects in terms of a given "prominent object,"
and sum up a landscape in "Church to the left. Two
elms in the foreground. Farmhouse in the middle distance.
Eight hundred." They will learn to read nature like a book
— to know that she has a thousand tricks of camouflage,
that in a good light the distance of an object is under-estimated
and in a bad one exaggerated, that red and yellow colours
seem near, and purple and violet appear distant. Later
they will leam» to consider the heavf ns like the husband-
man and to estimate almost intuitively the effects of wind,
moisture, and light in producing a marksman's margin of
error.
Up to this point a recruit has been learning to train his
muscles and re-educate his senses. In the old and leisurely
days before the war all these stages were carefully graduated,
and the time at which a recruit went "off the square" to do
his musketry course at the butts was strictly contingent on
the degree of intelligence he had attained. Also he learnt
one thing at a time. In these days of intensive training,
when a man is rushed through a course in fourteen weeks
which in the old days might take a year and more, he has to
learn half a dozen things at once. But there is one principle
that the army instractor has never abandoned — namely,
that theory can never be a substitute for practice. ' You do
not teach a recruit the use of a rifle or a Lewis gun from a
diagram ; you put the weapon into his hands, and educate
him in the meaning of the parts before you teach him to use
the whole. The army instructor works on the principles of
that great educationist, Mr. Squeers, "Spell winder — now
go and clean it" — except that the pupil has to clean it before
he "spells" it. He must know how to "strip" a Lewis gun
before he fires it. Moreover, in the actual use of any weapon,
he has to learn a dozen things in order to forget them ; they
begin by being dehberate, they end by being instinctive.
The ideal of a good musketry-instructor is to teach his men
to shoot like the cowboy who, on being asked by a naive
spectator how he managed to shoot so unerringly, retorted :
"Guess yer a clerk, ain't yer ? Wal, you don't have to aim
with yer pen every time you write a letter, do you ? "
When the recruit has learnt how to use a rifle or to throw
a "powder puff," he can enter on the stage of five rounds
or live bombs. But training goes far beyond that : the one
and undivided object of Army schools to-day is to exercise
the recruit in circumstances which approximate as nearly as
possible to the conditions which the soldier will have to
encounter in actual warfare, A good training camp is
furnished with trenches, strong-posts, and assault-courses —
which sometimes reproduce with remarkable fidelity all the
features of a German position with its tricks of concealed
machine-guns, masked trench-walls, and all the rest of it.
The soldier is even taught how to use the weapons of the
enemy and exercised in the use of those lethal toys, the
" pineapple" trench-mortar. And he has not only got to know
his own job, but also how to act in conjunction with others ;
also in tiiis war of platoons a soldier's education is incomplete
22
Land & Water
May 2, 1918
*••
ir *
LIEUTENANT GENERAL
MAJOR GENERAL
•
BRIGADIER GENERAL
COLONEL
LIEUTENANT COLONEL
MAJOR
CAPTAIN
FIRST LIEUTENANT
Insignia of Rank, Tne Uiiited Sfat;s Army
until he is exercised in the "combined tactics" of his own
and all the other arms, so that the riflemen, rifle-bombers,
bombers, and Lewis gunners can work together like the
"pack" of a good football team. They are "specialists,"
but their teaching has one common denominator : every
man, including the bombers, should be able to shoot and to get
down to his 15 rounds a minute. In this way a platoon has
a singular elasticity ; its four constituent units have each
their special task, and at the same time have all a common
adaptabiUty. The soldier of to-day has to be at one and
the same time an expert and a good all-round infantryrrian.
He has to be trained to act in large masses, and also to work
on his own initiative. These are paradoxes ; but modern
warfare is full of them. From the point of view of artillery
the division is the unit, of machine guns and trench-mortars
the brigade, of Lewis guns the platoon. At any moment, all
this nice integration of parts may be dislocated, and men
may find themselves fighting "on their own" in shell-holes
until the co-ordination is whittled down to a couple of rifle-
bombers working in pairs — the "gun" and his loader — like
partridge-driving ; or to a handful of bombers doing a
forward drive. In the same way, the fire-control of a Stokes
gun battery, especially in attack, may be broken up
into the detachment fire of a single gun carried forward
without its legs and "pooped off" a few yards behind the
bombers. And, therefore, though a soldier's education
begins by making him automatic, it must always end by
making him self-reliant and resourceful.
The whole tendency of this war is to make the unit of self-
containment smaller and smaller, whichever arm of the
service it be. Originally it was the battalion, then the
company, now the platoon. All this means that the indivi-
dual soldier has to be more and more versatile, even while
he becomes more and more specialised. A company, or even
a platoon, must be able, in an emergency, to improvise its
own field fortifications without waiting for the ingenious
sapper; the men must be able not only to "consolidate,"
but to make loopholes and lay out barbed wire, which, by the
way, is a science in itself. It is neither desirable not per-
missible to say here how all these problems are worked out ;
it is enough to say that the curriculum of the soldier, although
not the method of teaching, is subject to constant change.
He — and still more his officers— are being worked as they
were never worked before, and, under the stress of modern
warfare, the Army is becoming as technical a service as the
Navy. On the whole, it has responded to these imperative
exigencies with remarkable aptitude. The conscript is not
as good an all-round soldier in a war of movement as the
old regular, who was the product of years of trgiining ; but
when it comes to specialisation, the Army has, in virtue of
conscription, an almost unlimited field of choice in selecting
men for the job they are bes.t quaUfied by civilian pursuits
to do. In some directions, therefore, the new conscript is
more teachable than the old pre-war recruit.
More than that, the training of the new armies is flexible ;
it has no Prussian rigidity about it. Thp Infantry Training
Mamtal is no longer regarded as the beginning and end of
wisdom. The recruit has to learn rules ; but, once he has
learnt them, he is allowed a wide latitude in the way of
exceptions. After he has learnt at the butts to shoot with
one eye, he may, in practising an attack, be encouraged to
shoot with two, for with two eyes 3'ou have the whole of the
ground open to you, and can take in the Boche on your
flank while getting your sights on the Boche in front. Having
learnt to point and parry with the bayonet, and mastered
the first and second butt exercises, he will probably be told
eventually by the instructor that to "kick him anywhere"
is the upshot of it all when it comes to the third. If he is a
bomber he will be allowed to do what he likes with his left
hand, so long as he has learnt how to "bowl overhand" or
"put the weight" with his right. And if he is a sniper
— that chartered libertine of a battalion — he can do things
■all his own way. For, once you have learnt to do a thing
well in the new Army, you will, within reasonable limits, be
allowed to do it as you like.
The soldier must begin by being docile, but if he wishes to
excel he must end by being intelligent. He has not, like the
officer, to be a student of tactics ; but he has, in his own way,
to master that great principle of war which is to anticipate
what the other fellow is hkely to do. If he is a sniper he
wiU select all his positions, construct his loopholes, camou-
flage his headgear with that principle always in his mind.
But the principle is primarily one of the lessons of a "com-
mand" ; it is one of those high matters which, like the
hard dilemma of knowing when to follow an order and
when to depart from it, is reserved for a higher order of
intelligence than that imposed upon the soldier in the
ranks.
At last, there comes a day when the soldier is warned by
the sergeant for an overseas draft. His blankets are returned
to store, his kit is inspected, and an entry to that effect is
made in his pay -book. The time has come for "marching
out." Soon he will meet his enemy in the gate. Many
things will come back to him as the train takes his draft up
to railhead from the base ; he will reflect that the instructor's
apparent asperity on the square, at the butts, and on the
assault-course was inspired by a really conscientious desire
to make a soldier of him, and he will find later that many a
little trick of hand and eye which he was ordered with inexor-
able persistency to try again will stand him in gOod stead,
and may make all the difference between life and death.
Happy he if he has learnt his lesson well.
May 2, 1918
Land & Water
23
The Higher Punctuality : By G. K. Chesterton
SOME time ago, having the honour to write in
Land & Water, I began my article by comparing
the toleration of Prussia in Europe, after the war,
to the presence of a cannibal butcher's shop, hung
with human bodies, in broad daylight in the streets
of a modern city. There were some faint or playful protests
against the goriness of the figure of speech ; but Prussia can
generally be trusted to turn the most frantic figure into a
fact. And my own image returned to my imagination when
I read recently, in a letter from an eye-witness in the villages
evacuated by the Germans, that he had actually seen the-
corpse of a young girl hung on one of the hooks outside a
butcher's shop. It did not, of course, indicate anything so
useful — we might almost say so excusable — as cannibalism.
It indicated the deep, true-hearted Teutonic sense of humour ;
a thing somewhat unique in aesthetics ; a cruelty that is not
merely dirty, but greasy. And although the image be
offensive — or, rather, because it is offensive — it is well to
remember it ; and to repeat, in the plainest terms, what is
as true in the hour of doubt or danger as it would be in the
hour of triumph ; that if such things go ultimately uncon-
demned and unchastised in the European settlement — it will
be strictly and precisely as if all the busy and peaceful Ufe
of that little foreign town were resumed, with folk flocking
to market and to church, but with the fear of the barbarian
still so heavy upon it that no man dared take down that body
for decent burial, but all left it to swing and rot in the sun.
But the position of the Allies, and especially of the
Americans, permits another practical use for this small
working model of a common shop, as the scene of a somewhat
uncommon crime. The point is this : that there would
certainly be a limit to the extent to which such a crime could
be concealed or perpetuated by the mere coincidence of
comings and goings. The corpse could not remain there
long merely because one policeman passed just before it was
impaled, and another when the shutters were up, and another
in a fog, and another in a state of intoxication. If the
moral sense of that city could ultimately be found to be
against such an incident, it would also ultimately be found
in effective combination against it. If there was a universal
disapproved of crime, men could and would eventually be
present in sufficient numbers to take down the corpse, and
hang the butcher instead of the meat.
Now, that is precisely the position of Prussia in the world
to-day. It is an ironic position ; and the supremely valu-
able, but inevitably gradual, arrival of American help is the
great example of it. The blunder of the withdrawal of
Russian help is another example of it. I call it a blunder
because even those who committed it are already calling it a
blunder. It is a queer paradox that now, while Russia is
politically most broken to pieces, it is morally much more all
of a piece again. At least, it is more all of a piece about the
war. Save for the dubious motives of the Ukraine, it must
now be almost sohdly anti-German. Old-fashioned patriotic
Russians must be furious at the loss of their frontiers, and
new revolutionary Russians equally furious at the fall of
their barricades. One half of Russia must mourn for glory
and the national faith, and the other half for freedom and
the international hop)e. And for both they have to blame
the Germans. Whether or no they agree that the revolution
against the Tsar was right, the one thing in which they must
logically all agree, now, is that the war against the Kaiser
was right. In other words, they must all agree that they
were, at least, entirely right to do the one thing that they
have left off doing. And that is the irony of the present
position everywhere ; it is not that the feeling of the world
does not correspond to the cause of the Alhes ; it is simply
that the facts of the world do not correspond to the feeling
of the world. And if the whole AUied cause failed now, it
would be but one huge and brutal blunder in synchrony.
Failure of synchrony may mean the loss of a battle,
or even the loss of a campaign ; but I doubt if men
would ever allow it to mean the final loss of a cause. Napoleon
might very well have won Waterloo ; England and Prussia
might not have been ready to join up, just as Austria and
Russia were not, as a fact, ready to join up ; but Russia and
Austria, England and Prussia would not have abandoned
the struggle for that. If the powers of the world were really
against liim to the last, he could not have conquered finally,
though Quatre Bras had been more successful than Ligny.
1 use the parallel, of course, as a small and technical example ;
and with no reference to the ridiculous though fashionable
comparison of Napoleon to the North-German mihtarist.
Napoleon wa"S the heir of noble ideals, and himself a great
artist ; there is nothing Napoleonic in any sense whatever,
bad or good, in the stagnant materialism of the Prussian
mind. As for the present German Emperor, let his sun set
on St. Helena when it has risen on AusterUtz. The most
important difference between the old case and the new,
after the more blazing clarity of the moral issue, would be
the fact that in the present case we count on our side, not,
as of old, only antique and mysterious millions of the Russian
Empire, but the very modem, very quick-witted and equally
- high-spirited millions of the American Republic.
American Business Men
We hear a great deal about the business man in v^ar ; and
a great deal of it is rubbish. We even hear a great deal
about the American business man ; and most of it is very
unjust to the American man, especially that part of it that
is meant to be complimentary to him. The American is not
only a genuine democrat, but is generally a genuine idealist.
Even when he is really too commercial, it is often because he
idealises commerce. Even when he does kill himself in the
dollar-hunt, it is less for the dollar and much more for the
hunt. But the American population does not, as some
suppose, consist entirely of millionaires. The rest are quite
civilised people ; indeed, to speak seriously, they are not
only civilised people, but essentially civic people. The
average American does truly desire to be a citizen, and not
merely to be something in the city. Nevertheless, there is
one virtue of the American citizen which may, without too
wild a paradox, be described as the virtue of a business man.
Even in an office life can be lived well ; there are potential
virtues buried even in business habits ; and one of them is
highly practical in this connection. Unless my impression of
American psychology is very far out, the one thing an
American will not tolerate is this idea of the world civilisation
coming to an end by accident. He will certainly resent the
notion that the world's greatest battle should be not so
much lost as mislaid. He will not easily endure the idea of
moral and material forces lying disused and derehct, while
the whole world's story ends wrong for want of them. In
such a matter he will be inspired, primarily, by an ideal
which may be called the higher thrift, or even the higher
punctuality. The General in Bernard Shaw's play says he
would not hang any gentleman by an American clock ; but
' the remark would be highly unjust to modern American
clocks ; and generally to modem American machinery.
And there is something of which the prompt and impatient
American intelligence would be highly intolerant, in this
vision of an almost cosmic collapse ; which is as if the world
and the planets should cease to turn and the sun should
tumble out of the sky, merely because one town-clock was
a httle slow and the other a Uttle fast.
At this moment the Prussian is more unpopular .in the
world than he has ever yet been in the war. However few
or many, in any given place or time, fight against him, all
men to-day vote against him. The Russians, or Russian
Jews, who told us to trast him, vote against him ; and
threaten to fight against him in the future. The Americans,
who very naturally and rationally wished to be at peace
with him, vote against him ; and are fighting against him
with all speed and on the spot. His own Ambassador votes
against him — over the vexed but vitcd question of the origin
of the war. His own ally votes against him — over the
vexed but vital question of the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine.
Those who would not vote at all vote against him. Those
who consistently voted for him vote against him. The
criminal is condemned by all who were not his accompUces,
and by many who were his accomplices. That he should
be finally found triumphant in the hour when he is finally
found giiilty ; that the jury should all bow to his ruUng at
the very moment when they are all agreed on his crime ;
that he should suffer exposure and his successful accuser
should suffer execution ; in short, that we should all of us
lie for ever undefended from the one thing which we have
all just found to be indefensible ; and that all this would
happen, that the judge should be hanged instead of the
murderer, merely because the American clock kept some-
what different time from the private watch in the pocket of
a Jew in Petrograd — all this is something worse or wilder
than injustice. It is nonsense ; and the Americans, I know,
will not stand any such nonsense ; nor live in any such
nightmare for ever.
24
Land & Water
May 2, 19 1 8
RIVERS I have seen which were beautiful,
Slow rivers winding in the flat fens,
With bands of reeds like thronged green swords
Guarding the mirrored sky ;
And streams down-tumbling from the chalk hills
To valleys of meadows and watercress-beds.
And bridges whereunder, dark weed-coloured shadows.
Trout flit or lie.
I know those rivers that peacefully glide
Past old towers and shaven gardens,
Where mottled walls rise from the water
And mills aU streaked with flour ;
And rivers with wharves and rusty shipping,
That flow with a stately tidal motion
Towards their destined estuaries
Full of the pride of power ;
Noble great rivers, Thames and Severn,
Tweed with his gateway of many grey arches,
Clyde, dying at sunset westward
In a sea as red as blood ;
Rhine and his hills in close procession.
Placid Elbe, Seine grey and swirUng,
And^Iser, son of the Alpine snows,
A furious turquoise flood.
All these I have known, and with slow eyes
I have walked on their shores and watched them.
And softened to their beauty and loved them
Wherever my feet have been ;
And a hundred others al§o
Whose names long since grew into me.
That, dreaming in Ught or darkness,
I have seen, though I have not seen.
Those rivers of thought ; cold Ebro,
And blue racing Guadiana,
Passing'white houses, high-balconied,
That ache in a sun-baked land,
Congo, and Nile and Colorado, '
Niger, Indus, Zambesi,
And the Yellow River, and the Oxus,
And the river that dies in sand.
What splendours are theirs, what continents.
What tribes of men, what basking plains.
Forests and hon-iiided deserts.
Marshes, ravines, and falls ;
AU hues and shapes and tempers.
Wandering, they take as they wander
From those far "springs that endlessly
The far sea calls.
O in reverie I know the Volga
That turns his back upon Europe,
.\nd the two great cities on his bcmks,
Novgorod and Astrakhan ;
j.c.squiRE. %
Where the world is a few soft colours.
And under the dove-Uke evening
The boatmen chant ancient songs
The tenderest known to man.
And the holy river Ganges,
His fretted cities moonhght-veiled
Arches and buttresses silver-shadowy
In the high moon.
And palms grouped in the moonlight
And fanes girdled with cypresses
Their domes of marble softly shining
To the high silver moon.
And that aged Brahmapootra
Who beyond the white Himalayas
Passes many a lamasery
On rocks forlorn and frore,
A block of gaunt grey stone walls
With rows of little barred windows.
Where shrivelled young monks in yellow silk
Are hidden for evermore.
But O that great river, the Amazon,
I have sailed up its gulf with eyeUds closed.
And the yellow waters tumbled round,
And all was rimmed with sky.
Till the banks drew in, and the trees' heads.
And the lines of green grew higher
And I breathed deep, and there above me
The forest wall stood high.
Those forest walls of the Amazon
Are level under the blazing blue
And yield no sound save the whistles and shrieks
Of the swarming bright macaws ;
And under their lowest drooping boughs
Mud-banks torpidly bubble.
And the water drifts, and logs in the water
Drift and twist and pause.
And everywhere tacitly joining
Float noiseless tributaries.
Tall avenues paved with water :
And as I silent fly.
The vegetation hke a painted scene,
Spars and spikes and monstrous fans
.\nd ferns from hairy sheaths up-springing
Evenly jiasses by.
And stealthier stagnant channels
Under low niches ot drooping leaves
Coil into deep recesses :
And there have I entered, there
To heavy hot, dense, dim places
Where creepers chmb and sweat and climb,
And the drip and splash of oozing water
Loads the stifling air.
May 2, 19 1 8
Land & Water
25
Rotting scrofulous steaming trunks,
Great horned emerald beetles crawling,
Ants and huge slow butterflies
, That have strayed and lost the sun
Ah, sick I have swooned as the air thickened
To a pallid brown ecliptic glow.
And on the forest,
Thunder has beisfun.
fallen with languor.
Thunder in the dun dusk, thunder
Rolhng and battering and cracking.
The caverns shudder with a terrible glare
Again and again and again.
Till the land bows in the darkness
Utterly lost and defenceless
Smitten and bUnded and overwhelmed
By the crashing rods of rain.
And then in the forests of the Amazon
When the rain has ended, and silence come.
What dark luxuriance unfolds
From behind the night's drawn bars
The wreathing odours of a thousand trees
And the flowers' faint gleaming presences
And over the clearings and the sighing waters
Soft indigo and hanging stars.
O many and many are rivers.
And beautiful are all rivers,
And lovely is water everywhere
That leaps or glides or stays ;
Yet by starlight, or moonlight, or sunlight.
Long, long though they look, these wandering eyes
Even on the fairest waters of dream
Never untroubled gaze.
For whatever stream I stand by.
And whatever river I dream of.
There is something still in the back of my mind
From very far away ;
There is something I saw and see not,
A country full of rivers
That stirs in my heart and speaks to me
More sure, more dear than they.
And always I ask and wonder
(Though often I do not know it)
Why does this water not smell like water ?
Where is the moss that grew
Wet and dry on the slabs of granite
And the round stones in clear brown water ?
— And a pale film rises before them
Of the rivers that first I knew.
Though famous are the rivers of the great world.
Though my heart from those alien waters drinks
Delight however pure from their loveliness
And awe however deep.
Would I wish for a moment the miracle
That those waters shoxild come to Chagford,
Or gather and swell in Tavy Cleave
Where the stones chng to the steep ?
No, even were they Ganges and Amazon
In all their great might and majesty
League upon league of wonders.
I would lose them all, and more.
For a light chiming of small bells.
A twisting flash in the granite, '
The tiny thread of a pixie waterfall
That lives by Vixen Tor.
Those rivers in that lost country.
They were brown as a clear brown bead is
Or red with the earth that rain washed down.
Or white with china-clay ;
And some tossed foaming over boulders,
And some curved mild and tranquil.
In wooded vales securely set
lender the fond warm da}'.
Okement and Erme and Avon,
Exe and his ruffled shallows,
I could cry as I think of those rivers
That knew my morning dreams ;
The weir by Tavistock at evening
When the circling woods were purple.
And the Lowman in spring with the Icnt-lilies,*
And the little moorland streams.
For many a hillside streamlet
There falls with a broken tinkle.
Falling and dying, falhng and dying.
In little cascades and pools,
Where the world is furze and heather.
And flashing plovers and fixed larks.
And an empty sky, whitish blue.
That small world rules.
There, there, where the high waste boglands
And the drooping slopes and the spreading valleys
The orchards and the cattle-sprinkled pastures.
Those travelling musics fill.
There is my lost Abana,
And there is my nameless Pharpar
That mixed with my heart when I was a boy.
And time stood still.
And I say I will go there and die there :
But I do not go there, and sometimes
I think that the train could not carry me there,
And it's possible, maybe.
That it's farther than Asia or Africa,
Than moon or sun or the ends of space.
Farther, farther, beyond recall. . . .
O even in memory !
I?"
26 Land & Water May 2, 1918
Famous Jewels in America : By G. C. Williamson
WE h.ave a habit in England of making use of
one word and giving to it diverse meanings.
An employer will say to his typist, late in the
afternoon, that he desires her to "stop," but
would be amazed if she "ceased work," as he
meant her to "remain later and continue her work." So
with regard to the word "jewels." The dealer in Hatton
Garden may mean stones ;
the jeweller, ornaments set
with precious stones ; the
virtuoso, objects in enamel
or metal without a stone
upon them !
Mr. Pierpont Morgan used
the term in its generic sense,
and even included amongst
his precious jewels objects
in rock crystal, exquisite
wood-carving, and portable
reliquaries in enamel, and
so on.
Let us attach the word
"pendent" when we speak
i)f some of the jewels he
collected, and group to-
gether a few fine things
from his famous collection
of treasures that will easily
come under that heading.
Here, for example (A) is a
p jewel of wrought gold
enamelled, French work of
the sixteenth century, adorned with an oblong ruby
and ten diamonds in shuttle-shaped mounts, and on the
reverse a figure of a woman in ermine and green,
represented in fine enamel, the whole supported by chains
of pearls and gold, a very dainty ornament ; while (B) is
a very rare badge of the Order of the Annunziata in wrought
gold and enamel, without any precious stones upon it, which
belonged to the .'\bbot of St. Gallen, who was, in virtue of his
position, a knight of the Order in perpetuity, and whose
monastery was at one time considered as the chapel of the
Order and meeting-place of the knights.
Hence this badge differs somewhat from that usually worn
in the Order. The love knots about it are symbolic of the
affection the knights should feel for each other.
Then regard two otlier jewels, of Itahan sixteenth-century
work, each largely composed from baroque pearl cunningly
wrought and exquisitely mounted.
In one (D) we see a mermaid mounted in rich enamel, with
rubies and diamonds, hold-
ing a mirror of labradorite
in her hand and an hour-
glass of pearl and ruby,
while in the other (C) we
find the baroque pearl
adapted to form a dolphin
upon whicli desports a
figure of Fortune, nude,
waving a scarf, which she
holds as a sail to catch the
first breath of a favourable
wind.
Here the clever goldsmith
has adapted a design made
by Hans Collaert, of
Antwerp, who in the
sixteenth century issued a
book of designs for workers
in gold and enamel. The
goldsmiths of that day
seldom designed in -tlj'eir
entirety the jewels they
wrought. They used the
books of designs in
existence, but they never copied them
ingeniously adapted them to their own ideas.
Take, as an instance, a pendant (E) which came
from Augsburg, and formed part (it is believed) of a
wedding-gift sent to the Emperor Ferdinand II. by his
brother's wife Philippina Welser, an Augsburg lady whose
brother married a Countess Fugger, a member of the great
mercantile house of that city whose daughters married into
the noblest houses of Europe. Here, and in a pendent
jewel (F), representing a pehcan "in its piety," seated upon
its nest, with three young ones, wonderfully wrought in gold
D
slavishly, but
Top Row (Left to Right) : A, F, B. Bottom Row (Left to Right) : G, H, E.
May 2, iqi8
Land & Water
27
THE QUESTION OF
KIT COST g QUALITY
is, first and last, a question of
kit-maker. All else being equal,
discretion surely points to the
long-established, widely-reputed,
honourably known firm as the
safest to consult.
And here "all else" means price.
Despite Thresher and Glenny's
ancient standing and jealously-
guarded tradition, their prices as
seen below, may well challenge
comparison.
NAVAL.
Monkey Jacket, blue cloth ...
Vest
Trousers
Great Coat. Pilot Cloth ...
British Warm. Blue Lambswool
Cap and Badge. Blue superfine
MIUTARY.
Field Service Jacket
Slacks
Riding Breeches ...
Field Service Cap
British Warm
Sam Browne Belt (i Brace)
Flannel Shirts
105/-
37/6
63/-
icis/-
105/-
21/-
36/6
105/-
126/-
26/6
and 126/-
and 45/-
and 84/-
... 15/6
and 1 6/-
... 27/6
from 10/6
THE THRESHER
TRENCH COAT
The Thresher Trench Coat, the Pioneer Cam-
paign Coat that first saw- service with the
B.E.F. in Nov. 1914, worn by over 21,000
Oftirers. Fitted new Melcam interlining.
Unlined £4 14 6
Detachable Kamelcott lining ... 1116
Coat with lining... 6 6 0
Cavalry Pattern with knee flaps and saddle
gussets, IS 6 extra.
Send size of chest and approximate height
when ordering.
MVETl' TAILORING.
Overseas Officers can have suits
made ready waiting to try on on
arrival and finished the day
following. Patterns and self-
measur- ment forms sent oversea
on application.
A small folder giving prices of
Naval, Military, and Royal Air
Force imilorms on application.
(Folder 3.)
•y
Appolntae it
to
H.M. the King.
THRESHER & GLENNY
Outfitters since the Crimean War
152&153Strand.London,W.G.
28
Land & Water
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
Well=Rnown M.P. on "Pelmanism
ft
83 Admirals and Generals
now Enrolled.
75 ENROLMENTS IN ONE FIRM!
" Pelmanism " continues its extraordinary progress amongst
all classes and sections of the community.
To the many notable endorsements of the System which
have been already published there is now added an important
pronouncement by a .well-known M.P. — Sir James Yoxall,
whose eminence, both as an educationist and as a Parlia-
mentarian, gives additional weight to his carefully con-
sidered opinion.
" The more I think about it," say* Sir James Yoxall.
"the more I feel that Pelmanism is the name of some-
thins much required oy myriads of people to>day."
He adds : " I suspected Pelmanism ; when it began to
be heard of I thought it was quackery.
" Now I wish I had taken it up when I heard of it first."
This is very plain speaking ; but plain speech is the key-
note of the entire article. Thus one of the greatest national
authorities upon the subject of education adds his valuable
and independent testimony to that of the many distinguished
men and women who have expressed their enthusiasm for
the new movement.
83 Admirals and Generals are now Pelmanists, and nearly
25,000 of all ranks of the Navy and Army. The legal and
medical professions are also displaying a quickened interest
in the System — indeed, every professional class and every
grade of business men and women are enrolling in increasingly
large numbers.
Several prominent firms have paid for the enrolment of eight,
ten, or a dozen members of their staffs, and one well-known
house has just arranged for the enrolment of 75 of the staff.
With such facts before him, every reader of Land & Water
should write to the address given below for a copy (gratis
and post free) of " Mind and Memory," in which the Pehnan
Course is fully described and explained, together with a
special supplement dealing with "Pelmanism as an Intel-
lectual and Social Factor," and a full reprint of Truth's
remarkable Report on the work of the Pelman Institute.
A DOCTOR'S REMARKABLE
ADMISSION.
Fascination of the
"Little Grey Books."
Within the past few weeks several M.P.s, many members
of the aristocracy, and two Royal personages, as well as a
very large number of officers in H.M. Navy and Army,
have added their names to the Pelman registers.
One of the most interesting letters received lately comes
from a lady in the Midlands. Being 55 years of age and
being very delicate, she had her doubts as to whether she
should taJce a Pelman Course. She consulted her son, a
medical practitioner, who at first laughed at the idea, but
promised to make inquiries. The outcome was a letter in
which the Doctor wrote :
"'Pelmanism' has £ot hold of me. I have worked
throush the first lesson and ... I am enthusiastic."
His experience tallies exactly with that of Sir James Yoxall,
M.P., Mr. George R. Sims, and a host of other professional
men (doctors, solicitors, barristers, etc.), who have admitted
that their initial scepticism was quickly changed into
enthusiasm.
"Truth's" Dictum.
Truth puts the whole matter in a nutshell in its famous
Report on the work of the Pelman Institute :
" The Pelman Course is . . . valuable to the welU
educated, and still more valuable to the half-educated
or the superficially educated. One might go much
farther and declare that the work of the Pelman Insti>
tute is of national importance, for there are fe^v
people indeed who would not find themselves men-
tally stronger, more efficient, and better equipped for
the battle of life by a course of Pelman training."
Easily Followed by Post.
"Pelmanism" is not an occult science; it is free from
mysticism ; it is as sound, as sober, and as practical as the
most hard-headed, "common sense" business man could
desire. And as to its results, they follow with the same
certainty with which muscular development foUows physical
exercise.
It is nowhere pretended, and the inquirer is nowhere led
to suppose, that the promised benefits are gained "magically,"
by learning certain formulae, or by the cursory reading of
a printed book. The position is precisely the same, again,
as with physical culture. No sane person expects to develop
muscle by reading a book ; he knows he must practise the
physical exercises. Similarly, the Pelmanist knows he must
practise mental exercise.
"The Finest Mental Recreation."
"Exercises," in some ears, sound tedious; but every
Pelmanist will bear out the statement that there is nothing
tedious or exacting about the Pelman exercises. Indeed, it
is no exaggeration to say that an overwhelming proportion
of Pelmanists describe the exercises as "fascinat-
ing," "delightful," "the finest mental recreation I have
known."
There are thouscinds of people of all classes who would
instantly enrol for a Pelman Course at any cost if they only
realised ^a tithe of the benefits accruing. Here again a
Pelmanist may be cited in evidence : — "If people only knew,"
he says, " the doors of the Institute would be literally besieged
by eager applicants."
The Course is^ founded upon scientific facts ; that goes
without saying. But it presents those facts in a practical,
everyday fashion, which enables the student to apply, for
his own aims and purposes, those facts without "fagging"
at the hundreds of scientific works which he might otherwise
read without gaining a fraction of the practical in-
formation and guidance secured from a week's study of
Pelmanism.
A system which can evoke voluntary testimony from every
class of the community is weU worth investigation. Who
can afford to hold aloof from a movement which is steadily
gaining the support of all the ambitious and progressive
elements in the Empire ? In two consecutive days recently
two M.P.s and a member of the Upper House enrolled.
Rim through the current Pelman Register, and therein you
will find British Consuls, H.M. Judges. War Office, Admiralty,
and other Government Officials, University Graduates,
Students, Tutors, Headmasters, Scientists, Clergymen,
Architects, Doctors, Solicitors, Barristers, Authors, Editors,
Journalists, Artists, Actors, Accountants, Business Directors
and Managers, Bankers, Financiers, Peers, Peeresses, and
men and women of wealth and leisure, as well as Salesmen,
Clerks. Typists, Tradesmen, Engineers, Artisans. Farmers,
and others of the rank and file of the nation. If ever the
well-worn phrase, "from peer to peasant," had a real
meaning, it is when applied to Pehnanism.
Over 250.000 Men and Women.
The Pebnan Course has already been followed by over
250,000 men and women. It is directed through the post
and IS simple to follow. It takes up very little time It
involves no hard study. It can be practised anywhere, in
the trenches, in the office, in the train, in spare minutes
dunng the day And yet in quite a short time it has the
effect of developing the mind, just as physical exercise
develops the muscles, of increasing your personal efficiency,
and thus doubhng your all-round capacity and income-
earning power.
The improvement begins with the first lesson, and con-
tinues increasingly, right up to the final lesson of the course.
Individual instruction is given through the post, and the
student receives the utmost assistance from the large expert
staff of instructors at the Institute in solving particular
personal difficulties and problems.
"Pelmanism" is fully explained and described in "Mind
rllrf ?!"°f^' "'•^/^h, With a copy of Truth's remarkable
report on the work of the Pehnan Institute, will be sent.
fdl'Jr. ^Th ^'p'/" any reader oi Land & Water who
addresses The Pelman Institute, 30 Pelman House
Bloomsbury Street, London, W.C.i. '
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
29
Lett to Right : K and J
and enamel, and set with fine rubies, the German goldsmiths
have gone to the designs of Daniel Mignot, of Augsburg, and
have cleverly adapted some of his patterns to suit the purpose
they had in view, putting into each, part of their own indivi-
du^ty, and so giving it special dignity thereby.
Gold and enamel, however, were not the only materials
used for jewels. Here is one of mother-of-pearl (G) mounted
in silver. The man whose portrait it bears, Paul Harsdorffer,
was an Imperial Privy Councillor and a sheriff in Nuremberg.
a person of high distinction, and belonging to a patrician
family from whom sprang Georg Philipp Harsdorffer, the poet.
The reverse bears the family coat-of-arms. Another (H)
is in ivory, and sets forth "The Last Judgment," "Christ
Crowned," between the Virgin and St. John, and with the
emblems of the Passion.
This, probably wrought in Spain in the fifteenth centurj-,
was very possibly an enseigne or hat ornament set as a sign
of pilgrimage to some remote shrine, as Chaucer says : "They
sett their signys upon their hedes and som upon their capp."
Another cap ornament is in painted enamel (J), French work
of the sixteenth century, and depicts the Emperor Charles V.
on a bright blue background inscribed " CAROL VS REX
CATOLICVS" while yet another (K), in gold enamel, shows
"The Entombment," and is Itahan work, richly set in
precious metal, and adorned on the frame with fine table-cut
diamonds. The pathos of the scene is marvellously set forth.
Perhaps two ivory medalUons were also hat ornaments,
and one (L) represents Goetz von Berlichingen, the fjimous
Left to Right : L and M
German knight — Goetz of the Iron Hand, as he was called,
from the artificial gauntlet he wore in lieu of his right
hand, so well adapted, that, with it, he could wield his
sword with terrible effect. On the reverse are his family
arms — in one respect, inaccurately carved.
The other (M) more strictly a medallion to be worn as a
jewel, came from the Oppenheim collection, and represents,
on one side, Farel, the Genevan Minister at Neufchatel, and
on the other Calvin, and both portraits are signed by the
renowned craftsman Hans Reinhart, the medallist and gold-
smith of Leipzig. To two badges of the French Order of St.
Michel belongs an interesting discovery.
Our illustrations (N and O) show the ordinary badges
worn by the two degrees in knighthood, each of them finely
wrought in gold and enamel, and very seldom seen.
Another illustration (P) depicts one which on first discovery
was declared to be a forgery, no such badge having before
, been discovered ; but it fell to the writer to ascertain, in Paris,
from the archives, that Louis XIV. added to the knights six
ecclesiastics who were to wear shell cameo badges, and the
only one that has survived is that illustrated here. Two
more jewels were also largely composed of baroque p>earl.
One (Q) is Italian, and represents a swan ; another, Augsburg
work, forms a Calvary (R), exquisitely wrought, and on the
back adorned with niello work in black enamel ; while,
finally, allusion should be made to a gold medallion of the
Archduke Maximilian (S) (1558-1618) from the Spitzer
collection, richly mounted in gold and enamel.
Top Row (Left to Right) : N, Q, O. Bottom Row (Left to Right) : P, R, S.
3°
Land & Water
May 2, 1918
April No. 2s. 6d. net.
Postage 4d. extra
THE
HIBBERT JOURNAL
THE MEANING OF LIFE. AND OF THE WORLD. REVEALED BV
THE CROSS. Prince Eugene Troubetzkoy.
SHELLEY'S INTERPRETATION OF CHRIST AND HIS TEACHING.
By the late Stopford A. Brooke.
STOPFORD BROOKE. G. K. Chesterton.
GROUND FOR HOPE. F. S. Marvin.
PROSPECTS OF LIBERAL EDUCATION AFTER THE WAR.
President Charles F. Thwing.
THE DOCTRINE OF A FINITE GOD IN WAR-TIME THOUGHT.
R. H. Dotterer.
THE BOOK OF JONAH. Sir PhUip Magnus. Bt.. M.P.
WHAT SHALL WE CALL BEAUTIFUL ? W. H. Lethaby.
PALESTINE AND JEWISH NATIONALITY. Israel Abrahams. D.O.
ERASMUS AT LOUVAIN Prolessor Foster Watson.
PRAYERS IN TIME OF WAR. E. F. Carritt.
BIRMINGHAM MYSTICS. Rev. R. H. Coats, B.D.
SUBSCRIPTION. — 10/- per annum, post free.
WRITINGS BY L. P. JACKS.
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CoUege, Oxford ; Editor of
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Vol. l.~MAD SHEPHERDS.
Vol. 2.— FROM THE HUMAN END.
Vol. 3. PHILOSOPHERS IN TROUBLE.
Vol. 4.— THE COUNTRY AIR.
Vol. 5.— ALL MEN ARE OHOSTS.
Vol. 6.— AMONG THE IDOLMAKERS.
" These readable short stories could hardly be read in any form more
cODvenient than that of these handy and clearly printed volumes. Humorous
and serious studies of various types of scholarly and philosophical character." —
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gifts, and none more amazing than his power to see what is happening on the
other side of the ieace "^Liverpool Daily Post,
London: WILLIAMS & NORGATE. 14 Henrietta Street,
Covent Garden, W.C.2
MR. HEINEMANN^S LIST.
Three Remarkable Volumes.
THE WAR WORKERS.
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GENTLEMEN AT ARMS.
By "CENTURION." (Siiortly.) 6s.
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By BE.NJAMIN VALLOTON. Author of " Potterat and the War." 6s.
Mr. Philip Gibbs' New Book.
From BAPAUME to PASSCHENDAELE.
By PHILIP GIBBS. Author of " Soul of the War."
6s. not.
New and Forthcoming War Books.
THE NEW BOOK OF ATTACK!
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By the Author of '^ Regiment of Women,"
FIRST THE BLADE.
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LONDON : WM. HEINEMANN, 20-21 Bedford
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American Text-books
By J. C. Squire
THE American school text-books are being revised.
They need it badly. So do most historical text-
books. They are usually lop-sided ; they usually
give the impression that no question has more than
one side to it ; and their authors go on copying each
others mistakes for generations. But the American books
have almost all had one defect which has led to serious
practical results. To them can in part be traced the mis-
understanding of this country which has always been so
common in America. Their chief defect has been the baldness
of their accounts of England's policy before and during the
war of Independence. The struggle has been too crudely
presented as a struggle between a tyrannical England and a
population of freedom-loving colonists who never would be
slaves. There is truth in that conception ; but not the whole
truth. The whole truth would include the fact that a large
part of the British nation was hostile to the war, and that that
hostility was shared by most of the wiser and most eminent
English political thinkers of the day. The British Government
which waged that' war was a collection of nobodies, headed by
a nobody, inspired by a pig-headed king, and supported by
place-men, pedaijts and unimaginativd adherents of the
throne. It is utterly misleading hot to paint the other side
of the picture ; but the one side has been so emphasised that
until recently Americans were to be found who not merely
did not realise that, save for a series of unfortunate chances
we might never have acted as we' did, but who imagined that
in their heart of hearts Englishmen still regret that the cause
of independence was won. We may and do regret that
America was ever forced out of the Empire ; but our his-
torians, including those who write for schools, are as emphatic
about the fatuity of the Government which drove them out.
as the Americans themselves are.
It was a modem Englishman who invented the phrase that
the American revolt was " the revolt of an English gentleman
against a German king." But there were plenty of Enghsh-
men in the seventeen-seventies who took the same view.
There were exceptions amongst the great. Gibbon, who
was not cut out for active politics, was a complacent, if
dumb, supporter of the North Ministry, and Dr. Johnson
wrote a tract Taxation no Tyranny which fortified the English
extremists in their worst courses. In Johnson's defence, it
may be urged that the thing that chiefly stuck in his gullet
was that the colonists, though demanding liberty for them-
selves, continued to own slaves. The attitude of the ordinary
thinking Englishman, however, was far different. Blake was
an eccentric and phrased things peculiarly. Speaking of the
repositories of British authority in America, he wrote :
at the feet of Washington down fall'n
They grovel in the sand, and trembling lie, while all
The British soldiers through the Thirteen States sent up
a howl.
This, if the Army had read Blake, might well have been
disclaimed. A far more typical utterance is that of Horace
Walpole, a representative of the Whig tradition at its purest.
He was writing (1779) to Lady Ossory on the occasion of
Keppefs acquittal when crowds had demonstrated in the
streets :
I am not fond of mobs, madam, though I like the occasion
and can but compare the feel I had from them, with what
I should suffer were the illuminations for the conquest of
America. After putting out these lights, we should have
heard :
And then put out the light :
Liberty has still a continent to exist in."
Such observations can be found up and down almost, every
volume of private papers that has reached us. But, above
all, in common fairness to what England then was, Americans
should be famihar with the speeches on their behalf made by
the three greatest political orators of that age — Burke, Fox,
and Chatham.
******
Even in this country those speeches are not as famiUar as
they /might be. Burke's great oration of March 22nd, 1775,
pleading for conciliation, is the finest in argument and temper
that he ever made, though not equalling in splendour of lan-
guage the great East Indian speech. He seized, once and for
all, in passages which men may still benefit by reading, the
elements of national self-consciousness. He showed that the
spirit in which the Colonists were fighting was the most
English thing about them, and that to oppose them was to
{Conlinuti on poft 8S)
May 2, 19 1 8
Land & Water
31
COMPLETION OF NEW EDiTlON.
BRITISH BIRDS
Written and Illustrated by
ARCHIBALD THORBURN, F.Z.S.
With 82 Plates in Colour, showing over 440 Figures.
4 Vols., 4to, gilt top, £8 8 0 net.
Two additional plates, which appear in Volume IV.r have been
published in a separate part, with the descriptive letterpress, a^
6i. net. in the ordinary size, and in large paper at I5s- net. sO
that purchasers of the First Edition may have an opportunity
of completing their sets.
'* The colnurs are as tn c to life as in any attempts ever n^ade to give, in this way,
the hues of the birds, so gav and vet so delicate and subtle. They are drawn with
»ll Mr. Thorburn's known skill and truth, and exhibit the birds in tife-like poses full
of the character of each species." — Country Li/,,
" This m ght be better described as abook of the century than as a book of the year.
Forthe coloured iilu-trati"ns of ltri^i^h bird> arc tlK- tinest that have eve- yet been
produced in this country, or arc likely to be produced for a very long time to come."
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in which is set forth Rn f>cc >unt of oil fpecieo of the genus
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By J. G MILLAIS, F.Z.S
With 17 Coloured Plitcs bv MISS BEATRICE PARSONS. MISS
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THORBURM. 14 Collotype Plates, and numerous Illustrations
irom Photographs, 4to. 16 by 12 ins. £j 8 0 net.
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iy''itminit*r Gazet «■
'•Suc> a volume is not for the million, but the price, eight guineas, will not be
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32
Land & Water
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
THE LATEST BOOKS
ON HEAVEN, AND OTHER POEMS. ByFORDMADOX
HUEFFER. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.
Mr. Hoefier now is a Lieutenant in the Welch Regiment, and many of these poems
were written under fire.
MESSINES. AND OTHER POEMS : Messines et Autres
Poemes. By EMILE CAM.MAERTS. English Version by
TITA BRAND CAMMAERTS. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.
A NOT IMPOSSIBLE RELIGION. By the late Professor
SILVANUS THOMPSON. Crown 8vo. 6s. net.
This if an earnest endeavour to build up a religion which, while mystical and
essentially Christian, should also be entirely practical, and meet the deepest needs of
many who feel that they cannot accept the orthodox religion as it stands.
HY ERRATIC PAL. By Captain ALFRED CLARK,
N.Z.M.C. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6<l. net.
An original work in prose and verse.
THE BRITISH IN CAPRI, 1806-1808. By Sir LEES
KNOWLES, Bart. With numerous Illustrations. Royal 8vo.
15s. net.
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worth consulting." — WestminsUr Oasetu.
INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES. By ARTHUR GLEASON.
Crown 8vo. 5s. net.
" Onfl of the most astonishing books published unce the beginning of the War.
Read it carefully, including the footnotes and the appendix." — BysUtndfr.
THE LATEST 6- NOVELS
BOBEBT SHENSTONE. By W. J.
DAWSON, Author of "The Re-
demption of Edward Strahan," etc.
'* Rich humour, cunning portraiture,
and shrewd obser\'ation." — Scotsman.
MR. CUSHING AND MLLE. W
C H A S T E L. By FRANCES
RUMSEY.
" If sheer merit were always sure of
its reward, this novel would certainly be
the book of the year. We do not recog-
nise the name of the author of this
particularly brilliant novel, yet so
finished an achievement can hardly be a
first performance." — Pall Mall GaxcUt.
GfiEEN AND GAY. By LEE
HOLT.
" An excellently readable war comedy,
delightfully told." — Punch.
THE FOOLISHNESS OF LILIAN.
By JESSIE CHAMPION, Author
of " Jimmy's Wife."
" Every chapter bright, buoyant, and
invigorating." — Globe.
STEALTHY TERROR. An In-
genious spy Story. By JOHN
FERGUSON. (Fourth Edition.)
" You cannot put it down." — Sofwr-
day Review.
JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD, VIGO ST., W.l
WRITE FOR JPRINC LIJT
Nob) Ready At alt Libraries
DR. E. J. DILLON'S
The ECLIPSE of RUSSIA
Qoth. Demy 8vo. 16s. net.
The authoritative book on the events and tendeocies which led
up to th Russian Revolution and the retirement of Russia from
the War; with the full history of the Willy-Nicky correspond-
ence and the Secret Treaty of Bjorke.
" Full of vivid interest from the first page to the last." — Daily
Telegraph.
Almost Ready
DENTS NEW
MEDICAL DICTIONARY
By W. B. DRUMMOND, M.B., CM.. F.R.C.P.Edin.
696 Pages. With over 400 Illustrations in Line and Half-Tone,
4 Coloured Plates and a Manikin in Colours. Cloth. 10s.6d.net.
This book has been specially prepared for those who are called
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absence of professional help.
J. M. DENT & SONS, BEDFORD STREET, W.C.2
_ yt RECORD
TWENTY POEMS from RUDYARD KIPLING
Fcap 8vo. Is. net.
This book contains a selection by Mr. Kipling from his volumes of verM, and,
ia addition, three poems which have never been published before In book form.
The number of copies sold of this book before publication- amounts to 230,000.
Such a figure has never been approached before.
THE POEMS OF RUDYARD KIPLING
Barrack Room Ballads. (183rd Thousand)
The Seven Seas. {140th Thousand.)
The Five Nations. (116th Thousand^)
Departmental Ditties. (Sith Thousand)
Crown 8vo. ' Buckram, 6s. net each volume.
Fcap. 8vo. Limp Lambskin, gilt top, 6s. net each volume.
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The Service Edition. In 8 volumes. Square fcap. 8vo.,
3s. net each.
METHUEN'S 1/6 BOOKS
Write for a list of these splendid books. Millions have been
sold. Thousands have been sent to the front. They make the
most cheerful presents for our soldiers and sailors.
METHUEN & CO., LTD., 36 Essex St., Strand, W.C.2
{fiaHtimudfrom poft SO)
stultify our own past. He pointed out, as a practical man,
that, whether we liked it or not, the fact remained that they
did mean to resist our taxation, and that we should not be
able to impose our will upon them without a long and bloody
fight in which we might be beaten ; and he implored the
formalists not to take their stand upon a literal interpreta-
tion of what they conceived to be our legal rights. "Force,"
he said, " may subdue for a moment ; but it does not remove
the necessity of subduing again ; and a nation is not
governed which is perpetually to be conquered." And,
arguing that generous "conciliatory concession" was the only
thing that would pay in the long run, he met the case of
those who were always afraid that once the attempt at
coercion were abandoned all would be lost :
But the colonies will go further. — Alas I alas I When
will this speculating against fact and reason end ? What
will quiet these panic fears which we entertain of the hostile
efiect of a conciliatory conduct ? Is it true that no case
can exist, in which it is proper for the sovereign to accede
to the desires of his discontented subjects ? Is there any-
thing pecuUar in this case, to make a rule for itsel: ? Is
all authority, of course, lost, when it is not pushed to the
extreme ? Is it a certain maxim, that, the fewer causes of
dissatisfaction are left by government, the more the subject
will be inclined to resist and rebel ?
The younger Pitt's speech, years later, on the peace, should
be read in conjunction w^th this, a peace in which (he said)
anything that was inadequate was
chargeable to the noble lord in the blue ribbon, whose
profusion of the public's money, whose notorious temerity
and obstinacy in prosecuting the war, which originated in
his pernicious and oppressive pohcy, and whose utter
incapacity to fill the station he occupied, rendered peace
of any description indispensable to the preservation of the
State.
These passages, one thinks, should adorn the pages of
American school-books as a proper supplement to accounts
of the Boston Tea-Party.
******
Burke's exposition mainly appealed to the reason ;
Chatham's magnificent speech on the employment of savage
Red Indian troops against the Colonists struck another note.
Few things in English oratory are more passionate and
more moving than his elaboration of the horror of this
plan ; and in vigour and vividness the rest of the speech
does not fall far short of it. "You cannot, I venture to say-
it — you cannot conquer America." " I love and honour the
English troops : I know their virtues and their ivalour : I
know they can achieve anything except impossibilities :
You may swell every expense and every effort still more
extravagantly ; pile and accumulate evei-y assistance you
can buy or borrow ; trafific and barter with every little
pitiful German prince that sells and sends his subjects to
the shambles of a foreign prince : your efforts are for ever
vain and impotent — doubly so from this mercenary aid on
which you rely ; for it imitates, to an incurable resentment,
the minds of your enemies — to overrun them with the
mercenary sons of rapine and phmder ; devoting them and
their possessions to the rapacity of hireUng cruelty ! If
I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign
troop was landed in my country, I never would lay down
my arms — never — never — never I
The peroration beginning "My lords, I am old and weak,
and at present unable to say more," brought a noble speech
to a close as effective as anything in the annals of oratoiy.
******
The Colonists and ourselves are now united against those
same "mercenary sons of rapine and plunder," not greatly
changed during the interval. That Chatham could not have
foreseen ; but the prophecy was made, though anything but
hopefully, by a contemporary who did not sharehis views.
In a suppressed passage of his pamphlet. Dr. Johnson, who
saw in America a breeding ground of democrats and con-
temners of authority, lamented ;.
By Dr. Franklin's rule of progression, they will, in a century
and a quarter be more than equal to the inhabitants of
Europe. When the Whigs of America are thus multiplied,
let the Princes of the earth tremble in their palaces.
The "Whigs" have multiplied; and they are on the move.
Readers of Land & Water are familiar, with M. Emile
Cammaerts' poems on the war. Written in French, they are
among the most notable literary work which this terrible
struggle has eUcited. Under the title of Messines. a new
collection of them is now pubHshed (John Lane, 3s. 6d.) with
English translations by Mme. Tite Brand-Cammaerts. This
poet has been well called "one of the strongest and sweetest
of Belgian singers," his work is exquisite— full of beauty
and pathos.
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
35
iMAU^
^m the days
f he Crimea
%.N0*''
Catalogues Free
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36
Land & W'atcr
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
■' Proudly anil sturdily go the gun horses even in the
rain . Js I passed a battery to-day . . . / thought
hou: much better off we are for horses than the enemy.
He has been using small Russian ponies for transport
ifork, and tee haye heard of some German batteries
■ffhich now hate no horses of their otvn. They hare
to horroa- them from transport v>hen they moye."
HAMILTON FYFE in Daily Mail, 9/4/18.
Not least of the causes for the relative
German shortage of horses is the care we
have given to our horses from the first day
of the war. The Army Veterinary Service
assisted by the
R.S.P.C.A. FUND
FOR SICK AND WOUNDED HORSES
(the only Fund authorised by the Army Council to assist the A.V.C.)
has done work as brave and as valuable in its way as
that of our heroic soldiers themselves. The restoration
to service of 450,000 horses in 1917 alone tells its own
tale. That it saved the nation some £23,000.000 is of
less account to-day than that the R.S.P.C.A. Fund
shall be enabled to continue its good work of providing
the various veterinary accommodation and supplies,
for which
£50,000 IS NEEDED
now. To quote Mr. Hamilton Fyfe again : —
" Horses are hitfing a great deal more work to do
than during trench warfare. Hott they add to the
picturesqueness of war .' 'But hort much, also, to the
pitifulness of it when one sees them, as 1 haye lately,
lying by the roadside ! "
What English man or woman reading this appeal will
fail to respond to-day ? No matter what you have
already done for us you cannot forget those dumb yet
eloquent loyal supporters of our men. Patriotism,
economy, humanity, all urge and justify real sacrifice in
this cause. You need not our thanks or we would add,
they go out to you now, even as you fill in the form
below.
The cost of this advertisement is generously borne
by a group of well-known sportsmen and horse-lovers.
CONTRIBUTION FORM
If you cannot send us much, pi ase send a little. Cut out this
form, fill it in, and return as promptly as possible to the Hon.
Secretary, R.S.P.C.A., Dept. B.N. i6, 105 Jermyn Street, S.W.i.
I herewith enclose £ , which is to be used exclusively
for the British Sick and Wounded Horses at the Front.
Name ^
Address.. ..i^
P.C.B.— B.N. 16. Date
• {CoKlinutd from pate M)
a Standing army was deprecated loudly as an outburst of
militarism, and to expand the navy was thought to divert
the taxpayers' money from the legitimate improvement of
public facilities. There is no nation mentioned in history,
ancient or modern, that talked or thought less of war and
warlike things, or that rested so secure in the conviction
that the world had reached that point in civilisation when
a war of any magnitude, or at least of sufficient magnitude
to draw America into the vortex,. was an impossibility.
When tlie crash came in 1914 this was the frame of mind
in which American industry was discovered, and it took
nearly three years of the great conflict and the persistent
efforts of the" German Government to bring the American
people to a realisation of the stern necessities of the hour.
.\s soon as realised, however, there was not a moment's
hesitation. The leaders of industry at once moved the hands
of their indicators from "peace" to "war," and orders went
forth that transformed the greatest peace organisation the
world has ever seen into an organisation designed and operated
with the single purpose of defeating the enemies of America
and the .■\llies.
America's Fighting Power
The fighting power of America is hampered in Europe
by the 3,000 miles or more of water separating that country
from the battlefield, and yet, on the other hand, the mere fact
of this isolation leaves American industry free to develop
without fear of attack. In less than a year the army has
been increased from about 200,000 to nearly 2,000,000 men,
the navy personnel from less than 80,000 to nearly half a
million, and all these soldiers and sailors have been equipped
with kit, armament, and food supplies. In April, 1917, about
125 naval vessels were under construction, and now, a year
later, nearly 1000 are on the waj's. Twenty great manufac-
turing plants are building flying machines, and army supplies
have been turned out at a bewildering rate until the totals
run into many millions of tons. It is estimated that ever}'
soldier sent to France means at least 5 tons of accompanying
equipment and supplies.
It is towards the shipbuilding industry of America, therefore,
that most anxious eyes have been turned and upon which
effort has been concentrated. With 11,000,000 tons of
shipping gone to the bottom and the large demands made
by the naval forces on the merchant marine the need was
imperative. Men and materials were ready to come to
Europe in unlimited numbers and quantities, but transport-
ation had to be provided. To build ships was one of the
most difficult things to ask of .\merica, for this industry
up to the year 1916 had been at a low ebb as compared with
other industries, and the amount of preparation necessary
for a big turn-out was greater than in any other direction
in the production of war material. Work was not begun
as promptly as was hoped for, there was trouble "at the
top," but a different story can be written of the last few
months, and in America to-day are some of the largest ship-
building yards in the world, and all crowded with vessels
rapidly approaching completion. Indeed, ships are already
being launched the keels of which were laid some time after
the American declaration of war against Germany.
From the beginning of American participation in the war
American industry has had little trouble with labour. The
leaders of the great labour organisations have shown a
marked and intelligent understancUng of the purpose of the
United States Government and the rank and file has supported
them with enthusiasm. Many of the problems that affect
labour unfavourably in Europe do not exist in America,
hence the situation is not quite so complicated. The supply
of men for the army is so great no comb-outs are necessary.
There is no real shortage of food, wages are high, and the
eight-hour day with its two or even three shifts for the 24
hours prevails in all Government work and in most private
establishments. The disappearance of the Tsardom in Russia
narrowed all opposition to the war among the ahen population
to the sympathisers with Germany and her Allies, and many
of these are lukewarm or indifferent to the fate of their
mother countries. The United States Government showed
unexpected firmness in deahng with alien enemies, and, backed
by public sentiment, the strong hand of the Department of
Justice has kept harmless all but a few, and even their activities
have been reduced to the minimum. There are fewer labour
disturbances and outrages upon industrial plants in America
to-day than there were before America came into the war.
Nearly all of the great American industrial institutions
have been built up not only through efficiency and modern
{Continued on page 38)
May 2, 1918
Land & Water
37
THE
Veterans Association
An Imperial Memorial
to the
Heroes of the Great War
War found us unprepared, but not dismayed ; our youth
and manhood — sailors, soldiers and civilians alike— thrust
themselves between us and the armies of the Hun, held
them at a terrible cost, and protected our homes from
German aggression and German brutality. For nearly four
years they have fought for us, and those who return at all
return as Veterans — "Veterans such as before the war
we never knew".
We sent them out, encouraging them with brave words
and stirring appeals. They left us safe at home and went
into the shadows to fight for us and for our children, for our
Empire and all that our Empire means to us — for all that
is human and decent in life.
The parting was bitter, but the return should be trium-
phant ; their task finished, they should learn the warmth
of our gratitude . . . such was our thought, such was our
determination ! Are we so mindful of that resolution now
as we were in the first flush of our enthusiasm ?
In the heart of London stands the Veterans Club, its
doors open to every returned sailor and soldier who needs
comfort, advice or aid. Men from all parts of the world,
alone in London, turn to it naturally, certain of welcome
and hospitaUty — good beds, food, and warmth. This is the
home of the Veterans, equipped and maintained by the
freewill offerings of those whose lot it is to remain at home.
It is not an imposing Club ; there is no great luxury in
the appointments ; the accommodation is by no means
ample — is, indeed, quite inadequate. Yet the men them-
selves are profoundly grateful to their hosts, and express
their appreciation in glowing letters. These letters, and the
increasing difficulty of providing adequate hospitality, de-
termine the Committee now to present this special appeal.
The growing demands upon the resources of the Club
cannot be met by the donations, however generous, of the
few who have hitherto endeavoured to satisfy the urgent
call for larger rooms, better service and — over and above
all — more beds. Are we content to leave this work to the
support of a small section of the community ? Is that the
full measure of our gratitude ?
Surely not ! The need has but to be widely enough
known to secure that a larger and a nobler Veterans Club ,
Shall be possible here, in the heart of the Empire — a building
that shall be
An Imperial Memorial
to those who have fallen, a rallying point for those who
survive.
That is the aim of the Veterans Association — to secure
additional support for the development of their scheme, so
as to enable them to receive all fighting and ex-Service men
in a building dedicated to their service who have fought
our battles on sea and land.
It costs ;f 100 to dedicate a bedroom in the proposed new
premises of the Veterans Club. Already more than thirty
such donations have been made for the purpose of dedicating
bedrooms to some fallen hero or some glorious deed . . . with-
out a doubt many will wish to follow the example thus set.
But it is only by a constant flow of donations, small or
great, that the Veterans Club can be supported and its
sphere of usefulness enlarged. Give therefore generously
according to your means. It is a gift to the men who have
fought for you and saved your country — Heroes of the
(ireat War.
All donations should be addressed to the Secretary.
Veterans Association, -17 Bedford Row, W.C.I
(KegisttrrJ under the War Chariliri Act, 1916)
Trustees : The Hi. Hon. Sir Henry Bargrave Deane.
Regd. Cox Esf.. James A. Malcolm Esj
Hon.Treasurers : C. L. Collard IZs/., M.A.,B.C.L.. Sidnev Hanev l£sq.,M.n.
Bankers : Messrs. Cox &■ Co., 16 Charing Cross, S.W.I '
Messrs. Drummond, 49 Charing Cross, S.W.I j
Messrs. Holt #- Co. ( Woodhead's Branch), 44 Charing Cross, S. W ,1 j
AT THE FRONT
Extract from a letter received from France : —
" It is impossible to express
the comfort we derive from
a cup of hot 0X0 when
returning after a cold night
job."
Hot 0X0 is an inesti-
mable boon to the fighting
forces at this time of the
year.
It aids and increases nutri-
tion ; it stimulates and
builds up strength to
resist climatic changes,
and is invaluable for all
who have to undergo exer-
tion either to promote
fitness or to recuperate
after fatigue.
Sole Proprietors and Manufacturt-i--
0x0 Limited, Thames House, London, E.C.4
3«
Land & Water
May 2 , I 9 1 8
BY SPECIAL APPOINTMFNT
TO H M. THE KING.
Ilncrushable Trench Cap
Soft, yet retains its shape
and smart appearance,
being made on a founda-
tion of special material
which is springy — prac-
tically uncrushable and
unaffected by wet. In
best quality khaki whip-
cord, and fitted with
leather headband.
T^r,
ice
21/-
net.
Packing in Wood Box and
Postage to the Front, 2\-
The ever-increasing salei of this
Lincoln Bennett speciality are
proof of its super excellence.
The " LB " Adapter Lining for Steel Helmets
is still the only lining soundly constructed on
an efficient principle. Write for particulars.
Anyone can fit it.— No fasteningfs required.— Distributes weipht.—
Equalises balance. — Provides ventilation. — Minimises concossion. —
Obtainable in all sizes and shapes ol heads.
Lincoln Bennett & Co. Ltd.
The Leading Military & Civil Hatters,
40 PICCADILLY, LONDON, W.l.
CFJ^ilS^^^^^^^
KHAKI SHIRTS
HARRODS LTD
HARRODS are
the actual
makers. The more
particular the man the
more he will appre-
ciate the detailed care
and excellence that
Harrods offer.
Harrods Shirts em-
body more of those
niceties of make and
than are com-
monly en-
countered,
but which
make all
the differ-
ence to
c o mfor t
and to service.
Khaki Zephyr - 7/6
Union Twill - 10/6
Taffeta (light) - 15,6
Twill Silk - - 21/-
Viyella 13 6 & 14/6
All NON.SHRINKINC
'^aZ'?:/li:^iVr LONDON SWl
(CoHtinued Jrom page 38)
methods, but by the aid of intelligent co-operation with the
labour employed. There is less antagonism between the
employer and the employed than in any other country,
The principle is recognised as sound that a well-paid, well-
housed and well-fed man, allowed to earn according to his
individual productive power, is an invaluable asset to
industry, and in the largest and most successfully operated
plants this principle governs in the relations of the
employer to the employed.
Increase, of Wealth
In the last four years the national wealth of America
has inrreased bv at least £ioo per capita, and this is not due
to profits on the sale of war materials, for this has only
accounted for about £5 per capita including the profit made
on shipments of food such as would have been made had
there been no war. The war is responsible to some degree,
however, for the total increase, for internal development
has been intensified by reason of the disturbed condition
of the rest of the world. This increase in national wealth
has come from but one source and that is the legitimate
development of industry.
It was a good thing for America and for the Allies that
this development preceded actual participation in the
war, for American industry was all the more ready and able
to respond to the demand to be made upon it when the conflict
came. It meant that there was more money to be loaned
to the Allies, greater facihties immediately available for war
purposes, and more workers ready drilled to take their part
in the great war machine at home and abroad. Any increase
in wealth that may have come to the American people
in the earlier days of the war in Europe through supplying
the needs of the countries at war has been more than returned
in money and materials during the past year.
The expansion of industry that has taken place in Arnerica
in the past twenty years has exceeded anything before
recorded and the whole force of this tremendous organisation
has been turned against the foe of civilisation. As fast as
alien immigration has entered the country it has been
absorbed into the industrial world, and in the second generation
these people are no longer aliens in spirit or in customs.
Too little importance is attached to climate, food and environ-
ment in estimating the power of the American melting pot.
A bracing and electric atmosphere, a full supply of nourishing
food and association with a free people change the whole
character of the population bom of alien parents from that
of their forefathers. The industrial tffi:iency of these
people is multiplied beyond comparison with those who remain
in Europe, The contrast in the productive power of the
individual worker has been strikingly confirmed in the
experience of one great American industrial with factories
in nearly every large country in the world. This company
has found that the men they employ in America can be
depended upon to produce a minimum of 40 per cent, more
output than the men they employ abroad, and yet these
men both in America and elsewhere may be of the same
race and nationality at birth. Forty years ago Irishpien
did the pick and shovel work of America. To-day the
Italians, Slavs and Levantines have taken the place of the
Irish, and the latter are engaged in more skilled and better
paid branches of labour. It has been so with every influx
of aliens. When they first arrived they began at the bottom
of the ladder, but as they came under the influence of the
American chmate, food, and institutions, they quickly raised
themselves to a more satisfactory status, and their children :
brought up or born in America, began far in advance of
where their parents left off.
Fifty years ago America had to make a choice between
rapid industrial development with large immigration or a
very slow development and restricted immigration. The first
named course was adopted. The industrial development has
been more rapid than was even dreamed of and some social
and poUtical penalties have been incurred by the nation
and its institutions through the great influx of foreign labour.
The damage has been less than was predicted, however, for the
regenerative powers of the New World were under-estimated.
The fusion of a number of races has produced a new race
dominated absolutely by Anglo-Saxon ideals and even still
by Anglo-Saxon leaders, but broadened in its sympathies
and understandings and containing within its spirit a hatred
of all tyranny, a shadowy inheritance from previous
generations of the oppressed. It is because of this inheritance
that America is inhabited by a peace-loving nation. It is
also because of this inheritance that when once convinced
that liberty and democracy were threatened the nation was
ready to turn the whole power of its immeasurable industrial
strength against the enemy.
May 2, 19 1 8
Land & Water
39
FORTNUM& MASON'S
BOOTS AND EQUIPMENT
FOR
BRITISH AND AMERICAN OFFICERS
SERVING ON ALL
BATTLE FRONTS
THE
"FORTMASON"
MARCHING
BOOT
Soft as a slipper but very strong and f lb.
to I lb. lighter than any similar boot.
The durability, softness, and flexibility of
the " Fortmason " leather has stood the
test of the trenches in France and the dust
and heat of Africa and Mesopotamia.
Price C)U/" per pair.^
Sizes 9i to Hi, 5/- extra; size 12, 7/6
extra. To measure, 10/- extra.
THE.
"FORTMASON"
HAVERSACK
Waterproof throughout. Leather
bottom double sewn and well
finished.
Cut square for carrying capacity, and
back pocket extra large.
The top hood shajsed and keeps
out the wet.
The web sling is sewn right round
the haversack, carries off the rain,
and supports the strain. Swivels
engage with belt and distribute weight
between waist and shoulder.
2.
3.
Price 20/-
eac
h.
FORTNUM & MASON, Ltd.
182 Piccadilly, London, W. 1.
DEPOT FOR "DEXTER" MILITARY WEATHERPROOFS
40
Land & Water
May 2, 19 1 8
Wni-
GONG SOUPS
are "TOP HOLE*'
A few packets of Gong Soups in his
haversack, and a brisk little wood fire
glowing in the shelter of a farm-house
wall, mean much to the man who has
just returned from arduous toil for his
" rest " period.
Water is quickly procured, the Gong Soup
packet dissolved, and in fifteen minutes or so
"the best meal for a week" is ready.
The particular handiness of Gong Soups,
together with their variety and economy, render
them specially suitable for use in the home as
well as at the Front.
Extract from a letter received from the Front : —
"The men are on fatigue all night until 2 or 3 a.m.,
and much appreciate hot soup on their return.
Sometimes the men come in wet through and
plastered with mud, and a drink of hot soup makes
new men of them in a very short time."
Twelve Delicious Varieties:
Scotch Bioth
Ox Tail
Mock Tur.le
Thick Gravy
Pea
Celery Cream
Mulli^ataway
Green Pea
Lentil
Hare
Kidney
Tomato
Sole Proprietors and Manufacturers :
0X0 Limited, Thames House. London. S,C^.
Motor Utility Machines
By H. Massac Buist
WHILE the war has made altogether unprecedented
demands on the world's motor industry alike for the
production of aircraft and marine engines and for
motors for military transport service, it is generally over-
looked that it has, besides, enonnously accelerated the
demand for engines for agriculture and for all forms of utility
service in civiliart life pure and simple. Indeed, when the
history of motoring in these islands comes to be written it
will be found that tlie first really extensive use of agricultural
machinery dates from the preparations made for the coming
harvest. The shortage of horses for civilian service, which
is an inevitable feature of any war, has enormously accelerated
the growth of the utility vehicle movement.
The general idea is that the agricultural motor is needed
for ploughing only, and that if that can be arranged satis-
factorily, the agri-motor problem is solved. The fact, how-
ever, is scarcely n> simple, as may be promptly realised when
it is borne in mind that on the average farm ploughing takes
place on appro.ximately only twenty - one days of the year.
Even on the co-operative principle -it would not be a com-
mercial proposition to purchase motor machinery for so
relatively few days' service, despite the fact that a motor
differs from horseflesh in {hat when it is not in service it is
not consuming the material which enables it to do its work.
Moreover, if the motor equipment of a given farm, or collec-
tion of farms, takes the form of a plough only, then it follows
that horses must be available for all the many subsequent
operations to which ploughing is the preliminary. Obviously,
if horses were available for the subsequent processes they
would be equally available for the initial one.
Thus, the successful application of the internal combustion
liquid-fuel engine to the agricultural problems depends in
large measure on the variety of uses to which the machiner\'
can be put. This becomes particularly emphasised in a
country like our own, where the individual farm and the
individual field are extremely small by comparison, for
example, with the areas that are brought into cultivation in
Canada, the United States, Australia, New Zealand, the
Argentine, Russia, etc.
Ploughing Tests
As regards the problem of motor-ploughing, tests have
practically proved that success or failure depend not so
much on the motor mechanism as on the ploughshare, or
shares, employed for the work in the given district. Many
of our agri-motor trials promoted in the eariv days of this
war really gave a false idea of the relative ments of various
forms of motor tractors because the point was overiooked
that you could not judge those merits unless all the tractors
engaged m the given competition were working precisely the
same type of share on the given patch of land. Judges,
moreover, in certain districts obviously were more partial to
a certain class of share than others, long experience having
taught them what is the most suitable for the given neigh-
bourhood. The result was that they could not but judge
by rather the ploughshare used than by the motor equipment
Henceforth, therefore, it is desirable that when agricultural
motor trials are promoted, the manufacturers entering for
them shall always be informed what share they are to use in
each district in which thev are to compete. It is only bv
standardising in this fashion that the relative merits of each
tractor can be brought out.
The number of motor tractors that have been brought into
service for farm work in these islands to-day is very great
running into more thousands than there are months in the
year. Yet we have merely touched the fringe of the develop-
ments. The work, too, is in part handicapped by the fuel
situation. In face of the demands during the war and on
the coming of peace, for the lighter motor spirits, which must
always be rendered available for aircraft work, for example
obviously petrol must be regarded as an uncommercial fuel'
for agri-motor purposes. Consequently, the bulk run is on
paraffin-at anv rate, after the mechanism has been warmed
up on petrol. The difficulties of vapourising paraffin have
been overcome in more or less practical fashion ; but un-
questionably, the whole business has been greatly hkndi-
capped by the dearth of men of motor experienqe t8 initiate
the average farm hand, who has been no more trained than
nis,torbears to mechanism and the idea of it
The^youths of to-day who will be the farm hands of to-
(Conlimud on page 42.)
May 2, 1918
Land & Water
41
PREFERENCE foi
^ the Humber Car is
proof of good judg-
ment. Willingness to
wait for one is evidence
of sound patriotism.
The necessity for this
exercise of patience is
to be found in the
accompanying picture.
HUMBER LIMITED
AgenU everyivhtre.
A Corner of View isoom.
Where Flying Men
are fitted out
Long years* experience of catering for Motorists
brought DunhilU into the field of Aviation tCit
supply with a flying start They still lead
wherever articles of practical use and comfort
for Flying Men are concerned.
Here are tl>ree good items from the Showroom
at Conduit Street.
A special aviation cap of black or tan leather
is the first item. Th« leather is delightfully soft
and flexible, and the whole cap is lined with best
quality nutria fur. It is cut long at the back to
protect the neck, and is most popular among
American and all the Allied Aviators. The
price is 55/-.
A much appreciated gadget for this or any
other Dunhill flyins cup. is our fur-lined chin
muff (No. 19/10) In black or tan leather
and lined with similar fur to the cap above, it
costs 17/6 and provides a maximum of comfort.
5773 A
Our " High Flyer" gloves are deep
gauntlet shaped with two straps, and
are made in tan leather lined with
fur. They are interlined with oil-
cambric, thus being quite waterproof,
snug and cosy, though at the same time
most flexible and yielding to every
movement of the hand. I ney repre-
sent the high-water mark in glove
comfort for airmen.
The price is 35/- per pair-
Waterproof overboots : I 376/50
These fine overboots are made in strong Paramatta
twill, lined with fur. and have a soft leather sole, a
strap just below the knee to n\ake them quite secure,
and a laced front. They are perfectly waterproof,
warm and comfortable. The price is 63/- per pair, and
when ordering it is necessary to state size of
walking boot worn.
Dunhills, Ltd.
2 CONDUIT STREET,
REGENT ST, LONDON, W.l.
For our WOUNDED SOLDIERS
A comfortable, easy run-
ning, self-propelled Chair,
with adjustable back
and leg rest.
What more suitable gift than
INVALID FURNITURE
A choice selection will be found at our extensive New
Showrooms at 449 OXFORD STREET, London, W.l
(opposite Selfridges), where we also have a large stock
of our famous BABY CARRIAGES.
Full particulars will be aeni on application to —
HircHiisP^^"^
449 Oxford Street,
Telephone: Cemird 291. LONDON, W.l.
42
Land & Water
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
IMITATION
is the
Sincerest Form of Flattery
((
INSIST
ON THE
L.B." Adapter Lining
Originaled bp {Registered Design.)
Messrs. LINCOLN BENNETT & CO., LTD.,
FROsr. ^^t^^^ZS"^^. which rnsures absolute fit and
perfect comfort for your Steel
Helmet.
IT IS STILL THE ONLY
LINING SOUNDLY CON-
STRUCTED ON AN
EFFICIENT PRINCIPLE.
BACK.
hnproxd Pallcrn with SpeciJ Blling back
head piece.
Price 19/6 net.
Without back piece, 16/6 net.
Packing in wood box -nd postage to the Front. 2/-
Ladiea desiring to tend one of these linings to a
Relative or frieod at the Fro' t should send us. if possi-
ble, a top hat, bowler, or straw boater of his from
which to lake the exact sha. e and dimensions of his
head, otherwise state ordinary hat size.
Thousands in us*
at tht l-rant prove
Us efficiency.
Anyone can 6t1t — No fasten-
ings required. — Distributes
weight — Equalises balance. —
Provides ventilation. — Mini-
mises concussion. — Obtainable
in all sizes and shapes of heads.
IVrile to —
Lincoln Bennett & Co., Ltd.,
40 PICCADILLY, LONDON, W.
And 78 LOMBARD STREET, E.G.
For Descriplioe Pamphlet.
The Weldon
Auto-Motive Crutch
(Pat. 105.18^-1916.)
FOR LOCOMOTION WITH-
OUT EXERTION.
Owing to the unique construction
of. the base, the user is propelled
by gravitation without any exer-
tion beyond resting the weight of
the body on the handles.
In proceeding down hill it is only
necessary to reverse the crutches,
which then act as a natural brake.
But th£ feature of the
"Weldon Auto-motive" is the
anatomically correct position
of the head, which conforms
to the oblique direction of the
axilla (arm-pit).
No otlier Crutch possesses these
features.
All risk of "crutch paralysis"
is entirely eliminated.
A most instructive booklet, post free on
request.
SOLE
AGENTS
FOR THE
UNITED
KINGDOM.
HOSPITALS & GENERAL
CONTRACTS CO. LTD.
19-35 MORTIMER STREET,
LONDON, W.l.
Telephone ;
Museum 3140.
Tclesrami :
'Contractina.
London."
{Continued from page 40.)
morrow, however, will grow up as mucli in a motor atmosphere
as pubhc-school boys grow up with knowledge of motor
cycling, even though the individual is not lucky enough to
possess a macliine of his own. Further, if there were any
doubt on this subject, it is sufficiently dissolved by the
reflection that the vast number of men who will presently
be disbanded from the Army, and who have motor experi-
ence, will render an amply sufficient proportion available to
the agricultural branch of the movement ; for one thing,
because the end of the war will see more than sufficient to go
round all branches of service ; for another, because for
health reasons the war experience will cause vast numbers
,to take to work on the land. Consequently, the ground for
taking a pessimistic view concerning the deterioration of
agri-motor macliinery through lack of understanding and,
consequently, neglect or mishandling, is not substantial.
Inevitable Handicaps
In war time, however, even paraffin and such like heavier
grade oils are not available in sufficient quantities for agri-
motor service. Hence, the other day a scheme for employing
town gas for motor work on the farm was mooted. But
much in this direction is not to be expected either during or
after the war.
In brief, therefore, while the agri-motor will undoubtedly
prove one of the prime factors in enabling us to carry on
this war — the number of machines produced and brought
into use is increasing continuously— nevertheless, such
machines are being employed at the moment under inevitable
conditions of handicap. Therefore, while we may know the
worst concerning the agri-motor problem to-day, the best
of it cannot possibly be revealed to us until after the war.
Hence it is particularly gratifying to realise that, despite
all shortcomings, the proposition of applying motor power
to agricultural work is to-day a thoroughly practical one,
which under a wide variety of tests has given results more
profitable than can be obtained with horse traction.
As for the commercial motor, the only problem in connec-
tion with it to-day is to get sufficient supplies to meet civiUan
needs. Those needs are growing all the time ; and it wall be
quite impossible to meet them until the coming of peace.
Then it will be practicable to meet them in absolutely satis-
factory fashion. The reason is that war service has put
both heavy and hght transport to tests not to be exceeded
m severity. Consequently, experience ahke in design and
production has been brought to- the necessary pitch to ensure
absolutely reliable service in the post-war products.
The class of vehicle available for use in war time is extremely
limited. By far the majority are put in charge of those of
practically no training and experience. Some of them have
not even the instinct for handling machinery of this sort ;
yet we perceive it answers admirably.
Electric Utility Vehicles
It is gravely to be doubted if the electric utiUty veliicle
will make such progress in this country as some anticipate
for It Weight, cost, and Umitation of range of use are among
the obstacles in this direction ; but the greatest of aU concerns
facilities for obtaining supphes. The roads of London are
admirably suitable for electric-driven utUity vehicles, and
provided the direction of our clectric-power-producing com-
panies becomes trained to the, idea, much may be done
At the best, however, we could never match American
conditions, such, for example, as are provided by the great
generating stations at Niagara, which supply plant to cities
hundreds of miles away at rates which would spell bank-
ruptcy if we attempted them here. Our chance in England,
of course, depends on keeping electric-power-producing
machinery vyorking for twenty-four hours out of the twenty-
four, in place of having the load, as it is called, on
at night time only, when illumination is needed: only
"Issibfe ^^''*'°" ^^ ^ ''^^^P ^"d easily avaOable supply
Whether electric power becomes a big factor in the utility
transport service in the big cities, particularly for the smaller
classes of vehicle, scarcely matters to the individual citizen,
mnVnr ;/"i,''?^ ""^^t" ^^e growth in the use of the commercial
hi, nlr^^ ;/"'^,''^ *'^' tradesman's motor delivery-van,
be accelera^te'^ f''"'\'° T^ proportions, and wiU assuredly
within 1. '"'^^■ ^''^'■"•^ °" the coming of peace, that
vea 'Lr,T~''''\^^'^^^'- f"^ ^^i*« P^bably withiA five
a horTe fn , ^°"^l"^'°'i "^ the campaign the spectacle of
a horse m big cities such as London, Birmingham and
DetToKr; "^" J''; '"""'^^^ °" ^' "^"'^h as it usK'be in
Detroit three and four years before the war started.
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
43
THERE are occasions when, to mark appreciation of services rendered, or Fto
commemorate some conspicuous act, it is necessary to make a presentation
[ of substantial worth.
The Goldsmiths and Silversmiths Company's presentation services offer better value
than is obtainable elsewhere, and the choice is more comprehensive.
A selection of articles suitable for presentation will be forwarded for approval,
carriage paid, at the Company's risk, or a catalogue will be posted free on appUcation.
The Goldsmiths & Silversmiths Company have no branch establishments in Regent Street, Oxford
Street, or elsewhere in London or abroad only one address, 112 Regent Street, London, W.l.
THE ■
©LDSMHTIS & m
OMPANY E?
wif£ v:>fiicfi is incorporated
112 Regent Street, London, W.l.
44
Land & Water
May 2, 1918^
iiinuiiiaii
Suits
Aviation
■■■■■■■■WIIIIIIHmiM
The *Air-Velope'
iiiiniMiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiHiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiH^
Built up on entirely
new scientific lines,
the details of which we
shall make known
shortly.
Positively cold, wind,
and wet proof.
As sketch, with fur collar,
£10:10:0 I
BOBINSON & CLEAVER
^
Naval and Military Outfitters,
156-168 Regent St.,
London,
W.I.
iBiiiiiiiaiiiiiii
LTD. m
m
m
iiniiiiiiiiniiiiDiiiiiuiiiiiiDiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiuii^^^^
TO HOLD 30 CIGARETTES.
No. 8S.— PIGSKIN CIGARETTE CASE,
to hold 30 cigarettes
No. 89. — Ditto, superior quality, lined
pigskin .. .. .. ..SI
No. 00.— Ditto, Qgarette Case and
Tobacco Pouch
No. 91.— SAM BROWNE BELTS. One shoulder
strap. Best bridle leather ..8250
Ditto, stitched pigskin .. .. 83 3 0
2 6 No. 87. — Non-conosive, oxi-
dised, bayonet top, plated inside,
1 7/6 '"''''* ^^'' concave shape, j-pint.
37/6
Ditto, smaller sizes, 30/., 35,'.
Britannia Metal, screw top, con-
cave shape, (-pint , , 15/,
Ditto, smaller sizes.
8/6 and 1 1/6
WATER-BOTTLES.
No. 83. — Nickel silver plated
inside, non-corrosive, screw
top, rounded front, flat back,
covered khaki doth, i| pints
£16 6
No. 84. — Ditto, with leather
cradle carrier (as illustrated)
£1 10 0
No. 85. — Ditto, Regulation i
pattern, concaved, 2t pints ■
£1 12 6
HAVERSACKS.
Extra large and strong,
made from an officer's
design .. .. 17/6
No. 81.— Ditto, with Leather
Base .. .. 27/6
Detachable Sling, 2/6 extra.
Pottagt
• Inland id. I ,
. B.E.F. lie ) ""■"•
Sndfor NEW Illustrated List of War Equipmnt.
SWAINE & ADENEY
By ApMnlmrnt to H.M. The Hint.
185 PICCADILLY
LONDON, W.l.
Notes on Kit
Leggings
Some men will tell you that leggings simply do not matter
much ; if you want a pair, they say, you just go and get a
pair ; there are two or three sizes — maybe more, and maybe
less, but if you get the size that feels nearest to a fit you-
have done the best possible — and there it is. Which doctrine
accounts for the remarkable appearance of a brigadier — no
less rank — who ornamented Charing Cross platform one
morning not so long ago ; a perfect man down to the knees,
but thence . . . well, the less said the better. And it is
not only confined to brigadiers ; you may find all ranks who
firml}' beheve, judging by what they wear, that the word
legging means a funnel of leather designed to cover the leg,
and incapable of fitting it. A behef which is in the highest
degree erroneous.
If appearance were all, there would be no necessit}' to
bother, for any man can go on active service and bother
not at all about what he looks like, so long as he has a
semblance of a uniform outfit that will save him from being
taken for a franc-tireur. But there are the points of hard
wear, comfort, and efficiency to be taken into account, and
in order to fill those conditions to the fullest possible extent
it is just as necessary to get a pair of leggings made by a
man who understands the job as it is to get a pair bf boots
made by a reputable and capable bootmaker. For the
reach-me-down legging may come out very well as regards
appeafance, in some cases ; but to get perfect leg-comfort
it is really necessary to get the leggings made to measure,
just as it is necessary to get boots made to measure. A pair
of leggings should be so fitted that sleeping with them on
and buckled in place is no discomfort — which is not an
attribute of ready-made articles, unless one has legs of the
exact "stock" size and shape, which very few men have.
There are still three or four places in London where speciaUsts
in the build and fitting of leggings stiU exist, and to every
man to whom the. need for a new pair of leggings comes
once in a while, the best advice is that he should betake
himself to one of these establishments and get a pair of
leggings made to fit him. If he has not tried this trick
before, he will very soon appreciate the difference between
made to measure and chosen from stock — and his friends
vvill appreciate it, too.
A Waterproof Welted Boot
The value of waterproof welts for boots lies in the fact
that, apart from the wear on the soles of boots, it is the
welts that first give way in the ordinary patterns, since such
water as penetrates at that point stays there — the crease
between sole and upper makes a pocket that holds water
and permits it to injure the leather. With these boots such
damage is virtually impossible ; the boots themselves are
waterproof, in the sense that they will keep the wearer's feet
dry under any conditions of water and mud, and the welts
are waterproof in another sense, in that they are so con-
structed that the "life" of the boots is very largely increased,
since the welts will not hold water and permit of injury to the
leather through holding it. To this should be added the fact
that the boots themselves are made of leather which is of
pre-war quality— not that it has been kept in stock since
pre-war times, but that it is equal in quality to the best
leather that used to be obtainable for service footwear. And
on top of this there is really excellent workmanship put into
these boots, which represent the very best service footwear
obtainable. You can get these boots made to measure if
necessary, or, if in a hurry, you can get a pair to fit from
stock, and be assured of genuine foot comfort.
The Scientific Water-bottle.
Since health on service is the first consideration, and a
supply of pure water is one of the first considerations in
regard to health, the water-bottle which forms its own germ-
proof filter is a necessity to every man, and its rapidly growing
popularity is proof of its unique value. So efficient is the
filter that the bottle may be filled with sewage, if nothing
else is available, and still the filter yields a drink of pure
water, germ-free. Sufficient tests have been made to prove
THE LIGHTING AND STARTING of your " After the War "
car IS Its most important feature; therefore, let "CA.V" advise
you.— Wnte, call, or 'phone C. A. VANDERVELL & CO. (LTD.).
Electncal Engineers, Acton, London, W.3. Telephone: Chiswick
2.000 (8 lines). — (Advt.)
{Cotttinued on page 40)
May 2, 191 8
Land 6c Water
45
IBde HAMILTON
Germ -Proof Water -Bag
TAKES the place of the old-fashioned, dirty water bottle, because it is practically germ-proof
and allows any kind of water to be drunk with perfect impunity.
It is pronounced by experts as one of the greatest inventions of the war, and should be in
universal use by the troops.
THOUSANDS
OF VALUABLE
LIVES might
easily be saved by
its adoption.
INVALUABLE
IN TROPICAL
COUNTRIES
where the source
of water supplies
is doubtful.
Ensures PURE
WATER under
all conditions of
ACTIVE SER^
VICE.
THE bags are inter-
lined with canvas
to prevent wastage of
water, and also to keep
the contents cool.
THE bags fill very
rapidly, and are
easily cleansed. There
is nothing to get out
of order. Stagnant
water drawn from shell
craters, ditches, or
wells, once it passes
through the germ-
proof filter, is freed
from all germs.
THE bags do not
have to be tipped
up to drink from. The
water is drawn simply
bv suction.
THE HAMILTON WATEB BAG FOR OFFICERS,
holding about one quart. Price
Extra Filters, 3/6 each.
The following extract Is from the Editor of Land 4 Watir in his kit article (March 7th, 1918) : — " The design is so very simple that one wonders,
on seeing the thing, why nobody thought of it before. In the case of the ordinary water-bottle, of course, the first necessity is to assure oneself that
the contents are pure, for otherwise a water-bottle may become a first class disease trap, warranted to hand out enteric, dysentery, and other com-
forts with every drink. But you may &1I this particular bottle with sewage, if it so please you, and still get a drink of germ-free filtered water. . .
The bottle \i no more trouble to fill than an ordinary bottle, and no more trouble to empty ; neither is it any bulkier or heavier than an ordinary
bottle. It is, as already remarked, so simple that it iii a wonder it has gone undiscovered so long, and it is one of the most valuable safeguards of
health that the war has seen. . . . There has been nothing to surpass this scientifically designed water-bottle in value as a preservative of health
among the troops, and it is to be hoped that every man proceeding on active service mil have one of these water-bottles to take with him.'*
THE HAMll KIN WATER-BAG for
ambulani-ta .umJ trans- '7C/
port, holding two gals. tftM/"
Larger ^izcs can be supplied.
THE HAMILTON GERM-PROOF BAG
has passed the severest of tests at the
Bacteriological Department of Guy's.
A FULL DESCRIPTIVE PAMPHLET SENT
FREE TO ALL INTERESTED.
Obt»ina.ble from
ARMY & NAVY STORES, Ltd.
HARRODS STORES.
FORTNUM & MASON.
SELFRIDGE'S.
S. W. SILVER.
THE HAMILTON CAVALRY
WATER-BAG, to be earned as
shown. To hold two
gallons . - -
50/-
46
Land & Water
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
t^^ THE ^^ ♦•
COAT
The Outcome of Actual
Trench Experience.
A WATERPROOF
A GREAT COAT
A BRITISH WARM
m
One
Remove the Undercoat and you have
(lor wet and " muggy " dayt) a hght weight
Rainproof, guaranteed rainproof a{>$olute-
ly and periranenlly.
READY for IMMEDIATE WEAR
and forwarded on approval on recelpl of height,
chett measurrnient. and remittance, which it at
once returned if ooat iinot kept-
£5 : 10 : 0
(With Oil Cambric Interlinin« sod Mparate Fleece
undercoat-)
A testimonial letter selected from
hundreds we can show : —
Auxiliary HospiUxi for Qffinrs,
H'.i Afrit %th, iqmS.
Sirs,— It will interest yen to hear that tAe trench coal
f lined Kapok ^ t bought from you last Novtnbtr has
fvoxtd a great success, t -wort it almost day and night
tkrouehout last ninttr duriitj' the fighting in the Italian
Mountains, where the heavy snoiv and the slush and mud
.»« the foothi!l\ are very exacting cnstomets. Moreoz'er,
this coat prex-fd (/rr^ WDJ/ EXIRAOROINARILY HUOY
ANT WHHN WK WURE TORPELh:)E1> c« the way hcrnr.
the sea -nuter having very little effect on it.
Yturs /aithfttUy,
A. ft. . l.Uut . R.F.A
City House .
65*61.
LinWATX BILL.
S.O.
ludBrotk
" II1.ILIIJ H-ii.miJLrrn,
OXFORD CIRCUS
AND
LUDGATE HILL.
ii'e.it End House
221 A 223,
0X70RD STREET,
W.
(Six doors H. of
Circus Tube Station /.
Light Camping Outfits
Extract from TRUTH, October 3rd, 1917.
" In order to answer a recent inquiry from the front,
I obtained particulars of some ingenious devices for
mitigating minor discomforts of camp life on active
service, especially those of cold and wet weather ;
for example, a practical weatherproof tent that can
be folded into a parcel small enough to go into an
overcoat pocket ; a waterproof ground-sheet weigh-
ing less than 1 lb., and a capital sleeping bag which
weighs no more than IJ lb. These are among many
useful articles supplied by the LIGHTWEIGHT
Tent Co., 61 High Holborn, London, W.C.I,
and I think my Service readers may be glad to
know of them." Write Dept. " L" for Lists.
STORMPROOF
TRENCHER
ELVERY'S STORMPROOF No. 4 x
|\ _ Guaranteed to resist the heaviest possible
'' ^ rains. Fitted with belt, stormcuffs,
and deep collar, 78/-. Cavalry
Pattern, 84'-. Detachable Fleece
Linings, IJ gns. extra.
Thi " Slormprncf is tiuUy an excelUnt
one. I coulti not wish /or better article *'out
/««."— (Specimen of letters received).
^Iverys are replete will) all Waterprool Kit.
WATERPROOF "KNEE PROTECTORS," 14/6
(Just what's wanted).
Riding Aprons, 16/6: Waterproof Gloves 7/6; Cap
Covin-s and Curtains, 5/6 : Pocket Air Pillows 6/6 ;
Portable Batlis, 25/-.
""e"'785o"""""'- 31 Conduit St..
LONDON. W.
(One door from
LKl. New Bond St.)
I W^ ^ tst. 1850.
{Continued from page 44)
that the filter "candle" needs only to be sterilised or boiled
once a week to keep it clean and free from germs, and the
filters are interchangeable, and, if necessary, can be used
apart from the water-bottle, which, by the way, is of canvas,
and is far easier to fill than the ordinary bottle. Another
valuable point is that it is not necessary to tip up the bottle
in order to get a drink, and the small bags, intended for
officers and men to carry, and containing about the same
amount of water as an ordinary water-bottle, are no heavier
than any other type of bottle. A larger size is made, intended
for transport or horse carriage, and containing about two
gallons when filled. Half the value or more of this unique
invention lies in its absolute simplicity ; that it is extremely
valuable is past question, for, in ensuring that all the water
a man drinks is filtered, it will prove the means of saving
many lives in areas where water is a carrier of disease. There
has, in fact, been nothing among the innovations in kit and
equipment during the war which will surpass this scienti-
fically designed water-bottle as a preservative of . health
among the troops and a means of saving life, and, inciderttally,
of lightening transport, since it saves all necessity for purifying
water in bulk by rendering it possible for every man to assure
for himself a pure supply.
The Sleeping Bag-
Some thousands of British and Allied officers have proved,
what has been asserted in these columns more than once, that
the kapok-lined sleeping bag and valise is not only an improve-
ment on the old-time "Wolseley," but is one of the really
important advances in the design of military equipment
made in recent years. Although attention has been drawn
to the design of this bag many times, yet certain folk must
still be ignorant of its advantages, for inquiries still come in
as to its design and superiority over other kinds. Briefly,
its value lies in the fact that without a single blanket it is as
warm as a Wolseley with two or more blankets, and it is of
far less weight than the Wolseley pattern without any blankets,
while it is always ready for use as a sleeping bag, and the kit
is always packed — the system of "throw-off" pockets for
carriage of kit renders it unnecessary to unpack anything
when the bag is required for sleeping in. This means an
enormous saving of time and trouble, as very little experi-
ence is sufficient to prove. Moreover, the bag is waterproof,
obviating the need of a ground-sheet or waterproof outer
covering of any kind. It is a big aid to comfort and efficiency,
and it means a substantial reduction in the weight of a kit
without any sacrifice of warmth or waterproof quahties. It
is the ideal sleeping bag and valise for active service work,
and for all arms of the service.
Helmet Linings
The "tin hat" is not a comfortable article of wear at best,
and the introduction of an adapting hning is about the only
means of rendering it less uncomfortable — for the "issue"
lining is productive of headaches and fatigue, owing to bad
ventilating properties and lack of cusliioning for the helmet.
It is perfectly easy to fit this adapting lining to any steel helmet,
and by means of the lining it is possible to make the helmet
a fit on the head, without in any way detracting from the
efficiency of the helmet itself. You simply take out the
"is.sue" hning, and put.the adapter Hning in its place, and the
result is perfect ventilation, together with a series of rubber
cushions that minimise any blow or shock to the helmet
itself, transmitting only a very small effect from the shock
to the wearer's head. More especially in summer weather is
this adapting lining of value, for the weight of the helmet
renders ventilation essential, and the design of this hning
ensures perfect ventilation. A point worth noring is that, in
getting the lining, it is possible to get just as good a fit as if
one were ordering a field serwce cap, and the adapting
cushions render that hning a fit in any helmet. The hning
was introduced very soon after the helmet itself came into
use for active service work, and it has proved its value among
a sufficient number of the wearers of these helmets to ensure
itself a permanent place in campaigning equipment ; as long
as there is need for a steel helmet the use of these linings is
bound to increase as their value becomes known.
And at Eleph.int House. Dublin and Cork.
The Hymans Pocket Range-Finder, described in this column in our
issftie of August loth, 1916, has met with very great appreciation, and
has now been supplied to some thousands of officers. It is the simplest
and most accurate pocket instrument made, taking the range of any
object within 2 per cent, in a few minutes. The price complete in
leather belt-case is l^. Descriptive pamphlet free from manufacturer.
— Chas Hymans (Dept. T.), St. Andrews' Street, Cambridge.
May 2 , 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
47
The American : Gee-whiz ! Some class to that Dope-
Stick. What's its nom-de-plume ?
The Canadian : This is a new 6-cylinder go horse-
power stunt — ARMY CLUB
CIGARETTES. Get wise, sonny.
'CAVANDERS' ABMY CLUB"
CIGARETTES.
Sold Everywhere.
CAVANDERS LTD.
LundoD
and Glasgow.
^c^Tomtd^Qj
Officer's Regulation Kit Bag.
Best Brown Waterproof Canvas, Leather Straps, Strong Lock,
size 36' by 18" by 14"
74/6
Best Sheffield Steel
Campaign Knives.
12/6 15/6
As Illustration
21/.
3S/6
Engraving Name and Regiment
• 3/6
Postage, Expeditionary Forces, if.
SAM BROWNE BELTS
MILITARY KIT BAGS
WOLSELEY VALISES
MAP CASES
COMPRESSED FIBRE TRUNKS
FANCY LEATHER GOODS
Bro^vn tlide Fitted Attache Case,
Strongly Sewn, Loose Blotter.
14" 52/6 16" 60/-
« Best Quality.
14 70/. 16' 80^
Ne^^ Combinatiun
Cigarette and Note Case.
Loose Fold for Treasury Notes. P. cl<ets
for Cheque Book, Cards and Stamps.
Pigskin or Calf ...' ... 27/6
Fine Seal :.. 38/6
Postage, Expeditionary Force-^, gd.
Stamping Name and Regiment... 3/6
POSTAL ORDERS receive careful
and prompt attention
" ActiTC Service" Wrist
Watch.
Illuminated H&nds and Figures,
best Lever Movement ... 42/6
Postage, Expediti-.nary Forces, gd.
268-270 OXFORD STREET, W. 1
187 REGENT STREET. W^ 1 67 PICCADILLY. W. 1
177-178 TOTTENHAM COURT ROAD. W. 1
81-84 Leadenhall St., LONDON, E.G. 3
4«
Land & Water
May 2, 191 8
Beautifying Barbara.
By Mimosa.
How a Plain Girl was Made Pretty.
Barbara had always been considered tlic ugly duckling of the
family, and certainly no one would have voted her attractive
the day she called on me, and told me how tired she was of being
classed amongst the dull and uninteresting women of her set.
To tell the truth. Barbara had fallen in love, and was anxious,
as she had never been before, to appear at her best. She wasn't
a flapper ; she was twenty-eight, but there were possibilities in
her, and I promised her that if she would follow my advice
carefully, she wouldn't recognise lier own reflection in the
mirmr in a month's time.
Her Complexion.
VVitli a good complexion the plainest features look attractive,
but Barbara's unfortunately left much to be desired. It was
muddy, and there were blackheads around the nose and mouth,
caused, I think, through using impure toilet soaps. For the
dull muddy look I made her rub a little pure mercolised wax
gently into the face and neck every night, leaving on the skin
till the next morning. This very gently and imperceptibly
peeled off all the dead, dull outer cuticle, leaving the fresh
young complexion underneath, and giving her a skin as clear
and fresh as a baby's. The blackheads were soon removed. A
stymol tablet was dissolved in hot water, and the face bathed
and gently dried. After two applications, all signs of the
blackheads had disappeared.
Beautifying Her Hair.
Barbara had a fairly good head of liair. but it had been verv
much neglected. I don't know what she had shampooed it
with, but it certainly wasn't the right stuff, for her hair was dull
and lifeless without the bright Ughts it should have possessed ;
there was no wave in it, and it appeared to be falling out rather
more than was' natural.
So I made her get some stallax at the chemists, and give it a
good shampoo. A stallax shampoo leaves the hair soft, silky,
and glossy, and no rinsing is necessary. After one shampoo a
most marked improvement could be noticed, and by the time
Barbara had used it three times, with an interval of a fortnight
between each shampoo, you would not have recognised it as the
same head of hair. Then, to stop the fall, I advised her to get
two ounces of boranium, and mix it with water and a little
bay rum. This she dabb#d into the roots every night, and it
not only stopped the fall, but gave the hair great vitality.
A Uttle Colour to the Cheeks. '
Barbai"a is one of those giils wlio are much improved by a
little colour, in the ,cheeks, but unfortunately she has none
naturally. So I suggested that she should get some coUiandum
and apply a very little to the cheeks with a small piece of cotton
wool. The most critical observer cannot detect that a colour
given by this method is not natural, for this wonderful powder
isjjust the correct tint, and has an advantage which no other
artificial colour has — it deepens slightly in a warm atmosphere,
and thus appears absolutelv natural.
Famoui for Jill-round Excellence 0/ Materials,
Design and Worl^mamhip.
BREECHES
BY
WEST & SON
THie work, of Expert Breeches Makers
whom long association and experience
have mode perfect.
Built on lines that permit the utmost
freedom witliout unnecessary folds,
the increased comfort when riding
IS most marked — the avoidance also
of strain or drag .it any point sub-
stantially prolongs the wearing
quaUties of the Breeches.
Corduroys - £313s.6d.
Bedford Cords & I «, , f..
^cuatptu^. Cavalry Twills r *^-"^'
The laigest Stocks 0/ Breeches Cloths in Hie Country.
PATTERNS AND PRICE LIST BY RETURN.
WEST & SON L™
• FIELD
HOUSE
Telegrams ;
Tiegimental Tailors
Outfitters,
and
HOUSE. 152 NEW BOND STREET, LONDON, W.l
' Westcanad, Wesdo, London.'
'Phone : Mayfair 876.
Household Notes
W Names and addresses of shops, ivhcre the articles mentioned
can be obtained, ivill be forwarded on receipt of a post card
addressed to Passe-Partout, Land & Water, 5 Chancery
Lane, W.C.2. Any other information will be given on request.
Watch Your
Lights
Having grappled with the difficul-
ties of food rations, it is now in-
cumbent on the householder to
give careful attention to the electric
light consumed, for drastic penalties are to be inflicted on the
spendthrifts of light.
At a Uttle party given last week for some American officers
and for some of our "woundeds," the hostess achieved
economy by receiving her guests in the customary lighting
of her room, and then in half an hour turning out all save
two electric lights ; rather a twilight effect was the conse-
quence, and not too exhilarating. It is therefore delightful
to think that in the future such economy is made unnecessary
by the use of the "Halo" — a luminous circle — which one
of the most, enterprising of firms has lately put upon the
market. It is easily fixed to any electric lamp, and ensures
an efficient and even distribution of light. The "Halo
Reflector" has been tested by the National Physical Labora-
tory, and has been proved to increase the light six times.
Besides its utilitarian virtues, it has other attractions,
for it casts no shadows and does not interfere with tlie
use of fancy shades. The cost of the " Halo " is so small —
only three shillings — that it is a purchase to be highly
recommended.
Not yet is it woman's role to be in
To L)ery the the trenches, but every woman
Wet values the possession of a really
good waterproof, and there is an
opportunity to acquire one at a figure which for cheapness
and quality stands comparison with pre-war goods.
The designer was determined to defy more than a mere
shower, for it is called "the Ai Stormproof," and has many
little devices to keep out the wet — in the special tab at the
front hem, in the design of the collar, which can be worn in
three ways, and in the reversible cuff. The belt is adjustable,
and also detachable, and when the "Stormproof" is rolled
up it serves as a strap-sling by which to carry it. Very light,
yet untearable, it costs 35s. 6d., and is kept in fifteen different
sizes ; and a little pull-over cap to match, at los. 6d., com-
pletes a real storm outfit.
The Ideal Wra
It takes many "mickles to make a
muckle," and so also it takes many
r different sorts of raiment to make a
good wardrobe ; and for the
treacherous spring-time there is a "mickle" that should not
be forgotten.
Anyone who has seen a Burleigh coat, however, would not
forget it. Here is the ideal wrap, warm, yet light, ample in
proportions, and all that a "surtout" should be, for the
fullness is confined by a belt of its own material, fastened by
a leather buckle. The splendid storm collar is very adapt-
able, and can be worn up or down.
In tweeds, the Burleigh coat costs y\ gns., and there is a
larger selection Of checks, stripes, and plain materials to
choose from, while for 10 gns. it is carried out in angolas
and Shetlands, in serges, and home-spuns — and, again, in
white blanket it is most desirable for those days that are
cold yet sunny.
--p (, , French women have always shown
1 O bave the a preference for coloured cloths for
Laundry the breakfast table, for, with a
moderate income and a bonne d
tout faire, no extravagance could be permitted that entailed
extra work at the wash-tub. The difficulty experienced in
getting laundry work well done since the war has popu-
lansed the coloured tablecloth in England, and many pur-
chasers are seeking for something that is not white— and
they have not far to seek.
A very pretty rep washing cloth has lately been intro-
duced m a variety of colours, green, pink, and blue, and,
hke the damask tablecloth of former days, it has a border
m a stencil design in white. The blue, an Oriental shade, is
most attractu-e, and would look particularly well on the
dmmg-room table where the dinner-service is of blue and.
white ; and all the colours are the same price, which is
regulated by the size of the tablecloth, beginning at 8s 11 d.
for a cloth a yard by a yard and a half, to i8s. iid. for one
measunng 2 yards by 3 yards. Passe-Partout.
-i'
LAND & WATER
Vol T YYT Ko' onti r ^aru -\ TT-TTTPSFJAY MAY n miR rREGisTERED asi published weekly
vol. l^AAl. INo. 2922. LyearJ inUKSiJAI, IVJAI 9, 1918 [^ newspaperJ price ninejence
The Ration Carrier
By Kric Kennington, an Official Artist at the Front
Land & Water
May 9, 19 18
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone i HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1918.
Contents
PAGE
Tlie Ration Carrier. By Eric Kenningtoli i
The Outlook 2
Victory of April 29tli. By H. Belloc 3
Tlic Turkish Conspiracy. By Henry Morgenthau 7
Zeebriigge. (Cartoon.) By Raemaekers 10 and 11
Mconnniy in the Grand Fleet. By Lewis R. Freeman 12
Climax of Two Oreat Wars. By J. Holland Rose i^]
The Tree in the Pool. (A Sketch) 15
American Literature. By J. C. Squire 16
The Royal Academy. By Charles Marriott 17
Corporal Grim. \'.C. \W F. Willev Turner 18
The North Countrie. (Illustrated') By H. R. S. . 19
Household Notes 22
Notes on Kit xi
T
The Outlook
THE long lull which has occurred in tlie German
Offensive since the signal victory of Monday,
the 2qth ultimo, is the outstancUng event of the
week. To what e.xtent tliis victory contributed
to the lull it is impossible to say, nor is it possible
to forecast the immediate future, for the initiative still rests
with the enemy. But the Allied position is favourable, and
the heavy losses which have been inflicted on the enemy
are to our good. The battle may break out again with
increased fury at any moment, but to the north of the line
the German command has found it daily more difficult to
assemble for the attfvck owing to the increased strength of
the Allied gun-power. Heavy weather has militated against
the air force, but whenever the atmosphere has cleared for
a few hours, full advantage has been t;ik(>ii. and our^^nperinritv
in the air has been maintained.
« * *
The position in Austro-Hungary is obviousl}' critical, for
only under most severe pressure would consent have been
given to the Northern Tyrol being joined to Bavaria, and
the German districts of Northern Bohemia to Saxony "for
purposes of food supply." This virtual dismemberment of
Austria, even for temporary reasons, would never have been
allowed, could it ha\'e been avoided, for the hand does not
go back upon the dial, and a precedent has been estabhshed
which Germany will not hesitate to make use of at the first
favourable opportunity. According to the Hague corre-
spondent of The Times, the German peoples in these districts
directly appealed to Germany, and a resolution addressed
to the Austrian Emperor was passed by them in which it
was stated : "Should we find no help in our State, we have
no alternative save recourse to oud German brothers in the
German Empire, and we know that Germapj- never for-
sakes her sons." This comes dangerously near to revolution,
and if revolution against the Hapsburgs starts among their
German subjects, where is it to end ? Moreover, the food
crisis will only reach its worst at the end of this month.
■II * *
Ukraine, which was to have proved a land of Goshen, is
now^ found to be as naked as the wilderness. The Rada,
which concluded peace, has been dissolved by force of German
arms, because it was found not to have been representative.
It was sufficiently representative for signing a peace treatv.
but directly it stood between its own people and starvation,
and strove to prevent wholesale pillage, it was destroyed.
A military governor has now been appointed at Kieff ;
obviously, his duty is to collect, at any cost, the last sack of
grain from the peasants. The Ukraine is to be treated as
though it were another Belgium, and even so, it is doubtful
whether it will save the food situation.
« * *
The Prime Minister is certainly a busy man, possibly a
tired man, therefore one must not read his conversational
remarks too strictly according to the letter. But we do
consider he would be well-advised to speak either less or
more. The following, for instance, requires explanation,
though it would have been better left unsaid. It refers to
Mr. Lloyd George's recent visit to the VVestem front ; last
Saturday he told an interlocutor that he had seen there "a
very large number of regimental officers and soldiers" :
I met no pacifists and no pessimists among them. They
could not in the least imderstand the wrangles in certain
quarters in England, which seemed to proceed on the
assumption that they had been defeated and that the only
question of importance was as to who was to blame.
Naturally, they could not understand wrangles about whether
or not they had been defeated. No more can we at home,
for, to the best of our belief, such wrangles have not occurred.
There have been questionings whether the War Cabinet
sufficiently supported the generals at the front and gave
them all the men they asked for ; and as there has been
considerable misgivings on these points, it has been suggested
that the armies may have been placed in a position in which
defeat were possible. But this is a totally different matter.
Was the Ij'rime Minister referring to these questionings ?
* =f! *
It is one thing to be careless in con\ersation, tut another
matter for the Prime Minister or his colleagues in the War
Cabinet to make statements in the House which are not in
accordance with fact. Major-General Maurice's letter to the
Press on Tuesday makes this indictment. It is a very
temperate letter, and its sincerity is indisputable. This is a
question for Parliament to settle, in the first place, and the
people afterwards. No Government can be tolerated which
permits itself to colour its deliberate statements on the war
in order to suit its own purposes.
* * *
The unconquerable spirit of the British Army has never
been displayed to nobler advantage than during the last
six weeks. In the vast hurly-burly of a modern battle,
extending over days, it is all but impossible to put the finger
down and say: "Here was another Thermopylae, here a
second Agincourt," but we know- that these historic fights
have been constantly repeated by the AUied armies in the
field during these grey days of spring. How can there be
pessimism in the face of such achievements ? And there
has been Zeebriigge, where the only trouble was to select
volunteers for that most hazardous and daring exploit.
Flight times the number would have gladly stormed the
Mole, had it been possible to convey them there. Knowing
as all do nowadays, the true significance of complete military
victory over the enemy, who can be a pacifist, when such
splendid evidence has been forthcoming that victory is
within our grasp if we endure ?
* * *
At time of writing. Sir Hugh Trenchard's reappointment in
the Royal Air Force has not been announced. Every day
he remains unemployed is to the disadvantage of the country.
Sir William Weir has, no doubt, found his time much occupied
in pouring oil on the needlessly troubled waters, but General
Trenchard should be back at work with the least possible
delay. His services cannot be indefinitely suspended without
giving rise to all kinds of undesirable nimours.
* * *
Will Lord French l>e an acceptable Viceroy of Ireland ?
In his long adventurous life, he has never entered on a greater
adventure. Being an Irishman by birth is to his advantage ;
being a soldier by training may or may not prove a benefit.
At any rate, circumstances have compelled him frequently
to form quick decisions in arduous affairs. And in Mr.
Shortt he has a Chief Secretary of whom all men speak well.
It is difficult to formulate any opinion on the future of Ireland
until the Home Rule Bill is drafted, beyond this : That,
bad as the outlook is to-day, it must needs be worse if vagilla-
tion and hesitancy prevail. Courage, resolution, and
sincerity are the essential qualities ; but, unfortunately, they
are the very qualities which have been at a considerable
discount in the poHtical life of this comitrv for years past.
We can hope that for once they mav not be absent, for
I the Irish question has to be settled" now or hereafter.
* * *
The narrative of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, American
Amba,ssador at Constantinople, 1913-6, begins in L.tXD and
W.\TER this week with graphic character sketches of the
leading players in the Turkish conspiracy. Mr. Morgenthau
gives it as his opinion that the war would probably have
ended a few months after the battle of the Marne if turkey
had not joined the enemy. The change in the balance of
power brought about by this event was so immense and far-
reachmg that one lias to watch the drama unfold in order to
realise the full truth. Mr. Morgenthau has an accomplished
pen,, and brings events vividly before the reader's mind.
May 9, 191 8
Land & Water
The Victory of April 29th : By H. Belloc
THE great action of Monday, April 29th, is not
only of the highest interest in itself as an example
of the defensive nt^w organised by the Allies, but
also because it exhibits much more clearly than
usual the general scheme of the war in its present
phase, the play of the offensive against the defensive, the
calculation of each party, and the measure of success which
each is obtaining towards these contrasted objects.
So far as this large aspect of the great German offensive,
as a whole, is concerned, what we have to note is this : —
The action of April 29th came at the end of a long series
which in their entirety may be called the second phase of
the great offensive.
Whether it is the close of that phase or no, only the future
can tell us ; whether the enem\''s action will develop a third
phase many have asked but none can pretend to answer,
and the attempt to answer it, which has been made in so
many sections of the Press, is quite futile. The enemy has
and retains the initiative as well as the offensive, and that
will remain the position inevitably until a certain point of
exnaustion is reached, which it is the whole object of the
defensive to provoke by the infliction of superior losses.
The enemy may use that initiative of his to spin out the
process, or he may attempt once more, with the remaining
fresh troops he has in hand, to snatch a decision in one blow.
He may have it in mind that the defensive will crumble if he
continues a succession of strong local attacks, any one of
which may give him some useful point in ground, such as a
jx)rt, or some sharp advantage in numbers by a local break-
down upon the other side with a corresponding capture of
prisoners. He may, on the other hand, prefer to mass for
one more great concerted action upon the largest scale still
open to him — with the use, say, of thirty or forty divisions
at once, e.g., between Albert and Arras.
Not only do we not know in the least which of these two
general ideas will guide the future : he himself does not
know. The successive accidents of a battle control and
perpetually modify military policy. There is no such thing
as a fixed plan governing an action save in the rare cases
where an action is immediately successful. Upon the con-
trary, the great bulk of military operations in history hava
consisted in a series of steps, each moulded by the result
of the last.
Even the vague and doubtful indications obtainable from
the result of actions alone are subject to a supreme political
modification which again we cannot judge ; the pressure
exercised upon the German Government by the economic
strain its civihan population suffers and by the judgment of
the great money power in such centres as Frankfort and
'Hamburg.
The past, however, is open to us ; and, as I have said, we
there essentially distinguish two phases so far in the great
German offensive of 1918. 1
The first phase was the attempt — very nearly successful,
and though unsuccessful, giving an immense advantage in
prisoners and material— to separate the French and the British
armies and to roll up the latter. This phase opened upon
March 21st, and continued for ten days. At its close the
enemy found that he had failed to create a permanent gap.
He was held, but he had taken so many prisoners that the
definitive* losses on his opponent's side nearly balanced his
own. He had captured an enormous amount of material ; he
had compelled a fraction of the Allied reserve to be thrown
in to save the situation. He had put himself very near vital
points on the lateral communications of the Allies-^notably
Amiens. What was almost as important from his point of
view, he had destroyed and overrun most of the permanent
defences on the northern part of the Western front, and had
created a war of movement : slow and partial, but still a
war of movement.
Under such circumstances, he inaugurated the second
phase of his offensive. The mark of this second phase has
been the use of smaller groups upon narrower fronts ; each
such attack being designed to perpetuate the war of move-
ment, to compel furtlier fractions of the detached Allied
reserve to be thrown in ; and to compel these fresh troops
to very long journeys round the outside of a great salient by
comnuinications which were far lengthier than his own.
• By " definitive losses " we mean losses that are never replaced : The
d'/ad, mutilated, and prisoners ; as contrasted with gross 01 total losses
which include sick and wounded of all kinds as well. Ol the latter, a
J.trge proportion ultimately return to the ranks.
The greatest and most successful of his operations in this
second phase, as well as the smallest or least successful,
have all this mark in common : that they are local instead of
general ; deliberately dispersed so that the whole hne may
be shaken by various widely separated blows ; and designed
each, first, to put a further "drain upon the AlHed reserves in
men, secondly, to try the chances of considerable local results
-psuch as {a) the production of confusion and consequent
superior loss to the defensive, (b) the production of salients,
e.g., Bethune, Messines, which can be reduced by further
pressure, (c) the occupation of points of ground valuable for
further action, e.g., the plateau of Villers-Brettoneux, or
valuable in themselves as military assets, e.g., the port of
Dunkirk.
It is further obvious that if any one of these local blows
of the second phase prove unexpectedly successful, the
result can be rapidly used for exercising pressure at once
against the wounded sector of the Allied defensive line and
perhaps achieving an unexpectedly great result.
The Enemy's Policy
So stated, the enemy's policy, of which he has the full
initiative, is not only simple but, apparently, wholly and
necessarily to his advantage. So stated, it is the action of a
mere conqueror who is methodically proceeding with his
conquest ; and that is the light in which the German mihtary
writers are treating this second phase. That is the way in
which the German Press is expected to regard it, and does
for the most part usually regard it. We have such phrases
as : "Victory in the West at short date is now inevitable."
"The conclusion is now foregone." "The repeated blows
against the English and their repeated breakdown compel
the exhausted French to use up the last of their resources."
"We strike where we will, when we will, and always in the
successful pursuit of a methodical plan," etc.
The counter-part, however, to that point of view, the thing
not said on the German side, and yet the thing which makes all
the difference, is the expense of men multiplied by the effect
of time.
^ Suppose this policy (a) to be drawn out for some months
without reaching a final issue, and (i) to be costing the enemy
at least three men where it cost the Allies two (the proportion
of Verdun), or even, as may well be the case after a series of
bad failures to advance, two men where it cost the Allies one
— then it is not a winning game, but a losing game.
As to the effect of time, the unknown factor is the exploita-
tion of the East. So long as the Prussian armies are unde-
feated, the Slavs of the East, now in the enemy's hands
through the international traitors at the capital of what
was once the Russian Empire, can be gradually exploited.
They can ultimately produce food and a great part of the
raw material needed by the enemy. The whole problem lies
in the answer to the question : "At what rate ?"
Meanwhile, the strain on the Central Empires gets more
and more severe. In the more civiUsed (and less organised)
southern part, the Upper Danube Valley, it is shocking ;
patches of comparative plenty in country districts stand
side by side with actual famine in some towns. In the less
civiMsed (and still less organised) south-west, the Lower
Danube Valley, things are worse still. In the Northern
Baltic Plains, manufacturing Saxony, and the Lower Rhine
Valley, the great German industrial system, with its crude,
inferior culture and. its highly exact organisation, the
strain is far better distributed, and therefore presents fewer
special points of danger. But the strain is none the less
very severe indeed. It was undoubtedly this general strain
ufwn the Central Empires which provoked the experiment
of last March and the gamble with the remaining men in
hand. It was because that gamble was played with such
very high stakes on the board, because such a vast concen-
tration just failed to reach its goal, that the second phase has
taken that form of repeated local attacks which we have
described.
How distinct the second phase is from the first a few
comparative statistics will show : —
In the first great attack, 40 di\isions gave the shock,
swelhng to 50 within twenty-four hours, reinforced by 20
more during the pursuit, and reaching a total before the
end of the operation of over 80.
None of the actions in the second phase has occupied more
than 13 divisions, and each such action has been quite
Land & Water
May 9, 191 8
separate and distinct, e.g.. that of April 4th, that of the
other day against Villers-Brettoneux and Hangard (6 divi-
sions, rising to 8, and ending with 10), that against Rcthunc
the week before (6 divisions). The break-through at Armen-
tiferes (4 divisions, bc?coming 6 within the first day, and
rising to 8 by the second, or perhaps 11 by the end of the
second). Six divi.sions, rising to 7 and reinforced to 10 in
the operations against Arras on March 2iSth and 29th, etc.
Although the break-through at Armentieres gave an
opportunity for rapidly developed action, and although in
the course of three weeks following nearly 40 divisions
appeared in that region, yet even here we have to deal svith
successive and distinct actions, with longer and longer pauses
for re-arrangement in between and with stricth' local
objectives.
It is the same thing if we contrast the length of front in
the first and in the second phase. The first phase involved
a shock on a front of about 50 miles, rapidly extended to
over 70. None of the local efforts of the second phase have
at any one action covered a front of more than 15 miles, and
the greater part have been confined to lengths of from 6 to
10 miles at the most.
Again, the first phase was one continuous blow, rupture,
and pursuit, pressed to its extreme limits, and evidently
expecting, up to the last moment, a decision. The second
phase has admitted distinct and lengthening intervals between
each loc&l and partial effort.
The battle, then, has, during the whole of a period roughlv
corresponding to the month of April, had the new mark of
what I have called the second phase, and it is as part of this
perhaps as the termination, or nearly the termination of this,
that we must regard the great action of April 29th, which
may be called the Battle of Locre. It was a complete local
defeat for the enemy, and an exceedingly severe one.
We have been told more about it than we have about
most of these affairs, and at this distance of time we can
judge it in some detail. I will proceed to analyse it.
Firet, as to its object : The enemy, in a strength of about
9 divisions against about 4, had seized Mt. Kemmel some four
days before, and had extended his line at the base of this
height ; so that it stood, at the eqd of his success, in a nearly
straight line north-eastwards, from Meteren along the base
of the hills through the saddle west of Kemmel, in front of
the village of Locre, right up north (further across the saddle)
to the fields in front of La Clytte, and thence north of the
cross roads of Vierttraat.
It passed through the hamlet of Voormezeele. The line
then swept on eastward round Ypres in a flat salient to which
it had been retired, and then up through Bixschoote, in which
region the Belgians took it oh to the marshes of the Lower Yser.
Two things will be clearly apparent from the trace thus
established, especially if we put the matter (as upon Sketch I.)
in the form of a diagram. First, that if the enemy could
make another rapid advance in his centre north-westwards
3rMt/£S~'
from Dranoutre along the arrow, forcing Locre and the
saddle between Mt. Kemmel and the Mont Noir, turning,
and then occupying the next lump of hills (Mont Noir and
.Mont Rouge) he niight create such a salient round about
the ruins of Ypres as would be untenable. But it might
have to be a rapid movement to succeed. It would then
compel a rapid evacuation of that deep salient, and it would
throw the Allies back in the north. '
Next, a blow of this sort outflanking the Mont Noir and the
Mont Rouge would put nes-riy the whole of the range of hills
\oo?actt^
St-Onier
Riarh.i'ouclc-
into German hands, completely dominating the plain to the
north. Nothing would be left to take but the Mont des Cats,
and by the time that had gone it would be certain that the
whole of the northern plain \^ould have to be evacuated, and
Dunkirk uncovered in any case.
Such was the obvious strategic advantage aimed at when
the blow was planned and prepared during the three days'
lull after the occupation of Mount Kemmel, and such were the
results envisaged when the enemy's bombardment began at
3 o'clock in the morning of Monday, the 29th.
The order of battle at this moment would seem to have
been as follows, reading from west to east — that is, from
right to left of the Allied line : —
On the extreme right at .Meteren, and from Meteren up to
the base of the Mont Noir, were the Australians. From
there to a point somewhere near the front of La Clytte, and
between it and Locre, ran the French, holding the base of
the hills and the saddle between Kemmel and the Mont Noir.
On the left, continuing eastward up to the Ypres Canal,
were 3 English divisions— the 25th, the 49th, and the 21st.
The whole of the front thus engaged extended for a
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May 9, 191 8
Land & Water
trace of 17,000 yards, or nearly 10 miles. The points to be
particularly noted upon it for the purpose of understanding
the action are, reading from east to west, that is, from the
Allied left to the Allied right, the following : First, the
Ypres Canal, with its sharp elbow at Lock No. 8, which had
been lost previously to the battle. The line started here
from the latter end of the long straight reach of the Canal,
which runs up to Ypres itself past Lock No. 9. It ran through
the ruins of Voormezeele, and thence up to Ridge Wood ;
thence behind Vierstraat, along the Kemmel Beck, at the
bottom of the slope which leads up to I,a Clytte, and climbed
up over the saddle between Kemmel and the Mont Noir.
passing through Locre Hospice ; thence along the base of
the hills covering the Wolfhoek Wood, and so to Meteren.
There was a dense mist that morning when the German
infantry was launched at times varying with different parts
of the line from half-past 5 until 7. Against what may
have been 6 or may have been 7 Allied divisions in line,
a total of perhaps 13 divisions* was used in the German
offensive, of which 11 have been identified ; 6 against the
French, under Eberhardt, including the 233rd, the 4th
Bavarian, and the Alpine Corps, which is equivalent to no
more than a division. Five and a fraction against the
British on the left (the German right), part of the 7th, the
25th, 49th Reserve, the 3rd Guards, the 19th Reserve, and
the 56th. The remaining two were, I presume, used upon
the extreme right against the Australians. But on this the
messages received are so far confused or doubtful.
While the attack with 6 divisions against the French was
being made by the Corps-Commander Eberhardt, that with
5 divisions against the British was being made under the
orders of another corj)S-commander. It was a distinctly
divided action : the right of the Germans to hold the British,
the left under a separate command to divide the British
from the French. The density of such an attack is always
to be noted. It was, if anything, somewhat under the
customary extreme density of the German assault, which
has reached more than eight bayonets to the yard. In the
action with which we are dealing the average from the Ypres
Canal to the French right beyond the hills was more like
six bayonets to the yard.
Following what is now his almost invariable tactic, the
enemy put his chief weight into the first blow, and was so
far successful as to achieve two j)reliminary advances ; one
of which was of secondary importance, but the other critical.
The first of these was a thrust through Voormezeele ruins,
and between them and the Ridge Wood, a short sector held
by Lancashire and other troops. The idea was to
turn the obstacle of the wood by the right or east. The
attack forced its way through Voormezeele village itself,
and apparently to the northern edge of the ruined houses,
but no further. Lancashire men in the Ridge Wood itself
kept off the enemy all morning, and Yorkshire and South
African troops immediately to their right held this western
obstacle flanking Voormezeele intact.
. The second, as I have said, was of a more critical character.
It was directed against the French left and the point of
junction between the British and the French divisions. It
pushed the French back through Locre, and at one moment
reached the extremely important point which the British
soldiers call Hvde Park Corner, where five wavs meet, on the
• There is some doubt about two of these— the 31st and thi 107th-
saddle between the Scherpenberg and the group of hills the
Germans were desiring to turn and occupy. This meant
not only a serious advance of well over a thousand yards,
but a wedge stuck in at the most vital part of the line between
the two Allies. Another 1,500 yards, if it had been occupied
and held, might have meant the loss of the hills to the left
and to the right ; the Scherpenberg might have been turned,
and so might the mass of the Mont Noir and the Mont Rouge.
The Germans reached this point a little before noon. But
there came a counter-attack in the early afternoon from the
French, which not only restored the position, but ultimately
swept the Germans back to points from 1,000 to 1,500 yards
behind those from which they had started. All the rest of
the day the German efforts to re-advance, including four
separate massed concentrations and innumerable smaller
groupings, were broken by the French fire with very heavy
loss. Before dusk the fighting had completely died down,
and the heaviest attack delivered by the enemy since the
great tidal wave towards Amiens was checked had been
completely broken and defeated.
Special mention has been made in dispatches and public
correspondence of the heavy trial to which the new young
drafts were put in the British units, especially among the
Leicesters, and the gallantry with which this severe strain
was met. The men had slept and worked in their gas-masks
continuously, and had been subjected to a more appalling
bombardment than any hitherto experienced.
A notable feature in the German attack upon the French
in the centre was the copying of the EngUsh tactic of very
low-flying aeroplanes.
Lastly, it must be remarked that in this battle the deter-
mination to achieve an immediate success led the enemy to
return to his old tactic of densely massed formations, with
corresponding losses, from which he had departed during his
successful effort against Mount Kemmel, where he had acted
rather by the new method of "infiltration" with numerous
isolated and successive machine-gun groups.
It is impossible to estimate even in the roughest -way the
losses sustained in this cUsaster. He must have put in to
the actual shock, excluding the plain south of the hills, some
80,000 infantrj', and possibly somewhat more. His casualties
may have amounted to a quarter of these or more.^The
effects of such a set-back were seen in the complete absence
of movement upon his part for five full days up to Saturday
night (on the dispatches of which this article is written).
Roughly speaking, the defensive worked on this occasion
with forces much less than two-thirds, but probably slightly
more than half those of the offensive. The result was in
part due to this increase in covering and in part to the arrival
of ample French gun-power.
Among the German units specially weakened was the
3rd Guards, opposite to the British 25th Division in the
centre. The Kemmel Brook ran between them, the British
Border Regiment holding the open sloping ground to the
north ; the German Guards being compelled to concentrate
as best they could under the cover of a few ruined huts upon
the open slope beyond and to advance down it. In this
attempted advance they suffered very heavy losses indeed,
and apparently never got into contact ; the execution being
specially effected by the coolness and accuracy of fire on the
part of the Border Regiment, which is signalled out for
special mention in this connection.
Appearance of the German Class 1920
As the question of men is at the bottom of the
whole problem with which the Allies and the
enemy equally are confronted, we may say that
a piece of news received in London on Wednes-
day evening last from Renter's correspondent
in France is perhaps the most important for a long time past.
It is to the effect that the French Higher Command have
obtained intelligence of the presence of the German Class 1920
at the front. It is the misfortune of this war, and par-
ticularly of this stage in the war, that matters of first-class
moment such as this fail of public recognition because there
is nothing striking about them and they cannot serve the
uses of the popular Press. But the readers of Land and
Water who are familiar with the fundamentals of the cam-
paign will, I think, appreciate the value of this news.
The German Empire has been compelled, ever since the
end of 1914, to draw upon its younger classes, to "borrow
men," as we may say, more and more as the campaign
advanced. So have all the conscript belligerents : the
French, for instance. But the German borrowing has been
more rapid. Class 1914 was called upon immediately and
normally. Class 1915 was called up earlier than had been
expected. Class 1916 earlier still, and Classes 1917 and 1918
continued the process of acceleration. Prisoners from the
latter were taken as early as late in the month of July (if
my memory serves me right) — that is, before the Battle of
the Somme had been long in process. ^
Then came a period during which acceleration was less
marked. Russia did nothing for months. When she did
move it was only to break up. Htr offensive, when it came,
was very short, ;uid was a pitiful failure. Then came anarchy,
followed by treason upon the part of a cosmopolitan gang
which had got hold of the capital. All this lowered the rate
of German losses, and consequently relieved what already by
1916 had become a very grave problem in man-power. The
relief afforded to the German Empire by the collapse of
Russia, and the subsequent betrayal of the Allies there,
can roughly be measured by the figures with which my
readers are familiar. For every 1.0 Germans down and out
in the first seventeen months of the war, there were more
than 7, but probably not 8, Germans down and out in the
next seventeen months. Class 1919, therefore, though it
Land & Water
May 9, 191 8
was drawn on very early, did not show an acceleration over Class
1918. At the beginning of this year. Class 1920 was warned.
That warning, again, showed no new acceleration in the
rate of exhaustion. This step would have normally meant
no more than the calling up of the main portions, at least,
of Class 1920 for examination in .\pril, 1918 ; four months
training would normally have followed, and the appearance
of the hrst batches of Class 1920 in the fighting line as recruits
would have been seen in July and thenceforward tliroughout
the summer ; the bulk of them certainly would not have
been incorporated in the units suffering heavy expenditure
until the end of the summer, if the German calculation
before the offensive had made good. A Gennan immature
class is under half a million available lads — say, 450,000.
That was what one meant when one said that the enemy
could reckon on an income or recruitment of rather less than
half a million later on in this year. Now, the significance
of the news to hand is that he has been compelled, for some
reason or other (and much most probably by the unexpected
rate of liis loss in action since March 2ist), to bring the first
batches of this new recruitment in not in July, but before
the last days of April. In other words, he had anticipated
even his own schedule of anticipation in the case of some
elements of this new recruitment by as much as three months.
Significant as the detail is, we must not exaggerate it.
The exact evidence gathered and published should be re-
tained and no more built upon it than it warrants. That
exact evidence testifies to the presence in the fighting zone
(but not yet incorporated in any regiment used for shock)
of a full company — 250 strong — of the new class which
normally should not have appeared until the late summer.
This single unit has been discovered attached to the 13th
Reserve Division, and is now in the field depots of that
division. Its personnel, the average age of whom is probably
just about 18 (though some of them probably a httle under)
has only had eight weeks' training, and yet here they are
present immediately behind the lines with the obvious task
of filling gaps in quite the near future. Small as is the indica-
tion it clearly cannot be a mere unique exception. For news
of a single unit thus to have reached French headquarters,
there must be some considerable fraction of the whole recruit-
ment already thus distributed.
The next step of interest will be to note the moment when
the Allied forces first begin to take prisoners from this 1920
class. From that moment we shall know that this immature
recruitment is being regularly fed in to the mill which has
already sucked up from 136 to 140 of the German divisions,
and, counting those who have been in twice, and even three
times, njust have used the equivalent of something over 182.
The Enemy Losses
Very various estimates have been made of the enemy
losses, and these must still be hopelessly vague until better
and more detailed evidence is available. The nearest thing
to an official pronouncement — but it is not official — is con-
tained in the message of a correspondent in touch with the
French who puts down a minimum of 350,000 up to about
ten days ago. I cannot but regard this as an insufficient
estimate, though, of course, anything with official backing
to it (if we could get such a pronouncement) would have to be
accepted at once because only at the Intelligence Department
of Headquarters is there a proper collation of all evidence.
But I remark the following points in the problem : —
(i) The number of German divisions actually identified
as appearing in action since the great offensive began is more
than 136 and less than 140. To put it at the lowest figure,
and allowing only just over 7,000 bayonets to the division,
and you have a million men. As a matter of fact, tlie divi-
sions used for shock have been brought up to strength, and
if the full 9,000 bayonets have not appeared in each, at any
rate, 7,000 is too low an estimate, and 8,000 not too high.
(2) Something like 40 divisions have by this time appeared
twice, and at least 6 have appeared three times. Now, this
makes a total equivalent to 182 divisions, at least — more
probably nearer 190 — for a division when it is taken out, and
rested and recruited, and sent in again loses again the second
or the third time just as it did in the first. We are really
dealing, then, with a mass in infantry alone of nearer one
million and a half men than a million, and though the infantry
Jjear the mass of the casualties, there is very heavy loss in all
the other branches, particularly in the artillery. There is
loss also in the depots from bombing, and there is the ordinary
loss froiji sickness and fatigue, apart from known losses in brittle.
(3) Although a division is not kept in as it was during
the Gennan defensive on the Somme, until it has lost 40 to 50
per cent, of its effectives, yet it would be foolish to retire it
before it had lost, say, 25. There are cases, of course, when
it is retired, or where the action ceases with much smaller
loss ; but I am talking of the a\-erage. Now, that average
is built up by the exceedingly heavy losses actually demon-
strable in case after case. The 4tli Erzatz Division, for
instance, which attacked at Givenchy, has been pretty well
wiped out. One regiment had an average of only fifteen men
to each company left. The ist Guards Reserve Division, in
the same locality, showed in one regiment the loss of one-
tiiird of its officers in one day alone. We have from twenty
to thirty units analysed fully on this scale. True, they have
been units which have suffered quite exceptionally and from
which prisoners have been taken in our counter-attacks
after such suffering ; but, still, they are numerous, and the
losses have proved invariably exceedingly heavy.
(4) We know perfectly well by experience on the Allied
side during our own offensives how exceedingly heavy the
casualties of an attack can be, and certainly the average Ger-
man tactic is no less expensive than the average Allied tactic.
(5) We know that Class 1920 has already appeared in
the field depots just behind the fighting line.
There is in all these statements, semi-official and even
unofficial, a perhaps necessary political element. It is
necessary to prevent the public from making wild judgments
in its own favour. Opinion Was to be tuned. But I confess
myself to a preference for mere truth or, as- the enemy called
it in the dear old days of peace, "objective reality," and I
cannot but believe that the lowest of the estimates published
is below the truth on the plain evidence before us.
rOStSCnpt Tuesday Morning, May yth.
Since writing the above, we have the news of two more
days in dispatches from the front : the news of Sunday and
Monday, May 5th and 6th. It is remarkable that both days
continued tlie long halt imposed upon the enemy by his
severe defeat upon April 29th. In all, seven full days have
passed without his renewing the attack on the hills or striking
elsewhere. It is far the longest interval he has permitted
or suffered since March 21st. There seem to have been
indications of a renewed concentration for attack on the
fourth day, and its failure to develop is ascribed by the
public correspondents to the increasing vigour of the Allied
artillery on this front.
So considerable an interval has also been ascribed to the
large re-arrangement and concentration necessary for the
inception of a third phase to the battle in the shape of another
great blow with all available force on the model of the first
great action on March 2ist-22nd. It may be so.
On the front between Albert and Arras there has been a
little local movement to the advantage of the AustraUan
troops, and the French left at Hangard has also been slightly
advanced.
Every newspaper in Europe almost has spoken of impend-
ing action against the Italians. That is pure conjecture,
but the main elements are well enough known. The snows
have melted enough to permit movement in the latter part
of May in the mountains. On the other end, the Piave line
is stronger then and in June from the rise of the water.
A menace to either party here, during the freshets, is the
shelling and breaking of the high banks, between which the
river sometimes runs as much as 10 or iz feet above the
plain. The number of Austrian divisions believed to be
present between the Swiss frontier and the sea is 55, with
special concentration in the Trentino on the Italian left.
There is no reason, if the united enemv command chose to
alter the direction of attack, why these should not be
strengthened by the addition of German divisions. Beyond
those bare elements in the situation we know nothing.
The Rural Labourer
To the Editor, Land & Water.
Sir,- — -In your issue of the 25th, " Jason," in his article on "The
History of the Rural Labourer," speaks of a boy "who was
hanged at Winchester for striking a country gentleman." Will
you allow a collateral descendant of the man who was struck,
and who is himself a Hampshire farmer and much in sympathy
with the agricultural labourer, and who, further, lives close to
where the incident occurred, to say that the facts of the case
are hardly as quoted by your correspondent.
What really happened was that the youth in question hit the
gentleman twice on the head with a sledge-hammer, and his
life was merely saved by his wearing at the time a hard box -hat.
I may incidentally mention that the greatest possible efiorts
were made by the man assaulted, who had considerable political
influence, to prevent the execution.
Woodlands Farm, Bramdean, Hants. Arthur Baring.
P.S. — I should perhaps add that at the time the incident
occurred the gentleman in question was merely trying to prevent
his n--^ hinery being des'-- •• A by the rioters. 1
May 9 , 1 9 i 8
Land & Water
The Turkish Conspiracy
The Narrative of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, American Ambassador in Turkey,
1913-1915
In this opening chapter of the diplomatic activities at the Sublime Porte before the outbreak of war,
the scene is set for one of the most thrilling tragedies in the history of the uorld — a tragedy which
has involved the annihilation of the Armenian people, carried uar anew to earth's most ancient
battlefi.elds, and brought the sacred city of Jerusalem for a second time under the banner of the Cross.
In these pages are described vividly the actors, uho took the leading part, by one icho moved freelv
among them, and had unrivalled opportunities of studying them under most varied circumstances.
This diplomatic record surpasses in vital interest anything of the kind hitherto published.
I AM beginning to write these reminiscences of my
ambassadorsliip at a moment when Gennan'y's schemes
in the Turkish Empire and the East have achieved an
apparent success. The Central Powers have dis-
integrated Russia, have transformed the Baltic and
the Black Seas into German lakes, and have obtained a new
route to the East by way of the Caucasus. Germany now
dominates Serbia, Bulgaria, and Turkey, and regards her
aspirations for a new Teutonic Empire, extending from the
North Sea to the Persian Gulf, as practically realised. The
world now knows, though it did not clearly understand this
fact three years ago, that Germany precipitated the war to
destroy Serbia, seize control of the Balkan nations, transform
Turkey into a vassal state, and thus obtain a huge Oriental
empire that would form the basis for unlimited world
dominion. Do these German aggressions in the East mean
that this extensive programme has succeeded ?
As I look upon the new map, which shows Germany's
recent miUtary and diplomatic triumphs, my experiences in
Constantinople take on a new meaning. I now see the events
of these twenty-six months as part of a connected, definite
story. The several individuals that moved upon the scene
now appear as players in a carefully staged, superbly managed
drama. I see clearly enough now that Germany had made
all her plans for world dominion and that the country to which
I had been accredited as American Ambassador was the
foundation of the Kaiser's whole political and military
structure. Had Germany not acquired control of Con-
stantinople in the early days of the war, hostihties would
probably have ended a few months after the battle of the
Marne. It was certainly an amazing fate that landed me,
a quiet and diplomaticcdly inexperienced business man of
New York, in this great
headquarters of intrigue,
at the very moment when
the plans of the Kaiser,
carefully pursued for a
quarter of a century, were
about to achieve their
final success.
For the work of sub-
jugating Turkey and trans-
forming its army and its
territory into instruments
of fiermany, the Emperor
had sent to Constantinople
an Ambassador who was
ideally fitted for the task.
The mere fact that Wij-
helm had personally se-
lected Baron von Wangen-
heim for this post shows
that he had accurately
gauged the human quali-
ties needed for this great
diplomatic enterprise.
Wangenheim had for years
been the Kaiser's personal
intimate and confidant ;
he had occasionally spent
his vacations witii his
imperial master at Corfu,
and here, we may be sure,
the two congenial spirits
passed many days dis-
cussing German plans in
the East. At the time I
first met him, Wangen-
heim was fifty-five years
old ; he had given a
quarter of a century to
the dmlomatic service, had
Henry Morgenthau
been charge at Constantinople, and Minister to Greece and
Mexico — his sojourn in the latter country having given him
a great knowledge of the United States. He had a complete
- technical equipment of a diplomat ; he spoke German, Eng-
lish, and French with equal facility, he knew the East thor-
oughly', and had the widest acquaintance with public men.
Physically, he was one of the most striking persons I have
ever known. When I was a boy in Germany, the Fatherland
was usually symbolised as a beautiful and powerful woman —
a kind of dazzling Valkyrie ; when I think of modem Ger-
many, however, the massive, burly figure of Wangenheim
naturally presents itself to my mind. He stood six feet
two inches high ; his huge, solid frame, his Gibraltar-like
shoulders, erect and impregnable, his bold, defiant head, his
piercing eyes, the whole physical structure constantly pul-
sating with life and activity — there stands, I say, not the
Germany which I had known, but the Germany whose
limitless ambitions had transformed the world into a place
of horror. And Wangcnheim's every act and every word
typified this new and dreadful portent among the nations.
Pan-Germany filled all his waking hours and directed his
every action. The deification of his Emperor was the only
religious instinct which impelled him. That aristocratic and
autocratic organisation of German society which represents
the Prussian system was, in Wangenheim's eyes, something
to be venerated and worshipped ; with this as the ground
work, Germany was inevitably destined, he believed, to rule
the world. The great land-owning Junker represented the
perfection of mankind ; " I would despise myself," his
closest associate once told me, and this represented Wangen-
heim's attitude as well, "if I had been born in a city."
Wangenheim divided mankind into two classes, the govern-
ing and the governed ;
and he ridiculed the idea
that the upper could ever
be recruited from the
lower. I recall with what
unction and enthusiasn>
he used to describe the
Emperor's caste organiza-
tion of German estates ;;
how he had made them
non-transferable, and had
even arranged it so that
the possessors, or the pro-
spective possessors, could
not marry without the
imperial consent. " In this-
way," Wangenheim would'
say, " we keep our govern-
ing classes pure, unmixed
of blood." Like .all of his
social order, Wangenheim
worshipped the Prussian
military system ; his
splendid bearing showed
that he had himself served
in the army, and, in true
German fashion, he re-
garded practically every
situation in life from a.
military standpoint. 1 had
one curious illustration of
this when I asked Wan-
genheim one day why the
Kaiser did not visit the-
United States. " He would
like to immensely," he
replied, "but it would be
too dangerous. War might
break out when he was
cominL' home and thf»-
Land & Water
May 9, 1918
enemy would capture liim." I suggested that that could
hardly happen, as the American Government would escort
its guest home with warships, and that no nation would care
to run the risk of involving tlie United States as Germany's
ally ; but he still thought that the military danger would
make any such , visit impossible.
Wangenheim's Nature ^
From the day that he reached Constantinople, Wangen-
heim had one absorbing ambition ; that was to make Turkey
Germany's ally in the struggle which he knew was impending.
He believed that should he succeed in doing this, he would
reap the reward which for years had represented his final
goal — the Chancellorship of
the Empire. His personal
popularity with the Turks
gave him a great advan-
tage over his rivals. Wan-
genheim had precisely that
combination of force, per-
suasiveness, geniality, and
brutality needed in dealing
. with the Turkish charac-
ter. I have emphasised his
Prussian qualities ; yet
Wangenheim was a Prus-
sian not by birth, but by
development ; he was a
native of Cassel, and, to-
gether with ail the push,
ambition, and overbearing
traits of the Prussian, he
had some of the softer
characteristics which we
associate with Southern
Germany. He had one
conspicuous quality, which
is not Prussian at all — ■
that is, tact ; and for the
most part he succeeded in
keeping his less agreeable
tendencies under the sur-
face and showing only his
more ingratiating side. He
dominated not so much by
brute strength as by a
mixture of force and ami-
ability. Externally he was
not a bully ; his manner
was more insinuating than
coercive ; he won by per-
suasiveness, not by the
mailed fist ; but we who
knew him well understood
that back of all his gentle-
ness there lurked a terrific,
remorseless ambition. Yet
the impression left was not one of brutality, but of excessive
animal spirits and good nature. Indeed, Wangenheim had
in combination the jovial enthusiasm of a college student, the
rapacity of a Prussian official, and the happy-go-lucky
qualities of a man of the world. I still recall the picture of
this German diplomat, seated at the piano, playing the finest
productions of the Fatherland— and then suddenly starting
to pound out uproarious German drinking songs or popular
melodies. I still see him jumping on his horse on the polo
grounds, spurring the splendid animal to its speediest efforts
— never .making sufficient speed, however, to satisfy the
ambitious sportsman. Indeed, in all his activities, grave
and gay, Wangenheim displayed this same restless spirit of
the chase. Whether he weis flirting with the Greek ladies at
Pera, or spending hours over the card -table at the Cercle
d'Orient, or bending the Turkish officials to his will in the
interest of Germany, all life was to him a game, which was to
be played more or less recklessly, and in which the chances
favoured the man who was bold and audacious and willing
to pin success or failure on a single throw. And this greatest
game of all — that upon which was staked, as Bernhardi has
expressed it, "world-empire or downfall" — Wangenheim did
not play languidly, insidiously, as though it had been nierely
a duty to which he had been assigned ; to use the German
phrase, he was " fire and flame " for it ; he had the conscious-
ness that he was a big man set aside to perform a mighty
task. As I write of VV'angenheim I feel myself alfectcd by
the force of his personality, yet I know all the time that,
like the government he served so loyally, he was funda-
mentally ruthless, shameless, and cruel. He accepted in
Baron von Wangenheim, German Ambassador to Turkey
He was personally selected by the Kaiser to bring Turkey into line with Germany and
transform that country into an ally of Germany in the forthcoming war — a task at
which he succeeded. Wangenheim represented German diplomacy in its most ruthless
and most shameless aspects. He believed with Bismarck that a patriotic German must
stand ready to sacrifice for Kaiser and Fatherland not only his life, but his honour as
well. With wonderful skill he manipulated the desperate and corrupt adventurers who
controlled Turkey in 1914 into becoming an instrument of Germany.
full Bismarck's famous dictum that a German must be ready
to sacrifice for Kaiser and Fatherland not only his life, but
his honour as well.
The Austrian Ambassador
Just as Wangenheim personified Germany, so did his
colleague, Pallavicini, personify Austria. Wangenheim was
always looking to the future, Pallavicini to the past. Wan-
genheim represented that mixture of commercialism and
mediaeval lust for conquest that constitute Prussian ivell-
politik ; Pallavicini was a diplomat left over from the days
of Mettemich. "Germany wants this I" Wangenheim would
shout when an important point had to be decided ; "I shall
consult my Foreign Office,"
the hesitating Pallavicini
would say on a similar
occasion. The Austrian,
with little, upturned grey
moustaches, with a rather
stiff, even shghtly strut-
ting walk, looked like the
old-fashioned Marquess of
the Opera Comique. I
might compare Wangen-
heim with the representa-
tive of a great business
firm that was lavish in its
expenditures and obtained
its trade by generous en-
tertaining, while his Aus-
trian colleague represented
a house that prided itself
on its past achievements
and was entirely content
with its position. The
same delight that Wan-
genheim took in Pan-
German plans, Pallavicini
found in all the niceties
and obscurities of diplo-
matic technique. The Aus-
trian had represented his
country in Turkey many
years, and was the dean
of the corps, a dignity of
which he was extremely
proud. He found his de-
light in upholding all the
honours of his position ; he
was expert in arranging
the order of precedence at
ceremonial dinners, and
there was not a single
detail of etiquette that he
did not have at his finger's
ends. When it came to
affairs of state, however,
he was merely a tool of Wangenheim. In this way, Pallavicini
played to his German ally precisely the same part that his
Empire was playing to that of the Kaiser. In the early
months of the war the bearing of these two men completely
mirrored the respective successes and failures of their coun-
tries. As the Germans boasted of victory after victory,
Wangenheim's already huge and erect figure seemed to
become larger and more upstanding, while Pallavicini, as
the Austnans lost battle after battle to the Russians, seemed
to become smaller and more shrinking.
The situation in Turkey in these critical months seemed
almost to have, been artificially created to give the fullest
opportunities to a man of Wangenheim's genius. The so-
called Young Turks— more properly the committee of Union
and Progress— now dominated the Turkish Empire. Several
years before I came to Turkey I remember reading a most
encouraging piece of news. A body of young revolutionists
had swept from the mountains of Macedonia, marched upon
the capital, deposed the Sultan Abdul Hamid, and estab-
lished a constitutional system. Turkey, these glowing news-
paper stories told us, had become a democracy, with a
parliament, a responsible ministry, universal suffrage equaUty
of all citizens before the law, freedom of speech and of the
Press, and all the other essentials of a free, hberty-loving
commonwealth. That a party of Turks had for years been
struggling for such reforms I well knew ; that their ambitions
had become realities seemed to indicate that, after all there
was such a thing as human progress. The long welter of
May g, igi8
Land & Water
Enver Pasha, Minister of War
A man of the people, who, at 26, was a leader in the
revolution which Jeposed Abdul Hamid and estab-
li«hed the new tigime of the Young Turks. At that
time the Young Turks honestly desired to establish a
Turkish democracy. This attempt failed miserably
and the Young Turk leaders then ruled the Turkish
Empire for their own selfish purposes. Enver is
chiefly responsible for turning the Turkish army over
to Germany. He imagines himself a combination
of Napoleon and Frederick the Great.
Talaat Pasha, Grand Vizier
In 1914, when the war broke out, Talaat was
Minister of the Interior and the most influential
leader in the Committee of Union and Progress, the
secret organisation which controlled the Turkish
Empire. A few years ago Talaat was a letter-carrier,
and afterward a telegraph operator in Adrianople.
His talents are those of a great political boss. He
recently represented Turkey in the peace negotiations
with Russia and his signature appears on the Brest-
Litovsk treaty.
Djemal Pasha, Minister of Marine
In 1 914 Djemal headed the Police Department; it
was his duty to run down citizens who were opposing
the political gang then controlling Turkey. Such
opponents were commonly assassinated or judicially
murdered. Afterward Djemal was NJinister of
Marine, and as such violently protested' against the
sale of American warships to Greece. Then he wat
sent to Palestine as Commander of the Fourth Army
Corps, where he distinguished himself as leader in the
wholesale massacre of the non-Moslem population.
massacre and disorder in the Turkish Empire had apparently
ended. The great assassin, Abdul Hamid, had been removed
to soUtary confinement at Salonika ; and his brother, the
gentle Mohammed V., had ascended the throne as the first
constitutional sovereign of Turkey. Such had been the
promise ; by the time I reached Constantinople, in 1913,
however, many changes had taken place. Austria had
annexed two Turkish provinces, Bosnia and Herzegovina ;
citizens are busily engaged in the daily tasks and have no
leisure for pubUc matters. In Turkey the masses were
altogether too ignorant to understand the meaning of demo-
cracy ; the bankruptcy and general vicissitudes of the
country had left it with practically no government and an
easy prey to a desperate band of adventurers. The Com-
mittee of Union and Progress, with Talaat Bey as the Supreme
Boss constituted such a band. About forty men controlled
Italy had wrenched away Tripoii ; Turkey had fought two this committee, and there were sub-committees stationed in
th the Balkan St'atcs, and had lost all her territories all important cities of the empire. These men met frequently
in secret ; they formulated their plans, allocated the patron-
age, and' issued orders to their nominees, who filled nearly
all the important offices. These men, hke orthodox depart-
ment heads in the worst days— now, happily, passed— of
American city government, "took orders" and made the
appointments submitted to them.
I must admit, however, that I do the corrupt American
gangs a certain injustice in comparing them with the Turkish
Committee of Union and Progress. Talaat, Enver, and
Djemal had added to their system a detail that has not
figured extensively in American poHtics — that of assassina-
tion and judicial murder. They had wrested power from
the other factions by a deed of violence. This coup d'etat
wars wit
in Europe, except Constantinople and a small hinterland.
The aims for the regeneration of Turkey that had inspired
the revolution had evidently miscarried. I soon discovered
that four years of so-called democratic rule had ended with
the nation more degraded, more impoverished, and more
dismembered than ever before. Indeed, long before I had
arrived this attempt to estabhsh a Turkish democracy had
failed. Let us not criticise too harshly the Young Turks ;
there is no question that, at the beginning, they were sincere.
In a speech in Liberty Square, Salonika, in July, 1908, Enver
Pasha had eloquently declared that: "To-day arbitrary
government has disappeared. We are all brothers. There
are no longer Turks, Bulgarians, Greeks, Servians, Ruman- — ^ ^.i u t
ians, Mussuhnans, Jews. Under the same blue sky we are had taken place on January 26th. 1913. a few months betore
aU proud to be Ottomans." That represented the Young my arrival. At that time a political group headed by the
Turk ideal for the new Turkish State, but it was an ideal venerable Kiamil Pasha, as Grand Vizier, and Mazim Fasha,
which had been maltreated and massacred for centuries by as minister of war, controlled the government ; they repre-
the Turks; they could not transform themselves over-night ,sented a faction known as the Liberal Partv, winch was
into brothers ; 'hatreds, jealousies, and religious prejudices chiefly distinguished for its enmity to the Young lurks,
of the past still divided Turkey into a medley of warring These men had fought the disastrous Balkan War ; ;nd, in
clans. Above all, the destructive wars and the loss of great
sections of the Turkish Empire had destroyed the prestige of
the new democracy. There were other reasons for the
failure ; but it is not necessary to go into them at this time.
Committee of Union and Progress
Though the Young Turks had disappeared as a positive,
regenerating force, they still existed as a pohtical machine.
Their leaders, Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, had long since
abandoned any expectation of reforming their state, but
they had developed an insatiable lust for personal power.
The pohtical order that existed in Turkey in 1913 bore
certain resemblances to the Boss system in the United States.
The Committee of Union and Progress was a private, irre-
sponsible group of men who secretly manipulated elections,
and filled the offices with their own henchmen. It had its
own building in Constantinople, with a supreme chief who
gave all his time to its affairs and issued orders to his sub-
ordinates ; in fact, he ruled the party precisely like an
American city boss in the most unrcgenerate days. It
furnished a splendid illustration of "invisible government."
This kind of irresponsible government has obtained control
of American cities mainly because the real hard-working
January, they had felt themselves compelled to accept the
advice of the European Powers and surrender Adrianople to
Bulgaria. The Young Turks had been outside the breast-
works for about six months, looking for an opportunity to
return to power. The proposed surrender of Adrianople
apparently furnished them this opportunity. Adrianople was
an important Turkish city, and naturally the Turkish people
regarded the contemplated surrender as marking still another
milestone to their national doom. Talaat and Enver hastily
collected about 200 followers- and marched up to the Sublime
Porte, where the ministry was then sitting. Nazim, hearing
the uproar, stepped out into the hall. He courageously
faced the crowd, a cigarette in his mouth, and his hands
thrust into his pockets.
"Come, boys," he said, good humouredly. "what's all this
noise about ? Don't you know that it is inteifering with
our deliberations ? "
The words had hardly left his mouth when he fell dead.
A bullet had pierced a vital spot.
The mob, led by Talaat and Enver, then forced their way
into the council-room. They forced Kiamil, the Grand
Vizier— he was more than eighty years old— to resign his
post under threat of meeting Nazim's fate.
(To be continued).
Copyrifhl, 1918, U.S.A.
Admiral von Capelle: ''Ever
By Loi
JJtjIiJiWt PHLLMimm-i.-i-j. i-iii !■■»■ iT«iriTi«Tr i..ii i — ■■^— — . ,.^^.^^ ^ .^ ^^ -
rg is all right, All-Highest!"
Copyright, " Laiul & WaUr'
'e.Ts.
12
Land & Water
May 9, 1918
Economy in the Grand Fleet : By l. r. Freeman, r.n.v.r
THE wind liad been whistling raw and cold through
the foretop, from where I had been watching the
night target practice, and my appetite was
whetted to a razor edge by the time the game was
over and the ship was again at anchor.
"I'm as hungry as a shark, myself," said the gfunnery
■commander; "but, never mind, we'll have a good snack of
supper just as soon as we climb down and get out of these
Arctic togs."
Five minutes later, the first of a dozen officers who stamped
in as fast as their duties were over, we were seated at one of
the ward-room tables. "Would you rather have ham or
sardine sandwiches?" some one asked. "Both!" I un-
blushingly replied, 'unless the latter are as large as whales."
A waiter came hurrying through the door in answer to the
ring, buttoning his coat as though he had been surprised by
an unexpected summons. "A couple of plates of ham and
sardine sandwiches and beer all round," was the laconic but
comprehensive order.
The old "Marine" smiled deprecatingly, as one who has
unpleasant news to imptirt.
''Sorry, sir," he said, addressing the commander, "but the
day's bread was finished at dinner, sir, an' the 'am we' ad for
breakfast was all we can 'ave to-day, sir."
And then the wonderful thing happened. I had expected
the howl of a Roman stage mob to greet the disappointing
announcement ; but it was only the commander's voice that
was heard, speaking quietly as he rose from the table.
"Very well," he said; "bring us some hot cocoa in the
smoking-room. A good hot drink's the best thing for a
night like this, anyway." Over steaming cups of cocoa the
commander told me, briefly and casually, something of what
ha'd been done on his ship (which was thoroughly typical of
the other units of the Grand Fleet) to cut down the unneces-
sary consumption of food.
"The old idea," he said, "that a fighting man ought to be
stuffed like a prize steer was discredited by experience long
ago, but it took the war to jar us into putting that experi-
ence (like so many other things) into practice. Any man
living a non-sedentary life will make a very brave attempt
to eat all the food that is put before him, but that by no
means proves that he needs it. If he is working hard
enough in the open air, the surplus over his normal require-
ment does not do him any harm, and so there was not much
p)oint in keeping it away from him as long as there was food
to waste all over the world. But when the world's surplus
began to be turned into a deficit by the war, the opportunity
arose to kill two birds with one stone — to save food and to
improve the health of the men. I am glad to saj' that we
have been able to do both, and with the hearty concur-
rence of every one concerned, officers and men.
"Generally speaking," he continued, "we left the Navy
ration just about as it was before the war, with the exception
of those staples in which there is the worst shortage — bread,
meat, and potatoes. Great as the actual food-saving has
proved, a still more important benefit has been to our
health. There are several factors contributing to the truth
that the personnel of the Grand Fleet has incomparably the
highest standard of health ever maintained in so large a
body of men, and I am quite positive that by no means the
least of these is the check that has been put on over-eating
by our food-saving measures."
» * •
This incident occurred on the occasion of my first visit to
the Grand Fleet in the late autumn of last year ; but it was
not until my return, nearly two months later, that I had
opportunity to gather anything further of the details of food
economy. Then I learned that a strict rationing was only
the first part of a scheme of which the second was a waste-
prevention campaign. Bread and meat were both further
restricted, but to the iiViprovement rather than the detriment
of the already high health standard of the Fleet. The bread
now served consists of one-eighth potato, one-sixth barley
meal, and the remainder— but slightly more than two-
thirds — of "standard" flour. The Fleet Paymaster of my
ship, who outlined the scheme to me, said that the idea was
to reduce waste to a minimum, both "coining" and "going."
"We aim to put no more food on the tables of cither the
officers or men than they will eat up clean. Jack Spratt and
his wife are our models. But we don't stop there by any
means. Jack Spratt, so far as we have any information,
must have thrown away the bones, even if he and the missus
Copyright in U.S..^.
did hck the platter. We not only save the bones, but even
go so far as to skim the grease of^ the dish-water the platter
is washed in. If you will run over this report here, you'll
understand the 'fade-away' expression on the faces of the
gulls that used to fatten on the waste of the Grand Fleet.
It is merely a tabulated summary of a week's saving of the
things which used to go down the chutes.
There were numbers nmning to four and five figures in the
table, most of them referring to the pounds of various refuse
which had been collected and shipped for conversion into
glycerine and other useful and valuable products. Without
giving figures which might be "useful or heartening to the
enemy," I will probably be permitted to state that the
various headings were the following : Dripping, fat meat,
bones, waste paper, bottles and jars, discarded clothing,
head seals, mail bags, and tins. Several of the items would
have run to substantial figures even in tons, and the money
received for them at even the nominal prices paid by- the
contractor aggregated many thousands of pounds.
Variations in Savings
Glancing quickly through the figures under the headings
opposite the various ships of our squadron, I noticed at once
that there were considerable variations in their savings, and,
knowing that the number of men did not vary materially on
any of them, I asked the reason why the flagship, for instance,
with less than half the weight of "bones" to her credit than
"ourself," was still able to put by something like 50 per
cent, more dripping.
"It will probably be because we haven't yet 'standard-
ised' our methods throughout' the Fleet," repUed the Pay-
master; "because different ships may have different waj^
of going about the job. Of, these particular items you have
mentioned, perhaps we can find out something by talking
to Mr. C , the warrant-officer who has charge of the
collection of by-products."
Mr. C , who was plainly an enthusiast, launched on to
the subject with eagerness.
" I've been intending to explain that matter of dripping
to you, sir," he said, addressing the Fleet Paymaster, "for
the figures certainly have the look of not doing us justice.
Fact is, though, that the only reason we've run behind the
flagship on this count is because I have been encouraging
the messes to carry food-saving one stage further by using
the clean grease — the skimmings from their soup and the
water their meat is boiled in — instead of margarine. With
a Uttle pepper and salt, most of them like it better even than
butter, and, of course, they can use it much more freely. And
since dripping is worth more for food than it ever can
be to make up into soap or explosives, I figure I'm on the
right ttack, even if it does give the Lucifer and the Mephis-
tofoles a chance to head us in the 'grease' column. I must
admit, though, sir, that they've both been gaining a few
pounds of second-quahty stuff by rigging 'traps' — settling
tubs at the bottom of their chutes — in which they catch any
grease that has got away from them in the galley. H'll be
beating them at that game before long, though, for I'm
putting in setthng tubs at both top and bottom, with a
strainer in between.
"As for the 'bones,' " he went on, turning to me, "that's
largely 'personahty.' 'Boney Joe,' my chief assistant, is
perhaps more largely responsible than anyone else for the
fact that we are not only the champion ' bone-collecting '
ship of the squadron, but also head the list with ' bottles and
jars' and 'empty tins.' With 'waste paper' tliere's no use
competing with the flagship, for they come in for an even
heavier bombardment of that kind of stuff from the Admiralty
than, we do; and as for 'discarded clothing,' 1 feel that a
place at the bottom of the column would be more likely to
indicate economical management than one at ihe top. But
the things that represent a sheer saving, the things that
used to be thrown away right along— they're what it's worth
while pihng up by every means we can, and they're the ones
with which I want to keep heading the columns. And, as
I said before, 'Boney Joe' is the main feature of the show on
this score. If you like, I will arrange it so that you can do
his morning round with him to-morrow."
I accepted the offer with alacrity, for I had heard of "Boney
Joe" frequently. The first time was when, in order to avoid
a howlmg blizzard which was sweeping the decks, I endea-
voured to make my way forward to the ladder leading up
to my cabm under the bridge by threading the mazes of the
May 9, 191 8
Land & Water
13
mess-deck. Bent almost double to keep from butting the
low-swung hammocks, I tripped the more easily over a box
of empty tins, and fell with one arm sousing elbow-deep
into what proved to be a tub of "frozen" grease. Surveying
the draggled cuff of my jacket in the morning my servant
pronounced his verdict without a moment's hesitation.
"Tumbhn" into 'Boney Joe's' pickin's last night, sir, was
you," he said with a grin ; "we's alius doin' it oursel's."
On a number of other occasions certain syrenic notes
which came floating up to my cabin from the mess-deck
were variously ascribed to '"Boney Joe' doin' 'is rounds,"
" 'Boney Joe' cadgin' for grease," and " 'Boney Joe' singin'
'is 'Momin' 'Ate.'" I had several pictures of "Boney
Joe" in my mind, but not one of them came near to fitting
the handsome, strongly built, and thoroughly sailorly man-
o'-war's-man wliom Mr. C introduced to me as the
bearer of that storied name on the following morning. Only
a sort of scallywag twinkle in his eye revealed him as a
man who liked his little joke.
Mr. C was called away at this juncture, and left cock
of his own dung-hill "Boney Joe " became at once his own
natural self. The sailorly man-o'-war's-man disappeared in
an instant, and only one of the drollest characters in the
British Navy remained behind. "I'll be showin' you 'ow I
goes out to drum up me bone trade," he said, throwing an
empty sack over his shoulder, and replacing his be-ribboned
cap with a crumpled Homburg hat. "Now, 'er's wot I sing
tu 'em. Made it up mysel', too."
With a quick double-shufHe, he began footing it up and
down the junk-cluttered deck of the "bonatorium," singing:
'Eave out all yer dead an' dyin',
'Eave out all yer bones an' fat, .
'Eave out the stiff o' ' LittI' Willie,'
An' I'll give you my 'at.
" Why celebrate Little Willie ?" I asked in perplexity. "I
don't trace the connection between the 'dead and dying,'
and 'bones and fat,' and the— the earthly remains of the
Crown Prince."
"I ain't celebratin' 'em," explained "Joe" ; "I'm abomi-
natin' 'em, so to speak. My reference is to the dead an'
dyin' sojers th' Kaisur cooks up to make glysreen frum.
I brings in Willie jest to make 'etn ieel how they'd like it
if 'twas their turn next."
There is a "Boney Joe" on every ship of the British
Navy to-day. We could do with a few more of him in
civil life.
Climax of the Two Great Wars: By j. Holland r
ose, Litt. D.
IN a former article I sought to compare the military
and naval situation of Great Britain relatively to her
enemies in the years 1810-11 and 1917-18, which may
be considered the climax of the two struggles.
Now I am concerned with questions of food supply,
•commerce, and finance at the two periods. As before,
I i leave the reader mentally to supply, many present
■details, and I concentrate attention chiefly on the years
i8ro-ii.
There can be little doubt that Great Britain then occupied
a position respecting food supply sounder than she now does.
The population was about one-third of the present numbers
and the potential area for tillage greater. Owing to agri-
cultural reforms and improvements in the breed of oxen and
sheep, British farming was . far the best in the world. In
fact, we were just in the position best suited to face Napoleon's
• continental blockade. Further, he never sought to prevent
food coming to our p>orts, but rather encouraged such imports
in the belief that he was harming us by draining away the
reserves of gold.* Such a course of action now seems
singular ; but we must remember, firstly, that the England
of those days grew enough corn in average seasons to suffice
for 49 weeks out of the 52, whereas home-grown corn usually
lasts for about 10 weeks only. To Napoleon, then, a policy
of starvation may well have seemed impossible. Secondly,
he was a mercantilist of the crudest type, and believed that
a great volume of imports weakened a country ; and as our
credit .declined somewhat in 1810 he sought to increase the
drop by allowing imports of com at the then high prices. It
so chanced that bad harvests occurred in all the years 1809-12
of the Napoleonic ascendancy. Ill-luck in weather condi-
tions has certainly dogged us during this war ; but our
forefathers had to face four bad harvests in succession at a
time when the great conqueror was excluding them from
intercourse with all the Continent except Turkey and parts
of the Spanish Peninsula. Accordingly, the average price of
wheat rose from about 45s. the quarter (pre-war price
previous to 1793) to 95s., 103s., 92s. 5d., and 122s. 8d:
in 1809-12. t
Drastic expedients were adopted to assuage the dearth.
The distillation of spirits from grain was prohibited in those
years, as it had been in 1795, 1800, and 1808 ; and public
opinion demanded the prohibition. At a large meeting of
the inhabitants of Liverpool on November 4th, 18x1, the
Mayor being in the chair, it was unanimously resolved, on
the motion of Mr. John Gladstone (father of the statesman)
that a petition be drawn up requesting prohibition by royal
prerogative until the assembly of Parliament. It ran thus ;
". . . In times like the present, when no dependence can
be placed on receiving supplies of foreign corn, it becomes of
the first importance to husband to the utmost the crops of
this country." . . . (unless prohibition be soon reinforced)
"the distUlers will have laid in their stocks of grain for the
• For proofs see my Napoleonic Studies {fj. Bell & Sons, 1904),
jjp. 196-221.
t Porter, Progress of the Nation, sec. ii, ch. i. Tooke's estimates
are higher.
season, a large proportion of which will either be distilled or
converted into a state unfitting it for the food of man."*
There was need for drastic action. Owing to Napoleon's
rigid enforcement of his Continental System and his annexa-
tions in 1810, intercourse with the Continent almost ceased
in 1811, and whereas in 1810 we imported nearly ij milUon
quarters of wheat and wheaten flour, not much over a
quarter of a million entered our ports in 1811, when the
harvests throughout Europe failed. The narrowness of our
sources of supply (viz., France, Germany, and Poland in peace
time) was in itself a source of danger. Australia then raised
barely enough corn for her infant settlements, and America
sent mere driblets. In 1810, William Cobbett, who had
been over there, asserted, with his usual perverse dogmatism :
"America never did, and never can, give us any very large
supply." He therefore prophesied that the quartern loaf
would sell at 2s. 6d. by Christmas. It sold at just half that
price (as his Political Register testifies), and remained at that
figure till the autumn of 181 1, when it rose to is. 6d., and
more still in 1812. Best Danzig wheat then fetched i8os.
the quarter at Mark Lane — a price, I believe, never exceeded.
The collapse of Napoleon's power in 1814 brought the average
to less than 73s. — approximately the same as in 1807. Thus,
the unfortunate coincidence of a run of bad seasons with the
climax of the Napoleonic System brought England in the
winter 6f 1811-12 to the verge of starvation, though he never
designed to starve us. On July i6th and August 6th, 1810,
he issued instractions for the export of com from Italy to
Malta and England, as such a step would help Italian finance.
In 1811-12 he seems either not to have known of our dire
straits or to have clung to his notion of raining us by
increasing the excess of imports over exports.J In either
case, his action, or inaction, saved us from a crisis of extreme
gravity, which, as will shortly appear, produced deep dis-
tress among the poor. But that state of things was wholly
exceptional, and due to the causes just explained.
A comparison of the average price of wheat in 1809-12
with that for 1917-18 shows the f.,llowing average prices :
In 1809-12, 103s. 4d. per quarter (at Tooke's estimates,
105s. 5d.) ; in 1917-18, about 75s., with a tendency to a
gradual rise. Government control has doubtless checked this
tendency. Still, the fact remains that Germany's sub-
marines, operating against these crowded islands, have not pro-
duced the dearth which characterised the years 1809-12.
The failure, hitherto, of the submarine campaign could not
be more signally demonstrated. Sir Eric Geddes stated on
November ist, 1917, that the net reduction in British mer-
cantile marine in the four preceding months had been 30 per
cent, less than he had estimated in July. Furthermore,
wheat — the most vulnerable of our necessaries — sells at Uttle
• T. Tooke, Thoughts on the High and Low Prices of the Years
1793-1822, app. vii.
t W. Cobbett, Political Register, for June 23rd, 1810, and Tables
of Prices.
I Cobbett writes {Polit. Register ior November 23rd, 1811) :
' ' Napoleon is . not fool enough to prevent the exportation of com
while it brings him back our hoarded gold."
u
Land & Water
May 9, igi8
more than double the average pre-war prices {3.48. 6d. to 35s.
the quarter). The average ol 1809-12 was far more than
double that for the pre-war period (45s. the quarter).
It appears, then, that German "fright fulness," exerted
against conditions of food supply which are perilously arti-
ficial, has produced far less distress than the Napoleonic
System, which never aimed at starving us. I commend this
fact to -the notice of Admiral Tirpitz, Count Reventlow, and
Captain Persius. It is to be hoped, however, that we shall
never again persist in the blind optimism and official heed-
lessness with regard to food supply in war time whicli charac-
terised the pre-war period. For it is ])ossibIe — even pro-
bable— that in the future a naval combination might be
formed against us, formidable not only in submarines and
gun-power, but also in coast-power. As I have shown, our
mercantile losses largely increased after Trafalgar, and
reached their climax at the time when Napoleon controlled
three-fourths of the continental coasts. If ever the inten-
sive warfare of the type of the German submarine should be
combined with the extensive methods employed by him, the
results would certainly be fatal.
One word more on this topic. German savagery is ranging
all nations against her more quickly than the severities of
Napoleon's Continental System ranged the European peoples
against him in 1813-14. His methods for^assuring our ruin
took him to Moscow and assured his ruin. Their methods
have (to use Canning's famous phrase) brought in the New
World to redress the balance of the Old.
Industrial Conditions
Only a short space remains for a comparison of the indus-
trial and financial conditions of the United Kingdom in the
years 1810-12 and 1917-18. The growth of British industry
was probably more marked in the earlier period than it has
been in recent years, and that growth showed few signs of
slackening even during the Napoleonic War. The applica-
tion of labour-saving machines to the textile industries and
the increased use of steam engines in factories brought about
an immense expansion in output, an improvement in quality,
and a cheapening of the cost of production, especially of
cotton yam, viz., from 38s. per lb. in 1786 to 6s. gd. in 1807.
This economic gain stimulated the export of cottons, viz.,
from the value of £7,081,441 in 1803 to ;fi8,95i,994 in 1810.
The exports of woollens are not known before 1815 ; then
they were valued at £9,381,426. British textiles (except in
silk) being far cheaper and better than those of the Continent,
it was useless even for Napoleon to try to exclude them.
His lands were a generation behind these islands in industrial
methods. Woodward's caricature, "The Giant, Commerce,
overwhelming the Pygmy Blockade" (January, 1807), shows
a brawny John Bull clad in wool, with porcelain visor and
helmet, shod with Staffordshire ^hoes, his arms covered with
calico, his hands deep in Woodstock gloves, hurling Birming-
ham pig-iron, blocks of steel and tin, barrels of London
porter, and patent coffins, at a diminutive Boney behind his
battlements, while between them the sea is covered with
ships fl>nng the Union Jack, for all the French decrees.
This sketch and many others of the time reveal the con-
sciousness of strength of the British race. Its production
or use of necessaries (e.g., bricks, tiles, tallow, sperm, hides,
soap, starch, salt) increased by about a half in the war period,
and the supply of beer increased by one-ninth. True, the
sales of tea — then a rather dear luxury — fell from 25,144,171
lbs. in 1802 to 23,058,4961b. in that year of distress, 1811 ;
but, early in 1812, Russia again admitted British products ;
and the rise of the sales of tea to 24,856,914 lb. in that year
bespoke the recovery of purchasing power. Indeed, the rest
of the world was largely dependent on Great Britain for
textiles, hardware, and the cheaper kinds of porcelain. The
following are the values of the total imports and exports
to and from the United Kingdom in the two periods, so far
as they are available (inclusive of the last years of peace
and in each case omitting '000) :
Imports Exports
1802 31,442 . . 41,411
1810 41,136 •■ 45,869
1811 .. .. .. 28,626 .. 32,409
i^i^ -^^.sgs • • 43.241
1913 768,734 . . 634,820
1914 <>96,b35 • • 526,195
1915 851,893 .. 483,930
191'J 949,152 .. 604,154*
It will be Sijirn tliat at the earlier period, except in 181 1,
exports showed an increase over the years of peace, and
in all those years a large excess over imports. In both
• Statesman's Year Book,
1917-
respects our present position is unsatisfactory ; but the
contrast is due to the urgent calls on war industries which,
of course, have checked or stopped ordinary trades. The
great increase of imports is due to the same reason, as also
to senseless extravagance, which demands restraint by all
possible measures ; otherwise the financial situation at the
peace will be worse than it was after Waterloo. The ratio of
war expenditure to the total national wealth is believed to
be no higher than in the Napoleonic War ; and the fall in
the exchange value of the £ (especially at New York) is
comparatively shght. Still, the future is far from bright
so long as we buy recklessly and produce marketable goods
sparingly. Our forefathers were in a sounder position,
industrially and financially, than we, who are living largely
on credit.
The working classes now are in a far better position than
in the earlier war. Taxation is now fairlj' adjusted so as to
spare the necessaries of life as much as possible, and fall on
wealth and luxuries. Then thfe reverse was the case, the
income-tax being at only 2s. in the / from 1806 to 181 5,
while necessaries and small comforts bore heavy imposts.
Now the taxes on wealth furnish 348 millions out of the
total of 573 millions of the revenue for 1916-7. Then Excise
and Customs sent up the prices of all articles in common use,
with the result that all trades were hampered and every
larder was pinched. Unfortunately, the new labour-saving
machinery threw many men out of work or for the time
reduced earnings, when war-taxes were raising prices. Distress
was especially acute in 1811 and the first part of 1812, a fact
which explains the fierce Luddite riots in the Midlands and
North. The coUapse of our speculative exports to South
.America in 1810 caused wholesale bankruptcies (1,200 in the
first half of 1811), especially in the textile districts, whose
condition Cobbett thus describes : " How many of these
towns does the traveller pass through wtithout being way-
laid at the entrance and the exit by a swarm of children
more than half-naked, running and tumbling, and bowing
and praying and crying, in the hope, often disappointed, of
obtaining the means of buying an ounce of bread ? Enter
their dwelling-places. See misery in all her horrors, filth,
disease, the blood poisoned, and the heart hardened to a
flint."*
It is needless to point the contrast with present conditions.
Of late the rise of prices has been accompanied, in nearly all
manual callings, by an equal or greater increase in wages, so
that the chief danger is the rapid growth of extravagant
habits which must perforce cease abruptly with the cessation
of the profuse war expenditure that alone renders them
possible.
That the United Kingdom is now subsisting more on
credit than at the earher period will appear from a comparison
of the revenue raised by taxation and the expendituref
(omitting '000) :
1802 1810 1811 1812 1813
i i £ £ £
Revenue 36,368 67,144 65,173 65,037 68,748
Expenditure 49,549 76,865 83,735 88,757, 105,943
1912-3 1913-4 i9t4-5 1915-6 1916-7
Revenue 188,801 198,242 226,694 336,766 573,428
Expenditure 188,621 197,492 .560,473 1,159,158 2,198,112
In the years 1810-2 only £9,385,000 was lent to our Spanish,
Portuguese, and Sicilian Allies ; and the recent disproportion
between revenue and expenditure is due largely to very
heavy loans to our numerous Allies. Nevertheless, the
figures suggest the urgent need of economy both by Govern-
mental Departments and the nation at large. Unless the
nation resolutely endeavours to meet the present enormous
financial demands out of its own resources, our indebtedness
to other peoples (especially the United States) will be very
far heavier than at any time in British history. At St.
Helena, Napoleon cpngratulated himself that he had for ever
crippled England with a National Debt which would make
her tributary to America. He was wrong ; for the British
people then lived frugally and met their indebtedness out of
their own resources. Their credit was never seriously
impaired. Even in 1811 Government could borrow at 4^
per cent., and not until the needs of our Allies became exigent
in 1813 did the rate rise above 5 per cent. J That rate has
long bfeen exceeded in this war, and for reasons stated above.
There is no need for alarm ; but there is a more pressing
need than ever for resolute economy. Caveat emptor !
• Cobbett, Political Register, March 9th, i8ii.
t Porter, op. cit., p. 483, gives the figures of the annual loans
then raised so as to appear to balance expenditure,
} R. Hamilton, Inquiry into . . . the National Debt (1818), app.
viii. ; Miss A. Cunningham, British Credit in the Napoleonic War
(rgio), ch. 7.
May 9, 191 8
Land Sc Water
^5
The Tree in the Pool
A Sketch
IT is a curious tree. In my travels I had not
heard of it. nor had I read of it in books.
It grew in a hollow on the edge of a cliff
overlooking the sea. , It grew in a pool of
uncertain-looking water, around- which lay
a narrow strip of treacherous swampy ground.
To the rear of it ran a winding line of subtle-
tinted moss, following the bottom of a shallow
valley which ran itself out on the rolling plain.
The trea. itself had no resemblance to any of the
vegetation surrounding it. Around it, indeed,
were a great variety of plants and stunted shrubs,
forming, as it were, a great and varicoloured
setting to the one really green thing that grew
there. There were great areas of purple heather,
toned and shaded in places by smaller patches of
pink and still smaller patches of white. Then
there were the intennediary strips of green,
coarse grass and a good sprinkling of low-growing
yellow-tipped gorse. The eye of the botanist, too;
would have discovered a great variety of small
and flowering plants, hidden away in a thousand
most envious 'places — far more obvious to him
perhaps than the tree that grew in the pool.
In size it was not a big tree ; indeed, it must
have been a very small bird that would have
thought it a tree at all. But for some unaccount-
able reason, one is constrained to think of it and
term it as such. Perhaps because of its age But
its appearance would suggest it as being the
growth of a night, or six or seven nights at most.
Something suggests its form. But no tree ever
grew whose limbs and branches spread like these
spread. However, one can but attempt to
describe it, and in doing that perhaps make some
distance towards a solution of its nature and
origin. N
The pool in which it grew was not deep — at
least, it did not appear to be so to a fully grown
man — although there is no saying how far one
might have probed its uncertain substance, and
ye^ failed to arrive at a solid bottom. At the
surface, except for the gatherings that lay there,
one could most certainly say it was water ; but a
very little effort revealed a substance which none
might readDy name or speak of with certainty.
Nor could one say what relation it had to the
roots of the tree. Perchance the roots pierced it .
and gathered their nourishment from the simple
earth, and unless they hung loose as in some
floating mass of semi-fluid matter, this must have
been so. But the latter conjecture is as feasible
as the former, inasmuch as that the roots were in
no way required as a support to the very weighty
and cumbrous limbs. These had made of them--
selves their own support, and rested in the.swampy
ground round the whole circumference of tlie pool,
so that the pool lay completely overshadowed by
a veritable network of limbs, leaves, and stems of
vegetable-hke flowers.
Wliat, then, could it be that gave this tree its
attraction and made it so suggestive of sx> many
unheard-of things, for one has to give rein to one's
fancy, and the tree and all its associated sur-
roundings take us into realms that are scarcely
earthly. In a moment we discover ourselves in
the toils of som:> enchanted spot or away irj some
place inhabited by creatures other than men, or
even it may be in the primitive ages of the world
itself. Then, also, there surrounds the tree an air
of present mystery as of some hidden presence
clinging over the pool and in the undisturbed
shadows of its limbs, thus hiding itself by reason
of some unseemly truth it wished to keep con-
cealed. And in this last suggestion there seems
to be more than a semblance of reason, for what
child, or nymph, or naiad, ever before saw a tree
that grew up in the midst of the water, and in a
pool which was fed by a moss-covered stream,
and one to which there was no outlet nor the
possibility even of one that was hidden.
Again, appealing to the same sprightly denizens
of the earth, which of them ever before saw a tree
which had neither one trunk nor two, but twenty
— each one of which ordered itself in a manner
most suitable to the formation of the complete
canopy of leaves and flowers, and whose flowers
were neither red nor blue, but were rather an
admixture of pale green, tipped with an indelicate
white ; or a tree whose trunks and limbs were
neither hard nor soft, but, instead, were formed
of a fibrous grassy substance surrounding a heart
of pithy white. Then there were the limbs that
spread from the joints in regular circles ! And
the leaves that spread from the limbs in paim-like
order and the flowers that stood out at the top —
round tips to hands of a hundred fingers ! Then,
again, there were the vegetable wonders which lay
in the shadows and away down among the intricate
labyrinth of leaves and Umbs, and on the surface
of the water, and beneath, down among the
floating roots and suspended earth.
In the poisonous air of some tropical jungle
these things might have passed without comment,
but on the edge of a sea-chff and in a country that
supported nothing but stunted growths, one looks
at them and wonders from whence they come
and by what spirit they are upheld.
But note the change that comes over them
even as I write. The water takes on a forbidding
hue and becomes spotted all over with the up-
rising spins of hidden creatures. One lifts its
head a little above the surface. It is green, and
as its body draws further and further out it
becomes spotted green and yellow — a long reptilian
creature with snake-like scales and feet like those
of a hzard. In the furthest shadow, the water
teams with similar uncanny horrors— who writhe
and turn about in the mud, and in the water like
a mass of virulent vegetation. From the centre
of the pool insects travel along the branches of
the tree — backwards and forwards to the marshy
b^nk as though burdened with some treasure.
Bright-coloured flies hum among the branches
and disturb the heavy air. A lizard springs from
the bank and on to the largest hmb — and thence
to the further shore.
A moment later the waters begin to rise. The
tree sinks deeper and ever deeper in the water —
first the mass of its heavy limbs, then the middle
leaves, and, last of all, its topmost flower ; when
suddenly the earth, like the mouth of a monster,
closes over it, and serpents, pond, and tree dis-
appear fot ever.
i6
Land & Water
May 9, igi^
Life and Letters Qj J. C Squwe
American Literature
THE Cambridge History of American Literature, of
which vol. I (15s. net) has just been pubhshed,
should not, to all appearances, be* taken as a
work for which either Cambridge University or
its Press has more than a godparental responsi-
bility. Its editors are four American scholars ; its con-
tributors are all Americans ; and the English edition has
been printed in America. Cambridge seems to have supphed
merely a model, an imprint, and a name. This generous
delegation, on the part of the Press, of the care of its reputa-
tion for producing works of sound scholarsliip, has, however,
done no harm. The history — thus far, at all events — is a
creditable and even impressive work of reference ; and at
this moment it is peculiarly felicitous that Americans and
EngUsh should co-operate in producing it.
It is on a larger scale than any previous history ; and it
cannot fail to supplant its predecessors, though Professor
Barrett Wendell's short book will still hold the field for
those who want merely an outhne. The preface leads one
at once to expect a sensible work. The editors very naturally
discuss the old and much-vexed question as to how far
American Hterature ought, or can be expected, to differ
from English literature. All sorts of fanatical Americans
and misguided Englishmen have clamoured for something
unmistakably American : often, it must be admitted, in
reaction against dilettante Americans who have kept their
eyes too exclusive!}- upon Europe and undervalued anything
which did not come from England. But a desire to be
"different," whether nationally or otherwise, never in itself
produced good work. The sort of advice which may assist
such production is not of local appUcation only ; it is em-
bodied in phrases like "the eye on the object," "look in thy
heart and write," and others none the less sound for being
hackneyed. America cannot escape, nor is there any reason
to escape, her origins, and the great community of traditions
she hjis with us in language, in literature, in morals. Ameri-
cans must write in English ; must be influehced by the htera-
ture that exists in the language ; and, in so far as they think
and feel like us, must write as we do. There is no risk of a
lack of local colour where a man writes sincerely and local
peculiarities exist. An American who looks directly at
the scenery around him, and not merely at the scenery in
books, will get something that an Enghshman could not get ;
even were the speech and intellectual outlook of Americans
exactly the same of ours down to the last detail their affec-
tions are necessarily in part centred on other objects than
those which hold ours. The less American writers bother
about being either like us or unlike us, the better for them.
Against the extreme doctrinaires, the editors of the history
very pertinently quote Griswold, who said, in 1847 : "Some
critics in England expect us who write the same language,
profess the same religion, and have in our intellectual firma-
ment the same Bacon, Sidney, and Locke, the same Spenser,
Shakespeare, and Milton, to differ more from themselves
than they differ from the Greeks and Romans, or from any
of the moderns." Nevertheless, Griswold was "a proud
nationalist," and left valuable collections of American prose
and poetry. Mere imitation of Enghsh writers is bad and
sterile ; but it is as bad in England as in America.
the confession of his critic, only wrote two good lines in all
his life), which might well have been devoted to a fuller
treatment of major (though undeniably later) writers. There
is, as a rule, very little tendency to exaggerate the merits
of these small fry; Anne Bradstreet herself "The^Tentb
Muse," is quite properly dismissed as merely an attractive
personahty whose product of "meritorious lines" was only
twice as great as that of the reverend gentleman previously
mentioned. The critical standards of the volume as a whole
are sound ; the judgments, so far as one's limited knowledge
enables one to test them, sensible. But this passion for
completeness and this desire to prove that American literature
did not begin until the nineteenth century has sacrificed
valuable pages which might well have been added, say, to-
Mr. Paul Elmer More's powerful little essay on Emerson.
One could have even spared the account of Wigglesworth in
exchange for a few quotations from Thanatofsis, the end
of which is admittedly the finest thing that Bryant ever
wrote. Bryant otherwise certainly gets his due from Pro-
fessor Leonard ; perhaps rather more than his due.
Almost all the most interesting American writers — what-
ever may be urged on the other side — are left over for the
other volumes. Research may do what it likes in the way of
rehabihtating the neglected and exhuming the forgotten.
The fact remains that almost all the lasting work that America
has done was done in the nineteenth century, and the great
mass of it in the second and third quarters of that century.
There is nothing odd about the slowness of the beginning ;
what is tantalising is the great void after the death of
Whitman. You have a period wliich produced a crowd of
men, varying, no doubt, in stature, Hke Poe, Emerson,
Longfellow, Whittier, Lowell, Motley, Thoreau, and
Hawthorne. There follows it a period of immense literary
production, of tremendous activity in every other department
of life, in which the conspicuous names are those of popular
humorists and small poets, and in which Henry and William '
James stand on a lonely eminence.
The principal figures in this volume, beyond those
already referred to, are Willis, Halleck, Brockden Brown,
Fenimore Cooper, Herman Melville, Margaret Fuller,
Parker, and Channing. It is impossible to attempt here a
survey of so much ground. There are few weak chapters
in the book. The principal fault which is at all general is
an excessive passion for dragging in names, especially of
foreign authors, allusively. When Professor Leonard paren-
thetically calls Samuel Rogers "that old Maecenas and
Petronius Arbiter," he is indulging the same foible that
leads other critics to rush about after needless literary
parallels. Had the proofs been better read, misprints would
have been fewer, and sentences such as "in quite different
ways, Bryant is with Poe, American's finest artist in verse"
would not have been passed. That sentence is meaningless.
The latter portion of it, taken alone, might reasonably, in
the absence of other knowledge, have been supposed to mean
that Bryant and Poe were Siamese twins who collaborated
in art; but the quahfication "in quite different ways" in
itself precludes such an interpretation.
This is an attempt at a .standard and comprehensive
history. In their desire not to be mere anthologists, or
commit an error in proportion by concentrating too exclu-
sively upon the nineteenth century, the editors-have perhaps
gone a little too far in the opposite direction. It is quite
true that the seventeenth century divines ought not to be
treated as though they had never existed ; that Jonathan
Edwards was a great man who, in England at least, has
recently not received his due ; and that Frankhn and Wash-
ington Irving flourished before Poe and Longfellow were
thought of. But the determination to do justice to the
earlier centuries has given the greater part of this volume
the appearance not of a history of literature (in the usual
sense), but of an undiscriminating record of the products of
the American printing press. The result is that space is
wasted upon scores of forgotten authors like the Revs. Uriah
Oakes, Mather Byles, and Michael Wigglesworth (who, by
Over two hundred pages of the volume are, quite properly,,
filled with bibliographies. It would be sheer humbug on
my part to pretend that I have studied them or that I am
competent to judge them. I can never have heard of nine-
tenths of the works mentioned in them ; and thus far (though
I shall certainly use them for reference) 1 have not even
looked at them. This lapse into candour, so unusual amongst
reviewers, may look rather like a piece of poor swank. I
prefer to think myself that, during perusal of this book,
I have been influenced by the ghostly presence of George
Washington. All I can honestly say is that bibhographies
so voluminous cannot fail to contain a great deal of informa-
tion, and that if the compilers of them are as conscientious
and sensible as their colleagues who have written the rest of
the book, they cannot fail to be found both accurate and
exhaustive. In format the work is uniform with the
Cambridge History of English Literature. That is to say, it
is pleasant in every way save that the bindings are coloured
with a red dye that fades and fades.
May 9, 191 8
Land & Water
The Royal Academy : By Charles Marriott
THE only way to get the Academy into proper
perspective is to regard it as an institution, as one
thinks and speaks of "the opera." Otherwise,
there is great risk of doing injustice both to the
Academy and to art. The two things/- are not
opposed, any more than "the opera" and music are opposed,
but it is in the nature of things that they should be separate
considerations. It ought to be obvious that an exhibition
cannot be at the same time a social function and a fully
representative exhibition of contemporary painting, sculp-
ture, and architecture ; because most of the things that
matter in these arts are brought forth by needs and impulses
which have nothing to do with social seasons.
By far the greater number of works — at any rate, in paint-
ing— at the Academy are done "for the Academy," and that
gives them a more or less definite character irrespective of
quality. The only legitimate grievance against the Acadcm\'
is that, granting this general character in kind, it has not, or
does not seem to have, a very high standard of craftsmanship.
But lack of a high standard does not necessarily mean a
prejudice against good work. Like every other institution,
the Academy invites three fairly well marked attitudes of
appreciation. There is the first which takes everything on
trust because it is "in the Academy," there is the second
which rejects everything for the same reason, and there is
the third of the open mind which assumes you are as likely
to find good pictures at the Academy as elsewhere.
Because it is an institution, with traditions and conventions
of its own, the Academy cannot be expected to present a
very profound or direct expression of contemporary life.
Before an impulse or an event gets into the Academy it has
to be ,translated into Academy form. Therefore you do not
expect nor do you find in this year's Academy any adequate
interpretation of the war. There are plenty of war pictures,
of course ; but they are much more like the war pictures of
many successive Academies than they are like what is going
on in France and Flanders. They are competent of their
kind, but they are very definitely of a kind. Once and for
all, the photographs at the Grafton Galleries have set the
standard of. what sort of pictures we want so far as the actual
facts of warfare are concerned.
So far as I could judge in' a confessedly hasty visit, the
only work in this year's Academy which attempts that with
any success is a piece of sculpture : " War Equestrian Statue,"
by Mr. Gilbert Bayes, in the Quadrangle. A small personal
accident may help to suggest one great merit of this work.
On entering Burlington House, I passed it by without seeing
it at all, though it is on the colossal scale and light in colour ;
and it was not until a colleague asked me what I thought of
it that I knew it was there, though I had seen it before in
' the sculptor's studio. This means that Mr. Bayes has pro-
duced for monumental purposes a work in sculpture which
really takes its place in an architectural setting as if it had
always been there. Overlooked or underlooked in passing,
the work — designed to be carried out in bronze for the
National Art Gallery, Sydney— only gains in dignity and
power with deliberate examination^ Within the hmits of
the realistic convention in which it is conceived it is real
sculpture, and not merely a colossal reproduction of a svm-
bolical figure on horseback.
"The Under World"
By coincidence, though I prefer to tiiink that it is some-
thing more, another work in the Academy, also large in
scale, which keeps its place is by the sculptor's brother,
Mr. Walter Bayes. The first thing that strikes you in looking
at "The Under World" is that it looks as if it had been
painted for the Academy not as an institution, but as a
building. It is there. This, too, in spite of the fact that it
is neither obviously "decorative" in intention nor hung in
a space that suits its proportions. The reason why it keeps
its place and looks, so to speak, "natural" there is that
irrespective of ail question of merit it is a genuine painting
as "War Equestrian Statue" is a genuine piece of monu-
mental sculpture. In either case, an architectural relation-
ship is implied. "The Under World," which represents a
Tube platform during an air raid, makes no attempt to
interpret or sum up the war, though it does express the
practical response of the LondcJner to " f rightfulness "—very
much as if the people were sheltering from a thunderstorm —
but' it does give an incident of the war a memorable charac-
ter. The figures are individuals, but they are dealt with on
the typical side which every individual h;is. They lie, sit,
or stand as they would in actuaUty, but now hot by accident
but in the swing of a design, and the colours of their clothes
though likely enough are coaxed into harmony. There
could hardly be a better illustration of the province bf the
painter in dealing with actuality that is entirely unaffected
by the splendid possibihties of photography. And if you
come to examine the reason why you will see that it is all a
matter of the modifications of reality that become a transla-
tion into paint. Tlie difference in result is that between
historical and journahstic truth. Say what you like, history
implies human consideration and judgment in terms of a
particular art. Look for comparison at "Their Majesties
King George V. and Queen Mary visiting the Battle Districts
of France." In spife of the historical incident, and the
august figures, and for all its accuracy in detail, it achieves
only journalistic and not liistorical truth ; and neither its
architectural purpose — the Royal Exchange — nor the device
of a predella gives it an organic relationship to any building
that could ever exist. i^"
The only picture besides "The Under World" dealing
directly with the war which seems to me to have more than
Academy value is "The Battle of Bourlon Wood, 30th Nov-
ember, 1917," by Mr. W. L. Wyllie, R.A. Its value as a
bird's-eye view lending intelligibility to written or spoken
descriptions of the battle is only enhanced by the picture
above it. Through a mistaken zeal for what is called "art,"
Mr. Wylhe has sacrificed some of the advantages of a plan,
which photography cannot compass, to realistic representa-
tion of appearances, including atmosphere, which photo-
graphy can nianage better than any painter that ever lived.
If Academicians only knew, it is the devotion of so much
skill to such ends that drives so many of us to the crude
experiments of young rebels. But as between Nas. 319
and 320 there can be no question which picture will have
the gratitude of posterity.
But, to leave the surface and come to the heart of things,
there is no picture in the Academy more truly significant of
the fact that " there is a war on " than "The Winter Evening,"
by Mr. F. Cayley Robinson. Whether or not the picture
was so intended by the artist is entirely irrelevant. The
probabiHty is that it was not ; that it came from the mysteri-
ous deeps of personality under pressure of events. However
or whenever inspired, it is the picture that, in one form or
another, lives in the secret heart of every soldier in France
and Flanders ; that even those of us who stop at home are
more and more possessed with : the domestic interior. To
call the idea sentimental is to write yourself down a fool.
It is, in cold fact and passionate truth, what the war is all
about ; the still centre of all that noise of battle. All our
sounding phrases about war aims, the freedom of democracy,
the self-determination of peoples, can in the last analysis be
reduced to this : the preservation of the private hearth for
the free exercise of the sacred rites and affections that make
it the altar of humanity. Here and not in the forward
trenches is the true "listening post" of the war as a whole ;
and it is' from here and not from headquarters that the
soldier takes his orders.
Ostensibly the five people in Mr. Robinson's picture are
waiting for the kettle to boil ; actually they are nursing the
flame of all human endeavour in peace and war. Except
that the figures happen to look reflective there is no obvious
attempt to dwell upon the poetical idea of domesticity ; it
is all a matter of taking tilings, material and familiar things
in particular, for what they are worth to the imagination ;
so that they become "the" table, "the" chair, "the" cup
and saucer, instead of merely examples of those articles.
Since Chardin there has not been a painter who could get so
much human significance out of still life as Mr. Cayley
Robinson. Lest the remark be misunderstood, he gets it all
by strictly pictorial means ; by spacing and proportion, and,
above all, by the actual handling of paint. The common
saying that such and such a musician makes his instrument
"speak" might very well be applied to Mr. Robinson's use
of his material.
Under cover of the institution there are several other
pictures that bring life into the Academy. There is, for
example, Mr. Spencer Watson's jolly " Mary and Guido,"
and there are the landscapes by Mr. Cameron, Mr. Adrian
Stokes, and Mr. Arnesby Brown. And, without knowing
the intention of the artist, I am prepared to say that Mr.
Clausen's still-hfe painting "A Corner of the Table" is
eminently a war picture.
iS
Land & ^V"ater
May 9, 191 8
Corporal Grim, V.C. : By F. Willey Turner
PROBABLY I knew as much about Jim Green as
any man in our countryside, which is not saj'ing
much, for in common parlance Jim was known
as "a hard nut to crack." Once I spoke to the
foreman of the quarry where Jim was employed,
about him. "What kind of a man is Jim Green ?" I asked.
The foreman scratched his head for some time before he
answered. " He's a curious critter, is Jim," he said, at last ;
"let Iiim go his own gait, and he'll do a good day's work ;
but interfere wi' him, and he's as obstinate as a mule."
This, I think, is a fair summar\' of the man's character ;
he was the sort of man who might be led, but could not be
driven.
In appearance, he was not ]prepossessing ; he stood five
feet ten without his shoes, was built in proportion, and
altogether obsessed one with a sense of naked brutal strength.
His face was not pleasant to look at ; his jaw was too massive,
his cheek-bones too prominent, while his eyes sat back too
deeply in their sockets. When things went wrong with
him. which they frequently did, he had a way of crumpling
up his forehead, and a birth-mark, at other times unnotice-
able, stood tout vivid and distinct. This mark came to be
recognised as a kind of danger-signal, and when it was flown
his mates gave him a wide berth. At such moments it was
touch-and-go witli Jim, and no man likes to be in close
proximity to a human powder-magazine.
To this may be added that Jim was naturally taciturn
and unsociable, and on this account far from popular. He
was rarely seen, for instance, at the "Fiddle and Trumpet,"
the quarryman's favourite rendezvous at the edge of the
moors, preferring, on the few occasions when he did imbibe,
an obscure tavern in a back street, where he would brood
and drink in soUtarj' state.
At fixed periods, however, this rule was relaxed. The
landlord of the "Fiddle and Trumpet" held bi-weekly
pigeon "shoots" in the meadow behind his inn, and on these
occasions Jim was usually conspicuous by his presence. He
was a champion shot, could do "ovvt, " so it was said, with a
gun,, and no more sure investment was known among the
pigeon-shooting fraternity than "puttin" yer money on Jim."
In this connection, Jim was regarded as a "dead cert."
Once— and once only— ^did he fail to satisfy his backers;
and, as the story is typical of the man, it may be related
here. At this particular match he turned up late, with a
rag wound about his wrist, muttering something by way of
apology about a strained hand. Shouldering his gun awk-
wardly, he fired wide and lost his score. As, however, on
the following Monday he was seen at work without the
bandage on his wrist, inquiries were set afoot. The truth
came out bit by bit, but it was finally disclosed that on
that particular Saturday his chief backer was his own fore-
man, and that during the previous week he (the foreman)
and Jim had had a serious quarrel. So it was Jim took his
revenge. This incident, I repeat, is typical.
Every year when the country "Feast" was on, Jim dis-
appeared for a week and went to Scarborough. As he usually
carritd a rod in his hand and a creel on his back, it may be
presumed he went a-fishing. For my own part, I believe
that the natural beauty of the place also attracted him, for
once, in a burst of unwonted loquacity, he asked me if I
thought Heaven was much like Scarborough, for " when the
sun was glowing red in the haze and the rocks ghnted like
gold, he was minded o' t' better land." I remember being
considerably startled by the query, for it seemed to suggest
unplumbed depths in the man's nature of which I never
dreamed. As good Americans when they die are said to
go to Paris, so may Jim have had visions of Scarborough as
his ultimate and desired haven.
Be this as it may, it was shortlj' after the German raid on
Scarborough that Jim did the unexpected and enlisted. For
my {lart, I am incUned to think that he regarded the raid
on his favourite resort as a personal affront. At any rate,
when he presented himself at the depot, and was asked if
he had any preference.jn the way of regiments, he bluntly
answered that all regiments were alike to him ; all he wanted
was "to have a smack at them dirty Germans as fired on
folk at Scarborough as couldn't fire back." Being pressed
as to his quahfications, he said that he could "hack stones
apiece." The recruiting sergeant, who did not like the looks of
the man, was unimpressed; but when he added that he could
shoot a bit, the sergeant gripped him by the hand, and he was
straightway enrolled as a -member of His Majesty's Forces.
I have it on the excellentj authority of my nephew.
a .second-lieutenant (to whom I had written commendmg
Jim), that he (Jim) had not been many weeks in trainmg
before he was acclaimed the crack shot of his company.
As the lieutenant observed in passing, a man who can hit
a flving bottle at a hundred yards has a future before him
in the British Army. This did not altogether surprise me ;
but, on the other hand, I was surprised to hear that khaki
had wrought a miracle in him, and that the uncouth and
surly quarryman had become steadily amenable to mihtary
discipline, and was making a fine soldier.
.^gain, whether it was the result of this or whether it was
solely due to the needs of the rapidly growing Army, I cannot
say, but the next I heard of Jim was that he had been pro-
moted to the rank of corporal. His procedure when he was
called to face his small squad for the first time was entirely
unconventional. "I'm to be foreman o' this gang, am I,
sir?" he demanded of the Heutenant who inducted him.
The officer laughingly assented : "That's so, corporal."
The new corporal stepped back a pace or two and eyed
his men with a frown which made the livid bar on his fore-
head gloom ominously ; then he stepped forward again and
shook a huge fist in their faces. "You see this, m'lads ?
Well, you'll feel it if yer don't come up to t' scratch when
I tells" you!"
This anecdote, retailed in the mess-rooms, marked Jim
out for popular approval ; it was also responsible for a
change of name, for from that time Corporal Green became
Corporal Grim.
Vyiien his regiment left for somewhere in France there
were only two in all Little Turfbury who mourned Jim's
departure. One was his mother, a garrulous old lady, who
occupied a cottage in Lane's End, and between whom and
her son there was a warm— if on the one side a somewhat
tacit — affection, and who, to quote Jim, "would ha' been
the best mother in the world if only she had had the luck
to be born dumb." The other was his dog Tiser, a mongrel
of no scheduled breed, who knew his master's habits to a
T, only barked to order, and came to heel at a glance.
Both these beheved in him, and were perhaps the only two
in the whole countryside who did. To a pessimistic neigh-
bour who gave it as her opinion that Mrs. Green would do
well to order funeral-cards while they were cheap as she
would never see her son again, the old lady replied with
supreme confidence : " Jim'll turn up again, never fear !
I ud Ifke to see t' German as ud best our Jim, that I ud 1
He'll gi' 'em pepper, see if he don't!" Saying which, the
old dame tossed her head proudly and went indoors.
Some weeks later her confidence was confirmed by a letter
from -the front which she showed to me with much glee. It
was very short and characteristic. "Deer mother," it ran,
" I opes ye and tiser is harty. I opes ye gets yer .money ole
rite. I aint in" much danger ere as I'm a snapper (sniper)
most days. Now and agen the Germans fetch a bang at
me, that is when I gives em a chance. Kepe yer spirits up.
Yeres trewly, Jim Green."
This letter, duly passed from house to house, was regarded
as a "clincher" by the inhabitants of Lane's End. Several
\'0ung men made tracks for the recruiting office, while Mrs.
Green went about with all the consciousness of a British
matron whose only son was fighting his country's foes, and
doing it well.
But, alas ! the best of human hopes are as fragile as glass,
and as easily broken ; and when towards the end of October
the postman knocked at the door for a second time, Mrs.
Green undoubtedly received a shock. "Deer mother," wrote
the corporal, "I have got a nasty smack consequens of a
plank toppling on me and my left arm is broke. But ye
mustn't take on as it's not lialf as bad as I got in the quarry
fewer years back. I am in a London ospitle at present but
•• am to be let out next Wednesdy week wen I opes to land
ome by the train as gets in at three."
Mrs. Green had to read this missive several times over
before she made out its purport. When at length she did,
she rubbed her spectacles clean, and placed them with the
letter in the Bible ; she felt that such a letter could not
be handed round. It was only because I acted as her
amanuensis that I was permitted to see it. She admitted
that she "was main glad that it was only a accident that
had got Jim, for if it had been them Germans she could
never ha' forgiven them " ; but it was evident, notwithstand-
ing, that her faith in Jim had suffered a serious check.
The letter aforementioned was received on a Friday, but
on the following Monday stirring news reached us at Little
May 9, 191 «
Land 6i Water
19
Turfburj'. The morning papers came out with a list of the new
V.C.s, and among the names was that of Corporal Green.
I read the item over the breakfast-table. " For conspicuous
bravery," so began the brief report, and then went on :
.\11 others being killed or wounded. Green and his officer
held the trench ior three hours against a large enemy force.
In the late afternoon the officer fell wounded. Taking
advantage of the darkness, though under heavy shrapnel
fire. Green crawled out of the trench and bore the wounded
officer into safety. He then returned, and brought out
another wounded man. Going back a third lime, and
finding all the other occupants of the trench dead, he brought
back the machine-gun. Unfortunately, Green was himself
wounded ne.vt day by a flying beam from a house struck
by an enem\- shell, and is at present in hospital.
It took some little time for this news to get home to our
hearts, but when it finally did, something akin to a revolu-
tion happened in our tiny borough. People who had never
heard the name of Corporal Green until then, mysteriously
discovered that he was one of their intimates. The quarry
owner descended on his men in a frock coat and silk hat.
and with a flag in his buttonhole ; called for three times
three for the hero, and gave a day's holiday with full pay.
Mine host of the "Fiddle and Trumpet" drew much custom
b\' retailing s.tories of Jim's prowess as a pigeon-shooter
(true) and of the innumerable pints he could take without
effect (apocryphal). Mrs. Green, her confidence and her
garrulousness alike restored, became a person of consequence,
and her cottage was invaded by all sorts of well-wishers.
When her portrait appeared in the local press. Lane's End
felt itself exalted. Incidentally mentioning to the vicar
that Jim was coming home next Wednesday week at three,
that enthusiastic parson passed on the information, and
Little Turfbury at once began preparations for receiving its
gallant townsman in fine style. The corporation met in
secret conclave and discussed whether or not the Freedom
of the Borough should be conferred on the corporal, and the
discussion only petered out when a distinguished alderman
explained that the Freedom of the Borough meant freedom
from all rates and taxes, which "he felt might, if conferred
once, by setting up a precedent, mihtate in future against
all disinterested heroism in the British Army."
Up in hospital Corporal Green became the astonished
recipient of many letters. His brow corrugated as he
watched the pile on the little table grow. As a concession to
public curiosity, he allowed the nurse to open and read one
of them ; but, finding it to be from a stranger, he f^rusquely
refused to allow the others to be opened. "He would
take them home," he said, "where it would please the owd
woman to read them," and the inquisitive nurse whisked
herself away in a tantrum, remarking audibly "that though
Corporal Green might be a brave man, he was a bear all
the same."
It was owing to these letters going unopened that Jim,
on his way north, reached the jimction, where he changed
trains for Little Turfbury, without the slightest inkling of
the bands and banners and huzzas which were awaiting
him on the platform there. An energetic reporter, athirst
for news, and who boarded the waiting train at the junction,
was the first to enlighteji him. He was a brisk young fellow,
who prided himself on knowing how to deal with all sorts of
men ; but. finding that he could get nothing out of his quarry
than that he "had done nowt to talk about," began to
tell of the doings at Little Turfbury in the hope of drawing
his man by that means.
For a time Jim listened with mouth agape and eyes ablaze.
The reporter noticed the impression his words made, and
began to congratulate himself on a glorious coqp ; he was
getting at his man at last. Suddenly his hearer rose up
and, without a wor.d, lurched out of the compartment. The
brisk young newsman awaited his return in vain ; so also
did the Mayor and Corporation of Little Turfbury.
» ♦ ♦ » »
The town clock was striking midnight when a haggard
and weary man in khaki — who had extended the ten miles
which lay between the junction and his home into fifteen,
by choosing unfrequented paths — took the last turning into
Lane's End. A well-known step outside the cottage and an
excited whine within told his anxious mother who had
arrived. She hastened to fling open the door.
"Eh, but I'm right pleased to see ye, l^d ; whatever are
ye doing so late ? "
The corporal did not answer, but sat down heavily on the
nearest chedr. Quick to notice that something was wrong,
Mrs. Green busied herself with the supper-table ; she had
learned by experience to bide her time. It was not till the
meal was half over that he spoke. "I'm fair capped wi'
yer, mother, letting them mayors and corporations make
such fools o' themselves ! " was his first remark.
" I couldn't help it, Jim ; I really couldn't. I tellcd 'em
that ye didn't like fussing ower ; but they said as ye were
a 'ero, and oughter be received as one."
"I wish I had 'em all i' the trenches," he growled. "I ud
give 'em summat to do better than flag-wagging and trumpet-
blaring, that I ud."
He bent over the supper-table again, but the birth-mark
in his forehead stood out threateningly. Presently he pushed
away his plate with his unwounded hand and looked around,
his glance finally resting on the old worn face opposite. The
look of yearning home-hunger whidh I have often detected in
the eyes of war-wearied men from the front, came into those
of Corporal Grim. He gulped in his throat, and hi hard
face softened.
" Mother, did ye ever kiss me when I was a babby ? "
"Ay, lad, many and many and many a time."
"Then kiss me now, mother ; and as for them mayors and
corporations ..."
Ah, yes, there were certainly unplumbed depths in the
heart of Corporal Grim.
The North Countrie : By H.R.S.
\To t amble round th-- north countrie
That is the life that pleases me. ... '
RATHER it was the life that pleased me. Now
the pleasure is mainly retrospective. The con-
flagration of world-war has lit up our Uttle lives,
and in the face of an uncertain future memory
resolves past time into a quick-moving kinema
of tlie mind. The north countrie ! In its envisagenient real
and ideal mingle. Childhood and youth are in the vague
background, a dreamy timeless past, with a mother's angel
prescience hovering near ; the setting — the grime of in-
dustrial Newcastle, the resounding yards and workshops,
the sheening Tyno. the lurid night-furnaces, booming buzzers,
squalid streets, and scurrying trains, relieved by roving
hours on Ravensworth's wooded slopes ; sunny days by the
Browney at Bearpark in sight of Durham's Gothic towers ;
holidays amid the bright greenery of the North Tyne, and
the free breath of Gunnerton Crags.
Sharply punctuated, like a note of exclamation, came my
first thrill of inspiration. On the eve of the outbreak of
the South African War, I heard the storm-voice on Windy
Hill, roaring in the pines, spirit speaking to spirit amid the
pauses of the storm. To me, as an event of sad and significant
spiritual import, the South African War in retrospect stands
out supreme. It seemed to reveal to me the deterioration
of the old Enghsh spirit. In the neglected, almost forgotten.
wealth, of North-Country history and literature, I found
solace, and felt then, as now, the vague but ineffectual desire
to voice the dormant sentiment of local patriotism.
I have roved wide over Northumberland and Durham,
contrasting the rural decadence of the one with the feverish
exploitation, mining and industrial, of the other. In my
origin I am linked with each, and have mused over each
with an equal love. Northumberland ! County of castles,
each on its green mound or rocky scaur, land of fell and
mountain, stream and strath, glade and glen ; of the oak
and the ash, and the bonnie birken tree of old Northumbrian
song ; of the pipe's sweet strain and wild moorland muse ;
of a once thousand happy and thriving hamlets, villages, and
market towns ; of famous fairs ; wheat-laden valleys ;
whirring windmill and clacking water-wheels ! Now, in
comparison, a sylvan and pastoral solitude, lacking soul, but
lovely and romantic still. On its mountain sides, its cleughs
and crags, its sheep-walks and heathery wastes, I have marked
its wild memorial flower — ^the bluebell — the chosen emblem
of its sons, as the stanza of an old song suggests, and the
sign of many an old Northumbrian wayside inn :
Ask the shepherd.s who dwell on our wild heathy mountains.
What flower has their favour, and, mark me, they'll tell,
'Tis the flower that blooms brightest by forest and fountain.
On moorland and meadow, the bonnie bluebell !
And Durham of the dismal present, a cloudy collieried land.
20
Land & Water
May 9, 1918
View of Durham from the North-east
From an
of gloom and glow — oven, furnace, mine, where the chimneys
and pit-heads silhouette every sky-Hne, and the pit-heads
smoulder and smoke like scoria of a v-olcanic eruption ;
where the shambles of abandoned pit-rows stand naked to
the elements. A land of devastated denes and dells, blighted
woods and poisoned streams.
Durham, the ancient palatinate county of sacerdotal
splendour, and of the immortal legends, which' yet conceals
within its crowding hills nooks of historic interest and sylvan
charm ; whose city, with its cathedral towers, clambering
castles, and clustering woods and hills, crowned and crowding
upon the winding river and whispering weirs, never fails to
impress deeply pilgrim and stranger.
Not unmeet that its early chroniclers should have called
Durham the English Jerusalem, the veritable "city of our
solemnities," Drayton's "stately seated town" ; or that the
late Lieutenant Noel Hodgson, in the face of death at the
Somme, should have penned such subUme poems in its praise.
Over the pastoral beauty of present-day Northumberland
a poet might enthuse, a prophet lament. But over the
blasted and blackened sylvan beauties of its neighbouring
shire, what can the heart of poet and prophet ahke feel but
the flame and ire of revolt ? Windy Hill, Barlow, Pontop,
Penshaw, and Wreckenton, have been my mounts of vision
and peaks of prophecy. Think of Consett, with its inferno
of fires and cumulus slag, set upon the orchestral hills ;
Kerryhill, of foetid and fungus growth, the "fairy hill" of
Robert Surtees, Durham's faithful historian ; of Seaham,
for which John. Dobson, with ideahstic mind, designed such
a noble sea front, now disgraced by its degenerate evolution ;
of Jarrow, domicile of Bede, which even in Carmichael's
picture of eighty years ago evinces such atmosphere and charm,
now sunk into dis- ►'
honorable squalor,
dreariest of the dreary
industrial towns of the
north ; Bede's Well
nearly effaced by the
daily deposited dumj)
from the furnaces ;
Monkton alone, Bede's
reputed birthplace, by
some miraculous dis-
pensation, preserving
its rural entity.
.Monkton was my
mother's earliest
home ; round its hum-
ble roofs twine the
tendrils of sentiment
and devotion. Like a
voice of reproach
seems to steal upon
the car the lament of
the northern hvmn :
Jarrow on the Tyne
Behold^ thy shrines are desolate —
I-o ! Durham, Jarrow, Wearmouth mourn,
Build up the altars now laid waste.
Bid peace and faith again return.
What a medley of images crowd and mingle in the mirage of
the past ! Sunday in Saltwell Park twenty years since — the
spring sunshine, the birds," the budding trees, the lake's
metallic glare ; the band playing "Tannhauser," the moving
maze of the circling crowd. The lights of Swalwell Hopping
dancing in the June dusk ; the zigzag street of faces, the
stalls, the swaying swings and caracoling merry-go-rounds :
the organs, the drums, the cymbals, the hullabaloo and
noise ; the churring calls and noiseless nocturnal .evolutions
of the nightjars on Tinkler Fell. The vision through Causey
Woods, the baleful sunset, the fury of the snowstorms, and
earth emerging under starlight in the stole of peace. A
summer's day in Brancepeth Park ; its glorious deer-dappled
greensward ! Twilight on Prebend's Bridge ; meetings and
partings at Neville's Cross ! Mainsforth, ivy-mantled home
of Durham's great historian, as I first saw it on its hill-crest,
with the March sun smiling on its soughing trees and cawing
rooks ! Crowds converging by rail and road on that unfor-
gettable Sunday of the burial service of the victims of the
Stanley Pit disaster. The Horden Colliery strike, with its
incendiary fire scarring the northern sky. Then came the
thunderbolt of August, 1914 ; war's alarums and excursions ;
forebodings .of invasion at Old Seaham. And now, the
thrill and glare of the present ; the certitude that truth,
whatever happens, will emerge triumphant, and God's way
be justified to man, purged and chastened. I remember
the (glorious evening of May 25th, 1905, the electric thrill
of earth and sky, the spirit upUfted :
The roadway like a
burnished sword,
The sun an Angel
of the Lord !
.\nd thought fusing
like molten metal in
the furnace of the
mind ;
The earth .shall
quake, the hills
resound.
And every field be
battle-ground.
And freedom shout
o'er land and sea.
So hey, so hey,
then up go we.
Lightning along
the sky shall range,
The time is ripe for
coming change.
The better days for
you and me.
So hey, so hey, now
up go we.
LAND & WATER
V0I.LXXI. No. 2923. [v'eTr] THURSDAY, MAY 16, 1918 [T^sSfl^Sfi^^^S
Capytiihl, I9l«, U,S.A.
Copyright, •• Land & Waltr" y
Bottling the Pirate
By Louis Raemaekers.
,;>.
Land & Water
May- 1 6, 191 8
German Rule in East Africa
German Forms of Civil Punishment
1. Natives hung en masse for causes unknown.
2. Fsur civil prisoners under an armed escort.
3. Civil prisoners at work in a field.
Copyright
o
F Gennan rule in South
Africa much ha.s been
written. We give an
opportunity to-day for
people to behold the
actual methods by which Germany
has sought in days of peace to estab-
lish her ideals of justice'and civilisation,
andtoinauguratethat superiority of life,
of which she makes so'proud a boast,
under the name of Kultiir among the
native races which have been placed
under her power by international
treaties. These photograplis were taken
in 1914, before war Was declared. The
first photograph represents a public
execution ; the cause why sentence
was passed on these unfortunate men
we are not in a position to state, but it
is obvious that. the penalty was executed
with that "certain degree of frightful-
ness" which was intended to impress
the subject people of East Africa in
the same manner that similar brutality
was practised in Belgium and else-
where during the war. The second
and third photographs represent civil
prisoners under German rule. In the
second we see four wretched men with
forked boughs of trees riveted to their
necks, under the guardianship of
natives, armed with guns, some of
whom are little more than boys.
Obviously, the armed men do not
belong to the same tribe as the pris-
oners ; and it is noticeable that no
European is in charge of the prisoners.
To anyone the least familiar with '
tribal life in Africa, it is plain that
here there can be no check upon the
most callous cruelty. This cruelty is
even more palpable in the third
photograph, showing native civil pri-
soners ; they are chained together by
the neck as though they were beasts.
The idea still prevails in some
quarters — not in many, we admit,
nowadays — that the German is not
universally brutal ; that his cruelty is
due only to a small clique of militarists,
who practice terrorism as a fine art,
and that when left to himself the
German is as kind-hearted as men of
other nations. Facts are entirely
against this theory. A German, no
matter to what class he belongs, is by
nature a bully. Let any human being
be subject to him, be it woman,
child, or native, and he behaves like
a brute directly the individual runs
counter to his will. Is it conceivable
that anywhere in the British Empire,
no matter how backward or timorous
they may be, natives could be treated
in this cold-blooded manner ? Im'agine
that any Briton should descend to
isolated acts of bestial barbarity,
think you his fellow subjects abroad
or at home would permit this to con-
tinue ? When has the Reichstag done
anythmg effectual to put an end to
these barbarities ? To say they were
unknown is absurd. Germany has
ruled for a generation in East Africa,
ai^d these. methods are obviously not recent. And it is to this systematic torture, to these forms of punbhment ihich
the civnl code of Germany mfl.cts m times of peace for ordinary offences against society, that vve are trinnd l.rC
these wretched peoples whom we have now freed and to whom we have given secm-ity from cn^eltv fnr h . r
being? The idea is unthinkable. The suggestion which has been made by the Gerr^Tn Chancellor iL. J T^
races desire German rule, would be laughable were the truth less horrible. And to thTsu-estion th nron^^^^^^ }Va
that the native peoples should be allowed to elect their rulers for themselves. W at^'o'uTd bel^he^cW. was added
who had before them the alternative of the <• frightfulness" depicted here if they thouSTthat after hfvlf^"^'^'
against the Teuton, they might yet be handed over to his tender care. That has happened to ?hcm t h! ^
they might weU think it could happen to them again. Next week we shall publish further photograplls on this sub iecT
May 1 6, 191 8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN z8z8.
THURSDAY, MAY 16, 19 18.
Contents
PAGE
I
2
Bottling the Pirate. (Cartoon.) By Raemaekers
German Rule in East Africa. (Illustrated.)
The Outlook 3
French and German Theories of War. By H. Belloc 4
Ostend. By Arthur Pollen ' " 8
James J. F. Archibald. By French Strother 10
The Suez Canal (A sketch.) By Miller Dunning 12
Leadership. By L. P. Jacks 13
Their First "Crash." (Illustrated.) By Herman Whitaker 15
In an Ambulance. By Francis Brett Young » 16
The Royal Academy. By J. C. Squire 19
Building in Paint. By Charles Marriott 20
Gardens frorn the Waste. By J. Gorman 22
Household Notes 24
Notes on Kit ', xi
The Outlook
THERE is little military' news this week of direct
interest. The only two movements of any size
have been purely local, confined to the scope of
two divisions in the one case and a single division
in the other. The first was an attempt of the
enemy to attack a,t the junction of the French and English
lines near La Clytte in Flanders. This was made a week
yesterday, after an interval of nine days, during which
nothing had been done upon this front since the heavy defeat
suffered by the Germans on Monday, April 29th. It is
possible that as many as parts of six divisions were mustered
before the concentration of it was attempted for this attack
upon La Clytte. A much larger concentration was observed
than was warranted by the blow actually delivered. Only
two divisions appeared in the shock itself, however, and
these were completely repelled.
iThe second action, which to6# place upon Saturday last,
was on the other extreme of the line, where the French
stand in front of Amiens. Here the park of the ch4teau of
Grisvesnes village (which stands upon a spur dominating
two ravines upon either side, and therefore forming a sort
of bastion to the .\vre Ridge, which the French hold) had
been in German hands for some time. As it would make a
very convenient point for further progress in case the ex-
pected general German offensive should include this sector,
the French retook it on Saturday with very little loss,
and now hold it. Continued concentration is noted
upon the whole front between the Somme and Arras.
* * *
Further details of the peace concluded between Rumania
and the Central Empires give clear indication of the policy
whicli the enemy intends to pursue — for the moment, at
least— in the territories which he has overrun in the East
of Europe. It is a federal policy tending to build up a great
Central European State, with dependent States around it
and attached to it, after the fashion described in a series of
articles in Land Sc Water some months ago, and further,
alluded to in a special article in this issue. The present
Holu-nzollern dynasty is kept upon the throne of Rumania
— for the moment, at least — contrary to the expectation of
those who, naturally enough, believed that Prussia would
try to install there the other branch of the family which was
claimant to the throne, which had always been Gemianophil,
and formed a centre for the intrigues in favour of Gennany
during the earlier part of this war. The enemy prefers to
leave as much as possible of the Rumanian autonomy for his
own purposes. He has, however, lessened the popular voice
in thi- constitution, claimed very heavy economic terms to
supplirnent his present needs, and annexed the oil-fields.
The cliief cession in territory is, of course, to Bulgaria ; and
in view of this cession (involving the complete command of
the rit^ht bank of the Lower Danube as far as the sea), it is
clear that the Central Powers envisage a permanent alliance
with Bulgaria which they have so greatly strengthened, or,
r;!th<r. a permanent dependence of Bulgaria upon them-
selves. Indeed, this State is the necessary high road to their
economic exploitation of the Turkish Empire and the East.
* ♦ ♦
The debate in the House of Commons on the letter of
Major-General Sir Frederick Maurice would have been more
convincing had it only been possible for him to have put
forward his point of view. It is contrary to one's sense of
justice and fair play to condemn a man imheard. That
General Maurice is honest and sincere everv one who is ac-
quainted with him knows perfectly well. He wrote in
defence of his brother officers ; and the idea that he had lent
himself to a political intrigue is inconceivable bj' those
who know him. This argument is absolutely dishonest ;
it was only put forward as an afterthought, and it is em-
ployed entirely for partisan purposes, without a thought
whether or not it does gross discredit to a gallant soldier.
Discipline is undoubtedly essential, not only in the army,
but in civil life ; but discipline when it has to be based on
injustice and dishonesty of word is a mere travesty. One
good thing has arisen out of this incident — it has shown
that there is a great depth of public sympathy with the
man who stakes his career fearlessly to do that which he
conceives to be his duty. Courage is not confined to the
battlefields. Englishmen respect it wherever it is shown.
» ♦ » -
The bottling-up of Ostend is a magnificent sequel to the
Zeebriigge dash. No one believed it possible for the German
naval forces in the Belgian ports to be surprised a second
time. But once again the Royal Navy has achieved the
impossible, and the Vindictive, having borne the brunt of
the fighting at Zeebrugge, has now found a splendid resting-
place in the fairway of Ostend. Her name, so curiously
linked in its meaning with revenge, is henceforth as imperish-
able as the Revenge. Admiral Sir Roger Keyes and the
gallant seamen under his command have won the unstinted
thanks of the Empire. Let it not be overlooked that these
plans for bottling up the Belgian ports were submitted to
Admiral Jellicoe while at the Admiralty and approved by
him. His knowledge of them and his confidence in their
success may in part have accounted for the optimism with
which he regarded the future of the submarine menace.
♦ ♦ *
The letter of welcome which the King has personally
addressed to the soldiers of the United States passing through
this country, and the review of American troops which His
Majesty held opposite Buckingham Palace on Saturday,
symbolise in fitting manner the new union which has been
called into being between tliis kingdo.m and the repubhc of
the West. The issue of "the great battle for human free-
dom " is certain. Defeat is unthinkable ; it would mean the
destniction of freedom. Victory, complete military victory,
is the single aim of all the .\llies, and not one is working
harder or with more resolute purpose to hasten this victory
than the United States. We have now learnt that America
has already landed an army of half a million men in France,
and though there may be delays in regard to delivery of
munitions, everything humanly possible is being done to
overcome them. The review last Saturday may be called
the final act of reconciliation between the two nations ;
henceforth it is publicly and formally recognised that the
work of the two in the cause of human peace, progress, and
freedom must be identical through all future time.
» # *
Is the Luxury Tax to be regarded as a revenue or an
ethical measure ? In other words, are we for the sake of
our country to indulge in or to refrain from luxuries ? A
man cannot serve God and mammon, not even a Chancellor
of the E.vchequer, and more than half the trouble over the
liquor business in past times has arisen from the attempt
simultaneously to promote temperance and to increase
revenue. Another question that arises is w^hether the tax
is to be paid more than once on the same article. Take
jewellery, for instance, which will certainly be included
among luxuries ? Many retail jewellers buy their stocks
from manufacturers. Will the retailer pay this tax on
purchasing from the manufacturer, and the customer pay
the tax a second time on buying from the retailer ? That is
to say, will the luxury tax on a £5 bracelet be 200 or 432
pence .•' For, be it noted, tlie retailer will have to collect the
original tax from the customer, who will then have to pay
not only on the original price, but also on the tax which has
been added to it. This is by way of illustrating the compli-
cations that may ensue. An antique, to give another instance,
may possibly change hands half a dozen^times in the course
of a year ; in that case, it would in the end yield considerably
over roo per cent, on its original price. In fact, this tax,
which on the face of it appears simple, will in practice prove
most difficult and complicated.
Land & Water
May 1 6, 1918
French and German Theories: By H. Belloc
THERE has been a lull of now just over a fortnight
between the last German offensive in Flanders,
which, as will be remembered, was broken by the
verj' considerable victory of April 29th, and the
present date ; this article being written after the
receipt of dispatches sent upon the night of Sunday, May 12th.
That lull has only been broken by one abortive effort upon
a small scale, in its final development, at least, and quickly
checked, which was attempted by the enemy last Wednesday.
As a whole, the period has been one of marking time upon
the side of the oltensive, while the defensive has watched it
in the same mood and with part of the same prolonged policy
as will characterise its whole attitude, so long as tlie enemy
submits himself to this strain.
It is clear, from the tone of the Press, that opinion has
been puzzled by so long a halt ; and the question has even
been asked whether the great offensive will continue.
We have every reason to believe that the great German
offensive will continue. The political motives which prompted
it are as acute as ever; the concentration "is undiminished.
There is a permanent and fundamental contrast between
the German and the French conduct of military operations,
which contrast may be traced, upon the German side at least
as far back as Frederick the Great ; on the French as far
back as Camot — the creator of the modern school.
Briefly, the opposing doctrines are, on the one hand, the
theory that success is most probably attained by a single
plan thoroughly thought out and imposed upon the enemy ;
on the other, that success is most probablv attained by the
prevision of every possible chance, and "all depends upon
great rapidity of judgment in changing plan from one line
to another as necessity arises.
It is of a dramatic interest, rare in the annals of war, to
note that the two latest exponents of these two contrasting
theories are both in the field. Bernhardi, who wrote, with
as much lucidity as his language would allow before the
present war in defence of the first thesis, is reported, I know
not on what authority, to have commanded and been de-
feated the other day at Bethune. Foch, whose great essay
on The Conduct of War has been the text-book of the French
schools, is in command of the Allied armies.
The Bernhardi Theory
Bernhardi has said, in effect, this: "Be resoh'ed to act
in a predetermined fashion which shall give the form to all
you do. Thus disembarrassed of every temptation to
vacillate and of every opportimity for intellectual vagary,
you \yill deliver your blow whole-heartedly, and if your
material and 3'our will be sufficiently strong, your enemy
will be condemned to vour own plan, no matter what the
ingenuity or multiplicity of his alternative plans."
It is the doctrine of those who mystically, as one may say,
confuse with, or conceive in, the mere prophecy of victory
the fact of victory itself. The French temperament, which
is, if anything, too much enamoured of reahty and has, if
anything, too great a contempt for vision, prefers to cal-
culate and, at the same time, to trust to rapichty of judgment.
The power of calculation is seen not in the slow preparation
of a mass of detail co-ordinated to one plan, but in the simul-
taneous grasp of several ; just as the power of a mathema-
tician is not shown in his accuracy or patience when making
a simple addition of many thousand figures, but in his power
to co-ordinate the interdependence of many variants.
Of the first theory it may be said that when it succeeds it
succeeds entirely ; and not only is the result complete, but
also it leaves, for what it is worth, a sense of destiny or
creation. You intended to do one thing, and that thing you
did. It confirms you in the sense of victory, and it impresses
neutral and foe alike. It is 1866 and 1870. But, on the
other hand, if you fail, you fail altogether. It is a theorv
useless for the defensive, and one such that men practising
it can hardly understand the great Napoleonic doctrine that
one must always expect one's enemy to be about to do what-
ever would be the worst for oneself.
About the second theory it may be said that it is a product
of the defensive type, and therefore of a conscious weakness.
That is for philosophers to discuss. At any rate, it has these
three advantages : That if it wins it wins quite as completely
as the first ; that it can rally against local or immediate
failure ; and that in the case of general failure, it is at least an
instrument for prolonging to the utmost the chances of reco\'erv.
Now, quite apart from the theoretical interest of these
contrasting ideas — enormous as |t is to the future of the
war — there is the practical interest of observing that our
knowledge of the German theory confirms our conviction
that the great offensive will be continued, and confintis our
opinion (for it is not a conviction, but only a judgment of
probability) that it will be continued intensively and in the
same spirit of gambling to win or lose as inspired its first
inception upon March 21st.
Everything tKe enemy has done in the past was of this
prolonged sort following a predetermined plan. He pushed
the first Western invasion beyond the point- of defeat and
nearly to the point of disaster. He pushed the plan of the
first Flanders. offensive, which we call the Battles of Ypres,
right up to the point of exhaustion without result. He did*
exactly the same in front of Verdun. He did the same again
against the (J!hemin des Dames. On the Allied side, with
the exception of the advance last year east of Ypres, an
offensive ceased upon the failure to achieve a final object or
upon success in achieving a limited one. We have a right,
in view of the enemy's general theory of war, coupled with
our experience of his action in the past, quite apart from
the common sense of the position, his political necessities
and his actual concentration, to behave that he will continue.
What sector he will choose for the next action, and upon
what scale he will nialce it, we cannot tell, but upon the
balance of probability it is the front of Albert that should
most tempt him. It has only one disadvantage, to wit,
that he has not there any opportunity for surprise. But
that he can hardly now expect upon any sector.
While it is ridiculous to pretend a knowledge of the enemy's
• plans (and that is what prophecy comes to when your enemy
has the initiative), it is not ridiculous at all, butthe best of
sense, to estimate the elements which he has before him
and his reasons for doing this or that. And it is therefore of
value at this moment to consider what advantages the enemy
has in attacking between the Somme and the Scarpe,
and particularly between Albert and Arras as distinguished
from the advantages he has in attacking south of that
sector.
In the first place, upon a great part of this front (which is
one of rather less than 30 miles) the enemy is not upon a
disadvantage of ground, and that is particularly the case in
the north of it. In the sovWli, the Allies hold the high ridge
which runs parallel to and west of the course of the Ancre.
But the northern, 12 or 15 miles above the upper courses of
that river, and in the watershed between the basins of the
Somme and the Scheldt, are not marked by any line of terri-
tory where we staad overlooking him. It is true that ground
has not the importance it had ; but, still, other things being
equal, ground makes a sufficient difference to determine all
calculation. Where there is a marked ridge it has profoundly
affected the defensive throughout this war.
The second obvious advantage of an attack in this sector
is that it takes advantage of the salient of Arras. The
enemy had 'already created a bulge of which Arras was the
marking point when he made his great advance up to and
past Albert after his victory in front of St. Ouentin in March.
He accentuated the value of that bulge to himself and its
disadvantage to us when he got his new success upon the Lys
and pushed west of Merville, creating a new front in the rear
of Arras all the way from Robecq to Givenchy, near La
Bass^e. It is true that such a bulge is not verv pronounced.
The extreme depth given it by this northern advance of his
•on the Lys is only 12 miles, and that advance is 20 miles and
more north of Arras (hi^ advance begins at Givenchv, which
IS about 16 miles north of Arras, and extends to Robecq,
which is some 23 miles north-west of Arras). Still, there is a
salient of just the sort which he has loved to create before in
his Eastern strategy, and the reduction of which would give
him a further great advantage of territory and the infliction
of losses upon his opponent.
Thirdly, a real and rapid success upon this sector comparable
to his break through by St. Quentin or upon the Lys, the
other day, would give him .very much more than the mere
reduction of the Arras salient. It would give him an advance
towards the nodal point of all communications in this district,
the town of Doullens, .which stands some 15 miles behind
the nearest of his present positions.
Lastly, it is a sector upon which the Alhes have less lateral
communication of the old-established kind (main roads and
railways) than e'sewhere.
May 1 6, 191 8
Land & Water
This, again, must only be taken for what it is worth : In
a country full of good roads' a main road is not the absolute
essential which it is in Eastern Europe, and under conditions
of a long war railways come into existence of which the
peace map knew nothing. But, still, the comparative weak-
ness in main communications makes a difference and again,
other things being equal, favours attack upon this quarter.
There is no apparent disadvantage in an attack upon this
sector compared with an attack upon any other. It is true
that the communications immediately behind it form a belt
of devastated territory, but it is a belt narrower than that to
the south. The roads are in good condition, and there has
been ample time for the enemy to lay dowii light railways
and to accumulate all that he needs for such a blow.
Meanwhile, pending that blow — if, indeed, the enemy
intends to deliver it in full force, and to make of the third
phase of the great battle a repetition of the first — the issue,
as I have said, is still a question of numbers. Should he
effect a breach and get a large result, reaching Doullens, for
instance, a great expense is still worth his while. Should he
effect a breach but be early checked, the expense would not
be worth his while, and he would be weaker after the effort
than before. Should he make a determined and prolonged
attack and fail altogether to affect a breach, he is defeated.
He cannot, if he attacks in the near future, and if he proposes
an attack upon the largest scale, stand losses as great as
those which he has already sustained. The sum of loss for
which he has budgeted is now more than half exhausted,
and though it is true that prolonging the business gives time
for the rettirn of hospital ca.ses, yet it is manifest it also
gives time for the strain at home to increase and for the
steady arrival of the American recruitment to prepare for a
full establishment some months hence.
I have said previously in these columns that time would
necessarily help to solve the chief unknown factor in our
present military problem, which is the enemy's rate of
expetise. One has to wait for evidence ; Knd now that
evidence is beginning to arrive.
We have not indeed as \'et any direct information on the
enemy's losses, for there has been no appreciable re-advance
over territory upon which those losses have occurred, and
therefore no exact enumeration of dead in a particular
action, no considerable nmnber of prisoners, and no discovery
of documents. We have an increasing number of details
by which we may judge the rate of loss in the heavily pun-
ished units, especially where a small local recovery of ground
is effected ; but we need very many more of these and the
addition of average losses, and losses in units below the
average, before we can get anything like accurate statistics.
Indirectly, however, the efflux of time has given us an
exceedingly useful piece of evidence in the number of imits
the Gennans nave empIo\-ed, and that evidence not only
points to higher losses than the minimum recently quoted
(probably for some p)olitical purpose) in the Press, but to a
particular method of warfare which necessarily involves the
most rapid losses.
Last week I said that the nvunber of divisions the Germans
had put in (by the end of April) approximated to the equiva-
lent of at least 182, and more probably 190. That was
counting from 136 to 140 used, of which some 40 had appeared
twice, and not less than 6 three* times. That was a' very
conservative estimate of the target the esemy had presented
up to the end of April in his great offensive ; but, even so, it
made it likely that he had lost 400,000.
Now, we have had in the last week information w^hich
gives us far more precision in this matter, and shows a much
higher bulk of units employed.
The identification has been published of German divisions
up to May ist — that is, for the first six weeks. This identi-
fication presents us with a number of at least 140. You
cannot have exact precision, you can only establish a mini-
mum, and this because of numerous factors of error, though,
luckily, these affect but a very small proportion of the total.
For instance, you may identify the presence of a new division
on a particular day without finding out its number, and
there may be a discussion as to whether it is a division drawn
from some other jiart of the Hne or not. When we say that
140 is the number of original divisions used in the period
between St. Quentin and May Day, we arc really taking a
minimum. The total is something more, but only slightly-
more, than 140.
Of these 140 divisions (or a little more) it turns out that
not 40, but at least 50 were put in twice over, and not 6,
but somewhere about 20 — let us say 18 for a minimum — were
put in three times ; further, we learn that one di\'ision was
actually used four times.
We are dealing, then, not with the equivalent of at least 190,
but of at least 229 divisions as a target presented by the enemy
during the first six weeks of the great offensive, and more
probably over 230. A division is withdrawn after losing
such and such a proportion of its effectives : say, 3,000 men.
When a division reappears after fiUing its gaps it is equivalent
to a new division for the purpose of calculating losses. I
withdraw a division that has lost 3,000 men. I replace
these, and send it in again made up. It loses another 3,000.
I withdraw it and fill the gaps. The losses are 6,000, i.e.,
the same as those of two divisions used for the first time.
Now, to say that the enemy losses of all kinds were as low
during those first six weeks as even 450,000 is to say that
the average loss of a division during the period it was put
through the mill was less than two thousand of all arms.
The equivalent of 230 divisions losing an average of only
2,000 men each would give you 460,000.
That is not credible. It is not in the past history of the
enemy's method of action ; it is not consonant with the
intensity of the great actions now engaged ; it is not, by any
sane rule, economic of material. To be perpetually with-
drawing divisions after a comparatively low standard of loss,
to put a corresponding strain on your communications and
on all your staff work, to advertise, as it were, to your own
men your doubt of their standing a strain vastly inferior to
what they have stood in the past — these and twenty other
considerations surely make it certain that a divisional strength
of 14,000 or 15,000 with an establishment of 7,000 to 8,000
infantry is not thought to have done its work for the moment
when its total losses of slightly wounded, sick, and all the
rest of it included, come to less than 15 per cent, of its total, ,
and its infantry losses to perhaps 20 per cent.
Moreover, we have positive evidence to guide us as weU as
this consideration of common sense. 'We have first the
extremelj' heavy losses discoverable whenever the data axe
available — in a few samples only, it is true, but in samples
fairly uniform.
We have next the very rapid rate at which divisions are
recruited and put in again and the large proportion which
these bear to the whole.
A year ago (on the defensive, it is true) the Germans were
sending back one-eighth in the first six weeks of heavy fighting ;
in this year they are sending back more than a third.
Still more striking is the rate of using divisions three times
in so very short a period ; and these the best quality — the
3rd Division of the Guard, for instance. iQuite extraordinary
is the use of one division no less than four times in so very
short a period as six weeks.
Proportion of Loss
Now, it is true that this intensive repetition in use cuts
both ways. On the one hand, it is argued that the mill
working at such a rate is necessarily grinding down material
very much faster than ever before. On the other hand, it is
arguable that if divisions can be used again so quickly they
are withdrawn after much less loss than formerly. 13ut of
these two considerations the first is much the weightiest.
There would be no point in withdrawing a division and
sending it back almost immediately, then withdrawing it
again and sending it back, again after sHght losses upon each
occasion. It must be admitted that the proportion of loss
suffered before a division is withdrawn is smaller than it was
in the fighting on the Somme or at Passchendaele, but there
is an obvious limiting minimum to the losses which make it
worth your while to rest a division at all. Over and above all
this, there is the obvious governing fact which conditions
the wliole affair, from beginning to end, that the enemy,
from his first tremendous attack of Ma#ch 21st up to his
local defeat in Flanders upon April 29th, was pressing with
the utmost energy, and had unclertaken a task which of its
nature demanded and budgeted for very rapid loss in the
hope that such a rate of expense would prove fruitful in the
long nm. and that some 'decision would be really achieved. ,
It is difficult, with the evidence before us, to put the total
losses of those six weeks at less than half a million.
There .is just one other httle point worth noting in this
connection. An official reply was given in the (lerman
Parliament, after about a month of the fighting, and referring,
therefore, j)robably to completed statistics of about the
first three weeks, that 20,000 light cases had already re-
turned—or, at any rate, had already been discharged from
hospital.
Now, these parliafnentary statements, designed to soothe
civilians at home, are nearly always of great value to an
opponent ; that is why they should never be made. The
number of 20,000 cured put positively, without relation to
the forces employed, sounds like a very large and satisfactory
figure, showing a rapid recov.cry of men, and no doubt the
statement did its work, which was purely political. But
Land & Water
May 1 6, 191 8
at the same time, it informs us (if it is true) that thi rate of
loss \ras exceedingly high. Tlie average tiiiie for return,
taking all cases together, is about four months. But tlie
returns in the first month are a very small proportion of th ;
whole. You cannot give an exact figure because the nature
of the fighting and the pressure for men to be returned as
soon as possible are two factors that between them make it
vary for different actions. In the winter, for instance, if
you are dealing with the co.mparative quiet, the proportion
to total "off strength" of slightly sick who are in hospital
for less than a month is much liigher than the same propor-
tion in fine weather and in very violent action ; for the type
of case received into hospital is very different in one case
from what it is in the other. But, at any rate, 20,000 return-
ing in the first three weeks does not mean less than — and
probably m^ans much more than — ^200,000 hospital cases of
all kinds within tlie same period. It means a total casualty
list of certainly nearer 300,000 than 250,000. This, of course,
is working on a bare minimum, and the second half of the six
weeks, with their tremendous local actions (ro divisions
between Avre and Somme, 6 against Bethune, to in the
fighting for Kemmel, 4 in the check inflicted by the Belgians,
II or 15 in the last check of April 2gth), surely keeps up the
average.
The Rumanian Peace
THE peace whicli the Central Empires, under the
direction of Prussia, have imposed upon Rumania
is very instructive ; yet that not altogether,
I think, in the fashion represented by most of
our publicists.
These, as a rule, emphasise the harshness of the terms,
and hold them out as an example to others of what a German
victory means. But there is much more in the incident
than that. As for mere harshness, there is nothing to grcvent
the Central Empire's annexing Rumania out and out :
exploiting h^r soil and people as thoroughly as Prussia has
exploited thbse parts of Poland which Frederick the Great
annexed.
When you have achieved a military decision in its complete
form, or by any means destroyed your opponent's armed forces,
then you can do what you will with that opponent — and
this, by the way, should be borne in mind in the West also
when people talk of terms that might be negotiated with the
enemy ; for if we ultimately defeat his armies we can arrange
all his immediate future at our will.
There was nothing, I say, to prevent terms far harsher—
up to the complete extinction of the nation. But what
Prussia has done in this case is an excellent 'proof of her
general policy. It is a strong support of that thesis which
I maintained in these columns some months ago, when I
described the Great Central State which is coming into being
before our eyes, and which, if it stands, will be the great
practical result of the Prussian victory and the abs(jlutely
certain decline of all the West.
This Rumanian Peace shows Prussia to be bent upon a
Federal arrangement, and, in conjunction with the treatment
of Bulgaria, shows that the process of Federalism is to be
carefully established in various degrees.
Prussia desires — very wisely — an extension not of an
absolute tyranny, but of that Federal system upon which
Bismarck and his advisers constructed the modern German
Empire and towards which by a parallel movement the
Hapsburgs were moving in the generation before the war.
She conceives of a great Central State which meets modem
conditions by the recognition of local feehng, which sacrifices
just the necessary minimum of her own power to that local
feeling ; which sacrifices more and more of her power in
proportion as the new State falling beneath her sway is
stronger or more distant or has better natural defences.
At such a price will Prussia obtain the reality of power,
which is principally mihtary, and after that, economic and
social. ■
Such a system jwould be resilient and strong. Such a
system would gather into one mass so large a body of men
and resources, so situated upon the map, and moved by such
a poHtical will at the centre, tiiat the crude and repulsive
culture developed by modern North Germany in its attempted
imitation of older and better things would certainly master
Europe. Its social experiments would be used as models in
the West ; its hterature (supposing it capable of producing
one) would debase that of the West ; its morals, particularly
in the negation of chivalry, would destroy the traditions of
the West.
I do not say that such a degradation would be long-lived.
It would bring about its own breakdown, but with that,
ours as well. And Europe would re-enter after a complete
decline some slow and difficult process of reconstruction such
as marked the Dark Ages.
That is the matter in its largest aspect. Now let us turn
to the particular point of Federalism, which is the gist of
this article.
Up to i8t6, under what may be called "the eighteenth-
century system" of extending political power, Prussia simply
annexed. She annexed her share of Poland and, after
losing it at the hands of the French soldiers, had it restored
to her upon their defeat. She annexed the territories of the
Rhine, the Bishoprics of Treves, and Cologne, and Munster, and
Pardeborn, and a whole belt lying to the south of Branden-
burg, mainly carved out of what had formerly been the
Electorate of Saxony ; and she annexed the northern comer
of Pomerania and the Island of Rugen.
If you look at the map beginning after the Thirty Years'.
War at the end of the seventeenth century and Ccirrying it
on into the nineteenth, you find the territory directly ruled
by the HohenzoUems perpetually growing until from a
single small territory it comes to cover much more than the
half of North Germany and a great portion of Poland as well.
Now, in the second and third quarters of the nineteenth
century this original method of brute annexation was out-
lived. It still obtained (for Prussia was slow to learn) as late
as 1864-6, when the great mass of Hanover and Schleswig
and Holstein were annexed together with Nassau and Hesse-
Cassel and the free town of Frankfort, linking up Hanover
with the Rhine provinces. Bur already the power of local
feeling, the strength of what is called in its largest form
Nationality and in its smallest Provincial Life, was recog-
nised as an invincible force. At the same time Prussia
desired to do her work quickly, and therefore to obtain the
consent of those whom she would subject. It became the
policy, therefore, of Bismarck and his advisers to envisage
the future of the Hohenzollern supremacy upon a Federal
basis.
The German Empire of 1 870-1 was the creation of that
idea. Very wide local powers indeed were left to any district
which would admit the mastery of Prussia. In the case of
a large and powerful State such as Bavaria there was allowed
what looked at first like complete autonomy — even miUtary —
with no restrictions save the common economic arrange-
ments, postal, tariff, etc. ; the common higher military
command of the General Empire and the common accept-
ance of the HohenzoUems as hereditary Emperors above
the Federation. It is not perhaps appreciated here how
much a Bavarian still feels himself to be rather a Bavarian
under his own Bavarian King than a subject or member of
the new artificial Empire.
The same truth applied to the commercial and in part
international financial oligarchy of Hamburg, to Saxony,
and to the lesser States. The realities of power fell increas-
ingly to Prussian hands. The new German Empire was not
a German Empire at all ; it was a Prussian arrangement.
But the Federal type of that arrangement was the great
and startHng innovation of the moment and the mark of
what the future was to be. Even when Alsace and Lorraine
were annexed, the booty was put in commission, as it were,
and the stolen territory held in trust for the Empire as a
whole. In practice, it is Prussian. Every subject of oppres-
sion in Alsace-Lorraine talks of the "Prussian" not of the
"German" master. It is a Prussian system and a Prussian
control ; but it is not called Prussian territory — it is called
" Imperial " territory.
Parallel with this movement in North Germany, which
was the aggrandisement of Prussia, went a movement in the
dominions of the House of Hapsburg-Lorraine— Austria-
Hungary. It was provoked by the revolt of the Magyars,
and at first supported by those natural tendencies towards
local autonomy which go with conservatism. But the real
development of the system was potential rather than actual.
It was a programme not yet realised when the war broke
out ; it was an idea already accepted at Vienna ; disliked,
but perhaps thought inevitable at Budapest ; well on its way
to realisation, and probably, had he not been assassinated,
to have been realised by the then heir to the throne. This
idea was to give very large local autonomy to the Slav depen-
dencies of the German reigning House. The Emperor was.
in theory, King of Bohemia. It was thought possible to
May 1 6, 191 8
Land & Water
erectj'a real Kingdom of Bohemia with safeguards for the
German belt upon the North and East. One could imagine
the old Margravate of Moravia, the old Duchy of Carniola,
and the old Kingdom of Croatia treated in the same fashion.
The Poles, already very powerful in the Empire, might have
had a still larger measure of freedom : a freer Poland
would actually have increased the power of the Crown over
the Orthodox elements in Galicia. There would have been a
difficulty with the Magyars because the Magyars thought it
more natural to rule directly over Serbs and Rumanians,
whom they regarded as inferiors ; but a Federal system was
in the air, and would soon have arrived.
Both the Hohenzollerns in the North ajid the Hapsburgs
in the South were moving towards, or had established, a
system marked by three clear characteristics. First: The
maintenance of a supremacy — particularly in the case of
Prussia. Secondly, the basing of that supremacy upon
Federalism. Thirdly, very marked degrees in the extent of
that Federalism ; from the ruthless crushing of the Prussian
Pelish Provinces, through the nominally Imperial rights of
Alsace-Lorraine, to the very maximum of autonomy such as
you found in Bavaria or in Hamburg.
• This system had for its essential motive the preservation
of two d3masties — the Hohenzollem and the House of
Hapsburg-Lorraine. Not only its Federal quality, but the
calculated degrees in autonomy at once gave this system
elasticity and permitted of confusion in national ideals —
and to confuse such ideals is the chief moral weapon of those
who would destroy them.
One must not, of course, regard the process mechanically.
It was largely unconscious, largely imposed by necessity,
largely marred by stupidity. It was stupidity, for instance,
that forbade any open admission of the Polish claims and
that compelled the Government of Prussia to alternatives
of futile repression and secret accommodation. For the
popular German passion for bullying the Slav was too
strong for the statesmen to override. It was necessity
which produced the position of Hamburg or of Bavaria.
But, allowing for every modification, there did run through
the pohcy both of Vienna and of Berlin, especially in the
later nineteenth century, this growing conception that
Federalism would be their saving and their aggrandisement.
Single Direction
To this idea the present situation of the war has given two
new features : First, a vast extension ; secondly, a single
centre instead of a double one. It is Prussia alone which
now directs the whole movement^indeed, the last diplo-
matic lever upon which the West can still work is the fact
that a Prussian victory would now mean the subjection
of the House of Hapsburg.
The new extension is even more remarkable than the new
imity. Before the war, you could not say that the two
Central Empires had extended to an orbit outside their strict
fiontiers. The smaller States around them were mostly in-
different or hostile to the Central Powers. But it is clearly
the intention of the Prussians to-day to create a number of
free but attached weak States a'hd, as in the case of the for-
mer domestic FederaUsm, to distinguish between varying
degrees in their liberty. The Turkish Empire shall be main-
tained and supported. The Bulgarian shall be no more bound
than a well-treated ally — subject only to providing a free
passage to the East. The Finns shall be reorganised, but
independent ; the Poles cut down to a fragment, but recog-
nised. And in this Rumanian Treaty you have, perhaps, the
most characteristic mark of all.
Observe these points : First, a monarchy — and a monarchy
of German origin — is maintained. Such elements in the
constitution as might ultimately have threatened the
monarchy, or might make it too national, are eliminated.
But the nation is left a nation ; it is, so far, quite independent
of military service. Here you have a sort of half-way house
between the position of (say) Bulgaria in the system and
the position of (say) Courland — which last will presumably
be absorbed as a purely German Federal State.
But it should be clearly appreciated that this sparing of
Rumania, this deliberate withholding from the apparently
obvious Prussian pohcy of changing the dynasty and of
putting a more sympathetic branch of the Hohenzollerns
upon the throne, is but a mark of a further intention. That
intention is to help where they are new, to maintain where
they are old, to protect where protection m.^y be necessarJ^
and in aU cases to draw within the general orbit of Prussian
policy, a ring of smaller States west, north, and east. There
is difficulty in setthng Lithuania, there is still greater diffi-
culty in forming an artificial State called "the Ukraine.'
but the rest is going well.
After her victory, -Prussia certainly expects a perfectly
independent Sweden and Denmark, and Holland to be
always friendly to her interests. As for Belgium, she would
restore it to a similar complete independence ; but she
would expect and obtain support for the Flemish tongue to
the gradual decline of the French, and every economic
facility for the use of the Scheldt — a thing that does not
involve one word of recognised political inferiority. Nothing
could possibly be more to the advantage of tliis new system
than a Switzerland as free as air — but one in which the
German-speaking cantons should remember the victory of
their kindred, while the minority of French and Italian
speech should remember the defeat of theirs.
We have before us, then, not only the erection of a great
new State, but the erection of one bearing a special type —
a type novel for us and a type which would give immense
and permanent power to those who direct it. It will be a
State federal in its nucleus, surrounded by lesser quasi-
independent nations, with various degrees of freedom, and
bounding these again small States perfectly independent,
but awed into political and economic alliance or friendliness.
The whole will really be subject to one control. That control
will come from one centre in Berlin ; and that centre is the
thing which we are fighting.
In the presence of such a fact all talk of German failure in
the West, coupled with German success in the East, is non-
sense. Success in the East is the enemy's object for the
whole war.
If Germany were to consent to-morrow to restore Alsace-
Lorraine, to accept the complete independence of Belgium,
to withdraw (of course) from all occupied territory, to cede
the Trentino, and even to repair at her own charges — or,
rather, those of the great New Central State which she now
controls — the destruction she has wrought, she would have
won the war.
It is a mere tiresome platitude to repeat that this war is
not like any other war : That we are fighting for the salva-
tion of what used to be called Europe and for all that we mean
in the West^by the word "civilisation." The thing is so
obvious that those who do not recognise it — those who still
talk in terms of the old struggles of professional armies and
dynasties, accommodated by partial treaties, and resulting
in a peace of mutual accommodations— are no longer listened
to at all.
What is not a platitude and what needs perpetual insist-
ence pntil it shall be as universally recognised and become a
commonplace in its turn, is the truth that the mark of
victory one way or the other is the power of Prussia to use
what is now her decisive Eastern victory.
If her armies and those of her Allies are defeated, as she
has defeated the armies against her upon the East, we shall
at once and essentially destroy all this Prussian dream of a
Central European State. We shall have behind us for
doing so the most intense national forces ; we shall be the
liberators of races and territories which still desire not the
mercy of a conqueror, but a revenge against him. We shall
destroy fully the present prestige upon which alone -the
Prussian scheme depends. There will not even remain the
artificial modern structure of a German Empire; and to
whatever the Scandinavian States or the Netherland States,
or the Balkan States, or what we hope wiU be a complete
and resurrected Poland, look as the centre of strength in
Europe, it will not be to Berlin.
The issue of the world lies upon the West and, for the
moment, upon that little stretch upon the map between the
rivers Scarpe and Oise, where three million men are drawn
up facing each other. " Anyone who thinks that the East is
settled before that battle is settled is unfit to discuss the
destinies of his own country, let alone of Europe.
Notice
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Land & Water
May 1 6, 191 8
Ostend : By Arthur Pollen
AT lunch time on Friday last the evening news-
papers had in their "stop press" space an
Admiralty annoimcenient to the effect that
H.iM.S. Vindictive* filled with cement, had been
sunk the night before in the narrow entrance
at Ostend. Is it an exaggeration to say that no news more
completely surprising than this has ever been published ?
In discussing the main operation on April 22nd in Land
AND Water, I said of the operation at Ostend: "The prob-
lem here was simply to run two or three ships into the
entrance — that is, to get them there before the enemy's
artillery could sink them where their presence could do no
harm. If the Ostend attempt failed, it was largely because
a sudden change in the weather conditions robbed the smoke
screens, which were to hide the ships, of their value, so that
the operation of placing the block ships accurately was made
almost impossible. It may be asked why, in these condi-
tions, the attempt was not postponed ? The answer is
obvious. The enemy could not be surprised twice. . . ."
Never was a more confident prophecy more completely
falsified. Nevertheless, I venture to think that no prophecy
was ever made on a sounder reasoning of the probabilities.
It really was unthinkable tliat the enemy could be off his
guard a second time. Is it^ possible that it is just because it
was unthinkable that he was, as a fact, off his guard ? Is it
equally possible that Sir Roger Keyes, profiting by his past
experience, so organised his second attempt as to make it
certain of success wliether the enemy was on guard or not ?
The narrative of events appears to be somewhat as follows.
As on St. George's Day, the immediate command of the
operations was entrusted to Commander Lynes, at whose
disposal Vice-Admiral Keyes had placed the necessary
monitors, destroyers, motor launches, and coastal motor
boats. We learn from a French source that French de-
stroyers took part, and no doubt Rear-Admiral Tyrwhitt's
cruisers and the balance of the Dover forces were disposed
to prevent any interference by enemy ships that might be
at sea. A mixed aeroplane and monitor bombardment
preceded the attempt on the entrance, as before. Up to
within half an hour of the actual attempt to force the entrance
the weather conditions had been perfect. It goes without
saying that it was because they Were perfect that the attempt
was made. The expedition, that is to say, may be presumed
to have been ready for several days and the first favourable
opportunity taken. But history repeats itself, and less than
half an hour before Vindictive was due a sea fog suddenly
formed and drifted inland, so dense as even to make the
continuation of the aeroplane bombardment impossible. It
is said, for instance, that it completely obscured the search-
lights.
Vindictive, under the command of the captain and officers
oilBrilliant, one of the two cruisers that had miscarried on
the previous occasion, were faced then by a task of extra-
ordinary perplexity. For arriving punctually to time off
the port, they had to cruise first east and then west, looking
for the entrance. The shore gunners must have found the
atmospheric conditions less trying than did the navigators
at sea. Probably a chance star-shell betrayed the presence
of strange craft in the neighbourhood, and after that favour-
ably placed observers must have got fleeting glimpses of
Vindictive and her consorts. For these were soon under a
hot fire, and Vindictive had many casualties before suddenly
finding herself almost in the entrance itself.
Finding the vessel close up against the entrance, her
captain ran her in until her stem grounded, when, being
unable further to move her, he ordered the crew off and
started the charges which were going to sink her. She lies
accordingly now some five or six hundred feet within the
entrance, diagonally placed across it, a very narrow passage
only being clear between her bows and the western pier.
Forty-five of her officers and crew were brought off by two
motdr launches, under a storm of machine-gun fire. Another
motor launch .searched for a further fifteen minutes, as near
inshore as possible, when she was ordered out by the Vice-
Admiral, who was flying his flag in the destroyer Wanenck.
This motor launch had had several casualties and was so
riddled by shot that her destruction was ordered, after her
crew had been taken off. The launches and destroyers then
* Why .speak of this famous ship as "obsolete" ? Is it necessary to
apologise for sinking her ? Have we really not outgrown the imbeciUty
of thinking that only the- newest ships are live ships ? Vindictive has
been the chief instrument in two post brilhant successes. It is a
pity that we have not more of such' obsolescence.
withdrew, using smoke screens as far as possible. Motor
Launch 254 was the only craft lost, and the casualties were
light.
Whether or not the port of Ostend is now absolutely
blocked — as completely, that is to say, as Zeebriigge un-
doubtedly is — seems to be uncertain. There is a gap between
Vindictive and the pier, iind if it is not wide enough for
ocean-going submarines, or even for destroyers, it is clearly
a passage wliich, by blasting off Vindictive' s end, can ultimately
be widened sufficiently for this purpose, and in less time
and with less labour than if the ship was jammed hard from
pier to pier. But it does not at all follow from this that
Ostend is now or can for many months be of any real prac-
tical use to the enemy.
As we know to our cost, a shjp that sinks in these narrow
artificially made harbours is almost a complete bar to the
user of that harbour, even if she is of ordinary construction
and the operation of removing her completely undisturbed
by enemy action. The thing is altogether different in the
case of a ship of solid steel construction like Vindictive, whose
plates and booms and scantlings are of tougher and thicker
fabric than those of any merchantman, and the task of
removing it becomes colossal when the intricate steel con-
struction is, so to speak, welded into a solid mass by concrete.
To begin with, it is out of the question raising the ship,
even by a minutest fraction, and then bodily hauling her to
one side. Next, it is out of the question to deal with the
ship section wise, by sending divers to lay small charges in
rings, so as to plough off portion after portion, and then to
remove the debris after each blast. There is nothing for it
but to disintegrate the entire mass by successive blastings
and then laboriously to remove each fragment. Meantime,
the harbour mouth and the narrow passage-way of the
entrance tends to silt up with mud and sand, and dredging
operations, which would be perfectly effective if they had
only the oMinary material to deal with, are altogether
impracticable if the mud is heavily strewn with large frag-
ments of steel and concrete. This silting will take place,
in any event, in the congested passage which may be left
between Vindictive and the pier. We are probably safe,
then, in assuming that, for a considerable period, at least,'
both Ostend and Zeebriigge are altogether lost to the enemy.
Merchant Ship Construction
It adds to the effect that these examples of offensive
initiative have come after a period of six months during
wipch the main naval effort had to be devoted to working
out and creating a defensive against the submarine. In the
last three weeks a good deal of further information has come
to us as to its progress. A week ago the Admiralty pub-
lished complete returns of merchant ship construction for
the three months ending March 31st, both for the United
Kingdom and for the worid, and the April figures for this
country only. Three weeks ago we had the tonnage loss
month by month since the beginning of the war up to the
close of March. As we have not got the world's tonnage
production for April, nor yet either the British nor the world's
losses for the same month, it is only possible to present a
review of our progress against the submarines, as measured
by such statistics as these, for the first quarter of the year.
The state of affairs revealed by these figures is as follows.
British losses for the first quarter are 95,313 tons less than
in the previous quarter, and the worid's losses are diminished
by 149.333 tons. The naval offensive against the submarine
and the active defence of shipping in the danger zone has
therefore, improved the position as far as Great Britain is
concerned, roughly by 11 per cent., and so far as the worid
IS concerned by about 12 per cent. In each case effective
and, indeed, invaluable as is the assistance rendered by allied
forces, the lion's share of the work falls on the British ser<ace
—so that it is a record on which we can legitimately con-
gratulate ourselves. But instead of there being progress in
our shipbuilding, there has been a falling off. Our own
production is down by 99,341 tons, and as allied and neutral
construction is only about 33,000 tons up, there is a net
decline of 67,416 tons. Thus the actual gain of shipping
built and saved during the first quarter of igi8 over the
last quarter of 1917 is 81,917 tons only-^r, shall we say
6 per cent. •"
When the Admiralty statement on the submarine and
merchant tonnage was published in the third week in March,
it wiU be remembered that the progress of destruction and
ki
May 1 6, 191 8
Land & Water
construction was shown by curves made out in quarterly
stages which ended on December 31st, showing the destruc-
tion line descending somewhat sharply and the construction
line ascending still more sharply to meet it. Had these two
slopes continued we should have had them crossing before
the middle of February last. If we continue those curves
now in the light of the latest returns, we shall find that,
while the destruction curve still slopes downwards, the
angle of the slope is more gradual. This is accounted for
by the fact that, while the fourth quarter of 1917 showed a
loss of 170,000 tons less than the third quarter for British
shipping and of 221,630 tons less for the world's shipping,
the improvement for the last quarter is only 50 per cent, of
this in the case of our own shipping and only 66 per cent,
for the world's shipping. The building curve, of course,
instead of continuing to rise, does not even remain parallel.
But as there is a net gain of 81,000 tons, while both curves
now slope downwards, the destruction curve is steeper than
that which represents replacement. The situation on
January ist and April ist may then be compared in this
way. On the first date the world was losing tonnage at the
ra^e of 340,820 tons a quarter, whereas on the second the
rate had fallen to 258,903 a quarter.
Of tlie present state of affairs we have, as indicated above,
only the figure for British construction for the month of
April, during which we produced 111,533 tons only. But it
■is officially pointed out that during this month repairs to
damaged ships increased by no less than 40 per cent. This
represents a call on material, plant, and labour in the ship-
yards, which may very easily be the equivalent of a very
considerable tonnage of new shipping. But, apart from this,
it would be a mistake to estimate the increase or otherwise
of the effort in shipbuilding simply by monthly returns.
We have not -yet reached the stage of all ships under con-
struction being uniform in tonnage and design. The com-
pletion of each individual ship must depend partly on its
character, partly on the date of its inception, partly on
local conditions — of which the demand for repairs to injured
vessels is, after all, only one. It therefore would not be
surprising if th" monthly returns varied within very wide
limits. The official estimate for the production of British
yards during the current year stipulated a monthly rate of
165,000 tons from the date of the Admiralty statement in
March. The natural thing to expect is a gradual approxima-
tion to this output, and then a steady increase upon it, so
that the average for the next seven months should come
out approximately at this figure. It is, however, an obvious
possibility of the situation that the reorganisation of the
industry secured by Lord Pirrie's appointment m«y give us,
before eight months are out, results which are substantially
better.
Losses by Submarines
We shall not get the returns of British and world's losses
, by submarine for April for another fortnight, but there are
significant indications that an improvement will be shown.
First, I find a general impression prevails that submarines
are being sunk at a far higher rate than ever before — the
most satisfactory way, when all is said, of securing the pro-
tection of our trade. Next, Admiral Sims, speaking at a
complimentary dinner to American officers in London a
week ago, is reported to have said that, in his opinion,
there was no danger that the Allies were going to be defeated.
Germany had never had any hope of victory, save in the
, submarine campaign, and the progress of this from its highest
point in April last had shown a steady decline, whereas
building had steadily progressed. He then added that these
two curves would cross at the present rate inside of two
weeks. From that time on building would increase our
shipping instead of submarines decreasing it. Germany
knew this just as well as the Allies, and it was this knowledge
that explained why'she was making such a desperate effort
on the Western front. It was her only and laist chance.
The Admiral's reference to the two curves crossing
in a week's time not only confirms our supposition that
the anti-U-boat offensive has gained in effect, but gives
ground for hope that there has been a further decline in
submarine losses, and that a notable advance in the world's
rate of shipbuilding may shortly be revealed. That the
American rate should have been comparatively low for the
first months of the year was fully to be expected, for the
mere scale of the original plan, apart from every other con-
sideration, militated against the early output being, month
by month, proportionate to the desired total. A year ago
the Emergency Shipping Corporation's programme was
framed on an expectation of half a million tons a month.
The practical difficulties in realising so vast a project at so
early a date were insuperable. It is probable that more
would have been achieved in the first twelve months if a
programme considerably less ambitious had been attempted.
With Mr. Schwab's appointment,' at the end of the winter,
to the general supervision of the whole undertaking, however,
a new direction was given to the scheme, and it is not un-
reasonable to interpret Admiral Sims's prophecy to mean
that the American reorganisation effort is now about to
bear fruit. If 4,000,000 tons are to be produced in the
current year, as seems not improbable, production at the
rate of the original plan — namely, half a million a month —
will have to be attained, and that very shortly. Now, if
all the Allies and the neutral world have together only pro-
duced 544,000 tons in the first three months of the year, it
is easy to see what a vast difference a comparatively small
acceleration of the American rate will make to the general
position. And, as the quarterly gap is now only just over
a quarter of a million tons, a continuation of the downward
slope of the destruction line ought soon to put us in the
position which the Admiral forecasts.
If this point can be reached in a week, it means something
much more significant than that the power of the submarine
to reduce the world's shipping by attrition will have come
to an end. It means that shipbuilding will be contributing
more to the result than the naval defensive. Now, there is
no reason to suppose that the destruction curve will not
continue downward. THere is, indeed, every expectation
that it must do so. And if America alone can get to half a
million tons a month and the rest of us to 200,000, then it
would not be so very long before the handicap of shipping
shortage must definitely be removed. It is not necessary
to dwell upon the severity of the handicap as it stands to-day.
By making it a vital necessity to substitute home-grown or
home-made products for those that we used to import, the
submarine has in the first place put such a strain upon our
man-power that we have not been able to measure and
provide provisions of men at the front by military require-
ments only. We have had to balance this necessity against
others not less imperative. That it has reduced our food
supply is a disagreeable, but not a vital matter. What is
entirely vital is that limited transportation is at once the
bottle-neck which prevents the vast resources of America
being reflected in her strength in the field of battle, and
imposes, not in one, but in all fields of war, ruthless limits
to our employing the forces already at our disposal.
When the Admiralty return was published in March of
the tonnage lost, by enemy action, built and acquired as
prize, it appeared that the shipping of the world available
to the Allies showed a net reduction of two and a half million
tons from the figure it stood at before the war. The losses
for the month of March make the total now t^o and three-
quarter millions. If the rate of loss remained only constant
and the shipbuilding went up to the anticipated figure, the
whole of this deficit would be wiped out in, at most, six
months' time. It is surely impossible to over-estimate the
effect this will have upon the campaign. It will be a fin^l
assurance of victory, so long as the enemy does not find some
new naval means of breaking in to our sea communications.
And it is surely not ra«h to prophecy that no such means do
exist or can conceivably be brought into existence.
.It will be observed that herein I take it for granted that
the normal means of sea war — that is, battleships, cruisers,
destroyers, and submarines employed for their legitimate
purposes against our armed sea forces — available to the
enemy since the beginning, will not probably be used with
effect against us now. If the enemy has made no effort to
employ them up to now, is it likely that this failure of the
submarine will compel him to a final struggle ? Certainly
if it does, the effort will be made in conditions far les; pro-
mising than they have ever been. For it is now abundantly
apparent that the conversion of our system of naval adminis-
tration and command from the old quarter-de6k or auto-
cratic principle to the present staff principle has resulted in
exactly that gain in energy, enterprise, and efficiency, that
the advocates of the conversion so confidently foretold. It
must, in other words, be as abundantly clear to the enemy,
as it is to us, that Allied sea-power in the month of May,
1918, has reached a point in efficiency never previously
touched during the war and t hat its mark is not that individual
ships or squadrons are better trained, nor that individual
commanders are bolder or more skilful, though, no doubt,
the crucible of war has run much dross away and left the
true metal clear. The change lies in this : that the Navy
as a whole — and this includes the Allied forces no less than
the British — is being handled with initiative. It can be
so handled to-day because at last the varied and widely
diffused brain work necessary to it is executed and co-
o.dinated to the right purpose.
lO
Land & Water
May 1 6, 191 8
German Plots Exposed
James J. F. Archibald
By F^rench StrOther, Managing Editor, "Th= world's work,'? New York
"I always say to these idiotic Yanlcees that they should shut their mouths and,
better still, be full of admiration for all our heroism."— Extract from von Papen's
F. Archibald undertook to deliver.
letter to his wife in Berlin which James J.
THE case of
James J. F.
Archibald,
war corre-
spondent, is another sample of the Germans' fatal
gift for trusting a weak link in an otherwise ingenious and
complete chain. Their "cleverness" was the cleverness of
the cockv boy who thinks he can outwit anyone. The sad
ending of .Archibald's career, the ignominious exposure of
his character as a messenger for the Gennans, was simplicity
itself. And the revelations contained in the messages he
carried were most discreditable to the honour and the
wisdom of the plotters in the Teutonic Embassies.
The story begins on July 29th, 1914, six days after Austria's
ultimatum to Serbia and three days before the formal historical
date of the opening of the war. On that day an enterprising
American Newspaper Syndicate telegraphed Mr. Archibald :
Please telegraph us your terms for going to the European
war, so that we can size up the syndicate field. As soon as
received will try for quick action.
The Wheeler Syndicate, Inc.
Archibald suoii had his arrangements made, though his em-
ployers were ignorant of the reason for the surprising ease with
which he obtained the highest possible entree to the best pos-
sible points of observation within the German lines. It should
be said at once that their attitude was perfectly correct,
and that the moment they discovered the true nature of
his errand they discharged him by cable, on October 27th. But
that comes later in the story. .
Archibald was a man of true grandiose German style. Writ-
ing to the syndicate on September 4th, he said :
You should not confound my efforts with more than
five hundred correspondents of every description who have
attempted to get to the English, French, and Belgian fronts,
none of them with any official recognition, and most of them
without even a passport. At the hysterical beginning of
the war, correspondents are very much in the way, but
every cartoonist, humorist, and amateur millionaire who
wanted a httle private excitement rushed to the front and
embarrassed the armies in their mobihsation ; and
naturally, they were not gladly received. I have been
working quietly, just as I did in the Russian War, when
I was the first and only foreign correspondent to be accepted
after four months' waiting.
There is no necessity of coming into conflict with any
censors if one knows mihtary censorship as I do, for all
they require is that you will not embarrass their present
actual movements. "There is not one single foreign corre-
spondent with either the German or Austrian armies, and
it will be a great achievement to get dispatches out from
there ; and I am positive, with the papers that I now hold,
that there wiU be no difficulty whatever. The difficulty is
merely in establishing one's responsibility with these
armies, and my residence in Washington for the last ten
years has been for that purpose alone.
.Archibald was soon in Germany, and began sending bac
cable dispatches to a syndicate of papers, the principal ones of
which were the New York Times, Tribune, and World. His
dispatches, however, were so blatantly pro-German and had so
much more propaganda than news in them that these papers
quickly became dissatisfied. For example, the Times cut out
of one of his dispatches a large section of fulsome eulogy of the
German Government. Imagine their astonishment the next
morning to receive a telephone call from Captain Boy-Ed,
Naval Attache of the German Embassy with offices in New
York. Captain Boy-Ed demanded the reason for the omission
of these paragraphs. The Times naturally demanded Captain
Boy-Ed's source of information that such paragraphs existed.
It soon developed that Boy-Ed was receiving direct from Ger-
many duplicates of all the material that Archibald was cabling
for publication. As soon as the American newspapers under-
stood this situation they declined to proceed further. In the
same spirit and simultaneously the Wheeler Syndicate "fired"
Mr. Archibald by cable and wrote him a stinging letter from
which the following two paragraphs may be quoted :
Perhaps because of the nature of your stuff, at any rate,
we have to face the veiled insinuation that you are in the
pay of the German and Austrian Governments. In this
connection, we have been told that the German and Austrian
Ambassadors to this country have received in skeleton form
the several vrireless^dis •
patches you sent to us
addressed care the
Times. We think you
should know this, and also know that, with the nature of
your dispatclies such as they were, we dared not allow our-
selves, by continuing the service, to be laid open to the
charge that we were in the employ of the German and
Austrian Governments. So for this reason we had to terminate
the service.
We have instructed the Times not to accept any more
wireless dispatches from you, and the wireless company
h£ts been notified that no dispatches will be accepted.
Nothing daunted by these rebufis, Archibald continued his
exploits as "war correspondent," interspersing his labours at
the front with voyages back to the United States, ostensibly to
deliver lectures. The true character of his movements stands
revealed in a letter Archibald received from Bernstorf^, the
Geripan Ambassador, a few days before he embarked on the
voyage from New York which was to be his last. This letter
was written from Bernstorii's summer home at Cedarhurst,
Long Island, on August 19th, 1915, and reads :
Dear Mr. Archibald,
I send you herewith the two letters of recommendation
asked for, and hope that they will be useful to you. I
learn with pleasure that you wish once again to letum to
Germany and Austria as you have interceded for our concerns
here so courageously and successfully.
With best compUments,
Yours very sincerely, ^
Bernstorff.
One of these letters was as follows :
The German Frontier Custom Authorities are requested
to kindly give to the bearer of this letter, Mr. James J. F.
Archibald, from New York, who is going to Germany with
photographic apparatus, etc., in order to collect material
for lectures in the United States in the interests of Germany,
all possible faciUties compatible with regulations in the
dispatching of his luggage.
Bernstorff.
Imperial Ambassador.
The familiar story of what happened next is that Archibald
carried some secret documents for Bernstorff and Dumba in a
hollow cane. This could scarcely be, for the documents lie
carried were so numerous and some of them so bulky that the
cane would need to be a giant's walking stick. In any event
the documents themselves are of more interest than their
vehicle. They were taken from Archibald by the British
authorities at Falmouth. The series can be best introduced
from a letter from the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador in
Washington, Dumba, to his chief. Count Burian, Minister
for Foreign Affairs in Vienna, which reads :
My Lord,
Yesterday evening Consul-Genera von Nuber received
the enclosed aide memoire from the chief editor of the locally
known paper Szabodsog, after a previous conference with
him, and in pursuance of his proposals to arrange for strikes
in the Bethlehem Schwab steel and munitions war factory,
and also in the Middle West.
Dr. Archibald, who is well known to your lordship, leaves
to-day at 12 o'clock on board the Rotterdam, for Berlin
and Vienna. I take this rare and safe opportunity to
warmly recommend the proposal to your lordship's favour-
able consideration.
It is my impression that we can disorganise and hold up
for months, if not entirely prevent, the manufacture of
munitions in Bethlehem and the Middle West, which, in
the opinion of the German military attach^, is of great
importance, and amply outweighs the expenditure of money
involved.
But even if strikes do not come ofi, it is probable that
we should extort, under the pressure of the crisis, more
favourable conditions of labour for our poor, down-trodden
fellow-countrymen. In Bethlehem these white slaves are
now working for twelve hours a day, and seven days a
week. All weak persons succumb and become consumptives.
So far as German workmen are found among the skilled
hands, a means of leaving will be provided for them.
Beside this, a private German registry office has been
established which provided employment for persons who
have voluntarily given up their places, and is already
May 1 6, 191 8
Land & Water
1 1
working well. They will also join, and the widest support
is assured me. I beg your Excellency to be so good as
to inform me with reference to this letter by wireless tele-
graphy, replying whether you agree. Dumba.
The considaiation which "Doctor" Archibald received for
his complacency in giving his friends Dumba and Bernstorff
"this rare-and safe opportunity" is indicated by his receipt
of April 24, 1915, to the German Embassy in Washington
for ;fi,ooo for propaganda work.
Further light upon "the enclosed aide memoire. . . in
pursuance of his proposals to arrange for strikes in the
Bethelem Schwab steel and munitions war factory," is gained
by the following quotations from the enclosure mentioned
by Dumba in his letter to Burian. The enclosure was an
outline of a scheme for fomenting strikes, submitted to Dumba
by William Warm, the Editor of Szabodsog {Freedom): —
In ray opinion, we must start a very strong agitation on
this question in the Freedom (Szabodsog), a leading organ,
with respect to the Bethlehem works and the conditions
" there. This can be done in two ways, and both must be
utilised. In the first place, a regular daily section must
be devoted to the conditions obtaining there, and a cam-
paign must' be regularly conducted against those indescrib-
ably degrading conditions. The Freedom has already done
something similar in the recent past, when tlie strike move-
ment began at Bridgeport. It must naturally take the
form of strong, deliberate, decided, and courageous action.
Secondly, the writer of these lines would begin a labour
novel in that newspaper much on the lines of Upton
Sinclair's celebrated story, and this might be published in
other local Hungarian, Slovak, and German newspapers
also. Here we arrive at the point that naturally we shall
also require other newspapers. The American Magyar
Nepszava (Word of the People) wiU undoubtedly be com-
pelled willingly or unwilUngly to follow the movement
initiated by the Freedom (Szabodsog), for it will be pleasing
to the entire Hungarian element in America, and an absolute
patriotic act to which that open journal (the Nepszava)
could not adopt a hostile attitude. . . .
In the interest of successful action at Bethlehem and the
Middle West, besides the Szabodsog, the Nepszava, the new
daily paper of Pittsburg, must be set in motion, and those
of Bridgeport, Youngtown District, etc., also two Slovak
papers. Under these circumstances, the first necessity is
money. To Bethlehem must be sent as many reUable
Hungarian and German workmen as I can lay my hands
on, who will join the factories and begin their work in secret
among tlieir fellow workmen. We must sepd an organiser,
who in the interest? of the Union will begin the business
in his own way. We must also send so-called "soap-box"
orators who will know, and so start a useful agitation.
We shall want money for popular meetings, and possibly
for organising picnics.
It is my opinion that for the special object of starting
the Bethlehem business and for the Bethlehem and Western
newspaper campaign, £3,000 to ;f4,ooo must be able to
be disposed of, but it is not possible to reckon how much
will ultimately be required.
These documents should be read in the light of their date,
August 20, 1915, when the United States was a neutral
nation, still receiving the representatives of the "friendly"
German and Austro-Hungarian Empires.
Another document which Dumba entrusted to Archibald
was his report to Burian on the then recent publication
in the New York World of the papers taken from a satchel
left in an elevated train by Dr. Heinrich Albert, the Financial
Adviser to the German Embassy in America and the pay-
master for a great deal of its work in plots and propaganda.
This dispatch of Dumba's is worthy of reproduction.
A map and a number of documents — typed, bilt un-
finished copies or statements of petitioners — were stolen
from the Financial Adviser of the G8rman Embassy here,
obviously by the English secret service. These documents
are now published in the current issue of the World, which
ha5 gone over to the English Yingolager (Jingo camp)
as a great sensation, with cheap advertisement. The
paper makes the most violent accusations against the
German Embassy, mainly against Count von Bernstorff,
Military Attach^ Captain von Papen, and Geheimrat Albert,
who are said to have conspired secretly against the safety
of the United States, in that they have bought arms and
munition factories, have concluded bogus contracts for
delivery with France or Russia, have purchased large
quantities of explosive materials, have incited strikes in
the munition factories, have sought to corrupt the Press,
and have spread far-reaching agitation for the effecting of
an embargo in the different American circles. The other
important New York papers second the World, although
with less violence.
Count von Bernstorff took the view that these calumnies
were beneath reply, and by a happy inspiration, refused
any explanation. He is in no way compromised.
On the other hand, Geheimrat Albert published in the
newspapers a very cleverly worded explanation, the tenor
of which I venture to submit to Your Excellency in an
enclosure. It is especially to the credit of the German
Embassy that on July 15th last it informed the State
Department officially that it found itself compelled to buy
as many materials of war in this country as it possibly
could, and to control their production, \vith the intention
of preventing their being supplied through the enemy.
These materials, it stated, were at any time at the disposal
of the American Government at favourable prices, either
as a whole or in parts ; and, of course, this could only
further the readiness of the United States for taking the
field in war.
The torpedoing of the Arabic, in the event of its having
been done without warning, or its having caused American
passengers to lose their lives, will do more than any news-
paper accusations, to prejudice Germany in the pubUc
opinion of the United States. c. Dumba
Imperial and Royal Ambassador.
Archibald carried numerous other papers — for the Germans
as well as for the Austrians. The most interesting of these
was a report from Franz von Papen, Military? Attache of the
German Embassy upon the same World exposuffe. The
following are extracts from this dispatch : —
MILITARY REPORT.
" Sen.sational Revelations" of the New York World.
On July 31st important papers were abstracted' from
Herr Geheimrat Dr. Albert in the elevated railway, appar-
ently by an individual in the employ of the English secret
service. These papers were sold to the World, and formed
the basis of the revelations (Enclosure i) which gave to
the New York Press — friendly to the Allies — a welcome
opportunity to make a fresh outburst against the Imperial
Government and the Imperial representatives in this
country. ...
Apart from political results, the consequences of the
publications for us show themselves in connection with
business.
The report of June 30th of the treasurer of the Bridgeport
Projectile Company, which I forwarded to the Royal
Ministry of War on July 13th, J. No. 1888, was among
the stolen papers.
The declaration, published in the papers, of the President
of the Aetna Explosive Co. that he intended to throw up
powder contracts with the Bridgeport Projectile Co. is,
of course, only newspaper gossip, and was already much
weakened yesterday through a fresh explanation.
The only actual damage consists in 'that the Russian
and English committee have at once broken off their
negotiations with the Bridgeport Projectile Co , and that
thus our plans to cut off, by the acceptance and non-delivery vf
a shrapnel contract, other firms here from the possibility of
beginning the furnishing of war material have come to nothing.
Most of all have our efforts for the purchase of liquid
chlorine been interfered with, since the tying up through
middlemen of the Castner Chemical Company, which is
friendly to England, appears now to be out of the question.
Part of the significance of von Papen 's dispatch is his
reference to the Bridgeport Projectile Company. Other
documents in the possession of the United States Government
demonstrate completely the ownership of this corporation
by the Teutonic Allies. Hans Tauscher, the agent of Krupps
and other German munition factories in this country, was in
the habit of reporting direct to the War Ministry in Berlin
as if he were its representative in this country — as indeed
he was, though not ostensibly so. Among other papers in
the hands of the Government is a letter from the President
of the Bridgeport Projectile Company, informing him that the
company is being reorganised and that hereafter Mr. Tauscher
will hold as trustee only 60 per cent, of the capital stock.
Naturally Tauscher was acting for his employers.
Another document, of little importance, is a letter von
Papen wrote to his wife and sent by Archibald. But two
parts of it are interesting. After speaking again of the
World exposure, he says :
The answer of Albert I am sending you herewith, so you
can see how we defend ourselves. The document we drew
up together yesterday.
But the bright spot for the Americans whose hospitality
he was abusing lies in this :
How splendid in the East ! I always say to these idiotic
Yankees that they should shut their mouths, and, better
still, be full of admiration for aU our heroism. My friends
from the Army are in this respect quite different.
Papen's "friends from the Army" have, with a good many
of "these idiotic Yankees," organised an army and are looking
for Captain Franz again, this time over the top in France,
with the determination to settle the question with his
government on the battlefield.
(To be continued.)
12
Land & Water
May 1 6, 1918
The Suez Canal: By Miller Dunning
A Sketch
WE entered at dusk. The night that
followed was such as will sometimes
open to us its arms and reveal the
wonders and mysteries of its em-
brace. On this occasion we seemed
doomed to disappointment. Hope in us had been
tempted to lift its eyes and peer for what might
come — but no.
Our ship moved slowly — verj', very slowly — as
solid as some portion of the earth that, had been
thrown high on cither side. Our .searchlight shone
on the banks and lighted the course far ahead.
Beside us was a native cutter anchored close
ashore : then a canoe richng in the wash ; then,
again, a great ocean-tramp looming alongside like
some ugh' dream, waiting for us to pass. On
passing, we find ourselves in the light glaring
from the eyes of some insatiable eater of mud and
sand — a dredge.
And yet nothing speaks to us, neither the dark-'
ness that lies on the desert beyond the canal, nor
the shadows that lie about the strange native
cutter as she looks up with her bare masts and
bent poles, like some- venomous creature of the
water. For some disconcerting reason, our fancies
will not be moved. The things we see give no
rein to our thoughts, neither mj'stery nor the
great unfolding roads, to wonder. All the miracu-
lous penetrations of the mind seem cloyed and
. inert. Even the sky falls to this sorrowful keep-
ing. Dame Philistina has won all things to her
hands, and paints them to her senseless colour
. . . that frowsy dame who long ago should have
been consigned to the upper hells of charity, well,
labelled as a warning to the upholders of her
kind.
The very night had become tainted with her
breath . . . undefined monotonous clouds, thick
veiling a discontented misshapen moon, pene-
trating uncertain winds that leak to one's marrow.
The night was urgent with her presence ; the air
murky— the night air of Arabia. A bedrizzled
star shone here and there. A dank and lifeless
water lay on either side. About us there was not
even a ghost of the fearful, the frightful, or the
insane. Only the sightless passionless ill-nature
of that nocuous dame who persists at times, in
spite of Egypt and all her Pharoahs, in spite of
Arabia and all that Arabia has seen and known.
Wlien she persists so it is better to sleep ; to flee
into the recumbent realms of slumber, and if noi
to dream, then to forget — most entirely to forget,
and in one momentless bound become submerged
in oblivion.
But sleep was not to hold us long. The night
had not gone far when through this woof and weft
of Sleep's toxic veil there came an overwhelming
light — all white and infinitely cold. It poured in
as through a rift in the darkness — all frozen and
finely cruel. We were as in a world apart , immersed
in the rays of a perished sun. The night in all
truth had quickened — yes, and to a ghostly
semblance.
Out vessel was motionless. Each sound that
came grew and arose as out of the depths of
nothingness. We were moored — and all around
us vastness — yastness of silence. We looked to
the high receding banks on either side. We could
trace the marks of human feet on the sand, and
just beyond the zone of light we could see a man.
The wind had tossed the sand from mound to
mound. Here it was slipping and making easy
race to the water. Then again there were breaks
in the higher banks leading out into the desert.
We could see plainly their uneven form, and
behind that again the desert covered in the
mantle of impenetrable light.
Across the desert the wind blew cold, and hard
as steel. The great monstrous light about us was
vanishing. Something immense and dark was
following behind — some great ocean mammoth,
gliding silently through the night, making deep
hidden sounds, scarcely heard, strange, and un-
couth. We see figures, passing, her inner lights to
and fro, but no voices, nothing human — only a
great creature pursuing its own intent, blind and
senseless, yet feeling its way by some deep mysteri-
ous intuition. ,It is gone. There is a watch on
the shores — a light foam passing along the side,
a stray object floating in the current, and then
again we are left in the night.
It is such a night as knows no compassion, it
is stealthy in its movement. It is as though
death had come robed in frozen silence to the
desert, to the realm of fierce heat and sun. She
has come without warning to deal swiftly and
without mercy. There are camps pitched on the
sands and along the shore. Tawny human beings
will shiver and crouch from this strange thing,
the cold. Camels are resting at their open stalls.
They will look up to an implacable sky, uneasy
and impatient for the passing of a spiteful thing.
The wind has come across the deserts of Egypt.
It has unravelled its way through the solitary
oasis — has penetrated the palace of the native
prince and the huts of his slaves. The wind
reaches us, where we are, enters into the nature of
the night, and we know that it is flying to the
hard hills of Arabia. There, perhaps, it will die.
But we, we have been bitten. We would away,
but cannot.
We are held in fascination of a strange world
and its night. Our ship has waited the passing of
one great mammoth after another, each flooding
us with its cold steely light, and then entering
the darkness astern.
May 1 6, 19 18 Land & Water
Leadership : By L. P. Jacks
13
THE power to dismiss its leaders at a moment's
notice and replace them with new ones has been
celebrated as a notable privilege of British
Democracy. I have heard it said that this power
is one of the safeguards of liberty. And so
perhaps it is. But what kind of liberty is that which requires
safeguarding by an arrangement so drastic ? And what kind
of men are they who will accept the position of leaders on
the understanding that they are subject to instant dismissal ?
And what is the use of choosing a leader whose retention of
office is contingent on his pleasing you ? There was once
a great leader who said to his followers ; " You have not chosen
me ; I have chosen you. " That strikes the true note of
leadership, but a saying more undemocratic was never
uttered.
These questions, which, of course, are very old ones, were
brought back to my mind with fresh and even startling force
by a perusal of Lord Morley's Recollections — and especially
by the chapter which deals with the Irish troubles of the
early 'nineties. Lord Morley heads his chapter " The
Tornado," though I must confess that it seems a tornado
in a teacup when compared with the present storm, which
the powers of darkness had even then begun to brew. The
principal justification for calling it a tornado is that it lifted
the roof off the house where the political leaders of that
time had established their dwelling, and dispersed the inmates
into various exiles.
As we read Lord Morley's narrative we see how these poor
men lived in the apprehension of instant dismissal ; how thin
and rotten was much of the ice they skated on ; how constantly
they were engaged in vi^arning one another of the rotten places
and seeking to avoid them ; liow slippery and steep were
the precipices they had to climb, and how again and again
they hung on by their teeth, expecting every moment to be
plunged into the abyss — as indeed they ultimately were on a
slight impulse administered by the Irish leader of those days.
Much of their time was spent in manoeuvring to save them-
selves frorn being overthrown by their own followers, and
a most exciting occupation it evidently was. They piped,
but neither ParUament nor the public would dance. They
were certainly under no illusion as to the security of their
tenure. They knew they were destined to a brief career ;
and when the moment of dismissal arrived, they accepted
it without complaint, as good sportsmen should. Yet these
men, who never knew whether the morrow would see them
politically alive, were the very men whom the British electors
had chosen to lead in dealing with the most perplexing
problem of our political history, a problem requiring length
of time, far-reaching plans, and tenacity of purpose maintained
through many years. With a courage that cannot be too
much admired they undertook their leadership with a clear
uhderstaiicfing tliat whatever plans thoy had formed, whatever,
policy they had begun,
might be abruptly
broken off at any
moment. And in all
this their position was
not singular, nor ex-
ceptional. It was the
position occupied by
aJl leaders in a demo-
cracy whose liberty is
guarded jjy powers of
immediate dismissal.
Although this state
of things is all fair,
open, and avowed, it
has some disadvan-
tages. " Minister " of
course, means
"servant." But, so
far as I know. Ministers
of State are the only
class of servants who
can be dismissed with-
out notice. We could
hardly expect to
secure an efficient
gardener or an efficient
butler on those terms.
No doubt if we paid
our gardeners and
butlers at the rate
of £5000 a year the
positions would be attractive to a certain order of
adventurous spirits, and we shonld have many applicants.
But even so I doubt if things would prosper either in the
greenhouse or the wine cellar. We should be exposed to
^annoying intrigues in the servants' hall, with what result
to our peaches and old wine may be easily imagined — ^just
as the public is exposed to annoying intrigues in Parliament,
which is the National Servants' Hall, with what result to the
public interest is well known.
In war the military oath pledges us to follow our leaders
and obey their orders for a definite period — to the end of
the campaign, or for a stated term of years ; in politics we
reserve the right to desert our leaders whenever we choose,
or — which comes to the same thing — to turn them out at
any time by the same methods which put them in.
Now this is a pretty arrangement when looked at
from the point of view of those whose business in politics
is to follow — the mass of the citizens. It is pleasant to feel
that you are under no obligation to obey orders a moment
longer than you are disposed. But the leaders, I imagine,
must view it in a different light, and the standing wonder
to my mind is that any great man should ever be
willing to engage himself to the public on- those conditions.
For every true leader knows perfectly well that in great
affairs nothing can be done in a hurry ; that the objects
best worth striving for are distant objects, and that he can
accomplish little unless he is sure of long-dated loyalty in
his followers to match the far-sighted purpose which he has
to pursue. To be sure, the Minister of State, whether in
office or out 6f office, can usually count on a multitude who
will follow him ;* but if he is to carry out his^ plans as leader
the multitude must always be large enough to keep him in,
and this he can never count on from one day to another —
as anybody will see who may read Lord Morley's narrative
of what went on while he and Mr. Gladstone were leading
the public through "the tornado" of 1891.
Truly it must be a heart-breaking business, and £5000
a year seems a small solatium to offer any man for eftduring
it. To make far-reaching plans for the public good, and then
find them suddenly upset or endlessly deferred because a
section of your followers has exercised the sacred right to
desert you when they will — this it is that makes me wonder
what stuff the men are made of who consent to take office
on these terms. As I read Lord Morley's Recollections I
can see they have their consolations, and even enjoy
the wild adventure while it lasts ; but that only serves to
divert one's sympathy from them to the public. For it is
the public which pays for this, as for everything else.
An American writer. Dr. Cram, has recently published
a book called The Nemesis of Mediocrity in which he discusses
this question of leadership. He makes a canvas of the various
men who have lately come to the front, especially in politics,
and dismisses thern,
one after another, as
mediocre, with Presi-
dent Wilson as a
jjossible exception,
riie mediocrity of our
leaders reflects, he
thinks, the general
mediocrity of our own
lives, so that in a
sense it is ourselves
who are to blame.
The moral is that we
must get rid of our
own mediocrity before
we can expect any-
thing else in our
leaders.
Now there are two
ways in which we may
get rid of our medi-
ocrity, one pointing
downwards, the other
pointing upwards. It
is clearly the latter
that Dr. Cram recom-
mends. But would it
have the effect he
anticipates ? Would
the efficiency 'of our
leaders rise automat-
ically with the parallel
The Liberty Loan Drive
A Typical Crowd in Wall Street, New York
14
Land & Water
May 1 6, 1918
nse in the qualities of the public ? I confess I have my doubts.
A community composed of superior persons would be a very
difficult lot for any leader to handle. Suppose for example
that the average citizen everywhere were suddenly to acquire
the political intelligence and the high moral standards of Dr.
Cram himself, and were to apply this intelligence and these
high standards, as Dr. Crani does, to criticising the claims
and pretensions of every great man who came forward to
guide the destinies of the body politic. Is it not obvious
that under these circumstances the position of the leader
would become exceedingly difficult, if not impossible ?
Little to be envied is the great man entrusted with the
task of leading a public in which there are thousands
of connoisseurs in leadership prowling about and seeking whom
they may devour. I think he would soon come to grief. The
sharpness of their criticism would undo him ; he would be
torn to pieces. This reminds me of what I heard lately from
a gentleman who has just returned from Russia. He said that
when the revolution took place all the privates in the Russian
Army suddenly became generals. After a little experience
it occurred to this army of generals that it would be wise to
appoint a generalissimo, and a deputation was sent to a pro-
mising strategist to offer him the post. For answer the pro-
mi^ng strategist drew his hand across his throat and shook
, his head ; which gestures the deputation rightly understood
as meaning that the post was declined. This incident seems
to me a fair illustration of what is likely to happen when a
public which has got rid of its mediocrity, as the Russian
privates had done, sets about the task of finding a leader.
The situation is deeply paradoxical. Is it not because of our
mediocrity that we need somebody who is not mediocre to
lead us ? What then will happen when we have all ceased
to be mediocre ?
The truth is that the game of leadership requires two
to play it ; a leader to give orders and a public to obey them.
The prgblem is not merely that of finding a man who is able
to lead ; it is equally that of finding a public which is willing
to follow. People like Dr. Cram who deplore the lack of
great leadership in modem times usually fix their attention
on the first half of the problem and ignore the second altogether.
And yet, if I am not mistaken, the root of the problem lies,
there. We live in an age which on the one hand clamours for
leaders ^nd on the other grqws less and less willing to follow
anybody. Perhaps we are under some illusion on this matter.
Most of us feel — I certainly do so myself — that if only we
could find a leader after our own heart we would gladly
.follow him. After our own heart ! Precisely — but is that
playing the game ? May it not be that what we all need —
as distinct from what we want — is a leader not after our own
heart ? Should we follow him ?
Dr. Cram, comparing past times with present, looks back
regretfully to the days of his youth, 1880, or thereabouts,
and tells us that he has made out a list of i6o great leaders
who were then alive and active. Now the question that
rises in my mind is not about the leadership of the 160,
but about the followership of Dr. Cram. Did he, when a
young man, follow the whole lot ? In theology he mentions
Newman and Martineau. Did he follow both of them ?
In politics he mentions Gladstone and Disraeli. Did he
follow both of them ? With r6o leaders all leading
at once, would not the confusion be very great, and would
it not be a pious prayer on the part of any man to ask the
devil to fly away with them all and leave him to find his
own way through this bewildering world ? Would it not
be better, therefore, to speak of 1880 not as an era of great
leadership, but as the beginning of the confusion, the in-
decisiveness, the uncertainty as to who is right and
who wrong, which makes it equally difiicult in these days
for followers to find leaders or for leaders to find followers ?
Perhaps if there had been fewer leaders in 1880 there would
be more now.
The difficulty of finding leaders is, therefore, far greater
than Dr. Cram imagines, for it includes the difficulty of
finding followers — the major part of the problem. The
question arises, what is to be done ? Various alternatives
present themselves of which the following three are perhaps
the chief.
(i) Would not the public be well advised to make up
its mind to do without leaders altogether, contenting itself
with servants only, and giving all Ministers of State to under-
stand cleariy that that is what they are and that nothing
else is expected of them ? Is not the public playing fast
and loose with a vital problem when in one and the same
breath it declares itself master and bemoans its lack of
leaders ? Is not this double-minded ?
(2) May we not have a kind of secret leadership .? What
I have in mind is the existence of a body of powerful person-
alities, whose identity is unknown to the public but who.
by indirection and various byways, manage to make their
ideas effective and so lead the people without letting them
know who is leading them or even that they are being led at
all. These men by playing their part judiciously might
exercise enormous influence,' though, of course, they would
receive no salaries, and enjoy no fame until they were dead.
Much influence of this kind is being actually exercised at
the present moment, though perhaps it js a little indiscreet
to say so. For example (if I may be pardoned a personal
confession) I have long been convinced that somebody is
leading me. But I do not know who he is, and if ever I
find out I intend to keep his name a secret. I wonder if
the reader has had the same experience ?
We make a mistake in thinking only of the great men
who are in . evidence — or in fragments. We should think
also of those who are in hiding and intact. There are manjr
of them. Some are in hiding for reasons which are suggested
b\' the incident already mentioned of the Russian general-
issimo ; that is to say, they are averse to having their throats,
cut by their followers ; or to being torn to pieces by their
critics — whetlier by connoisseurs in leadership like Dr. Cram
or by a powerful newspaper press. Should not these men
be encouraged ? And would not a wise public abstain from
all efforts to lift the veil of anonymi^ which now protects
their leadership from destruction ? ~"
(3) The last alternative is suggested by the position of
the President of the United States. He is appointed leader
for four years with the possibility of renewing the term.
It is an admirable arrangement, for it gives the President
a chance which Ministers of State in this country do not
possess. Think of what Mr. Gladstone, or, if you prefer.
Lord Salisbury, might have accomplished if at the time
of Lord Morley's "tornado" they had been assured of four
years of office. Then think of what President Wilson would
have failed to accomplish had he not been assured of four
years of office. Had his tenure of office been as insecure
as that of a British Prime Minister he would have been turned
out long ago. It would never have been foimd out that
President Wilson is one of the greatest men of modem times.
The men who framed the American Constitution had a
profound political insight. They understood that leadership
is a game which two must play if it is to be played at all ;
and accordingly they made arrangements to follow their
leader for four years.
In conclusion, I may point out that the right relation
between leader and follower is admirably portrayed in
Tennyson's picture of Arthur and the Knights of the Round
Table. The ideal follower is Lancelot, and it is just as
important, at the present day, to emphasise the scarcity
of Lancelots as to emphasise the scarcity of Arthurs.
Lancelot puts the whole secret of followership, and there-
fore of leadership, in a nutshell
in me there dwells
No greatness, save it be some far-off touch
Of greatness to know well I am not great.
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May 1 6, 191 8
Land & Water
15
Their First "Crash": By Herman Whitaker
I
Lieut. Campb
T happened while we were bowl-
ing along a smooth French road
that split innumerable red-tiled
villages in equal halves on its
way to the American front. A
week ago I had journeyed around our
flying instruction stations in South
France, where our lads were to be seen
in training, from their first ridiculous
'' hops "with wing-cUpped " penguins,"
to the final dare-devil stunts on the
acrobatic field. There I had watched
performances that would ' have taised
the hair of Lincoln Beachey, or any of
the stunt flyers of five years ago. For,
in the ordinary course of their flying,
our lads are taught the " vreille," tail spin ; the " reversement,"
a half loop and fall sideways ; to "barrel," turning over and
over sidewaj^ like a rolling cask; the "vertical viragc," a
ninety-degree bank, said to be a most disagreeable first experi-
ence ; to bank and side-slip any distance required to elude a
pursuer, a difficult operation which the beginner usually ends
in a "barrel." While dropping from a height of fourteen
thousand feet, I had seen one boy pull almost the whole bag
of tricks. In fact he put his plane through every possible
twist and gyration — and many impossible — in an actual fall.
"With this knowledge
stored away, I was now
on my way to visit an
American squadrilla in
actual service at the
front.
As we approached
the last town between
us and the trenches I
finished telling the
lieutenant from
General Headquarters
about a submarine 1
had seen captured
while cruising with our
destroyer flotilla in
English waters. He
agreed that it was as
fine a bit of luck as ever
fell to a correspondent.
"But lightning never
strikes twice in the
same place," he added.
"You have used up
• all the luck that is com-
ing to you in this war
that again." ^ .
He was mistaken. Nature's laws are said to be without
exceptions, but he had no more than said it before the light-
ning violated all precedents and struck again— through the
raised hand and arm of an American military policeman on the
edge of the town.
"Pinched!" our sergeant chauffeur exclaimed, when the
hand went up.
He was not altogether joking. Military law is like that of
the Medes and Persians, which altereth not. Because of some
mix-up in their passes, three correspondents had been
"" pinched" by the military police and brought back to General
Headquarters last week in a state of uncertainty as to whether
or not they would be shot at sunrise. '
The sergeant abided, as the car rolled on to a slow stop, "You
can get by the French military police with any old thing —
beer-check, laundry bill, spearmint coupon, anything that's
written in English and looks official. But when them "Iron-
jaws " of ours hold up a hand, it means you."
The "Iron-jaw," however, was relaxed in a pleasant smile.
Saluting, its owner informed us ; " If you drive round by the
public square, you will see two Boche planes our boys have
just shot down. It's worth your while. These are the first
planes brought down by home-trained .American aviators fly-
ing our own flag."
"First submarine — first plane ! " the lieutenant commented.
"You must be the luckiest man in the whole wide \Vorld."
It happened to be Sunday, and in the square we found
dozens of women, children^nd pretty French girls, all in their
go-to-meeting best, elbowing through a mixed crowd of poilus,
Copyright Id U.S.A.
Albatross aeroplane shot down by Lieut. Winslow
The first machine to be brought down by a home-trained American flyer
You won't get in on anything Uke
Tommies and Sammies, to get a good view of the wrecks.
Though the French have shot down German planes by the
hundreds, those good people were glorying for us ; could not
have shown more genuine pleasure at their awn first achieve-
ment. Even that reserve with which the British officer
habitually camouflages his own feelings was dissipated, for
once, by friendly interest. The sprinkhng of them in the
crowd were exultant as big boys crowing over the first vic-
torious fight of a j'ounger brother. Our own men displayed
the least emotion of all. But it was quite easy to see their
pride welling up through cracks in their modesty.
The captured planes were "Albatrosses," swiftest of German
machines. But the\' had proven far too slow for the
machines of the latest type flown by our lads. I would Uke to
give you their name, and the terrific speed at which they fly —
but I know, without asking, that the censor would not consent
— and he's right. Be content, therefore, to know that they
can outfly anything Fritz has got.
Of the two ".\lbatrosses," one had burned in mid-air, and
lay a charred wreck on the ground. The other could easily be
fitted for flying again. Both their pilots had survived, though
one was badly burned.
Their conquerors, we were told, could be found at the flying
fit^ld outside the town, and a very few minutes thereafter it
opened before our speeding car— a dead flat plain, bounded on
one side by long low barracks, on the other by camouflaged
hangars. In front of
one, surrounded b}' a
mixed mob of me-
chanics and flyers,
stood the victorious
planes. On their
painted dragon-fly
bodies they bore the
insignia. Uncle Sam's,
starred hat within the'
flying circle — v^ry ap-
propriate, for on this,
the first morning that
historic headgear had
been pitched in the
arena, its champions
had scored a knock-
out.
In the crowd we
found two of our crack
flyers who had recently
transferred, to us from
the Lafayettes. One
had just received the
newly created Ameri-
can Order for distinguished conduct. The, other has no less
than sixteen official "crashes" to his credit, and twice as
many that are unrecorded. It is said, by his admirers, that
his total equals, if not surpasses, that of Baron Richthofen,
the German crack flyer whose death has since been recorded.
Usually the presence of this one man would be sufficient to
set any hangar a-buzz with excitement. But to-day he and his
fellow star were "supeing" in a scene, wliich, in its general
features, strongly resembled that created in an average Ameri-
can household by the first visit of the stork. The same atmo-
sphere of quiet joy, suppressed excitement, prevailed. In
their pleased interest, indeed, the two stars might have ac-
ceptably filled the rdle of maiden aunts.
But though they were "supeing" to-day, it was luck thrown
on luck to have the chance to meet them. Undoubtedly the
most spectacular figure in this most spectacular of wars, is the
great flyer who conducts his duels to the death above the
thunder and lightnings of the guns. His is a figure that stirs
even the dullest imagination to wonder what manner of man
this can be who sets at naught fears and tremors that govern
most of us, and goes forth daily to slap Death himself in the
face.
I sought the secret in tlie star flyer's face. Short and square,
quiet and kind, bumed and wrinkled by sun and wind, those
quantities and qualities told nothing. Any farmer has them.
But the eyes told the tale — bits of grey steel peering through
narrowed lids as it were between the slits of his armoured soul.
They were the eyes of an eagle, unconsciously unafraid.
While I was talking with him they were softened by the
reflection of his courteous smile. But when his face sets for
combat — I should not like to see them, as have half a hundred
Germans, glinting behind the levelled sights of his flame-tipped
i6
Land & Water
May 16, 1 91 8
I.ieut. Winslow and his Aeroplane
gun. His success, as I read it, in-
heres in his superb confidence
backed by superior skill. When
that man goes after a Gennan, lie
kno7iS that he is going to get liini ;
which is nine-tenths of the battle.
Jiist now, however, to repeat, his
pleasure in the event left his fact
kind and soft, and eager as that of
a maiden aunt at a christening.
For matter of that, the two youths
we presently rounded up, and stood
against the "barrack wall to be snap-
shotted, might also have played the
leading r61e on such an occasion ;
for instead of the grim men their
exploit seemed to deniandi two lads
with the peach bloom of early youth
still on their cheeks came out to
met^t us at their major's call.
They were bashful about their
age as girls— for the opposite rea.son.
They would fain liave been older.
When pressed for the truth, Douglas
Campbell, a young Califomian, ad-
mitted to one and twenty. Alan
Winslow, who hails from Chicago.
went him one better. Babes ! Just
out of their legal infancy ! Think
of it ! But then— this aerial war has been conducted from
the first by babes. Their major is only twenty-four.
Of course we want to know more about them. Alan Wms-
low, then, trained with the French ; therefore must yield
precedence to young Campbell, who was born and " raised" at
the Lick Observatory, on the top of Mount Hamilton, in Cen-
tral California— with its wooded gorges, deep ravines, cosmic
outlook over foothills and plains, surely an ideal eyrie for a
young eagle. He had taken his ground training at the Mas-
sachussetts School of Technology, and was completely Ameri-
can trained.
■. Your fighter is never a talker, and of all fighters the airmen
go the limit in slowness of speech. Even after Winslow, the
hoary elder of two-and-twenty, was finally prodded on to talk,
he left so much to the imagination that it is necessary to fill in
between his wide Unes. He and Campbell had gone out earlj'
for the first official flight, and were playing cards in a tent near
their hangar, while the mechanics tuned up their machines.
The morning was clear ; sunUght streaming between soft
clouds high over the flying field. From the sandbag- targets,
where a machine gun was being Uned lip and synchronised
with the motor, came staccato bursts of firing. Everything
was going on as usual when, in response to a telephone call
from some far observation post, a bugle shriUed out the
'■.\lerte!" '
" I was already in my flying togs," Winslow explained," and
so got into the air at once. Campbell followed about a
minute later. The Boche planes had just come into view,
flying quite low, not higher than a thousand feet. Their
pilots said, afterwards, that they were lost and mistook our
station for their own, otherwise they would never have ven-
tured into such a hornet's nest. To me it seemed impossible.
I felt sure it must be some of our fellows coming in from another
station. But the ' Alerte' kept me ready. They 'were flying
higher than we, and the instant I
sighted the German cross, I let fly
a burst from my gun.
"The Boche answered, but
already I had banked steeply on a
half loop that carried me above
him; then, describing a 'vreille,'
that is, a tail spin, I came squarely
behind and shot him down with my
second burst. By that time Camp-
bell was chasing his man like a hawk
after a running chicken across the
sky, and I Ut out after them. How
that Boche did go ! But lie was too
slow. Just as I caught up, Camp-
bell sent him down in flames."
He summed this remarkable con-
test in the following schedule : "The
' Alerte ' sounded at 8.45 a.m. 8.50,
closed with the Boche. 8.51, shot
down mv man. 8.52, Campbell got
his. 8.53, back on the ground."
Eight minutes by the clock !
Good work !
It remained for Campbell to add
tlie touch of humour that cross-cuts
the most serious dramas — even like
these, of life and death. "Our me-
chanics all came running out of the
hangars to see the fun— till one got shot through the ear.
Then vou should have seen them duck for the dug-outs. In
ten seconds the field was as empty as if the dinner call had
rung" He added, "And Winslow's man? He wasn t
hurt a bit. I don't think he knew just where he was going,
but he was certainly on his way, for he ran Uke a hare ; broke
every record up to half a mile before they chased him down.
We went into their rooms to view the trophies, guns, car-
tridge belts, cl6cks, and so forth that were laid out on their
cots ; and while we were looking them over, Campbell added •
the last human touch to the story. In sky warfare alone, it is
said, have the Germans displayed any chivalry— a thing that
is quite understandable. The uttermost bravery called for in
those desperate duels up there in the wide and lonely vault of
heaven is always associated with chivalric spirit. There the
knightly tradition still obtains, and this lad's utterance proved
that our bovs can be depended upon to hold it.
" My fellow was wearing an Iron Cross. I wanted it badly,
but the poor devil was suffering enough from his bums, I
hadn't the heart to take it from him,"
Fine feeling !
There is no such thing as defeat for men animated by such
spirit backed up by the thorough, intensive training given at
our fields. Flying'has progressed since the days when Captain
von Boelke, the great German flyer of 1914, invented the
"loop the loop" attack. Happily he is now deceased. But
were there resurrection for flyers, and he tried to pull any-
thing hke that on our boys— his shrift would be short indeed.
By a quick combination of acrobatics he had learned during
instruction, Winslow had got his man. And as I thought of
the quick-witted lads of ours that are now getting the same
training, not by the tens or twenties, but by hundreds of thou-
sands, I mentally echoed a favourite exclamation of the
British Tommy : 'Poor old Fritz ! "
1
In an Ambulance : By Francis Brett Young
THIS story is not really mine at all, but that of
the fellow who lay on the stretcher alongside of
me, scratching his back (our clean shirts had
never caught us up), and staring up at the hood
of the ambulance. He scarcely moved at all,
lying flat on his back, so that I got him in profile, and could
see the flies setthng on the tip of his thin nose and worrying
his lips. You can always tell how ill a man is by his attitude
towards flies ; and this man, I could see, was prettiy bad.
His face had that peculiar dusky yellowness that you see in
men who are on the edge of blackwater fever. He was
horribly bony ; his features were drawn and waxy, like
those of a dead man. All that afternoon we scarcely spoke ;
but in the evening, when the heat of the day had passed and
the driver had brought us a brew of tea, the fellow brightened
up amazingly ; and when night came, and our ambulances
were parked on the edge of the bush, we found ourselves
thrust into the sudden and peculiar intimacy which even
the most shy men find easy when they are jolted together in
a F"ord ambulance. He revealed himself ■ as a quiet and
homely man of middle age who had joined the Indian Army
Reserve and been posted as a subaltern to a Baluchi regii^ient.
Already he liad been fighting for over two years in F2ast
Africa. Twice he had been sent back to the hills with malaria
and dysentery. This time, as I had half-guessed, it was a
mild attack of blackwater. He said that a montli in tlie
highlands would put him right.
Of course, I knew that it wouldn't : that, as far as Africa
was concerned, his campaigning days were over. I told him
so, thinking, for my own part, that no man could give more
cheerful news.
He shook his head: "I hope they won't send me to
England."
"My God," I said, " I wish I had your chance. Just think
of it ! March, . . . April, . . . May. . . . Why, you have
the prospect of getting to England in spring. You may
May 1 6, 191 8
Land & Water
17
see the end of thelblackthorn. Green, . . . real green — not
this grey stuff, but beautiful tender "bread and cheese" on
the hawthorns. All the hedges bursting out into a green
flame. Gorse, . . . miles of almondy gorse tossing on the
moors. Linnaeus went down on his knees, and thanked God
for it. And he was a Swede, a Scandinavian neutral. You
don't deserve to be Enghsh, I'm damned if you do. . . ."
He said: "I shock you when I say that I hope they
won't send me tO England. I suppose you've decided for
yourself that I want to keep clear of the pohce. It isn't
that. It's because of my last visit. A sort of nightmare.
The most curious . . . what shall I call it ? . . . spiritual
cold douche, we'll say, ... a man ever got. And when
I do tell you, you'll probably decide that I'm mad. . . .
Oh, well ... I think it was your speaking of the gorse
on the moors that brought it back to me worst of all."
"Of course, I'm not a young man. In the ordinary way
I didn't show my age.' Now, I daresay I look it. Anyway,
I'm well over forty, and nearly the whole of my life I've
lived in India. People who belong to the Army don't under-
. stand that. They don't realise that there are men who live
in India, men as white as themselves, who don't know the
meaning of the word 'home.' They hve in India, and work
in India, and die in India. They've less claims on England
even than the babu students who go there to study medicine
and law^ and teach the beautiful mysticism of the East to
their landladies' daughters or theosopMcal societies in
Highgate.' It's a matter of money . . . money, and the
hard line which divides English society in India.
"My father was a sergeant-major in the Comwalls ;
married on the strength. I was bom in Cornwall ... or
. Devon. Devonport, anyway. I Uved there for I don't
know how many years. I was a backward cliild, and don't
remember anything about it except the noise that the steam-
ships used to make with their syrens in the Hamoaze : just
the noise of bellowing in the sort of misty rain you get there.
Yes, that's the one thing I really remember. But. what I
remembered for myself wasn't half as important as what my
mother told me.
"At Poona, in the hot season, it was pretty awful. It
Mas so hot that children couldn't sleep, and the married
quarters in that cantonment weren't fitted with the latest
thing in punkahs. She used to sit by my bed and fan me.
Sometimes she'd sing a song about a mole-catcher. But
more often she would just talk about Treliske, and the people
and things she most fondly remembered. The most wonder-
ful thing of all was a kind of_ catechism which she made for
me. I dare say it was simply for the joy of hearing me say
the words. It was just part of the great plan that she had
made for her own home-coming. I expect, as a matter of
fact, that my father was really rather a brute of a man. . . .
"But her catechism. ... It went something like this:
When you get out of the train at Liskeard, which way
do you go ? '
" 'Down the hill,' I'd say, 'on Hie road to Looe till you get
' to the gate on the . . .' .
The gate on the railway. Yes. ... And then you cross
that, and the brook, and go up the hill. Oh, such a hill, till
you get to ... ?'
"'Mr. Fenberthv's farm. . . .'
" ' Yes. And then .^ ' \
You don' I take no notice of the dog, mother, because he's
an old 'un, and his teeth wore smooth with stones as Jack
Pcnbertliy's made 'en fetch and carry. . . .'
•"We'll, then? . . .'
" "Then there's one field of rough grazing, and one field of
plough, and don't 'ee tread on the young corn, tuother . . .
and thenyou keeps the path right over above Herodsfoot. . . .'
You're forgetting something. . . .'
" 'Oh, yes . . . The furze. The field where the furze grows
like a letter " L," where there's two paths. And the one of
them goes to Duloe and the other to Treliske.'
"'To Treliske . . .' she would say, laughing and kissing
me, and holding me close to her as if the ecstatic thing had
actually happened, and there we were at Treliske, the two
of us together.
"Of course, you know, it was really a lot more elaborate
than that. It was a perfectly definite picture, or series of
pictures, which made between them an atmosphere . . . I'm
•no good at words ... a sort of dream atmosphere which
was a thousand times more real to me than any piece of
pukka reality 1 ever came across.
"It >taycd with me. It didn't vanish or even grow more
tenuous wlien she died. I lost both of them in the same
week. It was in Bombay ... a terrible place for typhoid
in those days. I suppose it was as good a starting-point as
any other for a commercial career. I worked in a shop
where a Devonshire man named Snell was foreman ; and by
the time he had left Bombay, with just enough money to
set up poultry-farming down Plymouth way, he had put
me on my feet.
"I won't bore you with a tale of my employments. In
my own way I prospered. Tea was my hne. I became
expert in the qujility of tea-leaves and the secrets of their
blending. AU the time I lived in a chummery near an
infernal cotton-mill in Bombay ; and I might have stayed
there till this day if I hadn't happened to go away for a
week-end to a place called Matheran, over on the coast, a
Uttle hill-station in the Western Ghats. I went there in the
breathless days before the breaking of the monsoon, when
Bombay was like an orchid-house built in direct communica-
tion with a sewer. You people who sip iced pegs at the
Yacht Club don't know what Bombay is. I went to Matheran,
I say, and tasted hill air. I began to wonder why in God's
name I had ever been content to live down there. I threw
up my job, and got another, poorly paid enough, on a planta-
tion in Assam. Moving from one plantation to another,
I worked for twenty years. That's a long time for India ;
and yet I can't say I wasn't happy. I was living simply
and healthily in the open air. Apart from fever, I kept
pretty fit ; and all the time I was scraping together a Uttle
money . . . enough to hve on ; that was all I wanted —
just enough to buy me one of my dreams.
"PerhajK you can guess what that was ? . . . I wanted
to go back to Trehske. I wasn't in a tremendous hurry to
go there. I just thought of it as something always indefin-
itely before me : something beautiful that would arrive in
the natural passage of time and bring peace with it. Deliber-
ately, I wouldn't allow myself to build on it, and yet it was
always there, sustaining me.
"One day— it was about six years cigo — I was knocked-
over by a mixture of fever and sun. t must have been
pretty bad. I didn't know anyone for five days. When
I came round, the man who had been nursing me— a good
fellow — told me that I'd been talking a lot of nonsense.
'Something about a letter L, ' says he, 'and then Herod's
foot. I've heard of John the Baptist's head ; but I'm
damned if I ever heard of Herod's foot. I didn't know you
were a religious man, Charlie.' . . . And I laughed — -you
know, in the feeble sort of way one does when one is washed
out — to think of the way in which this old catechism of my
mother's went ticking on in my brain. I said to myself:
'Not yet . . . not yet. Another year or two will do it ;
and then I shaU never see India again.' The doctor told me
that it had been a near thing ; but I didn't believe him, for
I knew that some day in this life I should walk to Treliske.
What a day that would be ! .
"It came. I went home by a B.I. boat, second class.
I wasn't in a hurry. I didn't fret like the pale people on
board who were already seeing the other end of their leave.
I had done with India. There was plenty of time. Some-
times, lying in my cabin at night, and rather cold (for the
air of the Mediterranean seemed icy), I would look over the
map, which I knew already by heart. I was determined to
take it all calmly. If I didn't take it calmlj', it seemed to
me, something might miscarry at the last moment. I only
had one pang of dangerous emotion. At a concert in the
first saloon one nighf a young girl got up and sang a song
which I hadn't heard before. I'm not musical, I may tell
you. It was called ' A Little Grey Home in the West,' and
something in the words — I don't know what exactly — made
me suddenly emotional. I could have cried,
"We had a bad time of it in the Bay. I'm not a good
sailor, and so I spent most of the time below. When I came
on deck at last, I found that we were wallowing in a pale,
frosty sort of sea, and people were standing in little groups
looking at a level coastline of the same neutral colour, very
low and ihdistinct under a huge sky of clouds streaming
from the west. I heard the word 'Cornwall.' Coniwall.
... I just stood there clutching on to the hand-rail that
ran along the deck-house. I was simply bewildered. It's
difficult to describe my state of mind. There was exulta-
tion in it ; and, besides the exultation, something else that
was nearest to fear. I dared not look at it any longer. As
a matter of fact, I couldn't, for suddenly 1 felt horribly sick.
I found myself hanging over the rail, looking at a swirl of
giddy water — pale and horribly cold. /
"Three days later I left London in a train they call the
Riviera Limited Express. I don't remember much of the
country through which we passed-: nothing, except that it
all seemed to mc Ijlue — just made of a sort of blue haze and
very colourless. The train travelled much faster than an
Indian express ; the carriages were not so comfortable, and
my feet were icy. I couldn't believe it was spring. In my
time I had read a lot about the Enghsh spring. I had
imagined it clear and fresh, like the chmate of the Nilghiris.
i8
Land & Water
May 1 6, 191 8
I persuaded myself that in a little while, as we went west-
ward, the conditions would change ; I should see the green,
the intense green that people wrote about, instead of this
everlasting blue haze ; I should see the Tamar, shining blue
with great banks of brilliant gorse climbing on cither side.
"Next morning I set off early. You won't be surprised
when I tell you that I remember every ridiculous detail of
that walk. On the floatinp bridge at T<xrpoint I talked to a
bluejacket. A Cornishman, he told me, home on leave to^
a place called Tregantle. He was vcrj' friendly, taking me
for a seaman ; deceived, I suppose, by my tanned face.
I told him that I was walking out beyond Liskeard, . . .
and he said he would go with me as far as Antony. Then
came my first disappointment. The road out of Torpoint
was hilly, and I found "that I simply couldn't keep pace with.
him. That's what India does for you. You never think of
walking there. I soon saw it was a bad job, and he went on
his way whistling, leaving me pumped on the side of the
road, sitting to recover my breath. It was on one of those
banked hedges which you get in the West countr}', covered
with sweet-smelling grass, and on the top of it, in a cluster,
I found my first primroses. You say that Linnaeus went
down on his knees and thanked God for the sight of the
gorse. I didn't do that exactly; but I'll confess that tears
came into my eyes. I thought of my mother. You know,
she had a passion for primroses.
"Oh, well. . . . That day I realised what spring means.
I don't believe there was ever such a day in the world. The
clouds lifted. The sun shone. All the country was full of
bird-song. And it wasn't blue any longer. I suppose my
eyes were beginning to get accustomed to the subdued
English colour. Suddenly I began to see it all. It was just
as if the green had come out with a rush. I won't talk about
it : I see it will make you homesick. I'll only say that it
made me forget my tiredness. If life were going to be all
like that it would be unbearably beautiful.
" I slept that night in a hotel at Liskeard — a comfortable,
square place facing a wide street planted with trees. Next
morning, in the same peerless weather, I set off, a little stiff
and sore with my walk of the day before. This, of course,
was to be my great day. My mind was full of words, which
ran in it like a nursery rhyme.
" 'When you get out of the train at Liskeard, which way
do you go ?'
" 'Dozen the hill to the road to Looe till you get to the gate
on the railway.'
" It was all working out pat, like a game of patience.
Here was the hill. On the edge of it there hung a block of
recent labourers' cottages. Bfelow the hill I found the
railway running in the bottom of a most lovely valley, with
hazel thickets clothing the hills on either side. I crossed the
line, and the brook which becomes the East Looe river.
I climbed a steep bank at the back of some farm, buildings.
On the edge of a dark spinney of firs primroses were growing.
The prescription still worked.
"It was an awful pull up to Penberthy's farm. 'Here,'
I said to myself, ' the dream is going to let me down ; for
Jack Penberthy's dog, with the teeth worn smooth by carry
ing stones, must have been dead for many years. Still . .
Well, there was a dog there ; but I saw quite enough of his
teeth at a distance ; so whether he was a new incarnation ol
the dream-dog or no I can't tell you. But I did see a woman
who was probably little Jack Penberthy's wife. She r;jme
out and scowled at me from under black, straight brows.
I shouted 'Good morning' to her; but she didn't answer.
I would have given good morning to my w'>r<t enemy on
that day. ...
"Bevond Penberthy's farm the going became more easy.
'One field of rough grazing and one of plough, and don't 'ee
tread on the yowig corn.'
"Beautiful slender stufi : I suppose the rotation of crop-
ping had just brought it back to that field for my delight.
Bej'ond the wheat, the path led me over many acres of grass
land, a high, windy piece of country from which I could see
the hill-town of Liskeard and the moors behind it. And one
chimney-stack I saw on a remote hog's back of a hill that
seemed familiar. From time to time I would stop and fill
my lungs with air and my eyes with the sight of that sweep
of country. Standing there, with my waistcoat unbuttoned,
I suddenly felt myself give a little shiver. It warned me that
I must be careful. People on the boat had told me that a
man who has malaria in him is bound to get it when he goes
>to a colder climate. I reflected that I hadn't brought any
quinine with me. Still, that was nothing.
You keeps the path right over above Hcrodsfoot.' — I had
come to a steep hillside. Below me lay a deep valley far
wilder and more densely wooded than that of the East Looe.
Down there, I supposed, lay Herodsfoot, though I could see
no sign of any village. I knew, at any rate, that Treliske
stood liigh, and that I should not have to go down into the
valley to find it, and it relieved me when I saw that the
path took a turn through the edge of a hazel plantation,
landing me clean into a field where gorse was growing in
the shape of a letter L.
"Why did the gorse grow like a letter L ? I'll tell you.
On two sides of the field were stone walls, and the angle
between them faced the mouth of the valley and the pre-
vailing wind, so that the flying seeds were always blown up
into that corner and along the walls, Even in such a small
thing, you see, it vvor*ked. . Now for the two paths. 'One
of them goes to Duloe and the other to Treliske.' I could see
the two paths, and then found mysplf faced with an awful
doubt. Wliich went to Duloe and which to Treliske? I
stood at the corner of the field shiveftng. Now, there was
no doubt about it. I was in for fever. My head ached ;
my limbs were sore ; I began to feel sick. I must get,
somehow, to a village. The map showed me an inn at Duloe.
It seemed to me that the sooner I reached it the better, so
I gambled on the path which branched off to the left. While
I had been debating with myself the sky had clouded over.
I set out as best I could. Once, in a near field, I saw a man
on horseback, and shouted to him, thinking to a.sk him the
way. I suppose he didn't hear me, for as soon as I shouted
he rode away as fast as he could go. Then the path took
me into a field full of cows. You'll laugh at me when I tell
you that I didn't hke the look of them, although, if you come
to think of it, your English cows are formidable beasts com-
pared with our little Indian buffaloes. It wasn't that,
though. As soon as I set foot in the field they all began to
run for me. I never saw anything like it. I simply made
for the hedge, and there they stood below me, about a dozen
of them, refusing to let me pass. I threw a clod of earth at
them to get them out of the way. They didn't run. They
clustered round it, sniffing it as it lay on the ground. Then
I tumbled to it. I saV that there wasn't a day's feed in the
field. The wretched beasts were starving.
"By this time my fever was pretty bad. At the corner of
the next field I met a little girl with black hair and quick,
brown eyes : a dirty child, in the poorest of clothes. I
called to her, but she ran from me as if she were frightened.
I had a sudden idea that perhaps she was right, and that
I myself was a sort of ghostly revenanl. I suppose I was
light-headed. Fever does take me like that. I knew I
couldn't go on much longer, and thanked Heaven when I
saw at the end of the field a big.squahd sort of stone cottage
the windows oi one half were empty, the others decorated
with ragged lace curtains. In the garden, among hens and
gooseberry bushes, I saw my little girl wiping her nose on
her frock. Now she smiled at me slyly. Her mother
appeared : a slatternly woman with red hair and bad teeth.
I asked her the way to Duloe. ' Duloe ? ' she said,
Duloe? ..." I never heard the rest of it. I fainted on
her doorstep; I suppose I had overdone it.
"They weren't bad people. She and her husband got me
to bed and sent for a doctor. The bed wa.s hi thy, and the
doctor a most objectionable old man, without the least
knowledge of tropical diseases. He ventured to give me
two grains of quinine. / take it byi the teaspoonful, you
know. It isn't even expensive. . . . The days I spent in
that bed, four of them, were the most miserable I ever had
in my life. Thf- people regarded me as the nuisance which,
1 suppose, I was. The woman with the red hair and the
bad teeth would forget all about my food, even though I
assured her that she and her husband would be well paid for
everything they did for me. Her eldest daughter suffered
from fits, and slept within a few inches of me tlffough a
n;irrow partition of boards. I used to hear the father slap-
ping her at night when she made a noise. Altogether, it
was a ghastly nightmare, of which 1 remember very little
but the view through the window. It was always the same
wild and miserable scene : colourless liilltops and black
woods, and over all, a cold and drenching rain that never
ceased. Nobody, it seemed to me, who had ever known
sunshine, could consent to live in a place like that. I
wondered, rather ruefully, if Treliske were better. Of
course, Trehske must be better.
"On the fourth day I got up and drove away from that
ghastly place. I paid the woman who had neglected me,
handsomely. Slie took it as a matter of course. I told her
that 1 would send her little girl a present. I'd noticed that
the child had no toj's. 'I'll post it to her when I get back
to London,' I said. 'And, by the way, I haven't got your
name.' She said the name was Crago. I wrote it down,
smiUng, for I remembered that it was my mother's!
'And the address,' I said, 'the name of the house ''
"'Treliske.' "
May 1 6, 191 8
Land & Water
19
Life and Letters mJX.Souire
The Royal Academy
I\ the middle of the quadrangle of Burlington House
stands Mr. Gilbert Bayes's colossal "War Equestrian
Statue," an ideal male figure on horseback, fronting
the future with determination. It has not the life
and strength of Watts's "Physical Energy," which
once stood in the same place. It is decorative but little
more ; its grace and its serenity are rather those of a well-
designed piece of furniture than those of a work of vital art ;
taste and fancy, not imagination and passion, have gone to
its making ; and its origin, whether the sculptor knows it or
not, is Munich, where a reproduction of it might well make
a cover for one of the magazines of the "Secession." But
even good taste is not a commodity to be under-rated when
one meets it at the Academy ; and Mr. Bayes's group is
better than all save a very few of our English pubUc
monuments.
4: 4: *' * ifi ^
The next important thing you come to is the turnstile ;
the next the catalogue. Blazoned on the title page is 5n
extract from Hazlitt : "Art must anchor on Nature, or it is
the sport of every breath of folly." "Nature" is a compre-
hensive word, and it would be difficult to find a man who
would dispute the maxim. The Post-Impressionist at whom
it is here aimed, maintains that what he is trying to paint
exists in Nature ; he merely argues that there is more in
Nature than meets the unacademic eye. And I had rather
see a man fail in the difficult task of painting the " bottleness "
of a bottle than try to paint the obvious surface of the bottle,
and fail dismally at that. If the Royal Academy has
anchored on Nature, all one can say is that the anchor has
dragged pretty considerably. The Hanging Committee may
be determined to set its face against new follies, but it clings
desperately to old ones ; and the maddest of the Cubists.
are preferable to the slavish copyists and drivelling anecdo-'
tists who cover the walls of Burlington House. Year after
year it goes on. Good men are constantly being elected to
the Academy, and optimists are always hoping that the bad
ones will die off and Time rectify all. So they hoped a
generation ago (I commend readers to the discussions in
the painter's Life which preceded Sir E. Bume- Jones's resigna-
tion of the Associateship which his friends had persuaded
him to take), and so they hope still. But the dullards take
care that they preserve their compact majority, and the
percentage of good pictures on the walls remains as low as
ever. Every year there are actually more good things in
each of several small exliibitions than among the whole of
the hundreds of exhibits at Burlington House. It is a
tragedy ; one caimot help feeling what the prestige of the
Academy could do for the best of the young painters if the
Academy were differently constituted.
******
War pictures are, of course, numerous ; they may almost
all be neglected, the best of them having the sole merit of
giving one an idea (as good newspaper pictures do) of what
conditions at the front are. It is impossible, however, to
ignore Mr. F. Salisbury's vast panel for the Royal Exchange,
representing the King and Oueen at the front. As usual
with these pictures, it is so terrible that, were it not that the
Academy's loyalty is above suspicion, one would incline
to think it an insidious form of republican propaganda.
If anything could be more amazingly bad than the main
design, showing the King with his generals on an eminence
— the Prince of Wales is also shown, apparently wondering
when the painter is going to let him mf)ve — it is the appendix
at the bottom, representing the Oueen amongst the wounded.
More words fail me. The separate portraits of their Majesties
(apparently studies for the great work) which guard the
flanks are quite tolerable. Mr. Walter Bayes's "The Under-
world." though a tliousand times better painted, and far
more nearly "anchored on Nature," is almost equally odd.
It is a study of the Tube during an air-raid. Puvis de
Chavannes might have painted it had he taken to pessimism.
It is wonderfully keenly seen in places ; but it is so large,
it does not hang together ; and its realistic ugliness is the
work of a clever reporter in paint than of an artist. It had a
red label on it, indicating that it had been sold. It cannot
be supposed that our enterprising Underground Railways
are going to use it as a poster ; let us hope that it has not
been acquired for the National War Museum. If some stout
fellow of a profiteer has actually purchased it to embellish
his home, all I can say is that I trust I shall never be asked
to dine with him. Mr. David Jaggard, who last year did a
good study of a "Conscientious Objector," has gone one
better this year with a raving Bolshevik, backed by a blood-
red banner, the red of which has got into the inside of the
Bolshevik's extended mouth, giving him a truly terrifying
appearance. There is great vigour in the painting, but it is
crude and raw. It makes no pretence to be anything but
hideous (there is no question of a "new kind of beauty"
here), and it can only be recommended to the attention of
the directors of Madame Tussaud's. Older wars are less
conspicuous than usual ; I did not notice even one picture
of Cavahers and Roundlieads. The Hanging Committee
must have been nodding. "Stories in paint" have also
diminished in numbers. Mr. Jolm Collier confines himself
to portraits. No Academy, however, would" be complete
without a picture of somebody or other prostrating himself
or herself at the foot of the Cross. Sometimes it is a knight
in armour, sometimes a fashionable lady, sometimes a figure
which, in the absence of clothes, one cannot socially place.
This year it is a ballet-dancer ; the picture (by Miss Margaret
Lindsay Williams) is called "The Triumph." What does
Mr. Sargent think when his colleagues fill many square feet
of wall with things like this ?
There are a few good' or pleasing pictures, conspicuous
among them being several small still-lifes. Mr. Arnesby
Brown's "The Little Village" is charming ; and it is pleasant
to see him getting away from the rut (populated, in his case,
with blue cows) into which he seemed to be getting, as mem-
bers of the Academy almost always do. Mr. D. Y. Cameron,
with an intensely cerulean "Waters of Lome," also departs
in colour, if not in subject, from his customary track ; he is
one of the finest artists we have, but I do not think he entirely
succeeds in this picture, which is vaguely inharmonious.
Mr. Charles Sims's "Landscape" — a great block of dark
foliage— is very agreeable ; and the flesh-tinted Grjeco-
Roman statue which he sets against a mountain background
and calls "The Piping Boy," though not up to his old stan-
dard, shines by comparison with what surrounds it. Mr.
Glyn Philpot's "Adoration of the Kings" is brilliantly
painted, but would be tiring to live with ; judging by their
faces, his monarchs needed all the religious influence they
could get. Mr. Harry Watson's "A Morning of Pleasure"
is an effective effort in the out-of-focus sun-spotted genre ;
and Mr. Sydney Lee's "The Limestone Crag" an interesting
reversion to the methods of James Ward.
Mr. Sargent does not exhibit. Nor does Mr. Brangwyn.
Nor does Mr. Orpen, who has recently been doing first-rate
portraits of soldiers at the front. Mr. Qiausen, happily,
does ; his "Sleeper"— a nude woman asleep with her cheek
on her knee — is very undemonstrative, but one returns to it
with growing admiration after walking round the room in
which it is. His work is always too quiet to get its full
effect on those bellowing walls ; a really representative one-
man show would surprise some of those who tend to overlook
the beauty and variety of the work he has been doing for
thirty years. Mr. Cayley Robinson's "Winter Evening"
would be completely satisfying if it were cut in two, and
only the figure by the fire retained. The portraits, as a
body, do not attract attention ; few of them being remark-
ably good in execution or notable in subject. Sir John •
Lavery, who is painting below his old form since he became
a fashionable artist, does not succeed with Mr. Asquith,
who is not verj' firmly taken in a not very characteristic
aspect. Mr. Fiddes Watts's "Lord Finlay" is better; it
fs not credible, however, that Lord P'inlay can always look
so wise as that. Mr. Charles Shannon's portrait of himself
painting is good ; he is holding a brush in his mouth, and
one is at Hberty to guess that he has just fetched it out of
the water for Mr. Charles Ricketts, who would do as much
for him.
The sculpture galleries are a relief. .They contain much
that is workmanlike and notliing that is offensive. But
enough of this list. The one consolation one found, when
looking for the few needles in that immense haystack, was
that amongst the comparatively few pictures which had been
sold at the time of one's visit were virtually all the good
ones. It reminded one that there is a public for good art.
20
Land & Water
May 1 6, 191 8
Building in Paint : By Charles Marriott
THE time is past, if it was ever due for thinking of
the artist as an unpractical person engaged in grace-
fully dodging reality for ornamental purposes.
Nowadays we judge the ornamental by the amount
of reality it contains. We recognise, too, that the
kind of reality suited to any particular art depends upon the
tools and materials it is done with.
One of the most interesting and suitable ideas of reality for
pictorial expression with paint and brushes is that of space in
three dimensions. For some time after the reaction from
realism, which was partly due to the recognition that paint and
brushes are not in it with the camera for that purpose, painters
" hedged " by putting down their surface impressions of nature
only, but presently
they began to want
something firmer.
Cezanne expressed the
desire when he said :
"I want to make of
impressionism some-
thing solid and per-
manent, like the old
masters." What it
amounted to in fact
was a craving for the
third dimension.
Some such prelim-
inary is necessary to
explain wliat a painter
like Mr. J. D. Fergus-
son, who is now exhi-
biting at Connell's
Gallery in Old Bond
Street, is working at.
By avoiding realism
he recovers the free
and characteristic use
of paint and brushes,
liberty of design, and
the intrinsic value of
colotir ; but at the
same time by insisting
upon the condition of
deptli, he secures the
soUdity demanded by
the Western mind. It
may be said that he
could get the same
result by painting
realisticall}', but that
is not true. If you are
out to create the
illusion of reality — as
in a stereoscopic
photograph^any free-
dom of brush work,
any obvious brush-
work, indeed, must
disturb the illusion ;
and it is worth remarking that the earlier painters who
aimed at realistic illusion, consistently concealed their
brushwork, and painted very smoothly. Also in realis-
tic painting yon are severely limited in the matter of design.
Yuu can arrange or compose reahstically painted objects in a
striking or pleasing manner, but you cannot really make a
design of them in paint without straining probabihty — just as
you would if you wrote a realistic description in formal verse.
For the same reason you must sacrifice the* intrinsic value of
colour to descriptive truth.
You can't have it both ways. The objection to realistic
painting is not an aesthetic fad. It is as practical as the objec-
tion to rule of thumb in engineering. The problems of paint-
ing, indeed, are very much like the problems of engineering.
You have to make a structure in a definite material that will
carry your ideas or feelings to the spectator. The methods,
Uke the burden, may be subtler and more subject to emotion,
but they are strictly scientific in principle. There is no scope
forthinking in the world of illusion, it is all a matter of tricks ;
but in the world of design, there is unhmited scope for thinking.
Once exchange the illusion for the idea of reality jis an aim, and
you come into the full freedom of your materials, and you can
"work out your problems of design instead of merely dodging
them by pretending — always at risk of probability — that it
Lamplight and
By J. D.
"happened so." Mr. Fergusson can be as "decorative" as
he likes ; but because he designs in three dimensions instead of,
like the' Chinese, only in two, he secures the reality that is
generally sacrificed in decorative painting. It was to express
the idea of designing in three dimensions that 1 headed this
article " Building in Paint."
Mr. Fergusson's paintings o( heads convey the idea of plastic
relief which is something quite different from the illusion of
stereoscopic relief produced by realistic painting. They do not
stick out of their frames, but are closely related to their back-
grounds or surroundings. In several pictures, ,in "Rose
Rhytlim," for example, he has carried the same motive
throughout the design in almost exactly the same way as a
musical composer
would construct a
fugue on a given
sequence of notes — or
an engineer would
carry the cantilever
I)rinciple throughout
his bridge, for the
matter of that. This
is a thing you could
not do in realistic
painting, except by
pretending accidental
circumstances of the
"very like a whale"
order ; by pretending
that the young
woman's mouth or ear
looked hke a rose in
certain lights, for
example. By dealing
with ideas rather than
appearances of struc-
ture, Mr. Fergusson
has been able to design
the young woman in
the rhythm of roses
without risk of prob-
ability. Once reduce
the visible world to the
same category of ideas
expressed in terms of
painting, and you can
compare and design to
your heart's content
without any risk to
probabihty, or of
confusion between the
character of one object
and another. You do
not need artistic
licence. Whether you
deal with facts or
fancies you have
exactly the same
freedom and security
as the writer who designs in words, or the composer who
designs in musical sounds. The nearer you get to the' ideas
of things, the more you bring out their differences.
Moreover, as Mr. Fergusson shows, the moment the painter
has plumped for ideas, instead of imitations of reahty, he can
combine with ideas of structure, of length, breadth, and depth,
the more subtle suggestions of surface. One of his pictures has
for its motive the blondness of a woman. The head is firmly
constructed in paint, there is no imitation of hair or flesh and
blood, but the bloom and delicacy of the subject is kept
throughout.
But when all has been said, the most striking temperamental
characteristic expressed in the work of Mr. Fergusson is his
craving for the third dimension. Obviously he is a man of
robust imagination, ill content with a vision that evades the
logic of structure. But being a true painter he will not sacri-
fice the tools and materials of his craft to realistic imitation
in order to get the effect of solidity. By reducing everything
to the same category, and dealing with it in the same terms, he
is able to combine ideas of structure and emotional sugges-
tions in a pictorial and decorative manner ; to embodv
thoughts and feelings "in the round." As might be expected
of such a painter, he has more than an instinct for sculpture ;
and the exhibition includes some examples of his work in stone.
Violet:
Fergusson
Ruby
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXXI. No. 2924. [yl'^^] THURSDAY, MAY 23, 19 1 8
r registered ast published weekly
La newspaperJ price ninepence
Copyright, 19 iS", V .S A
Cnpyris^ht, " Land & WaUt'
The Extended Alliance
The Emperor Karl has concluded a closer alliance with the Kaiser
By Louis Raemaekers.
Land & Water
May 23, 19 1 8
German Rule in East Africa
GERMANY'S method of
ruling subject races is fur-
ther illustrated in these
photographs. They were
taken in East Africa, but
there is plenty? of evidence that the
methods are not peculiar to that
section of the German Emjjirc. The
same system of "frightfulness" was
consistently practised in German West
Africa, in the Cameroons, and the
Pacific Islands. When the Crown
Prince was in India, he explained to
an American joumahst, to whom he
had been deprecating the British sys-
tem of rule, the manner in which Ger-
many established her might over
weaker races, illustrating it b}' this
anecdote: "A German planter in
Samoa had a field of yams, which were
pilfered by native villagers. So he
went to the village, seized the head-
man and three others, decapitated
them, and impaled their heade at each
corner of the field. Afterwards," added
the Crow'n Prince with approval, "there
was no more stealing ! " That is the-
true German idea of justice and mercy
where the weak are •concerned.
To carry out this policy effectively,
we see in the third photograph here how
they train to arms the more warhke
races. The native soldier is encouraged
to be the same bully as the Prussian
officer ; he is allowed all kinds of gross
privileges, and is permitted to bully
and pillage peaceful folk so long as he
conforms to military discipline. The
main danger of German rule in
Africa is the creation of a vast black
army that may be let loose to
ravage neighbouring territories at
any favourable moment. The army,
directly it realised its strength, would
probably begin by cutting the throats
of its taskmasters, but there is no
saying where it might end.
I. Civil Prisoners in Jail.
3. Germ:in Officer at Head of Transport.
z. Drilling Native Soldiers.
4. Another Hanging.
May 23, 1 9 I 8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, MAY 23, 1918.
Contents
PACK
The Extended Alliance. (Cartoon.) By Raemaekers i
German Rule in East Africa. (With photographs.) J
The Outlook ,)
The Offensive Reviewed. By H. Belloc "^ 4
British-American Relations. By Arthur Fagi- 7
Cruise of the Prince Eitel Friedrich.
(With photographs) . By Frencli Strother lo
The Turkish Conspiracy — II. By Henry Morgenthau 14
Inside a Man's Head. By J. C. Squire . 16
Future of the Farm Labourer. By Jason 17
In Barracks. (Poem.) By Sherard Vines ' 18
London. By Miller Dunning 20
A Famous Portrait Painter. (Review.) 22
Notes on Kit 25
The Outlook
LORD FRENCH lias not been long Viceroy of
Ireland before giving evidence that he remains
a man of action. The arrest of the Sinn Fein
leaders is reassuring both for the act itself and
for the manner of its execution. When . the
details of the German plot are revealed it will be seen how
near Ireland has come to a second rebellion. The clemency
which was shown by the ^British Government after the Easter
Rebellion of 1916 appears, on the face of it, to have been
misplaced, seeing liow many of those who then received
pardon are implicated in this second conspiracy. None the
less, we believe this clemency to have been a wise act ; hence-
forth, no scruples need be shown in dealing with those who,
for whatever purpose, have conspired to enter into treason-
able communication with the German enemy. We depre-
cate hasty conclusions that all who have lately been associated
with the Sinn Fein leaders are necessarily a party to treason.
This is an occasion for calm judgment and slow speech, and
it must be carefully borne in mind that the one object all
wish to attain who have sincerely at heart Ireland's future is
that some system of Government may be devised which will
enable the vast majority of Irishmen, in whichever province
they live and to whatever creed they belong, to work together
loyally and in amity for the peace and prosperity of their
oountry, and for the welfare and security of the British
Empire. The prospect is dark at the moment, but we believe
this latest step to be a decided advance in the right direction.
* * «
The long Interval which the enemy may be presumed to
be using for purposes of reconstruction and of opening a third
phase in his great offensive still continues at the moment
these lines are written. It has endured without interruption
(save by comparatively small local actions) since Monday,
the 2gth of April, on which day the enemy suffered his heavy
•defeat to the North of Mt. Kemmel. The number of divisions
he has employed actively to date in this offensive — nearl}'
all of them in the first six weeks, is now definitely ascertained
to be the equivalent of 254, of which so many have been put
in a second, a third, and even a fourth time, as to pwaint to
an exceptionally rapid rate of usage. Evidence on his exact
losses is still lacking, but sdmething in the neiglibourhood of
the half million is not an excessive estimate. His delay will
permit of a certain number of returns, and he has, both in
fresh divisions, and in field depots, enough material left to
make of the third phase, if he chooses, something like a repeti-
tion of the first. On the other hand it must be remembered
that he has not the same quality at his disposal. His first
shock was delivered with specially trained divisions, each of
which had been examined for the purpose. It is also doubtful
whether lie can now count upon any element of surprise.
* * *
Meanwhile the future of aviation and the apparently
continuously rising preponderance of the allies in this field
is attracting universal attention. Subsidiary to the essential
action of aircraft upon the front, the weather has permitted
a long distance raid into Germany and the thorough bombing
of Cologne. The raid upon London was almost simultaneous
— for it takes more than twenty-four hours to prepare a
thing of this sort. Nevertheless the two will certainly be
treated bj- the enemy in his Press and communiques (and
unfortunately, probably by too many people at home) as
cause and effect.
Of more significance to the war is the tale of aircraft
work at the front. The most striking piece of statistics
in connection with this is that given in connection with the
number of bombs dropped behind the German and British
lines respectively. For the months of March and April —
and much the greater part of it since March 21st — the
difference is no less than thirteen-fold. 60,079 bombs were
dropped on or behind the German lines by the British,
and only 4498 bv the Germans on or behind the British
lines, it is far too early as yet to calculate upon any decisive
result through the growing superiority of the Allies in the air.
Though it already hampers enemy communications it is still
very far from dislocating them, and as for what is called
"blinding" the enemy by establishing such a superiority
that he cannot observe usefully, no one can tell how far
superiority must be carried before such a result can be achieved.
At any rate, it is not yet in sight. But if the rate of increase
can be maintained — and the resources of the Allies should
make that possible — it will, with American recruitment, be
the new element in our favour as the year proceeds.
* * ♦
Raids by night on London were resumed this week. A
year has not elapsed since the first attack in formation by
Gothas ; it occurred on Wednesday morning, June 13th
last ; it was followed on Saturday morning, July 7th, by
another attack ; others were frustrated, and afterwards the
enemy preferred the inferior visibility of moonlight for his
raids. Had the German General Staff a year ago been able
to foresee that within ten months Cologne would be in the
reach of British airmen at noonday, it is doubtful whether
London would have been attacked. As it is, the German
air offensive on cities outside the war zone shows no advance
during this period ; the British air offensive is proving more
and more effective. Germany threw down the challenge ; we
accepted it. The end is not yet.
* * *
"A peace offensive is a proposition made by one party
who does not desire peace himself, but who does desire to
divide his enemies by making proposals of peace." This
definition, put forward by Mr. Balfour in the House of
Commons last week, deserves the widest publicity, for of
"peace offensives" we are bound to hear much in the coming
months. ThiS' definition has received the approval of that
.other master of clean-cut phrases. President Wilson, who,
speaking at New York on Saturday, said : "We are not to
be diverted from the grim purpose of winning the war by any
insincere approaches upon the subject of peace." Insin-
cerity has been Germany's trump card in all diplomatic
relations in the past ; she has won so many tricks with it
that she will not forgo it readily ; .but while it is easy to
deceive at any game when a man \is treated as an honest
man, it becomes very difficult, once he is a declared swindler.
The failure of each new peace offensive makes the next one
more difficult. But Germany will persevere.
* « *
A reference was made in these notes a few weeks ago to
the inequity of the stipends in the Church of England. It
was stated that the scandal had not been dealt with.
This was true in itself, but the report of the fourth Committee
of Inquiry into the Administrative Reform of the Church,
just issued, shows that it has not been overlooked. The
reforms proposed by this committee are most far-reaching
and sensible. It is proposed to abolish the gross scandal of
the "parson's freehold" and the lesser one of pew-rents.
There is to be a Patronage Board in every diocese, on which
the laity are to be largely represented. The clergy are to
be assured a living wage, and the bishops are no longer to
dwell in castles or palaces. ' Parochial Church Councils are
to be instituted. Let these reforms be brought into effect,
and the Church of England will gain new life as a modern
institution. How can this be done within a reasonable
time ? There is one omission which a substantial and
growing minority of Churchmen will deplore: — that the
recommendations do not include disestablishment. But dis-
establishment can well stand over for the moment if only
these reforms are not delayed. In another generation at
latest it will be everywhere recognised that a Church cannot
thrive and be vigorous which is under State control and
at the mercy of political parties. The separation must
come about, but it will be all the easier if the Church has
been efficiently reorganised on modern lines.
Land & Water
May 23, 1 9 1 8-
The Offensive Reviewed: By H. Belloc
FOK now exactly three weeks (at the moment of
writing, Monday, May 20th) the enemy has re-
frained from any continuation of his great offensive
movement. His last fully dcx'cloped action was
that of Monday, April 29th, in Flanders, between
the Ypres Canal and Meteren, in which he suffered a very
heavy defeat, the magnitude of which was somewhat obscured
by the fact that the victors were on the defensive.
We have ahead}' given in these colunms the reasons for
believing that such a lialt is only a prelude to a third phase
in this great series of actions. The enemy has shown by
every possible indication his determination to 9.chieve a
decision as early as possible this year ; he has put in the
equivalent of 254 divisions — a mass of men hitherto quite
unprecedented. To do this means that you are determined
to get your result at onc^, and that you would rather pour
out men from your depots than get fresh material in rotation
from units in other parts of the line. I^oth methods of
recruiting the strength for shock have been used, but the
pace at which German divisions have been put through the
mill — from three to four times that of a previous -period —
is absolute proof that the enemy was working for as rapid a
decision as he could possibly obtain. If, in spite of this
he has allowed three weeks to go by without action, it is
either because his losses liave imposed such a period of
reconstruction, or it is because he is elaborating a completely
new plan ; more probably it is from a combination of these
two causes. *
For the comprehension of the future quite as much as
that of the past, and therefore with a practical object, we
may use such a moment for a review of the great German
offensive from March 21st to April 29th — five weeks and a
half of most intense fighting upon the largest scale.
It was divided into two phases. The first was the great
blow upon a fifty-mile front struck between the Scarpe and
the Oise rivers on March 21st and March 22nd, with the
object of separating the French and the British armies and
of destroying the latter by an advance against the flank so
exposed. This, great effort succeeded in effecting a breach
in the British line not far from its junction with the French.
There followed a rapid and very expensive retirement, but,
as in the case of Caporetto, the full results of the breach
were not obtained. After an attempt, six days later,
to break the wall at last erected against them, the
great German mass in this saHent ceased its effort and the
first phase ofMhe offensive was over by .\pril 5th — just more
than a fortnight from the moment of its inception.
The second phase took a curious and unexpected form ;
unexpected to the enemy as well as to ourselves. The fact
that its form was unexpected has profoundly affected the
story of the great action from that moment onwards.
The German higher command ordered an attack upon
April gth upon a comparatively small scale (six divisions —
four in line and two in support) upon a short sector of a few-
miles in front of Lille. This defensive sector broke ; a
complete breach was effected ; the Lys was reached and
crossed within twenty-four hours, and within a week the
whole plain up to the foot of the Kemmel Hills was in enemy
hands. An advance comparable in shape (though, of course,
not in extent) to the great German advance in the south
had taken place.
The effect of this very great local success upon the German
higher command can now be clearly traced, though at the
time we had no evidence to show whether it were a long-
prepared plan or not. We now know that it was an acci-
dental opportunity rapidly used.
The enemy, finding himself thus possessed of yet another
breach in the old defensive line, determined to use it thor-
oughly. Comparatively small as was the area for manoeuvre,
he poured in between 30 and 40 divisions, and sacri-
ficecl men with the utmost freedom in the pursuit of a novel
subsidiary plan to cut off the northern end of the British
Hne and to reach Dunkirk, at least, of the Channel ports.
This second effort, which became more and more expensive
as it was pressed, was a strategical failure. A violent effort
to increase the salient by its left flank in the second week
of the fighting (led by Bernhardi, with six divisions) was
heavily defeated ; and in the week following, after the
exceedingly expensive capture of Kemmel HiU, the largest
assault of all, with 11 or i;^ divisions on April 29th, was
broken to pieces, and the second phase of the great German
offensive came to a close.
Such have been the general lines of the affair, llwill
now examine them in greater detail. MM^
The first essential in such a study is a comprehension
of the enemy's scheme of attack. We are the better able
to appreciate tiiis scheme from the fact that enemy sources
of information and enemy descriptions are now available.
Even the roughest sketch cannot be complete, of course,
because in the first place both the enemy and the Allies
conceal of necessity a mass of things, and in the second place,
because many things, though not concealed, must not be
published lest they give information to the other side. m
The first three weeks of March, the special training of the
chosen units on the enemy's side being by then accomplished,
were filled with the last accumulations of munitionment
and with the bringing up to their points of concentration
of these divisions, which were at the last moment marched
up by night to complete the very great density with which
the attack was to be delivered.
Concentration for Attack
Already during the two months past the roads leading
to the sector of attack had been perfected, and so elaborate
in detail was the whole plan that it included, as the French
correspondents tell us, a book of about 100 pages, which was
distributed down to the company commanders to explain
the nature of the operation which was toward. It would
seem that in the creation of new roads the enemy was par-
ticularly careful to create subsidiary lateral communications.
The night marches up to the front began on the 13th of March
and proceeded for eight days continuously. It is to be remarked
that the moon was in her last phase during this operation,
and that just before the attack there was almost complete
darkness to cover the concentrations effected. It seems
proved that much the greater part of the final concentration
was made quite at the last moment with the object of
preventing information reaching us through prisoners.
Three great armies and a portion of a fourth were aligned
between the Rivers Scarpe and Oise, a distance as the crow
flies of about fifty miles. The right of these three armies
was in front of the Vimy Ridge by Arras ; the left beyond
St. Quentin, while that portion of the fourth army which
came in upon the extreme left was astraddle of the River
Oise, south of St. Ouentin near La Fere.
These armies in their order were the XVIIth on the north
or German right, cop-,manded by Below ; the Ilnd in the
centre, commanded by Marwitz ; the XVIIIth on the German
left or south in the St. Ouentin district, commanded by
Hutier. It was this last which achieved the principal success
of the action. Yet further to the .south beyond Hutier
again upon the Oise was the extreme right of Boehn's Vllth
Army, a certain portion of which, as we shall see, was drawn
into the action.
Each of the three armies consisted of no less than 23
divisions. It is probable that one of them was as strong as
24 divisions. There were thus from 69 to 70 German divisions.
But to these must be added 6 divisions which were drawn
in from Boehn's VIltli^Army on the extreme left. So that
in the very first developments of the affair, before ultimate
reserves were thrown in, while the original shock alone was
engaged, at least 75 divisions were used ; between a million
and a million and a quarter men.
Each Army commander had under him from four to five
corps. But these corps were not the normal German Corps
D'Arnicc of two divisions ; they were groups of divisions,
some of them containing as many as six, the idea being to
keep great masses of men under comparatively simple controls.
We will, however, give them their corps names. Below's
XVllth Army, on the right of north in the Arras dis-
trict, counted, leading from right to left— the ist Bavarian
Reserve, under Fasbender ; the 9th Reserve, under Dieffen-
bach ; thp i8th ; the 6th Reserve, under Borne ; and the
14th Reserve, under Lindequist.
These corps contained between them 21 divisions, of
which 12 were in Ijne and 9 were in immediate support. But
Below also had under him two reserve divisions, the i6th
Bavarian and the 24th, which he kept to the rear of his left,
near his junction with Marwitz.
Marwitz in the centre, commanding the Ilnd Army, also
had five group corps : Gruiiert's, which formed the junction
with the northern army ; and then in order from north to
south were the 29th Reserve, under Staabs ; the 23rd Reserve
May 23, 1918
Land & Water
under Kathen ; the ijth, under Hofacker ; and the 14th,
under Gontard.
• This central army was curiously constituted. Grunert and
Staabs on the north were diminished. The\' had only 2
divisions each, both in line. The other three corps were
correspondingly swelled. This central army, like the one to
its right, counted, as I have said, 23 divisions, 13 in line,
5 in immediate support, and 5 used as an army reserve.
Hutier's army on the left, the XVIIIth Reserve, which, as
we have said, achieved the principal result, was again or-
ganised in a special fashion. Its two wings. North and South,
Luttwitz's 3rd Corps, and Conta's 4th Reserve, had 4 divisions
each ; but the centre was even denser. Though it consisted
of only two corps, the 17th, of Webern, and the gth (Oetin-
ger's), it counted certainly 11 divisions, and possibly 12.
It was the densest formation of the whole line. There was
only room for 11 divisions in line, but there were 9 in im-
mediate support, and from 3 to 4 as an army reserve. This
disposition of the i8th Army proves not only from its den-
sity, but from the depth of its formation, that it was intended
to give the main blow, and tliis is what one might expect,
seeing that it had to operate on the right of the British,
where rupture was intended between them and the French.
I have said that bej'ond Hutier's XVIIIth Army the ex-
treme right of Boehn's Vllth. Army was engaged. This
included Schoeller's 8th Corps, and the 8th Reserve, under
Wichura, which formed the extreme left of the great action.
Each of these corps were 3 divisions strong.
The attack came, as we all know, in the morning of Thurs-
day, the 2ist of March, favoured by a thick mist. Accord-
ing to the German accounts the moment fixed for the general
attack was twenty minutes to ten. There is evidence that
different parts of the 50-mile Hne launched the infantry at
different moments. The cluef novel feature in the attack
would seem to have been the use of the two-man machine
guns which came forward right on the crest of the advanc-
ing waves. Another somewhat novel feature was the ex-
treme advancement of the field pieces, which pushed right
up with the advance of the infantry. The German corre-
spondents have been allowed to print the fact that this tactic,
though successful, was very expensive.
The German account of what they had tf) meet allows the
British only 18 divisions in the front line. When the blow
was struck, the first day bore little or no fruit, and was spent
at a very heavy cost in men. The second day, l-'riday,
March 22nd, unfortunately gave the enemy, as we know,
a breach west by a trjfle north of St. Quentin, at Holnon.
There followed the flood of German advance, in which
Hutier's army went furthest, and which occupied in just a
week the whole great salient between Arras and the Oise,
passing in front of Albert and Montdidier and Noyon.
It was an advance in two stages, rapid as it was. For it
was checked on the line of the Somme and the heights just
to the east, in what the Germans call the Battle of Bapaume,
forty-eight hours after the breach was effected. It was only
forty-eight hours later still, upon the 26th, that Albert was
passed in the north centre, and on the next day, the Wednes-
day, the 27th, that the enemy entered Montdidier. The
divisions of the French 3rd Army had been hurried up with
sufficient rapidity just to check this tremendous impetus
before the Amiens railway was reached.
Thursday, the ,48th — exactly a week after the opening of
the offensive — may be fixed as the moment when public
opinion in Germany reached its highest note of confidence.
There seems to have been some confusion due to the elation
of the moment and a general confidence (unwarranted by
the facts) that the Amiens line had been reached, and that
the French and British armies were separated. It was not
fully understood as yet that the French 3rd Army had
relieved the 5th British, and that the gap was closed. There
were elements in the situation which public opinion in^^
Germany could not understand, though they were grasped,
of course, by the German as well as by the Allied commands.
The chief of these was the momentary exhaustion of the
attacking force. It had marched in special kit, with six
days' rations and spare boots over and above the regulation
weight. It had advanced in extreme cases nearly 40 miles,
fighting all the way. It had come across the devastated
battlefield of the Somme. Its communications, which had
been so admirable just before the battle was delivered, had
become, in the advance, quite insufficient. There was a halt
of nearly a week (filled, of course, with plenty of heavy
fighting) along the line of check, when, on April 4th, the last
great effort of the main German original plan was made,
and failed.
That effort may be called the Battle of Moreuil. It was a
blow struck upon a grand scale to turn Amiens by the south —
that is, against the left of the newly arrived French divisions.
On the next day, the 5th, and even the day afterwards,
April bth, it was believed in Germany, though in a rather
confused fashion, that this great blow had succeeded, and
that the Allied line was pierced. But by the Sunday,
April 7th, the position was clear both at home and abroad.
The original great wave was held, and the last effort to
advance had failed with very heavy loss. It may possibly
have been with a political object, in view of disappointment
at home ; it was, at any rate (we are now quite certain of
this) as a subsidiary and secondary operation, that on the
Tuesday following, April 9th, (> divisions were launched
against the Portuguese, holding the marshy flats at the
foot of the Aubers Ridge in front of Lille, and against the
two British divisions that flanked them on the right and
the left (the one from Lancashire, the 55th, at Givenchy ;
the other at Fleurbaix, in front of Armentieres).
The operation had an unexpected and very rapid success.
But precisely on that account it led to considerable conse-
quences adverse to the enemy's cause.
Battle of the Lys
By the evening of the first day, the whole of the marshy
country up to the Lys had been overrun by the enemy,
who had broken through the defensive zone upon a sector of
six miles. From the front of that zone to the Lys was a
distance of three to four miles, in which he captured numerous
prisoners and guns. He crossed the Lys by the unbroken
bridge at Bac St. Maur; twenty-four hours later he was
everywhere a mile or two beyond the river ; Armentieres,
with three thousand troops, had been surrounded and had
surrendered, and his advance had already touched the site
of Messines on the southern edge of the ridge.
On the night of the third day, Thursday, April 12th, he
had added about as much again to this rapidly advancing
salient. He was almost up to the Forest of Nieppe on his
left. He was close to Bailleul and Neuve Eglise, at the
foot of the Kemmel range of heights.
It is at this moment, the night of Thursday, April
r2th, that we begin to note the effect upon the enemy
of this unexpected success and his determination to
prosecute it : with all the consequences of that deter-
mination.
During the next two days he made very little advance,
for the British reserves > were coming up. He wks still by
the Saturday night out of Bailleul, and though he had taken
Neuve Eglise he had not succeeded yet in forcing the Messines
Ridge. He had put about 16 divisions by that time into
the battle.
Now that the Germans saw the British resistance stiff-
ening with the arrival of the reserves ; now that they knew
that the French had also had to send from their reserves
divisions right up round to this far northern field, they might
have checked their adventure had the original plan been
fully maintained. But it is ^ear that in the face of the
apparently great opportunity now afforded them in the
north coupled with their finding themselves firmly held
in the south in front of Amiens, they modified their plan ;
or rather adopted a new plan and determined to press for
all they were worth in the north. They called up at least
9 divisions from the Amiens salient, tliverted further fresh
divisions to Flanders, and for fifteen days maintained a most
furious and expensive effort to reap the fruits of their
unexpected earlier success.
They took the Messines Ridge and Bailleul, but already
upon the 9th day after their first attack, on April 17th,
it was apparent that they were being led too far. On that
day the attempt to cut off the Ypres salient from the north
was broken by the Belgians, and on the ne.xt day, Thursday,
April 18th, came a severe defeat. Six divisions under Bernhardi
tried to force the line of the Bethune Canal and to cut the
lateral communication which runs behind it. The attack
was completely broken with very heavy losses indeed.
Indeed the action of April r8tli is perhaps the most significant
of all these efforts in Flanders, for it should have shown
the enemy that the defensive could now hold him there.
Nevertheless he still went on, having already doubled the
number of divisions he had used up to but five days before.
To keep French reserves in the soutli and to check any further
movement northward, he made, on April 24th, a violent attack
upon the plateau which covers Amiens at Villers-Brettoneux.
He was beaten there ; but his main object for the moment
was the north, and on the next day, April 25th, he began
a fight which lasted thirty-six hoiurs and ultimately gained
him Mt. Kemmel.
With the least possible delay — not three full days — he
concentrated 13 divisions upon the front of which Mt. Kemmel
is the centre, and witli the early morning of Monday, April
Land & Water
May 23, 19 1 8
29th, opened the last great phase of his Flanders Battle,
which was at once to turn the line of hills and to cut off the
troops in the Yprcs salient. It was the most desperately
fought of all these actions, and it resulted in the most ex-
pensive and the most complete defeat the enemy had yet
received. By the night of that Monday, April 29th, an effort
upon double the scale of Bernhardi's ten days before had
been even more thoroughly crushed, and the second phase
of the Great German offensive was at an end, Wc await the
third.
The Emperor Charles' Letter
THE abortive negotiations which took place last year
between France and Austria are now of only historical
interest. Even if they were not dead and done for
in themselves, the Battle of Caporetto, the now
decided disintegration of what was once the Russian Empire,
and the scale of the great Western offensive which opened on
March 2rst, would have destroyed all their practical effect
upon the war.
Nevertheless, though these negotiations are now no more
than objects of study for the curious, they have this dangerous
feature about them : that they may be used by malevolent
or foolish jieople as a subject of recrimination. They may
be thus used by the enemy to impair the solidity of the
Alliance, and, what is perhaps most dangerous of all, they
may lead well-meaning and terribly ignorant enthusiasts to
believe that some sort of negotiation can even now take the
place of military action.
It is important, therefore, to grasp the real nature of the
event, and this is, happily, a simple matter. If we exclude
the elements of personal intrigue which are the curse of all
Parliaments, in France as much as in England ; if we elimin-
ate the private motives of those who use any national peril
as a mere instrument for the support or ruin of some petty
Parliamentarian ; if we confine ourselves to the plain facts-
there is nothing either very mysterious or very valuable in the
affair.
There are three things quite clear. The first is that the
attempted Austrian negotiation with France last year was
not some marvellously cunning piece of duplicity engineered
by Prussia. It came from an easily recognisable motive of
a singularly obvious sort. The second is allied to the first :
it is the fact that these proposals were entirely and naively
to the advantage of the Emperor Charles, and not at all to
that of the Emperor William. The third and most impor-
tant is that the one nation to which they would have been
disastrous if (to suppose the impossible) they had been
accepted is our own.
The young Emperor of Austria -had nothing to gain by
continuing the war. He saw before him the increasing
power of an ally who was rather worse than a rival, and
possibly, at the end of the whole business, the House of
Hapsburg no more than a German feudatory of Berlin. His
people were suffering terrible privation.
The Russian Empire, the menace of which was the only
thing Austria considered on entering the field, had dis-
appeared, and a strong personal feeling in favour of the
. West natural to any family of good breeding and civilised
traditions, further inclined' the Emperor Charles and his
wife to the action they took.
It was a personal action confided to a near and youthful
relative, who was quite above any suspicion of duplicity
and whose sympathy was heartily with the Allies : Prince
Sixtus was actually fighting in one of the Allied armies.
Some may be puzzled by the Emperor of Austria thus
acting secretly, separately from his ally, and without the
knowledge of his ally. They will say; "How on earth
could he carry out anything he promised without Germany
being a party to that promise?"
The reply to such an objection wotild seem to be that the
Emperor hoped (if anything should come of his action) to
approach his ally and to see what accommodation could be
made. It is possible that Beriin during some bad. squeeze
in 1916- or 191 7 had already given a hint at Vienna that
Prussia would sacrifice the advantage of past crimes in order
to avoid punishment for the crimes of the present war.
Things were not going too well for Prussia even as late as
June 1917. The position of Russia was not yet absolutely
certain, and no unexpected successes upon the West had
come to raise her spirits. She had always been ready since
the Marne to make very large concessions to France in the
hope of separating that country from ourselves.
But whether such hints had been dt-opped just before the
young Emperor tried to open negotiations or whether the
action was entirely spontaneous and only envisaged con-
sulting Germany after France had been sounded, we cannot
tell. What is clear is that this approach to the French
Government by the head of the .'Vustro-Hungarian State
was as direct and sincere as it was personal. The Emperor
expressed very mildly his views about the German annexa-
tion of Alsace-Lorraine, and he was there saying undoubtedly
what he felt. It is what everybody upon the Continent
feels with the exception of the Germans. The seizure of
.\lsace-Lorraine after the war of 1870 was a perfectly novel
baseness of a peculiarly cynical and disgusting sort, which
profoundly shocked the conscience of Europe, and which
has never been forgiven its authors,
The next thing to note about these Austrian negotiations
is that such proposals as they contained (and they were
vague enough, Heaven knows!) left Austria- Hungary upon
the balance a great deal stronger than it was before the war.
This capital point has been curiously missed, especially
in our Press.
Take the extreme case, and suppose Austria-Hungary to
have secured peace upon the lines suggested in the famous
letter, and then compare her situation with what it was in
1913. The position before and after would have been some-
thing l.ke this :
In 1913 Austria-Hungary representing the Catholic, as
against the Orthodox, Slavs, was in perpetual jeopardy from
the enormous military power of the Russian Empire, the
leader and protector of the Orthodox Slavs. An agitation
was perpetually going on just over the borders of the Austrian
and Hungarian kingdoms; its centre was in Serbia. It
worked upon the national sympathies of the Serbian race on
both sides of the frontier. Catholic as well as Orthodox.
It was a perpetual source of the gravest anxiety and even
weakness to the ruling house at Vienna. The Orthodox
elements in Galicia and certain racial elements (such as the
Serbian population from over the Hungarian border, the
much larger Rumanian population in Transylvania) were all
of them elements of weakness which imperilled or darkened
the future of the Dual Monarchy. The way to the East
was blocked ; the relations between the Balkan States were
uncertain and required the exercise of the most careful
Austrian diplomacy.
Faced by such an Eastern situation, Austria-Hungary was
dependent upon the support of Prussia ; though the whole
tradition of the House of Hapsburg and the whole culture,
even German, of the varied people whom it ruled, was anti-
Prussian to the core.
Compare such a precarious state of affairs — which had
endured for a generation, marked by cf)ntinual threats of
war and by ceaseless vigilance — with the situation that
would have existed had peace been established upon the
lines that Austria suggested to France last year !
The Hapsburgs would have found themselves completely
secure, and apparently secure for ever, upon the Eastern
side. There was no longer any mihtary relationship, nor
even union among the Orthodox Slavs. Russia had gone.
Austria-Hungary here could draw what frontier it chose and
rule completely at ease. The Balkan tangle was at an end.
Bulgaria alone remained, and with Bulgaria there was no
quarrel. The mortal irritant of Serbia was gone. The com-
plete control of the Dalmatian Coast gave Austria the Adriatic,
.^nd all this aggrandisement was purchased at the price of
a few square miles in the Alps (which never did Austria any
good, and which had always been a source of weakness),
and, for the rest, at the expense of Prussia. Such a peace,
by the retrocession of Alsace-Lorraine, left the Prussian
rival relatively weaker, and restored something of the old
balance between South and North Germany aiid something
of the old position of the Hapsburgs.
AU this, of course, is purely academic. Peace could never
have been concluded upon lines so ideally consonant with
Austrian interests and satisfying to no one else. But still
the comparison at least makes it clear that Austria, acting
thus, acted in the most natural fashion possible. For she
was simply following her own interests entirely and neglecting
everybody else's.
But there is a third point to be considered in all this which
is not academic at all, but severely practical and of vital
importance for the people of this country. Not only is it
important, but it is or ought to be self-evident.
It is this : That negotiations of such a kind, peace pro-
May 23, 19 1 8
Land & Water
posals upon lines of the famous letter, directly involve the
fall of this country ; not of France or Italy, but of England.
Of all the marvels of the great war none is more marvellous
than the blindness of those who fail to perceive so glaring a
danger when it stares them in the face. It is a prodigy
which can only be explained by the peculiar history of
Victorian England with its isolation from the world, its
extraordinary illusions, its singular domestic peace and
happiness, and, above all, its self-confidence. But even if
we regard the survival of those illusions as the explanation
of certain modern follies, those follies remain enormous.
There are actually people writing and speaking to-day as
though the acceptation of such terms, not by France, mark
you, whom they actually benefit, but by Britain, would
have been statesmanlike !
Of two allies, one, Britain, dependent upon sea-borne
commerce, the commercial rival of the chief enemy, the
power chiefly interested in Eastern affairs, and possessed of an
empire for which the East and communications to it are life
and death, was to be left without any results from the war !'
Its commercial rival was to remain vmdefeated ; the Eastern
Mediterranean and all the ways to Asia were to be at the
mercy of the Central Empires ! A iiew code of maritime
warfare (or murder), which had destroyed the security of
sea-born6 commerce, and therefore of the mere food by
which tlie English remained physically alive, was to subsist
unchastised and even unreproved !
Such would have been the situation of Britain if peace
had resulted upon the lines f>f the Emperor of Austria's
letter.
The other ally, France, would indeed have had remaining
before it an undefeated enemy, but ,the one prime national
demand, the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, would have
been satisfied. The great source of iron supply in Europe
would have been acquired by France. The war would have
tenninated with a sense in France if not of victory, at least
not of defeat ; not one of the conditions thus threatening
Britain need have concerned the totally different necessities
of a continental people.
Happily, there was no question of France listening to such
proposals, for they were nothing more nor less than the
betrayal of Britain. But the stupefpng thing is that conceit,
or the habit of security, or both combined, should have led
men who would have been ruined even in their private
possessions by such a peace (let alone in their national pride)
to regret or half-regret that it did not come !
There is only one melancholy consolation connected with
such a thought, and this is that ineptitude of such a sort
has not much longer to live. The war has done un-
bounded evil, but it has also done some good if it has killed,
as surely it is killing, the state of mind which makes such
follies possible.
An undefeated Prussia is ultimately the end of England,
and, in particular, is it the end of fortune and security for
that silly, comfortable, belated handful from whom these
proposals come. A Prussia not only undefeated, but left
specially strong against England alone and allowed to buy
off her allies by special sacrifices to them alone is the speedy
and immediate end of England. What room is there for
argument in a thing so plain ?
British- American
ilr. Arthur Page, the ivrt'cr of this article, is the son
of the. United Stales Ambassador in London and one of
the best-knoitn publicists in America. 'He sucfeedcd his
father in the editorial chair of the " World's Work " of
New York, which the latter had left to be Ambassador
in this country.
Mr. Page not only explains clearly xvhy the United
States, in defence of its ideals, "had to stand beside the
armies of many nations now fighting in the Old World
the great battle of human freedom," to use the King's
historic language but he also foreshadows how after victory
is won, America and the British Empire may still work
together wholeheartedly in the same cause.
GREAT BRITAIN and the United States are now
undergoing the fourth great crisis in their rela-
tions with each other. Curiously enough, these
serious crises do not occur over the subjects
upon which the two countries do not agree, but
arise from the recurrent forgetfulness of the one all-important
subject upon which tha two people most emphatically do agree.
In the great crises which have confronted the two countries
in their relations with each other in the last 140 years, the
main question has not "been either's advantage t6 the detri-
ment of the other, but how rapidly the two nations acted on
the realisation that the continued existence of both depended
upon their close co-operation. When I speak of existence,
I mean existence as free, self-governing nations, for in neither
country do we believe a lesser existence than this worth
having. The most fatal thing which could happen to either
country would be to lose its political liberty. The serious
crises which have confronted the two countries have been
threats against this common heritage.
The first threat occurred in 1802-3. Napoleon had
Marslial Victor Perrin all prepared with an army and a fleet
ready to sail for Louisiana to re-establish despotic power in
Nortli America. If he had succeeded in this, the free institu-
tions of the L'nited States and Canada would have been
continuously menaced by an immediate proximity of a most
despotic and aggressive neighbour. This American expedi-
tion was one step in Napoleorf's plan of world empire, which
included, of course, the destruction of Great Britain, even as
Chancellor Michaelis has informed us the present German
plan does.
This crisis was met with great foresight and success.
Thomas Jefferson was President of the United States. He
was of a pacific nature, but ever ready to fight for free institu-
tions. The menace of Napoleon's plan was amply apparent
to him. The result was a co-operative arrangement made
with Great Britain early enough to prevent war. Addington,
who was then the British Prime Minister, promised the
1
Relations: By Arthur Page
American Minister, Rufus King, that if Napoleon sent an
army to America the British Fleet would take and hold
New Orleans for the United States. Jefferson sent James
Monroe to Paris to tell Napoleon that the United States
would buy Louisiana, which he had just forced Spain to
give to him. Napoleon, knowing the alternative if he refused
to sell, accepted the offer because, as he said, he did not
often have a chance to sell what he would otherwise have
had taken from him.
The co-operation between Great Britain and the United
States was sufficiently foresighted to prevent Napoleon's
attack on free institutions in America. If the co-operation
had continued, it would have prevented the war of 1812.
It was at that time the most vital interest of the United
States that Napoleon should not drive every Liberal govern-
ment out of Europe, and particularly that he should not
defeat the British Navy, for had he done so the United States
would have been the only free government left in the world,
and it could hardly have maintained itself against an auto-
cratic Europe, with many times its population and war-
making resources; and with command of the sea. It was,
likewise, of the greatest importance to Great Britain not to
have any more enemies than she could help while engaged
in the life and death struggle with Napoleon. The states-
manship which allowed the war of 1812 to occur against the
major interests of both countries is a good example of the
kind of foreign policy to avoid.
The next crisis was in 1823. This one, like the crisis of
1803, was handled with foresight and without bloodshed.
The Holy Alliance, as every one knows, planned to exter-
minate Liberal government in South America as a step towards
getting rid of it all over the world. James Monroe, who in
1803 had gone to Paris to buy Louisiana for Jefferson, was
President of the United States. George Canning, as British
Foreign Minister, followed the precedent set by Addington.
When Canning's proposal to join the force of the British
Fleet to the armed resistance which America was prepared
to offer to the plans of the Holy Alliance reached Monroe,
he sent to his old chief Jefferson, then in retirement, for
advice. The advice he got, which sounds uncannily as if
it were written now, w;is as follows :
Dear Sir, Monticello, October 23rd, 1S23.'
The question presented by tlic letter you have sent me
is the most momentous which has ever been offered to my
contemplation since that of independence that made us a
nation ; this sets our compass, and points the course which
we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on our
view, and never could we embark on it under circumstances
more auspicious.
Our first and fundamental maxim should be: Never to
entangle o\]r.selves in the broils of Europe ; our secoml :
8
Land & Water
May
dy
1918
Never to sufler EurojJe to
intermeddle in Cis- Atlantic
affairs. America. North
and South, has a set ol
interests different from
;hose of Kurope, and pecu-
liarly her own ; she should,
therefore, liave a system
of her owr. . separate and
apart from that of Eurojie.
While tlie last is labouring
to become the domicile of
despotism, our endeas^jur
should : urely be to make
our hemisphere that of
freedom. One nation,
most of all, could disturb
us in this pursuit : she
now offers to lead, aid, and
accompany us in it. liy
acceding to her proposi-
tion, we detach her from
the band of despots, bring
her mighty weight into
the scale of free govern-
ment, and emancipate at
one stroke a whole conti-
nent, which might other-
wise linger long in doubt
and difficulty.
Great Britain is the na-
tion which can do us the
most harm of any one of
all on earth ; and with
her on our side we need
not fear the whole world.
With her, then, we should
the most sedulously nour-
ish a cordial Iriendship
and nothing would tend
more to knit our affections
than to be fighting once
more side by side in the
same cause, not that I
would purchase even her
amity at the price of
taking part in her wars,
but the war in which the
present proposition might
engage us, should that be
its consequence, is not
her war, but ours. Its object
establish the American system
The King and Queen and Major-General
John Biddle
Major-General Biddle commanded the American troops who
paraded before His Majcst} on Saturday, May
is to introduce and to
of ousting from our land
all foreign nations, of never permitting the i'owers of Europe
to intermeddle with the affairs of our nat ons ; it is to
maintain our own principle, not to depart from it, and if,
to facilitate this, we can effect a decision in the body of
the European Powers, and draw over to our side its most
powerful member, surely we should do it ; but I am clearly
of Mr. Canning's opinion, that it will prevent war, instead
of provoking it. . . .
The President accepted Jefferson's advice, and the Monroe
Doctrine was promulgated, which preserved half the world
for the growth of democracy without bloodshed.
In the ninety-odd years since this happened the two
countries have achieved the important success of adjusting
all difficulties between each other without entering into
hostilities which would enable their enemies to catch these
two most consistent and powerful exponents* of political
liberty divided, and thus destroy them. From time to time,
also, the two nations have given each other a helping hand.
But the long immunity from attack threatening the exist-
ence of our common principles somewhat dulled the foresight
which on some of the earlier occasions enabled us to triumpli
by preparedness without bloodshed. When the iiand of the
Hun struck it was not recognised in either country with
absolute clearness . that the same old crisis faced us again
and that our free existence again depended on co-operation.
Moreover, neither country realised in full measure that
the same obligation lay on us in regard to the other nations
that had joined the ranks of freedom. It was not so much
a clear foresighted realisation of the true meaning of the
struggle as it was the direct menace of the German advance
through Belgium that precipitated- Great Britain's rush to
arms. It was not a far-sighted conception of the meaning
of the struggle that convinced America. It was the Lusitania
and the decree of ruthless submarine warfare. There were
many in both countries who knew what was the real signi-
ficance of the crisis the day the Kaiser ordered his mobilisa-
tion, but the majority were too befuddled by the complexities
of the situation to lay a firm grasp on the one essential and
all-important truth tliat again we were laced with the old
choice : "Give me liberty or give me death."
We are all in it now, fighting with our lives for our liberties.
By foresight perhaps we
could have saved both. By
fighting we can at least save
the more precious.
This is the history of our
co-operation in the defence
of liberty. Twice we have
joined together early and
avoided war. And once we
were foolish enough to aid
the enemy by fighting each
other while he endeavoured
to destroy the principle by
which both nations live.
This time, not seeing the
peril early enough to prevent
it, we have got to fight our
way out togetlier.
And then what ? What
about the future ? If we
go forward together in the
unending task of trying to
improve democracy and safe-
guarding it all over the world,
we shall see problems and
dangers eye to eye so that
we may, even if ^e do not
achieve foresight, achieve
promptness and i^nity of
action against the dangers to
our common ideal.
There is an earnest hope
ver\- prevalent in America,
and I believe also in Great
Britain, that after the war
there will be a League of
Nations to enforce justice.
If this can be achieved, the
two countries can maintain
an active and harmonious
understanding as members
of this league. If there
are not enough nations in
the world whose ideas of
what constitutes justice agree
to allow the formation of such
a league or its effective operation, the United States and
Great Britain must, nevertheless, maintain together tlie
eternal watchfulness which is the price of liberty.
Even the autocratic attacks of history did not show us the
full measure of danger to pur institutions which the German
onslaught on civilisation has revealed. The German plan
for autocratic world dominion was to be gained through'
commerce as well as by war. The Germans saw that by the
economic conquest of a country they could deprive it of its
political liberty as well as by military conquest. Their
economic and military plans for world dominion went hand
in hand.
We are fairly familiar now with the German reason for
attacking Belgium and France first rather than Russia. The
Western advance gave the German armies control of great
deposits of iron and coal in Belgium, Northern France, and
in the Briey basin opposite Verdun. It turned out that
they were indispensable for the German? in this war, but
their object in taking them was primarily for future wars,
both military and commercial. The conquest of these
regions would give Germany a practical monopoly of con-
tinental coal and iron.
The control of the dye business of the world and its relation
to explosives is well known-. There were similar plans for
gaining a stranglc-hold upon the world by a monopolv of
potash.
During the war, both the United States and Great Britain
have demonstrated that a Government controlhng a large
percentage of any of the world's necessary products can hold
other nations in economic peril, just as Germany tried to use
her projected coal and iron monopoly on the Continent.
The United States, for instance, has most of the world's
cotton. Great Britain has nearly a monopolv of rubber
production. The two nations together control most of the
coaling stations necessary to world commerce. It is plain
that other nations besides Germany have the commercial
weapons to waylay the world, but they have not used them
after the German method. American cotton has gone to
Liverpool and Hamburg on the same terms that it has gone
to Providence and Fall River. German, Japanese, and
Scandinavian ships have coaled at Hong Kong, Port Said,
and Gibraltar on the same terms as British ships. But the
tth.
May 23, 19 1 8
Land & Water
ease with which commercial power can be abused has been
made so abundantly clear, and the inmiediate profits of its
abuse are so manifest, that it would not he wise to trust
that no attempt will be made to abuse such power in the
future. There is imperative need that the nations — especially
those endowed with commercial strength — should agree upon
some general set of rules concerning what is fair and what
unfair competition.
The greatest commercial power and the greatest respon-
sibilitv now rests on tlie American and the British peoples.
This is indicated by tke large proportion of the world's
more vital resources held by them. For example, the year
before the war (1913) the world's coal production was about
1,478 miHion short tons. Of this, 570 million tons were
mined under the American Flag and 3S0 milHon tons under
the British Flag. The two together make 950 million tons, or
just two-thirds" of the world's supply. The pig-iron produc-
tion in 1913 was about 79I million metric tons. Of this,
3i.\ million was American and 11 J million British — the two
together somewhat more than half the world's supply. The
steel figiires were much the same. Of the total 76 million
tons, the United States produced 31 million and British
people 9 million — together, a little more than half the total.
The copper production before the war was about a million
metric tons a year. Of this, more than half (557,387 tons)
was American and about 100,000 tons British. The two
together were two-thirds of the world's total.
"Tlie United States produced two-thir^ls of the world's oil
supply of that ypar alone.
• About 60 per cent, of the world's cotton is raised in the
United States and another 25 per cent, in British depen-
dencies.
National Responsibilities
American responsibilities arising out of the possession of
natural wealth are much greater than those of all the British
people. On the other hand, Great Britain owns the strategic
points of world commerce, arid governs more than 300
million politically undeveloped peoples. We are responsible
for about 10 million chiefly in the Philippines. In this
respect, France has far greater responsibilities than the
United States, for the French colonies in Africa, China, and
elsewhere contain about 40 million people.
Next to the United States and the British peoples, and in
many things more than the British — Germany had the
greatest responsibilities of power, but her selfish use of her
strength has not been mitigated by any enlightened ideas
whatever.
In or out of a league, the richly endowed nations must
meet these responsibilities, must mitigate the dangers of
unfair commercial competition, and must endeavour, on the
one hand, to prevent the exploitation of dependent and
backward people, and, on the other hand, to encourage them
toward material well-being and political ability and its
attendant freedom. *
In other ti-ords, to protect their oun political liberties, to
protect and encourage the political liberties of less well-
developed people, and to establish a system of commercial
intercourse which prevents the abuse of economic power either
by chance or desii^n, the close co-operation of the United States
and Great Britain is a world necessity.
Unless it betrays the principles of both nations,' such
<-o-opcration cannot be for selfish ends, nor can it be exclusive.
It is of the utmost importance that all nations whose ideals
are sufficiently similar to enable them to aid irv, these tasks
should do so. But the defection of any other nation
would not be so serious as the defection of either the
United States or Great Britain because these are the two
strongest commercial Powers which believe in free jjolitical
institutions.
The fact that they have the same language, literature,
tradition^, and ideals, and are engaged in the ceaseless struggle
to improve democracies along similar, if not identical, lines,
is not only added reason for their co-operation, but assurance
of its success. And the lessons of our previous history add
strength to this assurance.
By what machinery can this co-operation be achieved ?
The League to Enforce Peace, as generally discussed in the
United States, is, very roughly, a plan for a treaty between
the nations which become members binding them to accept
arbitration — or, at least, a delay for discussion before the
appeal to arms— upon pain of universal economic and militarv
pressure. But this' merely provides a means of settling
disputes after they arise. There is nothing in it to prevent
disputes from arising, nor to prevent abuses of economic
power which do not transgress international law. There has
been little or no discussion of a League with a Legislature
representing the different countries as suggested b\- the
Britisli Labour Party. Whether such a programme as the
Britis-Ji Labour Party proposes be feasible or not, it is certain
that some machinery must be devised that will be in con-
tinuovis operation. It is not possible to make an international
treaty, such as the American idea of the League to Enforce
Peace, which would govern close co-operation in the changing
aspects of commercial and diplomatic affairs, except to settle
disputes after they arose.
Machinery Essential
A static 'thing like the League cannot have foresight or
flexibihty of action. To achieve these things there must be
some continuously functioning machinery. Until some
better machinery can be devised, it is a fortunate circumstance
that we now have the machinery in operation. The diplo^
matic and consular services have always furnished the
skeleton framework of this machinery ; but these services
were usually left in the skeleton shape, except now and then
in critical situations, when the two nations saw clearlv the
necessities of close co-operation. Then the skeleton has
been filled out and invigorated.
The question now before the nations is whether we wish
to relapse again into passive lack of disagreement or push
the great principles in which both agree in active co-opera-
tion. The machinery is at hand. "The question is one of
foresight and intention.
To make the matter concrete, the Monroe Doctrine for a
very long time, if not during its entire existence, has depended
upon the fact that both nations were behind it. On the
other hand, during President Cleveland's administration the
fact that tliere was not sufficient common counsel between
the two rountries made it possible for a misunderstanding to
arise over the particular application of a doctrine in which
both believed. This misunderstanding was-settled amicably,
but it unquestionably led the Kaiser, who did not and does
not believe in the Monroe Doctrine, to try to make a breach
in it in the same place during Mr. Roosevelt's administration.
It is quite possible that the United States and Great
Britain could between them announce and effect a more
ideal policy for their conduct in Far Eastern affairs than
either could alone.
The commercial field is also full of opportunities and
necessities for agreement. After the war, for example, both
America and Great Britain will have a large merchant marine.
In both cases it is likely to be owned or closely controlled '
by ihe Government. If these two great shipping organisa-
tions, with the taxing power of their respective nations
behind them, should drift into a cainpaign of ruthless com-
petition, the result would hardly fit with the principles for
which we are fighting. Great Britain 1ms the lower cost of
operation and advantages of strategic coaling stations. The
United States has more money to back its ship campaign.
A struggle between the two would drive other competition
from the seas and bring loss and ill-will to both contestants.
Yet without continuous and cordial discussion, such a con-
tingency is entirely possible. If the people and the Govern-
ments of the two countries realise that their community of
ideals and interest must mean continuous community of
action in peace and war, the Vnachinery for developing this
action will appear.
Mr. James A. Farrel, President of the United States Steel
Corporation, recently said :
America, it may be hoped, will maintain the position of
offering to the world all its requirements which can he
supplied here, on terms and conditions that are fair and
just. There is no evidence of any intention to take undue
advantage of our economic and productive strength, and
we shall in the future be as little disposed to turn to personal
profit the necessities of a war-worn world, or the excep-
tional influence of our position as exporters and importers.
That is a statement of American feeling — the feeling not only
of thoscwho could not profit personally by a less enlightened
policy, but of those who could. But these good intentions,
unless organised in America and reciprocated abroad, cannot
be made effective.
There are people who would look upon a co-operation
between two great nations as a menacing combfnation of
power. It leould certainly produce great power. But it is
power for good as well as power for evil. Whether it is used
for good or evil depends on the intention and wisdom of its
holders, not on their strength.
The virtues of impotence are not of great moment in the
world. The virtues of strength are, and in combined strength
there is likely to be more virtue than if the power is used
separately, for in combination the policies would have to
have the approval of at least two national consciences.
lO
Land & Water
May 23, 1918
German Plots Exposed
"Eitel Friedrich's" Photographs of Sinking Ships
By French StrOther, Managing Editor, "The Woria-s work," New York
OUT of the black picture of the German depravity
in fighting this war have emerged four or five
dramatic episodes that have stirred the imagina-
tion of the world, and appealed to the romantic
and chivalric instincts even of Germany's
enemies. America was the scene of two such episodes. The
first unexpected
appearance of the
U53 upon our
shores, rising un-
heralded from thp
unsuspected
waters, thrilled
the sporting in-
stinct of our
people. But per-
haps the most
dramatic incident
was the arrival of
.the Prinz Eitel
Friedrich.
Durirg the
night of Marcii
9th -roth, 1915,
this gallant
cruiser of the
Kaiserliche
Marine, slipped
into the harbour
at Norfolk, having
run the British
blockade of
cruisers outside
the three-mile limit, ending a career of six montlis as a com-
merce raider, recalling the feats of the Alabama in the Civil
War. The Eitel Friedrich was soon interned for the period
of the war, and her officers and crew put under formal arrest.
Even the British whose fleet had been outwitted, gave their
tribute of praise to the men who had taken their fair chance,
and had got away. Captain Max Thierichens and his crew
became objects of
admiration to the
world. Felicita-
tions were
showered on them,
most of all, as was
natural enough,
from Germans and
German -Ameri-
cans.
That is the
bright side of the
picture ; and no
one, even now,
would care to dim
its lustre.
But even at his
best the German
of the ruling class
seems tainted
with the ineradic-
able nature of the
beast. The world
has long accepted
the Latin affinity
of Mars and Venus
— perhaps too
Before and After a Dose of Kultur
I. Before
Before and After a Dose of Kultur
II. After
complacently, though not without reason — so it would not
have been surprised if the gallant Thierichens had not
measured up to the standards of a Galahad. Nevertheless,
it had a right to expect that he should not descend to the
level of a Caliban ; and Thierichens fell below even tliat
low standard.
Among the great quantities of letters of congratulation
which Captain Thierichens received were many ivpm German-
American women. They were stirred by the brilliancy of
his exploit : it was a ray of light in the gloom that had fallen
on the Teuton peoples after the Battle of the Marne, when
the rosy vision of quick victory had turned to the grey fog
of a long defensive war. These letters breathed the passionate
loyalty of the German spirit to the Fatherland. To these
women, Thierichens was the embodiment of the martial
spirit of their race — the spirit of the sons they saw them-
selves in imagination sending forth to war. Some phrases
from their letters
strike the key :
It is a pleasure
lor us to help our
German brothers,
but I also under-
stand that you,
my dear brother,
are waiting to
come out from
your predica-
ment. How
grand it is that
you are receiving
letters from the
Fatherland. We
don't hear any-
thing. Can't write
anything, as the
letters are not
being delivered.
So far, good
news. It is
wonderful. My
heart is jumping
with joy. I look
with confidence
in the future. I
have to please so
many ; have so many times to defend my Germany, but
1 have an unlimited confidence in God and in the truth.
Again : Hold your head high and do not forget : "star-
light itself is in the night, and God (foes not forsake his own."
Their attitude was one of high patriotism and maternal
solicitude. They sent him books and delicacies, scraps of
news from Germany, and in every way sought to comfort
and inspirit their
hero.
Thierichens was
indifferent to the
lofty purpose of
these letters. His
mind was deprav-
ed by the social
.custom of military
Germany by which
men of the officer
class are in youth
taught to consider 1
themselves above
the moral law. He
was quite aware
of the kinship of
all emotions, and
he promptly un-
dertook to change
the direction of
these currents of
passion into a
channel more
pleasing to his
tastes. It was not
long imtil he had
narrowed his correspondence chiefly to three women, and of
these more particularly to two. Of these latter, one was a
German servant girl of rather better than average under-
standing, and the other a kindergarten teacher in the Middle
West, one twenty-five and the other forty-five years of age.
Their correspondence in both cases started on an exalted
plane. It ended in unprintable depravity. Only a reading
of the complete series of Thierichens' letters to these women
could give a full understanding of the heartlessness, the
baseness, and the ingenuity with which this man, always
playing upi)n their patriotic fervour, transmuted their finer
May 23, I 9 I 8
Land & Water
1 1
M
(i) The "Mary Ada Short" Heqling Over
The " Eitel Friedrich's " careful German record entered below this photograph was :
*' Englisher Dampf. 'Mary Ada Short' aus Sunderland versenkt am 28 Januar iQt5, P.M. 2.}^
mit 5,200 tn. Mais, kam KrUh 7.25 in Sicht ! "
(2) Last Plunge of the "Willerby"
Sunk on February 20, 1915, about four hundred miles from Pernambuco, Brazil.
12
Land & Water
]V1ay 23, 1918
i
(i) Sinking of the "Jakobsen"
This French sailing vessel was sunk by the. " Eitel Friedrich " on January 28, 1915, the same day on which
the American ship "William P. Frye " was sunk.
(2) "When the water gets to the boilers"
Explosion of the boilers of one of the neutral merchant steamers sunk by the " Eitel Friedrich."
May 23, 19 1 8
Land & Water
feelings into the most degrading travesty of romantic love.
By the time this correspondence came under Go\'ernment
censorship it had become a blend of exalted patriotism and
of passion perverted to the obscenities pictured on the walls
of ruined Pompeii.
To make complete the picture of this hero of the Prussian
officer class, it may be well to quote the round robin of the
crew of the Prinz Eitel Friedrich. To them even the air of
an American internment camp was the breath of freedom
compared to their ser\'ice on a'ship of his Imperial Majesty's
Marine. Here is their opinion of life in it and of their gallant
captain :
Fort Oglethorpe, Ga., July Sth.
United States District Attorney,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
Dbak Sir, — •^^'e of the
crew of the Prince Eilel
Friedrich, beg to inform
you about the condi-
tion as there had been
existing on board said
vessel, and of the c^iar-
acter of Captain Max
Thierichens. He is one
of the most cruel and
dishonest men who ever
had been in cliarge of
a vessel. He is a dis-
grace to any military
organisation, and we
feel ashamed that he
brought disgrace to our
vessel. He is one of
the worst egoists in
existence, without any
feeling for his fellow-
men. He is guilty of
using the United States
mails for fraudulent
purposes, advertising in
the papers that he
would receive liehes-
gaben (love packages)
tor the soldiers in order
to benefit himself, and
later selling the samt-
in the canteen after an
inspection and rifling ;
he kept everything of
value. He has received
1,000 of packages and
money from very near
every German society
and countless private
people, but his son
never saw a penny ol
the same. The mone\
he has spent for him
self and some of his
officers on his orgies.
As we had been out
on the high seas, he
only had an eye for his
personal welfare. If we
met a vessel, after
stopping the same, the
first thing he always did was to
secure as much wine and other good things for himself and
officers, so that they always liad plenty. He would not
allow his sailors to bring enough potatoes and common
food on board to satisfy their hunger. There had been
cases where men had been severely punished just for taking
a piece of meat from the table of one of the sunken \essels.
The men did not even have drmking water, but he and his
officers used the same for bathing. He had been afraid
that the U.S. Government would find out about his various
misdeeds, so in order to make the Government think that
he was all he should have represented' he pulled off the
biggest blulf ever thought of. He told ten men that they
could run off, supplied the same with money, and after a
few moments sent some other boys over the side to make
as much noi.se as possible to call the attention ol the guards.
He had his men maltreated wherever there was a chance
to do so. He even did this after we had been brought to
Fort Oglethorpe. We have to thank the U.S. officers for
putting a stop to it. The captain had been mad that he ■
lost the power over the men. He swore he would bring
the men to a military prison for years to come, simply
because they refused to be treated -like dogs after being
informed by the U.S. officers that they don't have to stand
for anvthing like that. H it was not for the iron discipline
maintained by the Germans, there would have been a
mutiny on board the ship. Even a common man hates to
see good supplies going to waste just because the captain
< ould not get quick enough to his wine, and the men feed
on hard tack that was full of worms. Some of the men
are willing to appear in court against the captain to bear
out because they are not protected by the U.S. Govern-
ment, and may have to lace a court martial 'aw if they are
returned to Germany. We do hope that there will be an
investigation of the evil doings of said captain. If found
guilty, we do hope that he may find out what it does mean
to do wrong lo hi? fellow-men.
The photographs taken- by officers of the Eitel Friedrich
during her career as a commerce raider are printed here.
With true German thoroughness they made a complete
record of the ships they sank, even to photographs of these
vessels when first sighted, and "progress pictures" of their
destruction and submersion, mounting the photographs on
sheets of paper embossed with the Imperial sign. The Eitel
Friedrich was a cruiser, not a submarine, and it so far observed
the rules of war as to remove the crews before the ships were
sunk. One of these mer-
chantmen was an Ameri-
can, the William P. Frye.
The German photographs
show the Stars and Stripes
flviiig from the stern when
sighted and then a last
view of the topmasts as
she went beneath the
waves. Ca the William P.
Frye, as on many of the
others, women were among
the prisoners of war re-
moved to the Eitel Fried- '
rich. -Aboard the German
raider they were locked in
their cabins under guard,
and treated with scrupu- '
lous politeness. Perhaps
it was as well for their
peace of mind that Thier-
ichens' subsequent record
in an American court of
law was not emblazoned
on their walls. It is cer-
tainly well that there was
the difference between the
German crew and their
captain trained in the
Prussian military code of
morals.
This Captain Thierichens
was in correspondence in
America with nearly a
dozen misguided .American
women. At the same time,
he was receiving most
tender and touching
letters from his wife and
children at Kiel, to whom
he was a hero. His httle
daughter writes : " My
darling, — On the day of
my sixth birthday I will
thank you all alone for the
Lovely kisses for same. I hope by my next
I am praying every
The Sinking of the "William P. Frye" after the crew
of the " Eitel Friedrich " had exploded a charge of
dynamite placed within the hold
pretty things.
birthday you will be with us again.
evening and moming to the dear God that he will protect
my dear father." His wife writes, in March, 1917 : "We
are all right. Nobody would conquer us. God the Lord
won't leave us alone. We are all brave. We shall wait to
see how everything ' turns out. England will be punished
shortly. Now,' my darhng, enough for to-day. Please remain
healthy and retain your good humour."
{To be continued)
r
Notice
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14
Land & Water
May 23, 19 1 8
The Turkish Conspiracy— II
The Narrative of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, American Ambassador in Turkey,
1913-1916
Mr Henr\ Moreenlhau resiwtes his narrative of the Turkish Conspiracy, which tms begun in La^d& Water, May gth
He stated that Germany precipitated the war to •' obtain a huge Oriental Empire that would form the basis for unlinnted
world dominionr and explained the steps taken previous to 1914 by the Kaiser to transform Itirkey into a vassal State.
Mr Morgenthau also described the movement that led to the ascendancy of the Young Turks, up to the Iwur of the assas-
sination ofNazim Pasha, at the Sublime Porte, by a mob collected by Talaat and Enver , two of their leaders, Djemal
the third leader when war was declared was sent to command armies in Asia, and henceforth played a subsidiary part.
Mr Morgenthau also gave a vivid character study of the German Ambassador at Constantinople, Baron von Wangenheim.
ami in this chapter he continues his portraiture by a complete sketch of Talaat Bey and a partial one of Envcr Bey.
all his pleadings did not affect this determined man. Here,
Talaat reasoned, was a cliance to decide, once for all, who
was master, the Sultan or themselves ! A few days after-
wards the melancholy figure of the imperial son-in-law,
dangling at the end of a rope in full view ^)i the Turkish
populace, visibly reminded- the empire that Talaat and the
Committee wert? the masters of Turkey. After this tragical
test of strength, the Sultan 'never attempted again to inter-
fere in affairs of State. He knew what had happened to
Abdul Hamid, and he feared a more terrible fate.
AS assassination had been the means by which
these ciiieftains had obtained the supreme power,
so assassination continued to be the instrument
upon which they depended for maintaining their
control. Djemal, in addition to his other duties,
had c(mtrol of the police ; he developed all the talents of a
Fouch^, and did his work so successfully that any man
who wished to conspire against the Young Turks usually
retired for that purpose to Paris or Athens". The few
months that preceded my arrival had been a reign of
terror. The Young Turks had destroyed Abdul Hamid's
regime only to adopt that Sultan's favourite methods of
quieting opposition. Instead of having one Abdul Hamid,
Turkey now discovered that she had several. Men were
arrested and deported by the score, and hangings of political
offenders— opponents, that is. of^ the ruling gang— were
common occurrences."
The difficult position of the Sultan particularlj- facilitated
the position of this committee. We must remember that
Mohammed V. was not only Sultan but Caliph— not only the
temporary ruler, but also head of the Mohammedan Church.
In this capacity he was an object of veneration to milhons of
devout Mussulmans ; a fact which would have given a strong
man in his position great influence in freeing Turkey from
this crowd. I presume that even those who liad the most
kindly feelings toward the Sultan would not have described
him as an energetic, masterful man. Had his days been
cast in more favourable times perhaps the present ruler of
Turkey might have developed into the actual head of the
State. It is a miracle, however, that the circumstances
which fate had forced upon Mohammed had not long since
completely destroyed him. His brother was Abdul Hamid—
Gladstone's "Great Assassin," a man who ruled by espionage
and bloodshed, and who had no more consideration for his
own relations than for his massacred Armenians.
One of Abdul's first acts, on ascending the throne, was to
shut up the Heir Apparent in a palace, surrounding him
with spies, limiting him to his harem and a few palace func-
tionaries, and constantly holding over his head the fear of
assassination. Naturally, Mohammed's education had been
Umited ; he spoke only Turkish, and his only means of
learning about the outside world was an occasional Turkish
newspaper. So long as he remained quiescent, the Heir
Apparent was comfortable and fairly secure ; but he knew
that the first sign of revolt or even a too curious interest in
what was going on, would be the signal for his death. Hard
as this preparation was, it had not destroyed what was at
bottom a benevolent, gentle nature. The Sultan had no
characteristics that suggested "the Terrible Turk." He was
simply a quiet, ca^y-going, gentlemanly old man. Every-
body hked him, and I do not think that he nourished ill-
feeling against a human soul. He could not rule his empire,
for he had had no preparation for such a difficult task ; he
could not oppose the schemes of the men who were then
struggling for the control of Turkey.
In exchanging Abdul Hamid, as his master, for Talaat,
Enver and Djemal, the Sultan had not improved his personal
position. The Committee of Union and Progre.ss ruled him
precisely as they ruled all the rest of Turkey— by intimida-
tion. The Sultan had attempted on one occasion to assert
his independence, and the conclusion of this episode left no
doubt as to who was master. A group of thirteen "con-
spirators" and other criminals, some real ones, others merely
political offenders, had been sentenced to be hanged, and
among them was the imperial son-in-law. Before the execu-
tion could take place the Sultan had to sign the death-war-
rants. He did not object to visaing the hangings of the
other twelve, but he begged that he be permitted to pardon
his son-in-law.
The nominal ruler"' of more than twenty million people
figuratively went down_upon his knees before Talaat Bey, but
Talaat the Postman
Talaat, the leading man in this band of usurpers, really
had remarkable personal qualities. He had started life as
a letter-carrier ; from this occupation he had risen to be a
telegraph operator at Adrianople. And of these humble
beginnings he was extremely proud. I visited him once or
twice at his house ; although Talaat was then the most
powerful man in the Turkish Empire, his home was still the
modest home of a man of the people. It was cheaply fur-
nished ; the whole, establishment reminded me of a thirty-
doUar-a-month apartment in New York. His most cherished
possession was the telegraph instrument with which he had
once earned his living ; I have seen him take the key and
call up one of his personal friends or associates.
Talaat one night told me he had that day received his
salary as Minister of the Interior ; after paying his debts
he had just twenty pounds left in the world. He liked
to spend his spare time with the rough-shod crew that made
up the Committee of Union and Progress ; in the interims,
when he was out of the Cabinet he used to occupy the desk
daily at party headquarters, personally managing the party-
machine. His powerful frame, his huge sweeping back, and
his rocky biceps emphasised that natural mental strength
and forcefulness which made possible his career. In dis-
cussing matters, Talaat liked to sit at his desk, with his
shoulders drawn up, his head thrown back, and his wrists
— twice the size of an ordinary man's — planted fiercely on
the table. It always seemed to me that it would take a
crowbar to pry these wrists from the board, once Talaat
had laid them down. Whenever I think of Talaat now I do
not primarily recall his rollicking laugh, his uproarious
enjoyment of a good story, the mighty stride with which he
crossed the room, his fierceness, his determination, his
remorselessness — the whole life and nature of the man takes
form in those gigantic wrists.
Talaat, like most strong men, had his forbidding, even his
ferocious, moods. One day I found him sitting at the usual
place, his massive shoulders drawn up, his eyes glowering,
his wrists planted on the desk. I always anticipated trouble
whenever I found him in this attitude. As I made request
after request, Talaat, between his puffs at his cigarette,
would answer "No!" "No!" "No!"
I shpped around to his side of the desk.
"I think those wrists are making all the trouble, your
Excellency," I said. "Won't you please take them off the
table ? "
Talaat's ogre-Uke face began to crinkle; he threw up his
arms, leaned back, and gave a roar of terrific laughter. He en-
joyed my joke so much that he granted every request I made.
At another time I came into his room when a couple of
Arab Princes were present. Talaat was solemn and dignified,
and refused every -favour I asked. " No, I shall not do that."
"No, I haven't the shghtest idea of doing that," he would
answer. I saw that he was trjang to impress his princely
guests ; to show them that he had become so great a man
that he did not hesitate to "turn down" an ambassador.
So I came up nearer and spoke quietly.
"I see you are trying to make an impression on these
Princes," I said. "Now, if it's necessary to pose, do it with
May 23, 1 9 I 8
Land & Water
^5
the Austrian Ambassador — he's out there waiting to^come
in. My time is too important."
Talaat laughed., "Come back in an hour," he said. I
came back ; the Arab Princes had left, and we had no diffi-
culty in arranging matters to my satisfaction.
"Some one has got to govern Turkey; why not we?"
Talaat once said to me. The situation had just about come
to that.
"I have been greatly disappointed," he would say, "at
the failure of the Turks to appreciate democratic institu-
tions. I hoped for it once, and I worked hard for it ; but
they were not prepared for it." It was a country which
the first enterprising man who came along might grab ;
and he determined to be that man.
Of all the Turkish pohticians I met, I regarded Talaat
as the only one with extraordinary native ability ; he showed
this in the measures which he took, after the murder of
Nazim, to gain the upper hand in this distracted empire.
He did not seize the government all at once ; he went at
it gradually, feeling his way. He realised the weaknesses
of his position ; he had several forces to deal with, the Revolu-
tionary Committee which had backed him, the army, the
foreign governments, and the several factions that made
up what then passed for public opinion in Turkey. Any
of these elements might destroy him, politically and physically,
He always anticipated a violent death.
"I do not expect to die in my bed," he told me.
By becoming Minister of the Interior, Talaat gained control
of the police and the administration of the provinces ; this
gave him great patronage, which he used to strengthen his
position with the Committee. He attempted to gain the
support of all influential factions by gradually placing their
representatives in the other Cabinet posts. Though he
afterward became the man who was chiefly responsible for
the massacre of hundreds of thousands of Armenians, at this
time Talaat maintained the pretence that the Committee
tood for the unionisation of all the races in the empire.
His first Cabinet contained an Arab-Christian, a Deunme
(Jew by^race, but Mohammedan by religion), a Circassian,
an Armenian, an Egyptian. He made the latter Grand Vizier.
Prince Said Halim, this new dignitary, was a cousin of the
Khedive of Egypt ; he was an e;^eedingly vain and ambitious
man — not ambitious so much for real power as for its trappings.
The Young Turk programme included the reconquest of
Egypt, and the Committee had promised Halim that, when
this was accomplished, he was to became Khedive.
Germany's War Preparations
Gennany's war preparations had for years included the
study of internal conditions in other countries ; an indis-
pensable part of the Imperial programme had been to take
advantage of such disorganisation as existed to push her
schemes of penetration and conquest. What her emissaries
have accomplished in Russia and to a smaller extent in
Italy is now tragically apparent. Clearly such a situation
as existed in Turkey in 1913 and 1914, provided an ideal
opportunity of manipulations of this kind. The advantage
of Germany's position was that Talaat needed Germany
almost as badly as Germany needed Talaat. He and nis
Committee needed some exterior power to organise the army
and navy, to finance the nation, to help them reconstruct
their industrial system, and to protect them against the
encroachments of the encircling nations. Ignorant as they
were of foreign countries, they needed an adviser to pilot
them through the shoals of "international intrigue.
Where was such a protector t9 be obtained ? Evidently
only one of the great European Powers could perform this
oflBce. Which one should it be ? Ten years before Turkey
would have naturally appealed to England. But now the
Turks regarded England as merely a nation that had
despoiled them of Egypt, and that' had failed to protect
Turkey from dismemberment after the Balkan wars. In
association with Russia Great Britain controlled Persia, and
thus constituted a constant threat — at least so the Turks
believed— against their Asiatic dominions. England was
gradually withdrawirig her investments from Turkey ; Eng-'
lish statesmen believed that the task of driving the Turk
from Europe was about complete; the whole Near-Eastern
policy of Great Britain. hinged on maintaining the organisa-
tion of the Balkans as it had been determined by the Treaty
of Bucharest — a treaty which Turkey refused to regard as
binding and which she was determined to upset. Above all,
England had become the virtual ally of Turkey's traditional
enemy, Russia, and there was even then a genera! belief
which the Turkish leaders shared,- that England was willing
Russia should inherit Constantinople and the Dardanelles.
Though Russia was making no such pretensions, at least
openly, the fact that she wds crowding Turkey in other
directions made it possible that Talaat and Enver should
look for support in that direction. Italy had just seized the
last Turkish province in Africa, Tripoli, and at that moment
was holding Rhodes and other Turkish islands and was known
to cherish aggressive plans in Asia Minor. France was the
ally of Russia and (ireat Britain, and was also constantly
extending her influence in Syria. The personal equation
played an important part in the ensuing drama.
"the Ambassadors of the Elntente hardly concealed their con-
tempt for the dominant Turkish politicians and their methods.
Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, was a high-minded
and cultivated English gentleman ; Bompard, the French
Ambassador, was similarly a charming, honourable French-
man ; and both were constitutionally disqualified from par-
ticipating in the murderous intrigues which then comprised
Turkish politics. Giers, the Russian Ambassador, was a
proud and scornful diplomat of the old aristocratic regime.
He was exceedinglv astute, but the contemptuous manner
in which he treated the Young Turks naturally made their
leaders incline to Germany. Indeed these three Ambassadors
did not regard the Talaat and Enver regime as permanent.
That many factions had risen and fallen in the last six years
thej' knew ; and thev likewise believed that this latest usurpa-
tion would vanish in a few months.
Enver Pasha
But there was one man in Turkey then who had no nice
scruples about using such agencies as were most available
for accomplishing his purpose. Wangenheim clearly saw
what his colleagues had only faintly perceived, that these
men were steadily fastening their hold on Turkey, and
that they were looking for some strong Power that
would recognise their position and abet them in main-
taining it.
As I look back the whole operation seems so clear, so
simple, so inevitable. Germany, up to that time, was practi-
cally the only great Power in Europe that had not appro-
priated large slices of Turkish territory ; this gave her an
initial advantage. Germany's representation at Constan-
tinople was far better qualified than that of any other coun-
try, not only by absence of scruples, but also by knowledge
and skill, to handle this situation. Wangenheim was not
the only capable German then on the ground. A particu-
larly influential outpost of Pan-Germany was Paul Weitz,
who had represented the Frankfurter Zeitnng in Turkey for
thirty years. Weitz had the most intimate acquaintance
with Turks and Turkish affairs ; there was not a hidden recess
to which he could not gain admittance. He was constantly
at Wangenheim's elbow, coaching, advising, informing.
The German naval attache, Humann, the son of a famous
German archseologist, had been born in Smyrna, and had
passed practically his whole life in Turkey ; he not only
spoke Turkish, but he could also think like a Turk ; the
whole psychology of the people was part of his mental equip-
ment. Moreover, Enver, one of the two tnain Turkish chief-
tains, was Humann 's intimate friend. When I think of this
experienced trio, Wangenheim, Weitz, and Humann, and of
the delightful and honourable gentlemen who were opposed
to them. Mallet, Bompard, and Giers, the events that now
rapidly followed seem as inevitable as the orderly processes of
nature.
By the spring of 1914 Talaat and Enver, representing
the Committee of Union and Progress, practically dom-
inated the Turkish Empire. Wangenheim,' always having
in mind the approaching war, had one inevitable move :
which was to control Talaat and Enver.
Early in January, 1914, Enver became Minister of War.
At that time Enver was thirty-two years old ; hke all the
leading Turkish politicians of the period he came of humble
stock. His popular title, " Hero of the Revolution," shows
why Talaat and the Committee had selected him to lead the
army department. Enver enjoyed something of a military
reputation though, so far as I could discover, he had never
achieved a great mihtary success. The revolution of which
he was one of the leaders in 1908 cost very few human lives ;
he commanded an army in Tripoli against the Italians in
1912— ^but certainly there was nothing Napoleonic about
that campaign. ?^nver used to tell me himself how, in the
second Balkan war, he had ridden all night at the head of
his troo]5s'to the capture of Adrianoplc, and how, when he
arrived there, the Bulgarians had abandoned it and his vic-
tory had thus been a bloodless one.
Mr. M orgenlhau in next week's Land & \\'ater com-
pletes his character study of Enver Pasha, and explains in
detail how Germany got her firm grip on Turkey.
i6
Land & Water
May 23, 19 1 8
Life and Letters Qj J. C Squire
Insi<le a Man's Head
THESli pieces of moral prose liave been written,
dear Reader, by a large Carnivorous Mammal,
belonging to that sub-order of the Animal
Kingdom which includes also the Orang-outang,
the tusked (iorilla, the Baboon with his bright
blue and scarlet bottom, and the gentle Chimpanzee." I
hasten to draw the reader's attention to the quotation
marks and to disclaim these humiliating relationships. The
passage is the Preface of Mr. Logan Pearsall Smitli's book
Trivia, newly published by Constable at 4s. 6d. net.
Mr. Pearsall Smith's book will be generally described as a
book of prose-poems. The t(>rm has unfortunate associa-
tions. It is usually applied to compositions in which some
useless dilettante has said nothing at all in su]ierficially
pretty language. I therefore eschew it, and content myself
with explaining that the work contains a hundred pieces,
whose length varies from fifty to a thousand words, some of
which are certainly poems' in prose, and all of which are
exquisitely written, but which have the unusual charac-
teristic of invariably expressing soinething at first hand.
They are not easy to define, because nothing else quite like
them exists. The author modestly refers to them as
"thoughts (if 1 may call them so)," and all of them have a
central idea. But their value is f3r from being confined to
their interest as meditations. They are prose of a quality
rare in any age ; they are perfectly polished, yet betray no
sign of the pumice-stone or file ; they are most musical
when read aloud ; they are decorated with an abundance of
delicate pictures. Oueerly meditating upon the state of his
own mind, his relations with men and women, nature and
the Deity, Mr. Pearsall Smith ransacks the Cosmos for
images : all the quaint and beautifur names of history and
geography, all shapely and misshapen beasts, birds and
fishes, sun, moon, stars, and the infinite darkness that con-
tains them all, snow, rain, fog, the refinements of an opulent
civilisation, the flamboyant trappings of militant barbarism,
they are all made tlie servants of a mind and style which
bridge the gulf between Watteau and Jeremy Taylor. The
finest and most sustained piece of prose in the book — "The
Starrj' Heaven" — is too long to quote ; but one may illus-
trate the grace of his style with a shorter one — " Happiness" :
Cricketers on village greens, haymakers in the evening
sunshine, small boats that sail before the wind — all these
create in one the illusion of Happiness, as if a land of cloud-
less pleasure, a piece of the old Golden World, were liidden,
not {as poets have imagined) in far seas or beyond inacces-
sible mountains, but here close at liand, if one could find it,
in some undisco\ered valley, /'ertain grassy lanes seem
to lead between the meadows thither ; tlie wild pigeons
talk of it behind the woods.
That gives his natural background ; he drops into it, seri-
ously or whimsically, at any odd moment, at tea, in church,
or on a railway station. But his more instant preoccupation
is with his own mind, chiefly considered as tv^pical of all
human, or, at any rate, all self-conscious minds. In beautiful
and brief prose he seizes the significance of casual meetings
and tiny occurrences, visits to the bank, walks "owling out
through the dusk" thrcjugh twilit London, stray sentences
overheard, odd desires detected, vague hankerings after the
beautiful and the divine ; all the things, in fact, which most
people "be, do and suffer" without really, or at least actually,
noticing them. He gets the drama out of tlie unmelodramatic
processes of our' daily life. And if one illustra'tes one of his
qualities more than another, it should be his truthfulness.
» » » » « »
\Vc hear a good deal in these days about frankness and
candour. But the frank modern writer is generally frank
about anything in the world but himself, and when he is
candid about himself he is only willing to admit that he is
the deuce of a dog, but seldom that he is an ass. His parade
of abnonnal honesty, too, announced with beatings of drums
and swinging of great bells, is somewhat suspicious ; he
summons the world to hear the man who has the courage to
confess what other people are afraid to confess; and it is
difficult to sec, therefore, how he can avoid at best an uncon-
scious lack of proportion and at worst King for effect. These
apostles of brazen veracity woidd probably be incredulous
if one told them that one thought Mr. Pearsall Smith one
of the most candid writers alive. Nevertheless, it is true.
He acknowledges, and in the quietest, most natural, most
charming way in the world, the things of which people are
usually most ashamed — for people are usually far more
ashamed of their absurd dreams, their humiliating faux-pas,
their humbugs, their snobberies, than they. are of the most
flamboyant of the Deadly Sins. They ought not to be ;
still they are. But no one wh.o has read Trivia will feel
quite the same about them afterwards ; Mr. Pearsall Smith's
open confession is good for other people's souls. Let me
give a few examples of his revelations of his private life :
Humiliation
"My own view is." I began, but no one listened. .\t
the next pause, "I always say," I remarked, but again the
loud talk went on. Some one told a storj'. When the
laughter had ended, "I often think "; but, looking
round the table, I could catch no friendly or attentive eye.
It was humiliating, but more humiliating the thought that
Sophocles and Goethe would have always commanded
attention, while the lack of it would not have troubled
Spinoza or Abraham Lincoln.
Who has not vainly attempted to turn a conversation his
way : to unload an experience, an anecdote, or a jest, or to
show that he also was intelligent and entitled to his view ?
Who has not done it three times ? Who — and this is the
subtlest touch of all — has not studiously modified his words
of entrance each time to avoid the appearance of egoistic
, insistence ? Apply this, again, to your own experience :
The Goat
In the midst of my anecdote a sudden mi.sgiving chilled
me — had 1 told them about this goat before ? And then
" as I talked there gaped on me — abyss opening beneath
abyss — a darker speculation : when goats are mentioned,
do 1 automatically and always toll this story about the
goat at Portsmouth ?
In "Symptoms," the record of one of the most painful and
humiliating things that can happen to one, he tells how,
at a dinner-table, he was talking eloquently about Bores,
and how deadening they are and how obtuse, proceeding to
add a few stories and some remarks about his own sensations,
when "suddenly I noticed, in the appearance of my charming
neighbour, something — a slightly glazed look in her eyes,
a just perceptible irregularity in her breathing — which turned
that occasion for me into a kind of nightmare."
* * * * » . *
To me, at least, Mr. Pearsall Smith's public exhibition of
himself is balm, and his book will be a refuge. He knows all
the other things, too : the idiotic resolves to start a great
career to-morrow, to work, to get up at dawn ; the swollen
conceits ; the certainty that one could do anything if one
tried ; the other certainty that Providence has its special
eye on one and warns those who threaten one with "Leave
him alone, I tell you " ; the dissipation of energy ; the pre-
tence at activity ; the desire to shine in company ; and,
above all, those romantic, those towering castles in Spain.
Do we all do it ? I suppose we do. Do we all— like Mr.
Smith's romantic "Me," whom he caught looking into a
fishmonger's window and saying "I caught that salmon" —
live, whilst lying in beds, sitting in chairs, walking in streets,
the lives of all the Heroes and all the Heroic Rascals ? Do
you also, reader, you who would get out to any ball and
run away from any fast one, hit six in succession over the
gasworks, following up your tremendous innings by getting
all ten Australian wickets in your first two overs^ thereby
causing the cables to hum ? " Do you, timid and harm-
less creature, return from deeds of 'amazing alertness and
valour in the field, to receive the V.C. which you wear
with a rare and becoming modesty. And you, a'lso,' most
impecunious and unobservant of men, do you dive from
W^atcrloo Bridge after would-be suicides, rescue rich old
ladies from the descending feet of runaway cab-horses, and
win the £100,000 offered by a Shipping Magnate to" the first
man who Kills the Kaiser ? You do, all of you ; and you
will find your similitude in Trivia, a book, however, which
neither you nor I would have had the honestv or the in-
genuity to have written. I suspect that, percola"ting through
the centuries in the characteristically shy and unobtrusive
way, Mr. Pearsall Smith's boqk is destined to a modest
immortality. It will never be a widely popular book ; but
I cannot conceive that there will ever be a time, two or three
or twenty centuries hence, when a few men will not delight
to find in it themselves, their hearts and minds, dreams, and
doubts, and delights.
Mav 33, 191 8
Land &: Water
17
Future of the Farm Labourer: By Jason
THE labourer, whose ancestoi' was a member of
a living community with rights and property of
his own, has become by the process described
in an earher article, a mere wage-earner in a
sweated industry. He has declined into the most
despairing of all positions. For in the struggle of^he poorer
classes against the social forces that threaten their independ-
ence we can discern two elements of promise. The peasant
is a man with some power of self-defence derived from his
association with a community that is attached to the soil ;
the town workman is a man with some power of self-defence
derived from his association with his fellow-workmen in
Trade Unions. History is full of examples of the strength
of the peasant class. At our own doors we have a striking
illustration in the success of the Irish peasant who by sheer
tenacity and the mysterious comradeship of the soil has
won from a very powerful aristocracy and a very powerful
neighbour rights that the English labourer may well envy.
As for the strength of the Trade I'nions, the evidence is
unmistakable and convincing.
Now the agriculturJil labourer is not a peasant ; he has
none of the corporate fwwer of a society behind him. He
is a labourer. Neither is he a Trade Unionist. All the con-
ditions of his life and work have made the struggle for Trade
Unionism a difficult and uphill fight. Men working in isolation
or small groups on scattered farms are at a great disadvantage
for Trade Union work ; they have no buildings, as a rule,
where they can meet and discuss their affairs without fear ;
they have none of the relative security of the town workman
who is not tied to a single home or a single employment,
and they work for a class which has been on the whole more
suspicious of Trade Unions than any other employing class in
the country. By an unhappy combination of misfortunes the
class that needs Trade Unions more than any other is more
handicapped than any other in its efforts to create them.
Disease of Low Wages
Any industry so circumstanced tends to become a sweated
industry', and agricultural wages have reflected the short-
sighted power of the backward employers. A most instruc-
tive book was published the year the war broke out by Mr.
Reginald I.ennard, under the title Eni^lish Agricultural Wages,
which showed by a most careful ancl scholarly investigation
that agriculture was suffering from the disease of low wages.
This disease showed its results partly in the inefficiency of
farmers for whom the apparent advantage of a low wage
is an encouragement to idleness or to unenterprising and
unprogressive farming, partly in the inefficienc}- of the
labourers whose vigour is sapped by positive underfeeding
and the general hopelcfssness of their outlook. Sir Daniel
Hall, the Permanent' Secretary to the Board of Agriculture,
has remarked that "many formers WEiste manual labour
because it is cheap." And in agriculture, as in the early
days of cotton factories, manual labour may be driven down
to such a point that there is no inducement to introduce
machinery.
Sir William Osier has pointed out that it is dangerous
to suppose from the comparatively good physique of the
agricultural labourer that he is properly nourished, that a
degree of underfeeding insufficient to show itsejf in measure-
ments might be serious enough to reduce the capacity of
a workman for physical toil. As for the general depression
produced by low wages and poor prospects, we need only
contrast the agricultural labourer in the best paid counties
with his fellows in the worst paid counties. The truth has
been well put by Sir Daniel Hall. "The farmer's general
complaint is that the majority of his men are n<jt worth their
wages, and that is probabjy true ; they will have to be more
highly paid before they will earn their money."
The first and essential condition of successful agricultural
development is the emancipation of the labourer from these
conditions. He must have a decent house ; he must have
a decent wage ; the conditions of his employment must not
be arbitrary or tyrannical, and village life must be revolu-
tionised so as to turn him from a dependent wage-earner
into a citizen with freedom and opportunity and social
enjoyment. Thus it is not merely a reform here and a
readjustment there that is wanted. It is the transfonnation
of village life.
A vigorous policy on these lines was urgently needed
before the war ; the need to-day is more urgent than ever.
For nobodv can suppose that tli*' '-.ilrhcr who has faced the
unspeakable sufferings of this war will return to live the
life that the labourer lived before the w-ar. Think of what
his home has been in many a village. Sir Douglas Haig
reminded his men in the most anxious moment of the fighting
last month that they were defending their homes. In
answer to that appeal men will give their last effort. What
kind of home is it that is described in the reports of our
Medical Officers oi Health ? In the villages there is not the
excuse — such as it is — that space is limited, and yet the
Medical Officer for Bedfordshire has pointed out that the
insanitary conditions in the village cottages are often more
serious than those usually to be found in town dwellings
and that phthisis is very prevalent in onr rural country- homes.
The Housing Problem
When we ask why this state of things continues we are
told that the labourer's wages are so low that he cannot
afford to pay an economic rent. An overcrowded and
defective cottage is not much consolation for a sweated wage.
It is obvious that wages must be raised to cover the cost
of housing, but we cannot wait for economic readjustments.
The crisis is too serious for that. The nation must make
provision for house building to begin immediately the war
is over. From this point of view the policy which is appar-
ently to be pursued by the Government is disastrously
inadequate. The Local Government Board have issued a
circular to local authorities asking for a report on local
deficiencies and undertaking to bear three-quarters of the
loss on building schemes. Now this means that there will
be delay in many places and inaction in many others. We
know what the terror of the countryside about rates is like,
and any half-hearted authority will be so afraid of this prospect
of a new burden that it will be exceedingly reluctant to commit
itself to any Scheme at all.
The right principle is to recognise that in this tremendous
emergency the responsibility for re-housing the nation is
national and not local. The returning soldier has fought
for the nation, and not merely for his village, and the nation
owes it to him to see that he has a decent home in the country
he has defended. The Government, that is, must guarantee
the local authority againfet loss, and it must see that the local
authority carries out an adequate scheme. For this purpose
the County Council should be substituted for the District
Council, and the schemes will, of course, be designed with a
view to the needs and circumstarlces of larger areas than the
area of a District Council. -This is an immediately urgent policy.
There arc in existence at this moment two types of insti-
tutions that the war has brought into existence upon which
we shall have to rely in great part for the successful trans-
formation of village life. One is the Agricultural Wages
Board set up under Section 5 of the Corn Production Act
of last year. It is the duty of this Board, which consists
of representatives of employers and labourers in equal
numbers with additional members appointed by the Board
of Agriculture, to fix minimum rates of wages. This Central
Board has established thirty-nine district wages committees,
formed on the same principle, acting in some cases for a
single county and in others for two or more counties grouped
together. These committees make recommendations to the
Central Board, and their recommendation takes the forrn
of a proposed weekly wage for a given number of hours.
These recommendations are considered, and the Board after
hearing objections gives its award.
Now the creation of this Board and these Committees is
a ste?p of great importance. Hitherto wages have been kept
down in agriculture by the weakness of the labourers and
the power of custom and solidarity among farmers. It has
been supposed to be imi)roper and almost dishonourable
for a farmer to give higher wages tlian his neighbours. In
some districts the more enterprising farmer gives presents
on the sly.
At a Wages Board the good employer counts, and the
establishment of a judicial wage breaks the ice. But in
practice the Board docs more than fix minimum wages,
for a committee recommends a certain wage for certain hours.
That is to say, the working davof the rural labourer is regulated,
and any time o\'er and above the fixed limit becomes overtime
to be paid for at special rates. When a Wages Board is set
up, it soon assumes other powers than those of fixing wages ;
it tends to protect the workman from other abuses. That
has been the experience of the Trade Boards in sweated
industries where the regulation of wages has been followed
i8
Land & Water
May 23, 19 1 8
by the regulation of other conditions. So with the Wages
Committees. It is their duty to fix a wage. That involves
taking a standard day. And the decision of this question
enahlesthe Wages Board to regularise employment. In some
parts of the country the labourer is sent home when it is wet
and he loses a day's pay. The Board can forbid tliis. It
can again help to make employment more regular by fixing
hourly and daily rates rather higher than the weekly rate.
Moreover it has to assess the vahie of allowances in kind
which enables it to penalise bad housing by refusing to
allow anything for a house that is defective" , Thus these
Committees come to supervise a great part of the econom\-
of the farm, and they may be made the means to a general
improvement of conditions.
Most important of all is the influence of such a body on
the growth of Trade Unionism. In every case Trade Boards
have led to the development of the workmen's organisations,
and agriculture will follow the same law. In counties where
farmers have been in the habit of refusing to employ labourers
who belong to a Union, they are now sitting at the same table
with Union officials. There were many who feared that the
labourers would not have the courage to present their
case before a Wages Committee, but this has proved an
idle fear. The labourers are represented partly by
officials of the Agricultural Labourers' Union, partly by
ofiBcials of such Unions as the General Workers' Union, which
include agricultural labourers among their members ; men
who are accustomed to the atmosphere of discussion and
, negotiation. The whole tone of agricultural life will be
immenselv affected by tlii-; development.
A Stimulating Influence
We have then in these Committees a very stimulatin;.;
influeiue on rural life. Farmers, labourers,' and persons
representing the outside world are brought together ;
labourers have to organise their forces and to feel their
strength ; it is cver\where recognised that the scandalous
wages of the past must not return. The wages recommended
by such Committees as have reported vary from 30s. to 35s.,
these wages mark an advance, and of course they are fixed
as a rule for a shorter working daJ^ But the\/ are too
low ; for a Special Sub-Committee appointed by the Wage-;
Board has laid it down that tlw wage paid must be such as" to
enable a labourer to pay rent for a five-room dwelling in
proper state of repair, with satisfactory sanitary arrange-
nients, an adequate water supply, together with garden ground
of not less than an eighth of an acre. It is, of course, most
satisfactory to have such a standard established, but it is
•quite clear that the wages recommended fall short of it. On
the other hand, once a Wages Board is set up, there is a
medium in which public opinion can work, and it is certain
that agricultural WRg.s will rise. This machinery will
also be of use in introducing a Factory Law into
agriculture. There is no reason why the" agricultural
labourer should be denied the protection that the town
workman receives'from the law.
The other institution that we owe to the vvar is the County
Agricultural Committee. The Corn Production Act guarantees
certain prices to the farmers, but it imposed on them a certain
discipline. Under Part IV of the Act the Board of Agriculture
IS empowered to enforce a certain standard and type of
cultivation on the farmer. This control is wide and drastic
If a farmer is negligent or wasteful, if he refuses to put his
land to the best use, if he allows rabbits to become a pest
if in general he does not conform to the standard imposed
by the Board, he may lose his farm. These powers ha\e
been delegated by the Board to the War Agricultural
Executive Committees. In many cases the Committees have
acted with vigour, inflicting penalties for waste and bad
farming and the excessive preservation of game. It is a
weakn«s in the organisation of these Committees, that though
they have powttr to punish a bad farmer, they have no powm-
■to protect a good one. These Committees will remain in
existence with these powers as long as the Corn Production
Act IS in force, i.e., till 1922, and although nothing but the
critical position of the country would have reconciled the
farmers to this revolutionary scheme, it is obvious that the
machinery will serve very useful purposes after the war
For in agriculture, not less than in other industries, organ-
isation is urgently needed if the industry is to be developed.
And there is no industry where development is so vital to
the nation as the fundamental industry of all. Everybody
agrees that the land must produce more food ; that the natioii
cannot afford wasteful farming ; that private pleasure must
not be allowed to take precedence over public needs.
On other sides reform is necessary to give vitality and
significance to rural life. We want to encouratje small
holdings of different types : to introduce land settlements
for soldiers ; to give agriculture the promise of a career
to men with brains and no capital. The regeneration of
rural life means the development of co-operation, of village
clubs, of village industries, of new methods not of production
only but of buying, selling, transport and communication.
By making village life various in jts employments and its
interests we shall restore the old type of village society. In
a later article we shall examine the bearing on all these
questions of the new revolution that is imminent with the
development of electrical power. At present it is only
necessary to point out that the War Agricultural Committees
will be invaluable as representative bodies for stimulating
and guiding the development. For that purpose one reform
is obviously essential. There is no reason for the presence
of the Textile Trade Unionists on the Cotton Control Board
and the Woollen Control Board, which does not apply to the
case of the Agricultural Labourers and the War Executive
Committees. "These Committees must include the represen-
tatives of the Labourers' llnions, so that they may speak
with 'the authority of the industry as a whole. " The Govern-
ment would have been wiser to recognise this principle from
the first. As it is, there have been complaints in some
parts of the country that Executive Committees have used
their power unfairly in dealing, at the time of a labour
dispute, with the question of exemptions from military
service. For the future there can be no doubt that these
Committees must be organised, on the principle that has
been applied with such success to the textile industries.
Note.— Mr. Arthur Baring's letter in Land & Water of May 2nd,
on the subject of the assault on Mr Bingham Baring, does not affect
my account of the brutahty of the punishments inflicted on the rioters
m 1830. Of Mr. Bingham Baring's part in the proceedings I have
nothing to say. The fact that he used his influence oil the side of
mercy— which I am interested to learn— suggests that he took the
siune view as the people of Micheldever of the conduct of the judges.
In Barracks : By Sherard Vines
Desolately, the Last Post
Cries down the windy barrack square.
Whirls and quavers, and is lost
In the blue frost
Beyond the air.
Yet that sobbing quality,
Not wholly of our earthly scale.
In their brazen harmony.
Pierces the
Unending veil.
Lightto sleep goes after light ,
Step echoes after step to bed.
While the bugler every night
Plays in sight
Of all the dead.
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1918.
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May 23, 19 1 8
Land & Water
19
Men and Moods
By Edward Anton
I have just delivered myself from one of those "moods" to
which, as a Celt, I am somewhat liable.
I wish to emphasise that I "delivered myself," which de-
scribes the process exactly. Time was when I waited for my
moods to pass : now I end them at will. It means much to
me, and it is one of the many reasons why I think so highly of
Pelmanism as an instrument of self-mastery.
All of us suffer — consciously or unconsciously — -from "moods,"
in great or less degree. And the man or woman who has learnt
the secret of mood-mastery has acquired knowledge which not
only adds largely to his or her working capacity, but also tp the
capacity for interest, pleasure, and even happiness.
"Moods" are the fog-banks of the mind ; impeding progress
and perverting vision. They are induced by a diversity of
causes, into the nature of which it is not my intention to inquire
here : it is to their effect that I am presently considering.
If I illustrate my remarks by reference to my own case, it will,
I hope, be understood that I do so not from egotism, but from
a desire to speak from experience.
A retrospective survey of my forty-odd years of existence
shows me that, up to the date of my introduction to the Pelman
Course, I have been greatly the victim of "moods" : 'gloomy
moods, impulsive moods, irritable moods, lavish moods, irre-
sponsible moods, moods of inexcusable optimism, moods of the
deepest self-distrust. And I daresay there are many thousands
of men and women who, whether they recognise it or not, are
equallyjiandicapped by their wretched perversions of mentality
which we call "moods."
"I can't help it," we often say, "it's my nature." Just so
have I often attempted to excuse myself for a word or an action
which I could not defend. "It's my nature !"
We libel "nature" and we belittle ourselves in uttering such
an infamous phrase. It is not " nature" that is to blame : it is
our self-ignorance. The majority of us, successful or unsuccess-
ful, are deplorably ignorant of those forces which constitute
our personality and make us individuals. Strapge that in an
age which prides itself upon its spirit of investigation, we should
have been so remiss in getting to know what there is to be
known about ourselves ! ,
But Pelmanism is changing all this, and in doing so is showing
us not only how to abolish certain undesirable moods, but even
teaching us how to produce other moods which are desirable
and profitable.
Let us get back to our "awful example" — myself. I was
most conscious of my handicap where it affected my work.
I worked well ; but the "moods," alas ! were all too infrequent.
They would come unannounced and would depart abruptly ;
I could not depend upon myself.
That disability has been conquered, thanks to Pelmanism,
and I may, without affectation, claim to be able to produce my
best standard of work at will. There is no need to dilate upon
the enormous advantage this has been to me — an advantage
which I can translate not only in terms of £ s. d. (the usual
criterion), but, what is of more significance to me, in sentiment
and self-esteem.
Even upon those occasions when I couH honestly say that
my "mood" had been partly, if not wholly, induced by bad
health, I have found " Pelmanising " result in an astonishing
betterment : enabling me to overcome my mental inertia, and,
by reaction, improving my physical condition.
This may probably seem difficult of belief to somfe of my
readers, but there are the simple facts — and they are amply
corroborated by the voluntary evidence of hundreds of other
"Pelmanists."
Let us take another phase — the dissatisfied, restless mood
which, intervening, makes work, pleasure, interest, or recreation
impossible; "a feeling that you don't know what you want,"
as I have heard it described. Here again I have achieved
conquest, and am able to put the "mood" to rout as soon as
I am conscious of it. How much that has meant to me in the
last few years it would be difficult to estimate.
Irritability — another supposedly "natural" feeling^was a
severe handicap which I have successfully "Pelmaniscd," but
here the battle is not yet completelv won. Of the ultimate
issue, however, I Iiave not the slightest doubt.
The net result is to give me a feeling of power that I never
remember possessing previously — not even in my supremely
confident boyish days. I know now that I can make myself
do — and I do it. I do jiot wait miserably upon Chance, Mood,
<'ii' umstance. Environment, or any other of the bogies which
cripple and nullify human effort. I appoint my work, I com-
mand my mood, and I achieve satisfaction.
Let me repeat that these notes are penned in no egotistical
spirit. I want readers of L.\nd & W.\ter to realise that
" Pelmanism " may well represent something of far more moment
to them, personally, than they may have yet realised. It is
simply tiie impossibility of explaining in a column or two the
immense range of limitless possibilities of the System, which
compels certain popular phases of "Pelmanism" to receive
more frequent mention than others.
.\bility to induce a working mood at will is a distinctly valu-
able gain ; but there are others. The Pelmanist who faithfully
applies the principles of the Course can don a mood suited to
every occasion. Interest, sympathy, criticism, appreciation,
contemplation — all these various moods or mental attitudes
may be cultivated ; petJiaps not always with the same degree
of success, but invariably to a certain degree.
Confidence is, psobably, the mood which most matters for
the majority of men and women, and I will quote what was
recently written upon this matter by a Pelman student (a traffic
manager on a big Northern Railway System) :—
"The Pelman Course breathes confidence from the
beginning . . . confidence in what the student is taught,
and confidence in himself.
"What self-confidence means can only be appreciated
by those who have known the lack of it. To have failed
— not from lack of ability, but from lack of self-confidence —
at a time which marked the making or the marring of a
career, is an agony which takes a long time to drive from
the mind. . . .
" To the self-doubter the Pelman Course is a boon and a
blessing. It opens a new outlook on life, it sends one
forth rejoicing in a new-found strength. I am — / ought —
I CAN."
Those are words written straight from the heart : they should
be well pondered by every man and every woman who has so
far failed to find a footing on the ladder of success.
The financial, business, and professional advantages have
been so much explained and so liberally evidenced that, I
suppose, no reader of Land & Water requires further assur-
ance on that matter from my pen. Equally, enough has been
said of the "pull" which Pelmanism confers upon the Army or
Navy officer or man. I regard these triumphs — solid and sub-
stantial as they are — as "theatrical effects" compared with
the deep and lasting change which the study of this remarkable
System can and does produce in the inner life of the individual.
Financial, business, professional, and social considerations do
not represent the main considerations in life. Our vocations
and our social amenities constitute but a part of our daily lives.
It is of infinitely greater importance to be able to command a
happy, contented frame of mind, to be able to take a living
interest in the world around us, to be able to develop and control
ourselves, than it is to double our incomes or achieve professional
advancement.
Thus, for the time being, I set commercial inducements aside
and invite readers of Land & Water to consider the matter of
Pelmanism from the higher plane. Every man and ' every
woman with a proper degree of self-pride can, and should hasten
to, profit by the adoption of the simple and scientifically sound
principles laid down in the Pelman Course.
It is profoundly true that, as a student of the Course recently
said : " If people only realised what Pelmanism was capable
of affecting for them, the doors of the Pelman Institute would
be literally besieged by eager applicants."
There are, perhaps, a hundred strictly personal reasons why
each or any reader of this page should become a Pelmanist, and
I venture the statement that, if he or she realised it, any one of
those hundred reasons would be sufficient if he or she could
be brought to realise it ! I have never yet met the man or woman
who, having studied Pelmanism, has been in the least degree
disappointed.
"Mind and Memory" {in which the Pelman Course is fully
described, with a synopsis of the lessons) will be sent, gratis and
post free, together with a repri^it of "Truth's" famous report on
the System and a form entitling readers of Land & Waier to
the complete Pelman Course a{ one-third less than the usual fees,
on application to-dav (a post card will do) to the Pelman Institute,
39, Pelman House, Bloomsburv Street, London, W.C.i.
20
Land & Water
May 23, 19 1 8
London: By Miller Dunning
TO be in the outskirts of London, beyond the
town, yet tragically within the spell of its at-
mosphere, is to win an experience that may well
make a lasting impression. It is a low level land,
lying between the fiver and the last rows of
houses, and stretching to and along the raised bank which
borders the Thames. It is awav towards the East, well on
the seaward side of the West India Docks ; a strange coim-
try full of wild contrasts and boding suggestion.
Above, if the month is April, the sky will be clear and blue,
reaching over like a great sparkling dome whose founda-
tions rest in a setting of encircling smoke, wliich rising, turns
to amber till it veils the clouds and an afternoon sun. And
beneath both crystal dome and smoke lie side by side the
most acute of all contrasts — the borders of a blackened city
against fields of unfilled soil . . . and here, near at hand,
solitude ; and there, on a Httle further, desolation, and in
the far-away distance, grim destruction— the spirits that
hover between that sky and this earth and ever breathe
their likeness into the beings who live in their midst.
One is in touch yet removed from it all. The sounds that
come, come singly and distinct ; the distant roll of the
train to Tilbury, the hum of an ocean tramp on the river,
and the low pulsating of engines in a factory hard by.
Then the fields ! Eastwards they grow deeper and are
finally lost in the turnings of the river — not green fields,
but long broken levels, dun-coloured and uninviting. Along
the inner boundary they are fringed by straggling wind-
blown trees. An occasional cottage is seen in the back-
ground and, standing forward from the rest, a mansion such
as one would build who had a spite against his kind ; a dull
red building, with gables, numerous chimneys and hundreds
of windows. In this place it stands up as the very emblem
of misery — a misery such as these cottagers could never con-
ceive; the bitter God-cursing grief of disappointed Mammon.
How is it revealed ? Most surely not by the lad
who speaks of its ghost-haunted rooms and its secret
tunnel to London. No ! It is self-evident. The soul that
conceived such a house in such a place must have, been
full of irony. It must have seen in everything about
it the glaring signs of oppression ; the very smoke that
infiltrated the air, the grim liostile looking factories in
the immediate neighbourhood, the dirty unfertile fields
all about it, the unholy visage of the docks, the tooth-
like cranes standing gaunt and black above the river,
a conglomerate mass of buildings, and' above them a
gasometer frowning on every aspect of the land . . . and
seeing these things, cursed them, and by coming into their
midst, its own existence also. For such things as these are
not the natural environment of happiness. Who then being
happy would choose this place to enjoy the good things of
life ? None, so it seems, but one whose life had grown
thoroughly spiteful and rnorbid : one from whom all real
joy had flown, leaving him to the gnashing of his teeth.
"It is mine," so he said, "and with it I shall do as I choose.
In the midst of man's degradation I will build me a mansion.
My heart is bitter, and I curse the day I was born. But with
the sight of my wealth, still more will I curse those around
me. I will set my castle in the midst of their misery and from
its high windows I shall look down on all that is mine. I
shall laugh and deride their weakness, for it is I who am
strong. It is I who am bitter, and it is I who shall do as
I please." But this is not the misery that comes of poverty.
Indeed this might afford the normal man with many lumin-
ous moments, although at its best it can boast but a gro-
tesque beauty.
The tide is rising from the Thames, forcing the water into
this smaller stream. Lining either side there runs a narrow
sward of tall river grass — beautifully green and swaying
gently to each breath of wind. The river between is calm
and scarcely moving. Further down, two men are poling
a great barge. There is an occasional splash, the thud of
dropping poles, and the inarticulate sound of men's voices.
Near at'hand, a flood gate retains the water of a still smaller
stream. Men and women work in the gardens that run
along either side. One of them scrapes a spade, and except
for the chance cry of a child there is no other sound.
But over all, far and near, there hovers a strange incon-
gruous serenity. For this is none the less an ill-natured
country which in some subtle manner would seem to epito-
mise a sordid beauty, as though to draw from all greatly
mundane things whatever expression of virtue they might
contain. It is seen in the intermingling contrasts of beauty
and ugliness. To the fore is a hazy landscape. We can
dimly see — b\it we clearly know what it contains. And above
all, above these broken fields and scraggy trees, above these
sceptre-like chimneys and the grim masses at their base,
a real sun is shining, ever as though to gild witli true gold
the basest work of its creatures. But it rests in the arms of
two soot-begrimed clouds, and while its light is reflected in
the passing river and the swampy ponds, it is nevertheless
light that is hushed and muffled ; like the souls of labour-
ridden people. For this is the expression of a labouring
city, and neither the sun nor any other star can make it
more than seem a nobler thing. Everywhere it is the same.
On The River
On the river, large shipis and .iinall pass to and [fro, with
only their masts and funnels showing abo'' ^ the banks. One
passes by the entrance of the smaller stream and mingles its
smoke with that of thfe factories that overshadow its water.
Of these there is a long uneven row following at right angles
from the greater river. There also everything is signifi-
cantly quiet, and except for the occasional figure of a man,
no living thing is to be seen. The factories are of the smaller,
ramshackle class : Chemical and guano works, a hide and
skin factory, and others of various kinds. This part of the
country had known the activity of other days. Every-
wTiere the natural earth lies many feet under great areas of
refuse. The upper arch of a disused tunqel recedes and is
lost in the rearward fields. There are pits and mounds, all
overgrown with noxious and stunted weeds. A dry, nose-
biting quality infiltrates the air, and soon the vilest of foul
odours rolls up like a monster. A horse and cart come through
a gate, and with them a great wave of unseen virulence — the
natural atmosphere, so it seems, of those who dwell within.
And yet, despite the general quietness of the day, there is
a low, ill-matured whistle in the wind. Then too there is a
house in sight — a smaller one this time — which bespeaks dark
night deeds, associating us with those blood-curdling stories
people read in their days of innocence. It is double-storied.
Several lines of heavily laden telegraph poles wind into the
distance behind it. It has on either side a chimney hke two
Satanic ears. Its windows are almond-shaped eyes. The
central doorway is capped by a sharp perverted curve, an
evil nose, so that the whole architectural idea has as it were
the countenance of commonplace villainy.
The fields spread everywhere— some overgrown and green,
others quite barren. Between the factories and the foot-
path small swamps and pools of green slime line the way,
and beyond, a row of attendant cottages succeeds the factories.
Women are standing talking by the roadside. A boy with
donkey and cart is preparing for the city. At the mouth of
the smaller river there is an ale house of the kind with which
London abounds. Men and women with their children are
sitting on the bank above the river, drinking and talking.
Below them a boy is lolling in a boat. His dog runs up and
down the shore, and in its vain endeavour to reach him,
snaps fruitlessly at the water. Out in the open stream looms
a great tramp making for its native ocean, and following it
comes the wash, rocking the boat and driving the dog up the
bank with its wave. The evening shadows spread across the
water, and, penetrating through them, stretch the long re-
flections of distant buildings. The faint notes of music rise
and fall on the almost motionless air, accompanied by the
subdued- voices of men and women.
They sit out in the evening. Resting thus, they seem to
make themselves one with the all-pervading spirit of peace —
for what can appeal more to our sense of the picturesque and
seemly, than a group of men and women recumbent in the
shadows that succeed the day.
But this it is that following the easier way we so readily
accept the 'more obvious reality, and pass over the spirit
that lurks so darkly beneath it. Tradition would have us
cry : "God's in his heaven, all's well with the world," while
we, to uphold tradition, greet every seeming scene of tran-
quility with applause, hold it fast in our memories for evidence,
and being satisfied pass on, although we have but witnessed
the manifestation of a happiness so rare, that we have long
ceased to recognise it as the natural heritage of man ; or if
we recognise it as such, then only to take it as signifying a
state of permanence which does not exist — a delusion never-
theless which enables us to go our way unhaunted by a truth
too uncomely, too monstrous, to find itself at home in the
dehcate tenements of our unpractised minds.
LAND & WATER
VoLLXXI. No. 2925. [vTa-r] THURSDAY, may 30, 1918 [l^^hf^f^Fpm V^^i'lT^^^?l:^l
Major William Orpen, A.R.A.
A portrait of the artist, by himself, now on view at the Agnew Galleries, Old Bond Street
Land & Water May 30, 191 8
The Orpen Exhibition
Highlander Passing a Cirave
Man with Cigarette
Royal Irish Fusiliers
German Prisoners
^HE exhibition of paintings and drawings executed on the Western Front by Major William Orpen,' A.R.A.,
which was opened by. Lord Beaverbrook last week at the Agnew Galleries, 43 Old Bond Street, will draw'
T; . ,, „..„..
cverj' one in London. It will be the most talked of picture show this summer, for Major Orpen brings home
to the beholder the facts of war in the present year in a more vivid manner than any other artist. And
this is true not only of his paintings, but oi his drawings in black and white. He has an extraordinary
power of .characterisation, as will be perceived in the four pictures reproduced above ; he compels a personal interest
in the individuals he portray.s, for one feels they arc the very type of men one would like to know personally. He
shows some magnificent portraits, notably of Field-Marshals French and Haig, and of Generals Trenchard and David
Watson. There are two portraits of "A Refugee," a pretty lady, whose anonymity fends additional charm. The tints
of his landscapes are singularly lo\*cly, and remain in the mind, and he has the power of imparting pathos to broken
buildings and fields. It is right that this exhibition should be under the direction of the Ministry of Information, for it
is informative in the best sense of the word. The civilian who enters it leaves with a new sense of the fighting line,
and a lively visualisation of the scenes of those heroic episodes of w:liich he reads daily in the papers, but which, bv
very repetition, assume after a time an air of unreality. Major .Orpen corrects this. He conveys every one with' the
least imagination to the Front, and shows what is actually going on, all the horror of trench and battlefield, and that
strange ironic beauty in which Nature seems to delight for the niockerj' of man. The. nn+i",-,r. v.00 ^^o^^« 4^ 't,= ^^.,uk.
grateful to the artist^for the work itself and for his generous gift of it.
The nation has reason to be doubly
May 30, 191 8
Land & Water
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone -. HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, MAY 30, 1918.
Contents
PAGi:
-Major William Orpeii, A.k.A,_ i
The Orpen Exhibition. (Photographs) 2
The Outlook '3
The Delay and the Attack. By H. Belloc 4
The Tiirkish Conspiracy — III. By Henry Morgenthaii 8
May 31st, I9i(>-ic)i7-i9i8. By Arthur Pollen 11
"The South" Entrenched. By Herman \\'hitaker 13
Brazil's Part in the War i.5
A Naval Incident. By Capricornus i')
The Indispensable. Artist. Bv Charles Marriott 17
Victorians with the Gilt Off. " By J. C. Squire i'8
New Salonika. (With phot<),!,'raph>.) By T. H. Mnwson 19
The Boudoir 22
Notes on Kit xi
Notice
THE increasing cost of paper makes it necessary
to raise the price of Land & Water to
One Shilling, beginning with our next issue.
The Board of Trade having forbidden the dis-
tribution of newspapers "on sale or return" on or
after the 24th proximo. Land & Water after the
issue of |une 20th will be obtainable to order only.
We particularly request all our readers who have not
already done so to place an order for regular delivery
with their newsagents, or to register a subscription
at this office, 5 Chancery Lane, W.C.2.
The Outlook
THE lont; delay of five weeks since the defeat of
the enemy on April 29th closed upon Monday
morning with a double attack which he launched
in Champagne and in Flanders. The first was
pressed against a sectgr where tlie French had
noticed for some time a concentration of enemy artillerv,
and where certain British divisions had been brought from
the north, the presence of which was noted in the enemy
communiques twenty-four hours before. The second' attack
was on the well-known ground — about ten miles in extent of
front — which covers the hills beyond Mount Kemmel and the
southern part of the Ypres salient. It nins fiom the front
of Locre to Voorijiezeele, near the Ypres Canal.
It is to be noted, as is remarked elsewhere in this issue,
that the interval of delay which the enemy has allowed to
pass corresponds with the period required for the recruiting
of his for^-es after the losses of the first main offensive between
March 21st and .\pril 29th. If it is his intention to use the
great masses which we know he has concentrated on the
centre of the salient — that is, in the region of Albert and in
front of Amiens — then these two attacks in the extremities
of the line will appear as secondary efforts, with the object of
pinning down the troops there and preventing reinforce-
ments for the centre. But if he develops the attack in Cham-
pagne and makes it his principal business, it will depend
upon whether he can turn the strong ridge of Chemin dcs
Dames on the south, as he is apparently attempting to do.
* * *
There was a time, not so very long ago, when the evidence of
the connection between the German enemy and the Sinn Fein
movement, which was published officially last week, would have
l)een received with incredulity in this country. The idea that
the Easter rebellion of 1916 should have been planned by an
Ambassador in a neutral coimtry, and every detail worked out
d<nvn to theactnal dateof the uprising, would until recently have
been deemed an impossible breach of the laws of international
hospitality. But to those who have followed in Land & W.ater
the exposure of the plots incubated at the Cierman Embassy in
Washington, the villainy appears merely part and parcel of the
ordinary behaviour of von Bernstorff and von Papen.
The villainy of these, two highly placed German officials
has been estabhshed plainly by Mr. French ^trother. Docu-
ments have been published in these pages which have placed
beyond all suspicion the infamy to which they were willing
and eager to stoop in service to their State. To hoodwink the
American Government by adding to diplomatic telegrams,
after they had received sanction for dispatch, was to them a
natural trick to play on the "idiotic Yankees." It did not
offend their sense of Itonour. The reason for this is perhaps
a simple one : they totally lack that sense. Civihsation has \
been forced to the conclusion that honour, as understood by
men of rectitude in all ages and in all climes, is a virtue
which has no place in Teuton character.
* * *
The publication of this evidence should strike a death
blow to the Sinn Fein movement. No effort will be spared
to minimise or distort the related facts. But the period over
which the conspiracy extends is in itself corroboration of the
truth of it. One has only to read the public utterances of
the Sinn Fein leaders or to listen to the songs which the
rank and file sing openly in Ireland to realise that an active
alliance with Germany was entirely to their liking.
The Government have to play the man and stamp out
boldly this rebellious spirit. If it weakens and finds pretexts
or excuses for the rebels, then it cannot expect support either
here or elsewhere. But if it acts strongly, it will be assured
of the goodwill and co-operation of all loyal subjects, and we
maintain that it will find, notwithstanding superficial evidence
to the contrary, that loyalty exists in Ireland to a far greater
degree than is generally supposed. Weakness and hesitation
in a crisis of this character are the deadly sins.
* * *
The week has been conspicuous for two pieces of work in ^
the air ; the one highly characteristic of the enemy's methods,
the other of the increasing superiority of the Allies. The
first has been the raiding by night of a large British hospital
area far behind the battle front ; the second has been a
series of British raids on the German towns of the Rhine
Basin, and particularly a most effective one upon the pro-
vincial capital of Cologne. The raiding of the British
hospitals, though the worst, is not the first case of this kind
of atrocity. The enemy has already been guilty of the same
kind of thing at Bar le Due many months ago, when he
deliberately chose in a night raid a restricted area which
he loiew to be entirely given up t,o hospitals.
But the attack upon the British base hospitals last week
has a character of its own. It was designed in the first place
to compel the British to use more tonnage for the transport
of wounded overseas, and to abandon their system of hospitals
on the Continent ; and in the second place to reinforce the
strong political effort the enemy is making to arrive at a
convention which shall put an end to air raids' over anything
but the war zone.
The raid by daylight over Cologne had the best effect ;
it created a greater impression upon the civilian population
of Germany than has yet been registered, and it is an excellent
augury for the future. The development of this policy will
be of more value on the political side of the war than has yet
perhaps been appreciated among the Allies. The immunity
of German soil from the suffering inflicted upon the Allied
capitals and other towns (including Venice) for many months
past has been a very great factor in preserving the civilian
moral of our enemies.
* * *
If one may judge from the provincial Press, farmers are
protesting loudly against the proposal of the Budget to
increase their liabihty for income-tax. It is difficult to see
any reason for their protest. The Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer proposes to charge them on double their rent, but
they are still to have the option of paying on the same basis
as other people -that is, on their actual profits under
Schedule D. The plea put forward on their behalf, that so
few farmers keep any accounts, is not a sound argument
- against this alternative. The man who does notr or who
cannot, keep such simple accounts as will satisfy the Inland ■
Revenue authorities is certainly not qualified to have the
control of land. The real and only reasonable objection to
this proposal is that any alternative should be given.
It is true that the farmer pays more than his fair share of
local taxation, which entitles him to special treatment
in regard to his payment for income-tax, but so long as he
gets this special treatment under the latter head he is not
likely to get justice under the former. As a class, they stand
to gain more by, a fair revision of the incidence of local taxa-
tion than thev will lose over income-tax.
Land & Water
May 30, 19 1 8
The Delay and the Attack: By Hilaire Belloc
AT the moment tlicse lines are written (on the
afternoon of Monday, May 27th), news reaches
London that two offensives ha\'e been launclied
by the enemy early this morning at widely
distant points : the Flanders front before Mount
Kemmcl, in the extreme north, and l^he Champagne front
before Kheims, in the extreme south.
The delay of the enemy before resuming his offensive
— the Allied command deliberately left him full choice
therein — was up to the moment of that attack the chief
object of military interest. It admits of little analysis and
less conjecture.
The enemy's delay was due to one main cause : the neces-
sity far recruitment. To this must probably be added the
time necessary for a change of plan — since his first plan
failed. There may possibly be added doubtful elements
such as his waiting for new material, fete. We may add, if
we will, the effect upon him of the present Allied superiority.
in air work and the perpetual harassing of his concentrations
in men and material. But it remains true that his chief
cause for delay was recruitment.
That he has had to change his plan meant, of course, an
immense amount of new staff work, a certain amount of
re-arrangement, and possibly further delay caused through
the discussion of alternative objects. But his inability to
strike again until he had in great measure replaced the
losses of his last immense effort to reach a decision, was the
governing condition of that halt in operations which had been
so striking since April 29th, when he suffered a heavy defeat.
We have here available figures to guide us. The enemy
lost during that great offensive between March 21st and
April 29th, one way and another, counting sickness and
every form of depletion, not less than 500,000 men. He
may have lost more. He may have lost up to 600,000. But
500,000. is a safe figure.
It has been said in this paper, and I think justly, that he
was then budgeting for losses of some 650,000 at the most.
To have lost more than that in the first blow before reaching
a decision .would have crippled him hopelessly. As a fact,
when he saw that he had failed to reach a decision he checlyed
his losses before the possible maximum was reached.
Granted this, what were the forms of recruitment upon
which he could rely should he determine to break off the
battle and allow a long pause for the restoration of his estab-
lishments ? His allies may be ruled out. Austria can afford
next to nothing, and there are political difficulties as well.
He can bring little more of use from the East. What else had
he wherewith to refit ?
His two sources of recruitment are hospital ' returns and
his last class called up and in training ; part of which is
already in depot and ready to be drafted into the fighting units.
In round numbers, something over 60 per cent, of those
in hospital at any moment return to the army after an average
absence of four months. The rest are killed, mutilated, or
sick beyond hope of immediate further service.
To have lost 500,000 men, therefore, in the great offensive
which ended upon April 29th would mean that if the enemy
delayed to the end of the summer he would get back from
his hospital returns alone, theoretically, some 300,000 men ;
in practice, perhaps, a quarter of a million.
But it was not a question of waiting for the longest possible
time, but of waiting for j ust so much time as would give him
the highest effective returns, at the least disadvantage to
himself through tlie growth of his opponent and of civilian
strain at home. It is a junction in a double variant.
Now, the curve of returns after one short intense effort
fliictuates sharply. There is an early period of rapid returns
for very slightly wounded or slighty sick. Then comes a
period varying Jrom six to nine weeks during which what
may be called the normal lighter cases are beipg cured, and
during which the curve flattens. At the end of it the curve
rapidly rises, the rise representing the discharge in great
numbers of the men who have passed through the simple
and easier cures and cofne out again. Then comes a long
period of slow and fairly even rise representing the gradual
return of the graver cases in their order.
Other things being equal, the moment when the large
returns begin to come in. say, after six to eight weeks, is
likely to be the moment of greatest efficiency. It is the
moment the enemy has chosen.
The second factor in recruitment is the new class.
This new class is in tlio ]>r,-;r.nt '"^e class 1020 -that is,
the lads who we're born in 1900, and wiio attain their eigh-
teenth birthday between January ist and December 31st of
the present year. Rather more than one-half of tliem are
still under eighteen years of age. It is necessary that the
oldest should bo used first, and, even so, they have been
called and trained earlier than any other Germ;m class senior
to them since the beginning of tlie wan What can
this class now provide ^ Normally, it would provide quite
at the end of this summer about 450,000 ; but for the moment
200,000 is the highest figure we can possibl}' allow, and it is
certain that those 200,000 will not be put into the fighting
units right away, but kept for immediate drafts when the
fighting begins.
Our conclusion is that the enemy, so far as mere numbers
are concerned, can already bring up his establishments, if
he is dealing only with the divisions he has already put in,
very nearly to the weight in which he was before the great
attack of March 21st. He has now, so far as mere numbers
are concerned, so replaced some 70 per cent., or a little more,
of his losses. If he likes to risk the holding of his line with
even less men than he held it before, he can milk the divisions
that have not been in or bring them up bodily to replace
divisions mauled in the recent fighting, gending the Iktter
back to the quiet portions of the line. To replace three-
quarters of your losses when your losses have been from a
/third to a quarter of- what you put in is very nearly to restore
your original condition. After a delay thus calculated very
nearly to fill the gaps created by the great offensive of last
March and April, and its failure, we have news, as I write
these lines, of a renewed attack.
The news is fragmentary so far and quite inconclusive.
But the prime characteristic of it is that two efforts are being
made by the enemy upon two sectors as widely separate as
possible — from 100 to 115 miles apart. The fir.st and appar-
ently (so far as the news goes) the largest effort, is being
made in the sector of I^eims. Its exact extent is still
uncertain. We do not yet know, at the moment of writing,
whether it includes the strong position of the Chemin des
Dames or not, but presumably it does. The second effort
is being made in Flanders upon the familiar ground which
was that of the last great battle of April 29tft_in front of
Mount Kemmel, from Locre to Voormezeele.
No indication of the exercise of pressure elsewhere is yet
to hand, but it is probable that two such very widely separated
'Sea
W^^nnn f . . uf'f ""'"^'■>' *° ^"^her work in the centre..
We cannot tell. We know that for the moment the greatest
weight IS m the south, and we await the event
Pnin^;,Cf/ r ^°. ^^^P""*;^^ ^ ''"^f dispatch describes''the
frnn7of .hi ? ^^ ^^ ^^°"^^>' "'^ht. He has attacked on a
front of about 25 miles, pushed back the Allied right between
i
May 30, 1918
Land & Water
Rheims and the hills, and so turned theeastern end of the ridge
known as the Chemin des Dames from the eastern end of this
ridge, therefore the Allied line has fallen back to the River
Aisne south of it, and the enemy has reached the road
crossing at Pont Darcy. No further news is,to hand.]
The Air
There remains the work in the air. Of the normal work,
the work of mihtary operations proper (which is' nearly
the whole) all we know is that the Allied superiority is main-
tained and increased. But tYie comparatively small extra
work designed for political effect merits our special attention
this week. The most striking and the worst incident in it
was the deliberate bombardment of a great British Base
Hospital area by the cnem\'. What he did here was con-
sonant to what he has done throughout the war, to wit,
the breaking of nil civilised conventions where he Hjoupht
there was advantage to himself with no -corresponding
disadvantage that he could see. It was exactly the same
calculation as made him massacre and bum in Belgium
at the beginning of the war, and as made him murder Captain
Fryatt. No parallel action could, he thought, be taken
against himself.
It is clear that if he compels that one of his enemies who
has maritime communications to spend more tonnage in
transporting wounded ; to subject more wounded to the
strain of two transhipments? etc., he has a clear advantage,
because his own communications for evacuating wounded
are uninterrupted and by land. Further, he can withdraw
at necessity liis base hospitals to a great distance. The
British, short of crossing the sea, must remain within radius
of aircraft.
But he had another object, which was purely political,
and that was to prepare the way for a Convention which shall
put an end to the bombing of anything that is not of strictly
military importance and within the war zone. He desires
to put a special strain upon the Allies in this respect because
he knows that if he does not get his Convention the Alhes
can in the near future put a greater strain on him, which
will be in his particular case really dangerous.
We shall never get a proper view of the present and coming
air raids in the Rhine Valley until we put ourselves in the
shoes of the enemy and see how various experiences combined
have produced in him a state of mind upon which these repeated
raids are pecuharly efficacious.
The principal of these experiences is the tradition of victory
combined with complete security at horrie.
The very oldest men alive in North Germany to-day,
the men between 70 and 90, have their memories of yqung
manhood crammed with victories not only on the largest
scale, but of the most decisive sort, and these achieved against
first class Powers with incredible facility and rapidity. They
remember the wars whicli unified North Germany under
Prussia between '64 and '70 as the very foundation of their
lives.
Men somewhat younger, men still in the vigour of
public service, men from 55 to, say, 68, can recall as children
the same experiences. No one living in North Germany
can recall anything else. The whole psychology of that
modern experiment which still calls itself the German Empire
is steeped in a blind faith in absolute, riecessary, conclusive
victory upon the largest scale. No one living remembers
invasion, and, what is more, only thfe very oldest of those
now living can remember a state of mind in wliich defeat
was thought possible.
With the national soul ill such a state the German Empire
launched its campaign'of conquest in 1914. There followed,
it is true, a certain disappointment. Victory did not prove
as simple, as easy, or as rapid as had been expected. Still
there was victory, and, above all, there was the continuation
of complete security.
All the news of civil damage and humiliation which the
German at home reads about (or the German soldier either
for that matter) was news of harm dune to the enemy, not to
himself. Did French and British gunfire fall upon points
behind tlife lines, those points were French and Belgian.
A German attack involved the ruin of foreign land'i Even
German defence involved nothing but the ruin of foreigrt
land.
Later when the German armies made their retire-
ment to what was called the Hindenburg line, they
devastated territory which thev detested, and which was
not their own. And all this while, though suffering the
strain of partial blockade, civilian life in Germany was
quite secure.
We cannot grasp the enormous effect of air w(jrk in Ger-
many until we grasp tliat state of mind.
The first sign of what such an effect could be was the ex-
plosion of anger, surprise and furious recrimination which
followed the French raid upon Karlsruhe. So normal was
life within Germany, so much did all the authorities take the
old state of affairs for granted, that the Royalties were
quietly visiting each other in the Palace of Karlsruhe when
the raids took place, and the Queen of a neutral country
narrowly escaped death.
A Small Beginning
But Karlsruhe was only a beginning — and a small beginning.
After al), the opportimities (apparently) of hurting French
territory in such a fashion were much greater than the oj>-
portunities of hurting German territory. There was, as yet,
no conspicuous Allied superiority in the air. It seemed safe
for tfte enemy to pursue an intensive policy of terror over
Allied civilian territory.
We said in these columns many months ago, that the test
would be Cologne. The worSs written in these columns
were to this effect^- "The first bombardment of Cologne
will wake an echo not only throughout Germany but round
the world."
Why had Cologne this great importance ? On account
of its size, its political history and its character as the capital
of the great industrial district which lies to the north of it.
Cologne was the.vone great city of Western Germany which
had this character of a capital, of a provincial metropolis ;
of a centre of influence, of a great historical aggregate of
population. It was intensely jingo ; there had appeared
in its Press threats against! the French and British more violent,
and perhaps one may say more simple, than in the Press
of any other city. It had constantly seen pass through it,
and had insulted, those long trains of prisoners over whom
for three years it had exulted. And all the while it had
regarded itself as certainly out of the war as a great city
could be. It was the heart and nerve centre not only of
the western belt of the German Empire but of its great
industrial ganglion, the Lower Rhine coalfield, and yet it
thought of itself as no more than the spectator of, and the
secure and happy applauder of, victones in hated foreign
lands far to the West. That, it should be raided, raided by
day, and raided on a large scale, produced a revolution in
the German mind. If it could be thus raided on a large
scale and by day there was apparently no limit to the Allied
power of reprisal ! ^
You have the measure of the astonishment and the salutary
terror produced by this British achievement when you read
the pathetic, because child-like, cotnmentaries of the enemy
upon it. The principal Parliamentary representative of the
city (whose name Kuckhoff is amusing to our ears) naively
suggests that the thing should stop. He thinks it frankly
intolerable. He says it must not go on. The Cardinal-
Archbishop of the place proposes that the Pope should put
an end to it. The newspapers of Cologne ^d its district
all shriek at the top of their voices that it is fiendish to imperil
the lives of harmless women and children.
The mind of Cologne just now, at the end of May, 1918,
is far more different from what the mind of Cologne was six
months ago, than is the mind of any western belligerent
from what it was four years ago. And Cologne is only
a beginning of what may be done for the conversion of the
North German. In the West every one has known Gennjm
outrage from the very beginning of the war, invasion, or at
the very best the necessity for bearing with re\Trse and
humiliation. The original British divisions had not landed
and been deployed in line more than a few hours before they
had to suffer the terrible ordeal of the retreat from Mons.
Belgium in the first days of the war had suffered arson,
massacre, rape, pillage, and inhuman insult after a fashion
which no Christian nation had yet known. With Northern
France it was the same ; and the\ captives had gone into-
Germany by tens of thousands, "fhe monuments of anti-
quity were ruined, the decencies of life dissolved, and a sort
of chaos seemed to have come. It is nearly four years since
that time. In all these four years the British, the French,
the Belgians, and in their turn the Itahans (to mention onlj'
the West) have acquired a complete experience of Prussian
war and of what it means to have an inferior put for a moment
over his superior ; what it means when the child of the
savage or the bivte gets hold of a weapon which ought never
to be left within his reach.
Meanwhile the German himself, the author of all this
abomination, was inmiune. He suffered military cttsualties ;
but those are normal to war. He saw none even of his most
offensive modern erections destroyed ; not one of his prin-
cipal towns heard the noise of the aeroplane droning above
it ; no open coastal place of his suddenly suffered murder from.
Land & Water
May 30, 1918
tliL' sea. A> Ills o\m maritime coiiuiuin- ua> destroyed no
civilian sailors or unarmed passengers of liis own people suffered
inconvenience, let alone indiscriminate murder by sea. The
war was still to the German the thing it had been for us
in the past before the present campaign : Lamentable for
death and privation, but not affecting the core of the nation,
its soil, its tissue as it were.
The development of our great raids of reprisal have
changed all that, and they .will continue to change it more
and more.
The Treaty of Bucharest
' I ^1
|HK President of the United States was heard every-
■ where in Europe when he said recently that the
\ intervention of his people concerned Russia just as
much as it did Belgium.
That phrase might l)e expanded to mean that the
.American Government had appreciated a truth which in
this paper was emphasised continually many months ago,
when it was hardly grasped, which is fundamental to the
whole war : if Prussia can establish a Central Europe con- ■
trolling the East she has won the war, no matter what happens
on the West ; and the conception of Allied victory in the
West side by side with a free hand for Prussia in the East is
meaningless. If we really win in the West we win all.
I'nlcss we liberate the East we lose all.
Now, the Rumanian Treaty, of which more details are
now before us, confirms and increases this vital conviction.
The details of the document vastly develop the judgment
farmed upon the first news of it — a judgment which my
readers may recall. Those details (which can now be studied
fully and at leisure) show Prussia producing, as we said three
weeks ago, ^federal State, of which the new, humiliated, and
half-absorbed Rumanian could be taken as a typical member.
But they also show the complete control which Prussia
assumes in the formation of the new State, the deliberated
exclusion of all Western influence, the pretence or confidence
of moulding this particular element at will (as Poland,
Lithuania, and Finland will later be moulded), and the
presence before our eyes of a Prussian Empire in the making.
An Empire which could make nothing of Europe, it is true,
but might well destroy what it was too base to understand,
and would certainly destroy ourselves.
The Treaty of Bucharest was signed at 11 a.m. upon
Tuesday, May 7th, at Catroceni. Kuhlmann was in the
chair. He sat in the same place as had seen the declaration
of war issued by Rumania against the Central Powers. It
was a complete triumph.
The Treaty of Bucharest consists in 31 articles, arranged
in eight chapters.
There are three special points in -the text of the Treaty
to which I would direct the attention of my readers.
The first point is this : That the political future of Rumania
is left entirely at the mercy of the conqueror.
Article 4 (in chapter H.) leaves only 20,000 Rumanian
infantry in being. But this tiny force is not independent.
.•\rticle 5, of the same chapter, puts all military material
under the direct control of the Austro-German Army of
occupation. Article 6 subjects to the military authority of
the victors the movements of every Rumanian officer, even
for the shortest journey. Article 7 puts Austro-German
officers into intimate connection with every unit. There is
no power of political autonomy left to Rumania by this
act. All is for the moment in enemy hands.
The second point is the destruction of all power over the
great international highway of the Danube save that of the
Central Powers. It is exceedingly important. It speci-
fically eliminates the old right of Europe as a whole in this
highway, and treats Russia as non-existent. It prevents
even Bulgaria having the hold we thought it had when we
first heard of the treaty. For by sub-section B of article 10,
chapter 1 1 1., the mouths of the river are specifically handed over
not to Bulgaria, but to a "Committee of the four Allied
Powers."
Now, this is something new in Europe. It is curious that
so vital an innovation shouM not have been seized by the
public. It is the very magnitude of the war, and the fact
that all is still complete in suspense which accounts for the
misapprehension of the thing.
In the first place, here is Prussia (at the head of the New
Central European State) arranging matters so that she can
reserve to herself in the future all the bargaining between
Bulgaria and Turkey. The northern part of the Dobrudja
— including the town of Constanza, the great grain port — is
put into commission, as it were. It is in the hands of a
Round Table, with Prussia in the chair. Turkey and Bulgaria
are now attendants upon the final decision, but that decision
will virtually leave neither Turkey nor Bulgaria possessed of
the mouths of the Danube. It will leave each expectant,
dependent, and weakened.
In the second place, Europe, as Europe, has ceased to
exist where the Danube is concerned. Now the Danube is
the artery of Europe in the East. The Lower Danube is
the road by which most cheaply and most easily the grain
and the oil and all other products of the Hungarian Plain
and the Northern Balkans and the vast Rumanian cornfield
reaches the rest of the world This Lower Danube was
hitherto by treaty almost like the sea. There were particular
rights, jealously guarded, general and international rights
more jealously guarded still. The Russian' Empire was the
great countervailing weight which kept that highway open.
The Russian Empire has disappeared.
I have said that this Treaty of Bucharest treats Russia as
non-existent, and perhaps that negative point is the most
striking point of all. There was a time when Great Britain
turned her foreign policy and her claim to a part in the world
upon her power to support or to control, to restrain or to
defend, those who held the entry to the Black Sea. There
was a timt when the Western Powers, and England in par-
ticular, were not only members, but the chief members of
that European Committee which counted the Lower Valley
of the Danube as something within its purview. The Treaty
of Bucharest i>rofesses to open a new era and to say that all
this is now closed to the West. The Danube is mastered by
one Power, as the Rhine in the early nineteenth century was
to our permanent loss mastered in its middle reaches, mastered
in its upper reaches in 1870, and as Prussia would master it
to-morrow in its lower reaches and its mouths.
One might write a history of political expansion in terms of
the great streams which, when several nations are indepen-
dent, arc common highways, but which when one attains
hegemony are the first objects of the new Power. There are
not many such, but the Volga made the autocracy of Russia ;
the Lower Mississippi was the test of the complete continental
control by the American States and the exclusion of European
power ; the Rhine and the Danube, very much more than
either of these other examples, will be the test of whether
this new Power of Central Europe under Prussia shall remain
erect or not. During the long centuries of civilisation, for a
thousand years, since the evangelisation of Hungary, nine
hiuidred years ago, of the right bank of the Rhine a couple
of centuries before, the two great sti earns have been the
common inheritance and the common communication of
many and various members in the community of Christendom.
The Rhine first passed almost entirely into one hand : A
political peril supported by academic pedantry. Its last
issues towards the sea (which include the great harbour of
the Scheldt) are, if Prussia has her way, to be absorbed into
the Central European system directly or indirectly.
And now it is the turn of the Danube. Between the Iron
Gates and the Black Sea the Danube is, according to the
Treaty of Bucharest, to be under the control of the new
State — that is, to be a Prussian thing.
So much for the first two points. Rumanian political
independence is held in suspense at the will of the conqueror,
to be released by degrees, and moulded plastically at his will,
until the new State takes its place in the Federal system of
Central Europe, just as the archbishopric of Cologne was
absorbed into the State of Prussia a hundred years ago, and
just as Hanover and Frankfurt were absorbed within living
memory. That was the first point. The second point was
the seizure of the Danube valley, the elimination of any real
power over it from the Iron Gates to the sea save that of the
Central Powers under the domination of Prussia.
Nq Guarantees
The third point is the fact that for the first time in any
so-called tieaty of peace a nation left nominally independent
IS also, by the Treaty of Bucharest, left without any guarantees
for its economic freedom.
Chapter iV. of the treaty is as significant as anything that
has appeared m modern history. It is entitled " Indemnities
of War." It has only two sentences. In the first, both
May 30, 19 1 8
Land & Water
parties renounce any claim to charges upon the other for the
costs of the war. In the second sentence, only twelve words
long, Rumania is left entirely at the mercy of the conqueror
for any indemnity he may in future exact. It runs thus,
translated into English : " Future agreements are reserved
which shall regulate the indemnities of this war."
Half the fifth chapter develops that idea upon other lines.
The army of occupation retains, although peace has been
signed, the right to requisition any amounts of any material
it may demand. All the e.xpenses of the army of occupation
must be paid by Rumania, and all actions are subject +0
the military tribunals of the conquerors.
There is no limit to the exportation from Rumania which
Prussia may not arbitrarily demand ; there is no limit to the
time over which she may not make those arbitrary demands.
There is no limitation of payment for what she may seize.
She may pay nothing or she may pay in her own paper at
whatever price she chooses. The nominal vendor may not
open his mouth. Such is the bargain. There is no limit to
the size of the army of occupation, or to its demands, or to
the surplus which it may send abroad, or to the power of
those who loot over those who are looted.
If any Rumanian peasant protests against the action of
any agent come to take his stock, the issue will be tried as a
criminal issue before a court martial composed entirely of
German or Austrian officers.
Upon the face of it, such a treaty is not a treaty of peace
at all : it is a treaty of occupation, and almost of annexa-
tion. But we must beware against regarding it as a mere
piece of oppression. There is more policy in it than that.
The whole thing is based upon the federal idea and upon the
experience of Prussia in the last half-century.
That experience leads the rulers of Prussia to believe that
if you first thoroughly master a district by arms, and then
release it within a certain degree to enjoy a certain measure
of local freedom you can later arrange it to suit yourself in
some scheme of federation the members of which shall exer-
cise, in all sorts of differing degrees, local customs and tradi-
tions, and even the simulacrum of independence. It is the
experienqc of Prussia that this process, first of military
conquest, then of carefully regulated and very partial release,
digests the conquered into that expanding body which
Prussia ultimately rules.
What remains of the treaty is of secondary importance
save for one point : the deliberate permission extended to
Rumania to enter Bessarabia, and< thereby keep up an open
■ quarrel with the Ukraine. It is a policy which has been
described often enough in these columns, and the object of
which is to keep subsidiary States weak by establishing
points of rivalry between them. We have exactly the same
thing in the Polish province of Cholm, and tfie artificial
arrangement of Lithuania and in Courland.
The conclusion of the Documents adds little to our interest.
Chapter VI. of the Treaty of Bucharest expands at length
the new arrangement for the Danube, and fixes Munich as
the town in which the last details are to be thrashed out.
Chapter Vll. does not concern us particularly. It deals
with what it calls "religious" equality, with the special
object of merging the German-speaking Jews in the mass of
the Rumanian.
Chapter ^TII., which contains the last three clauses of the
treaty (29 to 31), insists that any economic arrangements
made in the future — though Rumania does not know to what
extent she , may be bled — shall be deemed to date from the
signature of this treaty.
Taken as a whole, the Treaty of Bucharest is the most
significant of all the purely political events which we have
seen in Europe since the ultimatum was launched against
Serbia in July, 1914. If the Treaty of Bucharest stands,
no matter what the results in the West, Prussia has con-
quered, she has the East at her disposal, and our civilisation
is defeated.
German Order of Battle on March 21st
LIMITATION'S of time and difficulties connected with
Whit-week compelled me to postpone to the present
issue a diagram of the German order of battle as
that order was described at length in my last article.
I now reproduce that diagram with certain explana-
tions. *
The chief point to note, which was emphasised also in my
article of last week, is the distinction between the internal
arrangement of the three German armies involved. The
Northern Army on the German right, the XVIIth, under
Below, has only two divisions kept as an army reserve and
those two divisions in the rear of its left. Its front line is
It is designed to do it in the neighbourhood of its own centre'
that is, in the region of St. Ouentin. Its whole mass is
concentrated upon the two middle groups, Webem's and
Oetinger's, while there is a division as army reserve behind
each of the four sections. Seen upon the map, this third
mass, the XVIIIth army, is not only thus grouped for special
weight in its centre, but is deeper in formation than the
other two. Finally, though the six divisions of the Vllth
army (Schoeler's Corps and Wichura's) were under Boehn's
command, they are lent to, and tactically seem to form part
of, Hutier's force.
The whole sj'Stem may be compared to a great pendulum
C^vp^s — Orpups ui Luie fhmi "Worth tpSout/i
•BELOW XV1I*Anny -MA-RWITZ II-^Aimy HUTIER XV'III^Army
VlP'teserve
XV/'^Jles€rvv
XXXIX^Tles^nv
XXIII"^ -Reserve
Xll!"' Tieserve
XI\''^ ■^Oierve
BOEHN Vfl'^Arnryr
ncy
xvw^
rV^ "Reserve
IVH'^Resen'e
I "T>iViswns ui iute ^^ support'
H'UA fUlaies ^'Cfu'LT Qroup
CJnu/u2-ru^crs~
I T)ivisu}ns used as army
reser%>es
JUTVflLes
<1 I
XVII* Amy -BELOW
w^krxKf -uAUwrrz
XVIII* Arm/ HUTIER
'British nir4 Arm>r '^rttisfi V* Kvmf
•AKRAS 'Vuigram. aF GEHMAN ORDER of "BATTLB ■JWarcA 2J^/9J8
VIl'*'.Amy "BOElfN
evenly disposed. None of the five group corps is especially'
milked to reinfon e any of tfie others. It is a disposition
designed to strike with most weight well south of Arras,
and therefore arranged with an eye to something which is
expected further south still. No group corps contains less
than three divisions, and of the 23 divisions of which the whole
was composed, 9 were in support and 12 in line. The Central
Army under Marwitz is similarly concentrated by the left.
Its two Northern groups have only two divisions each, with
nothing in support behind, and the army reserve is five
divisions strong, the centre of gravity of it lying to the south
of the centre. But it is the third in the series, Hutier's army,
the XVIIIth, wliich wc must specially note. It is clearly
designed to do the main part of the work, as in fact it did.
of which|the'weight isjin''the south. It is intended to swing
round a pivot on the north in front of Arras, and to break
t];e opposing line upon the .south in front of its main weight.
In other words, the order of battle, the enemy's plan as
revealed by it, corresponds very precisely to the event. '
Where the enemy failed was only in reaping the full results
of a breach which he had first effected, for it seems certain
enough that he intended the chief effort to be in the area
of St. Quentin and the follow-up to be mainly provided by
the deep formation in that area. What he did not allow for
was, after a rupture, the rapidity wiih which the Allied force
would bring up reserves to dam the advancing flood. The
thing was done in just a week. Ten days and it would
have been too late.
8
Land & Water
May 30, 19 1 8
The Turkish Conspiracy— III
The Narrative of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, American Ambassador in Turkey,
1913-1916
Mr. Morgenthau adds
to-day fo his porlr.nt
gallery of the leading
personalHies in Con-
stantinople at the begin-
ing of the war a life
sketch of Ev.ver Pash.i.
He also continues his
narrative of persistent
German intrigue in the
Turkish capital.
CERTAINLY
Enver had
one trait
that made
for success
in such a distracted
country as Turkey —
audacity. His other
dominating motive was
an unUmited ambition.
I remember sitting
one night with Enver,
in his private apartment. On one side hung a picture of
Napoleon, on the other one of Frederick the Great. Between
them sat Enver himself ! This fact gives some notion of the
man's colossal vanity ; these two warriors and statesmen were
his great heroes and I believe that Enver actually thought
fate had a career in store for him not unlike theirs.
That, at 26, he had taken a leading part in the revolution
Mohammed V., Sultan of Turkey
His Majesty is a kind-hearted old gentleman, who is entirely ignorant of the world, and lacking in
personal force and initiative.
in the Balkan war.
Enver issued a circu-
lar to the Turkish
commanders practical-
ly telling them that
they must look to him
for preferment alone
— that they could
make no headway by
playing politics with
any group except that
dominated by the
Young Turks.
Talaat was not an
enthusiastic Prussian
like Enver. He had
no intention of playing
Germany's game ; he
was working chiefly for
the Committee and
for himself. He could
not succeed unless he
had control of the
army ; therefore, he
had made Enver, for years his closest associate in " U and P"
politics, Minister of War. But he needed a strong army
if he was to have any at all ; therefore he had turned to
Germany. Wangenheim and Talaat, in the latter part of
1913, had arranged that the Kaiser should send a military
mission to reorganise the Turkish army. Talaat told me
that on calling in this mission he was using Germany, though
which had deposed Abdul Hamid caused him to compare Germany thought that it was using him. That there were
T^ x_ . J.: t,__ i-_ X-1J „- xi__x definite dangers in the move he well understood. A deputy
who discussed this situation with Talaat in January, 1914,
has given me a memorandum of a conversation which shows
well what was going on 4n Talaat's mind.
"Why do you hand the management of the country over
to the Germans ? " asked this deputy, referring to the German
niihtary mission. "Don't you see that this is part of
himself with Bonaparte ; many times has he told me that
he believed himself "a man of destiny." Enver even
affected to believe that he had been divinely set apart to
re-establish the glory of Turkey and make himself the Great
Dictator. Like Napoleon, Enver was short in stature, but
his diminutive size did not prevent him from being a hand-
some, even an impressive, figure. He was the type that in
America we sometimes call a matinee idol ; the word women Germany's plan to make Turkey a German colony that
frequently used to describe him was "dashing." His face we shall become merely another Egypt."
lr»Qprl Hid '*Wfn iinrlnr-^^o «^ «^..f.^^4.1...»» i;„j t-^i.
contained not a single line or furrow ; it never disclosed his
emotions or his thoughts ; he was always calm, steely, im-
perturbable. That Enver certainly lacked Napoleon's pene-
tration is evident from the way which he had planned to
obtain the supreme power ; for he early allied his personal
fortunes with Germany. For years his sympathies had been
wjth the Kaiser. At the fall of Abdul Hamid he had gone
on a military mission to Berlin ; and here the Kaiser immedi-
ately detected in him a possible instrument for working out
his plans in the Orient, and cultivated him in numerous ways.
Afterwards Enver spent a considerable time in Berlin as
military attach^ ; when he returned, he was wearing a mous-
tache shghtly curled up at the ends. He could speak German.
Indeed he had been completely captivated by Prussianism.
As soon as Enver became Minister of War, Wangenheim
■flattered and cajoled the young man, played upon his am-
bitions and doubtless promised him Germany's complete
support in achieving them. In his private conversation Enver
made no secret of his admiration for Germany.
Thus Enver's elevation to the Ministry of War was vir-
tually a German victory. He immediately instituted a dras-
tic reorganisation. Enver told me himself that he had
accepted the post only on condition that he should have a
free hand ; and this free hand he now proceeded to exercise.
The army still contained a large number of officers who in-
jChned to the old regime rather than to the Young Turks —
many of them partisans of the murdered Nazim. Enver
promptly cashiered 26S of these, and put in their places men
who were known as "U and P" men and Germans. The
Enver-Talaat group always feared a revolution that would
depose them as they had thrown out their predecessors.
Many times did they tell me that their own success as revolu-
tionists had taught them how easily a few determined men
could seize control of the country ; they did not propose to
have a little group in their army organi.se such a. coup d'etat
against them. The boldness of Enver's move alarmed even
Talaat, but Enver showed the determination of his character
and refused to reconsider his action. One of the officers
We understand perfectly;" replied Talaat, "that that is
Germany's programme. We also know that we cannot put
this country on its feet with our own resources. We shall,
therefore, take advantage of such technical and material
assistance as the Germans can place at our disposal. We
shall use Germany, to -help us reconstruct and defend the
country until we are able to govern ourselves with our own
strength. When that day comes, we can say good-bye to
the Germans within twenty-four hours."
Xertainly the physical condition of the Turkish army
bcHrayed the need of assistance from some source. The
picture it presented, before the Germans arrived, 1 have
always regarded as portraying the condition of the whole
Empire. When I issued invitations for my first official
reception a large number of Turkish clfi;ers asked to be
permitted to come in evening clothes ; they said that they had
no uniforms and no money with which to purchase or to
hire. them. They had not received their salaries for three
and a half months. As the Grand Vizier who regulates
the etiquette of such functions, still insisted on full military
dress, many of these officials had to absent themselves.
About the same time the new German Mission asked the
Commander of the second army corps to exercise his men ;
tlie latter replied that he could not do so as his men had no
shoes !
Desperate and wiclied as Talaat subsequently showed
himself to be, I still think that he at least was "not then
a willing tool of Germany. An episode that involved myself
bears out this view. In describing the relations of the great
powers to Turkey I have said nothing about the United
States. In fact we had no particular business relations
at that time. The Turks regarded us a country of idealists
and altruists; the fact that we spent millions building
wonderful educational institutions in their country purely
from philanthropic motives aroused their astrmishment and
possibly their admiration. They liked Americans aid
regarded us as about the only disinterested friends they had
among the nations. But our interest in Turkey was small ;
removed was Chukri Pasha, who had defended Adrianople the Standard Oil Company did a growing business, the
1
May 30, igi8
Land & Water
Singer Company sold sewing machines to the Armenians ; we
bought much of their tobacco, figs and rugs, and gathered
their Hquorice root. In addition to these activities, mission-
aries and educational experts were about our only contacts
with the Turkish Empire. The Turks knew that we had
no desire to dismember their country or to mingle in Balkan
politics. The very fact that my country was so disinterested
was perhaps the reason why Talaat discussed Turkish affairs
so freely with me. In the course of these conversations
I frequently expressed my desire to serve them, and Talaat
and some of the other members of the Cabinet got into the
habit of consulting me on business matters. Soon after
my arrival, I made a speech at the American Chamber of
Commerce in Constantinople ; Talaat, Dj imal, and other
important leaders were present. I talked about the backward
economic state of Turkey and admonished them not to be
discouraged. I described the condition of the United States
after the Civil War and made the point that our devastated
Southern States presented a spectacle not unlike that of
Turkey at that present moment. I then related how we
had gone to work, realised on our resources and built up
the present thriving nation. My remarks apparently made
a deep impression, especially my statement that after the
Civil War the United States became a large borrower in foreign
money markets and invited immigration from all parts of
the world.
This speech apparently gave Talaat a new idea. It was
not impossible that the United States might furnish, him
the material support he had been seeking in Europe. Already
I had suggested that an American financial expert be sent ,
to study Turkish finance ; I had mentioned Mr. Henry
Bru^re, of New York — a suggestion which the Turks had
favourably received. At that time Turkey's greatest need »
was money. France had financed Turkey for many years,
and French bankers, in the spring of 1914, were negotiating
on another large loan. Though Germany had made some
loans, the condition of the Berlin money market at that
time did not encourage the Turks to expect much assistance
from that source.
In late December, 1913, Bustany Effendi, a Christian
Arab, and Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, who spoke
English fluently — he had been Turkish commissioner to the
Chicago World's Fair in 1893 — called and approached me»
on the question of an American loan. Bustany asked if
there were not American financiers who would take entire
charge of the reorganisation of Turkish finance. His plea
was really a cry of despair and it touched me deeply. But
I had been in Turkey only six weeks ; obviously I 'had no
information on which I could recommend such a large contract
to American bankers. Talaat came to me a few days later,
and suggested that I make a prolonged tour over the Empire
and study the situation at first hand. Meanwhile he asked
if I could not arrange a small temporary loan to tide them
over the interim. He said there was absolutely no money
in the Turkish Treasury; if I could only get them £1,000,000,
that would satisfy them. I told Talaat that I would try
to get this money for them and that I would adopt his
suggestion and inspect- his Empire with the possible idea
of interesting American investors. After obtaining the
cortsent of tlie State Department I wrote to my nephew
and business associate, Mr. Robert E. Simon, asking him
to sound certain New York institutions on making a small
short-time collateral loan to Turkey. Mr. Simon's invest-
igations disclosed that a Turkish loan did not seem to be
regarded as an attractive business undertaking in New
York. Mr. Simon wrote, however, that Mr. C. K. G. Billings
had shown much interest in the idea ; and that, if I desired,
Mr. Billings would come out in his yacht and discuss the
matter with the Turkish Cabinet. In a few days Mr. BiUings
had started towards Constantinople.
The news of Mr. Billings's approach spread with great
rapidity all over the Turkish capital ; the fact that he was
coming in his own private yacht seemed to magnify the
importance and the glamour of the event. That a great
American millionaire was prepared to reinforce the depicted
Turkish Treasury and, that this support was merely the
prchminary step in the reorganisation of Turkish finances
by .\mcrican capitalists produced a tremendous flutter in
the Foreign Embassies. So rapidly did the information spread,
indeed, that I rather suspected" that tha Turkish Cabinet
had taken no particular pains to keep it secret. This suspicion
was strengthened by a visit wliich I received, from the Chief
Rabbi Nahoum, who informed me that he had come at the
request of Talaat. "There is a rumour," said the Chief
Rabbi, "that Americans are about to make a loan to Turkey.
Talaat would be greatly pleased if you would not contradict
it." Wangenheim displayed an almost hysterical interest ;
the idea o£ America coming to the financial assistance of
Turkey did not fall in with his plans at all ; in his eyes
Turkey's poverty was chiefly valuable as a means of forcing
the Empire into Germtiny's hands. One day I showed
Wangenheim a book containing etchings of Mr. Billings's
homes, pictures, and horses ; he showed a great interest
not only in the horses — Wangenheim was something of a
horseman himself — but in this tangible evidence of wealth.
For the next few days Ambassador after Ambassador and
Minister after Minister filed into mj' cffi;e, each solemnly
asking for a glimpse at. this book ! .\s the time approached
C. K. G. Billings
An American capitalist who visited Constantinople in March, 1914, to discuss
the question of an American loan to Turkey. At that time the Turkish Treasury
was empty and was seeking financial support elsewhere than in Eutope. Talaat
was turning to the United States because he knew that the United States had no
territorial ambitions in Turkey. The German Ambassador was much excited
over the possibility that American bankers might finance the Turkish Empire.
for Mr. Billings's arrival Talaat began making elaborate
plans for his entertainment ; he consulted with me as to who
should be invited to the proposed dinners, lunches, and
receptions. As usual Wangenheim got in ahead of the rest.
He could not come to the dinner I had planned and asked
me to have him for lunch ; in this way he met Mr. Billings
several hours before the other diplomats. Mr. Billings
franldy told him that he was interested in Turkey and that
it was not unlikely that he would make the loan.
In the evening we gave the BiUings party a dinner, all
the important members of the Turkish Cabinet being
present. Before this dinner, however, Talaat, Mr. Billings
and myself had a long talk about the loan. Talaat informed
us that the French bankers had accepted their terms that
very day, and that theyVould, therefore, need no American
money at that time. He was exceedingly gracious and
grateful to Mr. Billings and profuse in expressing his thanks.
Indeed, he might well have been, for Mr. Billings's arrival
enabled Turkey at last to close negotiations with the French
bankers. His attempt to express his appreciation had one
curious manifestation. Enver, the second man in the Cabinet,
was celebrating his wedding when Mr. Billings arrived.
The progress which Epvcr was making in the Turkish world
is evideiiced from the fact that, although Envcr, as I have
said, came of the humblest stock, his bride was a daughter
of the Turkish Imperial House. Turkish weddings are
prolonged affairs, lastirtg two or three days. The day
following the Embassy dinner Talaat gave the BiUings
lO
Land & Water
May 30, 1918
Sir Louis Mallet and M. Bonip:ird, the French Am- Bustany Etiendi, cx-MinisU-r of Conimcrte and Agri- Mr. Morgenthau (left) in congenial association with
baiiador to Turkey. Neither the French nor the culture in the Turkish Cabinet, who came to Mr. Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador to Turkey
British Atnbassador attempted to compete with the Morgenthau in January, 1914, seeking American in 1914. Sir Louis had been secretary to Sir Edward
German diplomats for the favour ct Talaat, Enver, assistance in financially rehabilitating Turkey. Grey and was pursuing a policy of conciliation and
and the other leaders of the Young Turks. Bustany is a Christian Arab, and a great scholar. "hands off" in Turkey.
party a luncheon at the Cercle d'Orient, and he insisted
that Enver should leave his wedding ceremony long enough
to attend this function. Enver, therefore, came to the
luncheon, sat through all the speeches, and then returned
to his bridal party.
I am convinced that Talaat did not regard this Billings
episode as closed. As I look back upon • this transaction
I see clearly that he was seeking to extricate his country,
and that the possibility that the United States would assist
him in performing the rescue was ever present in his mind.
He frequently spoke to me of Mr. "Beehngs," as he called
him ; even after Turkey had broken with France and PZngland,
and was depending on Germany for money, his mind still
reverted to Mr. Billings's visit ; perhaps he was thinking
of our country as a financial haven of rest after he had carried
out his plan of expelling the Germans. I am certain that
the possibility of American help led him, in the days of the war,
to do many things for me that he would not have otherwise
done. "Remember me .to Mr. Beehngs" were almost the
last words he said to me when I left Constantinople. This
yachting visit, though it did not lack certain comedy elements
at the time, I am sure ultimately saved many lives from
starvation and massacre.
But even in March, 1914, the Germans had pretty well
tightened their hold on Turkey. Liman von Sanders, who
had arrived in December, had become the predominant
influence in the Turkish army. At first von Sanders's
appointment aroused no particular hostility ; German Missions
had been called in before to instruct the Turkish army,
notably. that of von der Goltz, and an English Naval Mission
headed by Admiral Eimpus was even then in Turkey trying
to make something out of the Turkish nav}'. We soon dis-
covered, however, that the von Sanders "military mission
was something quite different from those I have named.
Even before von Sanders's arrival it had been announced
that he was to take command of the first Turkish army corps,
and that General von Schnellendorf was to become Chief
of Staff. These appointments simplv signified that the
Kaiser had annexed the Turkish arniy to his own. The
British. French, and Russian Amba.ssadors immediately
called upon the Grand Vizier and protested with more warmth
than politeness over von Sanders's elevation. The Turkish
Cabinet hemmed and hawed in the usual way, protested
that the change was not important, and finally withdrew
von Sanders's appointment as head of the first army corps,
and made him Inspector General — a post that gave him even
greater power. Thus, by January, 1914, seven months
before the Great War began, Germany held this position
in the Turkish army : a German General was Chief of Staff ;
another was Inspector General ; scores of German officers
held commands of the first importance, and the Turkish
politician who was even then an outspoken champion of
Germany, Enver Bey, was Minister of War.
After securing this diplomatic triumph Wangenheim was
granted a vacation, and Giers, the Russian ambassador, had
a \acation at the same time, fiaroness Wangenheim
explained to me— I was ignorant at this time of all these
subtleties of diplomacy — precisely what these \-acnti()ns
signified. Wangenheim's leave of absence, she said, meant
that the German Foreign Office regarded the von Sanders
episode as closed — and closed with a German victory. Giers's
furlough, she explained, meant that Russia declined to accept
this point of view.
An incident which took place in my own house opened
all our eyes to the seriousness with which von Sanders
regarded this military mission. On l'~ebruary 18th, I gave
rny first diplomatic dinner ; General von Sanders and his
two daughters attended, the general sitting next to mv
daughter Ruth. My daughter, however, did not have a
very enjoyable tim'fe ; this German Field-Marshal, sitting
there in his gorgeous uniform, his breast all sparkling with
medals, did not say a word through the whole meal. He
ate his food silently and sulkily, all my daughter's attempts
to enter into conversation evoking only an occasional surly
monosyllable. The behaviour of this great military leader
was that of a spoiled child.
At the end of the dinner, von Mutius, the German charge
d'affaires, came up to me in a high state of excitement.
"You have made a terrible mistake, Mr. Ambassador."
"What is that." I asked, naturally much alarmed.
"You have greatly offended Field-Marshal von Sanders.
You have placed him at the dinner lower in rank than the
foreign ministers; He is the personal representative of the
Kaiser and as such is entitled to equal rank with the Ambas-
sadors. He should have been placed ahead of the Cabinet
Ministers and the foreign ministers."
So I had affronted the Emperor himself !
This then was the explanation of von Sanders's boreish
behaviour. Fortunately, my position was an impregnable
one. I had not arranged the seating precedence at this
dinner ; 1 had sent the list of my guests to the Marquis
Pallavicini, the Austrian Amba.ssador and dean of the
diplomatic corps, and the greatest authority in Constantinople
on such delicate points as this. The Marquis had returned
the list, marking in red ink against each name the order of
precedence—!, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc. I still possess this document,
as it came from the Austrian Embassy, and General von
Sanders's name appears with the numerals "13" against
it. I must admit, however, that "the 13th chair" did bring
him pretty well to the foot of the table.
I explained the situation to von Mutius and asked Mr.
Panfili, conseiller of the Austrian Embassy, who was a guest
at the dinner, to come up and make everything clear to the
outraged German diplomat. As the Austiians "and Germans
were allies, it was quite apparent that tiie slight, if slight
there had been, was unintentional, liut the Gennan F:m-
bassy did not let the matter rest ; afterward Wangenheim
called on Falla\icini, and discussed the matter with consider-
able liveliness.
"II Liman von Sanders represents the Kaiser, whom do
you represents" Pallavicini asked Wangenheim. The '
argument was a good one as the Ambassador is always
regarded as the alter ego of his sovereign.
"It is not customary," continued the Marquis, "for an
Emperor to have two representatives at the same court."
{To be continued).
#
k\
May 30, 19 1 8 Land & Water
May 3 I St, I 9 I 6- 1 9 I 7- 1 9 I 8 : By A. Pollen
1 1
THE observance of anniversaries is a wholesome
habit, if we are led thereby to commemorate the
great things done in the past and from them to
draw the courage needed for the tasks that lie
before us. It adds to the value of such exercises
if the retrospect is dispassionate and crttical and events
retraced to their causes, for then something may be added
to the general stock of wisdom, some principle of action made
clear, and so the past made, nut only an encouragement,
but a guide and inspiration for the future. The last days of
Mav and the "Glorious" First of June are dates traditionally
famous in our naval history. It is May 31st that saw the
greatest naval c\-ent in this our present war. Two years
ha\e passed since Jutland, and it is perhaps worth asking
what that battle and these years have taught us, and in
what respects and how the situation at sea has altered in
the interval.
The month of May, 1916, saw the close of the enemy's
first systematic attempt at a ruthless submarine blockade of
these islands. \\'hen the threat was first made by yon
Tirpitz, as a reply to Sir Doveton Sturdee's annihilating
victorj' off the Falkland Islands, it was couched in very
tmcompromising terms. A month or six weeks later the
German purpose was expressed in an official document,
which made it clear that the enemy held himself bound by
no limitations of humanity, and would sink on sight when-
ever, in the judgment of the U-boat commander, it should
seem desirable to do so. America protested before the
actual campaign began, but Berlin's reply set all doubts at
rest. German necessity would be the only rule. No tender-
ness as to risking the lives of neutrals or civilians, no scruples
as to the agreed obligation of The Hague rules, were to stand
in the way. Yet, as a matter of fact, after the Litsitania
was sunk there was comparatively little ruthlesstiess. And
the reason for this was obvious enough. It was clear that
the people of the United States would not permit it. It was
also clear that without ruthlessness the submarine campaign
could never achieve its purpose.
" Thorough "
Already, in the autumn of 1915, tVvo groups were fighting
for the control of German naval policy. The Tirpitz party
were for a policy of Thorough, their opponents either for
stopping the submarine attack altogether, or at least for
limiting its conduct to standards the neutral world could
tolerate. The strength of the latter's case lay in this : that
the whole-hoggers had not boats enough with which to win.
But, by the end of the year, the Almost frenzied building
efforts inaugurated when the threat was first made, were
already coming to fruition. A considerable number of sub-
marines had been finished in 1915 — many more,, in all pro-
bability, than had been lost. An ample reserve of officers
and men had been trained to the work, so that when new
boats began coming to hand at the rate of three a week
with satisfactory regiilarity, the advocates of "Thorough"
felt positive that these new forces — sent regularly into the
field in increasing numbers, and ordered to strike on sight
witliout pause or parley — must certainly succeed.
The military situation at the time was critical. The
German victories in Rassia had seemingly left the power of-
that Empire almost unimpaired ; the land forces of Great
Britain were daily increasing in numbers, in efficiency, and
in armament ; the people of Austria and Germany were
getting restless under the beginnings of our stricter sea
siege. To forestall the dangers ahead a great military attack
on the French was in contemplation. What could be more
opportune than to strike a blow at England, which was sure
to produce panic even if it did not produce famine ? So
sanguine was the Grand Admiral himself, that he announced
the date of his sea attack on England almost as the great
battle of Verdun began. How his plan vfas overborne and
he himself dismissed, and then, in response to agitation, the
plan revived, is a familiar story.
The frightfulness lasted from the last week of March till
Mav the ist. It was President Wilson's "Sussex" note that
ended it. An ultimatum backed by Congress ended any
uncertainty as to America's attitude on the sink at sight
policy. Berlin of course had to surrender. The hot-heads
who thought that the "idiotic Yankees" would never fight
were distippointed that their prophec}- had miscarried, but
the believers in the U-boat blockade must have been more
disappointed still, for the results had not justified the risks.
The maximum number of ships sunk in any week was
less than 30, the average over the period hardly half. It was
not a rate of destruction that could put Great Britain out
of business with sufficient speed. Germany withdrew from
the game. It was a great humiliation and naval prestige
had to be restored. It was this necessity that brought out
von Hipper and Scheer to seek action with the Vice-.\dmiral
of the battle cruiser fleet.
The resulting battle, in effect, served the enemy fur his
main purpose. When the German fleet returned to harbour
it was possible to tell the people that it had fought against
a fleet of twice its strength and had inflicted heavjer losses
than it had suffered. The overwhelming numbers under
the British Commander-in-Chief's orders had not been able
to overwhelm. Dexterous and determined torpedo attacks
had diverted the British main forces from coming to decisive
range, and at the long range thus made inevitable, poor
light and smoke screens favoured the. German tactics of
evasion. Unquestionably to have escaped destruction could
be, and was, represented as an achievement in every way
praiseworthy and remarkable. But it was followed by no
immediately favourable result to Germany , and the extravagant
claims to a victory led to a reaction. ,
Unrestricted Submarine War
It was this resentment that the (ierman navy turned to
account nine months later. For during all this period new
submarines of an improved type were being added weekly
to the underwater force, and from August until January
more and more of them were brought into use, partly to
obtain a maximum of sinkings within the rules laid down
by Washington, partly to train a still further reserve of
officers and crews for the task in view. ?\eptember, Octol)er
and November showed an enormous increase, in submarine
efficiency, even when the boats were employed under the
severe restrictions of the "Sussex" ultimatum. With very
little frightfulness the record of the previous April was easily
passed. What might not be expected if all restrictions
were withdrawn? On February rst withdrawn they were
— and the results obtained in March and April and May,'
but especially in April, seemed amply to justify those who
had told Berlin that the certainty of Great Britain's defeat
at sea made America's belligerency a negligible price.
A year ago then, Germany's navaK prestige was not only
at its highest point, but at a point so high that no rea.sonable
person could have doubted that, vmless some vast improvement
was made in our counter measures, our days of belligerency
were numbered.
It was, indeed, an astonishing change from the situation
of a year before. Then we were all in full cry over the flight
of the German fleet from Jutland, and its unwillingness
and incapacity to dispute with us the supremacy' of the sea.
Now the supremacy in surface ships seemed suddenly to have
become valueless. At no period of the war had either side
seemed nearer to an early defeat than did the Allies a bare
year ago. But, as if by a miracle, we were saved, but only
just saved. The Admiralty house was put in order. A
civilian who, however little he knew about the Navy, knew
much of war and almost all there is to know about organ-
isation, was put at its head. A new spirit re-animated the
command, reserves of unused brain-power were drawn upcm.
.\nd synchronously with these great reforms, representatives
of the American navy were domiciled in London anc^ a singu-
larly efficient American force was quartered at the critical
point at Queenstown. The convoy principle, so persistently
urged and so obstinately neglected, was adopted.
\ year has passed since then. Once more the situation'
at sea has undergone a complete revolution. The efficiency
of the submarine, measured by the present rate at which the
world is losing tonnage compared with the rate for the second
((uarter of last year, has been reduced by no less than f)o per
cent. And as the world is building tonnage faster than it
is losing it, the efficiency of the submarine as an engine
of victory has vanished altogether. What effect is this change
likely to have upon Germany's -sea policy?
There is obviously a fairly close analogy between the
situation to-day and that of two years ago. Now, as then,
the sea arm on which our enemy chiefly relied has been
brought to nothingj In iqid it was fear of America, not the
strength of our counter-attack, that defeated him. To-day
it is the combined military and shi]ibuilding efforts of all the
Allies, but chiefly of Great Britain and .-\merica. which have
12
Land & Water
May 30, 1918
made this sea arm useless for its purpose The parallel
ceases when we come to the situation on land ; for here,
undoubtedly, the extinction of Russia and Germany's recent
successes in the West have put the prestige of her armies
amongst her people higher than they have ever been. But
against this the straits of the people are many times more
severe than they were two years ago. Five ounces of meat
a week, and a bread ration recently reduced to a j^oint that
would seem to us below the limits of subsistence, with a
grinding scarcity of fats and sugar, and, indeed, of every
comfort of life, call for something more than mere prestige,
if they are to be patiently endured. The situation
seems to demand continuous bids for victor}^. All observers
seem to agree that another attack will be made on land.
Must not the same conditions that make this necessary,
added to the changed conditions at sea, make an effort by
the German Fleet not improbable also ?
We should be deceiving ourselves if we concluded from
the enemy's conduct of the sea war up to May 31st two
years ago, and from his conduct on that day, that he was
exceedingly averse from risking an engagement between
the main fleets, or determined, if one came about, to conduct
it on principles that would make a decision unlikely. It is
a sounder 'view to assume that he is acting on the principles
he professed so lucidly before the war. These, stated briefly,
were to reduce British numbers by recognised methods of
attrition^torpedoes from submarines, mines, and bombs
from aircraft ; to create some diversion that would divide
our forces ; then to overwhelm one or other portion of our
Fleet with as near the whole of his as could be mustered.
The process of attrition since August, 19x4, must have been
disappointing. At most two capital units have been lost
from the British Fleet by accident or enemy action of this
sort. Three others were sunk at Jutland. The enemy, it is
supposed, has lost at least two modern units — if not three —
in the meantime. On balance, then, we are very little to
the bad in losses, and our additions since the declaration of
war have been great in number, and even more remarkable
in size, speed, and armament. And, for more than six
months now, this greatly enlarged force has been strengthened
by a division of American battleships. It is against reason
to suppose that the enemy can have added even half as
many new ships to his fleet as have we in the last four years.
His only ally possessing battleships, Austria, cannot help
him in this matter, for no Austrian fleet could ever get from
Pola to Kiel. But, on the other hand, there is grave reason
to fear that the Russian Baltic Fleet is either already or
must shortly be in German hands.
This possibility was discussed some weeks ago in these
columns. We saw then how greatly four fast dreadnoughts,
each with a broadside of twelve 12-inch guns, and foui- battle
cruisers, each with a broadside of eight, would add, not only
to the main battle force, but to the scouting power of the
German Fleet. These eight vessels would not, of course,
bring the enemy to equality with Sir David Beatty's force
in the North Sea, nor anywhere near equality. But, if he is
contemplating action by diversion, this increase of his num-
bers must add greatly to his capacity in this direction. That
the enemy has built light cruisers of a new type, ver>' power-
fully armed and exceptionally fast, is already known. Of
destroyers he has always possessed an ample supply, and to
this he has probably added many more than he has
lost. But when all is said, it is the Russian .ships, if he gets
them, that will be his main factor c f reinforcement.
There is, however, another which is far from being
negligible. It was supposed early in 1915 that the Tirpitz
submarine building programme contemplated a production
of three U-boats a week, and that a delivery at this rate
would begin at latest by the end of the year.' It is hardly
to be supposed that tliis rate was maintained throughout
1916 and 1917, or is being maintained now. But we have
it on the best authority that it was not until the end of
October last that we were destroying submarines as fast as
the enemy could build them. From January, 1916, then,
for eighty weeks, the net gain in underwater boats must
have been very great. These boats, as we know to our cost,
were built for the specific purpose of attacking our trade.
What would be their value employed in battle ?
In the combined sweep of the Bight of Heligoland in
August 1914, the enemy's submarines effected nothing.
We hear of them in the 'affair of the Dogger Bank twice.
Sir David Beatty mentions their presence shortly after
eleven, and records the destroyer attacks made on them
and the squadron's change of course The dispatch of the
Rear Admiral who succeeded to the command when Sir
David's ship was disabled, has never been published.
Two statements were issued by the Admiralty — one saying
that action was broken off because of submarines ; " the
second that it was the presence of mines and submarines
that caused Sir .-Vrchiljald Moore to recall the ships
from tl)e pursuit. The bare statement was astounding
enough, and it was tantalising that no more light
was thrown upon the matter. At Jutland, not only
were submarines seen but it was mentioned in the
dispatch that one was destroyed, though the manner of
its destruction was not recorded.
Quite recently, however, we have heard a good deal of what
our own submarines have done in the Baltic^ on the occasion
of the German -invasion of Finland. These incidents suggest
great possibilities of underwater boats, if they were employed
in great numbers, and used with skill and resolution. But
German U-boats are certain to be numerous, and there is
everv reason to expect both skill and resolution from their
commanders. And, as the initiative in seeking action rests
entirely with the German fleet, their submarines would have
an advantage which British submarines in the Baltic
certainly did not possess. It seems, then, to be far from
fanciful to suppose that Germany, devoting all her under-
water force to the purpose, might plan to achieve almost
on the day of battle itself the full toll of attrition which her
pre-war writers assumed would be a long, but continuous
process. It does not follow, then, that because to-day our
nimibers are actually greatly superior to the enemy's that
this fact alone makes it even probable that he will regard
a sea battle as a quite desperate adventure.
Russian Reinforcements.
Just as the enemy seems bound to get the Riissian Baltic
Fleet, so it seems almost certain that he is either already in
possession of the Black Sea Fleet, or must shortly be so.
The Russian Black Sea Fleet, so far as we know, consists of
ships similar in type to the Gangoot, though not quite so
fast. They are three in number, and so have a broadside
fire of thirty-six 12-inch guns. If the Goeben is fit for service,
and these ships are oflicered and manned by Germans, they
would constitute an exceedingly formidable squadron. If
the four fast cruisers, laid down just before or at the very
beginning of the war at the Nikolaieff 'works, have been
completed, the value of the battleship force would be very
greatly enhanced. The Black Sea Fleet included also nine
modern destroj'ers. Put the whole together, and there is
clearly a unit of sea-power which could create a very
awkward situation in the Mediterranean — if once it got to
sea. For, according to the latest edition of that invaluable
work, Jane's Fighting Ships, the Austrians laid the keels
of two new battleships immediately after the declaration of
war, and two more 'a year later. There has been ample time
to finish all four. Before the war, Austria had four dread-
noughts finished, and if these could join forces with the
former Black Sea Fleet and the Goeben, a single fleet more
powerful than any Allied fleet in the Mediterranean would
be constituted.
The question, of course, is : can the Black Sea Fleet clear
the Dardanelles ? We know that the Goeben did so a- few
months ago, though she lost her consort in a minefield
on her return, and was thought to have struck a mine herself.
But the fact remains that she was npt destroyed, and that,
unless means of closing the Dardanelles have since been
found, the sortie may be repeated.
The situation to-day, then, seems to possess for the Germans
many of the characteristics of that of two years ago. They
have suffered a reverse at sea far more serious than the
surrender to Washington, because it puts a final stop to
every hope of victory by submarine. If in 1916 they were
impelled to seek a fleet action to restore their credit, the
elements of compulsion in the same direction are, therefore,
ten times stronger than they were. If thev possess the eight
powerful fast vessels that Russia built or was building in the
Baltic and have added, to the limit of their own building
capacity, to their fleet since Jutland was fought, they are
probably relatively stronger than thev were, in spite of the
Grand Fleet having been strengthened by the new vessels
we have constructed and by the American division which
has joined us. The Germans certainly possess a vastly
greater number of submarines than two years ago, and must
have learned something of how to use them in battle. In
the Black Sea, if they have the Russian ships— dreadnoughts
and fast cruisers— they have a force which, if it could join
hands with the Austrian Fleet, would create an entirely new
situation in the Mediterranean, one which might call for the
diversion of English or American battleships to that sea to
secure an adequate supremacy. It is, take it for all in all,
a situation full of potentialities, and it may well happen
that, before many weeks have passed, the centre of interest
will pass once more from the war on land to the war at sea
May 30, igiB Land & Water 13
"The South" Entrenched: By Herman Whitaker
YOUareawriter,"
said the "run-
ner," as we
walked along.
"I've read a lot
of this war stuff, but I've
never seen that correctly
described. How would you
go about to do it?" " T/iai " happened to be the whistling
rush of a minieicurfcr shell high overhead. While listening
till it merged in a distant
This narrative of American troops in the firing line,
related by Mr. Herman Whitaker^ describes a visit to
a section of trenches in France, now held by troops
from the Southern States in America, men who arc the
descendants of those who fought bravely for the
South in the War of Secession five arid fifty years ago.
The Author
explosion, I also realised that
it had never been described —
for a cogent reason ; it can't
be done. When I say that it
is a .cross between a whinny,
a whine, and a whistle — I'm
as far from the mark as the
best of them. The note of a
high-explosive shell that fol-
lowed was shriller and cleaner
cut, but equally indescriba'ble.
When it plugged a big hole
like one sees in the battle
pictures close to our road, I
got my first real war thrill ;
one that was keener, perhaps,
^^ because I really had no business
Hijfc^ aH to be there.
^^^^^, ^H You see G.H.Q. is more
^^^^^H '^1 careful of its correspondents
wKttKmmm^mrm^mJKk i^^Ti their own mothers could
possibly be. Both for their
sakes and that of the troops
upon whom German fire might
be drawn, we are restrained from unnecessary movements
along the front. Very politely, but most positively, I had
been informed that an "observation post "—usually a fpw
kilometres behind the front trenches — would be abouf^he
best G.H.Q. could do for me. Thanks, however, to a lucky
combination of low visibility, produced by a misty rain,
and a complaisant southern major whom I found with his
staff burrowed under the ruins of a village, here was I march-
ing along a camouflaged- road to the music of bursting shells
to spend the night in a front-line trench.
Through shell-pocked fields and past shattered farmsteads,
the "runner" led on into a wet wood. Now than a weeping
wood in winter, one can hardly imagine anything more
comfortless ; and the prospect was not improved by zigzag
lines of clayey trenches fenced with belts of rusted wire that'
criss-crossed it everywhere. But, perhaps because of a faint
resemblance to their own southern "piney woods," the
troops that held it appeared quite at home. Though it was
just past five, supper was in full swing. Blue smoke from
half a hundred shacks and dug-outs hung low on the wet
air, mingling with satisfying odours. Introduced by the
"runner" at "Dclmonico's," a real Bairnsfather shack,
I joined a brace of lieutenants in soldiers' chow of steak and
potatoes, bread and coffee, topped off with rice and syrup.
It was still light when we finished, and, viewed through a
thin haze of tobacco smoke from the changed view-point
induced by comfortable repletion, the shacks and dug-outs,
clayey trenches, rusted wire tangles, even the weeping wood
appeared, if not home-like, at least hveable. One could
understand how a man
can get so accustomed to
shrapnel helmets, trench
coats, mud boots, gas
masks, and other impedi-
menta' as to feel uncom-
fortable without them.
Through the open door
way I could see men pass-
ing to and fro along the
duckboards that led from
post to post. They were
strong southern types —
mouths thin-lipped and
firm ; eyes steady ; brows
broad, but sloping quickly
to short, sharp chins. The
faces, quiet almost to the
point of suUenness, bore
in hard print the whole story
of the south— mountain ven-
dettas, family feuds, moon-
sliining, the Klu Klux Klan,
race wars, all of that dread
atmosphere which Mark
Twain caught so wonderfully
in Huckleberry Finn.
"They're shuah natural soldiers." The elder lieutenant
confirmed my impression in a slow, southern drawl. "All
have twenty generations of private wa'h behind them. Very
few of their ancestors, s'eh, ever died in their beds ; and
even yet a revenue officer isn't what you could call a good
insurance risk in the back counties. Instead of a rattle,
their mothers gave them a gun to play with in the cradle.
At five they'd be knocked head over heels by the recoil of
pop's shot gun. At ten, they'd be trailing deer in the
mountains. Shuah, they're sullen fighters, and thar' goes a
fine specimen."
In the face of the man who passed, just then, was concen-
trated all the hardness, almost vindictive reserve, undiluted
by the softer qualities that toned it in the others. Carrying
his rifle in the hollow of his arm, he lounged along in a
swinging hunter stride quite unmilitary. One glance at him
supplemented the lieutenant's short biography.
"He was a Tennessee 'moonshiner,' and simply can't
stand discipline. But he's the
finest shot we've - got ; can
pick the eye our of a Boche at
three hundred yards. ' To get
the best out of him, we just
gave him a pass, good any-
where along the lines, and let
him go to it. So every day he
go6s on his lonely to stalk
Bochcs through No Man's
Land. When he draws a bead
on one, it's ' Good night,
nurse ! ' for he never lets loose
till he's certain. Some day
Fritz will get him, I suppose ;
but not before he's paid an
awful price in lives."
" And he's not the only one,"
the other lieutenant put in.
"We have a dozen snipers
that go out hke that — not to
mention the raids we pull off
alihost every night. Fritz,
over thar, tho'ght he was going
to have a cinch with us raw
Americans. But he's found
our chaps so nasty, I believe
he'd just about as soon change back to the French."
"They so keen for it," the other continued, "we have an
embarr'sing choice of volunteers for the raids. ' All to-day
they've been sidling up to me in ones and twos and threes —
' Any chance to-night s'eh ? ' When I say no, they look
glum as a pack of girls that have been done out of a dance ;
but if I'd taken all that offered, we shuah have had to attack
in fo'ce. If you want some action for yu' money, s'eh," he
soncluded, "you had better come along ? "
" Better come along ? " I, whose ambition had been to
"go over the top" ever since the beginning of the war 1
Lives there a correspond-
ent who would not have
jumped at the chance ! I
saw myself putting one
over on our dear grand-
mother, the G.H.Q. ; and
1 took him up at once.
It was then only half-
past five. The patrol
would not go out till nine,
and I spent the remainder
of the daylight following a
"runner" through the
wicker-lined trenches from
one to ano.hcr of the (Com-
pany's four posts. The
more I saw of them, the
more I wondered that
troops could ever be got to
Section of Trench on
American Front
Relief Mustering for Duty in American Trenches
'4
Land & Water
May 30, 1918
go up against them. Imagine thousands of miles of rusted
barbed wire running in a tangled belt 40 feet wide in front
of a trench laid out with frequent salients that permit en-
filading fire on attacking troops. Behind the first line, a
second wire belt ; then another trench system ; finally,
belt after belt of wire running back into the open country
through which I had come.
Though it had been raining for 'days, steady pumping had
kept the water below the level of the duckboards in the
trench bottoms. The "runner" spoke quite proudly of their
"dryness" ; and I suppose they were -as dryness goes in a
w'et wood. The dug-outs,- too, each had a well below the
floor level, from which excess water could be pumjied out.
Judged by war standards, these southern troopis might be
said to be li\-ing in the lap of luxury.
At Post Two, from where the raid was to be launched,
I looked acitoss No Man's Land at a low ridge that marked
tlic first Boche trench. The dull winter prospect, misty with
rain, knd partially veiled in evening gloom, appeared so quiet
and peaceful, it were difficult to imagine the Boches over
there^on sentry, in their dug-outs, eating, drinking, sleeping,
just like the men about me. But, proving their presence, a
minicicurfcr shell passed overhead.
"Better not look too long, s'eh," the "runner" warned,
"It's true they can't see j'ew, but they have machine guns
trained on this post, and turn 'em loose, now and then, on
gen'ral principles.'
In a dug-out, six by five outside of the bunks, I sat out
the remainder of the evening with its inhabitants — three
lieutenants. The eldest could not have been twenty-four ; but
all had led night raids on the Boche trenches, and while the
guttering candle lifted and lowered their bright boys' faces in
and out of the gloom, they drawled with 'the soft southern
speech of risks and dangers that, if they knew of them,
would turn grey the hair of their friends at home.
One had been shot through the shoulder only a couple
of weeks ago, while stalking a Boche sniper out on No Man's
Land. Grinning, he explained; "You see, s'eh, thar'
happened to be two of him, and just when I was about ready
to draw a bead on one, the other plugged me. What did
I do ? Run, by golly ! Shuah, how I do run. A bounding
buck had nothing on me. I leaped sideways and endways,
ju<?» tangoed it over the tops of the bresli, for three of my
snipers were squirming up behind them, and I knew if they
kept firing long enough, something was due to happen. It
did, too, for mj' bo\'s got both of them."
Fine work ! But fancy making a shooting gallery out of
yourself for the benefit of you^ snipers ! Though I did not
catch the name, I felt sure it was he the patrol was dis-
cussing while, an hour later, we filed along the duckboards
on our way to Number Two. "He's a nervy cuss, that
lieutenant. But if he don't take care, Fritz' is going to
present him with a steel medal one of these days."
That was something of a march — through wet woods in
black rain, along narrow duckboards that crossed deep
trench systems, and threaded barbed belts of wire. Though
I held on to the belt of the man ahead, he was invisible.
Sometimes, too, we left the duckboards and wallowed along
snaggy paths that I found difficult enough to follow in broad
day next morning. How the leader found his way I cannot
say. But a subdued challenge presently told that he had.
While we filed up to go over the top and out through the
wire, I grinned guiltily but delightedly as I thought how
cleverly I was doing up G.H.O. They could not stop me
now. I was going over the top — even if I got sent home for
it or was shot at sunrise. But, alack and alas ! through
that black rain, G.H.Q. extended its mandate from head
quarters 40 miles away. The soft drawl of the lieutenant
sounded close to my ear.
"I really didn't think you were serious, s'eh. I'd shuah
like to have you go with me, but I'd never fo'give myse'f
if you got 3'Ou'self killed. It's contrary to o'ders, too. If
G.H.O. evah found it out, I'd shuah get inyself co't-martialled.
If it's the same to you, s'eh, I'd rather you didn't come ? "
I was not going to increase that fine boy's embarrassment
by putting up a disappointed howl. So," though it wasn't
"the same to me" by any means, I shook hands, and wished
him luck ; then joined the sentry up above, and hstened to
the rustle of their passing through the wire, till it was drowned
by the pattering rain.
It was eerie watching there, hour after hour, in wet black
silence that was broken only at long intervals by the boom
of a distant gun, shriek of a passing shell, imagination
peopled the utter da,rkness beyond the parapet with sinister
shapes. Small noises took on vast importance. Once I saw
the dim form of the sentry stiffen in breathless attention.
Rifle at hip, leaning slightly forward, he stood, rigid, abso-
lutely motionless, for fully ten minutes. My straining ears
had also picked up the sound — chp, ping ! clip, ping ! — the
exact noise made by nippers severing wire ! The Boche ! I
know that, in the sentry's place, I, should have fired. But
he stood, frozen still, and soon his whisper fell down through
the darkness.
"It's water, s'eh, dropping from a tree on to the wire."
Shortly thereafter a star-shell on our left suddenly laid out
the wood's dark outline and No Man's Land under its bright
blue flare. Came the sentry's hissed whisper : " Don't move ! "
As the light faded, he said : "A German sniper might be out
thar. If a light goes up when we're out on patrol, we freeze
— with one foot up, if it chances to be raised. So long as you
don't move they kain't see you."
Just then a second star-shell broke on high, followed
by a burst of machine-gun fire, rapid in its reverberation
as the ripping of canvas. For five minutes it continued, but
the pictures of German attacks that formed in my mind were
dissipated by tlie sentry's laconic comment: "Number
Three's nervous to-night."
When, a few minutes la<ter, a second eruption of flares and
firing broke on our right, he added : "Nervous as a pack of
wimmen. Number One's got it now ; must be catching.
I'd sho' think they'd be ashamed."
Presently flares and firing died, leaving us to continue our
watch in cold, wet darkness. Though there with the sentry
in the flesh, in spirit I roved with the patrol groping its way
out there through the utter blackness of No Man's Land.
Always I looked for the star-shell that would leave it dis-
covered under German fire. But up to the moment a sergeant
climbedup to us from a dug-out below, nothing disturbed the
black night beyond the parapet.
It is quite easy for a patrol to lose itself. The marvel is
how it ever gets back. Therefore, according to agreement,
the sergeant fired a pistol flare at twelve o'clock. Quarter
of an hour thereafter came the soft rusjtle of men passing
through our wire. Then, one by one, twenty dark figures
climbed down the parapet.
The lieutenant's report was vividly alive ; tense with the
dread interest of those who walk with death. They had
gone up to and laid down close to tlu> German wire ; so close
that they had seen a Boche patrol in chm outline passing
above along the parapet.
"We could have picked off a few," he explained, "but the
next second they'd have lit No Man's Land brighter than
day with their flares and machine-gunned lis off the airth .
We could hear them talking. One chap said 'j'V«« .' nein !'
in a hissing whisper as though he was checking something
foolish. If we'd been thar just one hour sooner we'd have
had the wire cut so we could have gotten to them. But we
know, now. We'll go out earher to-morrow night, and get
them to rights."
If he had known just where that patrol had been — I doubt
whether he could have held his men's fire. But none of us
knew until, quarter of an hour later, we stopped on our way
back to the main camp at Number Three Post.
"Nervous, heigh ? " The corporal in charge replied to the
lieutenant's banter. "There's three dead Boches out thar
in our wire that would tell you diff'rent. They raided us
while you were gone— killed one of our sentries and wounded
two others ; sniped 'em from the edge of tlie wire. But
three for one is good exchange. If we keep that up, I know
who'll win the wah."
"Must have been the gang We saw! Oh, whv didn't we
meet them in the open ? "
The lieutenant's exclamation drew an echo from the dark
line of men behind us—a mingled snarl and growl similar to
that emitted by an animal torn away from its prey. It was
not, I suppose, a pleasant sound, but it bocled ill for Fritz
when they "got him to rights to-morrow." All the way
back to camp they growled and grumbled, and as I listened
there was borne in upon me full comprehension of how their
grandfathers, under Robert Lee, liad for three years made
life for the northern armies into one long hell. My last look
at the grim determined facesgoingout,nextmorning, assured me
that they could be depended upon to do the same for-Fritz.
Ihe latter was shelling the road on general principles
rather than in search of correspondents when I approached
the village under the shards of which the complaisant major
lived with his staff. In saying goodbve, he put into a couple
of sentences the spirit of these fighting southerners
"We're not naturally quarrelsome, s'eh. I'm a man of
peace myself— but not at any price. There's only one way
It can ever be restored again on earth— bv giving Fritz
particular hell." " .
The last I saw of him, this man of peace was bending
over a map with his finger on the spot where he intended to
cut hell loose upon Fritz next.
Copyright in .4morica by Herman Whitaker. ~
May 3o» 19^8 Land & Water
Brazil's Part in the War
15
T
Signer W. Braz,
President
of the Brazils
HE entrj'- of Brazil into tlie
'war on the side of the Allies
probably created but little
enthusiasm in the minds of
Englishmen at home. Those
who consulted the map could see that
it was a case of checkmating the
schemes of Germany in a large mari-
time country, while on the other hand
our food supply would be likely to
benefit by our closer co-operation
with Brazil. But that is not the sum
total of Brazilian importance to us.
It is a remarkable fact that the
man in the street knows practically
this vast country most of whose
an admiration which amounts almost to
In Brazil "the word of an
nothing about
inhabitants have
a craze for everything English.
Englishman " is the most reliable of sureties, and the shop-
keeper cannot praise his goods more highly than by labelHng
them " English style." Tennis, association football, and
rowing during recent years have gained enormous popu-
larity, the actual English words for scoring, rules, and
even applause being emploved in the former two. It is
amusing to hear the words, "Well played !" come out in the
midst of a salvo of Portuguese from the onlookers. The Boy
Scout movement is thriving, and the educated woman of
Brazil has already
begun to see in First
Aid and Nursing the
thin end of the wedge
which shall open a
way for her into the
free and active life of
her m u c h-e n v i e d
Enghsh sisters.
It is worth our
while to appreciate
Brazil correctly, both
as an ally in the war,
and as an important
commercial adherent
after it. The vast
wealth which is stored
up in her little-ex-
plored hinterland is
only beginning to be
foreshadowed. The
necessities of war
have brought to light
the fact that the
production of man-
ganese, mica, and
other increasingly im- '
portant minerals will very soon exceed altogether her present
exports of rubber, coffee, sugar and cotton ; cattle-raising is
•on the increase.
We at home know the years of war it has needed before we
are even moderately sure of having scotched German influence
in the United Kingdom. It is not to be expected therefore
that the Teuton in Brazil has yet received the full measure
of his dues. In a country of many illiterates, it is not
possible to dispense in a moment with the servicesOf 200,000
educated foreigners, and the important enterprises they,
represent. Furthermore internments on such a large scale
are a severe tax on the finances of a small nation. So that,
although the German Banks and great Shipping Houses are
closed in Rio, yet (Germans of both sexes are frequently to
be met in public. But they conduct themselves discreetly.
Even before Brazil declared war the German's life was not a
happy one in Kio. To-day police protection is given to the
windowlcss German buildings because the citizens broke in
and attempted to burn them down in October, 1917, when
two Brazilian (ex-German) ships were torpedoed on their way
to Europe. They wrecked most of them very tiioroughly
then, and have since done the same to one or two lesser
buildings. No doubt there are pro-Germans to be met with
occasionally, but there is no mistaking the attitude of the
vast majority. It is interesting, but a little risky, for an
Englishman not well-known in Rio to venture among the
avenging crowds. The educated people of Brazil can almost
all understand if not speak English, but the poorer folk, in-
cluding the policemen, cannot distinguish it from German.
However, to smoke one's pipe is to announce oneself an
Englishman, and, as a last appeal, the singing of "Tipperary"
would almost certainly convince any Brazilian crowd of one's
nationality.
Rio de Janeiro, the most wonderfully reconstructed city
in the world, was also, until recently, one of the most pleasure-
loving. To-da}^ the President is endeavouring to instill war
economy into the- nation before it feels the brunt of war —
a by no means easv task. Economy is not easil}' preached
in a country where State Lotteries are of daily, and public
holidays of all too frequent, occurrence. The most popular
of the latter is the Carnival, which occupies the four days
preceding Ash \\'ednesday.
Brazilians who complain of the high cost of living will
probably wish to see war ec^onomy continued in times of
peace. It costs one about 30s. a day to live at all comfort-
ably in Rio. Some manufactured articles are now difficult
to obtain, and the cost of everything "owing to the war"
and the colossal protective tarififs, is such as to make unac-
customed English folks feel faint with horror. A ready-
made drill Jacket, though cheaper in back streets, will be
commonly priced at 45s. in shops on the Avenida Rio Branco.
A tailor-made man's suit will cost about £10.
Recruiting po.sters have been common for over six months,
and the result is seen in the numerous soldiers and khaki-clad
"tiros" (c.f. French "tireurs") who are to be seen every-
where to-day. These latter correspond to our territorials in
principle, though in
practice they have
doubtless much to
learn before they
reach the splendid
standard of our
"terriers" of to-day.
The first thing about
them that strikes one
is that they all wear
elastic - side boots
with very delicate
leggings, a combina-
tion that would not
survive the stress of
life in Flanders for
long.
A recent message
from the King to the
President of the Re-
public welcomed the
navy of Brazil on its
entry into active war-
fare. By no section
of the nation is
Britain so much be-
loved as by the Navy.
Nor is this surprising when one recollects that it was our own
brilliant Lord Cochrane who founded Brazil's navy in 1823,
receiving a marquisate for his services.' His name and other
British names are borne to-day by officers who trace their
descent from Cochrane and his colleagues. During the revolt
of i8g3, when the navy was excluded from its country's ports,
the British ships on the station took pity on them in their
dire straits and gave them provisions. The descendants of
those men are serving under the Republican flag to-day, but
they do not forget the English kindness shown to their fathers.
In a young country the navy is of necessity hampered
for lack of funds. It would be impossible for a small Power
to expend the vast sums which are set aside by first-class
Powers, not for construction, but merely for upkeep and the
constant succession of exercises vital to the efficiency of a
fleet. Brazilian naval officers, until the entry of their
country into the war, have had to content themselves with
wearisome " make-lx'lieve " practices, and, worse still, the
supply of materials for repairs and construction had been
entirely commandeered by the belligerent powers. But
there has always been a large section of keen officers and men
to vitalise the ileet and keep in touch with modern naval lines
of thought. A flourishing Navy League with a monthly organ
shows that keenness on naval affairs is not confined to the
Service When Admiral Alencar, the Minister of Marine,
called for volunteers for active service, there was a rush for
the lists on the part of officers and men alike. They have
long chafed at inaction, and we may expect good service
from them. Brazil will certainlv do her bit on the sea.
Hoisting the Brazilian Flag over a German Steamer
Interned in Rio Harbour
i6
Land oc Water
May 30, 19 1 8
Her Air Service was first in the field. Some months ago
half a dozen airmen, drawn from both Army and Navy,
arrived in England, and more will follow.
Her entry into the war was as the unlocking of flood-
gates as far as the supply of materials for ship-repairing
and even shipbuilding (a' much harder proposition) were
concerned. The magnificent harbour of Rio will now come
into its own. Previously there was not enough material to
work with, now the cry is for more skilled artisans to cope
with the pressure of work. The dockyards have already
done admirable work in repairing the damaged German
ships. When these ships, some twenty in a]], were taken
over, the Genuans had damaged their machinery and boilers
to such an extent that it looked as if they would have
to' be renewed throughout. The ~fenemy openly boasted,
"What a German'has torn to pieces it will take a German
to put together again." Their boast has met its answer.
If ever engineer had an extraordinary feat to perform it was
the repair of those ships, yet they are under steam to-day.
It would open the eyes of stay-at-home Britons to see
what a number of large enterprises are either entirely or in
part conducted by their fellow-countrymen. With the ex-
ception of submarines. Great Britain built the Brazilian
Navy of to-day. Englishmen control her railways and mills,,
and huge power-stations ; Englishmen represent great Amer-
can firhis ; England provides overseers and chargemen for
the yards and docks. If only people at home realised some-
thing of the promise of the country, Germany would stand
but a poor chance of reasserting herself, as slie certainly
intends to do, in Brazil after the war.
A Naval Incident : By Capricornus
IT was ohe of the most lovely mornings I remember.
We were anchored off Asia Minor at the moment,
during a spell of delightful weather, and the smooth
sea and golden sunshine gave the early hours of my
morninj watch a most peaceful charm. It was before
the war. Later on, the ordinary routine of a man-of-war
began, and with much clatter of scrubbers and swishing of
water, the ship was made clean.
The bugle rousing the "Guard" to wakefulness had just
been sounded. Here I must digress for a moment to explain
that the "Guard" are those marines detailed for the various
sentry posts in the ship, who, in naval parlance, are allowed
to "lie in," i.e., they may remain in their hammocks iin hour
or so after the others. For their convenience ' they are
usually allotted a separate part of the ship to sleep in. In
my particular ship they slept in a "flat," the port side, just
before the half-deck ; a hatchway and a ladder led from
the upper deck to this flat. Though more quiet -than the
ordinary- mess-deck, this flat is really a gangway through
which a certain amount of traffic would always be "passing.
I had been watching the changing shadows on the hills
ahead of us as the sun slowly rose above them. The air was
full of the scent of the myriad flowers which bloomed on
their blue-shadowed slopes, and I pictured to myself the dark
groves of orange trees with their golden burden, and the
yellow roses which grew beneath them. How one longs,
after many days at sea, for the sight and sound, and the very
smell, of Mother Earth.
Meanwhile, the sound of 'gentle scrubbing blended with
my thoughts. It was Payne, the ship's lark, beginning a
new day, and his song was the song of the scrubbing brush.
Payne was considered rather a character on board. An old
five badge Marine, with a good conduct medal, he had been
everywhere, and seen most things, including a deal of service.
Like the laws of the Medes and Persians, he never changed.
We almost looked on Ijim as one of the fittings of the half-
deck ; he was such a quiet, hardworking old man, and the
gleaming enamel and brasswork in his charge were standing
tributes to his industry and perseverance. In his odd
moments he turned an extra penny by haircutting, and had
cut mine to perfection and shaved me the day before.
A good soul he was. and my thoughts, accompanied by the
sound of his scrubbing and the gentle lapping of the water,
flitted back to the land of the blue shadows.
It was not for long. My peaceful musings were suddenly
and relentlessly shattered, "the vision beautiful vanished, and
in its place stood a grim, terror-stricken Marine, pale and
disiicvelled. He w;is clad only in the scanty garments in
which he had retired to sleep; he 'was ttembling violently,
and I shall not easily forget the look of horror in his eye's.
"It's Bill, sir," he roared, as though I was eightv yards
away instead of standing all attention at his elbow^ "Bill
Kennedy what sleeps alongside of me, sir." His voice grew
ever louder, and he never removed liis dilated eyes from my
face.
"Vers, yes," I said in a soothing tone, "but what about
Bill'"
"He's dead, sir. dead," he added softly and emphatically,
as though trying to realise the full force of" what he said.
The man. Private Jackson, was verv shaken and upset,
but eventually 1 gathered that having" been roused by the
bugle, he had turned as usual to Bill, whi^ was a verv
heavy sleeper, "to shake him properlv," when to his horror,
he saw that Bill Kennedy's head was hanging over the side
of his hammock, with his neck almost completely severed.
Overcome with shock and fright at the dreadful fate of his
bed-fellow, Jackson had rushed to the upper deck, and tO'
-me, the Officer of the Watch, for assistance.
To pass from the peaceful harbour routine, in calm and
sunlight, to murder and sudden death, is an ugly Shock, and
I remember the sight of poor Kennedy to this day. We
could do nothing for him, poor fellow. He had passed ahead.
I had the doors of the flat closed, and the place and the
near cabins all searched and the occupants questioned, but
without result. One or two of the officers' servants were
about the half-deck, and Private Payne, the sweeper, but
they had nothing to report.
Well, we had "poor Bill" removed and the flat cleaned,
but the shadow of Cain was on us. Suspicion ran amongst
us. We were all murderer-hunters.
The Captain, in duty bound, had been informed at once
of the death of one of his ship's company, and after Divisions
— corresponding to Parade ashore — he ordered the "lower
deck to be cleared," and every one to assemble aft. Having
briefly detailed the tragedy, he announced that every in-
dividual should pass before him and be interrogated in the
presence of all as to his knowledge of the affair. The Cap-
tain was a fair judge of character, and no doubt he knew
well that this necessarily slow and deliberate method of ob-
taining information would add to every one's nervous tension.
One by one, officers and men, we "all paused at a small
table opposite the Captain, stated what we knew or did not
know, and passed on. The end of the line had nearly been
reached, the marines were filing past, and so far no more
infonnation had been obtained. Now only three remained
to be questioned, wlien Payne, the last of "the line, stopped
opposite the little table. We thought he was explaining
how close a friend he had been to the dead man, and we all
closed in to hear.
I stood directly behind him and could only guess at the
grieved expression on his lined old face. The grey, bowed
head shook sadly, as his deep musical voice went on :
"You see. sir, it was like this. Just before the bugle
sounded, I had occasion to go forward to the flat, for some
fresh water for my paint work. While my bucket was filling,
I stood looking at the boys asleep. Novv Kennedy, he slept
on the outside of the row, and was the one nearest me. His
head was hung back, like, a little, like this, sir," and the old
man threw back his head and stroked his gnarled old neck.
"He had a beautiful throat, sir, smooth and >-oung."
There was pity in the old fellow's voice. To have had time
to acquire five badges a Marine can be no chicken, and no
doubt he felt the tragedy of his mess-mate. He paused for
a moment, tlunkmg deeply, and wagging his grev head from
side to side as though smitten with the tragedy of life and
death : »
''Well, sir, I turned the water off," once more he paused,
and we waited sympathetically, "he had such a smooth
throat, sir I just took me razor out, and slit it from ear to
ear then I cleans me razor in the bucket, puts it awav in my
pocket, and goes on cleaning of my paint work sir " "
The righteousness in his last words was evident to all of
us. He liad seen a throat which seemed to him meant to
be cut, and he had cut it. The temporary diversion over,
he ]iad gone on with his work, "cleaning of my paint work,
I think we all felt a little sick. Payne excepted
He was led awav. and now scrubs the paintwork in a naval
lunatic asylum. We dispersed, and under the influence of
routine were soon forgetting, but the flat at night is still a
nfle uneasy : and 1 remember how carefully and slowly
Private Payne had shaved me the night heiore
,*5
May 30, 19 1 8
Land & Water
17
The Indispensable Artist : By Charles Marriott
h
n
\
/
:vv^^
As an artist, Lieutenant Paul Nash owes notliing
to the war, though he probably owes a great
deal to it as an exhibitor. Hundreds of people
will go to see his "Void of War" pictures at the
Leicester Galleries who would never have
glanced at his landscape drawings and paintings in the London
Group and other exhibitions, though, granting that he has
had a little more practice in the interval, they were just as
good and striking as are his war pictures. There is nothing
to grumble at in that ; but the point is worth emphasising
because t4-iere is an idea about that war "improves" the
artist — that it makes a man of him, so to speak. The idea
cannot be too strongly or too often denied, because if it were
true the Germans would be right, and we would be wrong.
What happens to
the artist iq war
is what happens
to the plumber or
any other man
when he puts on
khaki : he is not
greatly changed,
but our eyes are
opened to his
value and import-
ance.
One of the few
satisfactory things
about war is that
it does distinguish
between dispens-
able and indis-
pensable people
and things. It
shows the un-
reality of business
and brings out the
reahty of work.
More than that, it
abolishes the false
distinctions be-
tween one kind of
work and another ;
and though it
makes its first call
upon the . fighter.
it proves that
while the trades-
man is a doubtful convenience, the artist, equally with the
man with the hoe and the man with the hammer, is a neces-
sary person. There never was a war that did not make a
direct call upon the services of art and literature ; but the
striking thing about this war is that it shows the indispensa-
bility of art and hterature on their own terms as art and
literature, and not merely as instruments adaptable to the
occasion.
Persons whose contact with reality is habitually com-
promised by the vague thing called business are always
imploring us to look at the facts. Well, there are the facts :
how are you going to explain them ? The draughtsmen
and jjainters supply a something other than pictorial informa-
tion, a something beyond the power of photography, the
need for which is imperative.
That something is interpretation. What the authorities
want, and what the artist alone can supply is not so much a
representation as a reading of the facts. The "stc^rn arbitra-
ment of war," which proves the futility of so many human
activities, only confirms the reality of art, and confirms it
in its highest function. Under the sheer pressure of events,
the artist is found to be indispensable.
The particular interpretation of war given by Lieutenant
Paul Nash is that of its absolute sterility. This, of course,
affects nothing of the human spirit which finds magnificent
expression in war as it does in any emergency. It is extremely
doubtful if the finer things of war can be told in pictures,
e.vcept symbolically, though they can be told in words. In
all probability the visible accidents of heroic deeds are
absurdly undignified. Being a landscape painter, Lieutenan
Nash takes the human spirit for granted, atwl limits his
judgment of war to its effects upon inanimate nature. His
judgment is entirely unsentimental and all the more forcible
on that account. He shows that as a destructive agent
war has not even the merit of originality, hut only repeats
%M
La Fol
Cross to Canadians
the foundry scrap-heap and the blasted quarry on a " kolossal "
scale."
He is not indebted to war even for the undoubted strange-
ness of his work, for he has always had the gift of the
imaginative man of finding everything strange. No other
artist that I can think of can so bring back the wonder of
trees as they appear to the child : and this not by fantastic
exaggeration, but rather by insisting on their character.
Even when he is dealing with the wildest disorder there is a
curious tidiness about his work, as if he disdained to make
use of accidents and relied rather on the force of under-
statement. He has perceived, as few have, the peculipr
slowness of explosions ; the weighty jar which jumps earth
or masonry out of place ; and he explains the aptness of the
word "crater," his
drawings of such
phenomena recall-
ing no|hing so
much as pictures-
of landscapes in
the moon. Wheth-
er or not the
effects will be
permanen t , he con-
veys the impres-
sion that the earth
in the war zone
has been killed.
Nothing could
bring home more
forcibly the stupid-
ity of war.
.Though, as 1
said. Lieutenant
Nash takes the
human spirit for
granted, it is all
there by implica-
tion. In a sense
there could not be
a stronger tribute
to the sublime en-
durance of our
men than the de-
solation he so-
remorselessly con-
veys. He will not
even allow that
of the picturesque. They have
Without a single heroic gesture,
with, indeed, an occasional hint of sensible scuttling, he
convoys an impression of massive determination that no
other artist has been able to suggest.
Lieutenant Nash undoubtedly owes a great deal to the
consistency of his method. It might be called a method of
super-realism, in which the effect of truth is got by dis-
regarding accuracy and reducing everything to its essentials.
Nothing could be further from photographic truth or show
more clearly the entire independence of the arts of painting
and photography. Equally arts, they have ■ absolutely
nothing in common except subject matter. One reflects the
thing and stands or falls by the accuracy of the reflection,
the other translates the thing and stands or falls by the
completeness and con.isteiicy of the translation. The differ-
ence in result is that between a record and a commemoration
or interpretation, which latter implies human consideration
and judgment.
This applies not only to the whole scene or event, but to
every particular ; and there is not a single line, curve, or tone
in Lieutenant Nash's work -that merely copies the lines,
curves, or tones of nature. Generally, the thing has been
greatly simplified, with emphasis upon its typical rather
than its accidental form. This has a practical as well as an
aesthetic value ; for, as Sir Arthur Quiller Couch pointed 6ut
in one of his lectures on poetry, the first effect of measured
language is to make a thing memorable. -.i
So the reason or instinct which leads the au'horities to
employ draughtsmen and painters to commemorate the war
is as sound as that which led our forefathers to say :
"Thirty days hath September" ; and the reason or instinct
which led them to employ Lieutenant Nash was particularly
sound and accurate because it is seen that he has a very-
definite and complete convention.
ic Wood
fallen on Vimy
By Lieutenant Paul Nash
Ridge
they have the support
nothing but their duty.
i8
Land & Water
May 30, 191 8
Life and Letters ^ J. C Squire
Victorians with the Gilt Off
THE "standard biography," in two volumes, so
large as to be nn readable, so discreet as to be
misleading, and so inartistically done as to convey
no clear portrait of its subject, is one of the
commonest products of our Press. The good
biography is very rare. The good short biography, though
we were better at it in earlier centuries, has been almost
extinct for generations. Mr. I-ytton Strachey's book
Eminenl Victorians (Chatto & Windus, los. 6d. net) contains
four short biographies whicli are certainly equal to anything
of the kind which has been jjroduced for a hundred years.
His subjects are Cardinal Manning, Florence Nightingale,
General Gordon, and Arnold of Kugby ; and in the course
of his narratives he gives portraits, large or small, of many
other influential or popular Victorians. Opinions will differ as
to his fairness. But he has certainly created the living images
of human beings ; his writing is deliciously restrained,
persuasive without being rhetorical, epigrammatic without
being showy, witty without being flippant ; and he handles
his stories like a master. One, at least, of these narra-
tives— that of Gordon's end and the precedent events — is
extraordinarily complex and difficult. But he elucidates it
with consummate dexterity ; and, wha,t is more, proportions
it so fairly and states the. problems involved so carefully,
that he makes us understand that there was something
— a great deal — to be said for the opinion and the view of
almost everj^ man prominently involved in the tangle.
******
He is drawn to Gordon by his recklessness and fire and
unworldliness ; he is drawn to Florence Nightingale by
similar qualities in her, though the picture he draws of that
fierce spirit flogging Sidney Herbert to his death is veiy
different from the popular sentimental vision of "The Lady
with the Lamp." The traits for which he has most distaste
are smugness, prudence, and material ambition ; and, finding
these in many of the people about whom he writes, he tends
rather to iconoclasm. Iconoclasm is, perhaps, too strong a
word. His practice, rather, is to rub the whitewash off
gently. Sometimes he rubs too long and too often ; and a
little of the solid substance comes off. His Arnold, for
instance, is not a man who could have been the power that
Arnold was : he is merely a self-satisfied and bigoted donkey.
Hii general influence, his personal hold over boys are men-
tioned ; but they are certainly not brought home or
explained. His dislike of Lord Cromer leads him too far
there. To Manning, too, he is not quite fair ; and he goes a
little beyond his self-defined sphere by putting words into
the Pope's mouth at the famous interview with Pio Nono.
Granted, however, its limitations — the limitations* of a
corrective — the book is a masterpiece of its kind.
******
One would like to quote freely in illustration of the ameni-
ties of Mr. Strachej^'s style. Here is a sentence on Keble :
' He had a thorough knowledge of the contents of the Prayer
Book, the ways of a Common Room, the conjugations of
Greek irregular verbs, and the small jests of a countrj' parson-
age ; and the defects of his experience in other directions
were replaced by a zeal and a piety which were soon to prove
themselves equal, and more than equal, to whatever calls
night be made upon them." Here is a sly reference to
Dr. Arnold :
It was no wonder that Cai-lyle, after a visit to Rugby,
should have characterised Dr. Arnold as a man of "un-
hasting, unresting diligence."
Mrs. Arnold, too, no doubt agreed with Carlyle. During
the first eight years of their married life she bore him six
children ; and four more were to follow.
For a specimen of his sustained style one can quuU' iioiliing
better than a portion of his fine passage on Newman :
If Newman had never lived, or if his father, wheil-*the
gig came round on the fatal morning, still undecided between
the two Universities, had chanced to turn the horse's head
in the direction of Cambridge, who can doubt that the
Oxford Movement would have flickered out its little (lame
unobserved in the Common Room of Oriel ? And how
different, too, would have been the fate of Newman himself !
He was a child of the Romantic lievival, a creature of
emotion and of memory, a dreamer whose secret spirit
dwelt apart in delectable mountains, an artist whose subtle
senses caught, like a shower in the sunshine, the impalpable
rainbow of the immaterial world. In other times, under
other skies, his days would have been more fortunate. He
might have helped to weave the garland of Meleager, or
to mix the lapia lazuli of Fra Angelico, or to chase the
delicate truth in the shade of an Athenian palaestra, or
bis hands might have fashioned those ethereal faces that
smile in the niches of Chartres. Even in his own age he
might, at Cambridge, whose cloisters have ever been con-
secrated to poetry and common sense, have followed quietly
in Gray's footsteps and brought into flower those seeds oi
inspiration which now lie embedded amid the faded devo-
tion of the Lyra Apostolica. At Oxford, he was doomed.
He could not withstand the last enchantment of the Middle
Age. It was in vain that he plunged into the pages of
Gibbon or communed long hours with Beethoven over his
beloved violin. The air was thick with clerical sanctity,
heavy with the odours of tradition and the soft warmth
of spiritual authority ; his friendship with Hurrell Froude
did the rest. All that was weakest in him hurried him
onward, and all that was strongest in him, too.
And this one has cut .short at its best.
It is a noticeable thing that the figures which Mr. Strachey
has selected for study were all of them devout Christians ;
and he is continually returning tb the phenomena of religious
introspection and the niceties of religious dogma. For the
sincere self-examiner he has a certain sympathy, as indeed
any humane man must, whatever his own position and habit.
The measure of sympathy Varies. Perhaps it varies too
much. Nothing could be more comprehending and tender
than his references to the self-tortures of Newman, but his
dislike of Manning is such (he slips, in one place, into a refer-
ence to "superstitious egotists" — an unusual lapse from
urbanity) that his attitude towards Manning's ruthless and
undoubtedly conscientious analysis of his own motives is
coloured too much by his conviction that Manning was alway -
bound to cheat himself into the selfish course of action. His
sympathetic comprehension of struggles about motive and
conduct, however, does not extend to disputes about dogma.
He is interested in dogma, but his interest is the interest of
Gibbon. It is all very well for him to quote " Je n'impose
rien ; je ne propose rien : j' expose," but he cannot helj)
having his point of view. He regards all dogmas as an
amusing kind of nonsense ; he loves to look on and see how
far the doctrinal disputants can carry the splitting of hairs,
their efforts to reconcile things difficult of reconciliation, to
deduce a certainty from an ambiguity, to find support for
their positions in the remotest corners of patristic literature.
The odd nanres of early bishops and mediaeval scholastics
appeal to him ; he rolls them off with an outward solemnity
that docs not conceal the inward smile. He cannot
quite regard a believer as an intellectual equal ; and he
tends to exhibit the whole body of believers as odd insects
performing strange evolutions for his benefit. But one is
not so sure that were he to turn his microscope in other direc-
tions he would find other classes of persons less ridiculous.
I suggest with deference, that he might set out on a new
line. An observer with his detachment, his keen sense of
the ludicrous, his eye for httle intellectual and moral weak-
nesses, might give us an original \'iew of the members of his
own sceptical camp. They have never turned their own
guns upon themselves ; and their opponents are incapable of
this kind of cool daylight writing. If Mr. Strachey would
devote his attention to a few "pioneers" of the anti-religious
movements, and examine their characters and mental pro-
cesses with the scientific conscientiousness of which he has
shown himself capable, one 'imagines that the general run
of them, from Voltaire to Bradlaugh, will be left with even
less of th? monumental about them than the others. His
treatment is a valuable treatment. A man who can remain
heroic— as both General Gordon and Miss Nightingale do-
after being subjected to it has passed a very severe test, and
his really heroic qualities have been, in effect, glorified. But
the one striking and inevitable defect of his method is that
in failing to communicate in their full force the emotions
by virtue of which persons have been great and impressed
their contemporaries as great, by throwing a high light
upon habitual weaknesses and blind spots, it tends to make
both the great and the half-great seem more fooUsh than
they were, and to give one the idea that our fathers were
very simple-minded to be imposed upon by such persons.
A biographer who looks down on his subject can contribute
much to our knowledge of him ; but the biographer who
looks at him with level ^yes and the biographer who looks
up at him are also useful.
May 30, 191 8
Land & Water
19
The New Salonika : By Thomas H. Mawson
I
The Quay before the Fire . Eastern end of Rue St. Demetrc
This is to be made wider and arranged as a Boulevard Donlteys laden with oak. An old Turkish Cemetery in
in two levels background
Mr. Thomas Mawson, the ivriter of this article, is the our armies are doing in the creation of a great system of
well-known landscape artist and toien- planning expert, splendid railwaj-s and main roads, which radiate from the
H e is the senior fnember of the Commission for the rebuild ing city through the hinterland to the frontier, and which have
of the City of Salonika, xvhich was practically wiped out opened up the country for future development and assured
of existence by the Great Fire of last autumn. Before the prosperity. In carrying out this work vast numbers of the
war, Mr. Mawson had been engaged on a scheme for mixed population of Macedonia have been employed, their
modernising the city of Athens. He also laid out Banff work being paid for on a scale which is just and even generous.
and Calgary in Western Canada, so his experience is In fact, in all these matters the British have won a reputation
unique. The members of the Commission include, besides for fair dealing and prompt payment.
Mr. Thomas Mawson, Sir E. Hebrard, Captain Pleybair The third reason for our popularity is tJie knowledge that
M. H. Kitchikis, and M J. Jacens, with the Mayor oj we are held in high regard by the King. M. Venezelos, and
Salonika as cx-officio member. The Commission works his Government, and also by the fact that the safety of
Macedonia is in the keeping of the Allies, who are working
in perfect harmony with the Government in Athens.
For these reasons, it seems to me that people at home
should make haste to realise the commercial importance of
Greece, and to take every advantage of the present favour-
future of Macedonia and the intensely interesting able conditions to further British prestige, commerce, and
problems connected with the rebuilding of Salonika ; industry. , j
and yet I claim that no part of the territory o\'er The re-planning of the citj', after one of the greatest and
with the Greek Ministry of Communications, which is
under the able presidency of M. Papanasiacius.
N these strenuous and anxious times comparatively
few ])eople have gi\en any serious thought to the
which we are now waging such
terrible warfare would better re-
pay careful study and active
interest, for to every student of
the Orient it is becoming in-
creasingly clear that never before
In our history have the British
been held in such high regard,
both by the Greek Government
and people at large, as at the
present time.
There are several main causes
which have produced this desir-
able change in our favour ; tliey
may be stated as follows.
The great fwpularity of our
Army (which applies to all ranks,
from the Commander-in-Chief,
General Sir George Milne, to the
private soldier) is almost unbe-
lievable until one hears from the
natives of the splendid heroishi of
our men and their self-sacrifice
during the terrible night of the
fire. Nothing has ever happened
in Macedonia which so impressed
the Oriental mind or so completely
captivated the inhabitants of
Salonika and the hinterland.
Stories arc told on every side of
the perfect genius of our soldiers
for control on a great and tragic
occasion, and their care of the
women and children who flocked
to them as their natural protectors.
Everywhere I heard it said :
"British soldiers are inimitable."
The second reason arises from
the recognition of the work which
Church of the Twelve Apostles
From this position can be obtained the finest
panorama of City, Gulf of Salonika, and Mount
Olympus in the distance
most disastrous fires in history,
provides just the right oppor-
tunity and occasion for enter-
prise, whilst the development of
th? agricultural and mineral re-
sources of Macedonia is now made '
possible by the new railways and
roads to which -I have already
referred. Together, these offer
endless opportunities for British
capital organising genius and in-
dustry, and the more we can
develop these opportunities, the
more sure are we to prevent the
future Germanisation of Greek
financial corporations.
A natural question wliich is
often asked is : Where is the
money to come from for all this
exploitation ? To which I reply :
Principally from the Greeks them-
selves, because it cannot be too
strongly insisted upon that the
Greeks are to-day very rich.
What is needed are a few recog-
nised British financial corpora-
tions, whose members are kn6wn
for commercial abiUty. practical
enterprise, and probity. Given
these conditions, 1 am sure the
rest is easy.
I regard it as most fortunate,
from a national point of view,
that an Englishman was asked by
M. Venezelos to take the senior
position on the City Planning
Commission — for rebuilding the
city and to lay down the principles
upon which the ])lans wryp to be
20
Land & Water
May
iO,
1918
developed. Notliing appeals to the Oriental mind inure than
the building of a city. With them, city-building is the
highest po.ssibic enterprise, and I may add that the Greeks
everywhere are delighted that we British were''asked to t'dvO
so important a part in this work.
" In what way." vou may ask, "does the rebuilding o[ the
city offer such great opportunities?" To begin with; it is
surely clear that the rebuilding and extension of a city upon
which there will be expended at least twenty millions sterling,
provides unhmitcd opportunities for the supply of e\ery
kind of building material which has to be imported into the
countr\'. The Greek Government, however, are anxious
that we should take a much more prominent place in the
rebuilding of the city than this implies They desire
British contractors to finance and build important sections of
the city, and they are prepared to make special terms and
i-onditions to attract this
enterprise.
Still more important con-
tracts will be given for the
new dock and harbour exten-
sions, new railway terminals,
and goods yards, a connecting
underground electrical rail-
way between the east and
west terminals, and a bold
and comprehensive system of
tramways, all and each of
which provide opportunities
for still larger concessions, as
will also the ne\v waterworks
and main drainage system,
which form parts of the plans
submitted to the Govern-
ment by the City Planning
Commission.
The new Salonika, which
will become one of the most
important cities in the Orient,
will, in addition, possess
those qualities of permanence
and stability which should
encourage manufacturers to
lay down factories, and the
necessary plant for the pro-
duction of all those commo-
dities, whether of machinery or
fabrics, for which Macedonia
and the Balkan States provide
so great a market. In this
connection we must alwaj's
remember that Salonika is the
natural gateway to the Balkan
States, and that at the end of
the war Serbia will ask for, and
probably c/btain, a free port
near the city. All these
factors will ensure a rapid growth in the population, which
at the present time is 220,000, but which in twenty years
may be well over half ^ million.
As to the climate of Macedonia for purposes of residence,
this is perfectly delightful for eight months in the year,
though during the remaining four months malaria is prevalent,
but with the drainage and proper irrigation of the Varda,
t Mikra, Langaza, Struma, and Dorian marshes, this scourge
will, it is said, rapidly disappear. Indeed, conditions in this
respect are already greatly improved. In other respects,
Salonika will be one of the most beautiful seaports in the
world, a city in which parks, gardens, and boulevards will
provide ample shade and recreational spaces, a city in which
intellectual pursuits will become a pastime, and in whirh
opera and good music will flourish. To the historian and
archaeologist and artist, the city will possess great attractions,
for every archaological treasure will be preserved, and in it
the new architecture, tliQUgh following local tradition, will
equal in design and beauty the best modern work fn anv
European city. So much M. Venczelos is determined to
realise. In the business and residential quarters there will
be good schools and a well-placed and well-equipped Univer-
sity, a fine opera house and theatre, a permanent exhibition
ground, and a unique sporting and yachting centre at Mikra
point, now the site of our British base hospitals.
From a strategic point of view, Salonika will have good
railway connections with the Balkan States and Western
Europe, with Constantinople and Athens, the latter railway
(which is just completed) adding greatly to the convenience
and popularity of Salonika as a centre for tourists.
Even now, in one respect at least, Salonika is unique.
The Whi
The most popular C.ifc; centre
for it has no municipal debt, and does not need to lev}- a
rate for maintenance.
To those who have visited this ancient port the following
notes on our initial plans may be of interest. Hue Egnatius
will be the main central longitudinal boulevard through the
city. It will be straight from end to end, and have a width
of one hundred and twenty feet. At the Porte Varda end
there will be placed the great union terminal railway
station, with an electric underground railway connecting the
stations with another railway terminal at Kalemaria, or the
east end of the city. Prom this station a new railway will
eventually run to the Gulf of Oiphano. The width of Rue
Egnatius permits of a central boulevard of trees, with tram-
lines on either .side, then two lines of vehicular traffic and
wide tree-planted sidewalks. Above and below this main
axis there will be three other longitudinal axis, or seven in
all ; two will include Rue St.
Demetre and the Qua}'.
The main cross axis starts
at the Ouay, and extends to
the minaret of St. Demetre.
This is the main cross artery
of the city ; it will be 150
feet in width, planted with
four lines of shade trees, and
have, in addition, a central
parkway. On -either side of
this boulevard and north of
Rue Egnatius there will be
erected in large open spaces,
the new city hall and Law
Courts, which, together with
the new St. Demetre, should
make a very fine architec-
tural composition.
Rue Venezelos, so well
known to British .soldiers and
nurses, will be widened and
paralleled by another road of
equal width and importance to
the west. At the base of
these two roads, and near its
junction with the Quay, the
central block between these
two parallels is carried back
for one hundred yards, thus
forming a square, to be called
Liberty Square. Around this
square will be erected the
great Post Office and the
principal banks.
The great Quay is to be
widened by about 40 feet, and
divided into lower and upper
Boulevards, the latter about
4 feet above its present level.
The docks are to be deyeloped
westwards, and the \Vhite Tower, at the east end, developed
as *he great social centre for the city. Here will be built the
new opera house and theatre, and the great city cafes.
The east; or Kalamaria end of the city, will increasingly
become the residential quarters for the official, professional,
and merchant class, and Mikra point the residential area for
the rich. Here also will be developed the bathing and
recreational centre, with a great yacht club.
The area west of Porte Varda is "to be developed on garden
city lines as residential quarters for the industrial classes.
Here they will be near the dock and factory areas, and in
tins section will be laid out the exhibition ground, where
international sports will be carried on.
The existing picturesque Turkish quarters north of Rue
St. Demetre will be preser\-ed along with every feature of
historic or archaeological interest, but certain slum quarters
are to be cleared out to make way for an improved system of
n)ads and the provision of playgrounds and gardens"
The new University,, in which the Greek Premier takes so
miich interest, and which will eventually consist of a large
group of fine buildings, is to be erected on the site of one of
.the Turkish cemeteries, in a direct hne with Rue Egnatius
Withm the central part of the city therein be
many beautiful town gardens. One of these will extend
from the Cathedral of St. Sophie to Rue Venezelos and
forward to the proposed French Cathedral at the end of
Rue r ranee.
One great feature of the city will be the new bazaars,
which are to follow the best tradition of Byzantine archi-
tecture, and planned in large groups on a system which will
prove a great convenience to both seller^ and buyers
te Tower
wh'ere British officers foreg.tther
June 6, 191 8
Supplement to Land & Water
IX
r
/ must write often er
Letters are valued by our men who are serving ; they make a
spark of interest and brightness when the day feels grey.
Everybody looks forward to tlie mails from home, and it is up to
us to see no one is disappointed. It is, after all, the least we
can do to write, if only a little, every day.
The "Swan' ' is immensel}' helpful. There is a real
inspiration to write in the smooth gold nib. It
is the perfect medium by which to send a word
of cheer to brave hearts out there.
At pre-war prices from 10 6
OF ALL STATIONERS AND JEWELLERS
Illustrated Catalogui post free.
MABIE, TODD & CO LTD.,
London Manchester. Pans, Zurich. Sydney Toronto, etc.
Associate House — New York and Chicago.
You cannot do better tiian toUow the
advic'i of the Governmen' Food Pro-
duction Department by thoroughly spraying
your crops. The best line of spraying
machines is the " Ubel." There is a " Ubel ."
Sprayer for every spraying and limewashing
purpose. All machines which bear the " Ubel "
trade-mark (without which none are genuine)
are strong, efficient, and ea^y to use. Each
machine is the very best of its kind, and is made
by the largest actual manufacturers of spraying
and limewasliing machines and accessories in
Great Britain, who will send their illustrated
catalogue on request
UNITED BRASSFOUNDERS AND ENGINEERS LTD
Empress Fouidry Cornbrook MaDchestei-
"UBEIi
I^apsad
Sp;
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reiLyGTSi
w^^mm^ wr
VIRGINIA CIGARETTES
(HAND MADE)
Hi^h-Class Cigarettes of superb
delicacy, the result of a matchless
blend of the finest Virginia Tobacco.
Boxes of 10 for 9^d. Boxes of 20 for 1/7
Boxes of 50 for 3/10 Boxes of 100 for 7/2
■■PERFECTOS FINOS" are larger
Cigarettes of the same quality.
The e Ciciretlcl are also supplied al DUTY FREE
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Terms oa appltcatioa to
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X
Supplement to Land & Water
June 6, 1 918
This shows the first stage of the
roll when the War Bag is about to
be rolled up with the sleepinj
vahse.
An Officer's War Bag
^7 he only suitable Bag for the Front
THIS " CROSS " Baf,' diics away with the tiresome necessity
fir stowing personal belongings in the sleeping valise, which
has to be emptied every time the owner wants to " turn in."
It holds all belongings and, owing to its specially flexible
character, can be rolled up and rolled w ith the sleeping valise
into one bundle. It saves runnnaging and confusion of kit.
In case of sudden call, the bag with all essential requisites is to
hand for immediate portage. When going on l«ive the owner
will find it exceptionally useful and convenient. When not in use
and quite empty the bag folds perfectly fl it and small as shown.
Initials
branded
on bag,
6d. per
letter.
Name
complete,
3/-.,
Name
and
■':'■ nment,
4/-.
This shows the bag folded up fiat.
Note how neat and compact it is
—easy to put away in a comer.
Note the snap and strap for holding
it in fold. Also instead of clips
end straps are now fitted.
Made in finest quality Pigskin, lined
smart check linen. Fittc(} strong
lock Size 20x10x14 in. When
closed 20x8x2 in. Weight 3 J lbs.
Larger size 22 in. Weight 4^ lbs.
Made in finest quality canvas
Larger size, 22 in. -
Price
99/-
110/-
50/-
60/-
MARK GROSS Ltd. 89 Regent St London W.l
Fancy Voile
Wrappers
.rr POPULAR PRicF'^
These attractive garments are
made from printed cotton
voile, in a variety of beautiful
yet simjjle designs and care-
fiilly blended colourings.
They are adapted from
l-rcnch models by our own
workers, and'are particularly
useful and becoming.
Bedroom Wrapper (*is sketch), very
fully cut, in fancy voile, wilh crepe
n-vrrs and cnffs to tone. In a large
lan^e of dainty pale shades, also
u>.e£ul Pai^li;y colourings, and in aU
white striped voiles.
Special Price
29/6
THE RAVAGES OF MOTH
Stoic_ your Kurs in our Freezing
Chamters. Particulars oi our
new Combined Fur Storajje and
Insurance against all and every
risk sent post free on application.
DebenKam
& Fr eebodv,
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|Ci>\cn«Iish Sqviare) London V^ 1
roiTinu* ^OT o^ rr a Century
(orTo»tr (or QtioMt forVoIue
INEXPENSIVE SUMMER HATS
Charming Hat, in
white muslin wilh
mauve spots ; also
in pink.
Price 45/-
MARSH A L L
& SNELGROVE
i.iMirir.
Vere St. ana Oxford St.
LONDON, W.l.
NOTE. — This EstabtishiiienI will be closed
on Saturdays until further notice.
June 6, 1918
Supplement to Land & Water
XI
SERVICE BREECHES
MADE AT SHOR T NO TICE.
A good name among sportsmen for nearly a century
is a sure measure of our particular ability in breeches-
making, to which gratifying testimony is now also
given by the many recommendations from officers.
For inspection, and to enable us to meet immediate requireraenlt, we
keep on hand a number of pairs of breeches, or we can cut and try a
pair on the same day, and complete the next day, if urgently w anted.
Patterns and Form /or self-measurement at request.
LEATHER PUTTEES.
These most comfortable, good-
looking puttees are made en-
tirely of fine supple tan leather,
and fasten simply with one
buckle at bottom. They are
extremely durable, even if sub-
jected to the friction of riding, as
I he edges never tear or fray out.
The puttees are quickly put on or takrn
off, readily mould to the shape of the leg,
are as easily cleaned as a leather belt, and
saddle soap soon makes them practically
waterproof.
The price per pair is 22/6, post free
inland, or postage abroad 1/- extra, or
sent on approval on receipt of business
(not banker's) reference and home
address. Please give size of calf.
GRANT AND COGKBURN
25 PICGADILLY, W.l. "
Military and Civil Tailors, Legging Makers.
lESTD. 1821 r
BSA
RIFLES &GUNS
m PEACE a/7t/ WAR
gBFORB THK WAR B.S.A. Rifles held (irsi place in popularity
because (hey romb ned the highest quality and a'^curacy with lo^
coat. These characteristica wer** ihe result of expert de-^igning, the u:*e of
Ki^iesl grade material > and extensive facihti'S.
QURING TH-^ WAR the B.S.A. planf. now vastly extendel.
has been devoted exclua'vely lo the mnnu acture of the millio:i8 ol
Lee*Enfield Rif-es and Lewis Mo -hinc Guns eq ured for our ijreat
ImperrnI Armies.
A PTFR THE WAR the great reputation o( B.S.A. pro ucttons.
retained and increased in the heavy stress of war will ensure that
the B.SA. sporfin: anti match r fles and ((uns will embody all the ealur^s
that the most discriminating s-portsman can possibly desire.
Thr U.S.A. Lee>Eii6cl<l Miliury aa^ Naval Rifle.
The l.ewi& Machine (Vun, made by the
B.S.A, Co., Lt4.
FRBB
Srna far a ccpj •/ " RtHc Sightl and Ihdr AdjuilmenU " "id tl' m tott
JOUT Jtairn and addrtu i« that 'wr may jflfii yuu tf dtvtlopmfnli,
\ THE BIRMINGHAM SMALL ARMS CO.
LTD.
ENGLAND.
BIRMINGHAM, ,^
I ,
• The Original Coming's, Estd. 1839 ■
'Be sure an "Equitor"
Will keep you dry.
Buying an "Equitor" is
buying certain protection
irom either violent down-
pours or obstinate slow-fall-
ing rain that lasts all day.
The " Equitor " is no make-
believe wateroroof (like the
so-called "Trench Coats"
which abound, whose dis-
service in wet weather is
notorious), but i.s positively
impermeable, for the material
is proofed with a film of pure
rubber, and the manufacture
is that of a House proud of
its 80 years' prestige.
A special feature of the
" Equitor " is the attached
riding apron, -which, when
not in use, fastens back con-
veniently, out of sight.
In our litfht-weiftbt No. 31 material,
the price of rhe " Equitor" is 105/-;
of r)ur No. II, ■ strong, medium-
weiftht cloth. 120/- ; without apron;
1.^/- less. We can also recommend
an- "Equitor" (without apron) in
our No. 22 cloth, at 70/-
Wnen ordering an " Equitor " Coat
please state height and chest
measure and send remittance (which
will be returned promptly if the coat
is not approved), or give home
address and buainess referencc-
Illustrated List at request.
J. C. CORDING & C£
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'WD. TO H.M. THE KING
OnhAddresset:
19 PICGAD1LLY,W.1,&35ST. james'sst.,s.w.i
J
WEBLEY & SCOTT, Ltd.
(Manufacturers of Revolvers, Automatic
Pistols, and all kinds of High-Class
Sporting Guns and Rifles,
CONTRACTORS TO HIS MAJESTY'S NAVY. ARMY.
INDIAN AND COLONIAL FORCES.
To be obtained Iron all Qun Dealers, and Wholesale only at
Head Office and Showrooms :
WEAMAN STREET, BIRMINGHAM
London Depot :
78 SHAFTESBURY AVENUE.
LUPTONS
SPIRAL PUTTEES
(Patent
No.
12699
-1909)
«*
tl
FASTEDGE
IVtrn »xt0niiv0ly by Offictn of Hit
Majesty's and th* AKisd Forcts.
SPECIAL LIGHTWEIGHTS FOR
TROPICAL CLIMATES.
fftitig Fositively Nun-frayabU
I ITp'X'ON'S Always look Neat and Smart. Tbey are most moderate
r>l TTTT C C '" ^"^^' *"^ '"*^ ^* obtained from all High-class Military
r U 1 1 lit tt i3 Tailors and Hosiers.
If ordered. Pultea made specially lo wind on the reoerie Way, and to fasten the tape
round the nnkh for ridinp.
ASK H)K UJFTOtrS PUTT I F.S
ManuUc- ASTRACHANS Ltd,, Albert Mill. Allan St.. BRADFORD.
'"'" **^ London Agent: 4. STRICKLAND. Jt «ot /,««-. EC.
= WHOLESALF ONLY =
xu
Supplement to Land Sc Water
June 6, 19 1 8
INEXPENSIVE
Summer
Frocks
i: ,;j„ ■ i P(:iiiiiiir?;i!!.iinii!siii
A laif;c Mill Uwii of prettj-
dresses, sinipio in style and
moderate in prici-, hut all
hearing tlie distinctive
charm and character of the
more cost h' \Vo<il la nd frowns.
No. 101
The illustration represents
a charming little frock of
fancy cotton voile made in
a variety of heautiful de-
signs and pretty colourings.
Price
Guineas
These dresses cannot be
'< e n t ntl nfjinh/itton.
WOOLLAND BROS., LT?
KNIGHTSBRIDCE, LONDON, S.W.I
With Hunlel
or H«lf-Hunl^i
Cover
£4/
Cold
£10/10
J. W. BENSON
LTD.
■■ Active Service" WATCH
Fully Luminous Figurts and Hands.
Warranted Timekeepers
In Silver Cases with Screw Bezel and
Back. £3 15s
Or with Half-Hunter or Hunter
Cover, £4 4s.
Cold. Crystal Class. SIO
Half Hunter or Hunter. £10 lOs.
Military Badge Brooches.
^/Iny Regimental !Bodge 'Perfectltj
MoJelleJ.
Prices on Application.
Skttckes sent for approval.
OLD BOND ST., W.l
62 & 64 LUDGATE HILL. E.C.4.
.-^l
i>i Whiteleys
^ ^-'«^K»i(WmMCM»'
K.i*. ' '^c,!!*!*!
for
HOUSE
REPAIRS
and
DECORATION
QUEEN'S BOAD
LONDON, W.2
'541 ■
Telephone :
P.rk ONE
Telenrama :
*'WhiteIcy, London'
flllittrMtlW!
MILITARY
" Many Officers
Lost tneir Kits "
Dut those possessed of a
MJitary Dexter looked
serene . . . despite the
torrential rain . . . the
pestilential raud . . . the on-
coming cnilly night. . . .
They knew they would
remain dry and warm m
their Dexter .... even
though it snowed !
" As British as the
Weather but Reliahle."
Supplfcd by Agents Kvervwhere
^^^ WEATHEBPgOOFsPs!y
ttPOTS FOR MILITARY DEXTCRS
FORTNUM & MASON LTD
161-184. PICCADILLY. Wl
AUSTIN REED LTD
113. REGENT STREET. Wl
MANCHCSTEH BIRMiNGMAM
R. W. FORSYTH LTD
CLASGOW . ■ ■ . £ DtNBUROM
Wallace. Sion I'r (.<■ . iJ-i. < n'hoUialt)
Glasgow. Ma<er\ oj l)e>.Ur '.i'ealhrrfroc/s
Summer
Wear —
VERMIN-PROOF
Men in the trenches write stating
that " An-on " Silk Underwear
is proof against vermin.
Ail prngressive men wear An-on
underclolhing.
The An-on one piece suit is
the last word in men's under-
Karmenls, and weight 6 oz>. or
Loose Biting and very comfort-
able.
Made in Vests. Drawers, and
Union Suits.
Fine AH- Wool Taffeta.
Pure Silk (while and coloured).
Mixed Wool and Cotton
Taffeta.
AN ON Cotton.
Made in li different' sizes so
lis to fit. any figure.
BRITISH-MADE.
BUTTONS LIKE A COAT
A list of Selling Agents will
be sent on application to
AN-ON,
66 Ludgate Hill, E.C.4
An-on
Underwear
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXXI. No. 2926. [v^I^r] THURSDAY, JUNE 6, 191 8 [^^^'^^f^Mi] '.lYcTS^^ .lttl)^l
Copyright, 1918, U,S.A.
Copyri^k, " Land & Water'
The Hohenzollern Mill
/
Land & Water
June 6, 191 8
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone i HOLBORN 28x8.
THURSDAY, JUNE 6, 1918.
Contents
PAGE-
I
2
The HohenzoUern Mill. (Cartoon.) By Raemaekers
The Outlook
Battle of the Tardenois. By ft. Belloc 3
The Jutland Anniversary. By Arthur Pollen 7
Turkish Conspiracy — IV. By Henry Morgenthau 9
In an Old French City. By An Officer. 12
Village of the Future. By Jason 13
Literary Hoaxes. By J. C. Squire 15
Books of the Week 16
The Canadians. ^ (Illustrated.) By Centurion 17
The Boudoir 22
Notes on Kit 25
The Outlook
WE are passing through the most critical period
of the war since the battle of the Marne. The
German Army at the moment of writing has
reached the right bank of that river and at
Chateau Thierry is within fifty miles of Paris.
Whatever may have been the original intention of the enemy,
the success which he gained last week in Champagne has
encouraged him to make this his principal offensive with
the French capital as its objective. Fresh units were placed
by him rapidly in the firing line, and though his progress
slowed down with the lengthening of his communications, it
was not until Sunday that he sustained a serious check.
What the cost of this attack may have been on either side we
have not as \'et any means of knowing. But the comparative
expense by which the offensive and defensive in these
extremely rapid developments are being conducted is the
element of supreme interest in the whole affair.
* » »
This advance, it must be admitted, has been conducted in
a masterly fashion, and ha.s j ustified what are known as the
new German tactics. These involve secrecy of concentra-
tion, organisation of the attack in great depth so that fresh
units can come up between tired units whenever a rapid
advance is possible to carry forward the wave, the special
training of men for rapidity of advance, short but extremely
intense preliminary bombardment, and the use at the very
front of all lighter forms of mechanical weapons, especially
of tanks anji field artillery.
The three British divisions which found themselves once
again in the forefront of the battle, although they had been
sent to this part of the hne to recuperate, fought with magni-
ficent stubbornness, and only fell back from their second line
positions in order to conform with retirements' elsewhere.
The French are displaying . their usual valour, and at the
beginning of the week counter-attacked frequently with
splendid effect. The real criterion of the present operations
is the extent to which the reserve divisions of the two armies
will have been employed. As it is explained elsewhere in
this issue, there is a good purpose in holding a defensive line
lightly.
• » ♦
The capture of Cantigny by American soldiers was a
brilliant affair ; small in itself, but important as evidence of
the excellent fighting qualities of our new Allies. The
village was carried in a dashing manner, and the troops
consoUdated their gains with the rapidity and efficiency of
veterans ; although the enemy counter-attacked more than
once, he was unable to get back anything.
London has had ocular evidence that the men whom the
American Republic are sending over are fine raw material,
but the Cantigny affair proves they have the making of
first-class soldiers, for this brilliant exploit shows a high
degree of training and discipline, and also that mental alert-
ness to turn an advantage to its best value, which is ever
the better half of victory. ^v
Paris preserves a calm and resolute attitude with this
fierce battle raging within ear-shot. Every night come the
Gothas, and at dawn big Bertha hurls her shells. There
was- no respite for Paris even on Corpus Christi day. Her
serene spirit under tliese trials is typical of France as a whole.
She places absolute confidence in General Foch, and declines
to beheve that the foot of the invading Hun shall again
defile her streets. "The will to end the war," for which
Germany is now fighting desperately, has no place in her
mind ; her one thought is victory, however long it may be
delayed or through whatever trials she may have to pass.
' The air defences of the French capital have proved them-
selves extraordinarily efficient. Although on many nights
there have been two separate attacks, only rarely has a
single enemy machine been able to penetrate them. The long-
distance gun is now almost accepted as an ordinary part of
the daily life of the capital, and people go about their busi-
ness as thout;h it were not.
* * *
The King's Birthday Honours List this year is notable in
that it contains the first nominations for the Royal Air
Force decorations, which were specially instituted on this
occasion. Until the present century no distinction ^was
made between the fighting forces where decorations were
concerned, beyond the colour of the ribbon, but in 1901 the
Conspicuous Service Cross — now the Distinguished Service
Cross— was instituted as a special naval decoration, and it
was foUowetl on New Year's Day, 1915, by the Military Cross.
There is good reason for dividing decorations ; and if
ever a service had won right to a chstinction of its own it is
the Royal Air Force. There were two crosses and two medals ;
all four can only be won for acts of courage, devotion to
duty, or gallantry when /lying. The penguin has to look
elsewhere for his honours, which is as it .should be.
* * *
The congratulations to Lord Rhondda on his promotion
in the peerage will have an unusual ring of sincerity about
them. He has almost achieved the impossible and blossomed
into a popular Food Controller. He is still constantly
cursed for the frequent changes in rationing, but as soon as
the change is found to be in favour of the home- controller
and consumer the curses quickly pass into blessings, and he
is extolled as a great and good man. Lord Rhondda, we fepf
sure, will not take all the credit for this to himself; he will
be among the first to admit that the nation, as a whole, has
played the game over- the rationing business, and adapted
itself cheerfully and wiUingly to the annoyances and restric-
tions which were inevitable at its institution.
One curious result of the coupon system, and one which
will please the new viscount, is that it has placed for the
first time a premium on big families. The prudent married
couple who have refrained from giving hostages to fortunes
or been content with one or, at most, two, find themselves
irked by the fewness of their/coupons ; but let the quiver be
full, and there are more coupons in the home than the mother
requires. And as wages are good, the man with a big family
can, for the first time, crow over his prudent neighbour.
As if nature approved of the rationing system, the harvest
prospects continue to be excellent. More land is under
cultivation than for j^ears. One has to go back a quarter of
a century to find the equal of the present acreage under
wheat. The injury by wire- worm proves to have been less
than was anticipated, and if the favourable weather con-
tinues, the British Isles will reap a record harvest.
* * *
We have held since the beginning of the war that it would
have been wiser had we exchanged all interned civihans,
irrespective of their number. There were obvious objections ■
to this course, but we believe the country would have gained
immensely on the balance, and would have breathed the
freer if every German had been sent back to the fatheriand.
As it is, we have derived no benefit by keeping them here
beyond that we have deprived the German High Command
of a certain amount of "food for powder"— an almost
inappreciable amount at the rate powder devours men in
this war— while we have had to provide food of another
kind, and thus saved the enemy this necessity.
On the other hand, while we" have treated all prisoners of
war, civilian and combatant ahke, with a humanity that
borders on benevolence, Germany has not hesitated to
wreak malevolence and brutal spite on British prisoners in
her power. We are glad to know that every effort is now to
be made to exchange prisoners as quickly as possible. To
what extent the enemy will be prepared to respond is doubtful,
but German prisoners in this country exceed in number
British prisoners in Germany, so that numerically we have
the advantage, and we are slowly discovering there are other
ways in which pressure can be brought to bear on the enemy
to compel him to conform to reasonable demands.
June 6, 19 1 8
Land & Water.
Battle of the Tardenois : By Hilaire Belloc
THIS article is written in the course of Monday,
June 3rd, and is based upon dispatches, the last
of which was sent from French Headquarters late
in the evening of Sunday, June 2nd. It is there-
lore dealing with the great action upon which
the whole fate of the war may well depend, in the ver}' heat
of its most critical and least-decided phase. Not only is
there no indication as yet of the direction events may ulti-
mately take ; there is not even an indication of possible
alternatives. Any one attempting to analyse the action at
this stage from the very meagre accounts of it which have
reai^hed us can pretend to no more than a statement of its
simplest and most obvious elements, and a record of its
varying features during the full seven da5s through which
that record extends. After having attempted such a task,
we will turn to the more genera! meaning of the struggle
and to some judgment, however general, of its gravity.
The elements of the situation at the moment of writing —
the main factor? — are as follows. The enemj', after a highly
successful offensive in which he was able to effect a great
measure of sur])rise, found himself in a deep salient reaching
to the Marne — a salient the immediate product of his success
and too deep for its width. He determined, therefore,
to enlarge it upon the flank where it was most threatened
— the Western flank — and by Sunday night he had enlarged
it, forming a great new secondary salient or bulge here, which
carried him from six to eight miles further west.
He was standing then upon the night of Sunday, June 2nd,
with a front, the shape of which might be compared to a
very flat letter D ; the top of the D represented the old Chemin
des Dames front wliich he broke a week before. The bottom
of the D represented a 14-miles occupation of the right bank
of the River Mame ; the perpendicular stroke of the D
represented the eastern flank of his salient from the Marne
up to Rheims, while the round of the D was the bulge west-
ward by which the enemy had enlarged'his area of occupation
in the course of the past three days.
Upon the north-western corner of the salient stands the
town of Soissons, the French holdiilg the heights imme-
diately to the west pf it, and the enemy apparently unable
to debouch from the half-ruined city which they occupy.
Upon the north-eastern comer of the salient stands the
town of Rheims, which the Allies still occupy; the space
between the two towns is about 25 miles. The total depth
of the salient from the original front to the River Marne is
also about 35 miles. The total new front which the enemy
is holding from Soissons round by the west to the Marne,
near Chateau Thierry, up the Mame for 14 miles to near
Vemeuil, and so up to Rheims, is probably close on go miles.
•I say "probably" because the constant fluctuation of the
line is such that no e.xact measure be taken. But certainly
by the evening of Sunday last, to which this description is
confined, 80 miles would be an under-estimate of the new
front the enemy has created for himself by his recent success,
and something between 80 and go is the trae figure. It is,
as we shall see in a moment, an important point.
The area thus overrun by the enemy is in the main
composed of a plateau called the Tardenois, which is the
watershed between the basins of the Oise and the Marne. It
is broken country- but well provided with roads, and in its
central part open ; the plateau is cut through its middle
by the sources and upper course of the little river Ourcq
running westward : it is bounded for the most part on its
westward side by a succession of great woods, the largest
of which is the Forest of Villiers Cotterets. It is bounded
on the south by the broad valley of the Marne which is not
marshy like that of the Oise, and is nothing like so formidable
an obstacle. Further, the Mame is easily crossed by a force
coming from the north, because the heights which dominate
the flat of the river valley stand upon the northern side.
It is from these heights that the Tardenois Plateau falls
sharply on to the water level.
All round the edge of this very considerable area the enemj'
by the evening of Sunday was using about 50 divisions,
which is at his present establishment less than half a million,
but more than 400,000 infantry, and not quite double that
figure in total forces of every kind. Of this very large force
much the thinnest part is along the Marne to the south,
much the densest at the moment of writing is upon the west,
where every effort is being made to extend the salient with
the double object of removing dangerous pressure, and turning
the French out of the Soissons comer. The remainder.
probably not a third of the total, are upon the eastern side
of the salient between the Marne and Rheims.
The history of the action so far has been as follows : —
Upon Monday, May 27th, the enemy having effected as
he had done twice before in this season, a concentration,
the existence of which was known, but the magnitude of
which was not known, struck, after a very intense but short
preliminary boniLarchnent, the whole front from the neigh-
bourhood of Rheims to the Forest oi Pinon, which is some
miles north of Soissons in the valley of the Aillet River.
The front he thus attacked was a section of the quasi-per-
manent defence in the field, which the Allied line and the
German line opposing it had thrown up and maintained
for many months — in some parts for several years — from
the Swiss frontier to the North Sea. As we know, more
than 60 miles of this, north of the Forest of Pinon, had gone as
the result of the great German advance in March, but all
this sector of between .30 and 40 miles east of the Forest
of Pinon was part of what may be called the "wall" upon
which the Allied defensive reposed during the perilous interval
between the disappearance of Russia and the effective
appearance in the field of the United States. As we shall
see later, to bteak this wall piecemeal, to restore a war of
movement, to disintegrate while he is still superior the armies
of the Allies and the civilian stmcture behind them, is the
whole object of the enemy.
»
The Action
' The enemy, using the advantage of a new and success-"
fully developed tactic to which he can lay credit (for it is
a great achievement) succeeded in completely breaking the
line in this, the third stroke, of his offensive. He had
massed about 25 divisions with 15 reserve, making a total
of 40. against a front of 7, and on the very first day he was
right away five miles forward of the original line, and cros-
sing the first obstacle, the Aisne. There was no possibility
of considerable resistance before the centre of his advance
after this first success had been so rapidly achieved. With
the second day he was pouring across the second and smaller
obstacle of the Vesle, by the evening of the third he was
close to the Mame itself, and his advanced bodies may al-
ready have come in sight of that river. At any rate, on the
morning of the fourth day, the Thursday, light German
units had appeared on the hills above the Mame from just
above Chateau Thierry to the neighbourhood of Dormans.
At this point, on the morning of the Thursday, the battle had
completed its first phase, and we may note the results. There
is a considerable claim to prisoners, between thirty and forty
thousand, as a result of this extremely rapid overran ijing of
the Tardenois, and the overwhelming of the original line.
There is also a claim to 400 guns or more, many of them
heavies, which the rapidity of the unexpected German suc-
cess had made it impossible to remove. But the enemy, thus
thrusting forward where he found least resistance, and reach-
ing the Marne in 72 hours, after he had marched, at the furthest
points for well over 30 miles, was in a salient or pocket very
dangerous to himself.
li it be asked why a striking advance dependent upon the
very success of the mover should so rapidly produce a peril
for him, the answer is to be found in that new method of
his of abandoning topographical object for the mere weight
of a blow, of which method we will speak in a moment.
At any rate, on Thursday, the fourth day of the battle, he
did find himself in peril through the depth of his salient.
The cause is easy to understand. If you arc facing in any
direction your strength is towards the point you look at
and advance towards, jour weakness is on th'e sides. For all
military advance is ultimately analysable as a column.
You can only defend your flanks by facing round towards
them. The longer your flanks get, therefore, in proportion
to the width of the territory over which y9u advance, the
narrower the V which you produce by your thmst forward
after a success, the more in danger you are of a much
inferior force striking at the base of your long wedge and
cutting it off.
The reason that the enemy's advance was shepherded
into this curious shape was the situation at the two points
of Soissons and Rheims. The enemy carried Soissons,
indeed, but found he could not debouch against the French,
who held the heights to the west. He tried to do it over
and over again day after day, and constantly failed with
Land & Water
June 6, 191 8
very lieavy loss. The other corner, Rheinis, was not carried
by the enemy, the defence, largely British, and under the
general command of Gouraud, who had led the French in
the Dardanelles, was maintained outside the town, and
though it lost some ground, thoroughly maintained through
out all the three days of tremendous pressure its task of
keeping the corner firm.
The result was that, with the opening of the fourth day
—Thursday, May 30th— the large German body, amounting
by this time to something like 40 divisions, found itself
pinned into what was too narrow a sahent for safety. Now.
on the west the boundary of the salient was, roughly, the
high road from Soissons to Chateau Thierry. It was the
business of the German command to use their vastly superior
numbers for the purpose of getting an extension of room
on this side.
A strong movement westward here would have the double
effect of removing the perilously narrow character of the
salient, and, if it were pressed right home, of compelling the
French to fall back' from the neighbourhood of Soissons
lest they should be turned.
The German higher command therefore regrouped its units
in the course of the Thursday, and spent Friday, Saturday,
and Sunday in throwing their weight at right angles to the
direction hitherto pursued and striking westward upon either
side of the Ourcq Valley. They started, as I have said,
from the line of the road, and in the course of the three
days they created a new big western bulge rather more than
six miles deep. By the night of Sunday, June 2nd, they
stood in a great bow from a point about four miles south of
Soissons to the Marne at Chateau Thierry, with their most
advanced units fighting hard for the following points, reading
from north to south : Longpont, Corey, Faverolles, Troesnes,
Passy (and Hill 163), Torcy.
If the reader will look at the sketch-map appended he will
see that the French have here a certain line which their
reserves continually reaching the line of battle could hope
to defend. It is the Hne of a profound ravine with steep sides,
through which runs a small brook, the Savieres,- j ust east of
the edge of the great forest of Villiers Cottcrets. This brook
falls into the little River Ourcq at Troesnes, the bow to the
south of Troesnes is continued by a not very clearly defined
line of heights, including Hill 163 just in front of Passy,
and rather a steep bank in front of Torcy. It was here that
the stand was being made all during the course of Sunday
last, June 2nd, upon the dispatches of wliich day is based the
present description. The names of places just mentioned
mark a line on which the battle fluctuated for 24 hours,
some of the villages being taken and re-taken several times
— a fact which shows the arrival of fresh forces upon the
Allied side in this neighbourhood— but by Sunday night,
although nearly the whole of the line had been re-occupied
by the French after having been completely lost upon the
Saturday, one point of vantage remained which was of some
value to the enemy. ' It was the point of Faverolles, which
stands above the deep ravine in open agricultural land just
outside the forest. Thus holding Faverolles, the enemy had
a bastion thrust out beyond the obstacle which the French
were holding.
Such was the situation at the moment when that phase
of the battle which terminates with the night of Svmda\-
was concluded.
We may now recapitulate and summarise the whole.
In seven days of fighting the enemy had thrown in at least
50 divisions, which is rather more than half the strength
he has available for shock. Those seven days are divided
into two clear chapters, the first three days in which he begins
with a great unexpected success due to an element of surprise
for which he must have full credit, and which carry him to
the Marne ; the last three days in which he faces round
at right angles to his former direction, and throws all his
weight westward down the Valley of the Ourcq. The fourth
day, Thursday, which separates these two chapters, was the
day on which he was re-arranging his units and converting
his direction. That is the geographical description of the
action during its first week.
Now let us turn to the more practical, but far more difficult ,
business of estimating his intention and its result. For this
purpose we must go back to the very beginning of the
enemy's great offensive nearly two and a half months ago,
and see how the events will probably have affected his
judgment.
On March 21st, the date he had fixed for opening his main
attack in the west, the enemy had against the Allies, three
great advantages. He had superior numbers, he had interior
lines, he had a perfectly united force. The Allies were of
different nationahties, in commands mainly separated (I mean
separated in situation not in authority), they were less in
numbers, and to reinforce at any point they, had to swinj;
troops on their exterior lines further than the enemy had
to swing his on his interior lines.
These advantages further gave the enemy the capital
advantage of initiative. He could strike at his own time
and place.
These advantages alone would not account for what
followed ; he added to them a further element, which is tlie
new tactic he has developed in the present campaign. It
is composed of many elements combined, and it has proved
exceedingly successful. Its chief point is a power of surprise
due to the study of secret concentration after a fashion
which no belligerent had yet attained. To this must be
added deep formation so that he could use fresh units very
quickly to support an advance, intensive training to get the
furthest possible forward movement out of his men, the
June 6, 19 18
Land & Water
pushing up of the lighter missile weapons so that they work'
as almost part of the infantry, etc.
This new tactic gave him upon March 22nd, the second
day of his attack, the result he desired. He (iid what no
one had yet done upon either side of the west during all
these years, he broke right through the full width of the
defensive zone in front of St. Quentin. There followed the
loss of 50 miles of the old solid front, and the creation of his
great salient, the apex of which stands just outside Amiens.
Though his effort had cost him a very heav}' price in. men,
he could count so many prisoners and the destruction of so
much material that by the end of March, when he found
himself held, the advantage was still clearly upon his side.
He had restored a war of movement, he had made a wide
breach in the solid line upon which the Allies depended for
their power of resistance while awaiting American reinforce-
ments; and whereas most of his lighter cases would return
from hospital to the field in a comparatively short time,
very many of his opponents, lightly wounded and even
unwounded, were definitive or permanent losses to their
side because they were prisoners. On the other hand
the enemy could observe these two points. First, that
he had failed in his topographical "object of separating the
British from the French armies ; next, that his continual
offensive, save where there was a rapid success and a great
haul of prisoners, would necessarily' be far more expensive
to him than to the Allies. The defensive woVild meet him
with forces deliberately inferior to his own, far less in pro-
portion than the difference between the totals of the two
sides. In other words, the defensive, if successful, would
keep a considerable reserve in hand, while he had a strict
limit both in time and number wherein to effect his purpose.
If he lost more than a certain budgeted amount of men
in a certain time he would, even allowing from his new
recruitment from the younger classes, lose his superiority
in numbers, which would be fatal to him, and after a certain
number of months, if he did not succeed within the limitation
of his possible losses in defeating the British and the French
armies, the American reinforcement would turn the scale
enormously against him. Putting all this together, the
effect both of his great success affd of his limitations must
have been to make him argue somewhat after this fashion.
" I have superiority of numbers^ I have interior lines, I
have the initiative, I have a homogeneous force. But,
following out a' strategical plan of a clear geographical sort,
they have not given me the full result they might have done.
Now I have also as an asset my new tactic. Perhaps I can-
not always break the line, but I can try first here and then
there, and sometimes succeed. If I make it my principal
business not to reach this point or that, nor to separate this
body from that, but to strike repeatedly at one place and
another until 1 have ruined the origmal defensive line ; if 1
make dispositions to follow up immediatpK- any success ; if
I leave my general plan vague and to be moulded by cir-
cumstance, but keep for my main principal the mere deliver-
ing of very heavy blows, 1 may within the limits of time—
which are inexorable — succeed in disintegrating the whole
defensive system of the Allies. I may so exhaust their re-
serves, shake their morale, military and civilian, impose
upon them the heavy business of perpetual movement along
exterior lines, as to put them out of action before the end of
the season."
The Russian Analogy
Wo must remember that the enemy's success against Rus-
sia had proved to be in the main a success of this kind, and
that the unexpected development of the Russian situation
has had a profound effect upon the mind of those who govern
Germany. They had intended being in a vast superiority
of material to achieve a military decision by a carefully
calculated strategical plan which should destroy the armed
forces of the Russian Empire. They had created one salient
after another all through the summer of 1915, and in the
last one, that of Vilna, they very nearly reached A true
military decision.
Nevertheless they failed, and what ultimately happened
was something quite unexpected. The tremendous strain
had the moral effect of disintegrating Russian society and,
through it, the army. It was as though a battering ram
driven at a wall had failed to break down that wall, and
had yet so loosened its structure that the wall came down
in tlic next high wind. Or it was like the case of a hunter
who shoots and thinks he has missed his ganje, but finds
later that he has wounded it, and that it has died ^as an
indirect consequence of the wound.
We may take it that after the partial— but only partial-
success of the March offensive, which was obviously traced
upon a fixed and simple plan, the enemy' relied more and
more upon the delivery of successive blows, now here.rnow
there, and his power to follow them up immediately if they
should prove successful, trusting to chance and circumstance
for the moulding -of the battle which might ensue. He
failed in his first blows east of Arras and south of Ariiiens,
an operation undertaken five days after his last far to the
north in the sector of Lille was unexpectedly successful.
He followed it up at once, fought very hard for three weeks
from A])nl 9th to April 29th ; having begun w-ith only six
divisions, ended by putting in nearly 40, and then, having
pushed his losses near to the hmit he had allowed himself,
he had to break off to recruit. He halted a whole month,
and struck again, as we know, with 25 divisions on Monday
last, May 27th, at the extreme other end of the line, where
he could compel his opponent to the greatest fatigue and the
longest delay in the moving up reinforcements. Had the
blow failed, we should have seen a short delay and another
blow elsewhere. Succeeding, as it did, he at once exploited
it along the line of least resistance, pouring through, and
then, when his very success had put him in seme peril, turned
to ward off that peril, and at the same time to see what
chances pressure no longer southward but westward would
give him. He is not thrusting for Paris, he is not carrying
out a geographical plan : ho is working to break us up piece-
meal as State and Armies. He looks at. the map and per-
ceives that of the old defences regarded as almost permanent
between the Swiss frontier and the North Sea, there now
remains north of Kheims nothing but a short sector on the
marshes of the River Yser and the bow running from in
front of Arras to the neighbourhood of La Bassee. He pro-
poses to continue the process, simply taking advantage of
every opportunity as it arises, until, as he hopes, dis-
integration shall ensue long before American reinforcement
can turn the scale.
Now, in such circumstances, there are two points clearly
before us. On the first, only a negative judgment can be
rendered, though it is important to have that negative
judgment well defined and fully possessed by the public at
home. On the second, a positive judgment is not only
possible, but imperative. The first point is the fact that
the enemy, by restoring a war of movement, has not given
advantages to his own side only, even though he has superior
numbers to challenge a war of movement is to challenge
brains. He cannot in it continue to enjoy his present advan-
tage of his new tactics of surprise against hitherto untouched
sectors. He is taking his risks. The .second point is that,
since a main part of his calculations is the effect of new condi-
tions upon the whole mass of the nation, so it is quite clearly
our duty in this terribly grave moment to meet him by as
complete a civilian discipline as possible, and to refuse to
allow aj)}' movement of his, or anj' success in the near future,
to affect the national will. ^,
As to the first point ; although our judgment can only be
negative, it is of the first importance to keep it sound and
cool.
Initiative
The enemy has the initiative, he has the numerical pre-
ponderance ; that is, we for the moment are first following
what he does, and he not following what we do. That is
the meaning of the word "initiative." He, so far, dictates
the form of the battle. And his numerical superiority
means that he cannot only dictate the form, but exercise
the pressure ; therefore, he is on the offensive, we are on
the defensive. It is the judgment of a fool to regard an
offensive as victorious in itself, and a defensive in itself
as a mark of defeat. The defensive is a phase during which
he who has the less opportunity plays with space and time
as best he can, to his own advantage, until the offensive can
be resumed by him in his turn. We must consider our
commanders during all the defensive phase, even though it
may last for months, as men making for victory quite_ as
surely as though they were advancing day by day and
reporting the capture instead of the loss of positions, men,
and guns. We m.ust not regard them as men necessarily
destined to achieve victory. That is a convention which
many worthy people have thrust upon the public under the
idea that merely to say that you are certain strengthens
your temper. It is a very base state of mind ; no one is
certain of victory ever. Victory is decided by forces higher
than mankind. But in the development of manoeuvre,
victory is granted, as a rule, not to mere superiority of
nnmber, unless it be overwhelming, but to superiority in
will, decision, and rapidity of thought.
The eiiefny may advance from this to that, he may report
such and such captures, and we may be certain that he will
make the very best he can of the shop window. But he
knows, just as well as we ought tO|know, that the problem is
Land & Water
June 6, 1 918
ultimately one of expense, "^e condemn him to a certain
expense, and our comminders, by their ri^ht use of resources,
can condemn him to a higher rate of expense than our own.
That, ind3ed. is the price of an offensive — always. We do
not know the price he is paying, for it is his business to
conceal it from us. We only know the price we are paying ;
and even that very vaguely. In the last great movement
we brought him to a halt, making him lose about five
to our three. We not only brought hini to a halt, but
we compelled a delay of one month at a time when every
day means the nearer approach of jl turn in numbers. All
this struggle, if it could be observed by one impartial to
either side, and fully informed as to wastage, would be
regarded by such an observer as a race between two sets of
losses, coupled with a contrast between two intelligences,
each eager to catch the first slip upon the part of his
opponent ; the first gap. the first imprudent rush, the first
unexpected congestion and confusion.
There have been moments during the last two anxious
months when tremendous execution was being done against
the offensive without our general opinion at home appre-
ciating adequately, or even appreciating at all, the advan-
tage that was being gained. The great battle of April 2gth
was such a moment ; the enemy was beaten dizzy between
the Ypres Canal and Merris ; he was so beaten that two
attempts to begin again broke down hopelessly, and yet
there was no change upon the map. There was not even
the possibility of presenting to our public at home any
detailed comparison of his loss against ours. So it is to-day.
In this connection we must remember the fundamental
truth that the defensive is always working, not with its full
strength, but with the minimum strength which it judges
necessary to its task. You may have in such and such a
place no moi-e than 3 or 4 divisions opposing 8 or 9. The
men under the strain simply find themselves against over-
whelming odds, and ask no questions. But the odds are
not those of the total forces opposed, they are harder odds
deliberately arranged by those who have the command of
the defence. They are d;ffi:ult odds deliberately arranged
because the defence so acting keeps its reserve in hand, while
the offence is tempted to put in all it can lay its hands on.
Another negative point, in connection with this negative
judgment, is the point of communications. We must not
judge too much by the map; the railways of peace time
are not the railways of war time, nor are the roads. We
must not, because some mere student of the map suggests
it, say that the enemy's advance to this or that point has
produced this or that disadvantage to our power of concen-
tration. In the earlier stages of the war judgments of this
sort were both permissible and valuable. To-day they are
neither one nor the other. Three full years of construction
have changed conditions beyond all knownig.
Enemy Statements
There is one last point in this connection, and that is,
our reading of the enemy's bulletins. It would be extra-
vagant to say that these are merely bombastic, or that th->;r
exaggeration is wild. In thjir main lines. thev follow the
truth. They put down, indeed, the largest captures which
they can claim, or which they think we will a':cept ; tneir
object is of course pohtical, it is aimed at civilian opinion
abroad, and especially in France and England, bat wh°n
they state precise numbers, and give the names of places,
it is wiser to take them for the most part as accurate, or
roughly accurate. What we must do, however, is to scan
very carefully the messages the enemy sends in order to
distinguish between preciie and vague statement. Words
like "enormous," "vast," and the rest of it may be neglected.
When the enemy says he has captured "far more than"
such and such a number of pieces, it means that he has captured
that number and perhaps somewhat over. When he says
that he has captured a thousand " vehicles" we must remember
that vehicles cover everything from a motor lorry to a hand
barrow. When he says "repeated counter-attacks" broke
down with "sanguinary" losses (a phrase he has used so
often that he surely has it all set up in type for regular
use 1) we must remember that the whole gist of the matter
is the strength of the forces which counter-attacked ; a mere
rearguard action, in which a coupMe of battalions hold the
advance of a division in a narrow place, may be so described.
When the enemy says he has taken so many prisoners
exactly, or that after hard fighting (the German word resem-
bles the English word "bitter" and is invariably so trans-
lated, though the English word "bitter" means something
quite different), then we may take it that the place which
he claims to have entered, he really has entered.
To conclude, while the business is on, our judgment has no
positive foundation ; we cannot tell the comparative losses
or even the comparative forces e.aga-<ed, but wa know more
or les? the \]:n'M jf reiiicy ; we know what cannot be true,
and we also know wha'. miy be true.
Civilian Opinion
The second matter is really mire important, I mean the
steadying of civilian opinion under the present and coming
strain. It would be exactly of the same imoartance if ws
n\d no news at all, or if we had the fullest and most detailed
de5:riptio.i of the whole action on both sides from day to
dav.
The enemy is working quite as much on civilian moral
as he is upon the existing power of the armies. A mere re-
sume of tlie German Press will teach you that. Our Press
has been at tine^ seisatioaal, and has prophesied both good
and evil magnificently, but it is nothing to the German
Press in this regard. The German Press has announced
impending victory — victory in the next few days — I know
not how often — certainly twenty times — since the huge
German blunder of tlie Marne.
Well, the German Press is very much under orders, and if
it does this kind of thing, it does it in order to affect a civilian
moral in the countries of its opponents. Our counter to such
policy ought to be simple enough. It would be absolutely
simple were we a completely disciplined society ; the ideal in
time of war. We have simply to neglect the whole hypnotic
effect.
The enemy may advance, he may enter towns, exercise
no mitter what cruelties (there was no limit to these), occupy
no matter what territory, destroy no matter how much, of
what we had hitherto thought part and parcel of the in-
heritance of Europe. '
All that is upon quite another clane froT. th2 major issue,
which is whether the Ailied Armies remain in being and stand
re.idy tor ultimate reinforcement. So ioiig as th^v are in
being, and can maintain thjms'lves prepa^'el for that roia-
forcement, the rest, though enormous, is negligible.
Jud^ nent is wholly founded upon degree. Victory or
defeat in this war is compared with all its concomitant
strains indefinitely more important. Not a capital city, nor
twenty great monuments from the past, nor even so strict
an economic suffering as the German Empire now happily
undergoes, applied to us, is, compared with victory, any
more than the wetting of one's clothes in thi putting out of
a fire which threatens all our property and the lives of one's
family. Of those who do not understand this truth — it is
useless to appeal to those who can never get out of their
little province and think only the crude sensationalism which
is their life — there is no present power in the State to
control their dangerous and sometimes disastrous effect.
The only thing that one can say to such is that their
own skins are no^- in peril, and that they would do well to
consider those skins. But to the many who still live more
or less in terms of the old Europe, and still think of a diplo-
matic CO npromise and of a signed peace with negotiation
or what -not for the base of it, one can point out this now
self-evident truth ; that the battle at present engaged will
either leave Europe a respecter of treaties and a united
civilisation through our victory, or will result in such a
viJitory fpr the enemv as ends all securitv, and begins a
ruinous and probably rapid dr^cline of our civilisation as a
whole. They must not, even unconsciously, favour so
terrible an issue.
Postcript
Tuesday. J me 4th.
The communiques of the last 36 hours, since this article
was written, show an aoproach to stabilisation of the line
between Soissons and the .Marne. FaveroUes was recovered
yesterday. There is some retire nent west of Soissons but
no considerable modification of this front.
Notice
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June 20 will be obtainable to order only. We par-
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which accompanies this issue.
June 6, 19 I 8
Land & Water
The Jutland Anniversary : By A. Pollen
IN dealing with the anniversaries that fell last week,
I intended — but space forbade — touching on an
aspect of the Battle of Jutland which has not yet,
I think, been discussed, and, in making notes for
it, read through with great interest Mr. Hurd's chapter
on the battle in his recently published work. The author
writes with enthusiasm and a literary skill which makes
it contagious. It is refreshing and comforting to have the
story of the sea war re-told to us with the ring of victory
in cvefy line. And behind it all there is an apostolic purpose
worthy of the theme. Mr. Hurd's motive in writing is to
make the world's debt to the British Fleet so patent an
affair that, when all is over, we may ever continue to hold
the navy's work in grateful memory. But, greatly as I
desire the end this very engaging wnter has in view, I am
far from sure that, in adopting the method of indiscrim-
inating praise, he has chosen an effective means for securing it.
For really, when it comes to our North Sea strategy,
to Jutland, to the submarine campaign, and for that matter
every other aspect of our naval policy, our author will have
it that, from 1914 till IQ17, our course was a continuous
miracle of perfection. The author clearly has no doubts
at all. There is nothing Lord Fisher planned that Nelson
would not have endorsed ; there was no course of Lord
Jellicoe's that the greatest of all seamen would not have
been proud to follow. Some critics, he tells us, have asserted
that had true doctrine been acted on, the German fleet
would have been destroyed and the submarine perjl removed.
"It may be argued," he sa3'S, "that Nelson would have
•gone into the German ports in spite of all risks and attacked
the German fleet in its nests." Heaven forbid that anyone
should prescribe limits to the nonseaise that "may" be
argued. But surely it is a simple fact that no one of sense
ever has so argued, and that the lament over the survival
of the German Fleet was occasioned, not by failure to attack
it at anchor, but by its unfortunate escape on May 31st
two years ago. Curiously enough, while Mr. Hurd mentions
six comments on the famous battle — none of which he tells
us has stood the test of time — he entirely omits to mention
the master issues raised. First, does the threat of torpedo
attack constitute that superior force in the presence of
which alone a British Admiral is justified in retreating ?
Secondly, why, as the rear battle squadron got into action
at 6.17, did not the leading divisions open fire before 6.30 ?
Policy and Organisation
The book, it seems to me. would have been more useful
if it had dealt with these and other naval issues with greater
frankness. Every one who writes about war during war is
necessarily in a dilemma. He must be on his guard not
to' help the enemy. It is his duty to encourage as well as
to inform his readers. With the splendid spectacle which
the valour, the self-sacrifice, and the devotion to duty which
the British on the sea have shown in the last four years,
he would have to be a poor spirited creature indeed, not
to be in a constant temptation to dwell only on the greatness
of what he describes, and to deal with the men and the
measures they adopt in terms of praise alone, and of super-
lative praise at that. But surely those who have made
a special study of naval war are at times justified in pointing
out where policy is weak, or preparations inadequate, or
organisation defective. Our government which runs the war is,
after ail, civilian. It is civil opinion in the end that alone can
secure right military action. "The fact that we have completely
changed our naval policy, by changing the organisation that
creates and controls it, seems bj' itself to prove that criticism
has been neither merely destructive nor altogether without
valuable results. And to acknowledge our great defects of
organisation does not belittle but enhances the great things
the seamen have done.
A Problem in Deployment
f If the views set out above are sound, it is no disservice to
the general cause to make, from time to time, a careful and
dispassionate examination of past events because, though it
is exceedingly unhkely that the conditions arising in one
action will be reproduced, even approximately, in another,
still an inquiry may exhibit a principle in working that will
a,ssist towards its better future application. With thi.i object
in view I propose to examine one of the two main issues
arising out of the battle fought two years ago. The first of
them, which may be called the torpedo problem, has per-
haps been as adequately discussed as the information at our
disposal makes possible. But the second raises questions to
which much less consideration has been given. Let me re-
call the broad facts of the situation between 6.0 and 6.50 p.m.,
of which a rough indication is set out in the diagram.
We know from the dispatch that the Grand Fleet was com-
ing down to the battlefield on a S.E. b}' S. course, in six
divisions, with the first squadron, under Admiral Burney, on
'3umey
a£€h.
liearof
atS'-XI.
1)
fire at b-3Cr.
l&n cfGeandTlat'
^< or Sr30
3
ato-2>
'^im of Grand
ketatr6rS>
J Cernuut ^/7
*^ at. ^.30
the western flank. About a mile would separate the divisions
from each other. At four minutes to six, Limi and Marl-
horough saw each other at a distance of between ten to eleven
thousand yards. At that time the head of the German line
was 14,000 yards from Sir David Beatty, bearing approx-
imately as indicated. BeattVrJt will be remembered, changed
course to the east and went full speed. He sighted Admit al
Hood with three battle cruisers at 6.20, ordered Hood to take
station ahead of him, and changed course at 6.25 in support.
Hood was then closing on to the German van, and firing at
a range of 8,000 yards. Beatty apparently kept this course
until approximately 6.50, having thrown the head of the enemy
hne into complete confusion.
In the meantime at 6.17 the western divisions of the
Grand Fleet- — which were to become the rear when the single
, Une was formed — had come into action at a range of 11,000
yards. These ships must, therel'ore,; have crossed Sir David
Beatty's track at a point about three and a half to four miles
astern of him. They accordingly got into action at once,
probably with the German centre. The rest of the Grand
Fleet did not open fire on the main force until 6.30, by which
time, if the line was formed, they would have been approx-
mately in the position shown in the sketch. For at 6.50,
Sir David Beatty tells us, the battle cruisers were clear of
the Grand Fleet, the leading ships of which "bore N.N.W.
frgm him at a distance of about three miles." In the sketch
I hav6 shown Beatty's course "AA," the German course
"CC," and have indicated the line "BB" to show successive
known positions of the Grand Fleet.
Now the point on which we are absolutely ignorant is how
the Grand Fleet got from its original position at six o'clock,
into one which it apparently held at 6.30, when it opened
fire. What seems to be quite clear is that, though the rear
of the line must have crossed Sir David Beatty's track, it
was not on the battle cruisers, nor the enemy's van, that the
Fleet deployed. The result was that ' between 6.10, when
Sir David had closed the range to 12,000 yards, until bad
light made gunnery impossible, he was unsupported, except
by whatever period of fire Marlborough and her consorts had
been able to maintain between 6.17 and breaking off to keep
station with the divisions ahead. At 6.30, as at 6.50, the
leading battleships were at least 3,000 yards away from the
battle cruisers, and, consequently, at nearly that much
greater range from the enemy.
Certain things should be noted in regard to these
events. By 6.50 the visibility. Sir David Beatty tells us in
his dispatch, "at this time was very indifferent, not more
than four miles, and the cnenn- ships were temporarily lost
sight of. It is interesting to note that, after 6.0 p.m., al-
though the visibility became reduced, it was undoubtedly
more favourable to us than to the enemy. At intervals
their ships showed up clearly." Had it been possible, there-
fore, for any squadron of the Grand Fleet to have fallen" in
8
Land & Water
June 6, 191 8
behind the battle cruisers, they would have had the enemy
under fire at ranges diminishing from 12,000 yards to 8,000,
from 6.10, say, till (1.40, and this in extraordinarily favour-
able gunnery conditions. As it was, by the time they did
get into action — that is, after 6.30— the conditions were all
against effective gunnery. " The mist, " said the Commander-
in-Chief, " rendered range-taking a difficult, matter." "Ow-
ing principally to the mist, but partly to the smoke, it was
possible to see only a few ships at a time in tlie enemy's battle
line. Towards the van, only some four or five ships were
ever visible at once. More could be seen from the rear
sfjuadron, but never more than eight to twelve."
Further, it was not till nearly 7.0, when the leading
ships of the Fleet turned south, that the Germans, having
us now behind them, began the great torpedo attacks which
were decisive. At any rate it was at 6.54 that Marlborough,
tiie only ship touched by a torpedo, was hit. From the
wording of the Commander-in-Chief's dispatch, it would
api^car certain that it was now that the enemy's plans of
evasion — torpedo ^'olleys and smoke screens — were put in
force. "After the arrival of the British battle fleet, " says
the Commander-in-Chief, "the enemy's tactics were of a
nature generally to evade further action, in which they were
favoured by the conditions of visibility." "(He) constantly-
turned away and opened the range under cover of destroyer
attacks and smoke screens, as the effect of the British fire
was felt."
There was evidently something, then, in the situation,
or in the way it was met, that saved the German fleet from
our gunfire, just at the one period when it could have been
made really destructive. That tlie rear got into action before
the van is in itself an extraordinarj' circumstance, and it
seems plain that, to take a numerous fleet into action in
single line, presents difficulties to-day as acute as they were
in the era of masts and sails. This fact is worth emphasis
because the evolution of the Nelsonian battle is easily traced.
The things that distinguish it from so heart-breaking a
fiasco as .Mathews' action, Byng's, or the Battle of the Saints,
on the one hand, and the "Glorious F'irst of June" on the
other, were twofold. First, the tactical plan was made
with the single object of bringing the force into battle with
the utmost rapidity, which involved it being directed straight
at the points chosen for attack without preliminary man-
ceuvTcs ; and, secortdly, the execution of the plan, after
the Commander-in-Chief had made absolutely certain that
his second in command and every subordinlate' had mastered
his intentions completely, was left to the untrammelled
discretion of these responsible for the separate divisions.
Battle Cruisers in Action
The fact that Sir David Beatty was not supported at this
ciitical period does not, of course, give rise to the assumption
that he might and should have been. Until all the circum-
stances are known, any such inference from the bare facts
would be unwarranted. But it remains a poignant regret
that the support could not be given, for, viewed as a move
taken with the expectation of such support, the Vice- Admiral's
tactical decision at 6.0 was of an exceptionally brilliant
order. When the battle-cruiser type was first designed,
its purpose was announced to be twofold. It was to be a
ship that would combine such force and speed as would
enable any enemy's scouting screen to be both driven off
and pierced ; conversely, it would itself protect the screen
of which it was part, from disturbance. Its second purpose
was to be a superlative unit in the protection or attack on
%■■
the lines of sea supply. The dispatch of Inuincible and
Inflexible to the Falkland Islands was an example of the
latter form of strategy, and the German raids on the East
Coast exemplified yet a third purpose to which such vessels
could be put. Both sides employed them as advanced
scouting ftjrces on the 3rst May.
It was reserved for Sir David Beatty to employ tlic
difference in speed between his squadron and that of the
enemy to create a tactical situation in a fleet action which,
could it have been improved, would have led to the enemy's
annihilation. So to employ these vessels called, it is
needless to say, not only for that "correct strategical insight
and appreciation of situations," with which the Commander-
in-Chief duly credited him, but for a firmness of resolution
and a grasp of right war-Uke principle of a very exceptional
order. Two of his vessels had been lost earlier in the day,
and it is not known whether or not he knew at the time
that it was accidental shots and not the wholesale piercing
of their thinly protected sides that accounted for their
destruction. In any event, having lost two ships out of
six when the range was 14,000 yards, it might well have
been supposed that he was likely to lose a far higher proportion
when he decided to close, first to 12,000 and then to 8,000.
But there are two things that must be remembered. iMrst,
in closing the range materially he did the best thing possible
for the defence of his ships ; for he added, perhaps, incal-
culabl}/ to the efficiency of his Own gimfire. Secondly,
while--even with this point in his favour — he took an immense
risk, it was incurred for the sake of bringing about the crushing
decision which he, no doubt, realised must be obtained in
the next haH hour or probably not at all.
To those who are conversant with the discussion that followed,
the two knot increase in speed which Dreadnought possessed over
the King Edwarih, this episode of crumpling the head of
the German line is exceedingly interesting. It was made
possible by the possession, not of a 10 per cent., but of a
30 or 40 per cent, superiority in speed over the opposing
force. For a parallel to it we should have to go a long way
back in history. Possibly there would be no precedent
at all until we come to the work of the high speed triremes
of the Athenians and the victories which their superior
oarsmanship obtained in the Peloponnesian war. In strict
analysis this startling use of the battle-cruisers was a
containing movement. It was the essence of the Beatty
stroke that it created the opportunitv for the main fleet.
Indeed, is not the revolution at Wliitehall itself the most
astonishing of all the things the Navy has done ? It was
effected at the most critical period of the war, despite ex
hortations not to swap horses in mid-stream. It is not our least
conspicuous nationahty to fear theory, to dislike order, and to
distrust system. And this is seemingly an old trait. Shake-
speare must have had the opponents of the staff system in
mind in writing Ulysses' speech in Troilus and Cressida :
They tax our policy and call it cowardice ;
Count wisdom as no member oi the war;
Forestall prescience and esteem no act
But that of hand : the still and mental parts —
That do contrive how many hands shall strike.
When fitness calls them on ; and know by measure
Of their observant toil the enemies' weight, —
Why, this hath not a finger's dignity :
They call this "bed-work," "mappery," " closet- war " :
So that the ram, that batters down the wall.
For the great s\ving and rudeness of his poise.
They place before his hand that made the engine ;
Or those, that with the fineness ol their souls.
By reason guide his execution.
4^ > *
ijL ^ ,afe
* •» s
The Fifth Battle Squadron at "Windy Corner," Jutland, May 31st, 19 16
By H. E. Frecker, R.N.R. [From details supplied by eye-tciinasei.)
June 6, 19 1 8
Land & Water
The Turkish Conspiracy — IV
The Narrative of Mr. Morgenthau, American Ambassador in Turkey,
1913-1916.
T, H 1 S proceeding
had great inter-
national impor-
tance. Von San-
ders's \'anity had
led Jiim to betray a diplo-
matic secret ; he was not
merely a drill-master sent
to instruct the Turkish
Army ; he was precisely
what he claimed to be — the
personal representative of
the Kaiser. The Kaiser had
selected him just as he had
selected Wangcnheim, as an instrument for working
liis will in Turkey. Afterward von Sanders told me, with
all that pride which- German aristocrats manifest when
speaking of their imperial master, how the Kaiser had talked
to him a couple of hours the day he had appointed him to
this Constantinople mission, and how, the day that he had
started, Wilhelm had spent another hour giving him final
instructions. I reported this dinner incident to my Govern-
ment as indicating Germany's growing ascendancy in Turkey ;
I presume the other Ambassadors likewise reported it to their
governments. The American military attache, Major R. M.
Taylor, who was present, attributed the utmost significance
to it. A month later he and Captain McCauley, commanding
the Scorpion, the American stalionaire at Constantinople,
had lunch at Cairo with Lord Kitchener. The luncheon
was a small one, only the Americans, Lord Kitchener, his
sister, and an aide making up the party. Major Taylor
related this incident, and Kitchener displayed much interest.
"What do you think it signifies ?" asked Kitchener.
"I think it means," Major Taylor said, "that when the
big war comes, Turkey will probably be an ally of Germany.
If she is not in direct aUiance, at least I think that she will
mobilise on the line of the Caucasus and thus divert three
Russian army corps from the European theatre of operations."
Kitchener thought for a moment and then said, "I agree
with you."
And now for several months we had before our eyes this
spectacle of the Turkish army actually under the control
of Germany. German officers drilled the troops daily— all,
I am now convinced, in preparation for the approaching
war. Just what results had been accomplished appeared
when, in July, there was a great military review. The
occasion was a splendid and a gala affair. The Sultan
attended in state ; he 'sat unde'r a beautifully decorated
tent and held a little court. The Khedive of Egypt, the
Crown Prince of Turkey, the Princes of the Imperial blood
and the entire Cabinet were on hand. We now saw that,
in the preceding six months, the Turkish army had been
completely Prussianized. What in January had been an
undisciplined, ragged rabble now paraded with the goose
step ; the men were-
clad in German
field grey, and they
even wore a casque
shaped head cover-
ing, which slightly
suggested the Ger-
man pickelhauhe.
The German offi-
cers were immense-
ly proud ; and the
transformation of
the wretched Tur-
kish soldiers of
January into these
neatly dressed,
smartly stepping,
splendidly maii-
(Eu vring troops was
really a creditable
military achieve-
ment. When the
Sultan invited me
to his tent I natur-
ally congratulated
him upon the
Field-Marshal Liman vm Sanders, who had arrived in
Ccnstantinople in Dece-mher, 1913, was appointed General
Commanding the First Turkish Army Carps. On the British,
French and Russian Ambassadors protesting, his appoint-
ment was changed to Inspector-General. In February, 1914,
Mr. Morgenthau gdvj his first diplomatic dinner. .Accord-
ing to the order of precedence, settled by the Austrian
A mbassador, doyen of the diplomatic corps, von Sanders was
placed below ForSign Ministers. This led to a scene in which
Wangenheim.the German .Ambassador ,t'^ok part. Subsequently
von Sanders w. is given precedence ever Foreign Ministers with
the result he was never again invited to a diplomatic dinner.
Talaat and Enver at a Military Review
Obtcrving the tran9form.ition worked in the Turkish army by it-« German drill-masters. This was in
early July, 1914, almost a month before the war broke out. Talaat is the huge broad-shouldered man
at the right ; Envcr is the smaller figure to the left.
excellent showing of his men.
He did not manifest mucli
enthusiasm ; he said that he
regretted the possibihty of
war ; he was at heart a
pacifist. I noticed certain
conspicuous absences from
this great German fete ; the
French, British, Russian,
and Italian Ambassadors had
kept away. Bompard said
that he had received his ten
tickets but that he did not
regard that as an invitation.
Wangcnheim told me, with some satisfaction, that the other
Ambassadors were jealous ; that they did not care to see the
progress which the Turkish army had made under German
tutelage. I did not have the slightest question that these
Ambassadors refused to attend because they had no desire
to grace this Genuan holiday ; nor did 1 blame them.
« * • «
Meanwhile, I had other evidences that Germany was
playing her part in Turkish politics. In June the relations
between Greece and Turkey reached the breaking point.
The treaty of Bucharest had left Greece temporarily in
possession of the islands of Chios and Mitylene. These
islands stand in the .lEgean Sea like guardians controlling
the Bay and the great port of Smyrna. It is quite apparent
that any strong mihtary nation which permanently held
these vantage points would ultimately control Smyrna and
the whole .iEgean coast of Asia Minor. The racial situation
made the continued retention of these islands by Greece
a constant military danger to Turkey. Their population
was Greek and had been Greek since the days of Homer ; the
coast of Asia Minor itself was also Greek ; more than half
the population of Smyrna, Turkey's greatest Mediterranean
seaport, was Greek ; in its industries, its commerce, and
its culture the city was so predominantly Greek that the
Turks usually referred to it as giaour Ismir — "infidel Smyrna."
Though this Greek population was nominally Ottoman in
nationality it made practically no secret of its affection
for the Greek fatherland ; these Asiatic Greeks even made
contributions to the Greek Government. The ^Egean islands
and the mainland, in fact, constituted Graecia Irredenta ;
that Greece was determined to redeem them, precisely as
she had recently redeemed Crete, was no diplomatic secret.
Should the Greeks ever land an army on this Asia Minor
coast, there was not the slightest question that the native
Greek population would welcome it enthusiastically and
co-operate with it.
Germany, however, had her own "'plans for Asia Minor,
and naturally the Greeks in this region formed a barrier
to Pan-German aspirations. As long as this region remained
Greek, it formed a natural obstacle to Germany's road to
the Persian Gulf,
precisely as did
Serbia. An\one
who has read even
cursorily the litera-
ture of Pan-Ger-
mania understands
the peculiar Ger-
man method advo-
cated for dealing
with populations
that stand in
Germany's way^ —
that is b}' depor-
tation- The violent
shifting of whole
peoples from one
part of Europe to
another as though
they were so many
lierds of cattle has
for years been part
of the Kaiser's
plans for Genuan
expansion. This
is the treatment
Tl^!Kt' . <lPte,. tbJ|*^l
lO
Land & Water
June 6, 19 1 8
which, since the war began, she has applied to Belgium,
to Poland, to >erbia ; its most hideous manifestation, as
I shall show, ;is been to Armenia. Acting under Germany's
prompting, Turkey now began to apply this principle of
deportation to her Greek subjects in Asia Minor.
The events that followed foreshadowed the policy adopted
in the Armenian massacres. The Turkish officials pounced
upon the Greeks, herded them in groups and marched
them towards the ships. They gave them no time to settle
their private affairs, and they took no pains to keep families
together. The plan was to transport the Greeks to the wholly
Greek islands in the^Egean. Naturally the Greeks rebelled
against such treatment ; and occasional massacres were the
result, especially in Phocaa, where mcfre than fifty peopfe
were murdered. The Turks demanded that all foreign
establishments in Smyrna dismiss their Christian employees
— and replace them with non-Greeks. The Singer Manu-
facturing Company received such instructions ; I interceded
and obtained si.xty days delay, but ultimately this American
concern had to obey the mandate.
Turkey for the Turks
Naturally this procedure against the Greeks aroused my
indignation. I did not have the slightest suspicion then
that the Germans had instigated those deportations ; I
looked upon them merely as an outburst of Turkish ferocity
and chauvinism. By this time I knew Talaat well; I saw
him nearly every day, and he used to discuss practically
every phase of international relations with me. I objected
vigorously to his treatment of the Greeks ; I told him that
it would make the worst possible impression abroad and that
it affected American interests. Talaat explained his national
policy ; these different Woes in the Turkish Empire had
always conspired against Turkey. Because of the hostility
of these native populations, Turkey had lost province after
province — Greece, Serbia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herze-
govina, Egypt, and TripoH. In this way the Turkish Empire
had dwindled almost to the vanishing point. If what was left
of Turkey was to survive, he must get rid of these alien
peoples. "Turkey for the Turks" was now Talaat's con-
trolling idea. Therefore, he proposed to Turkify Smyrna
and the adjoining islands.
The Greeks in Turkey had one great advantage over the
Armenians ; for there was such a thing as a Greek Govern-
ment, which naturally has a protecting interest in them.
The Turks knew that these deportations would precipitate
a war with Greece ; in fact they welcomed such a war and
were preparing for it. So enthusiastic were the Turkish people
that they had raised money "by popular subscription and
had purchased a Brazilian dreadnought which was then
under construction in England. The Government had ordered
also a second dreadnought in England, and several submarines
and destroyers in France. The purpose of these naval
preparations was no secret in Constantinople. As soon as
they obtained these ships, or even the one dreadnought
which was nearing completion, Turkey intended to attack
Greece and take back the islands. A single modern battle-
ship Hke the Snllan Osman— this was the name the Turks
had given the Brazilian vessel— could easily overpower the
whole Greek navy and . control the ^Egean Sea. As this
powerful vessel would be finished and commissioned *in a
few months we all expected the Greco- Turkish war to break
out in the autumn. What could the Greek navy possibly
do in face of this impending danger ?
Such was the situation when, early in June, I received
a most agitated visitor. This was Djemal Pasha, the Turkish
Minister of Marine, and one of the three men who then
dominated the Turkish Empire. I have hardly ever seen
a man who appeared more Utterly worried than was Djemal
on this occasion. As ne began talking excitedly to my
interpreter in French, his whiskers trembling with his emotions
and his hands wildly gesticulating, he seemed to be almost
beside himself. I knew enough French to understand what
he was saying ; and the news which he brought — this was
the first I had heard of it — sufficiently explained his agitation.
The American Government, he said, was negotiating with
Greece for the sale of two battleships, the Idaho and the
Mississippi. He urged that I should immediately move to
prevent any such sale. His attitude was that of a suppUant ;
he begged, he implored that I should intervene. If the
transaction were purely a commercial one, Turkey would hke
a chance to bid. "We will pay more than Greece."
Evidently the clever Greeks had turned the table on their
enemy. Turkey had rather too boldly advertised her intention
of attacking Greece as soon as she received her dreadnought.
Both the ships for which Greece was now negotiating were
immediately available for battle ! The Idaho and Mississippi
were not indispensable ships for the American Navy ; they
could not take their place in the first line of battle ; they
were powerful enough, however, to drive the whole Turkish
navy from the /Egean. Evidently the Greeks did not intend
politely to postpone the impencling war until the Turkish
dreadnought had been finished, but to attack as soon as
they received these American ships. Djemal's legal point,
of course, had no vahdity. However much war might
threaten, Turkey and Greece were still actually at peace.
Clearly Greece had just as much right to purchase warships
in the United States as Turkey had to purchase them in
Brazil or England.
But Djemal was not the only statesman who attempted
to prevent the sale ; the German Ambassador displayed
the keenest interest. Several days after Djemal's visit
Wangenheim and I were riding in the hills north of Con-
stantinople ; Wangenheim be^an to talk about the Greeks,
to whom h'e chsplayed a violent antipathy, about the chances
of war, and the projected sale of American warships. He
made a long argument about the sale ; his reasoning was
precisely the same as Djemal's. I suspected he had himself
coached Djemal for his interview with me.
" Just look at the dangerous precedent you are establishing,"
said Wangenheim. "It is not unlikely that the United
States may sometime find itself in a position like Turkey's
to-day. Suppose that you were on the brink of war with
Japan ; then England could sell a fleet of dreadnoughts
to Japan. How would the United States like that ?"
And then he made a statement which indicated what
really lay back of his protest. I have thought of it many
times in the last three years. The scene is indelibly impressed
on my mind. There we sat on our horses ; the silent, ancient
forest of Belgrade lay around us ; in thi^ distance the Black Sea
glistened in the afternoon sun. Wangenheim suddenly became
quiet and extremely earnest. He looked in my eyes and said :
"I don't think that the United States realise what a
serious matter this is. The sale of these ships might be
the cause that would bring on a European war."
This conversation took place on June 13 ; this was about
six weeks before the conflagration broke out. Wangenheim
knew perfectly well that Germany was rushing preparations
for this great corflict; he knew also that preparations were
not yet entirely complete. Like all the German A mbussadors,
Wangenheim had received instructi ns wt to let any crisis
arise that would precipitate war until all these preparations
had been finished. He had no objections to the expulsion
of the Greeks, for that in itself was part of these preparations ;
he was much disturbed, however, over the prospect that the
Greeks might succeed in arming themselves and disturbing
existing conditions in the Balkans.
He went so far as to ask me to cable personally to the
President, explain the seriousness of tlie situation, and to
call his attention to the telegrams that had gone to the State
Department on the proposed sale of the ships. I regarded his
suggestion as an impertinent one and declined to act upon it.
To Djemal and the other Turkish • ffi ials who kept pressing
me I suggested that their Ambassador in Wa.-;hington should
directly take up the matter with the President. They acted
on this adw^c, but the Greeks agam got ahead of them.
At two o'clock, June 22nd, the Greek Charge d'affaires at
Washington and Commander Tsouklas, of the Greek Navy,
called upon the President and arranged the sale. As they
left the President's office the Turkish Ambassador entered—
just fifteen minutes too late !
I presume that Mr. Wilson consented to the sale because
he knew that Turkey was preparing to attack Greece and
believed that the Idaho and Mississippi would prevent such
an attack and so preserve peace in tiie Balkans.
Acting under the authorisation of Congress the administration
sold these ships on July 8, 1914, to Fred J. Gauntlett, for
212,535.276.98, i.e. rather more than 2\ millions sterhng.
Congress immediately voted the money reahsed from the
sale to the construction of a great modern dreadnought,
the California. Mr. Gauntlett transferred the ships to
the Greek Government. Rechristened the Kilkis and the
Lemnos, those battleships immediately took their places as
the most powerful vessels in the Greek Navy.
By this time we had moved from the Embassy to our
summer home on the Bosphoras. . All the summer Embassies
were located there, and a more beautiful spot I have never
seen. Our house was a three-story building, something in
the Venetian style ; behind it the clitf rose abruptly, with
several hanging gardens towering one above the other ; the
building stood so near the shore and the waters of the
Bosphorus rushed by so rapidly that when we sat outside,
especially on a moonhght night, we had almost a complete
illusion that we were sitting on the deck of a fast saihng
ship. In the daytime the Bosphorus, here little more than
June 6, 19 1 8
Land &: Water
1 1
a mile wide, was alive with gaily coloured craft ; I recall
this animated scene with particular vividness because 1
retain in my mind the contrast it presented a few months
afterward, when Turkey's entrance into the war had the
immediate result of closing this strait.
Day by day huge Russian steamships, on their way from
Black Sea ports to Smyrna, Alexandria, and other cities,
made clear the importance of this little strip of water,
and explained the bloody contests of the European
nations, over a thousand years, for its possession. However,
these summer months were peaceful ; all the Ambassadors
and Ministers and their famihes were thrown con-
stantly together ; here
daily gathered the re-
presentatives of all the
Powers that for the last
three years have been
grappling in history's
bloodiest war, all then
apparently friend^, sit-
ting around the same
dining tables, walking
arm in arm upon the
porches. The Ambassa-
dor of one Power would
most graciously escort
in to dinner the wife
of another whose coun-
try was perhapw the
most antagonistic to
his own. Little groups
would form after din-
ner, the Grand Vizier
would hold an im-
promptu reception in
one corner, Cabinet
Ministers would be
whispering in another,
a group of Ambassa-
dors would discuss the
Greek situation out on
the porch, the Turkish
officials would glance
quizzically upon the
animated scene and
perhaps comment
quietly in their own
tongue, the Russian
Ambassador would
glide about the room,
pick out some one-
whom he wished to
talk to, lock arms and push him into a comer for a
surreptitious tSte-dtite. I felt that there was something
electric about it all ; war was ever the favourite topic of
conversation ; every one seemed to realise that this peace-
life was transitory ; that at any moment
the spark that was to set everything
The American Summer Embassy on the Bosphorus
Not far away, .icross the Strait, which is here only a mile wide, Darias crossed
wilh his Asiatic hosts nearly 2,500 years ago.
ful frivolous
might come
aflame.
Yet, when
the crisis came it produced no immediate
sensarion. On June 2gth we heard of the assassination
of the Grand Duke of Austria and his consort. Everybody
received the news calmly ; there was, indeed, a stunned
feeling that sometliing momentous had happened ; but there
was practically no excitement. A day or two after this
tragedy I had a long talk with Talaat on diplomatic matters ;
he made no reference at all to this event. I think now that
--Hve were all affected by a kind of emotional paralysis — as we
were nearer the centre than most people, we certainly reahsed
the dangers m the situation. In a day or two our tongues
seemed to have been loosened, for We began to talk — and
to talk war. When .1 saw von Mutius, the German Charge,
and Weitz, the diplomat-correspondent of the Frankfurter
Zeitung, they also discussed the impending conflict, and
again they gave their forecast a characteristically Germanic
toiich ; when war came, they said, of course the United States
would take advantage of it to get all the Mexican and South
American trade 1
"Serbia will be Condemned"
When I called upon Pallavicini to express my condolences
over the Grand Duke's death, he received me with the most
stately solemnity. He was conscious that he was representing
the Imperial family, and his grief seemed to be personal ;
one would think that he had lost his own son. I expressed
piy abhorrence and that of my nation for the deed, and our
sympathy with the aged Emperor.
" Ja, J a, es ist sehr schrecklich" (yes, yes, it is very terrible),
he answered, almost in a whisper.
"Serbia will be condemned for her conduct," he added.
"She will be compelled to make reparation."
A few days later, when Pallavicini called upon me, he
spoke of the nationalistic societies that Serbia had permitted
to exist and of her determination to annex Bosnia and
Herzegovina. He said that his government would insist
on tlie abandonment of these societies and these pretentions,
and that probably a punitive exp>edition into Serbia would
be necessary to prevent such outrages as the murder of the
Grand Duke. Herein I had my first intimation of the famous
ultimatum of July
22nd.
The entire diplo-
matic corps attended
the requiem mass
for the Grand Duke
and Duchess, celebrat-
ed' at the Church of
Sainte Marie on July
4th. The church is
located- in the Rue
Pera. not far from the
Austrian Embassy ; to
reach it we had to de-
scend a flif^ht of forty
stone steps. At the
top of these stairs re-
presentatives of the
Austrian Embassy,
dressed in full uniform,
with crepe on the left
arm, met us, and es-
corted us to our seats.
All the Ambassadors
sat in the front pew —
and it was the last
time that we ever sat
together. The service
was dignified and beau-
tiful ; I remember it
with especial vividness
because ol the con-
trasting scene that
immediately followed.
When the stately, gor-
geously robed priests
had finished, we all
returned to our motor
cars and started on our
eight mile drive along
the Bosphorus to the American Embassy. For this was not
only the day when we paid this tribute to the murdered
heir of this mediaeval autocracy ; it was also the Fourth of July.
The verysetting of tlie two scenes seemed to me to symbolise
these two national ideals. I always think of this ambassa-
dorial group going down those stone steps to the church
to pay their respects to the Grand Duke, and then going up
to the gaily decorated American Embassy, to pay their
respect to the Declaration of Independence. All tlie station
ships of the foreign countries lay out in the stream, decorated
and dressed in honour of our national holiday ; and the
Ambassadors and Ministers called in full regalia. From the
hanging gardens we could se _> the place where Darius crossed
from Asia with his Persian hosts 2,500 years before — one
of those ancient autocrats the line of which is not yet entirely
extinct. There also we could see the fine Robert College,
an institution that represented America's conception of the
proper way to "penetrate " the Turkish Empire. At night the
hanging gardens were illuminated with Chinese lanterns,
and good old American fireworks, lighting up the surrounding
hills and the Bosphorus, seemed almost to act as a challenge
to the plentiful reminders of autocracy and oppression which
we had had in the early part of the day. Not more than
a mile across the water the dark and gloomj' hills of
Asia, for ages the birthplace of mihtary despotisms,
caught a faint and I think prophetic glow from these
illuminations.
In glancing at the little ambassadorial group at the church
and later at our reception I was suq^rised to note that one
familiar figure was missing. Wangenheim, Austria's ally,
was not present. This somewhat puzzled me at the time ; but
afterward I had the explanation from Wangenh im's own
lips. He had left some days before for Berlin. The Kaiser
hid summoned him to an Imperial Council, which met on
July $th, and which decided to plunge Europe into war.
{To be continued.)
12
Land & Water
June 6, 19 I 8
In an Old French City : By An Officer
This description of Arras, -written earlier in the year,
has a new and special interest just now, -when at any
moment a neit' battle may again rage round this ancient city.
UNTIL past spring the city was within a mile and
a half pf the German Hnes ; but since then there
has been an advance, and now it is a good six
miles distant. Considering its vicissitudes, the
two great battles fought so close to its walls,
the desultory and sometimes violent bombardments, the
place has suffered surprisingly little.
Entering the city by one of those great national roads
which, tree-bordered, stretches as straight as a ruler across the
rolling plain, von come to a couple of railway-tracks followed
by a brickyard and factory and a row of rather dingy-looking
semi-urban houses. The outskirts of the place, hke those of
most European towns, give no promise of the character to be
found within. The road speedily becomes a "faubourg,"
and houses border the pavement on either hand. Steeply up
to the left is the way to the prison. Despite the echo of
n>any footsteps, the ceaseless activity of men going and com-
ing, the prison retains its character at once austere, gloomy
and pitiless. One would not linger here, though in it happens
to be an officers' mess. The passages are all of stone, echoing
and cold, with bell-ropes hanging at inten'als along them.
Rooms of varying size open off on either hand, whose massive
doors have each a peep-hole. When night comes all the
echoing rooms and passages are plunged into absolute dark-
ness. War blunts the imagination or one might see, fear-
fully passing in procession before one, the faces of generations
of French criminals who must have lingered and possibly
died here. Was a guillotine ever raised in either of the two
dingy central courtyards now abandoned to the twittering
sparrows ? Possibly.
The main street that leads into the city is remarkably
free from damage. This is the quarter furthest from the
enemy and almost every house is whole. On the right stands
a magnificent example of (I believe) Franco-Spanish archi-
tecture. Ordy can one conjecture the history of these places,
for guide-books are not obtainable. And this grey-stone
delicate ornate-looking building must surely have been a
monastery or convent ; near by, intricate with splendid
architecture, is a chapel as fine as anything to be found in
the city. The former seems to be occupied by soldiers, to
judge by its cheerful sounds after nightfall.
It was a place of military importance. There are three
barracks, two for the infantry and one for the artillery and
engineers. The largest of the former is a great red-brick
modern structure ; the last-named is the more interesting.
It is older and close to the citadel ; and looking at its broad
open barrack-square, one, can even now picture tlie splendid
parades of the brilliantly uniformed engineers and artillery-
men in days gone by.
In one corner of the parade-ground is a dreary little chapel
—the engineers' military chapel. It is barred and wind-
blown, having been stripped of its glass and all furniture.
Only there remain the gallery at the western end, one or
two tawdy effigies of the Virgin and Child, the peeling faded
plaster on the walls, and the steps that once led up to the
altar. There are three or four tablets on the waUs.
"Jacques," "Anthony," "Marcel," " Renee "—these com-
memorate the heroes of 1870-1 of Sedan and Spicheren,
of Gravelotte and Mars la Tours.
A girdle of earthworks encircles the town. How obsolete
and picturesque they look ! The wars of the past must have
come very near. Here drank, quarrelled, and loved Dumas'
heroes. The Three Musketeers. Penetrating the interior of the
city, one is struck more and more by its essentially foreign
and distinctive aspect ; like so many towns, it has a personality
of its own, and that an attractive one which gives play to the
imagination. There are long broad streets of almost stately
houses, tree-bordered and with a kind of garden down the
centre. There are narrow, crooked, and winding streets
consisting of blank walls and high white houses with Venetian
shutters that remind you of nothing so much as Southern
Italy. There is a broad amiable-looking fish-market and
wide round open places or squares in one of which is a band-
stand, in another a statue of the contemplative Victor Hugo.
There are several gardens, public and otherwise.
There are also many churches and more than one fine
modern public building, such as the Prefecture and the
Mus^e. Despite ruined and empty houses, of which there
are a number, and the warlike unnatural atmosphere of the
place, there is about this city none of that depressing squalor
and flimsy pretentiousness which characterise many towns
near the front. One feels that it would be a place to visit
in summer, when the noonday sun is blazing down upon the
broad squares, when the trees of the boulevards and public
gardens are green and shady, when the streets are alive
with hurrying French people and gay with shop-awnings,
when from" the byways and the fish-market and the churches
there arises that curious combination of sounds — a mixture
of busy murmurs, quaintly intoned cries, and the incessant
ringing of church-bells— which is the distinguishing and
attractive feature of so many foreign cities.
The Cathedral
The cathedral is a sight to see. Not standing well, because
too closely pressed in by houses, but rising by flights of broad
stone steps to a majestic height, it is the mere shell of what
once must have been an impressive building. The mere
shell ! The gigantic pillars lead gracefully and solemnly up
to the altar which save for a bare slab of marble is no more.
The pulpit remains---a piece of ornate driftwood, so do the
several chapels which lead off the side-aisles. Here and
there hangs an image or a crucifix, while at the head of the
cathedral still depends the great figure of the Saviour. For
the rest, bareness and ruin. A long colonnade leads away to
grass-grown cloisters and courtyards, and an atmosphere of
those who in vestment and cassock must often have lingered
here, reading, meditating, and praying. A huge forecourt,
with entrance archway, a many-windowed majestic building,
such as one sees in Paris, tall, old-fashioned, iron-wrought
lamp-posts, and a wall surmounted by railings — it is the
Bishop's I'alace. Nothing is lacking to impress one with
His Eminence's importance.
The main street that leads down to the railway-station
has no particular character, but it must obviously have been
a busy shopping centre. Half-way down is a fine gloomy
Gothic building ; further on a central square — doubtless the
resort once of many fiacres. and idlers — with a large white-
fronted hotel standing in its own courtyard just opposite.
Many of the shops are still doing business and display in
their windows most of those shoddy cheap-looking goods
that appear to appeal to the British soldier in default of
anything better. As you approach the station, things become
very bad. Not a house is left standing, not a house left
whole, not one that has escaped a breach in its walls, and is
not fritted with shrapnel. Extermination ! It is the most
shelled portion of the city, that nearest the enemy, and
to-day the most dangerous.
The once-impressive glass-roofed railway station is a
skeleton of iron girders and the home of empty echoes. Way-
bills still cling to the walls, denoting the hour of the Paris
and other expresses ; large sign-boards proudly announce
the name of the station. But the steel railway lines are
twisted and grass-grown.
Of the general appearance and atmosphere of the old French
town, little need be said. It is all the same in this part of
France. Everjrwhere the- British soldiery interspersed with
a few French troops and a certain number of civilians. The
latter seem to increase, and prosperously dressed men and
women of the bourgeois class are often seen ; also those whose
living is earned by supplying the troops. One afternoon
there was c6nsiderable excitement. A big touring motor car
containing four civihans, two men and two ladies, drove down
the main street. Everybody turned to look — it was so un-
usual. The miUtary Hfe of the place centres round the various
shows, excellent of their kind, and the officers' club, which
consists of two large huts, warm and well supplied with food,
filled to overflowing, morning, noon, and night. French
parties are often to be seen tramping down the stately streets ;
there is a constant coming and going of troops;' military
bands play vigorously at times. Aeroplanes are always
circling overhead.
One other feature should not be forgotten. At all hours
of the day you are apt to meet walking in the streets a
picturesque and distinguished figure. Here he comes, an
old man with white hair and a white moustache, much be-
ribboned and wearing the uniform of a General of France ;
on either side of him walks an adjutant. One presumes he is
the French Commandant. With his smart figure, his fine
handsome face, his dignified bearing, and proud manner of
acknowledging a salute, he seems. to typify the chivalrous
army to which he belongs.
June 6, 19 1 8 Land & Water
Village of the Future : By Jason
13
A FEW years ago a traveller found himself at
Gubbio, the httle hill-town in Umbria, at the
time of the Festa dei Ceri. The dav of the
festival was, unhappily, very wet ; but that did
not prevent the peasants from flocking into the
town to see the guildsmen carry the^ strange images about
which learned antiquarians still .dispute, to hear the bishop
bless the ceremony, and to watch the delight and excitement
with which the people of Gubbio remind themselves year
after year of their ancient traditions. Next day the sun
came out again, and the beautiful town in its beautiful
setting of hills was looking at its best as the traveller waited
at the station for the leisurely train. A few peasants grouped
themselves round him, and he began to talk with them
about the ceremony and about the glories of their country-
side. "Yes," they agreed it was all very beautiful; but
yet, they added with wistful and longing faces, what would
they not give for a few factories with their promise of
•emploj'ment and
wealth for the
impoverished dis-
trict ? And the
traveller, thinking
of Oldham and
Burnley and Shef-
field, went away
sad at heart, re-
flecting on the
cruel fate which
made Gubbio a
pleasure and solace
to the EngUshman
whose country was
the home of the
Industrial Revo-
lution, and con-
demned the people
of Gubbio to envy
Lancashire her
smoke and her
disfigured skies.
The English vil-
lage and English
village life' have occupied in the imagination of a good many
people very much the same position as Italy has occupied in
the imagination of the traveller. This is not surprising in itself.
^f the American who explores Europe finds a strange content-
ment in visiting on his return a few characteristic villages in the
south of England, it is not merely because he sees before him the
most beautiful villages in the world. The landscape speaks
to him of stability, of peace, of a world that stands still in
the midst of change, of a power that seems to defy all the
raw and blatant strength of industrial cities. And for many
people the village is primarily a place' to be visited, and men
and women dream about country life in the spirit of the
age that adored Fragonard and Watteau.
When they hear of the flight from the country to the towns
they recall the famous rhapsody in the Geoi^cs :
* At secura quies et nescia fallere vita
Dives opum variarum, at latis otia fundis,
Speluncae, vivique lacus, at frigida Tempe,
Mug^tusque bourn, moUesque sub arbore somni.
For those to whom a village is not a pleasant feature of a
motor-car expedition or an agreeable place for the week-end,
village life presents -rather a different aspect. It is a stern
struggle. If the labourer wanted to quote a Latin poet he
would recall the moving description of Lucretius :
t Jamque caput quassans grandis suspirat arator
Crebrius incassum manuum cecidisse labores,
or the warning in the*Georgics that the Pater ipse colendi
has sentenced the husbandman to a life of hard and incessant
labour.
And his life, apart from his work, is l>are and monotonous
compared with the life of the town.. There have been con-
troversies enough over the relative attractions of town and
country life, but it remains true that the modern villager
feels as Horace's bailiff felt about the lack of amusement
and incident in the village. In the town there are th(^atre.-,
auici and life ignorant of disappoinlnient, wealtliy in manifold riclics. the
lands, caverns and living laket, cool pleasancas and the lowing of o«en,
A Typical Midland Village
• Careless
p«ane of broad lands, caverns and living
and soft slumbers beneath the trees.
1 And now the aged peasant,
hands has come to nautili.
sbakinf( bis head, often lamiMils that the labour of his
music-halls, cinemas, clubs ; the streets are lighted, men and
women meet and talk ' and read the paper, and there is a
sense of life and excitement in the atmosphere.
Turn to the village, and what do we see ? There is hardly
ever a club or institute. The public-house provides little
accommodation, aild none of the games and recreation that
young men need. The place is dark ; the cottages are small,
and the opportunities for the meetings of friends are rare
and difficult. It is common to see the young men collect
round the station for the sake of the light and the occasional
excitement of a train. In many villages one public-house
is the resort of the farmers, the other of the older labourers,
and the younger labourers have to find what opportunities
they can outside.
Now, the villager needs all these things not less but more
than the townsman. He spends long hours in soUtary labour.
Watch a man ploughing the livelong day. He is driving a
Straight line which is an art, and therefore an occupation to
the intelligence.
He is watching his
horses, of whom he
is often very fond
and careful. He is
in the open air,
keeping an eye on
the changing signs
of the sky. He
has before him, it
may be, a power-
ful and beautiful
landscape. All
this is true, but let
the reader settle
down day after
day to dig a potato
field, which is just
as diflicult and
absorbing a task to
a novice, in one of
the most enchant-
ing valleys of the
world, and he will
• ' , soon find that his
mind is roaming over a thousand fancies, memories of his
travels, memories of books he has read, of fine passages that
haunt the memory, of pictures or buildings or music, or plays ;
they are the stimulants that keep him from tedium, the friends
of iiis solitary hours. For as soon as an operation becomes
a routine operation a man does" it largely by instinct, and his.
mind is set free from the task before him. 1
What a difference it makes to a man whether he has these
resources of companionship or whether the thoughts that
cross and recross his wearied mind are limited to the life
of a few cottages. If you "want to make a man's work unin-
teresting, make his leisure uninteresting. That would have
seemed a paradox to our great-grandfathers who thought a
man worked all the better if he had nothing to interest him
when he was not working. But it is the tnith. When
every village has its cinema, agriculture will be infinitely
more prosperous, for men will gladly give it their best energies.
Before the war it was commonly recognised that the
improvement of village life — or perhaps it would be truer to
s^peak of it as the restoration of village life — was urgently
necessary. To-day that convictioiv is universal. Nobody is
going to ask \he soldier to return to a state of things in which
social life can scarcely be said to exist. He has known the
spell of comradeship ; he has lived • in a world which has
learnt how to organise conceits and cinemas under the most
difficult and distracting conditions • he has talked and lived
with men drawn frtjm all parts of the world with every kind
of past and every \'aricty of experience. Leisure has an
infinitely greater rignificancc in his eyes than ever before.
The restoration of village life must be treated as a serious
and definite object of public policy. As it happens, we have
at this moment a remarkable opportunity. We find our-
selves hi a position in which we can escape from the dilemma
suggested by the pensive regrets of the Gubbio peasant.
The re\-oluti(>n associated with the discovery of the uses of
steam ruined our towns. The revolution that will be asso-
ciated with the discovery of the uses of electricity will save
our villages. Only, of course, we must have very clear ideas
of what we want ; we must think clearly, arid act cour-
ageously. Roughly -ip'-aking, we may say of the Industrial
Land & Water
A Village on Exmoor
'4
Revolution that it
gave new power
and range to in-
dustry', and that it
only ser\'ed human
n^ds in so far
as the improve-
ment of industry
increased the
opportunities of
freedom, and hap-
piness, and wealth.
In many respects
it degraded human
hfe, and made men
and women less
their own masters.
With a new revolu-
tion in prospect,
are we going to
apply the stan-
dards of our fpre-
fathers, or are we
going to say that this new power must be regarded
primarily as a means of improving and enriching human
life ? If we take the first standard, we shall let electricity
go the way of steam. We shall trust its development
and direction to the guidance of economic motive, just
as our great-grandfathers threw their generation to the
tender mercies of the steam engines and the railwaj's,
and left the whole art of social hfe to take care of itself. If
we take the second standard, we shall ask of the new power
that it shall serve not merely the big industry in the town,
and the big house in town and country, but that it shall
serve every village and every cottage, reducing labour,
increasing comfort, enriching liic. s
Let anybody with his eye on the village as it is to-day
think what it would mean if the country roads were lighted
by electricity ; if every cottage had electric light and electric
heating ; if every village had its village club and its village
cinema lighted and worked by electricit\'. This might have
seemed an ambitious programme before the \var, but we
have learnt a new perspective during the last three years ;
we have learnt it at home, and the soldiers have certainly
learnt it in the trenches. And in this new atmosphere it is
natural to ask ourselves not " What will this or that improve-
ment cost," but what will it cost not to make this improve
ment ? And if man has aimed himself with a new f)ower,
why should the town benefit and not the village ?
What are the wants of a village ? Decent houses, with
gardens ; a decent water supply ; decent lighting in the
roads and in the cottages ; convenient and "economical
arrangements for heating ; an efficient school, with arrange-
ments for a travelling library and travelling pictures. The
centre of village life of every kind for men and women should
be an institute supplying the various needs of the village,
managed by the village itself. This would include a club
house where people can buy wholesome beer, with newspaper-
rooms and rooms for games ; recreation grounds ; a hall
where trade unionists and co-operators can transact their
business ; rooms for entertainments, lectures, classes, and
dances ; and a cinema. It is probable that a good many
Y.M.C.A. huts would be available for these uses after the war.
If we could see five years from to-day that every village
was completely supplied on this scale, how we should have
added to the happiness and health of our nation.
In working out such a programme, cheap electricity does
more than half our work for us. It effects an enormous
reduction in the labour, the discomfort, and the dirt of every
cottage. Think what it means not to carry coal to the
cottage ; to obtain your hot water and your hot oven without
trouble ; to be rid of the lamp that has to be trimmed and
tended ; to have light and heat without delay or dust.
Think what it means to have electricity to light your club,
to work your cinema, to warm your concert-raom. Under
such circumstances, even Horace's bailiff might have recon-
sidered his objections to country life.
Let anybody, after making up his mind that the English
village deserves to be a happy and comfortable place, turn
to the report of the Coal-conservation Sub-Committee on
electric power supply in Great Britain. This document was
published by the Ministry of Reconstruction a short time ago,
and can be bought for threepence. We learn from that report
that there are infinite possibihties if we decide to organise
the production and distribution of electricity on sensible
lines. At present there are some 600 different authorities
dealing with the supply of electricity in as many-
different districts. This arrangement is obviously un-
June 6, igi8
economical and
obstructive. It is
as inconvenient as
it would be to con-
trol our railways
on the principle
of allowing each
small district to
be treated as a
separate area for
railway adminis-
tration.
The committee
recommend that a
single authority
should be set .
up — a Board of
Electricity Com-
missioners — with
full power to deal
with the supply
of electricity
throughout the
country. Great Britain should be divided into some
si.xteen districts, in each of which there should be one
authority deaHng with all the generation and main dis-
tribution. Sites should be chosen suitable for electric
generating purposes on important waterways as the future
main centres of supply for each of the districts into which the
country is to be divided. These sites should be large enough
for the erection of plant suitable for the processes necessary
for extracting by-products from the coal.
Certain important truths emerge from this report. What
are the great advantages of the large power station over the
system by which power is generated for their own use by
individual manufacturers and railway companies, each with
their separate plant ? There is, first of all, the enormous
economies in the use and transport of coal. Secondly, there
is a great deal of coal that can be used for generating elec-
tricity, which it does not pay to transport any distance.
Thirdly, there are many by-products to be extracted from
the coal of great value for agriculture. Fourthly — and, in
some respects, most important of all — the secret of economy
in generating electricity is the use of plant to its maximum,
and that is secured by supplying all the diverse needs of a
community. One station is supplying electricity only for
certain hours of the day when the factory is working. Another
station is supplying electrical power to industry in the day,
and electric light in tlie evenings. During the night and on
Sundays it is pumping water ; that is, it is always occupied.
What an engineer aims at is obtaining a regular "load,"
keeping his plant in constant use. The committee estimate
that, apart from the manufacturing and industrial advan-
tages of a cheap and efficient electric supply, we should save
a hundred millions a year by putting the generating and
distribution of electricity on a proper basis.
Let us now apply these tonclusions to the case of the
village. It is obvious that the more various the demand for
electricity, the cheaper it is to supply it. It is obvious again
that agriculture and village industries will become important
consumers. The saving of unnecessary transport will no-
where have a more marked effect than in the country. At
the same time, though the increase of the quantity and
variety of consumption cheapens the supply, it remains true
that one form of customer will be more profitable than
another. This, then, is the question which we have to put
to ourselves. Are we going to leave it to the ordinary motives
of commerce to choose what places and what persons shall
have cheap electricity and what shall go without it ? Or
are we going to say that in the hght of the infinite possi-
bilities revealed in the report of the committee, electricity
may now be treated as a necessary of life to be supplied for
the community as a whole.
A great part of this programme depends on public action.
The new standard of civilisation in respect of housing, water,
light, electricity, niust be established by law. But there is one
part of this programme in which private people can play
an important part. Every country, every parish, will be
thinking, sooner or later, about its war memorial. What
better memorial could be found than a village institute, with
the role of honour inscribed in a conspicuous place, to com-
memorate the religion of comradeship manifested in the
trenches ? There are various organisations in touch with
rural life that might combine to set up committees to raise
funds. These committees might be organised for this
purpose to-morrow in the several counties, and architects-
and artists might strive to make the humblest and simplest
of these clubs a fit monument to the spirit of the war.
June 6, 1918
Land & Water
15
Life and Letters Qj J. C Squire
Literary Hoaxes
LAST week the Times printed some atrociously silly
verses signed "Rudyard Kipling." Next morning
, it had to apologise to Mr. Kipling and its readers.
^Somebody, anxious apparently to hit both the
• Times and Mr. Kipling with one stone, had hoaxed
it. His ingenious plan is, I believe, a new one. But it has
obvious limitations. Few papers would print such thorough
rubbish without inquiry, and the sending of a proof would
frustrate any such fraud. Moreover, where authors are
alive it can only take a day or two for an imposture to be
exposed. The forger who wants a nm for his money must
either invent non-existent authors or ascribe his forgeries
to the dead.
******
Such frauds have been known in many ages, in many
departments of literature, and for many motives. Late
Greeks perpetrated them for modern scholars to detect.
A French nobleman (de Surville), a hundred years ago,
invented a mediteval ancestress and wrote a large body of
poetry which he ascribed to her. In Germany the prolonged
discussion about the origins of printing has been sprinkled
all over with .forgeries by archivists and genealogists, the
fellow-townsmen of Gutenberg and the would-be descendants
of Fiist. We in England had a thick crop between 1760
and i860. First came Chatterton's production, while still at
an age which should be unfamiliar with guile, of ancient
manuscripts found in a muniment room at Bristol. Then
came Macpherson's Ossian, and later two important series of
Shakespeare forgeries. Payne Collier's entries in registers
and marginal annotations in old books were the work of a
sound sciiolar, who, presumably, found that the career of a
Shakespearian specialist did not in the ordinary way produce
enough for him in the way of excitement. He wanted to
make a sensation and his mark by large discoveries ; so he
first manufactured the discoveries and then found them.
The other forger, William Henry Ireland, was at once far less
eminent as a scholar and far more enterprising as a forger.
He was a bookseller's son. When seventeen he went to
Stratford with his father. Meeting a man there who had
done a little in the way of a Shakespeare forgery, and seeing
that I his poor old father was tremendously interested, he
argued that supply ought to meet demand. He began at
once faking leases, letters, contracts, and (charming touch)
a love-letter to Anne Hathaway, with a lock of hair inside
— Mary Fitton, at that time, not having been heard of. His
father was delighted; the learned world was curious; so,
with the assistance of an ancestor to whom Shakespeare had
left his MSS., he next found a play "Vortigem," the first of
a new historical seoes, covering those kings who are ignored
in the plays we have. Sheridan actually produced this
drama at Drury Lane. The house Vas crowded ; but
Ireland's powers of composition did not equal his gift for
archaic handwriting and the simulation of aged ink and
paper, and "Vortigem" went down as a roaring farce. At
this stage the young man was nineteen, and he got no further
He lived until 1835, when he died in great poverty — an
example to youth of the results of divagation from the nar-
row path in general and of literary forgery in particular.
The example might be more salutary were it not for the
equally indisputable facts, which an honest man must not
suppress, that Payne Collier died at the age of ninety-four
in receipt of a Civil List Pension and that Ossian Macpherson
was buried in Westminster Abbey.
■\ * * * * *
These frauds were mostly done for selfish motives. There
is, however, one kind of literary fraud which may be regarded
as performing a valuable function. That is the imposture
which is intended to take in, and expose, impostors. The
world is full of persons who pretend to authority on subjects
they know nothing about, and others who vitiate public
taste by puffing rubbish which they consider "advanced."
Any hoax which may make these people look fools the
moralist may excuse, the serious student must welcome, and
the humorist will thoroughly enjoy. I may illustrate what
I mean by one or two examples, and may be pardoned for
drawing on my personal experience. About eight years ago
we were being flooded with new and strange philosophers,
mostly from Germany, who were being acclaimed and adver-
tised by many who did not understand and some who did not
even read them. I therefore took the liberty of inventing
another. I gave in a contemporary an account of his philo-
sophy which was partly composed of sentiments taken out
of Mr. Bottomley's weekly organ and partly of an utterly
nonsensical mixture of mathematical formulse and physio-
logical speculation. Nevertheless, the name of Wiertz was
good enough, and I was deluged with letters both from
supporters of the philosopher and from those who feared that
his influence was dangerous. Shortly afterwards — though
here the game was very easy — I butted into the Baconian
controversy, then being conducted with great vigour by the
late Sir Edwih Durning-Lawrence. That amiable man, it
will be remembered, did his best to popularise Bacon by a
wholesale circulation of penny pamphlets. He called in the
evidence of the editor of the Tailor and Cutter to show that
the portrait in the first folio had two left sleeves, thus proving,
in some mysterious way, that Shakespeare's arms were really
haunches of bacon ; and he clinched his case by finding
that three successive lives in Shakespeare began with the
letters "P," "I," and "G," the bearing of which on Lord
Venilam.'s authorship is obvious. Sir Edwin used to quote
freely from Elizabethan writers. Anxious to demonstrate
that he had no sense of the value of evidence and that his
metfiods were reckless, I invented a quite conclusive quota-
•tion from Greene, and sent it to a paper over the signature
"P. O. R. Ker," in which anybody but this kind of enthusiast
might have smelt a rat, not to say a pig. He tumbled straight
in. He had an immense library, including, no doubt, all
Greene's works. Here was an utterly crushing testimony.
But did he trouble to verify the quotation ? Not he. He
wrote to the paper at once, saying that the fact that the
' Shakespearians had ignored Mr. Ker's quotation demon-
strated their incorrigible prejudice. My subsequent letter
of explanation was not printed, the editor wishing to spare
Sir Edwin's feelings. Still, it would have made no difference.
Bacon may be cured, but no one has ever cured a Baconian.
******
There has just been perpetrated in America a salutary
hoax to the inventors of which we must take off our hats.
i—flUTCHINSON'S NEW BOOKS— i
FOUR IMMEDIATE SUCCESSES.
NOTES OF A NOMAD. By Lady JEPHSON. With
illiistralions. 12/6 ikm.
" This is a delightful book, and wafts us about the world in the best of company,
from Cowes to the Riviera, to the Nigerian Protectorate, to Rome, Athens, and Con-
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" Brght fleeting glimp^^es of the old French-Canadian life . . . a delightlul essay on
the French folk soiMLis."—Mnrnii!g Posf.
JAPANESE MEMORIES. Bv ETHEL HOWARD. In
cloth gilt, Beautifully iliusirated. 12/6 net.
MY AMERICAN VISIT. Bv the Rt. Hon. Sir F. E.
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3/6 ncl.
HUTCHINSON'S ' SUCCESSFUL 6h NOVELS
ARHMAKKABLK NEW NOVEL.
A KING IN BABYLON. By BUR-
TON E. SlEVENSiJN.
"The story has go." — Daily News.
"A first-class story of the 'creepy'
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ing in every sense of the word, and
there are moments of intense excitement.
MISS P1M*S CAMOUFLAGE. By
Lady STANLEY.
"Has the merit of being light and
topical." — Sketch, " Nothing like
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published before; it stands alone in the
originality of its vein.**— Western Mail.
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exciting and enjoyable." — The Times.
SANDS OF GOLD. By KATH-
LVN RHODES.
**Tlie ingredients of a 'best seller'
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ly painted. Theauthor wins the highest
honours in turning some painful prob-
lems of madness into a sane and
sympathetic %ioxyy —Globe.
. {3rd Edition.)
THE NABfiOW STRAIT. By W. E.
NORRIS.
" A novel with plenty of substance."
— Liitrpool Post and .Mercury, " Bright,
bubbling, and lively." — L-'nii^r^*. " The
novel is written with the > harming ease
of style and kindly knowlcdtje of human
life -and society of which the author is
master. "_5£o(swa«. {2nd Edition.)
SEHGT. SPUD TAMSON. V.C. By
R. W. CAMPBELL.
"It will be read with much interest
and enjoyment. "—C/a5£ow/ titixen. " It
is full of fun." — A berdcen Daily Journal.
"The Army, with good reason, has
adopted Spud." — Punch.
CHILDREN OF EVE. By ISABEL
C/CLARKE.
"As sweet and gracefullv written a
story as could be written.*'— G/o6«.
"The story is well told and full of
colour." — Liverpool Post and Mercury.
[2nd Edition.) '
THE LYNDWOOD AFFAIR. By
UNA L. SlLbERKAD.
"One of the ablest and most bafflingof
detective romances, with an idyllic love
story. "Sketch. " It is an exciting and
good mvstery story. At the same time,
it is clothed in human character and the
colour of real life." — Daily Chronicle,
" A cleverand absoft)ing study in charac-
ter and study in deiecuon."~Hcrntng
Post. (2nd Edition.)
THE BAG OF SAFFRON. By
BARONESS VON HUTTEN.
" It is an excellent novel. It is beyond
the ordinary, and greatly to its clever
author's credit." — Jllustrated London
Neifs. {.3rd Edition.)
LADY MARY'S MONEY. By G. B.
BURGIN.
" It is good reading for this time af
great war." — Daily Chff>nicle. " A re.
markable, readable story." — Sunday
Evening Telegram. " A story that ought
to be populdiV."— Aberdeen Free Press.
London : HUTCHINSON & CO.. Paternoster Row, E.C.4
i6
Land & Water
June 6, 1918
For some years America, to a far greater extent than this
country, has been' flooded with poetic Schools, Futurists,
Imagists, Vorticists, and so on, who have got an enormous
amount of publicity and have been chattered about by
almost all the critics. In 1916 (I take the story from the
Chicago Dial) a volume was published called Spectra, the
authors being Emanuel Morgan and Anne Knish. The
preface expounded the Spectrist theory. The theme of a
poem, it said, "is to be regarded as a prism, upon which the
colourless white light of infinite existence falls and is broken
U]) into glowing, Ijeautiful, and intelligible hues," and "the
overtones, adumbrations or spectres which for the poet
haunt all objects both of the seen and the unseen world . . .
should touch with a tremulous vibrancy of ultimate fact the
reader's sense of the immediate theme." Mr. Morgan used
rhyme. Miss Knisli free verse ; the poems were lieaded
"Op. I," "Op. 2," etc., and it was allowed to leak out that
Mr. Morgan was a painter who had been to Paris, and Miss
Knish a Hvmgarian wW had published poems in Russian :
The authors began to be deluged with adulatory letters
Irom the most advanced poets of our verj' advanced day,
of whom the men naturally inclined to address Miss Knisli,
and the women Mr. Morgan. Here at last, it appeared,
was the real thing — pretence stripped away, teclinique
reduceil to lowest terms, passionate beauty impaled for a
marvelling posterity — that ultimate method for which the
poets from Homer to themselves had been so many voices
crying in the wilderness. Certain poetry magazines were
impressed and sought the privilege of giving the world
more Sjjectra, "Others" devoted an entire issue to the
Spectrists : they were successfully parodied in a college
magazine ; they acquired disciples — a Harvard under-
graduate, for instance, forswore Imagism for Spectrisni,
and had his apostasy roundlv rebuked by the high priestess
of his earlier faith.
The authors, who kept dark, were continually being intro-
duced by enthusiasts to their own works. Reviews were,
innumerable. The Conservatives wrote with alarm ; the
Radicals with exuberance ; the cautious delegated their
task. One distinguished editor passed on the work of
criticism to Mr. VVitter Bynner, and paid him handsomely
for "his solemnly judicial appraisal of himself in the role of
'Emanuel Morgan,' originator of the Spectrist theory." The
game might have gone on, and the movement might have spread
from one end of' the continent to the other. Only America
came into the war, and "Miss Knish" took a captain's com-
mission under her real name of Arthur D. Ficke. Perhaps,
after this, critics will be a little readier to discover and say
what they really think about the nonsense that gets itself
published.
Books of the Week
Memoirs of William Hickey, 1775-1782. Edited by
Alfred Spencer. (Hurst & Blackett. 12s. 6d. net.) "
Front Lines. By Boyd Cable. (John Murray. 6s. net.)
A SECOND instalment of the Memoirs of William
Hickey has now been published under the editor-
ship of Mr. Alfred Spencer. They are as good a
reading as the first volume, which appeared just
before the war. William Hickey was a solicitor,
with a taste for fast life. He came of a well-to-do London
family, but, as he did not make a business success at home,
was shipped to India. Not hking the country, he returned
to London ; and this volume opens in 1775 with prepara-
tions for a voyage to Jamaica, where his father was sending
him to practise law. When in Jamaica he made many friends,
for he was an amusing fellow who did not take life too seri-
ously, travelled over the island, met all the local celebrities
whom he describes, and finally decided there was no money
in law in the West Indies, After a jgood time, excellently
portrayed in these pages, he returned to London ; but feared
to face his father. Presently peace is restored between the
two, and W. H. goes again to India, sets up as an Attorney
in Calcutta, rnakes a pot of money, and comes home, partly
on business, partly on pleasure, in charge of a petition to
Parliament for the establishment of trial by jury in the
East. Every line he writes has an interest ; it is human
and full of life, and much is of historical value.
It is amusing in the first chapter to find that in 1775
Government departments were making almost identically
the same mistakes, but in reverse manner fi.e., in the export
of food supplies instead of the imports) which they made in
1917 ! So little does the working of the departmental brain
alter with the times. When ia Madras, in 1778, Mr. Hickey
stayed with Mr. Hall Plumer, who a little later took over "a
Government contract for erecting military works, and
"according to public report, cleared sixty thousand pounds
thereby. Such wjts the advantage arising from Government
contracts in those days" — an advantage, also according to
])ublic report, which has not entirely disappeared in these
days. This Mr. Hall Plumer, if we mistake ftot, was a forbear
of General Sir Herbert Plumer, for the general's father was
also Mr. Hall Plumer. Throughout these fascinating memoirs
we are constantly coming across names and incidents which
link the latter half of the eightqenth century with the early
part of the twentietli century. And human nature has not
varied in the least. Hickey, if not the model of propriety,
must have been a thoroughly good fellow at heart. He
marries a woman with a past— a very variegated past— but is
devoted to her, and resents with vigour the least discourtesy
to her. We get glimpses in Calcutta of Warren Hastings,
Philip Frances, and Mme. Talleyrand, and see the
beginnings of the restaurant habit in London. Yet a third
\'olume of the.^e vivid memoirs, we are glad to say, is promised ;
it also will be assured a warm welcome.
Front Lines, Boyd Cable's new book is as good as his other
two, but there is a difference ; he has paid more consideration
to the inner meaning of the war, and has given the work
a value for, say, distribution among pacifists, as well as
retaining all the photographic accuracy of trench life that
makes such stories as these acceptable both to the men who
are doing the work and their friends at home who want to
know how the work is done. As an instance, "Seeing Red,"
the story of an Australian who never quite realised why he
was in France until he saw the Germans indulging in cold-
blooded murder of their prisoners, is a very fine psychological
study, and one that will appeal, with its ring of truth, to
men in the front lines and to people at home. Almost
as an aside the utter callousness of the German mind
is shown, and reflection after reading will provoke the
thought that there can be no compounding with people like
these.
Out of the twenty-one stories that make the book, at least
half contain subtle lessons like this ; every phase of war
activity is dealt with, from night raiding in big bombing
aeroplanes to the task of the stretcher-bearers in the muddv
rear of an attack. We see the war as the men who are
fighting see it, and in that respect this work is the equal,
if not better than anything its author has yet done.
— BODLEY HEAD NEW BOOKS
'n
A NEW LE.\COCK VOLUME IS A LITERARY EVENT.
FRENZIED FICTION. By STEPHEN LEACOCK.
Author of '■ Further Fooli.shnes.s, " "Literary Lapses," '■ Non-
sense Novels," etc. Crown 8vo. 4s. net.
A fresh collection o( good things by a humorist in high spirits'.
THE GLORY OF THE TRENCHES, liv CONINGSBY
DAWStJN. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6(1. net.
This new boolt by the author of " Khaki Courage," which had such an e«ormous
success 100.000 copies sold in U.S.A.), is an intt^rprctation of the inspiraUon which
drives the fighting men on.
THE COMING DAWN, a War Anthology in Prose and
Verse. By THEODORA THOMPSON, Compiler of " Under-
neath the Bough." With an Introduction by Sir Oliver
Lodge. Fcap. 8vo. Ss. net.
WOMEN AND SOLDIERS.
Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net
By Mrs. ALEC TWEEDIE.
By FORD MADOX
Mrs. 1 weedie touches on many controversial subjects from lovf-makiM war-
m.irnages, war-babies, divorce, clothes, economy, dissipation, the great wofli done
by women co-operativo housekeeping, women's conscription, wages and work. She
interlards her wisdom with much humour. [Ready at once.
ON HEAVEN, and other Poetos.
HUEFFER. 3s. 6d. net.
" It is refreshing to find in Mr. HueBcr a true and a modern poet— at once realistic
fin!: '■°";''"V''^™,''°t"' ^'f "wn vivid way, flashes forth pathos and humour, and, in
nne, leels aloud. — Satunhty Review.
MESSINES, and other Poems. Hy emile cam-
MAEK t S. Enghsh Version by TITA BRAND CAMMAERTS.
Crown Svo. 3s. 6d. net.
has dWt^-d™— ra''n5T"f'ater "°^' "<>'»'''e literary work which this terrible struggle
COAL AND CANDLELIGHT. Poems by HELEN PARRY
LDLN, Author ol " Bread and Circuses." Crown Svo.
3s. 6d. net.
" A book of distinguished venc."— Morning Post.
THE MYSTERY OF THE DOWNS. A Bafflinij Detective
^*'r[^'\r^^y J- J< WATSON and A. J. REES, Authors of
The Hampstead Mystery." 6s net
wifh'in"a'my^tor "*'"''*'''"' ''"'' ''"'"■'" '"'' ^ ''^"*"'"' ''"■^' '"■■ '' <:''"tains a mystery
A NOT IMPOSSIBLE RELIGION. Bv the late Professor
SI L\ ANUS THOMPSON, Author of "The Quest for Truth "
etc. 6s. net. ^
hu'ma"nit'-''-cSr'" ""^ ''""'°'' "" ''" ^ ''«"'"-'>' °' in«lculable value to
"A profoundly interesting and stimulating bookr—Wntminster Gaselle
JOHN LANE THE BODLEY HEAD • W.l
June 6, 19 I 8
Land & Water
17
The Canadians ■ By Centurion
(April 2 2nd-2 6th, 19 15)
" Take your hands off me or I'll trepan you." The M.O. raised his fist.
to a
skies
The follmving is an authentic story of a certain Canadian
lialtalion at the second battle of Ypres.
IT was a warm April day — so warm tJiat it might have
been mid-summer but for tfie anemones and tlie wild
hyacinths which gleamed in the patches of woodland.
The drab and grey monotones of the winter landscape
of mud and low-lying mist liad changed in a few days
scheme of primary colours in which the blue of the
the green of the young grass, and the yellows of marsh-
marigold and lesser celandine startled the eye with their
sudden improvisations. It was one of those days when the
spirit of spring takes on a visible incarnation and the
mysteriqus force of life is felt in the air and in the blood.
In the thrust of the tiny crumpled leaves on the trees,
emerging from the buds like a butterfly from a chrysalis,
one could almost see the secret impulse that animated them.
The red roofs of V glowed in the afternoon sun. The
front and back doors of every house stood open, and on the
cobbled pavements the dogs lay with their heads between
their extended paws,, opening and closing a drowsy but
watchful eye. Except for two company orderly-sergeants,
who stood at a door smoking in intimate silence, the street
was deserted. The estamincts were empty, although it still
wanted four hours till closing time. The sergeants had
discarded their belts, and presented the negligi air of men
who are "resting" in billets.
"Some day !" remarked the taller of the two economically.
■Jake!" replied the other, "(iuess you'll owe me a
dollar to-night. Jack. The machine-gunners will knock spots
out of them."
" I'll make it two to one, if you like. Bob," said the first
speaker confidently.
"Done !" said the other. And they relapsed into silence.
They fidgeted occasionally, as from time tp time loud
shouts were borne upon their ears from the direction of a
field outside the village. These appeared to come orchestrally
from a crowd of men all shouting at once, though now and
again a powerful voice was heard above the rest, and its
nasal note repeated the same theme at intervals as in a fugue
— " Take-him-<jut of" the-box I " . . . " Take-him-out-of-the-
box!" The cry was repeated from time to time in notes
which alternated between menace and entreaty.
The origin of these sounds was to be sought in a field
hard by the village. In this field were a crowd of officers
and men who had posted themselves on two '=.ides of it in
such a manner as t(j form, with their backs outward, an
angle of ninety degrees. The men composing one side of
this V-shaped formation were cheering lustily, while those
on the other were ferociously silent. In the centre of the
Copvrifhi in til" t'nitfMl Stiiies ot AiiiRnra
V four grey-shirted men in khaki trousers were
dashing madly round from one point to another, touching,
as they went, four white bags on the ground at the corners
of a square, and having apparently as their objective the
bag nearest the apex of the V. An untutored mind might
have mistaken their efforts for a variation of that unauthor-
ised form of .^rrrly exercises known as "whipping to the
gap." Far out in the field a breathless man was trying to
pick up a ball, and seven other men, gloved as to the left
hand, adjured him with many imprecations to "get on with
it." A ninth' man, his face covered by a steel-barred mask
and his left hand hooded in an enormous leather glove,
stood b}' the corner bag.
In the centre of the field was an officer, with the peak of
his cap at the back of his head : his languid demeanour and
the spare ball in his hand marked him as the umpire. Three
of the runners had reached "home" at the corner, and the
fourth was straining towards it, when there was a flash df
white and the clean smack of a caught b»ll, which was no
sooner caught than it was thrown to the masked keeper of
the "home" base. The latter pirouetted on his feet as he
caught it, and. stooping with a half-turn, quicklv touched
the shoulder of the runner, who at the same moment dived
headlong for the bag as though seeking sanctuary. He lay
prostrate, with the catcher upright beside him, while all eyes
were turned -from these two to the umpire. No imperial
gesture deciding the lethal issue of life and death between
two gladia'tors could have been more anxiously awaited.
Without a word, the umpire jerked his thumb over his
shoulder. The runner was "out."
At that the sullen silence of the crowd of spectators on
one side gave place to delirious cheering, while the exulta-
tions of the supporters of the "in" side were transformed
into howls of execration and dark threats against the umpire,
who was freely accused of "graft" and other corrupt and
illegal practices.
"Safe a mile," yelled a voice above the rest. "Use your
eyes, umps ! Wait till you come to me with a bullet in
your hvcr ! I'll show what 'out' means."
It was the regimental M.O. He shook his fist at the
umpire aS he uttered his maledictions.
"Go it, Dickie," urged a company commander at his
elbow, encouragingly. " You haven't begun to warm up yet."
"Kill the umpire!" yelled the M.O., with lethal fury.
" Kill him ! Scalp him ! Tar and feather him I Tickle his
feet ! "
"Dry up, Dickie," said a subaltern beside him. "He was
out all right."
"That doesn't cut any ice," retorted tlie M.O. "Can't
I have a yell to myself ? The umpire's got a glass eye, and
a cheap 'un at that. Give him Medicine and Duty!"
i8
Land & Water
June 6, 191 8
His soliloquy fell on deaf ears. The umpire, who had
maintained a massi\'e silence, suddenly looked up as another
man took the place of the vanquished at the "home." As
the new-comer grasped the bat, he was hailed with loud
entreaties to "knock the ball out of Belgium," on the one
hand; and, on the other, with sinister assurances that if he
did his life would hardly be worth living. Meanwhili^, the
pitcher, some twenty yards in front of him, and the catcher,
a yard or two behind him, seemed to be engaged in mysterious
intercourse in a deaf-and-dumb alphabet of their own. The
pitcher was juggling with th;- ball as though not quite certain
what to do with it, while the catcher was patting his gloved
and ungloved hands together as though inviting him to join
in th > ancient game of pat-a-cakc. All this pantomime
would have been very disconcerting to a nervous batter.
It was meant to be. In baseball everybody does his best
t) put everybody else off his game, this is useful, for it
teaches you self-c > ftdence ; also self-courage, for you will
gi?t no encourag i nt. The next moment thf- pitcher
suddenly brought ins hands together over his head, whirled
them round in an ellipse, and hurled the bal: in the
direction of the batter.
A shell whined towards the field, and dropped with a
roar and a great spurt of black earth and blacker smoke
some half a mile away. The spectators ignored it. The
captain who had been urging the M.O. to still more inflam-
matory efforts, happening to glance in that direction, noted
curi )usly a figure in yellow baggy clothes and a red tarbush
advancing across the field. The figure alternately ran and
stumbled. He noted, too, that the gun-fire t > the north-
east had swelled to a loud continuous roar. A click recalled
him to the game. The batsman had hit the ball to centre-
field, and, dropping his stick, ran desperately towards the
first base, about ninety yards to his right. The ball was
fielded by the centre-field with incredible velocity and thrown
to the baseman as the batter measured his length on the
ground. Loud shouts of exultation arose from a group of
Field Ambulance men under a row of poplars on one side
of the field as a third machine-gunner entered on his innings.
The new batsman fingered the "bat" nervously.
" Don't be afraid of it ! It won't hurt you ! " shouted the
ambulance men, encouragingly. "It ain't septic."
"Who's bought you ? " shouted a man with a megaphone
darkly at .the pitcher. .\nd he proceeded to make a number
of defamatory remarks, chosen with extreme care, upon the
age of the player, his deportment, his choice of a career,
and his private morals. If you are of a sensitive disposition
you had better not play baseball ; it ij verj- bad for self-
esteem. But it is uncommonly good for self-control.
At that moment a man, belted as on duty, thrust his way
through the boisterous crowd, and, approaching the umpire,
saluted and gave him a bit of paper. The umpire took the
message and, having read it, suddenly turned his cap peak
foremost. He raised his hand. "The game's called," he
announced in a clear, slightly nasal voice. He turned, and.
nodding towards the menacing roar in the north-east added,
with a faint smile, "on account of the rain !"
Silence fell upon the crowd as he paused for a moment.
-Men turned one to another. Explosions of light suddenly
appeared in the north-east, succeeded by three coloured stars
one above the other, which scintillated brilHantly like gems
reaching the village, the}' fell in and awaited orders. Thuy
found the streets of V- choked with a stream of men,
women, and children — on foot, on horseback, in carts, in
perambulators, all with their faces turned towards the west,
as though intent on some desperate pilgrimage. Incredibl}-
old women and bed-ridden old men borne limply in wheel-
barrows or carried in hand-carts, with their atrophied legs
dangling helplessly over the sides, were being pushed or
dragged through the crowd. The captain, glancing at these
human derelicts, noticed curiously that one ancient paralytic
reclined in a barrow with his hands ceaselessly twitching
while his body and members remained rigid, like a poplar
whose trunk and branches are still while the leaves at the
extremities flutter ceaselessly. Young women, carrying
babies at the breast and with children clutching at their
skirts, their twinkling feet taking three steps to the mother's
one, stumbled forward with the same set look upon their
face. Some were bent double with the weight of large
feather mattresses ; others held bird-cages, clocks, cats,
caskets, in a close embrace. Now and then there was a
scream as some cripple fell and the crowd pressed on and
over him. And from this surging crowd there arose a single
cry as though it possessed but a single voice, swelling into a
loud diapason— " £fs Bodies viennent."
There was a sound of wheels and a clatter of hoofs on the
pavi behind, and the crowd turned in terror at the pursuit.
They broke into a furrow, and through them galloped French
gunners on horses with the traces cut, followed by other
mounted men driving limbers without guns — and mercilesslv
lashing the "leaders," whose mouths were white with foani.
And they also cried " Les Bodies viennent," and passed on.
They were followed by men on foot, wearing red fezzes ;
their livid bluish faces, their lips flecked with froth, their
hands fumbling at their throats, their gasps for breath added
to the terror of the crowd with which they mingled.
The captain eyed them with feelings in which anger and
pity strove for mastery. "They've got the wind up, and no
mistake," he said to a subaltern. "But what the hell's the
matter with them ? They haven't got a scratch."
"Their uniforms arc as clean as ours," speculated the sub-
altern. "They can't have been buried. I've never seen
that look on a man's face before."
"That pitcher weren't no good," said a man in the ranks.
"They oughter have taken him out of the box long ago."
The men, who had been standing easy, now fell out, and
fetched their rifles, packs, and ammunition. Water-bottles
were filled, nominal rolls were checked, and for a few minutes
the company quarter-master -sergeants were incredibly busy.
The men squatted on the ground, wearing their equipment,
with their packs lying on the "kicking-straps" beside them.
They debated freely the respective merits of the two sides,
the fielding, the pitching, the catching, and the prospects of a
game that, as it happened, was never to be resumed.
"COMP'NY!" shouted each company commander.
The men scrambled to their feet and, putting out their
cigarettes, put on their packs.
"COMP'NY! 'SHUN!... FORM FOURS ! RIGHT'
AT EASE. OUICK-K-K MARCH."
The short spring day was drawing to a cIosl', the air grew
cold, the shadows deepened. They marched along the Ypres
I
. ^ ^ rr - "'^'^ P"^'' '"°^^' tlirusting their wav through the refugees, and turning
for a mmute, and then went out Two company orderly- off to the left near the asylum they crossed the canal just
sergeants appeared on the edge of the crowd, wearing their ' ' "
belts ; they were panting with exertion as thougli they had
been running. A soldier from a Belgian working-party' with
a shovel on his back, emerged in a patch of blue from the
crowd of khaki, and, talking excitedly, pointed over his
shoulder in the direction of the church. The crowd was hke
a field of oats suddenly set in motion by a breeze ; each
individual member of it seemed to be flickering to and fro,
although the crowd as a whole remained stationary.
"The battalion will fall in at once," said the subaltern,
suddenly, in a changed tone of voice. "Heavy marching
order."
The breathless sergeants became articulate.
'A' and 'B' Companies, stand to!" shouted the one.
" 'C and 'D' Companies! Back to billets, boys; kits
on, and fall in," shouted the other.
"WTiat is it?" said the captain to one of the orderly
sergeants.
"The Germans have broken through on the left flank, sir."
"Our bet's off," said one man to another. "Tell you
what, mate ; I'll take you in three to one on the M.G.s
next time." The odds were accepted.
They streamed back to billets, discussing the match as
they went. The orderly sergeants were everywhere at once
— in their flanks and in their rear — rounding up the argu-
mcntati\e laggards like sheep-dogs on a hillside. On
north of the doomed city. Clouds of white and black and
red dust rose above it, as shell after shell crashed down
upon It. and died away in crayon upon the evening sky.
In the west the sun was going down in a great conflagration.
The air was still dry and clear, but to the north-east there
was a faint greenish haze lying over the fields like a river-
mist in the crepuscular light. In the fields, on either side
of them, horses and cows lay dead on their backs in uncouth
attitudes, with their legs sticking up towards the sky. A
vast desolation brooded over the landscape. They" were
alone. Not a living man or beast was to be seen. Dead
men in bleached uniforms lay about in contorted attitudes—
their faces livid and on their lips little bubbles of foam.
Except for the intermittent roar of the guns, the air was
still as death. In this vast mortuary not a bird sang.
Ihe road dipped into a hollow, and as the column descended
the advanced guard began to cough, theji the connecting files
coughed and these phthisical sounds were gradually taken
up by the whole column. Night had fallen, and in the dark
solitudes these hollow sounds were as loud and distinct as
the hooting of owls in a wood.
"Silence in the ranks," said the captain, and then he
begari to cough. His eyes watered. He sniffed
This place stinks like a damned latrine," he said, irritably,
as he blew his nose.
"It's like chlnrofnrii!." s.ii^il one subaltern.
June 6, 19 I 8
Land & Water
19
Another wondered how Jong it was since he liad tasted
almonds.
As the coKimn emerged from that sep\ilchral hollow and
breastecl the rise, they breathed more freely.
They neared the cross-roads at B , and shells began to
whistle over their heads. The night air was full of strange
and sibilant voices. They crossed the canal, and at that
moment a shell fell in the middle of the column. The men
in the immediate vicinity stopped dead, while the men in
the rear continued to march until, as they trod on the heels of
the men in front of them, the whole column was pulled up
like a horse that i§ suddenly thrown on its haunches. Con-
fused voices were heard, and the groans of wounded men.
The M.O. was down on his knees beside the prostrate forms,
flashing an electric-torch upon them, while he masked its
light with his Burberry. The shell had wiped out a machine-
gun team. The M.G. officer lay dead where he had fallen.
The wounded were picked up and placed on the wheeled
transport, and the battalion resumed its march. No one knew
whose turn would come next. But they continued to march
steadily, each man's eves fi.xed on the pack of the man in
front of him
At midnight they halted by the side of the road, due
north of St. J — — , and waited for dawn. Thoy found some
deserted gun-emplacements, and- established their battalion
headquarters therein. Having put out outposts and dug
themselves in, the men snatched an hour or two of
fitful and uneasy sleep under the stars.
The morning broke cold and clear, and with the first flush
of dawn the men were on their feet, stamping to keep them-
selves warm. In front of them was a dark wood, and in the
middle distance a farm and its outhouses. It was a: small
wood, and if you look for that wood to-day you will never
find it, but its name will go down to history. From this
moment the battalion was spUt up ; "C" and "D" Companies
were ordered to march off in the direction, of the wood, where
they were to join up with the Third Brigade? As they
marched off by platoons in file they wa\^ed their hands in
salutation to their comrades ; it was the last the latter ever
saw of them.
As the sun caqie out, the air grew warm ; but not a lark
climbed the heavens. Of the two companies that remained, one
was ordered to move straight on its trenches in open order by
platoons, the other was to advance by s«*ctions towards the
farm. ^' They raced forwards, and as thej' approached their
objective the German guns got the range, and opened on them
with shrapnel and high explosive. A dark grey mass of men
was clustered round a farm about 900 yards away, on their
left front, and, as they drew nearer, this mass opened on them
with rifle-fire. Bullets licked the earth all around them, throw-
ing up spurts of dust ; but the shooting was poor, and they
advanced steadily. The captain, who was signalling-officer and
was in the rear, watched the waves of two other battalions
advancing on the left to attack the ridge, and as the German
machine-guns got to work on them he noticed that the first
wave grew thinner and thinner. It struck him that it was
• extraordinarily like a cinema film ; he was looking all the
while at the same picture, and yet it was never quite the
same. There was the wave, always there, but from moment
to moment gaps appeared in it ; flickers of flame came and
went above it ; little white clouds appeared from nowhere
over it, hung about, and disappeared as though they had
never been. But with each cloud another gap appeared in
the line. Now and again it was wholly obscured by great
patches of coal-black smoke like enormous ink-stains, and
the earth shook. As the smoke cleared away, he was almost
astonished to see that the men — some of them — were still
upright, and still advancing, without haste and without rest.
" This is going to be sOme hell, to-day ; eh, what, Dickie ? "
he said to the M.O., who was on his way to a farm to get it
going as a regimental aid-post.
"That's so," said the M.O., cheerful at the prospect of
having something more professionally exciting to do than
look at men's tongues in billets. "I guess I'm going to do
quite a lot in the general practitioner line to-day. Say, old
man, if you come my way I'U patch you up beautifully.
I've quite a good bedside manner." "> ' ,
The M.O. had a disconcerting habit of envisaging every-
body else as a possible casualty. Which was rather premature
when you came to think of it.
"Get along, Dickie, you old body-snatcher. I'd sooner
die a natural death," retorted the other. "The Bochc has
slain his thousands, but you M.O.s your tens of thousands."
"I'll never be slain by the jawbone of an ass," retorted
the M.O. pugnaciously.
"Now, Dickie," laughed the signalling-officer, good-
naturedly, " you're getting riled. You're better at giving chaff
than taking it. .You just hike away to your consulting -room."
The M.O. "hiked." .And for no apparent reason they
shook haS^s.
They were busy after that. The captain ordered field-
telephones to be laid out from the farm, which was to serve
the double purpose of aid-post and battalion headquarters.
They were laid out. to the lines of unfinished trenches which
had now been occupied by the waves of infantr}'. It was
neither open warfare nor trench warfare, but a curious
combination of the two — a contest of positions which were
only half-entrenched^while the German infantry hung about
in clusters, like loafers at a street corner, apparently uncertain
whether to advance or not. The truth was they were
puzzled. They felt that by all the rules of the game the
Canadians had no business to be there. The latter had one
gun and no aeroplanes ; they were being drenched with
Shrapnel and submerged with high explosive ; their left was
"in the air," and their allies had bolted the day before in a
wild sauve qui petit before a new and sinister weapon which
the Boche knew to be his own' peculiar and nasty secret.
And yet here were these "verdammte" Canadians coming
right up to them and making themselves extremely unpleas-
ant with nothing better than two or three machine-guns
and tlieir rifles, though, to be sure, the rapid and accurate
fire of those rifles was something to reckon with. The
Boche, \ who had had things all his own way the day
before, when he bayoneted inanimate men half-suffocated
by his poisonous gas, did not seem to approve of this
at all.
During tlie vvhole of that day a storm of iron beat upon the
farm and the position in front of it. Shells ploughed up
the trenches, bur3^ing men where they stood, and leaving not
a trace behind. Some men were blown to dust, others were
killed without a scratch ; it seemed as if not the engines of
war but some mysterious force of natur'e were blasting them
out of existence. The survivors fired again and again at their
fitf\il targets, until their rifle-barrels grew hot, their nostrils
were filled with the reek of blood and burnt cordite, their
ears stunned with concussion, their eyes half-blinded w;ith
showers of black dust, and their faces running with sweat.
Shells formed huge craters round and about the farm, shaking
it to its foundations and bespattering its walls with the
filth of the midden-heap. The signalling-officer found him-
self wondering how long it would be before the battalion
headquarters would be wiped out. As he sat there, with the
CO., receiving and transmitting messages, he felt as though
he were dwelling in a haunted house. Soot fell in showers
down the cliimney on to the hearthstone, windows rattled,
doors opened and shut, pictures fell from the walls, and
plaster pattered on to the floor. Voices shrieked and whim-
pered overhead. And all the while he was conscious of
waiting for something to happen^something was surely
bound to happen. Would it be the next or the next but
one ? No ! that was a " dud." Short ! Over ! . . . He
got up and went out. There was a lull. Tljen the storm
burst forth again. He began to count the shells falling in
or near the farm and the trenches occupied by "A" and
"B" Companies. After counting for fifteen minutes by his
watch, he had reckoned ninety high-explosive shells.
Night brought little or no respite from shell-fire ; but the
enemy's machine-gun fire died down, and they were able to
get stretcher-bearers and ration-parties with water up to the
trenches. The M.O. worked all night in his overalls, dressing
the wounded, injecting morphia and anti-tetanic serum, and
evacuating them on empty limbers and supply waggons.
When dawn broke, the signalling-officer was ordered to
occupy a disused trench near a private road on the right,
- facing the wood. He had not been there many hours before
it stnick him that something was happening in that wood.
Shells were raining on it at intervals, and in the pauses he
heard the rifle-fire of "C" and "D" Companies, who were
holding it. But each time the rifle-fire diminished in volume,
and grew more and more fitful ; dying down like a fire of
twigs that crackle and consume. Meanwhile, he was busy
collecting "details" and organising the supports. At inter-
vals an order would come in to supply "two N.C.O.s and
forty men" to some hard-pressed position, and he had to
start reorganising all over again. Cooks, batmen, signallers
— all were impounded. A miUtary policeman passed on to
him every straggler. Derehcts of every regiment in the
divisions^Scottish, English, Canadian— came drifting in ;
and in that curious medley, drifting together like fallen
leaves under a breeze after the storm has momentarily spent
its fury, he saw only too clearly the evidence of what had
happened the day before. There was no need to ask any
questions. A morose Highlander, a company sergeant-major
who had lost his battalion, volunteered the information that
he was "fed up." He seemed dazed, and was argumentative
in a dull^ slow way like a drunken man.
20
Land & Water
June 6, 1918
"I thocht this was a war, d'ye ken, sorr ?" he said, thnist-
ing his face dose to the captain. The latter noticed that his
eyes were tired and blood-shot. " It iss not ! It iss a bluidy
massacre. And the Jair-nians call us mercenaries ! As if
there was siller in it! How many bawbees d'ye think I'll
be taking as company sergeant-major, now, sorr ? "
But the cajitain had suddenly put a field-telescope to Ids
eye, and was gazing hard in the direction of the wood about
a thousand yards away. " Here, ^ergeant-major ; stop
jawing, and look through this," he said, thrusting the tele-
scope into the hands of the N.C.O.
The effect was magical. "A cop, sor^ ; a fair cop. It's a
sicht I dinna expect to see every day. Eight hundred, do
you think, sorr ? Five rounds rapid will be enough to lay
them out, I'm thinking."
\Miat he had seen through the glass was a grey mass of
men hanging irresolute about the corners of the wood. They
had spiked helmets. The captain gave the word of com-
mand ; the company sergeant-major repeated it. The
improvised platoon, with their sights at Soo; burst into a
splutter of rifle-fire. The captain looked through his tele-
scope. The grey mass had disappeared.
But the captain was uneasy. Something must have
happened in that wood for the Germans to get through it.
For over half an hour silence had brooded over it. Not
an enemy gun played on it ; not a sound of rifle-fire had
come from it. . . . What had become of "C" and "D"
Companies ? He was still revolving that question when he
saw a man without a cap running from the direction of the
wood, taking such cover as the ground afforded. As
he drew nearer, the captain saw that he had bright red hair.
"By God, it's G !" he exclaimed. It was the lance-
cbrporal who had had charge of "C" and "D" Companies'
end of the telephone.
"I've managed to bury it, sir," said the fugitive, as he
arrived, breathless and exhausted.
"Buried what?"
"The telephone. I'm the only one to get through. "C"
and "D" Companies were cut off and enfiladed. Sixty per
cent, casualties. All their ammunition exhausted. They
were just snowed under. Could you lend me your water-
bottle ? Thank you, sir."
He took a long drink.
Overhead a Taube was circling like a hawk over its prey,
flying as low as 200 feet, so low that they could see the
observer looking over the side. He 'dropped a smoke-ball,
and a few minutes later a "coal-box" landed just short of
the trench, and threw up a spray of loamy dirt, which covered
them from foot to head, and filled their eyes and nostrils,
half-blinding them. At that moment a runner arrived with
a message from battalion headquarters. .They were to fall
back. The German line, which had been concave before the
enemy had taken the wood, was now convex, and was thrust-
ing forward in a great bulge.
As they approached the farm, upon which "A" and "B".
Companies were retiring, a shell landed on the roof. When
the pillar of cloud cleared, flames were seen coming from it
as from the heart of the volcano. The barns, filled with
straw, were blazing fiercely.
In the farm-yard stood a figure in overalls, bareheaded,
and with arms bare to the elbows. His overalls were splashed
with blood, his face was black as a nigger-minstrel's with
soot, out of which his white eye-balls glared with a fierce
glow in their irises. He was shouting orders, directing
stretcher-bearers, and rushing in and out of the burning
barn, carrying the limp bodies of wounded men in liis arms.
He was about to rush back, when the signalling-officer caught
him by the arms. He tried to shake him ofi, but the other
held him in an iron grip.
"Blast you, M . Take your hands, off me, or I'll
trepan you." He raised his fist. "I've got men in
there, I tell you." *
"I know, Dickie," said the other softly. "I know. But
look ! You've done all you can, old man." As he
pointed to the barn, the roof fell in with a crash, and tongues
of fire ancl smoke burst from the doorway, scorching them
where they stood.
The M.6. stood for a moment like one dazed. He shook
his fist in the direction of the Germans. He was a master of
language, but for once in his life words failed him. He
uttered a choking sound, and turned away.
The next moment the farm-house itself caught fire. There
was a noise like the popping of corks, and brass-caps flew
freakishly in all directions, as though a swarm of bees had
been disturbed. The S.A.A. had caught fire and was going
off in a fusillade. The signalling-officer and his men rushed
to and fro, pulling out the boxes of ammunition and throwing
them into the mud.
They fell back, and dug in again. There they held on.
As the day drew to its close, the sky became obscured with
clouds, and before night rain began to fall. It fell in a
steady drizzle, wetting them to the skin as they hung on
without flares, without wire, without sand-bags, waiting
every moment of the night for an attack which never came.
Two days later they were relieved by reinforcements, and,
retiring by sections, they marched back to billets by the
light of the moon. Out of the two companies that remained
only 170 men were left. Of the four machine-guns, they
had saved but one. The machine-gun officer who had
umpired at the match was dead. Of the eighteen men who
had played the game of Machine-gunners v. Ambulance-men,
only eight survived.
As they passed "Suicide Corner," the captain caught
sight of a somnolent sepoy sitting against the bank on the
side of the road, his face curiously grey in the moonlight.
"Lost his unit!" he said to himself. 'It was a common
occurrence. He .went up to him and, seeking to wake him,
pulled him gently by the- neck of his tunic. He fell forward
stiffly against the captain. The back of the man's head was
gone, and his face was merely a mask. He was dead.
They reached V at dawn. The men unslung their
rifles and packs, and threw themselves down heavilj' without
taking their boots off. And for the first time for five days
they slept. —
The stories by Centurion — a junior officer who has
seen much of the war in France — whicli\hav^ been appearing
at intetv-ils in the columns of L.\nd & W.-^ter since
November, 1916, are to be published early this month in book
form by Mr. Heinemann under the title of "Gentlemen-
at- Arms." They are to be published in America by
Messrs. Doubleday , Page. Several of the stories describe,
for the first time' in prjnt, the fortunes of certain regiments
at the battles of Mons, the Marne, the Aisne, Ypres, and
. the Somme.
We shall publish in Land & Water at an early date
a second series of stories by Centurion, which will appear
simultaneously in America in the " Centurv Magazine.'
They found the streets choked with a stream of men, women and children— on foot, on horseback in carts in
perambulators, ail with their faces turned towards the west, as though intent on some desperate nilorima'oe.
June 13, 1918
Supplement to Land & Water
IX
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." There is nothing to shake the confidence which wc should have in our soldiers. They fought one against
five, without sleep for three or four days together. ^ The Army is better than anything we could have
expected. When I speak of the Army I speak of those who compose it, of whatever rank and whatever
grade they may be. . . . So long as this Government is here, France will be defended to the death, and
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2*
Land & Water
June 13, igi8
LAND & WATER
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THURSDAY, JUNE 13, 1918.
Contents
A Soldier of France. (Cartoon.) Bv Raemaekers
The Outlook
Battle of Matz. Bv H. Belloc
The Potsdam Conference. By Henry Morgcnthan
"Suddenly •" Bv T.cwis K. Freeman, R.N.V.K.
Cicmenceau. By J. Couduricr de Chassaigne
Sphagnnm. By Eden Phillpotts
In an East Coast Town. Poem. By Sherard Vines
The Bolo Cablegrarns. By French Strother
Walter de la Mare. Bv J- C. Sqviire
The Realist. (Illustrated,) By Charles ilarriott
An Ambassador of Letters. By James Milne
Household Notes
P.\GE
I
2
.3
8
11
13
14
14
f5
^7
18
20
22
The Outlook
AT midnight between Saturday and Sunday last,
the enemy opened a preliminary bombardment
of four hours' duration upon the twenty-two
miles of front between Montdidier and Noyon.
His action was exactly parallel to that which he
has pursued in everv one of the blows delivered upon the
Western front in this year's campaign, each of which has
opened with a bombardment of similar duration and charac-
ter. Gas shells formed the greater part of the missiles, and
the zone covered was very deep.
The first development of the battle followed the lines of
the fighting of March 21st against ouf 3rd and 5th Armies,
but on a smaller scale. It consistea in the occupation of
the first covering lines and a determined stand by the defence
upon the third main positions — a development which neces-
sarily meant very much heavier losses in the attack than for
the defence. At one point only did the assailants seize any
portion of the main line. This was in a very important
direction where presumably they had thrown the greater
part of their weight. They came down the valley of the
little river Matz, past Ressons, a movement representing
an advance of five miles and, what was more important, a
movement which begins the turning of the strong defensive
position known as the Hills of Lassigny. The western haJf
of the hills was, by Monday night, in the hands of the enemy ;
but the Matz Valley to the west, if it can be further pene-
trated, outflanks them altogether.
* « *
Though this last move has a direct territorial significance,
being clearly an effort to reduce the French salient towards
Noyon and to flatten out the Allied line, we must never lose
sight of the -main truth, that the enemy's whole object is
neither to reach a particular point in space nor to achieve a
particular conformation of his line, but to reduce the forces
opposed to him in men and material while he yet has a
superiority in numbers (that is, .during the course of the
present summer) to such a point that the struggle can no
longer be continued. In this effort everything will turn
upon the proportion between the losses which he suffers and
those which he inflicts.
He has captured, first and last, by his own account, since
he began his offensive, not far short of 2,000 pieces and
well over 150,000 men, yhile he has accounted in permanent
and temporary loss otl>er than prisoners for some much larger
number, which is, of course, unknowif. But he has only
achieved this by throwing in the equivalent by this time of
nearer 300 than 200 divisions. He has actually used for
shock close on three-quarters of his available units, has put
in at least one-third of them twice, and a similar number
three and even four times.
We know the length of the pause that was imposed on him
by his losses in the first two actions — the second battle of
the Somme and the battle of the Lys. Those losses com-
pelled a halt for recruitment of a full month. But save for
that indication, we have very meagre sources of information
as to his total loss. It is to be feared that until the reaction
began in the last battle of the Tardenois his losses were
lighter than in either of the other two preceding struggles.
The Imperial War Cabinet reassembles this week. Apart
from practical purposes, it is symbolical of the greater cohe-
sion of the British Empire which the war has' brought about.
Not only are the self-governing Dominions adequately repre-
sented, but India again finds a place at the board. At this
Imperial Cabinet questions of the first moment will be dis-
cussed. Australia and New Zealand have clearly defined
ideas on the purification of the Pacific from the Teuton
taint. South Africa will also have something to say on the
same subject as it affects Africa a/id of the peril of allowing
any Power a free hand which aims at building up a well-
flisciplined army recruited^ from the more war-like native
tribes. Canada has questions of her own, and all are naturally
interested to arrive at a first-hand knowledge of the policy
under which the war is carried on. And then there are for
consideration economic questions of. the first importance,
though it is difficult to see how at this stage the most of them
can be conclusively decided. The great value of this Imperial
Council is that it impresses on the constituent parts of the
Empire that they have everything in common as regards
principles and ideals, but that the ways are necessarily
divergent, by which t^ey are compelled through circumstance
peculiar to each, to work them out. This in itself is an
accomplishment, for it removes misunderstandings.
• « •
India's representation on this occasion is notable. Mr.
Montagu, the Secretary of State, has just' returned from a
tour through the Indian Empire, where he enjoyed the most
exceptional opportunities of discussing native aims and
ambitions with representative men of its multiple races,
classes, creeds, and civilisations. He must have returned to
Whitehall with a very clear view of the complex and intricate
problems which confront British statesmanship in the East.
Associated with Mr. Montagu is the Maharajah of Patiala,
head of the leading Sikh State. The Sikh is not only a
splendid soldier, but has been quick to acquire Western
education, which, when ill-digested, has rendered him at
times an easy prey to wily German-bribed agitators. The
loyalty of the Sikh people has never been in question, and an
intrigue that two or three years ago threatened dangerously
was mainly suppressed through infonnation they themselves
willingly supplied to the authorities. The other Indian
rep resent at i-ve is Sir Satyendra Sinha, who filled the same
high position last year. A barrister by profession, Lincoln's
Inn, he was ten years Advocate-General of Bengal before
being summoned to the Viceroy's Executive Council.
« « •
It is exactly a year ago to-day, though, of course, last year
June 13th fell on a Wednesday, that London was first raided
by a squadron of Gothas. They came over at eleven in the
morning ; crowds thronged the streets to watch the show ;
most of the bombs fell on the western outskirts of the City.
No harm was done to the invading machines ; the firing of
anti-aircraft guns was desultory, and afterwards considerable
indignation was expressed at the fall of shrapnel in manv
districts. It was thought then by the majority that we
ought to regard these raids in much the same light as
thunderstorms. Not until three months later — in Septem-
ber— were the defences of London organised on their present
lines. There has been a steady improvement in these defences
since that date ; though it is understood that under favour-
able conditions of weather- and visibility, raids on even a
bigger scale than hitherto must be expected, yet London
now realises that the enemy cannot hit at us without being
hit back ; the fun is not to be all on his side. The public
mind has passed through many phases since curiosity was
the prevailing emotion, and the climax was probably reached
by a London working woman, who the other day remarked that
she rather liked an air-raid, as it took her mind off the war.
• ■ * »
Looking back, the most extraordinary features about these
raids was the objection raised by educated and responsible
persons in many walk-s of life against our invasion of German
cities on the same scale. These good people boggled over
the word "reprisals"; they admitted we had the right of
defence, but denied our right to defend ourselves by means
of offence. That bad argument has gone the way of many
other bad arguments. America has taken warning from this
experience. Instead of talking of reprisals, her Secretary
of State uses the more accurate phrase "reciprocal action."
Mr. Lansing has suggested to the German Gov'/rnment that
if it acts brutally to American prisoners of war it will inevit-
ably be understood to invite similar reciprocal action on the
part of the United States." It is a pity that the British
Government did not make the same suggestion in equally
plain language months ago. No one doubts — not even the
German— that the United States will act reciprocally,
promptly, and effectively if compelled to.
June 13, 191 8
Land & Water
Battle of the Matz: By Hilaire Belloc
ON Sunday morning, June 9th, at 4.30 a.m., the
fourth attack of the great German offensive was
launched upon a front of 22 miles between
Montdidier and Noyon. The' action was com-
plementary to that which had broken the front
between Soissons and Rheims, and was intended, so far as
mere ground is concerned, to eliminate the salient of Noyon,
but much more to continue the general task of destroj'ing
the Allied front and diminishing it to the point of decisive
inferiority in numbers of men and material.
In the course of this first day the battle developed not as
in the case of Armentieres and Soissons, by a clean break, but
on the model of the first thrust of March 21st, in the shape of
very stubborn resistance by the defenders and correspondingly
exaggerated loss for the attack.
In order to understand the nature of the line and of the
attempt to force it, we must study the ground and especially
observe its main feature, which is the mass of wooded hills
known as the Heights of Lassigny, the turning and conse-
quent evacuation of which will be the immediate purpose
of the enemy.
The line from Montdidier to Noyon is divided into two
almost equal halves by the valley of a Uttle river called the
Matz. On the west or left of this stream there is a sector
about 10 or ir miles long nmning up from the neighbourhood
of the village called Haut Matz to Mesnil St. George, opposite
Montdidier. This sector runs through open country with
no very pronounced heights on rolling fields or arable land
and a very few small woods. '
The other, or western, sector, from the Matz to the neigh-
bourhood of Noyon, is sUghtly shorter — not quite 10 miles —
and of a totally different character. It consists in a great
body of high land rising to nearly 600 feet above the sea
and 400 above the water levels, known, as I have said, as the
Hills of Lassigny, from the little town now in German hands
which lies to the north. These hills are everywhere wooded,
especially upon their northern slopes looking towards the
enemy, and they form a strong defensive position. Through-
out much the greater part of their length they form one
united ridge, which gets Higher as one goes from east to west ;
but at their extreme western end, near the Matz Valley, they
break off into an isolated lump covered with wood about
100 feet below the neighbouring summit of the Lassigny
Hills, and separated from them by a sharply marked valley
150 feet in depth. At the mouth of this valley is the village
of Gury. At the far or southern end of the lump, where it
falls down on to the Matz, is the large village of Ressons.
As is clear from the map, a successful thrust not only up to
Ressons, but right round down the valley of the Matz
would turn all the obstacle of the Lassigny Hills. It
would give the enemy Bellinglise Plateau and Thiescourt
Wood and possession of the chief natural obstacle be-
tween him and the Oise.
Position on Sunday
When night fell, upon Sunday, what had happened upon
the line as a whole was this :
All the main positions of the first sector down to the neigh-
bourhood of the Matz were held, which everywhere stood
the shock. But in the centre, along the valley of the Matz
itself, the enemy had got as far as Ressons, and had therefore
begun to turn the heights of Lassigny. His direct attack
upon those heights had led to nothing. He was held all
round the southern base of them from Ville to Belval. He
had got Gury and the isolated heights above it. The danger-
point, therefore, at this moment, was his thrust up the valley
of the Matz and his appearance at Ressons.
It is worthy of remark that in this the fourth of the blows
delivered by the Germans for a decision upon the Western
front, the element of surprise, which he has certainly found
himself capable of restoring to war, was hardly present.
There was a very strong contrast here between the attack
of May 27th and that of June gth. The attack of May 27th
between Soissons and Rheims used the factor of surprise
more completely than any other attack in the course of the
whole war in the West. Seven divisions— four, at least, of
which were fatigued — found themselves opposed to 25 at a
' moment's notice, and it is clear from the further development
of the battle that such a blow upon this sector was not
expected. But the Noyon-Montdidier frdnt was, after the
battle of the Tardenois, so obviously the front that would
give the best results that even the prophets, who for some
inscrutable reason stiU cpntinue to prophesy, had remarked it.
It is clear that the enemy deliberately sacrificed the advan-
tage of surprise to the greater advantage of the results that
would be reaped by success upon this hne.
There is at the moment of writing — that is, upon the
dispatches of Sunday night and Monday morning, when the
battle had been in progress only 30 hours — no criterion at aU
of the two main points upon which a judgment of results
would be formed, the extent of the pressure in the Matz
Valley, and the comparative rate of losses of offence and
defence along the whole 22 miles. We have not yet even
an estimate of the numbers of the attacking -force in the
first shock {see postscript on page 7).
The Tardenois Battle ,
On the Tardenois battlefield the characteristic of the week
has been the temporary stabiUsation of the new front by the
German success in the department of the Aisne : That is,
the front running from Noyon to the west of Soissons, so
round to the Mame at Chateau-Thierry, up that river beyond
Dormans to near Verneuil and then up from Vemeuil round
Rheims : a perimeter of altogether about 90 miles without
counting smaller sinuosities.
This stabiUsation of the front means bringing up Allied
forces in sufficient amount to counter enemy pressure. It
does not mean that the Allied forces thus brought up are
equivalent to the 50 German divisions within the great
salient Soissons-Chateau-Thierry-Rheims. There would be
no meaning in countering an offensive thrust by a weight
equal to that thrust. What it means is that from
the eighth day of the offensive onwards the advance was
held. In other words there has taken place here exactly
what took place on a larger scale after the stroke of March
22nd, between Arras and St. Quentin, and after the second
attack on April 9th, between La Bass^e and Armentieres.
As one might expect, this third great German effort
has features closely comparable to the other two. For
instance, the first great German thrust, running its course
in about ten days, was held upon a triangle, the two comers
of the base of which were strongly defended at Arras and
between St. Quentin and Noyon, but one of these comers
by vigorous effort was enlarged down to Noyon. In the
same way the second thmst, which was on a smaller scale,
produced a triangular sahent of almost exactly the same
shape, firmly held at the La Bassee comer, but enlarged
at the Armentieres comer. This last has produced its triangle
firmly held at the Rheims comer but enlarged at the Soissons
comer. The plan and its development have in each case
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Land & Water
June 13, 1918
been exactly the same. A broken front : A rapid advance
through the gap straight ahead : The rushing up of Alhed
troops to stop the movement upon either side, tlius pro-
ducing the triangle : Violent efforts by the enemy to enlarge
himself, wlflch result in the pusliing back of one of the corners
at the base of the triangle. At the end of the affair stabil-
isation.
In each case there have been very vigorous efforts made
after stabilisation upon the part of the enemy to drive back
one side of the triangle, or both. In thi^ last great business
all the weight of the enemy has been put into trying to push
back the Western side of the salient he has, created. It is
in this effort he has lost most men, and it is here that the re-
action agciinst him has been most violent and successful.
It is important for an understanding of the battle to appre-
ciate that the enemy has not, especially in the last of these
three efforts, a pre-determined plan. That was a point which
we insisted upon last week. The more he came to see that
his new tactical method gave him the power to break a front,
the more he trusted to merely breaking the chosen sector,
and then following such fortunes as very rapid advance
through the breach might give him.
Thus it is perfectly clear that he intended, if possible, to
force the obstacle of the Mame, and that only on the failure
to do so did he put'his full weight against the West. The idea
that he went up as far as the Mame, and then dehberately
used it like the Oise in a former case as a flank guard for an
advance west, will not hold water. .He made the most de-
termined efforts on June ist, June 2nd, and June 3rd, to
cross the river, and was fairly beaten. What is true in regard
to the whole great business from April 4th onwards, is that
he has a general thesis before him of reducing the Allied
Armies by repeated blows all along the line, but of a particu-
lar strategic conception following after each success in creat-
ing a rupture of the Allied line there is no trace. There is no
reason from his point of view why he should draw up any
such particular plans. The great achievement is to break
an organised froni. That done, the fortunes of the masses
pouring through afterwards must necessarily be left to develop-
ments upon the field.
If we follow in detail all round the new salient the gradually
increasing counter pressure of the AlUes from Monday,
June 3rd, to Saturday, June 8th, inclusive, we shall discover
that upon Tuesday, June 41)1, came the lull or check to the
enemy's general advance, which was followed by either his
being held in most places, or actually pushed back. Tuesday,'
June 4th, was the end of the first great phase. It was after
this date, Tuesday, June 4th, that he haei to make up his mind
whether he would pursue his advantage by throwing in fur-
ther forces beyond the fifty divisions already used, or limit
himself to the lines he had already established- and use his
dispensible margin elsewhere. He has decided, as we have
seen, for the sccoikI policy, a
between Montdidier and Noydn.
On Monday, June 3rd, his
Marne had failed, as we shall
id has launched a fourth blow
second attempt to cross the
see in a later description of it.
It was the attempt of Jaulgo ine, following upon the failure
of the previous day at Chateau-Thierry. But on that day
he had taken the dominating hill just west of Chateau-
Thierry, which was so conspicuous an object above the valley
of the Marne, and which is known to the French soldiers as
Hill 204. He had pushed on past Monthiers to the vaUey of
the Chgnon Stream, in which lie Torcy and Bouresches.
He had thrown the French back to the heights on the South
of the Valley, and had got right forward to Veuilly La Poterie,
in his furthest extension westward. At the same time he had
enlarged his corner at Soissons, got right up on to the hills
which dominate the town from the West, taken Chaudun,
and approached the Villers Cotterets Forest, which is the
great obstacle against him in this neighbourhood. During
all that Monday the French just held him at Faverolles and,
on the extreme north near Noyon, recovered the wooded hill
called Choisy, which overlooks the crossing of the Oise.
Taking it all in all, this Monday, June 3rd, was a rapid
and successful extension of the German effort westward, but
was also the end of the first phase in the battle. For on
June 4th, Tuesday, the re-action began to tell. A lull was
noticed in the German infant rj' efforts, and with Wednesday,
the 5th, everything changed. The offensive was halted and
the enemy was beginning his plans for the new attack on
the other side of the Noyon corner. The delay was precisely
that of last April. In that month he broke, on the 4th, against
the reorganised defence. He struck before Lille on the
9th, the same dates as mark this smaller June battle.
There was on that day a very violent etiemy effort to cross
the Oise just south of Noyon, but the French recovery of
the Choisy Hill 48 hours before ^caused that effort to fail
at some expense. The French re-acted and gained a certain
amount of ground north of the Aisne, and the last enemy
thrust into the edge of the Forest of Villers-Cotterets failed.
The edges of the wood were occupied for a moment, but
afterwards completely cleared.
The enemy further marked the end of the first phase
by summing up, as has been his habit after each of these
great efforts of his, the toll in prisoners and guns. He claimed
55,000 prisoners and 650 pieces.
On Thursday the 6th, the Allied re-action became more
marked, or the enemy cessation more clear, whichever way
one cares to put it. On the east of the salient, Bligny village,
which the enemy had carried, was partly re-occupied by the
British, and the enemy attempt against Champlat' was
completely broken, while the French on the other side of the
salient, that is on the west, advanced their line nearly 1000
yards, in the neighbourhood of Veuilly La Poterie.
On Friday the 7th, the full weight of the re-action appeared.
Bligny was entirely re-occupied ; the French advanced
right past Veuilly La Poterie ; American forces to their
right got up to Torcy, and, mixed with the French, as far
as and even beyond Bouresches. Most important of all,
the great dominating hill known as Hill 204 above Chateau-
Thierry, was recovered by the French upon that dav. On
the 8th, Saturday, a further French advance from Veuilly
La Poterie reached Eloup.
The position upon the evening of that day, Saturday.
June 13, 19 1 8
Land & Water
June 8th, the 13th day of the battle, the fourth of the Allied
re-action, and the eve of .the new attack along the Matz,
north of Paris, was, running from north on the Oise near
Noyon southward to the Marne, near Chateau-Thierry and
then up north to Rheims, as follows : —
An attempt to enlarge the corner near Noyon by crossing
the Oise cast of Sempigny had failed. The dominating
hill of Choisy overlooking the Oise Valley had been recovered
by the French. The line thence ran in front of Moulin-
sous-Tousvent to the Aisne at Port, just west of Fontenoy.
It crosses the high table-land to the corner of the forest of
Villers Cotterets, of which it forbade the entrance, ran down
along the ravine of the Savieres all along the edge of the forest
past Longpont and Corey, covering Faverolles and Troesnes
where the Savieres joins the Ourcq. Thence it turned a'
corner, recapturing the valley 'marked by the villages, Eloup,
Torcy, Boureschcs, coming to the Marne at the recently
conquered Hill 204 above Chateau-Thierry." It followed
the Marne eastward for a distance of about 12 or 14 miles
to Verneuil, going past the point of Jaulgonne where the
second attempt to cross the river had failed five days before.
At Verneuil the line went up east of the main road to Rheims,
backward against the great forest and hill group known as
the "Mountain of Rheims." It covered Champlat, against
which the enemy's attack had broken with ver\' heavy loss,
and, on the valley of the little river Ardre, it covered the domin-
ating isolated promontory of Bligny, from which one over-
looks all the Ardre valley, and the village below. Thence it
carried on round Rheims, quite close to the town on every
side, but still covering the ruins of that place.
Nature of the Crisis
THERE is some danger of public opinion misappre-
hending the nature of the very grave crisis through
which the Allied cause is now passing. I do not say
that there is a danger of its gravity being under-estimated,
but of its nature being misunderstood, with consequences
that might lead either to an exaggeration of our danger,
great as it is, or, what would be still more unwise, an under-
estimate of it. It is essential now, as always, to get as
e.xact a view as possible, and to be as much as possible in
touch with reality. In order to do that, the very first thing
for us to. appreciate is that the enemy's new tactics permit
of surprise.
How long this will be the case we do not know. We also
may develop the element of surprise in some new form. All
that is for the future. But for the moment the enemy has
undoubtedly brought into the field this new factor. It has
been reluctantly admitted, but now it must be admitted.
The other thing which goes to make up our present strain is,
of course, his numerical superiority. On that, I think,
public opinion is quite clear, though perhaps its extent is not
fully grasped. Monsieur Clemenceau spoke the other day
publicly of an excess of 50 divisions. That was speaking in
round numbers. There are probably upon the West to-day
an excess of 46. But one can never be quite certain, because
units on both sides are in movement, and there may still be
some reinforcement for the enemy from the East. Since
the enemy has presumably 206 divisions in the West,
we are speaking, roughly, of his superiority over the Allies
for the moment in a proportion of 25 per cent., the
Allies are fighting in the proportion of rather more than 7
against 10.
But that is, I think, generally clear to the public mind.
What it must also appreciate is this vital element of surprise.
He used it fully on May 27th, the fore event in his last
attack of Sunday, but he always has it ready.
For the first j'ears of entrenched warfare after the Western
line had become a siege hne in the late autumn of 1914, it
was a commonplace that surprise was no longer possible.
The concentration of great masses of men and material in
amounts never before known, coupled with the wholly novel
form of intelligence provided by aircraft, had eliminated
this capital element of success. For years it reappeared
upon neither side.
In the East the enemy succeeded in piercing the Russian
line at Gorlitz three years ago, not by surprise, but through
his immense preponderance in material. He was highly
industrialised, and the Russian State was not industrialised
at all ; so that once the war was seen to require a vast
mechanical output from modern factories the Central Empires
could indefinitely out-weapon the Russians.
But in the West, where industrial conditions grew more
equal, there could be no such result ; each party attempting
to break the line^ failed because it was never, possible to
conceal concentration for attack. Neither the earlj' German
effort on the Yser, and at Arras, and at Ypres, nor the succeed-
ing French effort in the Artois, nor the twin blows at Loos
and in Champagne of September, 1915, nor the tremendous
attack on Verdun from February to July, 1916, nor the
great Somme battle of the later summer, nor the spring
offensives of 1917, French and English, nor the succeeding
great British movement which bears the name of Passchen-
daele succeeded in making a true breach by which rapid
advance could pour through the opponent's lines, and (even
though no decision was attained) could yet capture at one
blow very great numbers of prisoners and guns, and compel
a very deep^retirement.
The first occasion on which a Western line was really
broken in this sense was at Caporetto last autumn. Then
came, as we know, the highly successful experiment with the
tanks in front of Cambrai, but without the weight behind it
to follow up.
The enemy's new tactic of surprise — that is, of concentra-
tion unobserved or not fully observed, or, at any rate, of
massing very rapidly upon a particular point where there
was an insufficient counter-concentration against him —
appeared fully last March, and we then had a true breach in
the Western line, which was only restored between 30 and
40 miles back after an immense offensivfe salient had been
produced with its front pointing at Amiens. The attempt to
use the new tactic for the enlargement of this salient and for
the breaking of one of its corners failed. But another use
of.it on the north succeeded on the Lys, and produced the
smaller pocket or salient east and south of Ypres. For
both those enemy successes special causes could perhaps be
discovered, but it was beginning to be clear that the element
o^ surprise was the main feature. Now, since May 27th, on
the front between Soissons and Rheims, it is clear to every
one.
We must bear that well in mind if we are to understand
the position in the next few months. It is this new element
of surprise that will have to be mastered and countered
while the element of numbers is being slowly turned to our
advantage by the increase of the American contingents.
Comparative Losses
There is, of course, another element, so far a very uncer-
tain one, but ultimately determinant of the whole affair,
which is the comparative rate of loss. I have already dealt
with that as fully as the evidence admitted in the case of
the first great offensive and in the case of the second battle
that of the Lys.
The third case, the battle of the Tardenois, is one upon
which we have as yet hardly any evidence at all, but we
must beware of estimating the difference between the losses
of offence and defence at a projiortion as high as we could
estimate it in.the former cases. It is clear first that the general
attack succeeded almost at once and, secondly, that it was
followed by so very rapid an advance as argued no immediate
power of causing during that advance grave loss to theassailant.
The numerous prisoners lost by the Allies are definitive
losses, and meanwhile, in the first stages of the action the
only places where there was apparently .serious excess of
loss to the offensive were the two corners which held near
Soissons and round Rheims. In the latter stages of the
action it has been otherwise. The arrival of reinforcement,
especially in machine-guns and artillery, the necessity under
which the enemy was to attack in the open in order to defend
and extend his flanks, the hampering of his communications
after so rapid an advance, his use of perhaps 50 divisions,
41 of which have been identified in the heat of the action—^
all these meant presumably, after the first four days, a higher
and increasing rate of loss to the offensive as compared with
the defensive. It is mere conjecture, but that is how the
very slight evidence available shapes itself.
As to the comparative rates of loss in the fourth attack,
which is developing as we write, there is as yet (Monday^
June 10) no evidence at all.
Another error against which we must guard ourselves
is the error of false historical parallel, and in this case partic-
ularly the false parallel of the Marne.
Great errors have been committed by public opinion
Land & Water
June 13, 1 91 8
through the use of historical parallels during this war. Of
the two extremes in the use of historical parallels it is far
better to exaggerate their use than to neglect it. Since there
is no methodical study, of history in our Universities and
no study at all outside the Universities, save on the part
of private individuals, the tendency is to follow historical
parallel far too blindly in very well-known cases and to neglect
altogether the great mass of less known cases.
OA good example of this was to be seen during the Austro-
German advance through Poland three years ago. Because
Napoleon had invaded Russia and had thereby destroyed
himself, people were perpetually comparing one campaign
with the other. There was nothing in common. The
Austro-German advance was undertaken with full aiid
constant industrial supply against a force which had ex-
hausted its industrial supply and could produce no more.
It was an advanbe in Une between the Bukovina and the
Baltic. Napoleon's advance was an advance in column. It
was a slow advance by repeated salients reduced. Napoleon's
advance depended upon such rapidity as the means of that
time commanded. When Napoleon reached the end of his
effort at Moscow he had about one-tenth of his forces remaining
directly under his command. His hnes of communication
were single or double ; enormously extended and in terms
of time might be measured as from one month to two. The
Austro-German advance went not one-third of the way.
Its lines of communication were in terms of time two or three
days. Its forces in hand at the end of its efforts quite two-
thirds of that with which it began them. Its communications
were absolutely secure and rapid, and, above all, it fought
at the end of its effort with all available modern weapons
while its enemy was denuded of these. Even so, the Austro-
German effort failed. It came to a standstill, though
pohtically, and much later, it broke up under the strain what
had been the Russian State. But, at any rate, there was
never any parallel between tliis business arid the busi-
ness of 1812. You might as well try to discover a
parallel between the affair of the Dardanelles and the Siege
of Trey.
False Parallel of the Marne
Now after the latest German victory, somethmg of the
same sort is apparent. Because the word "Marne" has
come up again in the Press, one has acres of stuff written upon
the supposed parallel between 1914 and 1918. Chateau-
Thierry, where the enemy failed to cross on the night of
June 1st, is on the Marne. Jaulgonne, where the Americans
destroyed their attempt to cross again two days later, is on
the Marne. The enemy exploitation of his success upon the
27th of May, north of the Aisne, reached the Marne. The
word ' ' Marne" therefore, is used much as the word ' ' Russia"
was used in the first case. It suggests a parallel. No par-
allel exists.
In the battle of the Marne in 1914 the enemy came on in
superior numbers, but with an open flank, in the attempt to
finish the war at once, and under an erroneous impression
of our Allied concentration. He thought we were most of us
in the East. He therefore left his Western flank open, and
suffered a defeat. He had somewhat over 70 divisions,
a number quite insufficient to hold a complete hne to the
sea, and it was on that very account that an open flank
existed. He was marching without any thought of en-
trenchment for the moment. The AUies were retiring
without any appreciable use of entrenchment either. The
whole thing was manoeuvre and manoeuvre, with plenty of
ground.
The great action of to-day is not manoeuvre, but the breach
of works. It is conducted by a force the total of which is
over 200 divisions, and, even allowing for the shrinking of the
establishment in a division, it is more than double what was
at work \n 1914. It presents no flank. It is but one of a
series of violent and successful batterings-in of that defen-
sive wall in the west which the Allies must attempt to main-
tain, until the balance of numbers is redressed by the appear-
ance of sufficient American forces.
The two situations — 1914 and 1918 — are as different as
the difference between fencing and wrestling. They are as
different as the difference between the reduction of a fortress
and a fight in the open field. They are as different as the
difference between heading off a quarry, and meeting that
quarry with a weapon.
What we have to consider in the present situation is plainly
the chances of a numerical inferior struggling against the
continued pressure of a' numerical superior, who exercises
that pressure with continued emphasis in point after point,
and with the object of making it dominant within a given
time. The Allies are numerically inferior. Clemenceau has
said they are inferior by about 50 divisions, which is a round
number. Let us call it 46, which is pretty well exact. Their
inferiority is due entirely and upiquely to the disajjpear-
ance of the Russian State under political and financial in-
fluences, which it will be interesting to describe. years hence,
but which are, for the purposes of this battle, mere past
history.
American Units
As against the West the Central Empires were always
numericallj' superior, and even vastly superior. The balanc-
ing power of Russia having disappeared, the West fights
against enormous odds, and is, so long as those odds remain,
on the defensive. The odds can be redressed, unless the
enemy achieves his decision first, by the appearance of
America in the field to a degree of force which shall redress
the balance. As yet, even by the embrigading of American
units, the new factor does not come near to redressing the
balance. It will be a matter of from four to six months.
Within that four or six months the Austrians and the Germans
must win or lose.
The embrigading of the American units with French and
British divisions was an exceedingly important and states-
manlike decision. What it means is this : That instead of
the American divisions fighting under their own leaders and
as a separate army, with all the advantage in prestige and
honour attaching to such independent action, battalions,
and even smaller units, such as machine-gun companies, etc.,
have been put imder the command of French and British
divisional generals and fed into the general Allied forces.
This has been done on account of the sudden , and terrible
strain' imposed upon our lesser numbers since the German
attack of March 21st. It has been very wisely done. For if
the Allies had had to wait until the American force had
developed as a whole, the battle might, in the interval, have
been lost.
Not only was the judgment wise, and the self-sacrifice in
the highest degree patriotic and chivalrous, but the event
has given it more than a sufficient excuse. The presence of
American units thus scattered among the French and British
forces has been of immediate weight. They have the advan-
tage of zeal, of industry, of a very sincere desire to acquire
these novel lessons of war, of rapid perfection, especially in
technical things and of simple and direct will. I myself saw
and heard in one of their principal artillery camps the effect
of all these moral things, and could judge them from what
their Allies and instructors said of them a month before the
offensive began.
The work of these American units now mixed in with the
Allied divisions promiscuously has appeared in many fields,
but there are three points this week where they may be
especially studied.
Those three points are Chateau-Thierry, where the enemy
made his determined attempt to force the Marne obstacle on
June 1st and June 2nd ; Jaulgonne, >vhere he made his
second very determined but equally futile attempt on
June 3rd ; and the valley of the Clignon, where the Franco-
American forces counter-attacked with conspicuous success
on June 6th.
In the first case, it was largely by the help of the American
machine-gun section that in the street fighting in that
part of the town which lies south of the river the attempt
to cross was held after the main stone bridge had been blown
up and the pontoon bridges alone remained.
The old three-arched stone bridge of Chateau-Thierry had
remained intact, though, of course, mined by the French
engineers, while the Germans poured across after their
successful occupation of the northern bank at 9 o'clock in
the evening of Saturday, June ist. They also threw pontoon
bridges across the 156 yards of river. " The idea that they
meant to stop at the Marne "according to plan" and that
they then turned westward (as, in fact, they did), .also
"according to plan," is nonsense. They made everv possible
preparation for forcing the Marne and going on southward.
When their first thousand had got across the stone bridge,
while other columns were pouring across the pontoon bridges
and while a strong column was srill in march across the stone
bridge, the latter was blown up. But the numbers of Germans
already across the river and pressing forward by the pontoons
was so large that the Franco-American forces in the town to
the south were very hard pressed. The situation was saved
in great measure by the excellence of the newlv trained
American machine-gunners. These, with their French com-
rades, threw back the forces on the left bank of the river,
shot down great numbers pouring back over the bridges, and
checked the whole affair. They were instrumental in pre-
venting the crossing of the Marne when that (eat was appar-
ently most fiossible, June ist and June 2nd— that is. before
the Allies had time to bring up sufficient stopping power.
June 13, 191 8
and while there was
yet a chance of the
enemy's continuing
his tide southward.
Jaulgonne was
the second and
almost equally con-
spicuous example of
our advantage in
the growing Ameri-
can aid, though
that aid is, as yet,
• confined to com-
paratively - small
units. It was again
the American
machine ■ - gunners
who, according to
the French dis-
patches, must prin-
cipally be praised
for the result.
Just as the main
road and crossing
is by Chateau-
Thierry, so the
second road and
crossing are at Jaul-
gonne. There are
«ven at Jaulgonne
better geographical
opportunities for
crossing than at
Chateau - Thierry.
There is here a
great b€4id of thb
river northward,
nearly 3,000 yards
deep bv not much
more than two and
a half thou^nd
across. The south-
ern or defending
side is flat, and
dominated by
abrupt and high
hills upon the
northern side, which
Land & Water
General Foch
aid the crossing. The fire of the enemy from the north
attempting the crossing can converge everywhere upon the
flat floor below within the bend. This floor carries the
main railway from Paris to the east, with the railway
station in the middle of the plain on the edge of the
southern rise. .
The active force at the head of the body destined by the
enemy to cross the river here was the 175th Regiment. I am
inclined to believe that a crossing was scheduled to be made
here at the same time as at Chateau-Thierry, although the
attempt was made twenty-four hours afterwards on Monday,
June 3rd. There could not have been time for a mere after-
thought. Everything had been carefully prepared. The
funny old suspension bridge at Jaulgonne (which many of
my readers must have seen from the train on their way from
Paris eastward) had, of course, been blown up. I have seen
no account of this, but I take it for granted.
Meanwhile, the enemy had come down to the water's edge
with apparatus long prepared for the crossing of the Marne :
Narrow bridges formed like extensible ladders, supported,
by small floats, and taking two men abre^t. Their converg-
ing fire from the heights round the bend, coupled with the
smallness of the numbers that could be gathered for the mo-
ment to oppose them, permitted the crossing of the river.
No less than 22 of these light bridges were thrown across.
About a battalion of the three battalions of the 175th of the
German Line was poured into the horseshoe flat to form a
bridge-head, behind which the mass of the army could follow,
and the fortified front of this bridge-head was to be the
station into which a company was put with half a dozen
machine-guns, while the rest followed -on. The French
counter-attack was organised at once. There was nothing
ready but cavalry, which attempted to rush the station,
and was badly checked by the machine-guns. A small body
of French infantry, which was trying to get round the station
by the right, was temp rarily held up by the enemy. But
immediately afterwards a company of American machine-
gunners arrived, both drew and mastered the fire of the Ger-
mans in the station, and gave the opportunity for the French
infafltry to work round by the right, and the bridge-head was
destroyed. Of the
thousand men or so
who had already
crossed, all but per-
haps sixty or seventy
disappeared. A few
got away by swim-
ming. Two boat-loads
reached the northern
shore without being
sunk. One hundred
surrendered near the
statipn, and the at-
tempt to estabMsh a
bridge-head south of
the Marne failed.
This small action
is exceedingly signifi-
cant. It proves the
long-prepared plan of
crossing the Marne,
the well - calculated
moment, for it would
be apparently im-
possible for the Allies
to bring up their men
in strength in time to
prevent such a cross-
ing : above all, the
great value of the
comparatively small
American units thus
rapidly embrigaded
with the French.
The third example
I have taken is three
days later, and con-
sists in the advance,
not of American
machine-gunners this
time, but of American
infantry, supported
by machine-guns, at
Torcy on Thursday,
June 6th. On that
day the whole Allied
line advanced from
Veuilly La Poterie to
the outskirts of Chateau-Thierry. At Veuilly, on the extreme
left, and on Hill 204, overlooking Chateau-Thierry on the
extreme right, the work was entirely French, and does not,
for the moment, concern me. But the work in the centre,
in front of Torcy, was largely American, and there was here
an advance down the slopes and through the small woods
of nearly a mile. The moment has an historical significance
as great as those of the crossings of the Marne, but of another
kind. For the first time in this great campaign, American
infantry in considerable numbers have engaged in an offensive
action, and have gone forward.
Postscript Tuesday morning, June izth.
The dispatches of Monday night show that the enemy has
succeeded in turning the main part of the Lassigny Massif,
and thus mastering the principal natural obstacle between
himself and the Oise River above Compiegne. He has been
fighting on a front of some 12 divisions or more, and has
been renewing that front at the rate of 5 or 6 divisions a day.
He has therefore put in over 20 divisions in the first forty-
eight hours— perhaps even 24 or 25. But we must remember
that the frorit involves a much smaller proportion of his
total available force than did the main offensive of two
months ago, and that if he puts in his full 50 available divi-
sions for this action alone he has materials for a very pro-
longed effort, before the close of which he could recruit and
send in aenin units alroarlv iisfd.
Notice
THE Board of Trade having forbidden distribution
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PrmcM Offic.d
8
Land & Water
June 13, 19 1 8
The Turkish Conspiracy — V
Secret History of the Potsdam Conference, July 5, 1914
Narrated by Mr. Morgenthau, late American Ambassador in Constantinople
The Bosphorus — Key to the Black Sea
This photograph is taken from the Asiatic side, and shows the narrowest part of the Bosphorus
r'H E following is Mr. Morgcnthmi's full narrative of the famous Potsdam Conference of July 5th 1914^
excerpts from u'/acli were cabled the other day to the "Times" and other London journals from New
i ork. Berlin has frequently denied that this Conference took place, but the evidence Mr. Mor<^enthau
produces establishes the truth of it for all time. It was at this Conference that the Katscr ''and his
advisers decided on a European War. They calculated it would he a short war, in that their plans and
preparations io surprise Europe were complete. Until the battle of the Marne thev felt certain of their success.
1 His chapter of Mr. Morgenthau s narrative is an historical document. It couvi'cts Germany of blood-Puilti-
mss; It reveals Germany s ambitions before the war. Some of these, notably the demand lor coaling-stations
everywhere, have only recently been made public. Never have Teuton ambitions been exposed more nakedlx
A few weeks after the Goehen and the Breslau had taken
up permanent headquarters in the Bosphorus, Djavid Bey,
Minister of Finance, happened to meet a distinguished
Belgian jurist, then in Constantinople.
"I have terrible news for you," said the sympathetic
Turkish statesman. "The Germans have captured
Brussels."
The Belgian, a huge figure, more than six feet high, put
his arm sodthingly upon the shoulder of the diminutive Turk.
" I have even more terrible news for you," he said, pointing
out to the stream where the Goeben and the Breslau lay
anchored "The Germans have raptured Turkey."
But there was one quarter in which this transaction pro-
duced no appreciable gloom. This was the German Embassy.
This great "success" fairly intoxicated the impressionable
Wangenheim,- and other happenings now aroused his furor
Teulonicm to a fever heat. The Goeben and the Breslau
arrived at just about the time that the Germans captured
Liegc, Namur, and other Belgian towns. Then followed the
German sweep into France and the apparently triumphant
rush to Paris. In all these happenings Wangenheim, like the
militant Prussian that he was, saw the fulfilment of a forty-
years' dream. We were all still living in the summcfr Em-
bassies along the Bosphorus. Germany had a sumptuous
palace, with elaborate buildings and a beautiful park, the
gift of the Sultan ; but Wangenheim did not seem to enjoy
his headquarters during these summer days.
Directly in front of his Embassy, on the street, within
twenty feet of the rushing Bosphorus. stood a-Iittie guard house,
and in front of this was a stone bench. This bench was
properly a resting-place for the guard, but Wangenheim
seemed to have a strong liking for it. I shall always keep
in my mind the figure of this German diplomat, in those
exciting days before the Marne, sitting out on this little
bench, now and then jumping up for a stroll back and forth
in front of his house. Everybody passing from Constantinople
to the northern suburbs had to pass this road. Even the
Russian and French diplomats frequently went by, stiffly
ignoring, of course, the triumphant ambassadorial figure on
his stone bench. I sometimes think that Wangenheim sat
there for the express purpose of puffing his cigar smoke in
their direction. It all reminded me of the scene in SchillerV
"Wilhelm Tell," where Tell sits in the mountain pass, with
bow and arrow at his side, waiting for Gessler, to go by :
Here through this deep defile he needs must pass;
There leads no other road to Kussnacht.
Wangenheim woiild also buttonhole his friends, or those
whom he regarded as his friends, and have his little jollifi'-a-
tions over German victories. I noticed that he stationed
himself there only when the German armies were winning •
if news came of a reverse, Wangenheim was utterly invi'^ible'
This led me to remark that he reminded me of a toy weather-
prophet, which is always outside the box when the weather is
fine, but which retires within when storms are gathering
Wangenheim appreciated my little joke as keenly as the
rest of the diplomatic set.
In those early days, however, the weather for the German
Ambassador was distinctly favourable. The good fortune
of the German armies so excited him that he was sometimes
led into indiscretions, and his exuberance one day caused
him to tell me certain facts which, I think, will always have
great historical value. He disclosed precisely how and when
Germany had precipitated this war. To-day his revelation
of this secret looks like a most monstrous indiscretion but we
June 13^ 19 1 8
Land & Water
must remember Wangenheim's state of mind at the time.
Tlie whole world then believed that Paris was doomed ;
Wangenheim kept saying that the war would be over in two
or three months. The whole German enterprise was evidently
progressing according to programme.
I have already mentioned that the German Ambassador
left for Berlin soon after the assassination of the Grand Duke,
and he now revealed the cause of his sudden disappearance.
The Kaiser, he told me, had summoned him to Berlin for an
imperial conference. This meeting took place at Potsdam on
July ^th. The Kaiser presided. Nearly all the Ambassa-
dors attended ; Wangenheim came tp represent Turkey and
enlighten his associates on' the situation in Constantinople.
Moltke, then Chief of Staff, was there, representing the army,
and Admiral von Tirpitz spoke for the navy. The great
bankers, railroad directors, and the captains of German
industry, all of whom were as necessary' to German war
preparations as the army itself, also attended.
Wangenheim new told me that the Kaiser sclemnly put
the question to each man in turn. Was he ready for war?
All replied "Yes," except the financiers. They said that
they must have two weeks to sell their foreign securities and
to make loans. At that time few people had looked upon
tlie Sarajevo tragedy as something that was likely to cause
war. This conference took all precautions that no such
suspicion should be aroused. It decided to give the bankers
time to readjust their finances for the coming war, and then
tlie several members went quietly back to their work or
started on vacations. The Kaiser went to Norway on his
yacht, von Bethmann-Hollweg left for a rest, and Wangen-
heim returned to Constantinople.
In telling me about this conference, Wangenheim, of course,
admitted that Germany had precipitated the war. I think
that he was rather proud of the whole performance ; proud
that Germany had gone about the matter in so methodical
and far-seeing a way ; especially proud that he himself had
been invited to participate in so momentous a gathering.
The several blue, red, and yellow books which flooded Europe
the few months following the outbreak, and the hundreds of
documents which were issued by German propaganda
attempting to establish Germany's innocence, never made
any impression on me. For my conclusions as to the respon-
sibility are not based on suspicions or belief or the study of
circumstantial data. I do not liave to reason or argue about
the matter. / know.
The conspiracy that caused this greatest of human
tragedies was hatched by the Kaiser and his imperial
crew at this Potsdam Conference on July 5th, 1914.
One of the chief participants, flushed with his triumph at
the apparent success of the plot, told me the details with his
own mouth. Whenever I hear people arguing about the
responsibility for this war or read the clumsy and lying
excuses put forth by Germany, 1 simply recall the burly
figure of Wangenheim as he appeared that August afternoon,
pufTing away at a huge black cigar, and giving me his account
of this historic meeting. Why waste any time discussing
the matter, after that ?
This Imperial Conference took, place on July 5th ; the
Serbian ultimatum was sent on July 22nd. That is just
about the two weeks' interval which the financiers had
demanded to complete their plans. All the great Stock
E.xchanges of the world show that the German bankers
profitably used this interval. Their records disclose that
stocks were being sold in large quantities and that prices
declined rapidly. At that time the markets were somewhat
puzzled at this movement ; Wangenheim's explanation clears
up any doubts that may still remjiin. Germany was changing
her securities into cash, for war purposes. If any one wishes
to verify Wangenheim, I would suggest that he examine the
quotations of the New York Stock Market for these two
historic weeks. He will find that there were astonishing
-lumps in quotations, especially on the stocks that had an
international market. Between July 5th and July 22nd,
Union Pacific dropped from 155! to 127J, Baltimore and
Ohio from 91 i to 81, United States Steel from 61 to 50J,
Canadian Pacific from 194 to 185J, and Northern Pacific
from 1 11^ to 108.
Wangenheim not only gave me the details of this Potsdam
conference, but he disclosed the same secret to the Marquis
Garroni, the Italian Ambassador at Constantinople. Italy
was at that time technically Germany's ally.
The Austrian Ambassador, the Marquis Pallavicini, also
practically admitted that tfie Central Powers had precipitated
the war. On August i8th, Francis Joseph's birthday, I made
the usual ambassadorial visit of congratulation. Quite
naturally, the conversation turned upon the Emperor, who
had that day passed his 84th year. Pallavicini spoke about
him with the utmost pride and veneration. He told me how
keen-minded and clear-headed the aged Emperor was ; how
he had the most cortiplete understanding of international
affairs, and gave everything his personal supervision. To
illustrate the Austrian Kaiser's grasp of public events,
Pallavicini instanced the present war. The previous May,
Pallavicini had had an audience with Francis Joseph in
Vienna. At that time, Pallavicini told me, the Emperor
had said that a European war was unavoidable. The Central
Powers would not accept-the Treaty of Bucharest as a settle-
ment of the Balkan question, and only a general war, the
Emperor had told Pallavicini, could ever settle that problem.
The Treaty of Bucharest, I may recall, was the settlement
that ended the Second Balkan War. This divided the
European dominions of the Balkan States, excepting Con-
stantinople and a small piece of adjoining territory, among
the Balkan nations, chiefly Serbia and Greece. That treaty
strengthened Serbia greatly ; so much did it increase Serbia's
resources, indeed, that Austria feared that it had laid the
beginning of a new European State that might grow suffi-
ciently strong to resist her own plans of aggrandisement.
Austria held a large Serbian population under her yoke in
Bosnia and Herzegovina ; these Serbians desired, above
everything* else, annexation to their own country.
The Pan-German plans in the East necessitated the destruc-
tion of Serbia, the State, which, so long as it stood intact,
blocked the Germanic road to the East. It had been the
Austro-German expectation that the Balkan War would
destroy Serbia as a nation — that Turkey would simply
annihilate King Peter's forces. This was precisely what the
Germanic plans demande4, and for this reason Austria and
Germany did nothing to prevent the Balkan wars. But the
result was exactly the reverse ; out of the conflict arose a
stronger Serbia than ever, standing firm like a breakwater
against the Germanic path. Most historians agree that the
Treaty of Bucharest made inevitable this war. I have the
Marquis Pallavicini.'s evidence that this was likewise the
opinion of Francis Joseph himself. The audience at which
the Emperor made this statement was held in May, more
than a month before the assassination of the Grand Duke.
Clearly, therefore, the war would have come irrespective of
the calamity at Sarajevo. That merely served as the con-
venient pretext for the war upon which the Central Empires
had already decided.
All through that eventful August and September Wangen-
heim continued his almost irresponsible behaviour — now
blandly boastful, now depressed, always nervous and high-
strung, ingratiating to an American like myself, spiteful and
petty toward the representatives of the enemy Powers. He
Was always displaying his anxiety and impatience by sitting
on the bench, that he might be within two or three minutes'
quicker access to the wireless communications that , were
sent him from Berlin via the Corcovado. He would never
miss an opportunity to spread the news of victories ; several
times he adopted the unusual course of coming to my house
unannounced, to tell me of the latest developments and to
read me extracts from messages he had just received. He
was always apparently frank, even indiscreet.
I remember his distress the day that England declared
war. He always professed a great admiration for England,
and especially for America. "There are only three great
countries," he would say over and over again, "Germany;
England, and the United States. We three should get
together ; then we could rule the world." This enthusiasm
for the British Empire suddenly cooled when that Power
decided to defend her treaty pledges and declared war.
Wangenheim had said that the conflict would be a short one ;
Sedan Day (September 2nd) would be celebrated in Paris. .
But on August 5th, I called at his Embassy, and found him
more than usually agitated and serious. Baroness Wangen-
heim, a tall, handsome woman, was sitting in the room,
reading her mother's memoirs of the war of 1870. Both
regarded the news from England as almost a personal griev-
ance ; what impressed me most was Wangenheim's utter
failure to understand England's motives. " It's mighty poor
politics on her part!" he exclaimed over and over again.
His attitude was precisely the same as that of Bethmann-
Hollweg with the "scrap of paper."
I was out for a stroll on August 26th, and happened to
meet the German Ambassador. He began to talk as usual
about the German victories in France ; the German armies,
he said, would be in Paris within a week. The deciding
factor in this war, he said, would be the Krupp artillery:
"And remember that this time we are making war.
And we shall make it rucksichtslos (without any con-
sideration)- We shall not be hampered as we were
in 1870. Then Queen Victoria, the Tsar, and
Francis Joseph interfered and persuaded us to spare
Paris. But there is no one to interfere now- We
lO
Land & Water
June 13, 1918
An imperial Palace
Photograph taken from the Scorpion, the
shall move to Berlin all the Parisian art treasures
that belong to the State, iust as Napoleon took
Italian art works to France.
It is quite evident that tlie battle of the Marne saved Paris
from the fate of Louvain.
So confidently did Wangenlieim expect an immediate
victory that he began to discuss the tenns of peace. Germany
would demand of France, he said, after defeating her armies,
that she completely demobilise and pay an indemnity.
"France now," said Wangenheim, "can settle for
£1,000,000.000 ; but if she persists in continuing the war,
1 she will have to pay £4,000,000,000."
He told me that Germany would demand harbours and
coaling stations "everywhere." At that time, judging from
Wangenheim's statements, Germany was not looking so
much for new territory a^ for great commercial advantages.
She was determined to be the great merchant nation ; and
for this she must have free harbours, the Bagdad railroad,
and extensive rights
in South America and
Africa. Wangen-
heim said that Ger-
many did not desire
any more territory in
which the popula-
tions did not speak
German ; they had
had all of that kind
of trouble they
wanted in Alsace-
Lorraine, Poland, and
other non - Gennan
countries. This state-
ment certainly sounds
interesting now, in
view of recent hap-
penings in Russia.
He did not mention
England in speaking
of Germany's demand for coaling stations and harbours ; he
must have had England in mind, however, for what other
nation could have given them to Germany "everywhere" ?
If England attempted to starve Germany, said Wangen-
heim, Germany's response would be a simple one : she would
starve France. At that time, we must remember, Germany
expected to have Paris within a week ; and she believed that
this would ultimately give her control of the whole country.
It was evidently the German plan, as understood by Wangen-
heim, to hold this nation as a pawn for England's behaviour,
a kind of hostage on a gigantic scale, and, should England
gain any military or naval advantage, Germany would
attempt to counter-attack by torturing the whole French
people. At that moment German soldiers were murdering
mnocent Belgians in return for the alleged misbehaviour of
other Belgians, and evidently Germany had planned to apply
this principle to whole nations as well as to individuals.
All through this and other talks, Wangenheim showed
the greatest animosity to Ru'isia.
"We've got our foot on Russia's com," he said, "and we
propose to keep it there."
By this he must have meant that Germany had sent the
Gf>eben and the Breslau to the Dardanelles and so controlled,
the situation in Constantinople. The old Byzantine capital,
said Wangenheim, was the prize which a victorious Russia
would demand, and her lack of an all-the-year-round port in
warm waters was Russia's tender spot— her "corn." At this
time Wangenheim boasted that Gerrhany had 174 German
gunners at the Dardanelles, that the strait could be closed in
less than thirty minutes, and that Souchon, the German
admiral, had informed him that the straits were impregnable.
"We shall not close the Dardanelles, however," he said,
"unless England attacks them." Even then, two months
before Turkey had entered the war, Germany had prepared
- the fortifications for the naval attack that Enelafid ultimately
made. . " The Dardanelles are defended as effectively as Cux-
haven," said Wangenheim.
At that time England, although she had declared war on
Germany, had played no conspicuous part in the military
operations; her "contemptible little army" was making its
heroic retreat from Mons. Wangenheim entirely discounted
England as an enemy. It was the G rman intention, he said,
to pliice their big guns at Calais, and thrdti their shells across
the English Channel to the English coast tiums. That
Germany would not have Calais Wiihin the next ten days
did not occur to him as a possibility. In this and other con-
versations at about the same time, Wangenheim laughed
at the idea that England could create a large independent
army. "The idea is preposterous," he said. "It takes
oil the hohphurub
American guardship at Constantinople
generations of miUtarism to produce anything hke the German
Army. We have been building it up for two hundred years.
It takes thirty years of constant training to produce such
generals as we have. Our army will always maintain its
organisation. We have 500^000 recruits reaching military
age every year, and we cannot possibly lose that number,
so that our army will be kept intact."
A few weeks latei: civilisation was outraged by the German
bombardment of English coast towns, such as Scarborough
and Hartlepool. This was no sudden German inspiration ;
it was part of their ''nrefully considered plans. Wangenheim
told me, on September 6th, 1914, that Germany intended to
bombard all English harbours, so as to stop the food supply.
It is also apparent that Gennan ruthlessness against
American sea trade was no sudden decision of von Tirpitz,
for, on this same date, the German Ambassador to Constan-
tinople told me that it would be very dangerous for the
United States to send ships to England.
In those August
and September days
Germany had no in-
tention of precipi-
tating Turkey imftie-
diately into the war.
As I had a deep
interest in the wel-
fare of the Turkish
people and in main-
taining peace, I tele-
graphed Washington
asking if I might use
my influence to keep
Turkey neutral. 1
received a reply that
I might do this, pro-
vided that I made
my representations
unofficially and pure-
ly upon humanitarian
grounds. As the EngUsh and the French Ambassadors were
exerting all their effort to keep Turkey neutral, 1 knew that
my intervention in the same interest would not displease the
British Government. Germany, . however, might regard any
interference on my part as an unneutral act, and 1 asked
Wangenheim if there could be any objection from that
source. His reply somewhat surprised me, though I saw
through it soon afterward.
"Not at all," he said. "Germany desires, above all, that
Turkey shall remain neutral."
Undoubtedly Turkey's pohcy at that moment fitted in
with German plans. Wangenheim was every dav increasing
his ascendency over the Turkish Cabinet, and turkey was
then pursuing the course that best served the German aims.
Her pohcy was keeping the Entente on tenterhooks ; it
never knew from day to day where Turkey stood, whether
she would remain neutral or join Germany.
I am speaking of the period just before the Marne, when
Germany expected to defeat France and Russia with the
aid of her ally, Austria, and thus obtain a victory that would
have enabled her to dictate the future of Europe. Should
Turkey at that time be actually engaged in mihtarv opera-
tions, she could do no more toward bringing about this
victory than she was doing now, by keeping idle and useless
considerable Russian and English forces. But should Ger-
many win this easy victory with Turkey's aid, she might
find her new ally an embarrassment. Turkey could demand
compensation— probably the return of Egvpt, perhaps the
recession of Balkan territories. Such readjustments would
have interfered with the Kaiser's plans, and he wanted
Turkey as an active ally only in case he did not win his
speedily anticipated triumph.
Wangenheim was playing a waiting game, making Turkey
a potential German ally, strengthening her army and navy,
and preparing to u.se her, whenever the moment arrived for
using her, to the best advantage. If Gt-rmany could not win
the war without Turkey's aid, Germany was prepared to
take her in as an ally ; if she could win without Turkey,
then she would not have to pay the Turk for his co-operation.
Meanwhile, the sensible course was to keep her prepared in
case the Turkish forces became essential to German success.
Next week we shall publish Mr. Morgenthau's
account of the arrival of the ''Goeben' and
"Breslau" at the Golden Horn, and of the
events that imtnediately ensued. Hts daughter
and son-in-law actually witifssed the fight between
these ships and H.M.S. ''Gloucester:'
June 13, 19 1 8
Land & Water
1 1
''Suddenly — !" : By Lewis R. Freeman, r.n.v.r.
1
F there is one word which recurs oftener than another
in the present-day sailor's tale of what has befallen
him, it is "suddenly!"
Naval life in the North Sea would be comic in the
swiftness of its transitions — if it was not so
tragic. Perhaps, indeed, it is the sombre background against
■which they stand out which makes the flashes of comedy seem
the more comic, Uke an incident in connection with the
torpedoing of a cruiser I was told of a few days ago.
"It was not so long after Christmas," said the one of the
half-dozen surviving officers who told me the story, "and
there were a few of the festal decorations stuck up here and
there, mostly wreaths of holly and mistletoe sent from home.
Eight' or ten of us were sitting in the ward-room after dinner,
having a bit of a sing-song to the music of the staff-
surgeon's mandolin and the engineer-commander's guitar.
The "mouldie" hit us full and fair amidships, and e.xplodea
with a thud that made itself felt in the ward-room with a
sort of convulsive jerk.
" Everything loose flew off on a tangent, among them being
a curtain-pole and a wreath of holly. The curtain went
into a heap on the deck, but the wreath — by the freakiest of
coincidences — made a fair ringer of the P.M.O.'s curly pate.
He was a chap with a hair-trigger sense of humour and a
nose for scenting the ridiculous that was almost subUme.
■Clapping the prickly garland on his brow at an even
more rakish angle than it had landed at, he threw down his
mandolin, draped the fallen curtain over his shoulders like
a Roman toga, and seized the poker of the empty tile stove.
Recovering, with a quick grab, the mandolin from beneath
the divan, where it had rolled, he tucked it under his chin
like a \'ioUn, and began sawing violently across its protesting
strings with the poker as a bow. Swaying undulantly from
the waist like a virtuoso, he began shouting at the top of his
voice : ' Nero fiddling while Rome is burning ! Christians
take cover I Thumbs down ! Thumbs dSwn ! ' We were
hard hit, and the most of us realised it was only a matter of
minutes before she went down ; but I don't think there iivas
a man of us that wasn't laughing as he made for the door.
I could laugh yet at the mere thinking of it if it wasn't for
the fact that — that the P.M.O. was not in any of the boats
that were picked up by the destroyers a couple of hours
later. The last I remember of him was seeing him brush off
the holly wreath and make after us for the door, the 'toga'
slipping down about his heels, and the mandolin and poker
grasped in either hand. He headed for'ard — he always
thought to look after a chap with a twisted knee he had
been treating in the sick bay — and no one ev£r recalled
seeing him on the upper deck. The "mouldie" shored us
right open, and it wasn't ten minutes between the time
poor was playing Nero, and when — for the ship, for
him and for a couple of hundred others — it was 'Thumbs
down I ' in dead earnest."
Swift Transition
There was another instance of a swift transition which
I recall, in which the tragedy was unilluminated with even a
flash of comic reUef. One evening during a fortnight
which I spent upon a certain famous battleship a young
captain from the destroyer flotilla came aboard to dine with
a former shipmate. Tall, slender, dark, and with that
magnetic winsomeness so characteristic of a certain type of
Celt, he impressed me as one of the most attractive and
thoroughly likable -personalities I had ever met. He told
me — with all modesty, but yet with singular effectiveness —
destroyer yarns in which he or some of his friends had figured,
and ended by extending me a hearty invitation to "come
out for a jaunt" on his "little pet" some day.
Almost immediately after dinner he asked for a boat to
return to his flotilla anchorage, saying that there was a
probabihty that he would be getting away on some kind of a
stunt before morning. They held him over for two or three
songs, which he sang to his own accompaniment. " Nirvana"
and "Aileen Alanah." I remember especially the latter,
vibrant with that haunting appeal which only an Irishman
can put into it. He renewed his invitation for me to "join
him for a jaunt some day" the last thing before he disappeared
down the wrigghng Jacob's ladder to the bobbing
picket-boat.
It was about noon the next day that the officer of the day
Jonnged into an easy chair by the fire and remarked — in the
usual casual ward-room manner — that a signal had been
picked up saying that a destroyer was pounding to pieces on
the rocks somewhere "outside," and that some mine-sweeping
sloops, sent to i^s assistance, were just passing through the
booms. There was no particular discussion of an event
which, if not quite an everyday happening, was still frequent
enough not to arouse more than passing comment. "Hope
all hands were saved," and "Can't afford to lose destroyers
nowadays" (comments which I had heard on half a dozen
similar occasions), were all fhat I recall being made on this
one. The more imminent interest of luncheon put an end
to further speculation. That evening there was word that
the destroyer was a total loss, and that only one man — found
half-frozen in a niche of a cliff — had been saved.
Back on my own ship a fortnight later, an interval of three
or four days, with nothing specially to do, brought to my
mind the invitation I had received from the young Irish
lieutenant-commander to pay him a visit on his destroyer,
and I started making inquiries as to how I could get in touch
with him. "You'll save time and trouble by taking a boat,
going over to the destroyer anchorage, and looking your
man up in person," some one suggested. "What did you
say his name was ? "
"K ," I answered; "he commands the 'X .' "
"You won't find either of them, then," was the quiet
reply. " K was lost when his destroyer piled up on the
rocks — Skerries, I believe — about the first of the month.
Going out in the night, and probably caught in a bad tide-
rip, and lost bearings in a snow storm. Only man saved
half-crazy ; can't shed any light at all on what happened.
Rotten place, that neck of the Pentlands, where the tides
play 'Ring-a-ring of roses." Destroyer men call it the
'Hell Hole.' Beach paved as thick with wreckage — some
of it dating back to the time of the Vikings — as the other
place by the same name is with 'good intentions.' Knew
K well. Shipmates with him on the old 'A .' One
of the best. Ever hear him sing ' Nirvana ? ' "
" He sang it the night I met him at dinner on the '-
I answered, "and, from what you have told me, I should
judge it must have been the last time he had a chance
to sing it before the snowstorm, the tide-rip, and the Pentland
Skerries conspired to advance him one more rung up the
ladder toward the peace of his own Nirvana."
A Destroyer Yarn
Then there was the story the Cockney lad on the after
searchlight platform told me one night when the ship was
wallowing in a mid- winter gale somewhere off the coast of
Norway. The darkness was inky, ' Stygian, giving a queer
suggestion of "palpability" that almost impelled one to lift
one's hand and try to brush it aside like a curtain that had
brushed one's face. Ahead and astern the other battleships
of the division were blotted to blankness in the night, but
abeam to starboard, a tremulous dusky greyness in the
enshrouding capacity indicated where a screening destroyer,
labouring in the lock-step of the might}' seas, was wrestling
like a game but weary terrier with a bone in its teeth.
The very consciousness of that eyeball-searing shaft of
searchlight, on tap at the turn of a lever,* seemed to make
the blackness all the blacker.
Sheltering from the wind in the lee of the searchlight, my
companion showed me how — by closing the eyes for several
seconds and then opening them suddenly, with the hollowed
hands shading them like looking through binoculars — the
never-so-faint glow that sometimes hovered above the
destroyer's funnels could be fixed.
"That there woggly shiver," he said, leaning close, and
indicating with outstretched hand the fliittering halo dancing
on the curtain of the night, "is when they'se feedin' 'er with
more oil, an' the light has a streak o' smoke to play agin.
An' that blinkin' shadow jnmpin' up 'gainst the hght
ev'ry UT while — d'yu twig wot that ritely is ? No. That's
the top o' a big sea loomin' up higher'n 'er funnels. W'en
you 'gins to see that scmi-'clipse like, take it from me it's
jolly well time they eased 'er down. If they keeps drivin'
'er at much more'n halt-speed into 'ead seas — seas like them
wot's gittin' up now — ten to one somethin' goin' to carry
'way, and even money somethin' wurse may pay for it."
"Like what, for instance ? " I queried, taking up the slack
in the hood of my "lammy" coat, and buttoning down a
yawning sleeve that was scooping an uncomfortable amount
of brine laden wind.
"Like. wot 'appcn'd to the blinkin' ol' Ovd w'en I wus a-
12
Land & Water
June 13, 1918
stokin' 'board er," he replied, beginning to follow my lead
in the matter of snugging down against the weather.
"Wc wus far from cushy ev'n cork-screwin' long wi' the
wind an' seas on our quart'r, for she was do'jn a doubl" back-
acshun shuffle fit to shake yer teeth loose. She wus yawin'
like a hook'd jwrpus ; but, still, she wus we'therin' it, wliidi
wus. mor'n she wus up to w'en they 'gan puttin' 'er inter it.
[est wot they did it fer I nev'r ritcl}- know'd, but sud'niy
tlie 'elm wus shov'd 'ard ov'r, an' roun' she spun, rite roun'
without slackin' a rev'lushun o' the enguns wot wus drivin'
'or at mor'n twenty knots,
"It must'a bin like divin' thru' a long green tunn'l fer
them wot wus 'bove deck's ; only mos' o' 'em nev'r cum out
at tothcr end. The bridge, boats, forrard gun, torpedo
toobs, two o' the funnels — all went inter the drink. The
one funnel wot held was knocked almost flat on the dock.
One minnit she wus a middlin' modern destroyer tearin' 'long
in the night ; the next slie wus a 'elpless 'ulk rollin' drunk
in the trof o' the sea, without steam, steerin'-gear, boats, an'
armaments, an' only 'arf 'cr 'orficers.
" I tells you this, sir; like as I'd seed it all. Fact is, I've
nev'r clapp'd eye on the ol' Owl — not on all or any part
<j' 'er from just afore that big sea bashed ov'r 'er to tliis day.
I fergot to tell you, sir, that she wus one o' the old coal
bumeis. I wus balancin' wi' a shovel o' coal I had jest
scooped up an' watchin' my chances fer to chuck it inter the
furnis, w'en I felt 'er 'gin to rise hke w'en she clim'ed a 'eavy
sea. Then there wus a 'orrible smash, an' she stops clim'in',
an' starts to shudder all ov'r like a;frit'en'd pup. Then
there was a bangin' on the deck an' the roar o' water comin'
down, an rite arter that a sort o' hissin' explosion. I wus
already keehn' sideways, an' it wus that an' the rush o' steam
that slammed me 'gainst the sta'bo'rd bunkers. Goin'
down in a heap in a knee-deep wash o' coal an' hot water,
an' the rush o' sizzUn' steem — them wus the las' things wot
I 'ave rekerlekshun uv. I got me site back two weeks arter
in a hospital ashore, but me kumplexshun'll nev'r be the
syme agin.
"Wot 'appened wus this, sir. Not sat'sfied wi' pourin'
down the funnels, or w'ere the funnels 'ad bin, the water
tried a short-cut thni the ventilayters. That wot kum
down the funnels blew up inter steam long as there wus
any fires left, an' arter that it wus boilin' water. Only the
water kumin' down the ventilayters kep' us frum bein'
cook'd alive. Two or three stokers wus drowned or banged
up so they croaked, an' none o' us'll ev'r be prize-winners at
a beauty show ag'in.
"As fer 'ow the ol' Owl liv'd out the nite, I only knows
wot's bin tol' me. They rigg'd some kinder pully 'aul steerin'
gear, an" in the boiler o' the funnel wot didn't carry way
they kep' coaxin' a dribbhn' 'ead o' steem. They wus
nev'r abl' to keep 'er 'ead to the seas fer long, tho', and far
the mos' part the nite wus jest one long waller in the trof.
Nothin' but the fact that she was b'ilt so as to roll to 'er
lieam ends 'thout capsizin' made 'er ride it out till dayJite."
In a Submarine
To no kind of craft do things liappen more "suddenly"
than to those which navigate beneath the sea. As I heard
one of their officers put it recently: "There is not much
variety in submarine life, but when it does come it is very
' various.' " A story told me a few days ago by an engineer's
mate — he had b?en given his commission for his part in that
particular day's events — is fairly illustrative of the chain
lighting actioh aboard a submarine when things do begin
to move.
"It was about eleven o'clock of the night following a
rather strenuous day," he said. "We had 'strafed' and
brought down a Zepp. that afternoon—the first, I believe,
to be bagged by a submarine — and were headed for our
base with seven of its crew (all we had a chance to pick up)
as prisoners. We were running on the surface at full speed
—not half-anxious, as you may fancy, to get back with the
news of our good luck— when a Hun destroyer (probably
one of a number which had responded too late to the Zepp's.
'S.O.S.') suddenly loomed up on our starboard bow and
opened fire with all her guns at less than a cable's length.
" I was on watch 'midships with my motors, but so close
was the destroyer that the ' bang-banging ' of its guns sounded
almost overhead. There were the heavy reports of what
were probably 'four-point-ones,' and, filling the intervals
between these, the ' rat-a-tat ' of what rriust have been some
kind of quick-firers of small calibre.
"You don't fight back on a submarine in a case of this
kind. There is just one thing to do — dive— a.nd you do it
as if your life depended upon it (as it usually does, as a matter
of fact). The officer of the watch set the 'rattle' going at
the instant the destroyer's searchlights and guns flashed
together, and ducked below, closing the hatch after him.
"When you dive in the ordinary course of things there
are a number of orders given. ' Flood all externals 1 ' directs
the turning of water into the tanks ; ' Hard to dive ! ' sends
the hydroplanes to the proper angle for a quick descent ;
and 'See the comps are venting!' is a caution to watch
that the air is escaping freely before the inrush of the water.
Likewise, there are similar orders directing the shutting oft
of the Diesel engines (by which she runs on the surface),
and switching ofi to the electric motors which drive her under
water. The rattle gives all of these orders at once, and its
use also indicates that their speediest execution is a matter
of life and death. In the danger-zone, a man, asleep or
awake, is seldom much beyond arm's reach of the one thing
he has to do when he hears the 'z-r-r-r' of the danger signal.
From running quietly on the surface to submerging beyond
danger of ramming or shell fire is hardly more than a matter
of seconds, if no one fails in his task, which — with men
picked for the work — practically never happens.
" I was on watch with the Diesel engines in the after part*
of the ship, amusing myself (as these engines require practi-
cally no attention unless speed is to be reduced or increa.sed)
by watching the Hun prisoners — all sitting along in a row on
the 'board' or platform by which you get round to oil the
machinery — gouging out tlie contents of sardine tins with
their teeth and fingers. They were as hungry as wolves, and
not much better mannered.
"My hand went to the emergency levers at the sound of
the firing, so that when the rattle was sprung, a fraction of
a second later, I only had to throw them over to shut off my
engines. At the same instant the Banshee-hke crescendo of
the accelerating motors told that the underwater power had
been thrown on, while the hiss of escaping air showed tliat
the 'comps' were venting properly as the water flooded into
the 'externals.' Then the deck pitched forward at a dizzy
angle and down we plunged.
"Two or three of the Huns spoke a few words of English,
and as the firing started outside one of them turned round to
me with a grimace. They set up a wild jabbering, and it was
beginning to dawn on me that they might be getting
ready to make trouble by starting a counter-offensive, when
do\yn goes her nose, and tlie whole hnc of them topples over
hke a row of nine-pins and piles up in an angle of the deck.
Before even one of them had gained his feet, we had swooped
down to the bottom and come to rest.
"As a dive the thing couldn't have been done better if we
had been 'stunting' at our leisure, but for all that, and the
fact that we were safe from further punishment so far as the
destroyer was concerned, I was more than afraid that we
had only escaped danger to meet a worse one. From the j ar
of the impact of the stuff that hit our bows I thought it was
a hundred to one we were holed forward. In fact, I was ex-
pecting to see the bulkhead give way under the rush of water all
the time we were plunging to the bottom. As soon as she
was on an even keel, the Captain rushed forward to see how
the little thin wall of steel (which we felt sure was all that
separated us from drowning hke rats in a trap), was holding.
As there was no indications of its being under any great strain,
we started to open it. To our great surprise, and stifl greater
reUef, it swung back easily and revealed everything quite as
usual.
" Two men, who were seated on a spare torpedo,bowed above
a copy of the last picture paper we had received before sail-
ing, rose in a sort of perfunctory way and stood at attention
as the Captain entered. Officers and men are too close together
on a submarine to go in much for the ' externals' of discipUne.
"'So you've not been taking any water,' said the Captain,
his eyes roving over the bulging but unpunctured plates.
'"Nary a drop, sir,' one of them answered.
But wasn't it hereabouts that we were hit ? '
"One of them scratched his head for a bit, before saying
that he did seem to have some recollection of a ' kind o' bangin'
up 'bove.' Then he added, 'But we wus standin' by to fire
our mouldie, sir, an' there want no rime for harkin' for strange
noises.'
" ' All right,' said the skipper with a grin, ' carry on ! ' He
started to go and then, turning, asked as an afterthought
what was the news that had interested them so much.
""Taint much in the way o' news, sir,' said one of them
holding out his paper with a grin ; "but ain't that a rippin'
picter o" Vi'let Lorraine as Emma in 'The Bing Boys' ? "
* ♦ ♦ '
These stories are all fairly typical of the way in which the
Bntish naval officer and man meet the grim and sudden emer-
gencies which confront them in the regular routine of their
day's work. If I were asked to select the two most typical
I should unhesitatingly pick the first and the last
June 13, 19 18
Land & Water
13
Clemenceau: By J. Coudurier de Chassaigne
MY last meeting with M. Clemenceau a few
months ago — to be exact, on March 15th —
took place in the library of the French
Embassy, overlooking the green lawns of
Hyde Park.
The appointment was for 10 o'clock. WTien I arrived, a
few minutes too soon, I was told that the French Prime
Minister had gone out an hour before to take his morning
stroll in the park. But a moment later and tlie heavy
panelled door of the room opened suddenly, and in walked
the Grand Old Man of France.
I had not seen him since the beginning of the war — not,
in fact, since our conversation at the Senate in that delightful
ante-chamber which is used as a sort of club-room by the
Senators and their friends. That was about five years ago.
He appeared to me, then, rather weary, though still as
vivacious as ever in speech and manners, but distinctly older.
His eyes were as fiery as of yore, burning like pieces of live
coal under his bushy eyebrows. But his complexion was
yellow ; and I remarked to a friend, after M. Clemenceau had
discussed the policy of the French Government towards
England with us, in his animated way: "I am afraid 'the
Tiger' will not last long." I can still see him as he left us to
join another group of politicians, the shadow of the man
I remembered a few years previously at the funeral of Sir
Henry Campbell- Bannerman.
And after that long space of time, he stands again beside
me : a small, square, compact figure, slightly bent, as fre-
quently happens with Frenchmen who ^parc but little time
for athletics, and spend most of their lives reading or writing
at their desks.
He comes towards me with a strong yet delicately shaped
hand cordially outstretched. His grasp is full of decision —
the vigour, one might say, of a man of forty. Then; after a
few words of greeting, M. Clemenceau explains to me in
little jerky sentences,
followed now and then
by ■ a well-balanced'
period — which reminds
one that Clemenceau
is not only an energetic
polemicist, but also a
great parliamentary
orator — why he re-
fused to be the prin-
cipal guest at a lun-
cheon which the
Foreign Press Associa-
tion in London had
the intention of giving
in his honour.
"I do not want to
make speetflies," he re-
marks. "I speak as
little as possible —
only, in fact, when
it is absolutely ne-
cessary. I am for
deeds, not for words
ij'agis)."
While listening to
him I scrutinise, as
closely as politeness
permits, the face of
this marvellous old
man. It has a rosy
tinge, as if young and
healthy blood was cir-
culating under the
skin. Maybe this slight
flush is due to the walk
in the open air — the
hour of "footing it,"
as we say in France —
indispensable to the
active and ever green
Senator. The thick
moustache is white,
but mixed with many
dark hairs, " pepper
and salt," like what is
left of the hair on his
head. As for his eyes,
-Mi -
S
M. Clemenceau
In the French Trenches
they are brighter than ever. They sparkle wth life, and
now and then a little flame bursts forth and vanishes in a
twinkling. They are really wonderful — those eyes of
Clemenceau. There are times when they laugh with you .'
but more often they laugh at you. They are in turn malicious,
ironical, devHish, furious — doors which open pn the ardent
soul that would have consumed long ago a bodj- more frail.
When suddenly they dart at you a long penetrating glance
which enters like a well-pointed shaft, you ieel as if a feline
of the most powerful tribe was ready to jump on you. Then
suddenly the storm passes over as rapidly as it came. The
luminous eyes have relaxed their grip, and again they are
smiling benevolently.
The voice of Clemenceau is harmonious, alternately very
deep and a trifle shrill, when the words become biting.
Except when a gesture underlines a sentence that is especially
important, the hands are quite motionless, though never
for very long. Occasionally, now, he is a little short of
breath, but this rare halting in his speech is the only sign
that Clemenceau's body is no longer as ready as his spirit.
Taken altogether, the French Premier might be a well-
preserved man between 50 and 60, and he is actually over 77 !
Clemenceau, in spite of his constant advocacy of the
republican regime and of democratic institutions, is nothing
if not an aristocrat. He comes from an old family of Vendue,
and he belongs to the class of landed gentry which in France
unites the nobility to the haide bourgeoisie. If it were possible
to establish an analogy, one might say that his social position
approximated to that of the younger son of an English
county family, well connected, but not rich, and obliged to
earn his living. He had the choice of a professional career,
and, like his father, he chose to be a doctor of medicine,
which, in France, has been a highly honorable calling ever
since the days of Louis XIV., ranking with the law and the
Church. Thus through His stormy life, M. Clemenceau has
naturally preserved
the charming manners
which linked the men
of his time to the
ancien rSgime. Irideed,
aspiring statesmen of
the present generation
have found it unwise
to treat the Grand Old
Man of French politics
with the vulgar fami-
liarity so dear to the
rank and file of the
Socialist Party, who
think that democracy
has nothing to do with
politeness.
Now the tide of
events has turned, and
at the most difficult
time of the glorious
history of France,
those demagogues who
are largely responsible
for the calamity which
has fallen on their
country have had to
own their impotence
to save themselves and
the nation they have
misled for so many
years. They have been
obliged to call to the-
rescue a typical gentle-
man of France, who
embodies all the quali-
ties, and a few of the
defects, of his race.
M. Clemenceau is to-
day the good tyrant
who, in spite of the
empty declarations of
pseudo-equal it arians,
incarnates that ideal
statesman which is se-
cretly cherished by the
majority of French
citizens. Notwith-
French Official
14
Land & Water
June 13, 19 1 8
standing our boasted love of unrestricted liberty, our heredity
is that of a military nation willing to obey a strong but kind
mastei; We are nevertheless born individualists, and by
instinct members of every Opposition.
The French character is, in fact, a mass of contradictions.
We dislike change and reform, for, though we'alvvays abuse
the past, we arc the most traditionalist people in the world.
Though we spend the best of our wit in writing lampoons
and comic songs at the expense of our Government, in our
hearts we respect anthority. A few gendarmes can keep the
peace in large areas of our territory simply through the
traditional veneration we have for any representative of the
State. Among things we love are hierarchy, decorations,
imposing titles, gold stripes and silver embroideries, huge and
usejess swords, picturesque uniforms — in a word, the pomp
of official functions. For the same reason, we willingly
sacrifice our lives for glor^' and for the panache which sym-
bolises the virtue of patriotism. We will permit ourselves
to be ordered about by anybody in office as long as we trust
him, and if we understand that the welfare of the community
depends on our doing what we are told to do. But we nnist
be allowed to grumble as much as we like while faithfully
accomplishing our duty.
It is not for nothing that the finest soldiers in the armies of
Napoleon were called by the Emperor : his grognards —
gnimblers. All the time they were fighting like heroes for
their God the Emperor, who was for them the living image
of "la Pairie," they grumbled, and the devotion of the people
of France to C16menceau is of the same nature. The little
Prime Minister is also a grognard — a grumbler — who has
spent his life grumbling at everybody and at everything, but
who has never ceased to worship his country, and who has
always been ready to fight and to give his life for the prin-
ciples he has defended during half a century.
I have already had the opportunity of describing in
Land & Water the principal phases of M. Cldmenceau's
political life. I need not, therefore, repeat the memorab'e
story of this master polemicist who has never sacrificed his
convictions in order to obtain the political rewards which
it would h^ve been so easy to get for the asking. His unique
position to-day is largely due to the fact that he only comes
into power in periods of crisis.
M. C16menceau docs not represent a party, nor even a
combination of parties. He is simply the man who, like all
good Frenchmen, only wants one thing— to win the war.
The nation has entrusted him with that superhuman task,
and stands behind him as one compact block. To-day he is
practically the absolute rule^ of France, the elect of the
people, atjd already he has been an autocrat for eight months.
A few may grumble, but all obey, for that grand old man
is identified with the will of France to remain united till
victory is achieved.
His success has been phenomenal. In spite of recurrent
Socialist manoeuvres, M. Clemenceau has maintained and
strengthened his position in a Parliament which fears him
because it knows that behind "the Tiger" there is France,
military as well as civilian France. The poilu worships him ;
the peasant trusts him, for the present and for the future ;
the Syndicalist munition-maker fears him. Slowly, but
surely, he is clearing the atmosphere behind the lines of all
the German poison gas. Boloism is being riithlessly de-
stroyed ; Malvy and Caillaux will not have very long to
wait now for their trial. France knows that it is to
Cl^menceau, and to him alone, that we owe this vital ciaxe
of the body politic.
That explains why a few days ago when in a dark and
critical hour the French Prime Minister uttered words of
warning to rouse the indomitable spirit of the Motherland,
however mutilated by the enemy, the whole nation responded
instantly to that appeal from the greatest living Frenchman.
Sphagnum : By Eden Phillpotts
Now that winter's scythe has lifted and the
sun has climbed again, the heart beat of Dart-
moor quickens, and her pulses throb to the
vernal thrill. Where was withered grass all
matted by rain and snow, now spear a million
blades ; the black heather is warming with a russet tinge
that means growth ; the whortleberry wires are thickening
fast and will soon break into red leaves and red flower-bells.
The velvet buds of the greater gorse flash their familiar
gold again, and in fen and rill, twinkle the marsh violets —
first of moor flowers to return. Above them the sweet gale's
catkins swell and shine, like agate beads in the pale sunlight ;
while the eagle fern has long passed through its winter splen-
dours of auburn and purple.
But the glory of the sphagnum has taken wing from many
a cradle of the Dartmoor rivers, and wkere the stray sunbeam,
wandering down a misty hill, would light of old the bog mosses
into jewels, that marked a spring or rillet's starting-place,
and set rainbow bright splashes of colour on the monochrome
of the waste, there lies instead a scar. Formerly the sphagnum,
now ruby red or amber, now apple-green or lemon, or warm
with the whiteness of old ivory, made wonderful patterns
among these granite boulders, and wove magic passages of
light into the sombre texture of the heath ; but now patches
of stripped stone or gravel mark the robbed beds, and the
water that nourished their restraining masses falls nakedly
in threads over the face of denuded rock, or lies and stares up-
ward from black cups and pools.
Honourable scars are these, and no wild green thing is better
serving England than the sphagna. Their value in the
economy of the moors is exceeding great ; but even that
• subserves a lesser purpose than humanity's present call
upon it.
The peculiar cell structure of the genus sphagnum renders
this moss as springy and absorbent as sponge, and its habit of
growing from the crown of each filament and dying at an
equal rate at the base, produces the peat moss, or swamp,
that holds up great waters and creates the reservoirs of
stream and river. Thus sphagnum has lived and died for
centuries, and created a large portion of the existing peat
integument of the moors. Its more intimate purpose for
luxury need only be recorded : the grower of epiphytal
orchids will know it well enough, and who in the good days
past but received his flower roots and bulbs from Holland
and Belgium safely packed in this sweet and safe medium ?
But the paramount value to-day lies nearer man's heart.
Already hundreds of tons of bog mosses have been forwarded
to the military hospitals, and the cry is still for more.
Enthusiastic and energetic searchers ■ are yet needed to go
afield to the lonely centres of the wilderness and collect the
unUmited supply of this natural dressing that awaits them.
For beyond its perfect absorbent properties, the moss is held
to be actually antiseptic and healing ; it contains iodine,
and is of a texture so soft and friendly that no artificial
material surpasses it. Too much cannot be gathered.
The prophylactic and preservative quality of peat may
be observed, for in the deep peat tyes will often appear timber
of trees that grew where now no trees are and fell here, to
be embalmed for centuries in the pure vegetable earth before
it reappeared. One has seen limbs of birch from vanished
thickets that probably flourished in Tudor times exposed by
the peat cutter, with their silver bark as bright as when the
tree fell.
His Majesty has already thanked the Dartmoor moss col-
lectors, and the authorities have recorded their existing and
unceasing needs. They urge the necessity for systematic
collecting and, as the spring returns and the central moors
grow more accessible, hope to count upon increasing supplies.
Therefore, let the fisherman, who is wont to penetrate the
streams to their last pools, substitute a sack for his creel this
year and leave his rod at home ; and may the holiday folk,
amid their pleasures, permit no week to pass that does not
help the hospital requirement. If one brave man's wound
heals the quicker for your labour on the heights, then is the
day's work rewarded and the day's beauty blessed.
In an East Coast Town
Watch through the town ; for the night wind brings us.
Gun-fire, solemn through drifted spume
Fhckering white on the low horizon,
Great guns tolling the bell of doom.
Watch ; "for their souls in the storm pass over ;
Steal to your window, lovers, and look —
Flash by flash, to preserve your body,
Bodies that shatter in fire and smoke.
Grey waves jostle them, speechless, Umbless ;
Torn mists harry them as they ride.
Day leaps up like the resurrection.
Spreading their blood on the angry tide.
Sherard ViSes.
June 13, 1918
Land & Water
German Plots Exposed
The Bolo Cablegrams
r renCh Otr other, Managing Editor, "The World's Work,^' New York
15
y
SECRECY was, of course, the most important con-
sideration in the German plots in America. When
Bernstorff wished to arrange with BerHn to give
Bolo Pasha 10 million francs to betray his country,
he naturally did not write out his messages in plain
Enghsh for every wireless station on both sides of the Atlantic
to read them as they went through the air. He did, to be
sure, write the messages in English, and the}' looked plain
enough — and innocent enough^ — but thej' meant "something
very different from what they seemed to mean. And when
it got down to the actual transfer of the money, another
German agent in New York signed the messages, which likewise
were not what they seemed. Those messages were in code.
Now, code should not be confused with cipher. When some
Hindus in New York, subsidised by BerHn, wished to write
their plans to other Hindus in San Francisco, concerning
their commpn purpose of fomenting revolution against
British rule in India, they wrote out messages that consisted
entirely of groups of Arabic numerals. Those messages were
in cipher.
Before taking up some of the German code and cipher
messages that have been translated, with dramatic results,
it will be well to discuss codes and ciphers in general. A code
is an arrangement by which two people agree, when ex-
changing messages, aJways to substitute certain words or
symbols for the real words of the message. Thus, they
might agree on these substitutions :
a =r the
French ship -- market
sailed from New York ~ price
sailed from Boston = quotation
to-day = is
for Marseilles = any even number
for Bordeaux = any number with a fraction
With such a code, a German spy in New York could cable
a seemingly harmless message to a friend in Holland, such as :
"The market price is no." This would mean : "A French
ship sailed from New York to-day for Marseilles." Whereas
a very shght change in wording : " The market quotation is
no}," would mean "A French ship sailed from Boston to-
day for Bordeaux."
Messages of that sort could be exchanged daily between a
broker in Wall Street and i. broker in Amsterdam, and, by
the addition of a few more words, could be infinitely varied,
and would look like perfectly legitimate commercial corre-
spondence. In fact, most international business before the
war (the Government now requires all messages to appear
in plain English) was carried on by coded cables which
turned long messages into short groups of words that of
themselves made gibberish. Several code books, for business
use, were on the market, containing hundreds of pages of
these arbitrary substitutions, which were useful, not for
secrecy, but for economy. A dozen words could be made
to say what normally would require five hundred words.
A cipher is the substitution of some symbol for a letter of
the alphabet. The substituted symbol may be another letter
— as writing e when you mean a. Or it may be a figure — as
using 42 when you mean m. . Or it may be an arbitrary
sign — as * to mean c. This is called a substitution cipher,
because some other letter or symbol is arbitrarily substituted
for every letter. But another kind is called a transposition
cipher, because in this the letters of the alphabet are simply
transposed by agreement— the simplest and most obvious
example being to reverse the alphabet, so that z stands for
a, and y for b, etc.
Perhaps the cleverest transposition cipher ever devised
— it is so good tliat the British Army uses it in the field and
has published text-books about it — is the very simple "Play-
fair" cipher. First a square is drawn, divided into fifths
each way. This arrangement gives twenty-five spaces, to
contain the letters of the alphabet — / and / being put in
one square because there would never be &ny plain sentence
in which it would not be quite obvious which one of them is
needed to complete a word of which the other letters are
known. Next a "key word" is chosen — herein is the clever-
ness and the simplicity of this cipher, because every time the
key word is changed, the whole pattern of the jdpliabet is
changed. Suppose the key word is Gardenia. It is spelled
out in the sqilares, as on Diagrafn I. The second A is left
out, as there mus^ not, of course, be duplicates on the key-
board. Now, the rest of the alphabet is written into the
squares in their regular sequence, as ©n Diagram II. That is
G
A
R
D
E
n
G
A
R
D
E
N
IJ
N
IJ
B
C
F
H
K
L
M
0
P
Q
S
T
U
V
W
,x
Y
Z
the complete keyboard. The method for using it is this : The
message is written out in plain text, e.g. :
DESTROY BRIDGE AT ONCE
(onlj' capital letters are commonly used in cipher work).
This message is now divided into groups of two letters, in
the same order, so that it reads :
DE ST RO YB RI DG EA TO NC EX
(the X is added to complete the group, and is called a null).
These groups of twos are now ciphered from the keyboard
into other groups of twos, by the following method :
Where two j oined letters of the original message appear in
the same horizontal row on the kej'board, the next letter to
the right is substituted for each. Thus, the first two letters
of our message are DE. They occur in the same horizontal
row on our keyboard. Consequently, for D we write E,
and for E we go "on around the world" to the right, or back
to the other end of the row, and write G for E. This gives
us DE enciphered as EG.
Where two joined letters of the original message appear
in the same vertical row on the keyboard, the next letter
below is substituted for each.
Where two joined letters of the original message appear
neither in the same horizontal nor the same vertical row on
the keyboard, we imagine a rectangle with the two letters
at the opposite corners, and in each case substitute the letter
found on the keyboard at the other comer of the same
horizontal row. This sounds complicated, but in reality is
very simple. For example, take the third two-letter group
of our message — RO. The rectangle in this case is
R D E ,
B C F
L M O
and for R we substitute E, and for O we substitute L. Sub-
stituting our whole message by this system, it reads :
Original DE ST RO YB RI DG EA TO NC EX
Cipher EG TU EL XC AB EA GR UM IF RZ
As telegraph operators are accustomed to send these
gibberish messages in groups of five letters (so that they can
check errors, knowing tljat when only four appear in a group,
for example, something has been left out) these enciphered
groups of twos are now combined into groups of fives, so
that the finished cipher reads :
EGTUE LXCAB EAGRU MIFRZ
The foregoing
sounds extremely
comphcated, but the
truth is that any-
body, after half an
hovir's practice, can
put a message into
''this kind of cipher
("Playfair cipher")
almost as fast as he
can print the straight
EngUsh of it in capi-
tal letters. And unless
the person who reads
it knows the key
word which deter-
mined the pattern
■
1
■
n
■
D
■
D
■
■
■
■
E
■
E ■ D
■ E ■
C
■■ EDU
CB nnnuB
i6
Land & Water
June 13, 19 1 8
1
A
■ "' ■ 1
U
^
B
A
D
U
r
c
S
A
a
U
i.
cti
>I
>
T
H
>
r
T
H
-I — '
H
>
r
T
0
H
0
i
H,
0
R
r
0
-
R
z
>I
r
2
0
—
R
z
3
I
•
Z
•
E
I
Z
Z
•-H
E
w
I
Z
z
d
--
E
m ,
/
P
P
2
-
d
w
P
0
0
^^
3
A
Y
A
r
Y
A
a-
A
H
n
r
<
Y
M
E
M
E
0
I
M
E
a
0
0
^
2
N
T
7^
N
0
-
T
73
N
0
H
J.
w
S
T
on liis keyboard, he would liave to be an expert to deciplier
it, and even he could do it only after a good deal of work.
Another ingenious cipher is called the "Chess Board."
First, a sheet of paper is ruled into squares exactly like a
chess board— that is, a square divided into eighths each way.
This arrangement gives, of course, sixty-four small squares.
Then, by agreement between the people who intend to use
this cipher, sixteen of these squares are agreed upon and are
cut out of the sheet with a knife. Suppose the pattern on
diagram at foot of preceding page is chosen, and the squares
in white are cut out. Another sheet of paper is ruled into
a chess board, of exactly the same size as the first. The perfor-
ated sheet is now laid on top of the second sheet, so that the
squares on the one exactly cover the squares on the other.
Now, with a pen or pencil, the plain text of the secret
message is printed on the under sheet by writing through
the perforations of the upper sheet, only one letter being
written in each square. This, of course, permits the writing of
sixteen letters of the message. Suppose the complete
message is to be :
"Authorize payment ten million dollars to buy
copper for shipment to Germany."
Then the lower sheet, after we have written through the
perforations, will look like Diagram A, at the head of the
page. The perforated sheet is now turned to the right through
one-fourth of a complete revolution, so that the top of it is
at the right side of the lower sheet and so that the two chess
boards again "match up." This operation exposes, through
■the perforations, a new set of sixteen open squares on the
lower sheet. The writing of the message is continued, and
the lower sheet now looks like B. Again the perforated
sheet is turned to the right, and sixteen more letters are
written. Once more, and the whole four squares are utilised,
looking hke C. These letters are now put upright, like on the
accompanying diagram, and are read from left to right and
from the first hue
down, Hke ordinary
reading matter.
They arc the^n
grouped into fives
for telegraphic
transmission, and
an Jf added at the
end to make an
even five-group
there. Thus the
message, as trans-
mitted, reads :
SADUL RRYAL
s
A
D
U
L
R
R
Y
A
L
T
0
H
0
F
T
R
L
N
0
I
R
N
E
I
M
Z
N
P
I
E
E
I
P
E
P
G
0
W
C
A
P
Y
T
U
L
A
Y
I
M
E
B
0
0
M
N
R
N
0
T
T
E
S
T
TOHOF
IRNEI
EEIPE
APYTU
TRLNO
MZNPI
PGOMC
LAYIM
EBOOM NRNOT TESTX
When this message is received, it can, of course, be quickly
deciphered by printing it out on a chess board and placing
over it a sheet perforated according to the pre-arranged
pattern.
This survey of codes and ciphers does not more than
scratch the surface of the subject, and suggest the almost
infinite variations that are possible— in ciphers especially. It
simply gives a groundwork for an understanding of the
German secret messages to be described.
.\mong the most interesting of these secret messages is
the series of wireless telegrams by means of which the German
money was paid to Bolo Pasha for the purchase of the Paris
Journal— one of the principal episodes in the treasonable
intrigue for which Bolo >vas recently executed by a French
firing squad. These messages were in English, and meant
exactly what they said, except for the proper names and the
figures, which were code. To decode them it was necessary
only to- make the following substitutions :
William Foxley = Foreign Office
Charles Gledhill = Count BernstorfiE
Fred Hooven =^. Guaranty Trust Company (New Ywk)
$500 =r $500,000
and to all other figures add three ciphers to arrive at the
real amount. For example, one of these messages read :
"Paid Charles Gledhill five hundred dollars through Fred
Hooven." This meant : "Paid Count Bernstorff five hundred
thousand dollars through Guaranty Trust Company."
The story of these messages is briefly this : Marie Paul
Bolo started life as a barber, became an adventurer, and, in
the service of the Khedive of Egypt, received the title of
Pasha for a financial service which he rendered him. Re-
turning to France as Bolo Pasha, he married two wealthy
women and lived in grand style on their money. He became
an intimate of Charles Humbert, who was a member of
the French Senate. In the meantime, the Khedive had
been deposed by the British on account of his pro- Turkish
(and hence pro-German) activities after the great war
began. Abbas Hilmi joined the colony of ex- rulers in
Switzerland, and there became a part of the German system
of intrigue. He received money from the Germans," and,
after he had deducted his share (whicli sometimes amounted
to half the total), he paid over the rest to Bolo, to be used by
Bolo, and also, it is alleged, by Humbert, and the ex- Premier
Caillaux, in an effort to restore Caillqiux to power, and then
to further the propaganda for an early and inconclusive
peace with Germany.
Either this method of supplying the French traitdr with
funds became too dangerous, or the Germans preferred to
keep their gold and wished to use their credit in the United
States to get American gold for this purpose. In any event,
Bolo Pasha appeared in New York eariy in March, igio!
Strangely enough, this French subject bore letters of intro-
duction to several Germans. The most important was
addressed to Adolf Pavenstedt, who was senior partner in
G. Amsinck & Company and for many years a chief pay-
master of the German Spy System in this country. Through
Pavenstedt, Bolo met Hugo Schmidt, a director of the
Deutsche Bank of Berlin, a Government institution, who
had been sent to this country soon after the war broke out
to provide complete co-operation between the older representa-
tives of the Deutsche Bank here and the management in Berhn.
Through Pavenstedt as messenger, Bolo also got in touch
with Bernstorff, and arranged the final details of the plan by
which Bolo was to receive 10 million francs from the German
Government. He was to use this money to buy the Paris
Journal. As the Journal is one of the most powerful
dailies in France, with over a million and a half readers
the sinister possibilities of this scheme are readily seen
Bernstorff committed the financial details to Hugo Schmidt
He, m turn, "wirelessed" Beriin for suitable credits in
Amencan banking houses. These were arranged with the
Guaranty Trust Company and the Narional Park Bank—
for many years American correspondents of the Deutsche
Bank. These credits were then credited to G. Amsinck and
Company, of which Pavenstedt had long been senior partner.
He, in turn placed them, with the New York branch of the
Royal Bank of Canada, to the account of Bolo Pasha. As
the exchange rate at the time ran in favour of American
dol ars and against French francs, the 10 million francs (nor-
mally about 2 million dollars-£4oo,ooo) which Bolo got,
required only $1,683,500 of American money (say, £336,700)
-which IS J list the sum of the amounts named in the wireless
messages 1 he Journal was actually bought by Bolo, but before
he could do much damage with it he was arrested, tried,
convicted, and executed.
{To be continued.)
June 13, 19 I 8
Land & Water
17
Life and Letters ^y J. C Sonire
Walter de la Mare
MR. WALTER DE LA MARE, indisputably
the most cunning artist among the younger
poets, has still to receive bis due measure of
recognition. This probably does not trouble
him. He betrays no desire to be thought or
to bi: .1 "great poet" in the customary sense. He is^f the
dreamers, and one of the quietest and most secluded of
them ; a man who cares only for what seems to him beautiful,
in nature and in man, who goes where he can find it, and who
produces its effect and its praise in small poems as nearly
perfect as he can make them. They percolate unobtnisively
into the world, and there' are not very many of them.
» ♦ » » * »
In sixteen years Mr. de la Mare published three small
books of verse. To that sparse production has now been
added a new volume, Motley (Constable, 3s. 6d. net). There
is no new and unexpected development in it : Mr. de la Mare
does not suddenly break into a long blank verse narrative,
a ballad of vigorous action, or a robust proclamation of faith.
The subjects are akin to the old ones, the forms are growths
from the old stem : the poet still sings quietly of things he
has heard, and felt, and seen : the only change is that he has
matured, that, a careful artist from the first, he now observes
and writes more surely than ever. The things he feels and
sees and hears are mostly perceived in quiet places, by moon-
light or starlight, at dusk or in the dark : thin ghosts, old
memories, birds, insects, and secrets of the heart that steal
slyly out in silence. "When," he wrote in an earlier poem :
When the dusk is falling,
Silence broods so deep,
It seems that every wind that breathes
Blows from the fields of sleep.
It is his diaracteristic atmosphere. When one has read any
of his books one feels that his spirit haunts three places :
a lonely garden, an old deserted house, and a wood at night.
In the garden the flowers are untroubled by wind, except
by an occasional "s-sh" that comes and passes, and leaves
the stillness intenser and a little uncanny ; there is a sleeping
fountain, a mouldering statue or two, and ages ago children
have been there. The house stands among trees ; its rooms
are barred with moonlight and black shadows ; insects tick
in its mouldering timbers, mice nibble, and the stairs creak ;
and if a voice comes there it is bodiless and plaintive. But
the wood, though quiet also, is fresh and aJive, an English
wood at night, with oaks and beeches stretching their branches
to the stars, dew wet upon grass and berry and thorn, a bird
singing, and a hidden stream bubbling in the dark. There is
nothing recondite about these scenes, and it might have been
thought that poets had "done" the empty house and the
deserted garden to death. But Mr. de la Mare has not
chosen them because they are picturesque ; he is drawn to
them by their kinship to something in himself ; it is in them
that he is most truly himself. And for his woods, though he
has never elaborated a "description" of one, but contents
himself with almost parsimonious small touches, I know no
other place in literature where just those night woods are to
be found in all their sweetness. They are here in Motley once
more — the garden also, and the empty house :
"Secrets," sighs the night wind.
Vacancy is all I find ;
Every keyhole I have made
Wail a sununons, faint and sad,
No voice ever answers me.
Only vacancy ?
"Once, once . . ." the cricket shrills.
And far and near the quiet fills
With its tiny voice, and then
Hush falls again.
Yet his repetitions are only superficial ; for he is writing
sincerely, not manufacturing, and that may mean a hundred
new things with the old physical materials.
• •*•««
This book is not to be recommended as an introduction to
Mr. de la Mare's work. There is nothing in it which makes
so abrupt an assault — if one may use that adjective and
that noun of anything by so quiet an artist — as many poems
in Peacock Pie and The Listeners. Even the cuisory reader
will get delight from many things in those two earlier books.
The cursory reader from this will get none ; and the inex-
perienced reader may be baffled by his unfamiliarity with
Mr. de la Mare's atmosphere and idiom, may be checked
because he has not learnt the rudiments elsewhere of a
method of expression here brought to an extreme pitch of
refinement. All readers who do not know him may em-
phatically bfe advised to approach him through the two
earlier books. But those who do know him will discover
and treasure in Motley the fine liower of his genius : a world
of spirit now explored and known, a world of sense delimited,
defined, and described with unfailing accuracy, a language
scrupulously purged and beautifully suited to its purpose,
a precision of rhythmical effect grown almost perfect. He
has, as one has indicated, his limitations ; his instrument has
view strings, and he never sings very loudly. But he has
"loved," as the dying Keats said of himself, "the principle
of beauty in all things," and his love has spoken in a music
as melodious, as poignant, and as individual as Chopin's.
Beyond the inculcation of that love he has no doctrines ; the
professor who wants to write a chapter about his "message"
will have his work cut out. He has an infinite sensitiveness
but femarkably few general ideas ; the most that one might
do \lfould be to argue plausibly that he believes in, and
evidently lives by, things in which he does not know that he
believes. But that one dominant love, source of all nourish-
ment and all consolation, is evident always, and its main
aspects are shown in the two poems with which the book
ends — "The Scribe" and "Farewell." I will quote them,
instead of vulgarising them by paraphrase. Here is the first ;
What lovely things
Thy hand hath made :
The smooth-plumed bird
In its emerald shade.
The seed of the grass.
The speck of stone
Which the wayfaring ant
Stirs— and hastes on !
Thoijgh I should sit
By some tarn in thy hills.
Using its ink
As the spirit wills
To write of Earth's wonders.
Its live, willed things,
I'^Ut would its ages
On soundless wings
Ere unto Z
My pen drew nigh ;
Leviathan told.
And the honey-fly :
And still would remain
My wit to try —
My worn reeds broken,
The dark tarn dry, ^
All words forgotten —
Thou, Lord, and I.
The second is its complement ; it is as simple in statement,
as unaffected, and as successful :
When I lie where shades of darkness
Shall no more assail mine eyes.
Nor the rain make lamentation
When the wind sighs ;
How will fare the world whose wonder
Was the very proof of me .'
Memory fades, must the remembered
Perishing be ?
Oh, when this my dust surrenders
Hand, foot, lip, to dust again.
May these loved and loving faces
Please other men I
May the rusting harvest hedgerow
Still the Traveller's Joy entwine.
And us happy children gather
Posies once mine. '
Look thy last on all things lovely
Every hour. Let no night
Seal thy sense in deathly skimber
Till to delight.
Thou hast paid thy utmost blessing ;
Since that all things thou wouldst praise
Beauty took from those who loved them
In other days,
Mr. de la Mare has been called a poet's poet. Perhaps he is.
If so — or, for that matter, if not — poets can learn nlany
tilings from him. One is that it is better not to pretend.
Another is that a great deal can be done with very few-
adjectives.
i8
Land & Water
June 13, 191 8
A Realist: By Charles Marriott
|H
m^
■■[
K
H
^H..H
m''
IH
' 4^^L
',t
■
ti
1
Bantam
IN a sense, and
a good sense,
Mr. Eric Ken-
nington is the
most realistic
of tlie artists ofticially
employed upon the
war ; but the word
"realistic", has come
t(i mean so many
d i ff e r e n t — and in-
compatible— t h i n g s
that it has to be used
with, some caution.
As a rule, what is
meant by a realistic
writer or painter is a
man who affects a
tiresome fidelity to
tlic look of things
and disclaims any in-
terest in their pur-
)>ose, but at the same
time leaves you to
suppose that he knows
all about it. Most of
us are heartily sick of
that sort of realism,
the "slice of life"
realism, of which somebody wittily said that it is no more
like Hfe than a slice of beef is like a cow.
On the other hand there is the realism which, while it does
not worry much about the look of things, is frankly and in-
tensely interested in their character and purpose. This is
the realism of the pre-Raphaelites and of Mr. Eric Kennington.
As a rule a realist of this kind neither disclaims nor
pretends to any judgment of the ultimate meaning of things ;
he simply forgets all about it in his delight in things for their
own sakes ; and it would be extremely difficult to tell from
Mr. Kennington's pictures, now on view at the Leicester
Galleries, Leicester Square, what he thinks abq,ut war.
What you can tell is that lie is enormously interested
in his fellow creatures, and in everything they use and
wear, down to the last button on the last gaiter. The great
value of Mr. Kennington's
work, from the point of
view of interpretation, is
that it interprets the war in
detail. Nobody else has taken
such pains to show exactly
what the men and their wea-
pons and equipment are like.
Not what they look like, for
that is begging the question,
because the same people and
things will look different in
different circumstances, tf and
for getting the look of a
person or thing in the circum-
stances of the moment there
is nothing to beat the camera.
Art being before everything a
practical matter, it is worth
while examining this question
pretty closely. If you com-
pare Mr. Kennington's draw-
ings and paintings with
photographs, you will see
that the great difference is
that he shows you what the
thing is like all the time.
There is a popular notion,
due to a misunderstanding of
Impressionism, that this is
bad art, but the popular
notion is wrong. The artistic
merit of realism is to be ex-
planatory. Anybody who has
had to make both drawings
and photographs for scientific
purposes — say to illustrate a
book about birds — knows that,
contrary to expectation,photo-
General Sir Pertab Sin
graphy is an imperfect means of showing the permanent
facts of structure, though it is unrivalled for representing
appearances. In order to show how the thing goes you have
to make a drawing. The ironical truth is that photography
kn ocks the stuffing out of what is generally ca lied " realism, ' ' but
leaves the merits of pre-Raphaelitism absolutely unto'uched.
Again, if you compare the work of Mr. Kennington with
that dt Meissonier, you will notice another great difference.
Meissonier shows you all the details of uniform and equip-
ment, but he does not really show you liow they are made
and put on. The defect of Meissonier is not that he finished
his work too minutely, but that he finished it imintelligently.
He shows you the speck of light on the buckle, but lie does
not show you hov\^ the buckle fastens. To put it in a prac-
tical way, a person who had to make a working as distinct
from a museum model of uniform and equipment, from a
picture by Meissonier, would very soon lose his temper ; he
would find that exactly the information he wanted was mis-
sing ; whereas with a picture bj' Mr. Kennington he would
find no difficulty at all. He would be able to see exactty how
everything buckled or buttoned up. Whereas Meissonier was
interested mainly in showing how "like" he could make
everything, Mr. kennington is interested in the things them-
selves, and how they go — which is interpretation. It im-
plies, as Rossetti said, "fundamental brain-work."
Not that the merits of Mr. Kennington's work are limited
to still-life. Some of his portrait studies are almost dis-
concerting in their reality. Coming upon them suddenly
you feel inclined to say : " I beg your pardon, I don't know
your name, but •." This is particularly true of the hos-
pital studies ; to look at them is almost an intrusion, not
on account of the circumstances, but because of the individual
reality of the men. That is a consequence of Mr. Kenning-
ton's intense interpst in character. He shows you what the
man is like all the time, and not only since he put on khaki.
From the point of view of interpretation this is extremely
valuable. It brings home the richness and variety of our
wonderful army. It is an army not of machine-made soldiers,
but of men whose characters have been formed in a hundred
different occupations ; in the mine and the foundry, on the
railway, at the forge, in the office, the workshop, and the
studio. The courage, patience and responsibility that you
see in their faces, have risen to the occasion, but they were
not created by it. You can follow Mr. Kennington's men
off the stage of the war, and
see them about their tasks
again, confirmed in their
characters, though with a new
sense of comradeship as a
result of their great experi-
ence.
Probably no other artist has
given such a solid texture to
his impressions of the person-
nel and equipment of the war.
You feel that each of Mr.
Kennington's men answers to
a name,and that every belt and
water bottle represents so
much human skill and labour,
so that you are reminded of
the effort at home. Think-
ing in thousands, we are apt to
forget all this, and it is well to
have a detailed statement to fill
out the summaries of other art-
ists. Not that Mr.Kennington
is incapable of a general state-
ment ; his landscape studies
show him to have a good sense
of design, and a grasp of con-
ditions as distinct from facts.
But it is for his treatment of the
facts that we are most grateful
to him. He shows that thej^can
be dealt with in a realistic man-
ner without descending to imi-
tation, and that if you get
character, you get something
decorative in itself. Best of
all, he proves the vitality' of a
peculiarly native movement in
painting.
By Eric Kennington.
gh, G.C.S.I., etc., etc.
June 13, 1 9 1 8
Land & Water
19
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A VERY HANDSOME JaCOBKAN OaK DwaRF BoOKCASE,
5 ft. wide, fitted with adjustable shelves, and enclosed
with three panelled- glass doors. I'oli^hcd a rich repro-
duction colour and finished with an antique rubbed effect.
Price on application.
THOSE who desire furniture sound in
all details of construction, and artistic
and individual in design, should visit
our Galleries in Oxford Street. The furni-
ture here illustrated gives an idea of the
quality of our work, but only an actual
inspection can convince you of its sterling
excellence and — what in these days is even
more important — the reasonableness of the
prices asked. By purchasing from us you
obtain the benefit of more than 200 years'
experience of fine furniture making.
GlllOW
STum/s/ten- £ Deco/a/ors
LTD
164-180 OXFORD STREET, LONDON, W. 1.
Telephone: Museum 5000.
•"•«s< tS^S«s!;\, jSss^^"^'*
20
Land & Water
June 13, igi8
An Ambassador of Letters : By James Milne
WE owe much to Mr. George Haven Putnam,
the famous pubHsher, for the good friendship
which exists between England and America—
a friendship now being consecrated in the fires
of Armageddon. He is here, as he has come
here almost every summer for the past half-century; but
this time he is with us under special circumstances. No
plain American citizen did more than Mr. Putnam to carry
America into her place in the war. Therefore the Allies owe
him gratitude, though he would be the last man in the world
to think of that. What he thinks of is how best to inform
us about the fixed moral resolve of America to see the war
through, and about her
rising military power.
She is late in the field
— later by two years — •
than he would have
had her ; but she is
going to fight the thing
out even if, varying
General Grant's famous
saying, that should
take many summers.
Such is the message
with which Mr.Putnam
is charged, and, for its
largeness, it should be
proclaimed first ; but
he carries it easily
because, in London
Town, he is on familiar
ground. His sweet,
gentle, scholarly, pur-
poseful personality has
been a real link be-
tween our Common-
wealth and his Re-
pubUc, alike in life and
in letters. He has been
outside the brilhant
group of literary men
— Rus,sell Lowell, John
Hay, and the others,
who have been' the
official spokesmen and
orators of America in
London. But he has
gone on longer than
any of. them, and at
seventy- four he is still
hale and well, and
very much "not out."
His three score and ten
and more j'ears find
him at work when
most Londoners are
only shaving, and this
habit of catching the
day on the hop always
enables him to spare an hour for a talk with a friend.
" My father," he will tell you in a voice given him for good
conversation, "was the first American publisher to invade
England. He came over in 1837— the year Queen Victoria
ascended the throne — and in 1841 he definitely established
his publishing house in London. He constantly did what he
could to strengthen the relations between the two countries,
and he had a considered scheme for a league of the whole
English-speaking peoples. I found myself, at my father's
death in 1872, an inheritor of his desire and of his dream, and
my personal relationship with England began as early as it
could — that is, with my birth here."
Mr. Putnam still wonders, and humorously asks you to
wonder, whether he is really an American citizen or a British
subject. "You see," he puts the problem, "a child born in
England of American parents — and it is the same, of course,
with a child born in America of Enghsh parents — has the
right, on reaching twenty-one, to become a national of one
country or of the other. When my twenty- first birthday befell
I was busy helping to fight the Confederate General Johnston
in North Carolina, and so I forgot all about this matter of my
own. In a sense, therefore, I can claim both America and
England as my country— shall I say that they are twin
mothers ? Certainly I hope that as a shuttle between them
Major George Haven Putnam
—not a shuttlecock blown by the wind hither and thither—
I have done something to weave the ever-growing web of
sympathy and kinship which unites the two nations."
As a good publisher, he has enriched the golden chain of
common literature winch has spanned the Atlantic, unhurt,
in the wintriest of weather. As a publicist he has served
that literature well by being chief hammerman in the making
of the vessel called Anglo-American copyright. As a preacher
on the true relationship of England and America, he has been
tireless and eloquent, and always a master of the case. " We
can realise to-day that George IIL, with his German theories
of government, was attempting to apply to America, as he
was applying it to
Great Britain, a system
Prussian in its purpose
and methods. Nay, im
his fight with the
American colonists he
even utilised the ser-
vice of Prussian so^
diers. Thus the Ameri-
can colonists were
fighting not only for
their own rights, but
for the first principles
of hberalism and repre-
sentative government
against autocracy."
That matter, so put by
Mr. Putnam, is his
illustration of the pro-
cession of EngUsh his-
tory and American his-
tory along roads where
now they naturally,
inevitably, forcefully,
meet, to challenge the
Kaiser's dominion of
the world. "I have
not," he will add, with
flash of eye and sweep
of hand, "many years
left me on this earth ;
but if I could fancy the
triumph, for an hour,
of the cause which the
HohenzoUern Kaiser
represents, I should
wish to go straight
underground."
Mr. Putnam may be
said to have begun life
as a Federal soldier in
the .\merican Civil
War. He had a taste
of Libby Prison, as
part of his miUtary
education, and did not
like the place. When
it went down, with the fall of the Confederacy, he had attained
to the rank o{ major. This rank he again holds actively in
the American Army which is pouring over the ocean to save
civiHsation, for his friend, Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, appointed
him to the forces that he organised. Major Putnam, the
man of war, has always, however, been a strenuous man of
peace, an unwearying labourer in that vineyard. "What,"
he demands, "is the present war being waged for but for
peace ? It is being waged by the Allies so that the royal and
other cankers which beget war shall be destroyed for ever-
more, so that peace may reign in the world for evermore.
The Kaiser, like Herod of old, wants to destroy the child of
liberty, but he shall not."
You may gather that colour, movement, and the swift,
sure phrase are all in the order of Mr. Putnam's talk and
speech-making. His description of the well-meaning pacifists
as "short-haired women and long-haired men" is likely to
abide with them on both sides of the Atlantic. While he
addresses you quietly, but always alertly, across his own
writing-desk, he drops a phrase which, as events have proven,
exactly renders the position of America in the war, from the
moment it broke out — she was on "the skirmish line."
Her ideals were at stake — Liberty, Freedom, the right of
all men bom equal before God to be their own rulers.
June 20, 19 1 8
Supplement to Land & Water
XI
WHITELEY'S
BEDROOM FURNITURE
THE DUFFERIN.
Wardrobe, enclosing
Cheval Dretsing Chest, 4 (t
top and back, bottom part
sealed Chairs.
White Enamelled Bedroom Suite, handsome design, large size, comprising 6 It. wide
very leirge hanging space, the doors fitted with two long silvered bevelled mirrors ; Hall
wide, with long mirror and numerous drawers
:ncIosed, towel rails allached. and 2 Cane-
The Suite complete
and 3 ft. 6 in. Washstand with mjirble
£39 : 10 : O
fVrite for Special Price List of Bedsteads, 1918 Models, & Furniture Catalogue, Post Free
WM. WHITELEY LTD., QUEEN'S ROAD, LONDON, W.2
Hundreds of Bedroom
Suites, in all woods
and every period, at
prices tlie lowest in
London.
If you so desire you may
FUHNISH OUT OF INCOME
AT WHITELEVS.
Goods are supplied at
ACTUAL CASH PRICES.
Deposit one-tenth of the
total value. Interest at 2^ %
per annum only is added to
the balance. Instalments
are spread over 1, 2, or
3 years, according to the
value of the goods selected.
AN EXAMPLE OF
WHITELEVS
EASY PAYMENT TERMS :
(ioodsat6asA/'nc«£100: 0:0
Deposit— one-tenth
ol total value ... IB: 0:0
Balance 90: 0:0
Add Interest at 2^%
for 2 years 4:10:0
24 mo::thly payments
of £318:9 ... £94:10:0
Furniture to Ihevalne of £5 and
upwards tent carriase paid to
any station in Great Britain.
HASD - MAD E
RICH Q^UALirr
CRETE DE CHINE
BLOUSE
.Adapted from an exclu-
sive Paris model by our
own skilled workers, in
rich heavy crepe de
chine, with bib and
double collar of line
white chiffon, finished
with softly gathered
frills, very full and loose
fitting. A most attrac-
tive blouse. In black,
white and colours.
Price
49/6
THE RAVAGES OF MOTH
Store your Furs in our Freezing
Chambers. Particulars of our
new Combined Fur Storage and
Insurance against all and every
risk sent post free on application.
DebeViKam
& Freebody
Wigmore Street.
tCnvchdi-ih Squor*) Lonclon Wl
Fer..OLK for over a Century
fbrTo^le (or Quoliip for Value
PRACTICAL
WASH I NG
PETTICOAT
IN muslin, trimmed with
a deep frill of em-
broidery, with ribbon
slotting.
Price
18/9
Camisole, with under siccvts, trimmed
lace y elastic waist.
Price 1519
MARSHALL!
SNELGRQVE
VERESTREKI ANI)OXH)BI>STKH.T
LONDON W
NOTE. —This EstabliilimtKt ttiUb:clo$.d
on Satutiiays umU further notice.
Xll
Supplement to Land & Water
June 20, 1918
I
il.5.i:.J
F the above quotation applies to t^QU — if you
have merely read about Sanatogen while others
have been taking it and enjoying its splendid in-
vigorating effect — then you should at once make
up your mind to try Sanatogen.
Near you, as you read this, is a chemist's shop where
you can order Sanatogen ; do so to-day — take two tea-
spoonfuls of Sanatogen witli or after meals— and go on
taking it regularl}'— twice or three times a day — for at
least a few weeks.
You will be astonished and delighted at the result ; for theic ir-
no doubt that Sanatogen thoroughly reanimates all the molecular
activities of your body — generates in your system nutritious com-
pounds which stimulate the cells to manufacture energy— and
even invigorates harmlessly the thinking matter in the uppermost
strands of your brain.
This explains the remarkable effect of Sanatogen — how it smoothes
out ihe lines of worry and depression — restores sleep, appetite and
digestion — makes the blood flow richer and redder — brings a light
to the eyes, colour to the cheeks, and abundant vitality to the
whole organism.
But do not be satisfied merely to have read this description - take
Sanatogen I At 1/9 to 9/6 per tin it costs yoit only twopence per
dose — less than tea or coffee n a restaurant ! — and it saves its cost
in food alone. For its nutritive value is so high that two tea-
spoonfuls yield as much nourishing proteid as a pint of
whole milk, though of course Sanatogen is not made from
whole milk, only the proteid being utilised.
Get the Guaranteed Original
SANATOGEN
The Genuine Tonic-Food
-and see that it is labelled Genatosan, Ltd. (British Purchasers of
The Sanatogen Co.), 12 Chonies Street, I,ondon. W'.C.i. (Chairman,
l.ady Mackworth.)
Your chemist may have to keep you waiting a few days —for
military needs have greatly curtailed the civilian supply; but
1,'enuinc Sanatogen is worth waiting for, and once you have tried it,
yiiu will take care never to be without it in the future.
Nolt : Sanatogen will later on be renpnted Cevalosan
It ,iiiinr:'nish it Jiom substitutes and counterfeits.
Before we helped them they
looked like these children!
After our treatment for eight weeks!
The pictures speak for themselves. Over
12,000 have been restored to health.
npHE Belgian Children's Fund in
Holland, under the Presidency
of H.S.H. Princess A. de Ligne,
appeals for help in the work of
bringing sick and debilitated children
from Belgium into Holland, where
they are fed, clothed, and medically
cared for, and when restored to
health are returned to Belgium,
for funds do not permit more.
Remittances.earmarked for the"Belglan Children's
Fund," to Hon. Treasurer, "Working Men's
Belgian Fund," 32 Grosvenor Place, London,
S.W.I. , under the patronage of H.E. the Belgian
Minister, Em Vandervelde, and registered War
Charities Act, 1916.
June 20, 1 91 8
Supplement to Land Sc Water
Xlll
SERVICE CLOTHES.
To those who order their service clothes from us
we assure fine, wear-resisting materials, skilful
cutting, honest tailor-work, and more — the certain
advantage of ripe experience.
A good name among sportsmen for nearly a centurj
is a sure measure of our ability in breeches-
making, to which gratifying testimony is now also
given by the many recommendations from officers.
For inspection, and to enable us to meet immediate requirement!, ytt
keep on hand a number of pairs of breeches, or we can out and try a
pair on the same day, and complete the next day, if urgently wanted.
LEATHER PUTTEES.
These most comfortable, good-
looking puttees are made en-
tirely of fine supple tan leather,
and fasten simply with one
buckle at bottom. They are
extremely durable, even if sub-
jected to the friction of riding, as
the edges never tear or fray out.
The puttees are quickly put on or taken
off, readily mould to the shape of the leg,
are as easily cleaned as a leather belt, and
saddle soap soon makes them praotically
waterproof.
The price per pair is 22/6, post free
inland, or postage abroad 1/- extra, or
sent on approval on receipt of business
(not banker's! reference and home
address. Please give size of calf.
GRANT AND COGKBURN
25 PIGGADILLY, W.l. ™
Military and Civil Tailors, Legging Makers.
lESTD. 1821.
•The Original Cording's, Estd. 1839-
€f
The
Paladin "
(Kir.D.)
Oilskin.
All the year round our shapely
' ' Paladin " coat will stand the
rough and tumble of Active
Service and throw off any rain
which comes along.
The material, in colour a good-looking
dark khaki, goes through a special
■■ curing " process which makes it non-
adhesive and very supple. '
The coat is cut with neat tan cloth
collar, full skirt, leg-loops and fan-
piece within deep button-to sUt at
back for riding, and has a broad fly-
front, through which no rain, however
violent, can drive. Adjustable inner
cuffs likewise prevent any water
entering the sleeves.
Between the lining of porous oilskin
and the outer materia! the air freely
circulates, so that there is always
abundant ventilation. The coat is not
bulky, and weighs less than 4 lbs.
Mud is just washed off, and the
material is then as fresh and clean as
ever. After lengthy, exacting wear,
the "Ufe" of the coat can, at small
cost, Ijie effectively renewed by re-
dressing.
Prioe 47/6
Postage .ibroad it- extra.
When orderlnii a "Paladin" Coat please state tiolght and chest measure and send
remittance which will t>e returned promct'y if the ^rment Is not approvadi, or
Itve home address and business mot banker's^ referenca.
At T^utst, ILLUSTRATED LIST a/ WaUtproof CmIs, Boots, OvtraUs, Air Beds.
r' r^rVDrMiMr* * no. waterproofers
, \^, V^VlIxl-'ll^VJ *'^ VxlTD TO H.M, THE KING
Only Addrt»s»s:
19 PICCADILLY, W.l, A 35 ST. JAMES'S ST.,S.W.l.
BSA
RIFLES &GUNS
m PEACE a»t/ WAR
gBFORB THH WAR aS.A. Rifles held first place in popularity
bocause ibey csmbloed th« higbe3t quality and accuracy with low
cost These characceristtes were the result of expert de<^igning, tiie use of
hi^st grade material and extensive (acilitie*.
JAURING THH WAR the aS.A. plant. ,oow vastly extended.
has been devoted exclusively to the manu acfure of the millions of
LeC'Enlield Rifies and Lewis Machine Guns required for our great
Imperial Armies.
\ FTF R THE VN AR the great reputation of B.S.A. productions,
retained and increased in the heavy stress of war will ensare that
ihe B.S.A sponin* anH match rifles and ({uos will embody all the features
that the most discriminating sportsman can possibly desire.
1 ; e Lewis Machine Gun, made bv the
B.S.A. Co., Ltrf.
prbe:
Stna /of a copy •/ " RW« SighU a^d their AdjtatmtnU " •nd Ut tu nat$
yntr nurnt and addrttt %9 tnat ii^€ mat advis you tf dtveUpmrntt.
\ THE BIRMINGHAM SMALL ARMS CO.
LTD.
ENGLAND.
BIRMINGHAM,
WEBLEY & SCOTT, Ltd.
Manufacturers of Revolvers, Automatic
Pistols, and all kinds of High-Class
Sporting Gurts and Rifle*.
CONTRACTORS TO HIS MAJESTY'S NAVY, AR.vll
INDIAN AND COLONIAL FORCES.
To be obtained from all Qui) Dealers, and Wholesale only at
Head Office and Showroon)< :
WEAMAN STREET. BIRMINGHAM.
London Depot :
78 SHAFTESBURY AVENUE.
I Patent
12699
-IW))
l>
LUPTONS
SPIRAL PUTTEES
TASTEDGE
Worn txttnsiptly by Ogic»r$ of Hit
Mai»stj'a and tha AlUtd Forctt.
SPECIAL LIGHTWEIGHTS FOR
TROPICAL CLIMATES.
B0ing Poiitivth Non-frayahU
I I TpTON*S Always look Neat and Smart. They arc most moderate
in price, and may be obtained from all Higb-class Military
PUTTEES Tailors and Hosiers.
// ordertd, Pulleei made ipecially to wind on the recent u>ay, and to fmsten Ihe. tape
round Ihe ankle for riding.
ASK FOR LIJPTON'S PUTTEF.S.
Manufac- ASTRACHANS Lid.. Albert Mill. Allan St.. BRADFORD.
tured by Undon Xgtnt: A STRICKLAND. 3S Bow Lan$. EC.
■:= WHOLESALE ONLY. =
XIV
Supplement to Land & Water
June 20, igi8
open t ) all, without tickets.
For Sports
or
Country
Wear
SF'ORTS JACKET in
;i Donegal Tweed, with
half-belt and patch
pockets; cool and
comfortable. A'^ 1
Ready to wear t^l~
Tfae quantity of these Coats
K Klrictty limited, and we
urc uiiai.le tu repeat them
at this price when sold <iul.
("■KEY fi.a.\m:i.
TROUSERS, suitable
for wear with Sports
Jacket, in a nice shade
ofgrev. Madewithper-
manent turn-up and a
strap or buckle at each
side of waist.
Ready to wear
21/-
Country residents are re-
minded that orders by post
receive every attention, and
are carefully executed by
a specially trained staff.
CifiV Service Co-operative
Society, Ltd.,
28 Haymarket, S.W.
Summer
Wear —
All progressive men wear An-on
underclothing.
The An-on one piece *uit is
the last word in men's under-
(tartnents. and weighs 6 ozs. or
ess.
Loose filling and very comtori-
able.
Made in Vests, Drawers, and
Union Suits.
Fine All-Wool Taffeta.
Pure Silk (while and coloured).
Mixed Wool and Cotton
Taffeta.
AN-ON Cotton.
Made in 12 different sizes so
as to fit any figure.
BRITISH-MADE.
BUTTONS LIKE A COAT
A list of Selling Agents will
be sent on application to
AN-ON,
66 Ludgate Hill, E.C.4
VERMIN-PROOF.
Men in the trenches write stating
that "An-on" Silk Underwear
is prpof against vermin.
Anro
Underw)!
n
MILITARY
TKe Best Welcome
to Our Lines
you can ask tor is a
Military Dexter ... it
assures you warmth on
cKilly nights .... denes
the aepressing aamp . . .
keeps out wet al^vaya . . .
you 11 tind it a -weather
line that no storming
»\ can break through.
ir\ As British as the
»^'j) Weather but Reliable."
Supplied by Agents ETei^where
tilt POTS ro
DLITARV OEXTCnS
FORTNUM & MASON LTD
181-IB4. PICCADILLY. Wl
AUSTIN REED LTD
113. REGENT STREET. Wl
MANCHESTER . BIRMINGHAM
R. W. FORSYTH LTD
OUASacW EOlNBuftaH
H'altacf. Scou » Co.. l.hi. ( irUoItaaU)
Olax^env. AlaJters ^f Dtxttr li'tatherproo/s
J. W. BENSON
LTD.
" AMot Sereice" WATCH
Fully Luminous Figures and Hands.
p_^ Warranted Timekeepers
In Silver Cases, £3 15s.
Or with Half-Hunter or Hunter
Cover. £4 4s.
Gold. Crystal Glass, fi I 0
Half Hunter or Hunter, £10 I Os
Military Badge Brooches.
^^ny Regimental ^adge 'Perfectly
^CoJellcJ.
Prices on Application.
Sketclies sent for approval.
ST., W.l
and 62 & 64 LUDGATE HILL. E,C.4.
liiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiHiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii
Whiteleys
HOUSE
REPAIRS
DECORATION
QUEEN'S ROAD
LONDON, W.2
Tetegrami :
'Whiteley, London"
lllll|ilil't!i;illllilli!!tii!0
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXXI. No. 2928. FvII^rI THURSDAY TUNF 20 iqtR rREGisxERED ast pubushed weekly
^ LVEARJ M.±±\^ n.j^n.1., J Ui>XL /U, 1910 Ij^ NEWbfAi'ERj PKICE ONE SHILLING
I ■iii»iiiii ]iiiim«iiiinBiiMninii|»u mil
Copynght, 1918, U.S.A
Copyright, " Land t- Wmttr:
Poilu: "How do you like it?"
Sammy: "Ask the Boche!"
By Louis Raemaekers
On June 12 the Americans made a successful attack on Belleau Wood in which they distinguished
themselves greatly, repulsing a very strong German attack in the wood after it had been captured.
Land & Water
June 20, 191 8
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Telephone : HOLBORN lixt.
THURSDAY, JUNE 20, 191 8.
Contents
PAGE
The American Soldier. (Cartoon.) By Racmaekers
The Outlook
The Offensive Against Italy. By H. Belloc
Germany's Lost Illusions. By Arthur Pollen
Goeben and Breslau. By Henry Morgenthau
America at War. Bv Crawford Vaughan
At Death-Grips with'the Wolf. Bv L. P. Jacks
Mr. Wells and World Peace. By J. C. Squire
An English Prophet and Seer
The",Motor Class. By Enid Bagnold
A Drop of Leaf. By Etienne -
Sinaia Palace. (\\'ith photograph.) By G. C. Williamson 20
Household Notes 22
Notes on Kit xv
3
7
9
12
I.?
1.5
i(>
17
r8
The Outlook
THE last phase of the great enemy "^offensive — the
fifth of the blows delivered upon . the Western
front — was launched against the Italian lines at
7.30 a.m. last Saturday, after a prehminary
bombardment which lasted as a maximum for
four hours, and upon some sectors was maintained for not
more than an hour and a half. This preparation was of
exactly the same kind as those with" which the German
offensives in France had already been familiar ; it is con-
ducted mainly with gas' shells and directed far behind
the lines upon towns and road-crossings hitherto immune
from enemy fire. The total number of divisions used by the
enemy was not less than sixty.
The main effort of the enemy was made, as necessity
demanded, against the northern or mountain sectors, where
an advance would lead him to the Italian communications
and produce a great result. The pressure was particularly
heavy on the Asiago Plateau, where it was met by Italian,
French, and British troops with success, and thrown back
duriiig the whole of the first two days. Nothing of conse-
quence was done to the west of this position. To the east of
it there were powerful attacks on both sides of the Brenta
Valley, but the Italian troops completely repulsed them and
recovered nearly all lost ground on the few points where a
very shallow retirement had been necessary. Upon the
Piave itself the enemy crossed in three places.
* * *
It need hardly be pointed out that the extreme importance
of this action is upon the political side. There are many
things to emphasise this. Our Italian allies suffered a severe
reverse during the great offensive against them last autumn.-
They are also numerically the weakest of the Western group.
They find munitionment more difficult, from the lack of
coal, etc., than the other nations defending civilisation.
Their resistance has the more moral effect.
Again, the enemy now attacking them is far less heartily
in the \var than is the German Empire, which is for the
moment his master. The Austro-Hungarian forces are made
up of extraordinarily different races, the majority of which
have no attachment to the German cause, though most of
them have perhaps some attachment to the monarchy which
governs them. Further, the Austro-Hungarian territory has
suffered more severely from the prolonged strain of the war
than has any other of the belligerent countries, save portions
jof the Russian Empire, which do not now concfern us. All
these things combined mean that serious disappointment,
coupled with heavy losses in the present attack, would have
a most powerful result upon opinion.
If Austro-Hungary collapses, the German Empire would
be in a far worse case than are the Western Allies since the
defection of Russia. But for the folly. of Austro-Hungary
in supporting Prussianised Germany, the war could not have
been successfully attempted by Germany, and would not even
have been possible. With the disappearance (even if it were
only in the shape of a half-hearted effort) of Austro-Hungary,
the German Empire would be doomed.
The past week has been marked by several important
utterances on both sides. For the Allies, Mr. Asquith and
the American Secretary of State have spoken very much to
the point. The luncheon to the former Prime Minister at
the Aldwych Club, last week, had a double significance ; it
was not only a tribute to a leading statesman, but it was an
expression of opinion by business men and men of the world
on recent methods of discrediting political opponents.
Mr. Asquith was right in laying emphasis on the present
critical state of affairs. Since the battle of Marne, it is the
gravest crisis through which the Allies have passed, and
until Rupprecht of Bavaria's Reserves are used up and we
have seen the end of the Austrian offensive, it is unwise to
take a too bright view of the future. On the other hand,
there is no occasion -for pessimism. Time, Right, and the
United States are on our side, and if the enemy be held for
a few more weeks, the situation will be vastly different.
But, whatever happens, to -use Mr. Asquith's words, "it is
not going in the faintest degree to weaken our allegiance to
the great purposes for which we have been fighting or our
determination in foul as much as in fair weather to press
on to the final accomplishment."
"True Prussianism and the idea of an enduring and just
peace among the nations can never be brought into harmony.
They are the very antipodes of human thought." These
are Mr. Lansing's words, and were it necessary to comment
on them, all that need be said is to suggest, that alongside of
them should be read the contemptible words of brag which
the Kaiser periodically addresses to his family and his
ministers. "Tens of thousands may fall on his right hand
and tens of thousands on his left hand. We offer no
apologies for reproducing the following passage from Mr.
Lansing's speech. It is, of course, a familiar truth, but it is
well people in this country should understand that the same
truth is recognised and accepted in America :
It is hardly open to be debated, in the light of subsequent
events, that the philosophical and political ideals taught lor
years from university platforms, from pulpits, and througli
the piinted word, to young and old in Germany, excited in
the German people an insolent pride of blood, and infused
into their national being an all-absorbing ambition to prove
themselves super-men, chosen by natural superiority, by
Divine mandate, to be the rulers of the earth. Not only in
Germany, but among those of German descent in other
lands, has irtiis pernicious belief spread, linking the Germans
everywhere to the Fatherland, in the hope that they would
be considered worthy to share the future gjory of the masters
of the world.
The "insolent pride of blood," to which the American
Secretary of State alluded, was curiously enough illustrated
in the identical London papers which reported his speech
by a delivery, a few days previously, of the German War
Minister, General von Stein in the Reichstag. General von
Stein talked of "our incomparable Army" and of "the
Entente beginning to recognise and admit their heavy defeat."
He sneered at "the saving help of America" in the same way
that the Kaiser sheered at General French's "contemptible
little Army," thereby bestowing on the British soldier a
proud title. Who to-day would not be one of the "Old
Contemptibles " ? Perhaps in time to come, to be one of
America's "Saving Helps" will have the same high honour.
General von Stein spoke nothing but the truth when he
said : "The enemy is not yet prepared for peace. It is still
the day of the sword, but the sword has kept sharp." More
than that, von Stein ! The sword continues to be sharpened ;
the sparks still fly from the grindstone ; and before there is
peace, Germany must taste the sharpness of that sword,
must test the temper of its steel in a very different way from
that contemplated by the boastful German War Minister.
* ie it.
Readers of L.\xd & W.\ter are very familiar by this time
with the stories by Centurion which have appeared on these
pages at intervals during the past two years. They are all
based upon fact, and in process of time many of these
plain tales from the battlefield will be accepted as historical
evidence for the* actual incidents and sequences of events
of the famous actions which they describe. The book is
dedicated to the West Country Regiments, for the writer is
himself a Wiltshire man, who "like the rest of the children of
Wessex, believes Wessex to be God's country and Thomas
Hardy its prophet. Centurion's volume bears the title
Gentlemen at Arms (Hcinemann, 6s.). It is to be published
to-day, though last Tuesday, the anniversary of Waterioo,
would perhaps have been a more appropriate date, consider-
ing the feat of arms which it commemorates.
June 2 0, 1918
Land & Water
The Offensive against Italy : By H. Belloc
THE present Austrian offensive upon tlie Italian
front is following a course of which the plan was,
so to speak, inevitable. Ever since the Itahans
entered the war, seized defensive positions in the
north-east of their country, and occupied the
slopes of the Alps all along the north up to the Swiss frontier,
the object of the enemy in any main offensive was necessarily
an effort to come down from the north and cut the Italian
communications. This alone could give him a complete
decision. It is true that his great victory at Caporetto was
due to a direct frontal attack against the main defensive
position ; but though he broke the front, took an enormous
number of prisoners and guns, and compelled the Italians
to a rapid and terribly expensive retirement, he did not
obtain a decision because he was only driving his opponent
back along communications which were still intact.
The position may be familiar to most of my leadiers, but
I will explain it once more in a simple diagram.
B[
1 1 T> r
I
__v>
•*-+■
''Ss:^^^2S?s^^\^
L
c^
=f^
Supposing the front you have to . hold is of the shape
shown in the diagram, Uke part of a hook, or the letter "J,"
with secured flanks at B and at A. Suppose your main hne
communications run like the barred arrow on that diagram —
that is, parallel with a part of your front B-C. Then it is
obvious that the success of your enemy against you between
A and C, cornpelling you to retire, for instance, to D-E,
though it may involve the loss of prisoners and of guns,
does not merely through his' advance affect the vitals of
your army, for, as you fall back, you still have your com-
munications intact behind you by which to receive supphes,
to evacuate wounded, etc. But if your enemy can bring
pressure between B and D, then, even without badly damaging
you, if it only presses you back a little way, and [imme-
diately your communications are in danger, everything
lying beyond the point where he ci/ts the communications
will be destroyed, and the nearer to B he effects his cut, the
more thorough his victory will be. If he can cut the com-
munications right back close to B, he will scoop in the whole
army and achieve a complete decision.
Now, the Italian front has been from the begimjing obviously
of this kind. There was always a peril from the north —
a peril which was greater in proportion as the attack from
the north came from more and more westward.
This unstable state of affairs was imposed by nature
herself. It is the great curve of the Central and Eastern
Alpine chain, the direction of the rivers flowing down from
that chain to the sea, and the consequent sites of great
towns, all lying in a row underneath the Alps, these in their
turn determining the main roads and the railways which
have produced the situation just described.
If you compare the actual map between Lake Garda and
the mouth of the Piave — that is, along the lines held by the
Italians at the present moment^you will see that it exactly
corresponds to this scheme. The secured flanks at B and A
are Lake Garda and the high mountain region west of it and
the Adriatic Sea. The main line of communications is the
railway, Hnking up Verona and Vicenza, and leading up to the
front on the Piave River. It is clear that an attack from
the north — that is, from the mountains between B and C —
even if it does not break the front, but only succeeds in
pressing it back up to the line of communications, would
give the enemy a complete decision, the more complete
as his successful" effort lay more to the west — that is, nearer B.
It was a stroke of this kind from the north, to cut the
communications, which was planned in 1916 and failed. Of
necessity, exactly the same plan has had to be repeated this
time. The enemy has had to make his main effort from
the north— that is, against the left flank presented by the
Allied line and covering the dangerously parallel line of
communications. He has been compelled, as we shall see
in a moment, to strike at one particular sector of this northern
front in special force, to wit, both sides of the Brenta Valley,
because only there can he mass in sufficient strength. The
only difference between this offensive and that of two years
ago is that his much greater numerical superiority to-day,
both in guns and in men, has allowed him to attack all along
the line, instead of confining himself to the left flank alone.
But the left flank still remains the touch-stone of the whole
affair. Either he will get' down to the communications on
the plain, and so obtain his decision, or he will fail to inter-
rupt them, in which case he will suffer serious strategic defeat.
The numerical preponderance of the enemy here, as else-
where in the West, must always be kept in mind ; and, upon
a later page, where I discuss ''the general character of the
whole enemy movement from the Adriatic to the North Sea,
I give the causes and the extent of that preponderance more
in detail. Here, in a preliminary study of the present action,
it is sufficient to point out that the Austro-Hungarian armies,
with certain German contingents, can and have put into line
no less than 60 divisions between the Adriatic and Lake
Garda. Their superiority in artillery is unfortunately
beyond question. It is due to two factors : the very great
captures of pieces made since the first great offensive of last
autumn and the enormous amount of material provided by
the betrayal of the Allies in Russia. We shall discugs later
how far this preponderance of men is modified by a loss in
miUtary spirit and value ; but the preponderance in artillery,
especially in heavy artillery work very far behind the line
of shock and contact, is, unfortunately, a mechanical thing
which is susceptible of calculation, and a superiority here is
not only undeniable, but little affected by the moral of the
attacking troops.
Before describing in detail the accounts of the actions so
far as it can be followed at the time of writing (Monday
afternoon, June 17th), it wiU be necessary to go briefly over
the line from the Swiss frontier to the Adriatic, showing
what advantages the enemy have, maybe, and where they lie.
There are three main sectors in this line. Reading from left
to right — that is, from West to East— you have, first, the
sector between the Swiss frontier and Lake Garda. Second,
the sector between Lake Garda and the Piave River at the
point where the latter emerges from the foot hills of the
Alps on to the plain.
The third sector is that of the Piave River itself, running
from the south eastwardly across the plain, until, it falls
into the Adriatic, 30 or 40 miles down stream.
Of these three sectors, the first need not concern us greatly.
It is very high mountain land, most of the crests are in the
hands of the defence, there is only one gate, the Tonale Pass,
and the lack of communications makes it very difficult for
the enemy to concentrate upon this sector in any great force.
The second sector — that between Lake Garda and the
River Piave— is the critical one, as we have seen. It runs
from the lake to the valley of the Astico, over country where
an attack is difficult on account of narrowness of the issues
by which the enemy can debouch. If this portion were
weakly or badly held, an enemy success here would be more
fruitful than anywhere to the eastward, for it would get
down to Verona and find itself right behind the whole Italian
army and astraddle of the main railway which feeds it ; but
not only is this point capable of defence, it is also one where
the hill country goes on far to the south, so that the difficult
fighting would have to be prolonged, however successful it
were.
All these conditions are modified, when you come to the
next portion of this sector, lying between the Astico Valley
and the Brenta, which is known as the "Plateau of Asiago,"
from the now ruined small town in its centre. It is of curious
Land & Water
June 2 0, 1918
formation, limestone, and therefore difficult to supply with
water, and coming out from the fall of the Alps in a sort of
shelf, depressed in the middle, and rising at the rim. From
beyond that rim the ground falls very steeply from a sort of
wall on to the Plain of Vicenza. Across this crucial piece
of ground the Allied line runs midway. .It nowhere reaches
the northern heights which bound the plateau and dominate
it, but it everywhere covers the rim to the south, beyond
which is the sharp fall on to the plain, which bears the main
commuiiirations of the armies. Upon this Plateau of Asiago,
British, French, and Italian divisions are placed, and-there
lias the main shock been taken. The enemy has several
advantages here. He has the great international line of
railway down the Trentint) Valley to supply him and to help
his concentrations, and he has, branching out from it at
Trent and running down the Val Sugana, an excellent road
and railway following the Upper Brenta Valley and giving
him a tiret-class lateral communication by which to feed his
front. He has built numerous roads from this railway up
to that front. He overlooks the defensive line across the
plateau from the heights toirthe north of it. Finally, if he
succeeds in bending back the Allied line here, let alone in
breaking, it, he reaches the plafin almost immediately. The
main railway itself is not 20 miles away, and the plain is
nowhere more than 7. In other words, there is hardly any
room for manoeuvre.
Beyond the Brenta Valley he could also use. troops and
guns concentrated by the aid of the railway and everywhere
exercise pressure to get down to the plain, to which he is
everywhere close ; but the further east he goes, the less the
«'ffect of his advance would be.
L;istly, we have the Piave itself, running through the plain
from the foot hills to the Adriatic. This part of the front is
the weakest for defence ; but, at the same time, it is that
part up«n which an enemy advance has least effect.
The Piave is no formidable pbstacle. For much the
greater part of the year it is only a broad bed of shingle,
carrying a few trickles of water, and bounded by high levees
or banks upon either side to preserve the plain against
floods.
After heavy rain in tlie hills and during the first big melt
of the snows, it rises by many feet, and becomes very swift
and deep, an almost impossible obstacle for the moment ;
but it usually goes down in a few hours, and is of hardly any
permanent military value, at any rate, above the point of
St. Dona ; below that point the last few miles to the sea
run through marshy country, which can be well defended.
A crossing there is also of httle service to the attack because
there is no good road by which to advanced-only more
marshes, cut up by canals, and a big sliallow lagoon barring
the way.
The Piave torrent bed is crossed in three places by the
railway, at St. Dona itself, just above the marshy ground,
at Fogara, about half-way to the hills, and at Nervesa, just
where it emerges from the hills. The bridges have, of course,
long ago been destroyed ; but the railways on the enemy
side — that is, on the eastern bank of the river-^and the road
system in his hands only lead to the old crossing places, so
that they are the obvious points upon which he can con-
centrate and bring pressure ; and it is there that he had
already by last Sunday established at least three bridge-
heads.
Such being the general nature of the ground, we will now
turn to the fortunes of the battle so far as the dispatches to
hand inform us upon them.
The offensive opened at 3 a.m. on Saturday last, June 15th.
It -had been preceded by a minor action, dwindling down
during the previous thirty-six hours against the Tonale Pass
far to the west of Lake Garda. It is not easy to understand
the reason for this feint — if feint it was. Perhaps future
developments will make us understand it better. There was
no chance of getting through under such conditions of quite
partial and local attack. At any rate, the attack was de-
livered, and, as a matter of course, without result ; the
main offensive followed, as we have said, by the opening of
intense bombardment at 3 a.m. on Saturday.
The bombardment lasted four hours, and just after 7 a.m.
the infantry was launched along the whole line, from above the
mouth of the Piave to the neighbourhood of Lake Garda
itself.
At this point we shall do well to notice the complete cen-
tralisation of the enemy forces in the West. What he cannot
command is homogeneity of troops. He has that more or
less in the German Empire ; he takes advantage of its lack
among the various nations of the Allies ; but he cannot obtain
it in the extraordinary different types of recruitment which
produce the Austro-Hungajian forces. What he has got is
clearly a unity of central command. For this preparation
of his last offensive is almost ridiculously exact in its copy
of the efforts made in France since March 21st. The pre-
liminary bombardment, its exact duration, the nature of the
shell used, the searching of back areas — twenty other details
are precisely the same with the Austro-Hungarians
in Italy as they have been with the German armies
in France.
Now, this kind of similarity is not produced by mere
copying ; it is only possible when you have direct orders
and a staff working to a plan. It means that the whole
direction of the Austrian armies in this Italian offensive is
German. What they cannot command, as I have said, is the
united human material. And this battle really turns more
upon the military value of the Austro-Hungarian units than
upon anything else. They come from many different races ;
they are variously affected towards the cause of the Imperial
Crown ; they have suffered different kinds of strain ; even
their best units are but isolated groups in such a mass of
disparate forces ; and it is all this which weighs against the
fact that they are superior in numbers and far superior in
guns to the defending force.
After the bombardment, then, had proceeded four hours
the infantry was launched at about half-past seven in the
morning upon every available point of the line.
June 2 0, 19 1 8
Land & Water
5
Let us be clear as to what tliis phrase "every available
point" means.
In the open plain against the Piave, north of the marshes
at least — that is, at and north of St. Dona — attack is possible
anywhere, though a special concentration was, of course, to be
found at the three points where the roads and railways lead
to the three crossings of the river, and here the enemy estab-
lished a bridge-head on the first day at each of the points. It
is not clear in what state the river was, whether it was deeper
than usual through a freshet or through the melting of the
snows, or whether it was in its usual summer condition of a
mere gravel-bed with insignificant streams of water trickling
through it.
The enemy dispatch talks of it as being "swollen" ; but
this probably only means that it has enough water to make
fording somewhat difficult. It is very unlikely that it was
deep enough for the use of pontoons, except possibly at the
southernmost crossing, for when it is deep enough for pontoons
in its central reaches the Piave is such a torrent that they
could hardly be thrown across. .
On this sector, then — that of the Piave proper — crossings
were made and bridge-heads were established on the Saturday
and Sunday. The enemy claim here about 10,000 prisoners.
But by the last dispatches — those of Monday morning —
these bridge-heads '^ere closely contained by the Italian
reaction, and do not seem to have enlarged at all.
In the sector next west — between the Piave and Lake
Garda, which we have seen to be far the most critical one —
the position at the end of the second day was satisfactory.
The main enemy effort was made on the Asiago Platpau, for
reasons which have already been given. It fell with great
weight upon the forces holding the • extreme west of this
district, which were British, effected the advance of about
a mile, but was then thoroughly beaten back. It entirely
failed to reach the rim of the plateau, which overlo( ks the
plain, or to debouch from the gaps in it upon the West. The
enemy here suffered a very decided check. He suffered a
similar check in his efforts east of both sides of the Brenta.
He advanced, but could not keep what he had overrun, and x,
was beaten back by the Italians. Further to the east again,
between the immediate neighbourhood of the Brenta and
Montello, he achieved nothing. The eastern ends of Montello,
just on the Piave, he carried, probably. as part of his successful
crossing at Nervesa. By the Monday noon, he seems to have
reached the summit ; an important success, because it gives
him his only point of observation over the plain.
With this very insufficient result, our news stops. We
have yet to learn whether it is a definite check for the enemy
or no. Since the. whole plan is German, and its conduct
obviously designed by officers from the Prussian staff, the
test of its failure or success will simply be its continuance.
If the batile is broken off, as was the battle of the Matz (a
little too late) the other day, it will be a confession of failure.
If it is continued, no matter what we may be told about
heavy enemy losses in the West, we may take it as evidence
that those who are directing the enemy feel themselves to
be succeeding.
So much has been written throughout the Press of the
political effect of an enemy failure here that I will not add
to it, especially as we do not yet know what the chances of
the battle are.
But it must be carefully borne in mind that the attempt
is being . made by a Power which is thoroughly tired
of the war, and which has now nothing to gain from the
continuance of the war. It is being made by a Pgwer which
would not be specially punished as a result of unsuccessful
war, and it is being made by a Power which is suffering from
the most grievous internal instability.
True Value of Numerical Superiority
WE cannot understand this critical phase of the war
unless we begin upon the very largest lines and go
down to details afterwards. To go the other way
about, to make maps showing how far the enemy is from
this or that point, is to put the cart before the horse, and to
stop at those very simple insufficiencies is to be ridiculously
failing in judgment.
The Central Empires and their dependents had for the
European field alone (counting Salonika as eastern and eUm-
inating Syria, Persia, and Mesopotamia) more than eight and
less than nine million men drawing rations, in uniform, and
on, the military strength. Of these, roughly three-fifths or a
Uttle more were organised in fighting units and of these
again more than one-half, but not two-thirds, were the in-
fantry which was, of course, the force chiefly subject to attri-
tion.
That is the first foundational point to seize and remember.
Those who neglect it or ignore it marvel at the enemy's pre-
sent superiority, fail to understand, and fall into the error of
thinking it due to some hidden power of surprise.
I repeat : More than eight million all told, neATly five under
arms in the field, not far short of three in infantry alone. That
was the state of affairs from the moment when the whole
machine had come to full working.
With the exception of a great falling off in quality and
possibly some falling off in numbers among the Austro-
Hungarians, it is the state of things to-day. The Turkish
forces were badly hit by lack of organisation, insufficient
industrial power, etc., but that was felt in Asia, not in Europe.
The Turkish Divisions in Europe upqh the fighting fronts,
though few, have been kept up to strength. The Bulgarian
divisions have suffered little. Of this eight — five and i/iree —
million, the German Army counts for five-eighths in each
category.
Against so formidable a mass were arrayed the Russians,
the French, the British and the Italians. These four main
AlUes were sufiicient to " contain " (as the phrase goes) the
Central Empires between them. The Allies never had any
formidable superiority even in mere numbers, against the'
Central Empires. How the idea got about that they had
I do not know. They had a superiority, but no formidable
superiority ; and that superiortiy, such as it was, depended
entirely upon the huge recruiting field of Russia^
Between the late autumn of 1916 and the early summer of.
1917 the Russian part of this combination went to pieces.
The enemy may legitimately claim that this result was the
fruit of his heavy blows in 1915 ; but it may also be urged
that this fruit would not have been garnered but for political
propaganda and the action of the detestable international
gang that captured the Russian Capital and still holds it.
These discussions are, however, of no value to a present
judgment of the war. The Russian forces as a fact dis-
appeared. The process might be compared to the break-
down of a massive wall under bombardment. The final
collapse came suddenly, and almost up to the moment of
that final collapse the wall was standing up and visible to
every one and apparently still intact.
With the disappearance of the Russian forces went the
necessary elimination of the Rumanian Army, just at the
moment when it had learnt modern war-,and was beginning
to re-act very usefully in our favour. The whole field was
left open for a duel in the west. Into that duel the Central
Empires could now bring their united and preponderant
strength. Take them all in line from the Adriatic to the
North Sea it was a struggle opening between two forces
which stood as about 21 to 16.
The first evidence of the change was Caporetto in the
late autumn of 1917. It was explained in many ways. The
Germans, of course, made the most of the fact that it occurred
just after German divisions had joined the Austrian forces ■
but the underlying cause even of that first surprise and bad
defeat was new power which the Russian toUapse had given
the enemy to concentrate against the west. * f' ^
Here let me point out that numerical preponderance does
not only mean the power to bring up, say, ten men against
seven : It means much more than that. It means the power
to withdraw divisions and give them special training. It
means the power to give long periods of rest. It means
the power to resume the initiative — that is, the vast advantage
of striking where you will and compelling your opponent
to conform his plan to yours.
It should further be pointed out that a great numerical
superiority enables you to play for exhaustion with a margin
in hand. You can risk heavy losses without fear for the
immediate future. Your numerically inferior opponent bv
his superior skill in the art of war may compel you to heavier
losses than he himself suffers, and yet you may be the gainer
in the long run because there is a certain niinimum beyond
which he cannot hold and you may fairly hope that he will
reach that breaking point before you wiU.
If 100 men are fighting 70, the 70 can, perhaps, make
the 100 lose 25 men where they lose only 20. But at the end
of the process they are worse off than at the beginning. They
stand, only 50 against 75 : and the process goes on. More-
Land & Water
June 20,' 19 1 8
over, there is a line to be held which cannot be held after
forces have fallen below a certain level.
In the interval between the autumn of 1917 and the spring
of 1918, the enemy, and in particular the German Army,
utilised their new superiority in numbers in all sorts of ways,
but principally by way of training. They withdrew great
numbers from the line — which tlie Allies could not do ; they
rested them ; they exercised them in a new tactic of mobility
and surprise. Wlien all was ready they launched that great
offensive in the West which, as they then firmly believed
and still believe more doubtfully, should end the campaign
in their favour before next autumn. '
Apart from the elements in their favour which I have just
mentioned they had, in the largest sense, the advantage
over the west of interior lines. They could change from a
main attack against Italy to a main attack in Flanders in
less than half the time and with much less than half the
strain imjiosed by such a change upon their opponents.
They had not only this general advantage of interior lines
upon the whole west, they had a special advantage of interior
lines between Lorraine and the North Sea. The enemy
determined not to pursue, for the moment, the Italian adven-
ture, which could be only indirectly decisive, but to strike
upon the West, that is against his principal and most formid-
able foes. He was moved to act rapidly, at great expense,
and early by two considerations.
• ;The first (which seemed to him the least important) was
the gradual growth of the American forces. He knew that
these would be insignificant throughout the spring. He did
not believe that during the greater part of the summer they
would be greater in proportion than the British Expedition-
ary Force had been to the French before the Marne. He was
morally certain that they could not redress the balance in
numbers in the course of 1918. But he did know that if
his decision was not reached in .1918 the American armies
would change the whole situation six months later — other
things, such as the political situation in the belligerent
countries, being equal.
The second thing which pressed him was the tremendous
strain upon his population as a whole, civilian and military
combined. The civilian strain is to be measured not only
hf the scale of rationing, severe as that is, nor even by the
imperfect organisation of Austrian and Hungarian supply,
which is, perhaps, a worse feature for them, but principally
by the fact that the burden had been borne so long. Even
the allied belligerent countries which are more happily
circumstanced know what the cumulative effect of a long
strain can be. Habit palhates it, but upon a balance the
weariness and the disgust count more than the habit. And
even upon habit you cannot count where a real privation of
necessities is concerned. That is something we have never
had and which the Central Empires have had for a long time.
The enemy strfick therefore in the West ; he struck early ;
he struck with e»erytliing organised above all for rapidity,
and he struck once for all. In other words, he budgeted to
lose up to his full maximum of men, saying to himself that by
this means there was a chance of victory and by any other
policy nothing but a certitude of defeat. ' |i
Now what was that maximum of men and how would 'he
use it ? I confine myself to the French front alone. The
enemy could there use nearly three million of men of whom
more than a million and a half, but less than a million and
three-quarters were available as infantry for the active part,
-of the battle.
It was upon the infantry tliat the great losses would fall.
It was the numbers of the infantry and their losses which, there-
fore, would determine everything. If every man hit or caught
counted as a permanent loss one might safely say that the
enemy would budget for a casualty list far below half his
force. To exceed that would be destruction. He could not
budget for infantry casualty lists of a million in his infantry.
He might doubtfully budget for 700,000.
But not every man hit or caught is a permanent loss. The
only purely permanent losses are the men caught and the men
who, being hut, are either killed or so mutilated as not to be of
any service again. The remainder (with the exception of a
small proportion who are lost by sickness) return sooner or
later and in various capacities to the ranks. There is here a
problem on which infinite discussion has arisen, to wit, how
to estirriate the exact proportion of strength really recoverable.
You may have hospital returns. on paper as high as 80 per cent,
of the wounded, while the number you get back to full active
service of the same sort which they performed before they
were into hospital may be nearer 50 per cent, than 60 per cent.
You have men who can go back to very useful work necessary
to the army — transport, etc. — but not to the firing hne. You
have a large proportion who come back so irregularly and so
slowly that it is almost impossible to make an average rate
of their return. But in rbund figures you can say that of
the wounded alone, apart from prisoners and dead, 60 per
cent., or rather more come back in an average of about four
months, and a large proportion of these, the light cases, come
back in the first few weeks.
Seeing that the problem is, therefore, not a static but a
dynamic one, and that while loss goes on recruitment is also
going on, we know that the enemy could budget for very
much more than a casualty list of 700,000 on the French
front alone during the fighting of 1918. For each particular
stroke he would have to budget carefully, of course. If he
wasted all available material without success in the very
first blows he might find himself defeated before his recruit-
ment could recover him.
Thus it was said with justice in these columns that his
first two great battles between March 21st and April 19th
were not calculated to cost much more than 600,000 casual-
ties and probably cost less : Perhaps half a million. But take
the fighting from beginning to end, take the fighting of the
whole of this season, and he might stand a casualty hst of far
more than a million and yet get his decision before he had
reached the point of exhaustion and of danger. Some have put
the number at a million and a half. Class 1920 alone
represents at least' 450,000 men.
Special Training of Reserves
Now the enemy had a further calculation in his favour.
The power which great numerical superiority had bestowed
on him to give special training to great bodies of troops resting
out of the fighting, coupled with very diligent staff work, for
which he must be given full credit, had given him, as he
believed, and rightly believed, a new tactical instrument.
'He thought he could break a line, something which (in the
West) neither he nor the French nor the British nor the
Italians had yet succeeded in doing. At Caporetto he did
this for the first time in the West. On March 22nd he did
it for the first time in France.
•Having found that he could break a line, in other words,
having found that the quasi-permanent field defences
developed by the present war were, even when backed by
ample material (which the Russians never had), capable of
rupture, his main plan was simply to shatter piece-meal
that defensive line in the West and after each breach to take
the first possible advantage of the gap, pouring men through
with the utmost mobility, and trying, if he could, to sever
the hne thoroughly once and for all ; that is, to prevent
its re-forming far to the rear and to get around the flank of
one of the two broken sections.
This expected result he has not gained. But there is
another way, a slower one of reaching a decision, which is the
exhaustion of his foes. He is fighting roughly ten to seven.
With every advance he takes prisoners in great numbers and
these though slightly wounded or even unwounded are per-
manent losses to the side from which they come. He menaces
point after point of importance on the alUed communications.
He postpones the power of building up again permanent
field works against him ; he exercises heavy political pressure
by the ruin of territory occupied ; by the bombardment of
distant civilian centres as he goes forward.
That is the German calculation. That is the very simple
plan underlying the whole of this fighting. Each individual
blow has its objective, of course— that of March 21st and
March 22nd to get between the French and the British and
effect a complete rupture of the hne ; that of April 9th to
cut off the Ypres salient and reach the sea ; that of May 27th
to pass round the forest obstacles and compel a general
retirement upon ?aris ; that of June 9th to supplement the
blow of May 27th by coming round on the other side of the
sahent, with Compiegne as its particular obj'ective, and pre-
sently the turning of the forest belt as its general goal.
But dominating all is the conception of a rapid attrition
of the Allied forces in the course »f the present war : An
attrition gained with immense loss to his own side but, as he
hopes, mortal to his foe.
Notice
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which accompanies this issue.
|une 20, 1910
JL^ctllU LX. vv a.i.v-1
Germany's Lost Illusions : By Arthur Pollen
Harbour of Sevastopol, the Portsmouth of the Black Sea
AN astute French, statesman remarked, when war
broke out, that the folly of Germany could be
measured by the fact that, by combining Russia
and Great Britain against her, she had set out to
attack the "two great intangibles." Russia
seemed to be protected by the vastness of her territor}' and
the simpUcity of her political organisation ; Great Britain
by her ocean girdle. The epithet has long since been
proved untrue of oui: northern ally. But it is still true of
Great Britain ; and for the reason that it is true of us, it is
trae also of the al^y that j oined us when Russia was on the
eve of collapsing — America.
Now, when the military force of Germany, relieved of
pressure on the Eastern front, can concentrate its entire
weight against us in the West, it is wholesome to bear in
mind the truth
that still remains
in^Monsieur Cairi-
bon's aphorism.
It recalls to our
recollection the
fact that pri-
marily and ulti-
mately, the war,
like its great
predecessor a cen-
tury ago, is for us
a sea war ; and
that Miough our
military contribu-
tion has been
upon a colossal
scale, the essen-
tial-truth remains
that, in winning
or losing in a
war with Great
Britain, it is in
what happens at
sea, and not what
happens on land,
that the issue will b6 found. And that truth is
culably more obvious when America is allied to us in
the West with her resources in men only just beginning to
appear in the field of war, and with Japan allied to us in the
East, whose man-power has not yet been touched at all.
It is this fundamental truth that made the situation a
year ago so intensely grave. For we were within measurable
distance. of being beaten at sea by the submarine. And it is
because the submarine is becoming week by week a lesser
danger, and because week by week the shipping of the
Alliance is increasing much faster than it can be destroyed,
that we shall do well to remember that, whatever our anxiety
in watching, the titanic struggle, while it must be decisive for
Germany if Germany fails, will be far from being decisive
for the Alliance if Germany were to succeed.
There is all the more reason why we should bear this
truth in mind, because the clearer headed Germans can see it
for thQ.mselves. There has recently become accessible to us
the full text of three very significant statements. The first
is von Kuhlmann's speech to the Berlin Chamber of Commerce,
delivered on the occasion of his reporting and defining the
German peace with Rumaniji. Next, there is Herr Dern-
burg's article in the Neue *'Freie Presse deaUng with the
American threat of the after-war boycott on raw materials.
Lastly, there is Erzberger's defence against those who attacked
him and his advocacy of the "No Annexation" resolutions
passed a year ago in the Reichstag.
Von Kiihlmann's speech is, naturally enough, a rhapsody
over Germany's colossal apparent triumph in Russia, the
Ukraine, and Rumania — a triumph the economic results of
which are to be reaUsed by a ruthless exploitation of the
conquered peoples, carried out in perfect agreement with
Austro-Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria. Though the pros-
pect is dazzUng, he adds that the Germans would make a
very big mistake if they contented themselves with extending
their economic base on the European continent, and were
satisfied if they simply put themselves into a position to
compete "numerically" with such units as the United States
of America.
These are not the aim and conclusion of our development,
The Rhine flows into the North Sea, and the mighty Elbe,
the artery of Central Germany, points us in tl^e same direc-
incal-
tion. . All these efforts . . . will in the long run be a spur
and incentive to German trade to gravitate towards the
first element of all great and really free trade, the free seas.
To prepare this trade, to serve and strengthen its cause is
the ultimate and highest aim of all the work and all the
efforts, which have been brought before your mental vision
to-day. When victory and peace shall have been won in
this greatest of all wars, thanks to the valour and tenacity
of the German people, and the genius of their leaders, and
German merchant ships, built of German steel shall again
sail the free seas under the black, white, and red stripes,
then, . . . the German merchant will prove to the world
that, in these years of sacrifice, he has only become more
capable, more ready for peaceful competition with every
nation, and not unworthy of the proud motto : Nulli Secundus.
So that, unless his country can, when war is over, get back
to pre-war condi-
tions at sea, then
all Germany's war
efforts must have
been wasted.
Herr Dernburg
is far more speci-
fic. Except for
Germany's ap-
parent monopoly
of potash, he has
to admit that
neither Germany
nor any of the
neutrals subser-
vient to her, pro-
duces any of the
raw materials of
which the rest of
the world has
need. Whereas
the British Em-
pire, the United
States, and the
South . American
republics that
have declared war against Germany, practically monopolise
the ra,w materials, without which German industry is
helpless. Peace, therefore, when it comes, he says,
must include the fair rationing of these raw [materials
between all the nations. He notes that [the Non-
ferrous Metal Act, and wholesale purchasing of wool clips
and crops have already made State monopolies of many
of these essentials to German industry. The treaty of peace,
then, must not merely guarantee a freedom for the Germans
to trade on an equaUty with others in all these countries, it
must provide compulsory powers of allocation to Germany of
her share of these highly desirable products ! ' And it dawns
on the puzzled Dernburg that this means a "League of
Nations for the universal world provision of • a humanity
suffering from an impoverishment of raw materials." Per-
haps we shall not all agree upon the definition of " humanity."
The Allies will be able to look after themselves and their
friends, and the German claims to be included in "humanity"
will certainly require strict proofs. Dernburg evades this
point, and proceeds :
"A thing of this kind {i.e., this economic j League of Nations)
cannot be obtained in the event of a peace won purely by force.
It requires peace by. understanding for which we are now, as
always, ready, but which can only be concluded when our
opponents have arrived at a similar position of reason. Our
goodwill has not advanced us much in this direction. To-day
the task which we must pursue with all our might is to bring
about this condition of reason by force of circumstances."
The German mind is surely a strange thing. Dernburg
realises as clearly as any man can that a peace obtained by
force — such, for instance, as a German victory in France —
will not bring them what Germany wants, i.e., a League of
Nations, based on equality of economic supply. He also"
realises that this can only come by a peace by "understand-
ing." "Let us, then," he says, "go forward with all our
might — i.e., by force of circumstances — to bring about not
a peace won by victory, but a condition when they, like
'us (the Germans) will attain to that sweet reasonableness
which makes some other kind of peace possible."
Erzberger has to deal with his critics with one hand tied
behind his back. He cannot say, for instance, that Turkey,
Bulgaria, and Austria are beaten already, nor can he reiterate
Land & Water
June 20, 191 8
what he liints, viz., that tlic warning ho uttered in October,
1916, as to the result of unrestricted U-boat warfare, lias
proved him to be right and his critics wrong. It has made
an irreconcilable opponent of America without disposing of
the other irreconcilable, England. Germany is left, then,
still needing a peace by understanding, but is further off
than ever from any possibihty of getting it. The people
are being fooled by being told that the mihtary successes
are decisive \ictories, and their war passion excited by the
prospects of annexations and indemnities. But the truth,
he says, is that the bulk of Germany wants only German
rights, and that annexations, in the interest of scientiiac
frontiers, have no meaning in these days of long-range guns
and aeroplanes ; and that all this talk only postpones the
only finish of the war that can help his country.
Now it seems to me quite a remarkable thing that three
men, so different in origin, experience, and environment,
should show agreement on an issue so fundamental as this.
They all see as clearly as possible that the tiling Germany
must have — or perish— is exactly the thing which cannot be
obtained by force of arms on land. If Germany is to .turn
her conquests in the East into permanent realities profitable
to herself, she must first come to a working agreement with
aU the rest of the world. Without wool, cotton, rubber,
hides, vegetable oils, and a host of other products, she cannot
regain that industrial vitality without which the exploitation
of the Russian and Rumanian conquests will be impossible.
Without a free sea, no internal industry can bring national
wealth. Now, these two indispensable things — raw materials
and free sea commerce — do not follow automatically from the
only kind of victory dangled before the German vision.
If Gennany could conquer the armies of Italy, France,
England, and America on land, and beat all our fleets, too,
then the countries of the outer world would have to come to
the same kind of "peace by understanding" with Germany
to wluch Russia, the Ukraine, and Rumania — not to mention
Poland and Finland — have already been driven. But there
is no prospect of sea victory on this or any other scale. Max
Cohen, indeed, will have it still that the U-boat will win ;
but he speaks to a formula in which no one trusts. It is
significant that Erzberger, while speaking respectfully of the
efficiency and the gallantry of the submarine personnel, is
under no illusions as to any chances of submarine victory.
Dernburg is silent on the subject altogether, and Kiihlmann,
while talking glibly of the freedom of the seas, suggests no
means by which the rest of the world is to be free of the
peaceful use of the seas, if Germany is to remain free to
renew her piratical sabotage whenever she thinks fit.
The growth of German opinion on these subjects will be
well worth watching. It is something, at any rate, to have
a Secretary of State admitting that it is peace on sea and
not peace on land that Germany needs, and one of the fore-
most of her political thinkers asseverating that peace on sea
is not a thing that can be the fruit of land victory.
Rizzo's Achievement
On the night of June S-gth, Commander Luigi Rizzo, of
the Royal Itahan Navy, was cruising off the Dalmatian
coast in a m6tor boat in company with another of the same
craft under the command of Midshipman Aonzo. At 3.15
on Sunday morning, he perceived a column of smoke in the
distance, and was soon able to distinguish two dreadnoughts
escorted by a squadron of ten destroyers. He determined to
go for them at once, and ordered Aonzo to attack "as he
thought best." He managed to slip between the destroyers
and get within between 400 and 600 feet of the leading ship,
and was soon under fire from the destroyers, which then per-
ceived him. But, unaffected by this, he.let his two torpedoes
go from their dropping gear, and both took effect. Aonzo, in
the meantime, got in one hit on the second battleship. All
this w;is astonishing enough, but the miracle is that, having
got inside the destroyer line and torpedoed both ships, these
tiny motor boats were then able to pass out again untouched.
Beyond a couple of torpedoes and depth charges each, they
carried no weapons. It was with one of these latter, the
first having failed to explode, that Rizzo stood off the only
destroyer that tried to ram him — the light, one imagines,
was too bad for effective gunnery. The second depth-charge
was nicely timed and lifted the destroyer, so that she "rolled
like a drunken man." She was doubtless out of action, if
pot destroyed; but Rizzo, now defenceless, did not wait to
see, and slipped through the gap, and both motor boats
escaped. This reads more like the ground work of a magazine
story than an event in real life, and but for the Austrian
admission that the Szent Istvan had been sunk, with the loss
of several officers and eighty men, one would be tempted
to wonder if it could possibly be true.
It is confidently stated that another Austrian battleship
has been lost already, and Aonzo is positive that a hit was
made on Szent Istvan' s consort. 'It looks, then, as if there
were now no Austrian battle fleet to cause concern. It is
unnecessary to dwell upon the change this makes in the
Mediterranean. We saw a month ago that, if the old Russian
battle fleet could be annexed and put under the command of
the Goeben, a j unction between such a fleet and the Austrian
would create a very serious situation in the Middle Sea. On
Friday came the news that two of the ex- Russian battleships
had already been surrendeied — not to the Turks, to their
great chagrin, but to the Germans. But Rizzo's feat has
transformed the situation, and though the enemy may yet
try a diversion, the graver possibilities need trouble us no
longer.
U-Boats in American Waters
The submarine attack in American waters that began a
fortnight ago has not been continued at its first intensity,
no doubt because prompt measures were taken to deal with
it. But it has not ceased altogether, and obviously it can be
renewed, quite ^jossibly with greater effect. The Navy
Department has, to my personal knowledge, been ready for
such a campaign for a twelve-month past, and something
much more serious than the raid on the coastwise shipping,
that has actually taken place, was expected. The fact that
even this was postponed, imtil American forces were in the
field, seems to indicate that German policy was prompted
by a hope to end the war, before the American war spirit
was reinforced by national action on so large a scale, that
going back on the President's professions would become
impossible. There may have been a forlorn sort of hope
that if American resentment were not aroused, a return to
real peace conditions might be easier. Now, Germany is
undeceived, and realised, what those who knew America
said from the first, viz., that once in, she was in till the end,
and the end as she defined it. It is, therefore, a clear possi-
bility of the situation that a concentrated submarine attack
may now develop, not only against American trade, but
against American transports and the coast towns. Indeed,
it is a necessity of the mihtary situation that a concentration
against the transports should be made before it is too late.
For, obviously, the Channel and North Sea barrages, now~
openly proclaimed — not to mention the other elements of
the offensive now being developed, largely with American
help ! — are not things that can be made effective on the
instant, but are measures of slow growth. When they are
mature^, it \vill not be easy for many submarines to get
through, and a high proportion of those that try will
never be heard of again. To get any success worth
having, the U-boats will have to take chances of a very
severe order. With diminishing numbers and a moral
strained by a rapidly growing percentage of loss, to
suppose that they will now embark upon tactics of a more
daring and hazardous kind than ever, may look hke anti-
cipating the least probable of things. ' But we must remember
that all alternatives may appear desperate. The German
papers are apparently instructed to deny, first of all, that
the submarines that have been operating in American water.s
are of the cruiser type, in the sense of differing materially
from those hitherto in use ; next, that there is a distinct
cruiser type at all. The so-called cruiser, is, we are told,
simply a 2,000-ton submarine built to secure a larger radius
of action ; but the denial ceases to be convincing when the
inspired statement goes on to say that the high surface speed
is 15 knots only ; for at Newport in 1916, the officers of
U 53 made it one of their principal boasts that their craft
could do over 20 knots in smooth water. And, for that
matter, many a merchantman has been brought down by
submarines capable of 16 and 17 knots in the open sea.
Whether the larger submarines will ever be employed in
baby-kilhng on the American sea board is another question.
We do not know what correspondence, if any, srill continues
between the Germans in the United States and the Father-
land. But one imagines that they would like to be consulted
before the All Highest exhibits this form of German Kultur
m the land of their adoption. Every traveller to the United
States testifies gratefully and with enthusiasm to the lavish
hospitahty and kindness that Americans of every social
grade extend to their friends— no matter how slight their
claim to such self-sacrifice. But it is not every visitor who
knows that this gracious quality is not unaccompanied bv
a compensatmg capacity to be extraordinarily disagreeable
to those whom they dislike. The German emigrants would
probably prefer not to have American talent in this respect
put to too searchmg a test. And it is likelv, therefore, that
they ha^e begged that the U-boats campaign, if kept going
at all, should be maintained as a strictly maritime affair.
June 20, 1918
Land & Water
The Turkish Conspiracy — VI
Arrival of '*Goeben" and " Breslau " at the Golden Horn
Narrated by Mr. Morgenthau, late American Ambassador in Constantinople
/ doubt if any two ships have exercised a greater
influence upon history than these two German cruisers.
These are Mr. Morgenthaii's own ivords, they are none
too strong in the light of subsequent events. The flight
of the "Goeben" and the "Breslau'' to the Golden
Horn was yet (mother glaring instance of Gerntajiy's
utter disregard of internatianal rights and treaties. This
fact has probably never been fully realised, but this
chapter of Mr. Morgenthau s narrative establishes the
truth of it. The whole episode is German all
I
ON August loth,
I went out on
a little launch
to meet the
Sicilia, a small
Italian ship which had just
arrived from Venice. I
was especially interested
in this Tessel because she
was bringing to Constan-
tinople my daughter and
son-in-law, Mr. and Mrs.
Maurice VVertheim, and
their three little daughters.
The greeting proved even more interesting than I had
expected. I found the passengers considerably excited, for
they had witnessed, the day before, a naval engagement in
the Ionian Sea.
"We were lunching yesterday afternoon on deck,"
my daughter told me, "when I saw two strange-looking
vessels just above the horizon. I ran for the glasses, and
made out two large battleships : the first one with two queer
exotic-looking towers, and the other one quite an ordinary
looking battleship. We watched, and saw another ship
coming up behind them and going very fast. She came
nearer and nearer, and then we heard guns booming. Pillars
of water sprang up in the air ; there were many little puffs of
white smoke ; it took me some time to realise what it was all
about, and then it burst upon me that we were actually
witnessing an engagement. The ships continually shifted
their- position, but went on and on. The two big ones turned
and rushed furiously for the little one ; then apparently
changed their minds and turned back. Then the little one
turned around, and calmly steamed in our direction. At
first I was somewhat alarmed at this, but nothing happened.
She circled around us with her tars excited and grinning,
and somewhat grimy.
They signalled to our
captain many questions,
and then turned and
finally disappeared. The
captain told us that the
two big ships were
Germans which had been
caught in the Mediter
ramean, and which were
trying to escape from the
• British fleet. He says
that the British ships are
chasing them all over the
Mediterranean, and that
the German ships are
trying to get into Con-
stantinople. Have you
seen anything of them ?
Where do you suppose the
British fleet is ? "
A few hours ' afterward
I happened to meet Wan-
genheim. When I told
him what Mrs. Wertheim
had seen, he displayed an
agitated interest. Imme-
diately after lunch he called
with Pallavicini, the Aus-
trian Ambassador, and
asked for an interview
with my daughter. The
two Ambassadors solemnly
planted themselves in
chairs before Mrs. Wer-
theim, and subjected her
to a most minute, though
very polite, cross-exam-
ination.
" I never felt so im-
portant in my life," she
afterwards told me.
over.
Admiral Souchon and Naval Officers
AH the men except at the extreme right and left are Germans,
uniforms — Jbut nothing else — are Turkish
They would not permit
her to leave out a single
detail of her story ; they
wished to know how many
shots had been fired, what
direction the German
ships had taken, what
everybody on . board had
said — and so on. The visit
seemed to give these allied
Ambassadors immense
relief and satisfaction ;
, they left the house in
an almost jubilant mood,
behaving as though a great weight had been taken off their
minds. And certainly they had good reason for their elation.
My daughter had been the means of giving them the news
which they had desired to hear above everything else — that
the Goeben and the Breslau had escaped the British fleet, and
were then steaming rapidly to the Dardanelles.
The next day official business called me to the German
Embassy. But Wangenheim's animated manner soon dis-
closed that he had no interest in routine matters. Never had
I seen him so nervous and so excited. He could not rest in
his , chair more than a few minutes at a time ; he was con-
stantly, jumping up, rushing to the window, and looking
anxiously out toward the Bosphorus, where his private
wireless station, the Corcovado, lay about three-quarters of a
mile away. Wangenheim's face was flushed ; his eyes were
shining, he would stride up and down the room, speaking
now of a recent German victory, now giving me a little
forecast of Germany's plans— and then stalk to the window
again for another look at the Corcovado. ' ' '
"Something is seriously distracting you," I said, rising.
"I will go and come again some other time."
" No, no ! " the Ambassador almost shouted. " I want you
to stay right where you
are. . This will be a great
day for Germany ! If
you will only remain for
a few minutes .you will
hear a great piece t of
news- -something that has
the utmost bearing upon
Turkey's relation to the
war."
Then he rushed out on
the portico, and leaned
over the balustrade. At
the same moment I saw
a little launch put out
from the Corcovado toward
the Ambassador's dock.
Wangenheim hurrieddown,
seized an envelope from
one of the sailors, and a
moment afterward burst
into the room.
"We've got them !" he
shouted to me.
"Got what ?" I asked.
"The Goeben and the
Breslau have pasged
through the Dardanelles ! "
He was waving the
wireless message with all
the enthusiasm of a college
boy whose football team
has won a victory.
Then, momentarily
checking his enthusiasm,
•he came up to me,
solemnly, humorously
shook his forefinger, lifted
his eyebrows, and said :
"Of course, you under-
stand that we have sold
those^ ships to Turkey !"
The
10
Land & Water
June 20, 1918
"But Admiral Souchon," he added, with another wink,
"will enter the Sultan's service!"
Wangenheim had more than patriotic reasons for this
exultation ; the arrival of these ships was the greatest day
in his diplomatic career. .It was really the first diplomatic
victory which Germany had won. For years the Chancellor-
ship of the Empire had been Wangenheim's laudable ambi-
tion, and he behaved now like a man who saw his prize
within his grasp. Tlie voyage of the Goeben and the Breslan
was his personal triumph ;' he had arranged with the Turkish
Cabinrt for their
passage through
the Dardanelles,
and he had
directed their
movements by
wireless in the
Mediterranean. By
safely getting the
Goeben and the
Breslau into Con-
stantinople, Wan-
genheim had
finally clinched
Turkey as Ger-
many's ally. All
his intrigues and
plottings for three
years had finally
succeeded.
1 doubt if any
hvo ships have
exercised a greater
influence upon history'than these tti'O German cruisers. Not all
of us at that time fully realised their importance, but sub-
sequent developments have fully justified Wangenlieim's
exuberant satisfaction. The Goeben was a powerful battle
cruiser of recent construction ; the Breslau was not so large a
ship, but she, like the Goeben, had the excessive speed that
made her extremely serviceable in those waters. These ships
had spent the few months preceding the war cruising in the
Mediterranean, and when the declaration finally came they
were taking supplies at Messina. I have always regarded
it as more than a
coincidence that
these two vessels,
both of them
having a greater
speed than any
French or English
ships in the Med-
iterranean, should
have been lying
O'ot far from
Turkey when war
broke out. The
selection of the
Goeben was partic-
ularly fortunate,
as she had twice
before visited Con-
stantinople, and
her officers and
men knew the
Dardanelles per-
fectly. The
behaviour of these
crews, when the
news of war was
received, indicated
the spirit with which the German Navy began hostilities ;
the men broke out into song and shouting, lifted their
admiral upon their shoulders, artd held a real German
jollification. It is said that Admiral Souchon preserved, as
a touching souvenir of this occasion, his white uniform
bearing the finger-prints of his grimy sailors !
For all their joy at the prospect of battle, the
situation of these ships was a precarious one. They formed
no match for the large British and French naval forces
which were roaming through the Mediterranean. The Goeben
and the Breslau were far from their native bases ; with the
coaling problem such an acute one, and with England in
possession of all important stations, where could they flee
for safety ? Several Italian destroyers were circling around
the German ships at Messina, enforcing neutrality and
occasionally reminding them that they could remain in port
only twenty-four hours. England had ships stationed at
the Gulf of Otranto, the head of the Adriatic, to cut them off
" Goeben " in the Sea of Marmora
in case they sought to escape into the Austrian port of Pola.
The British Navy also stood guard at Gibraltar and Suez,
the only other exits that apparently offered the possibility of
escape. There was only one other place in which the Goeben
and the Breslau might find a safe and friendly reception.
That was Constantinople.
Apparently the British Navy dismissed Constantinople
as an impossibility: At that time — early in August
— international law had not entirely disappeared as
the guiding conduct of nations. Turkey was then a neutral
country, and,
despite the many
evidences of Ger-
man penetration,
she seemed likely
to maintain her
neutrality. The
Treaty of Paris,
signed in 1856,
provided that war-
ships should not
use the Dardan-
elles exclpt on
the special per-
mission of the
Sultan, which
permission could
be granted only
in times .of peace.
In practice, the
Government had
seldom given this
permission except
for ceremonial occasions. In the existing conditions, it
would have amounted virtually to an unfriendly act
for the Sultan to have removed the ban against war
vessels in the Dardanelles ; and to permit the Goeben
and the Breslau to remain in Turkish waters for more
than twenty-four hours would have practically been a declara-
tion of war. Depending, as usual, upon the sanctity of
international regulations, the British Navy had shut off
every point through which these German ships could have
escaped to safety — except the entrance to the Dardanelles.
Had England
rushed a powerful
squadron to this
vital spot, how
different the history
of the last three
years would have
been.
"His Majesty
expects the Goeben
and the Breslau to
succeed in break-
ing through!"
Such was the wire-
less that reached
these vessels at
Messina at five
o'clock in the
evening of August
4th. The twenty-
four hours' stay
permitted by the
Italian Govern-
ment had nearly
expired. Outside,
in the Strait of
Otranto, lay the
force of British battle cruisers, sending false radio
messages to the Germans instructing them to rush for Pola.
With bands playing and flags flying, the officers and crews
having had their spirits fired by speeches and champagne,
the two vessels started at full-speed ahead toward the
awaiting British fleet.
. The little Gloucester, a scout boat, kept in touch, wiring
constantly to the main squadron. Suddenly, when off Cape
Spartivento, the Goeben and the Breslau let off into the
atmosphere all the discordant vibrations which their wireless
could command, jamming the air with such a hullabaloo
that the Gloucester was unable to send any intelligible mes-
sages. Then the German cruisers turned south and made
for the ^gean Sea. The plucky little Gloucester kept close
on their heels, and, as my daughter had related, had even
once audaciously offered battle. A few hours behind the
British squadron pursued, but uselessly, for the German
ships, though far less powerful in battle, were much speedier.
Breslau " (left) at the Golden Horn
June 20, 19 1 8
Land & Water
1 1
K.4 4
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n
1
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■•* V."
1
It
i4
itefc-^
-Tt»-atf.
4
'Stt*" r,
I . 1
Even then the British admiral probably thought that he
had spoiled the German plans. The German ships might
get first to the Dardanelles; but at that point stood inter-
national law across the path and barring the entrance !
Meanwhile, Wangenheim had accomplished his great
diplomatic triumph. From the Corcovado wireless station
in the Bosphorus he was sending the most agreeable news to
Admiral Souchon. He was telling him to hoist the Turkish
flag when he reached the Strait, for Admiral Souchon's
cruisers had suddenly become parts of the :Turkish Navy,
and, therefore, the usual international prohibitions did not
apply ! These cruisers were no longer the Goeben and the
Breslau ; like an Oriental magician, Wangenheim had sud-
denly changed them into the Sultan Selim and the Medilli.
The fact was that the German Ambassador had with
his usual cleverness taken advantage of the existing
•situation to manufacture a "sale."
As I have already
told, Turkey had two
■dreadnoughts under
construction in Eng-
land when the war
broke out. These ships
were not exclusively
governmental enter-
prises ; they repre-
sented a great popular
movement of the Turk-
ish people.. They were
to be the agencies
through which Turkey
was to attack Greece
and win back the
islands of the .lEgean,
and in a burst of
patriotism the Turkish
people had raised the
money to build them
by popular subscrip-
tion. Agents had gone
from house to house,
painfully collecting
these small subscrip-
tions ; there had been
entertainments and
fairs ; in their eagerness for the cause, Turkish women had sold
their hair for the benefit of the common fund. These two vessels
thus represented a spectacular outburst of patriotism that was
unusual in Turkey ; so unusual, indeed, that many detected
-signs that the government had stimulated it. At the very
moment when the war began, Turkey had made her
- last payment to the English shipyards, and the Turkish
crews had arrived in England prepared to take the
finished vessels home. Then the British Government stepped
in and commandeered them for the British Navy.
There is not the slightest question that England had not
only a legal, but a moral right to do this ; there is also no
question that her action was a perfectly proper one, and
that, had she been dealing with almost any other nation, it
would not have aroused any resentment. But the Turkish
people cared nothing for distinctions of this sort ; all they
saw was that they had two ships in England, which they
had almost starved themselves Vo purchase, and that England
had now stepped in and taken them. Even without external
pressure they would have resented the act ; but external
pressure was exerted, in plenty.
The transaction gave Wangenheim the greatest opportunity.
Violent attacks upon England, all stimulated by him,
began to fill the Turkish Press. Wangenheim was constantly
discoursing to the Turkish leaders on English perfidy. He
now suggested that Germany, Turkey's good friend, was
prepared to make compensation for England's "unlawful"
seizure.. He suggested that Turkey go through the form of
"purchasing" the Goeben and .the Breslau, then wandering
around the Mediterranean perhaps in anticipation of this
very contingency— and incorporate them in the Turkish
Navy in place of the appropriated ships in England. The
very day that these vessels passed through the Dardanelles,
the Ikdam, a Turkish newspaper published in Constantinople,
had a triumphant account of this "sale," with big headlines
calling it a "great success for the Imperial Government."
Thus Wangenheim's manoeuvre accomplished two pur-
poses ; it placed Germany before the populace as Turkey's
friend, and it also provided a subterfuge for getting the ships
through the Dardanelles, and, enabling them to remain in
Turkish waters. All this beguiled the more ignorant part of
the Turkish people, and gave the cabinet a plausible ground
ifor meeting the objection of Entente diplomats, but it did
not deceive any intelligent person. The Goeben and Breslau
might change their names, and the German sailors might
adorn themselves with Turkish fezzes, but we all knew from
the beginning that this sale was a sham. Those who under-
stood the financial condition of Turkey could only be amused
at the idea that she could purchase these modern vessels.
Wangenheim, in his talks with me, never made any secret
of the fact that the ships still remained German property.
"I never expected to have such big cheques to sign," he
remarked one day, referring to.his expenditures on the Goeben
and the Breslau. "The Germans say they belong to the
Turks," Talaat remarked with his characteristic laugh; "at
any rate, it's very comforting for us to have them here. After
the war, if the Germans win, they will forget all about it and
leave the ships to us. If the Germans lose, they won't be
able to take them away from us ! "
The German Government made no real pretension that the
sale had been bona
fide ; at least, when
the Greek Minister at
Berlin protested ,
against the transaction
as unfriendly to Greece
— naively forgetting
the American ships
which Greece had re-
cently purchased — the
German officials
soothed him by 'ad-
mitting, sotto voce,
that the ownership ■
still resided in ' Ger-
many. Yet when the
Entente Ambassadors
constantly protested
against the presence
of the German vessels,
the Turkish officials
blandly ^kept up the
pretence that they
were integral parts of
the Turkish Navy !
The German officers
and crews greatly
enjoyed this farcical
pretence that the Goeben and the Breslau were Turkish ships.
One day the Goeben sailed up the Bosphorus, halted in front
of the Russian Embassy, and dropped anchor. Then the
officers and men lined the deck in full view of the enemy
Ambassador. All solemnly removed their Turkish fezzes and
put on German caps. The band played "Deutschland fiber..
Alles," the "Watch on the Rhine," and other German songs,
the German sailors singing loudly to the accompaniment.
When they had spent an hour or two serenading the Russian
Ambassador, the officers and crews removed their German
caps and again put on their Turkish fezzes. The Goeben then
picked up her anchor and started south to her station, leaving
in the ears of the Russian diplomat the gradually dying strains
of German war songs as the cruiser disappeared down stream.
/ have often speculated on ivhat would have happened if
the English battle cruisers, xnhich pursued the Breslau and
Goeben up to the mouth of the Dardenelles, had not been .too
gentlemmly to violate international law. Suppose that they
had entered the Strait, attacked the German cruisers in the
Marmora, and sunk them. They could have done this, and,
knowing all that we know now, such an action would have
been justified. Not improbably the destruction would have
kept Turkey out of the war. There were men in the Turkish
Cabinet who perceived this, even then.
The story was told in Constantinople — though I do not
vouch for it — -that the cabinet meeting at which this
decision had been made was not altogether harmonious. The
Grand Vizier and Djemal, it was said, objected to the fictitious
"sale," and demanded that it should be made a real one.
When the discussion had reached its height, Enver, who was
playing Germany's game, announced that he had already
completed the transaction.
In the silence that followed his statement this young Napoleon
pulled out his pistol and laid it on the table.
" If any one here xvishes to question this purchase," he said
quietly and icily, "I am ready to m';et him."
Mr. Morgenthau in the succeeding chapter, to
be printed in ne.xt week's Land & Water, tells
exactly how the German A diniral took the law into
his own hands and committed the act of hostility
which finally plunged Turkey into the war.
The Golden Horn, Harbour of Constantinople
The big building at the water edge in the centre is the Turkish Admiralty
12
Land &. Water
June 20, igi^
America at War: By Crawford Vaughan
The Hon. Crawford Vaughan was formerly Prime
Minister of South Australia, and is still a Member of its
Legislative Assembly. In the following article are given
his experiences in the United States, where he spent a
considerable time early in the year lecturing and visiting
various camps and ifidustrial centres.
ADMIRATION, deep profound admiration, moves
me when I tliink of America at war. For three
months I have journeyed up and down this vast
. repubhc, and Iiave felt the pulse of that mighty
^ national force which is America. I have addressed
audiences from San Diego in Southern California to Fore
River on the Atlantic ; from Sioux Falls, South Dakota in
the north, to Tulsa, Oklahoma in the south. I have spoken
in labour temples, in shipyards, in factories, in legislative
lialls, in chambers of commerce, in churches, before white
men and dark men, to gatherings of women and of children.
But whether it be in the far west, or along the Mississippi,
in tlie democratic south or repubUcan New England, there is
but one America — true to the ideals of Washington and the
spirit of the Declaration of Independence. "The world must
be made safe for democracy" — that slogan was the call to
arms, which rallied to the colours all those cosmopolitan
elements tliat go to make up this wonderful people.
The resolution embodied in the phrase is not born of the
hour ; it is the heritage of the past. For four years Lincoln
fought against the sOuth because the nation could not live
half slave and half free. Had the slave-owning south been
content to keep slavery within its legally defined borders,
that struggle might perhaps have been avoided by subse-
quent settlement. But slavery proved that it could not be
so confined. It had to expand or perish.
Autocracy, like slavery, has proved that it cannot be
confined within any territorial limits. Kaiserism must
expand or die. It sought to expand, and thereby menaced
the freedom of the democracies of the world. President
Wilson's whole policy has been framed on the assumption
that if Germany wanted autocracy she had a right to so
govern herself. But the Kaiser's battle-cry has always been
"Germany over all." She, herself declares that the world
cannot live half democratic and half autocratic. The issue
is, then, quite clear. Either democracy or autocracy must
perish from the earth.
I have been a privileged visitor to many of the mUitary
cantonments which have sprung up all over the States, and
have spoken to the men. The thermometer was twenty
below zero when T motored across from Boston to Camp
Devens. The big Y.M.C.A. auditorium quickly filled with
the younger sons of the Republic who seemed anxious to
hear the message from Australia. These clean-limbed
Americans think the world of the Anzacs. The Australians
come nearer, perhaps, to them than any others.
These soldiers like to be told that Australia, which has
linked her destiny with that of America is the only country
which has adopted the principles of the American Constitu-
tion, and that pur Hag, with its six stars, representing our
six States, floats side by side with "Old Glory," with its
forty-eight stars, representing the forty-eight States of the
Union, and will so float to the end.
In the cantonments everything is provided to give needful
comfort without pampering men who are in training. "Dry "
canteens on land and on sea are the stern decrees of beer-
less Washington. Already military training has stiffened the
backbone of the way-back sons of the soil,; the slouching
mountaineer of Kentucky and of Tennessee has acquired a
brisk step and fipright carriage, the loose-jointed cowboy of
Wyoming has rubbed shoulders with the pampered youth
from Long Island, and each is better for the experience.
The psychological, pohtical, and economical effect of this
comminghng of the east and the west, the north and the
south, with all the interchange of ideas that it involves,
together with the impressions of other lands which fighting
abroad must leave behind, will be far-reaching.
Though the negro regiments are kept aloof from the white
men, there is no lack of good fellowship between all soldiers
— white and black — and perhaps the feehng of the southern
Jim Crows was well expressed by one of them who proudly
declaimed that he was " gwine over thar to fight fer de angry
Saxon race, yes, sar. "
Industry has been mobilised in America on a war footing.
Luxuries are being inexorably displaced by war necessities.
Breadless days and meatless days involve no great privation,
it is true ; but the spirit which has released much-needed food
to the Allies is in keeping with the spirit that sends America's
noblest sons "over there."
America's output of rifles is now approximately sufficient
to equip three army divisions every week. Machine-guns-
and ordnance are being turned out in ever-increasing quantity.
Enormous quantities of munitions and clothing are now being
manufactured, and food-product has been greatly stimulated
by the organisation of labour for the farms.
It is impossible to tell in a word or two the inspiring story
of the co-operation of American women in war activities.
A few girls are now to be found behind the plough, thousands-
are in munitions plants, and an increasing number are to be
found on the tramways, 1 working elevators, etc. Although
no comparison can yet be made between women's sphere of
labour in Great Britain and in the United States of America,
there is no doubt that American women wiU take up their
cross as heroically as have their British and French sisters.
Labour's Co-operation
In my talks throughout twenty-four States of the American
Union, I enjoyed the co-operation and personal help of Mr.
Samuel Gompers and the American Federation of Labour.
Never in any conflict was the nation so united, so implacably
resolved to stand steadfast in the faith. Business men
ever3rwhere have cast business interests aside, and are working
day and night for a dollar a year in the innumerable agencies
that have been created out of war conditions.
Workers are sternly setting their faces against any attempt
to strike. Mr. Gompers stands behind President Wilson
and, next to the President, is the most potent figure in American
public life to-da}'. It is fortunate not for America only,
but for the world, that the forces of labour in America should
at this hour be in the hands of this sturdy broad-visioned
American. Mr. Gompers has been at the labour helm in
this country for twenty-eight years, and has won the implicit
confidence, almost the veneration of the American Labour
world. He is too big in his idealism to allow class interests
to dominate national interests, and too clear in vision not to^
see that the triumph of Prussian militarism means the down-
fall of democracy the world ' over. Picture him with his
lion-like head set on massive shoulders and sturdy body,
with face stem in moments of decision, but genial and full
of light and humour when the cares of the hour are cast
aside ; a figure, although only five and a half feet in height,
full of a dignity which emphasises the weight of the opinion
which Jie expresses. Gompers is an old man in years, but
not in outlook. I take my hat off not only to Samuel
-Gompers, but to.ihe loyal Labour men of America who have
stood so splendidly by him.
Through the murk and smoke of conflict the future of
President Wilson looms powerful and imposing, not simply
because of Mr. Wilson's undeniable gifts of statesmanship,
but because the President of the United States, during the
term of his office, enjoys all the powers of a king and of a
prime minister combined. The White House has always
been a centre of political cyclones, and even in times of
war politics cannot always be excluded. Criticism fierce and
often partisan, but more often quite honest and patriotic, is
at times directed against the administration, as is the case in
every Allied country. The result of this probing into war
activities has in the main been beneficial. No one man or
set of men can possibly control a vast organism Hke tliat of
the United States during war, and not blunder occasionally.
We five too close to our own times to measure with exactitude
the greatness or deficiencies of the men into whose keeping is
placed the tremendous responsibihty of piloting our civilisa-
tion safely through the fiercest storm mankind has ever ^
known. Theirs is the fiery trial. Not as weary Titans
staggering under the too vast orb of their fate must the issue
be faced, but as the impassioned champions of freedom
carrjdng the flaming sword to victorj'. Certainly nothing
better, nothing more in tune with the aspirations of demo-
cracy has been said than by President Wilson at Baltimore :
Force, force to the utmost, force without , stint or limit,
the righteous and triumphant force which shall make right
the law of the world, and cast every selfish dominion down,
in the dust.
Upon America's interpretation of that message into imme.
diate and efficient action the fate of the world depends.
13
June 20, 19 1 8 Land & Water
At Death-Grips with the Wolf: By L. P. Jacks
^A LL political problems, whether
/^L domestic or foreign, become
/ ^ in the last resort what I will
/ ^^ call, for want of a bettei
■^~ -^^name, human problems.
This is not a distinction without a
difference, and none but benighted
politicians would treat it as such. It
stands for the greatest difference con-
ceivable ; it marks the dividing line
between wisdom and folly, success and
failure, in public affairs. Some of the
most disastrous mistakes ever made bv
nations or governments have arisen
from the neglect of it.
The astonishing mistakes which Ger-
many has been making during the last
four years — I shall speak later of her
crimes — may be traced to the incapacity
of the German mind for translating
international politics into human terms.
Nor is she the only sinner, though she
is unquestionably the worst. Our own
troubles in Ireland are due to our not
having perceived that the Irish question
is primarily a human one. We have
treated it as primarily political, which
is only its secondary aspect. At root,
and in essence, it is not a question of
Ireland and England, but of Irishmen and Enghshmen.
What a difference would have been made if that had been
understood from the first !
In like manner, we shall never understand the war, its
■causes, its meaning, its issues, until we look at these things
from the human point of view
A typical wolf face
General von Freytag, Author of "Deductions
from the World-war."
tvpe with the rise in rank. Among the
common soldiers the wolf-face is absent
fully as often as it is present. Among
the junior officers one misses it only
here and there. The generals reproduce
it almost witliout exception ; while in
the Kaiser, of course, it comes out pur
sang. On the whole, the collection does
justice to the alternative title my friend
has inscribed on the cover — "the War
interpreted at a Glance." You close
the book with the feeling that the
question has been reduced to its ulti-
mate terms. "Mankind," you say, "is
in arms against this wolf." Nor is this
mere impressionism. We may use these-
words with the assurance that we are
anticipating the verdict of history.
These German militarists have justified
their faces. They have won for them-
selves a reputation in cruelty by which
they will be remembered hereafter, even
though everything else should be for-
gotten. The}' have made cruelty the
keyword to the human mtaning of the
war ; the word that explains better
than any other single word that could
be chosen what it is that binds the
allied nations into a unitary force, what
they are fighting to estabhsh, and what they are fighting
to overthrow. ,
Ever since the outbreak of war evidence has been rapidly
accumulating that the instinct for cruelty is an outstanding
characteristic, if not of the German people, assuredly of the
We shall never reach the German State— and I for one do not see how it can belong
govenung factors by poring over maps, by studyirjg statistics to either unless it is the common property of both. There
u.. __!..__, ___x ,__ ._„ • r was a time when we hesitated to believe this ; andeven.now,
when evidence leaves no alternative to the behef, the mind
revolts at the necessity which imposes upon it a conclusion
so dishonourable to man. For a long time we tried to per-
suade ourselves that the thing known as Schrecklichkeii
(frightfulness) was the temporary expedient of a desperately
of empire, by comparing political systems, by talking of
tendencies, prindiples, or even ideals. I am not saying that
these things are unimportant. They are immensely import-
ant. But they are not fundamental. Behind them all lie
the facts of temperament, of human character, out of which
the ideals, the systems, the tendencies take their rise. The
people who tell us that the war is "a conflict of ideas" think wicked Government fighting with its back to the wall against
thev are takintr us to the foimtain-heari. Rnt assnredlv thev thp iiirlcrmr.nf nf m•.r,^i.1,^ w^^ ^„„ ^u'..,^. . 1
they are taking us to the fountain-head. But assuredly they
are mistaken. The ideas themselves have to be accounted
for. How is it that the Germans have one "idea" and we
another ? The answer can only be given in human terms —
in language, that is, which shows wherein the Germans differ
as men from ourselves. Primarily the conflict is between
types of character ; onh' in a secondary 'sense is it a conflict
between "ideas." All turns on the tjnpes of character that
are involved. It is not merely a question of British, French,
American, or German notions of the way the world ought to
be governed. ,It is far more a question of Britons, French-
men, Americans, Germans.
A friend of mine, who is a student of liistory, makes a
point of collecting all the contemporary German por-
traits he can lay his hands on.. He has them pasted in a
book, handsomely bound, on the cover of which he has
printed these words : "The Wolf, or the War interpreted at
a Glance." Inside is a vast collection of faces: authentic
photographs of the Kaiser, his ministers, his generals, Hinden-
burg, Liidendorf,. von Kiihlmann, von Tirpitz, and the rest —
all tlie representatives of the military party. In another
group are the various professors and divines who have declared
their militarist proclivities. In another are their opponents.
And, lastly, there are hundreds of prisoners of war, repro-
ductions of photographs from the illustrated papers, to which
my friend, as an expert in physiognomy, attaches a high
VEilue.
The type which he professes to have found, more or less
strongly marked in the great majority of these faces, is that
of the wolf. To make this apparent, he has executed a well-
drawn wolf's head on those pages where the type stands out
clearest. In the Kaiser, the Crown Prince, and many of
the generals no one could overlook the resemblance. A few
of them, like the Crown Prince, appear to be men of a low
order of intelligence, and one wpuld hardly say of these that
they make convincing wolves. But the gre-^t majority have
the marks of exceptional intellectual power, and it is precisely
in them that the lupine traits are most pronounced and
unmistakable.
Very remarkable, too, is the increasing dominance of the
the judgment of mankind. We can think so no longer, even
if we have thought so before.
We now know, by force of cumulative evidence, that we
have here to do with an instinct deeply embedded in German
character and sufficiently powerful, in spite of whatever
resistance it may encounter here and there, to stamp the
mark of cruelty on the world- pohcy /"of the German State.
Let the reader cast his eye through the collection of sayings
by German statesmen, jshilosophers and divines issued by
the American, Committee on Public Information in the
volume Conquest and Cnltur : or lot him turn to von Freytag
Loringhoven's book. Deductions from the World Wa;- (Constable
and Co., 3s. 61. net). If his "experience resembles that of
the present writer, he will find that the whole mass of this
abominable hterature resolves itself quite simply into the
picture of a cruel face, in which the ferocity and cunning of a
wolf are rendered revolting by combination with the high
intelligence of a man. Such unquestionably is the German
State as it is here exhibited by those who belong, to it.
The war has provided hundreds- of test cases which are
quite unintelligible except as the outcome of a native instinct
for cruelty. Some of them, like the killing of Nurse Cavell,
are small things when set down before the general background
of horrors — small, but infinitely significant as betraying the
spirit of these people. Others reveal cruelty on an immense
and incredible scale. Foremost among these is the appalhng
story of the treatment accorded to prisoners of war — ^in
which the civilian population appear to have taken an equal
hand with the military authorities. This is not the place to
recit(i the evidence ; "it is abundantly accessible to all who
can sfeel tlicmsclves to read it ; and "hereafter when the full
story is told— for as yet we have but a fragment— the worid
will have before it a record of cruelty practised on a scale
which, had it been predicted of any nation before the war,
would have caused the prophet to be counted insane.
Let no one say that these are the inevitable incidents of
war. They are no such thing. Far from being ine\-itable,
they would be impossible even in this, the bitterest of all
wars, were it not for the psychological fact that one of the
belligerents has inclinations towards cruelty which are to be
'4
Land & Water
June 20, 1918-
found in no other civilised nation. "Whoever cannot prevail
himself to approve from the bottom of his heart the sinkmg
of the LusUania " saj-s Pastor Baumgarten, "whoever cannot
conquer his sense of the gigantic cruelty to unnumbered
innocent victims and give himself up to honest delight at
this victorious exploit of German defensive powcr--At»t we
judge to be no true German." What words could declare
more plainly that a cruel instinct is native; to the German
mind ? They reveal in a flash the foul ethos out of which
the German dream of world-dominion has arisen. We see
once more the cruel face suddenly disengage itself from the
futile mass of words and theories which are offered as the
explanation of the war.
The " true German " as he is here depicted by Baumgarten
is none other than the human-wolf, the genius of the German
military State, the common source ahke of her poHtical
philosophy, of the systematic tortures inflicted on defenceless
prisoners "of war, and of a thousand other barbarities on the
greater or the lesser scale. It is true that unless there were
some Germans who are ashamed of these things Pastor Baum-
garten would not have found it necessary to address such an
appeal to his audience. Let us take what comfort we can
from the thought. The words were uttered tliree years ago,
and events have since proved that the comfort to be thus
extracted from them is by no means great !
Such are the conclusions which await us when we translate
the meaning of the war from its political into its human
equivalent. As in the narrower fields of family and social
relationships, so in the wide and immensely confusing regions
of world- pohtics we come at last to the decisive factor of
personal characteristics. Whatever principle may be an-
nounced as final for the government of mankind — democracy
or autocracy. State organisation or individual freedom —
behind them all hes the ultimate question of the kind of
people by whom, and for whom, the principles are to be applied.
Had the choice to be made, a bad system administered by
good men would always be preferable to a good system admin-
istered by the evil-minded. And wherever human interests
are at- stake, the worst form of the evil mind is the cruel
mind. Hence we frame the question wrongly when we ask
what would happen if the world w(^re ruled by German
methods. We should ask rather how the world would fare
if it were ruled by Germans. According as we frame the
question in the one way or the other the answer will come
out with an immense difference. As to German methods in
general we do well to keep an open mind ; but always with
the reservation that under no circumstances whatsoever will
we suffer them to be applied to us by the German as we have
come to know him during the last four j'cars.
What the German may be within his own borders is not in
question ; let him be what he claims to be. It is as an inter-
national person that we have to dp with him ; and here his
character stands out clearly defined. He is essentially
cruel ; he has the qualities which' derive from cruelty —
cunning, treachery, fraud ; untrustworthy to the last degree ;
a bad neighbour ; a dangerous partner in the work of civiUsa-
tion. This is the mark he wears on his forehead — stamped
there b}' his own act, and frankly reproduced in many a
portrait he has drawn of himself. So long as the mark
remains he stands condemned as an international person,
and neither his valour, his skill, his prudence, his know-
ledge, nor any other good quality that may be assigned
him, will induce mankind to submit to his ascendancy. But
for this he would have had a fair chance of realising his
dream of world- dominion. As it is, he has none.
Along with the virtues
which have brought him
to the front he has re-
tained, and apparently
cultivated, the one vice
which effectively puts him
out of court as a claimant
to the leadership of civil-
isation ; and this it is
which leaves him faced
with the hopeless alterna-
tive of subduing by force
a world firmly resolved
never to accept him. Even
if he were to repent to-
morrow— and who can say
he will not ? — confidence
would be slow in return-
ing. We should fear
reversion to the original
type. And rightly so ; for
the cruelty he has shown
is neither temporary nor
superficial. It is too firmly embedded in the German State
to be got rid of in a day. ^ , t • 1
The Germans know this. Von Freytag Loringhovens
book, to which I have already referred, betrays the know-
ledge on every page. He sees that Germany has gone too
far to retreat; her pact with cruelty is irrevocable; her
methods cannot be changed. She must abide by the issue ;
she must see the thing through to the end, and having
finished this war to her satisfaction, must arm to the teeth
for the next. And doubtless, from his own point of view.
Loringhoven is right. But his vision is not untroubled ;
nor is that of liis countrymen. There is a coumn, published
daily in the Times, under the heading Through German
Eye^ " Reading between the lines of tliis record it is not
hard to guess what many of these German eyes are looking
at. They are looking at Nemesis, which they pretend not
to see. Macbctli did the like. _ • ^ •
When German^' launched her great offensive against man-
kind she did so with clear alternatives in view: World-
dominion or Downfall. One of the secrets of the extra-
ordinary vigour with which she has maintained the contest
lies in the fafct that she has kept both alternatives steadi y
before her mind. She has seen cleariy that Downfall would
be the certain consequence of failure to achieve her aim,
the aim itself being of such a nature as to bnng upon her
the lasring hatred of the worid. This is the alternative
which evil has always to face. It provokes forces which are
vowed to its destruction. At this point Germany has never
suffered herself to be under a moment's illusion. She has
reasoned in terms of defeat as well as of victory, has reahsed
what each would involve, and has conducted the war with
the desperate energy of a mind which knows that everything
is at stake. She has schooled herself in contemplating
downfall as well as in dreaming of world-dominion.
By taking the initiative on these terms Germany has
imposed them upon ourselves. For us also Downfall is the
only alternative to victory. This has seldom been stated
with the plainness it demands. Even the few thinkers and
writers among the AUies who have had the courage— and it
has required no Httle courage— to open the eyes of the pubhc
to what defeat would involve have generally stopped short
at exhibiting only one side of the picture. They have told
us what it is that would be defeated— to wit, democracy,
and all that democracy involves. But the need is far greater
that we should fully realise i£'hat it is that would be victorious. ■
Cruelty would have won ; cruelty would have become a
dominant power, a principle in the government of mankind ;
not the cruelty which is a mere bestial instinct, powerless
before the higher intelligence of man— though it would not
have lost its bestial character— but cruelty reinforced by
human reason and the resources of science, cruelty in full
command of the very means that were intended to break its
power. Never mind, for the moment, what would be de-
feated. Think what would be- victorious : read the new
worid situation in the positive terms of the victory of the
wolf and not alone in the negative terms of the shepherd's
defeat. Who can doubt that this would be a "downfall'^
such as mankind has never seen ?
It would be no false reading of history to say that the
essential task on which mankind has been engaged since the
very dawn of civilisation has been this same battle with
the' wolf. Cruelty lias always been seeking to dominate the
worid, and would have dominated it long ago but for the
fight put up against it bv brave men— under the leadership,
as some people think, 'of that Good Shepherd who has
left on record what he
thought of the runaways.
In one shape or another,
now as a world-power
threatening human liberty,
now as some inhuman
social creed, cruelty has
never failed to provide the
warrior and the reformer
with their characteristic
tasks. How often have
they broken his jaws and
plucked the prey out of
his teeth ! ' Surely they do
Christianity a wrong who
say that it has failed 1
These are among its
mightiest acts, its most
splendid achievements, but
for which the world would
long since have sunk back
into the savagery from,
which it emerged.
The Allies : Typical Faces
French Official
June 20, 19 1 8
Land & Water
15
Life and Letters mjJX^Soh
mre
Mr. Wells and World Peace
MR. H. G. WELLS'S book In the Fourth Year
(Chatto & Windus, 3s. 6d. net) is described
in the sub- title as "Anticipations of a World
Peace." It is, in fact, a tract showing the
necessity and the nature of what we now
commonly call "a League of Nations." Other more or less
relevant subjects are discussed, including the institution of
monarchy and the nature of democracy ; but this is the
centre of the book.
* * , « * * *
Mr. Wells argues, unanswerably, that the progress of
destructive invention and of means of communication
has made another war a thing not to be tolerably cf5ntem-
plated. The only thing for it, therefore, is for the States to
come together, and to delegate some of their authority to a
central co-operative organisation which will have as its
object the preservation of the peace. Legal power will have
to coincide with actual power ; the great countries of the
world must, if the scheme is to work, rule the roast ;' any
voting arrangement must be framed in the light of this
truth. The delegates Mr. Wells wants to be chosen by
popular election. 'And the functions of the League, over
and above its main function of the pacific settlement of
disputes and the outlawry of breakers of peace, will include
limitation of national armaments (the size of which, as he
argues, are at present mostly decided not by our own free
will, but by the actions of foreigners), the trusteeship of
backward territories, and the fair distribution of tropical
raw materials. One cannot go far into details, but I may
say that his argument in favour of an international control
of tropical Africa, which will avoid the highly undesirable
international administration of its several parts, puts the
. case for that proposal more convincingly than I have ever
seen it put.
♦'*****
Mr. Wells is naturally clear that Prussia, wliich stands,
not only in practice but in theory, as the negation of all our
beliefs, must be beaten. A League of AlUed Nations may
be (it is a much-disputed point) formed even during the
war ; but it must break down if Germany wins, and a genuine
draw, if that were conceivable, would leave it as a mere
alliance — possibly not stable — against the German danger
of the future. Again, though to this point Mr. Wells does
not sufficiently address himself, the realisation of the Allies'
programme of "national self-determination" is an essential
preliminary, unless (i) the League is to be regarded by every
subject people in Europe as an instrument for maintaining
an inequitable status quo, or (2) it is to be given powers of
"domestic" interference which few would be willing to
concede, and which involve possibilities of -endless trouble.
And again, as Mr. Wells very persuasively points out, it is
essential that before we get to the Peace Congress the Allies
shall have so thoroughly harmonised their war aims, terri-
torial and other, that no Gerrrian intrigue will be able to
split them. This is common sense ; but it wants Saying ,
very loudly. All these conditions satisfied, a League of
Nations is practicable ; once the habit of international
co-operation is established, it will grow ; and th*e suspicions
and fears, which are the lever by which the bloodthirsty and
the rapacious move for their own ends large masses of men
who desire neither to kill anybody nor themselves to stand
for years in wet trendies aijiid clouds of poison, will
insensibly diminish.
***♦*•
The book is brief, hot, impulsive ; Mr. Wells is concerned
chiefly and rightly with driving home the large elementary
considerations which make a League of Nations imperative
in such a way that the ordinary reader, who is timid about
new political considerations and shirks technical detail, will
be at once arrested and convinced. It is natural, therefore,
that he should sometimes unintentionally convey an impres-
sion that some of the difficulties' he deals with are still
untackled, whereas in fact a great deal of useful donkey-
work has been done upon them. He migiit pertinently
have referred the reader to wliat are perliaps the three most
interesting schemes which have been produced : those of
Lord Bryce's Committee, of Mr. L. S. Woolf, and of the
American League to "Enforce Peace. A roni revision, too,
might have led him to rectify some loose or obscure sen-
tences. It is, to give an instance, on the face of it not easy
to reconcile his statement that "we are fighting to bring
about a revolution in Germany ; we want Germany to
become a democratically controlled State, such as is the
United States to-day, with open methods and pacific inten-
tions," with his other statement that (internally) "if Ger-
mans, for instance, like to wallow in absolutism after the war,
they can do so" ; though other remarks seem to visualise
the possibility of democracy for international purposes only,
which may be verbally treated as a possibihty, but will not
bear contemplation. A more serious defect of the book is
Mr. Wells's impatience with those from whom he differs :
not on the main issue, but on others. In this book of all
places he has seen fit to introduce a violent attack upon the
motives of those who are opposed to Proportional Repre-
sentation— an attack which is all the worse in that he endea-
vours to injure the sensible opponents of P.R. by lampooning
its foolish opponents. This is not the time or place to con-
trovert him ; but has it ever occurred to him that P.R.,
with its big constituencies, may actually assist the great
pohtical caucuses to swamp candidates without machinery
or large funds for organisation and advertisement ? One
could wish that Mr. Wells were a little less free with his
invective against men who honestly differ from him, and a
httle freer with his jecognition of assistance and assent.
It is impossible that we' should all agree with Mr. Wells
about everything.
* . * * * * *
One does not wish, however, to dwell on the relatively
unimportant defects of this brilliant and valuable piece of
pamphleteering ; one would not bother about them at all
did one not feel that a man of Mr. Wells's powers of reason
and imagination could avoid them if he tried, and would,
if he did avoid them, be even more effective than he is.
Whatever quahfications have to be made and whatever
lacuna have to be filled up, Mr. Wells's statement on the
main issue is more calculated to convert the indifferent or
the vaguely hostile reader than anything which has yet been
published. A few passages on the possibilities of future
war's — should civihsation shirk the job of putting them out
of the question— suggest that Mr. Wells the novelist might
make in a future book his most valuable contribution to the
service of mankind. "There is not," he says,
— a capital city in Europe that twenty years from now
will not be liable to a bombing raid done by hundreds or
even thousands of aeroplanes upon, or even before,* a
declaration of war ; and there is not a line of sea com-
munication that will not be as promptly interrupte<^ by
the hostile submarine. . . All the European empires are
becoming vulnerable at every point.
There may be many who will not face this prospect, simply
because (it is the usual reason for not facing a fact) they
do not hke it. There may be some who still toy with the
fanta.stic idea that the^eroplanc and the submarine can be
"ruled out" and that \Ve shall be able to go on having wars
in the dear old way, kilhng a limited number of men in
certain strictly defined modes, but always stopping short of
imperilling the fabric of civilisation. But the facts exist
and stare at us. If we do not get rid of war, war will get rid
of us. In the absence of a world organisation after this
war which will enforce the legal settlement of disputes and
threaten the would-be law-breaker with overwhelming force,
we shall all of us, ' compelled to clutch at every chance of
national self-preservation, spend our days and nights pre-
paring for war, feverishly racing each other in perfecting
and multiplication of existing means of destruction and
the devisal of new ones. The necessities of dtiily life pro-
vided, all our surplus energies and surplus brains, all our
imagination and all our money, will be devoted to that end.
.And what the clash -would be like when it caflie most of us
must find it impossible to conceive. Mr. Wells, however,
never so conspicuously a man of genius as when he is pre-
dicting meclianical developments and their inevitable re-
actions upon life, could visualise it ; and must be doing so
now. If, even in the midst of the present carnage, he could
write a novel, keeping his imagination strictly within the
Ijounds of probability, describing the next war, he would do
indirectly more for the cause he is maintaining than he could
do by a hundred more immediately relevant but more
al-)stract books.
i6
Land & Water
June 20, 19 1 8
An English Prophet and Seer
MR. BLATCHFOKD has a position in th(?
propaganda work done on behalf of this
country which is quite different from that of
any other man. He owes it to three
things, which are not found combined in
any other man. The first is that he was for jrears — and still
is — a very important exponent of popular demands, and
these in the concrete and uncompromising form wliich they
have taken in industrial countries and which is called Collec-
tivism. There are other men who have risen to a similar
eminence in the e.xposition of these demands, but there is
not one who has commanded the same wide publicity. With
the book Merry England as a foundation between twenty
and thirty years ago, circulating I know not how many
hundred thousand copies, and witii the position of The
Clarion through so many
years of active Sociahst
preaching, Mr. Blatchford
took — and rightly took — a
place which no one else could
claim in the movement.
Next, [Mr. Blatchford
foresaw and insisted upon
the probability of war be-
tween Great Britain and
Germany. JHe foresaw it,
And insisted upon it at a
time when comparatively
few men did so, and hardly
any of those who did so,
did so intelligently. As a
matter of fact, the war
between the two countries
has come in a very dif-
ferent form from what was
•xpected by anyone. It
«ame by a side-wind, as it
were, through the determina-
tion ultimately come to by
the British Cabinet to enter
what was already a Con-
tinental struggle. It is now
— and, indeecl, has long been
— a war of the whole world,
and I not a duel between
Germany and England at
all. None the less, the inci-
dents of a struggle between
the two countries are as
nuidi present as though
they two alone were engaged,
and it is just as much a
question of life and death
for England as it would be
if she were single-handed on
the one side and the Prussianised German Empire single-
handed on the other.
Mr. Blatchford insisted upon the danger at a time when it
seemed fantastic to most men. He did more than insist ;
he actually prophesied, and he prophesied rightly. This
combination of popular exposition and politics with so
singular a s«nse for foreign affairs, and this combination of
pubhc patriotism with what has been thought an inter-
national social theory is sufficiently remarkable. But one
must add to it the third point, which makes it unique, and
that is Mr. Blatchford's power of expression, or, as critics
call it, " style. "\
It was remarked by all those who happen to recognise
the wide djfierence between strong and weak writing, from
the first moment i Mr. Blatchford struck the public ear,
that he possessed in a supreme ^ degree the two virtues of
style which are to have something to say and to be able to
say it. The object of prose- writing is to express oneself,
and if it be true that few have something to say, it is also
true that of those only a very small number can say it in
the clearest, most conclusive, and most economical way.
Mr. Blatchford's writing has been alive with this power of
exposition for something like a generation. He is in the
tradition of Cobbett.
Now, in connection with his book* upon the German
♦ " General von Sneak." By Robert Blatchford. Hodder and
Stoaghton. 2s. 6d.
spirit and the nature of the war which lies before us, this
gift is of the utmost value. But we have to make a rather
difficult intellectual thesis which, as we do not enjoy Mr.
Blatchford's terseness of expression, we arc afraid, may !«•
put forward a little confusedly.
The thesis is this : That which is most difficult effectively
to emphasise is the thing most widely bid nominally known.
It may be diffic^^lt to convince people of some novel truth
hitherto unfamiliar to them, but to make them ahve to
truths the names or labels of which are familiar to them, to
" rub in the obvious," is far more difficult still. We know not
why this is, but it is so in all human controversy. It is
partly that things well known come to fatigue the mind so
that it grows callous to them ; partly, perhaps, it ha.s a
more subtle cause : the difficulty of throwing into relief
that which is part and parcel
Mr. Robert Blatchford
of ordinary diction or even
experience. But, at any
rate,. the difficulty is there.
When, some years ago, efforts
were made to interest Free
Trade audiences in the
North of England with the
economic theory of Protec-
tion and the arguments in
its favour, it was found easy
enough. The idea was new,
or, at any rate, fresh to the
minds receiving it ; curiosity
was awakened ; the logical
train , of argument was in-
teresting to follow. But go
before the same audience
and insist upon the conse-
quences of an ill-distribution
of wealth, and you will get
nothing like thesameinterest, ■
unless you have very excep-
tional powers indeed. The
ill-distribution of wealth
stares them in the face ; it
is a thing taken for granted ;
it comes into almost every
experience of reahties whicli
these people have, and it is
very difficult indeed — for
most people impossible-^to
take a thing thus known and
present it with the force of
a novel thing.
Now, • in- keeping alive
before the public the nature
of the present struggle, of
the consequences of defeat,
of the necessity for victory,
a difficulty precisely of this kind, and it is "a
ippalling in its magnitude, and still more
there is
difficulty
appalling in its practical consequences, in this late stage
of the war as we approach the end of its fourth year.
It is no good merely recapitulating to your audience the
known facts that the Prussian murders the innocent, robs
and defiles, cheats, boasts, lies, and whenever he can destroys.
They know all that. They have been singularly used to it.
They are taking it for granted. If anything, there is a danger
of reactiim against such repetition.
What is perhaps worse, there is certainly a tendency to
accept each new break-down in civilisation as normal. That,
by the way, is what has always happened in history when a
civilisation went to pieces. Does anyone remember now the
horror that ran through all the West in April, 1915, when
the Prussians first used poison gas ? Turn to a file of old
newspapers of that date, and then read the account of any
action to-day wherein gas always plays a part.
Now, Mr. Blatchford has succeeded where almost every
one else would have failed in putting into a strong light, and
therefore making live again, all those emotions which we
ought to keep at the highest pitch of keenness as an incentive
to that victory without which Europe will perish. That is
the note throughout this book, and it is much the most
remarkable. We do not, know what steps the authorities
are takmg in supporting the book. There are tons of official
propagandist hterature no part of which could compfue for
popular effect with these pages.
June 20, 19 1 8
Land & Water
17
The Motor Class : By Enid Bagnold
V
THE lecturer wore a tail coat and was covered
with blotches of chalk from head to foot. 'He
had blue, pale eyes fitted into two hollows
in his head, and he held a very small pipe upside
down between his teeth, so that I used to wonder
why everything that was in it did not fall down upon the
floor.
He loved chalk, and held three pieces of different colours
in each hand, as well as a yard measure, and often another
piece was in his lips beside the stem of the pipe. Though he
was quite small he ma4e a great deal of noise, and even
whistled as he drew upon the blackboard, shrill for the
upstrokes, deep and low for the downstrokes, and for a circle
he could scoop his tongue round in his mouth and make
a circular noise.
Perhaps he never got enough exercise, for he seemed to
try to get what he could within the limits of the class-
room, jumping upon the sill of the window like a cat if there
was a window to be opened, or if the gas was to be turned
on he sprang about among the pipes and bare bones of the
motor-chassis that stood in the centre of the room, and reached
for the chains that hung from the tap.
He was our little god, and taught us how an engine works.
Before the class started we all sat in a half-moon about
the chassis, and being on the whole dull-looking women,
got up in raincoats as though we meant to be armed for a
perpetual rainy day, we made dull confidences to each other,
and spoke about April as though she were a month of ill-
fame, and nothing much could be expected of her.
Some of us listened to a lady with a pretty powdered
nose, and a small, strained mouth full of gold teeth. She
had a tale to tell.
" I found her asleep, on the floor. Snoring ! With crumbs
from an old newspaper beside her ! It ought to be stopped !"
"Disgusting !"
"... and a black cat sitting in the basin. Actually in the
basin when I wanted to wash my hands ! I had to lift her
out."
She was speaking of our cloakroom in which 'hung twelve
times as many oily overalls as there were pegs to hold them,
and of the cloakroom's charwoman who could find no softer
place to lay her head than under the shadow Of the overalls.
"That's where democracy leads you," said the lady,
speaking either of the black cat or of the charwoman,
"straight to dirt." '
But the lecturer came in at a gallop, and her thin voice
fell to a thinner whisper. The door shut after him at a touch
of his flying foot, he took the naked chassis at a boimd,
struck the blackboard a broadside with his yard measure,
and the lady jumped and let all her silver luggage slide out
of her lap.
As he had eyes in the back of his head he roared at her :
"Don't leave the silver about! Somebody'!! take it.
Somebody always does take it. Seen the convictions ?"
He referred to the left hand wall of the cloakroom, where
the space over the basin, the home of the black cat, was
filled in with the newspaper accounts of convictions for
thefts.
"...she was the daughter" the worst of them ran,
"of a retired doctor, and her father led her from the court
in tears."
The lecturer made passes in the air, with his right hand
full of chalks, and the carburettor began to blossom like
a hot-house plant upon the blackboard.
"Thieves," he shouted, so close to the board that he blew
chalk up his nose, "in a garage," — he paused, a feed-pipe
flew from one comer of the board to another, "abound!"
he finished, looking at us threateningly over one shoulder.
"Begins by taking screws. Goes on to spanners. Goes
on to spare parts. Thin end of the wedge. Man . . .
adaptable creature. Spare parts to tyres.. (There's your
complete thief I) After tyres they'll take anything. You
leave that silver about . . . there's no knowing . . . might
take it yourself !"
He swung away from the bl?rckboard and showed us the
finished drawing, crossed and checked in red and blue.
We gazed, delighted, dropping the contemplation of each
other's minds, brooches, fringes, silk or cotton stockings,
and leaned towards him, waiting for his fiist question, as
a dog leaves a dry bone to quiver at a live rat.
But one amongst us has leaned too far, and she is seized
by his blue eyes, fired at with his yard measure, shot dumb
by the violence of his question, and, sitting in that glare
of publicity, would give her soul to answer and cannot.
' But could not I ?
Ah, if he would but ask me I might crown myself with
glory, speaking slowly, once sure of his permission, adding
tags of knowledge to my sentence, that I may show him,
and show them all, how I have understood him !
Fame, if he will only shift those blue, attentive eyes from
the dumb face of the girl who doesn't know. And I lean
forward, alive with knowledge, my right hand lifting and
falling in my lap, as though it would shoot in a mute ex-
clamation above my head
Has there been a gap of years ?
What of that other class, those other classes ? The room
filled with little girls in. white viyella shirts, each with a wrist
watch, and a gold chain around her neck, the hot sunshine
at the window washing the pale canary paler till he burns
with a white light . . .
It is the same room, and the lecturer's face softens, and
under the lecturer's chin is a large, soft bow with tiny spots
upon it, and a fold of lawn over the edge of the collar. It is
the science mistress, at work upon her board with a duster.
The science mistress who will not move her eyes, but keeps
them flfxed in a long, intolerable question upon the empty
face of such a dunce while in that classroom there is another
little girl, fat, pig-tailed, leaning so far upon her desk that
her body seems almost sawn asunder, whose tongue is mute
because she hasn't yet received the look that can set it going,
but whose two eyes, popping out of her face, irnplore ardently,
"Ask me ! O ask me, for I know !"
How many times, little girl, you swore to yourself that
if you couldn't get the better of them by subtler means
you would learn to keep your knowledge for your own
savouring, and never again use it for be-dazzlement ? And
when you had given yourself away a hundred times, and were
in despair, haven't you thought, "One day I shall grow
up, and change, and mystery and dignity will clothe me,
and I shall become impenetrable."
O little girl, you thought you could change your spots . . .
Who is this then, sitting in my wooden chair, clothed in my
grown-up, complicated clothes, leaning forward in the same
attitude, thrusting her head a foot out among the thirty
grown-up girls, her eyes bright with a piece of knowledge
which she is inwardly phrasing and rephrasifig until it shall
astonish and dazzle by its aptness, if only ... if only she is
asked !
Who is this, who, knowing to the uttermost comer
how the carburettor works, has discovered a phrase of such
bewildering and inverted complexity — and, given the lightest
signal from the lecturer, flings it straight, a very tumbling
waterspout of knowledge, causing thirty grown-up girls to
gape and withhold their admiration in doubt for a second,
while she herself awaits the beautiful applause ?
"Our friend here ..." she hears, and the colour is mounting
in her face, and she is sitting far, far back among her line
of heads, "... thinks she is very smart."
It is the little girl again, hot-faced and ashamed, who
knows the very tone and colour of that reproof, she, who,
. though formed and polished up, and laden with the jewels
of her sophistication, has blushed with the same puppyish
excitement because she has caught the tail end of the solution
to that puzzle which is puckering the brow of the girl on the
other side of the chassis.
Are we not ageless ? Are we not all here ?
The lecturer has drawn the piston so fa§t upon the black-
board that it seems to leap in the cylinder, propelled by
miraculous gas from his flying h^nd. Were I famous, had I
achieved success, I should have been listening ; but dis-
gruntled, rebellious, I gaze round the class instead, sitting,
well-hidden, between my neighbours. I see that we are all
here.
There is the head girl in her decent coat and skirt, modest,
worldly attentions bestowed upon her collar,' the charming
efficiency of the school blouse lost in a flutter of lace and
a bright brooch. She has impersonal and yet watchful
eyes, she is not clever but she is sure ; she makes no friends
because she is accustomed to the isolation of sovereignty ;
if she smiles it is hurriedly, remorsefully, as though she had
little time for itr Only by her steady justice and detach-
ment can she escape our universal dislike.
Theife, beyond, are two pretty girls who look about them.
They are the pretty girls who knew no awkward age, who,
even at school appeared to keep their eyes ft.\ed on something
beyond it, who never quite shared our belief that all happiness
i8
Land & Water
June 20, 1918
is over at eighteen. They have different methods, but at
heart they are the same pretty colour. One is clever, one
feigns to be a know-nothing ; one has a dark and secret ,
blue eye, the other a light and limpid blue eve ; one is a
sphinx, the other plays a gentle, feminine buffoonery.
There, in the green raincoat, is the girl who backs up the
mistresses, pours the chill milk of her human kindness upon
honest gossip, defends the small too publicly for their comfort,
draws lines in her notebook with a ruler.
That thin girl with the big eyes is a hero worshipper. She
■will carry with her bits of ribbon of the beloved, belts, old
stockings, and stale chocolates. She is so ready to be martyred
that she is martyred every time ; she eats little and grows thin,
because she is always in love, and always under the necessity
of proving it.
But there are gajjs in the class. There are women
whom I cannot fix. who carry in their eyes no past and no
future, in whom the link witli their vouth is for ever broken.
Life is the only school they can remember, and if that
other school appears for a moment upon the plate of their
memory, that active, orderly and simple life of wooden desks,
green playing fields, and bells which ring off every hour,
it is a memory of something mythically young, a kindergarten
in infancy.
Perhaps they are the married . women, unrecognisable . . .
The lecturer's voice taps sharply on my ears, the hour has
struck, the class breaks up and all the growij-up girls
sigh as they gather their books together, "Isn't he
wonderful ! Isn't he wasted here ! He ought to be
running a Department. He ought to be Minister of
Aeronautics !"
For one of the vanities of women demands that she should
shift everything from its place and call it creation, and, seeing
a creature good at its work, she would like to put it at some
other work and so gain glory from her passion for
reconstruction.
A Drop of Leaf: By Etienne
A GLEAM of light flickered up momentarily to
the east and caught the tired eyes of a young
lieutenant on his fore-bridge of a lighf cruiser.
He leant his back against the binnacle of the
compass and rubbing the eyepieces of his binocu-
lars to remove the dew, he focussed them on the horizon.
He knew that somewhere on his beam lay a squadron and
that at dawn a signal was expected from the flagship of that
squadron.
The hour was 3.40 a.m. and the day was at that stage
of its career, which is sometimes called "the false dawn."
The sea was perfectly calm, and of a leaden grey hue ;
such of the sky as could be distinguished was grey, the
ships were grey, and to the young lieutenant, who had
been standing by the compass since midnight, life seemed
grey.
He was waiting for the signal, with an anxious intensity
bom of nine months' arduous patrol and convoy work.
As he stared through his glasses, a startling change took
place in the eastern sky. At first a dull, red glow appeared.
as from a big fire below the rim of the sea.
From this centre of light, which grew more luminous
every second, purple and gold fingers stretched themselves
tentatively across the sky, reaching towards the zenith.
It was the birth of dawn. The young lieutenant was not
without a sense of the beautiful, but he had seen the
inauguration of so many days in the North Sea that his
attention was chiefly concentrated ilpon four dark silhouettes
which appeared for the first time on the horizon. It was
the other squadron, and the leading.ship was the flagship.
* * *
At the first sign of dawn, a signalman in the flagship had
annouijced the fact to the Flag Lieutenant who was snatching
an hour or two's sleep on the chart-house settee. Sitting
up, he fumbled in his pocket for a signal written out the
night before, and countersigned by the Admiral.
"Take that to the Belfast, and report when through,"
he said, handing the crumpled paper to the waiting yeoman.
A couple of minutes later he was asleep again, and had
to be awakened a second time to receive the information
that the Belfast had received and understood "your 1545".
At 3.45 a.m. on the lower bridge of the Belfast, three
signalmen had collided, due to their simultaneous attempts
to reach the signalling shutter of a searchlight and reply
to the calling-up signal of the flagship.
The young lieutenant op the after-bridge was just able
to shout "Flagship calling us" when the metallic rattle
of the shutter and the hiss of the arc light below informed
him that his information was entirely superfluous.
In thirty seconds the signal had been received, in another
ten the young heutenant was shouting down a pipe, "Captain,
sir ! Captain, sir I Captain, sir ! "
"Yes?"
"Ofi&cer of the watch speaking, sir. From the Flag;
'Proceed in execution of previous orders.'"
"Ah — well, alter course ; have you got the new course ? "
"Yes, sir, it'^ N.70° W. and the navigator is down for a
call at 4 a.m."
"Very good, what sort of a day is it ?"
"Fine morning, sir. Extreme visibility, B.C. and the
glass is steady." " .
" Leaf " is Matelot's language for leave.
"Very good. Call me again when we're steady on the
new course."
"Very good, sir," answered the young heutenant, and
closing the mouth of the speaking tube, he took his stand
at the compass.
"Pretty" chatty, the owner is this morning, ain't 'e ?"
remarked the helmsman to the petty officer quartermaster.
Though they were on the lower bridge, the whole of the fore-
going conversation had been audible to them, as a branch
to the captain's fore-bridge voice-pipe led to the steering
compass.
"You watch the ship's 'ead, young feller!" replied the
quartermaster, who objected on general principles to
famiharity with young ordinary seamen.
The helmsman accepted the rebuke and silently gazed
into the magnifying prism on the compass bowl. This
docility touched the heart of the quartermaster, he determined
to unbend.
"Wotcher going to do wiv yer drop of leaf, my son?"
The helmsman was about to reply when a voice from above
shouted: "Port 25 !"
The young lieutenant was altering course and the Belfast
was proceeding in execution of previous orders.
As the helm went over, the bow slowly swung round with
increasing speed, her long low stern appeared to side-slip in
the water and as she "transferred" she left a sheet of glassy
water on the inside of the turn.
The edge of this sheet of water lapped and folded in
towards her swinging quarter with a curious .sucking sound.
As she was turning at speed, she heeled inwards two or three
degrees, and this,, combined with the distinctive rattle of
the steering engine, caused more than one of the occupants
of cabin bunks, and serried rows of hammocks on the mess-
decks, to wake and think for a moment as to the meaning of
the turn.
In a man-of-war at sea, most of her inhabitants sleep very
lightly, and a swift turn, especially during the dayhght
hours, makes every one pause for a moment and wait ex-
pectantly for the bump or what a Hun ofl&cer of my acquain-
tance once described as the "characteristic jar' of a torpedo
on steel plating."
At night a turn probably wakes up half the sliip's company.
Things — unpleasant things — can happen so very quickly
on a dark n ight when one's home is travelHng at 25 knots
without ligb ts — it is always wise to be prepared.
On the occasion I have in mind, those of the Belfast's
compa^iy w'no were awakened by the turn, rolled over again
with a happy smile on their lips." They knew what it meant.
They knev ; that the rest of the squadron were steaming
south and that they alone had turned to the westward for
the purpo! ;e of making an East Coast port, wherein the ship
would refit and from which they would proceed on leave.
As the young lieutenant steadied the Belfast on her new
course and reported to the Captain, eight bells struck;
half a. dc zen hooded figures in lammv coats turned over to
the r.iorning watch look-outs and tramped below, negotiating
the iteep ladders to the upper deck with amazing swiftness
in t fteir b eavy sea boots and masses of warm clothing.
\ few minutes later the navigator came up and, as is the
ha bit of iiavigators, fondled the compass and took a bearing
of the sun .
To a na vigator his standard compass is as a good wife,
a pearl be^yond price, for on the accuracy of his compass
June 20, 191 8
Land & Water
19
depends the safety of the ship and his professional reputation.
In the North Sea where opportunities for sunsights are
often infrequent much navigation must be done by dead
reckoning. Three instruments are used for this, the compass,
the log, and the lead, but the greatest of the three, and the
most essential, is the compass.
Watch any navigator when he first appears on the fore-
bridge. He goes immechately to the compass, and looks
at it. He will revolve the azimuth mirror, and if the glass
over the compass bowl is dirty, he will remove the azimuth,
and witli his pocket handkerchief he will carefulh' wipe
the glass clean, then look round the horizon to see if there
is anything which will give him a chance of taking a bearing.
As he leaves the bridge he nearly always launches a parting
shot at the officer of the watch, to the effect that careful
steering is particularly necessary for the next few hours.
Two or three hours later he will come up and repeat the
performance, including the advice.
In the Belfast the pavigatpr often kept the morning watch
at sea, and it was to him that the young lieutenant turned
over the safety of the ship, the Poldhu Wireless "Press
message," the watchkeeper's electric kettle, a chipped enamel
mug and a tin of cocoa.
A few minutes later, the young lieutenant was standing
on the quarter deck, looking with satisfaction at half a
dozen wisps of smoke far astern and below the liorizon,
which marked the presence of the squadron which the}' had
left for several weeks.
As he turned to go down the narrow hatch that led to the
cabin flat, a seagull rose lazily from a pit prop upon which
it had been sitting and flew to another baulk of timber.
The young lieutenant paused on the top step of the ladder,
and a hard look came into his eyes ai he saw that over an
area of several hundred yards square the sea was thickly
covered with pit props of Norwegian pine. Upon the largest
of these timbers a dark mass of what appeared to be clothing
sprawled inconsequently, a cluster of birds hovered round it.
"Seems to have been some dirty work at the old cross
roads," murmured the young lieutenant, addressing no one
in particular, unless it was the sea-gull. The gull, disturbed
from its second resting-place by the wash of the ship, rose
and flew over to the dark mass.
"Brutes !" muttered the young man as he thumped down
the ladder.
Four hours later, a sentry knocked at his cabin door
and, shouting through the curtain, said : " We're inside the
bar, sir 1 and going up the river, the first lootenant's compli-
ments, an' will yer look out for the wires aft ?"
A hasty toilet — sea boots, trousers, sweater, and monkey
jacket were pulled on, and he went on deck.
The Belfast was slowly gliding up the very muddy waters
of an exceedingly narrow river, but one of the wombs of
Britisii sea-power, for all its small size. Gggantic cranes
stood on both banks. The latter were covered with an
endless succession of building slips, sheds and workshops.
The continued roar of thousands of pneumatic riveters
filled the air ;. whistles blew, and long, lean, ugly pipes
puffed jets of white exhaust steam into the smoke-laden
atmosphere. High over all towered the enormous chimneys
with the thick smoke of North Country coal streaming from
their lips.
In the shadow of the chimneys, under the pall of the smoke,
stood row upon row of small houses, hideously similar. These
stretched in serried rows up the slopes of the valley. The
highest row was shrouded in smoke and mist.
On the quarter-deck lay coils of> wire with which the Belfast
was to be warped into dock.
Close astern of her, like faithful hounds, splashed the
Rambler and the Buster, two paddle tugs, captained by
shabby, but knowledgeable gentlemen, in seedy overcoats
and bowler hats. At 9 a.m. the struggle began. Four
tugs, two ahead and two astern, laboured to turn a ship,
four hundred and fifty feet long, in a river three hundred
and seventy feet broad. This apparent impossibility was
achieved by gradually working her nose into the dock.
, The real interest to a detached observer began when ship-
ping tried to pass up or down stream, and many quaint oaths in
English and in Scandinavian tongues were bandied to and fro.
At noon the dock gates were shut with a thud, and they
began pumping out and shoring up.
The Paymaster had a busy time paying the hands, and
acting as an interpreter between sailors, who wanted tickets
to unheard-of corners of the British Isles, and two very
worried railway officials.
I' .The Commander informed the watchkeepers that one
of them would have to travel to London with the 10.21 p.m.
as two hundred of the sailors were going by that, and he
thought an ofi&cer should be available on the journey.
The lot falling on the young lieutenant, the rest of the
Wardroom wished him joy and went their several ways.
At 10 p.m. the young lieutenant arrived at the station,
and was somewhat surprised to hear a brass band playing
in the central hall. It turned out to be the ship's amateur
band, which was the centre of an admiring crowd of some
fifteen hundred people. As luck would have it, the band
saw him and raised a loud cheer, and the crowd, suspecting
hidden heroism somewhere, joined in heartily.
The young lieutenant, blushing furiously, fled to his
sleeper, devoutly praying, the band would miss their train.
It was not so ordained. At 2 a.m. he was awakened by an
agitated attendant. He Rooked through the window and saw
thej' were at Bedford.
Above the jangle of empty milk-cans rose the distant
strains of a band.
"What is it ?" said the heutenant.
" Please, sir ! it's them sailors of yours, they're a-playing
of the "Rosary" on their hinstruments, and they're a-playing
of it houtside the foremost sleeper, and General Sir William
Somme is hout on the platform in 'is pink sleeping suit,
cursin' somefink 'orrid."
" My good fellow ! I don't care if the whole Army Council
are on the platform in purple pyjamas. Th^ose sailors are on
leave, and, as far as I know, there is no law preventing them
playing the "Rosary" or any other blinking tune. They
probably think he likes it . . . I'll have some tea at 7.30 a.m.
Good-bye-e !"
" But, sir ! Sir William "
"I said good-bye-e once," said the young lieutenant,
with a touch of irritation in his voice.
The attendant withdrew.
The last mournful chords of "Where my caravan has
rested" mingled with the guard's whistle and lulled the
ofiScer to sleep.
When he left his sleeper at 8 a.m. next morning, not one
of his unruly flock was to be seen.
Breakfast and a Turkish bath followed, and at 11.45
the young lieutenant shaped a certain course, which led
to the "Sigrt oi Capricomus."
* * *
It is permitted to follow him to the door of this very remark-
able place, which excites the wildest curiosity on the part
of many mothers and sisters, but the descriptive pen may
go no further. "Members only" is a rule rigidly enforced.
Nor would it be fair to follow his movements during the
subsequent ten days.
Sufficient to say that his passion for navigation led him
to explore many reaches and backwaters of the Thames,
and that he was not alone.
* * *
Three weeks had elapsed since that first morning when the
Belfast had parted company.
Once again it was early in the day — about 6 a.m. — once
again the young lieutenant was on watch, but this time
he searched the horizon for signs of the squadron, with some-
what different feelings.
At 6.30 a.m. light tapering masts showed up, followed by
funnels and hulls as the range decreased.
Accurately the Belfast adjusted her course and speed to
wheel into line behind the rear ship.
*~' As she did so, the flagship ran up a couple of hoists of flags.
r^"The old man welcoming us back and hoping we have
had a pleasant leave," jested the lieutenant to the sub.
"I do not think !" replied the latter.
A signalman jumped up the ladder: "Signal, sir.''
"Read it," said the lieutenant.
"Flag to Belfast — make less smoke — ^prepare for ranging
exercise," announced . the signalman.
"War is Hell! sub," laughed the young lieutenant.
The sub sang in a low voice as much as he could remember
of Let the great, big world keep turning ; it reminded him of
a girl he had met at a dance in town and temporarily caused
him to forget the imminence of the ranging exercise.
The Miracle of Saint Anthony (Methuen & Co., 3s. 6d. net)
is a delightful little play by M. Maurice Maeterlinck, describing
the inconveniences that might ensue if a kindly old saint returned
to earth and restored to life the dead, in the form of an elderly
lady in a middle-class family, who had departed from the world
leaving behind her quite a nice little bit of money, and whose
will had been read. As can be easily understood, the feeUngs of
the family were decidedly mixed. While prepared to shed a
decent tear, it had quickly adapted itself to the sad occasion,
and poor St. Anthony weis treated not as a blessed saint, but as
an impertinent intruder. The play is a delightful piece of
delicate satire, and it has been excellently translated by Mr,
Alexander Teixera de Mattos,
20
Land & Water
June 20, 191B
Sinaia Palace : By G. C. Williamson
BUCHAR1-:ST is one of the hottest cities in Europe,
and incidentally, one must add, one of the most
expensive in which to reside. In consequence, its
more ■ wealthy residents leave their homes and
])alaccs as soon as the hot weather approaches
and hasten to the mountains, where nestled amongst the
peaks of the Carpathians is the .lovely valley of Sinaia.
Sinaia has grown into its present fashionable position
during the past fifty /years. Previously it was simply a
lovely village in a deep valley, surrounded by pine forests,
hemmed in by huge mountains, well watered and well pas-
tured, and possessing as its solitary attraction a monastery
founded on an
ancient site by
the Spartan
Michael Canta-
cuzene in 1695.
Visitors occasi-
onally discovered
its charm, re-
joiced in' the
beauty of its
scenery, lodged
with the hospit-
able monks in
their convent,
and either rested
bv its streams, *^
drank its medi-
cinal waters, or
pursued the wild
game on its
mountains. *
In 1866, how-
ever, Prince
Carol, visiting
for the first time
the country over
which he was to
rule as king,
came to Sinaia,
and was charmed
with its beauty.
In 1871 he and
Princess Eliza-
beth (afterwards
so well known
as Carmen
Sylva) spent the
whole summer
in the place,
lodging at the
monastery, and
then decided to
erect close to
the village, on a
wonderfiil spot
in the forest,
a summer resi-
dence to be at-
tached to the Crown,
which, unhappily, has
German ImperiaJ Staff.
It was under much happier auspices that I had the
honour and privilege of being many times the guests of their
Majesties and of seeing the beauties of their summer home.
King Carol was a great lover of pictutes, and he had as a
young man a chance of acquiring en bloc the entire collection
of a Spanish nobleman. He was told that a few of the
pictures in it were only copies ; but he knew that some were
masterpieces of the highast value, and very wisely he secured
the entire lot, and when he was called to the throne of
Rumania, enriched the palaces of Bucharest and Sinaia
with his treasures.
I had the pleasure of being escorted round the gallery*
by the King himself, and of advising him respecting some
of the pictures, and in return for this advice the King pre-
sented me with copies of his privately issued illustrated
catalogue. The house stands alone in the midst of pine
trees, at the foot of a giant mountain. It is unique in style,
and built under difficulties, for all the material, save
the native stone, had to be brought into the valley from
a distance. It is like a fairy * residence which bursts
Hence arose the Chateau Pelesch,
lately been in the occupation of the
upon the view as one suddenly leaves the forest, and it is
surrounded by green' terraces and flower gardens, with
numerous fountains of entrancing beauty.
Its interior decoration owes much to the hands of Carmen
Sylva. Her wonderful sense of colour is very marked ; the
frescoes on the walls are from her designs, the chapel decora-
tion largely her own wor"k, and her own boudoir, with its
darkened niche in which I had the privilege of hearing that
gifted Oueen awaken the tones of a fine orgari in a fugue of,
her own composition, is enfirely arranged to her own scheme
of design. The stained glass windows throughout the palace
depict the legends and folk lore of her adopted country.
The dark oak
panelling, the
rich enamel
ornaments, the
great white polar
bear skins which
cover the flo.ors,
the rich harmony
of the furniture,
glass, and hang-
ings, all bespeak
her skill, and the
effect of the in-
terior is that
strange mingling
of savage, poetic,
dreamy melody
which is so
marked a charac-
teristic of the
poetry which
gave to the
Oueen her best-
known name.
The little theatre
in the palace is
also her creation,
and perfect in
every detail.
The decoration
of the plumage of
peacocks which
appears in so
many rooms is
her idea, but the
long gallery in
which one waits
before dinner,
the library, with
its splendid
volumes, and the
pictures which
crowd the walls
of passages and
apartments alike
are due to the
tastes of the con-
queror of Plevna,
Sinaia : Palace (right) Monastery (left) .
whose gun-metal crown, with its few rare stones, was so
modest in its simpUcity.
At the time of my visit the Crown Princess was at the
zenith of her exceptional beauty and, surrounded, as she
was, by a group of her children second to those of no
reigning family in loveliness, presented a sight of personal
fascination.
The children were the Princesses Elizabeth and Mignon and
Prince Carl (who is now heir to the throne). King Carol was
profoundly in love with his pictures, and discoursed of them
in French with glowing enthusiasm and scholarly discretion.
Alone of all sovereigns, he owns many works by El Greco,
the strange Creto-Spaniard, in his private gallery, and he is
almost alone also in appreciating this wayward genius at his
full value.
The precursor of Velasquez, the teacher of all modern
art, the man from whom Sargent learned more than
from any other painter, and the first profound student of
colour values, El Greco stands out supreme as one of the
greatest pamters in the world, and to see him at his best
stand before his portrait of Covarrubia at Sinaia.
What now is the condition of Sinaia, one hesitates to
think. Where now are the famous pictures ?
June 27, 1 9 1 8
Supplement to Land & Water
XI
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LAND & WATER
V0I.LXXI. No. 2929. [vT/r] THURSDAY, JUNE 27, 1918 [^^%f^W^,i^\ '^r^f^'SiE ,lf^5hl
Ctpytifht, 1918, U^A.
-^ I I nil ll.Lluu
Copyright, " Lana & Watm:'
Scheidemann preparing Peace Samples for Troelstra
The Allies have Declined with Thanks
By Louis Raemaekers
Land & Water
June 27, 1 918
LAND & WATER
5 CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C.2
Tdepbene 1 HOLBORN zgll.
THURSDAY, JUNE 27, 1918.
Contents
Peace S;uiiples. (Cartoon.) By Raemaekers
The Outlook
The Italian Victory. By H. Belloc
Further Progress. By Arthur Pollen
The Turkish Conspiracy. — VII. By H. Morgcnthau
The Kaiser : Mad or Bad ? By Charles Mercier
• Flying Sailors. By Hennan Whitaker
A Charter for Agriculture. By Sir Herbert Matthews
The Auxiliary Cruiser. By N. M. F. Corbett
High Spirits. By J. C. Squire
Birds as they Live: By Francis Stopford
A Topographer. (Illustrated.) By Charles Marriott
London Sanctuary. By Millar Dunning
Household Notes
Notes on Kit
P.\GE
I
2
3
7
8
II
12
14
15
16
17
18
2q
22
25
The Outlook
A DISPATCH sent from Italian Headquarters by
General Diaz last Sunday evening announced the
termination of the Austrian offensive and the
retirement of the enemy over the bridges of the
Piave. The same dispatch says that the retire-
ment has been conducted in disorder. It is not yet known
how far the enemy's determination to abandon the battle
has led to loss in men and material. It is generally believed
that no heavy guns have been brought across by him save
possibly over the considerable number of bridges thrown
across at St. Dona in the lower parts of the river. On the
other hand, he had 70,000 men to transfer to the eastern
bank, and the bridges which he built and floated from one
side to> the other were in part destroyed some days ago by
the flood of the iSth and iqth of the month. There is every
indication that the determination to retire was taken after
the failure of the last thrust west of St. Dona last Friday,
and after the Italians had crossed the mouth of the Piave
the same day and threatened the enemy's rear. In that
case the enemy had about tliirty-six hours in which to prepare
his retirement.
* * *
The first question asked by all who have followed the
recent offensive and its failure in Italy is the effect its reverse
may have upon the domestic conditions of Austria-Hungary.
The dual monarchy consists essentially of five parts, three
of which are composed of subject nations and races, two of
which consist of dominant States of German-speaking Austria,
and Magyar-speaking Hungary. One may say, roughly,
that of rather over 50 milHon people there are 10 million
in each of the last two, and 30 million of the. remainder
of which the greater part are Slavs. The latter are
separated greatly by distance, and in part? by the varieties
of dialect and language, while all are in various degrees
attached to the dynasty, save some groups in Bohemia and
Croatia and the greater part of the Poles.
If only this political divergenc}' were at work, the difficulty
the Hapsburg dynasty would have to face through a military
reverse would not be so- great ; but fortunately there
is also an economic strain in the country more severe than
that suffered by any other present belligerent, and it is this
which is the really grave feature in the present situation.
It means that if the present offensive, with its great losses,
is definitely abandoned, another can hardly be undertaken,
the immediate future will show us whether the check of the
Austrians in Italy will lead to any considerable developments
on this count.
All that we are told of the internal or domestic enemy
conditions through neutral sources should, as a rule, be
taken with a large dose of salt ; but there are known facts in
this case. For instance, the demonstrations in Vienna,
the diminution of the rations and the Hungarian strikes.
Those things are, and the whole state of society in Austria-
Hungary, so far as the town papulation, at least, is concerned,
is liigldy unstable.
The supper given in the Royal Gallery of the Palace of
Westminster last week to the Prime Ministers of the Dominions
and other representatives attendirg the Imjicrial War Confer-
ence emphasises again the serious handicap imposed on
overseas statesmen when they attend the Imperial Councils
of the mother country. For public utterances they are
entirely dependent on chance hospitalit\'. They are given
no platform from which they may speak freely and frankly,
and without the restraint that the conditions of the moment
impose. We wrote strongly on this subject a year ago, and
we repeat most emphatically that every Dominion Prime
Minister or his representative who attends an Imjx^rial
Cabinet should ipso facto be given a seat on the cross-benches
of the House of Lords. He would then be at hberty to
speak to the Empire with absolute frankness ; it may be on
occasion he would feel it his duty to censure the Government
on detail, t)uthecoulddoso without any base insinuation that
he had been slighted or snubbed. The objection to this
l^roposal is that it would give Dominion poHticians an oppor-
tunity to interfere in domestic politics. There is no real
ground for this. These men are accustomed to tiie codes
and etiquettes of free Parlianients, and seeing that their very
position testifies they are possessed of strong characters, we
are convinced they would not offend in this respect. In any'
case, as they arc now placed, their position is humiliating
should they desire to address the nation in the public manner
they are accustomed to speak in their own territory. This
handicap should not be permitted to continue.
* * *
"Ireland remains as Irish as ever," was the phrase used
the other day by a distinguished Dublin publicist to sum up
the situatipn. And after Lord Curzon's speech in the House
of Lords last week, he might have added "And England
remains as English as ever." A more lugubrious confession
of failure has never been publicly made in the Palace of
Westminster. As we said here two or three weeks ago, the
one deadly sin in Government's policy towards Ireland
would be hesitation — -vacillation. This has been committed,
and events do not forgive. As Lord Londonderry said,
Ireland has been cajoled at one moment and dragooned at
another. It is of no avail to throw the blame on either the
Nationalists or the priesthood. The fault is the Govern-
ment's, and it is the more glaring, remembering the fanfare of
trumpets which greeted the present Prime Minister when
he was deputed to Ireland after the Easter Rebellion. Wliat
is going to happen now ? Things are not going to stand
still. The position to-day is serious enough ; it will quickly
get worse unless a firm policy be adopted.
* * *
German propaganda is an old story nowadays, but never
have its workings been more nakedly exposed than by Mr.
Morgenthau in his chapter on the Turkish Conspiracy. He
has related how Goebcn and iSrcs/a!< passed through the
Dardanelles in defiance of international treaties, and he now
tells how the Turks were prepared for the closing of the
Dardanelles by the high-handed action of a German General
on his own responsibility. .\ more cynical contempt of the
rights of neutral nations has never been exp)Osed, and we
have no .difficulty in realising the manner in which Germany
would have acted over the blockade had her position and
Great Britain's been reversed. Mr. Morgenthau's disclosures
increase in interest ; thej' are the strongest indictment that
has yet been launched against the unscrupulous methods of
the German Foreign Office — methods which obviously won
the complete approval of the Kaiser.
* * ' *
The British farmer has done so well since a demand was
made upon his services for increased production that every
one who. knows anything about the facts must be resentful
at the odious manner in which he has been maligned as
though a slacker and shirker. The new call upon the agri-
cultural classes was only made bj' the Government with
reluctance, and because they were convinced of its necessity.
It has been freely responded to at no small risk to tillage and
stock in certain districts. Shepherds, horsekeepers, and
cowmen are not trained in a day, and the farmer is often at
his wits' end to find efficient substitutes. It is too fre-
quently overlooked that the Yeomanry which performed
splendid service at GalHpoli, and in Egypt, Palestine, and
elsewhere, is mainly recruited from the farming class, which
has done its duty bravely and well, both on the battlefield
and the harvest-field. We should like to see the labours of
the tenant farmer officially recognised. He who doubles
the production of his acres is surely worthy of public honour.
In this issue the effect of the report of Lord Seiborne's Com-
mittee on the future of farming is discussed. 1
June 27, 1 91 8
Land & Water
The Italian Victory : By H. Belloc
MY task this week is a difiBcult one. The last
news that has come in at the moment of writ-
ting is a dispatch of only just over twenty
words from General Diaz to the effect that
the Austrians are recrossing the Piave in
disorder. Beyond that we know nothing, and very little
useful commentary can be made upon a statement at once
so important and so simple, until the detailed results of the
Italian pursuit shall be given us.
All we can do in the meanwhile is to present the position
as clearly as may be, and show what its possibilities are ;
after which a recapitulation of- the battle may also be of
some service.
The enemy in forcing the Piave a week ago achieved
roughly three things upon this front.
In the North he seized the eastern end of the Montello, an
isolated hill giving excellent observation, and threatening,
if it could be taken in its entirety, to outflank the whole of
the Piave line from the north or left. At the other extremity
he occupied rapidly and successfully a considerable bridge-
head beyond the point of St. Dona, the lowest point at
which an offensive crossing can be made with any hope of
deploying largely upon the further side. And this establish-
ment of a large bridgehead threatened, if it were ex-
tended, to turn the Piave line by the right or southern
flank. Meanwhile he had crossed at numerous points in be-
tween, but in lesser force, and with the object of holding the
ItaUans there, rather than of advancing. The plan was
clearly one of envelopment by the two wings. The Piave,
which for much the greater part of the year is no great ob-
stacle north of a point about six miles from St. Dona, and
which even when it is in flood is an obstacle only occasionally
(because it rises and falls so rapidly), behaved in a fashion
p)eculiarly embarrassing to the offensive. It had risen suf-
ficiently to help the first crossing ; for, paradoxical though it
sounds, a certain small rise of the river helps troops to cross
in the higher reaches, allowing pontoon bridges to be
thrown across, whereas when the water is at its lowest, there
is a mixture of fordable places, and numerous narrow arms a
little too deep to be fordable, which make a very complicated
task. The enemy's first crossings, then, a week ago, were
made under conditions perhaps as good as any that could
have been chosen by him, and it is probable that he picked
his moment in connection with the then state of the river.
The bridges once firmly established, and more permanent ones
constructed by the engineers behind the cover of the bridge-
heads consolidated on the further bank, would, if the river
should fall again, give every advantage for the continuation
of the programme. But the river rose unexpectedly upon
the third day of the operations. Many existing bridges, and
apparently all those under construction were swept away.
It was only in the deeper part, atove St. Dona, that a number
of large pontoon bridges — no less than five — completely stood
the strain. Elsewhere,' in varying degrees, the new work was
damaged or destroyed. The bridge on the extreme north
supplying the Montello and crossing at Nervesa was main-
tained, but for many miles below everything went. General
Maurice has pointed out in the Daily Chronicle the impor-
tant element in this affair, which is the presence of cut logs in
the higher part of the torrent bed up in the mountains, which,
coming down on the swollen current, would act as battering
rams against the piles of the new bridges and the pontoons.
He remarks with justice that though the operations of the
woodsmen would naturally be suspended during hostihties,
a great deal of the cut timber would still be left lying above
flood level, and would be caught when the river rose, and
whirled down.
This rise in the Piave very gravely hampered the supply of
the Austrian troops who had managed to cross. It starved
the considerable force which had seized the eastern end of
the Montello and all the various detachments down the
middle of the stream. Nothing was left tolerably supplied
except the bridge head to the west of St. Dona, on the lower
reaches, where^ the flood was less violent and the permanent
depth of water gave security to the pontoon bridges. It
was therefore here, west of St. Dona, that the chief Austrian
effort could be made, and apparently as many as five divisions
were ready to take part in it, a considerable portion of which
had by the end of the week crossed to the right or eastern bank.
It is estimated that by that time — Thursday and Friday-
some 70,000 Austro-Hungarians were beyond the stream.
Much the greater part of them concentrated on the
Montello, and at the opposite end of the line, west of St.
Dona ; the remainder strung out in narrow batches between
the two.
At this point there enters an element of far more import-
ance even than the behaviour of the river, with its sudden
and unexpected flood, and that element was the skilful
handhng of the Italian reserv'es, coupled with the excellent
fighting quahties which they displayed. At the two chief
points— the Montello and the St. Dona bridge-head— the
Italian pressure began to be heavy by Wednesday, and
decisive throughout Thursday and Friday ; while the smalkr
Austrian forces in the middle were thoroughly pressed back
to the very banks of the stream. At the close of these
operations two things were already clear. First, that the
enemy would not succeed in itaching the summit of the
Montello, and would therefore fail to obtain either that
obser\-ation over the plain, or that position upon the flank
of the Itahan fine, both of which were his objects in attempting
to capture the hill. Second, that his only chance of further
advance was in the south— west of St. Dona. Here he
made very vigorous efforts, but the Italian rapidity was
too much for him. He could not supply at anything hkc
the rate which was demanded by the increasing pressure
against him, and before Saturday he had lost his battle.
Meanwhile, on Friday there had taken place an operation
the effect of which was probably very great, though no
dispatch has yet given us the co-ordination between it and
the Austrian retreat. I refer to the passage of a mixed
Italian force of soldiers and sailors across the canahsed
mouth of the two rivers, Sile and Piave, at Cavazuccherina.
The Piave in its natural state runs from St. Dona south- ,
eastwardly into the sea at Cortelazzo. But it had another
branch, called the Old Piave, running into the marshy lagoons
north of Venice. Just where this touches the brackish water
the httle river Sile comes in, at the point called Capo Sile.
From this point a canal has been dug along the edge of the
lagoon with high banks, which carries the water of the Sile
and of the Old Piave down to Cortelazzo, at the piouth of
the Piave proper.
Now, this canal is the chief obstacle of the neighbourhood.
Through it passes the great bulk of the water coming down
the Piave bed, and a body which can force this obstacle will
certainly be able sooner or later, unless there is special con-
centration against it, to force the easier obstacle of the
Piave proper a little further east, between Grisolera and
Kevedolo.
A study of the curious ground in this neighbourhood at
once shows the importance of such a move. South of the
i^ossctru
illSJOl
01 2 J t ^ S 7
fine formed by the River Sile and the canal you have abso-
lutely impossible ground formed by the shallows and mud flatsof
the lagoon. North of it, between Capo Sile and Fossalta there
is ground difficult indeed between, for it is cut up by in-
numeiable ditches and willow banks with very narrow raised
paths hardly to be called roads ; but stiU an advance is
possible to the enemy, and here it was that his advance has
been made. He held all the northern half of this district,
which is bounded by the Sile, the Piave, the Old Piave, and
the Fossetta Canal. He even managed to cross the latter
obstacle, and had nearly reached I.osson, which he was in
the act of assaulting, when his opponent seized the crossing
at Cavazuccherina, far away on his left. Eastward of
Land & Water
June 27, 1 9 18
Cavaxuccherina there is hard land. Any movement there
can be supported from the sea, and the St' Dona bridge-head
might be turned. It will, I say, probablv appear, when we
have the full accounts after the war, that the passage of the
water here, with the threat it contained of advancing towards
Grisolcra, was the movement which finally decided the enemy
to abandon his bridge-head west of St. Dona, and with the
loss of that there was no reason for attempting to liuld the
difficult central bridge-heads up stream.
The point of interest then became (and is at the moment
of writing), the measure of success which the enemy would
have in withdrawing his troops across the river. Save in
the St. Dona bridge-head, the distance to be traversed
was insignificant. The Austrians were quite close to the
stream. It is probable also that not much heavy material
had yet been got over. But though the distance of retire-
ment was very short and the impediments accompanying it
probably few, with insufiicient bridges, the bringing over of
70,000 men, which is something like a man to a yard, counting
all the bends of the stream, would be a formidable task ;
and what we are now waiting for is news of how far that
task has been accomplished. But it began (probably) on
Saturday, and was not (apparently) observed till after
mid-day on Sunday. The losses of the Austrians had
already been exceedingly heavy before their offensive move-
ment failed. It has continually appeared in the latter
stages of this war that a successful offensive in its first stages
is far less e.xpensive to the attacker than to the attacked,
and this is due to the change in the value of artillery. But
the second phase, when the offensive begins to be continued,
when it still struggles to go forward, and when it has aban-
doned this hope, and begins to consolidate itself, is the one
in which losses begin to tell. Now, in the case of the present
Austrian offensive this second stage was greatly prolonged
in comparison with the first. The crossings of the river
and the first apparently successful shock against the Italian
line was a matter of thirty-six hours only, and much the
greater part of the work was done in the first twelve ; but
after that there came seven days of continuous fighting
without any appreciable advance save the four or five
thousand yards west of St. Dona. Everywhere else the
offensive was checked, and yet attempted to extend itself
even after the position was hopeless.
In the particular case of the Montello the offensive steadily
declined in power during all that week, until it had turned
from a true offensive into a precarious defensive.
The same thing was going on all down the river to
the neighbourhood of Fossalta. Even there, in the
St. Dona salient, the Italian pressure increased so rapidly
that the enemy began to lose ground, and his final attempt
last Friday to enlarge himself by a full massed attack against
Losson was cruelly battered. Under such circumstances, the
rate of casualties must necessarily have been very high
indeed. How high exactly we do not know, but we shall be
able to estimate it better when the Italians have occupied
this belt, which the Austrians are abandoning, and can
judge the waste of their enemy by observation upon the
ground itself.
Since there is nothing more to be said of the movement
until further reports come in, which will Show us how far
the Austrians have been successful in withdrawing to the
further bank, let us turn to a general, though brief, recapitula-
tion of the battle.
To understand the battle as a whole, it is best to put it in
the simplest possible form, and for that purpose I will here
append a sketch in which nothing is mentioned but the ab-
solutely essential points, and these only in diagrammatic
form.
You have on this diagram the Allied front in the two sec-
tors attacked, which may be called respectively the River
Sector and the Mountain Sector. You have that front mainly
though not entirely supplied by communications running as
does the barred line in the diagram. The enemy masses
against this line from Lake Garda to the sea almost the whole
of his offensive forces. There was nothing left in the Eastern
marches of Europe, in what was once the Russian Empire,
but a small number of troops of low value, and in the Balkan
mountains little more than a police force. The Austro-
Hungarian Empire, therefore, can put 71 divisions into line
against the Italians and the Allied contingents who are with
them. Of these 71 divisions he engages no less than 41 for
the first main shock and its immediate reserves of men, keep-
ing back 30 to put into the battle as it develops later. This
force is supported by seven and a half thousand pieces :
It will be appreciated that such a concentration either of
men or of guns against the Italians had not been possible,
and is only now possible as the result of the collapse of
Russia. •
The enemy's plan is obvious. He will come down from the
mountains, pressing back the Allies on their extreme left
where the arrows arc in the diagram, and so get down to the
communications of the Italian Army, if he can press the line
back to the neighbourhood of these communications, a mat-
ter of about 20 miles, still better if he can break the line and
reach the communications directly, he has trapped the whole
Italian force between Lake Garda and the sea. But in order
to do this he must hold the Italians everywhere. Therefore,
while he makes his main attack in the mountains and as far
to the left as possible (because the further^ to the left he makes
it, the greater the result.should he reach the communications)
while he masses no less than 29 divisions in the mountains,
he also fights vigorously to cross the Piave with the remaining
12 divisions, thus compelling the Italians to concentrate heavily
in defence of that line, lest it should break after losing its de-
fensive obstacle, the river. In connection with this crossing
of the Piave, he proposes to seize the isolated hill at the point
where the river front joins the mountain front, a hill called the
Montello. To possess this hill would give him observation
over the whole plain, and prevent Italian observation over
his rear and communications which, hitherto from the Mon-
tello, the Italians have possessed. But we must clearly bear
in mind that all this fighting from the Montello southwards
along the Piave, is a secondary part of his original plan. He
is there only compelling the Italians to mass troops ; in other
words, holding them by a threat, while he delivers his main
blow in the mountains.
It is a perfectly simple and even obvious conception.
While it was yet dark, at three o'clock in the morning of
Saturday, June 15th, he began his bombardment all along
the line from Lake Garda to the sea. And at half-past seven
he threw in his infantry. The critical point was the Asiago
Plateau corresponding to the sector upon which I have put
the arrows. This sector was thus defended : On the extreme
left the ItaUans ; next to them the British, then the French,
and then the Itahans again. The enemy's chief weight was
against the British, and especially against the British left,
where there was a point of junction with the Italians, and
where the easiest approach to the plains from the mountains
lies down a fairly open valley carrjdng both a road and a
railway. Four divisions struck the blow : All, I believe,
Austrian and German speaking. The 2nd, the i6th, the
52nd, and the 38th, reading from left to. right— that is,
from west to east. The first two succeeded in pushing back
•the British line next to the Italians by about a thousand
yards on a mile and a half of front. That was a dense forma-
tion. We have no details yet, but it looks like a density of
more than seven — and perhaps more than eight — men to the
yard. The Italians gave great help on the left, which the
British Commander acknowledges in special terms ; the
other two divisions on the British right were checked abso-
lutely ; the counter-attack was undertaken on the same day;
and early on the, Sunday morning the whole position was
restored. Further east the French had held the attack
against them, and still further east in the mountains the
Italians, after suffering a retirement almost to the very
edge of the hills at the Col Moschin, returned and recovered
the whole position.
Meanwhile on the first day of the battle the Piave was
crossed at several points. The eastern end of the Montello
was seized by the enemy, and the nearest practical point to
the sea, the last point before the marshes began, the bank
opposite St. Dona was also seized, but so far everything
turned upon what would happen in the mountains.
By the third day of the battle— Monday, and quite early
in the day— it was apparent that the effoi;t in the mountains
had failed. We shall probably find, when 'we know the facts,
that the cause of the failure was the very heavy loss the
enemy sustained. At any rate, from that day, Monday, the
whole battle changes in plan, and the enemy determines to
give up his original effort to reach the communications.
June J 7, igi8
Land & Water
which would have given him a complete decision, and to
concentrate his energies upon the Piave line alone.
It is essential to understand this if we are to understand
the battle at all. It is really two battles, with a change of
plan in the middle corresponding with Monday. There is a
first battle, the main operation of which is an attempted
descent from the mountains on to the communications, with
the crossings of the Piave as a secondary feature. This first
battle ends on Monday. There is a second battle from
■•'onday onwards, in which the crossings of the Piave become
♦he main feature and the mountain sector merely holds
fast.
[n thus attempting to do something new on the Piave,
the enemy was taking second best. Even if he compelled
an Italian retirement he could get no decision because the
retirement would take place along untouched communica-
tions behind it, and it was too late to hope for a breach in
the line. However, to compel such a continuous retirement
would have sufficiently grave consequences. It would
uncover Venice and therefore lose Italy vast masses of
material and all naval power in the Adriatic — apart from
the political effect. It would probably compel a retirement
right to the Adige, and that certainly at great expense, and
perhaps at some peril.
These consequences, however, would not be what the
consequences of the first plan would have been. They
would not involve the complete destruction of the opponent.
The new battle was also second best because the Austnans
on the outside of a bend could not concentrate as rapidly
against any point as could the Itahans on the inside of the
bend, and this difference was aggravated by the fact that so
considerably a portion of the enemy's forces were in tUc
mountains, and could only get down with difficulty to the
plain, as there are few roads leading thus down southeastwaid
To compel the Italians to retire trom the Piave, it was
necessary to turn their line along that river either by the
left extremity or by the right, or by both. If the vvhole of
the Montello, which is some eight miles long, could be seized
it would put the enemv right on the left flank of the Italians,
and give the enemy excellent observation o all their move-
ments. If at the other extremity of the iin he could make
a really large bridge-head opposite St. Dona, with the
advantage of the main road and of the main railway behind
him to feed him, it would enable him to turn the Italian line
by its right. He tried both points, and at the same time
held the Italians all along the river between him by hard
fighting at each of the crossings he had obtained.
This second battle, which may be called the Battle for
outflanking the Piave line, had two phases : The first, in
which the chief effort was being made to turn the Italians
by their left — that is, by the Montello — the second in which
more and more weight was put into the effort by St. Dona —
that is, by the Italian right.
The effort against the Montello was made very largely
with Hungarian troops, and it suffered particularly from the
sudden rising of the river, which took place upon the afternoon
of Tuesday and all during Wednesday, and the effect of which
we have already described. The Italian concentration was very
rapid also, and the enemy, though the battle fluctuated on
the hill, gradually lost ground. Already bv Wednesday the
enemy was beginning to put his trust m^ .• w "^he alternative
effort near St. Dona, and had here five pontoon bridges;
the fury of the rising current was less so far down the river,
and a'.so its increase in height was lc=s. His bridges were
therefore secure. By the evening of Thun day he had crossed
the next obstacle after the Piave in ths region, the Fosselta
Canal, and by Tliursday he was m a position to prepare for
a considerable attack m this region hi the direction of Losson.
He may have had a? many as five divisions — or, at any rate,
he had units from five divisions — on the west bank here. All
Thursday there was furious fighting en the central part of
the river and on the Montello, where the enemy was gradually
losing hold, and it seemed as though the tide had turned all
along the line. But there was one more effort to be made,
and that was, of course, in Iront of St. Dona. In spite of
the rapidly increasing concentration here, the enemy launched
upon Friday his main assault. It suffered a very heavy
and expensive check in front of I tsson ; but, as we have
seen, this was not the only cause of anxiety for him. He
might have attempted a still f'lrther westward extension by
t 11' ting more men across the river, for he still had perhaps
?x unused divisions when the news came of the threat to his
extreme left near the mouth of the Piave, which was being
developed ti^' the forces which had forced the water obstacle
at Cavazuccherina, and which could be easily supported
from tlie sea: It was clearly on the next day (Saturday)
that the decision to give up this attempt to turn the
Piave line was made by the enemy command. Con-
sequently the apologetic dispatch written to prepare
Austrian opinion for the collapse appeared fairly early upon
the Sunday morning, and in the early ^ afternoon of the same
day the Italians announced that the enemy was already in
full retreat across the river, adding that this retreat was
being carried out in some disorder, and was being pursued.
At this point our information ends. The second great
Austrian offensive in Italy has failed.
The Pacifist
PACIFIST is an ugly and very vulgar word ; made up on
an ignorant echo of Latin. But it has obtained cur-
rency and must be used. It designates at this partic-
ular moment, not a man who prefers peace to war in general
— as sane men mostly do — but a man who desires to-day the
particular peace which can be immediately obtained by con-
senting to negotiate with an undefeated Prussia, ruling direct-
ly and indirectly, over 200 million souls, and at the height
of her power ; yet dreading a prolongation of the war, be-
cause famine, disaffection among Allies, and American re-
cruitment all menace in the near future.
A Pacifist is he who would, at such a moment, parley.
To-morrow the word may seem something more That is
what it means to-day.
Public men have recently given to a certain enemy man-
oeuvre on the poUtical side the excellent title of "A Peace
Offensive." To that title there has been raised an objection,
by which the Pacifist may be examined. The objection has
not been raised publicly by those who stand for weightier
and more respected of their kind. Nor by those who are sin-
cere men and carry weight. It has been raised by parhamen-
tarians. But we owe it to their betters for whom they say
they speak, and also to ourselves to explain what a peace
offensive means, why it should be regarded seriously, and
why the overwhelming mass of the nation will have none
of it.
The objection taken to the phrase Hes in its imphcation.
When we say that the enemy is preparing or will dehver a
peace offensive we mean that his proposals for peace (he has
made them several times already in the course of the war)
are as much directed towards our defeat as are the operations
of his armies. We mean that the proposals he has already
put forward certainly and the proposals we expect he will put
forward probably, have for their object a state of European
society in which the civilised West, notably Great Britain,
would sink to a position of inferiority, and would for the
future (did we yield to those proposals) find itself suffering
from all the consequences of a military defeat. That is, the
older Western nations would find their national vitality
lowered and threatening to fall lower still. They would
find their possessions oversea either cut down or so menaced
in the immediate future that one could limit their loss.
They would ultimately find themselves impoverished to the
advantage of the victors. Worst of all, the tradition for
which they stand — a tradition of chivalry in war and of
respect for European conventions, pubUc and private —
would be supplanted in the future life of Europe by the threat
of Prussian war with all its abominations, and the oppression
of Europe by a dominating Central Power of lower culture
than the rest.
The thesis of those who do -not believe that such results
would follow upon accepting the enemy's proposals, past or
future, and who are ready to make terms with Prussia, is
made up of four very different elements which, if you will
examine them you will discover to have very httle to do one
with the other ; but which combined produce the pacifist
mood.
The first undoubtedly is a conviction that (as they would
put it) "No complete mihtary victory against Germany can
be achieved." Mr. Philip Snowden said that in so many
words in the House of Commons the other day. True, Mr.
Philip Snowden's opinion upon a military situation is not
worth having ; but he speaks for a certain body of men
more reputable than tiimsolf, and there does undoubtedly
run through that body^which, though small, carries weight
in this fourth year of the war, after all its fatigues and dis-
Land & Water
June 27, igi8
appointments — an error which they would formulate in
such terms.
It would be as well to remark, before going further, that
this formula is only one other example of the unconscious
self-deception from which a particular type of mind often
suffers. The plain English is not that "the enemy cannot
be defeated," but r.ather "The enemy has beaten us and we
may as well accept the situation." I know these gentlemen
would be horrified to have such plain speaking put into their
mouths, but that is the long and short of it.
If we had broken up Austria-Hungary, if we had thereby
reduced Prussia and her German armies to a position of grave
numerical inferiority ; and if, in spite of that, after dreadful
losses we had reached no decision, then the conception of a
stale-mate through the robust defence of our opponent,
would have some sense in it. As things are it is nonsense.
As things are the enemy has detached from our alliance
opponents more than half its potential numerical strength
by the collapse of Russia. It is the enemy who has advanced ;
the enemy who has recently taken vast numbers of prisoners
and guns ; the enemy who menaces at least one of our capitals ;
the enemy who has the initiative ; the enemy who can attack.
To represent such a situation as a sort of negative one is
to deceive oneself grossly with pleasant words in the place
of unpleasant facts. One might add that such self-deceptions
on the part of one's fellow citizens are verv humiliating for
us who have to bear them and who know they are repeated
abroad. When the lighter weight is getting pounded in a
bo.xing match and needs all his stamina to hold out, it is not
a pretty thing to hear his relations calling out that if the
pounder will only stop, the poundee will magnanimously
spare him. The enormous and immediate business of the
time is to stand up to the pounding until the tide turns. If
a man is prepared to accept defeat he ought to say so openly,
and not to camouflage his moral breakdown with false phrases.
But anyhow, that is the formula used, " No military victory
is possible" ; and this under-lying conception that the whole
forces of Central Europe (erroneously described as "the
Germans") under the leadership of Prussia are too much for
us, is the first element in the minds of those whom we would
convince of their error.
Now whether they are right or no it is absolutely impossible
for the human intelligence to determine. The mass of men
have by this time appreciated the justice of the position we
have taken up in this j jurnal. that victory was the gift of
the gods, and that prophecy and certitude upon it was (upon
either side) essentially unmilitary.
Historical Parallels
But as aga'nst the crude idea that, while battle is still
joined, victor/ is impossible, one may bring forward a certain
historical argument which is of great weight. In every long
and arduous struggle whatsoever there has always arisen
during its later stages a feeling of this sort, and it has always
become most acute just before a decision was reached. You
find it in the Great American Civil war ; you find it in the
Second Punic War ; you find it in the struggle against
Napoleon ; you find it in Revolutionary France in 1894.
You find it always and everywhere in proportion to the
length and difficulty of the work to be done. If you could
have heard -private conversations in Germany and Austria
before Caporetto you would undoubtedly have found any
amount of it. One may say, in passing, that if or when the
AlHes achieve anything hke Caporetto, or the Second Battle
of the Somme, or even the surprise which the enemy effected
against us between Soissons and Rheims three weeks ago,
then this false mood would be dissipated as rapidly on our
side as it has unfortunately been dissipated among the
enemy by their recent successes.
The historical termination of great duels which were
fought for something vital, not for mere dynastic points, •
has invariably been a true decision upon one side or the
other. And so it must be in the nature of things. But if
people are fighting upon a matter of life and death, nothing
short of a decision can put a permanent end to hostilities —
and the old traditions and the old civilisation of Europe are
undoubtedly fighting here for their lives. To put it simply :
England would not be' England, nor France France, nor
Italy survive at all if the enemy emerged from this war
undefeated.
The second element in this frame of mind is a sort of
muddle-headed idea that all fighting is much of a muchness
and all fighters equally in the wrong ; to which is sometimes
added the still more extraordinary conception that fighting
is itself wrong in some way ; in other words, that aggression,
tyranny, injustice, treachery, and violence of every kind
should be cheerfully accepted, and that if a man proposes to
kill you you should say that you see no great harm in it, and
that he is free to go ahead.
Neglecting this rabid nonsense, one can understand though
one cannot sympathise with that error which regards tliis
war specifically as a great misunderstanding and its evils as
being of a sort natural to all wars. It comes mainly from a
considerable though insular acquaintance with modern North
Germany and an extreme ignorance of other countries.
It does not always proceed from this source. Sometimes
it comes from a complete ignorance of all foreign nations,
including modern Germany. But you will usually find that
those who postulate the war as a great misunderstanding,
and who can so easily put themselves in our opponent's
shoes, are people who have lived in sympathy with one half
of modem German thought and who are, therefore, able to
keep in touch with German apologists. They admired those
things in which modern Germany was rising, such as her
chemical industry, her expansion in the manufacture of iron
and steel, her growth in export. They were, indifferent to
those things in which modern Germany was rapidly declining,
such as manners, morals, the power of building and writing,
and also one may add, sanity. The great mass of stuff which
Germany produced in which she proclaimed lunatic theories
of super-man and what-not and saw her own dull
people as stage heroes conquering the world, they knew to
exist indeed, but forgave as a pardonable excess — though
they disapproved of it. But the German apologist who has
become so vociferous since things went wrong with the
German plan of immediate success in 1914 ; the German
who points out that after all he also is fighting for life (which
is quite true) ; that he was morally subject to aggression
(which is quite false) ; that isolated acts of war in the past can
be made to look parallel to his systematic, ordered, and con-
stant negation of human morals to-day — that German
apologist the pacifist understands, likes, and agrees with.»
The error present in this second element of the disease we are
studying is an error in proportion.
Napoleon and his armies went into Spain. They brought
with them the revolutionary ideas, equal law, a high material
civilisation, a quite as strong, though less spiritual, conception
of beauty as that which the Spaniards enjoyed. They also
brought the crusade for what they called liberty and democ-
racy and so forth. But they violated the conscience of
the Spanish people. They proposed to force upon them a
foreign rule. The Spanish people, by their unequalled
courage and tenacity, broke the back of that invasion and
secured immunity.
Now an apologist for this great and wrong effort of
Napoleon's could, if he liked, insist upon the one side of it
at the expense of the other. He could point to the poverty
and to the decline of Spain ; to the growing ignorance, in
letters at least, of its population, to the corresponding advan-
tages of what was virtually a French annexation. He could
go further and say that Napoleon was "forced" to the in-
vasion by the general international situation, etc. But
if he let that weigh in the balance against the over-
whelming and outstanding truth that the invasion was
the application of force without right against a clear
national will, he would have his sense of proportion so dis-
torted that his judgment would be worthless.
So it is, but in a much higher degree, with the British
apologist for Prussia. Of course, a case can be made out
for Prussia. You can make out a case for anyone. If yon
doubt that go and hear any good lawyer at any criminal trial.
But any sane sense of proportion discovers that Prussia in
the mass has had the same lack of morals, the same methods,
and the same insolence during all her vast and maleficent
expansion of the last two hundred years. The important
and typical thing is not the German apology : That was an
after-thought. The important and typical thing is the
Prussian boast and the deliberate Prussian forcing of war
upon Europe. If a man denies that Prussia felt absolutely
certain of victory in the summer of 1914, desired war and
deliberately made war in order to achieve that victory ; if
he denies that Western civilisation was peaceful and ill-
prepared for such a challenge ; then he is like a man denying
the fact that Great Britain is a maritime and commercial
State, or the fact that the French are violent in religious
controversy, or that the Arabs are Mohammedans, or any
other moral fact notorious and undisputed. He has, through
lack of the sense of proportion, lost his grip on reality.
The third element in the hotch-potch is a conviction that
if the war were to cease to-day, with things just as they are,
it would certainly never be renewed after so awful a lesson,
and that therefore if some stable arrangement could be
come to on paper now the national currents of the future
would again be much what they were before. This thu-d
element I propose to consider next week.
June 27, 19 1 8 Land & Water 7
Further Progress: By Arthur Pollen
THE issue of a patent for a new Board of Admiralty
affords two interesting pieces of information.
Rear-Admiral Halsey has been relieved and goes
to a command in the Grand Fleet, after more
thtin eighteen months of excellent service at the
Admiralty, and has bepn succeeded as Third Sea Lord by
Captain Bartolome, an officer of outstanding ability, recog-
nised in the Service as an acknowledged authority, not only
on material but on methods of using it, a far more important
matter. Sir Robert Home becomes Third Civil Lord. The
change of personnel has been accompanied by a significant
redistribution of duties.
When the Admiralty was reformed a year ago, the duties
discharged in old days by the Third Sea Lord were divided;
the care of material being entrusted to a civilian. Captain
Bartolome is now to re-combine the duties of both offices.
The Controllership is thus once more in naval hands. But
this does not mean that we have gone back to where we were
before Mr. Churchill made Lord Southborough Additional
Civil Lord in igi2. The reorganisation effected by Sir Eric
Geddes when he was Controller, and the allocation of the
new Civil Lord, selected for his wide experience of law and
business, to the administrative, legal, and financial duties
of the Department, have now made it possible for a naval
officer to be responsible for warlike material, because he is
no longer overwhelmed by non-military duties, and is free
to concentrate on the technical aspect of his work. The
Controller %vill, in short, become the naval chief of that part
of the administration responsible for the maintenance and
supply, just as the First Sea Lord is chiefly responsible for
all the elements of command.
It is a development that grows out of the continually
widening application of the Staff principle, which has been
going forward in the last twelve months. Since I resumed
writing in this journal on my return from America, I have
touched several times upon different aspects of this develop-
ment and of its very extraordiaary results on the war at sea.
But 1 find from my correspondence that very wide mis-
apprehension still exists on this subject. It may, therefore,
be as well to summarise the actual changes that have been
made and then attempt a restatement of their significance.
Mr. Balfour, it will be remembered, left the .Admiralty at
the end of 1916, immediately after Sir John Jellicoe, Sir Cecil
Burney and Rear-.^dmiral Halsey had j )ined the Board. Sir
Henry Oliver was then the Chief of the Staff. It was under-
stood that, in view of the extreme gravity of the submarine
menace, Admiral Duff and others were to constitute an
unofficial staff to assist the First Sea Lord in this matter.
But the April Na\'y List did not show that any such division
had, in fact, been created. When this list was issued, then,
there were four naval members of the Board — omitting the
Director of Air Service — and five divisions of the Staff,
Operations, Intelligence, Mobilisation, Trade, and Signals,
presided over by naval officers. Of these. Operations and
Mobilisation were alone concerned with the conduct of the war.
The reforms of May, 1917, made the First Sea Lord Chief
of the Staff, and the former Chief was added to the Board as
his. deputy, while Admiral Duff was included also as an
assistant chief. The other Sea Lords remained as before,
and an anti-submarine division was added to the War Staff.
This raised the war divisions to three. Shortly after Sir Edward
Carson's retirement, the Second Sea Lord became deputy First
Sea Lord, and three new divisions were added to the Staff, one
for Plans, one for directing Mercantile Movements, and the third
for the Training and Direction of Staff Duties. Following on
the creation of a new organisation, came in January the
changes in personnel the completion of the refoim required.
Of the naval officers who were either on the Board or Chiefs
of Divisions in April, IQ17, all the Sea Lords have retired,
and ajl except one of the Chiefs of Division. Instead of four
naval officers on the Board there are now seven, and instead
of a naval staff consisting of five divisions with a chief, it
consists of ten divisions, the Chief being the First Sea Lord.
A year ago the First Sea Lord and the Chief of the Staff
ran the war. To-day its conduct is distrrbuted over four
members of the Board and the heads of at least six divisions.
It is, then, an entirely new organisation, run by entirely new
men. Further, it includes an element that does not figure
in the Navy List. Admiral Sims and some of his officers
are in daily collaboration with the Board, and others are
actuallv working in certain divisions of the Staff, so that the
new Higher Command is not only rejuvenated and reformed —
,it has become international.
This consummation is one devoutedly wished b\' many of
us a year ago, and no sane person can now dispute that it is
from first to last in consonance with right reason. Nor can
it be disputed that it has been followed by results of an
extremely gratifying and encouraging kind. The defeat of
the submarine seems to be going forward with progressive
efficiency. The attacks on the Flemish ports are far from
being the only new departures in the narrow seas ; and there
are many indications of greater activity in the North Sea,
and of a changed policy in the Mediterranean. All the
world, allied, neutral and enemy, has borne witness to the fact
that in the fourth year of the war the British Navy is being
guided with an inventive initiative and a spirit of offence
that certainly were not conspicuous in its earlier periods.
Change of Atmosphere
This new policy has followed on the creation of a new
organisation, and its conduct by a new personnel, not because
individual men in the new organisation are more brilliant or
more inventive or more warlike than those they have dis-
placed, but because an entire change has been made in the
spirit and atmosphere in which the work is done. A year
ago, after two and a half years of hostilities which had begun
with all the winning cards in our hand, our game at sea was
a losing one. We had let the German Fleet escape in the only
opportunity we had for destroying it and, as a direct conse-
quence, the German submarines seemed to be in a fair way
to destroy our sea communications. It was an astounding
result. It was still more astonishing when it was remem-
bered that in material strength we had from the outbreak
of war been overwhelmingly superior, and had for the whole
period disposed of resources, for building ships and making
armament and munitions, that e.xceeded those of the enemy
by many hundred per cent. Clearly, our forces and our
resources had been grossly misused. The blame fell where
alone it could fall, namely on Whitehall. Our naval .strategy,
unlike our strategy on land, had not been shaped in colla-
boration with the best war brains of our Allies. We
had learned nothing from our friends and seemingly
nothing from our foes. At no time had the Admiralty
been directed by our own best naval brains, and the few
really able men who from time to time served there, had been
powerless because of the character of the Admiralty's organis-
ation. It was one framed on principles entirely unadapted
either to preparing for war or for conducting it. Wc had
begun and we went on without the elements that either
elucidate the principles of right policy or secure their applic-
ation. The four officers, who were in turn First Sea Lord,
had been taken from the same group. This group dominated
naval policy for ten years before war, and showed that they
had not anticipated the main problems of modern fighting.
They did not know how to base sea government on the
knowledge and brain power of the Service they commanded.
Our sea strategy, therefore, had none of the marks of the
allied land strategy. It was not international, it was not
democratic, it certainly was not successful. The auto-
cratic principle fails because the work to be done is far beyond
the capacity of one or two or three men, however bfilliant
and able they may be. Before the simplest war decision
can be made, a whole situation may have to be analysed,
the principles that apply to it elucidated, plans made for
their application, and material specified and personnel
selectee^. All these operations can only be the work of many
men. And, unless these co-operate without reference to
seniority, no useful work can be done. If executive authority
is employed to establish the fact that an official chief is
right because he is official, then all work becomes barren and
useless. It is almost a synopsis of staff organisation that
reason supersedes rank, and hence the safety of the naval
state is found only in a republic of brains. The significance
of the changes still in progress is that it is towards such a
constitution that wc are tending. There is still much to
be done. But much has been done alrcadv.
Notice
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obtainable to order only.
Our readers are requested to place an order for
regular delivery with their newsagent, or to apply
direct to the Publishers, 5 Chancery Lane, WC.2
8
Land & Water
June 27, 19 i<i
M
The Turkish Conspiracy— VII
How Germany forced Turkey into the War
Narrated by Mr. Morgenthau, late American Ambassador in Constantinople
R MORGENTHA U is able to furnish a classic example of Gennan propaganda. It was due to
this that Turk".)' vjas forced into the War, the Dardanelles being closed on the sole responsibility ot
the German General in command of the fortifications, ivithout the sanctipn of the Turkish Cabinet.
TJhe duel that now took place between Germany and the En-
tente for Turkey's favour was a most unequal one. Germany
had won the victory when she smuggled the Goeben and the
Breslau into the SCa of Marmora. The Enghsh, French,
and Russian Ambassadors well understood this, and they
knew that they could not make Turkey an active ally of the
Entente ; they probably had no desire to do so ; however,
they did hope that they could keep her neutral. To this
end they now directed all their efforts. "You have had
enough of war," they would tell Talaat and Enver. "You
have fought three wars in the last four years ; you will ruin
your country absolutely if you get involved in this one."
On condition that Turkey should n main neutral, they
offered to guarantee the integrity of the Ottoman Empire.
So greatly did the Entente Ambassadors desire to keep
Turkey out of the war that they did not press !0 the limit
their case against the Breslau and the Goehen. It is true
that they repeatedly protested against the continued presence
of these ships, but
every time the Turkish
officials maintained
that they were Turkish
vessels.
"If that is so," Sir
Louis Mallet would
urge, and his argu-
ment was unassailable,
"why don't you re-
move the German
officers and crew ? "
That was. the inten-
tion, the Grand Vizier
would answer ; the
Turkish crews that had
been sent to man the
ships built in Eng-
land, he would say,
were returning to Tur-
key, and would be put
on board the Goeben
and the Breslau as soon as they reached Constantinople.
But days and weeks went by.; these crews came home ;
and still Germany manned and officered the cruisers. These
backings and filhngs naturally did not deceive the British
and French Foreign Offices. The presence of the Goeben and
the Breslau was a standing casus belli ; but the Entente
Ambassadors did not demand their passports, for such an
act would have precipitated the very crisis which they were
seeking to delay, and, if possible, to avoid — Turkey's entrance
as Germany's ally. Unhappily, the Entente's promise to
guarantee Turkey's integrity did not win Turkey to their side.
"They promised that we should not be dismembered after
the Balkan wars," Talaat would tell me, "and see what
happened to European Turkey then."
Wangenheim constantly harped upon this fact. "You
can't trust anything they say," he would tell Talaat and
Enver. "Didn't they all go back on you a year ago?"
And then, with great cleverness, he would play upon the
only emotion which really actuates the Turk. The descend-
ants of Osman hardly resemble any people I have ever known.
They do not hate, they do not love ; they have no lasting
animosities or affections. They only fear. And, naturally,
they- attribute to others the motives which regulate their
own conduct. "How stupid you are," Wangenheim would
tell Talaat and Enver, discussing the Enghsh attitude.
"Don't you see why the English want you to keep out?
It is because they fear you. Don't you see that, with the
help of Germany, you have again become a great mihtary
Power? No wonder England doesn't want to fight you 1"
He dinned this so continually in the ears that they finally
beheved it, for this argument not only completely explained
the attitude of the Entente, but it flattered Turkish pride.
Docks of Constantinople
Whatever may have been the attitude ci Enver and T.^luat,
I think that England and France were mo,e popular wilh all
classes in Turkey than was Germany llie Sultan was
opposed to war; the heir apparent, Youssouff Izz.idin, was
openly pro-Ally ; the Grand Vizier, Said Halim, favoured
England rather than Germany; Djemal, the third member
of the ruling Triumvirate, had the reputation of being a
Francophile— he had recently returned from Paris, where
the reception he had received had greatly flattered him ;
a majority of the Cabinet had no enthusiasm for Germany ;
and public opinion, so far as public opinion existed in Turkey,
regarded England, not Germany, as Turkey's historic friend.
Wangenheim, therefore, had much opposition to overcome
and the methods which he took to break it down form a
classic illustration of German 'propaganda.
He F^arted a lavish pubhcity campaign against England,
France, and Russia. I have described Turkish feelings at
iosmg their ships in England. Wangenheim's agents now
filled columns of pur-
chased space in the
Pi ess with bitter at-
tacks on England for
taking over these
vessels. The whole
Turkish Press rapidly
passed under the con-
trol of Germany. Wan-
genheim purchased the
Jkdam, one of the
largest Turkish news-
papers, which imme-
diately began to sing
the praises ol Germany
.and to abuse the
Entente. The Osman-
ischer Lloyd, published
in French and German,
became an organ of the
German Embassy. Al-
though the Turkish
Constitution guaranteed a free Press, a censorship was estab-
lished in the interest of the Central Powers. All Turkish editors
were ordered to write in Germany's favour, and they obeyed
instructions. The Jeune Turc, a pro-Entente newspaper,
printed in French, was suppressed. The Turkish papers
exaggerated German victories and completely manufactured
others ; they were constantly printing the news of Entente
defeats, most of them wholly imaginary. In the evening
Wangenheim and Pallavicini would show me official tele-
grams giving the details of military operations ; but when,
in the morning. I would look in the newspapers,
I would find that this news had been twisted in Germany's
favour.
A certain Baron Oppenheim travelled all over Turkey,
manufacturing pubUc opinion against England and
France. Ostensibly he was an archaeologist, while in reality
he opened offices everywhere, from which issued streams of
slanders against the Entente. Huge maps were pasted on
walls, Showing all the territory which Turkey had lost in the
course of a century. Russia was portrayed as the nation
chiefly responsible for these "robberies," and attention was
drawn to the fact that England had now become Russia's
ally. Pictures were published showing the grasping Powers
of the Entente as rapacious animals, snatching away at poor
Turkey. Enver was advertised as the "hero" who had
recovered Adrianople ; Germany was pictured as Turkey's
friend; the Kaiser suddenly became "Hadji Wilhelm," the
great protector of Islam ; stories were even printed that he
had become a convert to Mohammedanism. The Turkish
populace was informed that the Moslems of India and of
Egypt were about to revolt and throw off their English
"tyrants." The Turkish man-in-the-street was taught to-
June 27, 19 1 8
Land & Water
L-
" Scorpion " : American Embassy Guardship
say GoU Strafe England, and all the time the motive j5ov\er
of this infamous campaign was German money.
But Germany was doing more than poisoning the Turkish
mind ; she was appropriating Turkey's military' resources.
I have already described how, in January, 1914, the Kaiser
had taken over the Turkish Army and rehabilitated it in
preparation for the European war. He now proceeded to do
the same thing with the Turkish Navy. In August Wangen-
heim boasted to me that "we now control both tlie Turkish
Army and Navy." At the time the Gocben and Breslau
arrived, an English mission, headed by Admiral Limpus, was
hard at work restor-
ing the Turkish Navy.
Soon afterwards Lim-
pus and his associates
were unceremoniously
dismissed ; not the
most ordinary courte-
sies were shown them.
The English naval
officer- quietly and
unobs rvedly left Con-
stantino :e for Eng-
land— all except the
Admiral himself, who
had to remain longer
b lause of his
daughter's illness.
Night after night
whole carloads of Ger-
mans landed at
Constantinople from
Berlin ; there were ,
finally 3,800 men, most of them sent to man the Turkish Navy
and to manufacture ammunition. They filled the cafes every,
night, and they paraded the streets of Constantinople in the
small hours of the morning, howling and singing German pat-
riotic songs. Many of them were skilled mechanics, who im-
mediately got to work repairing the destroyers and other
ships and putting them in shape for war. The British firms of
Armstrong and Vickers had a splendid dock in Constantinople,
which the Germans appropriated. All day and night v o
could hear this work going on, and we could hardly sleep be-
cause of the hubbub of riveting and hammering. Wangen-
heim now found an-
other opportunity for
instilling more poison
into the minds of
Enver, Talaat, and
Djemal. The German
workers, he declared,
had found that the
Turkish ships were in
a desperate state of
disrepair, and for this
he naturally bleimed
the English naval
mission. He said that
England had delibe-
rately ^ let the Turkish
Navy go to decay ;
this was all part of
England's plot to ruin
Turkey ! " Look ! " he
would exclaim, " see
what we Germans
have done for the Turkish Army, and see what the English
have done for your ships ! " As a matter of fact, all this
was untrue : Admiral Limpus had worked hard and con-
scientiously to improve the Navy and had accomplished
excellent results.
All this time the Germans were strengthening the forti-
fications at the Dardanelles. As September lengthened into
October, the Sublime Porte practically ceased to be the head-
quarters of the Ottoman Empire. I really think that the
most powerful seat of authority at that time was a German
merchant ship, the General. It was moored in the Golden
Horn, near the Galata Bridge, and a permanent stairway had
been built, leading to its deck. I knew well one of the most
frequent visitors to this ship ; he used to come to the Embassy
and entertain me with stories of what was going on.
The General was practically a German club or hotel. The
officers of the Goeben and the Breslau and other German
officers who had been sent to command the Turkish ships
ate and slept on board. Admiral Souchon, who htid brought
the German cruisers to Constantinople, presided over these
gatherings. Souchon was a man of French Huguenot ex-
traction ; he was a short, dapper, clean-cut sailor, very
energetic and alert. To the German passion for command
and thoroughness he added much of the Gallic geniality and
buoyancy. Naturally he gave much liveliness to the evening
parties on the General, and the beer and champagne whirli
were liberally dispensed on these occasions loosened the
tongues of his fellow officers. Their conversation showed
that they entertained no illusions as to who really controlled
the Turkish Navy. Night after night their impatience lor
action grew ; thc\' kept declaring that li Turkey did not
presently attack the Russians, they would force her to do so.
They would relate how they had sent German ships into the
Black Sza, in the hope
Shipping at the Golden Horn
of provoking the Rus-
sian fleet to some
action that would
make war inevitable.
Toward the end of
October my friend
told me that hostili-
ties could not much
longer be avoided ;
the Turkish fleet had
been fitted for action,
everything was ready,
and the impetuosity
of these hot-headed
German officers could
not much longer Be
restrained.
On September 27th,
Sir Louis Mallet, the
British Ambassador,
entered my office in
a considerably disl„ii c;! state of mind. The Khedive of
Egypt had just left and 1 began to talk to Sir Louis about
Egyptian matters.
"Let's discuss that some other time," he said.- "I have
something far more important to tell you. They have
closed the Dardancl es."
By "they" he meant, of course, not the Turkish Govern-
ment, the only power which had the legal right to take this
drastic rtep. but the actual ruling powers in Turkey, the
Germans 5'r Louis had good reason for bringing me this
piece of r.ivs, for this was an outrage against the United
States as well as
against the Allies. He
asked me to go with
him and make a joint
protest. I suggested,
however, that it would
be better for us to act
separately, and im-
mediately I started for
the House of the
Grand Vizier.
When I arrived a
Cabinet conference
was in session, and, as
I sat in the ante-
room, I could hear
several voices in ex-
cited discussion. I
could distinctly dis-
tinguish Talaat,
Enver, Djavid, and
other familiar mem-
bers of the government. It was quite plain, from the tone
of the proceedings, that these nominal rulers of Turkey were
almost as worked up over the closing as were Sir Louis
Mallet and myself.
The Grand Vizier came out in answer to my request. He
presented a pitiable sight. His face was blanched and he
was-trembling from head to foot. When I asked him whether
the news was true he stammered out that it was.
"You know this means war," I said, and J protested as
strongly as I could in the name of the United States.
All the time that we were talking I could hear the loud
tones of Talaat and his associates in the interior apartment.
The Grand Vizier excused himself and went back into the
room. He then sent out Djavid, the Minister of Finance, to
discuss the matter with me.
"It's all a surprise to us," were Djavid's first words — this
statement being a complete admission that the Cabinet had
had nothing to do with it. I repeated that the United States
would not submit to closing the Dardanelles ; that Turkey
was at peace ; that she had no legal right to shut the Straits
to mercantile ships except in case of war. I said that an
American ship, laden with supplies and stores for the American
lO
Land & Water
June 27, 1 91 8
Embassy, was outside waiting to come in. Djavid suggested
that I have this vessel unload her cargo at Smyrna and that
the Turkish Government would pay the cost of transporting
it overland to Constantinople. This proposal, of course, was
a ridiculous evasion of the issue and I brushed it aside.
Djavid then said that the Cabinet proposed to investigate
the matter ; in fact they were discussing the situation at
that moment. He told me how it had happened. A Turkish
torpedo boat had passed through the Dardanelles and at-
tempted to enter the .-Egean. The British warships sta-
tioned outside hailed the ship, examined it and found that
thefe were German sailors on board. The English Admiral
at once ordered the vessel to go back ; this, under the cir-
cumstances, he had a right to do. Weber Pasha, the German
General who was then
in charge of the fortifi-
cations, did not consult
the Turks ; he imme-
diately gave orders to
close the Straits.
VVangenheim had al-
ready boasted to me,
as I have said, that
the Dardanelles could
be closed in thirty
minutes and the Ger-
mans now made good
his words. Down went
the mines and the
nets ; the lights in
the lighthouses were
extinguished ; signals
were put up, notifying
all ships that there
was " no thorough-
fare" and the deed,
the most high-handed
which the Germans
had yet committed,
was done. And here I
found these Turkish
statesmen, who alone
had authority over this
indispensable strip of
water, trembling and
stammering with fear,
running hither and
yon like a lot of
frightened rabbits, ap-
palled at the enormity
of the German act, yet
apparently powerless
to take any decisive
action. I certainly had a graphic picture of the extremities
to which Teutonic bullying had reduced the proud descen-
dants of Osman. And at the same moment before my
mind rose the figure of the Sultan, whose signature was
essential to close legally these waters, quietly dozing at
his palace, entirely oblivious of the whole transaction.
Though Djavid informed me that the Cabinet might
decide to re-open the Dardanelles, it never did so. This
great passage way has remained closed from S»ptember 27th,
1914, to the present time. I saw, of course, precisely what
this action signified. That month of September had been
a disillusioning one for the Germans. The French had beaten
back the invasion and driven the German armies to entrench-
ments along the Aisne. The Russians were sweeping trium-
phantly through Galicia ; they had capti^red Lemberg, and
it seemed not improbable that they would soon cross the
Carpathians into Austria-Hungary. In those days, Palla-
vicini, the Austrian Ambassador, was a discouraged, lament-
able figure ; he confided to me his fears for the future. The
German programme of a short, decisive war had clearly
failed ; it was now quite evident that Germany could only
win, said Pallavicini, after a protracted struggle.
I have described how Wangenheim, while preparing the
Turkish forces for any eventualities, was simply holding
Turkey in hand, intending actively to use her only in
case Germanv failed to crush France and Russia in the first
campaigjn. The time had now come to transform Turkey
from a passive into an active ally, and the closing of the
Dardanelles was the first step "in this direction. Few
people realise, even to-day, what an overwhelming influence
this act had upon future mihtary operations. I may almost
say that the effect was decisive. The map discloses that
enormous Russia has just four ways of reaching the seas.
One is by way of the Baltic, and this the German Fleet had
already closed. Another is Archangel, on the Arctic Ocean,
Talaat Pasha
a port that is frozen over several months in the year, and
which connects with the heart of Russia only by a long,
single-track railroad. Another is the Pacific port of Vladi-
vostok, also ice-bound for three months, and reaching Russia
only by the thin line of the Siberian Railway, 5,000 miles
long. The fourth passage was that of the Dardanelle ; in
fact, this was the only practicable one. This was the narrow
gate through which the surplus products of 175,000,000
people reached Europe, and nine-tenths of all Russian exports
and imports had gone this way for years. By suddenly
closing it, Germany destroyed Russia both as an economic
and a military Power. By shutting off the exports of Russian
grain, she deprived Russia of the financial power essential
to successful warfare. What was perhaps even more fatal,
she prevented Eng-
land and France Irom
getting munitions to
the Russian battle-
front in sufficient
quantity to stem the
German onslaught. As
soon as theDardanelles
was closed, Russia had
to fall back on Arch-
angel and Vladivos-
tok for such supplies
as she could get from
these ports. The cause
of the military collapse
of. Russia in 1915 is
now well known ; the
soldiers simply had no
ammunition with
which to fight. In the
list few months Ger-
many has attempted
desperately to drive a
"wedge" between the
English and French
armies — an enterprise
which, up to the pre-
sent writing, has failed.
When Germany, how-
ever, closed the Dar-
danelles in late Sep-
tember, 1914, she
drove such a "wedge"
between Russia and
her allies.
In the days follow-
ing this bottling up of ■
Russia, the Bosphorus
began to look like a
harbour suddenly striken ^ with the plague. Hundreds
of ships from Russia, Rumania, and Bulgaria, loaded
with grain, lumber, and other products, arrived, only
to discover that they could go no further. There were
not docks enough to berth them, and they had to swing
out into the stream, drop anchor, and await developments
with what patience they could.
The waters were a cluster of masts and smoke-stacks ; the
crowded vessels became so dense that a motor boat had
difficulty in picking its way through the tangled forest. The
Turks held out hopes that they might re-open the waterway,
and for this reason these vessels, constantly increasing in
number, waited patiently for a month or so.- Then one by
one they turned around, pointed their noses toward the
Black Sea, and lugubriously started for their home ports.
In a few weeks the Bosphorus and adjoining waters had
become a desolate waste. What for years had been one of
the most animated shipping points in the world had its
waters now ruffled only by an .occasional launch or a tiny
Turkish caique or saili g vessel. For an accurate idea of
what this meant, from a mihtary standpoint, we need only
call to mind the Russian battlefront in the next year.
There the peasants were fighting German artillery with their
unprotected bodies, having no rifles and no heavy guns, while
mountains of useless ammunition were piling up in their
distant Arctic and Pacific ports, with no railroads to send
them to the field of action.
How the capitulations came to be abrogated is
told by Mr. Morgcnlhau next week.
Owing to unavoidable delay at the last moment, the publica-
tion of "Gentlemen at Arms," the collection of Centurion's
stories in Land & Water, ivill not be published by Mr.
Heinemann until Tuesday, July gih.
June 27, 1918
Land & Water
1 1
The Kaiser: Mad or Bad ? By Charles Mercier
IT is often said, especially by persons who are not
qualified to express an opinion, that the Kaiser is mad,
or must be mad ; and still more often that he is a
degenerate. The term a "degenerate" has never been
defined. It is a quasi-saientific term of abuse, em-
ployed to fling at anyone of whose conduct or character we
•disapprove, and in this sense it is no doubt correctly applied
to the Kaiser ; but, putting abuse on one side, and speaking
with strict scientific accuracy, is the Kaiser mad?
This question has occupied my mind at intervals since
long before the war, for undoubtedly there have been incidents
in his career that, as they have been reported, have raised a
strong suspicion of madness — a strong suspicion, but no
more, and a suspicion, even a strong suspicion is of little
value. My desire has been to form such an opinion as I
should form of a patient brought to my consulting- room for
the purpose, and subjected to a searching examination such
as I am accustomed to make ; an opinion of a strictly
scientific character, founded upon indisputal^le facts, and
formed with bias or prejudice one way or the other. Such
an opinion could not fail to be both interesting and valuable ;
but such an opinion I have been unable to form, for the
necessary data were not to be had.
Whether a person is mad may be very easy or very difficult
to determine. It does not always need a personal interview
for its determination. Such a letter as now lies before me — a
letter without formal beginning or ending, bringing vague
but horrible accusations against a multitude of persons,
named and unnamed, of persecuting the writer by means of
lightning flashes and red flashes transmitted through walls
and ceilings, accompanied by voices, dreams, and night-
mares, and lasting for a quarter of a century without inter-
mission— such a letter is of itself conclusive of the madness of
the wTiter ; but there are cases in which repeated personal
interviews and a minute ])ersonal history leave one still in
doubt whether the dividing hne between sanity and madness
has been crossed, or whether, if it has, the sojourn on the
wrong side has been sufficiently prolonged to warrant certi-
fication. Tfiis being so, I am always entertained when I hear
people who have never seen a madman in their lives, assert
positively of some other person whom also they have never
seen, and who, like the Kaiser, may be near the border line,
that "of course " he is mad, or must be mad.
A common but erroneous opinion, which it has taken me
more than a quarter of a century to dissipate from the minds
of my fellow experts, is that madness consists in disorder of
mind. There could scarcely be a greater mistake. Madness
consists, not in what a man thinks or believes, but in what
he does ; not in his opinions, whether deluded or not, but in
his action. Conduct is the test ; and that conduct alone is
mad that exhibits disorder in the process of adapting one-
self to one's circumstances.
Consequently, in forming an opinion whether a man is
sane or mad, it is necessary to take into account not only
what he does, but also the circumstances in which he does it.
To take a very simple case : suppose a man in good health
sits still all day and all night, taking no food, and bawling
at the top of his voice ; if he were in ordinary circumstances
— that is to say, in his own house, surrounded by his family
and his comforts — we might conclude that he is mad, or
must be mad, to behave in such a way ; but suppose he has
fallen into a pit in a lonely place and broken his legs, we
must revise our j udgment on a consideration of his circum-
stances.
So it is with the Kaiser. In forming an opinion of his
sanity or madness, we must take into consideration not
what he thinks or beheves, which we can only conje<;ture,
but what he does, as to which we have more or less trust-
worthy information ; and in estimating his conduct, we must
never lose sight of the circumstances in which he acts, and
never fail to take account of these circumstances. The
dominating circumstance oj the Kaiser's life is thai he is the
German Emperor.
He is the Emperor of a people whom we may, if we please,
stigmatise as degenerate, and who are at any rate very differ-
ent from ourselves. This dominating circumstance is con-
stantly ignored, and the German Emperor is judged as if he
were the monarch of some people like ourselves. If the
English King- Emperor were to act as the German Emperor
acts ; if he were to change his dress a dozen times a day : if
he were for ever boasting and bragging and calling God to
witness what a splendid creature he is ; if he were for ever
rattling his sabre and blustering about mailed 'ists and
shining armour ; if he were to order his soldiers to give no
quarter, and so forth, we might well question his sanity ;
for the aim of a king must be to inspire tlie respect, the
loyalty, and the devotion of his subj ects ; and if a king of
England were to behave thus, he would inspire only dislike,
disgust, and contempt. But the Kaiser is not King of
England. He, is German Emperor, and the Germans like
his conduct. It suits them. The more he brags and postures
and prances before them, the more they admire him, and
the more loyal and devoted they become. There is no
evidence of madness, then, in this.
Abuse of Hospitality
In this country, or in any other country on the face of the-
earth except Germany, a man who should abuse the hos-
pitality of a generous host by introducing spies into the
house of that host, and plotting against him while enjojdng
his hospitality, would be execrated and despised as the vilest
of scoundrels. An Ojibbeway or a Pathan would be driven
from his tribe for such conduct. The lowest savages respect
the binding obligation of hospitality ; and to eat a man's
salt or to break bread with him is a sacred treaty of peace.
But the Germans do not take this view, and the Kaiser is
the German Emperor.
The Germans see in such conduct nothing to condemn, but
much to admire. They look upon it as evidence of superior
astuteness. They laugh at the confiding simplicity of the
hosts. They admire the conduct of the German Ambassador
to "those idiotic Yankees," and they worship their Emperor
for his perfidy towards Edward VII. If, therefore, we
regard the conduct of the Kaiser in relation to the dominating
circumstance tliat he is Emperor at the head of the German
people, we find no want of adaptation to this circumstance.
On the contrary, the adaptation is complete and perfect,
and therefore the question of his madness does not arise.
If the King of England, the President of the French Republic,
or the President of the United States were to act so — I
apologise to them for the supposition — they might well be
considered mad, and it would be charitable so to consider
them, for sucti conduct would be so alien to the opinions and
sentiments of the peoples that they govern as scarcely to be
explainable on any other ground ; but there is nothing in it
alien to the opinions or sentiments of the Germans. It is
what they are taught and trained to do. It is what each
one of them who finds himself in" a foreign country does in
his own humble way to the best of his ability. The Kaiser
shows no madness in this.
No. So far there is no evidence of madness. It is true
that other incidents are reported, such as that of his capering
in crown and sceptre on the sands of Ostend, and causing
photographs of himself in this unseemly e.xercise to be dis-
tributed to his troops, that are more strongly suggestive of
madness ; but in the first place, the incident, though reported
on fairly good authority, is not beyond doubt ; and in the
second, it may be that even if it is true, it would excite
nothing but admiration among the Germans. It is difficult
to imagine any act of their Kaiser, that the Germans would
not approve and admire.
B it if we seek the (ffi. ity of the Kaiser, not to the mxdtnan,
bit to the criminal, ue are on much firm:r ground,. More
nonsense has been written about cnminals than, perhaps,
on any other subject ; but though the doctnnes of Lombroso,
Garofalo, and the rest of the Italian school, and even those
of I'^ere and the French school of criminologists are now
abandoned, there remains a residuum of truth in the doctrine
of the existence of "instinctive" criminals. There are,
undoubtedly, persons who are born without a rudiment of the
moral sense, and who grow up without its ever becoming
developed in them. Such persons I have called "moral
imbeciles," and under this title they have been provided for,
at my instance, in the Mental Defectives Act.
A study of these "instinctive criminals," or "moral
imbeciles," shows that between their moral and intellectual
peculiarities and those of the Kaiser there is a very close
similarity. The moral imbecile or instinctive criminal is
distinguished from other men in the first place by his want of
the moral sense, or his moral insensibihty. To him, right
and wrong are empty words, or, if they have any meaning,
right is that which is profitable to him, wrong is that which
is unprofitable to him. I have sketched his cliaracter in my
book on Insanity, and in other places, and when 1 reperuse these
descriptions I am struck with their applicability to the Kaiser.
12
Land & Water
June 27, 191 8
The moral imbecile lies, forges, swindles, and robs without
any compunction, without any consideration for his victims,
and, what is specially characteristic of liim, without any
shame when his misdeeds are discovered and brought home
to him. So far from feeling shame, he is apt to glory in them
if they are successful, as that typical German and idol of
the Gennans— Bismarck — glorified in his falsification of the
Ems telegram, and as the Kaiser glories in having "hacked
his way" through Belgium. But though the moral imbecile
does not recognise the inculcations of morality as binding
on himself, or as to be observed by himself to his own in-
convenience, he is extremely sensitive to their infraction,
and, indeed, to their enforcement also by othef people, if that
infraction or enforcement is at all inconvenient to himself.
The moral imbecile in private hfe will steal and swindle and
forge without a scruple ; but not only is he quick to resent
and to prosecute depredations on himself, but also when he
himself is prosecuted for his misdeeds, he looks upon the
punishment as grossly unjust persecution.
The Kaiser's attitude is strikingly similar. His devasta-
tion of Belgium, his >nurder of Nurse Cavell and Captain
Fryatt, and of multitudes of other men and women, and even
of children, liis bombardment of open towns, his sinking of the
LusHania and of neutral ships, and all the inpumerable
crimes committed in his name and by his orders are in his
eyes quite right, and pfroper, and justifiable, and in conformity
with moral law as he understands it ; but the reprisal bom-
bardment of German towns is a scandalous and abominable
infraction of the liws of war. Other well-recognised traits
of the instinctive criminal are the sentimentality that alter-
nates with cruelty, colossal egotism, naive and clamorous
vanity, and a craving for notoriety, wliich displays itself in
a passion for the limelight and for histrionic display.
Moreover, the instinctive criminal is very often intensely
religious. He pays with scrupulous punctuality his tithes
of mint and cummin and anise. When about to commit
a murder, he wdl go to mass und pray for a blessing on his
enterprise ; and when he has conducted a successful burglary,
he will make a thank-oi'fering to the God who has assisted
him and held him scatheless. All these traits of character
are enumerated by Mr. Havelock Ellis and other crimino-
logists, and though they exaggerate in many things, in these
I can corroborate tljcm from my own experience of mora}
imbeciles.
All these traits are notoriously and conspicuously present
in the character of the Kaiser, and my provisional diagnosis
is that, whether he is or is not mad, as to which the evidence
is quite inconclusive, there is no doubt whatever that his
mental and moral make-up is that of the instinctive criminal
or moral imbecile.
Flying Sailors: By Herman Whitaker
T
HE dickens ! " said the American commander
as I stepped off the train; "who would have
expected to see you down here ? " You see we
had crossed on the same transport from New
York to Liverpool fivp months ago, and '' down
here" was a United States Dirigible Station on the south
coast of France. ■ ,
While we were motoring out to the station 1 took stock
of his sartorial aspect, which had changed somewhat since we
parted. A sailor on horse-back has from time immemorial
been something of a joke. A sailor on skates — roller or ice —
wide trousers flapping like raven wings in rhytlim with liis
stroke, is hardly less funny. In fact it is hard to fit him in
to any background but that of the sea. His clothes and
nautical roll clash with all other schemes. But in the brown
service uniform, the commander looked natty. But for his
blue and gold shoulder straps, it were hard to tell him from
an officer of the line.
Like the "Heavier than Airs" I have already written of
in Lj\nd akd Water, the war had dumped this lot of sailors
in queer quarters. Beyond the dead flat mile of the flying
field a river swept on to wash the skirts of a quaint, peaked
French town. Here and there low stone farmsteads splashed
the dull green of the prospect with blobs of white. An
impressionist painter would have used half a tube on each.
As in all South France land.scapes, fat-bellied windmills
waved grey wooden arms in the distance. From the dead
centre of all of which the great canvas hangar, that housed the
dirigibles, raised its hundred feet of height and ran like an
overgrown haystack three hundred yards along the field
When we arrived the men were at dinner in one of the long
low huts that now form their home in this foreign land, and
one glance at the table confirmed an impression I had gained
while cruising with the American destroyer fleet in English
waters — taking it by and large, the American officer does not
" eat " nearly as well as his men. Outside, the day was
cold and cheerless. A damp wind blew over the bleak country-
side. One could scarcely imagine a duUer place, but the
men had been made happy this morning by the receipt of
baseball and boxing sets, a football, box of quoits, and were
now looking forward to a piano and Victrola that were
said to be en route.
"When they arrive we'll be able to dance and sing in the
evenings," one lad said with cheery optimism. " Then
we'll feel all right."
"Sure ! " another added. "And after they put us on the
American Y.M.C.A. amusement circuit, we'll be happy as
a lark." And they will — that is, as happy as it is possible
for them to be away from Dakota or Iowa, Kansas, Alabama,
California, or other States they happen to hail from. ^
Of tlie dozen officers I presently met at lunch, ten had
trained together at the dirigible school at Akron, Ohio, in
the United States. Most of them had come out of civilian
Ufe in the last six months. I believe the Commander and
his chief officer were the only blue-water navv men.
But what the others lacked in previous sen--ice, they made
up in enthusiasm They had plunged head over heels in
their work ; were so permeated that it escaped from every
pore. Their conversation bristled with technical terms ;
was (lark with flying lore.
"Bondage," "angles of inclination," "ascensional forces,"
"stabilisers" and "elevators," "fins," and other full-mouthed
phrases that quite confounded my layman's ignorance,
dropped casually from their mouths. I wished to learn,
however — and did ; among other things, that a dirigible
is operated on practically the same principles as a submarine ;
which might be expected, for the mediums they navigate
differ only in density. Both are fitted with narrow vertical
and lateral planes, the "fins" and "equalisers" wliich are
really lateral rudders. Raised, they catch the wind and
send the ship up. Depressed, they force her down. The
ship swings, of course, like any sea vessel in the direction
the vertical rudder happens to turn.
I learned, also, that dirigibles are safer to operate than
sea-planes, which fall if the motors fail. But a dirigible can
float for hours o^ days while its mechanics are making engine
adjustments or minor repairs. Also they can remain poised
above a certain spot to make observations or deliver attack.
Greatest advantage of all — they can stay out for thirty or
forty hours at a time and cruise seven or eight hundred
miles. Indeed, the Commander was quite willing to fly his
ship home to the United States at the end of the war. Because
of these manifest advantages, j^our "Lighter than Airs" are
inchned to look down on their brethren, the "Heaviers," as
members of a primitive craft which represents the stone age
in flying. Those present seemed to be in doubt, however,
as to their position in relation to the submarine till the
Commander summed up a heated argument by saying : " Those
submarine chaps have to know a lot more than we."
"Sondage" and "angles of inchnation," those mysterious
terms, explained themselves when the chief officer, who was
showing me over the station, sent up some toy balloons to
determine wind velocity. If they rise only a thousand feet
while travelling the same distance horizontally, the wind is
stronger, of course, than if they had risen twice the height.
Worked by a scale through triangulation, the "angle of
inclination" which gives the wind velocity is thus easily
determined.
"Come on!" The Commander's call from the door of his
office cut off the officer's explanation. "We are going to
bring her out."
"Her," was the dirigible, now due to depart on patrol.
The crew of a hundred and fifty required to handle her were
already at their places in the hangar. With its long rows of
latticed steel piers rising in a graceful arch overhead, its vast
interior spaces softly illumined by golden light that suffused
through the canvas above, the hangar looked like a great
cathedral, and in its centre, suspended like Mahomet's coffin
between floor and roof, the great ship floated fight as thistle-
down under the arch.
Your tnie sailor is always neat as a good housewife, and
the ship's crew were giving the last loving touches to her
June 27, iqi8
Land & Water
13
brass and paint. Every bit of brass and copper shone like
gold. The painted car gleamed like a grand piano.
With glue and sandpaper the gunner's mate in charge was
touching up a slight abrasion in a propeller blade, for while
revolving at two thousand a minute the slightest roughness
wiU cause vibration and fracture, if not complete wreckage
of the motor. An object falling on to a propeller as small
and soft as a chestnut will pierce a blade like a high-power
bullet, and break it off through the terrific vibration before
one can shut off the engine. Accordingly, before each
flight, each nut, bolt and wire is subjected to microscopic
examination.
On the bows a Lewis gun was mounted on a swivel that
permitted almost perpendicular depression ; and, peeping
underneath, I saw in racks on each side the four bombs,
carried for the benefit of U-boats. To-day^ she was carry-
ing practice bombs
made of concrete
which she would
presently drop on a
target. The sand-
bags and mooring
ropes having been
cast off, the crew
marched her out
and around on a
wide circle into the
centre of the flying
field. "Let her
rise! " At the Com-
mander's order
they let her
up a few feet.
"Lower!" They
pulled her down
again.
She floated in
perfect balance
with just enough
buoyancy to carry
her up to cruising
height. A pull
at a lever would
releas^ water ballast to rise higher in emergency ; but usually
a dirigible rises and lowers by the power of her engines
driving the sharp "elevator" planes into the wind.
"Port engine ! " "Starboard engine ! " They both went
off with a puff of black smoke, and when satisfied with their
even purring, the Commander gave the word " Let go ! "
Simultaneously, the dozen ropes that held her slipped
through the rings of the permanent stays. Then, slowly,
but with rapidly increasing speed, the big ship rose and
moved off on a wide circle that presently brought her heading
straight down the centre of the field.
In the meantime we had all moved back away from the
target, a whitewashed oblong that represented the deck of a
submarine. At her height, seven hundred feet, it could not
have looked any larger than a turtle's back. A bomb, too,
has the initial speed of the ship when released, and describes
a flat curve in falling ; or may be deflected by a side wind.
The Commander said, afterward, that he released the bombs
two hundred feet before he reached the mark. While they fell
they looked astonishingly large. A dead rifle shot could
easily hit and explode one in mid-air. The first just tumbled,
turning over and over, then as the wooden feathers caught
the wind, it righted and shot down for the centre of the target.
The ship had passed on, was fully a hundred yards ahead
before the bomb struck. She- would have been well out of
range of the concussion blast of a real bomb. Now she
described another \vide circle, and repeated it three times
dropping always a bomb. All but the last hit the target. A
side wind carried it a couple of inches to one side, but in
real warfare it would still have blown up a submarine. While
the French had the station, they sank two U-boats with
well-placed bombs. Since then our lads have added a third ;
and their brethren, the "Heavier than Airs" have also scored.
One pilot actually hit a fourth, and had the hard luck to have
the bomb turn out a "dud." No doubt greatly frightened,
the U-boat dived to a great depth and remained below till
darkness permitted escape — than which, one could hardly
imagine anything harder to bear. That poor pilot has not
got over it yet.
Each time she came down the field, the ship's great bulk
clove the air with a sough like that of a risitig wind, and on
the last round she was going at a pace that put her in a few
minutes low down on the horizon. But just before she went
out of sight, there appeared a second distant speck that en-
larged as she diminished.
' It's the Vidette from B-
A Handley-Page in Pursuit
Official photo
The chief officer's face could not have lit up more brightly
had it been his best girl instead of the second ship of the four
that were to make up the station's complement. He added
as she dipped her nose to alight : "If that is little D at
the wheel you are in luck. He's the boy that can give you
real stories."
He could and did — as we sat with him at a later luncheon.
A small, dark-eyed Frenchman, he spoke English so perfectly
that his narrative lost nothing of its spirit that would have
been inevitable in a translation.
" Ouil " lie confirmed- the officer's assertion. "We sank
two submarines at tliis station. With another we fought
an artillery duel. Out! The little Vidette out there fought
a U-boat with only her little pop gun and put him to flight.
We had sighted him steaming along the surface, and had
he kept his course,
we could easily
have come down
the wind and
bombed him as we
passed. But he
was wise, that
U-boat — wise as a
woman who is wise
without knowing
it. Instead of
waiting for us, he
headed up into
wind which blew
so strongly that,
with our engines
doing their best,
we could make
only eight knots.
That was his
speed, and while
we hung astern,
striving to over-
take him, he fired
fifteen shells at
us. Some burst so
close that the
little Vidette still bears their marks. But, luckily, they were
not incendiary shells. We answered and hit her, too, with our
three-pound pop gun. But our shells glanced from her back
Hke peas off a bald man's pate.
"It would have been suicide to persist, so we struck a
wide tack across the wind to outsail and come back at him
down the wind. But when we came about he was gone, that
cunning U-boat had submerged and fled from our little
Vidette. But such is 'your Boche — a coward alwa5's unless
the odds are his."
I took another look at that little Frenchman. He had
spoken so quietly, as though hanging on to the tail of a
.submarine, a mark for its gunners, were a mere incident in
the day's work. He could not have been five feet tall. He
weighed probably in the neighbourhood of ten stone. But
the spirit that lit up his dark Latin eyes was big as Mont
Blanc. The soul of him could not be set down in tons.
" Is war ever safe ? We do not always escape. Out there"
— he flung his thumb over his shoulder indicating the flying
field — "we watched a great ship fly off on a far mission.
A ship reported her along the Mediterranean ; a gallant sight,
too, she must have made between the sunHt sky and deep,
blue sea. Then" — his shoulders rose to the roots of his
hair — "she vanished. Perhaps a submarine got her with an
incendiary shell. A flash of flame, the splash of her charred
body in the water, it would be over ! Or she may have been
just brought down. Perhaps her crew will be heard of, some
day, in an interior German prison."
Just as he had said, a dirigible offers a large target — ^just
how large I did not realise until our big ship came sUding
back out of the sunset's gold. The huge bulk of her, shining
ethereal, looked as large as the hangar. While she was still
a fly speck on the horizon, the lone sentry on top of the
hangar had sounded the bugle blast that brought the men
like swarming bees into the flying field. As she slowed
and dipped down with engines cut off, the quarter mile
of trail rope thudded on the ground. It was seized by a
hundred hands and quickly bent to a "dead man" anchor.
The guys were then slipped through the stay rings ; then, on
a wide circle, she was marched around and into the hangar.
"What a target! " I thought, but these flying sailors of
ours showed no mental disturbance over the fact. Daily they
go forth on the patrols keeping the German mine layers out
of the French ship channels — and they make the best of a
rather cheerless e.xistence while doing it.
14 Land & Water June 27, 1918
A Charter for Agriculture: By Sir H. Matthews
A NUMBER of documents have, during the past
ten years or so, been accorded the title of
"charter"; among others, the Small Holdings
Act was so acclaimed by an enthusiastic section
of the political Press ; so was that quaint pro-
duction, The Report of the Land Inquiry Committee, issued
in 1913. The reports of several official committees have
been welcomed with pa-ans of praise, by one part\- or another,
according to the measure of support they gave to their respec-
tive nostrums for solving agrarian questions. At last we
have something which embodies the essence of most of these
earlier documents, presented by a body of really first-class
agriculturists, who have taken a broad and statesmanlike
view of all the more important problems that have cumula-
tively rendered the industry so difficult and unprofitable.
This is a report presented by a sub-committee of the
Reconstruction Committee, appointed by Mr. Asquith in
August, 1916, to consider and report upon the best methods of
increasing home-grown food supi)lies in the interest of national
security. The Committee was originally composed as
follows : Lord Selborne (chairman). Sir Charles Bathurst,
M.P., Mr. C. M. Douglas (Scotland)', Sir Ailwvn Fellowes,
Mr. W. l'"itzherbert-Brockholes, Sir Daniel Hall, Mr. W. A.
Haviland, Mr. C. Bryner Jones (Wales), Mr. R. E. Prothero,
M.P., Mr. G. G. Rea, Mr. G. H. Roberts, M.P., Hon. E. G.
Strutt, and Sir Matthew Wallace (Scotland), with Mr. H. J,.
French, of the Board of Agriculture, and Mr. A. Goddard
(Secretary of the Surveyors' Institution) as joint secretaries.
In November, 1916, Mr. Asquith added Sir Horace Plunkett
and the Bishop of Ross to represent Ireland, while Sir Charles
Bathurst, Mr. Prothero, and Mr. Roberts, M.P., resigned in
hebruary, 1917, on taking ministerial office. These three
members all signed the Interim Report, presented in February,
1917, which confined its recommendations to the questions
of a minimum wage for farm labourers, the guarantee of
minimum prices for wheat and oats, the conferring of powers
on the Board of Agriculture to enforce the proper cultivation
of land, and the encouragement of the production of beet
sugar in the United Kingdom. The first three were embodied
in the Corn Production Act of 1917, while the production of
sugar beet has been taken up departmentally.
There is one outstanding feature in the composition of this
Committee which distinguishes it from almost ever\' other
official inquiry ; that is, the entire absence of the politician
and the almost complete absence of political inflection. The
natural result is that we find a series of recommendations,
some of which rut right across the lines hitherto marked out
by the party wire-pullers, but all part of a comprehensive
poHcy, each factor having been considered on its merits, and
nothing advocated of a chimerical nature or outside practical
politics. Moreover, as a general rule when a recommendation
is made, it is emphatic : there is little of that hesitating,
qualified, and fearsome putting forward of a suggestion, and
then whittling it away by modifications inserted with a view
to bringing into line recalcitrant members of the committee.
That is the advantage of having a body of men who know
their subject, and who can differentiate between theoretical
and practical. The fact that there were three Members of
the House of Commons in the original Committee docs not
in the least conflict with the foregoing view, for both Mr.
Prothero and Mr. Roberts have frequently risen above the
trammels of party, while Sir Charies Bathurst occupies his
scat with a definite understanding that he has a perfectly
free hand in all agricultural questions.
Both the Interim and Final Reports are signed by all the
members except by Sir Matthew Wallace, who presents a
minority report to each of them, and the burden of whose
song is always the need of "security of tenure," This subject
will be dealt with at a later stage.
The volume opens with an all too brief historical preface
by Mr. Goddard, which forms an excellent introduction to
the report that follows. -The Committee emphasise the fact
that, in accordance with their terms of reference, they
approached their work "exclusively in the national interest,"
and not from the standpoint of the landowner or the tenant.
"It cannot be too often reaffirmed," say the Committee in
their conclusions, " that the recommendations we have made
have never been asked for by landowners or farmers, and that
they have been made exclusively in the national interest, and
not in that of any individuals or class of individuals. We
have believed that elementary considerations of national
insurance demand that this country should become self-
supporting in the matter of food-stuffs in the event of anv
future emergency, and we have shown how this can be d(.ne."
Another paragraph says :
Since Part I. of our Report was sent in, Parhament has
passed the Com Production .Act . . . But that Act has been
passed as a war measure, and is, therefore, a temporary
Act. We must renew our assurance with all the earnestness at
our command that, unless after the war the principles of
tliat Act are (with the necessary adjustment of details to-
the values and conditions of the time) embodied in a per-
manent statute, there can be no hope of the people of the
United Kingdom becoming emancipated from dependence
on supplies of foodstuffs brought from overseas, or of the
increase of our rural population. .And, again, we must
cmpliasise the fact that Parts I. and II. of our Report are
not separate policies. They are strictly interdependent
and mutually essential parts of one poUcy . . . Without
the armour provided by Part I., the measures of reconstruc-
tion recommended in Part II., are foredoomed to impotence.
These are pregnant words, and must be borne in mind in
dealing with any and every portion of the report. They are
a waiTiing to those who take short or narrow views, and they
are altogether too much for the mere politician, who looks at
every question through glasses tinted with bis party colours,
and negatives all these that do not fall in with his precon-
ceived opinions.
The summary of recommendations fill four pages of the
blue-book, onfe page dealing with Part I., which materialised
in the Corn Production Act. Turning to those in Part II., the
first proposal is for a reorganisation of the Boards of Agricul-
ture for England and Scotland, and the setting up of Advisory
Committees to each Department on the lines of the Board in
Ireland. The next is that National Agricultural Councils for
England and Scotland should be set up, while the existing
Council for ' Wales should be made statutory ; and that
delegates from the four Councils (Ireland already has one)
should meet annually. The appointment of a special Minister
for Scotland, directly responsible to Parliament is recom-
mended. Other proposals are :
Instruction and Research. — Responsibihty for agri-
cultural education should be removed from tlie Countj-
Councils and centrali.sed in the Board of Agricultur-? the cost
being l)orne by public funds. For England and Wales and
Scotland improved ruralized curriculum for elementary and
secondarv' schools should be laid down, and better prospects
provided for teachers in rural districts. Demonstration and
illustration farms should be estabhshed, a limited number of
large demonstration fanns being run on business lines.
•Research work should be developed. Livestock " schemes
should be extended, and livestock officers' become the ser-
vants of the Board of Agriculture. The expenditure on
agricultural education should be largely increased. Better
> opportunities for the agricultural education of women
should be given. Students likely to become landowners or
land agents should be given greater opportunity of studying
rural economy at public schools and universities.
.Agricultural Credit. — The procedure in respect of
loans should be cheapened and simplified. Short term credit
through co-operative trading societies and farmers' central
trading boards should be provided. Deposits in the Post
Office Savings Bank should be made available for use by
central trading boards.
S.MALL Holdings : Ownership and Tenancy. — Greater
facilities .for purchase should be given to small-holders
desirous of uwning their land ; County Councils should be
urged to prepare schemes at once lor the provision of small-
holdings for ex-sailors and soldiers, both as tenants and
owners ; and the Treasury should remove the financial
•restrictions at present placed upon thim. The principle
of purchase contained in Mr. Jesse Collings's Purchase
of Land Bill should be adopted.
Tithe Redemption. — Legislation should be passed to
stimulate tithe redemption, particularly with a view to
making land available for small-holdings or for village re-
construction without payment of cash.
Agricultural Holdings .Acts.— High farming, beyond
the recognised requirements of good farming, should, sub-
ject to proper safeguards, be recognised as a subject for
compensation. That the principle of the Evesham custom
shoulK be adopted.
RjiCLAMATiON AND DRAINAGE.— Special authorities to
be set up in each of the three Kingdoms.
Deer Forests.— Land suitable for agriculture ind
forestry should b^ so utilised, and a special survey should
be marie. A national ixilicy of afforestation and interniinghng
jilantations and small holdings should be adopted.
Weights and Measures.— A special sub-committee of
the Reconstruction Committee should be set up to inquire
into tl- " h^.u. question of imperial weights and measures.
June 27, 19 18
Land & Water
15
A uniform standard of weight should be laid down on wliich
alone sales and purchases of agricultural produce, other
than Uquids and market-garden produce, should be legal.
Elimination of Pests and Weeds. — Prohibition of sale
of impure seeds : County committees to have powers to deal
with weeds and pests.
Transport. — A special sub-committee of the Reconstruc-
tion Committee should be set up to inquire into the whole
question of transport improvement and facihties. Farmeri
should be induced to act m co-operation. A scheme should
be prepared to enable discarded Army motors to be used
in the organisation of transport services, and for other farm
purposes. Government should enforce the law as to undue
preference by railway companies.
Referring to some of the criticisms levelled at any attempt
to foster aRriculture or to develop food production at home,
the Committee sav : "Stripped of all phrases the contention
is that in the interests of British manufacturers and of the
British mercantile marine, agriculture must be kept in a
■ continuously depressed condition. . . . We cannot be both
a great manufacturing and a gfeat agricultural nation.
Therefore ... it is to our manufacturing interests that we
must devote our minds, and not worry our heads about
agriculture. Moreover, what will happen to our mercantile
marine if we cease to be dependent on overseas supplies of
corn or meat ? The greatest possible number of wheat
cargoes are essential for the prosperity of our mercantile
marine. Any substantial increase of the home production
of food will be a deadly blow to our shipping. ... All this
fuss about agriculture is made because of the submarine
menace, when, if we cannot overtake and subdue it, we need
not trouble oui;selves to outline an agricultural or any other
policy, we shall take our orders from Berlin."
Probably no member of the Committee ever heard these
precise forms of words strung together ; but they, like the
writer, must have heard expressions^ which mean the same
thing, hundreds of times, from many different kinds of
people. It is probably the first time that such views have
ever been condensed into cold type ; but it is time they
were brought into prominence, for it points to what has
blocked every proposal seriously put forward for the ameliora- .
tion of agricultural depression, and that is the vfeiled hostility
of certain large shipowners inside a^d outside the House of
Commons. It is a terribly short-sighted view for them to
take. A flourishing agriculture and an increased home-
production of food might mean a change of cargoes in certain
instances, but it would certainly not mean fewer cargoes.
It would, by the natural increase of wealth which must
follow increased production, create an enhanced demand for
numberless commodities which we cannot produce here, and
for an immense number of cargoes of the raw material for
British agriculture, e.g., fertilisers and feeding stuffs for
stock, to mention only two.
With regard to the submarine menace, the Committee
fortified their own conclusions by obtaining the opinion of
the Admiralty. Having drawn attention to the terms of
reference given by Mr. Asquith, they asked for any observa-
tions the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty were able to
make in the light of their experience. The following is a
paraphrase of the reply received, wliich the Lords Commis-
sioners passed as accurate :
The submarine attack on the oversea food supply of the
United Kingdom has thrown a great additional strain upon
the Navy in the present war. The Navy has so far been
able to keep this submarine attack in check, but no means
have yet been discovered to render sea-borne traffic immune
fr^om attack. Consequently any effective steps to make
this country less dependent upon the inipoitation of the
necessities of life in the present war would result in a great
reduction of anxiety.
The certain development of the submarine may render
such vessels still more formidable as weapons of attack
against sea-lxrne commerce in a future war, and no justifi
cation exists for assuming tliat anything approaching entire
immunity can be obtained. Therefore, the experience of
the present war leads to the conclusion that any measures
which resulted ii. rendering the United Kingdom less depend
ent on the importation of foodstuffs during tlie period of
a future war, and so in reducing the volume of sea-borne
traffic, would greatly relieve the strain upon the Navy and
add immensely to the national security.
This statement by the Admiralty refers, like the question,
to the submarine menace only; but if for "submarine
menace" we substitute some such words as "hostile navies,"
there is a strilyng similaritj' to the views put forward by the
Admiralty before the Royal Commission of Food Supplies
in 1905. At that date the submarine was little more than a
mechanical toy ; certainly not the chief daifger we had to
face, but if one studies the evidence given before that Com-
mission, and the conclusions drnwn from it, one becomes
impressed with the fact that conditions have not been much
changed by this new feature of naval warfare. Admiral
Sir John Hopkins, who had himself been in corrimand of the
Mediterranean Fleet, said, on February 12th, 1904, that our
ships could only come through that sea with the very greatest
danger. He agreed, with other naval witnesses, to precisely ■
similar views to those contained in the quotation from the
.■\dmiralty to-day. Yet successive Governments have done
nothing since that time, either to ensure our food supply or
to encourage increased production at home.
There is one important fact to be remembered in
connection with the question of indemnifying shipowners
against loss, and that is that payment is only made when
loss occurs, and consequently only when the food is not
delivered : any expenditure which the Government or the
community may incur by encouraging increased home pro-
duction is only paid when the food has materialised. That
means security. Nothing else will attain it.
Mr. Asquith instructed this Committee to consider the 1
question "in the interest of national security." The whole
tenour of their report is evidence that this was the only
consideration they kept in view. The policy they recom-
mend will give us security'. It remains for the country to
see that that policy is adopted in its entirety.
The Auxiliary Cruiser
By N. M. F. Corbett
["H.M. auxiliary cruiser has been lost at sea with all
hands. It is presumed that she struck a mine during the
gale on the night of the 12th instant. The relatives have
been informed. — Admiralty Official."]
THE da\' closed in a wrath of cloud. The gale — •
Like a fierce beast that shuns the light of day.
Skulking within the jungle till his prey
Steals forth at dusk to water at the well, —
Now leapt upon her, howling. Steep and swift,.
The black sea boiled about her sky-flung bows.
And in the shrouds, the winds in mad carouse
Screamed : and in the sk3''s paU was no rift.
And it was cold. Oh, bitter cold it was.
The wind-whipped spray-drops froze before they fell
And tinkled on the iron decks hke hail ;
And every rope and block was cased in glass.
And ever wild and \vilder grew the night.
Great seas lunged at her, bellowing in wrath ;
Contemptuous, to sweep her from their path.
And not, in all that waste, one friendly light.
.Alone, spray-bhnded, through the clamorous murk.
By skill and courage besting the hungry sea,
Mocking the tempest's fury, staggered she.
The storm is foiled : now for the Devil's work.
The swinging bows crash down into the trough,
And with a sudden flame the sea is riven.
And a dull roar outroars the tempest even.
Her engine's pulse is stilled. It is enough.
Oh, have you ever seen a foundered horse —
His great heart broken by a task too great
For his endurance, but unbroken yet
. His spirit — striving to complete his course.
Falling at last, eyes glazed and nostrils wide.
And have not ached with pity. Pity now
A brave ship shattered by a coward blow
That once had spurned the waters in her pride.
And can you picture — you who dwell secure
In sheltered houses, warm and filled with light, —
The loneliness and terror of that fight
In shrieking darkness ? Feel with them, the sure
Foundation of their very world destroyed.
The sluggish lifting of the lifeless hull.
Wallowing ever deeper till, with a dull
• Half-sob she plunges and the seas are void.
Yet — Oh, be sure, they did not pass alone
Into the darkness all uncomforted
For round them hovered England's mighty Dead
To greet them : and a pale poop lanthorn shone
Lighting them homeward, and a voice rang clear —
As when he cheered his own devoted band —
" Heaven's as near by sea as by the land,"
Sir Humphrey Gilbert hailed them, "Be of cheer."
i6
Land & Wate.
June 27, 1918
Life and Letters ^ J. C Squire
High Spirits
TiHERE is now no need to explain who Mr. Stephen
Leacock is : his Frenzied Fiction (John Lane, 6s.
net), is his ninth book, and the other eight are in
every house where (unhke one of Mr. Leacock's
recent reviewers) 'they enjoy "uncontrollable
laughter." Mr. Leacock has been boomed in several continents,
and it is only natural that a reaction should set in. If it
does, it will be unfair to him, for his work, uneven as it is,
has not f;dlen off at all. He is as amusing now as he ever
was : and, as a topical humourist should, he keeps well up
with the latest events, phvsical and moral. He may not
"stay by" one; but there" is always sufficient sense under
his nonsense to enable one to read him at least twice.
• ♦****
The world has never lacked people who have made it their
business to attack shams, hypocrisies, pretence, and Cant.
Some of them have been solemn missionaries, themselves
a proper subject for humour, and others have been morose
and bitter satirists who have taken a savage pleasure in
exposure. Mr. Leacock is also principally concerned with
what we comprehensively term Humbug, and he also takes
a pleasure in exposing it. But his pleasure is a healthy, not
a perverse, pleasure. His method of attack is not to flay
humanity with knives, or pierce it with poi^soned arrows, but
to pull its leg. There is nothing in him of the satirist who
likes giving pain, or of the austere moralist who thinks a
little hypocrisy a sin which earns the lowest hell. Oil the
whole he finds humbug a rather harmless thing that adds
to the variety of existence, and he is aware (as any man
who is honest with himself must be) that he is a bit of a hum-
bug himself. Though he is always on the right side, nobody
could suspect him of writing in order to improve his-fellows ;
but he is at once so shrewd and so charitable that he is far
more likely to do so than many of those crusaders who
approach us showing their teeth and inviting counter-attack.
His unconscious tendency is to exhort us to be natural ;
and the man who does not find in his pages unnatural actions
and words of which he himself has been guilty has never
watched Ms own conduct.
******
But to hunt further for what the authors of The King's
English would not allow me to call the True Inwardness of
Mr. Leacock would be to join that solemn company of theorists
at whom he is always laughing. He is about as easy to define
as the end of the war. It is enough to say that he pulls
legs ; and that, being an educated and cultivated man, he
pulls legs with which humourists of his boisterous type are
usually unfamiliar. Amongst the humbugs treated in the
new book are not merely the humbugs of prohibition, of the
fisherman, the Return to Nature, and the strong primitive
man, but the humbugs of modern education, of modem
fiction, and of foreign politics. To identify and burlesque
the nonsense in these last you have to know something about
them ; and that is where Mr. Leacock, who is a man of letters
and a professor of economics, as well as a funny man, gets
his pull. On the whole, as a citizen, he is, no doubt, in
favour of every sensible reform in educational curricula that
is proposed; but his skit, "The New Education," absurdly
as it exaggerates, does point out real dangers. We may
substitute " Civics" for "Classics" as a subject of study, but
superficial and pedantic teachers and stupid students will
not be abolished by any such charge, and his conversation
with a girl imdergraduate on vacation is not mere folly.
" I've elected Social Endeavour."
"Ah," I said, "that's since my day, what is it,? "
"Oh, it's awfully interesting. It's the study of condi-
tions."
" What kind of conditions ? " I asked. '
"All conditions. Perhaps I can't explain it properly.
But I have the prospectus of it indoors if you'd like to see
it. We take up Society."
" And what do you do with it ? "
"Analyse it," she said.
"But it must mean reading a tremendous lot of books."
■' No," she answered. "We don't use books in this course.
It's all laboratory work."
"Now I am mystified," I said. "What do you mean
by laboratory work ? "
"Well," answered the girl student with a thoughtful look
upon her face," you see, we are supposed to break Society
up into its elements."
"In six weeks ? "
"Some of the girls do it in six weeks. Some put in a
whole semester and take twelve weeks at it."
"So as to break it up pretty thorouglily ? " I said.
''Yes," she a.ssented, "But most of the girls think six
weeks is enough."
"They ought to pulverise it pretty completely. But how
do you go at it ? "
"Well," the girl said, "it's all done with laboratory
work. We take, for instance, department stores. I think
that is the first thing we do, we take up the store."
" And what do you do with it ?"
"We study it as a Social Germ. "
"Ah, ' I said, "as a Social Germ."
This sketch is good all through ; so is tlie one which shows a
circle in a club listening to a cryptic authority on Foreign
Affairs and pretending to . understand : a very hard poke
at the journalists who make up for a deficiency of real know-
ledge by jaunty use of a few foreign words and the ordinary
man who would rather do anything than admit that he does
not understand what is being said to him :
"I doubt very much," he said, "whether Downing Street
realises the enormous power which the Quai d'Orsay has
over the Yildiz Kiosk."
"So do I," I said, "what is it ? " But he hardly noticed
the interruption.
"You've got to remember," he went on, "that, from the
point of view of the Yildiz, the Wilhelmstrasse is just a
thing of yesterday."
"Quite so," I said.
"Of course," he added, "the Ballplatz is quite different."
"Altogether different," I admitted.
"And mind you," he said; "the Ballplatz itself can l^e
largely moved from the Quirinal and the Vatican."
"Why, of course it can," I agreed, with as much relief
in my tone as I could put into it. After all, what simpler
wa^' of moving the Ballplatz than that ?
The lunacy of the last sentence is the American touch ; an
Englishman of the Leacock kind would have shnmk from it ;
he would have preferred to keep his raillery more uniform
and more delicate ; he would have feared to spoil the illusion
by extravagance. But Mr. Leacock's spirits are uproarious
and he will allow sheer nonsense to break into quite a close
parody. He does not hesitate to call a Russian spy
M. Poulispantzoff.
******
The description of life in a "dry" Canadian city is very
good; so is the interview with a primitive cave man, for-
tunately procured after a surfeit of magazine stories in which
the heroes feel the cave man surging within them and use
violence towards the heroines. Needless to say, the cave
man, when found, is a nervous creature, very much under
the thumb of his wife, afraid to smoke when she is about,
and unreasonably proud of his unprepossessing child.
Another good one is the seance. "All the spirits who are
tapped say that they are happy, quite happy ; that every-
thing is bright and beautiful where they are, and that they
want everybody to know how happy they are. Even
Napoleon. The conversation with him opens charmingly :
"Hello ! " I called. " Est-ce que c'esl lEmpereur Napoleon
a qui j'ai I'honneur de parler ? "
"How's that ? " said Napo'eon,
" Je demande si je suis en communication avec I'Empereur
Napo'eon — ."
"Oh," sad Napo'eon, "that's all right; speak English."
"What!" I said in surprise. "You know English.'
I always thought you couldn't speak a word of it." He was
silent for a minute. Then he said :
' ' I picked it up over here. It's all right. Go right ahead. ' '
But the best thing in the book is the interview with a pair
of novelists, husband and wife. The wife is a sociological
novelist ; she specialises in the laundry and pickle industries,
and will talk. The husband, however, refuses to talk about
anything but his pigs, bees, bulls, horses, dogs, and crops.
All he can say when pressed about his methods of work is
contained in this passage :
"My methods of work ? " he answered, as we turned up
the path again. "Well, I hardly know that I have any."
"What is your plan or method," we asked, getting out
our notebook, "of laying the beginning of a new novel ? "
"My usual plan," said the novelist, "is to come out
here and sit in the sty till I get my characters."
■^Does it take long ? " we questioned.
"Not veiy. I generally find that a quiet half-hour spent
among the hogs wil give me, at least, my leading character."
But how seldom are they so candid.
June 27, I 91 8
Land & Water
17
Birds as they Live: By Francis Stopford
MAN is so much oc-
cupied with his own
great war that he is
apt to forget there arc
greater wars in pro-
gress, until he is pulled up short by
a catastrophe that threatens his
nerves or his stomach. This summir
it is caterpillars — bugs as they call
them in America. Bugs are Boches ;
birds are the Allies. But the Allied
birds in this big .fight are, for the
moment, unable to hold the enemy
in check. Man is to blame^ After
the manner of the Boche, the cater-
pillar, until the hour for invasion
drew near, jiractised peaceful pene-
tration in the form of a chrysalis
or posed as a gay and innocent
butterfly. Man foolishly thought no
harm could come from him. The bircN
on the other hand, took open
tribute from his orchards, gardens,
and fields ; he deemed them the
enemy, and sought their destruc^
tion. Now he knows better. And he
would give no small thing to call
back to life many of his winged
friends, who if they had been spared
would never have allowed the Huri Pheasants
caterpillar to attain to the strength
he has, devastating wild lands and threatening cultivation.
It is said that the average Englishman knows less history
than a similarly educated man of any other nation. And
history includes natural history. The ignorance — not only
in towns, but in the country — of the manners and habits of
birds is amazing, and it is a curious fact that the spread of
elementary education has certainly increased it. In the old
days the countryman who knew neither to read nor to write,
but could use his brains, acquired considerable and often
intimate intelligence about the lives of wild creatures ; but
with the opening of elementary schools and the spread of
book-knowledge, that other book, which he who runs may
read, appeared dull and hardly worth studying. It is a
thousand pities it should have been so, more especially in
rural districts ; but now comes the weapon wherewith to
fight this ignorance in the form of a new edition of Mr.
Archibald Thorburn's Brilish Birds* It is a work that
every public library should obtain. Those who are starting
village libraries should include it in their first list ; and
whoever takes a lively mterest in a country school, and has
the means, should present this school with a set of volumes.
A study of their pages is fas-
cinating, and for a child of good
understanding they will open an
entirely new vista of the land
wherein he dwells.
"The work," writes Mr. Thor-
burn, in his preface, "has been
designed mainly with the purpose
of providing sketches in colour
from life of our British birds, in-
cluding not only the resident
species, but also, in most cases,
those which have more or less
regularly or even rarely visited us
from abroad." Thus we have here
not only the house-sparrow, but
the hoopoe, and vultures and the
flamingo are depicted as well as
hawks and the heron. VVe,^have
italicised the words from life
because, after all, it is in this
respect that Mr. Thorburn's bird-
paintings differ from those popular
plates with which youth is more
familiar. Tlic artist, it must be
remembered, is^also a miniature-
By .4. Thorburn.F.Z.S.
•"British Birds": written and illus-
trated by A. Thorburn, F Z S , with
eighty-two plates in colour, showing
over 400 .'species. In ionr volumes.
Longmans, Green & Co. £S 8s.
painter, and he gives to his feathered
friends the saine study he bestows on
a human subject before taking up
his brush. As an illustration of this,
take his painting of the cuckoo.
Here wc have the bird with drooping
wings and puft'ed-out throat, in the
act of uttering its familiar cry, for
the bird was drawn from hfe through
field-glasses ; and in the letterpR'ss
we are told what will be news to
most-^-that the cuckoo calls with
closed bill, as the pigeon coos.
The advantage of drawing birds
from life, and after a close study of
them in life, is that the student
acquires a much better knowledge
of them before he begins to read
their history. Look at the caper-
caillie on this page. After having
studied this beefy, bullnecked old
cock, one is not the least surprised to
hear that when in spring-time his
thoughts turn to love, he squalls
like a cat and turns somersaults until
he is giddy.
To revert to the preface, the author
m«itions that, being more familiar
with the brush than with the pen, it
was at first his intention to make the
book simply a sketch-book of British
birds, but on second thoughts he decided to add rough
notes. Second thoughts are tTie best, for these notes are
admirable ; they are necessarily brief, but they are always
stimulating, and urge one to discover more about a favourite
or famihar wild bird. The biography of the jackdaw, for
example, recalls the amazing fact, if true, which an old
keeper told the present writer, that daws re-marr}', that is,
if a sitting hen-bird is shot off the nest, the cock bird promptly
finds a new mate, and brings her home to hatch out the
brood. A very remarkable example of stepmotherly love,
if it be true ! Everybody knows that the East is the origin
of the long-tailed mangold- devouring fowl, whose portrait
figures here, but to stigmatise the pheasant as a bloated
parvenu, a newlv naturalised alien, or even as an eighteentlv-
century Nabob, is to admit deplorable ignorance. He was
here before William the Conqueror ; Harold the Saxon pre-
served hint; he was known to be c'ommon in Ireland when
Elizabeth reigned, and he made his presence felt in Scotland
ten years before James I. came south to rule over English
coverts. In these later days this lordly fowl has developed
a new and patriotic character ; in country districts he is ever
the first to cry " Take cover! " when
Zeppelins raid on moonless nights.
These notes not only contain
interesting little items of news
such as these, but they have a
real and permanent educational
value. They describe briefly the
ordinary habits of the bird, his
favourite haunts, fashion of his
nest, difference between male and
female, and, what is most impor-
tant of all, his food. The green-
finch is an avian instance of a
dog with a bad name ; and in the
massacre of innocents which local
authorities and persons of position
have been foolishly promoting and
encouraging on nests and nestlings,
during tlie last two or three years,
we are certain no breed has suffered
worse. Now read Mr. Thorburn's
words on this finch : " This is a use-
ful bird in the garden, destroying a
great number of caterpillars and
harmful insects, and during the
winter it feeds on seeds and
berries of various kinds." He
who destroys finches in sheer
stupidity has only himself to
blame if his land be overrun
with caterpillars.
By A. Thorburn, F.Z.S.
Capercaillie, or Wood Grouse
i8
Land & Water
June 27, 1918
A Topographer: By Charles Marriott
LET it be said at once that no disrespect, but
rather a comphment, is intended in describing
Mr. WiUiam T. Wood's water-colours of the
Salonika Front, at the Leicester Galleries, Leicester
Square, as topographical in character. Splendid
as are some of the results of impressionistic and romantic
treatment of landscape, all but the very greatest of them
suffer from some lack of stability in the one case, and some
taint of "the pathetic fallacy"— the reading of human
emotions into inanimate nature — in the other : and, speaking
generally, the famous landscape paintings of the world have
a topographical basis. .
There is a reason for this that is worth examining. It is
because they are inspired by something more than "art."
They are, in fact, as
all great art finally is,
utilitarian. On the
technicaj side, art can-
not be too severely
"art for art's sake" ;
but in purpose and
application, in order
to be great it must
have some sanction in
universal human re-
quirement.
Without pretending
to be great, the water-
colours of Mr. Wood
have the merit of
sticking to the busi-
ness in hand and
ministering to the
natural human craving
to know what the
Salonika Front is like.
So many artists
would have given us
"impressions" of the
Salonika Front ; witji
the disappointing and
irritating effect of
poetry in a guide-book.
Anybody who has
grasped the fact that
a well-written and
trustworthy guide-
book, without a single
quotation, may be
hterature is on the
way to understand
that Mr. Wood's water-
colours are art. There
is evidence enough in
them that Mr. Wood.
if he had hked, might have gone directly for "effects"
and "atmosphere" with considerable success; but he has
more wisely and modestly allowed them to happen as a result
of intelligent fidelity to the facts.
"Intelligent" fidelity because Mr. Wood is considerably
more than an accurate observer and draughtsman. A topo-
graphical landscape is, in fact, a portrait of a place, and,
hke the portrait painter, the topographical' artist needs to
know or, at any rate, to feel a great deal more than the
appearance of the subject. He must know something of
history, geography — both physical and political^— arcliitec-
ture, agriculture, and domestic economy. I do not mean
that he need know these subjects out of books or by deliberate
observation but, what is much more important, that he
must have the sense of them. Without it, he may be full
to the neck with the facts of the subject, and yet go wrong.
In architecture, for example, knowing all about styles is
much less important than feeling the mechanical problems
whose effective solution resulted in a particular style.
There is a passage in Captain Mann's introduction to the
catalogue of the exhibition which seems to me to indicate the
great merit of Mr. Wood's drawings. "His pictures per-
petuate . . . the great natural disadvantages our Army is
face to face with in the Balkans." In order to do that, the
artist must have shared in sympathy the "engineering feats,"
and felt in his own person, if only by imagination, the "ter-
rible climate." Accurate observation and technical skill
alone arc not enough for the business ; and I am inclined to
believe that a moral and physical "sense" of things is the
most valuable possession of any artist in any medium. As
the portrait-painter must feel how the man came to look like
that, so the landscape painter must feel how the landscape
or the city grew, and the advantages or disadvantages they
present to human activity.
If this power is necessary in any place, it is particularly
necessary in a place like Salonika ; a museum of successive
civilisatiohs, Greek, Latin, Arabic, Semitic, and Slav, peopled
with the drainings, if not the dregs, of Europe, Asia, and
Africa. The architecture, like the language "Ladino"— the
corrupt Spanish of the Jews, who form nearly half of the
population—is not so much a mixture as a transformation
of several elements into something with a texture and colour
of its own ; a tapestry
of styles. To draw
the architecture sym-
pathetically, a man
must have lived many
lives in many periods;
must feel his classics
and be romantic — all
that is implied in the
word "Levantine."
That, in Mr. Wood's
drawings, the war
seems to take a second-
ary place is really a
tribute to their vera-
city. War in Mace-
donia is war subject
to Macedonian
conditions ; not spec-
tacular, but a matter
of " restless vigilance,"
of watching and
countering intrigue, of
consolidating positions
and pouncing when
you can. Mr. Wood's
pictures bring this
home and help us to
understand that the
more dramatic effects
of the war in Mac-
edonia must happen
elsewhere. There is
hardly a drawing that
does not show some
incident of war, but
the great value of
the series is to show
how the incident is
modified by the
conditions.
William T. Wood
Salonika
Not the most striking, but 'one of the most informing of
the pictures, and one that shows best Mr. Wood's perception
and skill as a topographer, is the pencil drawing of "Salonika
from the Minaret of St. Sophia." It gives you the "hang"
of the place as a whole, and at the same time enables you to
appreciate, its architectural character in detail. Together
with such pictures as the church interiors, with their painted
wall decorations, and " Rupel Pass from Gumusdere," which
-give Mr. Wood his opportunity as a colourist, it suggests
the range of the technical powers that with admirable self-
restraint have been devoted to the business in hand.
The value of the series is enhanced by the fact that several
of the pictures are bird's-eye views, done from an observation
balloon, combining the advantages of a map with the vision
of an artist. Such is the picture of the Great Fire, reproduced
on this page. If our army in the Middle East is engaged in
consolidating positions, Mr. Wood has fulfilled the useful
task of consolidating the Balkan Front in the imaginations
of those of us who read the verbal dispatches. " Operations"
themselves are easily followed when once the scenes of them
are clearly visualised — a fact that war artists would do well
to bear in mind. Even Mr. Wood's pictures of air-fighting
— good as they are— may be looked upon as a holiday from
his real task. An aeroplane is an aeroplane all the world
over, and " Brought Down in Flames " is a sight not unknown
even in England. Still, these pictures serve to' show that
Mr. Wood is as happy in dealing with movement and atriio-
sphere as he is in explaining the lie of the land.
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