DOCUMENTS IN
MYCENAEAN GREEK
SECOND EDITION
DOCUMENTS IN
MYCENAEAN GREEK
FIRST EDITION BY
MICHAEL VENTRIS
AND
JOHN CHADWICK
WITH A FOREWORD BY THE LATE
ALAN J. B. WAGE
SECOND EDITION BY
JOHN CHADWICK
CAMBRIDGE
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1973
Published by the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press
Bentley House, 200 Euston Road, London NVV1 2DB
American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, New York, N.Y. 10022
© Cambridge University Press 1973
Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 72-89804
ISBN: 0 521 08558 6
First published 1956
Reprinted with corrections 1959
Second edition 1973
Printed in Great Britain
at tire Univci'sity Printing House, Cambridge
(Brooke Grutchley, University Printer)
To the memory of
HEINRICH SCHLIEMANN
1822-1890
FATHER OF MYCENAEAN ARCHAEOLOGY
I had always passionately longed to learn Greek; but up to the time
of the Crimean War it appeared to me inadvisable to abandon myself
to this study , since I feared that the powerful fascination of this
wonderful language would take too great a hold on me and would
alienate me from my commercial interests. But when the first news of
peace arrived at St Petersburg in January 1856 , I could no longer
contain my desire , and without delay I applied myself with great
diligence to the hew study. Again Ifaithfully followed my old methods.
In order to master the vocabulary in a short time (even more difficult
for me than in the case of RussianJ, I obtained a modem Greek trans¬
lation of Paul et Virginie; and read this from cover to cover , all
the time carefully comparing each word with its counterpart in the
French original. After a single reading I had absorbed at least half
of the words in the book , and after a repetition of this process I had
learnt practically all of them—without having wasted a single moment
in looking a word up in a dictionary. In this way I succeeded, within
the short space of six weeks , in mastering the difficulties of modem
Greek. Then I embarked on the study of the ancient language , of
which I gained a sufficient knowledge in three months to enable me
to understand some of the ancient authors—especially Homer , whom
I read again and again with the greatest enthusiasm ....
(SELBSTBIOGRAPHIEj pp. 21-2.)
This second edition is dedicated also to the memory of
MICHAEL VENTRIS
1922-1956
whose name can stand alongside Schliemann's
as the founder o f a new branch o f study
CONTENTS
Illustrations .......... page xi
Preface to the Second Edition ........ xiii
Preface to the First Edition . . . . . . * xvii
Foreword by A. J. B. Wace ........ xxi
PART I. SCRIPT, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE
CHAPTER I. DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT 3
1 The Homeric Age as myth ........ 3
2 Mycenae and Knossos: the pioneers ...... 6
3 The years of stagnation. 10
4 The American contribution: preludes to decipherment . 14
5 June 1952: the language is Greek * 21
6 The widening of the ranks ........ 24
CHAPTER II. THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM 28
1 Chronological table .......... 28
2 Origins: the Cretan ‘hieroglyphic’ script ...... 28
3 Linear Script A ...... 31
4 The derivation of Linear Script B 37
5 The spelling rules ...... 42
6 The Mycenaean ideograms ...... 48
7 Numerals and methods of measurement . . . , 53
8 The absolute values of the symbols for weight 57
9 The absolute values of the symbols for volume ... 58
10 Possible survivals: the Cypriot scripts ..... 60
CHAPTER III. THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE 67
1 Script and language 67
2 Foreign elements in Mycenaean „ P 70
3 The relation of Mycenaean to the historical dialects .... 73
4 Dialect differences in Mycenaean ...... 75
5 Phonology ........... 76
6 Morphology .......... 83
7 Syntax 89
8 Vocabulary . ...... go
vii
CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV. THE PERSONAL NAMES page 92
1 Men’s names .......... 93
2 Women’s names . > * * * * . . * .101
3 Names recurring at different places ,102
4 Homeric parallels , . . . . . . ■ .103
5 The names given to oxen . . . . , , . ,105
CHAPTER V. THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS 106
1 The extent of Mycenaean literacy * 109
2 Bureaucratic methods . . . no
3 Mycenaean arithmetic * .117
4 Social organization . , .119
5 Mycenaean religion . . .125
6 Agriculture and land tenure .129
7 Industry and trade . .133
8 Historical evidence . 137
9 Geographical names . . . .139
10 List of places named at Knossos and Pylos * . .146
PART II. SELECTED TABLETS
Explanatory notes on the presentation 153
CHAPTER VI. LISTS OF PERSONNEL I55
1 Women and children at Pylos (Aa, Ab, Ad) 155
2 Women and children at Knossos (Ai, Ak) ... 162
3 Men, women and children at Knossos (Ag, Ai) .165
4 Women workers at Knossos . . t . , . . .165
5 Women workers at Pylos . . . . , , t . t66
6 Individual men at Knossos (As) , , t . , [68
7 Individual men at Pylos (Ac) , . 169
8 Work groups of men at Knossos (Am, As, B) .170
9 Work groups of men at Pylos (An) .172
10 Work groups of men at Mycenae 179
11 Lists of mixed tradesmen at Knossos 1 79
12 Lists of mixed tradesmen at Pylos . . . . . . 180
13 Rowers and troops at Pylos .... 183
viii
CT> Ln
CONTENTS
CHAPTER VII. LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE page 195
1 Flocks of sheep and goats at Pylos (Cc, Cn) . .199
2 Flocks of sheep at Knossos (Da, Dg) . . . . . .201
3 Flocks of sheep and consignments of wool at Knossos (Dk, Dl) 203
4 Miscellaneous livestock at Pylos (Cn) 205
Miscellaneous livestock at Knossos (C, Ca, Ch, Co, Dm, Dn) 208
Grain consignments and rations at Knossos (E, F) 213
7 Grain rations at Pylos (Fn) . . . . . , ,215
8 Oil consignments or rations at Knossos and Mycenae (Fh, Fo) 217
9 Mixed rations and consignments at Knossos (F) .218
10 Mixed rations and consignments at Pylos (Un) ,219
11 Spices at Knossos (Ga, Og) .221
12 Spices at Pylos (Un) ......... 223
13 Spices at Mycenae (Gc) ........ 225
CHAPTER VIII. LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE 2$2
X Typical formulae on short Pylos tablets .... 239
2 The first Pylos set ......... 240
3 The second Pylos set 250
4 The third Pylos set ......... 252
5 The fourth Pylos set 258
6 The estates of the king ..... 264
7 Knossos land-tenure tablets ♦ 269
8 Knossos orchards . , . . . . * , .272
CHAPTER IX. PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 275
1 The Pylos ‘dosmos’ tablets 275
2 Proportional tribute from Pylos villages 289
3 The Knossos Afc-series .301
4 Offerings to divinities at Knossos ....... 303
CHAPTER X. TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE 3 1 3
1 Textiles at Knossos . ...... 313
2 Textiles at Mycenae . . 322
3 Textiles at Pylos .... r 323
4 Mycenaean vessel names ....... 323
5 Inventories of vessels at Knossos ... 329
6 Vessels at Mycenae . . . . ♦ 331
7 Inventories of vessels and furniture at Pylos ... 332
8 Pylos lists of miscellaneous content ....... 348
IX
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XI. METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT page 35 1
1 Metals at Pylos . 352
2 Metals at Knossos ......... 359
3 Swords, spears and arrows at Knossos 360
4 Chariots without wheels at Knossos .... 361
5 Chariot wheels at Knossos ....... 369
6 Chariot wheels at Pylos ... 373
7 Corslets and helmets at Pylos ..... 375
8 Chariots and corslets at Knossos ..... 379
PART III. ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
CHAPTER I . page 385
CHAPTER II . .387
CHAPTER HI.395
CHAPTER IV.404
CHAPTER V 405
CHAPTER VI ........... 418
CHAPTER VII .......... . 132
CHAPTER VIII . * , , . . . , , , . 443
CHAPTER IX.456
CHAPTER X.. * , . . 486
CHAPTER XI.508
PART IV
Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . .527
Bibliography . 595
General Index ............ 606
Concordances , . . . , . « . . .616
x
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
I 46 = Au 102 , Mycenaean tablet of‘page’shape .... frontispiece
II (a) 82 = Ca 895 from the Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos . facing p. wo
( b) 31 = Ae 04 from the Archive Room at Pylos
(r) 270 = Sd 0402 from the ‘Arsenal’ at Knossos
III (fl) 140 = Eb 35 from Pylos, recording tenure of land by a priestess facing p. iii
( b ) 236 = Ta 641 , found at Pylos in 1952
FIGURES
1 Three-sided cornelian seal-stone from eastern Crete (P. 49 * in Evans,
Scripta Minoa /, p. 159) ........ page 9
2 Linear B ‘ chariot ’ tablet found in the Knossos ‘ Armoury 1904 (for a trans¬
lation, see 265 = Sd 0403 , p. 365) 12
3 The state of the ‘grid’ prior to decipherment (February 1952) 20
4 Proposed values of the Mycenaean syllabary . ♦ 23
5 ‘Hieroglyphic’ tablet from Phaistos ...... 30
6 The Linear A syllabary in use at Agia Triada (after Carratelli), with
possible cognates in the ‘hieroglyphs’ (H) and in Linear B (B) 33
7 The commonest Agia Triada ideograms .... 34
8 Agia Triada tablet HT 14 ........ 35
9 The Mycenaean syllabary (after Bennett). K= Knossos, P = Pylos,
M = Mycenae, T = Thebes .41
10 The Mycenaean ideograms (after Bennett), with their most usual tablet
contexts and suggested meanings 50-1
11 The Cypriot linear script, as used on the 1953 tablets from Enkomi and
Ugarit 62
12 The classical Cypriot syllabary (after Mitford) ..... 64
13 Diagrammatic plan of the palace at Knossos * * , 115
14 Key plan of the palace at Pylos (based on the survey by Theocharis, 1954) 1 16
15 The Agia Triada sarcophagus ... .... 282
16 Mycenaean vessel ideograms and their names 324
17 Knossos tablet K 93 ... 325
xi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
18
Contents of the Tomb of the Tripod Hearth, Zafer Papoura (Evans
of Mims, II, p. 634, fig. 398).
, Palace
page 326
i 9
Late Helladic drinking cups ....
327
20
Pedestailed bowl from the Fourth Shaft Grave, Mycenae
328
21
The gold signet ring from Tiryns
333
22
MM 111 b (or LM la?) bathtub from the S.E. Bathroom, Knossos
338
23
Ivories from Mycenae and Dendra
346
24
Typical LM II sword hilt .......
347
25
The Mycenaean chariot, and Egyptian yoke arrangements
362
26
Late Minoan and Mycenaean helmets
■ 377
27
New table of the values of Mycenaean syllabic signs
■ 385
28
Linear B and Cypriot syllabic signs compared
. 388
xii
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
Had Michael Ventris not been killed at the very moment of publication of the
first edition of this book, we should doubtless have brought out long since a
completely new edition. In the circumstances, however, I have been very
reluctant to move even one stone of the structure we planned and built
together; for our collaboration was not the sort where the work of two authors
is collected between the covers of one book, but was jointly planned, and even
if one of the authors was responsible for the first draft of a section, it was not
printed until the other had discussed, amended and added to it, so that it was
truly a joint enterprise. In a few cases where we did not reach agreement, our
differing views were recorded. Only Chapter I was essentially Ventris’s.
But with the passage of time it has become clear that much more needed to
be said about these texts, though I am convinced that most of the commentary
is still valid: and new discoveries demand that additions be made to the selec¬
tion of texts. Yet to write a new book would have been impossible without
drawing heavily on the old; and it has always seemed like impiety to tamper
with the text now Michael Ventris is no longer here to be consulted about the
change. I have therefore adopted a compromise, which is forced upon me by
the tragic end of our collaboration. I have reprinted unchanged the whole of
Parts I and II, apart from the correction of a very few minor slips. But in the
margins I have inserted references to a new Part III, which is a collection of
notes on the texts, bringing up to date the information about them and stating
my present views.
I must warn the reader that I have made no attempt to present and discuss
all the suggestions that have been put forward between the completion of the
first edition in 1955 and now; had I done so, Part III would have been far
larger than the original book, and its usefulness as a basic introduction to the
subject would have been lost. Thus I have simply ignored a great many ideas
which I do not myself accept, and I have only cited what seem to me the more
important books and articles. Scholars who wish to pursue any subject
further have now the admirable indexes published under the title Studies in
Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect (Baumbach, 1968, covering the period 1953-
64, and annual volumes from 1965 onwards edited by L. J. D. Richardson and
published by the London University Institute of Classical Studies). There is
therefore little point in trying to duplicate such lists of references. Similarly I
have often had to content myself with a brief statement of opinion where the
xiii
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
question really merits a long discussion; but I hope I have said enough on the
major problems to show the reasons for my opinions, and to serve as an intro¬
duction to further research. I am glad that this method has enabled me to
refrain from overmuch polemic, and I have tried to avoid naming authors
merely in order to attack their views; though I have of course in many cases
had to argue against views which I consider ill-founded or wrong.
Part III of the first edition consisted of a Vocabulary, an Index of Personal
Names, Bibliography, General Index and Concordances. It was evident that
here major changes were needed, and I have, not without reluctance, sup¬
pressed the whole of this Part and replaced it with what is now Part IV. This
has given me the opportunity to correct what I now think was a wrong decision
though understandable in the circumstances, to split up the total Mycenaean
word-list into separate sections, so that a given word must be sought in as many
as three different places, if one does not know how to classify it. Thus I have
compiled a new Glossary, which includes in one alphabet every Mycenaean
word known at the beginning of 1972, unless it is too incomplete to be usable.
No word has been excluded, even if I am unable to decide to which category
it belongs. The general principles of the Vocabulary have been followed, and
some entries are copied from the first edition; but every item has been closely
scrutinized and checked, and a great many are modified or new. The con¬
siderable expansion of the number of entries has in turn produced pressure on
space, and a few of the less important items have been omitted, such as the
Modern Greek descendants of Mycenaean words, not because I regard them as
without interest, but because the relevant information is easily available else¬
where. It should be emphasized that the Glossary is in no way a substitute for
the invaluable Mycenaeae Graecitatis Lexicon (Morpurgo, 1963), for it omits line
references and frequently gives only a selection of tablet references.
The Bibliography has been much expanded, but it should be noted that it
contains only books and articles referred to in the text, and it is not a complete
index to the now vast literature; omissions from it are not to be taken as evi¬
dence that I am either unaware of any item or have not found it profitable.
Here too pressure of space must be blamed.
When the first edition was already at a late Stage of proof, we received a copy
of Bennett’s second edition of The Pylos Tablets (Bennett, 1955), from which we
learned to our horror that the system of numeration for these tablets was to
be changed. We were able to insert the new numbers, in [], where the texts
were cited, and to include a new concordance (C); but many references had
to stand uncorrected. These consequently remain in Parts I and II, but in
Parts III and IV the new numbers are used exclusively, and there is now a
xiv
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
concordance (C) for converting the old numbers still in the text to the new
system. I regret this inconvenience, but it was impracticable to alter all these
figures in Parts I and II. Users of this book are reminded that the old system
has been superseded, and before quoting a tablet reference the number
should be checked in the Glossary or Concordance.
In preparing this edition I have had the benefit of an advance draft of the
new edition of The Pylos Tablets in Transcription (Bennett and Olivier), as
well as repeated consultation with its editors. Thus the texts quoted have been
adapted to the new edition, and any significant changes recorded. In the texts
I have not troubled to give new readings, if they concern only the degree of
certainty attaching to a particular sign. The texts and numbering of the
Knossos tablets have been revised in accordance with the The Knossos Tablets ,
fourth edition (Chadwick, Killen and Olivier, 1971); numbers beginning 04 -
are now 44 -. The Glossary incorporates a few minor improvements due to
subsequent work.
The access of new material since 1955 has not been large, though welcome
as confirmation of our interpretations and enlarging our understanding of the
archives. I have selected twenty-five new documents to supplement the original
three hundred, and of these two (304. and 313) were earlier known but then
excluded, one (322) has been much enlarged by joins, and one (305) only
became available when the first edition was well advanced, so that it could not
be properly discussed and numbered as a document. The new documents are
scattered through Part III so that they fall into the appropriate chapters; their
numbers run from 301 to 325, and their page numbers can be found from
Concordance A on p. 619.
The adoption of international standards of transcription, which did not
exist in 1955, has set new problems. Since it was impossible to change the
English names of the ideograms to the current Latin ones in Parts I and II, the
English ones have been retained in the text throughout; but this is merely a
necessary expedient, and docs not imply any retraction of the international
agreement on this subject. In the transcription of syllabic signs the modifica¬
tions at present agreed have been introduced throughout Parts III and IV,
even though discrepancies may cause some difficulty to the uninitiated. A note
listing these will be found at the beginning of the Glossary (p. 527). The typo¬
graphy adopted for transcriptions follows the pattern established for the'first
edition, and is not to be construed as a rejection of the current international
convention.
The task of thanking those who have, in one way or another, contributed to
the production of this second edition is one which I cannot adequately dis-
xv
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
charge: any list of names would inevitably omit some from whose work I have
profited. I hope my colleagues will be prepared to accept this statement as an
acknowledgement of my debt. I must particularly thank my colleague, Dr
J. T. Killcn, who has patiently listened to many of my attempts to think
through the problems, and by his criticism lias much improved the text of
Parts III and IV. I should also like to take this opportunity of expressing my
gratitude to all the Directors of Greek Museums and others who have con¬
tinued to make it possible for us to work on the original tablets.
My thanks are also due to the Syndics and staff of the Cambridge University
Press, Mrs B. Black and others who have assisted in the production and check¬
ing of a very involved book. Nor can I forget the Classical Faculty of the Uni¬
versity of Cambridge, which has consistently fostered Mycenaean studies and
has done much to make the production of this book possible.
No book on a subject still only twenty years old is likely to be perfect, and
this will doubtless prove to have its share of imperfections. But the progress made
by many hands in interpreting the texts justifies a new look at the problems,
and I hope that this new edition will not only give the experts some fresh ideas,
but will serve as an introduction to those who arc approaching the subject
for the first time.
J.C.
CAMBRIDGE
July 1972
XVI
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
During the months following the appearance of our first article ‘Evidence for
Greek dialect in the Mycenaean archives’ ( JHS , 73 , 1953, pp. 84-103) we
received several invitations to discuss the results of our decipherment at book
length. Our first reaction was to regard the writing of such a book as premature,
in view of the uncertainty and incompleteness of much of the interpretation;
but since 1953 there have been a number of changes in the situation:
1. A large number of new Mycenaean tablets, found at Pylos and Mycenae
in the seasons 1952-4, have been added to the known material and must now
be taken into account. Through the kindness of Prof. C. W. Blegen, Prof.
A. J. B. Wace, Dr Emmett L. Bennett Jr. and Dr Ch. Karouzos (director of
the National Museum in Athens), we have been able to study many of these
documents in advance of publication; our thanks are also due to Dr N. Platon
(director of the Iraklion Museum) and to his assistant S. Alexiou for making
available to us the originals of the Knossos tablets, many of which are not to
be found in Evans and My res’ Scripta Minoa II. We are indebted to them for
the photographs of tablets which appear in the Plates. While this book con¬
tains a selection of all the Mycenaean tablets known at the time of writing
(Easter, 1955), it is uncertain whether the next few seasons’ excavation will
provide any material addition to their numbers, and this may therefore be an
opportune moment to review the evidence.
2. The 1952-4 tablets have enabled us to improve many of our earlier
interpretations of signs, vocabulary and grammar, and have provided new
and conclusive evidence that the language of the Mycenaean script really is
a form of Greek. The documents here published are thus of great importance
in forming almost the earliest record of Indo-European speech (of the family
to which our own language belongs), and in providing the present-day speakers
of Greek with a language history which may now be traced back more than
3350 years. A complete and detailed Mycenaean Vocabulary is becoming a
necessity for comparative purposes.
3. A large number of classical scholars, philologists and archaeologists have
begun to join in the interpretation of the documents. A general survey of the
evidence will, we hope, be useful as a background against which to appreciate
this new research discipline, already embodied in numerous articles dealing
with points of detail. It may also provide a useful summary of its first results
for those who have not the time for the cryptographic technicalities, but who
xvii
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
nevertheless wish to know more about the subject-matter that the tablets
record and of the language in which they are written. While we would be the
first to admit that our translations of the tablets are necessarily very tentative
and imperfect, we hope that this book will have the advantage over previous
articles in offering the remaining sceptics an overwhelming mass of evidence to
show that the widespread supportfortheprincipleofthe decipherment isjustified.
The book has been planned in three sections. Part I contains a retrospective
account of the half-century of research which has culminated in decipherment;
a detailed discussion of the Mycenaean script, language and proper names;
and a summary of the cultural evidence which can be extracted from the
tablets. Part II, the core of the book, is devoted to the printing of 300 selected
texts from Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae in transliteration, together with trans¬
lation and commentary. We have tried to include all the tablets which provide
useful material for a discussion of language, life and institutions, and have
divided these into six chapters according to their different subject-matter.
Part III comprises a complete Mycenaean Vocabulary, a selective list of
personal names and a bibliography, together with concordances to the tablet
numbering and a general index.
Our views on the detailed relationship of this Greek dialect are given in
ch. in; but until a satisfactory terminology is agreed we have preferred to refer
to it non-committally as ‘Mycenaean Greek’, which is intended to mean no
more than ‘that form of Greek which has so far been proved to occur in a
Mycenaean context’. It may be objected that this would leave us without a
distinguishing label for the speech of Mycenae itself, should further evidence
reveal dialect differences between it and those of Pylos or Knossos; but similar
considerations have not prevented the term ‘Mycenaean 5 from coming into
general use to describe the culture of the same wide area. Some apology is,
however, due to the archaeologists for the necessity of referring to ‘ Mycenaean ’
dialect, script or institutions at Knossos in the period whose culture is properly
known as Late Minoan II.
For the convenience of the printer and of those unfamiliar with the My¬
cenaean script, texts and words have generally been printed in the syllabic
transliteration shown in fig. 4 (p. 23). Since in several respects the phonology
of our dialect does not necessarily coincide with that of the later classical
Greek, we have reluctantly decided to print the reconstructed Mycenaean
forms in Roman letters (as in the transcription of other ancient Near Eastern
scripts) rather than by an anachronistic use of the Greek alphabet. This has
been replaced by the conventions abgdewzhethiklmnxoprstuphkh
ps 5 . The labio-velar series is represented by q u g u q n h\ e and 6 indicate vowels
xviii
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDI i ION
in which compensatory lengthening might be expected (Attic ‘spurious’
diphthongs ei and ou). This transcription is to be regarded as no more than
a conventional approximation; the exact pronunciation of these phonemes
may be subject to considerable uncertainty (particularly in the case of z, h,
q u and s).
We have wherever possible taken account of the interpretations of individual
words, signs and contexts which have been proposed by other scholars during
the period from 1953 up to the completion of this manuscript at Easter, 1955,
and have tried to give them due credit in the commentaries and Vocabulary.
Bennett’s edition of the 1939-54 Pylos tablets unfortunately appeared too late
(February 1956) for full conformity to be ensured, particularly with regard
to his new numbering of the 1939 tablets (see p. 153). We have preferred
to leave many details of the interpretation as uncertain, where the solutions
so far advanced appear to be premature or unsatisfactory. There will inevitably
be cases where we withhold credit to others for solutions at which we had
in fact already arrived independently, and for any such apparent injustice
we apologize in advance. Books and articles have been referred to in the
text merely by their author and year of publication (or other abbreviation),
for which the key will be found in the bibliography on pages 428-33.
In preparing the first draft of this book, we divided its contents between us
in alternating sections; but these were subsequently amended, and where
necessary rewritten, to take account of the other’s criticisms, so that it is hardly
possible to apportion responsibility. Continuous discussion and correspondence
have resolved most of our differences; where we still hold strongly to opposing
views this is indicated.
We are greatly indebted to Prof. Alan J. B. Wacc for writing the Foreword
to this book, which enables us to leave in his competent hands the discussion
of the historical background to the Knossos and Mainland records; to Prof.
C. W. Blegen for the encouragement and generous facilities given to our studies
in connexion with his successive finds at Pylos; to Dr Emmett L. Bennett, Jr.
for his indispensable published reference works, for a prolonged and fruitful
private exchange of views, and for assistance with the tables of phonetic signs
and ideograms; to Mr T. B. Mitford for the tables of Cypriot syllabary signs
shown in fig. 12; and to Monsieur O. Masson for help with the table of Cypriot
linear signs (fig. 11).
We must also acknowledge with thanks the benefit which many different
parts of our book have derived from discussion and correspondence with
Professors E. G. Turner, T. B. L. Webster and L. R. Palmer, Col. P. B. S.
Andrews and other members of the seminar of the Institute of Classical Studies
xix
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
in London; with Professors G. Bjorck+, P. Ghantraine, A. Furumark, M. S.
Ruiperez and E. Sittig + , Dr F. Stubbings, Mr T. J. Dunbabin+, Herr
Hugo Miihlestein; and with many others.
Our thanks are due to the Trustees of the Leverhulme Research Fellowships
for a grant which enabled John Chadwick to make a special journey to Greece
in the spring of 1955 to examine the original documents; and to the British
School of Archaeology at Athens for the hospitality and facilities extended to
us on this and other occasions.
We are indebted to the Oxford University Press for permission to reproduce
the illustration from Scripta Minoa / shown as fig. 1, and to Messrs Macmillan
for fig. 18, taken from The Palace of Minos.
We must express our gratitude, finally, to the Cambridge University Press
for the speed, accuracy and co-operativeness with which it has undertaken the
printing of our far from straightforward manuscript.
M. G. F. Ventris
J. Chadwick
LONDON
CAMBRIDGE
May 1955
XX
FOREWORD
CHRONOLOGICAL NOTE
The Aegean area divides geographically into three main regions, the Greek Mainland,
the Archipelago, and Crete. The archaeological finds from these three regions are dated
archaeologically by what are called ‘sequence dates’. From the successive strata of
the sites that have been excavated, such as Knossos, Phylakopi, Korakou, Lianokladi,
Eutresis, the succession of the different styles is known although their absolute dating
is by no means certain. For the sake of convenience the whole Aegean Bronze Age is
divided into three main periods, Early, Middle and Late. Each period can be sub¬
divided into three sub-periods. The finds from the three main regions are thus described
as Early, Middle and Late Helladic for the Mainland, Cycladic for the Archipelago,
and Minoan for Crete. The three main periods are roughly parallel with the three great
periods of Egypt, the Old Kingdom, the Middle Kingdom, and the Late Empire. This
gives an approximate dating, which although not exactly accurate is not so far out as
to make much difference. The Late Bronze Age begins with the establishment of the
XVIIIth Egyptian Dynasty about 1580 b.c. and comes to an end in the days of the
XXth Dynasty towards the end of the twelfth century. The sub-periods of the Late
Bronze Age which most concern us, Late Helladic I, Late Helladic II and Late
Helladic III, can be dated approximately as 1580-1500, 1500-1400, and 1400-1100 b.c.
Many points are still under discussion, but new discoveries and future study are not
very likely to change these approximate dates seriously. The sequence dates are of
course fixed, unless there is an archaeological revolution, which is hardly possible.
In 1874 Schliemann made a series of trial pits on the Acropolis of Mycenae
in order to select the most promising area for future excavations on a larger
scale. In these tests Mycenaean pottery and Mycenaean terracotta figurines
were found. 1 In 1876 Schliemann carried out his really epoch-making excava¬
tion at Mycenae when he discovered the Grave Circle and the royal graves
with all their astonishing treasures. This, as he said, opened out a new world
for archaeology: this was the beginning of Aegean Archaeology and the first
landmark in the revelation of the prehistoric civilization of Greece. The second
landmark came with the opening of Evans’ excavations at Knossos in 1900,
when he first discovered the clay tablets inscribed in Linear Script B, as he
called it. The third landmark came in 1952 when Michael Ventris announced
1 Actually in 1809 Thomas Burgon picked up at Mycenae ‘south of the southernmost angle of the
wall of the Acropolis* some fragments of Mycenaean pottery. These he published in 1847 in a coloured
plate in his paper ‘An Attempt to point out the Vases of Greece Proper which belong to the Heroic
and Homeric Age’ (Transactions of the R . Society of Literature , Vol. ri, New Series, pp. 258ff., pi. IV,
A, B, C) which in some respects foreshadows the results of modern research.
XXI
FOREWORD
that he had succeeded in deciphering the Linear B script as Greek. These are
the three main stages in the unveiling of the earliest ages of Greece.
In the years between these landmarks much patient archaeological work
was carried out, especially by Tsountas, but the results of this were not
immediately seen in their correct perspective. In 1884 Schliemann and
Dorpfeld excavated the fortress ofTiryns and discovered the Mycenaean palace
there. Unfortunately the interest of the architectural remains was allowed to
overshadow the purely archaeological side of stratigraphy, and the ruins of
the palace itself were interpreted in the light of the assumptions of Homeric
critics about the plan and appearance of a Homeric house. In the years 1896
to 1899 the British School at Athens excavated a prehistoric island site at
Phylakopi in Melos which gave the successive phases of the Bronze Age culture
in the Cyclades. In 1901 the excavations at Dimini in Thessaly brought the
first knowledge of the Neolithic Age of Greece, and subsequent research began
to find a place in the series for various finds from many sites which had not
been properly evaluated before.
The point which archaeologists were slow in recognizing was the all-
important one of stratification. Furtwangler and Loeschcke, publishing in
1879 and 1886 the pottery from Schliemann’s excavations at Mycenae and
pottery of similar types which had been found elsewhere, had recognized that
the mall-pamlcd pullet y wdb piubcihiy uldci lliau llic pottery with lustrous
paint, but practically no excavator up to 1900 in southern Greece at least had
endeavoured to disentangle the order of the strata that had preceded the
Mycenaean Age, as it was called. It was customary to label everything as
pre-Mycenaean, and though much of interest had come to light at important
sites like Eleusis and Thorikos, no stratigraphic study was attempted; even the
sequence of burials in the chamber tombs which were found at many sites
was not noted. Moreover, the pottery from the chamber tombs excavated by
Tsountas at Mycenae itself was not studied or even mended. Much valuable
evidence was thus lost.
Gradually, with the beginning of the new century and after Evans’ dis¬
coveries at Knossos, a fresher spirit entered into Greek prehistoric archaeology.
The stratification of the Thessalian sites provided a guide, and the Bavarian
work at Orchomenos and the Greek work in Boeotia and Phokis showed some¬
thing of the earlier periods of the Bronze Age before the greatness of Mycenae. 1
The stratigraphic sequence was at last provided by Blegen’s excavations at
Korakou near Lechaeum in 1915 and 1916, where the sequence of what we
1 Fimmen’s Krelisch-mykenische Kullur, published in 1920 , is a good conspectus of our knowledge down
to 1915 .
XXII
FOREWORD
now call Early Helladic, Middle Helladic and Late Helladic was clearly
revealed. 1 Four years later came the new excavations at Mycenae, which at
last began to reveal the true history of the site, and other evidence accumulated
from new excavations at sites like Asine, Eutresis and Eleusis, where the
sequences illustrated by Korakou proved of invaluable assistance. In 1939
Blegen discovered in the Palace of Nestor at Pylos several hundred clay tablets
inscribed in the Linear B script, which when analysed by Bennett proved of
inestimable value in the decipherment studies of Ventris.
By 1930 the archaeologists had, by studying the successive strata, come to
accept generally the thesis that the Greeks must have first entered Greece with
the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, deducing this from the following
archaeological facts. The first stage of civilization in Greece is represented by
the prehistoric mounds of Thessaly and contemporary sites in Central and
Southern Greece. The earliest layers are Neolithic, and though we cannot as
yet suggest even an approximate date, they probably are not later than the
fourth millennium b.c. Their earliest inhabitants had reached a pottery stage
of development and (to judge by the presence of Melian obsidian) were able
to cross the narrow seas. We know nothing of their origin, which is still a
matter of archaeological debate. They were succeeded at the beginning of the
Bronze Age by a new people who, to judge from their artefacts, were racially
dissimilar. 2 This new people used copper and later bronze and made pottery
of a more sophisticated type, but had not yet learnt the potter’s wheel. It
would appear that this people introduced into Greece many words, mostly
place and plant names, ending in -nthos, -assos, -ttos and -ene which are recog¬
nized as non-Indo-European: such words are Korinthos, terebintho i*, asaminthos ,
Parnassos, Hymettos, Mykene. The original home of the Early Helladic people
is usually placed in south-western Asia Minor, where similar place-names
occur, but there is as yet no proof for this. This folk was akin to the contem¬
porary Bronze Age peoples of the Cyclades and of Crete, and thus we can
recognize that the cultures of the Early Bronze Age in these areas were not
only contemporary but closely related. These cultures may not have been
actually sisters, but were probably at least first cousins.
The Early Helladic people overran the Mainland, and presumably did
not extirpate the Neolithic folk but coalesced with the survivors. In any
case, as far as we can tell, they were not Indo-European. Some German
1 VVaceand Blegen, BSA, xxn, pp. 175 fF.
’ Some writers (Matz, Hisloria, 1 , p. 173 ) believe that the early stage of the Early Helladic period
overlapped with the later stage of the Neolithic period. There is, however, so far no stratigraphic
evidence in favour of this, and the stratification at Lianokladi, Hagia Marina, Tsani, Prosymna and
Orchomenos is against it.
xxiii
FOREWORD
scholars, 1 however, wish to see in the Early Helladic period two strains, one
Indo-European and one non-Indo-European, basing their ideas on the tectonic
and syntactic character of some of the ornament on the patterned pottery. To
extract ethnological conclusions from psychological speculations of this type is,
to say the least, unwise: archaeology, especially prehistoric archaeology, should
be as factual as possible and not imaginative to this extent.
With the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age on the Mainland of Greece
in the nineteenth century b.c. a new element appears. In the stratification of
excavated sites such as Korakou, Eutresis and Lianokladi it is obvious that
there is no transition or evolution from the Early Bronze Age culture to that
of the Middle Bronze Age. It is clear that a new factor at this time came into
Greece; and since the material signs of its culture, pottery (which was made
on the wheel), house plans, tombs, and in general all artefacts, differ markedly
from those of the preceding Early Bronze Age, we assume that these differences
mean a difference of race. This new racial element presumably in its turn also
overran and amalgamated with the survivors of the Early Helladic inhabitants.
From this time onwards there is no similar sign of any cultural break: the
Middle Bronze Age develops slowly and naturally into the Late Bronze Age.
This can be seen clearly in the pottery from the late Middle Helladic grave circle
at Mycenae recently excavated by Dr Papademetriou and Professor George
Mylonas. 2 Likewise at the end of the Late Bronze Age there can be observed,
in spite of the more or less general destruction of the principal sites like
Mycenae and Tiryns, a similar gradual change in culture (visible most of all
in the pottery) from the end of the Bronze Age into the Early Iron Age. From
the Early Iron Age henceforward there is no break in the development of
culture in Greece: the Early Iron Age evolves naturally into the Orientalizing
and Archaic periods and so into the great Classical Age of Greece. Thus by
a process of elimination we deduce that since neither the Neolithic nor the
Early Helladic people were Indo-Europeans, that is Greeks, then the Middle
Helladic people who introduced into Greece the mysterious pottery called
Minyan Ware (the characteristic pottery of the Middle Bronze Age) were
probably the first Greeks to enter Hellas. So far no sign of their presence in
the north of the Balkan peninsula can be found, and apart from Troy we have
no indications of their presence in Asia Minor. The original home of the Greeks
still remains a problem awaiting solution.
The Middle Helladic people apparently did not immediately come into
contact with Crete and the Minoan culture; they met however in Melos,
1 E.g. Matz, Hantlbuch der Archdologie , n, p. 203. He develops similar ideas in his Torsion.
1 Archaeology , v, pp. 194#.
XXIV
FOREWORD
where at Phylakopi Kamares ware and Minyan ware are found side by side
in the same Middle Gycladic strata. Towards the end of the Middle Bronze
Age some of the painted Middle Helladic pottery shows signs of Cretan
(Kamares) influence, but actual imports from Crete are rare. During the
transition from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age the Mainland people
became at last fully aware of the Minoan culture, which influenced the Main¬
land in much the same way as that in which classical Greek culture influenced
Etruria. Just as in Crete the latest Middle Minoan products almost abruptly
change into the new style of Late Minoan I, so on the Mainland the last style
of Middle Helladic gives way rather suddenly to the bloom of Late Helladic I.
The oversea connexions of the Mainland in this and the following period are
to be seen in the fact that the ‘Aegean’ pottery found in Egypt at this date
is Late Helladic and not Late Minoan. 1 Little or no Middle Helladic pottery
has been observed in Crete; 2 but Melian vases of Middle Cycladic III date
were found in the Knossian temple repositories of Middle Minoan III, and
a small vase of Knossian faience of the same period in Shaft Grave A of the
new Middle Helladic grave circle at Mycenae. 3 At all events from Late
Minoan I /Late Helladic I onwards the contacts between Crete, Knossos in
particular, and the Mainland (as exemplified at Mycenae) were frequent and
intimate. The trained eye can, however, nearly always distinguish between
Cretan and Mainland vases. The Zakro cups, for instance, are quite different
in fabric from their contemporaries on the Mainland. In the succeeding Late
Minoan II or Palace Period, actual Mainland vases are found at Knossos 4
and imitations of them are common, for instance the Ephyraean goblets of
Knossos. 5
As pointed out below, it was the fashion down to the beginning of Evans’
excavations at Knossos to call the remains of the prehistoric age of Greece
Mycenaean or pre-Mycenaean; and thus the Late Bronze Age remains of
Crete were designated as Mycenaean, the Middle Bronze Age in Crete was
called the Kamares period, and so on. Gradually Evans by 1905 evolved the
Minoan system of sequence dating, and so thenceforward he and others
working in Crete began to speak of Early, Middle and Late Minoan for their
three phases of the Cretan Bronze Age. As Evans developed his theory that
the Late Bronze culture of the Greek Mainland was due to a Cretan or Minoan
1 Wacc and Blcgcn, Klio, xxxii (1939), pp. 145fF. Even the famous Marseilles ewer is Late Helladic II.
We re-examined it in 1952. It was in the collection of Clot Bey which was formed in Egypt.
* Evans notes only one sherd of Minyan ware as found at Knossos {PM> 11, p. 309).
3 Excavated by Dr Papadcmetriou and Professor Mylonas.
4 E.g. Evans, PM , 11, p. 484, fig. 291 d and e.
* Evans, PM } iv, p. 360, figs. 301, 302, 306.
XXV
FOREWORD
conquest and colonization, he began to call the Late Bronze Age remains of
the Mainland Late Minoan; this nomenclature has persisted in some cases,
such as in the writings of Myres, down to the present time. After the resumed
excavations at Mycenae in 1920, it became clear to archaeologists such as Karo
working on the Greek Mainland that the culture of the Mainland, though
undoubtedly influenced by Crete, was largely independent of it; thus the
system of Early, Middle and Late Heiladic was proposed as a parallel series
for the development of the culture of the Greek Mainland. Evans naturally
was opposed to this because he refused to the last to modify his views about
the relationship of Crete and the Mainland. He called those who refused to
accept his views preposterous and perverse. His pan-Minoan theories are
everywhere prominent in his Palace of Minos}
With the impulse of excavations such as Korakou and the new work at
Mycenae, students of prehistoric Greek archaeology began to recognize certain
facts which emphasize the differences and likenesses of Knossos and the Greek
Mainland in the second phase of the Late Bronze Age (Late Minoan II and
Late Heiladic II).
In Crete at this time, which Evans called the Palace Period at Knossos, it
must be observed that Knossos differed much from the rest of Crete. The
Palace Style, as such, is practically non-existent in the rest of Crete outside
Knossos, and if examples of it are found they are generally considered as
imports from Knossos. It has long been recognized that in East Crete, for
instance, the Late Minoan II Palace Style period does not exist, but that there
is instead a prolongation of the Late Minoan I style which gradually evolves
into the Late Minoan III style. It should also be remarked that the Linear B
script is so far known in Crete only at Knossos, whereas the Linear A script
is known both at Knossos and in the rest of Crete. The Linear B script is the
only script so far found on the Mainland, and it is far more widespread there
than in Crete, where it occurs only at one site, for it is known at Orchomenos,
Thebes, Eleusis, Tiryns, Mycenae and Pylos.
In the excavations at Korakou a type of pottery was first noticed to which the
name of Ephyraean was applied. This belongs to the Late Heiladic II period
and is characterized by a class of well designed and proportioned goblets of
fine, smooth, buff fabric painted with floral and marine patterns. They are
easily distinguished by their patterns and fabric and are remarkable for their
simplicity and dignity. In 1920 it was observed that a class of vases similar to
1 Evans always refused to recognize any distinction between the Late Bronze Age pottery of the
Mainland and that of Crete. He called it all Late Minoan and thus obscured much of the historical
value of his discoveries.
xx vi
FOREWORD
the Ephyraean vases of the Mainland was found at Knossos belonging to the
same general date, the second phase of the Late Bronze Age. The Knossian
examples, however, are less well made and less well designed; they also lack
the simplicity of the Mainland examples and the patterns on them are too large
in proportion. Further, it became apparent that the type of vase called by
Evans an alabastron y which occurs throughout the Late Bronze Age, is far more
common on the Mainland of Greece than in Crete. Because vases of this shape
in actual alabaster were found in the ruins of the throne room at Knossos 1
it was assumed that it must be a Cretan shape; there are, however, from
chamber tombs at Mycenae excavated by Tsountas, two vases 2 of this shape
in gypsum which may well be of Mainland manufacture. The tombs 3 in Crete
in which clay alabastra are found are of this Late Minoan II period, the period
which is characterized by the so-called Palace Style of decoration for pottery.
Vases of the Palace Style, large amphorae, are on the Mainland a notable
feature of the Late Helladic II period, especially in the beehive tombs. Kurt
Muller long ago pointed out that those found at Kakovatos were of local and
not of Cretan fabric, in opposition to the then current belief that all Palace
Style vases were Cretan imports, a view which some apparently still hold. 4
All the large Palace Style jars found on the Mainland are definitely of local
manufacture: those found at Vaphio, for instance, are of the same pinkish clay
as the later Laconian vases of the Orientalizing period. Careful study of these
three classes of vases indicates that in all probability their occurrence in Crete
is due to influence from the Mainland.
Other Mainland influences can be discerned. The beehive tombs so charac¬
teristic of the Mainland, especially in Late Helladic II, are represented by a
few examples at Knossos; and at Knossos alone in the whole of Crete at this
time, so far as our present knowledge goes. On the other hand, on the Main¬
land between forty and fifty beehive tombs are known: thus if number is the
principal test beehive tombs seem to be a feature of the Mainland, where their
structural development can be followed, rather than of Knossos.
The three palaces so far exacavated on the Mainland at Tiryns, Mycenae
and Pylos have throne rooms. Knossos has a throne room which belongs to
the latest part of the palace and seems to be a later insertion into an earlier
plan; 5 the other Cretan palaces have not so far revealed throne rooms. At
1 BSA , vi, p. 41.
2 National Museum at Athens, No. 2769, from a chamber tomb at Mycenae 1887-88, and No. 3163
from Tomb 88 at Mycenae.
3 See below, p. xxv.
4 Picard, Religions Prehelleniques, p. 282.
5 According to Evans (PM, iv, pp. 901 f.) it is a ‘revolutionary intrusion’ of the early part of LM II.
xxvii
FOREWORD
Knossos several fragmentary examples of friezes carved with rosettes or with
the Mycenaean triglyph pattern have been found. Evans wished to attribute
these to Middle Minoan III and to regard them as the models for similar
friezes from Mycenae and Tiryns, which are of Late Helladic III date. The
stratification of the fragments from Knossos is by no means secure: they belong
to the upper strata of the palace, and are probably due to Mainland influence.
There are fluted columns at Knossos, but these again belong to the Late
Minoan II period and we know now that fluted columns were used at Mycenae
and also at Pylos; fluted columns are not known at Phaestus and other Cretan
sites outside Knossos.
Two other points call for mention. It has been observed that the style of
the frescoes 1 of the last palace at Knossos is much more akin to that of the
frescoes of Mycenae, Thebes, Tiryns and other Mainland sites than to the style
of the frescoes found at Phaestus and other Cretan sites. The Cretan frescoes
are naturalistic in character; those of Knossos and the Mainland are more
interested in the human figure and in warlike scenes. Evans noted the military
spirit of Knossos in this time, Late Minoan II.
In the palace at Knossos Evans found a store of blocks of green porphyry,
lapis Lacedaemonius , the only source of which is Krokeai in Laconia, half-way
between Sparta and the sea. This stone was popular at Mycenae and other
Late Helladic centres for making stone vases, and the raw material seems to
have been brought from Laconia to Mycenae to be worked. This porphyry
is then yet another hint of Mainland influence on Knossos in Late Minoan II.
It was from a study of such points that several archaeologists had come to
the conclusion that Knossos at this time, the Palace Period, stood apart from
the rest of Crete and had more kinship with the Mainland. They suggested
that the factors which Evans had interpreted as proofs of a Minoan coloniza¬
tion and conquest of the Mainland really pointed in the opposite direction,
and that they indicated strong Mainland influence on Knossos as opposed to
the rest of Crete. They at the same time emphasized the necessity for dis¬
tinguishing between Late Minoan and Late Helladic pottery, especially at
such sites as Phylakopi in Melos and Ialysos in Rhodes. At Phylakopi Cretan
influence is first to be observed in the Middle Bronze Age, when Middle
Minoan pottery (Kamares ware) was freely imported at the same time as
Minyan ware from the Mainland makes its appearance in the island. With
the Late Cycladic period both Late Minoan I and Late Helladic I pottery are
found at Phylakopi, by Late Cycladic II the quantity of Mainland Late
Helladic II pottery outstrips the Late Minoan II, and by Late Cycladic III
1 Banti in Rpas 'AvtcovIou KepaporroOAAou, pp. i igff.
xxviii
FOREWORD
Mainland Late Helladic pottery is dominant and there is little if anything
from Crete. In the early days before Aegean archaeologists recognized that
it was possible to distinguish between Late Minoan I and Late Helladic I
pottery (and the importance of doing so), practically all imported Late Bronze
Age vases at Phylakopi were called Minoan, even some which we now know
are obviously of Late Helladic II fabric. 1 This gradual displacement of
Cretan influence by Mainland influence is a point to which too little attention
has been paid.
At Ialysos 2 the earliest Aegean settlement seems to have taken place at the
end of the Middle Bronze Age, for late Middle Minoan pottery has been found
there. With the opening of the Late Bronze Age both Late Minoan and Late
Helladic vases are present, with perhaps the Cretan in the lead. By the second
phase of the Late Bronze Age the story of Phylakopi is repeated and Late
Helladic II influence becomes dominant, and by that time the occupation or
perhaps colonization of Rhodes from the Mainland was so strong that
c Mycenaean ’ pottery was by then being made on the island.
At Knossos actual Late Helladic 11 vases have been found, 3 and the recently
discovered tombs also show Mainland influence. The new warrior graves,
apart from weapons, contain Palace Style vases, alabastra and Knossian imita¬
tions of Ephyraean ware; 4 the other graves of the same date recently discovered
at Katsamba near Knossos show the same characteristics. 5 Thus Aegean
archaeologists had deduced that the relations between Mycenae and Knossos
were not as believed by Evans, but rather the reverse, that the Mainland had
strongly influenced or dominated Knossos. Evans had pointed out 6 that in
his Palace Period (when he suggested that a new dynasty with strong military
tendencies was in power at Knossos) other Cretan centres were overthrown;
he attributed this to the dominance of Knossos over the rest of Crete, and at
the same time he believed that this strong military Knossos had extended its
power to the Mainland and had established a colonial empire there. The
inherent natural strength of the Middle Helladic tradition, which persisted all
through Late Helladic in spite of any influences absorbed from Crete or else-
1 BSA, xvii, PI. XI.
2 Monaco, Clara Rhodos, x, pp. 41 ff. Furumark’s paper ( Acta Inst. Rom. R. Sueciae, xv, pp. i5off.)
on the Ialysos discoveries was written without his ever seeing the actual pottery, which my wife and I
have been allowed to study in the Rhodes Museum by the kindness of Dr Kontes.
3 Evans, PM, 11, p. 485, fig. 291 d and e. The Palaikastro ogival canopy jug (ibid. p. 490, fig. 296 a)
is of Cretan fabric.
4 BSA , xlvm, pp. 246 IT.
& BCH, 1954, pp. i^of., figs. 50, 51. The vases include Knossian Ephyraean goblets, Palace Style
vases and alabastra. Compare Antiquity, xxvm, pp. 18 3 f.
• PM, iv, pp. 884fi, 944 f.
XXIX
FOREWORD
where, shows clearly to those who have eyes to see that the Mainland and
Crete during the Late Bronze Age are basically and essentially different. 1
Thus the general belief was spreading among those who had devoted serious
study to the problem and knew the actual objects (in short, the excavators
and field archaeologists) and who had already deduced that the Mycenaeans
must be Greeks, that at this time Knossos must have been at least under strong
Mainland influence, perhaps even under the rule of a Mainland prince. 2 It
was consequently suggested that the destruction of Knossos at the close of the
fifteenth century (at the end of Late Minoan II) was not due to an invasion
from overseas or an earthquake, but to a revolt of the native Cretans, the
‘Minoans’, against the intruding Greek dynasty or overlords. The deductions
about Mainland influence at Knossos 3 were based on facts, archaeological
facts, the value of which far outweighs all theories and hypotheses about
Minoan empires and colonies.
The Aegean archaeologists naturally believed that the ‘Mycenaeans’ of the
Mainland were Greeks, and that they would have spoken and written Greek.
Thus the discovery of the Pylos tablets in 1939 and their obvious similarity in
script and probably in language with the Linear B tablets from Knossos posed
an entirely new problem, which could only be solved by the decipherment of
the script. The ‘Minoans’ naturally held that the Pylos tablets proved the
Minoan conquest of the Mainland. One scholar even suggested that the
tablets were loot from Knossos! The ‘Mainlanders’ believed that the Pylos
tablets ought to be written in Greek, and toyed with the idea that the Knossos
tablets might be Greek also, though even they did not then see the wider
implications of the result of all this. ‘Whether the language of the Mainland,
probably then Greek, was the same as that of Crete we cannot yet determine.’ 4
In 1952, as explained below, Mr Ventris announced his decipherment of
the Linear B script as Greek, 5 and many things thereupon became clear and
the archaeological deductions received linguistic confirmation, a great triumph
for both methods. Working independently, the archaeologists and the linguists
had come to the same conclusions. It is not often that learned researches
support one another so decisively or so neatly.
Thus at one stroke what is practically a revolution has taken place in Greek
1 Compare Furumark, op. cit. pp. 186 ff.
% Pendlebury, Archaeology of Crete, p. 229. This suggestion was rejected by Matz, Handbuch der Archdo -
logie , ii, p. 271.
3 Compare Kantor, The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium B.C.
4 Wace, Mycenae (1949), p. 117.
4 If the Linear B script which is that of the Mainland represents Greek, then the Linear A script,
known so far only in Crete, probably represents the Minoan language.
XXX
FOREWORD
studies. The prehistoric period of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages on the
Mainland (Middle and Late Helladic) must now be recognized as Hellenic;
we cannot include Crete, because we cannot yet read the Minoan Linear A
script, which represents a different language from the Linear B script, and
thus the Minoan culture cannot be called Hellenic. We must in future dif¬
ferentiate between the Linear A Minoan script and the Linear B Mycenaean
script; for the latter is far commoner on the Mainland, where it is found from
Orchomenos in the north to Pylos in the south, than it is in Crete.
We must in future speak of pre-Classical and Classical Greek art and culture.
From the beginning of Schliemann’s discoveries at Mycenae the conservatism
of classical archaeologists has obstructed progress in the study of Greek civiliza¬
tion as a whole. Because the pre-Classical Mycenaean culture was in many
ways naturally unlike the culture of Classical Greece of the sixth, fifth and
fourth centuries b.c., archaeologists refused to believe that it could possibly
be Greek. They could hardly have expected that the culture of Mycenae,
one thousand years older, and that of Periclean Athens would be the same.
The more, however, we study Mycenaean art and culture, the more we find
in it elements that anticipate Classical Greek art.
From the first, because Mycenaean art was unlike Classical Greek art, it
was dismissed as oriental. Even when it was admitted that the Greeks might
have arrived in Greece at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, it was
stated that Greek art did not develop until one thousand years later, after an
interregnum of chaos. One writer for example says: 4 When the sun of Homer
rose out of the darkness of this wild time, it shone over the ruins of Creto-
Mycenaean culture; but the new life of pure Hellenism grew up out of its
ruins.’ 1 We are told that the first creation of Greek art was the Geometric
style, as though it had suddenly descended from Olympus about 1000 b.c.
These ‘orthodox’ archaeologists never reflected for one moment on the growth
and evolution of the Geometric style. We now know that it evolved gradually
from the pre-Classical culture of the Late Bronze Age, just as that in its turn
evolved from the culture of the Middle Bronze Age. Nature does not work
per saltus but by slow and sometimes painful processes of growth and change
and development. In any study of Greek art to concentrate on the Classical
period alone is a fatal mistake. The true student of Greek art must begin his
studies with the Middle Bronze Age at least; also, he must not end his studies
with the death of Alexander, as so many do, and refuse even to look at
Hellenistic art.
Schliemann in the enthusiasm of his first discoveries was overawed by the
1 Pfuhl, Masterpieces of Greek Drawing and Painting , p f -. lof.
XXXI
FOREWORD
‘ experts ’, who insisted that his finds could not b e Greek but must b e Phoenician,
Asiatic and so on. When he found frescoes at Mycenae, the ‘experts’ insisted
that they could not possibly be prehistoric and deterred him from publishing
them. Other ‘experts’ have held that there is a great chasm between pre-
Classical and Classical Greece. An Oxford professor wrote 1 as late as 1911:
‘The chasm dividing prehistoric and historic Greece is growing wider and
deeper; and those who were at first disposed to leap over it now recognize such
feats are impossible.’ It is this spirit which has impeded progress in our studies
of pre-Classical Greece. Now, with the revelation of a pre-Homeric Greek
going back to the fifteenth century b.c., we have before us a great opportunity
to discard old assumptions and the shibboleths once regarded almost as sacred
dogma.
The history of Greece and of Greek culture will have to be rewritten from
the outlook of our present knowledge, and as more pre-Classical texts are found
and deciphered, so our knowledge will grow. Greek art is one and indivisible,
and has a continuous history from the first arrival of the Greeks. A fresh
examination of the legends of early Greece must also be undertaken to estimate
their archaeological and historical value.
There are three points, at least, which future discoveries and study will
undoubtedly make clearer. The orthodox view of classical archaeologists is
that there was a ‘Dark Age 5 , when all culture in Greece declined to barbarism,
at the close of the Bronze Age and in the early period of the ensuing Iron Age.
Even now, when it is admitted that the Greeks of the Late Bronze Age could
read and write with the Linear B script, it is still believed by some that in the
transition from the Age of Bronze to that of Iron the Greeks forgot how to
read and write, until about the eighth century when they adopted the Phoe¬
nician alphabet. It is incredible that a people as intelligent as the Greeks
should have forgotten how to read and write once they had learned how to
do so. It is more probable that the Linear B script continued in use, and
perhaps even overlapped the first appearance of the Greek adaptation of the
Phoenician alphabet. This would have taken place in much the same manner
as that in which the native Cypriot syllabary continued in use until the third
century b.c. and overlapped the Greek alphabet in the island. The Cypriot
syllabary seems to be a development of the local so-called Cypro-Minoan
script, examples of which have been found at Enkomi and Ras Shamra.
Future discoveries may well reveal to us that the Linear B script continued
into the Early Iron Age and was then gradually replaced by the Phoenician
alphabet, which the Greeks found more convenient for writing their language.
' k P. Gardner, JHS, ign, p. lix.
xxxii
FOREWORD
The clay tablets with the Linear B Mycenaean script so far found at Pylos,
Knossos or Mycenae are all inventories of one kind or another. No documents
such as letters or anything of a literary character have yet been found. We can
hardly doubt that such existed, though they were probably written on materials
less able to survive disaster than clay: the inventories of clay were baked and
so preserved by the violent fires which destroyed so much. Letters or literary
texts may well have been on wooden tablets or some form of parchment or
even papyrus; some fortunate discovery will possibly one day reveal them to us.
So elaborate a system of writing cannot have been employed only for recording
inventories of goods or payments of taxes, things in themselves ephemeral;
the Linear B script was probably also used for letters, treaties and even literary
texts.
Evans 1 long ago suggested that perhaps the earliest Greek epics had been
written in ‘Minoan’ and then translated into Greek. There is now no longer
any need to imagine this, since we know that the Linear B tablets are in Greek
and an early epic poet, had he been so minded, could have recorded his
masterpieces on clay. Homer is the earliest existing monument of Greek
literature and the Iliad can hardly have been the first Greek poem ever com¬
posed: its very perfection in language, composition, style and metre shows that
it is not the work of a mere prentice hand, but that of a master who must have
learned his art from a long succession of predecessors. We need not therefore
be surprised if excavation or some casual find in Greece gives us an early
document—a letter, or a literary text, a history or a poem—from some long-
forgotten forerunner of Homer.
As we have said, historians and archaeologists are accustomed to speak of
the period of transition from the Bronze Age to that of Iron, and of the early
years of the Iron Age, as a ‘Dark Age’ and to assume that culture in Greece
then underwent a severe recession; thus they assert that literacy was forgotten,
civilization declined, all was turmoil and barbarism. Actually the principal
reason why this is called a ‘Dark Age’ is that we have little or no evidence for
it in archaeology, in history or in literature. No inhabited site of this period
or of the Geometric period has been excavated. Our earliest sites are sanc¬
tuaries like the Orthia site at Sparta and like Perachora. The evidence of the
cemeteries which have been excavated (as at the Kerameikos) shows that from
1 See Evans’ paper in JHS> 1912, pp. 2778"., especially p. 288. In this paper he rightly says (p. 277):
'The scientific study of Greek civilization is becoming less and less possible without taking into constant
account that of the Minoan and Mycenaean world that went before it.’ He throughout emphasizes the
pre-Classical survivals in Classical Greek art, which in the light of the decipherment of Linear B as
Greek is almost prophetic. The reader should, however, remember that Evans makes no distinction
between Minoan and Mycenaean.
= xxxiii c d 1
FOREWORD
the close of the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age there was no violent archaeo¬
logical break, only a gradual transition or evolution from one age to the next.
Likewise in Dorian Argolis, as in non-Dorian Attica, evidence is slowly accumu¬
lating to show that a similar process of evolution took place. As exploration
proceeds, evidence of the same kind will no doubt come to light from the other
areas of Greece. Tombs do not usually, even at the height of the Classical
period, yield much if any epigraphical material.
But what of the Dorians and the so-called Dorian Invasion? The effects of
the Dorian migration into the Peloponnese have been exaggerated by his¬
torians. To the Greeks of the Classical period there was no great Dorian
Invasion. They called it the ‘Return of the Herakleidai ’, and we know from
Homer that even at the time of the Trojan war Herakleidai were in power
in Greece: Tlepolemus, 1 the son of Herakles, the great Dorian hero, led the
contingents from Rhodes and the southern Sporades. The Dorians, according
to Thucydides, came into the Peloponnese with the returning Herakleidai.
There is nowhere in the Greek tradition any hint that the Dorians were different
except in dialect from any other Greek tribe. The Dorians were Greeks and
found Greeks already thoroughly established in Hellas. There is no suggestion
that they introduced any new or foreign culture: all efforts to find in the
archaeological remains things specifically Dorian have failed completely. There
are undoubtedly changes and developments in the artefacts from the close of
the Bronze Age down into the Iron Age and the Geometric period, but these
are natural developments and not revolutionary changes: we must not deny
to the intelligence of the Greeks any touch of inventiveness or originality.
Matz 2 who says ‘Das wirklich Neue beginnt erst mit dem Protogeometrischen’
overlooks the clear evidence of the evolution of proto-Geometric from the
latest Mycenaean wares. The Dorian migration brought about not a cultural
but only a political change in Greece. The return of the Alkmaionidai and
their clients is a parallel event and we need not imagine that the Dorians
altered in Laconia, for instance, anything but the political structure of the
country. The Dorians on the Return of the Herakleidai to the Peloponnese
obtained political control of Corinth, Argos, Laconia and Messenia. Pausanias’
notes on the gradual occupation of Laconia by the Dorians suggest no more
than the slow winning of political control. In Argolis Mycenae remained
independent until some time after her co-operation in the victory of Plataea.
1 Some Homeric critics call him a Dorian interpolation, e.g. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, p. 47.
He occurs, however, in the Homeric Catalogue inscription of the late third century b.c. from Chios
( JHS , 1954, p. 162).
2 Handbuch der Archaologie, 11, p. 305. Compare Furumark, Acta Inst. Rom. R. Sueciae , x (0/a Arch, nr),
p. 195 n. 1.
XXXIV
FOREWORD
At Tiryns the palace was destroyed some time in the third phase of the Late
Bronze Age (Late Helladic III), but the megaron was rebuilt on a smaller
scale; 1 it presumably continued in use for some time thereafter. Unluckily,
owing to the circumstances of the excavation of the palace at Tiryns, we have
no archaeological evidence to tell us when the megaron was destroyed or when
it was reoccupied.
The importance of Mr Ventris' decipherment can hardly be over-estimated,
for it inaugurates a new phase in our study of the beginnings of classical
Hellas. We must recognize the Mycenaean culture as Greek, and as one of the
first stages in the advance of the Hellenes towards the brilliance of their later
amazing achievements. We must guard against the facile assumptions of the
past and look at everything afresh from the new point of view. In culture,
in history and in language we must regard prehistoric and historic Greece as
one indivisible whole. The way has been prepared for us by the pioneer
archaeological work of Schliemann, Tsountas and Evans, and we must follow
boldly in their footsteps under the guiding light now provided for us by
Mr Ventris and Mr Chadwick. 2
1 Blcgen’s suggestions ( Korakou , pp. 130 ff.) are undoubtedly right. The German ideas that the
reconstructed megaron was a classical temple are untenable.
a This Introduction was written in the winter of 1954-5 while I was a member of the Institute for
Advanced Study at Princeton. It owes much to the collaboration of my wife and to the criticism of
several iriends in America who read it in first draft.
A. J. B. W.
PART I
SCRIPT, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE
CHAPTER I
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
1 . THE HOMERIC AGE AS MYTH
The Hellenes of the classical period preserved no clear memory either of
a system of writing earlier than the Greek alphabet, or of a time when they
and their language were not firmly rooted on the Greek mainland.
The source of the alphabet is clearly acknowledged by Herodotus (v, 58-9,
in Rawlinson’s translation):
Now the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and to whom the Gephyraei belonged,
introduced into Greece upon their arrival a great variety of arts, among the rest that
of writing, whereof the Greeks till then had, as I think, been ignorant. And originally
they shaped their letters exactly like all the other Phoenicians, but afterwards, in course
of time, they changed by degrees their language, and together with it the form likewise
of their characters. Now the Greeks who dwelt about those parts at that time were
chiefly the Ionians. The Phoenician letters were accordingly adopted by them, but
with some variation in the shape of a few, and ,so they arrived at the present use, still
calling the letters Phoenician, as justice required, after the name of those who were the
first to introduce them into Greece. Paper rolls also were called from old 8196^01 by
the Ionians, because formerly when paper was scarce they used, instead, the skins of
sheep and goats—on which many of the barbarians are even now wont to write.
I myself saw Cadmeian characters engraved upon some tripods in the temple of Apollo
Ismenias in Boeotian Thebes, most of them shaped like the Ionian. One of the tripods
has the inscription following:
Me did Amphitryon place, from the far Teleboans coming.
This would be about the age of Laius, the son of Labdacus, the son of Polydorus, the
son of Cadmus.
The ease with which Herodotus was able to read this and two other inscrip¬
tions in the same temple, allegedly written some four generations or so before
the Trojan war, may have left him with some suspicion that their great
antiquity was only a pious fraud; and a more general feeling that writing was
wholly out of place in the heroic age is reflected in Homer, whose only reference
to a visual message is couched in such vague terms as to leave doubt whether
true writing is intended at all (//. vi, 155-70):
Now Glaukos was the father of blameless Bellerophon, whom the gods had endowed
with beauty and manly grace, but whom Proitos, his overlord, expelled from Argos in
3
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
murderous anger. Proitos’ wife Anteia had conceived a passionate desire to go to bed
with him secretly, but was unable to prevail on the prudent and high-minded Bel-
lerophon. So she went with a lying story to King Proitos: 'May death be yours if you
do not kill Bellerophon: he has tried to rape me.’ The king was seized with fury when
he heard this; taboo restrained him from killing him on the spot, but he dispatched
him to Lycia with a folded board, scratched with many malevolent symbols designed
to bring him ruin: he had only to show them to the king’s father-in-law for his doom
to be sealed.
But although Agamemnon, Odysseus and Nestor might have been illiterate,
and although their ancient palaces and cities had long since crumbled into
dust, it was in ancient times accepted without question that the Homeric
heroes had been Greeks in language, religion and every other distinguishing
feature, and that among their subjects were to be numbered the ancestors of
most, if not all, of the classical population. Homer possessed no term which
could be used without anachronism to refer to this linguistic unity (though
the Carians are called (3appap69Covoi in 11 . n, 867); but for Herodotus the
Trojan war was a clear-cut struggle between "EAAqvES and Asiatics, and a direct
antecedent of the rivalry which was to culminate in the Persian invasions
(1, 3-5)-
Both Homer and Herodotus agreed, however, that among the segmented
and constantly-shifting population of the early Aegean there had also been
elements which did not speak Greek. This is clear from the description of
Crete in Od. xix, 172-7: ‘There is a land called Crete, in the middle of the
wine-dark sea, beautiful and rich, with water on all sides; on her are innu¬
merable men and ninety cities, and one language jostles another: there are
Achaeans, and great-hearted True-Cretans, Cydonians, Dorians divided into
their three tribes (?), and excellent Pelasgians.’
In a significant passage (1, 57-8) evidently based on personal investigation,
Herodotus concludes from the speech of the ‘Pelasgians’ living in his time
on the Hellespont, on Lemnos and in the problematical city of ‘Creston’
(who in earlier times had inhabited Thessaliotis and Attica, where they had
built the wall round the Acropolis) that this widespread people had spoken
a barbarous tongue. In order to reconcile Pelasgian and Athenian claims to
autochthony, he argues that the Athenians must have been Pelasgians who at
some time adopted the Greek language; and goes on, with a disregard for his
own previous argument and for our own more careful discrimination between
‘race’ and ‘language’, to describe the Hellenic race as one which had never
changed its language, but had been ‘severed’ (&Tro<j)(itf6£v) from the Pelasgians
and had increased its numbers at their expense. The same ambiguities are
4
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
present in his description of the Ionians (vn, 94): ‘When they dwelt in the
Peloponnese and inhabited the land now called Achaea (which was before
the arrival of Danaus and Xuthus in the Peloponnese) they were called,
according to the Greek account, “ Pelasgians of the sea-shore”, but afterwards,
from Ion the son of Xuthus, they were called Ionians.’ Both Sophocles (in his
Inachus ) and Thucydides (iv, 109, 4) use ‘Tyrrhenian’ as a synonym for
‘Pelasgian’, in allusion to the widespread belief in a Pelasgian migration from
Thessaly and the North Aegean to Italy, associated or identical with the
Etruscan migration derived from Lydia by Herodotus. This theory, found in
Hellanicus of Lesbos (fifth century b.c.), Andron of Halicarnassus, Varro,
Diodorus Siculus, Strabo and others, has been subjected to detailed but incon¬
clusive criticism both by Dionysius of Halicarnassus in antiquity (‘Poop. ’Apx*
1, xxv-xxx) and recently by Pallottino (1947). A germ of historical truth is
indicated by the discovery at Kaminia on Lemnos in 1885 of a sixth-century
stele inscribed in what is almost certainly a language closely related to Etruscan.
The classical picture of a Greece inhabited since the birth of mankind by
a number of Greek-speaking tribes, living side-by-side with Pelasgians, Eteo-
cretans, Leleges and other obscure peoples, was to be undermined by the
Jewish-Christian cosmogony which, while retaining a finite date for the Crea¬
tion, dismissed the possibility of local autochthony in favour of a diffusion of
all languages and peoples from a common centre in Asia. A long period of
unprofitable speculation on the mutual relationship of languages, in which
Hebrew played a pernicious role, continued until 1796, when Sir William Jones
gave first public expression to the view that Sanskrit, Latin and Greek had
‘sprung from some common source, which perhaps no longer exists’.
In the next twenty years Franz Bopp and Rasmus Rask were able to show
conclusively that the Greek language, like its relatives, was in fact the result
of a continuous evolution from a common ‘Indo-European’ ancestor, and
that it must therefore at one time have been brought into Greece from some
more central location somewhere on the great plains which stretch from Poland
to Turkestan. The age in which the hypothetical parent language had begun
to differentiate into separate dialects, and the date at which the first Greek-
speakers had entered the Balkan peninsula, could not however be determined
by any existing historical evidence; and the obvious unhistoricity of the greater
part of Greek legend made any classical testimony to the language situation
before the eighth century b.c. appear entirely untrustworthy.
The same uncertainties veiled the process by which the classical Greek
dialects, whose study was stimulated by progress in linguistic theory and in
the search for inscriptions, had reached their geographical distribution. It was
5
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
clear that a large and definite movement of population was necessary to explain
the occupation of the Peloponnese by the Dorian-speakers, keeping in sub¬
jection a helot class, and cutting off the Arcadians entirely from the sea-coasts
from which their nearest relatives the Cypriots had evidently emigrated. But
it would have been rash to accept as historical fact Thucydides’ account of
the ‘Return of the Herakleidai’ (i, 12), or Eratosthenes’ precise dating of it
to 1104 b.c., eighty years after the fall of Troy.
2 . MYCENAE AND KNOSSOS: THE PIONEERS
In the brilliantly perceptive first twelve paragraphs of his history Thucydides
sketched the early development of Hellas, from a conglomeration of migrating
tribes without cities, commerce or security of communication, down to the
rallying of the Greek forces under Agamemnon for the Trojan war.
Mycenae was certainly a small place, and many of the towns of that period do not
seem to us today to be particularly imposing; yet that is not good evidence for rejecting
what the poets and the general tradition have to say about the size of the expedition.
Suppose, for example, that the city of Sparta were to become deserted, and that only
the temples and foundations of buildings remained, I think that future generations
would, as time passed, find it very difficult to believe that the place had really been as
powerful as it was represented to be. We have no right, therefore, to judge cities by
their appearances rather than by their actual power, and there is no reason why we
should not believe that the Trojan expedition was the greatest that had ever taken place.
But most nineteenth-century historians (particularly in Germany) were
inclined to dismiss Troy and Mycenae as mere figments of poetic imagination;
preferring to telescope Thucydides’ narrative, by the omission of the Heroic
Age, to read as if the development of the classical city-states had been the first
interruption of that primitive state of barbarism that he so vividly described.
The first proof that a golden age of Mycenae had really existed was due to
the vision and persistence of one man, Heinrich Schliemann. Born in 1822,
the son of a poor North German pastor, he was fascinated in boyhood by the
story of Troy (which in daydreams he already saw himself excavating) and
enthralled by the cadences of Homer’s Greek, first heard on the lips of a drunken
miller. At the age of forty-six, having amassed a fortune in Russia and having
learnt fifteen languages, he retired from business, married a sixteen-year-old
Greek girl and devoted himself to archaeology—for which, even in those early
days of the science, he began with few technical qualifications apart from
great enthusiasm and a common-sense appreciation of stratification. After
three seasons at Troy, where the ancient settlement was triumphantly laid
6
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
bare, he began in August 1876 to excavate the citadel of Mycenae, whose great
Gate of the Lions had ever since prehistoric times been clearly visible above
ground.
Rich hoards of gold, massive architecture and sophisticated art forms soon
proved that the ‘Mycenaeans’ had reached a level of civilization which was
indeed far removed from primitive barbarism, and which fullyjustified Homer’s
reminiscence of it. The chronology of his finds was not at first exactly appre¬
ciated, but the Mycenaean age appeared to be approximately contemporary
with the Egyptian New Kingdom (c. 1580-1100 b.c.). Schliemann was equally
vague about the race to which his ‘Mycenaeans’ had belonged. At the time
of his excavations he was confident that he was indeed recovering the burials
of Agamemnon and of the other Achaeans of his dynasty; but in a letter to
Virchow nine years later (18 June 1885) he says:
I have been at pains to demonstrate that Tiryns and Mycenae must necessarily have
been built and inhabited by the Phoenicians , who in a remote prehistoric age flooded
Greece and the islands of the Ionian and Aegean seas with colonies, and who were
only finally expelled, around 1100 b.c., by the so-called Dorian Invasion.
This view, perhaps pressed on Schliemann by the ‘experts’, was still being
held by Dorpfeld in 1936. Reconsidering Schliemann’s discoveries, Tsountas
(1097) insisted that, although the Mycenaeans were illiterate (since no sign
of indigenous writing had apparently been found on the Mainland), they were
nevertheless Greeks; so too did Leaf in his introduction to Schuchhardt’s
Schliemann (1891):
Now we should rather suppose that the original dialect (of the Homeric poems) was
that of the ancestors of these Asiatic Aeolians, the Achaians of the eleventh century.
What the form of their speech was we cannot now pretend to say. It must have differed
greatly from Pick’s ‘Aeolic’; it was the common parent of Thessalian, Arcadian and
Cyprian, in all of which we see various points of connexion with the Epic language.
These affinities do not allow of an even approximate reconstruction of the parent
speech; but they do allow us to assume that there was once a common Achaian language
spoken by the dwellers in Mycenae and Tiryns, and over the greater part of the Greek
mainland.
In a letter (1 January 1889) written two years before his death, Schliemann
confided that ‘ I would like to end my life’s labours with one great work—the
prehistoric palace of the kings of Knossos in Crete’. Since its description by
Buondelmonti in the fifteenth century, this ancient site had been known to lie
at the village of Makrotikho or Makritikhos, six kilometres south of Candia
(now Iraklion) in a sheltered valley leading into the interior, and out of sight
7
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of the sea. In 1877 the Spanish consul Minos Kalokairinos, a native ofCandia,
had made a small dig on the top of the Kscp&Aoc TaEAepTif), ‘Squire’s Knoll’,
during which he had uncovered some of the magazines with their large pithoi
and had recovered an inscribed tablet, now Ga 34 (Evans later found others
in Kalokairinos’ spoil-heaps); one of the pithoi then found is in the National
Museum at Athens. Three years later the American W. J. Stillman, who had
noticed the double axe signs on the masonry, applied in the name of the newly-
founded Archaeological Institute of America to the Imperial Ottoman Govern¬
ment for a firman to excavate at Knossos. He was allowed to anticipate the
arrival of permission and began to dig; but the firman never materialized and
he was forced to stop. Schliemann in 1886 confirmed the ‘Mycenaean’
character of the remains; in 1889 he tried to buy the knoll from its multiple
owners, but found their price too high for a site which ‘I had satisfied myself
I would easily be able to excavate in a week with a hundred workmen’.
In addition to the rapacity of the proprietors Schliemann met with the usual
obstruction from the Ottoman authorities, as always highly suspicious of
archaeologists whom they suspected of subversive designs, and discouragement
from the native Syllogos that administered the Candia Museum, who were
afraid of what might happen to any treasures unearthed in the prevailing state
of political unrest. His plan to excavate Knossos was postponed in favour of
another season at Troy and cut short by his death: for this narrow escape
Evans was lastingly thankful.
In 1886 Evans, then keeper of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, was
presented by Greville Chester with a seal-stone from Crete of a type recently
publicized by Milchhoefer, engraved with unfamiliar ‘hieroglyphs’. His in¬
tuition that Crete held the clue not only to a widespread system of writing
among the ‘ Mycenaeans’, but also to the origins of their civilization, brought
Evans to Athens in 1893. He was there able to buy further specimens of
Cretan seal-stones, and also to show that among the Mycenae finds there were
in fact two vessels bearing writing. His travels to Crete in the following spring
brought sufficient new evidence of writing (largely in the form of seal-stones
similar to that shown in fig. 1, worn as yaXoTTHTpHS or milk-charms by the
women of the villages) to decide him to buy a part share of the Kephala site,
thereby forestalling Joubin of the French School; and to publish his pre¬
liminary conclusions (1894). He argued that the ‘ Mycenaeans’ must, in view
of their advanced civilization, have been literate; and distinguished two phases,
an earlier ‘ pictographic ’ script and a later linear or ‘quasi-alphabetic’.
There is the strongest presumption for believing that i n Crete a t least the race among
whom the earlier Aegean characters were originally rife was of non-Hellenic stock.
8
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
But if, at any rate towards the close of the Mycenaean period, there was already a Greek
population in Crete, it becomes probable that the mysterious characters with which
we are dealing may also have been used by men of Greek speech.
Further travels through Crete in 1895 and 1896, partly in company with the
young Myres, gave material for a further article (1897) which included the
inscribed libation table from Psykhro (Linear A). In November 1899 the
Turks finally evacuated Crete; at the New Year Evans was able to buy the
whole Kephalasite; and permission was given for a Knossos excavation, under
the auspices of the British School, to be partly financed by the new Cretan
Exploration Fund.
Fig. 1. Thrcc-sidcd cornelian seal-stone from eastern Crete (P. 49 * in Evans, Scripla Minoa /, p. i j<>).
The first of six seasons, in which Evans was assisted by Mackenzie with
Fyfe as architect, began on 23 March 1900. Within a week the first of a very
large number of inscribed tablets (Linear B) were found: some of these depicted
vessels similar to those illustrated among foreign offerings in an Egyptian tomb
of the reign of Queen Hatshepsut (1516-1481 b.c.), which gave an approximate
indication of their date. Later evidence showed that the tablets had been
written just before the final destruction of the palace, which further Egyptian
parallels proved to have occurred early in the reign of Amenhotep III (1414-
1378 B.C.).
Evans also found, under a staircase adjoining the magazines, a deposit of
clay documents inscribed with ‘hieroglyphs’ and bearing the impressions of
seal-stones of the yaAoTrrrpa type. In the excavation report for 1900 he recorded
the ‘hieroglyphic’ and linear tablets as being contemporary; explaining the
first as the product of the native Eteocretans who had been responsible for the
‘ Kamares ’ pottery of the earlier period, the second as evidence of ‘ the intrusion
of a new element’ which had brought with it the Mycenaean civilization from
the Mainland.
In the 1902 report the sequence Kamares—Palace Style was amended to
Middle Minoan — Proto-Mycenaean — Mycenaean , with an indiscriminate use of the
terms ‘Mycenaean’ and ‘Minoan’ as a general label for the palace and its
9
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
treasures. From 1903 onwards the term ‘Mycenaean 5 was dropped by Evans,
to be replaced in due course by the now canonical division into the nine periods
from Early Minoan I to Late Minoan III. The civilization of Crete had proved
to be both more ancient and more autonomous than had been realized when
the earlier terminology was evolved, as he emphasized in his presidential
address to the Hellenic Society (1912):
When we come to regard the Minoan remains themselves as stratified by the various
catastrophes, it becomes evident that they are the results of a gradual evolution. There
is no break. The unity of the whole civilization is such as almost to impose the con¬
clusion that there was a continuity of race. If the inhabitants of the latest Palace
structures are to be regarded as ‘Achaeans’, the Greek occupation of Crete must, on
this showing, be carried back to Neolithic times—a very improbable conclusion.
How Evans’ Knossocentric view had come to affect his perspective on the
Mycenaean civilization itself is shown a page later, where he describes it as
no more than ‘ a Minoan plantation 5 and as ‘ a Mainland branch of the Minoan
culture 5 :
We must clearly recognize that down to at least the twelfth century b.c. the dominant
factor both in Mainland Greece and in the Aegean world was still non-Hellenic, and
must still unquestionably be identified with one or other branch of the old Minoan
race. Rut this is far from saying that even at the time of the first Minoan conquerors
in the Peloponnese, or approximately speaking the sixteenth century B.c., they may
not have found settlers of Hellenic stock already in the land.
Simultaneously with Evans 5 discoveries at Knossos, tablets in a somewhat
different script (Linear A) were found at Agia Triada in the south of Crete by
Halbherr (not published till 1945J and also in smaller numbers at other Cretan
sites. In 1908 Pernier found the unique Phaistos disk, stamped in clay from
movable pictographic ‘type 5 : its Cretan origin is stilldisputed. Keramopoullos
in 1921 discovered twenty-eight stirrup-jars in a storeroom of the Mycenaean
palace at Thebes, lettered in a script which proved to be identical with the
Linear B of Knossos: these greatly extended the evidence for the character of
Mainland writing, previously confined to a few uncertain inscriptions with
variable forms on pots from Mycenae, Tiryns, Eleusis and Orchomenos.
3 . THE YEARS OF STAGNATION
Evans’ Scripta Minoa 1 (1909) contained his collection of inscribed seal-stones,
the hieroglyphic and Linear A material from Knossos, and fourteen of the
Linear B tablets (five had already appeared in the 1900 dig report). No further
10
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
publication of the Linear B tablets, of which well over 3000 pieces are known
to have been excavated, was made until the fourth volume of his Palace of Minos
(1935), where a total of 120 were illustrated in line drawings with a short
commentary and sign-lists. At the same time (1932, 1936) Sundwall added
thirty-eight more which he had copied himself in Iraklion at the cost of Evans’
displeasure. At the time of Evans’ death in 1941 his notes for Scripta Minoa //,
which was to contain the Knossos Linear B archives, were still in disorder;
and the originals in the museum at Iraklion, which had never been properly
examined for joins and which had in some cases disappeared, were no longer
available for study and were exposed to destruction by war. The task of com¬
pleting their publication from Evans’ drawings and photographs, fifty years
after their discovery, was then heroically undertaken by Myres.
Two generations of scholars had been cheated of the opportunity to work
constructively on the problem. Though it is difficult to forgive Evans for his
failure to complete or to delegate publication, we are now in a position to
appreciate that, even if he had made known all the tablets in an orderly way
at the time of their discovery, they would probably not by themselves have
provided sufficient material for a successful decipherment. Evans himself
realized that the chances of reading them without a bilingual were almost non¬
existent, since he thought that they were written in an unknown ‘Eteocretan’
or 'Anatolian' language where the words, even if one knew how they weic lu
be pronounced, would remain meaningless.
The only certain facts were established by Evans at the outset: the tablets
were all inventories of persons, animals and commodities; these were indicated
by pictorial ‘ideograms’ and counted by a decimal system of numbers, while
the introductory wording of the tablets consisted of sign-groups of two to seven
letters which were evidently words of the ‘Minoan’ language. Since there
were about ninety of these phonetic signs, far too numerous for an alphabet,
they in all probability represented syllables (ta te ti to tu y etc.). This
arrangement is clearly seen on a typical tablet from the ‘Armoury’ (fig. 2)
which lists ‘three chariots’ after a descriptive specification of twelve words
written syllabically.
The problem of decipherment posed by this new writing was too fascinating
to be resisted, in spite of the fact that the published material was too small
either for the breaking of the code or for the proof of a successful solution.
During the half-century 1901-51 continual attempts were made by reputable
scholars, by talented amateurs and by cranks of all kinds from the lunatic
fringe of archaeology. Most of these followed Evans’ lead in treating the
‘hieroglyphs’, Linear A and Linear B (and even the Phaistos disk) together
11
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
as varying expressions of the same language; mostofthem took as their starting-
point apparent similarities between ‘Minoan’ signs and those of the classical
syllabary used for writing Cypriot Greek (whose values had been known since
the seventies); and all attempted to read into the tablets a form of some
language which was already known. The search for possible candidates
spread over an absurdly wide area, and included Hittite, Egyptian, Basque,
Albanian, Slavonic, Finnish, Hebrew and Sumerian. Apart from Evans’
own work, nearly every attempt to discuss the script prior to 1944 may safely
and decently be consigned to oblivion (critical bibliography by Deroy, 194S
and r 953 )-
Fig. a. Linear B 'chariot' tablet found in the Knossos 'Armoury', 1904
(for a translation, see 265 =Sd 0403 , p. 366).
Notable exceptions are an article by Cowley (1927) in which he showed that
Knossos totals are introduced by either yi=) or jy, and that 9 fil and 9 rf
mean ‘boy’ and ‘girl’, conceivably a phonetic indication ‘as z/for KoO-posand
KoO-pr)’ (which we now know to be correct); and the long series of articles by
Sundwall, stretching from 1914 to the present. In these he has recognized
the need to examine the context of the tablets by purely internal comparisons,
to identify the objects represented by the ideograms, and to explore the system
of numbers, fractions and measures. His suggestions for interpretation have,
however, followed a somewhat lonely path due to his belief in the predominantly
religious context of the tablets.
The Greek readings of the script prematurely made by Persson (1930),
Hempl and Stawell (1931) appeared doubtful enough for Linear B at Knossos,
in view of Evans’ prevailing theories of‘Minoan supremacy’; but they were
doubly suspect (as they would still be today) for the earlier Linear A and for
the ‘hieroglyphic’ seal-stones.
Towards the end of his life the Czech orientalist Hrozny, who in 1915 had
brilliantly established cuneiform Hittite as an Indo-European language and
had later played a less responsible part in the reading of hieroglyphic Hittite,
began to lose his critical faculties and embarked on a wholesale attack on the
12
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
remaining undeciphered scripts of the world. His readings of the then-published
Linear B tablets (1940-9) are a painful hotch-potch of Hittite and Babylonian
words, which has proved only too easy to discredit. From this occupational
disease of decoders we may all wish to be preserved.
More scholarly work was done by Fick (1905), Meillet (1909), Cuny (1910),
Kannengiesser (1911), Huber (1921), Hammarstrom (1921) and others in
trying to determine, from sources other than the Minoan-Mycenaean inscrip¬
tions, what the early languages of the Aegean might be expected to be like.
They drew up lists of Greek vocabulary which seemed to have no Indo-
European etymology (at least according to the evolutionary rules normal to
Greek), and catalogued the many indigenous place-names of the area. Both
these series are characterized by the endings -nthos and -.ttoj- and show certain
controversial analogies, not only with early names in Anatolia, but also with
Etruscan; suggesting, together with the evidence of the stele from Kaminia
on Lemnos, that a language in some way related to Etruscan may have been
among those spoken in the Aegean before the arrival of the Greeks.
Ventris’ interest in the problem dates from the 1936 exhibition arranged for
the jubilee of the British School at Athens, when Evans lectured on his Minoan
section of the exhibits; he tested the theory of an Etruscan relationship on the
Knossos tablets in an adolescent article (1940), and did not entirely abandon
it until 1952.
Kretschmer (1925) suggested that other Indo-European speakers had prob¬
ably inhabited Greece before the arrival of the Greeks themselves. The Bulgar
Georgiev reconstructed a ‘pre-Hellenic language’ (1941, 1945) similar to
van Windekens’ ‘Pelasgique’ (1952), in which the aberrant Greek words
which had previously been taken as ‘Aegean’ borrowings are explained as
Indo-European forms which have followed different evolutionary rules. In his
later attempts to read the Linear B tablets in terms of this language (1949,
I 95 °, J 953 ) Georgiev describes it as an ‘Aegean-Asianic dialect related to
Hittite ’, but in fact many of his readings are explained by Greek forms. I n view
of his recent (1954) switch to the view that the tablets contain a specifically
Greek dialect identical with that described in the present book, it is as well to
emphasize that his earlier quasi-Greek readings nowhere coincide with ours,
and that they appear to have been arrived at by quite arbitrary and unscientific
procedures.
Defying both Evans (for whom the Mycenaeans were merely Minoan in¬
vaders from Crete) and the linguists (who wished to turn them into Pelasgians,
Etruscans, Illyrians or Hittites), a number of archaeologists had arrived inde¬
pendently at the same conclusion as Tsountas and Leaf—that the Mycenaeans
13
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
had spoken (and possibly written) Greek, and that they had not been subject
to any foreign domination. Disagreement with Evans contributed to Wace’s
retirement from the direction of the British School at Athens in 1923 and to
his temporary exclusion from archaeology in the field. The articles by Buck
(1926) and by Blegen and Haley (1928) emphasized the historical evidence
for placing the arrival of the Greeks about 1900 b.c., and regarded the pre-
Hellenic place-names in -nthos and -ssos as a legacy not of the Mycenaeans but
of the Early Bronze Age pattern of settlement in the third millennium b.c.
Nilsson (1927, 1932, 1933) argued that Greek religion and myth, and not only
the Greek language, had firm roots in the Mycenaean age; and Blegen and
Wace (1939) marshalled the archaeological evidence against a domination of
Mycenae by Knossos in the Late Minoan period, with arguments further
reinforced by Kantor (1947) and discussed by Wace in the Foreword to the
present book.
4 . THE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION: PRELUDES
TO DECIPHERMENT
In 1939, during the course of a joint Greek and American reconnaissance of
western Messenia, Blegen discovered the site of a large Mycenaean palace at
Ano Engiianos, ten kilometres north of the classical Pylos (Koryphasion). The
immediate indications were that this palace, set on an olive-covered ridge with
a panoramic view over the bay of Navarino to the south and of mount Aigaleon
in the east, was to be identified with the Pylos described in the third book of
the Odyssey as the seat of the aged Nestor. By good fortune Blegen’s trial trenches
passed through one half of the archive room, from which over six hundred
pieces of clay tablet were carefully extracted (later reduced by joins to 566).
These were cleaned and mended in Athens, and admirably photographed by
Alison Frantz before being buried away at the approach of war. These photo¬
graphs were taken to America in June 1940 by Mrs Wace on the Italian
declaration of war by the last American ship to leave the Mediterranean. The
eventual editing of the tablets was entrusted to Emmett L. Bennett Jr. (without
whose contributions to Mycenaean epigraphical studies this book could not
have been written), but preliminary work in Cincinnati was interrupted by his
cryptographic duties in the U.S. armed forces.
The seven photographs published by Blegen (1939) showed clearly, however,
that the Pylos tablets were identical in script, layout and language with the
Linear B documents which Evans had found at Knossos, even though the
associated pottery dated them to c . 1200 b.c., towards the very close of
14
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
the Mycenaean age. This could perhaps be explained as the survival of
a Minoan scribal language or lingua franca (similar to the use of Latin in the
Middle Ages) and as confirmation of Evans’ views of Cretan influence on
the Mainland: Nilsson consequently refused to believe that the tablets had
been written at Pylos at all. The alternative possibility, that both the Pylos
tablets and the Knossos tablets might be written in Greek, was not generally
considered, least of all by Ventris.
‘In attempting to decipher documents written in an unknown language
with an unknown script, the first step is to establish the facts that are obvious
from an inspection of the available documents. The second step in the decipher¬
ment is to find, by careful analysis and logical deduction, what conclusions
can be drawn from these fundamental facts.’ This prim but necessary pro¬
gramme, purposely stopping short of the third and crucial step (the attempt
to substitute actual sounds and words), was undertaken by Alice Kober of
Brooklyn in a series of fundamental articles on Linear B published between
1943 and her premature death in 1950.
The first necessity was an accurate list of the phonetic signs, arranged in
a convenient and generally-accepted order for indexing. Though she pointed
out some of Evans’ errors, neither Kober nor the editors of the Pylos tablets
were able to influence the awkward and unreliable signary later published by
Myres (1946) and included in Scripta Minoa IL
She did, however, undertake for Myres a systematic classification of the
Knossos tablets according to their commodity ideograms (included in SM II,
pp. 77-89, but now superseded by Bennett’s classification); and she rightly
emphasized the danger of studying words or tablets in isolation without
reference to these wider contexts with which they are associated.
Her chief contribution was to show that the tablets contained, as might
reasonably be expected, a language with grammatical inflexions; this con¬
clusion was unaccountably resisted by Myres (SM II, p. 50). Her first example
was the varying description of chariots on some tablets from the ‘Armoury’
(now known to be a difference between dual and plural):
Sd040i:YT7, VBM.Am.YWW!K
Sd0403: YTB. YB?7. ATf++T7
and she suggested that ‘it is highly likely that the forms in and are
verbal’ (they are in fact passive participles). From a number of published
tablets she gathered a series of words which signifi cantly appear in three alter¬
native forms (that the basic word is really the same in each case is proved by
5
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the fact that they recur in lists together, or in identical positions on the same
class of tablets):
Type A
Type B
C
D
Case I:
rvAS
♦ TAB
mas
TMIII
VWTAB
iTYB
tWB
Case II:
rjAi
♦ TAT
fWi
WY/M
tWT
Case III:
r?T
♦TT
Wf
YWY1
H*
Of these triplets Case III is the shortest form, whereas Case I and Case II
regularly add the signs and -f respectively; in this process the - J of all the
Type A words is changed to and the -J=) of Type B to-/J\-; similar changes
are seen in Types C, D and E. Kober pointed out the interesting implications
of this phenomenon by the analogy of another inflected language, Latin (not
necessarily related, of course), where words of the second declension would
appear in syllabic spelling as:
ser-vu-s a-mi-cu-s bo-nu-s
ser-vu-m a-mi-cu-m bo-nu-m
ser-vi a-mi-ci bo-ni
ser-vo a-mi-co bo-no
Like the ablative endings -vo -co -no so too the series of parallel endings
T ^ ^ ^ li might be expected tosharethesame vowel but different consonants;
whereas T/A ^/)\\ etc. are probably pairs sharing the same consonant but
different vowels, like vo/vu , co/cu and no/nu. This result can be tabulated
in a diagrammatic form labelled by Kober ‘ the beginning of a tentative pho¬
netic pattern’, and known familiarly as ‘ the grid’
among the team of decoders. This diagram has
been of fundamental importance throughout the
process of decipherment. Other examples of in¬
flexion, as well as other variations and errors in
spelling, give evidence of further pairs of signs
which evidently share either the same vowel or
the same consonant; and with these the ‘grid’ can
be extended in both directions as far as the number
of possible vowels or consonants will allow (in our
c ase five vo we Is an d t h irt ee n cons on an ts, as it t urn ed
out). During this process, the grid conveniently takes the forrti of a wooden
board covered with a regular pattern of nails, on which square labels bearing
the signs of the syllabary can be hung and frequently rearranged to suit the
developing evidence. In the end we are left with a well-covered chequerboard
16
Vowel
i 2
Consonant i A T
Consonant 2 j \\
Consonant 3 Y W
Consonant 4 V *1
Consonant 5 &
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
of some sixty-five squares, from which all that is lacking is the actual pro¬
nunciation of the vowels and consonants themselves (fig. 3). This method of
attack precludes random attempts to give a premature vocalization to isolated
words (since every assumed syllabic value automatically leads to a ‘chain-
reaction’ among the signs which are grouped with it on the same vertical and
horizontal columns), and makes it easy to disprove any such arbitrary attempts
by others.
Also of great importance was Kober’s demonstration (1949) that the words
for ‘total’ yy, like those for ‘child’ identified by Cowley are
masculine and feminine variants of the same words. Of the surviving languages
with which that of Linear B might be compared, the Indo-European are almost
alone in forming feminines by a change of vowel in the ending rather than by
the addition of an extra syllable: some I.-E. languages, such as Hittite and its
relatives, anticipate the evolution of English and Danish in having no feminine
forms at all, while the Semitic dialects add -( a)tu , Egyptian -( e)t.
Kober recognized that -0 was a frequent ending in the descriptions of
women, but did not see the feminine function of her Case I; it was left to
Sundwall (1948) to recognize in the endings of Case I and Case II
an adjectival formation meaning ‘belonging to’.
A parallel analysis of the Pylos material was summarized by Bennett in his
unpublished doctoral dissertation at Cincinnati (1947), which we have not
seen. The publication of the The Pylos Tablets (spring 1951) contained a detailed
grouping of the texts according to their ideogram context by means of prefixes
Aa - Ab -, etc., and the first reliable sign-lists (whose order is preserved in
figs. 9 and 10). Both these advances were later extended to the Knossos
material in his Minoan Linear B Index (1953). In his first published article
(1950) Bennett brilliantly explained and codified the Linear B system of
written weights and measures (see below, pp. 53-5), and added them to the
evidence for believing with Kober (1948) that Linear B at Knossos represents
a new language introduced from without.
The seven further Pylos tablets which thereby received advance publication
in 1950 encouraged Ventris to begin a new series of analytical studies of his
own, for which the material had previously seemed too small. These were
continued in twenty mimeographed Work Notes (of which no spare copies
remain) circulated for discussion among two dozen colleagues between January
1951 and June 1952. Several of these were taken up with the unproductive
testing of‘Aegean’ and Etruscan parallels (Greek readings still being regarded
as out of the question, in spite of a hint by Bennett); but other Notes which
now seem to have been on the main line of progress may perhaps be mentioned
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
here. They no doubt re-trod much of the ground covered in his dissertation
by Bennett, with whom a fruitful exchange of views on decipherment technique
was maintained over the period.
Notes 2 and io showed that the ending -Q found linking groups of Linear B
words is an enclitic conjunction ‘and’, and that Ef© (now ‘and not') has
a similar function.
Note 8 gave statistics for the frequency of each phonetic sign at Pylos, broken
down by position into initial, medial and final; this necessary calculation was
repeated independently by Bennett (1951 b) and later extended to Knossos by
Ktistopoulos (1954). The great frequency of \yi- ft- ft - as initials suggested,
on the analogy of the statistics resulting from other known syllabaries, that
they were the signs for simple vowels by themselves; and for the first two the
values a- (already guessed privately by Kober, Chadwick and Ktistopoulos)
and i- were considered.
Note 11 drew attention to two alternating phrases 1 f ft I and *1*pf? ,fft [i
on the long series of Pylos E- tablets (see nos. 108-154 below) and showed
them to be male and female variants of a title meaning something like
‘manservant’ and ‘maidservant of the A possible do-we-lo (cf. SouAos)
for ^ft-f was thrown in as a wild guess, always of course on the assumption
that the ‘Minoan’ word had been later borrowed by Greek. The personal
names which were qualified by fftj and ffth clearly had distinct endings
(as on the Knossos lists of personnel accompanied by the man or woman
sign, pointed out by Evans, PM , iv, pp. 714-15), the males characteristically
in -X -T -+ -f*, the females in -U (cf. Kober’s Case I). That meant ‘boy,
son’ and not ‘girl, daughter’ was shown by such Pylos tablets as Ad 03 :
Tf?T+ JYBBr.YHGfr.flf t ?lf iii
where three men and nine ‘boys’ are all described as ‘sons of the Such-and-
such women’; the words used to describe the women, which on the Aa- and
Ab- tablets with a woman ideogram are spelt 8TB. VH l!l> here have a -ft
(-£??) added, which is evidently the mark of the genitive plural for feminines.
Note 12 attempted a functional classification of the Pylos sign-groups, purely
on the basis of an exhaustive comparison of their contexts, into:
(a) Apparent personal names of men and women.
( b) Apparent names of departments, institutions or places.
(c) Names of trades and titles applied to men and women.
(d) General vocabulary, including adjectives, verbs, etc.
As typical of category (b) were quoted the nine names which are repeatedly
listed at Pylos (e.g. on 75 =Cn 02 , 257 =Jn 09 , 250 = Vn01), and which, as we
18
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
afterwards discovered, Blegen and Bennett had already tentatively compared
either with the nine towns tributary to Nestor in the Catalogue of Ships or
with the nine § 5 poci in which the men of Pylos sacrificed on the seashore
(Od. hi, 7).
It was pointed out that the characteristic ‘inflexion 5 in of Kober’s
triplets seemed to be confined to words of category ( b ), and might therefore
be an adjective formation of a departmental or geographical kind.
Notes i, 13, 14 reviewed the now much fuller evidence for inflexion, and
showed that men’s names are declined in at least six different ‘declensions’,
generally predictable from the last syllable of the nominative:
Nominative: fFl T K T YCf ATT - /* Tf/fiT-T
Genitive: ffllGHTCIH ¥«-& ATM GUO MM
‘Prepositional’:^^ Y&f-T ‘WW-T kV\-l CWC MV©
The same rules of declension evidently applied to sign-groups of categories (c)
and (1 d ), names of trades and other vocabulary; and where there were numerals
on the tablets it was possible to distinguish between singular and plural forms:
Singular. g fAt ?Ak ft I* M ¥T+
Plural: fjf fAt f AU ft A T?f2A UMT ¥T+T
The four examples on the right show an added syllable in the spelling, con¬
ceivably the written indication of an inflexion such as the Greek
Singular: tektcov =te-ko-to-ne or tek-ton?
Plural: tektoves ~ te-ko-to-ne-se or tek-ton-es?
But the lack of change shown by the first four plurals was surprising. If
really was KoOpos (*KOpfOs) as Cowley had guessed, then the spellings could
only be justified by assuming that kor-wos and kor-woi were written with exactly
the same letters, and not distinguished as they would be by the fuller Cypriot
spelling ko-ro-vo-se and ko-ro-vo-i. The lack of a regular written sign to indicate
the expected nominative ending -s in men’s names and vocabulary nouns
seemed in fact to militate against Greek or a related Indo-European language.
Note g listed scribal variations in spelling such as YXTf/YAYf, EkT/EftT?
etc., which enabled the alternating letters to be given adjacent positions on
the grid. This note also considered how the inflexions could be explained in
terms of Etruscan declension, which began to appear more and more unsuited.
19
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Notes i, 15, 17 illustrated successive stages in the build-up of the grid, and
gave the criteria by which the different columns were arranged. A detailed
summary of evidence for grid equations was printed in JHS, 1953, pp. 87-8,
and may now be supplemented from the new
Pylos material published by Bennett (1955)- Vowel 1 V2 V3 V4 v?
Fig. 3 shows the state of the grid in February
1952. There was still uncertainty about the Cl
number of vowel columns to be allowed, and ^
some signs were put into two alternative squares;
but in spite of its incomplete nature the grid had C3
the virtue of being founded entirely on internal C4
evidence dispassionately sifted, and not on any C5
biased attempt to identify the language or give C6
values to the signs.
But almost inevitably certain ‘ h unches ’ about C 7
possible phonetic values lurked at the back of C8
Ventris’ mind. V and p,- were simple vowels, C9
and initial V- was almost certainly a-. The cio
ending of the feminine adjectives in Kober’s Cu
Case I in -(*10, etc., might well be -i-ja (since
derivative women’s names in -ia occur in Greek, 12
Lycian and Etruscan): in this case Vowel 3 (in Cl 3
/J\, etc.) was -z, and Vowel 1 was -a. Vowel 2 C14
might be - e , if the very numerous men’s names c, 5
in -i|if -Tf, etc., were ancestral to Greek
-eus (Note 16); and Vowel 4 might then be left ^
with the value -0.
The value of the consonants was much more
difficult to guess. It was tempting to compare Fig 3 The statc of thc . grid . prior
Cypriot values (see fig. 12), but clearly un- to decipherment (February 1952).
realistic: \ might be taken at its Cypriot value
of pa , but then it was impossible to read ?, in quite another line of the grid, as
pe by the same analogy. Consonants 1 1— 12 might, however, be L- or r-, since
they seemed to enter into inflexional variations of spelling involving two
successive syllables, possibly of the type -tro-/-tri~, etc., which Cypriot would
have to spell -to-ro-/-ti-ri-, etc.
-a? - e? -t? -0?
20
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
5. JUNE 1952: THE LANGUAGE IS GREEK
Myres’ edition of the Knossos tablets appeared in February 1952, two years
before his death. That Scripta Minoa II is incomplete, unwieldy and in many
respects inaccurate is not due to any lowering of his own high standard of
scholarship, but results from the enormous difficulty of interpreting and recon¬
ciling Evans’ notes after his death, from the inaccessibility of the Cretan
originals during the war years, and from his own failing eyesight. Although
a few corrections provided by the first of Bennett’s two long visits to Iraklion
in 1950 and 1954 were included in SM //, the edition cannot safely be used
without taking into account Bennett’s privately-distributed Corrections of Scripta
Minoa II (1952) dealing with errors in page, tablet and sign numbering; his
revised Knossos vocabulary incorporated in the Index (1953), which also
references a thousand more fragmentary tablets not recorded by Evans; some
three hundred joins made by Bennett between Knossos tablets in 1954; and
the discovery of some further fragments at Iraklion by Chadwick in 1955. The
latter have now been incorporated in The Knossos Tablets (1956).
Though relatively little new evidence for inflexion could be found on the
Knossos tablets now added to the material, nearly all of it tended to confirm
the arrangement of the grid shown in fig. 3. There was one puzzling feature:
while some vocabulary words (like c rY)jf g/'iY#V) showed a reasonable
spelling variation in their ending between {fa ?) and {-a ?), there were
also others of the same type (like on the chariot tablets)
which showed an apparently indifferent variation between -f (-Jfo ??) and
-15 (-z ?). In an effort to introduce a more satisfactory symmetry into this
corner of the grid Ventris took up again the value Jo for which had been
summarily rejected in Note 9, and assumed the following pattern:
V a B ja Bo T jo
This would have three important consequences. The frequent -f or in
the ending of men’s names in the genitive (Note 14) would become -{o)jo
and -( i)jojo and recall Homeric forms like AutoAukoio and ’iKccpioio; the
feminine genitive plural ending -gft (Note 11) would become -{i)-ja-o and
suggest the archaic yai&cov, Oecccov, etc.; and it would be possible to transcribe
the first five of Kober’s triplets quoted on p. 16 (using numbers ‘algebraically’
for the unknown consonants) as:
L.-*i- u i-ja 9 a- 2 i- u i-ja ! . . -li- iz i-ja 6 o- 8 o- 13 z-Jo A- 7 i- 8 i- lz i-ja
L.-H-^i-jo 9 a- 2 i- u i-jo . . ~li- l 3 i-jo 6 o- 8 o- 13 z-;o A- 7 i- 8 i- lz i-jo
L.- s i- u o 9 a- 2 i- li o . ,-li- lz o 6 o- 8 o- 13 o' A- 7 i- 8 i- lz o
2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
It did not require very great imagination to realize that if one substituted the
values 6 = k, 'j—m , 8 = n, 9 =p, 13 = 5, and 14 = ^, one would be left with the
names of five of the most important Cretan towns (including the capital) in
the bottom line, and above these the feminine and masculine adjectives derived
from them:
AuKTiai Oaicmca TuAicncu Kvcbaiai ’Apvia-iai
Auktioi Oaicmoi TuAiaioi Kvcboioi ’Apvictioi
Auktos OaiaTOS TuAiaos Kvcoaos ’Anvtaos
By the inevitable ‘chain-reaction’ thirty-one of the signs on the grid would
thereby receive fixed phonetic values. Note 20 (June 1952, the last of the
series) discussed this new line of attack and suggested a small number of
vocabulary ident ifications: 9rf = xopf05, 9 = Koppa, 9 If 01’ W r = Kopiavvov
‘coriander’, M 0 ?}- J =Kop(avva, J^ = Toaaoi ‘so many’, fV = T6aaai, and
VkTB , VTEItff on the chariot tablets apocpuTai dcvia<pi ‘fitted with reins’.
It ended, however, with the admission that these Greek words were probably
a mirage, and that the proposed spelling rules, according to which final -s ~n
-r were not indicated at all, seemed contrary to reasonable expectation.
But while Note 9n was still in the post Ventris realized, from the application
of the new phonetic values to a larger number of tablets, that the unexpected
Greek solution was inescapable. Not only could vocabulary words be identified
(like the trades po-me, gen. po-me-no , ‘shepherd’, ka-ke-u ‘smith’, ke-ra-me-u
‘potter’, ka-na-pe-u ‘fuller’, i-e-re-u ‘priest’, i-je-re-ja ‘priestess’) which exactly
tallied with their functions as predicted in Note 12 (see p. 18); but the inflexions
codified over the past eighteen months could immediately be explained in
terms of archaic Greek declension; and some sense could already be made of
complete sentences, notably on Pylos 31 =Ae 04 , 28 = An 42 , 253 =Jn 01 and
252 = Vn 06 . It was at this stage that Myres put Ventris in touch with John
Chadwick, who had been working independently on Linear B in Oxford for
six years and whose cryptographic flair and specialist knowledge of the Greek
dialects have been invaluable in all our subsequent collaboration.
Largely through the good offices of T. J. Dunbabin (whose tragic early
death has occurred since this chapter was drafted) space was found in JHS
for a detailed article {Evidence, etc.), completed in November 1952. In this we
identified the Linear B language as a Greek dialect ancestral to Arcado-Cyprian,
proposed a large number of interpretations, and published a table of sign
values which, apart from a few additions, is identical with that here printed
in fig. 4.
22
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
As we wrote then (p. go), ‘with no bilingual or other external aids to
decipherment available, the reality of a proposed transliteration can only be
tested by applying it to the material as a whole. If consistent series of
vocabulary and grammatical forms result, which are in agreement with the
probable context of the tablets, then we may be justified in believing that even
those features which remain intractable will eventually be accounted for.’
Basic values
Homophones
a
V
e
A
i
Y
0
ft
a
r
a 3 (fcfl)
«Jvj
da
h
dc
di
m
1
do
f
du
ai
ja
0
je
ft
-
jo
T
Ji‘
ai 2 ?
<
ka
©
ke
f
ki
V
ko
?
ku
ai 3 ?
>
ma
me
r
mi
V
mo
mn?
r
*87 (face?)
R
na
T
tie
Y
ni
T
no
nti
1=1
nzva
Y
pa
*
pe
C>
Pi
A
po
pit
a
pa 2
T
-
qe
©
qi
T
qo
T
—
P a y
H
ra
Is
re
T
ri
k
ro
t
ru
T
ptc
H
sa
¥
se
r
si
<h
so
f
su
E
pui?
¥
ra
B
re
■1*
ti
fi\
to
T
tu
V
r a 2 (ri-ja)
wa
m
we
1
wi
wo
A*
~
ra 3 (rai)
X
za
¥
ze
i
zi
zo
f
Zlt?
>o 2 Cri-jo)
*22
1
*47
k
*49
n\
*63
Ur
*64
H
*85
h
*65
W
*71
t
*82
2
*83
*86
L/
ta 2 (n-ja)
Fig. 4. Proposed values of the Mycenaean syllabary.
Similar reservations must be made today, for the much larger number of
texts discussed in the present book. It may be difficult to assess the point at
which ultimate scientific proof can be conceded, but a relative degree of
certainty must be granted to the theory when we try to estimate the odds
against its results having been obtained by chance, and when we consider the
success with which it has been used by independent researchers to interpret
new texts, unknown when it was first formulated.
23
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
6. THE WIDENING OF THE RANKS
The reception of our proposed Greek decipherment by our fellow linguists
and archaeologists was immeasurably more favourable than might have been
expected, considering the enormous number of ill-considered attempts which
had been prematurely publicized over the past fifty years. Already before
the publication of Evidence , lectures and an advanced summary had secured
the allegiance of Bjorck and Furumark at Uppsala and of Palmer at Oxford:
their many valuable contributions to the readings of the signs and to the
interpretation of the tablets (together with those put forward by other scholars
mentioned below) are fully referenced in our bibliography for the period up
to May 1955, and are as far as possible evaluated and acknowledged in the
commentary and vocabulary of the present book. Welcome encouragement
was also given at this stage by Barnett, During, Gelb, Myres, Page, Saflund
and others.
Three other works, already in manuscript or proof when Evidence appeared,
independently came to a similar conclusion from a different approach to the
evidence. Dow (1954) in a long survey of Minoan Writing , devoted largely
to delimiting the extent of Linear A and Linear B literacy, described 4 the
reasonings which in spring 1953 forced themselves upon me as decisive in
favor of the then (otherwise) unproved hypothesis that Linear B was Greek’.
Miss Henle’s dissertation (1953) argued on historical grounds that ‘the lan¬
guage of Class B is probably Greek’, and supplied a comparative analysis of
syllabic frequencies in Linear B and in Homeric Greek. It did not arrive at
any useful phonetic values, due to her failure to undertake any detailed study
of inflexion and context, or to recognize the usefulness of the grid procedure.
Wace (1953, written 1951) hinted that the Pylos and Knossos tablets might
both be written in Greek and that ‘perhaps in Late Minoan II a Mainland
Dynasty had gained power in Crete’—a suggestion already made by him in
1938 (Pendlebury (1939), p. 229). He was therefore particularly ready to
accept the conclusions published in Evidence ; so too were Stubbings, to whom
a similar view of Knossos had occurred, and Marinatos (1953). Criticism
from a ‘Minoan’ partisan was levelled in a review by Platon (1954), director
of the Iraklion Museum.
Although Ventris’ first 1952 proposals had received encouragement from
Blegen as fitting his own view of the Mainland language and of the probable
contexts of the tablets, he was cautious about accepting them in detail. Bennett
too reserved judgment: ‘ I think there is not yet enough material available to
make a deciphering of these tablets certain one way or the other. Michael
24
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
Ventris’ theory that the language of the Minoan tablets is very early Greek
is a tempting possibility; that is all I would say at this stage’ (interview
20 November 1952).
Their caution was justified by a new factor which now had to be taken into
consideration. That summer Blegen had resumed excavation at Pylos, and the
material had been extended by a large number of new tablets (eventually
333 when mends and joins had been made); these had not yet been cleaned
sufficiently for study. Smaller finds of tablets were repeated at Pylos in 1953,
1954 and 1955. At Mycenae, too, a tablet had been found on the surface
by Petsas in 1950. In 1952 Wace unearthed thirty-eight more in the ‘House
of the Oil Merchant’ (significantly the first series to be found apparently
outside of the royal palaces), later edited by Bennett (1953). These were fol¬
lowed in 1953 by one tablet from the ‘House of Shields’ and inscribed seal-
impressions from the ‘House of Sphinxes’; the latter in 1954 yielded ten more
tablets, edited by Bennett (1956) with vocabulary notes by Chadwick.
On his return to Athens in the spring of 1953 Blegen examined the new
Pylos tablets in detail, and was able to send us (16 May 1953) exciting news of
tablet 236 = Ta 641 which ‘evidently deals with pots, some on three legs, some
with four handles, some with three, and others without handles. The first
word ^ by your system seems to be ti-ri-po-de, and it recurs twice as ti-ri-po
(singular?). The four-handled pot is preceded by qe-to-ro-we, the three-
handled $ by ti-ri-o-we-e or ti-ri-jo-we, the handleless pot 9 by a-no-we. All this
seems too good to be true. Is coincidence excluded? ’
Almost simultaneously (22 May 1953) and without knowledge of Blegen’s
discovery, Sittig announced to us the generous abandonment of his own
previous attempt to decipher Linear B (1951), and by a remarkable coincidence
drew attention to the ideogram <j on Knossos 232 = K 875 : this is there
described as di-pa a-no-wo-to, which he rightly suggested reading as Surras
dvouctTov ‘goblet without a handle’, ccvoucrrov and the Pylos a-no-we = avcofes
could easily be explained as variants of the same compound adjective, and gave
additional force to Blegen’s identifications.
Blegen gave 236 =Ta 641 advance publication (1953) and it was further dis¬
cussed by Ventris (1954 a) . This striking new evidence reinforced the arguments
of Evidence , and brought agreement in principle from Bennett, Carratelli,
Chantraine, Daux, Dumezil, Friedrich, Georgiev, Lejeune, Meriggi, Peruzzi,
Sundwall and others. In January 1954 London University’s new Institute of
Classical Studies followed Uppsala’s example in beginning (under Turner and
Webster) a useful seminar on Linear B studies, which among other subjects
has debated the phonological theories advanced by Andrews (see p. 46), and
25
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
has produced duplicated editions of the Pylos and Knossos tablets in tran¬
scription. Later in the year a similar seminar was instituted in Paris by
Lejeune and Chantraine, who with Gelb had given generous support at the
international congress for classical studies in Copenhagen in August 1954; and
similar interest was taken in Switzerland. In Russia Tiumenev ( 1954) invoked
the new decipherment in an attack on Georgiev’s earlier theory of the
Mycenaean language situation.
Bennett’s edition of the 1952, 1953 and 1954 Pylos tablets (PT II, 1955)
provided much new material for study, special interest being aroused by the
other tablets of the Ta group to which the ‘ tripods ’ belong (see 235 - 247 , ch. x);
this series, with its vivid descriptions of Mycenaean furniture, was discussed in
an article by Ventris (1955). Meanwhile Evans and Myres’ edition of the
Knossos tablets was corrected from the originals in Iraklion Museum in suc¬
cessive visits by Bennett, Chadwick and Ventris, during which a large number
of joins were made, and over two thousand unpublished fragments were cleaned
and catalogued (nos. 5000-6068 and 7000-8075).
The welcome co-operation of so many specialists will inevitably take the
interpretation of the Mycenaean documents far beyond the tentative transla¬
tions printed in Part II of this book. But in case too optimistic a picture may
seem to have been painted of the prospects of 1 2 3 4 total decipherment’, it may be
as well to end this historical survey with a summary of the limitations to our
understanding which are likely to remain in force unless a much larger number
(and preferably a different kind) of texts can be unearthed in the future.
1. Since the tablets are without exception administrative records of a summary and
abbreviated kind (inventories, catalogues, accounts and nominal rolls, consisting largely
of proper names), we must resign ourselves to the complete absence of literary or his¬
torical matter; to a very one-sided vocabulary deficient in verbs, adverbs, prepositions
and pronouns; and to only the simplest patterns of syntax.
2. For a sign to be allotted a fixed syllabic value it must occur in a vocabulary word
(not merely in a personal name!) whose Greek identification is absolutely certain from
the context; or be found in a larger number of words whose identification is at least
probable; or else be shown to alternate regularly with a sign whose value is already
known. There are obviously a number of syllabic signs, especially those confined to
proper names, to which we may never be in a position to assign a value; these are shown
in the bottom section of fig. 4.
3. Even when we can transliterate our text mechanically into syllables, we are still
a long way from reading it. Owing to the latitude allowed by the spelling rules (see
pp. 42-8) the same sign-groups may often with equal justification be read as quite
different Greek words: thus pa-te as either Trcrrnp or ttocvtss, pa-si as <pda( or Travoi,
and so on. p
26
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
4. Though we will probably not be justified in invoking the presence of many
‘Minoan’ or ‘Aegean* loan-words on the tablets (-inthos and - ssos do not seem to be
any commoner than in later times), their vocabulary inevitably contains many word-
stems, derivatives and compounds which are very much further removed from ‘ normal*
classical Greek than the unfamiliar glosses recorded by Hesychius as late as the fifth
century a.d. To have to interpret them is rather like trying to read Chaucer with only
a knowledge of twentieth-century English. Comparative philology is of great use in
helping us to infer the probable Mycenaean forms of known classical words, but is
notoriously misleading (as has been proved in the study of Hittite, Phrygian and
Messapian) in suggesting meanings for unfamiliar words on the basis of analogies in
other Indo-European languages.
5. Except where they are clearly pictorial (like men, women, chariots and
tripods) the meanings of the ideograms and other abbreviations are impossible to
guess unless there are generous clues in the context.
6. Even where the dictionary meaning of the words on the tablets can be established
with certainty (for example in a phrase like ‘the smiths do not give* on 176 = Mal 2 ),
this is no guarantee that we can understand the full significance of such a remark; and
the actual situation or transaction which the scribe is recording can sometimes only
be guessed at with the aid of very distant analogies.
7. The inherent difficulty of reading these ancient syllabic texts can be appreciated
by comparing the results achieved on the classical Cypriot inscriptions (see Mitford,
1952). Though written in a known Greek dialect and in a syllabary whose values have
been established since the 1870*5, many of them arc still as full of uncertainties as. for
instance, the notorious Golgi inscription (Schwyzer, Dial. 685 1 ):
ka-i-re-te ka-ra-si-ti va-na-xe ka-po-ti ve-po-me-ka me-po-te-ve-i-se-se
te-o-i-se po-ro-a-ta-na-to-i-se e-re-ra-me-na pa-ta-ko-ra-i-to-se
o-vo-ka-re-ti e-pi-si-ta-i-se a-to-ro-po te-o-i a-le-tu-ka-ke-re
te-o-i ku-me-re-na-i pa-la ta-a-to-ro-po-i po-ro-ne-o-i ka-i-re-te
27
CHAPTER II
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
1 . CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
c. 2000 B.C.
Hieroglyphs >
c. 2000-1925
c. 1925-1850
c. 1850-1700
c. 1700
c. 1700-1660
c. 1660
c. 1660-1580
c. 1600
Linear A l
c. 1580-1510
c. 1510-1450
| €. 1450-1405
Linear B
Mainland:
c - 1405-1340
l c. 1340-1200
C. I 200-1 IOO
Foundation of palaces at Knossos and Mallia.
Middle Minoan la.
Middle Minoan lb.
Middle Minoan II (Knossosand Phaistosonly),
ist destruction level at Knossos (Evans).
Middle Minoan Ilia.
i st destruction level at Mallia (Chapouthier), Phaistos
(Banti). Minor earthquake at Knossos (Evans).
Middle Minoan III b.
2nd destruction level at Knossos only.
Late Minoan la.
Minor earthquake at Knossos (Evans).
Late Minoan lb.
2nd destruction level at Phaistos, AgiaTriada, Mallia?
Late Minoan II (Knossos only).
3rd destruction level at Knossos.
Late Helladic Ilia.
Late Helladic III b.
Destruction ofPylos, and Mycenae sites outside citadel.
Late Helladic IIIc.
Destruction level at Mycenae (citadel).
2 . ORIGINS: THE CRETAN ‘HIEROGLYPHIC’ SCRIPT
It is not easy to arrive at a detailed understanding of the way in which the
earlier Minoan scripts originated and developed. The ‘hieroglyphic 5 and
Linear A inscriptions are few and undeciphered, and archaeologists are not in
full agreement on the relative dating of objects and events in different Cretan
palaces. In the absence of historical records, the Minoan ‘ periods 5 are primarily
intended to differentiate pottery styles: one of the styles in the sequence may
be lacking at a particular site, or several may be found in use together.
It is certain, however, that the Minoan ‘hieroglyphic 5 seal-stones—the first
28
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
evidence found by Evans in the nineties—represent the beginnings of writing
in Crete. Since most of these signets are surface finds from various parts of
the island, their dating cannot be exact; but the earliest ‘hieroglyphic’ seal-
impressions from the pre-Palatial ‘Vat Room deposit’ are assigned by Evans
to MM la (PM, i, p. i 71). Seal-stones engraved with groups of one to six
signs of a more advanced ‘hieroglyphic’ script (‘Class B’) came into general
use in MM II; and a cursive form of this script began to be incised on clay,
mostly in the form of circular labels or rectangular bars, both of these being
pierced for attachment by strings.
In its early use the script thus served mainly as a means of identification,
discharging more efficiently the function of the owners’, potters’, bronze-
founders’ and masons’ marks of an earlier period; such marks, like those in
use down to the classical period, must be clearly distinguished from writing
in the true sense of the word, and their forms generally have only a fortuitous
resemblance to alphabetic or linear writing signs. In their shapes the Cretan
‘hieroglyphs’ probably show some influence from Egyptian models, either by
way of imported scarabs and other small objects, or resulting from the actual
observations of merchants travelling in the wake of the Kamares pottery now
being exported in quantity (Kantor, 1947, p. 18). There are few specific
identities, however, and we need not suppose that the actual principles of
Egyptian writing were uncritically adopted—that unwieldy combination of
ideographic, phonetic and determinative signs within the same word, common
to those writing systems which remained in the ‘word-syllabic’ stage (Gelb,
1952 , P- 194 ), e.g.
Egyptian:
Hittite:
IPS
H
w$r-s-r-* c ^ vlX y =wafr ‘strong’.
^-st o r M G o D-k-Za-j = ‘ Storm god Tarhuntas’.
From c . 2200 b.c. onwards Syria and Palestine were the scene of successive
experiments in the design of a writing system which was eventually to oust all
its competitors. From the beginning this West Semitic model was entirely
phonetic, without ideograms; and from the quasi-syllabic stage of the Byblos
script (Dhorme, 1948) it rapidly passed, influenced by the structure of the
Semitic languages, to the stage of the Phoenician and Ugaritic ‘consonantal
alphabets ’ or, as Gelb prefers it, ‘ syllabaries without vowels ’. Evans is probably
right in deducing from the small number of signs that the Cretan ‘ hieroglyphs’
were also predominantly phonetic in value (SM /, p. 247). The earliest Minoan
script may have been deliberately designed as a syllabary; but it is useless to
3
*9
C D I
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
argue, as many have done, a direct Minoan influence on the Phoenician
scripts, which are earlier in origins and more sophisticated in principle.
From the small number of ‘ hieroglyphic 5 inscriptions found, Dow (1954)
argues that ‘there is no ground for imagining that literacy existed in any
developed sense 5 . Though the absence of durable and monumental records,
so strikingly in contrast with most of the contemporary cultures, is a charac¬
teristic of all periods of Minoan-Mycenaean life, his conclusion may well be
valid for this early period.
An incomplete list of ‘hieroglyphic 5 signs was printed by Evans in SM /,
p. 232 and PM, 1, p. 282. To the use of an embryonic syllabary for spelling
out names and titles, the requirements of the palace administration added two
mechanisms which were to remain characteristic of all later Aegean inscriptions:
1. The development of a list of standard ideograms as abbreviations for the
commodities being counted, and as a more graphic indication of the tablets’
Fig. 5. 'Hieroglyphic’ tablet from Phaistos.
contents to the non-literate members of the household. With doubtful excep¬
tions, ideograms (in the sense of symbols which stand for a definite word¬
meaning rather than for a conventional sound-value) only occur with numerals
in all three Aegean scripts, never in the spelling of ordinary words or sentences.
Evans and Myres were often deluded by the more naturalistic signs into giving
them a symbolic value, which their frequency and use in different positions
render most unlikely.
2. A written system of numerals and fractions. In this respect the
‘hieroglyphic 5 script differs in its conventions from those of the Linear Scripts.
1,234 is written 0 W- ))))
and the fractional quantities appear in the forms i f t (or Pf), which may
represent \ \ J (£ and f are ideograms).
The tablet illustrated in fig. 5 was an unstratified find at Phaistos (Pernier,
I 935, p. 425). After a word of two signs, the top line records quantities of
30
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
2o£(?) units of each of the commodities J V- These four staples, which
there is reason to believe represent wheat, oil, olives and figs, recur
with similar symbols in both Linear A and Linear B (see p. 35). The second
may be a simplification of Evans’ ‘jug and olive-spray’ sign.
The Knossos ‘ hieroglyphic archives’ consist of nineteen lumps of clay sealed
with inscribed signets, and of sixty-three clay sealings tablets, bars or labels,
found in the earth fill of a chamber under the staircase at the north end of the
long corridor to the magazines (R on fig. 13, p. 115). First assigned by Evans
to ‘ within the limits of MM III ’ (SM /, p. 21, dating the fill of the chamber to
the second destruction), the documents were later placed entirely within
MM II, the use of the ‘hieroglyphs’ ceasing abruptly with the end of this
period (PM, 1, p. 612). This conclusion is doubted by Chapouthier (1930),
and is based on no very certain stratigraphic evidence.
3 . LINEAR SCRIPT A
Both the cause and date of the introduction of Linear A are uncertain. A desire
to simplify the naturalistic forms of the ‘ hieroglyphs ’ for hurried writing on
clay is hardly sufficient reason, since even Linear B still contains a fair pro¬
portion of complex signs, of a dozen strokes or more, which perhaps reflect
a calligraphic use of the script on other more perishable materials.
The earliest Linear A inscriptions were believed by Evans (PM, 1, p. 612)
to be those written in ink on two Knossos cups, which he dated by their shape
to MM Ilia. The archives deposit from Mallia, discovered by Renaudin and
Charbonneaux in 1923, apparently dates from the reoccupation of the palace
at the beginning of MM III b, and is significant in showing a late use of the
‘hieroglyphs’ side by side with incipient Linear A, in one case on two sides
of the same tablet. The numeration of both Mallia scripts still uses dots for
the tens (a peculiarity recurring on some Agia Triada tablets) but circles for
the hundreds. It is difficult to reconcile the Knossos and Mallia evidence with
the discovery of two dozen tablets at Phaistos in 1953 and 1955, in a level of
the First Palace dated by the excavators to MM la, which allegedly show
a transition from the ‘hieroglyphic’ to the linear script; for an illustration, see
Annuario della scuola archeologica italiana di Atene, 30-32 (n.s. 14-16), p. 418.
The latest and largest group of surviving Linear A documents comprises
150 rectangular clay tablets and a number of sealings (cretule) found in the
‘Royal Villa’ at Agia Triada associated with remains of LM la frescoes and
stone jars. They cannot at any rate be later than the destruction of the villa,
ascribed by Evans (PM, iv, p. 786) to ‘ the new and aggressive dynasty’ which
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
he believed took power at Knossos at the beginning of LM II. Carratelli
similarly dates the Agia Triada tablets to before 1450 b.c. ; but Pendlebury
(1939, p. 228) and the Italian excavators regard the destruction of Agia Triada
as contemporary with that of Knossos itself in c. 1405 b.c.
With very minor exceptions, all other Linear A inscriptions appear to be of
MM III b date. They include tablets and sealings from Knossos, Phaistos,
Tylissos, Zafer Papoura, Zakro and Palaikastro, and libation tables and ritual
objects from these and a number of other sites (see Carratelli, pp. 590-602 and
Dow, 1954, p. 113). Their total number is very small compared to the Linear B
material, but the language appears to be identical throughout. Carratelli
points to the word TC U A which occurs both on a steatite libation table from
Palaikastro and on the stone ladle from near Arkhanes (Dow, p. 100), and to
the word SYYoJ or ( T , YY b which occurs on no less than five religious objects
from different parts of the island. But of the words written entirely in signs
paralleled in Linear B, there are only one or two which recur on a Knossos
Linear B or Mycenaean mainland inscription. A solitary example of a possible
grammatical variation may be seen by comparing ]F*MWto[ on the fragment of
a steatite liba 1 ion-bowl found by Marinatos at Apodoulou (Carratelli, Ap 1)
with on the piece of a steatite libation-table perhaps from Petsofa
(Pc 10 ): if mechanically transcribed with their apparent Linear B values, these
words would read no-pi-na-ma-[ and no-pi-na-mi-na .
In spite of considerable disagreement, we are probably justified in inferring
that the standardized form of Linear A came into general use at the beginning
of MM III b, and that it did not survive the introduction of Linear B at
Knossos. It is difficult to visualize the Pa-i-to = Phaistos of our Linear B tablets
as conducting its records and its correspondence with the capital in Linear A;
Dow’s statement (1954, p. 120) that to the end ofLM II ‘the rest of the island
continued to use Linear A’ can, perhaps, only be true of unattested writing in
the native ‘ Minoan’ language outside the offices of the royal administration.
The Agia Triada tablets, being latest and most numerous, probably show
Linear A in its most representative form: they have been used as the basis for
the list of seventy-five syllabic signs published here (fig. 6), from which a few
rare Agia Triada signs of doubtful form and function have been omitted. The
possible similarities which have been shown with ‘Hieroglyphs’ (H) or with
Linear B signs (B) should not be taken to argue an identical sound-value; such
an identity could only be proved by a cogent decipherment, which in view of
our complete ignorance of the ‘Minoan’ language is probably impossible. The
signs are numbered L /, etc., in accordance with Carratelli (pp. 467-74); to
which is added Myres’ inconvenient numeration, whereby AB /, etc., represent
H
A
B
H
A
B
H
A
B
1 L 1
AB 18
N
H
L 44 A
AB 1 1 TT
A
m
L 76 it
AB 40 l V
IP
*
L 2
AB 4
t
L 45 A
AB 61 ¥
?
L 77 ii> up
AB 38 I 1
r
L 6
AB 44
$
L 47 a \
A 103 d' T
t
L AB 8 10 A A
A
L 9; cf. 28 i.
AB 12 ft)
L 50;cf.92^
Vno f ft
L 10
AB 9
*
f
m
I
L 51 iii w
AB 59 1 1 V
m
L 81 V V
AB 45 A X
x
L 15
A 75
f
¥
L 52 MM
AB 49 1 T
T
L 82 r—
AB 22 tW
a
L 16
AB 54
A
\
tJ]
L AB 3 51 <i) 2l
U
L 83 //
AB 62 (ft
L 21
L aI 4 31 C P
T
L 84/48
A 93 V \
+
L 22
AB 2
+
f
Q
L 55 O cp oio
AB 32 T T 1
T
L 85 *4,
AB 63 A A
9
L 23
AB 57
¥
¥'
L AB 6 12 A A
A
L A 8 B 6 39 ¥ ¥
w
L 24
*
L AB ? 30 4»
L A 8 5 7 3 B?
B
L 25/7
AB 19
H 1=1
1=1
0
L AB 8 26 H 11 5/
»
H
L 88 j
A 70 A
L 26
AB 58
i T l
?
i
q
L 59 no
AB 13 L L
1!
©
L AB24 © ©
©
L 27
f
r
L 60 **
AB 46 Y
Y
$
l L A 9 B 2 5 t ♦
+
A
L 28; cf 56A
AB 12 ft)
Vb^I I*
'■£$ n
df
L 29
AB 23
©
®
L 62 <0> < 0 *
AB 35 T I
?
L AB 4 25 ? 1
L 30
AB 1
h
i-
L A 6 72 € €
Mo & <8
¥
y
L 31
AB 27
r
r
L 64 >
AB 55 P
L 97 A-
AB 60 T
r
; *
L 32
AB 20
i
0
L \S\ <Q ^
L 98 :r l >
AB 41 7 7 >1
Si
L 33
AB 8
r
L 66 h
A 97
s=
00
CM
oS>
AB 29 ^ ^
T
L 68/96 1 l
A 61 14 Kt
■Q
L 100/38 11 /
AB 37 T
f
4
- 36
AB 69
4
( 1
L 69 / /
AB 16 \ \
(
# 1
L 101 A A
AB 36 v T
Si
- 37; cf620
AB 35 *
I
- 72; cf. 94}
AB 25 £
1
- 102 w w
AB 48 a A
- 39
AB 7
T
T
1
- 74 p
AB 14 L
G
I
AB* 53 M T?
¥
I
AB 3 67 H 0
N
A 1
A 7 B 5 21 R
frl
■
IB— 1
El
Fig. 6 . The Linear A syllabary in use at Agia Triada (after Carratelli), with possible cognates in
the ‘hieroglyphs’ (H) and in Linear B (B).
33
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
signs he imagined to be identical in A and B, while A 40 , etc., refer to signs
peculiar to A. The same syllabary, with the addition of a few local variants,
underlies all the other inscriptions in Linear A. Since the signs are purely
phonetic, and since the language from which any acrophonic principle might
be derived is unknown, no useful purpose is served by discussing the objects
which the signs may originally have represented; in so far as the Mycenaean
signs are derived from Linear A, the same is true of them.
L 42 etc. ^
L89e,c ? $ %
L 67 ^
l 60 yt y
1 f® H 1
A t $ ^
L 49 etc. ^
L9° 4
\ % f % If
L 71 etc. ft ft |
L 82 etc. fiffl
L 35 etc.
L66
L70 jnj
L 73 etc.
L88 $
L99e.c.fl g
LcMetc. If £ &
Lc32
Lc33 |
Lc38-9 |t
Lc40 Jg
LC41 - 2 ft (ffl
Lc43 ^
Lc44cic -$ V
Lc45 ^
Lc46 $
Lc50 etc.
Lc64-5 ^ f
Fig. 7 . The commonest Agia Triada ideograms.
The Agia Triada tablets are all of the ‘page’ shape, with space for four
to nine short lines, rather than of the frequent Mycenaean ‘ palm-leaf’ shape
enclosing one or two long lines. The layout is consequently cramped, with
entries and even individual words often divided from one line to another. The
word-divider is written as a single dot in the middle of the line-height; the
direction of writing, which had been variable in the ‘hieroglyphs’, is now
uniformly left-to-right. The different mechanisms for indicating the com¬
modities by means of ideograms already show considerable conformity with
Mycenaean practice (see fig. 10):
1. The use of pictorial and conventional symbols restricted to an ideographic
function.
2. The employment of single phonetic signs as ideograms, presumably
starting from an acrophonic principle.
34
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
3. The telescoping of two or more phonetic signs into a ‘monogram’.
4. The attachment of single phonetic signs in and around an existing ideo¬
gram in order to differentiate its meaning (‘ligatures’).
On some tablets whole words appear in small letters as ‘adjuncts’ over or
after ideograms (e.g. with the tripods and cups of HT 31 ), whereas these
qualifications would normally be written out before the ideogram in Linear B.
A single syllabic sign, most often f or frequently stands alone after the
first word on the tablet. Myres regards these occurrences as ‘ transaction signs ’
(i.e. abbreviations for some such words as ‘has received’, etc.), and they come
near to forming an exception to the general rule ‘ no ideograms unless followed
by numerals ’. Proper names may occasionally be subject to a similar abbrevia¬
tion or telescoping.
Most of the tablets from Agia Triada appear to
record rations of various agricultural products issued
to named individuals: there are no visible equi¬
valents to the Linear B ideograms denoting persons
or animals. Five of the most frequently recorded com¬
modities are generally listed in the order ? < ^ V T
(compare HT 14 , reproduced in fig. 8): four of
these are the descendants of the ‘hieroglyphic’
V V (see iig. 5), whose Mycenaean equivalents
f t y. Y also tend to appear in the same order.
Note the progressive deformation in the shape of
the signs, which in Linear B has reached a purely
graphic symbolism—a warning against trying to
translate ideograms entirely on the basis of their
external appearance. The identification of <f, the
product which bulks largest on both the Linear A
and Mycenaean household accounts, as ‘poppy¬
seed’ (Sundwall, accepted by Myres), appears to be poppycock; the same
objection to large amounts of a laboriously-harvested substance applies in the
case of Evans’ identification of y as ‘saffron’ (PM, iv, p. 718; this identifica¬
tion may yet hold good for the Linear B ideogram If). The ideogram S,
apparently derived from the Knossos ‘hieroglyph’ \g, Mallia fw, occurs on
the rim of a two-handled vase and on a pithos from the ninth magazine at
Knossos, and has been shown to represent a liquid in Linear B (Bennett, 1950).
Sundwall’s suggestion ‘wine’, comparing the corresponding Egyptian irp,
is very plausible.
The greatest number of‘ligatures’ are added to the ideograms f and i, as
35
Fig. 8. Agia Triada tablet
HT 14.
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
can be seen from fig. 7. How they in fact differentiate the ‘grain’ and ‘oil’
is obscure, but the distinction cannot be very fundamental, since the various
ligatured amounts are totalled under the simple commodity sign (e.g. on
HT 116 b).
Two of the Agia Triada ligatures, in and ffl on HT 38 , recur with the
same ideogram at Knossos, and the ‘ monogram ’ ££ becomes the Mycenaean
!® . Since these Mycenaean ideograms were evidently taken over from Linear A
as they stood, it is useless to look for a Greek word to round out the component
syllables; and the same possibility must be faced in the case of other composite
signs.
Totals are introduced at Agia Triada by the word ->-1- ( ku-ro ??), cumulative
totals by (HT 122 b); Georgiev’s (1954) reading as u-lo = o\j\ov ignores
the fact that the Common Greek form should be *holwon . Subsidiary amounts,
totalled separately, are sometimes introduced by ( ki-ro ??); this may have
a function analogous to the Mycenaean o-pe-ro ‘owing, missing’.
Except for the possible use of a*A to mean ‘by weight’ or to indicate a unit
weight, all Agia Triada ideograms are directly followed by whole numbers and
fractions, without the metrical symbols characteristic of Mycenaean accounts.
1,234 is written or + g:-||
The signs for the fractions comprise the following, singly or in combination:
LI A f T + * 2 III
Attempts to assign absolute values have been made by Sundwall (1942),
Carratelli (1946), Bennett (1950) and Stoltenberg (1955); but the summations
on HT 8, HT 9 a, HT 13 and HT 123+124 do no more than make it likely
that L=i, 7 =} and *>=i- As for the other symbols, it appears probable
that they represent a series of aliquot parts decreasing in size from £ to ^ or
less; that smaller terms are combined with larger in order to express fractions
like | and those larger than £; and that their descending order of size corre¬
sponds very approximately to the order in which they have been printed above.
There is probably a direct connexion between } J 4 l J and some of the
Mycenaean signs for weights and measures (see pp. 54-60). If we assume
that the fractional signs have been adapted to units with similar ratios, we
may guess for instance that * may have represented something like ^ in
Linear A.
36
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
4 . THE DERIVATION OF LINEAR SCRIPT B
Before it was recognized that the Linear B tablets are written in Greek, the
usual view of their script was that expressed by Evans (PM, iv, p. 683) in 1935:
Although Class B covers a somewhat later period and illustrates in many of its features
a more developed stage in the Art of Writing, it cannot be regarded as simply a later
outgrowth of A. It is on the whole of independent growth, though both systems largely
go back to a common prototype (namely, the ‘hieroglyphs’).. . .Apart from the absence
of ligatures, however, the general arrangement of the script remains the same, except
that in the B system it is clearer.. . . Moreover, the language itself is identical.. . .We
have not here the indications of a violent intrusion at the hands of some foreign Power.
Equally with the other, the new system is rooted in the soil of Crete itself and is part
and parcel of its history. Rather the evidence may be thought to point to a change of
dynasty.
The discovery of tablets at Pylos (1939) and Mycenae (1950 and 1952),
Wace, Blegen and Kantor’s discussions of the relation of LM II Knossos to the
Mainland, and his own work on Mycenaean weights and measures (1950)
enabled Bennett to state positively in 1953, even before the publication of
a decipherment:
It is becoming increasingly apparent that the difference between the Linear A and
the Linear B scripts is a serious one; not a matter of gradual development, nor of an
elegant variation, but of a radical adaptation of the old to the new; or perhaps even
a new construction following roughly an older model. The language also, and the names
appearing on the accounts, are clearly different, and where the same sign is used in
both Linear A and B there is no guarantee that the same value is assigned to it. At the
same time the affinity of Knossos in LM II in script and in methods of book-keeping
is clearly shown to be with the Mycenaean mainland rather than with the rest of Crete.
Is it possible that we should speak of the Minoan Linear Script and the Mycenaean Linear
Script rather than of Minoan Linear A and B? We cannot be sure where Linear B was
created, or when, but it need not have been at Knossos. Yet it was clearly longer and
more widely known in the Mycenaean than in the Minoan civilization, and so might
well deserve a new and distinctive name.
Dow (1954), in an article written at the same time, devoted five pages to
a discussion of this problem and arrived at a similar conclusion.
Knossos tablet 231 =K 872 was believed by Evans (PM, iv, p. 729) to have
been oven-baked and was assigned, from the similar fabric of the Linear A
tablets and from the style of its cups and bulls’ heads, to LM I a. With this
doubtful exception, the Linear B tablets are merely sun-dried, if dried at all,
and owe their survival to the fact that they were baked hard in the conflagra¬
tions which destroyed their storage rooms. Since such tablets must have been
37
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
periodically thrown away or pulped, Myres (SMII, p. 40) is no doubt correct
in assuming that ‘ they belong to the very latest days of the Palace occupation,
and probably represent little more than the last year’s vouchers before the
catastrophe’. This is equally true of the archive room at Pylos, destroyed at
the beginning of Late Helladic 111 c, and of the tablets found in the row of
private houses (‘Shields, Oil Merchant, and Sphinxes’) at Mycenae,consigned
to the flames at the end of Late Helladic IIIb. Unless the destruction of
Knossos is to be set later than 1405 b.c. (a possibility suspected by Blegen),
these accidentally-preserved tablets thus bracket a period of a full 200 years,
from which no intermediate examples of writing survive except a few short
inscriptions on Mainland vases, notably on the twenty-eight paint-inscribed
stirrup jars of Late Helladic Ilia date (c. 1360 b.c.?) found by Keramopoullos
in the Kadmeion at Thebes (PM, iv, p. 740; Bjorck, 1954). If it were possible
to extend the area of excavation at Thebes, tablets might well come to light
| there too, and possibly from this intermediate period. Myres’ view (SM III,
in MS.) that the inscribed jars from Tiryns are considerably earlier than the
Knossos tablets is probably based on a misunderstanding.
The initial stimulus to devise a writing system for the Greek language may
well go back to the events of c. 1580 b.c., which initiated the specifically
Mycenaean culture of the Mainland and the rise of Mycenae and its satellites
at the expense of Knossos however these events aie to be interpreted his¬
torically (both Karo and Schachermeyr assume a Greek invasion of Crete,
not followed by an occupation). Linear B could have been devised at Mycenae
itself at any time after 1580, but Dow (1954, p. 117) suggests Knossos as the
most plausible place of origin, since the script is first attested there and a native
bureaucracy would have been at hand to furnish the model.
The most likely period for the occupation of Knossos by a Greek-speaking
ruling class is the beginning of LM II, which sees the appearance of Evans’
‘ New Dynasty of Aggressive Character’ (PM, iv, pp. 884 ff.), the introduction
of the ‘Palace Style’ and of other features with Mainland connexions (see
Professor Wace’s foreword to this book, p. xxiv), and the drastic remodelling
of part of the western section of the palace into a Throne Room suite. Evans’
dating of the beginning of LM II is confirmed by the recent discovery that one
panel in the Theban tomb of the vizir Rekhmara, that which depicts ‘the
peaceful embassy of the princes of the land of Kftjw (Crete) and of the Islands
which are in the middle of the sea’, was deliberately repainted between 1470
and 1450 b.c., apparently with the intention of replacing the traditional
‘Minoan’ dress of the Cretan envoys by costumes showing a more specifically
Mainland character. That this final period was not very long is shown by the
38
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
fact that a renovation of the Domestic Quarter, regarded by Evans (PM, iv,
p. 889) as springing from the same impulse as the construction of the Throne
Room, was actually in process at the moment of fi nal destruction. But though
the Knossos tablets may prove only to date from within one or two years of
that catastrophe, a reasonable period of experiment and experience must be
assumed for the script before its recorded appearance, in order to account for
the astonishing uniformity which the Knossos tablets show with those of Pylos
and Mycenae, in script, spelling and arrangement.
The signs of the Mycenaean syllabary which show an unmistakable similarity
to Linear A phonetic signs in use at Agia Triada are shown in the third
columns of fig. 6 above. These identifications do not entirely agree with the
AB list proposed by Myres (SM II, Table I), whose intended function as
a standard signary order is further vitiated by not distinguishing phonetic signs
from ideograms. Of the eighty-seven known syllabic signs on Mycenaean
tablets (eighty-four if we exclude possible variants) forty-five have close equi¬
valents in Linear A, while ten have more doubtful parallels; leaving twenty-nine
Mycenaean signs (or exactly a third) as apparent innovations. The last category
includes many of the rarer signs, and in a comparison of running texts the
proportion of divergent signs may be as little as 15 per cent.
What is the reason for these apparent innovations in the Mycenaean
syllabary? One might assume that its inventors, like St Cyril adapting the
Greek alphabet to the needs of a Bulgarian gospel, devised new symbols for
the Greek syllables whose vowel or consonant sounds had no equivalent in
‘Minoan ’; but this does not fi t the values of the signs as deciphered (or indeed
as arranged dispassionately on the grid, fig. 3). Thus for the syllables expressing
the Greek labio-velar sounds q u and g u , which we might expect to be foreign to
‘Minoan’, we admittedly have innovations in qi and If qo, but q qe is
a frequent sign at Agia Triada; ^ mo and possibly me are new, but y ma
and mi are not; and so on. Such an explanation of the need for innovation
might presuppose that the value of the existing Linear A signs had suffered
a wholesale reshuffling in the process; although from its great frequency as an
initial it is likely that at any rate, already had its later value (a) at Agia
Triada, and § (Mycenaean ja) probably represented a closely-related syllable.
A feature of the system of Mycenaean syllabic values as revealed by decipher¬
ment is the presence of a considerable number of ‘homophones’ ( pa 2 , etc.),
which are listed in the right-hand column of fig. 4, p. 23. Palmer suggests
that these are a relic of a series of symbols for ‘Minoan ’ sounds foreign to Greek,
probably of a palatalized nature, which have been adopted for various special
uses (see also p. 46).
39
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
There is no trace in our syllabary of the practice occasionally seen in Hittite
and regularly in Japanese and the Indian scripts, whereby two related syllables
may be formed from a single basic sign by the addition of diacritical marks.
Evans’ and Myres’ theory that the modifi cations and innovations of Linear B
represent ‘ a re-selection from the same older repertory ’ is difficult to control.
Though a few seal-stones or libation-tables inscribed with ‘hieroglyphs’ may
have survived into Late Minoan times, it is unlikely that the scribes retained
any real familiarity or facility with their script. The forms of many of the
Mycenaean signs are undoubtedly more ornate and curvilinear than their
Agia Triada counterparts, the sign k u showing, for example, some re¬
elaboration as the naturalistic ‘ flying bird ’ which the Linear A -J- may once
have represented. But there are a greater number of examples where, far from
harking back to a ‘hieroglyphic’ prototype, the Mycenaean form has made
the naturalistic pattern quite unrecognizable. Thus the Linear A &, in which
Evans and Carratelli recognize the ‘ cat’s head ’ hieroglyph, becomes ( ma )
in Linear B, and is taken by Myres as a flower. Only one Mycenaean syllable,
nwa y has a close parallel in the ‘hieroglyphs’ (P 117 a, SM /, p. 177) but
none in Linear A, and even here the omission from A may be due to the
accidents of discovery.
The alternative source of innovations suggested by Evans, the repertory of
masons’ and potters’ marks in use in Crete and neighbouring areas, is even
more uncontrollable: attempts to bring these marks into systematic connexion
with regular scripts arc very uncertain, since their common denominator is
generally no more than the fact that they are the patterns most easily made by
a limited number of straight strokes. We may have to conclude that some of the
Mycenaean signs may have had no external ‘derivation’ at all, other than in
the calligraphic fantasy of their inventors. An attempt to explain the innova¬
tions by the initial syllables of specific Greek words is not likely to be any
more fruitful.
The Mycenaean syllabic signs are printed in fig. 9 in the order of Bennett’s
numeration (see fig. 4, p. 23, for an alphabetic arrangement according to their
phonetic values); this indicates the main variations in their shape which have
been found at Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae, and on the Theban vases. These
variations give little evidence for a chronological development of the script,
and discoveries of new tablets have tended to show that forms we had believed
characteristic of a particular time and place are in fact only permissible varia¬
tions of style, which may be shown at any period by the graduates from the
evidently conservative scribal schools. The signs painted on vases show few
features that can be attributed to their different writing materials, but some
40
59
6 t n
in m
7 I :
[ 8 f f
>9 &
h
t
+
+
t
t
t
■I 5
! l !
t
T T
T T
T
f ?
7 IT
m =7=
1 !
m
1
TIT
A
T V
T
Y
r
F
A ff
P
r
11
Tl
7 1
7
T T
¥
Ti
f t
f
T
VI
V
■?' 7
V
f
!•
f
t
T
TT
TT
TT
TT
TT
f
Tf
•j*
TT
Y
T
u/
1
r
Y Y
Y Y
Y Y
Y Y
3. V ¥ Y r Y Y
jiYtmr m
33 v Y
34*£C <
35 M >
38 A A AAA
39 A l!i A ft ft ft
40 /£ (6 ft ft ft /
K P _ M T
59 C K I K K C I (T
60 isU U UU b litis
6.PrKn ft- tl HriDdB
62 M M Cl tl
6j m
64 H H
65 IffW Mrlft
66 ¥V WW
6 7 T T7 nt ‘V V
69 0 f Y Y f
70 f ? ? ? ¥ ? !
71 ? § -ft i'B’i
u'll'fl'K ft
44 K ft T ‘A If T
45 * * x * v * x
46 Xft ft
47 %% ft
4* XV Y A
49 7n
so ft (H ft ft ft Ai
s. 3 f llTO ft
52 II ! t M
531 i M ft HD »
54 Ifl m hi HI R
H
56 N hi H
72 E E
D 0
t H
73 1^ V
V V
V
74 HI!
HI
75 2 '
2
2 2
76 m
II W
77 ©©
®
78 OO ©O
0 ©
79 ^ ^
<51
80 V V
W ¥
M
Ap\
do
***
* *
82
85 f 5 > )U >
86 b- Lr’
87 U
29 y y y y | y | 58 e i! i 1 11 r | g 187 m _
Fig. g. The Mycenaean syllabary (after Bennett). K = Knossos, P = Pylos, M = Mycenae, T = Thebes. j*
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of them are evidently careless or semi-literate. The incised design on the rim
of a jar from Asine, interpreted by Persson (1930) as a Greek invocation to
Poseidon in a form of the Linear Script, is probably not to be regarded as
intelligible writing at all, though some of the shapes may have been suggested
by Mycenaean signs. The complete omission of a rarer Mycenaean sign from
one or another site is not significant, and is continually being corrected as new
material is unearthed.
Except where they can be shown to derive from the initial sounds of a Greek
word, the bulk of the Mycenaean ideograms or ‘commodity signs’ (see fig. 10,
p. 50) were probably adapted directly from their Linear A prototypes as
used by the earlier Knossos bureaucracy. The omission of the symbols for men,
women and animals from the surviving Linear A tablets is evidently accidental;
the survival of the ideograms for some of the main agricultural staples has been
noted above (p. 35); even though their shapes, like those of some of the
syllabic signs, have been subjected to a graphic distortion which removes them
still further from their prototypes in the ‘hieroglyphs’ and in nature. Some
commodities which are themselves innovations in LM II, such as horses,
chariots, body-armour and specific vessel types, naturally require new symbols:
these, unlike the inherited ideograms, are markedly naturalistic and are often
accompanied by their Greek descriptions in long-hand.
The system of numbers was taken over from Linear A without modification,
but fractions as such have not been found on any Mycenaean tablet. The new
symbols for weights and measures (‘fractional quantities’) are discussed below,
pp . 54-60.
5 . THE SPELLING RULES
The Ionic alphabetic inscriptions of the fifth century b.c. show a more faithful
and economical adaptation to the contemporary pronunciation than any other
form of written Greek before or since. At the same period, Cypriot Greek was
still being written in an archaic syllabary (see fig. 12, p. 64) whose conventions
do violence to Greek in several important respects:
1. There are single series of syllabic signs for Kyx, *rr( 3 (p, tS 0 , so that e-ko may
represent either eycb or eyco.
2. [x and v are omitted before a following consonant, so that ttovtcc is spelt
pa-ta ; final -s shows several instances of omission.
3. Extra vowels have to be written to round out clusters of consonants:
tttoAiv becomes po-to-li-ne.
As might be expected, the earlier Mycenaean syllabary is even more im¬
precise and incomplete in its rendering of Greek: this is due largely to a closer
42
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
adherence to what appears to have been the initial principle in the development
of syllabaries, that of writing only one sign for each syllable of the pronunciation.
The following notes summarize the conventions which we believe the
Mycenaean scribe to have followed in reducing spoken Greek to a syllabic
spelling. They will indicate the limits within which equivalents may be found
for words in the texts transcribed in Part II of this book, and for the proper
names and vocabulary listed in the appendices. More than one equivalent
may of ten be possible within these rules, and the full range of possibilities may
sometimes have escaped us; some details of the spelling rules may themselves
still require modification.
We will postpone to pp. 67-75 the discussion of what conclusions may
legitimately be drawn from these orthographical peculiarities as to the struc¬
ture of the earlier ‘Minoan’ language, as to the precise relationships of the
Mycenaean dialect, and as to the racial character of the scribes who were
employed to record it. The following notes are based on the general assumption
that the pronunciation behind the spelling is a normal though archaic form of
East Greek, such as had already been inferred for the period by philologists.
§ 1. Vowels
The syllabary differentiates five vowels -a -e -i -0 -u (for a possible sixth
vowel, see §13). Long vowels are not specially indicated, nor are syllables
beginning with an aspirate: a-ni-ja=haniai f|v(cci.
§ 2. Diphthongs
au, eu, ou (both long and short) are regularly indicated with the aid of the t
sign u: na-u-si^nausi, ka-ke-u-si = khalkeusi , a-ro-u-ra=aroura. This does not of
course apply to classical -ou- where it is merely the graphic indication of
a lengthened close 0 : ‘ they have 5 (Att. exoucti, Arc. exovoi) is written e-ko-si ,
and Att. Tpiirous (Horn. Tpiiros) appears as ti-ri-po.
The second element of ai, ei , oi (both long and short) is invariably omitted
in the dat. sing, and nom. plur. of nouns and adjectives, and generally elsewhere
too (except for the regular use of the sign ai initially). A fuller spelling with
the aid of the sign i is found in the Knossos ko-to-i-na compared with Pylos
ko-to-na = ktoina, and sometimes alternates on tablets of the same set: a-na-taf
a-na-i-ta on the Knossos ‘chariot’ tablets, ko-no/ko-i-no on the Mycenae
‘spice’ tablets. Dative singulars in -e-i are disyllabic from names in -es:
E-u-me-de-i — Eumedei. The spellings mi-to-we-sa-e ( 269 =Sd 0404 , nom. plur.
fern.), e-qe-ta-e (29 = As 821 ), to-e (Eb 842 , tw?) are exceptional and probably
erroneous.
43
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
From the example of Pa-i-to = Phaistos we had concluded that the dative
plurals in -a-i and -o-i were to be read - ais , -ois. The -ois of the instr. plur. masc.
is, however, spelt simply -o on the Pylos 'furniture 5 tablets (see below, p. 334):
Merlingen and Andrews suggest that the datives should be vocalized - ahi ,
-oihi, with loss of intervocalic -s-.
§ 3. ' Glides'
Vowels following -i- are generally spelt with a j- syllable: i-ja-te~iater >
i-je-ro = kieros i i-jo = idn; those following -u- with a w- syllable: ku-wa-no = kuanos.
This rule is invariable in the endings of adjectives in - ios : ko-no-si-ja = Knosia,
ku-wa-ni-jo = kuanios. In the middle of a word a 2 may replace ja\ a-pi-a 2 -ro =
Amphialos, pi-a 2 -ra=phialai; sometimes even on the same tablet: ko-ri-ja-da-naj
ko-ri-a 2 -da-na on Mycenae Ge 605 (cf. ti-ri-o-we-e/ti-ri-jo-we on 236 =Ta 641 ).
A diphthong followed by a vowel may be written with the glide syllable
alone: a-ra-ru-ja — araruiai y i-je-re-ja = hiereia, e-wa-ko-ro = Euag(o)ros (but also
e-u-wa-ko-ro , e-u-we-to = Euetor ), unless an etymological *s>h intervenes:
E-u-o-mo = Eu-hormos.
§ 4. P , K , T and D
| p- can represent p- or ph- : pa-te—pater, pa-ka-na = phasgana. The only words
so far identified with b are pa 2 -si-re-u = basileus , po-pa 2 =phorba ?, te-pa 2 -de =
Thebans-de? ; for pa 2 see § 13.
k- can represent A>, gkh- : ka-ko = khalkos , ka-ra-we=grawes. t- can represent
t - or th-\ te-ko-to~ tekton, te-o = theos ; d- is invariably indicated by its own syllabic
series: ti-ri-po-de = tripode , di-do-si = didonsi , e-pi-de-da-to = epi-dedastoi.
§ 5. L and R
l- and r- are written with a single syllabic series, here transliterated r-:
ti-ri-po = tripos , tu-ri-so — Tulisos ; tu-ro 2 — turoi , pi-ti-ro 2 -we-sa=ptilowessa ; ku-ru-so
— khrusos , ku-ru-me-no = KLumenos. Attempts to apportion the numerous homo¬
phones exclusively to either / or r have not met with success.
x §6. z
Z- spells a Greek 3 from in me-zo = mezon pie^cov, wo-zo = worzon p^cov;
from *dj in to-pe-za = torpeza Tparre^a; from *j in ze-u-ke-u-si ; but there are
puzzling alternations with the k- series: Knossos a-ze-ti-ri-ja/a-ke-ti-ri-ja ,
Pylos ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na/ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na. Palmer regards the z- series as inherited
from a Minoan palatalized k y and used for a variety of Greek affricates and
spirants, including on occasion / (me-za-ne = melanes 'black’?).
44
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
§ 7. Labio-velars
q- may represent q u (> Attic t or tt) or g u (> Attic 5 or (3): qe = q u e te, j-
a-pi-qo-ro = amphiq u oloi dpupiTToAoi, qo-u-ko-ro =g n oukoloi (3oukoAoi. The only appa¬
rent instances of an aspirated q u h (> Attic 0 or 9 ) are a few names in -qo-ta/
- qo-i-ta which may represent - 90 vtt)s or - 9 o(tt|s; and the word qe-te-a, , which
may be related to OecrcracrQoa.
*q u u has probably become ku : pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka = T7pEcr(3u-ava£. No sign is
known for q lt a , which may already have .become pa : cf. the spelling pa-ra-jo
‘old 5 (probably from *q li ala-, cf. tt^Ae) and pa-te ‘all’ (from *kwantes , cf.
drras/Skt. gagvant-). The name of the horse i-qo = iqq u os (from *ekwos) already
shows transference to a labio-velar; the ending of the perfect participle (e.g.
te-tu-ko-wo-a = tetukhwoa) is preserved from this development, as in the classical
dialects. The classical -parrris, -(3ccros has a different vocalism in Mycenaean:
- qo-ta , -qo-to (from *g u mt-).
Bennett has pointed out some irregularities at Pylos: the spelling qi-si-pe-e
for xiphee; the variations ra-qi-ti-ra 2 \ra-pi-ti-ra 2 and qe-re-qo-ta-o/pe-re-qo-ta
(116 = En659); and the names e-ri-ko-wo (masc .)le-ri-qi-ja (fern.), possibly
compounded with ‘horse 5 .
§ 8. Final -L, -Af, -JV, -/?, -S
At the end of a syllable these sounds are omitted from the spelling: ka-ko =
khal-kos , a-pi = am-phi, pa-ka-na=phas-gana, a-to-ro-qo = an-throq u os , pa-te=pa-ter
or pan-tes , a-ku-ro = ar-guros. The clusters -rg-> -rm-> -sm- seem to receive fuller
treatment on occasion: we-re-ke = Eipysi?, we-re-ka-ra-ta = wergal -?, wo-ro-ki-jo-
ne-jo = worgioneios, a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na — ararmo-, de-so-mo , do-so-mo.
§ 9. Initial S and W
Before a consonant initial s- is generally omitted: ta-to-mo=stathmos, pe-ma =
sperma , etc. A possible exception is sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja (KN Dv941), which recalls
Sphakteria.
On the basis of the place-name ri-jo 'Plov (* wrison ?) and the trade ra-pte
‘tailor 5 ( *wrap - ?) we had assumed that initial w - before a consonant is also
omitted. Palmer ( 1954 ) denies this, adducing wi-ri-ne-jo = wrineios ‘of leather 5
(fpivos), wi-ri-za = wriza. The passive participle e-ra-pe-me-na^erraprrtena
‘stitched 5 revealed by the join of 221 =L 647 shows no trace of a digamma.
§10. Consonant clusters
Doubled consonants are not distinguished. Where a plosive consonant pre¬
cedes another consonant, it is written with the vowel of the succeeding syllable:
45
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ka-na-pe-u = knapheus , ki-ti-me-na = ktimena , ko-no-so = Knosos , ku-ru-so = khrusos.
A few irregularities are found with -A:/-: wa-na-ka-te-ro — wanakteros ‘royal’,
ru-ki-to = Luktos (ru-ki-ti-jo = Luktios is regular). Otherwise the rule is preserved
in declension (e.g. ko-ri-ja-do-no si ng./ko-ri-ja-da-na plur.), and is extended to
clusters of three consonants: re-u-ko-to-ro — Leuktron , a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo = Alektruon.
x {%),ps (y) and q u s are treated as k-s-,p-s -, q-s-: ka-sa-to~Xanthos , ke-se-nu-wo
= xenwos , ko-so-u-to — Xouthos. When final, they shed the -j and take the vowel
of the preceding syllable: wa-na-ka = wanax, ai-ti-jo-qo= AtSiovy. An exception
| is the Knossos ox name wo-no-qo-so = OTvovja
m is preserved in mn-: de-mi-ni-ja , a-mi-ni-so , etc. r in -rw- is usually omitted:
ko-wo = korwos , pa-we-a = pharwea ; but it is retained in a-ra-ru-wo-a = ararwoa
{ (cf. the feminine a-ra-ru-ja). The group -hw- is usually written -nu-w-: ke-se -
nu-wi-ja = xenwia, pe-ru-si-nu-wo =perusinwon\ the sign tzwa sometimes replaces
-nu-wa -: pe-ru-si-nwa , pa 2 -nu-wa-solpa 2 -nwa-so , a-mi-nu-wa-ta\a-mi-nwa -,
wa-ri-jo/e-nwa-ri-jo.
^1 §n. Polysyllabic signs
Nearly all the Mycenaean signs indicate a simple vowel (a, *, etc.) or
a consonant-plus-vowel open syllable (/a, ka , etc.); there is no evidence for
syllables of the types common in cuneiform, a/, ak , etc., and tar, kar , etc.
But in addition to the special sign for rcwa, *6r appears to represent ptc:
pe-te-re-wa/pte-re-wa on the Knossos ‘chariot wheel’ tablets. Two other com¬
plex syllables are each confined to a single word on the same ‘ wheel ’ tablets,
and are probably abbreviations resulting from long repetition: o-da-* 8 y-ta
replaces o-da-ku-we-ta (also o-da-ke-we-ta and even o-da-tu-we-ta) and seems to
represent kwe\ te-mi-*yi-ta contains a sign which looks like a ‘monogram’
of ne + ko at Knossos (but te + ko in the later Pylos version), though this inter¬
pretation is contested.
§12. Polyphones
We have not so far been forced to assume any cases of a sign carrying two
or more quite different phonetic values, a complication present to a high degree
in cuneiform.
tt § J 3 - Homophones
There are a number of signs which appear to duplicate values already
covered, e.g. a 2 ai 2 pa 2 pu 2 ? ra 2 ra 3 ro 2 ta 2 on the right-hand column
of fig. 4. Andrews assumes that there is in fact a sixth vowel schwa (a), and also
allots signs for palatalized and labialized consonants; Palmer suggests that
Linear A had a series of palatalized consonants whose syllables were taken over
46
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
by the Greeks for various abbreviating uses. A consistent pattern in the func¬
tion of these supernumerary signs is not yet discernible.
-i-a 2 - alternates with -if a- in the middle of words (see § 3), especially where
an -h- may be suspected of intervening: a-pi-a 2 -ro = Amphihalos. a 2 may also
represent initial ha- in a 2 -te-ro — hater on. But its most frequent use at Pylos and
Mycenae is to represent the final -a of neuter -s- stems in the nominative
plural: pa-we-a 2 =pharwe h a } ke-re-a 2 = skele h a i me-zo-a 2 =mezo h a ‘larger’, te-tu-ko-
wo-a 2 = tetukhwo h a. Such words are spelt with -a at Knossos, with the exception
of ]-a 2 on Le 786-788 and Ldl 009 , which is perhaps to be restored as
pa-we-a 2 (as on the newly transcribed Knossos fragment L 7378 ). The usage
may vary within the same set of tablets: we-a-re-jalwe-a 2 -re-jo on the Pylos
tablets.
pa 2 sometimes represents ba (see §4), but note pa 2 -ra-to-ro = spalathron ,
ku-su-to-ro-pa 2 = ximstro pha.
ra 2 probably represents -ria in the ending of female agent nouns such as
a-ke-ti-ra 2 \a-ke-ti-rifa , etc., but not necessarily in the Pylos man’s name spelt
indifferently Ta-ra 2 -to and Ta-ra-to.
ra 3 seems to represent raiflai in pi-je-ra 3 =phielai (plur.), e-ra 3 -wo = elaiwon ,
ku-te-ra 3 and ze-pu 2 ?-ra 3 (plur.), pe-ra 3 -ko-ra-i-ja.
ro 2 appears to show no differentiation in tu-ro 2 —tnroi, ku-pa-rujku-pa ro ,
pi-ti-ro 2 -we-sa=ptilowessa y but to represent rio in po-pu-ro 2 cf. po-pu-re-ja.
ta 2 represents tia in Pylos ra-wa-ra-ta 2 cf. ra-wa-ra-ti-jo y a-* 8 j-ta 2 la-si-ja-ti-ja y
probably* not in the adjective ko-ro-ta 2 oI, ko-ro-to. The vocalization of the Pylos
man’s name (gen.) o-ta 2 -we-o\o-to-wo-o is quite uncertain.
§ 14. Incomplete spellings
In repeated writing of long words in standard formulae, a middle or final
sign may be omitted: this is probably to be regarded as a scribal error rather
than as a valid part of the spelling rules.
It is common in the ending -me-na: a-ja-me-(na ), ki-ti-me-(na ), ke-ke-me-(na ).
Note also A-(re)-ku-tu-ru-wo , e-pi-(de)-da-to y Te-qi-(ri)-jo-ne y to-(so)-pe-mo ,
a-(ra)-ro-mo-te-me-na.
§ 15. The use of the divider ,
Word-division follows the classical pattern, with a few exceptions. The
enclitic conjunctions - q u e ‘and’, -de ‘but’, are always joined to the preceding
word; the adverbs ou- t ouki- ‘not’ and ho- or hos- ‘thus’ (or ‘how 5 ?) to the
word that follows. A few word-pairs recurring together in standard formulae
may be written without division: a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja = Athana potnia , a-ne-mo-i-
47
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
je-re-ja = anemon hiereia , to-so-pe-ma — tosson sperma. Conversely compounds
are occasionally split: a-pu / ke-ka-u-me-no — apukekaumenos, e-ne-wo / pe-za = enne-
wopeza. The divider will be indicated by the absence of a hyphen in tran¬
scription.
Risch has suggested that the syllabary has an antipathy to words of only
one sign, liable to be taken as ideograms: hence such spellings as to-so-pa~
tossos pans (but to-so / pa-te = tossoi pantes), qo-o (for monosyllabic g u dns ?).
6. THE MYCENAEAN IDEOGRAMS
The objects and commodities being counted may sometimes only be written
out long-hand, as on the Pylos ‘ furniture ’ tablets or on some of those from
Mycenae which list condiments; but more often the numbers are preceded
by an ideogram, either a purely visual symbol or a syllabic sign used in
abbreviation. This is invariably the case with cereals, wine, oil and livestock;
and where groups of tradespeople are being counted, the sign for man or
w o m a n is always inserted. ‘ Thirty shepherds ’ will appear as ‘ poimenes m a n 30 ’,
a visual parallel to the ‘classifiers’ obligatory in Chinese counting, e.g. san ko
jen= l three piece man i p'i lii = ‘ one single-animal donkey ’, etc.
The Mycenaean ideograms known at Easter 1955 are listed on fig. 10 in
the numbered order agreed with Bennett, which follows in principle, but s not
in detail, the referencing system proposed by Dow (1954, p. 88). These of
course represent only a fraction of the ideograms which may have been in
daily use in the palaces and merchants’ houses; the syllabary evidently forms
a virtually closed system, but new ideograms could at any time be extemporized
to describe new objects. The Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae tablets show, how¬
ever, that the signs for the staple commodities of Mycenaean life were com¬
pletely standardized.
Evidence for the meanings of the ideograms will be discussed in the sections
of Part II dealing with the tablets on which they mainly occur; let us con¬
centrate here on the general principles of their use and derivation. The following
classification into six types does not materially affect their status (and may
have been differently appreciated by the scribes themselves), but merely indi¬
cates the basis on which they appear to us to have been devised:
1. Naturalistic and self-explanatory pictorial signs
The indication of ‘foal’ ( po-ro ) by omitting the mane from the horse
ideogram finds an exact counterpart on the proto-Elamite tablets, chariots
48
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
are differentiated to show the presence or absence of bodywork and wheels,
and the various types of vessels, implements and weapons are specified by
detailed drawings. In all such cases a verbal description in long-hand generally
precedes the ideogram. It has been thought odd that the words ‘a small
three-handled goblet’ should require further illustration by the symbol $,
but no other explanation is possible where, as often, the same description
occurs with the same ideogram on tablets from different sites. In the speci¬
fication of such manufactured articles, the verbal description is probably the
primary one, the ideogram being added partly as a habitual ‘classifier’, partly
to aid the non-literate members of the household (which may have included
the highest as well as the lowest) in seeing the contents of the tablets at a glance.
The ideograms of this first type have of course given invaluable help to the
decipherment by indicating the general context of the tablets and specific
vocabulary equations.
2. Conventionalized and abstract pictorial symbols
The possible meaning of these ideograms may be guessed from the vocabulary
context of the tablets, or from more naturalistic counterparts in Linear A and
in the ‘hieroglyphs’, like the agricultural staples discussed on p. 35. But it
is only proved certain where the Greek long-hand spelling is itself added, e.g.
pa-we-a ‘cloths’ to Q on 214 = Ld 571 , ka-ko ‘bronze’ to H on 253 =Jn01, or
e-ra 3 -wo ‘olive oil’ to ^ on a new Pylos tablet (Gnll 84 ). Though schematic,
the man and woman signs are unmistakable from their more detailed variants;
but the difference of meaning intended by the more naturalistic man® and
m an c is unknown.
3. Ideograms ligatured with a syllabic sign
Where we find a pictorial symbol differentiated by a syllabic sign ‘sur¬
charged ’ above or inside it, it is a reasonable assumption that we have to do
with the abbreviation of a Greek noun or adjective; this is confirmed by cases
where the same ideogram may also be described by words in long-hand. The
a written within the amphora symbol clearly stands for the amphiphorewes
of 233 =Ucl 60 ; the ko within the hide sign differentiates it as a kowos ,
‘sheepskin’ ( 171 =Un 718 ) from the hide + wi ( wrinos , ‘oxhide’); pigs + s-i
evidently represents sialoi, ‘fattened pigs’ (75 —Cn02); and sheep + ta may
be connected with the word ta-to-mo on Cn 09 .
But the ligatures cloth + zo and cloth + ku already occur in the same
form at Agia Triada (HT 38 ), and warn us against pressing the argument
too far. The frequent division of cattle, pigs, sheep, goats, horses
49
K P M
K P M
People and animals
Il8
m
m
TALENT
100
A- A
X t
MAN
*72
G-
1
Bunch?
101
A- *
MAN C
*74
S-
t l!
! !
Pair
102
A- f
n
WOMAN
*15
S-
->)
Y
Single
103
B t
MAN*
*61
rr
&
Deficit
104
Cn
*
DEER
By dry measure
105
CaS-
ft
HORSE
120
E- F-
T f
f
WHEAT
I 05 3
Ca
HE-ASS
121
F-
BARLEY
I05 c
Ca
FOAL
122
F- U-
1
T
OLIVES
106*
C-D- ^
T
RAM
F
¥
OLIVES*A
io6 b
C-D- If
T
EWE
F
%
X
OLIVES + TI
Cn
?
SHEEP+TA
* 3 0
F-
r
Y
Y
FIGS
*21
1
T
SHEEP
*65
F-
Wf
FLOUR
*75
2
2
Kind of sheep
123
G- Un A <S
•a
A
CONDIMENT
107'
c. -n
n
HE-GOAT
G-
A
Coriander
I 07 b
c-mc^i
"X
SHE-GOAT
*70
G-
?
?
Y
Coriander
*22
T
GOAT
*31
G-
Y
Sesame
io8 a
C- ^
V*
BOAR
*8l
G-
Cumin
io8 b
C-
h
SOW
*9
G-
1"
Celery
*
PIG ♦ SI
*80
G-
w
U
Fennel
C - T~
i*
PIGtKA
124
G-
Cyperus
*85
h
Y
PIG
125
F-
t r
f
Cyperus?
109*
c- Y
OX/BULL
126
F-
1
Cyperus?
I 09 b
C- )f
Y
COW
*34
c (
Month's ration?
c-
Y
OX+SI
127
Un
1
Fruit?
*23
c- Y
Y
OX
128
G-
h
Safflower
Units of measurement
By liquid measure
no
C7
^ Volume
130
F-
"1
**
OLIVE OIL
in
■HOK
■m
H Volume
G
OIL+A
112
TTT
TTT
T Dry
131
Fs U-
S
fS
WINE
113
1 *1
VY
^ ^ ^ Liquid
Pr
11
114
Y
Weight
132
Un
}
*21
r
Weight
133
Un
t *
Unguent?
*2
+
Weight
134
Un
A
A
?
115
m
2
<? Weight
135
Fs Gg ^ „
HONEY
116
H'OP
8
Weight
Gg
1
Amphora of honey
117
i \
!
I 1 Weight
*13
Un
Honey?
50
K
P
M
K
P
M
By weight
166
Oa
83
1
Silver ingot?
140
J-
r v
I 3
BRONZE
167
Oa
» 2*2
INGOT
*41
Kn
%
GOLD
168
Pp
Ej
Adze?
142
Me
Beeswax?
169
Pa
2“8 1
ra ?
*53
Ma
h
p
170
Ch
&
p
*44
Ma
ft
Beeswax?
•71
G Sn
T :
I
p
*61
Ma
hi
p
172
U M
Beeswax?
*33
Np
TT
SAFFRON
173
MnU
p
•43
La
a
a
Silver?
• 74
Gv
\
Seedling?
By weight or in units
175
Gv
r
FIG TREE
*31
N-
r 1
Y
Linen
176
Gv
T
OLIVE TREE
145
L-0- tyf
iff
tf( WOOL
177
U
iifi
p
146
M-
A textile?
•78
U
A
p
Counted in units
179
U
a
p
150
Me
in
Agrimi goat?
180
U
&
p
•51
Me
Hi
Agrimi horn
l8l
U
a
Thong?
•52
M-
&
<$>
OXHIDE
182
U
0
?
•53
Un
$
SHEEPSKIN
183
U
ft
p
•54
On
0
H
p
184
U
p
•55
G-
A container
185
Ws
n
p
15b
Un
$
CHEESE
186
Wa
*
p
157
Un
tk
p
•87
Xa
*1
cf. 130?
•58
Ld
Bundle
188
03 ?
•59
L-
□
CLOTH
Vessels
L-
m
ei a
CLOTH+PA
| 200-213
See Chapter to, fig. 16
L-
S' 1
CLOTH+TE
L
El
CLOTH+ZO
L
0
CLOTH+PU
Weapons
L
a
CLOTH+KU
230
R '
SPEAR
160
La
01
A kind of cloth?
231
R
—>
ARROW
161
L-
Vt IIP
p
232
Ta
Efl
—X
p
162
Sc
a
CORSLET
233
Ra
SWORD
Sc
1
TUNIC+QE
Chariots
L
w
TUNIC+Kl
240
Sc
TJ WHEELED CHARIOT
J),
L
ET
TUNIC + Rl
241
Sd Se
^WHEEL-LESS CHARIOT
163
Sh
d
CORSLET (set)
242
SfSg
jo^
CHARIOT FRAME
164
L
0 0
A kind of cloth?
243
Sa So
®
WHEEL
165
Sc
W
INGOT
Sa
ft
WHEEL + TE
Fig. [O. The Mycenaean ideograms (after Bennett), with their most usual
tablet contexts and suggested meanings.
5 1
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
and asses into two categories by a variation in the form of the upright
(generally taken to be a sex distinction) is likely to have been inherited from
Linear A, and even there it may not necessarily have been based on a ligature
with phonetic signs.
4 . Single syllabic signs used as ideograms
Here, too, the derivation of the sign use from the initials of Greek words is
proved by a number of examples, o and o-pa-wo-ta ‘ plates? ’ are equated on
such Pylos tablets as 292 = Sh740; similarly pa with parawaid ‘pair of cheek-
pieces’, and ko with koruthos (gen.) ‘helmet’. On the Mycenae ‘condiment’
tablets (105-107) the commodities may be written long-hand as koriandna,
sdsama , kuminon, etc., or counted by the abbreviations ko, sa, ku, etc.;
‘coriander’ is in addition found as ko either before or inside ideogram no. 123 .
Where the syllabic and ideographic uses of the sign have evidently developed
side by side from Linear A and the ‘hieroglyphs’, the search for a Greek
derivation is of course pointless: the syllable Y ni is also used as the ideogram
for ‘figs’, but the pronunciation of the latter is probably indicated by the quite
unrelated su-za ( = suka ?). In some cases the ‘syllabic’ ideograms stand not
for the commodity itself but for an adjective describing some subdivision of it
which is being counted: they are in fact ‘adjuncts’ (see § 6) being counted
apart from the ideograms to which they refer. This is the case with the
secondary numbers associated with the symbol o, frequent on all classes of
\ Mycenaean tablets and sometimes expanded to o-pe-ro, which probably stands
for ophSlontes, opfielomena y etc., ‘ things which ought to have been there but
aren’t’. It will be seen that the same syllabic abbreviations may stand for
quite different meanings in different contexts.
5 . Two or three syllabic signs telescoped into a ‘ monogram ’
The frequent ‘monogram’ Qf (probably wool) is apparently inherited
from Linear A, and may originally have represented a ‘Minoan’ ma + ru;
but the process of forming such abbreviations from Greek words is clearly
seen in the alternative spellings ka-na-ko/K a + na+ k o ‘ safflower ’ on the Mycenae
‘condiment’ tablets, and in me-ri/ me+ ri ‘honey’ on Knossos 206 = Gg705,
etc. ‘Honey’ is still spelt in full me-ri-to (gen. melitos) on Pylos 171 =Un718,
and this variability suggests that most of the ‘ monograms ’ are only optional
abbreviations, which may be used at the scribe’s discretion where time or
space is short.
Pylos 171 =Un718 provides the surprising examples tu + ro 2 ‘cheeses’ and
a + re + ro (or a + re + pa ‘fat’ ?), which are actually introduced by the full
52
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
spelling of the words on their first occurrence—as if to say ‘in what follows,
t u -h R o 2 is to be taken as an abbreviation for tu-ro 2 After being used for over
200 years one might have expected such abbreviations to be self-explanatory.
6. ‘Adjuncts ', small syllabic signs written before ideograms |
Apart from the ubiquitous o - (= ophSlomenon , etc.), the ‘adjuncts’ are most
frequently found categorizing women, children, sheep and cloths; they
are not included in fig. 10. They probably all stand for the initial syllables of
Greek adjectives or nouns, intended to differentiate the meaning of the ideo¬
grams, but their identification is largely guesswork except where they can
clearly be seen to replace a word spelt out in full. Thus mi. cloths (dis¬
tinguished from pe. cloths) is proved by Knossos L 1568 to represent
mi-ja-ro (‘dirty’ ?); and di. women and di. children are probably connected
with the words de-di-ku~ja = dedi(da)khuiai or di-da-ka-re = didaskal - and refer in
some way to training or education. In a number of situations ne .-, pe.- and pa.-
may be suspected of standing for newos ‘young, new’, * presgus\presguteros
‘ senior ’ (or perusinwos ‘ last year’s ’ ?) and palaios ‘ aged, old ’; but proof is
difficult. The adjuncts e.- and ma.- added to the enigmatic ideogram no. i 77
on Knossos U @478 may suggest some such contrast as elakhus ‘ short ' jmakros
‘long’.
Ideograms indicating material or contents are occasionally added in a
manner equivalent to adjuncts or monograms, e.g.: gold (?) joined to cups,
etc., on 172 = Kn02 and 238=Tn996, bronze linked with a dipas vessel on
230 = K 740, and honey with amphora on Gg706.
7. NUMERALS AND METHODS OF MEASUREMENT
Such items as men, women, sheep, jugs or chariots are naturally
counted in units, their numbers being expressed by a simple decimal notation,
by which
12,345 is written
This system is identical with that of Linear A, though the sign for 10,000 is
not yet attested there. Dow ( 1954 , p. 124 ) has described the most usual
patterns for the strokes making up the tens and units. The sign for the numerals
is usually distinguishable from the word-divider by being lifted to the top of
the line ( ! ), and where a list of names is so divided, for example Jn725 or
Knossos V 831 (Evans’ ‘contract or official pronouncement’, PM , iv, p. 698 ),
we must in fact read aloud ‘one’ after each item. No signs for fractions have
been found following numerals on the Mycenaean tablets, but this does not
53
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
prove their non-existence; if we happened to have a record of such things as
‘ i£ loaves’ or ‘3^ days’ we might well see fractional symbols used, possibly
identical with those of Linear A (see p. 36).
When the scribe counts chariot-horses, draught-oxen, wheels
and sometimes corslets, the numerals are preceded by the signs ze or mo.
The numbers occurring with ze vary from 1 to 462, but only 1 is found after
mo, and this item always comes last if at all. Furumark (1954, p. 28) inde¬
pendently recognized that ze represents zeugos ‘a pair’ and that mo stands
for monwos (Att. pov/os) ‘a single one’. With ‘one pair’ and ‘two pairs’ the
nouns and adjectives describing the commodity are written in the dual form
(see p. 370). ‘Five wheels’ are written V> or ‘two pairs and a single
one’. The typical entry for the complement of a chariot on the Knossos Sc-
tablets (see pp. 379-81) is:
Man’s name: ^ 11
Evans (PM, iv, pp. 797, 807) proposed to interpret ze and mo symbolically,
the ‘saw’ denoting carpentry-work and the ‘whip’ the function of the
charioteer.
For the larger number of agricultural and industrial commodities measured
by weight and by bulk, the Mycenaean scribe possessed a series of signs for
fractional quantities, whose function and ratios have been brilliantly explained
by Bennett (1950). A given weight of metal is expressed in the form
mi i 22 #2 i 6,
where the successively smaller measures are parallel to our ‘1 cwt., 3 qr.,
20 lb., 10 oz.’, and we may assume that the Mycenaean symbols stood, like
ours, for the actual names of units. The Mycenaean practice is in striking
•f contrast to that of Linear A, where no such subsidiary measures are found.
The odd amounts are there expressed as fractions of the primary units, e.g.
+ i + an d of these units only that for weight appears to have
a distinguishing symbol. Bennett saw here a fundamental difference in methods
of measurement. The Linear A fractions imply that odd amounts of, let us say,
grain were estimated by pouring the residue once only into a number of smaller
vessels scaled successively J, J, etc., of the primary unit; the Mycenaean
stewards measured grain in vessels representing ^ and of the unit, each of
which was filled as many times as the residue allowed. He recognized in the
Linear B weights and measures a system introduced, together with the new
language, from outside Crete, probably from the Greek mainland or from its
trading dependencies. It should be noted, however, that several of the
54
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
Mycenaean symbols are clearly derived from Linear A fractions (see p. 36),
and possibly express analogous ratios.
The ratios of Mycenaean weights and measures established by Bennett
( I 95°), and revised from more recent material, are as follows:
Dry Measure Liquid Measure
Unit:
1st 2nd
3rd
4th
1st 2nd
3rd
4th
Symbol:
None T
4 .C.P
None <f<i
Fraction of the preceding:
-h
V
1
T
*
i
i
Fraction of the whole:
1 TV
dv
vhs
■ §
rs
Tz
It will be seen that the third and fourth terms have the same ratios and symbols
in both series, and probably represent identical names and quantities: compare
our own two series, which share pint and quart but diverge to bushel and gallon.
T and both represent six times <1, and must also be equivalent, though
probably with different names. The primary dry unit is 3$ times the size of
the liquid unit; neither of these has a distinguishing symbol, so that numbers
directly following wheat or wine apply to the appropriate largest unit.
Weight
Unit: *
1st
2nd
3rd
4th
5 t h
Symbol:
fid
/. i
*(+)
T(t)
£ or less
Fraction of the preceding:
30
1
4
Probably A l 2
Fraction of the whole:
i
TV
TtiV
rfav or Iess
The status of the rare symbols enclosed in brackets is uncertain. The com- j
modity is generally measured in whole numbers, but on several Knossos
tablets (e.g. 71 =Dkl 072 ) it is evidently weighed in units which are of Aft
and are divided fractionally into 3 . Some commodities, like R1 on Pylos
Ma 03 , occasionally occur in quantities like l 63, not reduced to the primary
unit.
Bennett’s ratios are confirmed by the summations which occur on a number
of tablets: the weight series especially by Pylos Jn 845 ; the liquid series by
200=Fpl and 93 =Fol 01 ; and the dry series by F 51 (Bennett, MT /,
pp . 446-8).
In order not to distort the transcriptions of the tablets in Part II, quotations
of weights and measures will be printed with the original Mycenaean symbols;
but for a fuller understanding of the texts in translation it is desirable to arrive
at approximate conversion factors which will enable us to assess the actual
quantities involved.. Four types of evidence must here be reconciled:
1. The analogy of contemporary and classical systems of weights and
measures, especially where they show parallel ratios.
55
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
2 . Minoan-Mycenaean objects believed to be standards of weight or volume,
or to show serial gradation of size. Logarithmic graph paper will be found
useful in all these comparisons.
3. The use of contemporary and classical records to suggest ‘reasonable’
amounts of the commodities listed, especially where they appear to be rations
for a fixed period.
4. Cases where the scribe himself appears to record a conversion factor,
either of weight in terms of volume, or of weight or volume in terms of some
standard object.
The following comparative data for weights and measures are subject t«
controversy and should be used with caution, as should those printed in works
of reference, many of which perpetuate the confusion expertly introduced into
the subject by Lehmann-Haupt and Sir Flinders Petrie. It is clear, too, that
beside the official standards a great variety of local measures probably existed
side by side for various special purposes.
Babylonia and other areas using cuneiform script (c. 1400 b.c.).
Weight: i biltu (light talent of 30-1 kg.) =60 77207211 = 3600 liqlu (8-5 g.); but a
kakkaru at Alalakh has only 1800 shekels.
Volume: i ^ttm/gur (c. 300 litres) = 3 imSru (‘donkey-load’ of c. 100 1.) or
5 massiktufv 1 = 30 sutuj ban = 300 qa/sila ( c . i-ol.). Thureau-Dangin first sug¬
gested qa = 0-41., later concluded qa = c. i-o 1 ., accepted by Lacheman (1939)
and Goetze. Lewy (1944) argues that qa= 1-34 1 .
Egypt (c. 1400 B.c.).
Weight: i dbn (90-95 g.) = 10 qdt ('kit' of 9-09 g.).
Volume: i hr (801.) =4 oipe (20 1.) = 16 hkt (5 1.) = 160 hin (0-5 1.).
Biblical measures , with traces of a similar system at Ugarit (capitals).
Weight: i kikkarj kkr (34*3 kg.) =50 771072M/MN = 3000 Seqel/ tkl (11-42 g.).
Dry: 1 hSmer or kor (230-400 1.) =2 /^/lth= 10 *efd = 30 ie'a ,
Liquid: i bat ( = ' > efd of 23-40 l.) = 6 hin=i 8 qab = q 2 log/ lg (0-31-0-541.). The
higher figures are based on traditional Roman equations, the lower are estimated
from restored measuring vessels of the early period (Barrois, 1953) an d confirmed
by Lewy (1944).
Classical Athens.
Weight: i talanton (c. 25*8kg.)=6o 7717201 = 3000 stateres (8-6 g.)= 6000 drakhmai
(4-3 g.). Aeginetan standards heavier by f.
Dry: i medimnos (43-5 1 .) = 6 hekteis = 48 khoinikes (0-906 1 .) = 192 kotylai (0-227 I.).
Spartan (‘Pheidonian 5 ) medimnos perhaps larger by
Liquid: i metretes (21-75 1 . ?)=8? khoes = 96? kotylai (0-227 !•)•
56
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
8. THE ABSOLUTE VALUES OF THE SYMBOLS
FOR WEIGHT
Evans {PM, iv, p. 651) and Sundwall (1932) very plausibly identified the
‘Palace Standard’ of weight as a talent (cf. Greek tccAocvtoc ‘pair of scales’),
equal in value to the gypsum octopus weight of 29,000 grams found in
Magazine 15 at Knossos, or to the average weight of the nineteen copper
ingots from Agia Triada (29,132 grams). The latter may admittedly not be
LM II in date, but such a talent tends to remain constant, due to its limiting
value as the largest ingot which can conveniently be shouldered by one man
(compare the Kftjw tribute-bearers on the Egyptian wall-paintings), and as
the largest unit weight which can be lifted on to the scales (which may explain
^the etymology ofT&Aavrov). Two Knossos tablets in fact record the weight of
ingots: Oa 730 lists sixty ingots at a total of Aft 52^, Oa 733 lists ten ingots at
a figure which may be completed as 6 or 8 flfo. If the talent tfh has a value
of exactly 29 kg., the absolute values will be as in the first column of the
following table; but at the cost of a possible slight error, the more even figures
of the last column will be used in the translations in Part II of this book.
1 = 29 kg. (64 lb.) » 30 kg.
1 i =967 g. (2 lb., 2|-oz.) i kg.
ft 1 =242 g. (8f oz.) 250 g.
2 1= 20-2 g. (312 grains) 20*8 g.
f 1 = 3*36 g. or less 3*4 g. or less
The commodity I® is consequently measured in units of just under 3 kg. f
(6*4 lb.). As it appears frequently both on Knossos sheep and textile tablets,
it probably represents wool (as suggested by Evans, SM II, p. 28) and
‘woollen cloth’. On Alalakh tablet no. 361 (Wiseman, 1952, p. 100) 308 sheep
yield ninety shekels weight (or 760 g.) of usable wool each: the measure I®
therefore represents approximately the wool from four sheep. Why such a unit
should be chosen is not clear, but it is perhaps significant that the units of
wool stipulated on the Knossos Dk- tablets are regularly J the number of
sheep (e.g. 71 =Dkl 072 ).
Little correspondence can be traced between our suggested weight values
and the miscellaneous metrical objects, of varied place and date, listed by
Evans {PM, iv, pp. 653-6) and Glotz (1925): these do not indeed form any
consistent series among themselves. A striking exception is the gold coils and
rings from the Mycenae Acropolis Treasure (see p. 359).
The Mycenaean talent is similar in value to the contemporary Babylonian
light talent, and its subdivision into thirty may distantly reflect the sexagesimal
57
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
division of the latter; but note that the biblical and Ugaritic talent is divided
into fifty minas, not sixty. Any similarity to the classical standards of weight
is evidently due to the persistence of the ‘talent’ in the East Mediterranean
under Phoenician trade domination, and not to the preservation of Mycenaean
standards on Greek soil through the ‘Dark Ages’: the absence of any central
authority capable of enforcing such standards makes a direct survival of weights
or measures unlikely.
9 . THE ABSOLUTE VALUES OF THE SYMBOLS
FOR VOLUME
The smallest unit of volume is indicated by tj, clearly the measure of a ‘cup’,
paralleled by the Greek kotyle, Egyptian ‘ hin\ Israelite log and Akkadian qa.
If we assume that its value lies, like these, between 0*227 an d 1 *° litre (roughly
between 4 pint and 2 pints), then the primary dry unit will be 240 times larger,
or between 544 and 240 litres.
Bennett (1950, p. 219) pointed out a parallel between the relative sizes of
the Mycenaean dry and liquid units and the classical medimnos and metretes,
but the proportion he quotes for the smallest unit of all, the kyathos , is incorrect.
Sundwall (1953) identified tz> as a kotyle of 0*227 litre, giving a dry unit of
320 kotylai=i ‘Aeginetan’ medimnos of 72*48 (?) litres, and a liquid unit of
96 kotylai—x Attic metretes of 21*75 At rrs * hut his number of *o is based on
a divergent and probably erroneous scheme of ratios. He suggests a direct
link between the Mycenaean and classical systems.
On the ‘condiment’ tablets from Mycenae (ch. vn, pp. 225-31) the com¬
modity knakos eruthra (the red florets of Carthamus tinctorius ) is measured by
weight, in some cases paired with dry measures of knakos leuka (the seeds of
the same plant).
The weights of eruthra vary from l 1 to l 3 (967-2900 g.), the volumes of
leuka are regularly <1 1. If we assume for the sake of argument that eruthra has
a density of about 15 lb. per cubic foot (= 240 g. per litre), and leuka of about
40 lb. ( = 800 g. per litre), and that the recorded amounts of both substances
fall approximately within the same range, then two possible sets of limiting
values for the primary dry unit are suggested:
1. If <1 1 of leuka is equal in bulk to l 1-3 of eruthra , then the dry unit has
a value of 2^00 x 60 = 240-725 litres.
2. If <1 1 of leuka is equal in weight to l 1-3 of eruthra , then the dry unit has
a value of
967 to 2900
800
x 60 — 72-216 litres.
38
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
These wide limits, which are compatible with those deduced from the
parallels of kotyle , etc., can be narrowed somewhat by considering the evidence
for rations, in the light of the following parallels:
Mesopotamia (2100-1400 b.c.) : The tablets from Ur (Legrain, 1947, nos. 894-1189)
and LagaS (Genouillac, 1909, p. xxxv) agree with the later Nuzi texts (Lacheman,
1939, P- 6) in fixing the monthly grain ration of women slaves and menial workers at
30 qa (40 1 . on Lewy’s equation, with a daily value ofc. 2845 calories, 30 1 . on Thureau-
Dangin’s), of their children at 20 or sometimes 10 qa, and of artisans at 40-120 qa
according to skill and status. Lewy suggests that the 30 qa workers ate their grain
roasted, while the higher social groups received a larger amount to allow for milling
and baking; but the latter may equally have been designed for the support of families
and for the privilege of bartering the surplus.
Estimate for the Persian army (Herodotus vn, 187): at least 1 khoinix of wheat a day
= 27^1. per month. This same figure is assumed as the Athenian daily ration, and
implicit in the Homeric use of the term.
Spartan army at Sphakteria (Thuc. iv, 16): 2 khoinikes of barley a day, or 55 1. per month.
There are three Mycenaean contexts wheregroups of people, not individually
named, have rations listed after them:
1. The Pylos Ab- tablets, where numbers of women and children are credited
with equal amounts ofwiiEAT and figs. No exact ratio per person is observed,
but though some groups receive up to 50 per cent more, the basic or minimum
allowance seems to be T 2 per woman and T 1 per child (see p. 157). If this
T 2 is equated with the Mesopotamian women’s ration of 30 or 40 1 ., the primary j
dry unit will have a value of 150-200 1., within the range of our ‘cup’ and
knakos analogies above; but a somewhat lower value may be suggested by the
fact that most of the women actually get more than T 2, and a ration of figs
as well.
2. Knossos 35 = Am 819 , where eighteen men and eight boys receive ‘ sitos
crescent 1 barley 9J’. As hinted by Myres (SM II, p. 9) the crescent
may mean ‘one month’s work’, for which each person receives an average of
exactly T 3}, perhaps between 56 and 75 1 . on the equation just proposed. {
3. Pylos An 31 , where fifty-two men apparently receive 2$ units of wheat,
2§ of figs and 5$ of barley; the combined cereal ration would be only
T i£ per man (perhaps between 22£ and 30 1 .), which is on the low side and
perhaps not the scale for a full month.
The most frequent size of Mycenaean stirrup-jar, such as have been found in
quantity in the basements of the Mycenae houses excavated by Wace since
1952, and at many other sites both in Greece and in the Near East, has
59
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
| a capacity of approximately 12-14 1 . Like our own quart and pint bottles,
it is likely that this stirrup-jar represents a unitary quantity in the system of
liquid measure, and the most probable value seems to be one liquid r T
(equivalent to one dry T, which we have seen to have a possible value of 15 1 .
or less). In the translations of Part II, the value of *1 will be taken at the
convenient figure of 12 1.:
Dry Measure Liquid Measure
i unit = 120 litres 1 unit = 361.
T 1 = 12 1 . 1 — 12 L
<1 1 =2 1.
td i = £ 1. (approx. 1 pint)
A more accurate determination must await further evidence; the 1954 Pylos
tablet Gnl 184 may conceivably be taken to show that the normal volume of
the stirrup-jar in fact contains 1 i£ (see p. 217), in which case all the above
figures must be reduced somewhat. The difficulty which results from these
conversion factors in interpreting pe-mo on the Pylos land tablets as ‘seed corn 5
will be discussed below (pp. 237-8).
Evans (PM, iv, p. 648) states that the later pit hoi in the Knossos magazines
normally contain about 185 litres, or the contents of about fourteen stirrup-
jars; but their recorded dimensions and illustrations suggest that their volume
is in fact about 50 per cent larger than this, and nearer to that of the pithoi from
the basement of the House of the Oil Merchant at Mycenae.
It will be noted that the ratios and volumes of the biblical system for liquids
show some analogy with the Mycenaean: there are reasons for regarding the
former as survivals of a general Canaanite system, traces of which can be seen
in use at Ugarit, but a direct influence on Mycenae is perhaps doubtful. The
primary dry unit also corresponds, perhaps accidentally, with the Babylonian
imSru or ‘donkey-load’, which is similarly subdivided into ten.
10 . POSSIBLE SURVIVALS: THE CYPRIOT SCRIPTS
No evidence has been found for writing in Greece between the Pylos tablets
of c. 1200 b.c. and the introduction of an alphabetic system based on the
Phoenician in about 850 b.c. Wace (1954) is unwilling to accept this argumentum
e silentio for a break in Greek literacy, but this is not the only field in which
sub-Mycenaean culture appears to show a retrogression. Though recent excava¬
tions have tended to show that the break caused by the ‘ Dorian invasion 5 is
60
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
less fundamental than had been thought, the great palaces which had fostered
(and perhaps monopolized) the art of writing certainly ceased to exist.
A possible descendant of Minoan-Mycenaean writing is, however, to be
found in Cyprus, where a linear syllabary was in use during the Late Bronze
Age. First identified on three clay balls from Enkomi found by Murray in
1896, it was named the ‘Cypro-Minoan script’ by Evans (SM 7 , p. 69): this
term begs the question of a possible relationship, and it would be safer for the
present to refer to it simply as the ‘Cypriot linear script’. The material
admirably reviewed by Daniel (1941) has been considerably increased by
excavation (see Masson, 1954) and falls into six groups:
1. Signs incised on the handles, or painted on the bottoms, of Cypriot pottery in
both the Mycenaean and local styles (from many sites in Cyprus and the Near East).
2. Signs incised on copper ingots.
3. Signs written with a blunt stylus on clay balls, afterwards baked (twenty-seven
from Enkomi, one from Hala Sultan Tekke), or engraved on seals.
4. Three baked clay tablets found at Enkomi in 1952-3, and dated to 1225 b.g. or
earlier (Dikaios, 1953, p. 237). Two are much damaged, but the third preserves twenty-
two continuous lines of text, representing the surviving quarter of an opisthographic
tablet of two columns, which must have contained some two hundred lines, probably
of a literary nature. The very small characters are written left-to-right with jabbing
strokes of a sharp stylus, and are separated by word-dividers but not by guide-lines.
Masson is probably right in considering that they represent a more advanced stage in
the use of the script than (3).
5. A fragmentary tablet, with seven lines on each face, found by Schaeffer in a
private house at Ras Shamra (Ugarit), together with records in Ugaritic and Akkadian
(to be published in Ugaritica , in).
6. Three lines of a baked tablet, found at Enkomi in 1955 and kindly communicated
to us by Dr Dikaios. The signs are more than twice as large as those of (4), and are
freer, more continuous and more ‘linear’ in outline; there are guide-lines but not,
apparently, word-dividers. It is dated by its Late Cypriot I context to c. 1500 b.c.
Our signary (fig. 11) is restricted to the fifty-seven syllabic signs so far clearly
differentiated on the later Enkomi tablets (4) which constitute the most exten¬
sive examples of the script; appended to these are the twenty-five signs which
can be isolated on the Ugarit tablet (5), kindly supplied by Masson. It will
be noted that there are divergences as well as identities between the two series;
the scripts of the other categories of Cypriot inscriptions also show a general,
rather than a detailed, relationship with each other, and more examples of
each are required before we can judge whether they in fact represent successive
stages of a single development.
4 6l CDI
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The bulk of the Cypriot material comes from Enkomi, a site which Schaeffer
regards as the seat of a Mycenaean king. The theory of an ‘Achaean 5 settle¬
ment of part of Cyprus between 1400 and 1350 b.c., contemporary with the
sudden preponderance of Mycenaean pottery, is also accepted by Myres,
Gjerstad, Furumark and Stubbings, and finds some support in Hittite references
to the activities of Ahhijawa. Sittig (1955^) has already attempted to read the
1 953 tablet in Greek, but the material will hardly be sufficient to offer hope
Enkomi
15
M
X2
29
*
X6
43
u
X5
57
W x,
12
HI
XI
I
1
x2
16
O
6
30
•V
12
44
ir
10
58
W ,
13
W
1
2
Y
13
17
5
31
H
3
45
1 U
II
Ugarit
14
ll
T
1
3
-1*
7
18
3
32
0
21
46
M
1
I
+ «
15
Y
1
4
4
7
19
0
13
33
P
3
47
/„■
8
2
1- ,
l6
T
l
5
7
9
20
$
tl
34
41
1
48
IL*
2
3
4 5
17
3
6
1
9
21
b
5
35
£
1
49
'!•
10
4
i ,
18
■*!<•
2
7
£
1
22
A
10
36
e
9
50
W
5
5
T '
19
3
8
<*
2
23
A
2
37
ET
6
51
M
7
6
1“ >
20
M
2
9
V*
4
24
?
5
38
*
»
52
t'f
12
7
0) 3
21
1
10
L °
2
25
V
11
39
E>
3
53
/Al
10
8
IK 3
22
W
1
n
V
3
26
U
6
40
R?
2
54
w
1
9
'll I
23
R
1
12
h
14
27
ti
1
41
7i
2
21
10
.
2.1
1'
1
14
/)
13
28
ft
12
42
ii
1
56
w
4
II
(H
25
A
2?
Fig. 11. The Cypriot linear script, as used on the 1953 tablets from Enkomi and Ugarit.
The smaller figures show the number of recognizable occurrences.
of decipherment until the discovery of the main Enkomi archives confidently
predicted by Schaeffer. It is clear, at any rate, that the Cypriot linear script
is far from being merely a local variety of Linear B. Though analogous in its
general layout, word-division and predominantly left-to-right direction, it
shows few exact resemblances in the forms of the signs; and if the Enkomi
tablets really contain an ‘Achaean 5 dialect brought from the Greek mainland,
it is surprising that they are not written in Linear B, which at all other
Mycenaean sites shows such complete uniformity. At best one might suppose
62
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
th^.t the Achaeans arrived in Cyprus at a time when Linear B had not yet come
into general use in Greece, and that they adapted an indigenous script already
in use in the island.
Writing does in fact seem to have been known in Cyprus before the proposed
date of the Mycenaean influx. The American excavations at Bamboula
(Kourion) were said to reveal a use of the Cypriot linear script extending from
Late Cypriot la:2 ( c . 1500 b.c.) down to about 1150 b.c. (Daniel, 1941,
pp. 251, 270); the bulk of this material consists of single potters’ marks
(notoriously untrustworthy as evidence for a developed script), and the vessels
earlier than 1400 b.c. merely carry the elementary patterns +, X or $. But
Dikaios’ 1955 tablet (6) may provide conclusive proof that the Cypriot linear
script was already in use before the evolution of the Mycenaean syllabary, and
may lend support to Evans’ view that it was derived directly from the Linear A
of Crete.
The latest use of writing at Enkomi is found on bronze ingots of the twelfth-
eleventh centuries (Cypriot Iron I), i.e. from after Schaeffer’s suggested occu¬
pation of the city by the ‘Sea Peoples’ prior to its final destruction about
1050 b.c. There are no certain examples of non-Semitic writing in Cyprus
between this date and the first occurrence of the classical Cypriot syllabary
on pottery of the seventh or eighth century. We are thus faced with a problem
of interrupted literacy similar to that in Crcccc itself, and aggravated by the
fact that the eleventh century is precisely the date generally assumed for the
larger influx of population which gave classical Cyprus its predominantly
Greek character.
The Cypriot syllabary, first detected by the Due de Luynes in 1852 and
partially deciphered by George Smith in 1871, has fifty-five signs. More than
500 inscriptions are known, extending in date down to the end of the third
century b.c. The majority contain the local Arcado-Cyprian dialect of Greek
(whose affinities with the dialect of our Mycenaean tablets will be stressed in
ch. iii), but never the koine; the syllabary is also used for an indigenous lan¬
guage which has been called ‘ Eteocyprian ’ {corpus in Friedrich, 1932) and
which remains incomprehensible in spite of a bilingual from Amathus. It is
often a matter of dispute whether a particular inscription is written in Greek
or in ‘Eteocyprian’ (as pointed out in the good general review of Cypriot
epigraphy by Mitford, 1952). It is a surprising fact that Cyprus, part of which
was occupied by the Phoenicians from at least the ninth century, was the area
in which a non-alphabetic writing of Greek survived longest.
The published signaries of the syllabary uncritically lump together forms of
widely differing place and date, and are misleading as a basis for comparison
63
42
TABLE A; the non-Paphian signary
a
% *y
c
'K /K
i
£>
j
V V'
^ V
2/
ka
T'i T
ke
/
ki
rT 3
AAA A
At//
***’
c*
y'y
ic
\ ! / M/ T
li
A AT*
*<?
FF’F 3
(U
IF
* +’
pe
/ r
y^ 3
A*
/'/A'
A"
vV
la
yv\V
Ic
8’
li
/o
T+’
/«
/A> 3
ra
y 2 ,Q‘
re
^ fil\ f!\
rf
' i \*
\y o-
ro
* sY
ru
jjVa 1 ’
tua
,V v’v>
)( \l)l
me
%'z v
mi
v v rv]
HtO
t* ®‘
nut
V
na
^ — 3
T T
tie
ill*' i'
tti
///
no
* 3 . 3 3
)c )C )T :
mi
?\ >:Y
J a
o’o’o’
jo
i/v y ^y
V<1
u )„( a 3
vc
jri
vi
)'( A 3 )V 3
VO
s'a
v’ V*
se
at r'
si
>$>VT
so
h’i 3
Sll
>i u 3
-AT Ja
za
f( I'f 3 f<
xe
C-^pcTtH 5
zo
// i/'
TABLE B: the Paphian signary
f\ 4
THE MYCENAEAN WETTING SYSTEM
with earlier scripts. T. B. Mitford has kindly supplied us with the material
for fig. 12, and with the following explanatory notes:
(i) These two tables are composed at first-hand from the following inscriptions:
Table A:
i. An unpublished epitaph from Marium of the mid-sixth century.
% The ‘Bulwer Tablet’ from the Western Karpas (Sitzb. Berl. 1910, pp. 148 ff.).
This is thought by Meister to be of sixth-century date, and is probably early.
3. The Bronze Tablet of Idalium ( SGDI , 60), dated either to the time of the
Ionic Revolt (so E. Meyer, Oberhummer, Gjerstad) or to the mid-fif th
century (so Hill). Cf. G. F. Hill, A History of Cyprus , 1, pp. 153 ff.
4. An unpublished epitaph from Marium which is probably early.
5. The Bilingual of Idalium [SGDI, 5g), dated to 389/8 b.c.
Table B:
6. Unpublished inscriptions from the Kouklia siege-mound constructed during
the Persian investment of Old Paphos in 499/8 b.c.
7. JHS, 9 (1888}, p. 256, no. 2 (Hoffmann, Gr. Dialekie, 59, no. 109), from the
Aphrodite temple at Old Paphos and probably of fourth- or fifth-century
date.
8. The First Stele of Agia Moni (Meister, Gr. Diaiekte , 2, no. 36a), of the late
fourth century.
9. The Second Stele of Agia Moni (Meister, Gr. Diaiekte , 2, no. 36b), of the late
fourth century.
10. An unpublished inscription of New Paphos of the late fourth century.
1 1. The First Inscription from the Grotto of Apollo Hylates at New Paphos
[SGDI, 31), of fourth(?)-century date.
12. The Second Inscription from the Grotto of Apollo Hylates (SGDI, 32), of
fourth(?)-century date.
13. The Khapotami Stele (Anatolian Studies presented to W. H . Buckler, pp. 197 ff.),
of the late fourth century.
14. An unpublished inscription of Lapithiou, of the fifth or sixth century.
(ii) In these tables signs taken from (2) and (6) are not specially numbered.
(iii) There is no significance in the order in which the variants of each sign are
presented.
In spite of the missing historical links, the small number of signs which
correspond exactly, and its generally right-to-left direction, Masson (1954, p. 444)
is probably correct in assuming that this Cypriot syllabary represents a direct
descendant of the linear script of the Enkomi tablets. We may well expect
a few changes and substitutions in the intervening 700 years, even if both
systems contain Greek; and we must also reckon with the influence of varying
writing materials. Myres thought that the Cypriot syllabary forms were
6 5
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
determined, like those of the Northern runes and oghams, by being cut on wood;
the same influences might account for the divergence of the ‘Cypro-Minoan *
forms from the more flowing lines of the supposed ‘Minoan’ prototypes; and
the script of the Enkomi tablets is clearly somewhat specialized in being
minutely written on clay (less than half the normal size of Linear B), its outlines
being dissolved into patterns of small jabbing incisions.
It will be clear, then, that the attempt to trace a continuous and detailed
descent ‘ Hieroglyphic’—Linear A—Linear B—Cypriot linear script—Cypriot
syllabary is fraught with obstacles which are likely to remain insuperable so
long as evidence for the successive links is missing, and until more of the
successive phases have been deciphered. One can have little confidence in an
apparent similarity between a Linear B sign and a sign of the Cypriot syllabary
if no plausible intermediate form can be recognized among the Enkomi signary
of fig. 11. The most ambitious tabulation has so f ar been Daniel’s (1941, figs. 1,
2, 3, 9). He believed with Evans that the Cypriot scripts were derived from
Minoan Linear A rather than from Mycenaean Linear B; Casson (1937) on
equally slender grounds derived the Cypriot linear script from Greek mainland
forms.
But it is only fair to admit that Daniel, in tracing what may appear rather
superficial similarities, did succeed in deducing correct Linear B values from
the Cypriot signs for dajta , lo , na y pa , po , j*and ti. These are in fact among the
simplest patterns (common to both Linear A and B) which might occur spon-
taneously in any 4 linear’ script; but the fact that the phonetic values also agree
does indicate some fundamental connexion; further explanation must await
the decipherment of the Enkomi tablets. The more complex Cypriot signs
a , e , ka , he, ku , la y me,pe,pu , ra , si y su , te y tu , zo led Daniel to erroneous equations,
as might be expected.
The known syllabic values for the half-dozen or so simplest Cypriot syllabary
signs played no deliberate part in our decipherment of Linear B, which on
principle excluded evidence from outside scripts. That is not to say that
suggestions like Evans’ po-lo~n coAo$ ‘foal’ (PM y iv, p. 799) may not have
been an unconscious influence in our choice of sound-values for testing.
66
CHAPTER HI
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
I. SCRIPT AND LANGUAGE
The account of the decipherment has shown how the idea that the language
underlying the script was Greek first gained credence. It seemed obvious that
a solution which yielded immediately recognizable Greek words could not be
totally wrong, and this was confirmed by two other factors: the possibility of
explaining the pattern of declension by archaic Greek models, and the subse¬
quent discovery that many at first sight aberrant forms agreed with the hypo¬
thetical reconstructions of the comparativists.
On the other hand the inadequacy of the script led to considerable un¬
certainty about the exact form of many words, which could only be given an
intelligible shape by the assumption of certain rules of orthography. The
suspicion therefore arose whether the attempt to force Mycenaean spellings
to fit classical forms might not be a Procrustean operation which would arbi¬
trarily produce far greater similarity than in fact existed. Mycenaean might
be a non-Greek, but closely related Indo-European language; or it could be
an aberrant dialect of Greek, showing, like the dubious remains of Macedonian,
a general resemblance but considerable difference in its specific forms.
If there were reason to believe that the script was evolved originally for the
recording of Greek, we might argue that its inadequacy for classical Greek
proved that Mycenaean was radically different. But in view of the certainly
Minoan origin of the Linear Scripts, this argument is unfounded. Any script
is better than none, and the Mycenaeans cannot be criticized for having failed
to adopt the refinements which made syllabic writing a more serviceable
instrument for the later Cypriots. The suggestion that documents of the type
so far found require a less accurate notation than continuous prose is true, but
dangerous in view of our restricted knowledge of the extent of literacy; we
have already one sentence running to twenty-three words, and another of
complicated construction has seventeen.
We may first examine the claim of Mycenaean to be a dialect of Greek.
This will be justified if we can demonstrate enough features which are known
to be typical of Greek. The material, though scanty, is none the less sufficient
to show some of the principal phonetic changes: loss of initial and intervocalic
6 7
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
*-j-; loss of initial *j~ or its replacement in some words by devoicing of
I.-E. voiced aspirates (concealed by the script except in the case of the dentals);
the development of *kj y *tj before vowel to s> of *gj , *dj to the vocalism a
(in some cases o) from syllabic liquids or nasals. Typically Greek features of
morphology are: the wide extension of stems in -eu$; the 3rd sing, of the present
indicative of the thematic verb in -e (=-ei); and the form of the infinitive in
-(e) en. It is, however, the vocabulary that is most strikingly Greek. It contains
a considerable number of words which are known in Greek, but have no certain
cognates in other languages: e.g. dva^, (BaaiAeus, Senas, eAaiov, papaGov,
aeAivov, aiTO$. It could be argued that these arc pre-Greek and therefore
without significance. But a much larger number, although belonging to well-
known I.-E. families, appear in forms which are specifically Greek. A few
examples must suffice: dp<pi<popEus, aviai, ypaOs, Ge6s, Gpavus, xapu^, p^cov,
Trds, Tpinos, (pacryavov, x<^*bs.
This evidence taken together proves beyond reasonable doubt that Mycenaean
is a form of Greek. It remains therefore to establish its affinities within that
language. Study of the historical dialects had long since led to the conclusion
that Arcadian and Cypriot were the relics of a dialect once widely spoken over
Southern Greece. Since this was largely replaced by Doric dialects, and the
end of the Mycenaean age was identified with the legend of the Dorian
invasions, it was a natural conclusion that the dialect of Mycenaean Greece
would be an ancestor of Arcadian. This view, however, has been challenged
by Merlingen (1954, 1955) and by P. B. S. Andrews in discussions at the London
Seminar and elsewhere.
Before we turn to the positive evidence we must therefore discuss certain
objections. While a few modifications of the traditional view of the prehistory
of the Greek language seem possible, the main outlines are well established.
The historical distribution, with dialects as widely separated linguistically as
Attic and Megarian in close geographical contact, could not have arisen with¬
out considerable movements of population. The position of the West Greek
dialects strongly suggests that they were newcomers displacing other dialects
or compressing them into small areas such as Arcadia and Attica, where the
local traditions agree in representing the inhabitants as ‘ autochthonous’. But
at the time of this Dorian migration, East and West Greek must already have
been differentiated; therefore the period when all Greeks spoke a common
dialect ( Urgriechisch ) must have been considerably earlier, and it has been
generally supposed that it preceded the arrival of the first Greeks in Greece,
but the theory of Risch (1955) makes this unnecessary. Merlingen (1954, p. 4)
assumes from the mutual intelligibility of the historical dialects that their
68
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
break-up could not go back as much as 1000 years; but this is to ignore
the effects of convergence, which was certainly at work long before the influ¬
ence of Attic became dominant. Another factor bearing on the chronology
of the dialect distribution is the close agreement between Arcadian and
Cypriot. This implies not only that Arcadian was once spoken on the coast
of the Peloponnese, but, since the colonization of Cyprus took place in
Mycenaean times (Schaeff er, 1952, 1, p. 343), that it was the dialect spoken
at that period. Any attempt to displace Mycenaean from its assumed position
of ancestor to Arcadian and Cypriot must demonstrate circumstances in which
the ancestral dialect could have occupied Southern Greece. Such a dialect
must have existed in that area in the Mycenaean period, and the tablets give
clear evidence of the language in use at three of the principal sites; the con¬
clusion of their identity seems inescapable.
If the script represents accurately the phonetics of Mycenaean Greek, then
it follows that this dialect had no descendants recorded in classical times. If the
Mycenaeans confused the sounds of l and r, then their descendants could never
have separated them again correctly. We have therefore lo reconcile our
suggestion that Mycenaean is likely to be the ancestor of Arcadian with the
admitted difficulties of the script.
It is certain that Linear B is derived from an earlier Minoan script, probably
represented by Linear A. It is therefore a reasonable assumption that the form
of the syllabary reflects not Greek but another language, which we may for
convenience designate ‘Minoan ’. This may perhaps have resembled the Poly¬
nesian type, consisting mainly of open syllables, final consonants being either
absent or at least not significant, after the pattern of hula hula or kia ora , rather
than that of KVC04; or 2 <piy£. Likewise the oppositions of the stops—voiced/
unvoiced, aspirated/unaspirated—seem to have had no place in the system.
But examples from other scripts warn us against explaining as linguistic evidence
features that may only be economy measures. Many cuneiform signs are used
with a lack of discrimination between 6/ p> djt , etc., which (except in the case
of Hittite) does not necessarily reflect on the language being written; and the
lack of written vowels in Phoenician does not imply the previous existence of
a language without them. On the other hand ‘Minoan’ may have contained
oppositions of a diff erent kind, which would make little impression on ears
accustomed to the phonemic distinctions of Greek. Two signs have been identi¬
fied of a second series for r (=/), and it seems almost certain that these
represented in ‘Minoan’ some sort of palatalized liquid (see p. 47). Similarly
Palmer (19556, p. 42) has suggested that the syllabary contains a whole series
of doublets based on an original opposition between palatalized and non-
69
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
palatalized consonants. On the value of/?a 2 see below (p. 81). The opposition
of dlt(h) is probably not to be referred to ‘Minoan’; rather we may suppose
that language to have had two dental sounds distinguished by their place of
articulation, and this distinction being useless in Greek, the signs were adopted
to represent an opposition which was important for Greek. This is the more
probable in view of a precisely similar development in the adaptation to Greek
of the Phoenician alphabet. The opposition of/// being unknown in Greek, the
sign for t was superfluous; but it was seized upon to represent the distinction
of t/th, which was important for Greek. This value of 0 is common to all the
earliest Greek alphabets, and the corresponding sounds ph and kh are either
not distinguished from the unaspirated or are noted by the digraphs ITH, KH.
2 . FOREIGN ELEMENTS IN MYCENAEAN
It has been suggested that Mycenaean is a mixed language, containing both
Greek and other elements. It is hardly necessary to point out that a completely
‘pure’ language is virtually unknown; and that Greek itself contains a large
number of vocabulary elements which cannot be certainly traced in the other
I.-E. languages. It is possible that the proportion of non*Greek words was
higher in Mycenaean than in Attic, or even Homeric Greek; but it would be
rash to assume that all the words that so far defy interpretation were of foreign
origin. Experience has shown that they often prove to be unfamiliar forms or
derivatives of known Greek roots; or to be explicable with the aid of dialect
words preserved in Glossaries. The final classification of a language depends
ultimately on its grammar and syntax, and it will be shown in what follows
that in this respect Mycenaean displays undeniably Greek features. Even
without the supposition of extensive borrowing, a considerable alteration in
the vocabulary may be expected in the period intervening between the
Mycenaean tablets and classical texts and inscriptions. The links would be
even fewer if the epic dialect did not constitute a bridge between the two,
enshrining as it undoubtedly does many relics of the Mycenaean vocabulary
which would otherwise be quite unknown to us. Nor must we forget that the
dialects most likely to be descended from Mycenaean are among the worst
known.
It cannot be denied that there are Mycenaean words which appear to have
no relatives in Greek; but this cannot be asserted unless we can determine
independently the meaning of the Mycenaean word in question. One example
may suffice: the word a-ja-me-no (fern, a-ja-me-na) occurs in contexts which
allow us to deduce the meaning. It is frequently, though not always, con-
70
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
structed with a dative (instrumental), e.g. e-re-pa-te=elephantei\ and it must
mean ‘ decorated ’, or possibly decorated in some special way, perhaps by inlay.
No one so far has been able to suggest a Greek word with which it can be
associated; nevertheless it has the appearance of a passive participle of the
ordinary Greek type; the spelling a-ja - may conceal a reduplicated form ( aiai -);
and it appears to have as its opposite a-na~i-ta, which shows the familiarprivative
a(n )- combined with an unreduplicated base and a - to - suffix. In such cases it
is tempting to scour the I.-E. languages for a possible etymology (Georgiev
has in fact found a possible parallel in Hieroglyphic Hittite); but the etymo¬
logical method as a means of interpretation in the absence of contextual con¬
firmation is rightly out of favour, and has recently been strongly condemned
by Friedrich (1954, PP- 123-8). There are many factors which can have con- f
tributed to the loss of Mycenaean words from the later Greek vocabulary.
Some speculation has centred round the question of the native language of
the scribes. If more than one language were in use in Mycenaean Greece,
this would lead to interesting historical conclusions. It may be deduced from
the areas of non-Greek speech in historical times that such communities also
existed at the earlier period. There is, however, nothing in the tablets to con¬
firm this except the undoubted presence of non-Greek names. There are no
tablets of reasonable extent which do not give some sign of being written in
Greek, though of course lists of names may well have a foreign look. Merlingen
(1955, P* 45 ) supposes the Greeks to have been a subject class, who kept all
the accounts, under the rule of non-Greek ‘Achaean* masters; Andrews prefers
to make the rulers Greek, but the scribes foreigners obliged to write in their
masters’ language. There is not a scrap of real evidence to support the former
hypothesis; only some rather questionable deductions from a group of words
in Greek alleged to be borrowings from a hypothetical I.-E. language. Even if
this language really existed, there is no reason to assign it to the rulers of
Mycenaean Greece. Nor does this theory account satisfactorily for the clearly
Greek names borne by some of the leading citizens of Pylos; E-ke-ra 2 -wo is X
a man of great importance and may even be the king (see p. 265), but it is
hard to believe that he has not a Greek name, Ekhelawbn. It does not seem
possible to correlate the Greek names of the tablets with any social class.
The contention of Andrews is based upon rather more solid evidence, namely
the apparent blunders in spelling and grammar which mar the texts. It is of
course true that in the early years of Greek rule foreign scribes may have been
employed. But even if such a situation is conceivable at Knossos at the end
of the fifteenth century, it can hardly have been true of Pylos also two centuries
later. There is of course a serious objection to the acceptance of the theory that
7 1
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the scribes were not fully conversant with Greek. It will allow every incon¬
venient form to be set aside, and great liberties can be taken with the interpreta¬
tion. At one stroke Andrews would thus destroy the discipline that we have
imposed on the solution: that the forms should be consistent and explicable
in terms of comparative or historical parallels. Any new form which does not
fit into the accepted pattern has been rigorously tested before being admitted,
or is regarded merely as tentative and provisional. Whereas, if Andrews be
right, it is unnecessary to frame any theory to explain these forms, as each can
be explained away separately as an incorrect form due to the ignorance of the
scribes. This is not to say that scribes make no errors; they are as frequent
as in any other group of documents not intended for publication—the non¬
literary papyri would afford a close parallel. Such erroneous forms have
frequently caused us much trouble. The curious wo-zo-e , obviously connected
with the finite verb wo-ze and the participle wo-zo , was at first thought to be
an optative; but the discovery of further similar texts has revealed that it
should be an infinitive, and the expected wo-ze-e has now been found. Similar
errors may underlie some of the other isolated forms which still cause difficulty.
Certain writers have shown a cavalier attitude to the strict linguistic tests
which we have tried to apply. Admittedly no promising interpretation should
be abandoned merely because it conflicts with a suggested but not well grounded
etymology. But equally no interpretation can afford to ignore hard facts, such
as the digamma in lAatov (Carratelli, 1955, p. 3) or the original long e of
dviOqxe (Meriggi, 1954a, p. 69). Where the interpretation conflicts with an
accepted but not certainly proved view, this should be noted and some explana¬
tion attempted; contrast Furumark’s casual omission to mention the difficulty
of finding the suffix -T80$ (believed to be from *-t£Fos) in the word qe-te-a
(1954, p- 42).
t A further point which may be debated is the language of the inventor of
Linear B. Here all evidence fails us and we can only argue from general
probability. Since the script is derived from a Minoan source, the adapter
must have been to some extent bilingual; whether Greeks would have learned
Minoan or Minoans Greek depends upon the circumstances in which they
came into contact. Furumark (1954, p. 107) attributes the formation of
Linear B to the mainland at the time when Cretan influence was strong in the
shaft-grave era; this view is supported by Carratelli (1954, p. 116), who adduces
as further evidence the mature style of writing on the mainland vases, which
he dates early. If this assumption is correct it is perhaps more likely that
a Minoan craftsman should have taught his Greek employers the secret of
writing; but in making deductions about speech habits from writing habits we
72
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
must not lose sight of the fact that the codifiers of the ancient scripts were
experts in neither phonetics, comparative philology nor time-and-motion study,
and their solutions are not always those which a UNESCO sub-committee
might have proposed.
3 . THE RELATION OF MYCENAEAN TO THE
HISTORICAL DIALECTS
It cannot be denied that during the Mycenaean period the differences of the
Greek dialects then in existence must have been much less strongly marked.
The digamma has left traces in every branch of the language; only in Attic-
Ionic is it never found, but its presence at no very remote date may be deduced.
The form KOpq implies that Attic preserved p after p until the change of a
to T"] was completed, a change which in central Ionic was not complete at the
end of the seventh century. The Ionic form of the same word with compensatory
lengthening shows that the loss of p took place after the separation of Attic
from Ionic, which is almost certainly post-Mycenaean. Thus many of the
distinctive dialect features will vanish as we approach the period of Common
Greek. The preservation of an archaic form, which is often distinctive in the
historical period, ceases to have any significance at such an early date. The
only criteria for this purpose are those in which the dialect has made an
innovation or a choice between two available forms. It need scarcely be added
that the material is still too scanty to answer many of the questions we should
like to ask.
Most significant is the change in certain circumstances of -ti to - si . This is j
characteristic of the fundamental division of the dialects into East and West
Greek. It is certainly present in Mycenaean, though it must be stressed that
since the interpretation of the script is empirical, the sibilant may represent not
the <7 ofclassical Greek, but some intermediate stage such as ts. Examples are:
3rd plur. of pres, indie, act. e-ko-si y di-do-si , etc.; verbal nouns a-pu-do-si (Latin
and Sanskrit -ti-); the preposition po-si= ttoti (Arcad., etc., iros); derivatives
of stems ending in t : ra-wa-ke-si-jo ( ra-wa-ke-ta) y e-qe-si-jo ( e-qe-ta), pa-qo-si-jo
(pa-qo-ta), u-wa-si-jo ( u-wa-ta ), e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo (cf. Kopu$, -u 0 o$), ke-ro-si-ja
(= yapouoia < *geront-id ), ko-ri-si-jo ( ko-ri-to — KopivOos), za-ku-si-jo (cf. ZockuvOos) .
The classical forms in -v0io$ are analogical or borrowed from West Greek;
cf. Att. TTpopaAicnos from FfpopaAtvOos (Schwyzer, Gram. 1, p. 272). Parallel
to this is the change in the divine name po-se-da-o= Poseidaon (W.Gk. IIot-,
E.Gk. Flocr-); perhaps influenced by the adjective po-si-da-i-jo= Epic nocriSrpos.
There are, however, some signs that the development was not complete in the
73
• OCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Mycenaean period, -ti- followed by a vowel survives in some proper names:
e.g. pa-i-ti-jo (from pa-i-to = (J>au7Tos) as in classical cDodcmos, as regularly
following j, ti-ri-ti-ja (ti-ri-to), ra-ti-jo (ra-to = Acctco) classical Acmos; mi-ra-ti-ja =
Mildtiai (MiAqTOs); men’s names o-ti-na-wo perhaps = ’Open-, ta-ti-qo-we-u~
XTacn- (Etticti-)? In two cases the word shows both forms: the man’s name
tu-si-je-u is also written tu-ti-je-u , and the feminine ethnic adjective ti-nwa-si-ja
has its genitive plural written ti-nwa-ti-ja-o .
Other evidence for Mycenaean’s affinities with East Greek is to be found
in the form of certain words: i-je-ro (and derivatives) reflects E.Gk. tepos not
W.Gk. lapos; and a-te-mi-to=Artemitos E.Gk. "Ap-rems, not W.Gk. v ApTam$.
Proceeding by elimination we can next point to several differences between
Mycenaean and Attic-Ionic, although, as indicated above, the proto-ionic
which presumably existed in the Mycenaean period would not be strongly
differentiated from other forms of East Greek. The preposition a-pu is the most
striking instance, agreeing with Arc., Cypr., Lesb. and Thess. &ttv against
Att.-Ion. drro. This is surely not to be explained as due to the Arc.-Cypr.
change of final -o to -v, since it is shared with the Aeolic dialects. The develop¬
ment of the vocalism o instead of a from a syllabic liquid or nasal is a feature
| of both Arc.-Cypr. and Aeolic. The circumstances of this are not yet fully
explained, but it is unnecessary to adopt the suggestion of Merlingen (1954,
p. 3) that the spellings reflect the presence of the unmodified sounds, qe-to-ro -
ip'tito- is exacdy paralleled by Thess. TreTpo-, and if the other examples are not
directly attested this is only due to the lack of adequate dialect records. The
X treatment of the contract verbs is still too obscure to use in evidence; but the
form te-re-ja , if rightly interpreted as 3rd sing. pres, indie., seems to suggest an
athematic conjugation (see Vocabulary, p. 409). The infinitive, however, is in
- en , as probably in Attic where *-asv>-av (Schwyzer, Gram . 1, p. 807). The
athematic conjugation of these verbs is found in Arc., Cypr., Lesb. and Thess.
The form i-ja-te idter agrees with Cypr. against Att. icxTpos, Ion. iiyrpos; but
since agent nouns in -ter are common in Mycenaean and the type in -Tpo$ is an
innovation, this may not be conclusive.
We are left then with a probable connexion with two dialect groups: Arcado-
Cyprian and Aeolic. On historical grounds we might expect the affinities of
Mycenaean to lie rather with the former, and Palmer has expressed his support
for that view. But although there is some positive evidence, there seems as
yet to be little certain indication which dissociates Mycenaean from the Aeolic
group. This may be partly due to the difficulty of reconstructing a common
Aeolic from dialects which have been strongly influenced by West Greek.
We can, however, point to a few features of Mycenaean which are especially
74
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
typical of Aeolic: adjectives of material in -sto$ and -10$ (see p. 8g); and the
use of patronymic adjectives in place of the genitive of the father’s name,
which is not found in Arc. or Cypr. On the other hand the evidence of vocabu¬
lary seems to emphasize rather the connexion with Arc.-Cypr. Such words
as Settocs and 9d<ryavov are said to be Cypr. The form of the temporal adverb
o-te=hote agrees with Arc.-Cypr. (and also Att.-Ion.) ote against Lesb. otcx.
The probable presence of primary medio-passive endings of the 3rd person
in -toi rather than -tai is not significant now that Ruiperez (1952) has demon¬
strated that these are not innovations of Arc.-Cypr. but inherited.
The traditional view of the Aeolic dialects has been surprisingly changed by
Porzig (1954) and Risch (1955), who have demonstrated that East Thessalian
preserves a purer form of the dialect than Lesbian. On this theory the Aeolic
dialects belong to the group which retain -ti (e.g. inTTOTi, against Lesbian Trpos,
which may be borrowed from Ionic). The effect of this change is to emphasize
the affinity of Mycenaean to Arcado-Cyprian, and to suggest that Ionic may
in fact be no more than a subsequently differentiated branch of Arcado-
Cyprian. Certainly the Mycenaean vases from Boeotia and Attica, which f
might be assumed to be Ionic at this period (cf. Herodotus v, 58, 2), show no
traces of significant variation in the dialect, though their evidence is too meagre
to afford any satisfactory proof.
4 . DIALECT DIFFERENCES IN MYCENAEAN
It would not be surprising if Knossos and Pylos, in view of their separation in
time rather than space, showed differences of dialect. In fact the dialect
appears to be extremely uniform, and the diff erences which have been found
are more likely matters of orthography than phonetics. Pylos makes much
greater use ofa 2 than Knossos (e.g. in the plural ofneuterr-stems), and Knossos
often prefers the fuller spelling of an i-diphthong (KN ko-to-i-na PY ko-to-na ,
KN a-pi-qo-i-ta PY a-pi-go-ta —if this is the same name). But some differences
have been shown by new finds to be merely a matter of personal choice: the
Knossos spelling ko-ri-ja-do-no with ja but Pylos ko-ri-a 2 -da-na with a 2 has been
shown to be without significance by a tablet from Mycenae (Ge 605 ) which
exhibits both forms.
Since the bulk of the material so far comes from Pylos it is not always possible
to confirm particular features at Knossos. But nothing has emerged so far
which seems likely to be significant. The material from Mycenae is much more
scanty, and hardly allows the drawing of any conclusions about the dialect
in use there; but with one exception the forms found there agree very closely
75
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
with those at Pylos. The exception is the distinct preference shown by Mycenae
texts for the third declension dative singular in -i instead of -e (see p. 86).
But datives in - i are not unknown at Pylos (e.g. ko-re-te-ri OnOl), and Mycenae
also has examples of - e , so there is no consistent differentiation. Fresh finds
may lead us to revise our views on this point; but at present the dialect pre¬
sents an extraordinary degree of homogeneity compared with classical inscrip¬
tions as widely scattered in time and space. Not until Hellenistic times was
| Greece to recapture such linguistic unity.
It is possible that this is a false appearance due to the conservatism of the
scribal schools; thus the texts may represent not the actual state of Greek at
1200 b.c., but that at some earlier date—perhaps the sixteenth-fifteenth cen¬
turies—when the spelling was fixed. Aberrations from the standard would then
be explicable as due to theinfluenceofthe actual speech of the period. Certainly
such a theory will help to explain the problems of z and pa 2 . On the other
hand a strong central influence has a stabilizing effect on a language, and
spoken Greek too may have remained at an archaic stage throughout the
Mycenaean period, only giving way to innovative change in the chaos following
the dissolution of the Achaean empire.
5 . PHONOLOGY
This section collects representative examples from the vocabulary to illustrate
the relationship of the Mycenaean spelling to the historical development of
the sounds as far as known. Only the most restricted use has been made of
proper names. References for all the words quoted will be found in the
Vocabulary, or in the case of proper names in the Index of Personal Names,
or the lists of place-names at the end of ch. v (pp. 146-50).
Vowels
a, a 2 ~a, a : a-ke=agei , ma-te^ mater;
= pa-te =pater;
= m } n: a 2 -te-ro=hateron } acc. pe-re-u-ro-na = Pleurona, a-ki-ti-to = aktiton;
a-\-r=r , /: ta-ra-si-ja = talasid> pa-we-a 2 =pharwea, cf. a-re-pa (in ligature,
see p. 284 )=aleiphar.
e = £, e: e-ke^ekhei, pa-te=pater;
= ku-te-so^kutisos; ='prothetic 5 e: e-ru-ta-ra=eruthra .
Note. Most of the certain examples of e = Gk. 1 arc in proper names or non-Greek
words: i-pe-me-de-ja — 'lywieSzia (not from I<pi, contrast wi-pi-no-o = *\yiv 00^), me-nu-wa
^Mivuas, ai-ke-wa-to — ai-ki-wa-to, pa 2 -me-si-jo — pa 2 -misi-jo (cf. TTamoo$), de-ko-to
76
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
= di-ko~to (?), e-pa-sa-na-ti — i-pci-sa-na-ti (where an error is excluded by the deliberate
correction of e- to i-). Examples in apparent diphthongs are not easily explained:
mi-to-we-sa-e , e-qe-ta-e , to-e ( wo-zo-e is erroneous). On the question of datives in -e
see p. 85. Cf. i = i.
i—iy t: e-pi=epi, si-to=sitos ;
=/: di-pa= depas.
Mote 1. i = Gk. e is less frequent than the reverse, see above. Also perhaps in i-mi-ri-jo
= Hlmeiios. It is a possible explanation of i-qo = Tthtos < ^ekwos ) but this is Common
Greek. For a possible dissimilation of e-e>e-i , cf. KN a-pe-isi ? = PY a-pe-e-si — apeensi ,
and the dative singular of stems in -s (see p. 86).
Mote Q. Confusion of i and u is not only found in the xoivt), but also in pre-Greek
words and names: e.g. 'EAeuaOvios (Olus, Thera), 'EAeuhuvta (Sparta) = TAeuaivios
(Att., etc.); Lacon. TivSaptSavfor more usual Tuv 5 -; |ioAip( 5 )os = p 6 Aup 5 os, pipAos =
pOPAo^. There seem to be rare examples of this in Myc.: man’s name ta-ni-ko =
la-nu-ko y place-name u-ta-no= “Itovos; cf. mo-ri-wo-do — moliwdos (?) =j.i 6 AvP 5 os.
0 = 0, 0 : po-de^podei, do-se = dosei.
= d: <r, /: qe-to-ro = Thess, TTETpo- Att. T£Tpa-, to-pe-za = torpeia (Tpdtm^a),
wo-ze=worzei<*wrgj~, o-ka = orkhd (dpx^; but perhaps from m); <m, n\
a-no-wo-to = anouoton ( <*n-ousn-to- y cf. gen. ouerros), a-pi-qo-to= amphig u otos f
(< *'g Ur ! l -t°-)> e-ne-wo-=ennewo- (< * (e)newn-) ; of uncertain origin: pa-ro=
*rrapd, ko-wo =kcoccs (< 2 ?), ko-no-ni-pi (Kavcov?), place-name u-pa-ra-ki-ri-ja =
u-po-ra-ki~ri-ja. Similar alternations occur in Arc., Cypr., Lesb., Thess. and
Boeot.; also in words of uncertain etymology: e.g. derraKis/ierraKos,
daTa<pis/6cTTCC<pis.
=u: e-wi-su-zo-ko = e-wi-su-zu?-ko = -zugo- ; possible in po-ro-du-ma-te, po-ru-da- J
ma-te, see Vocabulary s.v. du-ma .
u = u y u: e-ru-ta-ra = eruthra , tu-ro 2 = turoi ;
as silent vowel: before w: ke-se-nu-wi-ja=xenwia y before m ?: see du-ma in
Vocabulary; cf. anaptyctic u in Lat. dracuma y etc.
=z: see above.
= 0: u-ru-pi-ja-jo = ' 0 \'J\XTTict\oL
Diphthongs
a-i: almost certainly not two syllables in pa-i-to = cPaicrxos. Alternates with a :
a-na-i-ta = a-na-ta. On the dat. plur. of a-stems see p. 84.
a**j = ai: in adjectives from feminines in -a (e.g. a-ko-ra-jo = agoraios).
ai: ai-ka-sa-ma = aixmans. Very rare except as initial. The identification of *34
as ai 2 depends on the equation of *jq-ke-u in PY 237 =Ta 709 with ai-ke-u
in 236 =Ta 641 , and is otherwise very dubious.
77
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-u: pu-ra-uAo-ro = puraustro , ka-ra-u-ko = Glaukos.
| e-i: usually to be interpreted as two syllables, pe-i may represent Arc. a<peiS-
Final -ei in verbs is always written -e.
e-u: e-u-da-mo = Eudamos, re-u-ko = leuko.
e-w: probably for eu in e-we-pe-se-so-me-na = eu hepsesomena , e-wa-ko-ro — e-u-wa-
ko-ro = Euag(o)ros, but this may be phonetic,
o-i: ko-to-i-na=ko‘to-na = ktoina\ ko-i-no = ko-no =skhoinos. For -o-i in the dat.
plur. of o-stems see p. 84.
o-j: te-o-jo = theoio.
o-u: negative o-u-, a-ro-u-ra = aroura[ns).
u-j: fern. perf. part, a-ra-ru-ja^araruia.
Vowel Contraction
Elision of short final vowels is sometimes found in the compounded forms of
the prepositions: e.g. a-pe-e-si (ap- = apu-), pa-ra-warjo = par-awaid, me-ta-no--
Met-anor , e-pe-ke-u = Ep-eigeus\ but in many cases the vowel is maintained, not
only when an etymological -h~ intervenes: po-si-e-e-si =posi-eensi 9 o-pi-a 2 -ra =
opi-hala , e-pi-ja-ta = Epi-haltds.
Vowel contraction of the types found in Classical Greek seems to be unknown;
ca^eslikc ko-lu-na-no-uo= ktoind and nos, ko-lo-no-ko =ktoino-oklios are isolated and
probably faulty. Even like vowels are regularly retained in contact, though
this would be explained if, as is not unlikely, intervocalic - h - survived: e.g.
ko-to-no-o-ko = ktoino-(h)okhos, e-ma-a 2 = Herma[h?)di, e-ke-e = ekhe(h)en. The pre-
Greek contractions are exemplified by no-pe-re~a 2 = nophelea from *ne-ophel -.
Spurious Diphthongs
The ‘spurious 1 diphthongs are of course represented in Mycenaean by the
pure vowels, and where there is no contraction it is impossible to tell whether
lengthening had taken place. ~o~sa in the fern, participle probably represents
-onsa (as in Arcadian); in other doubtful cases such vowels have been tran¬
scribed with a circumflex accent: e.g. a-ke-re = agerei, wo-ra-we-sa = wolawessa.
Semivowels
j: used to indicate diphthongal i (see above) or as a glide: e.g. i-je-re-u = hiereus.
This is sometimes omitted and we find i-e-re-u as an alternative spelling, just
as in Cypr. ispeOs as well as 1/epeos.
The loss of I.-E. -j- in intervocalic position is proved by the first component
of a man's name a-e-ri-qo-ta— Aeri - (cf. Horn. f|pi, fjEptos, Avest. ayar *).
78
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
- sj - appears usually to yield -j- as in the gen. of the o-stems: -o-jo<*-osjo.
Although we have transcribed this form as -oio on the Homeric model, it
may be questioned whether -j- has not here a consonantal value, thus
accounting for the metrically recoverable Homeric forms in -oo. A similar
wavering between the two values may explain the alternation of - e-jo and
-e-o in the formation of adjectives of material (see p. 89). Similar alterna¬
tions in spelling are not infrequent in names: e.g. a-ti-ke-ne-ja but a-pi-ke-ne-a —
- geneia , re-wa-jolre-wa-o. Advantage has been taken of this to put for¬
ward some interpretations: e.g. ke-ra-ja-pi = keraidphi, Horn. xepa6$, a-ta-o =
Antaios.
The existence of medial -wj- seems likely in two words which have alter¬
native spellings: me-wi-jojme-u-jo^\xi\(jdv y di-wi-jajdi-u-ja probably = Atpa.
Cf. [pa 2 ]-si-re-wi-jo-te — basilewjontes (paaiAeuco). j
Initial j- occurs in the adverb jo- (also 0-), probably = ho < *jdd. Other
cases where it appears optional are: ja-ke-te-re = a-ke-te-re, man’s nam cja-sa-ro
= a-sa-ro.
w: initial: wa-na-ka=wanax, we-io = wetos y wi-pi-no-o= Wiphinoos , wo-ze=worzei,
wo-i-ko=woikon. From *sw-, perhaps to be interpreted hw-: wo-jo = hwoio (?),
we-pe-zo.=hweppeza (£x+m8-). Before r: wa-ra-wi-ta = wrdwista ‘damaged 1 ,
wi-ri-ni-jo = wrtnio; cf. o-u-ru-to=ho wruntoi , u being written as there is no
sign for wu. Alter d: du-wo-u-pi=dwouphi (?), du-wo-jo = Dwoios.
Intervocalic: ka-ra-wi-po-ro=Klawiphoros, ka-ke-we=khalkewes.
With consonants: -dw -: wi-do-wo-i-jo= Widwoios; -wd -: mo-ri-wo-do =
moliwdos (?) — p 6 Ai( 35 o$; -nw -: ke-se-nu-wi-ja=xenwia , pe-ru-si-nu-wo=peru-
sinwon; -rw -: do-we-jo = dorweios , ko-wa= korwd, pu-wo = Purwos (< *purswos );
-wr -: e-wi-ri-po = Ewrxpos (or = Eu-wripos ?); -sw-: wi-so-wo-pa-na = wiswo- (iao-)
but also e-wi-su -; -thw -: ma-ra-tu-wo = marathwon (in a loan-word, but te-o =
theon if from *dhwes- shows loss of w in an inherited word).
As a glide after u : tu-we-a = thuea, ta-ra-nu-we= thrtimes^ ku-wa-no=kuanoi,
a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo = Alektruon.
Note . In several words we have ‘intrusive’ w , where not expected from the etymology +
or dialect forms; e.g. pe-rusi-nu-wo , me-wi-jo. In others the expected w is absent:
e-ne-ka = heneka (not *henweka), o-ro-mt-no = oromenos ) i-je-re-ja = hiereia, po-se-da-o =
Poseidaon (Corinth, -ctfcov). On these see Chadwick (19546, pp. 6-7) and p. 8g. r
w used to represent n before a vowel seems probable in e-we-pese-so-me-na=eu Tf
hepsesomena , e-wa-ko-ro ~ Euag(o)ros, a-no-wo-to=anouoton. Cf. the alternations
in proper names: ru-ko-wo-ro\Tii-ko-ii-TO = Lukouros, ra-wa-ra-ta/ra-u-ra-ta =
Laurantha ?, adj. ra-wa-ra-ti-jo , ra-wa-ra-tajra-u-ra-ti-j o, -ja .
79
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
r = r, /: re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo = lewotrokhowoi. See p. 44.
m = m: ma-te= mater.
n = rz: ne-wo=newos.
Spirants
s: initial only in words of foreign origin or due to development from other
sounds: si-to = sitos ) sa-sa-ma = sasama , se-ri-no = selinon, si-a 2 -ro = sialons , =
(?). su-qo-ta-o = sug u otadn (cri/pomis) is a familiar if inexplicable form.
Preceding a consonant it is sometimes apparently dropped: pa-ka-na =
phasgana\ written in do-so-mo=dosmos . In ai-ka-sa-ma= aixmans it is preserved
where classical Greek only retains its trace as an aspirate (alxutj). Inter¬
vocalic -s-<t before j or in some cases i (see p. 73): to-so tossos , e-ko-si=
| ekhonsi ; <kj: pa-sa-ro pas said ^ wa-na-sc-wi-ja from f&vaaaa.
I h: There is no sign for the aspirate, nor are any aspirated consonants dis¬
tinguished. In the absence therefore of any notation, interpreted forms have
been given the form which agrees most closely with classical Greek: initial h-
and aspirated consonants are written where expected on later or comparative
evidence, intervocalic - h - is omitted, except in a few cases of compounds.
This is not intended to express an opinion on the extent of psilosis in
Mycenaean, but merely to accommodate the reconstructions to a familiar
pattern. The absence of contraction (see p. 78) is a slight indication in
favour of retention of intervocalic -h- ; but where the etymology is uncertain
or disputed the choice is not easy; should we for instance be justified in
writing dohelos? (Gf. Chadwick, 1954, p. 14.)
The use ofa 2 where we expect ha does not involve any departure from the
principle laid down. It is reasonable to suppose that ‘Minoan ’ distinguished
no aspirates, and the opposition of aja 2 may have corresponded to some¬
thing like the Hebrew N/y. It is noticeable that a 2 sometimes alternates
with ja (see p. 47). Andrews' theory of a sixth {schwa) vowel is not yet
supported by convincing examples, and the variations in spelling are better
explained as due to uncertainty in the use of signs having an original value
without phonemic significance in Greek.
If z: z has been used to transliterate the consonant which has obvious affinities
with the Greek 3 (see p. 44). This is not to say that its sound was identical,
but it serves as a useful symbol. The cases of alternation with k suggest
a palatalized k\ g'\ but the fact that it also represents *dj in - pe-za<*-pedja
seems to prove that it was already some sort of sibilant. A theory which
would account for its behaviour as observed so far is that in ‘Minoan’ it
80
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
had the value k', which was occasionally substituted for k by Greeks, the
distinction of velars and palatals having been lost in Common Greek; it was
correctly used for *gj but with assibilation of this sound it was extended to
similar sounds with a different history. So far it seems to be restricted to
voiced stops, which, like d , conflicts with the theoretical basis of the syllabary.
This is, however, the natural result of the development of *kj to ss in Greek
(cf. p. 80), which is a further proof that z was a sibilant in Mycenaean.
Z is also used in those words which show £- initially from I.-E. *j~:
ze-u-ke-u-si=zeugeusiy ze abbreviation of zeugos, e-wi~su-zu?-ko (also -zo-ko) =
-zugo-'y ze-so-me-no , a-re-pa-zo-o , zo-a from the root of ^co.
The use of za=ycx in Cypriot may be connected, but Lejeune rejects the
transliteration za in favour of ka}.
Stops
p, k, t, d: the use of these is shown on p. 44, §4. A theory to account for the
separation of djt[h) is suggested above (p. 70). The question of pa 2 is
discussed in the next section.
Labio-velars: q. The presence of labio-velars in Urgriechisch has long been f
accepted. The date at which they were lost no doubt differed in the dialects,
Aeolic confusing them with the labials, while Arcadian maintains a distinc¬
tion before € and 1 in the early inscription from Mantinea (Schwyzer, Dial,
661). In Cypriot the labio-velar is confused with s: si-se=‘t\s. Their sound
in Mycenaean can only be conjectured; the interpretation assumes that they
remained at that date more or less unchanged (hence written q u y g u or q u h ,
as devoicing of mediae aspiratae is assumed, see p. 68). Palmer (19546,
p. 53), however, suggests that they were already assibilated, hence his
identification of the man’s name a-i-qe-u as Aisseus and the verbal form
e-ke-qe as future— hexei. Against this it may be observed that q-s - is once
used to write x (qi-si-pe-e= xiphee) , though this does not necessarily exclude
a sound such as kL The identification of mo-qo-so = Movpos= Hitt. Muidas
was discussed by Chadwick (19546, p. 5).
The same signs evidently do duty for *kw as for the labio-velar: i-qo = rnrros;
hence we may legitimately expect to find them used also for *ghw in com¬
pounds of 0 r)p; see entries beginning qe-r- in Index of Personal Names, p. 424^
As stated above (p. 45) there is no sign for qa y but pa is regularly used to
denote the initial syllable of ttqs, if this is correctly derived from *kwant -.
It is possible that before a the loss of the velar clement had already begun,
though the distinction remained elsewhere. Thus if pa 2 were originally qa ,
phonetic change would have made it a homophone of pa. pa 2 occurs in
81
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a number of words in which we postulate a labio-velar: e.g. o-pa 2 -wo-ni
Opawoni (but o-pa ); but in most cases the etymology is too obscure: e.g.
pa 2 -si-re-u = ( 3 acriAsO$, ti-ri-jo-pa 2 ~Tpioirocs, pa 2 -ra 2 = ITdcAAas. I n pa 2 -ra-to-ro
the variants cnrotAaSpov, ciKaAauOpov, etc., point to sg u a~. But ku-su-to-ro-pa 2 =
xunstropha is derived from *strebh-.
In other positions too there are some signs of an alternation of p and q.
In PY 116 =En 659 the man’s name Qe-re-qo-ta-o (gen.) is apparently re¬
peated in the dative as Pe-re-qo-ta , though their identity is not certain (see
p. 245). If this name represents classical *TrjAe<p6vrns or the like, the develop¬
ment of the labio-velar before e to p would be surprising as this is found
in Aeolic but not Arcadian. Easier to accept is the alternative spelling
ra-qi-ti-ra 2 for ra-pi-ti-ra 2 —raptriax y since the development to p before a con¬
sonant is universal. As the traditional etymology of pcrnrco is disproved by
the lack of the initial digamma, there is no external evidence to prove which
spelling is the original one; but the masculine rapter is spelt with pte> and the
participle e-ra-pe-me-na also shows p instead of the expected assimilation.
Thus the use of q here seems to be the abnormality, whereas in the former
case it is the use of p. These examples are perhaps to be explained by a theory
of traditional spelling (see p. 76); this would imply that the pronunciation
was at least in a transitional phase. If this is really so, it is remarkable that
there is so little inconsistency in the spelling.
Although the decipherment has confirmed the etymology of many words
containing labio-velars (note especially a-to-ro-qo avOpcorros) there are a few
surprises, to-ro-qo is plausibly identified with Tporros, cf. to-ro-qe-jo-me-no and
the man’s name e-u-to-ro-qo y which conflicts with Skt. trapate, Lat. trepit;
if correct we must accept Meillet’s connexion with Lat. torqueo : see to-ro-qo
in Vocabulary. If the equation of qe-to with ttIGos be right, this destroys
another accepted etymology; but it should be noticed that the spelling
with e for 2 may indicate a foreign origin.
Assimilation
Evidence of assimilation of another consonant before p is fairly extensive,
though the nature of the resultant group can only be conjectured from the
notation. A stopH -p appears to yield -pp- (cf. Horn, k&iutsoz, etc.): po-pi<pod -
phi, e-ka-ma-pi<ekhmat-phx (or egma- ?), ko-ru-pi<koruth-phi; we-pe<a<(h)wek -
pedja . We may assume partial assimilation of n>m: ki-to-pi<khitdn-phi ; and of
nt>m: re-wo-pi<lewont-phi (cf. re-wo-te-jo = lewonteios ), a-di-ri-ja-pi<andriant-phi.
It is hardly without significance that Homer has no examples of the -91 ter¬
mination with stems in stops or liquids (&cr)(ap6(pi and KOTuAqSovocpi are plainly
82
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
secondary); was *Adopq>i too far removed from A€6vtgov and too easily replaced
by Adouai?
Assimilation before the - si of the dative plural can sometimes be assumed:
pi-we-ri-si is probably from piwerid-si , cf. dat. sing, pi-we-ri-di ; pa-si Cpant-si
(presumably=/?a««), de-ma-si< dermal-si\ pi-ri-e-te-si (cf. nom. plur. pi-ri-je-
te-re) is ambiguous.
On the other hand * etymological’ spellings are found where we should
expect assimilation; possibly merely as a convention to avoid confusion.
po-ni-ki-pi <phoinik-phi may be an exception in a foreign word. More surprising
are e-ra-pe-me-na<errap-mena (perf. pass, of fb&rrTco) ; a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na where
the variant a-ra-ro-mo-to-me-na points to -tm-.
Initial pt-
Initial pt- for classicabr- seems to occur in two personal names: po-to-re-ma-ta
= Ptolemdtds, [e-u]-ru-po-to-re-mo~jo = Euruptolemoio. Another apparent instance
is po-to-ri-jo — Ptolion? KN 39 = Asl 517 , but until the context is clear this must
remain tentative. This feature cannot be used to determine dialect affinities,
since its use in proper names is much more widespread than in vocabulary
words.
6. MORPHOLOGY
N OUNS
The case system is remarkably close to that of Homer. Four cases can be f
distinguished in the singular, five in the plural, the instrumental being marked
by the suffix -pi in the first and third declensions. In the sing, the instr. coalesces
with the dat. in all declensions.
Feminine a-sterns
Sing.
Dual
Plur.
Nom.
1 po-ti-ni-j
a
a
to-pe-z 0
a-ni-j
\ a
Ace.
ta-ra-si-j
r a
ko-to-n
a
Gen.
i-je-re-j
a
ko-to-n i 0 ?
ko-to-n
a-o
Dat.
Instr.
po-ti-ni-j
a
a-ke-ti-ri-j
a-ni-j
1
a-i
a-pi
This may be interpreted according to the spelling rules as: sing, -d, -tin, -as, -ai ;
plur. -ai, -ans , -don, -d'i, -dphi.
83
DOCUMENTS TN MYCENAEAN GREEK
| Dual: the extension of -ai as the nom. plur. termination led to its replace¬
ment as the inherited dual ending. This gap was filled by Attic with -a on
the analogy of the 0-stems. Mycenaean appears to have borrowed the ending
of the 0-stems -0; cf. fern, dual KaXuvyanevco (Hes. §p. 198), and the use of too
as feminine even in Attic. The restoration of the genitive is less certain; -oin
is possible under the spelling rules. Other examples of the dual are i-qi-jo,
pte-no, and adjectives agreeing with these substantives.
Acc. plur.: ko-to-na seems to be acc. plur. in PY 43 =Sn 01 ; other examples
are a-ro-u-ra PY 154 EqOl, o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja (acc. of respect) PY 243 =Ta 708 ,
ai-ka-sa-ma PY 257 =Jn 09 .
Dat. plur.: on the interpretation of this form see below.
Masculine a-stems
These follow exactly the pattern of the feminines except that the gen. sing,
is in -0-0= -do\ there is no example of an instrumental plural. Two obscure
forms in -a-e may be duals: e-qe-ta-e KN 29 = As 821 , we-ka-ta-e KN X 1044 ;
possibly to be explained as an extension of the dual ending of the consonant
stems. This might account for the Homeric dual of masculine stems in -a
(not -r|); and it may be significant that Homer never uses the dual of a feminine
J 0-stem. The presence or absence of final -s in the nom. sing, cannot be tested;
in view of Homeric and dialect forms without - s, it may well have been absent.
In interpreted forms, however, this -s has been restored to mark the distinction
from the feminines.
Sing. Dual
Plur.
Nom.
ko-w 0 pa-sa-r \ 0
ko-w
0
Acc.
te- 0
si-a 2 -r
! 0
Gen.
te- o-jo
a-ne-m
0
Dat.
da-m 0
Le¬
o-i
Instr.
e-re-pa-te-j
0
Neuters:
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
ko-ri-ja-do-n j 0
ko-ri-ja-da-
■n | 0
Acc.
a 2 -te-r I 0
do
-r 1 0
These may be interpreted: sing. - os, -on (neul. -00), - oio, -oi; dual -0; plur. - oi,
-ons (lieut. -0), -on, -oi'i (?), -ois (?).
Dat. plur.: the spelling -o-i is clearly parallel to -a-i in the 0-stems and must
represent a similar form. We originally interpreted these as -ois, -ais (-ois, -ais?),
84
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
the I.-E. instrumental ending (Skt. - ais ). But the new Pylos furniture tablets
have shown that the ‘instrumental’ of o-stems is in -o, not -o-i or -o-pi (e.g.
e-re-pa-te-jo a-di-ri-ja-pi re-wo-pi-qe 243 = Ta 708 ). Since this case is distinguished
in the spelling from the dative (e.g. pa-si-te-o-i) it is probably different in form,
though we cannot exclude the possibility that -o and - o-i are merely alternative
spellings of-ois (cf. p. 44). Theoretical considerations have led to the postula¬
tion of a dative (originally locative): *-oihi<*-oisi, which was later restored
by analogy. Merlingen and Andrews have therefore suggested that this is
what the spelling implies. A definite decision is hardly possible on the evidence
so far, but -01 i has been adopted as the interpretation in order to maintain the
distinction. In any case the a-stems must here be copying the o-stems, and we
have written -d'i to match.
Instrumental: a very few cases of the termination -o-pi have been found, f
only at Knossos, so that this may be a dialect difference. At least it is clear
that this termination was not restricted to consonant stems, as proposed by
Shipp (1953, p. 9). KN Sel 042 (joined with 1006 ) contains the words:
e-re-pa-te-jo-pi o-mo-pi, where the latter word may be hormophi ; e-re-pa-te-jo-pi
is repeated in line 2, but here unfortunately we have lost the noun in agreement.
i-ku-wo-i-pi KN 207 = V 280 is an isolated form of uncertain meaning; Ventris
proposes an instrumental dual.
Locative: Ventris suggests that di-da-ka-re (seep. 162) is a locative didaskalei of
the type of oikei. A termination -01 would be indistinguishable from the dative.
Note . Compound adjectives in -os (often used as substantives) have two terminations:
e.g. a-ka-ra-no agreeing with to-pe-za PY 241 =Ta 7 l 5 ; a-pi-qo-ro ko-wo = amphiq u olon
(fern. gen. plur.) korwoi PY ll = Ad 690 .
Consonant stems
Sing.
Dual
Plur.
Nom.
) po-me
1 wa-na-ka
|
ti-ri-/)0-d \ e
po-me-n
e
Ace.
pe-re-u-ro-n
a
pa-ki-ja-n
a(?)
Gen.
po-me-n
0
ka-ra-ma-t
o(?)
Dat.
i po-me-n
1 ko-re-te-r
e
i
Pa-
si
Instr.
P°-
Pi
Interpretation: sing, zero or -s, -a , -os, -ei or -1; dual -e; plur. -es, -as, -on,
-si, -phi.
Dat. sing.: two explanations of -e are possible. It may be part of the general
confusion of i and z” (see p. 76), and stand for the original -i of the locative.
85
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
This seems to be certain in those cases where the script has -z. This is much less
frequent than -e at Pylos and Knossos, except in the j-stems (see below).
Mycenae, however, shows a marked preference for -i (e.g. ka-ke-wi, ke-ra-me-wi,
pi-we-ri-di) , though -e does also occur (o-pe-ra-no-re). Alternatively we may
interpret -e as -ei, the old I.-E. dative termination preserved in Old Latin and
other languages, and in traces in Greek. The latter has been adopted in this
book, but again without any desire to prejudge the issue.
Stems in s ; the type in -es shows the declension: nom. -e (neut. -e), gen. -e-o,
dat. -e-i; dual -e-e (all genders); plur. neut. -e-a or -e-a z , dat. -e-si ( = -essi),
instr. -e-pi (= -esphi ). The neuter di-pa=dipas has dual di-pa-e. Comparative
| adjectives do not show -n- in the declension: me-zo, me-wi-jo ( = mezon or mezos ?
etc.) have dual - o-e , plur. -o-e, neut. -o-a 2 (= -oes , - oa , Att. -ous, -co). Perfect
participles in the masculine and neuter show the same declension: neut. plur.
a-ra-ru-wo-a, te-tu-ko-wo-a 2 .
Stems in z: some examples are found in the nom. sing., e.g. a-pu-do-si—
apudosis ; but there is no evidence of the declension except instr. plur.
po-ti-p i=porti ph i.
Stems in u : evidence is very scanty. Nom. sing, ta-ra-nu has plur. ta-ra-nu-we,
- ues , like gt&xvs; S en - s ^ n g' man’s name e-te-wa-tu-o = Etewastuos. The dative
ka-ru-we (instr. plur. ka-ru-pi) presumably also belongs to this type; cf. Pylos
place name a pu 2 ? ivc , There is no evidence of the ablaut declension: -us,
-e[f]os, except perhaps te-re-te-we and pa-ke-we = pakhewes.
Stems in du : nom. plur. ka-ra-we=grdwes.
Stems in eu\ sing. nom. -e-u, gen. -e-wo, dat. -e-we (MY -e-wi); dual -e-we\
plur. nom. -e-we, dat. -e-u-si, instr. -e-u-pi. To be interpreted: -eus, -ewos, -ewei
or -ewi\ -ewe; -ewes, - eusi, -euphi.
Note i. Adjectives of the type in -went- have feminine -we-sa — -wessa with analogical
e for a <*-wntja. The masculine is typified by the man’s name ko-ma-we^ Komawens,
gen. ko-ma-we-to — Komawentos. Examples of the feminine are: pi-ti-ro^-we-sa, ko-ro-
no-we-sa, mi-to-we-sa. The perf. participle has fern. a-ra-ru-ja = araruia (<*-usja);
pres. part, of verb ‘to be’: a-pe-a-sa = apeassai (<*-esntja), masc. a-pe-o-te ^apeontes.
Note 2. The case and number of the termination -pi=~ 91. It will be observed that
the term ‘instrumental’ has been applied to the case formed by this suffix. This
follows the generally accepted view that it is a relic of an I.-E. instrumental (cf. Skt.
-bhis), and is supported by its use after passive or intransitive verbs such as £ equipped
with’, ‘inlaid with’. Its frequent use with place-names seems equally to prove that
it also has the value of locative.
Its number is proved to be plural (or dual) by the opposition of ka-ru-wejka-ru-pi,
a-di-ri-ja-teja-di-ri-ja-pi, e-ka-ma-teje-ka-ma-pi, po-ni-ke!po-ni-ki-pi, po-dejpo-pi in parallel
86
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
contexts on the furniture tablets. Of. also du-wo-u-pi te-re-ja-e PY 148 — Ep 04 with
e-me-de te-[re]-ja Eb 40 .
This conclusion agrees as regards case, but not number, with that reached on the f
Homeric evidence by Shipp (1953, p. 15).
Pronouns
These are very rare and mostly doubtful.
mi=min: da-mo-de-mi pa-si-=damos de min phdsi (?) PY 135 =Ep 704 ; cf.
e-ke-de-mi PY 196 =Na 70 .
pe-i=spheis y sphe’i ? Dat. plur., cf. Arc. atpEts, Att. atpiat. +
to-e PY Eb 842 =/o- 7 H£ PY 148 =Ep 04 in identical context (see p. 263). The
phrase is obscure, but to-ejto-me may represent the dative of a demonstrative.
If not erroneous to-e may be tdi or toi-e= *tco( (cf. Elean Tot, Boeot. Toit, etc.).
to-me may be explained as to-(s)me with the suffix -(cr)m found in Cret. otimi =
cpTivi, cf. Skt. loc. tasmin.
to-jo : possibly genitive of the demonstrative.
to-i-qe : dat. plur. toVi-q u e ?
to-to: ‘this’ = ToOTo; see Vocabulary, p. 410. It
wo-jo: =(h)woio= 0I0, gen. of pron. adj. 4 his own’?
Note. It seems most unlikely that any forms are to be explained as a definite article,
since this is clearly absent from many contexts where ito presence would be demanded
by classical usage.
Numerals
These are poorly represented, mostly in compounds.
1: dat. e-me=hemei shows preservation of the original -m- replaced by -n- in
all dialects.
2: instr. du-wo-u-pi ; see Vocabulary, p. 391.
3: in compounds ti-ri- = tri -.
4: in compounds qe-to-ro-—q u etro- (-ro-< *r).
6: in compounds we-=(h)wek- (Cret., etc., pe^).
9: in compounds e-ne-wo-= ennewo- ( o<*n ).
The Verb
Terminations
The theory of Ruiperez (1952) that the Arcadian medio-passive primary
terminations in -toi were original and not, as had been supposed, secondary is
supported by the new evidence. As the final -i is not written and there is
ordinarily no augment (see below), it is impossible to distinguish a present
from an imperfect. But two considerations seem to indicate that we are right
87
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
in taking these forms as present. (i) e-ke-qe e-u-ke-to-qe . . . e-ke-e P Y 140 = Eb 35 ;
if both verbs are imperfect, then the e-ke of the common formula must be so
too; but present is much more likely in such a formula. (2) to-sa-de o-u-di-do-to
PY 198 = Ng 02 is plainly parallel with to-sa-de na-u-do-mo o-u-di-do-si PY 189 =
Na 65 , etc.; since di-do-si cannot be anything but present, so presumably is
di-do-to. In many other passages a present is preferable, and e-pi-de-da-to is
more likely to be perfect than pluperfect.
t Augment
The syllabic augment is normally absent, such forms as a-pu-do-ke = apu-doke
being regular in the secondary tenses. An apparent exception is a-pe-do-ke
in a new Pylos tablet (Gnl 184 ), which at present remains isolated. The tem¬
poral augment would of course be concealed by the notation.
Reduplication
Reduplication in the perfect follows the regular pattern; a-ra-ru-ja and
a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na show the special ‘Attic’ reduplication of verbs beginning
with a vowel plus sonant, e-ra-pe-me-na has the ordinary form of reduplication
=ipp-.
Verbal forms
No finite forms other than third persons occur.
Active: thematic present: sing. e-ke=ekhei , plur. e-ko-si=ekhonsi; infin.
e-ke-e = ekheen , a-na-ke-e = anageen, wo-ze-e = worsen ; part. wo-zo = worzon , e-ko-te
= ekhontes.
Athematic present: sing. pa-si=phdsi (?), plur. di-do-si~dido(n)si, ki-ti-je-si =
ktiensi ; part, i-jo, i-jo-te=ion , iontes .
Future: sing. do-se=dosei , plur. do-so-si=dosonsi ; part. de-me-o-te = demeontes.
Aorist: a-ke-re-se~agrese (?), wi-de — wide ( = €l8€), o-po-ro = ophlon; part.
a-ke-ra t -te= agir antes ?
Perfect: part. a-ra-ru-ja=araruia , te-tu-ko-wo-a 2 = tetukhwoa.
Middle: thematic present: e-u-ke-to = eukhetoi, e-ke-jo-to=en-keiontoi (?); part.
wo-zo-me-no.
Athematic present: plur. di-do-to = dido(n)toi , - u-ru-to^wruntoi ; part, ki-ti-
me-na = ktimend.
Future: part, e-pe-se-so-me-na = hepsesomena , ze-so-me-no = zesomeno
Aorist: de-ka-sa-to= dexato, pa-ro-ke-ne-[to ] = paro-geneto , de-ko-to= dekto , ze-to =
gento; infin. wi-de-ta-i= widesthai (?).
Perfect: e-pi-de-da-to^epidedastoi ; part. de-de-me-no=dedemeno.
The contract verbs are barely represented, but we may detect one in te-re-ja ,
88
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
which seems to be 3rd sing. pres, indie. ( = teleia, like the proposed reading
Sctjjva for Sapyp: in Homer, cf. Schwyzcr, Gram. 1, p. 659); infin. te-re-ja-e=
teleiaen (as Att. Tipav<*Tiud6v, cf. Schwyzcr, Gram. 1, p. 807).
The verb ‘to be’:
Present: plur. e-e-si=eensi (also ap-, en-, posi-); dual e-to = eston (?).
Imperative: 3rd plur. e-e-to = eento (? or imperfect?).
Part.: e-o , e-o-te = edn , eontes (also ap-) ; fern. a-pe-a-sa= apeassai.
Imperfect: sing. a-pe = ap-es (?).
Future: e-so-to= essontoi (?).
Word -Formation
Only a few points deserve special comment.
(1) Feminines in -eia from masculines in - eus . These forms have been discussed
by Chadwick (19546, p. 7). The clearest is i-je-re-j a=hiereia, and it is now
evident that contrary to all supposition the feminines do not contain the -w-
of the masculine. Other examples are: the names i-do-me-ne-ja^ Idomeneia
(NSopevevs), ke-ra-me-ja = Kerameia (Kspapa/s), e-ro-pa-ke-ja {e-ro-pa-ke-u). Other
occupational names are do-qe-ja (cf. man’s name do-qe-u), ri-ne-ja-o^ i-te-ja-o,
pa-ke-te-ja, ka-ru-ti-je-ja-o, a-ra-ka-te-ja , e-ne-re-ja , ko-u-re-ja , o-nu-ke-ja , te-pe-ja-o.
Contrast the adjectival formations pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja , i-je-re-wi-jo , where the termi¬
nation is -ewios'j cf. Cypr. i-e-re-vi-ja-ne ‘sanctuary’.
(2) Adjectives of Material. These show an alternation between -e-jo, -e-o,
and -i-jo, which recalls the similar variation between -e<^ and -eios in Homer.
Forms in -105 are also found in Lesb. and Thess. One word exemplifies all
three forms: wi-ri-ne-jo, wi-ri-ne-o, wi-ri-ni-jo = wrineos.
(3) Adjectives in -teros. wa-na-ka-te-ro appears to be wanakteros ‘royal’. The |
objection of Meriggi (1954, p. 34) that in PY 130 = Eo 371 (Ea 24 ) ke-ra-me-wo
wa-na-ka-te-ro shows lack of concord is hardly sufficient to outweigh the neuter
wa-na-ka-te-ra. Such cases of grammatical oversight are not uncommon (see
p. 72); and cf. PY 108 = Ea 817 , where we have po-me qualifying genitive
mo-ro-qo-ro-jo instead of the correct po-me-no found on 109 = Ea 782 . Less certain
is po-ku-te-ro, which appears to be formed from po-ku-ta of unknown meaning.
7 . SYNTAX
There are several examples of perfect participles active used in the intransitive
sense familiar in Homer: a-ra-ru-ja , a-ra-ru-wo-a ‘fitted (with)’, cf. oKoXomaaiv
apqpoTa (Od . vii, 45); te-tu-ku-wo-a ‘well made’ (of garments and wheels),
cf. Poos £tvoio teteuxcos {Od. xn, 423); possibly de-di-(da)-ku-ja ‘taught’.
8 9
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
An idiom familiar in Sanskrit, the use of a reduplicated locative such as pade-
pade ‘ at every step 1 , varse-varse ‘every year 1 , is found for the first time in Greek:
we-te-i-we-te-i ‘annually 1 (see p. 279).
pa-ro governs the dative, where Attic Tiapd would demand the genitive;
cf. the use of the dative with dm/ in Arcadian, me-ta also appears to govern
the dative in the phrase me-tape-i , where the dative is Homeric. The accusative
and infinitive construction appears to be proved by PY 140 = Eb35, cf. 135 =
Ep704. One other subordinate clause has so far been identified, a relative
temporal clause introduced by o-te — hote PY 235 =Ta711.
The development of prepositions is already complete, as might be expected
| from comparative evidence. The instrumental -91, however, often stands alone,
and where accompanied by a preposition we may detect a relic of the earlier
independence \o-pi ,.. qe-to-ro-po-pi o-ro-me-no PY 31 = Ae04 suggests the ‘ tmesis 1
of the Homeric £tti . . . opoVTai ( Od . xiv, 104) where there is no noun expressed.
Word order would seem to be of importance where the inflexions are so
largely hidden by the script. There seems to be some consistency in the
formulas, though divergent orders are not to be excluded. The order: subject,
verb, object, is regular. But the common introductory word 0 - (jo-) seems
usually to have a verb following; possible exceptions are KN 260=Og0467,
213 =L 641. The order then may be either subject, object (e.g. PY 257 =Jn09)
or object, subject (e.g. PY 75 = Cn02) depending which is being listed. The
clauses beginning o-da-a 2 show more freedom; the subject usually follows
immediately, the verb, if expressed, being postponed; but in PY 151 = Eb36
we have object, verb, subject. Adjectives tend to precede the noun, but this
is often obscured by the fact that when items are being listed the noun naturally
takes precedence. Two or more adjectives applied to one noun show asyndeton
(e.g. PY 241 =Ta715. 2); but a series of attributive nouns are coupled with
-qe (e.g. PY 242=Ta707, 246=Ta722). On occasion two instrumentals may
be balanced on either side of a participle: se-re-mo-ka-ra-a-pi qe-qi-no-me-na
a-di-ri-ja-pi-qe PY 243 =Ta708.
The definite article as such is clearly absent. Where forms of 6, f|, t 6 appear
to occur they are probably demonstratives and are listed under Pronouns.
8. VOCABULARY
It was shown above (p. 68) that the vocabulary was essentially Greek. It re¬
mains here to discuss its affinities inside Greek. Of the words identified
a remarkable number are rare and poetic, while some are known only from
sources as late as Hellenistic times. It is most revealing to find that words we
90
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
had thought to be post-classical are of such venerable antiquity; it should
never be assumed that absence from the literary record implies absence from
the vocabulary. A good example is the word pu-ra-u-to-ro in a list of vessels
and implements; it can hardly be anything but puraustro ‘ a pair of fire-tongs*,
found in Herodas (third century) and an inscription of the fourth century n.c.
Such a humble item of furniture might well escape mention in literature
altogether, and its late appearance can now be seen to be without significance.
The words which we know only in Homer and in poetry are archaic survivals f
of an earlier period, and there is nothing surprising in finding them in ordinary
use in Mycenaean documents. The words for ‘swords’ and ‘spears’ (phasgana,
enkhea) both belong to this category. The names of vessels are numerous and
some of them cannot be identified with classical words; a-pi-po-re-we is especially
notable as showing the Homeric form without haplology (amphiphorewes), and
its replacement by a-po-re-we= amphorewe at Mycenae, and perhaps at Pylos,
shows that the classical form is also of great antiquity. A few words are
recorded by glossaries as Cypriot: di-pa Surras, pa-ka-na <paayocvov. The name
of the ‘king’ wa-?ia-ka = wanax was by classical times obsolete (except in special
uses) in the whole of Greece but Cyprus.
Of special interest are the Semitic loan-words, which prove that Phoenician
influence had begun in the Mycenaean period. The Greeks had already
borrowed fr^rn them the names of two luxury articles: ku-tu-su~kh/usu6> and
ki-to = khiton ; and of at least two spices: ku-mi-no = kuminon and sa-sa-ma —sdsama;
probably also ku-pa-ro = kupairos. The word po-ni-ke=phoinikei ‘griffin’ (?) and
po-ni-ki-ja=phoinikia ‘red’ also probably imply contact with Phoenicia.
The following particles are found:
-de — de ‘but’, ‘and’. J
o-,jo-=hd ( = <bs) attested as Doric by grammarians, and found in the com¬
pounds Attic cb- 6 s, Aleman co-t\
o-da-a 2 : probably a strengthened form of the preceding; see Vocabulary, If
p. 400 .
o-te = hote ‘when’.
o-u-=ou ‘ not’.
o-u-ki=oukhi ?
-qe= q u e (te) ‘ and ’. For usages where the meaning is obscure see p. 246 .
Suffixes of motion:
-de = -de ‘towards’.
-te= -then ‘ from ’: a-po-te = apothen ?, a - po-te-ro-te = amp holer othen y e-te=enthen ?
A number of place-names ending in - te are more likely datives (locatives) of
consonant stems.
9i
CHAPTER IV
THE PERSONAL NAMES
t A t least 65 per cent of the recorded Mycenaean words are proper names, the
interpretation of which is beset by even greater difficulties than those en¬
countered in the interpretation of the vocabulary. The place-names are dis¬
cussed elsewhere (see eh. v, pp. 139 - 50 )- The personal names, which occur on
almost every tablet and often comprise the greater part of the text, are ex¬
tremely numerous; well over a thousand have so far been recorded. A com¬
parison with known Greek names, both legendary and historical, leads to many
tempting identifications; but whereas the identification of a vocabulary word
can be checked by its meaning as determined by context, that of a personal
name must always depend entirely on the superficial resemblance. All the
parallels proposed in this chapter must be regarded as subject to this quali¬
fication, and thus in a different class from the vocabulary words.
The degree of probability increases with the length of the word, for the
longer the word, the less chance there is of a different word resulting in the
same spelling. Thus the interpretation of e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo as the patronymic
adjective from "EteokAhs can be regarded as certain; but shorter words often
admit of several identifications, and when, as is frequently the case, only the
nominative is recorded the range may be wide.
The methods adopted to distinguish personal names require description.
The most obvious is the association of single words with the ideogram for man
or woman and the numeral 1 , a feature of the long lists such as KN 38 =
Asl516, MY 46 = Aul02. In other cases the context clearly demands a name,
as in the lists of persons in the Pylos£o- series (118-130), or the names of smiths
in the Pylos Jn- tablets (253-257). Similarly some tablets appear to have
a consistent formula, such as the Knossos D (sheep) series (64-70), all of which
begin with a personal name. If names thus proved are found in other lists,
there is a strong presumption that the remaining words in the same list are
also names; though cases do occur of composite lists containing also places
or trade-names (e.g. PY 258=Kn01). In a few cases the identification of
a name depends chiefly on its resemblance to a known Greek name.
In the present state of our knowledge there are many doubtful cases, and
the catalogue has been compiled so as to err on the side of exclusion rather than
92
THE PERSONAL NAMES
inclusion. Many more words, especially on small fragments, are probably
names, but evidence that might justify their inclusion is lacking. On the other
hand it may be hoped that few words have been wrongly admitted, though in
some cases doubt exists whether the name is that of a person, or is that of
a place, an ethnic adjective, or a title.
One important question which we might expect to answer from a study of
the names is the extent of foreign admixture among the Mycenaean Greek
population. Unfortunately the problem admits no easy solution. If the Greek
language were imposed on a foreign population, the subsequent generations
would doubtless show progressively higher proportions of Greek names. But
even in classical times there arc large numbers which do not seem to be
significant in Greek. Thus no exact correlation between names and origins
can be expected. There is too a further problem: where do we draw the line
between Greek and foreign? There must inevitably be disagreement about
the degree of resemblance necessary to establish a Greek origin for a name;
and when the effects of ‘popular etymology' are taken into account, it is
obvious that the basis for a statistical survey is lacking. Similar considerations
apply to the Mycenaean names with even greater force; for we can only con¬
jecture the form that underlies the spelling. The longer names are mostly
explicable as Greek; the shorter ones offer such a range of possibilities that
there must be few which the exercise of sufficient ingenuity will not allow us
to derive from a known Greek base. The negative evidence is therefore lacking
to permit a proportional calculation; we can only point to names which arc
clearly Greek and to others which have an unfamiliar aspect. Certainly the
names cannot be used to support a theory that any language other than Greek
was in actual use in the Mycenaean kingdoms.
It should be pointed out that the list of names given in the Index of Personal
Names (pp. 414 - 27 ) is biased and must not be used for statistical purposes.
It does not represent the complete catalogue from which this chapter has been
compiled, but only the names occurring in the texts printed in Part II, and
a selection of the more interesting ones from other tablets.
1. MEN’S NAMES
Names ending in -a
Some of these names may in fact be unidentified feminines, owing to the
impossibility of distinguishing the gender in the nominative (see Women's
Names, p. 101 ). Otherwise these are mainly names corresponding to the Greek
masculines of the first declension (-a(s), gen. -ao). In view of the existence of
5
93
CDI
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
masculines in -a in Homer, Boeotian and Elean, it seems very doubtful if we
t are justified in restoring a final -s in the nom. sing. The -s has been restored
here in the forms quoted in interpretation merely as a convenient means of
distinguishing masculines and feminines; it is not intended to imply any judg¬
ment as to the probable form (see p. 84 ). The other main type represented
is that in -oa>s (gen. -avros); there are also a few anomalous types such as
pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka , where the final -a is only a device of the spelling to suggest
the double consonant of the ending *f<5cva£..
Compared with later Greek names the most notable absence is that of names
ending with the patronymic suffix -5a$ (classical -d5qs, -I5f|s). The few names
ending - a-da, -i-da do not appear to be of this type except possibly da-i-ta-ra-da
(cf. Homeric Aakrcop). The same is, however, true of the Homeric names,
where these patronymics are either epithets or used as substitutes for the real
name.
There is a large group ( 50 ) ending in -a-ta, some of which seem to be the
representatives of the classical suffix -f)TT|s: a-ra-ta=Alatds ('AAAtcxs Pindar),
ko-ma~ta = Komdtds (Kopi*iTT|s), ko-ne-wa-ta = Skhoinewdtds ? (cf. 2ypiv6rca 5), ma-
ka-ta = Makhdtas ?, po-to-re-ma-ta= Ptolemdtas (Boeot. TToXsu 6 rras); po-to-ri-ka-ta
= Ptolikhdtds ?, ra-u-ra-ta = Laurdtds ?, re-u-ka-ta = Leukatds , se-ri-na-ta = Selindtds,
ta-ra-ma-ta= Thalamdtds (ethnic of GaMuai).
A smaller group in -c-la contains probable representatives of the classical
types in -erns, -t^Trjs: a 2 -e-ta = Aetds, i-ke-ta= Hiketdr, a-ke-ta= Agetds?, e-u-me-ta
= Eumitdt. Other interesting names of this class are: o-pe-ta. (cf. o-pe-re-ta y
which may not, however, be the same word ) = Opheltds (Thess. and Boeot.),
o-re-ta = Orest dr, ko-ma-we-ta = Komawentds ?.
Finally there is an important group ( 15 ) in - qo-ta , oneofwhichhasatKnossos
the variant - qo-i-ta . (See p. 43 on the possible significance of this as a spelling
variant.) Owing to the ambiguity of the spelling and the peculiarity of the
dialect this can correspond to four Greek suffixes: -£ u o/ 6 r=-P< 5 nT)s (for change
of a and 0 see p. 77 , and cf. a-pi-qo-to in Vocabulaiy) or -Pobrns, -q u hontds—
- 90 irrT)s, or -q u hoitds = -<pohri$. The variant -qo-i-ta can only represent the last
possibility. The following is the list of names with this suffix, together with
some suggestions for the identification of the first part of the compound:
a-e-ri-qo-ta = ’Aepi- (*Hpi-).
a-na-qo-ta = *Ava-.
a-no-qo-ta = 'Avoo-?
a-pi-qo-ta = * variant a-pi-qo-i-ta .
a-tu-qo-ta
da-i-qo-ta=&T\\- (Ari^vTris)-
94
THE PERSONAL NAMES
do-qo-ta
e-u-ru-qo-ta = EOpu- (Eupupc 5 nT|s Horn.).
pa-qo-ta
pe-ri-qo-ta-o (gen.) =rUpi-.
po-ru-qo-ta - IToAu- (noAv96vnis Horn.).
qe-re-qo-ta-o (gen.) = TtiAe-.
qo-ta
ra-wo-qo-ta - Aao- (cf. Aao<p6vTr| fem.).
ro-qo-ta
wi-jo-qo-ta = ’lo- ( 16 $ ‘poison*; cf. 'loptfrrtis).
Names ending in -e
Of the several possible Greek types which this spelling may represent only
two seem to be directly attested in the personal names: -qs, gen. -eos, and -evs,
gen. -EVTOS- Any others occurring are not attested in an oblique case which
would reveal the declension. The most common type is that in - e , gen. - e-o ,
dat. -e-i (not apparently -e-e).
There is a group of names in -me-de corresponding to the Greek -j.u'iSqs:
a-no-me-de = Ana- ?
a-pi-me-de=Amphimedes (possibly not a name but a title).
t-ke-me-de = Ekhemides (cf. ’EytupSa fem.).
e-ti-me-de-i (dat.).
e-u-me-de = E0pf)6qs (Horn.).
pe-ri-me-de =TT€pipf|6ris (Horn.).
There is one certain name in - me-ne : e-u-me-ne = Eumenes. The other names
with this ending may represent different formations: ri-me-ne—Limnes?\
a-re-me-ne (with an apparent variant a-re-zo-me-ne) on the jars from Thebes.
The suffix -ke-re-we = Greek -xA£qs, -xAfjs is found in: e-n-ke-re-we = Eriklewes ?,
[da?]-mo-ke-re-we-i (dat.) — Damoklewes (AauoxAqs), ke-ro-ke-re-we-o (gen.) =
Khiroklewes ?, na-u-si-ke-re-[we] — Nausiklewis] and the patronymic e-te-wo-ke-re-
we-i-jo presupposes the name Etewoklewes (= j EteokAt)s) .
The other type of declension seems only to occur in names which are
etymologically adjectives in -went- (-r]Ets, -oeis): ko-ma-we (gen. ko-ma-we-to ,
dat. ko-ma-we-te) --Komawens (xoprjEis), ai-ta-ro-we= Aithalowens (aiOaAoEis).
Names ending in -i
Hardly any of these names reveal their declension by oblique cases, and in
many instances the gender is obscure; it is likely that a number of these are in
fact feminine. Some are clearly shown to be masculine by association with the
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ideogram man, or by their trade: ke-ki and to-ro-wi in lists of smiths (Kspxis is
attested only as a woman’s name), ka-ra-pi an e-te-do-mo.
It seems likely that to-ro-wi-ko PY 62 Cn655. 2 is the genitive of to-ro-wi\
if so this is presumably a stem in -i£. We might expect a spelling *to-ro-wi-ki
on the analogy of wa-na-ka ; but the latter is more likely a deliberate anomaly
due to the ambiguity of *wa-na.
Names ending in -o
As might be expected this is by far the largest class of masculine names.
On the basis of the inflected forms they may be subdivided into six groups:
Nom.
Gen.
Dat.
Greek
(a)
-0
-o-jo
-0
-os -010
(»)
-0
-0-0
-cos -00s
M
-0
•o-no
-o-ne
-cov -ovos or -covos
(d)
-0
-o-ro
-o-re
-cop -opos
(«)
-0
-o-to
-o-te
-cov -oirros
(/)
-qo
-qo
-qe
-oy -ottos
[a) o-slems. The great bulk of names fall certainly or probably into this class.
For convenience of treatment these will be further subdivided. Owing to their
great numbers only a small selection of the more interesting names is here
analysed.
There is a large class which are known in Greek as common nouns (both
substantives and adjectives), some at least being also attested as personal
names. In the latter case the Greek word is given a capital letter.
Titles: pu-ra-ko QuAaxos (Horn.), wi-do-wo-i-jo Widwoios (cf. ISuTot, (3t5uioi,
etc.).
Animals: e-ki-no e/Tvos, ru-ko Aukos (or Aukcov?), ta-u-ro TaOpos-
Other objects: ai-ta-ro AT0aAos, ku-pe-se-ro KO^eAos, ma-ma-ro Mdpporpos,
pe-po-ro T7e7tAo$, ru-ro AOpos, ti-ri-po-di-ko Tpnro5(axo$ (also as common noun
MY 234 = Ue611), ze-pu 2 -ro ZE<pupo$.
Adjectives of colour: e-ru-to-ro *Epu0pos, ka-ra-u-ko PAocukos (Horn.), ka-sa-to
2&v0os (Horn.), ko-so-u-to 2oO0os, pu-wo Corinthian TTupfos ( — TTuppos),
re-u-ko-jo (gen.) AeOkos (Horn.).
Other adjectives: de-ki-si-wo — Bexiwos (As^ios), de-ko-to Sekt6s or Sekotos
( = 5ekoctos), di-so 5iaaos» du-wo-jo= Dwoios (5oios), mo-ro-qo-ro = Molog u ros
(jioAoppos), na-pu-ti-jo Naputios (vtjttutios), pe-se-ro MYAAos, pi-ri-to-jo (gen.)
OiAiaTos, po-ti-jo TTovtios, si-mo (cf. woman’s name si-ma) Xipos.
Derivatives in -ios (excluding those from place-names, see below): a-ka-ta-jo
96
THE PERSONAL NAMES
’Aktouos, a-ko-mo-m-jo = Akmomos ("Axpcov), a-ko-ra-jo ayopalos, a-pa-i-ti-jo
Hdphaistios ("H<pai<7To$), a-wo-i-jo = Awoios (’Hcoos?), ai-ki-jo Aiyios, ai-so-m-jo =
Aisomos (Aiacov), e-ko-to-n-jo Hektonos ( e-ko-to "Ektcop, Horn. ‘Ektopeos as
adj.), e-m-ja-u-si-jo ’Eviaucno$ } ka-ri-si-jo Xapioios, me-de-i-jo MqSEios, o-pi-si-jo
*Ovpio$, pa-na-re-jo = Panareios (llavdpqs), pa-ra-ti-jo (variant pa 2 -ra 2 -ti-jo) IlaA-
Ad\. r rto$, pa-qo-si-jo = Pang u 5sios ? (cf. pa-qo-ta ), qe-ra-di-ri-jo = Q^elandrios (TqAav-
6po$), sa-u-ri-jo Saunos (ZaC/po$), wa-du-ri-jo= Wadulios (*H5uAo$), we-we-si-jo =
Werwesios (slpos, cf. EipEcncovTi), wi-tu-ri-jo Witulios (“ItiAo$),
A group of names in -me-no appear to be medio-passive participles: a-me-no t
*ApMEVo$?, a 2 -nu-me-no = Arnumenos (apvupoa) ?, ai-nu-me-no = Ainumenos (atvu-
jjiai) ?, e-u-ko-me-no Eukhomenos (Euxopat), ku-ru-me-no KAu|iEvo$, o-po-ro-me-no =
Hoplomenos (oTrAopai) ?, wa-do-me-no= Wadomenos (qSopai). Others less easy
to explain are: ka-e-sa-me-no , ke-sa-me-no (possibly variants of the same name;
cf. Kaaaapavos), pi-ra-me-no , and *ku-sa-me-no to be deduced from the patro¬
nymic ku-sa-me-ni-jo (kuveco?).
Compound names of the typical Greek form and with obvious meaning
are frequent; but both here and in other sections compounds occur one
member of which seems obvious, while the other remains obscure. Some of
these are here listed exempli gratia :
a-ke-ra-wo Ageldwos 'AyeAaos
a-ko-ro-qo-ro AgToq u olos ? (cf. Latin Agricola)
a-pi-a 2 -ro ’AptpiaAos
a-pi-do-ro 'AmpiScopos (cf. woman’s name a-pi-do-ra)
a-pi-ja-ko-ro-jo (gen.) Amphiagros or Amphidgoros
a-pi-ja-re-wo Amphiarewos 'Apcpidppos
a-pi-ra-wo Amphilawos
a-pi-wa-to Am phiwastos ?
a-ti-pa-mo Antiphamos ’AvTiipripos
a-tu-ko Atukhos ?
a-u-po-no Aupnos
a-wi-to-do-to Awistodotos?
[de]-ke-se-ra-wo Dexelawos Ae^iAaos
e-ke-da-mo ’EyeSapos
e-ri-we-ro Eriweros (~ Horn. Iphpos) ?
e-ti-ra-wo ? -lawos (cf. e-ti-me-de)
e-u-da-mo EOSapos
e-u-ka-ro Eukalos (euktiAos)
c-u-ko-ro EOkoAos, EOyopog, EOkAos'*
e-u-na-wo Eunawos EOvt^os
e-u-po-ro E0<popo$, EuTtopos
e-u-po-ro-wo Euplowos EurrrAous
97
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
e-u-ru-da-mo EupuSapos
[e-u\-TU-po-to-re-mo-j o (gen.) Eupcnrrd Acpo$
e-u-to-ro-qo Eutroq u os EuTpoiroS
e-u-wa-ko-ro Eudyopos, EOaypos
i-su-ku-wo-do-to Iskhuodotos ?
ma-na-si-wc-ko Mndsiwergos Mv^atepyos
ne-wo-ki-to Newo-?
o-ku-na-wo Okundwos
o-pi-ri-mi-ni-jo Opilimnios (cf. 'EttiAiPvios)
o-ti-na-wo Ortinawos?
pe-ri-to-wo Perithowos TleiplOoos
pi-ro-we-ko Philowergos QiAoOpyos
po-ru-ka-to Polukastos ? (cf. noAvKacrrT))
ra-wo-do-ko Ldwodokos Aa66oKO$
Ta-wo-po-qo Ldwopoq u os ? (cf. Aripo-KOiTOs)
ra-wo-qo-no Ldwog u honos (cf. Atco<p6vTVis)
ru-ko-wo-ro (variant ru-ko-u-ro) Lukoworos (cf. AuKOupia)
ti-ri-da-ro Triddlos (cf. 'Apl-SriAos, etc.)
wa-du-ka-sa-ro Wddu- ?
wa-du-na-ro Wddu - ?
wa-tu-o-ko Wastuokhos ‘AaTuoyos
wi-pi-no-o Wiphinoos 'Icpivoos
The following names are identical with or are derived from place-names:
ai-ku-pi-ti-jo Alyvrr-nos
ai-ta-jo Aithaios (AiOaia)
i-wa-so Iwasos (cf. "laaov “Apyos Horn.)
ka-so Kdoos
ko-ru-da-ro-jo (gen.) KopuSaAAds
ku-pi-ri-jo Kuirpios
ku-ra-no Kulldnos (KvAAt*|V 7 i)
ku-ta-i-jo Kutaios (Kuraiov)
ku-U-ro Kutheros (KvOrjpa)
ma-ra-ni-jo MaAavios
o-ka-ri-jo Oikhalios (OtyaAiii Horn.)
pa 2 -me-si-jo (variant pa 2 -mi-si-jo) Pamisios (ndpiaos)
pa 2 -ra-jo Oapatos
po-i-ti-jo Phoitios ((Domai)
ra-pa-sa-ko AdpvpaKOS
re-pi-ri-jo Leprios (Aeirptov)
re-u-ka-so Leukasos (Atvxaafa)
ru-ki-jo AOkios
tu-na-so Lumas sos (Avpvrjaaos)
98
THE PERSONAL NAMES
tu-ri-jo TOpios?
tu-ri-si-jo-jo (gen.) TuAfcnos
Names attested in Greek, but not otherwise classified: a-nu-to v Avuto$,
ko-do-ro KoSpos, ko-ka-ro KcokoAos, mo-qo-so = Moq u sos (Moyos; cf. Hittite Muk!cd ),
pi-ra-jo OiAcuos, pi-ri-no OiAlvos, pu-wi-no = Purwinos (TTOppivos), si-ra-no SiAocvos,
wi-ri-ja-no = Wrianos (= 'Piavos ?).
(i b ) -cos, - 60 s* These are very rare; perhaps genitives to-ro-o (Tpcbs, Tpcoos?),
a-pi-qo-o.
(c) -cov, -ovos or -covos. Most prominent is a class of names in -a-wo y though
the identification is often uncertain in default of evidence of declension. Among
those plausibly identified or certified by inflexion are: a-ka-wo (dat. -ne) =
Alkdwon ?, a-mu-ta-wo (gen. -no) — *Auu 8 dcov (Horn.), a-re-ta-wo = ’Aprrdrcov
(Horn.), a-ri-ja-wo (dat. -ne) y a-ti-ja-wo = Antiawon (= ’Avticov) ?, e-ke-ra 2 -wo
(gen. -no y dat. -ne) = Ekheldwon (cf. ’ExeAaos), ma-ka-wo = Max&cov, me-za-wo
(dat. -ni) = Mezdwdn ?, o-pa 2 -wo-ni (dat.) =Opdwon ?, pi-ri-ta-wo-no (gen.) —
Brithdwon? y pi-ro-pa 2 -wo = Philoppdwdn (cf. OiAoKTi'mcov) ?. The type with
genitive -covos is represented by the divine name po-se-da-o (dat. - ne or -ni)
Hoo-siSdcov; and is to be inferred from identifications such as de-u-ka-ri-jo
AeukoAicov.
(d) -cop, -opos. There are two probable uncompounded names in this class:
a-ko-to = v AKTcop, e-ko-to = "Exrcop (cf. e-ko-to-ri-jo) ; and a compound of uncertain
identity: e-u-we-to (gen. -ro) Euetor?, Apart from these most names belonging
to this group are compounds ending in -a-no ( = -^vcop):
a-kasa-no Alxanor (Naxian ’AAxo'rjvop)
a-ta-no (gen. -ro y dat. -re) = 'AvrrivGiJp
do-ri-ka-no Dolikhdndr ?
e-ka-no Ekhdndr (cf. ’EydvSpa)
me-ta-no (dat. -re) Metdnor (cf. Merdvtipa)
ne-ti-ja-no (dat. -re) JVestiandr ?
o-pe-ra-no (dat. -re) Opheldnbr (cf. *0<peAav5pos)
ra-ke-da-no (dat. -re) ? -dndr
(e) -cov, -ovros- The only proven examples are i-na-o (dat. i-na-o-te) y and
a-pi-[j)o-to (gen.) perhaps Amphiontos (classical 'Apupiovos).
(/) •°4 ; > -ottos. The presence of -0 in the spelling of the nominative is purely
formal; cf. the final -a of wa-na-ka = peeva^: ai-ti-jo-qo (gen. ai-ti-jo-qo, dat.
ai-ti-jo-qe) =Al 8 ioy; po-ki-ro-qo probably Poikiloq u s .
99
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
NAMES ending IN -u
These are comparatively rare except for the stems in -e-u (see below). It is
possible in default of inflexional evidence that some conceal consonantal ter¬
minations ; e.g. ko-ku might be kokku£ used as a name. Others have a foreign
look: e.g. o-tu which is perhaps the name "Orus attested as Paphlagonian.
Apparently Greek arc: e-te-wa-tu-o (gen.) = Etewastus?, o-ku = Okus? y re-u-ko-o-
f pu 2 -ru (read as Leuk{r)ophrus by Palmer), wa-de-o (gen.)= Wadus (i^Sus).
There are over 100 names in -e-u, corresponding to the archaic Greek type
in -eu$. Some have clear etymologies (e.g. do-ro-me-u = Dromeus from Spotios);
others, as in the historical names, are apparently foreign. An interesting group
is formed by those derived from verbal stems with a - s- suffix: a-re-ke-se-u
(dAsK-), a-we-ke-se-u (d££co), de-ke-se-u (6£komou), e-ne-ke-se-u (IveyK-), ka-ri-se-u
(X°fp^°Uai ?), o-na-se-u (dvtviipi), pa-ra-ke-se-we (dat.) (Trpaaaco), pi-re-se-[u]
(<piA£co), qo-wa-ke-se-u = G u ow-axeus (dry co), te-se-u (tiOthu).
A full list of these names in -e-u follows:
a-i-qe-u
e-ta-je-u
a-ka-re-u
e-ta-wo-ne-u
a-ke-u
e-te-we (dat.)
a-ki-re-u
e-wi-te-u
a-na-tc-u
i-mo-ro-ne-u
a-pa-je-u
i-ne-u
a-pe-te-u
i-te-u
a-re-ke-se-u
ka-e-se-u
a-ri-ke-u
ka-ke-u
a-ro-jt-u
ka-nu-se-u
a-ta-ma-ne-u
ka-ri-se-u
a-ta-ze-u
ka-te-u
a-to-re-u
ke-me-u
a-we-ke-se-u
ke-re-le-u
ai-ke-u
ke-re-u
ai-ki-e-we (dat.)
ke-ro-u-te-u
ai-re-u
ki-e-u (ki-je-u)
da-to-re-u
ko-pe-re-u
de-ke-se-u
ko-te-u
do-qe-u
ku-ke-re-u
do-ro-me-u
ku-ne-u
e-do-mo-ne-u
ma-re-u
e-ne-ke-se-u
me-re-u
e-ni-pa-te-we (dat.)
me-te-we (dat.]
e-o-te-u
me-to-qe-u
e-pe-ke-u
mo-re-u
e-po-me-ne-u
ne-qe-u
e-re-u (?)
no-e-u
e-ro-pa-ke-u
o-ke-te-u
ioo
THE PERSONAL NAMES
o-ke-u
o-ko-me-ne-u
o-na-se-u
o-ne-u
o-pe-te-re-u (o-pe-to-re-u)
pa-da-je-u
pa-de-we-u
pa-ra-ke-se-we (dat.)
pa-sa-re-wo (gen.) (?)
pe-ke-u
pe-qe-u.
pe-ri-te-u
pe-te-u
pi-ke-re-u
pi-re-se-[u?\
pi-ta-ke-u
po-i-te-u
po-ke-we (dat.)
po-ro-qe-re-je-wo (gen.)
po-ro-u-te-u
po-ru-we-wo (gen.)
po-te-u
pu-te-u
qt-rt-mt-nt-u
qe-ta-ra- je-u
qe-ta-se-u ( = qe-te-se-u ?)
qo-WQ-ke-se-u
sa-kt-rt-u
la-mi-je-u
ta-re-u
ta-ta-ke-u
ta-ti-qo-we-u
te-pe-u
te-po-se-u
te-se-u
te-te-re-u
U-te-u
to-ke-u
tu-kt-nt-u
tu-ru-we-u
tu-si-je-u
tu-ti-je-u
u-re-u
wa-di-rt-wt (dat.?)
wt-da-nc-wo (gen.)
wt-te-rt-u
wi-ja-te-wo (gen.)
2. WOMEN’S NAMES
In a number of cases it is possible to identify a name as belonging to a woman
by the presence of an ideogram or the gender of an attribute. No distinction
is possible on grammatical grounds, since the masculine and feminine a-stems
cannot be distinguished unless the name occurs in the genitive. There are
therefore a number of names which are ambiguous; and these are treated as
masculine in default of evidence; where there is good reason to suspect they
might be feminine this is indicated in the Index.
The great majority of proven women’s names end in - a . The exceptions are
a group of io ending in -i which presumably correspond to Greek stems in -is:
e-pa-sa-na-ti (variant i-pa-sa-na-ti) y ko-pi , mu-ti MupTi$, mu-ti-ri MupTiAl$,
qo-ja-ni , sa-mi f tu-* 4 g-mi , tu-ri-ja-ti (cf. Qupsoms fern, adj.), tu-ri-ti, wa-ra-ti ;
six ending in -o, presumably Greek -cb: ka-na-to-po, ku-tu-pa 2 -no , rv-ta 2 -no , f
ta-ka-to, tu-zo y *i8-to-no; four in -u (Greek -us, -u§? perhaps foreign): a-zu?>
ke-pu , ma-zu?, wi-ja-na-tu ; and one in -e : si-nu-ke.
Other known or recognizable names include: a-pi-do-ra=Amphidora (cf.
'AmpiScopos), a-ti-ke-ne-ja — Antigeneia, Arti-1 (for termination cf. ke-pu-ke-ne-ja ),
ai-wa-ja — Alaiq, i-do-me-ne-ja = Idomeneia (cf. ’ISoueveus), ke-ra-me-ja (fern, of
IOI
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
KEpapEus), mu-ka-ra = MuK&Aq, pi-ra-ka-ra=Philagrd (cf. dMaypos), pi-ro-na =
Phildnd , pu-wa= TTuppa (cf. pu-wo\ .rz-zrttf=£ipTi, ta-ra-mi-ka — Thalamikd , -iskd?,
te-pa 2 ‘ja = Qr\pKx\cx, u-wa-mi-ja — Huamid (cf’ town ‘Yapeia in Messenia).
3. NAMES RECURRING AT DIFFERENT PLACES
A fair number of the personal names are attested at more than one place.
There can be no question, at least as far as Knossos and Pylos are concerned,
of these referring to the same persons. It is also probable that different people
are intended when the same name recurs in the same place but in a different
context; for instance ti-pa 2 -jo who is called a shepherd (po-me) on PY 128 =
Eo278 (EbOl) can hardly be the same man as ti-pa 2 -jo who is a smith at
A-ke-re-wa on 253 =Jn01.
| The following lists show all the certain or probable personal names which
occur at two or more places; where one source has only a different inflexional
form or a variant spelling this is shown in brackets. Names which are certainly
feminine are so shown.
Knossos and Pylos
e-ki-no (PY e-ki-no-jo)
e-ta-wo-ne-u (KN e-ia-wo-ne-we)
e-te-wa (KN e-te-wa-o ?)
e-u-ko-me-no
e-u-po-ro-wo
i-da-ijo
ai-ko-ta,
ai-ta-ro-we
a-kasa-no
a-ka-ia-jo
a-ka-wo
a-ke-ra-wo
a-ke-ta
a-ki-re-u (PY a-ki-re-we)
a-no-kt-we
a-pi-me-de
a-pi-go-ta
a-re-kisi-to
a-si-wi-jo
a-ta-no (PY a-la-no-ro)
a-ia-o
a-ta-wo
a-ti-pa-mo
a-ti-ro (?)
a-tu-ko
a-* 64 -jo
de-ki-si-wo (PY de-kisi-wo-jo)
di-wo
do-ri-ka-o
du-ni-jo
e-ke-da-mo
e-ke-me-de
i-ra-ta
i-wa-ka
ka-ro-qo
ka-so
ka-ta-no
ke-sa-do-ro
ke-ti-ro (?)
ke-to
ki-je-u (PY ki-e-u)
ki-n-ja-i-jo (KN ki-ra 2 -i-jo)
ko-do
ko-ma-we (PY KN ko-ma-we-tc)
ko-pe-re-u
ko-ro
ko-sa-ma-to
ku-risa-to
ku-ro z (KN ku-ro 2 -jo)
ku-ru-me-no
ma-ri-ti-wi-jo
me-nu-wa
102
THE PERSONAL NAMES
me-ta-no (KN me-la-no-re)
qo-te-ro
me-za-wo (PY me-za-wo-ni)
ra-u-ra-ta (PY ra-wa-ra-ta)
mo-da
re-u-ka-ta
mo-go-so (PY mo-go-so-jo)
re-wa-jo (PY re-wa-o)
na-e-si-jo
ri-so-wa
na-pu-ti-jo
ri-zo
o-na-se-u
tu-ro
pa-na-re-jo
sa-mu-ta-jo
pa-pa-ro
ta-we-si-jo (PY ta-we-si-jo-jo)
pa-ra-ko
te-pa 2 -ja (fem.)
pa-wa-wo
te-u-to
pe-po-ro
te-wa-jo
pe-qe-u
ti-pa r jo
pe-re-wa-la
wa-na-ta-jo
pe-ri-te-u
we-we-si-jo
pi-ra-me-no
wo-di-je-ja (fem.)
po-ro-ko
wo-di-jo
po-ro-u-te-u
zo-wi-jo
po-tu-dasi-jo (?)
Pylos and
Mycenae
i-na-o
o-pe-ra-no (MY o-pe-ra-no-re)
ka-sa-to
te-ra-wo (PY U-ra-wo-ne)
ke-re-no
Knossos and Mycenae
pe-st-ro (KIN pe-st-iu-ju)
pu-wo
Knossos, Pylos
and Mycenae
ka-ri-se-u
Knossos and Thebes
a-nu-to
ta-de-so
e-u-da-mo
Knossos, Pylos and Thebes
e-wa-ko-ro (PY e-u-wa-ko-ro)
Knossos and Eleusis
du-pujj -ra-zo (EL da-pu 2 ?-Ta-zo)
4. HOMERIC PARALLELS
Among the personal names are a fair number which recall names familiar
from Homer. The list appended enumerates fifty-eight, which, making due
allowance for the spelling conventions and diff erence of dialect, may be equated
with Homeric names. Not all of these may be correctly identified; but at least
the majority are likely to be right. And to these may be added a further list
of similar but not identical names. The root of the name may be the same but
103
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
with a different suffix; e.g. a-pi-jo-to (gen.), cf. 'Aj-upicov, ’Apcpiovos; o-wi-ro ,
cf. 'OfAeOs; i-ke-ta~lliketds , cf. Mketcxov. There may be a difference of gender:
e.g. i-do-me-ne-ja , feminine of ’I 5 omeve 0 s (see p. 8 g). Or the word may occur
in Homer, but not as a personal name: e.g. na-pu-li-jo Ndputios (vr|7ruTio<;) ;
i-wa-so (also a place-name), cf. v la<Jov “Apyos ( Od . xvm, 246 ).
None of the names can be plausibly identified with any historical character
named by Homer; the name of Nestor is absent as well as that of Minos.
Kretheus and Amythaon are figures in Pylian history, but the owners of these
names on the tablets are hardly of sufficient importance to allow identification,
even if the chronology were acceptable. The duplication of names (see p. 102 )
suggests that there was a comparatively limited range of names in use in
Mycenaean times, and when Homer gives the same name to more than one
character, his invention is not necessarily to be judged barren. The evidence
that famous names such as Hector and Achilles (the latter found at both
Knossos and Pylos) might be borne by a number of men some of humble
rank, for the former is the*io doclos —throws a new light on the attempts at identi¬
fying Achaean names in the Hittite documents. Our suggestion (- Evidence ,
p. 95 ) that these names confirmed the view that the myths were already current
has been rightly criticized by Banti ( 1954 , p. 310 ) and others.
It is remarkable that this list includes twenty men who are named by Homer
as Trojans or fighting on the Trojan side: Agelaos, Antenor, Aretaon, Deukalion
Eumedes, Glaukos, Hektor, Ilos, Laodokos, Lykon, Pandaros, Pedaios, Pedasos,
Perimos, Phegeus, Phylakos, Pyrasos, Pyris, Tros, Xanthos. Two of these names
are also given to Greeks. A discussion of the conclusions to be drawn from this
fact lies beyond the scope of this book; but twenty out of fifty-eight is a sig¬
nificant proportion. There is also a group of names which may be termed
mythical, i.e. not given to real persons in the story of the poems: Aiaie, Aloeus,
Ephialtes, Iphimedeia, Kastor, Tantalos. Two names, if the second is correctly
interpreted, are those of Phaiakians: Amphialos, Ponteus.
Names which can be exactly paralleled in Homer
ai-ku-pi-ti-jo AiyvTmos
ai-ti-jo~qo AlOtoy (only as ethnic)
ai-to AiGcov
ai-wa Alas
ai-wa-ja Aiaiq
a-ke-ra-wo ’AyEAaos, ’AyfAEcos
d’ki-re-u ’AyiAAEus
a-ko-tti 'AKTcop
a-mU-ta~wo ’AnvOacov
a-pa-re-u. ’AcpapeOs
a-pi-a z -ro ’AiupiaAo^
a-pi-ja-re-wo 'Au9iapaos ('Ampidpips
Pindar)
a-re-ku-tu-tv-wo ’AAEKTpucov
a-re-ta-wo ’ApETdcov
a-To-je-u ’AAcoe Os
a-ta-no ’AvTt^vcop
dt’-u-ka-ri-jo AEUKaAicov
104
THE PERSONAL NAMES
e-ko-to *Ektcop
e-pt-kt-u ’EirEtyevs
e-pi-ja-ta
e-ia-wo-nt-u ’Etecovevs
c-u-me-de Euh^St'JS
e-u-na-wo EOvips
e-u-ru-qo-la Eupupdrrns
i-pe-me-de-ja ^lH^Eia
ka-ra-u-ko TAoukos
ka-ro-qo Xdpoiros, Xapovy
ka-sa-to ?6v0 os
ka-lo (gen. ka-to-ro) KAaTcop
ke-re-te-u KpnQevs
ko-pe-re-u Konpeus
ku-ru-me-no KAOuevos
ma-ka-wo May&cov
ne-ri-lo N^prros
o-re-ta 'Op^cjTris
pa-di-jo riavSicov
pa 2 -da-ro FTavSapos
pa 2 -da-so nT^Saaos
pe-da-i-o FTrjSaios
pe-ke-u d>T\yEus
pe-ri-me-de nepm^SiK
pe-ri-mo Ftepmos
pe-ri-to-wo TlEtplOoos
po-ru-qo-ta noAu<j> 6 vrr|$
po-te-u TIovtevs
pu-ra-ko (DuAaxos
pu-ra-so Tlupaaos
pu-ri Tlupis
ra-wo-do-ko Aa65oKO$
re-u-ko-jo (gen.) AsOkos
ru-ki-jo Aukios (only as ethnic)
ru-ko Aukoov
la-ta-ro T<5tvrraAo$
te-se-u Gi^aeus
to-ro-o (gen.) Tpco$
tu-we-ta 0u£ctttis
wi-pi-no-o , l9ivoos
wi-ro T IAos, T lpos
5. THE NAMES GIVEN TO OXEN
Furumark ( 1954 , pp. 28 - 9 ) drew attention to a group of Knossos Ch tablets
on which pairs of animals are given names (see p. 213 ). The ideogram which
Furumark took to be horse is now identified as ox (see p. i95)> and we have
therefore the names given by the Greeks of Mycenaean Crete to several yokes
of their oxen. Only horses have names in Homer; but we need not doubt
that the Mycenaean ploughman had names for his oxen. Significantly all the
names appear to be Greek: ai-wo-ro=Aiwolos (ai 6 Aos), ke-ra-no (keAouvos),
[ko]-so-u-to (£ou06s, also as a man’s name), po-da-ko (TT 66 apyos, a name given
to two horses in Homer), to-ma-ko (oTdpapyos), wo-no-qo-so= Woinoq u s (olvovp,
an epithet of oxen as well as the sea in Homer).
CHAPTER V
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
t This chapter is intended to summarize the information which can be derived
both from the circumstances in which the tablets were written and from the
subject-matter that decipherment has revealed; and to supplement the picture
of Mycenaean life which had been drawn from the purely archaeological
evidence (see especially Wace, 1949, pp. 102 - 18 ). It inevitably repeats, though
in a more synoptic form, many of the observations and conclusions in the
commentary to Part II of this book, where the text of the key tablets quoted in
evidence will be found.
Even before decipherment, a study of the more pictorial ideograms enabled
a summary of the apparent contents of the Knossos tablets to be included in
PM , iv (pp. 666 - 872 ) and SM II (pp. 50 - 62 ). Following our JHS 1953
article, valuable surveys of the picture resulting from the then published
Mycenaean tablets were made by Furumark (1954), Carratelli (1954a) and
others.
Similar summaries, based on more complex but more certainly interpreted
material, have been published for the Akkadian tablets from the Hurrian
palaces at Nuzi (‘ Epigraphical evidences of the material culture of the Nuzians
Lacheman, 1939) and at Alalakh (Wiseman, 1953, pp. 1 — 1 7 ). Together with
the alphabetic and cuneiform tablets from Ugarit (published piecemeal by
Virolleaud in Syria , and to be re-edited in the forthcoming definitive volumes
on Ugarit), these contemporary records present the most useful and significant
analogies with the Mycenaean tablets, and will often be found quoted in our
commentary. In spite of some differences in climate and culture, the simi¬
larities in the size and organization of the royal palaces and in the purposes
for which the tablets were written ensure close parallels, not only in the listed
commodities and their amounts, but even on occasion in details of phraseology
and layout. Some direct knowledge of each other’s scribal methods, through
the medium of Mycenaean traders, cannot be entirely ruled out. Some earlier
cuneiform sets may also provide useful material for comparison, particularly
the Akkadian tablets from Ur of the third dynasty (Legrain, 1947) and of the
Old Babylonian period (Figulla & Martin, 1953). Conspicuously absent from
the Mycenaean records are the contracts of sale, loan, exchange and marriage
106
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
common in the other sets: this may argue a difference either in the judicial
function of the king or in the materials on which such things were recorded.
No apology is needed for quoting Homeric parallels to the linguistic forms on
the Mycenaean tablets: in spite of the relatively late date of our written texts,
the Iliad and Odyssey may for the most part be safely taken as our earliest
evidence for the classical language, and some of the features of our Mycenaean
dialect are preserved by them alone.
But how far may we be justified in quoting from Homer material parallels
to the subject-matter of our tablets? A full answer would require a discussion
of the sources, composition and transmission of the epics for which we have
neither space nor qualifications; but the reasonable view exemplified by
Lorimer (i95o) would impose a considerable degree of restraint. Although
the substance of the Iliad and Odyssey is derived from a real historical setting
in the Mycenaean age by a continuous tradition of retelling, the detail and
simile in their final elaboration are for the most part taken from the material
culture and institutions of the eighth century b.c.— except where anachronism
would clearly offend a generally-remembered tradition (e.g. of bronze weapons,
of the absence of Dorians or cavalry, and of the geographical extent of Greek
settlement as reflected in the Catalogue of Ships). Some allusions to Mycenaean
articles or institutions may be preserved in set phrases which the metre makes
difficult to modify: and a very few more detailed memories may have been
preserved embedded ‘in the amber of traditional poetry’, such as the descrip¬
tions of the boar’s tusk helmet, of the metal inlay on Achilles’ shield, and of
Nestor’s cup (though the last is denied by Furumark).
But even if we can find few specifically Mycenaean things in Homer, there
are inevitably broad similarities between the activities of the Greeks f or whom
our tablets were written and the life which he and his audience, looking at the
world around them, thought it reasonable that their ancestors should have led.
The fact that this testimony is linked by an identity of climate and geography,
and by continuity of history and race, to some extent annuls the priority which
the Ugarit, Alalakh and Nuzi evidence might claim on account of its closeness
of date.
It is extremely improbable that any distinctive passage of the Iliad or Odyssey ,
in the form in which we now know them, should already have been composed
in Mycenaean times: in fact a large proportion of their lines will no longer fit
the metre when retrospective allowance has been made for the intervening
linguistic changes (though this is no argument against the intrinsic suitability of
the hexameter as a vehicle for the earlier dialect). But both epics clearly
derive from an earlier and wider repertoire, in which familiar themes were
107
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
elaborated by extemporization, plagiarism or deliberate innovation, and with
the aid of stock formulae and stereotyped devices for articulating the narrative;
and they preserve some evidence of an earlier stage in which the native dialect
of the rhapsodes was not Ionic but Aeolic or ‘Achaean \ It is reasonable to
suppose with Lorimer ( 1950 , pp. 453 - 8 ) that similar poems in Greek, and
probably in hexameters, were already being recited at Knossos, Pylos and
Mycenae. Some of Homer’s connective formulae may already have been
indispensable in their Mycenaean forms, e.g. *£> 90CTO, tco 6e . .. or *tov 6 '
c5rrra|i6iy w 6M€VOS 7700(90, etc.; we should perhaps not be surprised to find that
some repetitive lines already existed in their entirety, let us say:
*50o€t6 k w * AfdAtos OKijdovT6 k w e iravaat dyuiai.
Resistance to the idea of a developed Mycenaean poetry may well spring from
a feeling that a form of Greek of such antiquity would not, like Homer, possess
adequate resources of vocabulary compounds, connective particles, syntax
patterns and inflexional forms. There is little basis for this prejudice, easy
though it is to understand. In the language of everyday life, on which every
literary style must ultimately be based, there is no reason to suppose that the
men of Pylos and Mycenae were less articulate than their descendants of
Socrates’ time or our own; and the example of Anglo-Saxon poetry reminds
us that the Indo-European languages have, with the passage of time and in
areas of higher culture, tended to a progressive simplification of their formal
resources rather than to their elaboration.
We tread on more dangerous ground when we speculate with Wace whether
such Mycenaean epics may not already have been committed to writing, and
have survived part at least of the ‘dark age’ in a Linear B edition; or with
Webster (ig 55 , p. 11 ) on the possibility that the scribes of the tablets were
themselves the aoidoi of our period. He draws attention to the dactylic rhythm
of the preambles to 41 =Anl4 and 53 = An 12; and finds an echo of the catalogue
style of the ‘furniture’ and ‘chariot’ tablets (235-246, 265-277) in such
passages as Od. vi, 6 g~ 7 o:
diTr|vr|v
Ovyn^nv IukvkAov, CrrTtpTEpii} dpapulav,
and Od . v, 234 - 5 :
tt£Xzk\jv u£yav, dpptvov £v iraAdu^oi,
X&^keov, dM9OTEpco0£v dKayutvov.
Apart from such aberrant examples of literary description, it is difficult to
find close parallels in alphabetic Greek to the context and phraseology of the
108
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
Mycenaean accounts except in some of the Attic temple inventories and in the
papyri of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. But in the effort to form a more
precise picture of the transactions and administrative problems which give rise
to the different groups of tablets and their formulae, there may well be other
sets of records, further removed geographically but still in some respects closer
to the tempo of Mycenaean civilization than to that of our own, which we
should not neglect in the search for helpful analogies.
1. THE EXTENT OF MYCENAEAN LITERACY
Apart from some fifty inscriptions on jars (nearly all from Thebes and Tiryns)
and one indistinct wall-graffito at Knossos, since destroyed ( SM /, p. 51 , fig. 27 ),
all the surviving examples of Mycenaean writing are on clay tablets and sealings,
and consist exclusively of lists of commodities and personnel. The clay docu¬
ments were not baked by the scribes, but have been preserved by the fires which
destroyed the various buildings in which they were kept. Though it is evident
that very many more clay tablets must have been written than have been
accidentally preserved, opinion is divided on the possible use of more perishable
materials for literary purposes, and on the extent of Mycenaean literacy outside
a narrow class of scribes serving the royal palaces. The following points have
been cited in favour of an extensive knowledge of writing:
1 . The tablets found in the three adjoining houses below the citadel at
Mycenae appear to be the records of private citizens, probably merchants
(Wace, 1953*)-
2 . ‘The inscriptions on stirrup-jars presumably mean that more persons
than the upper and middle classes could read and write: it would obviously
be no use to inscribe stirrup-jars if only a few persons could read what was
written on them’ (ibid. p. 426 ).
3 . From an analysis of handwriting, perhaps still questionable in some details
but unassailable in principle, Bennett has shown that at least six scribes wrote
the tablets in the Mycenae ‘ House of the Oil Merchant’; and that more than
thirty were responsible for each of the Pylos and Knossos sets, in some cases
a particular scribe being associated with a single kind of record (MT /, 1953,
P- 438).
4 . The shapes of the Linear A and B signs suggest that they were not
designed primarily for scratching on clay but for writing in ink on skin s or
papyrus (compare, too, Pliny’s note that the Cretans had originally written
on palm-leaves, J\fH, xm, 69 ). The use of clay for store-room inventories was
probably a protection against mice. Many of the Minoan clay sealings have
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the impression of thin strings, perhaps securing papyrus, on one face; and clay
sealings from the 1948 excavation at Sklavokampos near Knossos show im¬
pressions from identical seal-stones as sealings found at Agia Triada, Gournia
and Zakro, proving an exchange of correspondence between these sites
(Marinatos, 1951). The same function is assigned by Evans (SM /, p. 50 ) to
the very numerous LM II sealings from the 4 Room of the Archives’ at Knossos
(JV on fig. 13 , p. 115 ).
Linear B is not intrinsically unsuited to a literary use (at least by comparison
with some of the contemporary scripts), and it is plausible that letters and
merchants’ accounts should have been written in it; but there are a number of
points in favour of Dow’s view of a restricted or ‘special’ literacy ( 1954 ,
pp. 108 - 13 , 120 - 2 ):
1 . There is so f ar a more or less complete absence of styluses, pens and ink¬
pots from the archaeological record.
2 . The script is never used publicly (like the Egyptian hieroglyphs and most
ancient scripts) for descriptive texts to wall paintings or for monumental
inscriptions of any kind. The number of inscribed stirrup-jars is very small
compared with the vast numbers which have no trace of writing, and which
include all those found as exports. Written inventories are a necessary pre¬
caution against theft, but poetry, liturgies and laws can be preserved orally.
3 . It cannot yet be shown conclusively that the three Mycenae buildings
really are the houses of private citizens, rather than appendages of the royal
administration like the ‘Armoury’ and ‘ Little Palace’ at Knossos. The mention
of‘seventeen bakers’ on 46 = Aul02 arouses some suspicion.
4 . If the break caused by the ‘ Dorian invasion’ is as gentle as Wace argues,
then the art of writing, which then to all intents and purposes disappears,
cannot have been at all deeply rooted.
5 . The almost identical sign-forms, spelling, phraseology and tablet shape
and arrangement shown at Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae (despite considerable
differences in date and place) may themselves show that writing was the
preserve of specialists trained in a rigidly conservative scribal school.
2. BUREAUCRATIC METHODS
Many of the details of this fixed scribal routine have already been discussed
by Evans and Bennett. The tablets were made from a plastic grey clay, which
now appears dark grey, brown or red according to the temperature and oxygen
supply of the fire which baked them; sometimes a body of coarser stuff' was
surfaced all over with a finer clay, now particularly liable to flake off. The
110
Northern Entrance Passage a[ KrlosSQs
from the Archive Room
Sd0402 from the
Knossos
plate II
(a) 140 = Eb35 from Pvlos, recording tenure of land by a priestess
(A) 236=Ta641, found at Pylos in 1952
nr nd.V'id
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
writing was done from left to right with a drawing motion (not jabbing or
pressing) with the fine point of a stylus; its passage raises an edge and enables
the order of making the strokes in each sign to be determined. The scribe or
his assistant shaped the tablets on a flat surface, shortly before use, to the size
and proportion to suit the expected length and nature of the record. The
variety of sizes shows that a template was not used. The front of the tablet is
generally a true fl at surface, while the back is more domed and often bears
traces of hand- and fingerprints. There are two basic shapes of tablet (see the ]
frontispiece):
1. The more frequent 1 palm-lea j' type, of the approximate proportions of
a modern cheque-book, with rounded, pointed or square-cut ends; at Knossos
often reinforced by a string down the middle. This was used to record a single
transaction, particularly of the kind which was afterwards intended to be re¬
copied on to a larger summary tablet (e.g. Pylos 132 = Eb818 which reappears
as the first line of 131 =Ep01). Many of the ‘palm-leaves’ have only a single
line of writing. Others, after an introductory proper name in large letters,
are divided by a longitudinal cross-line to allow for a more complex entry
(e.g. Knossos 66 = Del 129). A small number of tablets, where a single trans¬
action requires a long description or includes different sub-headings, are
divided by one or more horizontal cross-lines from end to end, and the writing
is all of the same size (e.g. Pylos 236 =Ta641): these can be regarded as inter¬
mediate in shape between the ‘palm-leaf’ and the second basic shape:
2 . The rectangular ‘ page ’ type, longer than wide and divided over its entire
surface by horizontal cross-lines, drawn free-hand approximately io mm. apart.
This shape was used particularly for long lists of personnel and rations, for
transactions involving a number of different commodities, and for summaries
of a number of separate ‘palm-leaves’. The second letter of Bennett’s prefix
(at Pylos and Mycenae only) indicates the shape of the tablet: a-m are ‘ palm-
leaves’, n-z are ‘pages’.
The writing on the tablets is generally punctuated into a number of suffi¬
ciently distinct sections by the commodity ideograms and numbers, which
mostly occur at the end of a line; but on the few tablets which have no written
ideograms and are written entirely in a continuous ‘ literary’ form (e.g. 244 =
Ta714) there is no indication whatever of commas and full stops. Frequently
a secondary annotation immediately before the ideogram is written in smaller
script than the rest of the tablet, and this change ofletter-size, indicated as / in
transcription, can generally be expressed as punctuation in translation. Where
the entry is too long for the space allowed by the scribe on a ‘ palm-leaf’ or
between two cross-lines of a ‘page’, he continues the text above the first part:
111
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
consequently the mechanical transcription of a Mycenaean text does not
always indicate the correct order of reading (e.g. on the Knossos ‘chariot’
tablets, see fig. 2 ).
Between ‘paragraphs’ and before totals, but not after the frequently intro¬
ductory sentence of the first line, the text is generally spaced by leaving one
line vacant. Where several lines are left vacant (as on 172 = Kn02 or 207 =
V 280) some special reason must be sought. The use of Q-da-a 2 . . . (probably
‘and in the following way’) to introduce a new paragraph is so far confined
to Pylos.
Sometimes, as on the Pylos Jn- tablets (253-257), two paragraphs have been
separated before or after writing by cutting the tablet along one of the hori¬
zontal cross-lines. On two Mycenae tablets, Oel 17 and Oel20, Wace suggests
that the top line may have been deliberately broken off when the clay was dry
as a kind of counterfoil, but this is uncertain in view of a possible tendency
of the tablets to fracture accidentally along the cross-lines,
j Where necessary the writing is continued on the back, the tablet being turned
over in our own sideways fashion, not top-to-bottom as at Enkomi and in
Mesopotamia. The front and back must have been written within a few hours
of each other, before the clay became too dry to take writing cleanly: the same
applies to erasures, corrections, additions and the use of X as an apparent
check-mark to additions and subtractions (though on PY Cn04 this is stated
to have been scratched on when the clay was dry, like line 8 of An24).
Nevertheless, the connexion between the front and back of some tablets is
obscure, as for example on Mycenae 234 = Ue611 and particularly Mycenae
Qel06, whose reverse has the drawing of a standing man. Wace ( 1953 ^, P- 425 )
explains this, perhaps not quite conclusively, as the trial sketch of a fresco-
painter; and suggests that not only artists but also architects may have used
clay tablets in designing. Knossos 1720 ( SMII , pi. xviii) certainly looks like
a ‘seal-engraver’s sketch’.
The comparatively rare examples of writing on the edge of a tablet were
explained by Evans (SM /, p. 45 ) as a ready indication of its contents when
‘stacked like books on a modern shelf’. In most cases, however, it contains
a total or afterthought which could not be accommodated elsewhere on the
tablet, and does not appear to be of any possible help in picking out a particular
document from the files.
From the analogy of other contemporary tablets, we may expect that the
scribe was called upon both to catalogue commodities and personnel arriving
at the palace, and to record those sent out or assigned to particular purposes;
and in addition, perhaps, to inventory the state of a particular store-room or
112
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
labour group at a given time. In some cases we are helped by an explicit
description, as in introductory sentences like ‘ Olive oil which Kokalos delivered
to Eumedes’ (Pylos Gnl 184), ‘ Contributions by the wood-cutters to the work¬
shops’ (252 = Vn06), ‘Contributions of bronze for arrows and spears’ (257 =
Jn09), ‘ Oarsmen to go to Pleuron ’ (53 = A n 1 2 ), or ‘ Smiths receiving an alloca¬
tion of bronze’ (253 =Jn 01 ). In other cases, where the tablet merely contains
lists of proper names and ideograms, it may be a matter of guesswork for us
to determine whether the tablet records receipt or dispatch.
Where place-names occur with large amounts of agricultural staples, we
may suspect that these represent actual or expected tribute to the palace; but
when men’s names are listed in the dative with small amounts of the same
commodities, they are probably the recipients of rations from the palace. The
lists of chariots, tripods, furniture and garments (see chs. x-xi) can be inter¬
preted in different ways.
On some tablets listing miscellaneous persons and commodities (e.g. 41 =
An 14, 234 = Ue611) the relationship between the items and the order in which
they are presented are now very difficult to explain. With these may be com¬
pared such Ugarit tablets as RS 11.799: ‘The merchandise to Ybnn: 4200
measures of oil, 600 of perfumed oil, 2 talents of iron, 100 tesrm trees, 30 almuggim
trees, 50 talents of reeds, 2 talents of brr y 2 talents of perfume, 20 olive trees,
shekels of oil of myrrh.’ Virolleaud comments ( 194 *, p. 274 ): ‘L’ordrc
suivant lequel sont enumeres ces differents produits parait assez surprenant,
et surtout l’alternance des objets volumineux ou nombreux avec des parfums
subtils ne pesant que quelques grammes. S’il apparait difficile aujourd’hui de
se rendre compte de la suite des idees et des faits, quand on est en presence
d’un document aussi concret que celui-la, on ne saurait s’etonner d’eprouver
tant de peine a relier les unes aux autres les idees ou les images qui se trouvent
notees—indiquees plutot qu’exprimees ou decrites—dans les compositions
poctiques de Ras Shamra.’ This admission may warn us against the assump¬
tion that a Mycenaean literary text, if we were lucky enough to unearth one,
might necessarily prove easier to interpret than the present tablets.
Since the palace revenue is presumably derived largely from feudal dues and f
from foreign conquest, monetary or other media of exchange do not play any
significant part in the records. We have not yet been able to identify any
payments in silver or gold for services rendered, such as occur at Alalakh
(Wiseman, 1953 , pp. 101 - 3 ); and the Mycenae tablets, if they really are
merchants’ accounts, do not give any clear indication of the medium of ex¬
change by which business was transacted (see 105 = Ge602).
A few of the tablets are introduced by the formula ‘ In the month of So-and- J
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
so’ (e.g. 200 = Fpl and 207 =V 280 at Knossos, and perhaps 167 = Es650 and
172 = Kn02 at Pylos): this exceptional dating is probably intended as a check
on the fulfilment of a prescribed ritual rather than as a normal aid to the
economic administration of the palace* The known Knossos month names,
which include oncstrikingcorrespondcnce with the classical Arcadian calendar,
are listed on p. 304 . No other dating, either by month, by year or by eponym,
can be discerned: its absence is probably due to the seasonal nature of the
tablets, which were pulped at intervals of a year or less (possibly after sum¬
marizing on papyrus or some other material). A characteristic feature, recurring
on all types of Mycenaean tablet, is the secondary entry introduced by 0 or
o-pe-ro y representing the amount which is missing from the consignment or
nominal roll compared with the numbers expected. On the Pylos Ma - tablets
(e.g. 179) figures are given for the pe-ru-si-nu-wo o-pe-ro , ‘amount owing last
year’ or ‘from last year’, which again suggests the annual nature of the
records. There is a reference to toto wetos ‘this year 5 on 43=Sn01, and to
haler on wetos ‘next year’ on 178 Mai 3 .
After writing, the tablets were dried (not baked) and then generally filed
away in boxes of gypsum or wood, or in wicker baskets, and stacked on shelves
in rooms set aside for the purpose. The boxes and baskets were secured with
cord and sealed with prismatic lumps of clay impressed with seal-stones and
t inscribed with personal names or with a reference to the itemized commodities.
The name of the responsible scribe, which never seems to occur on the tablets
themselves, may sometimes have been recorded here. Similar sealings were
used to secure actual stores, like the wooden boxes of arrows found in the
Knossos ‘Armoury’ (PM> iv, p. 617 , see 264 = Ws 1704).
J The Knossos tablets were found scattered over a wide area. The main
find-spots are indicated on the key plan of the palace (fig. 13 ) by the letters
A to Q,, which will be added to the tablet headings in Part II:
A. Clay ‘bath’ in room near the south-west corner of the Central Court.
B. ‘Deposit of the chariot tablets’, in a closet under the small staircase north-east of
the South Propylaea.
C '. Room of the Column-bases - Lobby of the Stone Seat.
D . Magazine of the Vase Tablets, and further side of wall to south.
E. Third and fourth West Magazines, and the south end of the Long Corridor.
F. Eighth to twelfth Magazines, and the middle of the Long Corridor.
Cj . Fifteenth Magazine, and the north end of the Long Corridor.
H. Near the Corridor of the Stone Basin.
I. Room of the Saffron-gatherer Fresco.
J. Room of the Ceiling Spirals.
K . Northern Entrance Passage, adjoining the Bull Relief.
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
L . Upper East-west Corridor, in the Domestic Quarter.
M. Corridor of the Sword Tablets.
From above the Room of the Piaster Couch and the Queen’s Bathroom.
#. West Court, outside the west wall of the Magazines.
P. Basement of the ‘Arsenal* building, north-west of the palace.
Q. . The Little Palace, on the other side of the modern road.
R. ‘Hieroglyphic* deposit under staircase at the north end of the Long Corridor.
Fig. 13. Diagrammatic plan of the palace at Knossos.
No great reliance should be placed on the detailed attributions: it is clear
that Evans’ noting of find-spots, never entirely complete or consistent, has
become further confused in the editing and printing of SM II. For example
231 872, which is stated by Evans to be part of the ‘Deposit of Vase
Tablets’ at D (PA/, iv, p. 729 ), is assigned in SM II to K. This tablet was
believed by Evans to have been specially baked, and was attributed, apparently
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
from the style of the vessels represented, to the ‘earlier stages of the Last
Palace Period’, or LM lb. The ‘sword’ tablets from M were first assigned to
the LM Ilia period of reoccupation after the destruction, from the shape of
the weapons (SMI, p. 55 , corrected in PM, iv, p. 854 ). But Myres is probably
right in regarding the tablets as the record of little more than the last year
before the destruction.
Fig. 14. Key plan of the palace at Pylos (based on the survey by Theocharis, 1954)
The only tablets found in situ were at B , a small ground floor chamber with
the appearance of a bureau or office: the rectangular space at the back of
which the shelves for the tablets had probably stood was cut off from the
entrance by a bench. In all other cases Evans considered that the tablets had
fallen into their present positions from an upper storey during the collapse
and decay of the palace, as shown by the stratification of the floor structures:
this also applies to the tablets found in the bath-shaped receptable at A
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
(PM, iv, p. 668). Considerable lateral drift may also have to be taken into
account. Evans suggests that some tablets may even have fallen from a roof-
terrace, where they were being dried at the time of the catastrophe (ibid.
p. 669).
Many of the find-spots show mixed groups of different contexts, but there
are consistent series dealing with ritual offerings of oil at A , with chariots and
horses at B, with vases and honey offerings at D, with condiments at E , with
women and children at F ', with textiles at F and G , with livestock and wool at K
and L , with swords at M, and with chariots, wheels and arrows at P. Remains
of gypsum chests were found at D, F and K , and of wooden boxes at A and N.
With few exceptions the Pylos tablets probably represent the contents of the
Archive Room at the time of its destruction. This small chamber (T/?on fig. 14)
has a raised bench running round three sides, and was probably linked by
a doorway to the main gate of the palace (Blegen, 1955, p. 34). This location,
very convenient for the supervision of incoming and outgoing goods and
personnel, recalls the introduction to some of the Nuzi tablets: ‘Written at
the door of the palace gate 1 (Lacheman, 1939, p. 530). A considerable number
of the tablets had found their way from the Archive Room into its annex and
other adjoining spaces during the sack and disintegration of the palace and
as the result of more recent stone-robbing. Tablets evidently derived from other
offices, probably on an upper floor, include 238 =Tn 996 (found in Pantry 4
in *953) and fifteen red pieces recovered in the Megaron in 1952. The tablets
found in the three Mycenae houses had all fallen into the basements from an
upper floor, possibly two storeys higher (Wace, 1953^, p. 423).
3. MYCENAEAN ARITHMETIC
It is difficult to gauge the limits of the Mycenaean Greeks’ mathematical
ability from the tablets, since we do not possess (as we do from Egypt and
Babylonia) any texts of a deliberately scientific or didactic nature; but there
are no grounds for supposing that they lagged far behind their neighbours in
the ability to use reasonably effective techniques of arithmetic and mensuration
for the everyday purposes of palace economy, trade and building operations.
It is unreasonable of Dow (1954, p, 123) to criticize them for not adopting
a duodecimal or sexagesimal system of numeration, which is naturally alien
to speakers of an Indo-European language (and to most men with ten fingers
and toes): its ponderous, and by no means exclusive, use in Mesopotamia
appears to be due to various accidents in the evolution of local weights and
measures rather than to any theoretical advantages in operation (Lewy, 1949).
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
And it is absurd to expect them to anticipate the binary system used in modern
electronic calculating machines (Dow, 1954, p. 124). He goes on to say:
‘The Minoan system is so cumbrous that multiplication or division in it would
be as difficult as in the Roman, or more so. We may reasonably conclude
that the Minoans had no “ mathematics ” much beyond the sort preserved to us.’
But it is dangerous to deduce from a certain clumsiness in expressing numbers
on paper that more complex mathematical operations were in fact impossible;
it is sufficient to recall the very elaborate mathematical reference tables used
in Babylonia, with which the inherent difficulties of sexagesimal mental arith¬
metic were circumvented.
Many of the Mycenaean tablets contain a total derived by simple addition
from the separate items of the list, or a subtraction to show the amount
‘ missing’ by comparison with the expected contribution. These operations
may be either in units, as in lists of men and women (e.g. 38 = Asl 516 ,
39 = Asl 517 ), or in weights and measures which, as described on pp. 53-5, arc
subdivided in heterogeneous ratios like our £. s . d. and tons cwt . lb. oz . Pylos
tablet Jn 845 , for example, lists eight smiths each of whom receives / 1 # 2 of
bronze, which is totalled in line 8 as c so much bronze: i 12 \ Similar summa¬
tions of liquid measure are found on 200 = Fpl and 93 = Fol 01 , and of dry
measure on F 51 . That the items and totals sometimes do not agree (as on
255 =Jn 658 ) must be attributed to lapses or uncorrected afterthoughts by the
scribe, rather than to any theoretical inability to carry out the operation.
Similar afterthought or incomplete erasure is generally responsible for
anomalies in the order of writing the tens and digits; for cases where the tens
or digits exceed 9 (e.g. Knossos Gg 7 11 rev.); and for entries where the scribe
quotes an excessive number of units of a weight or measure which should
properly have been reduced to the higher unit (e.g. ^ 3 on F 452 ). Bennett
(. Index , p. 117) quotes six examples of 4 tallying 5 , i.e. the use of a tablet or part
of a tablet for a rough totting-up of units prior to the final writing-in of the
total. Pylos Eq 03 rev. shows a tallying by groups of 5 digits, eventually reduced
to a total of 137. Knossos C 162 , which totals sheep and pigs, contains sur¬
prising number groups in which hundreds, tens and digits are all in excess of 9,
and appears to have been used several times over as rough working in carrying
out the addition.
A more advanced calculation is shown by the Pylos Ma- tablets (see
pp. 289-95), where a number of townships are put down for a contribution of
six different commodities, mostly so far unidentified. The scale of the total
contribution varies for each town, but the mutual proportions of the six com¬
modities remain constant at 7:7:2:3:1^:150. The variation from the ideal
118
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
values seldom exceeds I *o, and it is generally due to the levelling of resulting
fractions: it is clear that the Mycenaean administrator was quite capable of
determining the correct answers to such an exercise in proportion. The Ma -
tablets are of further interest in the operation of addition and subtraction by
which the actual amounts delivered of these six commodities are compared
with the stipulated contribution. Three other tablets (75 = Cn 02 , 250 = Vn 01
and Vn 05 ) list contributions of a single commodity against nine of the same
series of townships, and while not exactly proportional they conform to the
same order of size as in the Ma- tablets. We may suppose that these townships
were arranged, for the purposes of taxation, in a conventional order of size
and importance.
A similar parallelism in the relative sizes of the entries, not governed by
exact ratios, is shown by the Pylos Es- series (see pp. 275-80). The Knossos
Me- tablets (see p. 301), of which all but 11 are very fragmentary, contain
lists of four commodities, one of which Evans identified as the horns of agrimi
goats for making composite bows. Their amounts conform, with rather wider
variations than on the Pylos Ma- tablets, to a ratio of 5:312:4.
A large number of the Knossos ‘ sheep ’ tablets list flocks whose totals are
exactly 50, 100, 150, 200 or 300. These animals are subdivided into various
categories, the main distinction being that of sex; where their irregular numbers
do not add up to the exact ‘ hecatomb’ total, the appropriate deficit is stated
to be ‘missing’. A further complication is shown by the Knossos Dl- series
(73-74), where in addition a quantity of wool is recorded, whose stipulated
weight in / units is equal to of the number of sheep. On the Dk- series,
however (71-72), which record rams alone, the proportion of wool is always
\ of the number of sheep.
The Pylos Ab- series of tablets contain a long list of varying groups of women,
girls and boys, together with their monthly (?) ration in grain and figs. Their
minimum rate seems to be T 2 per woman and T 1 per child (see p. 157),
but in most cases their total allocation is in excess of this figure. The lack of an
exact and constant proportion is evidently due, not to the mathematical in¬
competence of the scribe, but to various unknown factors in the ages and
circumstances of the different groups.
4. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
The frequent qualification of people by occupational names makes it possible
to draw some general deductions about the structure of society in a Mycenaean
kingdom; further work will no doubt extend and correct the picture offered
"9
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
here. Most of the evidence comes from Pylos, but many of the important
words recur at Knossos, and there is no indication that the social structure
was significantly different. The absence of any palace records from Mycenae
excludes any deductions about that kingdom, though there seems no reason
to assume that Pylos was exceptional. The apparent differences between the
Mycenaean and Homeric patterns are explicable in terms of the Homeric
question (see p. 107).
| A monarchical system of government is proved for both Knossos and Pylos
by references to the king ( wanax ); the absence of any further qualification
shows that the state knew one king only. The suggestion of Palmer (19546,
p. 37) that he was a priest-king is likely enough on archaeological as well as
comparative grounds; but that his power was temporal as well as spiritual is
guaranteed by the elaborate records of his civil service. A number of trades¬
men—a potter, a fuller and an armourer (?)—are referred to as ‘royal 5
(wanakteros)y and the same word in a doubtful context on a jar from Thebes
seems at least to prove the existence of another kingdom there. The king is
never referred to by name and title at once, though he may be mentioned by
name alone: Ekhelawon at Pylos is clearly a man of supreme importance, and
the precedence accorded him in 171 =Un 718 makes it almost certain that we
have here the first contemporarily attested Mycenaean monarch.
X The Pylos distribution of Tejadvq (152 —ErOl) ranks next to the king’s the
allocation of the lawagetds. His name is a known Greek compound, surviving
in verse in the form XayEras, though apparently meaning only ‘leader 5 ,
‘prince*, without the technical sense it must bear in Mycenaean. There is no
direct clue in the tablets to his peculiar function, but both the etymology and
the Teutonic parallels adduced by Palmer (19546, pp. 35-6) suggest that he
was the military commander whose duty it was to lead the host in war. If the
Germanic parallel were exact (cf. Tacitus, Germania , 7), we might expect him
to be elected only in time of war; and we may be sure from the military tablets
(ch. vi) that Pylos was at this time on a war footing. But he is also found at
Knossos, where so far there is no indication of preparations against an attack.
Compare §§ 1, 22-4 of the autobiography of the Hittite king Hattusilis III:
‘But when my father Mursilis became a god, my brother Muwatallis seated
himself on the throne of his father; and before the face of my brother I became
chief of the armed forces (en ki .k al.bad).* Occupational names are also
qualified by the adjective lawagesios (e.g. PY 195 =Na 67 ).
U The temenos list enumerates next some officials called te-re-ta 3 TeXeorai, an
official title which survived in Elis down to the classical period. They are
assigned jointly the same amount of grain (land?) as the king, but it is divided
120
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
among three holders, so that the individual holdings are the same as that of
the lawagetds. Palmer (1954^, p. 39) equates the telestai with the Hittite
l u ilk 1 ‘ fief -holders ’ owing a special duty to the king, and contrasts them with
the ‘artisans 5 , whom he equates with the Homeric 5 q|iioepyo(, a word not
found yet in the tablets, though damos is very common. Some sort of feudal
system of land tenure is certain (see p. 234); but Palmer’s view is open to objec¬
tion, especially because of the newly published Pylos text 171 =Un 718 , where
the telestai seem to be equated with the damos. Considerable numbers of telestai
seem to be proved by the instance of 114 = En 02 , where the district Pa-ki-ja-
alone contains fourteen, and at Knossos by 47 =Am 826 where no less than
forty-five telestai of Aptara are mentioned. It is likely that the verb te-re-ja-e
(teleiaen ?) expresses the function of the telestds, and since it is replaced in other
cases by wo-ze-e (worzeen ) which seems to be the function of the ka-ma-e-u, it
probably indicates some kind of feudal service.
The ka-ma-e-u is plainly the holder of the land called ka-ma. The most f
natural explanation of this is that it is the obsolete noun *y^a\x 6 i from which
the locative x a Mou was formed, a conclusion supported by a Cretan gloss in
Hesychius. Its meaning, however, is more specialized and it denotes a par¬
ticular kind of feudal holding (see p. 261). The men distinguished by this
title seem to be of humble status; they include a baker (?) and a ‘slave of the
god 5 .
A more important title is the e-qe-ta , heq u etds = £ttetT)s. It is a rare word in +
classical Greek and seems to mean no more than ‘companion, follower’. But
Palmer (1954^, p. 51) is probably right in seeing in this word the equivalent
of the Homeric ixalpos, and understanding it to mean ‘companion of the king’
like the late Latin comes and similar words in Celtic and Germanic. The proof
of their position emerges from the military tablets, where they are regularly
dignified by a patronymic, a rare distinction elsewhere. They seem to be
attached to bodies of troops in the capacity of staff officers; possibly as liaison
officers representing the central authority, the command being in the hands
of the local lords. On the other hand they are occasionally mentioned in
contexts relating to land tenure (e.g. PY 55 = An 724 , and 142 = Eb 32 where
one (or more) is coupled with the priestess, the key-bearers and a man called
We-te-re-u). They may have slaves (p. 258), and they have a distinctive kind qf
garment (p. 3*7)*
In addition to these we find also a number of officials who appear to be
confined to outlying regions. We do not find them associated with Pylos or
Knossos, but with subordinate towns. The title pa 2 -si-re-u is clearly to be con¬
nected with the Homeric PaaiAevs, who is not a king, but a kind of feudal lord,
121
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
master of his own territory but owning allegiance to the king. Carratelli (1954,
p. 217) disagrees with this view (also expressed by Furumark, 1954, p. 19) and
would see in these pacnAels religious functionaries like the q)uAopamAeIs. But
their association with the outlying towns is significant. They have a pa 2 -si-re-
wi-ja, probably ‘retinueless likely ‘palace’, and in KN 38 ~Asl 516 it is
noteworthy that this term follows the place-name Se-to-i-ja and another name
(Phaistos?) lost in a lacuna, while the first section contains the heading Knosid
ldwage{si)d , implying a parallel between the Idwdgetds at Knossos and the basileus
elsewhere.
The ke-ro-si-ja , geronsia = yepouaia is perhaps the council of a basileus since
on PY 40 = An 22 this word is associated with a man who is elsewhere called
pa 2 -si-re-u. It is less certain whether the erased ke-ro-te in KN B 800 is gerontes ,
and if so whether it should be connected as proposed by Carratelli (1954,
p. 217).
Another title which seems likewise to be provincial is mo-ro-pa 2) probably
to be interpreted moroppds (Palmer: poipoirds) ‘ possessor of a portion, share¬
holder’. His importance is vouched for by the fact that Klumenos who is
moroppds in PY 43 = Sn 01 is on 58 = An 654 commander of a regiment. Their
regional location is to be inferred from a variety of indications: their presence
in the tribute list 258 = Kn 01 ; the fact that Ka-do-wo moroppas of 43 —SnOl is
elsewhere associated with the place-name Ma-ro-\ the entry on the same tablet
which shows that Klumenos was ko-re-te of the place 1 -te-re-wa.
Finally we hear of a local official called the ko-re-te , who seems to be a kind of
mayor (Furumark: Dorfschulze). The word is an agent noun in -ter, not yet
satisfactorily interpreted, but his status emerges clearly enough from PY 257 =
Jn 09 , where we have sixteen places named and contributions of bronze from
the ko-re-te and po-ro-ko-re-te of each. The prefix pro- must mean in this case
‘ vice-’ or ‘sub-’, a sense not preserved in any classical compound. The heading
to this tablet enumerates not only these two, but also a variety of other titles
which are not mentioned again below. Is the explanation that the heading
gives all the possible alternative titles which are equivalent to the two general
terms ko-re-te and po-ro-ko-re-te ? Against this it may be argued that the
klawiphoroi are elsewhere feminine, though it is less likely that the same is true
of du-ma-te. The da-mo-ko-ro who is mentioned a few times may perhaps be
another title or another local official appointed by the king. There are occasional
references to ki-ti-ta ‘settlers’ and me-ta-ki-ti-ta ‘colonists (?) ’, but it would not
seem safe to draw any conclusions from these words yet.
t Of the humbler members of the population we can say less. The variety of
trades followed shows a highly developed division of labour, but it is not clear
122
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
how far the craftsmen were royal servants, or even slaves, or what other status
they enjoyed. There is one very obvious omission from the list of trades, the
absence of any word implying that the raising of crops was a specific occupa¬
tion. On the contrary land tenure documents mention craftsmen such as
fullers and agricultural workers such as shepherds. This suggests that everyone
in addition to his special occupation also farmed a portion of land.
Among the occupational names there are many still not satisfactorily inter¬
preted, and in some other cases the precise significance of the word is lost,
etymology is often a poor guide to meaning. Thus the list of trades must be
regarded as incomplete. For an explanation of the words quoted here see the
Vocabulary.
Among the public servants we hear of a messenger and a herald ( a-ke-ro ,
ka-ru-ke ); but the name of the scribe still eludes us. The agricultural workers
named include shepherds ( po-me ), goat-herds ( ai-ki-pa-ta ), huntsmen (ku-na-
ke-ta-i ), and wood-cutters ( du-ru-to-mo ). The building trades are represented
by masons ( to-ko-do-mo ) and carpenters [te-ko-to ); ship construction is a separate
trade (na-u-do-mo). Metal-workers include bronzesmiths ( ka-ke-u ) and cutlers
(?, pi-ri-je-te ), and other manufacturers are bow-makers ( to-ko-so-wo-ko) }
chair(?)-makers ( to-ro-no-wo-ko ) and potters ( ke-ra-me-we ). The making of cloth
was a women’s occupation; we hear of carders, spinners and weavers ( pe-ki-ti-ra 2 ,
a-ra-ka-le-ja, i-te-ja-o), and there are separate designations for flax-workers
( ri-ne-ja ), and perhaps for the makers of some of the other special kinds of
garment (< a-pu~ko-wo-ko , e-ne-re-ja , o-nu-ke-ja ). The fulling of cloth was a man’s
trade [ka-na-pe-u) and the king had his own fuller. The making of garments
was shared by men and women (ra-pte, ra-pi-ti-ra 2 ). Luxury trades are attested
by unguent-boilers (a-re-pa-zo-o) and goldsmiths (ku-ru-so-wo-ko ). We have one
reference to a physician ( i-ja-te ). The grinding and measuring out of grain were
done by women ( me-re-ti-ri-ja , si-to-ko-wo ), but the making of bread by men
(a-to-po-qo ); Blegen (1950) seems unjustified in his assumption that the
Mycenaean figurine of a bread-maker is female. More menial occupations
seem to be indicated by stokers ( pu-ka-wo ), ox-drivers (?, ze-u-ke-u-si) and,
among the women, bath-attendants (re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo) and serving women
(a-pi-qo-ro).
The existence of slavery in some form is certain. Some slaves ( do-e-ro , do-e-ra )
are plainly stated to be the property of individuals: e.g. the women of
Amphiq u hoitds (KN 20 ==Ak 824 ), or those belonging to the smiths and following
their masters’ trade (PY 253 =Jn 0 l). The slave of We-da-ne-u is even in the
position of having to contribute to his master’s revenue and is not distinguished
in his treatment from the rest of the group who appear to be free men (see
l2 3
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p. 276). The Pylos tablet 28 = An 42 suggests that a single slave parent of either
sex made the child a slave, contrary to the rule of classical Greece; but this
t deduction is not inevitable. The Pylos tablets of the classes Aa and Ab (see
p. 155) imply that the labour force was recruited by raids in which captive
women and children were brought home and taught trades, and this conclusion
seems to be confirmed by the word ‘captives’ ( ra-wi-ja-ja ) applied to some of
these women: others are referred to by ethnic adjectives. The Ad series sug¬
gests that the children of slaves were an important element in the manpower
available. On the other hand there is some evidence that women of this
class also worked for wages ( e-ke-ro-qo-no ); but possibly these were not wage-
earners on their own account, but were hired out to augment the palace
revenues.
But by far the greater number of slaves named at Pylos are ‘ slaves of the god
(or goddess) 5 . Two explanations of this phrase are possible: we may either
suppose that a number of slaves became the property of a deity instead of
a man, or that the title really conceals some quite different status from that of
ordinary slaves. In the former case we need not think exclusively of the
ispoSouAoi or temple-slaves of later times; dedication to a deity could be
a method of holding public property, as we see to be the case with the lands
of Dionysus and Athena recorded in the famous tables of Heraclea. The other
ahrrnafive is made attractive by the fact that slaves of the god have leases »f
land and seem in fact to live on much the same terms as free men. The
translation ‘slave’ is probably here leading us to a false conception of social
status, and it might be preferable to adopt feudal terminology, such as ‘serf’
or ‘villein’. The parallel of Near Eastern societies in which similar titles are
actually honorific probably does not hold good for Mycenaean Greece; for
there are a few isolated cases in which the slave of a man seems to enjoy the
same status as a slave of the god; and the slaves of the priestess raise an awkward
point in social precedence.
At Knossos we learn almost nothing of the military organization apart from
the existence of the lawagetas ; but at Pylos preparations were being made
against an attack, and a series of tablets are concerned with naval and military
matters (see pp. 183-94). From these it appears that the command of the bodies
of men detailed to watch the coast was in the hands of local lords, each of
whom was assisted by a small group of officers; while each sector had allocated
as well a heq u etas , who may have been a liaison officer representing the king.
The details of the troops are obscure, since the words applied to them, ke-ki-de
and ku-re-we, are not satisfactorily explained; Palmer (19546, p. 52 n. 4)
suggests that the latter word means elsewhere ‘men-at-arms’, but insists that
124
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
it is here a place-name. Other groups of men are merely referred to by ethnic
adjectives. The total number of troops recorded on the surviving tablets of the
military series is 740.
Rowers to man warships seem to have been drawn as necessary from the
coastal towns; it is probable that they were conscripts rather than professionals,
at leastif our interpretation of 55 = An 724 is correct. Rowers are also mentioned
as the fathers of thesons of somesiave women at Pylos (15 = Ad 684 ). At Knossos
rowers surprisingly figure in a list of local officials who are supplying or
receiving cattle (83 = Ch 902 ).
5. MYCENAEAN RELIGION
The evidence of the tablets for the religious practices and beliefs of the f
Mycenaean Greeks has naturally aroused much interest; the principal reli¬
gious texts have been discussed by almost all writers, and Garratelli (19550)
has devoted a special article to this subject. It has also been discussed at the
London Seminar, and Palmer has made many interesting suggestions in addi¬
tion to those in his published articles. While much is still in dispute or obscure,
this section can lay no claim to finality; it may be useful, however, to collect
together the scattered evidence for further study.
The gtds arc mentioned on the tablets only in one capacity: as the recipients
of various offerings. If we could be sure that the presence of one divine name
in such a list guaranteed the divinity of the remainder, it would be easy to list
the Mycenaean pantheon. But it is quite clear that the offering lists may
contain—for what reason we can only guess—human beings as well; the
clearest case is that of the Pylos Es tablets (see p. 279); and since the ‘priestess
of the winds’ figures frequently at Knossos, some of the other entries too may
be the names or titles of human representatives of a deity.
Zeus is clearly intended in PY 172 = Kn 02 , where we have the dative
di-we = Diwei, and (if the amended reading is accepted) the genitive in the
next line: Drimioi Diwos hie(re)wei. The word di-u-jo = Diwjo- on the same tablet
is plainly a derivative, though its gender and case can only be guessed (= the
shrine of Zeus?), di-u-ja in the same text must therefore be the feminine, and
this is proved to be the name of a goddess by the fact that she receives the
offering of a gold cup and a woman, di-wi-ja in PY 28 = An 42 is probably
a variant spelling ( Diwja/Diwia , cf. me-u-jojme-wi- jo) of the genitive (Diwias
doela ); also without context on KN X 97 . Gf. the goddess Aifia in a Pamphylian
inscription (Schwyzer, Dial. 686, 1), said to be the Magna Mater. One fact
is clear, that this female counterpart to Zeus is not to be identified with Hera,
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
who is mentioned on the same tablet and paired with Zeus in a quite classical
manner, di-we is also found in obscure contexts (with offerings of barley ?)
on KN F 51 rev. and PY 44 — An29 rev.; di-mo on KN E 842 may be a divine
name as the text includes the word te-o-i, but on Dxl503 it is a man‘i> name in
the nominative. The month name Dummo (gen.) occurs once (KN Fp5).
f Hera is coupled with Zeus on PY 172 = Kn02. The spelling e-ra refutes
the suspicious etymology from *"Hpfa (see p. 289 ). Her name is perhaps to
be restored also in PY Uni 1. 8 . The same spelling at KnOSSos is undoubtedly a
place-name, the adjective from which is e-ra-jo , -ja, except perhaps 29=As821.
Poseidon is securely attested at both Knossos and Pylos. The spelling is
consistently po-se-da-o -, thus proving that the Corinthian forms in -Bapcov arc
secondary (Chadwick, 19546 , p. 7 ). He is the recipient of dosmoi in the Pylos
Es tablets (p. 279 ) and of a wide range of offerings on 171=Un718. As in
classical Greek, derivatives show 1 for ei in the second syllabic: posi-da-i-jo
(PY 172 = Kn02 + ) is Posidriion ‘ the shrine (or the like) of Poseidon’; po-si-da-i-
je-u-si (PY FnU 1) = Posiddieusi appears to be a dative plural, but its meaning
is uncertain; and fw-si-da-e-ja (172 = Kn()2) is another female counterpart, as
Diwia is to Zeus. There is also a divinity called e-ne-si-da-o-ne (dat.; KN M 719,
to be restored on 204 = Gg704, Gg707), probably =Ennesidaonei; cf. the names
of Poseidon ’EwocriBas, ’Ewotriyaios, etc. (see p. 309 ).
| Ares is not clearly named. The word a-re appears without context on
a Knossos fragment (X 5816). A-re-jo KN Vc208, A-re-i-jo KN 213 = L 641,
and A-re-me-ne Thebes in arc all proper names which may be derived,
though the Aeolic forms of *Apq$ ("Apeu^, ’Aporios) make this qucstionablc.
On a-re-ja, apparently an epithet of Hermes, see p. 288 . The name e-nu-wa-ri-jo=
’EvuaAios figures in the list of gods KN 208 **V 52; whether on PY 55 = An 724
the spelling e-nwa-ri-jo is the divine name is controversial.
% Apollo docs not appear, but we have pa-ja-wo-^VloiioifCAv- (Homeric
fTaiqcov), KN 208 =V 52. pa-ja-ni-jo KN Fp354, read by Furumark as Paianidi
(perhaps a month name?), is probably not connected, as the contraction of
-awon- to -an- cannot be Mycenaean.
ft Hermes has the form e-ma-a 2 (dat.) =Hermddi PY 172 = Kn02, Unll. On
the form and etymology see p. 288 .
Athena is clearly named once: a-ta-na po-ti-ni-ja (apparently without
a divider) = Athandi Potmai KN 208 =V 52. Ventris also proposes to restore
her name [a]-ta-na in MY X 1. It seems clear that at Knossos ttotvicx is used
as the epithet of Athena, exactly as in the Homeric ttotvi’ ’A0qvair|. Hut in
other tablets from both Knossos and Pylos Potma appears as a divine name
standing by itself (e.g. KN 205 = Gg702, M 729, PY FnOI, 172 = Kn02, Vn07).
126
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
No evidence which would identify this deity has so far appeared, and thus
none of the guesses can be tested; she seems to be of some importance, but is
not necessarily the protectress of Pylos. There is also a derived adjective with
the surprising form po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo , as if formed from Florvieus; cf. the adjective
wa-na-se-wi-ja which stands in a similar relation to fdvacrcTa. This epithet appears
chiefly on sheep tablets at Knossos; at Pylos it designates groups of smiths and
is occasionally used of individuals; it may of course have no religious associa-
tions here.
Artemis is the owner of the slave Ai-ki-wa-ro on PY 167 = Es650. Her
name has the East Greek form a-te-mi-to Artemitos , with declension in t not 5.
PY Unll lists along with other divine names a-ti-mi-te which may be the
dative Artimitei with i for e. There is no evidence yet to support the suggestion
that Artemis is the goddess meant in the common formula theoio doelos.
Dionysus is a surprising name to find, and there is no evidence to prove f
that it is divine. It occurs only once in the genitive case on a Pylos fragment
XaOG: di-wo-nu-so-jo [.
He piiaestus is not directly mentioned, but may be assumed if the man’s
name a-pa-i-ti-jo (KN L 588) is correctly interpreted as Haphaistios or
Haphaistion.
Of the minor deities known from Greek sources, Eileithyia is known at
Knossos in the spelling e-re-u-ti-ja TAeuOia (recorded at Messene and else¬
where). KN 206=Gg705 shows her as the recipient of a jar of honey at
Amnisos, which recalls at once the famous cave mentioned in the Odyssey and
by Strabo (see p. 310 ). She also seems to receive wool (KN Od714, Od715).
Erinys has been proposed by Furumark as the interpretation of e-ri-nu +
(apparently dative) in the offering list KN 200 = Fpl (cf. Fs390). Demeter
may be the right interpretation of da-ma-te PY 114 = En02, but in use at least
this is not a divine name; see the discussion on p. 242 . A cult of the Winds
is attested by the Knossos offerings to Anemon hiereidi , the priestess of the
Winds. A Do vz-GoDDESSpe-re-*82=Peleia (Palmer) seems likely on PY 172 =
Kn02; the name recurs on a new tablet found in 1954 (Unll 89), with offerings
of cows, sheep and pigs (cf. suouetaurilia ).
Dedications to All the G#»s (pansi theoi'i) are a frequent feature of the f f
Knossos offering lists, but do not appear at Pylos. This may suggest that it is
a particularly Minoan feature which though adopted by the Greek rulers of
Crete did not spread to the mainland; but arguments from silence can hardly
be admitted until we have more material. Although not unknown in classical
Greece, such dedications are commonest in Hellenistic times. It has been
suggested that it implies a connexion with the Vedic hymns to the Viive Devah
127
6-3
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
(All-gods); but these are said to be a later accretion to the Veda, not an
original inheritance.
A number of other deities or sacred places emerge from tablets such as
KN 200 = Fpl and PY 172=Kn02, where a fuller discussion will be found.
The Daidaleion seems an appropriate name for a shrine at Knossos. At Pylos
we find Iphimedeia, a semi-mythical figure in Homer, apparently receiving
divine honours. The identity of the other deities is unknown or conjectural.
The offerings recorded at Knossos differ from those at Pylos in that livestock
are rarely mentioned. None of the tablets dealing with livestock can be proved
to have any religious significance, though this is not always impossible;
j Sundwall’s theory of hecatombs must be abandoned (see p. 198 ). KN Fh347
is exceptional in showing both oil and cattle; but its religious context is not
certain as it contains no demonstrably divine name. The usual offerings are
grain (both wheat and barley) and flour, oil, wine, figs and honey; occasionally
wool (e.g. G 866 ), and some of the vessels recorded in the K series may be
intended as offerings though not so specified. At Pylos we have records of
quantities of wheat contributed annually to Poseidon; these are presumably
payments in kind for the upkeep of his shrine and ceremonial. A number of
texts list miscellaneous commodities (Un series), but not all of these are
offerings; the only one clearly identifiable as such is l7l=Un718. Here the
contributions promised to Poseidon take the form of one ox, two rams; a con¬
siderable amount of wheat, flour and wine; some cheeses, honey, two sheepskins
and a quantity of unguent. This may be provision for a sacrificial meal.
172 = Kn02 records offerings of gold vessels and human beings; what becomes
of the latter is not clear, but they are more likely to be cup-bearers than victims
for sacrifice. Some of the spice tablets at both Knossos and Pylos may be
religious in motive.
Whatever the religious functions of the king may have been, he was assisted
by a considerable priesthood. A priest called We-te-re-u figures prominently
on the land tenure documents at Pylos, and two more are mentioned on
44 = An29. There is a priestess of the Winds at Knossos (see above). At Pylos
we have frequent references to ‘the priestess’ without further qualification,
just as we have one deity referred to as theos without a name. This can only
refer to the principal deity of the town, who is therefore presumably female.
There is also a priestess at Pa-ki-ja -, who may be in the service of Potnia. We
have one reference to a hieroworgos\ how this title is distinguished from hiereus
is not clear. The klawiphoroi or ‘key-bearers 1 appear in company with the
priestess and are female; the title (in various forms) is well known in antiquity.
If The male occupational name da-ko-ro seems to be the same word as 30 x 690 $,
128
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
but there is no proof that ‘temple attendant’ is here the right sense, and the
etymological sense of ‘ floor-sweeper’ is more probable. Other titles may well
be religious, such as the women called ki-ri-te-wi-ja; but we can at present say
nothing about their status or function.
6 . AGRICULTURE AND LAND TENURE
The surviving tablets probably would not give anything like a complete picture
of the domesticated and wild animals and plants which were important in the
Mycenaean economy, even if their interpretation was certain. Many of the
provisions are recorded by conventional symbols, rather than by recognizable
pictures or by words spelt out in Greek. We can generally tell whether these
provisions are counted in units, or measured by dry bulk or liquid volume, or
weighed; but for a closer guess we must take into account the animal and
plant remains which occur archaeologically at Minoan and Mycenaean sites,
or which are represented in the art of the period. We may also use, more
cautiously, the lists of foodstuffs found on the cuneiform tablets and mentioned
in later Greek literature.
A full survey of the archaeological remains was made in Vickery’s Food in
Early Greece ( 1936 ), and this can be amplified by more recent finds. In the
following list the asterisked items (*) have been found both at important
Cretan sites (in Middle and Late Minoan) and at the chief Mycenaean centres
of the Mainland; the rest are so far restricted to finds from one or other
group.
Cereals: *wheat, *barley. These were certainly the most important Aegean grains:
emmer wheat and barley appear predominantly on the cuneiform tablets, and are
the only cereals listed in the Hittite laws. A single oat grain was found at Orcho-
menos; the supposed rye on Thera is very doubtful. Millet was restricted to Macedonia
by Vickery, though Evans claims a find at Knossos ( PM , iv, pp. 622 , 630 ).
Leguminous plants: *broad beans ( Viciafaba ), *peas ( Pisum sativum ), *chick peas (Cicer
arietinum ), *grass peas ( Lathynis sativus), *bitter vetches ( Ervum ervilia ), ^lentils [Lens
esculenta ). The same leguminous plants are found in contemporary cuneiform records,
where they are often milled and used in bread-making, or else eaten as a kind of
porridge (as in classical Greece).
Seasonings: aniseed ( Pimpinella anisum , Thera), coriander (Coriandrum sativum , Thera) J
the latter is also common in cuneiform records.
Fruits: *olives and *olive oil, ^grapes; dried figs (Phaistos), almonds (Phaistos); pears
(only Sesklo and Dimini, Early Helladic).
Animals: *ox (mostly Bos brachyceros , also Bos primigenius and some hybrids), *sheep
(Otfii ariespalustris ), *goat ( Capra hircus), agrimi goat (Capra aegagrus creticus , Tylissos),
129
documents in mycenaean creek
*pig { Sus domeslicus vidicus) , wild boar scrofa ftrus y Tylissos), ass (Tylissos), horse
(Tylissos, LM I), dog (Tylissos). Remains of cheese were found on Thera.
Sea food: ^shell-fish; fish-bones, oysters and mussels (Mycenae).
The shapes and meanings of the Mycenaean commodity ideograms will be
discussed in greater detail in the appropriate chapters of Part II. The following
summary is intended to show the extent to which the tablets conform to the
archaeological picture, and to correct a few misleading identifications made in
the surveys of the Knossos economy by Evans and Myres ( PM , iv; SM II,
pp. 59 - 61 ).
| The conventionalized symbols ? and represent the two main cereals.
They form the first and more important component in rations, and are only
once issued together (PY An31). t is the more frequent, and is alone used in
calculating the acreages of fields. We have taken ? to be wheat, and *1 to
represent barley (the latter already suggested by Evans, PM, iv, p. 625 ); but
it is conceivable that these identifications should be reversed.
The absence of recognizable bread-ovens from Mycenaean sites has led to
some doubt whether bread was baked (as it certainly was by the Hittites and
Semites), but this is resolved by the mention of the trade arto-poq u oi ‘bakers’
(cf. apioi in the Odyssey ). Meleuron ‘flour’ was also issued as rations and for
cult offerings (171 = Un 7 l 8 ).
Sundwall’s identification of 9 as ‘ poppy-seed J is very improbable, especially
in view of the large quantities involved. Of the two other supposed cereals
listed by Myres (SMII, p. 32 ), ^ is a liquid measure, and ^ (‘millet or beer’)
is proved by Pylos Gnl 184 to represent e-ra 3 -wo = elaiwon ‘olive oil’, as already
suggested by Furumark ( 1954 , p. 116 ) and Bennett (MTI, p. 448 ).
Olive oil is also very common both as a ration (e.g. MY 93 —FolOl) and
as a cult offering (KN 200 = Fpl, etc.). The fruit of the olive seems to be repre¬
sented by Y, Pylos *| (if the reading e-ra-wa in the last line of KN 94 = F 841
is in fact intended as a description of it). The ideogram cannot be saffron, as
Evans thought (PM, iv, p. 718 ); but that plant may be represented by Y,
of which very small quantities, measured by weight in the units used for gold,
are found at Knossos on Np267, etc. Issues of fruit generally accompany
wheat or barley rations; equal to or smaller than the latter in the case of figs
(9 = Ab27, etc.), larger in the case of olives (Fn06). No other ideograms for
fruit can yet be identified, but apples, pears and pomegranates were pre¬
sumably cultivated in addition to the authenticated grapes and almonds.
The ideogram ^ (171=Un7l8, etc., and cf. the Linear Aversion, p. 35 )
has plausibly been identified by Sundwall as wine, the existence of which is
confirmed by the ox name Wo-no-qo-so = OTvoy (Knossos Ch897, Chi015),
30
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
paralleled by the Homeric Poe oivotte. Evans (f*M, i, p. 415 ) argued that
beer was the main Minoan drink, but not only is there a lack of characteristic
beer-straining vessels (such as were used for instance by the Philistines) but
any memory ofbecr is totally absent from Homer. Though beer was commoner
than grape-wine or date-wine in Mesopotamia, wine was the usual drink
among the Hittites.
No signs for the leguminous plants can yet be identified; but Knossos, Pylos
and Mycenae share a considerable list of condiments, of which coriander is
the most frequent and which also mentions by name celery, cumin, cyperus,
fennel, mint, pennyroyal, safflower (both flowers and seeds) and sesame (see
pp. 221 - 31 ). Several of these have Semitic names and were probably derived
from Syria, though they may have begun to be cultivated in Greece in
Mycenaean times. Honey occurs in a number of ritual offerings (KN 206 =
Gg705, PY 171 = Un718). Salt, included in some of the cuneiform ration lists,
has not yet been identified. Flax was apparently grown locally (184 = Nn01,
etc.) and used for linen garments, and presumably also for making sails, thread,
string and nets (cf. Homeric Aivov). Beetroots are apparently indicated by f
the title tcutl-agoros (?, 120 = Eo03), which may imply that they grew wild along
the coastal areas. We might also expect to find cucumbers, onions, garlic,
leeks and other vegetables included in the Mycenaean diet.
Seven kinds of livestock occur on the tablets, in the following descending
order of numbers: sheep, goat, pig (jw-), ox (, g u ou -), horse ( hiqq u os)> ass ( onos)
and deer (eloph- ?); specific reference to asses has been provided by Chadwick’s X
1955 join to 82 = Ca895, where their ideograms are virtually indistinguishable
from those of the horses. The livestock ideograms are differentiated in a number
of ways (see p. 196 ), but of these distinctions only that between males and
females, also regularly shown in cuneiform lists, is certain; and it is not clear
whether different breeds are represented (on a possible sign for the wild goat,
see p. 302 ). Evans, Myres and Furumark wrongly identified the ‘ox’ sign
(no. 109 ) as a horse, and the ‘goat’ (no. 107 ) as an ox.
Numerous flocks of sheep and goats (perhaps belonging to the king) are If
recorded as pasturing on the lands of neighbouring towns under their shepherds,
each of whom is responsible to one of a small group of overseers who agerei,
‘collects’, the specified quotas of animals and wool (63 = Cc660). The wool v
whose consignments are measured by weight, is spun and woven by the palace
women, and the finished cloths are measured in the same units (see p. 316 );
the sheep also provide sheepskins, kowea , presumably for use as rugs, bedspreads
and ceremonial skirts (cf. fig. 15 ). A special category of sheep is recorded as
being kept in sheep-pens, stathmoi (Cn09, CnlO).
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Among the swine a valuable category of sialoi ‘fat pigs’ is mentioned
(75=Cn02), distinct from the larger herds listed with the sheep and goats
(Gnl 1-Cnl3), which were presumably left to forage in the woods. Among
the relatively small numbers of cattle, teams of working oxen ( g u owes ) wergatai y
are mentioned on Knossos 84 =C 59; and these include a number of pairs
whose actual names are given (e.g. 85 =Ch896). Horses are rare (only two
are listed on the surviving Pylos tablets), and were probably intended primarily
for chariot work, although some riding must certainly have been done (Hood,
1953)-
Deer occur on two Pylos tablets (CnOl, Cn 868 ): their ideograms are not
diff erentiated for sex, etc., and they probably represent carcases of venison.
The dog is implicit in the term kun-dgetai ‘ huntsmen’ and occurs, of course, in
Mycenaean hunting scenes.
| The cattle provide ox-hides, from which various leather ( wrineios ) articles
are made. Of dairy produce, only cheeses ( turoi , 171 =Un718) are mentioned
by name; milk, cream and butter, which figure in the Babylonian and Hittite
records, do not have any certain Mycenaean ideograms, and do not seem to
have been much used in later Greece. The composition of the aleiphar used in
preparing aromatic unguent (103 =Un08), is uncertain, though the evidence
of Pylos Gnl 184 suggests that it may have been olive oil.
No birds or fish can be identified with certainty, though it is probable that
the Mycenaeans kept or caught ducks, geese and pigeons. The man’s name
’AXacrpucov (which also occurs in the Iliad) does nothing to solve the vexed
question of when the cock was introduced into Greece, since the word probably
simply means ‘ the pugnacious one’. The octopus ( polupos ) occurs as a decorative
feature in ivory on 246 = Ta722, but it may well have been eaten, as it is today.
A large number of tablets from Pylos (108-154) apparently list the varying
amounts of wheat which are to be sown on various fields. The practice of
recording acreages by their amounts of seed (according to a fixed ratio which
it is difficult to determine exactly) is also found at Nuzi and underlies the
Sumerian methods of measuring area (Lewy, 1949 ). These tablets can thus
be interpreted as a cadastral survey of land tenure, although the legal basis
of such tenure and the exact purposes of the survey remain largely a matter
of conjecture. The references to diff erent types and sizes of holding ( temenos ,
ktoina , khama, etc.), and to the different classes of individuals who occupy
these, enable some deductions to be made as to the structure of society at Pylos
(see above, pp. 120 - 4 ).
Discounting tablets whose entries are repetitious, the total amount of seed
grain recorded on the surviving Pylos E- tablets appears to be about 720 dry
132
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
units of wheat, possibly about 86,400 litres, perhaps sufficient for an arable
area of 1730 ha (4270 acres): with a fivefold yield, this might feed 1500 slaves
for a year. But it is dangerous to deduce much from these figures, since the
tablets are only a fragmentary set and the scope of the survey is unknown.
There are only a few Knossos tablets of a similar class recording holdings of
wheat land (155-162), and they add little to our picture of Mycenaean land
tenure, which is discussed in detail at the beginning of eh. vm. Also listed on
a few tablets are orchards ( phutaliai , KN E 849), whose olive and fig trees,
numbered in hundreds, are illustrated ideographically (165 = Gv862, etc.).
7. INDUSTRY AND TRADE
The long list of trades and occupations which can be identified on the tablets f
(see p. 123 ) implies a specialization of labour which goes far beyond that seen
in Homer, where King Odysseus knows how to build his own boat or bed,
and boasts of his skill with the scythe and plough. The Homeric picture may
be due in part to a lower standard of living in the eighth century b.c., but more,
perhaps, to the fact that the poet’s interest in institutions and economic life is
not that of the modern sociologist, and introduces no more detail than is
necessary to provide a consistent background for epic narrative. A more
complex organization of production in Mycenaean times might in any case
have been inferred from the high level of craftsmanship in many industries,
from the size of the palace and settlements, and from the number of trades
which can be identified on the similar tablets from Nuzi, Alalakh and Ugarit
(see especially Virolleaud, 1940 ). This specialization is confirmed by nominal
rolls (particularly the Pylos E- tablets, 108-151) where the individual names
are regularly identified by their occupations: ‘Eumedes the unguent-boiler’,
‘Brithawon the potter’, ‘Thisbaios the shepherd’, etc.
It is more difficult to determine the precise status of these different trades¬
men, to guess where in the topography of the excavated sites their places of
work are likely to have been, and to assess how far the products of their labour
may have been available in a free market.
In the Mesopotamian temple-state economy of the third millennium b.c.
the craftsmen were bondmen controlled and fed by the palace, and this relation¬
ship is still reflected in the low status of the smith as a muSkenu in the Code of
Hammurabi (§ 274 ). The Ur tablets (Legrain, 1947 ) list the activities of eight
palace workshops, those of the sculptors, goldsmiths, lapidaries, carpenters,
smiths, fullers and tanners, tailors, and caulkers (bitumen workers). A large
proportion of the remaining production (textiles, food, pottery, etc.) was
133
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
carried out by the large and varied female labour force attached to the palace.
Imports from outside were the responsibility of the palace treasurer.
The later and more nearly contemporary records from Ugarit and Alalakh
and from the Hittite country show the ma jority of the craftsmen constituting
a more or less free ‘middle class’, organized in trade guilds and having their
places of work in bazaars in the towns. Some craftsmen might be permanently
employed by the palace, but a considerable proportion of its needs were fulfilled
by outside hire and purchase (through the medium of silver), both of local
production and of the imports made by more or less independent merchants.
It will be the task of the continuing analysis of the Mycenaean tablets to
determine which of these two sets of conditions they more nearly fit. It is
probable, at any rate, that the large numbers of women recorded on the
Knossos and Pylos ration lists (see 1 -28), whose occupational names are largely
connected with textile production, had a servile status and were recruited by
pillage and barter abroad. Such tablets as 50 = An 18, with their enumeration
of men pursuing fairly menial occupations, read like lists of palace servants;
but others, like 52 An26, with their record of tailors, potters and goldsmiths
in different places, might more reasonably be taken to refer to trades whose
products were not the exclusive monopoly of the palace. If so, the absence
of payment in metal or in kind (except for occasional rations in cereals and
fruit as on Fn02, An31) may suggest census and records of seasonal forced
labour (like the luzzi to which the Hittite ‘men of the tool’ were subject).
References to the ‘estate of the cowherds' (Eal2) and ‘of the swineherds’
(Ea08) and ‘of the beekeepers?’ (Ea820) possibly indicate that these formed
some kind of collective associations (cf. the classical TToi|iSvt6ai, etc.). Many
craftsmen are described as holding land at Pylos; and Palmer ( 1955 , p. 13 )
suggests that 5r|piospyot (which in the Odyssey is applied to seers, physicians,
carpenters, bards and heralds) originally meant ‘the class that tills the land
of the village commune ’ rather than ‘ those who work for the common people ’,
though this modification of the etymology does not seem essential to explain
the apparent facts. Some of the craftsmen are expressly described as wanakteros
‘ belonging to the king’ or as lawdgesios ‘ belonging to the leader’, which would
certainly suggest that others of their profession were free to work on their own
account. The occupations to which this applies are those o [the knapheus ‘ fuller’,
e-te-do-mo ‘artificer? \poimen ‘shepherd ’, kerameus ‘potter’and a-mo-te-u ‘chariot-
builder and wheelwright ? ’; and it seems that groups of these, at any rate, must
have formed part of the palace machine. The work of the potters was evidently
decentralized to sites convenient for kilns, of which several Mycenaean remains
have been found (Wace, 1949 , p. 106 ); the workshop of the chariot-builders
134
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
is probably to be identified in the a-mo-te-jo-na-de of Pylos 252 Vn06, the
only place of work to be named specifically on the tablets.
Decentralization is also shown by the Pylos Jn- tablets (253-256), which
record the issue (or absence of issue) of weights of bronze to the smiths of
a number of localities, similar to the distribution of piece-work from the palace
store-houses recorded on the Sumerian inventories and on Alalakh tablets
(396-408). Some of their headings look more like clan names than place-
names, possibly suggesting small closed communities of tinkers. The smiths are
the most frequent subject of an annotation in tribute lists which reads ‘The
So-and-so do not contribute 5 (c.g. on 176 = Mai2 and 192 = Na50), and this
has generally been taken as a record of the preferential treatment which this
trade receives on account of its full-time operations and its indispensability
to the war effort: this status is paralleled in other primitive or early societies.
The Pylos smiths are also distinguished by the possession of doeloi ‘slaves 1 .
In addition to bronze ( ka-ko), other sets of tablets also mention gold ( ku-ru-so,
231 =K 872, etc.), silver ( a-ku-ro , 290=Sa03) and lead (mo-ri-wo-do, 259 =
Ogl527); but there are no details of their working.
The inventories of pottery, metalware, furniture, weapons and chariots (see
chs. x and xi) do not unfortunately record who made them or how they were
acquired, and only seldom contain clues to a possible importation from outside.
Among the latter, note the mention of Kydonia, Phaistos and Se-to-i-ja on
the Knossos ‘chariot 1 tablets (265-277), and the description ke-re-si-jo we-ke,
‘of Cretan style or workmanship? 1 , applied to tripod cauldrons on Pylos
236 = Ta641, etc. The Knossos tablets listing ‘cloths 1 are, however, frequently
introduced by adjectives derived from different Cretan place-names (e.g. 213 =
L 641); but there is some uncertainty whether the textiles themselves always
come directly from these towns, or are merely woven by women supplied to
the palace by them.
Timbers specified on the ‘chariot 1 and ‘ furniture 1 tablets include pe-te-re-wa
(elm), e-ri-ka (willow), ki-da-pa (?), ku-teso (ebony?), mi-ra 2 (yew?), pu-ko-so
(boxwood) and ku-pa-rise-j a (adj., cypress). Other materials used in their
details and decoration are kyanos (see 239 = Ta642), horn (adj. *ke-ra-i-jo)
and, as we should expect from Homer and from Egyptian and Syrian parallels,
extensive areas of ivory inlay (e-re-pa, adj. e-re-pa-te-jo ). Wace ( 1949 , p. 108 )
agreeswith Barnett in suggesting that the raw material wasimported from Syria
(whose carved ivories show affinities with the Mycenaean, and where the
elephant existed in early times) rather than through Egypt.
Evidence of contact with Syria (e.g. Ugarit, Byblos, Beirut, Tyre) is shown
by the Semitic names of the three condiments sa-sa-ma = aijaapa, ku-mi-no =
*35
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
kuhivov and A:w-/?a-ro = KUTraipos(e.g. on 102=Ga517,103 — Un08,105 = Ge602,
etc.); it is uncertain whether these reflect continuing imports, or earlier loan¬
words (perhaps through a ‘Minoan’ intermediary) for things now obtained
from other more local sources. The latter is almost certainly the case with the
other two Semitic borrowings ku-ru-so ^xpvoo$ (see p. 343 ) and ki-to = x iTC ^ v
(p. 319 ). These five words are shown to have already been absorbed by Greek
in the Bronze Age, and not to be borrowings from the time of Phoenician
initiative in the eleventh-eighth centuries B.c.
On the other hand the Greek use of the word Qoivikss for the Ganaanites
was probably already current at the time of our tablets, even though the
detailed development of the various meanings of this probably non-Indo-
European word is obscure: it is significant that the Semitic 1 Canaan’ ( Kinahhi )
itself appears to be related to a word for a dyestuff' (cf. <poivi£ ‘crimson’).
Po-ni-ki-ja on the ‘chariot’ tablets (267 = Sd0409, etc.) is probably ‘painted
crimson’; while po-ni-ke (instr. sing, of <polvi£) possibly means ‘griffin’ on
246 = Ta722. Po-ni-ki-jo as the name of an unidentified substance on 99 =
Ga418, etc., may refer to its colour, but it may equally well describe it as
‘ the condiment from Canaan ’. The spelling of the initial in these words dis¬
proves any connexion with 96 VOS ‘murder’ ( *q u honos ).
Though the word ku-pi-ri-jo is probably Ki/rrpios, and implies that Cyprus
was already known by its classical name (which bears no relation to its Hittite,
Semitic and Egyptian names), in the three Pylosoccurrences it is a man’s name;
but on Knossos Ga517 and Ga676, where it occurs with KOuaipos and coriander,
it may well indicate an import from the east. The word ai-ku-pi-ti- jo (revealed
by Bennett’s join of Dbll05 with X 1446) is also only a man’s name, but it
presupposes that Alycrmos was already the Greek name for ‘ Egypt ’. At the same
period the name at Ugarit for both ‘Egypt’ and ‘Memphis’ was Hikupta
(Virolleaud, 1953 , P- 192 ), corresponding to the Hikuptah of the Amarna letters
and to Ht-k'-pth in Egyptian; and from these the Mycenaean name was
evidently borrowed.
The hierarchy of officials needed to supervise the many craftsmen and the
volume of imports and exports can only be guessed; but it is possible that
A-ko-so-ta , who appears with various functions in the preamble to a number
of Pylos tablets (154 = Eq01, 103 = Un08, PnOl, Wa9l7), had a function
similar to that of the satammum or chief steward at Alalakh and at other places.
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
8 . HISTORICAL EVIDENCE
In the absence of any Mycenaean monumental inscriptions, or of any tablets
other than palace or household accounts, the documentary evidence for his¬
torical situations and events is extremely fragmentary and indirect.
The mere fact that Greek can now be shown to have been written at Knossos
in LM II does, of course, supply new and conclusive proof of the theory that
Crete had begun to be occupied by the ‘Achaeans’ during the fifteenth century
b.c. or earlier (see Foreword, pp. xxiifL); and the close relationship apparent
between their dialect and those of the later Arcadians and Cypriots provides
some confirmatory evidence for the sequence in which the Greek tribes settled
in the Aegean.
The place-names which appear on the Knossos and Pylos tablets, where
they can be identified with known sites, provide some evidence for the areas
effectively controlled by these kingdoms at the time (see pp. 139 ff.); and a few
possible references to foreign lands have been discussed under ‘ Industry and
trade’.
Although many of the men’s names on the tablets are identical with those
of heroes recorded in Homer and other epic writers, there are (as might be
expected) no cases where an actual historical personage can be identified.
The possibility is discussed on p. 265 that the name of the last king of Pylos
in tact occurs in the spelling E-ke-ra 2 -wo } dat. E-ke-ra 2 -wo-ne (also E-ke-ra-ne ?)>
gen. E~ke-ra 2 -wo-no. This does not fit the name of any Neleid king of Pylos
preserved in the traditional genealogy, whose usual form reads:
Kretheus (Poseidon)
Neleus Amythaon, etc. (migrate from Iolkos to Pylos)
Nestor Periklymenos and ten other brothers
I-1-r- —i -r - -1
Thrasymedes Antilokhos Feisistratos Stratios Aretos Perseus
1
Sillos
1
Alkmaion (expelled from Pylos, takes refuge in Athens)
Some similarity is shown by the name of Ekhelaos, son of Penthilos, colonizer
of Lesbos; and by that of one of Nestor’s brothers, which appears in different
transmissions as Epilaos or Epileon.
Blegen’s excavations show that the palace at Pylos was of comparatively
short duration, ‘ wholly within the not very long stage called Late Helladic III B ’
( 1955 , p. 37 ); its foundation fairly late in the Mycenaean age may, as has been
137
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
suggested, be connected with the traditional arrival of Neleus, and with the
transfer of‘ Pylos’ from another site recorded by Pausanias (iv, 36, 1 ). It has
been proposed that the name ma-to-ro-pu-ro (Cnl0.5) should be interpreted
Mdtro-pulos , he. ‘the original Pylos\
Though the tablets record local kings and chieftains, there is no surviving
evidence for the organization and foreign relations of‘Achaea’ as a centralized
power (which the Hittite references to Ahhijawa lead one to expect), beyond
the spelling a-ka-wi-ja-de on Knossos78 = C 914: this may conceivably repre¬
sent Akhaiwidn-de , but even so it may be the name of a town rather than of
a state. The two occurrences of the patronymic Etewokleweios at Pylos confirm
the Mycenaean connexions of the name Eteokles, and make it more probable
thatForrer was right in identifying with it the name of the chieftain Tawakalawas
who appears in Hittite correspondence with ‘Achaea’ concerning the port of
Milawata (Miletos?).
f Since the Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae tablets all appear to have been
written shortly before the final destruction of their sites (probably by human
agency), it is natural to speculate whether their subject-matter contains any
anticipation of the impending catastrophe; but with few exceptions it would
seem that their contents are no diff erent from what one would expect from
a routine year; the mere listing of swords, chariots and armour does not
necessarily imply a desperate preparation against attack.
A definite historical value may, however, be given to the preamble of Pylos
53 = Anl2: eretai Pleurdnade iontes ‘oarsmen to go to Pleuron Thirty men are
listed in all, probably the complement of a single ship. If their destination is
in fact the important Aetolian city of that name (cf. II. n, 639 ), their journey
may have some connexion with the disturbances constituting the ‘Dorian
invasion’: this is traditionally regarded as having crossed towards Elis from
the nearby town of Naupaktos (cf. Pausanias, x, 38 , 10 ), and its first victims
may well have been the inhabitants of the Mycenaean enclave on the north
shores of the Gulf of Corinth.
The same historical situation may lie behind several of the Pylos An- tablets
listing officers and men (56-60, pp. 188 - 94 ), if their function is correctly inter¬
preted as that of a kind of Home Guard detailed to watch sectors of the coast
for the approach of enemy ships. The masons listed on 41 =Anl4 may possibly
be effecting repairs to the defences of Pylos, though toikho - might imply the
walls of individual buildings rather than city-walls (for which there is no
archaeological evidence).
138
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
9. GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
*E<rn HOAoi trpo nOAoio, IlCAos y* |j£v fori Ktti (Proverbial)
The Cretan place-names played an important part in the process of decipher¬
ment (see p. 22). The characteristic feature of place-names thus revealed is
the presence alongside the simple name of the ethnic adjective in -ios y and this
provides a useful test by which the more frequently occurring names can be
detected. A similar test is offered by names which recur with and without the
suffix of ‘motion towards 5 -de. With these criteria we can then establish the
presence of a place-name in a set place in a formula, and deduce that all other
words found in that position are likewise places. Similarly the presence of
several place-names in a list may lead to the conclusion that the rest are also
places.
Other formal considerations have been proposed, but these are somewhat
dangerous. Turner (1954) in a very useful study of the Pylos place-names
works also with the ending -t$ y which he interprets as the ablatival suffix -then.
There is no reason to doubt the existence of this suffix in Mycenaean, and it is
probably to be found in a-po-te-ro-te = amphoterothen ; nor is it disputed that most
of the words listed by Turner are place-names. But it is noticeable that the
names ending in - te belong almost exclusively to a class in - wo-te . In a few
cases other forms are found which reveal a declension: nom. e-ri-no-wo , gen.
e-ri-no-wo-to, dat.-loc. e-n-no-wo-te. Thus we may regard all these names as
locative datives in - tei , and the ending cannot therefore be used as a test. The
dative and instrumental plurals in - si and -pi can also be used as locatives;
but this too is not helpful as a criterion.
The remarks made in ch. iv (p. 92) on the risks of translating Mycenaean
spellings into classical names apply with almost equal force to the identification
of place-names. Certainly when the Knossos tablets present spellings which
resemble the names of prominent Cretan towns we can feel confidence in the
equation. But the presence at Pylos of names which could be places as far
distant as Orkhomenos in Arcadia or even Corinth raises quite a different
question. A glance at a classical dictionary is sufficient to disclose that in
ancient Greece, as in every country, a number of places bear the same name.
Thuseven if we correctly interpret the spelling as a name, there is noguarantee,
apart from the probability engendered by geographical proximity, that the
name can be safely attached to any site. The case of the common Pylos name
Re-u-ko-lo-ro is instructive: there can be little doubt that this represents a name
known in classical Greek as Aeuxrpov. But unfortunately there are three such
139
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
places known in the Peloponnese, two of them within reasonable distance of
Pylos. And who is to say that there were not others, of which we have no record
in our ancient sources? Mlihlestein (1955a) in a suggestive pamphlet has
spread the limits of the Pylian kingdom over half the Peloponnese; we beg to
suggest that it is a sounder policy to expect the names to be confined to
Messenia, or at least the south-western quarter of the Peloponnese. Names
which seem to be located outside this area should be regarded with grave
suspicion and not identified without strong reason.
Another difficulty that must be faced is the habit of migrants taking the name
of their towns with them. Many of the duplicated names in Greece are said
to be due to this process; but equally many may be common nouns in some
pre-Greek language, and in default of clear historical tradition these two cases
cannot now be distinguished. Old names may have been replaced for other
reasons, and the decay of ancient towns and the rise of their neighbours is
another factor leading to profound changes on a political map. If an expected
name—for instance Gortys in Crete—is apparently absent from the tablets,
we must not jump to hasty conclusions; it may be represented under a different
name. Equally if an obviously important town on the tablets has no apparent
equivalent in classical geography, no deductions are safe. The Messenian Pylos
would appear to have moved twice: from its Mycenaean site at Ano Englianos
to the classical one at Coryphasion (Paleokastro); and from there to its present
position at the southern end of the bay of Navarino. Extreme caution must
therefore guide our tentative discussion of the political geography of Mycenaean
Crete and Messenia.
The analysis of the types of names found does not at Knossos lead to any
t striking conclusions. The absence of names beginning with n> 0 or q may be
purely accidental. At Pylos there are two distinctive types, neither of which
is represented in the Knossos list. One is the type ending in - e-wa: A-ke-re-wa ,
A-pi-te-wa, E-ra-te-wa (plural), I-te-re-wa , Si-re-wa, Wo-no-qe-wa. These may
correspond to the type of Teykx, MaAkx, XpoKeal, etc.; but the loss of the
distinctive digamma makes this uncertain. The other has the dative ending
-wo-te referred to above: A 2 -pa-tu-wo-te , A^-ru-wo-te , Do-ro-qo-so-wo-te , E-ri-no-
wo-te (nom. E-ri-no-wo ), acc. Ne-do-wo-ta , Pe-re-wo-te , Sa-ri-nu-wo-te , Si-jo-wo-te.
With one exception the preceding vowel is 0 or w, which suggests that the
termination is added directly to a stem ending in a consonant. We may have
here the origin of the type in -oOs, -ouvtos as in £kiAAoOs, OAioOs, etc., though
some may represent rather -cov, -ovtos. There are also a number ending in -eus>
but these are hard to separate from the ordinary ethnics of this form. The
rarity of names with clear Greek meanings is obvious both at Knossos and Pylos.
140
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
The words which can plausibly be identified as place-names in the Knossos f
tablets are listed below. They amount to fifty-two separate places, excluding
the reference to Cyprus. Of these twelve can with varying degrees of certainty
be located on a map: Amnisos, Aptara, Dikte, Inatos, Itanos, Knossos, Kydonia,
Lato, Lyktos (Lyttos), Phaistos, Setaia, Tylissos. The doubtful cases are Itanos,
spelt U-ta-no (for other cases of variation between i and u see p. 77) and
Setaia, spelt Se-to-i-ja\ a and 0 are confused elsewhere (see p. 77), but not in
a diphthong. To these we may perhaps add Pa 2 -ra-i-so = Praisos and Su-ki-ri-ta =
Sybrita.
Two facts emerge clearly from these names: that the area in contact with,
and probably subject to, Knossos covers virtually the whole of Crete; and that
no names can be located outside the island. The isolated case of Kuprios applied
to spices implies no more than trade. Thus there is so far no evidence to
support the theory of a thalassocracy, at least at the time of the fall of Knossos.
The list of towns subject to Idomeneus in the Catalogue (II. 11, 645-9) is
restricted to the central area: Knossos, Gortys, Lyktos, Miletos, Lykastos,
Phaistos and Rhytion. Four of these do not appear (in a recognizable form)
on the tablets. Elsewhere in Homer we meet the KOScoves ( Od. in, 292; xix, 176);
their town Kydonia, which is mentioned on the tablets, is excluded from Homer
by its metrical shape. The same applies to Akhaiwia, which may be connected
with rh r Cretan ’Axouoi of Od. xix, 175.
There does not seem to be sufficient evidence on which to found any attempt
at locating the place-names which cannot be identified. Most of them occur
singly on separate tablets, and there is nothing to show that lists such as
83 = Ch 902 follow any regular geographical order.
Even more difficult to place on the map are the names on the Pylos tablets,
though this is perhaps not altogether surprising in view of the scanty informa¬
tion about Messenia given by the ancient authorities. The first problem con¬
cerns the site of Pylos itself*, a hotly disputed subject even in antiquity. One
new fact which the decipherment has contributed to this problem is that the
tablets refer repeatedly to a place called Pu-ro ; and that this is of supreme
importance appears from its prominence on a tablet such as 172 = Kn 02 , or
from the numbers of women assigned to it on the Ab tablets; and not less from
its omission from all documents which can be regarded as tribute lists. It is
a reasonable conjecture that it is the name of the site where the tablets were
found. The next step, that of identifying the Palace at Ano Englianos with J
the Pylos of Nestor, was taken in advance of the decipherment by Blegen and
Kourouniotis (1939 b ), and although their view has been challenged it obviously
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
now receives very strong support. The absence from the tablets of the names
of Nestor and his family is no objection if the fall of Pylos took place a genera¬
tion or more after the Trojan War, which is the conclusion of the most recent
chronological surveys . The suggestion of Turner ( 1954 , p. 20 ) that Pylos is the
name of the aggregate of towns forming the kingdom is worth considering,
though it appears to be used as an ordinary place-name, and can serve as an
adequate def inition of the whereabouts of two masons (41 = An 14). The name
K'e-re-za appears to be a part of Pylos.
| Two lists (75 — Cn02, 250 = Vnil) enumerate nine towns in the same order;
and a third example of this list can be restored in Vn05 owing to the joining
of a new fragment. The same names form the first nine entries on the tablet
dealing with contributions of bronze 257 =Jn09, except that Ro-u-so replaces
E-ra-to, It is clear that these are the principal towns of the kingdom, and their
occurrence in a fixed order has given rise to some speculation. The ordercannot
be one of relative importance, for Pe-to-no , the third, makes the largest con¬
tribution of fat hogs and receives the largest share of the wine (?) and probably
also of the sa-pi-de; Jn09 is useless for this purpose as the contribution of all
nine is the same. The figures are as follows:
Pi-*d 2
Cn02
3
VnOl
50
Vn05
Me-ta-pa
3
50
—
Pe-to-no
6
100
200
Pa-ki-ja-
2
35
80
A-pu 2 ?-
2
35
60
A-ke-re-wa
2
30
40
E-ra-to
3
5°
—
Ka-ra-do-ro
2
40
—
Ri-jo
2
20
—*
The suggestion that the order is based on a standard (quasi-alphabetical) order
of the syllabary—the two names which begin with the same sign come together
—is ingenious but unverifiable. It is more plausible to assume a geographical
order (north to south?), though this too cannot be demonstrated with certainty;
and the parallel of the Athenian tribute listsshows that purely arbitrary orders
may be adopted in such cases; it would be impossible to reconstruct the map
of the Aegean merely from the Athenian documents. Only one of the places
can be fixed with much probability: Ri-jo must be Rhion, a name associated
with the promontory on which stands the modern Koroni (the ancient Asine);
even this is not certain, for it is a name applicable to any promontory.
K a-ra-do-ro — Kkaradros is likewise the name of a common geographical feature.
42
THE EVIDENCE OV THE TABLETS
We were at first inclined to associate Pa-ki-ja- with ^ccyia, a known name of
the island of Sphaktcria. Two considerations, however, have caused us to
question this: the Mycenaean name appears to be alternatively Pa-ki-ja-na ,
Pa-ki-ja-ni-ja (fern. 5-stem?) or Pa-ki-ja-ne ( = - dries , plural), neither of which
corresponds closely with any classical form of the name; and Webster has
pointed out that it is an important place and that the amount of land it
possesses seems too large for that available on Sphakteria; Chadwick was told
in Pylos that the island is not now cultivable. It is possible that the name refers
to the whole area of the mainland bordering the bay of Navarino, but this is
only a guess. Metapa is known as the name of a town in Acarnania, but there
were no doubt several of the same name. The most significant evidence here is
that of an inscription in the Elean dialect found at Olympia (Schwyzer, Dial .
414) which mentions the Met&tuoi. Perhaps therefore the town is to be located
in the direction of Elis, somewhere in Triphylia. If Palmer’s value for *82^ ja 2
is right, Pi-ja 2 may be equated with Ogid in Pisatis, the modern Katakolo;
but this is to stretch rather far the northern limits of the kingdom. Homer
( Od . xv, 297) apparently mentions <Deoc1 as a place passed by Telemachos
between Pylos and Elis.
It has not passed unnoticed that Homer assigns nine towns to Nestor’s
kingdom:
01 §£ rroxov t j £v£|jovto Kal 'Apqviiv !pa“mvf)v
Kai 0pvov, *AA9eioIo 7r6pov, Kai Iuktitov Atrru
Kai KuirapiCTOTjEVTa Kai *A|a<piy!v£iav §vaiov
Kai T 1 teAe 6 v Kai 'EAos Kai Acopiov. (//. 11, 591-4)
Similarly in the Odyssey (111, 7) Telemachus arriving at Pylos finds the citizens
sacrificing at nine altars. The coincidence is remarkable and may well be
historical; it should, however, be noted that Homer’s list includes Pylos in
the nine, the tablets exclude it. Only one pair in the two sets of nine can be
equated; A-pu 2 ?- is perhaps Aim!/, a name appropriate to any town on a height.
It is not securely identified but is said to be in Elis. Of the other Homeric
names KuTTaptaoqeis is represented on the tablets by the ethnic Kuparissioi and
still bears a similar name, Kyparissia; the name [ Ku]-pa-ri-so is a likely
restoration on I 87 = Na 49 . The word A-pi-ke-ne-a on a fragment could be
’AiicpiyEVEia. *EAos is no doubt the correct interpretation of the dative E-re-e
or E-re-i , but its location is uncertain. The meaning suggests that we should
look for a site on marshy ground, and the obvious place is the seaward end of
the Messenian plain.
This brings us to the remaining seven names of 257 =Jn 09 : Ti-mi-to a-ke-e ,
Ra-wa-r a-ia 2 , Sa-ma-ra , A-si-ja-ti-ja, E-ra-te-re-wa-pi , ^a-ma-e-wi-ja, E-re-i. These
43
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
seem to form another group; they recur (except for the last) on the Ma tablets,
so are certainly also tributary. On 257 =Jn 09 they contribute no less bronze,
and in some cases more, than the first nine, so they cannot be dismissed as less
important towns. This is confirmed by their assessments on the Ma tablets
(p. 291) where Ra-wa-ra-ta 2 has a larger assessment than Pe-to-no . Their grouping
is therefore probably geographical. Now the two Ng tablets (198 and 199)
record the totals for two districts which are called De-we-ro-ai-ko-ra-i-ja and
Pe-ra 2 -ko-ra-i-ja> i.e. on this side and on that of some feature called Ai~ko-ra-.
The most prominent natural feature visible from the site of the Palace is the
wall of hills (Aya, Antilaris, etc.) which runs parallel with the sea from
Kyparissia in the north to a little south of Khora (Ligoudista). This is identified
by Kiepert, by Blegen, by educated locals and by most modern maps with the
AiyaA£ov mentioned by Strabo (vm, 4, q) as the mountain under which the
first city of Pylos had stood; it is tempting to regard this as the name contained
in the compounds, for the substitution of 0 for a is not unusual. Marinatos
once suggested AlyaAeov was the smaller hill of Manglava, between Antilaris
and Likodimo, and above the Mycenaean settlement at Iklina. On some maps
the name AiyaA6ov is attributed to the conical hill of Ayos Nikolaos (above the
present town of Pylos/Navarino), for no good reason. The damaged tablet
OnOl seems to show that these two districts correspond to the groups of nine
and seven. The heading is lost, but may be conjectured to have contained
De-we-ro-ai-ko-ra-i-jo. The names preserved in the first paragraph are E-ra-to
(in the adjectival form E-ra-te-i-jo) and Pa-ki-ja-ni-ja on a new fragment; both
these belong to the nine. The second paragraph is headed Pe-ra-a-ko-ra-i-jo ,
and contains the names of five out of the seven (some differently spelt) together
with E-sa-re-wi~ja , perhaps in place of ^a-ma-e-wi-ja with which it is coupled in
Vn 03 .
Ti-mi-to a-ke-e is interpreted by Palmer (1954^, p. 49) as Themi(s)tos ageei
(dyos being given the sense ‘sacred land’). This ingenious idea does not help
us to locate it, for whatever its meaning it is undoubtedly the name of a locality
like the others in this list. It has the variant form Ti-mi-ti-ja or Te-mi-ti-ja ,
where the preservation of -ti- goes to confirm the interpretation Themistia.
How far to the east the kingdom extends is not easy to determine. If
Ne-do-wo-ta (acc.) on the military tablets is the river N65cov flowing into the
Messenian gulf, this might be a clue; but the interpretation comes into conflict
with U-ru-pi-ja-jo = Olumpiaioi in the same line. Re-u-ko-to-ro might be the town
usually called AeOKTpcx on the Laconian border; but there is nothing to connect
it with the coast, and it could equally well be AeC/KTpov in southern Arcadia,
if either of the two. The seven TTToAieGpa offered by Agamemnon to Achilles
144
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
[II. ix, 149-52) are described as v^crrat FTOAov t)po86evtos, and seem to lie
round the shores of the Messenian gulf; they must at that time have been an
independent area belonging neither to Menelaos nor to Nestor, or some protest
would have been made. This would limit the eastward extension of the
kingdom, but there is nothing in the tablets to prove that this was also the
situation at the time of the fall of Pylos.
To the north-east too the limits are undefined. A number of names can be
equated with places in Arcadia, but how many of these should be accepted is
doubtful. Ro-u-so= Aoucroi, Ru-ko-a 2 - = Auk6ck, A-si-ja-ti-ja = ’Aoia are plausible
guesses; E-ko-me-no, however, is hardly likely to be the Arcadian "OpxopEvos,
nor I-wa-so Macros on the eastern border of Arcadia.
The names of the places from which rowers come are presumably on the
coast. Ro-o-wa may be the port of Pylos (see p. 187); Ri-jo and A-ke-re-wa are
among the nine. E-wi-ri-po offers hope of identification, for Euripos implies
the existence of a strait with an appreciable current. There are only two
straits off' the Messenian coast: that between the island of Proti and the
mainland, which is relatively wide and affords a safe anchorage; and the
Methoni strait formed by the island of Sapientsa. This is restricted by rocks
and shoals to a narrow navigable channel, and according to the Admiralty
Mediterranean Pilot Book (in, p. 61) ‘the current sets westward through the
Methoni strait at the rate of ahont one knot during moderate weather’. This
strongly suggests a location near this channel.
The military tablets ( 56 - 60 ) are prefaced by a reference to the coast which
implies that the places where troops are stationed are coastal towns. This
confirms the placing of Ro-o-wa and A-ke-re-wa , and adds O-wi-to-no and
Ti-mi-to a-ke-L The mention in these tablets of U-ru-pi-ja-jo and O-ru-ma-si-ja-jo
strongly suggests ’OAu^Tria and 'EpOuavOos, which would imply contacts far to
the north; but these names are not found in the tribute lists, and they may well
lie outside the limits of the kingdom of Pylos, though perhaps allied to it for
defence. The same applies to the two references to Pleuron, if this is the famous
city in Aetolia.
Other ethnic groups mentioned are the Ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo who may be from
Gorcyra or Krokyleia; and the Zakynthians whose name is also associated
with chariot wheels. The ethnic adjectives used to describe slave-women (see f
p. 156) seem to belong to Asia Minor: Lemnos, Knidos and Miletos (though
this might be the Cretan town) and possibly Khios. There are also women
from Kythera, and perhaps even a colony of men from that island in the
territory of Pylos.
145
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
10. LIST OF PLACES NAMED AT KNOSSOS AND PYLOS
The following two lists index the words which can be plausibly identified as
place-names at Knossos and Pylos respectively. Only one reference is usually
given for each form quoted, additional examples being indicated by the plus
sign ( + ). Names which can with reasonable certainty be located on a map
are printed in bold type.
Knossos
a-ka f I)al350 + .
a-ka-i-jo, Vd$2 4 , Ethnic.
a-ka-whja-dt, 78= C 914* Akhaiwi<in»d«* [Cf. Hitt.
Ahhijawd.\
u-tn\-ni-so> 200=I'pl4. Amrsh&s (on the site see
p. 3i«). [*Auvmj 6 s Od. x:x, i88«]
awd-nise-de* 201 = Fpl 4+. Apmuan-de.
34 = A m601 4*. Ethnic: Anmi-
xhs.
a-pa-(a-wa t 83=Ch9024. Aptarwa, ["AifTapa;
the form ’'Airaspcr is flue t# popular etymo¬
logy*]
a-pa-ta-iva-jo, 47 = Arn82f>4. Ethnic: Aptarwsws.
da-da-rc-jo-dc, 200= Fpl 4. Daidaltion-de . [Cf.
AaiSaXos: IL XVlll, 592? AcnSaAlSai Attic
dcmc.]
da-mi-ni-joy V 3374*. Ethnic? [Cf. J E-m5apvos;
also PY da-mi-ni-jorj See p. 1G1.
da-ra-koy Ddl579 + .
da-wo , 84=C 59-r. Ventris: D6lwos^Af\kc>^
da-wi-jol-ja , Am568+ . Ethnic.
da-*22-to> As40+ (also ElkVSIs l). Georgiev;
DaJcunthos= ZtiicuyGos.
da-+ 22 -ti-joj\ja, F 609 4 . Ethnic.
da-*8j-ja, Dvl086.
da- m 8j-ja-dc, Fp363-f. Acc .+ -d*,
da-^Sj-ja-i, F 670. Loc. plur. : -d*i.
di-ka-ta-de, Fp74. Dikian-dc. [Ahorcl.]
di-ka-la-joy 200=: FpL Ethnic; Diktahs.
di-ro t D a 116 7 4 .
da-ti-ja, Cc)39 + . (In some cases possibly fem. or
neut. ethnic.) [Cf. AtOTtOV m$tov in
Thessaly.]
e-ka-ss, Dx46 4*. Exos ? [N*t ’A£o$= F^os.]
e-ki-si-joj-ja, As82I 4.
e-ra, Dcl298+.
e-ra-dt, Fh357. Acc.4 -de.
e-ra-jof-ja, V 4314-. Ethnic.
e-ti-wa> Fsl9.
e+ti-wa-ja, X 681. Ethnic; d\ woman’s name
Ap63S.
ko-no-so , 213= L 6414-. KnSsos. [Kvoxrof li u,
6464-.]
ko-no-si-j&j-ja , V 564-. Ethnic: Kmsws.
ku-do-ni-jat 84= C 59 4-. Kudonut. [Kufccovla; cf.
Ku&oves Od, m. 292.]
ka-do-ni-ja-tUt I. 588. A 'udoainn-de.
ku-pi-ri-joy Fh3474-. Ethnic: Kuprios. (Applied
to spices; cf. man's name at Pylos.) [KOttpros;
cf. Kurrpos Od. tv, 83.]
ku-la-fo, X 80 4-. Kutmstas? [Cf. Kuratov.}
kti-la-i-io, 83 —CH902. Alternative spelling of
the preceding?
ku-ia-H-jai-ja y Ga4l9 -4, Ethnic.
ma-ri, B1 947 4-.
tm-sa? Dw42 4-.
ma-sa-dti X 744. Acc. 4 -dtt.
pa-i-tOy E 384- Phmstas. fthatcrrds U. n, 648.]
pa-i-ti-jof-ja, X 681 4-. Ethnic: Phttislm.
pa^-ko-wc, ApC 18 4* (also TirVNS li). 'Ihe
tempting identification PMgpwem (cf. Attic
deme 09/005) is belied by the declension and
derivatives.
pa^-ko-tv€-e y payko-uje-iy Dx794, Dn 10934, Ivor,
pa y ko-u*-i-j&/~j<iy 100= Og4244-. Ethnic.
pa 2 -mo, Ga4l 7/.
pa t -mi-jo(-ja, 88 = K 7494-. Ethnic.
pa-na-sdy E 8 4 3 4 - * Pamassas ?
y>a 3 -ra, L 473 4. Furumark: Pkarat. [Octpal in
various parts of the mainland, none in Crete.]
pa 2 -ra-jo, Ga4234 . Ethnic: Pharaios.
pa 2 -ra-i-so , V 466, [X 5285.] Georgiev: Paraisos
or Praisas (possibly a man’s name), [flpaicri^]
pa 2 -sa-ro-tve , Dbl329. Ventris: Psallotvcns . [Cf.
ydAAoS" 6X9 HesychK)
pu-na-so, X 9674.
pu-nasi-ja, G a3 4 4. Ethnic.
pu-so, A$604+.
pu-si-joj-jay 88=3E 7494. Ethnic.
ra-jOy Da 1202 4. Laia? [Cf. Aatatoi people in
Macedonia; Pylos place-name ra-i-pi.]
ra-ma-na-dty Fh353- Acc. 4 -da. [Cf. ’PapvoOs,
Anpvos?; Pylos ra-mi-ni-jo.]
ra-su-tOy As60t>4-. Ixisunthos? [Cf. y\5005, Aaoala.]
ra-jit-lOjoy Lc76l. Ethnic.
ra-tOyJ 584. Laid. [AaT«.J
ra-ti-joy 87= E 668. Ethnic: Lati&s .
re-ko-no, G 918.
Tt-ko-no-jo, C 912 4 * Gen.
ri-jo-no , Dmli74 4. [Cf. ’Piavis Cretan poet.]
ri-u-rtOy X 149. Alternative spelling of the pre¬
ceding?
ri-*6^no, U 49. Perhaps alternative spelling.
ri-jo-ni-joj-ja, Od563 4 . Ethnic.
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
ru-ki-to, V 159+. Luktos. [Aukto* //. 11 , 647 .]
ru-ki-ti-joj’ja, X 37+. Ethnic: Lukltos.
sa-na-io-de , Fs2 +, A c c.+ •</*.
sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja, DI941. Sittig: Sphaktfria.
se-to-i-ja , As40 + , [ = Ir|Ta(a.}
si-ja-du-wt, D1930 + .
si-ra-ro , 83 = Ch902 + .
si-ra-ri-ja , Lc512. Ethnic.
su-ki-ri-ta, Dnl092 + . Sttfrita? [ = Xvpp»Ta?]
su-ki-ri-la-jo , C 911 +. Ethnic: .Siigri/aiar.
ju-rt-mo, 29 = As821 +.
su-ri-mi-jo, 99 = Ga418. Ethnic.
U-re-no, Fp363. [Cf. Giiprlv river near Knossos,]
fi-ri-to , Ufl20 + . [Cf. TpiTa old name f«r Knossos
(Ilesych.).]
ti-ri-ti-jof-ja , 88 = E 749+ . Ethnic.
tu-rti-ja, Dbl606 + . Place or ethnic? [Cf. ‘EXn/via
(now Kunari) south of Knossos.]
tu-ri-so, M = C 59+ . Tulitos. [Tv/Aicr 6 s laser.
Cret. 1 , 30 , 1 ; now T^lissos.]
iu-ri-si-jo / -ja, 87 = E GGB + . Ethnic: TuLisios.
u-ta-no, 202= Fpl3 +. (Jtanos. [ = 'lTavos.J
u-la-ni-jo, 88 =E 749+. Ethnic: Ulanios ,
wi-na-to , As604 + . Winalos. ['Ivotos; probably
on the present bay ofTstitsuro.)
Place-names with untrauscribed initials.
* 4 ?-da-de, 200 = Fpl.
* 47 -ku-to-dt, 202 = F pi 3, Acc. + - de .
* 47 -so-de, Fh35I + . Acc. + -de.
* 8 ^.ri-mo-de, 202= Fpl3. Acc. + -de. [Cf. ru-d-mo.]
Pylos
a-da-ra-te-ja , Aa785 [44=An29]. Place or descrip¬
tion of women? Adrasleia(i)? [Cf. *A 6 pncrrEia
It. it, 828 .]
ai-wi-jo, Na25.
a t -ka-q t -ki-ri-jo, 60—An661. - akrion?
a 2 -ka-a z -ki-ri‘ja-jo , 76=Cn22. Ethnic?
a-ka-si-jo-ne , 254=Jn04. Loc.?
a-ke-te-wa, 54=Anl9 + . (One of the nine
towns.)
a-ke-re-wa-de , 250 = VnO 1. Acc. + -de.
a t -ki-ja, 45 = An830.
a 2 -ki-ra t Na856.
a t -ma-i-wa, Na39. [Cf. ‘Anaia title of Demeter.]
a-ne-u-U , Cnl4- Loc.?
a 2 -ne-u-U, Cnl2. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
a-nu-wa, 52=An26.
a-pa-re-u-pi, Cn643 + . Loc. plur. Muhlestein: cf.
’AqxxpsiA.
a-pa-ri-ka-na-we-ja, Na 16,
a-pa-ta , Na27.
a 2 -pa-tu-wo-te , Cnl2. Loc. [Cf. 'Airorrovpia?}
a-pe-ke-e , Jn03. Loc.
a-pe-ke-i-jo, Jn03. Ethnic.
a-pi-ke-ne-a , Xat2. Amphigenea? [Cf. ‘Ajnpiycveia
”» 5930
a-pi-no-e-wi-jo , 184= NnOI + . Place or ethnic?
a-pi-U-wa, 57= An43 + .
a-po-ne-we, 53 = Anl2+ . Loc.
a-pu-ne-we, 15 = Ad684„ Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
a-pu-ka , 44 - An29. Ethnic: -on?
a-pu t ?’ka-ne , 59=An656 + . Nom. plur. of the
preceding?
a-pu t ?-u>e, 49=AnO?+ . Loc. Aipuei? (One of the
nine towns.) [Al-mi 11. n, 592 .]
a-pu t ?-de, 250= VnOl. Aipu-de.
a-pu z ?-ja, 258 = Kn01. Ethnic: Aipuia?
a$-ra-lti-a, 76=Cn22. Miihlcstein: cf. 'ApaiGup^a,
'Apavrla, old names of Phlius.
Oi-ra-tu-wa, 57= An43. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
a t -ru-u<o-te t 56= An657. Loc.: Haltxxmtei? [‘AAous
Arcadia, Paus. vm, 25, 2.]
a-ro-wo , 251 = Vn02. Possibly nom. of the pre¬
ceding; or a common noun; sec Vocabulary,
p- 389.
ti-sa-pi , Na33. Loc. plur.
a-si-ja-ti-ja, 31 — Ac04 +. [Cf. ‘Aala Arcadia,
(founded by 'AotdTas)?]
a-sa-ti-ja, Mn02. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
Mal7. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
a-te-re-wi-ja , Cnl4 + . [Cf. *ATps0$?J
da-mi-ni-joj-ja , 54=Anl9 + . Ethnic or place?
[Cf. 'EiHBapvos; KN da-mi-ni-jo .]
da-we-u-pi, Cn03 [925}. Loc. plur.
de-we-ro-ai-ko-ra-i-ja , 198=Ng02. Name of a dis¬
trict; see p. 144. Deuro-aigolaia?
di-wi-ja-ta , 184=NnOI.
do-TOrqo-so-wa-U , Na07. Loc. (Divider after qo
doubtful.)
e-ko-me-no, Cnl2 + . Erkhomenos, [*Epxourv6s=
*Opxonev6?, but hardly that in Arcadia.]
e-ko-me-ne-u, 183 = Nn83l ( = 02). Ethnic or
man’s name ?: Erkhomeneus. [Cf. man’s name
0-ko-me-ne-u.]
e-ko-me-na-ta-o , 44 = An29 + . Gen. plur. of
ethnic: Erkhomendidort.
e*ko-so-rto , Na31.
e-na-po-ia, 76=Cn22 + . Enanphoros? [Spartan
hero ’Evapo<p6pos Alcm, Parth. 3; not a
common noun {Debrunner, Von der Muhll).]
e-ni-pa-le-we , 255=Jn658 + . Loc. [Cf. river-god
'EvitteOs Od. xi r 238?]
e-pi-qo-ra t , MnOI. Place or common noun; r see
Vocabulary, p. 392. Epupolai? fEirnroXal.]
e-ra-lc-re-wa-o , 258 = Kn01 + . Gen. plur.: Elo-
trewaon. [Cf. , EXdTp(€)iof=‘EA«ftTEia Thcs-
pr#tia; man’s name ‘EXarpgus Od. vm, 11.]
e-ra-te-re-wa-pi , CnOl. Loc. plur.: Elatrewdphi.
e-ra-te-re-we , Ma07. Loc. sing.: Elatriwti, {Pos¬
sibly a different place.)
147
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
e-ra-to-de, 250= VnOl. Elatos-de ? (One ofthe nine
towns.) [Cf. man’s name "EXorros II. vi, 33 .]
e-ra-te-iy 75— Cn02. Loc.: Elatei.
e-ra-te-i-jo , OnOl. Ethnic: ElaUios.
e-re-e, 258=Kn0l-f. Loc.: Heleei. [’EX 05 II. 11 ,
594-]
e-re-i, 257 =Jn09. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
e-re-e-u, 183=Nn83l ( = 02). Ethnic of preceding
or separate name; not a place?
e-re-e-wo, Na60. Gen. :-ewos.
e-re-e-tue, An723 +. Loc.: -ewei.
e-ri-no-wo, Na51.
e-n-no-wo-to, 154=Eq01. Gen.: -wontos?
e-ri-no-wo-te , Cn09+. Loc.: -wontei?
e-ro-ma-to, An25. [Cf. o-ni-ma-to ?]
e-ro^ne, Na34. Loc. Palmer: cf. 'EXcfov II. n, 500 .
e-sa-re-wi-ja, Mal5-h Derivative of the title
e-sa-re-u (cf. pa^-si-re-wi-ja, za-ma-e-wi-ja)\
= ‘estate of the /».'?
e-u-de-we-ro , 6 = Ab02 + . Eudeiwelos ? [Cf. E0-
6 e(eXos name of Aspledon, Strabo.]
e-u-ta-re-[, Nal085.
e-wi-ku-wo-te, NalO. Loc.: - wontei ?
e-wi-ri-po, 54= Anl 9. Ewripos. [Eupmos; probably
Mcthoni, see p. 145 ]
e-wi-ri-pi-ja, Aa06. Ethnic: Eurripiai.
e-wi-te*u, Cnl7.
e-wi-U-wi-jOy MnOI + . Ethnic.
i-na-ne, 51 = An20. Nom. plur.?
i-na-pi, An24. Loc. plur.
i-na-ni-ja, AeO 1 + Ethnic or place ?; cf.
pa-ki-ja-vi-ja.
i-U-re-wa , 258= KnOl + .
i-wa-sOy 57=An43 + . Iwasos. [CE'lacrov *Apyos
Od . win, 246 ; Miihlestein identifies with
'lacros on Arcadian-Laconian border.]
i-wa-si-jo-ta, 76= Cn22. Ethnic: Iwasidtai.
ka-pa-ra x -de, 26=An02 + . Fern, ethnic? (nom.
plur.).
ka-pa-ra t -dOy Ad679. Gen. plur.
ka-ra-do-roy 257=Jn09-K Kharadros . (One of the
nine towns.) [Xdpa 6 pos river near Messene,
Paus. iv, 23 , 5 ; cf. XaX<5t6pioi in Elcan inscr.
Schwyzer, Dial. 415 .]
ka-ra-do-ro-de , 250= V nO 1. Kharadron-de.
ka-ra-u-jo, An09.
ka-ro-ke-e, 52=An26.
ke-ty Aal0 + . Loc.?
ke-i-joy Na29. Ethnic or place? Georgiev:
Keios.
ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na, 184= NnOl. - band?
ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na, Xa07. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
ke-ra-ti-jo-joy An09. Gen.: Geraistioio. [PEpaicTTiov
Arcadia.]
ke-re-Uy An3l. Nom. plur.: Kretes? [Kptls*]
ke-re-ti-wo, Na09.
ke-re-za, Ab25 +. A place at Pylos, [Not
= Kpricroat.]
ki-ka-ne-wi-jo-dcy Vn07. Acc.+ -de.
ki-ni-di-ja, Abl2-K Fem. ethnic: Knidiai. [Kvl-
80 s.]
ki-ni-di-ja-o, Ad683. Gen, plur.: Kmdia'dn.
ki-si-wi-ja, Aa770. Fern, ethnic: Xiwiai. [ = XTai?
(Xios<Xiios).]
ki-si-wi-ja-o, Ad675. Gen. plur.: Xiwidon.
ko-ri-to, Ad07. Korinthos . [Not the known
KopivOos.]
ko-ri-si-jo, 52 = An26 + . Ethnic: Korinsios . [Cf.
woman’s name ko-ri-si-ja.]
ko-ro-du-wo, Nal041.
ko-ro-jo-wo-ivi-j a, MnOI. KhBroio worwia?
ko-ro-ki-ja , 26=An02 + . Fem. ethnic?
ko-ro-ki-ja-o, Ad680. Gen. plur.
ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo, Na45 + . Ethnic; Ventris, Furu-
mark: Krokulaioi (cf. XpoKiI/Xiia); Sittig:
Korkuraioi.
ko-tu-wo, 131 = Eq01. Gen.
ko-tu-we f Na908. Loc.
[ku]~pa-ri-so f 187=Na49. Kuparhsos. [Kvmd-
ptcTcros, Horn. Kvirapicrcnteis II. ii, 593 , now
Kyparissia.]
ku-pa-ri-si-jo, 56= An657. Ethnic: JCuparissioi.
ku-te-ra i} Aal4. Fem. ethnic?: Kutherai. [Ku-
6 qpa.]
ku-te-ra-o, Ad696. Gen. plur.: Kutherddn.
ku-U-re-u-pi, 28=An42 + . Loc. plur, of ethnic or
place: Kuihereuphi?
ma-ra-ne-nu-we, 54 =An 19. Loc.
ma-ra-ne-ni-jo, 175=MalO. Ethnic.
ma-rOy Cn05 +. [Cf. MtiXos.]
ma-ro-pi , 61 = Cn04 + . Loc. plur. ?
ma-to-TO’PU’TOy CnlO. Miihlestein: Mdtro-putos (i.c.
the city from which Pylos was founded).
me-ka-o, Nal2. Gen.: Megdo ? [Cf, men’s names
Meyris, MEydBqs.]
me-sa-po, Na28. Messapos? [Cf. Mecrcra-rtiai
Laconia.]
me-ta-pa y 44=An29-(-. Metapa. (One of the nine
towns.) [M^TCora; cf. to$ MstctttIos in Elean
inscr. Schwyzer, Dial. 414 .]
me-ta-pa-de , 250 = VnOl. Metapan-ds.
me-ta-pi-jo, 58 = An654. Ethnic: Metapios.
me-U-to, Na04 + .
me-te-to-de, 41 = Anl4. Acc. + -^r.
mi-ra-ti-ja, Aal7 + . Fem, ethnic: Milatiai. [Mi-
X 1 IT 05 in Ionia or MlXcrro? in Crete?]
mi-ra-ti-ja-o, Ad09, Ad689. Gen. plur.: Mila-
tiddn.
na-i-se-wi-jo, Jn692 +. Ethnic?
ne-do-wo-ta-de, 60=An661. Nedwonta-de ? [Ni 6 wv
river of E. Mcsscnia.]
ne-we-u, Ad02. Masc. ethnic?
ne-we-wi-ja, Ab20+ . Fem. ethnic.
ne-we-wi-ja-o, AdOl. Gen. plur.
o-pi-ke-ri-joy An35. Perhaps not a place: Opi-
skherion?
o-pi-ke-ri-jo-de, 55 = An724 ( = 32). Acc. + -de?
o-re-e~wo, Cnll. Gen.: Oreewos? [Cf. 'UpEos
Euboea.]
o-re~mo a-ke-re-u, Jn06.
! 4 S
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
o-ru-ma-to, 76= Cn22. Orumanthos? [ = 'Eptipavflos.]
o-ru-masi-ja-jo, 57=An43. Ethnic.
o-wi-to-no, 44= An29 +.
o-wi-ti-ni-jo , 56=An657. Ethnic.
pa-ka-a-ka-ri, l96=Na70. Paga Akharis?
pa-ki-ja-na, 114=En02, Nat I +. Apparently gen.
and loc. (One of the nine towns.) [Possibly
Sphagian -, cf. Z<payla= Z^axrriplai see p. 143 .]
pa-ki-ja-ni-ja, 114= En02. Ethnic or alternative
spelling?
pa-ki-ja-ne> XcOL Ethnic (masc. plur.) used as
place-name ?
pa-ki-ja-pi, 257=Jn09. Instr.-loc. plur.
pa-ki-ja-si, 51 = An20 + . Dat.-loc. plur.
pa-ko, 49 = An07. Phagas? [Cf. (Diyyds Thessaly,
(D/iyeict Arcadia.]
pa-na-pi, Cnl3. Loc. plur.: Phannphi ? (Cf. <Dava
Aetolia.]
pa t -wo-na-de, Vn07. Acc.+ -dc.
pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja , 199 = NgO 1 +. Pera-aigolaia? See
p. 144 .
pe-ra-a-ko-ra-i-ja, OnOl. Alternative spelling of
the preceding.
pe-ra-ko-ra-i-ja, Ad 15. Alternative (defective?)
spelling.
pe-re-u-ro-na-dei 5 3=A n 12. Plturdna-de. [ITAtvpcov
Aetolia, II. 11 , 639 + .]
pe-re-u-ro-ni-jo, 59 = An656. Ethnic: Pleur6nios .
pe-rc-wo-lt, Na08+. Loc.
pe-to-no, 75 = Cn02+. (One of the nine towns.)
pe-to-no-de, 250= VnOl. Acc. + -de.
pi hi na, 194= Na58.
pi-pu-te, 49= An07. Loc.
pi-*8s t 75=Cn02 + . (One of the nine towns.)
Phial [(Deri* Triphylia? Cf. (Deal, dubious
reading in Od . xv, 297 -]
pi-*8z-de, 250=Vn01. Phian-de.
po-ra-i, 59 = An656. Dat.-loc. plur. =po-ra-pi?
po-ra- pi, 53 = An 12 +. Loc. plur.: Phordphi?
[(Dapal Messenia?]
po-ti-ja-ke-e, 54= An 19+ . Loc. [Cf. ti-mi-to
a-ke-e .]
po-to-ro-wa-pi, Aal 1 +. Loc. plur.
po-wi-U-ja, J n02 +.
pu x l-ra t -a-ke-re-u, l84=Nn0l. Ethnic? Palmer:
Ptaagrcus .
pujl-ra^a-ki-ri-jo, Na52. Alternative spelling of
the preceding?
pu-ro, Aal5 + . Pulos . [HOAos IL xi, 671 + .]
pu-ro-jo , Anl5. Gen.: Pulaio.
qe-re-mz-c, NalO. Loc.
qo-pi-ja , Na30. [Cf. Boipn Thessaly, II. 11 , 712 ; or
Ooipla Sicyon.]
qo-ro-mu-ro, Na841. Bromulos? [Cf. Bp 6 nos,
Bpoiiioxos against etymology.]
qo-ta , Na23.
qo-ta-wo, 50=Anl8 rev.+ .
ra-i-pi, Nal7.
ra-mi-ni-jof-ja, Anl3 + . Ethnic. Latrmios or
Rhamnios? [Aniivos, 'PapvoOs.]
ra-ni-jo-ne, 52—An26.
ra-u-ra-ti-ja, OnO 1. Lauranthia ?
ra-wa-ra-ta t , 257=Jn09 +. Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
ra-u-ra-ti-jo, Ad664. Ethnic.
ra-wa-ra-ti-jof-ja, Cnl3, 45 = An830. Alter¬
native spelling of the preceding.
re-ka-ta-m , 52=An26. Loc. or ethnic?
re-pa+sc-ivo, Cnll, Gen.: -I was.
re-pe-u-ri- jo, Cnl4. Ltpeurion? [Cf. Aitrpcov
Triphylia.]
Tf-si-we-i, 51 = An20. Loc.
re-u-ko-to-ro> 4l=Anl4 + . Liuktron . [Aevicrpov
Laconia, Arcadia, Achaea.]
ri-/o, 53=Anl2 + . (One of the nine towns.)
Rhion . [‘P(ov Messenia (Strabo, vm, 360 );
modern Kordni.]
ri-sa-pi , Na7l. Loc. plur.: Lissaphi? [Cf. Aiacra
Crete, Aiacrat Thrace.]
ri-so-we-ja, Na26.
ro-o-wa, 53= Anl2+ . (Possibly the port of Pylos;
see p. 187 .)
ro-u-so, 7 = Aa717 + . ausoi . [ Aouool Arcadia.]
ro-u-si-jo, 252=Vn06+. Ethnic: Lousios .
ru-ke-wo-wo-wi-ja, Na35. Lu(n)kiu>os worwia?
ru-ka-a % -{ke\^rc-u-U, Jn08. JLukoagreuthen? [Cf.
Aok 6 cc Arcadia.]
sa-ma-ra, 181 = Mal4+.
sa-ma-ra-de, 41 =Anl4. Acc. + -de.
sa-nm-ri-wa, Na73.
sa-n-nu-wo-le, An09 + . Loc.: Salinwontei? [Ze-
AivoOs stream in Triphylia.]
sa-ri-no-te , Vn04. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
si-jo-wo-le, Cn09. Loc.
si-re-wa, l82=Mal8 + .
so-ro-pe-o, 52=An26.
so-wo-le, see do-ra-qo-sa-wo-te.
ta-mi-ta-na, 19l = Na26.
ta-ra-ke-wi- [, An25. Trakh*wi[a] ? [Tpaytia.]
U-mi-ti-ja , OnOl. = Li-mi-li-ja.
u-rt-ne-we, 51 =An20. Loc. sing, or nom. plur. ?
U-re-ne-wi-ja, An38. Ethnic.
te-se-e, Nal5. Loc.
U-ta-ra-ne, 53 = An 12 +. Loc. or nom. plur.
[Carratelli TtTpdv^.J
U-tu-ru-we, l84=Nn0l + . Loc. (Same place as
the preceding?)
ti-mi-to a-ke-e, 176 = Mal2 + . Palmer: Thtmi(s)tos
ageei.
ff-mf-p) Q-ke-i, 60=An661. Alternative spelling
of the preceding.
ti-mi-ti-ja , 258= KnO l +. Apparently not ethnic,
but an alternative form of the place-name:
Themislia. [Cf. te-mi-ti-ja.]
ti-nwa-si-joj-ja, 258=Kn01+. Ethnic. [Cf. Tpt-
vaa* 6 ^ ?]
ti-nwa-ti-ja-o, 15 = Ad684, cf. Xa633. Alter¬
native spelling of the gen. plur. fem. of the
preceding.
lo-ro-wa-so, Na47.
u-ka-jo, 184=Nn0t.
149
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
u-pa-ra-ki-ri-ja , An08. Huporakrxa ? [ = “Yttgp~
aKpiaJ
u-po-ra-ki-ri-ja , Cnl3. Alternative spelling of the
preceding.
u-pi-ja-ki-ri-jo , 58= AnG54. Alternative spelling?
u-po-di-jo-no, Nal8. Gen,
u-ra-*86 , Na37.
u-ru-pi-ja-jo , 57= An43 4-. Ethnic: (Jlumpxdos.
Cf. u-ru-/>i-j<*-[ KN X 392. [Cf. ‘YXvp-rros
= “OXUP7TOS.]
u~TU-pi-ja~j<yjo 1 76= Cn22. Gen.: Ulwnpiaioio .
59=An656. Dat.-loc. plur.
wa-a z -te-pi y Nal9. Loc. plur. P
wa-a^U-we, 52=An26. Ethnic?
Na576.
wa-wo-u-de, 58= An654, cf. Xb02.
wi-ja-da-Ta y AdO 2.
wi-ja-we-ra t> JnOS-K
wi~nu-ri-jo> 54=An 19.
wo-no~qt~tpa t Na45, cf. 258=Kn0l.
wo-qe-wc, 54 = Anl9~K (Same place as the pre~
ceding?)
wo-tu-wa-ne , Cn09.
za-ku-si-jol-ja, [54=Anl9] 286=Sa7874-. Ethnic:
Z&kunsios. [Z^kwOos; cf. man's name
za-ku-si- jo.]
za-ma-e-wi-ja, 257=Jn#9 [Mai# Vn03J. [Cf.
ka-ma-e-u in Vocabulary.]
ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na , see after ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na.
[. ] -ka-si-da, 52 = An26.
PART II
SELECTED TABLETS
TRANSCRIPTION, TRANSLATION,
COMMENTARY
EXPLANATORY NOTES ON THE PRESENTATION
Numbering
We have chosen 300 of the most interesting Mycenaean tablets for discussion here;
they include 122 from the Knossos excavations of 1900-4, 105 from Pylos 1939, sixty-
three from Pylos 1952, one from Pylos 1953, five from Mycenae 1952 and four from
Mycenae 1954. They have been arranged in groups according to their context and
given consecutive numbers from 1 to 300 . These numbers are intended to help the user
of this book, but Bennett’s classification is everywhere added (e.g. 1 =AaOl), and should
continue to be used alone in future references to the tablets. The new numbers adopted
in PT II for the 1939 tablets were received too late for general use in this book, but
have been added in square brackets where such tablets are transcribed.
A concordance of these tablets in the order of their original publication will be found
on pp. 445-8; for the Knossos tablets Bennett’s references consist of Evans’ numeration
(SM II) with the addition of a two-letter prefix indicating the context, A further
concordance (pp. 449-52) lists all the 1939 Pylos tablets in serial order of their new
numbers, irrespective of prefix, together with their old numbers. The Pylos tablets found
in 1952 and later are referenced by their inventory numbers (as in PT II), which run
upwards from 622.
The bracketed letters added by us to the Knossos tablet headings refer to the alleged
find-spot (see fig. 13, p. 115), the Roman figures to the plate in SM II on which a
legible photograph may be found; e.g. 29 =As 821 (K lix).
Transcription
The transcription of the Mycenaean phonetic signs follows the values given in fig. 4,
p. 23; where the value is unknown, Bennett’s signary numbers are used with an
asterisk, e.g. * 8 $-de-we-sa. Ideograms are transcribed in small capitals with the meanings
suggested in fig. 10, pp. 50-1, and in the boxes’ at the head of each section; evidence
for these identifications will be given in the commentary. Unidentified ideograms are
referred to by asterisked numbers *100-^243 as in fig, 10. Such spellings as o.ki. sheep
refer to small syllabic signs used as ‘adjuncts’ (i.e. abbreviated descriptive notes): their
function is discussed on p. 53 and in the commentary to the relevant groups of tablets.
Weights and measures are printed with the original Mycenaean symbols, but in the
translation are converted into their suggested metric equivalents with the ratios pro¬
posed on pp. 57-60.
The tablet readings published by Evans and Bennett have been independently
checked by one or both of us from the originals in Greece. The state of the text is shown
by the following conventions:
to-so Faint, damaged or careless signs, whose traces are compatible with the
restoration proposed, though not necessarily to the exclusion of other
possible readings.
[ End of the line broken off, or too abraded to be read.
*53
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
[? Uncertain whether part of the text has been lost or not.
to-so [ The evidence of the tablet, or reliable analogy, indicates that the word is
complete before the lacuna.
toso-[ T he evidence indicates that the word is not complete.
to-Jo[ The evidence is insufficient to decide the question.
\to]-so Editors’ restoration of sign completely lost.
[. .] Two signs lost.
[ ± 15! Space for approximately fifteen lost or illegible signs.
[ X ] A missing ideogram, whose identity cannot be inferred.
[rtrt] Missing numerals and weights and measures.
25 [ Numerals probably complete.
+ ]25 T ens probably incomplete.
25 [ + Digits probably incomplete.
25[ Uncertain whether numerals are complete or not.
{to} Superfluous sign added in error by the scribe.
(to) Sign accidentally or deliberately omitted by the scribe.
[to] Sign erased by the scribe.
'to' Scribe’s corrected reading over erasure, or sign squeezed in above the line.
I Change by the scribe to a different size of writing.
Translation
An attempted English rendering of each tablet is added, except where it consists
entirely of repetitive phrases. Doubtful and controversial translations of words and
ideograms are printed in italics, without which a number of the tablets would appear
as an impenetrable forest of question-marks.
Proper names which do not have a possible Greek explanation are printed in the
transcription form; otheiwise they are ‘translated* into an approximation to the con¬
temporary Greek form. Where the assumed classical parallel is obscured by phonetic
changes (e.g. po-ru-qo-la~ Poluq u hontas*=-Y\cik'jy 6 v\'\\i) y the reading can be checked in
the index of personal names (pp. 414-27) and of place-names (pp. 146-50). Where
necessary, place-names are distinguished by p , men’s names by m and women’s by f .
Notes
It was felt that a complete Greek version of each tablet would demand both excessive
space and a premature finality in the interpretation. Where the equivalent Greek
vocabulary and syntax are not obvious from the transcription and translation, they
will be discussed in the Notes on the first appearance of tfie formula. The suggested
Greek pronunciation and etymology of every word appearing on the published tablets
can in any case be checked against the comprehensive Vocabulary (pp. 385 413).
Greek type will only be used for classical forms and quotations, the approximate
Mycenaean pronunciation being indicated in Roman letters on the lines discussed in
the Preface. We have adopted a conventional spelling of datives singular in -ei (e.g.
poimenei, wanaklei) and of datives plural in -a'i (fern.) and -oi’i (masc.); the actual
pronunciation of these forms is disputed (see p. 85).
154
CHAPTER VI
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
1 . WOMEN AND CHILDREN AT PYLOS (Aa, Ab, Ad) |
The Pylos tablets of these three series form a connected group. Aa and Ab
tablets both enumerate women and children, the latter adding a reference
to two commodities, wheat and figs. The Ad tablets list
men and boys who are specifically stated to be the sons
of various groups of women largely identifiable with those
mentioned in Aa and Ab.
The relation between the Aa and Ab series seems
to be unique, for the headings in at least twenty-one
cases are repeated in each series; and there is a general
resemblance in the figures given which suggests that
these record the numerical strength of the same groups
at different times. Contrary to what appears to have been the usual custom,
the first set were not destroyed on being replaced; possibly the second census
was not complete when the records came to an end. There does not seem to be
any means of gauging the interval between the two counts, though we may
conjecture an annual revision of the lists to be likely. In one case the numbers
remain constant (Aa 795 : Abl 9 ; probably alsoAa 05 : Abll+ 35 ); elsewhere
the increases and decreases seem to be about equal. The total of the
numbers preserved on the Aa tablets is 631 women, 376 girls and 261 boys,
or 1268 souls in all. Those on the Ab series are smaller ( 370 + 190 + 149 = 709 ).
In estimating the actual numbers of this class allowance must be made for lost
or damaged tablets; but the Aa group may contain a few duplicates.
Since some of these tablets contain nothing but an enumeration of the
women and children, it follows that the record is primarily a census and the
other entries are subsidiary. The same applies to the Ad tablets, where the
only entry is the number of men and boys, except for three cases in which there
is a further note of a deficit (o-pe-ro).
The groups of women are described in three ways, which may be variously
combined. The description usually begins with a place-name, though this may
be omitted (see below). Then the group is normally described by its trade or
occupation: e.g. lezvotrokhowoi ‘bath-attendants’, meletriai ‘corn-grinders’,
IOO
ft
MAN
103
t
MAN b
IOI
ft
M AN C
102
ft
WOMAN
155
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ampukoworgoi ‘headband-makers', dlakateiai ‘spinners', pektriai ‘carders'. In
some cases an ethnic adjective appears to be substituted for the trade: Knidiai
(Knidos), Milatiai (Miletus), Kuther[i)ai (Kythera), Lamniai (?) (Lemnos).
Others not identifiable but probably ethnic are ti-nwa-si-ja , a-da-ra-te-ja (cf.
'ASprjOTaa, IL n, 828), ze-pu 2 ?-ra, ki-si-wi-ja (from an early form of Khios?).
In the Ad tablets both trade and ethnic may be coupled: e.g. ti-nwa-ti-ja-o
i-te-ja-o ‘ of the weavers of T.' (15 = Ad 684 ). Here too there may in some cases
be an indication of the fathers of the children; as in this same tablet where
they are also called: a-pu-ne-we e-re-ta-o ko-wo ‘the sons of rowers at A.'
It is tempting to speculate about the status and origin of these women.
The menial tasks that they perform suggest that they were slaves: possibly the
labour force for the industry on which the wealth of the Mycenaean kingdoms
must at least in part have been built. The casual references to the fathers of
the children also seem to indicate that they are not the product of any regular
union. The absence of men listed in their own right is surprising; women appear
to predominate, and where the men are listed it is as the sons of the women.
The deficiency of men is to some extent compensated by certain of the lists
in the An series, though these may not be strictly parallel; some at least seem
to be allocations of labour for special purposes. It may be suggested that the
labour force is in part the product of piratical raids on the non-Greek areas
of the Aegean. If the defeated inhabitants were carried off' into slavery this
would account for the preponderance of women and children, most of the men
being killed in the fighting or subsequently slaughtered. The interpretation of
ra-wi-ja-ja as ‘captives' (see 16 = Ad686) supports this view; though it might
be supposed that these women are distinguished from the other categories.
They would, however, only be called ‘captives' for a short time, before being
assigned to an occupation. Virolleaud (1953, P- * 93 ) quotes an Ugaritic text
which refers to bn amht kt ‘the sons of the slave-women of KC ( = Kition in
Cyprus ?)—an almost exact parallel for the Ad tablets. The ethnic names may
then be a clue to the places raided by the ships of Pylos. It is plain from
numerous references in Homer that ‘Viking’ raids of this sort were everyday
occurrences in Mycenaean Greece; and the incursion of sea-peoples repelled
by Ramses III was probably a major expedition of this type. Indeed the
Trojan War may have begun as a similar operation. The insecurity of early
Greece as described by Thucydides (1, 5, 6) is likely enough; and the raison
d'etre of the hegemony of Mycenae was probably the comparative security it
afforded to the subordinate powers.
A notable characteristic of the Ab tablets, apart from the added formula,
is a diff erence in the form of the heading. In Aa the location is ordinarily
156
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
omitted if it is Pylos; Aal5 is exceptional, Aal 6 is now reclassified as Ab564.
The writer of the Ab series begins each entry with a place-name, though once
or twice he seems to have forgotten it (e.g. Ab03) or to have inserted it as an
afterthought (Ab23, Ab31 + 789). The hypothesis of at least two writers is
supported by differences in spelling: Aa spells the feminine agent suffix
-ti-ri-ja, Ab - ti-ra 2 . A study of the handwriting confirms this conclusion.
Tablets of both groups end with a formula which has the usual form: da i
ta i (Aa) or da ta (Ab ); the distinction is not, however, absolute, and
within each group either part or the whole formula may be omitted; the order
may also be reversed. No numbers other than one ever appear, and it is
therefore certain that the formula does not express any ration or allocation,
which should show some variation according to the numbers of women con¬
cerned. This disproves Webster’s suggestion ( 1954 , P* 1 0 that da is a measure
of land, as in PY 114 = En02, where da 40 is glossed to-sa da-ma-te. The
same abbreviation may have different meanings in different contexts. For
a possible correlation of this formula with the rations on the Ab tablets
see below. The same formula appears on some Knossos tablets dealing with
women and children (e.g. 18 = Ak611), and there the numeral following ta
may be 2 .
Where a ration of wheat and figs is specified (Ab tablets only), the amounts
arc roughly proportional to the numbers of women and children. The amounts
of the two commodities are always identical. The basis of the calculation would
appear to be a ration off 2 for each woman, with half that amount for each
child irrespective of sex. This is further proof that the calculation of rations
is not the sole purpose of the census. In Abl5 + 899 eight women, three girls
and three boys receive T 22 ( = 8 x 2 + 6 ); Ab31 +789 six women, six girls
(‘boys’ is here a scribal error) and three boys receive T 21 (= 6 x 2 + 9 );
Ab41 +745 two women and one girl receive T 5 ( = 2 x 2 + 1 ). The same scale
is suggested by Ab06 where there are no children, but the number of women
is damaged; the ration, however, is T 4 , i.e. that presumed for two women.
Although the figures never fall below this basic level, in most cases the ration f
is supplemented by a factor varying up to more than one-half (Abl9), and not
infrequently one-third or more (AbOl, 6 = Ab02, Ab09, Abl7, Ab30). There
appears to be no principle by which the amount of this supplement can be
derived from the details recorded; it is perhaps an allowance for the skilled
or heavy nature of the work performed. Of the three clear cases of the basic
ration it is noticeable that in two the da ta formula is absent, while in the
third the right-hand edge of the tablet is missing; Ab06 has only ta. Wherever
the full formula da ta (or ta da) is found, there is an improvement on the
1-3
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
basic ration; ta alone is accompanied by a very small supplement (one-twelfth)
on Abl6. This correlation may, however, be accidental, for the presence of
the formula will not explain the variations in the proportion of the increase.
It was suggested in ch. n (p. 60) that T 2 represents an absolute value of
approximately 24 litres. This was based partly on a possible equation between
weight and bulk in the case of knakos ‘safflower 5 , and on a reasonable range
of values for the smallest unit -o 1; but also on the specific assumption that
these Ab rations are monthly ones. Such a ration of 24 litres is little less than
the khoinix (27 litres) regarded as the classical monthly ration for a fighting
man; it is often supplemented and is in any case accompanied by an equal
quantity of another commodity which is almost certainly figs. The identifica¬
tion is to some extent guesswork, but a monthly ration seems to fit better than
a daily or yearly one.
Rations of figs are not unknown in antiquity. Two Cretan inscriptions
[Iuser. Cret iv, 79 and 144) give yearly rations (possibly for a group) which
include 100 medimrri of figs and 200 medimni of barley; cf. also iv, 77. Cato
(Agr. 56) recommends a reduction in the ration of bread for slaves ‘when they
start eating figs 5 .
1 =Aa 01 [ 62 ]
me-re-ti-ri-ja women 7 ko-wa 10 ko-wo 6
Seven corn-grinding women, ten girls, six boys.
me-re-ti~ri-ja: the identification of this word depends upon the interpretation of mt-rt-u-ro
as ‘flour 5 in PY 171 =Un 718 (see Vocabulary, p. 399). Com grinding is one of the
tasks commonly undertaken by women; cf. ywV). . .dftsrpls ( Od . XX, 105).
t 2 -Aa 815
a-ke-ti-ra % women 38 ko-wa 33 ko-wo 16 da i tai
Thirty-eight nurses, thirty-three girls, sixteen boys; one da-, one ta-.
a-ke-ti-ra 2 : not satisfactorily identified; for other suggestions see Vocabulary (p. 387).
It is plainly a common occupation among women. The translation ‘nurses 5 is based
on the gloss of Hesychius (ScysTpia* jiaTa; McKenzie 5 s suggestion ( CL Quart, xv, 48)
that this word is a dissimilation of *&yperpia is only a guess, and the dissimilation
might even be of Mycenaean date. On da ta see above (p. 157)*
3 = Ad 694
pe-ki-ti-ra 2 -o ko-wo men 4 ko-wo 3
Four sons of the carders, three boys.
pe-ki-ti-ra^-o : pektriaon , from ttekco
158
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
3-8
ko-wo: this word is used on these tablets in two senses: (a) ‘son (of)’, (£) ‘boy* (as
opposed to grown man).
4 =Aa04 [240] -f
a-ra-ka-te-ja women 21 ko-wa 25 ko-wo 4 tai
Twenty-one spinning-women, twenty-five girls, four boys, one ta-.
a-ra-ka-te-ja : a derivative of ^Xockctit). This tablet and Aa03 appear to break the rule
that there are not two tablets in the same series with identical headings; possibly the
broken portion contained the statement of rations, which would assign it to the Ab
class; but in these ta da usually follows the rations.
5 = Aa792
ki-ni-di-ja women 21 ko-wa 12 ko-wo 10 da 1 ta 1
Twenty-one Gnidian women, twelve girls, ten boys; one da -, one ta -.
ki-ni-di-ja: Knidiai , ethnic of Kvl8o$.
6 =Ab02 [379]
J o , J WHEAT 2 T 8
e-u-de-we-ro women 8 ko-wa 2 ko-wo 3 T 0 ta da
° FIGS 2 T 8
At Eudeiwelos: eight women, two girls, three boys; 336 1. of wheat, 336 1. of
figs; ta -, da -.
e-u-de-we-ro : an unidentified place-name, which recalls the Homeric epithet, of uncertain
meaning and etymology, sOSEfeXos; if this is correct the spelling will help to resolve
some of the difficulties of the Homeric word.
7 =Aa717
ro-u-so a-ke-ti-ri-ja women 32 ko-wa 18 ko-wo 8 da 1 ta 1
At Lousoi: thirty-two nurses, eighteen girls, eight boys; one da-> one ta-.
ro-u-so : a place under the control of Pylos, cf. 178— Mal3, 252— Vn06, probably
Aouaoi in Arcadia. The addition of the place-name distinguishes this entry from the
nurses at Pylos (2^Aa815).
8 = Ad670
e-u-de-we-ro ri-ne-ja-o ko-wo men 4
At Eudeiwelos: four sons of the fiax-workers.
Ihe women are here given a trade-name, but may be the same group as those meant
in6=Ab02 above.
ri-ne-ja-jo : a common occupation among women, probably lineiaon , a derivative of
Xivov.
159
++
9-12
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
9=Ab27 [553]
pu-ro re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo (women) 37 ko-wa 13 ko-wo 15
wheat 11 T I
FIGS II T I
TA DA
At Pylos: thirty-seven (women) bath-attendants, thirteen girls, fifteen boys;
1332 1 . of wheat, 1332 1 . offigs; ta- 9 da -.
This tablet is remarkable for the omission of the ideogram for women before the
numeral thirty-seven, clearly an oversight in view of the extreme regularity of this
class, Bennett in Index read re-wo-to-ro ko-wo as two words, though there is no
sign of a word-divider. That the bath-attendants are women is proved by the ideo¬
gram in Aa783, and the expression re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo ko-wo in 10 => Ad676.
re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo : lewotrokkowoi y Horn. AoETpoy6o5 (Od, xx, 297 ). Their number is not
excessive if their duties included the carrying of all the water required in the house¬
hold, The apparent metathesis of the first two vowels is unexpected but not inex¬
plicable. Ruiperez ( 1950 ) explains the disyllabic aorists of the type oroplaai as
arising from a metathesis of *crrep 6 acn. On this basis he is prepared to accept
*AEp 6 cjai > Aoicrai; thus the original base may have been Aspo-. The same vowel order
is shown by the adjective re-wo-te-re-jo 238 = Tn996.
10 = Ad676
pu-ro re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo ko-wo men 22 ko-wo 11
At Pylos: twenty-two sons of the bath-attendants, eleven boys.
11 = Ad690
pu-ro a-pi-qo-ro ko-wo men [[4] 10 ko-wo 4 [0. men 3]
At Pylos: ten sons of the waiting-women, four boys.
a-pi-qo-TO : ampkiq*olon = <5n<pm6Acov.
12=Ad671
ka-ru-ti-je-ja-o-qe 0 . men 5
pu-ro a-pu-ko-wo-ko pa-ke-te-ja-o-qe men 6 fgj ko-wo 6
At Pylos: six (sons) of the headband-makers and the musicians and the
sweepers , six boys; deficit five men.
The second line is to be read first, the words being written in above owing to lack of
space. The sons of the women of three trades are recorded jointly; cf. the next tablet.
a-pu-ko-wo-ko: ampuho-worgon ; is Homeric (IL xxn, 469 ).
pa-ke-te-ja-o-qe : no satisfactory explanation; if from the root of -rraf^co it should probably
begin pa-wi-; possibly a derivative of tttiktIs.
ka-ru-ti-je-ja-o-qe: the form suggests a feminine from a masculine in -eus. Perhaps from
kcxAAOvco, cf. xccAAvvOpov, KaAAuvnis.
0 .: as an abbreviation appears to stand for o-pe-ro , i,e, deficit (see Vocabulary, p. 401 ),
160
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
13-16
13=Ad691 t
e-ke-ro-qo-no-qe pa-wo-ko-qe
pu-ro o-pi-ro-qo ko-wo men g
At Pylos: -nine sons of the supernumerary women, and of the wage-earners and
casual workers.
o-pi-ro-qo : opiloiq K dn y — ettiXoIttcov; i.e. the women not yet allocated to particular duties.
e-ke-ro-qo-no-qe: Palmer ( 1954 ^, p. 23 ) proposes enkkeroq u oinon i from *£yxeip 6 ~*iroivos. For
eyyeipa= Micrflos cf. Schwyzer, Dial. 325 *, and Cypr. Oyspov Schwyzer, Dial. 679 a 5 .
pd-wo-ko-qe : the nominative pa-wo-ke occurs in Aa795. Palmer proposes par-worge. r,
a compound of Trap- with the base *worg-. The apocope of a preposition cannot yet
be paralleled.
14=Ad697-b698
e-re~[. \qe-rq-me-no
\n\-ne-ja-o ko-wo
At Damnia: x sons of the flax-workers;
da-mi-ni-ja
#en[
da-mi-ni-ja : presumably a place-name since it is not a genitive plural. Gf. 'Erri-Sanvos?
da-mi-ni-jo men 40 occurs on 54 — PY Anl9 and is common on the Knossos tablets,
chiefly those dealing with sheep (see p. 203 ). The top line gives further information
about this group. Possibly restore e-re-[e ] qe-to-me-no—erun gHlomenoi ‘willing to
row’, or e-re-[ta ] qe-ro-me-n 0 =eretai q u elomenoi ‘becoming rowers* (cf. Horn. uiAouai).
15=Ad684
a-pu-ne-we e-re-ta-o ko-wo
pu-ro ti-nwa-ti-ja-o i-te-ja-o ko-wo men 5 ko-wo 2
At Pylos: five sons of the Ti-nwa- sian weavers (sons of rowers at A-pu-ne-we ),
two boys.
ti-nwa-ti-ja-o : the same as the ti-nwa-si-ja (nom.) PY Abl4. It is probably an ethnic
adjective from an unrecorded place-name Hi-nwa-to (-av0os?). Nouns in -t~ usually
form adjectives in -si-jo =-crios (see p. 73 ); but there is some wavering, e.g. mi-ra-ti-ja
from MiAmos. It is possible that the sound was at this stage intermediate, perhaps
-ts- as suggested by Andrews.
i-te-ja-o : kisteiaan, a derivative with the suffix -eia from Iotoj (cf. icrroupyos) ?
a-pu-ne-we: a place-name, elsewhere spelt a-po-ne-we 53^Anl2, 54=Anl9, probably
in the dative case. The top line is to be read together with the lower; i.e. the parentage
is recorded on both sides, cf. 28=An42.
l6=Ad686
o-u-pa-ro-ke-ne-[to ?a] -ka-wq-ta-ra-ko-po-ro
pu-ro ke-re-za ra-wi-jaja-o ko-wo
161
MEN 15
•f+
16
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
At Ke-re-za , Pylos: fifteen sons of the captives; Alkawon the, . .did not present
himself.
ke-re-za: this word was taken by Furumark in Ab25 and Ab26 (reading ke-re-ta 3 ) as
Kpfj-rrai; but although this interpretation might still be possible owing to the
ambiguity of za, it seems to be disproved by this tablet, which shows that it is not
part of the description of the women since it is not a genitive plural. It occurs as
first word, followed by ra-wi-ja-ja on Aa807; and on Ab25 and Ab26 it is preceded
by pu-roy apparently without a divider. It seems more likely therefore that it is
a place at Pylos.
ra-wi-ja-ja-jo : lawiaidbn , derivative of Dor. Aaf a, Ion. Ar|iq ‘booty’; cf. AqiaSas. . .
yvvalKas [II. xx, 193 ). This has also been proposed by Georgiev.
ou parogeneto Alkawon . . . -phoros : the name a-ka-wo occurs in other tablets at Pylos,
though not qualified.
ta-ra-ko-po-ro : hardly tragophoros ‘wearing a goat-skin’ (cf. Tpayr^opos, di-pte-ra-po-ro).
The reading -ko- is very uncertain.
2. WOMEN AND CHILDREN AT KNOSSOS (Ai, Ak)
This is a much less homogeneous group than the corresponding tablets at
Pylos. The introductory word may be a Cretan place-name or the feminine
of the ethnic adjective derived from one. In some cases there is added or
substituted a man’s name, which may be in the genitive (e.g. Ai 63 , Ak 622 ),
though in other cases the syntactic relationship is unexpressed and the name
stands in the nominative as a mere heading (e.g. Ag 91 , 20 = Ak 824 ; in this
tablet Furumark is unjustified in presuming a-pi-qo-i-ta to be an adjective in
agreement with do-e-ra , since a compound adjective should normally have only
two terminations). This tablet specifically refers to the women as slaves, and
it is likely that the same applies to the whole group. The children are further
subdivided into ‘older 5 (me-zo) and ‘younger’ ( me-wi-jo , me-u-jo).
There are a number of other annotations, mostly abbreviations at which we
can only guess (e.g. pa. dipe. di.-, ne. didi. za.-, zo. di.-, de.-, tu.-, *#5.-).
The frequent di.- is fairly certainly a contraction of a word spelt more fully
di-da-ka-re ne. 22 =Ak 781 , di-da-ka-re[ Ak 783 , Ak 784 , di-da-ka-[ Ak 828 . The
form of this word is obscure; the final ne.- is probably an independent abbrevia¬
tion (see below). The recurrent di-da-ka-re may then be for didas kale (ion),
but the dropping of the extra sign needed is surprising though not impossible;
in the other cases the end of the word is lost and di-da-ka might stand for
didakhd[i) . But the -re appears to be part of the word. Ventris suggests didaskalei ,
a locative of the type of owei. Whatever the exact form it seems plausible to
conjecture a meaning ‘under instruction 5 or the like, and to compare it with
162
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
17-19
de-di-ku-ja 18 = Ak 611 (abbreviated to de .- Ak 620 ?). This word too appears
to be incorrectly spelt if intended for dedidakhuiai , perfect participle of 5 i 5 acrKco;
the meaning is clearly intransitive (see p. 89) ‘ having completed their training’.
It is hardly likely that this has reference to general education; much more
probably these are women newly enslaved who have to be taught a trade;
cf. the Hortieric custom by which slave-women are regularly described by such
phrases as dpvMOvoc ipycc iSuiccs (//. ix, 270) ;cf.Ta$. . .epya 5 i 5 d£auev£pyd£ecr 0 ai
Od. xxn, 422.
Of the other abbreviations ne.- and pe .- may be newoterai (or simply newai) f
and presguterai\ pa .- possibly palaiai. The same suggestions were made by
Furumark (1954).
The expression da i ta i already noted at Pylos recurs at Knossos, and
here we have also ta 2. The relation of these entries to the rest of the text
remains obscure.
17 = Ai 739 (H li)
1 ra-su-to j a-ke-ti-ri-ja women 2
2 ko-wa 1 ko-wo 1
At Lasunthos : two nurses, one girl, one boy.
ra-su-to : a place-name; the adjective ra-su-ti-jo occurs on Lc7$l ; cf. Aacros, Aacraia.
18 = Ak 611 (? xliv) +
DA I
1 to-te-ja ta 2 women io[| ] de-di-ku-ja woman 1 [
2 ko-wa me-zo-e 4 ko-wo me-wi-jo 1 [
-: two ta one da- ; 10-|- women; one trained woman; four older girls,
one younger boy.
to-te-ja : not found elsewhere.
de-di-ku-ja : see above.
me-zo-e : mezoes ; on the form of the declension of me-zo and me-wi-jo see p. 86.
19 = Ak 627 (F? lii) ^
DA I
1 ]-to a-no-zo-jo ta i [wimen] 9 pe. di. 2
2 ko-wa me\-zo-e 7 ko-wa me-wi-jo-e J9I '10'
3 ko-wo me-zo)-e 2 ko-wo me-wi-jo-e [9] To'
At- to: nine [female] (slaves) of A-no-zo; one da-, on eta-; two older women
under instruction ; seven older girls, ten younger girls, two older boys, ten
younger boys.
19-22
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-no-zo-jo : presumably a man’s name in the genitive.
pe.di -: see above, p. 162.
me-zo-e (line 3): here dual mezoe.
Compare the women and children of two sizes listed on the Sumerian palace ration-
lists from LagaS (e.g, Genouillac 1909, TSA, xn):
40 1. of emmer-wheat to the woman Idlulahlah,
20 1. to a boy (« dumu-nita),
two girls (« dumu-sal ) at 20 L,
six serving-women at 40 1.,
one small boy (hg-dug-nita) at 20 1.,
two small girls ( fag-dug-sal ) at 20 1., etc.
20 =Ak824 (K lviii)
1 a-pi-qo-i-ta \ do-e-ra women 32 ko-wa me-zo-e 5 ko-wa me-wi-jo-e 15
2 ko-wo me-wi-jo-e 4
Amphiq u hoitas: thirty-two female slaves, fi ve older girls, fifteen younger girls,
four younger boys.
a-pi-qo-i-ta : only here in this spelling, which can hardly be anything but Amphiq u hoitas
= , Au919o1tti$. Elsewhere we find a-pi-qo-ta (see index of personal names). Furumark
understands as adjective <5419(90^01 (no meaning given), see p, 162.
21 =Ak624 (F? xlvi)
da[
1 ri-jo-ni-ja ta[
2 ne. I di. 3 ko-wa me-zo-e [nn
3 ko-wo di . 3 ko-wo me-zo-e [nn
Ri-jo-nidin women: x da-, x ta-. . .; three young women under instruction , x older
girls..., three boys under instruction , x older boys....
ri-jo-ni-ja : feminine ethnic of the place-name ri-jo-no (Ap639, etc.).
The annotation di- applied to boys is unusual; in view of the order it may distinguish
a class of boys older than those called me-zo-e.
22 = Ak781 (J liii)
1 ] women 17 [
2 ] ko-wa [
3 ] di-da-ka-re ne. 1 ko-wo [
.. .seventeen women. . .x girls. . .onejoung woman under instruction, x boys. . ..
di-da-ka-re : see commentary, p. 162 above.
164
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
23-25
3. MEN, WOMEN AND CHILDREN AT KNOSSOS (Ag, Ai)
Some tablets record only small numbers of women (and in one case men);
they may be records of families, but the introductory name is ambiguous and
may refer to the owner of a group of slaves as elsewhere.
23 =Agl 654 (?) t
qe-ri-jo man c i woman i ko-wa [
Qe-ri-jo (man), one woman (wife?), one girl (daughter?)_
qe-ri-jo : probably a personal name. But it may be genitive, i.e. slaves of Q.; cf. the
next tablet.
24 = Ai 63 (O xxiv)
pe-se-ro-jo e-e-si
woman i ko-wa i ko-wo i
(Theslaves? family?) ofPsellos are: one woman (wife?), one girl (daughter?),
one boy (son?).
pe-se-ro-jo: Pselloio ; the name recurs in the nominative or dative on MY l 05 = Ge602.
e-e-si: eensi , 3 rd pers. plur. of pres, ind. of elut (see p. 89 ).
ko-wa: the numeral is quite clear on the original.
4. WOMEN WORKERS AT KNOSSOS
At Knossos women are not so often referred to by trade-names as at Pylos;
this sample shows a classification of women containing one of the words found
at Pylos.
25 =Ap 694 (G xlvi)
1 ]-ja ko-u-re-ja women [
2 ] ka-ra-we women [
3 ] a-ze-ti-ri-ja women [
ko-u-re-ja: here apparently a feminine trade-name, also found on textile tablets (Lc58l)
where it must be connected with the annotation ko-u-ra often associated with pa-we-a
(pharwea ). Georgiev notes ‘ = Kovpeia* without comment; presumably as feminine
of KovpeOs; but this root has a spurious diphthong arising from *Kopo>. A connexion
with KoOpeiov does not seem more satisfactory.
ka-ra-we: grawes , ‘old women*.
a-ze-ti-ri-ja: the same word as a-ke-ti-ra 2 PY 2 = Aa815.
165
26-28
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
5. WOMEN WORKERS AT PYLOS
Some similar lists from Pylos record large groups of women classified according
to occupation or origin.
f 26 = An02 [292]
1 si-to-ko-wo
2 ka-pa-ra 2 -de women 24 ko-wo io[ + ?
3 ko-ro-ki-ja women 8 ko-wo [nn
4 ki-ni-di-[ja women] 21 ko-[wo nn
Measurers of grain: twenty-four Ka-pa-ra 2 -de women, 10 + boys, eight Ko-ro-
ki-ja women, x boys, twenty-one Gnidian women, x boys.
si-to-ko-wo : silokhowoi , presumably women responsible for measuring out the correct
amounts of ctitos- Bennett takes this as an abstract of Aa788, Aa02, and 5 = Aa792,
and restores the numerals accordingly. In this case ko-wo will mean ‘children*.
ka-pa-ra t -de\ the reading of the second sign has been corrected by Bennett to pa .
Probably a feminine ethnic in -aSes. It reappears on Aa788 and the genitive
ka-pa-ra^do on Ad679.
ko-ro-ki-ja : probably another feminine ethnic. Hardly from Kpdnos or KpdKTi (acc. Kp^KCt
Hesych.). The word reappears on Pylos Aa02, Ab07, its genitive ko-ro-ki-ja-o on Ad680.
27 = Ae08 [303]
i-je-ro-jo [ku-ru-so-jo i-je-ro-jo}.
pu-ro i-je-re-ja do-e-ra e-ne-ka ku-ru-so-jo women I4[ +
At Pylos: 14 + female slaves of the priestess on account of sacred gold.
i-je-re-ja: hiereias. We find a woman named e-ra-ta-ra described as ‘slave of the priestess*
* on ‘ll9 = Eo02.
e-ne-ka \ heneka , despite the presumed *IvfEKa of the etymologists.
ku-ru-so-jo i-je-ro-jo: khrusoio hieroio. The nature of the transaction is obscure; were the
slaves given to the priestess in return for some gold which had been offered ? Or are
they allocated to look after the gold ritual objects?
28 = An42 [607]
1 me-ta-pa ke-ri-mi-ja do-qe-ja ki-ri-ie-wi-ja
2 do-qe-ja do-e-ro pa-te ma-te-de ku-te-re-u-pi
3 women 6 do-qe-ja do-e-ra e-qe-ta-i e-e-to
4 te-re-te-we women [6] '13'
5 do-qe-ja do-e-ro pa-te ma-te-de di-wi-ja do-e-ra
6 women 3 do-qe-ja do-e-ra ma-te pa-te-de ka-ke-u
woman 1 do-qe-ja do-e-ra ma-te pa-te-de ka-ke-u
166
7
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
28
8 WOMEN 3
vacant 2
11 ka
At Metapa: - women barley-reapers. Six women reapers , their father
a slave and their mother among the Kytherans; thirteen women reapers ,
—---■; three women reapers , their father a slave and their mother
a slave of Diwia ; one woman reaper , her mother a slave and her father a smith;
three women reapers , their mother a slave and their father a smith.
The arrangement of this tablet is unusual since the phrases regularly run on from one
line to the next ( 2 - 3 , 3 - 4 , 5 - 6 , 6 - 7 , 7 - 8 ). It is therefore difficult to know how to
punctuate lines 1 - 2 . Possibly ki-ri-te-wi-ja is part of the phrase ma-te-de ku-te-re-u-pi
inserted above for lack of space or as an afterthought.
Metapa : a well-known place-name, but hardly that in Acamania; possibly on the
Elean border, see list of place-names (p. 148 ).
ke-ri-mi-ja : the only other instance of this word is on Knossos Lc535, a fragment
mentioning also talasia ‘pensum * and introduced by the totalling formula to-sa .
Possibly a derivative of xdp, but the meaning is obscure; cf also kcAij{$ glossed as
Trals f\ AOkiOov (jw) by Hesychius.
do-qe-ja: this is clearly a key-word on this tablet, but unfortunately it occurs nowhere f
else; a man’s name do-qe-u KN B 804 looks like the corresponding masculine (cf.
i-je-re-uji-je-re-ja ; see p. 89 ). In this case, however, it must be a description of the
women. Various attempts at interpretation have been made; our original idea was to
connect it with B 6 p 7 rov, but the sense is unsatisfactory. The analogy of other words
such as to-no = 0 p 6 vo$ leads one to suspect dorq u eia = • 8 p 6 rma, cf’. masc. paAo-BpBmiEg
(Sappho). The etymology of 5p£rrco is not certain; but there is no objection to a
labio-velar in the word, the u being generalized as frequendy. The word will perhaps
mean ‘picker*, possibly ‘reaper* or ‘gleaner*.
ki-ri-te-wi-ja : elsewhere this word stands alone as a description of women [ki-ri-te-wi-ja
e-ko-si 131 = Eb21, 135 -Ep704, but is here probably an adjective qualifying do-qe-ja t
if the order is sound. If this means ‘reaper*, it may perhaps be connected with
KpiOaf ‘barley*; the form of the adjective is not without parallel, cf. wa-na-se-wi-ja
235=Ta711 from fAvaaocc.
doelos pater, mater de . . ..
ku-te-re-u-pi : Georgiev and Andrews suggest khutreuphi ‘potters*; but the ordinary word J
for ‘potter* is kerametis (52 = An26), and its recurrence as first word on NaOl seems
to prove that it is a place-name (see p. 297 ). It is presumably the instrumental plural
of an ethnic in - eus , used to designate the area. The -phi suffix must here have locafive
functions. It is natural to connect this with ku-te-ra > Aal4, Ab22, gen. plur. hi-te-ra-o
Ad696; some derivative of the island Kutkera ? ku-te-re-u-pi refers perhaps to a colony
of Kytherans settled within the Pylian territory.
e-qe-ta-i: heq'etd'i = £rr£Tais. The added -i is the mark of the dative plural, whatever
167
28-29
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the form intended (see p. 84). Palmer is right in supposing the heqpetas to be an
important person (see on 57 = An 43 below), probably a companion of the king.
| e-e-to: the initial e-e - recalls e-e-si and suggests that this too is some part of dni; possibly
the 3rd plural present imperative, to be read eesto[n) or eentd(n). But an imperative
seems out of place here. Andrews has called attention to the gloss Kocvtq* f|crav
(Hesych.), and suggested that this is some sort of 3rd plural imperfect ( = *ehent ).
Perhaps the middle conjugation is not impossible; cf. Horn., Aeol. Sooo, Delph. fj-rai,
Mess. i*jvTai (dubious Horn, eiccto Od. xx, 106).
te-re-te-we: apparently dative singular, or nominative plural or dual of a stem in -us or
-eus. The difficulty is that if from - cus , it must be masculine and so cannot apply to
the women. The analogy of the other entries leads us to expect that this too has
something to do with parentage, but so far it has proved impossible to extract any
convincing meaning from it. The figure 6 may have been changed to 13 to include
the 7 recorded below.
di-wi-ja : possibly nominative feminine singular of an adjective = Horn. 6I05;
perhaps in the meaning ‘of Zeus’ not found in Homer; cf. the month name di-wi-jo-jo
KN Fp 5 (see p. 305). More likely to be equated with di-u-ja (cf. me-wi-jolme-u-jo ),
both representing a pronunciation diwja , which is certainly a divine name in
172 =Kn 02 ; cf. Aifi[a] ( = Magna Mater according to Meister) in a Pamphylian
inscription (Schwyzer, Dial. 686, 1). If so, to be read here as genitive, another of
the slaves belonging to deities.
6 . INDIVIDUAL MEN AT KNOSSOS (As)
In some cases persons are recorded singly; in such cases the name is usually
given, followed by the trade or duties to which he is assigned. The purpose of
these records is probably to keep a note of the numbers for whose feeding or
payment the palace is responsible, as in the case of the groups of women.
+ 29 = As821 (K lix)
1 ]-ra jo e-qe-ta-e e-ne-ka ti-mi-to men 2 ki-ta-ne-to / su-ri-mo e-ne-ka o-pa man i
2 ~\-ne-we e-rq i-je-[re]-u po-me e-ne-ka / o-pa man i ko-pe-re-u j e-qe-ta e-ki-si-jo
MAN I
. . .two followers on account of tribute ; Ki-ta-ne-to at Su-ri-mo p on account of
dues; .. .priest at E-ra , shepherd on account of dues ; Kopreus, follower, of
Exos p .
For the readings see KTII. The tablet is badly preserved and many signs are doubtful.
e-qe-ta-e: a strange form, but in view of the numeral 2 possibly intended as a dual.
Perhaps the termination of the consonant stems extended to the masculine a-stems,
ti-mi-to : read by Palmer (19546, p. 49) as Themi{s)tos in the Pylos place-name ti-mi-to
a-ke-e. Here possibly as a common noun = ‘dues, tribute’, cf Xnrapds teXeoucti
0£uicrras II. ix, 156 (if rightly so taken).
168
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
29-31
ki-ta-ne-to : a man’s name which reappears in connexion with the place Su-ri-mo on
Dal 108.
o-pa \ a word which recurs several times at Knossos and once at Pylos, usually following
a man’s name in the genitive. Perhaps hopd<*soqpd y postulated as the base of
d'frdcov. But a sense ‘retinue, following’ seems absurd here, in particular of a
shepherd. It may be a feudal term and like ti-mi-to mean some form of service or
goods due to the lord. This would give a satisfactory semantic development for
6tt&gov, 6ttt|86$, but the etymology is obscure.
e-rq i-je-[re]-u: Bennett read ta-ra-pu 2 ?-je-[ . If correct e-ra may be either genitive of
the goddess Hera, or more likely locative of the place-name. Is the same man both
priest and shepherd?
ko-pe-re-u : a man’s name also found at Pylos; — Koirpeus Ii xv, 639 .
e-ki-si-jo : the word has been split to leave room for the ideogram and numeral. Ethnic
adjective from the common place-name e-ko-so , thus showing that the vowel after k
is ‘ dead*; cannot be *A£os (= Fa£o$).
7. INDIVIDUAL MEN AT PYLOS (Ae)
30 = Ae03 [264]
pi-ra-jo I ai-ki-pa-ta su-ra-te du-ni-jo-(jo) me-tu-ra su-ra-se man [1]
Philaios the goat-herd (who is acting as?) seiz.tr has seized the cattle of Dunios.
ai-ki-pa-ta: ai(?ipa[s)tds ? The first part of the compound is obvious; Palmer ( 1954 ^,
p. 24 ) derives the second from the verbal root *pat- ‘see*, found in Cypr. glosses,
and in the reduplicated form TrarrTaivoj.
su-ra-te: apparently the agent noun from the verb to which su-ra-se belongs. The
identification with ctuAAco seems hard to avoid, but the sense is unsatisfactory.
Cattle-raiding is not to be excluded, but the use of a formal agent noun added to
the trade-name is puzzling. The phrase du-ni-jo-jo me-tu-ra su-ra-se recurs on two other
tablets of this group (AeOl, Ae02).
du-ni-jo: a common name at Knossos as well as Pylos, where he is called ‘servant of
the god’ (143 = Ep705).
me-tu-ra: presumably the object of su-ra-se; = pmAa ‘hornless cattle’?
su-ra-se\ aor. sulase or fut. sulasei ?
31 =Ae04 [134] (see plate II ( b ), facing p. no)
ke-ro-uuo po-me a-si-ja-ti-ja o-pi ta-ra-ma-{td)-o qe-to-ro-po-pi o-ro-me-no man 1
Ke-ro-wo the shepherd at A-si-ja-ti-ja^ watching over the cattle of Thalamatas.
ke-ro-wo: nom. of an o-stem, as the gen. ke-ro-wojo is found 62 = Cn655. Not therefore
gen. to ke-ro-we Cn09, as proposed by Carratelli ( 1954 , p. 90 ).
a-si-ja-ti-ja: it is impossible to determine the case, but a locative-dative is preferable
to genitive on grounds of syntax.
31-36
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ta-ra-ma-(ta)-o: restored from the following tablet.
qe-to-ro-po-pi : <fetropo{d)phi = TETpcnrocri.
32 = Ae05 [108]
qo-te-ro ai-ki-pa-ta o-pi ta-ra-ma-ta-o qe-[to-ro-po-pi] o-ro-me-[no man i]
Qo-te-ro the goat-herd watching over the cattle of Thalamatas.
t 33=Ae07 [26]
ko-ru-da-ro-jo do-e-ro o-pi pe-mo men 4 [
Four (or more) slaves of Korudallos in charge of seed-corn .
pe-mo : spermoi ; a more likely reading than pe-qif. The numeral must be between 4 and
8 if written normally (cf. Dow, 1954 , p- 124 ).
8 . WORK GROUPS OF MEN AT KNOSSOS (Am, As, B)
J 34 = Am601 (? xciv)
e-te e-so-to a-mo-ra-ma
to-so a-mi-ni-si-jo men 9
Total men of Amnisos: nine; the rations are to be from there.
e-te : enthen ?
e-so-to: either a full spelling of esto ‘let there be*, or a 3 rd plur. future essontoi.
a-mo-ra-ma: hatmoldma ‘food-levy’? (cf dpiiaXia and see Vocabulary, p, 387 ). The note
presumably implies that Amnisos, not Knossos, is responsible for providing their rations.
| 35 = Am819 (K)
we-ke-i-ja men 18 ko-wo 8
pa 2 -ra / si-to month? i barley 9 T 7 <1 3
At PharaiP: wages for eighteen men and eight boys: grain per month 1170 1.
of barley.
we-ke-i-ja : possibly a deiivative of fpyov. Furumark ( 1954 , p. 22 ) =‘Tagewerk\
Ventris has suggested that the crescent-shaped ideogram *34 may be the moon,
used ideographically for month, as frequently in other languages, though Greek uses
different words. The quantity of the rations works out at 45 1. per person if the boys
are reckoned on the same scale as the men. This is high in comparison with the
issues to women at Pylos (p. 158 ). But this is an issue of barley, and is perhaps the
wages of free men, not a ration for slaves,
tt 36 = B 817 (K lx)
to-so I ku-su-to-ro-pa 2 MEN b [
So many men in aggregate....
ku-su-to-ro-pa 2 : xunstropha.
The significance of the alternative forms of the ideogram for man is still unknown.
170
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
36-38
37 = B 823
MEN b IO
tu-wi-jo j ta-pa-e-o-te a-pe-o-te m e n b 4
. . .men, ten present , four absent.
ta-pa-e-o-te: plainly the opposite of apeontes ‘absent*; perhaps tarpha eontes , with an
adverbial formation in -a (cf. 0 ajid) from Tap 9 &s-
38 = Asl5l6 (? lxxxvii)
This, the longest Knossos tablet, consists of an enumeration by name of at
least sixty-seven men, under headings which suggest, as seen by Furumark
( 1 054> P- J 9) administrative areas. There are a number, though not a large
proportion, of convincingly Greek names: Philinos, Agoraios, Purwos,
[Dejxelawos, Khariseus, Opsios, Amphiwastos, Amphilawos. But many
others are equally certainly non-Greek: e.g. pa 2 -me-si-jo ) mi-ja-ra-ro , si-ja-
pu 2 ?-ro ) pi-ja-si-ro , pija-se-me.
1 [illegible introduction in large letters]
2 ko-no-si-ja ra-wa-ke-{si)-ja a-nu-wi-ko man 1 [
3 a-ra-da-jo man i pi-ja-si-ro man i da-me-[ ] man 1
4 ]-ro man 1 po-to man i si-pu 2 ? man r pu-te man i jq-sa-rw
MAN I
5 pa 2 -me-sijo man i mija-ra-ro man 1 mi-ru-ro man i
6 [a]-ki-wa-ta man i u-ra-mo-no man i pi-ri-no man i
7 qa-lo-no-ro man i pe-le-kija man 1 ko-ni-da-jo man 1
8 a-ko-rajo man i wa-du-na-to man i qo-te-ro man i
9 i-te-u man 1 pu-Lo-ro man i ka-ri-se-u man 1 ai-ko-ta man i
10 ka-ke man i ru-na man 1 pu-wo man i a-ta-ze-u man i
11 a-ra-na-ro man i sija-pu 2 ?-ro man i to-so x men 31
12 [?pa-i]-ti-jo a-nu-to pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja man i su-ki-ri-to man i,
etc., etc.
19 pi-ja-se-me man i to-so X men 23
20 se-to-i-ja / su-ke-re-o pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja man i ku-to man i, etc.
This tablet divides into three sections, listing men under three place-names, Knossos,
Setoia and a third which is lost in a lacuna. The first two sections end with a totalling
formula and a check-mark; the end of the last section is lost. The heading is illegible.
ra-wa-ke-(si)ja : almost certainly to be corrected as the corresponding term in sections 2
and 3 is pa 2 -si-re-wija (basilewia); presumably a feminine or neuter noun has to r be
understood. The use of these terms suggests that the basilewes of subordinate districts
were in some sense analogous to the lawagetas at Knossos.
The first man ideogram in each paragraph does not seem to be included in the totals;
possibly a-nu-wi-ko is an adverbial phase (see Vocabulary, p. 388 ).
39
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
| 39 = Asl517 (? lxxxviii)
1 ]-no re-qo-me-no
2 ? pa 2 ]-si-re-u i a-di-nwa-ta i
3 . ] -sa-ta i ti-pa 2 -jo i
4 da-wa-no i [ ]-wo i
5 qi-qe-ro i wi-du-[ ] i
6 ku-ra-no I dq-wi- [•] i
7 e-ru-to-ro i ku-ta-i-jo i
8 ku-To-nu-we-to i pa 2 -ra-jo i
9 two i pa-na-re-jo i
10 ke-ka-to i /o-jo men b 17
vacat
12 o-/k e-sa-re-we to-ro-no-wo-ko
13 po-to-ri-jo 1 pe-we-ri-io 1
14 du-ni-jo 1
Reverse: vacat
Za-mi-jo men 9
vacat
leifpomenoi: * being left*?
basileus : the local chieftain? Or a personal name? He is counted in the total. Note
the omission of the man ideogram,
lu-su: Bennett's reading to-sa seems to be unjustified when compared with the form of
sq written in line 3 . The sign was originally intended for something else, and has
been corrected. Furumark ( 1954 , p. 19 ) also reads to-so.
o-pi e-sa-re-we: opi —iwei thronoworgoi: Ptolion , Pe-we-ri-jo, Dunios . e-sa-re-u seems to be
the title of an official, but the meaning of the whole phrase is obscure, Thronoworgoi
may be makers of chairs or garlands, but notice that the form of 0p6vo$ at Pylos is
to-no. Po-to-ri-jo is more likely a man’s name than the genitive of ptolis.
9. WORK GROUPS OF MEN AT PYLOS (An)
The key to the following tablet lies in the word ke-ro-si-ja y which is found
again only on An23. It appears to describe both individuals and groups of
men, and is most likely geronsia (= yEpoucriot) 'council of elders*. Each entry
is introduced by a name in the genitive. Of these four names, A-pi-qo-ta and
Ta-we-si-jo are found as men’s names at Knossos. The only one to recur at
Pylos is A-pi-qo-ta who seems to be called basileus at A-pe-ke-e on Jn03; the entry
is marred by a lacuna. It would therefore seem likely that these four are basilewes
or local chieftains, and the list records some of their counsellors. On the reverse
the numbers seem to be much larger than the totals of the individual entries.
172
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
40
40 = An22 [261] (joined with 857) t
1 ]-we ke-ke-tu-wo-e
2 o-ta 2 -we-o ke-ro-sija ai-nu-me-no man [i]
3 o-ta 2 -we-o ke-ro-si-ja qo-te-ro man [i]
4 o-ta 2 -we-o ke-ro-si-ja a 2 -e-ta [man i]
5 o-ta 2 -we-o ke-ro-si-ja o-du-pa z -ro [man i]
6 a-pi-jo-to ke-ro-sija ku-[ne?]-u man [i]
7 a-pi-jo-to ke-ro-sija o-wo-to man i
8 a-pijo-to ke-ro-sija a-ra-ijo man i
9 a-pijo-[to] ke-ro-sija ri-zo man i
10 ta-we-[si-jo-jo] ke-ro-sija [ ] man I
11 ta-we-si-[jo]-jo ke-ro-si-ja [ ] man i
12 ta-we-si-[jo]-jo ke-ro-sija [ . ]-wa-ne-u man i
13
a-pi-qo-[ta-o]
ke-ro-si-ja
4\i-so-nijo man 1
U
a-[pi-qo-ta-o]
ke-ro-si-ja
a-[.]-te man [1]
IS
[ ]
ke-ro-sija
a-[ ] MAN I
16
[
] MAN I
17
[ ke-ro]-si
-ja o-[ . ]-
ka-[
18
a-[pi-qo-ta-o
ke-ro-si]-ja
o-ro-[
Reverse:
1
ta-we-si-jo-jo
ke-ro-si-ja
U-[ MAN i]
2
[ta-we]-si-jo-jo
ke-ro-si-ja
tu-ru-we-u man i
vacat
4 [ta]-we-si-jo-jo ke-ro-si (sic) men 20
5 a-pi-qo-ta-o ke-ro-si-ja men 17
6 a-pi-o-to ke-ro-si-ja men [18]
7 o-tp-wo-[o ke]-ro-si-ja men [14]
vacat
9 ka-ma-e-[we\ men io[- h ?]
It is singularly unfortunate that the first line is fragmentary, ke-ke-tu-wo-e is con-
ceivably a perfect participle. At line 5 of the reverse the hand changes.
o-ta % -we-o: it seems clear that this is the same name as that spelt o-lo-wo-o in line 8 of
the reverse and in An23, despite the phonetic difficulties. It is less certain if it is the
same name as o-tu-wo-we who is a smith at E-ni-pa-te-we (255=Jn658, Jn725); the
dative of which o-to-wo-we-i recurs on Vn851.
Lines 5-8 of the reverse are apparently repeated by An23 lines 1 - 4 , thus allowing the
restorations shown in the text.
ka-ma-e-we: this is the name given to holders of land called ka-ma who represent a
special feudal class: see p. 261 .
173
41—42
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
t 41 = Anl4 [35]
1 to-ko-do-mo de-me-o-te
2 pu-ro men 2 me-te-to-de men 3
3 sa-ma-ra-de men 3 re-u-ko-to-ro men 4
vacat
5 a-ta-ro tu-ru-pte-ri-ja o-no
6 WOOL 2 SHE-GOATS \ (|fl 3 WINE 10 FIGS 4
Masons who arc to build: Pylos two, to Me-te-to p three, to Sa-ma-ra^ three,
Lcuktron four.
A-ta-ro. . . : 6 kg. of wool, four she-goats, three. . 360 1 . of wine, 480 1 . of figs.
toikhodomoi demeontes. The classical distinction between Totyos and TElyos is not neces¬
sarily to be read into this compound. It is not impossible that this is an attempt to
put the defences in order, though it may relate merely to normal building operations.
The distinction between the places which have the suffix of motion - de and those
which have not may imply that the masons are already at Pylos and Leuktron (to be
read as locatives) and are being sent to the other towns.
a-ta-ro: the relation of this entry to the preceding is obscure; perhaps we should not
look for a connexion between them. The phrase tu-ru-pte-ri-ja o-no recurs on UnOl,
preceded by ku-pi-ri-jo which is probably there a man’s name, Kuprios ; hence a-ta-ro
here may be one too.
tu-ru-pte-ri-ja\ a connexion with Opuirrco seems obvious, though it is hard to interpret
if the meaning is ‘crushing’.
o-no : Furumark (1954, P* 33 ) proposes to interpret as d)vos despite the absence of
digamma (<*foavos) ‘ Einkaufspreis’. Carratelli (1954, P 94 ) similarly ‘cost of
demolition’? Palmer (19546, p. 22) prefers 6vos in the sense of‘mill-stone’. In the
latter case the significance of the commodities enumerated is obscure.
On the ideogram */^6, perhaps some sort of textile, see p. 290.
42 = An 17 [37]
1 o-za-mi-[ ] e-ne-ka
2 pa-ra-we-wo [. ,]-jo
3 a-pi-no-] men 2
* e-na-[po-ro ] 1
5 [ ]
This tablet is dearly related to 250 — VnOl (p. 348), which is an account of a distribution
of wine. The sense of the heading here is puzzling and no translation seems safe
enough to print.
o-za-mi-[: Vcntris connects with snuibG} ‘thus they are penalized’. The occupational
name za-mi-jo (of uncertain meaning) might be better as this is a list of men; but
0- at Pylos is normally followed by a verb.
174
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
42
pa-ra-we-wo : cf. 250 = Vn 01 . Possibly a man’s name. The next word is not [wo-no\jo
as the parallel might suggest. The list appears to consist of place-names in the locative.
An29 is unique among the Pylos ‘man’ tablets in that its second paragraph f
lists not men but the symbols ‘ze i ’ which normally indicate ‘one pair 1 .
Webster has drawn our attention to the close parallel shown by SnOl, in which
the entries also count ‘one pair’; where the paragraphs arc similarly intro¬
duced by o-da-a 2 \ and where the ktoinans ekhontes of line 12 can be taken as
a direct antithesis to the aktoinoi of An29.9 (cf. talasian ekhontesjatalasioi on
253=Jn0l, etc.). The two tablets have here been printed together on the
assumption that they belong to a single set; they are similar in size and are in
the same hand.
The first paragraph of SnOl would appear to introduce the set, since its
individuals are important enough to be described as ?ba]silewjonte and classi¬
fied as mo-ro-pa 2 and ko-re-te (‘mayor of a village’ ?). This paragraph evidently
covers much the same territory as 258 KnOl, a list of contributions of gold,
where the men’s names Luros, Poikiloq u s, Psolion and the place-names I-te-re-wa
and Ti-mi-ti-ja recur (also a-to-mo ).
The second paragraph of SnOl and the two sections of An29 (here lettered
as § 3 and § 4 , admittedly without any certain justification) then seem to
record members of successively lower classes in the hierarchy. § 2 embraces
the class of ‘/:/oiH<z-holders’ or lelestai\ § 3 lists a class of men who are evidently
particularly involved in the ‘military tablets’, since the names .A (e-wo-ki-to,
Ro-u-ko , A-e-ri-qo-ta and Ai-ko-ta recur there (59 = An656, 57 = An43, 56 =
An657, 56 = An657); and finally § 4 refers to the men ‘ without a ktoina\ Other
names common both to this set and to the ‘military tablets’ are Klumenos
(§ 1 and 58 = An654), Ke-ki-jo (§4 and 56=An657) and possibly Eruthras
(§ 1 and 58 = An654).
The identity of the object which is counted in pairs is not hinted at, and is
hard to guess (horses?). More puzzling still is the ideogram I, of which SnOl
shows a subsidiary accounting and which has earned SnOl its isolated position
in Bennett’s classification. This is found twice at Knossos, but not in helpful
contexts: G 464 records the o-pe-ro of two places, which is not less than I 4
and 3156 litres of barley in one case, and not less than I 4 and 1800 litres
of barley in the other. The other Knossos tablet, G 519, is only a fragment,
but mentions kupairos and apudosis. All that can be deduced from the Pylos
tablet is that it is counted in multiples of three, and is the object or product
of the verb a-ke-re-se ; it does not occur where this verb is absent or negatived,
although the item ‘one pair’ is common to all the entries except two. The
enigmatic ideogram will be shown as x in transcription and translation.
175
43
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
t 43 =Sn01 [64]
1 [ ±5 ]-si-re-wi-jo-te
2 [ ]-/<2 mo-ro-pa 2 to-to we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze i x 3
3 ka-do-wo mo-ro-pa 2 o-u-qe a-ke-re-se ze i
4 ru-ro mo-ro-pa 2 o-u-qe a-ke-re-se ze i
5 ku-ru-me-no mo-ro-pa 2 i-te-re-uua ko-re-te to-to we-to [o]-a-ke-re-se x 6
6 pe-ri-mo ti-mi-ti-ja ko-re-te to-to we-to [o]-a-ke-re-se ze 1 x 3
7 pe-ri-me-de-o i-*6^ po-so-ri-jo-no te-ra-ni-ja a-ke-re-se to-to we-to ' o-a-ke-re-se
x 12
8 po-ki-ro-qo e-qe-o a-to-mo ze 1
vacant 3
12 o-da-a 2 ko-to-na e-ko-te
13 e-ta-wo-ne-u to-to-we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze 1 x 6
14 a-qi-zo-we {to-to} to-to-we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze 1 [x nn]
15 ne-qe-u e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo to-to we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze 1 [x nn]
16 me-wi e-ru-ta-ra me-ta-pa ki-e-wo to-to-we-to o-a-ke-re-se ze 1 [x nn]
§ 1 Those functioning as basilewes [contribute as follows?]:
[So-and-so] the share-holder this year took as follows: one pair, three x.
Ka-do-wo the share-holder did not take : one pair.
Luros the share-holder did not take: one pair.
KJu menus tiie share-holder, major of I-te-re-wa , this year took as follows: six x.
Perimos the major of Thimistia this year took as follows: one pair, three x.
The son of Perimedes took . . . of Psolion, this year he took as follows: twelve x.
Poikiloq u s the. . . : one pair.
§ 2 And the holders of land as follows:
Etawoneus this year took as follows: one pair, six x.
A-qi-zo-we this year took as follows: one pair, x x.
Ne-qe-u son of Etewoklewes this year took as follows: one pair, x x.
Me-wi Eruthras at Metapa of Ki-e-u this year took as follows: one pair, x x.
In line i, Bennett suggests the restoration [pa 2 ]-si-re-wi-jo-te = basilewjontes. It is in any
case likely that this fragmentary word is the nom. masc. plur. of a present participle
of a verb in -sveo (Elean -dco), thereby confirming Brugmann’s proposed derivation
from *-r)fjco (Schwyzer, Gram . 1, p. 728 n. 1).
mo-ro-pa 2 : mo[i)ro-ppas ‘possessor of a share or portion’; evidently a high ranking title.
to-to we-to\ despite the phonological difficulties this must be tolo ( =twto) wetos ;
contrast hater on wetos on PY 178 = Mai 3 .
o-a-ke-re-se: that this contains a separable 0 - is proved by lines 3, 4 and 7: ho agrese.
The sense in which the verb is used cannot be guessed without a knowledge of the
meaning of the ideograms. A future agresei is also possible.
176
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
43-44
1 ** 65 : Vcntris suggests a comparison with Tvt$; but it is not yet possible to give a certain
value to this sign.
U-ra-ni-ja : is this perhaps the word represented by the ideogram x ? ‘Thus he took the
tc-ra-ni-ja of Psolion’? Or a place-name?
e-qe-o a-to-mo\ cf. e*qe-a-o a-to-mo KN V 56. Miihlestein has suggested that a-to-mo-i
on 91=Fn02 is an alternative spelling (though the trades there seem to be much
more humble), and reads eq* t eadnjiq i, jds arthmos , ‘chariot joiner' (cf. i-qi-ja on
266 = Sd0401, etc.): this appears extremely doubtful.
o-da-a 2 ko-to-na e-ko-te\ Andrews understands the word o-da-a 2 as a verb, Furumark
( 1954 , p. 38 ) as a substantive ‘AnteiP: he translates the heading to § 3 as ‘Leute,
die schuldig sind, Anteile zu liefern’, and to § 4 as ‘Folgende landlose Leute. . .
Anteile'. But its position as first word in its clause, and the fact that it often parallels
a verbal prefix 0 - elsewhere on the same tablet, make it virtually certain that it is
an introductory particle, probably an expanded form of 0 -.
to-to to-to-we-to : dittography.
e-iu-ta-ra\ to understand a feminine name here (‘ Me-wi the red'?) conflicts with the
exclusively masculine character of the rest of the list. ‘ Eruthras the younger' (for
me-wi-jo ?).
ki-e-wo : gen. of Ki-e-u 55 = An724? His position in the syntax is obscure, but perhaps
parallel to Psolionos in line 7-
44 = An29 [218] t
1 o-da-a 2 a-na-ke-e o-pe-ro-U [ ? ]
tiso-uja i-je-re-u [ ] man I
3 ne-wo-ki-to i-je-[re]-u da-i-ja-ke-re-u man i
4 [ro]-u-ko ku-sa-me-ni-jo me-ta~pa man i
5 a-e-ri-qo-ta [ ] o-wi-to-no man i
6 ai-ko-ta a-da-ra-[ti-jo ?] man i
vacant 2
9 o-da-a 2 c-ke-jo-to a-ko-to-no
10 pa-ku-ro 2 de-wi-jo ze i
n [? d\-ka-rt-u e-ko-me-na-ta-o ai z ?-te ze i
12 [ ] kc-ki-jo ze 1
13 U pi]-mt~ta po-ru-da-si-jo ze 1
14 [ ] mc-nu-a 2 ze i
15 ma-ra-te-u a-pu-ka ze 1
16 [ .]-qo-te~wo i-*6$ ze 1
Reverse:
di-we-si-pp~u-ti-mi-to-qo-[
§ 3 And those who arc obliged to bring (men?), as follows:
Ri-so-wa the priest...: one man.
177
44—45
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Ne-wo-ki-to the priest, the divider of lands', one man.
Ro-u-ko the son of Kusamenos at Metapa: one man.
Aeriq u hoitas. . .at O-wi-to-na*: one man.
Ai-ko-ta son of Adrastos : one man.
§ 4 And those without land are included as follows:
Pa-ku-ro 2 . . . : one pair,
etc.
a-na-ke-e: anageen ‘bring, contribute’. There does not seem to be room in the damaged
portion at the end of the line for an explicit object to the verb, but ayco demands
that it should be a person or an animal. It is not clear whether the man ideograms
in lines 2-6 refer to Aeriq u hoitas, etc., or merely to unnamed men that they have
supplied. The analogy of the other paragraphs favours the latter.
o-pe-ro-te: ophilontes .
da-i-ja-ke-re-u: this may also be a place-name (like Aie-ta-pa, etc. in succeeding lines. Cf.
0 -re-mo-a-ke-re-u, Pu 2 ?-ra 2 -a-ke-re-u.
e-ke-jo-to: possibly the 3 rd plural present of iyKSiuai; see Vocabulary, p. 392 .
ai 2 ?-te\ cf. ai-te-re , name of an occupation on KN 48 = B 101.
ma-ra-te-u: perhaps a title rather than a name; cf. 56=An657, 195=Na67.
a-pu-ka: cf. a-pu 2 ?-ka 59 = An656, a-pu 2 ?-ka-ne 56=An657. Apparently a place-name.
i -*$5 with a name in the genitive: cf. 43 =Sn01,7.
The following badly damaged tablet is interesting for its reference to large
numbers of men in various occupations, and to areas of land expressed by the
abbreviation da (see p. 242 ).
| 45 = An830
3 lines illegible
4 ma-ra-ti-sa [ ;
vacat
6 a-te-re-wi-ja e-o ko-re-te-rifo ke-ke-me-no da 30 [
vacat
8 e-sa-re-wi-ja pq-ro-ni-ja te-u-po-ro-\f] [da nnj
9
]-no DA 50
10
[
] MEN
18
11
qo]-u-ko-ro
ra-wa-ra-ti-ja
MEN 66
12
0-pi-da-mi-jo pi-* 82
qo-[u-ko]-ro
MEN 60
13
a 2 -ki-ja qo-u-ko-ro
MEN 6o[
A-te-re-wi-ja : a place-name; derivative of ’AtpevS?
e-o : the masc. or neut. participle edn is surprising unless A-te-re-wi-ja is a masculine
c-stem: ‘which is common land belonging to the ko-re-te * ? Bennett reads e-so .
178
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
45-47
da : in view of 114 = En02 probably a unit of superficial area.
t-sa-Tt-wi-ja : a derivative of the title e-sa-re-u y apparently functioning as a place-name:
‘the settlement of the *,’? Bennett reads ro-ro-ni-ja for pa-ro-ni-ja.
Lines 11-13 record g u oukoloi ‘cowherds’ at three places; those at Pi -*82 are described
as opidamioi ‘local inhabitants’? a 2 -ki-ja is not mentioned elsewhere.
10. WORK GROUPS OF MEN AT MYCENAE
One of the few tablets found at Mycenae seems to fall into this class of tablets
dealing with occupational groups. It is a mere list of names, with the trade-
name as a separate entry at the bottom.
46 = Aul02 (see frontispiece)
1
wa-ra-pi-si-ro i-jo-qe
MEN
2
2
na-su-to
MAN
I
3
te-ra-wo ka-ri-se-u-qe
MEN
2
4
c-ke-nc c-u-po-ro-qe
MEN
2
5
*85~ja-to ko-no-pu 2 ? -du-ro-qe
MEN
2
6
ke-re-no
MEN
2
7
wa-a 2 -ta de-u-ki-jo-qe
MEN
2
8
mo-i-da
MAN
I
9
o-ri-ko
MEN
3
vacant 4
14
a-to-po-qo
[
]
Where there arc two names the second is linked with -q u e. The numerals in lines 6 and 9
are puzzling if these are men’s names.
ke-re-no\ Gerenos ? recurs in PY Cnl2.
a-to-po-qo\ artopoq u oi^ 6 ipTo*. 6 'T\o\\ the lacuna may have contained the summation
men 17 . If so seventeen bakers seems a large number to figure in a tablet from a
private house. f f
II. LISTS OF MIXED TRADESMEN AT KNOSSOS
These usually record a place-name followed by numbers of men analysed by
trades.
47 = Am826 (K lix)
a-pa-ta-wa-jo / te-re-ta men 45[
te-ko-to-ne men 5
Men of Aptara: forty-five (or more) fief-holders, five carpenters.
179
++
++
47-50
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-pa-ta-wa-jo : Aptarwaioi , cf. a-pa-ta-wa Aptarwa KN 83 = Ch902, = "ATTTccpa in Western
Crete (so also Furumark, 1954 , p. 22 ). The etymology of this name is unknown;
the form "Airrepa is clearly due to popular etymology.
te-re-ta: telestai , officers of the feudal hierarchy: see Palmer, 1955 , p. If-
te-ko-to-ne : tektones.
| 48 =B 101 (? xxiv)
ko-wi-ro-wo-ko meN b [nn] ai-te-re MEN b 8 [
ko-wi-ro-wo-ko: kowiloworgoi ‘makers of hollow-ware* ? Cf. xolAos fipyvpos Kal XP uor ^
Theopomp. Hist . 283 a, ‘silver and gold plate’ (Liddell and Scott 9 ).
ai-te-re: possibly the agent noun from the verb the participle of which appears as
a-ja-me-na ‘inlaid’. Cf. ai 2 ?-te PY 44=An29. Chadwick suggests that the correct
reading may be du -.
12. LISTS OF MIXED TRADESMEN AT PYLOS
These are similar to the parallel group at Knossos though longer and more
detailed. The documentation of the workers was obviously more highly organ¬
ized at Pylos. The full significance of many of the occupational terms cannot
now be grasped, even when they are etymologically clear.
If 49 —An07 [427]
1 a-pu 2 ?-we da-ko-ro men 5 e-ri-no-wo-[te ]
2 pa-ko me-ri-du-ma-te men 5 [aj a-ke-re-[wa ]
3 a-to-po-qo men 2 . pi-pu-te pu-ka-wo men 3 [ ]
At Aipu five temple-servants\ at E-ri-no-wo . . . ; at Pa-ko five. . . ; at A-ke-re-wa . . .
two bakers; at Pi-pu three fire-kindlers. . ..
a-pu 2 ?-we\ a place-name in the dative; perhaps(//. II, 592 )?
da-ko-ro : dakoroi = ^axopoi ?
e-ri-no-wo-[te]: cf. PY Na51, Cn09, etc.
me-ri-du-ma-te: one of the compounds of du-ma: see Vocabulary.
pu-ka-wo : purkawoi , cf. irupKOEus, etc.
ft 50=Anl8 [39]
1 pu-ka-wo +
2 me-ri-du-ma-te
3 mi-ka-ta 4-
4 o-pi-te-u-ke-e-we
5 e-to-wo-ko +
6 ka-sa-to +
men 16
men 10 +
MEN 3
MEN 4 4 -
MEN 5
MAN
l80
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
50
7 pU-ka-WO -i- MEN 23
8 me-n-da-ma-te men 6
9 [o-pi]-te-u-ke-e-we men 5 +
10 [mi-ka]-ta men 6 +
11 [e-to]-wo-ko men 3 a-to-po-qo men 3
Reverse:
1 po-ru-da-ma-te men 4
vacat
3 pa 2 -ra 2 -te man
4 pu-ko-ro MAN
5 q-ko-so-tq man
6 pi-ri-ja-me-ja man
7 e-m-j a-u-si-jo man
8 pte-jo-ri man qo-ta-wo [ ]
9 a-ta man te-o-po-[
vacant 2
Sixteen fire-kindlers, ten me-ri-du-ma-te , three mi-ka-ta , four riggers, five
armourers\ Xanthos.
Twenty-three fire-kindlers, six me-ri-da-ma-te , five riggers, six mi-ka-ta , three
armourers , three bakers.
Four po-ru-da-ma-te .
For Pallas, Purkolos, Axotas, Priameias, Eniausios, Pte-jo-ri, Qo-ta-wo (?),
Anthas, Theopo(mpos ?).
The obverse falls into two sections ( 1 - 6 , 7 — 11 ) which are in different hands; the second
writer also wrote the reverse. Almost all the entries are accompanied by a check¬
mark ( + ). The reverse consists, after the first line, of a list of individuals entered by
name in the dative case.
me-ri-du-ma-te: see Vocabulary s.v. du-ma\ in line 8 spelt with -da- for -du-.
mi-ka-ta : miktai * mixers' ?
o-pi-te-u-ke-e-we : opiteukheewes , derivative of TEuyos, but in what sense?
e-to-wo-ko : from Svrea? Cf. e-le-do-mo.
ka-sa-to: the attempt ofMeriggi ( 1954 , p. 33 ) and Carratelli ( 1954 , P- 92 ) to read this
as a common noun *xantos — £&vtt|s is rendered unlikely by the absence of a numeral
with the ideogram; cf. the list of names on the reverse. The mixing of names artd
occupations in a single list can be paralleled, e.g. An 15-
a-ko-so-ta: Axotas or Arxotas is an important man at Pylos; cf. 154 = Eq01, 103 =Un08,
249 = Va02.
qo-ta-wo : only elsewhere on Na24, where it is probably a place-name; as the ideogram
is missing this cannot be excluded here.
181
51-52
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
I 51 An20 [18]
1 e-re-u-te-ri-[
2 te-ko-to-na-pe man [i
3 i-na-ni-ja man i [ J man [ ]
4 re-si-we-i [man] i a-se-e man i
vacat
6 te-re-ne-we to-ko-do-mo-a-pe-o man i
7 i-na-ne man l te-ko-to-na-pe I
vacat
9 qo-u-ko-ro j ti-no men go
vacat
11 pa-ki-ja-si to-so te-ko-to-ne / [ti]-ng
12 MEN 254 [
The heading is again fragmentary and little is clear except that we are told of some
missing carpenters and cowherds. The numbers arc surprisingly large. Reference
to men and women who are 'missing* is also made on 37 =B 823, 55 = An724,
Ap633, An33; similar annotation to miscellaneous lists of craftsmen is seen in the
Ur tablets (e.g. Legrain, 1947 , no. i 486 ): ‘Sculptor, goldsmiths (one missing, two
at the smithy),. . . Ibni-Adad the bow-maker, two smiths (one missing): those of the
scale-control Goldsmiths, fullers, hired tailor, caulkers, two rope-makers (one ill):
those in the workshop . 1
e-re-u-te-ri\ : dat. of e-re-u-te-re PY 76 = Cn22? or eleutheri(os) ?
te-ko-to-na-pe: the comparison of te-ko-to a-pe PY An24 shows convincingly that this is a
rare case of sandhi, the final -n of tekton coalescing with the initial vowel of the following
word. This confirms our supposition that the final consonants were not lost in speech.
The meaning of the second word is not plain, but in view of a-pe-o in line 6 is probably
apes imperfect of (ttteihi ‘was absent 1 .
i-na-ni-ja: a place-name, cf. PY AeOl, Ae02; the simpler form i-na-ne in line 7 .
te-re-ne-we : possibly a place-name in the dative; cf. te-re-ne-wi-ja An852, a fragment
which is clearly similar to this tablet.
to-ko-do-mo-a-pe-o: the word-divider is dropped, but there is no sandhi; toikhodomos apedn.
ti-no : perhaps thinos ‘of the coast 1 . Not to be compared with Cret. Qtva (cf. Carratelli,
1954 , p. 216 ) < 0 £{va. The reading is very uncertain.
pa-ki-ja-si: dat. -ansi (cf. pa-ki-ja-ne XcOl) of a variant form of the place-name pa-ki-ja-na.
52 = An26 [207]
about 3 lines missing
4 [ ] men 10
5 [ J pi-ri-je-te-re men 2
6 [?re-ka-la\-ne a-de-te-re men 2
7 Te-ka-{td\-ne ke-ra-me-we men 2
182
+
+
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
52
B
re-ka-ta-ne
da-ko-ro
MEN
12
9
wa-a 2 -te-we po-ku-ta
MEN
10
10
a-nu-wa
ku-ru-so-wo-ko
MEN
4
11
[ J
me-n-da-ma-te
MEN
2
12
[ . ]■
jo to-ko-so-wo-ko
MEN
5
U
a-pi-no-[e-
■wi-jo ? ]
MEN
[nn]
14
so-ro-pe-o
ra-pte-re
[men
nn]
15
ko-ri-si-jo
ra-pte-re
[men
nn]
16
ka-ro-ke-e
ra-pte-re
[men
nn]
17
ra-ni-jo-ne
ra-pte-re
MEN
[nn]
18
[ ]-ka-si
-da ra-pte-re
MEN
20[
A list of tradesmen prefixed by what appear to be ethnic adjectives; very few of these
are recorded elsewhere. Some seem to be place-names rather than adjectives.
a-pi-no-e-iui-jo are mentioned in PY 184 = NnOI, etc.; ko-ri-si-jo is probably Korinsioi
from ko-ri-to Korinthos , PY Ad07; wa-a 2 -te-we is to be connected with wa-a 2 -te-pi
PY Nal9.
pi-ri-je-te-re : the singular pi-ri-je-te is found on the Ivnossos sword tablets, which suggests
a connexion with irpico: prietere ‘cutlers’?
a-de-te-re : singular PY Eq887. Perhaps an-detere ‘binders’.
keramewe : ‘potters’.
da-ko-ro: see on 49 — An07.
po-ku-ta : pos-khutai ‘ wine-pourers’?
ku-ru-so-wo-ko : khmsoworgoi ‘goldsmiths’.
to-ko-so-wo-ko : toxoworgoi ‘bow-makers’.
ra-pte-re: rapteres ‘ tailors’; the word has no digamma, see Vocabulary, p. 407 .
13. ROWERS AND TROOPS AT PYLOS
The following group of tablets falls into two parts: one naval, one military.
The subject-matter of the naval tablets is indicated by the word ‘rowers’
which appears in the first line of all three. The first is a list of the numbers
of rowers to be provided by various towns for an expedition to Pleuron. The
second is probably somewhat similar, but the heading is almost all lost, and
the numerals are much larger; in all 443 men are recorded, and some numbers
are obviously missing in the lacuna at the right-hand edge. These numbers make
it certain that we are not here concerned with a peaceful mercantile venture,
but a naval operation; and it would be unlikely that the business of trade
would be thus organized by a central authority. It is possible that the thirty
men specified in 53 =Anl2 is the complement of a Mycenaean ship; but the
evidence of Homer suggests a figure of fifty oarsmen per ship (G. Thomson,
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
1949 , P- 4 2 3)> so thirty may be only part of the complement or for a smaller
ship. The second tablet then appears to allow for at least nine ships. Even so
this is a small figure compared with the ninety which Nestor took to Troy.
The third tablet is more enigmatic, for despite Bennett’s join with a new
fragment there are irritating lacunae; the heading speaks clearly of ‘rowers
who are absent’ (without leave?). Until more of the linguistic problems are
solved we must be cautious in theorizing about the significance of this
document.
The second group of tablets are distinguished by the word o-ka. Only one
of these (57 = An 43 ) was known from the 1939 finds; even so several people,
including Palmer (1955, p. 20) and Muhlestein (1954), had suggested that this
was a military document, since it associated large numbers of men with
place-names. Muhlestein’s suggestion that a variant form of the man ideogram
on these tablets meant ‘armed man’ is unfounded; it can be shown to be due
merely to a difference of handwriting. Palmer interpreted the tablet as a record
of troop movements to guard against a threatened invasion from the north—
a threat which the destruction of Pylos shows to have been unsuccessfully
countered. Muhlestein goes further in identifying some of the places mentioned
with historical place-names scattered over the west, north and centre of the
Peioponnese; if right this would imply a vast dominion stretching almost to
the gates ofMyrcnar. But would such a kingdom have been controlled from
a remote spot in the far south-west? There is no evidence in tradition for such
a large kingdom, and it is at variance with the Catalogue of Ships, not that we
can expect a close coincidence. More serious is the objection raised by one
of the new tablets (56 = An 657 ), which has a heading preceding the recurrent
formula and may therefore have introduced the whole series. This heading
informs us that these are dispositions to guard the coastal regions. We must
therefore reject any interpretations which involve places far distant from the sea.
Tradition and dialect evidence suggest that the Mycenaean kingdoms fell
before invaders coming from the north-west; and there are reasons for thinking
that Pylos was especially concerned with the coastal area to the north. The
identification of CJ-ru-pi-ja-jo with ’OAupma and of O-ru-ma-si-jo with TpOpiocvOos
has independently suggested to several minds that we have a reference to the
general area of Elis. The two references to Pleuron are interesting as suggesting,
not that Pleuron was in the orbit of Pylos, but that there was an alliance with
an Aetolian kingdom; which would be natural enough if the danger came from
the north-west. But 0 -ka-ra 3 can hardly be the Aetolian OtxcxAiri; it is very
dangerous to press the evidence of place-names (see p. 139). Pylos may have
been desperately engaged in an attempt to organize the defence of the whole
184
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
53
west coast—an impossible task without immense resources, and the resultant
splitting of forces may have been responsible for her defeat.
A curious fact which Palmer and Muhlestein have both emphasized is the
connexion between 57 = An43 and 76 = Cn22. Several of the place-names
recur, including the pair o-ka-ra z a 2 -ra-tu-(w)a t and the phrase pi-ru-te ku-re-we
(another pair of place-names according to Palmer). 76 = Cn22 is a list of
oxen, and will be discussed in the next chapter. Palmer has attempted to
bring the two into close connexion by supposing a religious motive for the
distribution of cattle—sacrificial animals to ensure divine favour in the
threatened sectors. The clue to this puzzle is the heading of the cattle tablet,
on which there is unfortunately still no agreement.
The repeating pattern of the military tablets is plain, though the meaning
of some of the key words is not. It begins with a man’s name in the genitive
followed by o-ka. This is most satisfactorily explained as orkha=otpxT\, pre¬
sumably in the sense of‘command’; cf. op/apos. P. von der Muhll suggests
6 rkhd=6pyp$ ‘Reihe, Zug’ (Muhlestein, 1955 a, Nachtrag). Then we have
a list of from three to seven names in the nominative, presumably the subordi¬
nate commanders. The pattern continues with varied phrases including two
trade-names ke-ki-de and ku-re-we (some kind of troops?) accompanied by
place-names or ethnics, and followed by m e n and a numeral. Palmer appositely
quotes:
ettt' 2aav T)yep6v€S ^vA&kcov, bcardv 81 iK&arcp
KoOpot apa arelxov.. . . (II. IX, 85-6)
The final item is the formula me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta followed by a name. The
last word was at first thought to be a verb, but it now appears likely that the
middle termination is -toi not -tai (see p. 87 ); it must therefore be the noun
heq u etas (=&tett)s) used as a title. The name is usually accompanied by
a patronymic adjective, a rare distinction which Palmer is probably right in
supposing to prove the high rank of the keq u etds.
53=Anl2[l] t
1 e-re-ta pe-re-u-ro-na-de / i- jo-te
2 ro-o-wa men 8
3 ri-jo men 5
4 po-ra-pi men 4
5 te-ta-ra-ne men 6
6 a-po-ne-we men 7
vacant 2
185
53-54
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Rowers to go to Plcuron: eight from Ro-o-wa , five from Rhion, four from
Po-ra- , six from Te-ta-ra-ne y seven from A-po-ne-we.
eretai Pleurdnade iontes: possibly the Homeric Plcuron in Actolia (//. ii, 639 + ), but there
is no evidence to support a positive identification. All the towns from which the
rowers come are mentioned elsewhere, but none arc satisfactorily interpreted except
Ri-j&=Rhion, a common place-name, which is associated with Asinc in Messcnia.
Po-ra-pi : presumably an instrumental plural serving as locative: Phordphi (<Dapa() ?
Carratclli ( 1954 , p. 226 ) ~ 2 TTOp<k( 5 ) 9 t.
'Te-ta-ra-ne \ hardly TtTpavri as suggested by Carratclli as it must be dative.
t 54 = An 19 [610]
1 [ ]-ne e-re-ta
2 f ]-e ki-ti-ta
MF.N
46
[ ]
3 L Via
M E N
l 9
[ 1
4 [ | - ki-ti-ta
M EN
3 6
[ ]
3 me-fa-ki-ti-ta
MEN
3
[ ]
6 t'-ivi-ri-pn
MEN
9
1
VI
r
1 a-ke-re-wa
MEN
25
wo-qe-we \
6 ri-jo
MEN
24
wi-nu-ri-jo [
9 te-ta-ra-ne
MEN
3i
me-ta-\ \
10 a-po-ne-we
MEN
37
me-ta-[ j
11 ma-ra-ne-nu-we
MEN
40
po-ti-ja-ke-e
MEN
6
12 [za]-ku-si-jo
MEN
8
za-e-to-ro
MEN
3
!3 da-mi-ni-jo
MEN
40
e-ke-ra 2 -wo-no
MEN
40
14 we-da-ne-wo
MEN
20
ko-ni-jo 126 me-ta-ki-ti-ta
MEN
26
15 po-ku-ta
MEN
10
we-re-ka-ra-(ta) te-pa 2 -ta-qe
MEN
20
vacant 5
ki-ti-ta : ktitai ‘settlers’, metaktitai 4 new residents, metics’? In view of the association
with ktimena the terms probably have a special feudal meaning.
F-wi-ri-po: place-name, Euripos ; A-ke-re-wa, Ri-jo , Te-ta-ra-ne , A-po-ne-we, and Ma-ra-
ne-nu-we arc all also place-names; cf. 53 = An 12.
po-si-ke-te-re : pos-ik(e) tires Suppliants, refugees’?
wo-qe-we: cf 55 = An724; perhaps a place-name.
wi-nu-ri-jo : place-name or ethnic?
me-ta~[ : metaktitai or Metapa?
po-ti-ja-ke-e : place-name; cf Ti-mi-to a-ke-e.
[. za\-ku-si-jo : cf. za-ku-si-ja PY 286 = Sa787 and man’s name Pa-ku-si-jo MY Ocl22;
^Zakunsioi (of Zakunthos).
da-mi-ni-jo : a place-name, common on the D tablets from Knossos, but only found
elsewhere at Pylos in the form da-mi-ni-ja 14 = Ad697.
E-ke-ra 2 -wo-no y We-da-ne-wo : the entries so far have been either place-names, ethnic
186
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
54-55
adjectives or descriptive titles; here we pass abruptly to the genitive of men’s names-
Ekheldwon and We-da-ne-u are obviously men of importance if they can produce forty
and twenty men respectively; Bennett reads the latter figure too as forty; see further
pp. 265 and 279 .
ko-ni-jo : in view of the absence of the ideogram Ventris proposes skhoinioi ‘ropes* (see
Vocabulary); but the dropping of the ideogram may be due to lack of space.
we-re-ka-ra-(ta): cf. PY An08.
55 = An724 (=rAn32 joined) t
1 ro-o-wa e-re-ta a-pe-o-te
2 me-nu-wa a-pe-e-ke a-re-sa-ni-e
3 o-pi-ke-ri-jo-de ki-ti-ta o-pe-ro-ta [e\
4 e-re-e man i
5 e-ke-ra 2 -wo-ne a-pe-e-ke a 2 -ri-e [man i]
6 o-pe-ro-te e-re-e men 5
I ra-wa-ke-ta a-pe-e-[ke ]-e man [nn]
8 ta-ti-qo-we-u o-[ ]“?*“[• •] MAN 1
9 a-ke-re-wa ki-e-u o-pe-[ ]-e a-ri-ja-to
10 ki-ti-ta man 1 o-ro-ti-jo di-qo a-[..]
II o-pe-ro [. . . ] e-kosi-qe e-qe-ta ka-ma
12 e-to-ni-jo e-nwq-ri-jo man i
13 wo-qe-we [e]-qo-te ru-ki-ja a-ko-wo man [nn]
14 77-/0 o-no e-qo-te men io[
No translation is attempted in view of the numerous problems. The general sense is
plain: there are rowers missing, and certain places and lords are responsible; but it
does not seem possible to offer an easy solution to the question why they are missing
—absent without leave ?—or what is being done about it.
Ro-o-wa : obviously an important coastal town; it provides eight of the thirty men for
Pleuron (53=Anl2); it is the seat of a coastal command (57 = An43). As the
Lawagetas and other important people such as Ekhelawon are associated with it
here, it may well be the port of Pylos itself.
Me-nu-wa : a man’s name found in the form Me-nu-a 2 44 = An29; = Mivuas? In view
of E-ke-ra 2 -wo-ne all the three nouns preceding a-pe-e-ke are presumably datives. This
suggests that a-pe-e-ke is an impersonal verb and a-re-sa-ni-e and a 2 -ri-e are infinitives
following it. Satisfactory interpretations are lacking, a-pe-e-ke fits well as apheeke
(dtplriMi), though this is not used impersonally. But there are other possibilities:
ap-eekhe (dTreyco) or amphe-ekhei ( = au<pi“; cf. a-pi-e-ke PY 97 = Un03). The sense of
a-re-sa-ni-e and a 2 -ri-e cannot be deduced from the context; Ventris compares the latter
with a 2 -ri-sa PY 154 = Eq01.
o-pi-ke-ri-jo-de : only found again, without the -de suflix, in a very fragmentary context
PY An35, which is possibly another list of rowers. The final -de might be enclitic
‘but* or the suffix of motion towards. If the former, Ventris suggests opikherion
is?
55-56
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
= Orroxeipiov (cf. Od. xv, 448); if the latter, Chadwick proposes a place-name
Opiskherion , cf. ^TnoxEpcb, Sxepirj.
ki-ti-ta : probably ktitdn ophilonta.
e-re-e : Ventris: Helen ‘he will take’ (but the future £\co is only found at a late date).
Chadwick: ereen infinitive of *Epco, root verb later replaced by Ip^croxo; ‘a settler
who is under obligation to serve as a rower'. For ophildn + infin. cf. [6\phSldn-q u e
teleiaen Eb39. In any case this word is probably not the same as e-re-e 258 = KnO 1,
where it appears to be dative of a place-name, probably Helos.
o-pe-ro-te : presumably plural ophelontes in view of the numeral 5; but this cannot be
reconciled with the accusative in line 3.
ra-wa-ke-ta: Idwdgetdi ‘the leader of the army*. The lacuna might contain [a-re-sa-ni]-e
or [o-pe-ro-ta e-re]-e.
Ta-ti-qo-we-u : a man's name, recurring as one of the commanders on the military
tablets (58=An654); Statig u oweus ?
A-ke-re-wa : a new section must begin here with the change of scene.
Ki-e-u : apparently a man's name; cf. 43—SnOl.
o-pe-[ : ophi[ldn (or - Ionia ) ere\en?
a-ri-ja-lo : 3rd sing, middle of a 2 -ri-e ?
o-ro-tifo di-qo: the latter may be a man’s name at Knossos D1 930.
e-ko-si-qe : ekhonsi-q u e heq u etai khamas letonion . . . ‘and the followers have the freehold of
the holding ’. The vocabulary here is that found on the land ownership tablets; see
pp. 253, 261. The connecting link must be the holding of land in return for feudal
service.
e-nwa-n-jo : — E-nu-wa-n-jo — Enualios ? Bennett reads e-\. ]-se-ri-jo .
wo-qe-we : cf. 54=Anl9.
e-qo-le : heq u onles with active inflexion = ^Trbpevot ?
a-ko-wo : hardly akorwos (Homeric aKovpos).
Rif o \ another change of scene.
0-/20: cf. 41=Anl4, but this may be a different word. The phrase probably recurs on
An35 edge.
56 = An657
1 o-u-ru-to o-pi-a 2 -ra e-pi-ko-wo
2 ma-re-wo o-ka o-wi-to-no
3 a-pe-ri-ta-wo o-re-ta e-te-wa ko-ki-jo
4 su-we-ro-wifo o-wi-ti-ni-jo o-ka-ra 2 men 50
vacat
6 ne-da-wa-ta-o o-ka e-ke-me-de
7 a-pife-ta ma-ra-te-u ta-ni-ko
8 a 2 -ru-wo-te ke-ki-de ku-pa-ri-sifo men 20
vacat
10 ai-ta-re-u-si ku-pa-ri-si-jo ke-ki-de men 10
188
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
56
11 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta ke-ki-jo
12 a-e-ri-qo-ta e-ra-po ri-me-ne
13 o-ka-ra o-wi-to-no men 30 ke-ki-de-qe a-pu^-ka-ne
14 men 20 me-ta-qe pe-i ai-ko-ta e-qe-ta
Thus the watchers are guarding the coast.
§ 1 Command of Maleus at O-wi-to-no : Ampelitawon, Orestas, Etewas,
Kokkion.
Fifty su-we-ro-wi-jo men of O-wi-to-no at Oikhalia.
§ 2 Command of Nedwatas: Ekhemedes, Amphi-e-ta the ma-ra-te-u , Ta-ni-ko.
Twenty Kuparissian ke-ki-de men at A-ru-wo-te,
ten Kuparissian ke-ki-de men at Aithalewes ,
(and with them the Follower Kerkios).
Aeriq u hoitas, Elaphos, Ri-me-ne .
Thirty men from Oikhalia to O-wi-to-no ,
and twenty ke-ki-de men from A-pu-ka ,
(and with them the Follower Ai-ko-ta ).
The section numbers here and in succeeding tablets are inserted merely for ease of
reference.
o-u-ru-to : the negative fu makes no sense here. It is 11101 c likely that u-ru-to represente
a verb beginning wr- (so written because there is no sign for wu) t and 0 - is the usual
prefix. Probably therefore an athematic 3 rd plur. present indie, ho wruntoi (cf.
f) 0 o 6 cn).
opi(h)ala: ‘the coastal regions’, cf. hnOaXdacna.
epikowoi: cf. the man’s name Pu-ko-wo = Purkowos, Delph. TTupKdoi. It will mean
* watchers, look-outs’. Not = £rriKoupoi ‘allies’; see Vocabulary, p. 392 .
O-wi-to-no : clearly a place-name with medial -/(A)n-; cf. the adjective O-wi-ti-ni-jo .
su-we-ro-wi-jo: it is not clear where the list of names ends; this word may be a name or
go with what follows.
0-ka-ra z : cf. O-ka-ra in line 13 . Possibly Oikhalia (so Palmer), on the Messenian-
Arcadian frontier, the later Andania or Karnasion; but this seems far removed from
the sea. Alternatively the town in Aetolia, though this too is not on the coast.
ma-ra-te-u : cf. ma-ra-te-we PY 195=Na67; apparently a title or occupational name
rather than a personal name.
A z -7u-wo-te : probably a place-name in the dative; not ‘AAoOs in Arcadia?
ke-ki-de : possibly a description ofsomesortof troops.
Kuparissioi : from KinTCtpujaia (cf. Ki/TTapicroT|sis, //. 11 , 593 ).
Aithaleusi : dative of ethnic used as place-name?
pe-i : spheis or sphe'i = oy\<j\; cf. Arcad. a<pEis (dat. plur.).
A-pu t ?-ka-ne: nom. masc. plur. of ethnic? Cf. A-pu-ka 44=An29.
189
s
e di
57
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
| 57 = An43 [519]
1 to-ro-o o-ka ro-o-wa
2 ka-da-si-jo mo-ro-pa z wo-zo
3 ki-n-ja-i-jo wa-tu-wa-o-ko mu-to-na
4 o-ka-ra 3 a z -ra-tu-wa men no [ ]
vacat
6 ke-wo-no-jo o-ka ka-ke-[
I tu-si-je-u po-te-u [ ]-wo-ne-\_ \
8 a-pi-te-wa i-wa-so men [
vacat
10 a 2 -te-po de-wi-jo ko-ma-we
II o-ai 2 ?-ta-qe u-ru-pi-ja-jo
12 o-ru-ma-si-ja-jo men 30
vacat
14 pi-ru-te ku-re-we men 50
15 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta ro-u-ko
16 ku-sa-me-nijo
§ 3 Command ofTros at Ro-o-wa: Ka-da-si-jo a share-holder, performing feudal
service , Kriaios, Wastuaokhos , Mu-to-na.
1 10 men from Oikhalia to A-ra-tu-wa.
§ 4 Command of Ke-wo-no : ., Tu-si-je-u > Ponteus, ....
x men from Amphi-te-wa to Iwasos.
A-te-po i De-wi-jo , Komawens,
and thirty men. . .of Olympia and Erymanthus.
Fifty ku-re-we men from Pi-ru
(and with them the Follower Ro-u-ko son of Kusamenos).
Troos : a surprising name to find at Pylos.
wo-zo: worzdn y the verb has a technical sense as a feudal term, see p, 255.
A 2 -ra-tu-wa: also spelt A 2 -ra-tu-a 76 = Cn 22 , pointing to a glide. Miihlestein compares
^paiOup&x, 'ApavTia, old names of Phlius in the Argolid.
ka-ke-[: Wade-Gery suggests Khalke[dci] =XoAk(s in Triphylia.
A-pi-te-wa I-wa-so: probably places not people; Palmer takes them as a pair of towns
denoting a sector. Muhlestein identifies the latter with 'Icxctos on the Arcadian-
Laconian border.
A-te-po De-wi-jo : Miihlestein ='ApTlrrovs (or "AvTKpos) and Aifios.
Ulumpiaioi : a form "YAumito? is mentioned as Aeolic for “OAvptros by a grammarian.
O-ru-ma-si-ja-jo : a derivative of *Orumansia , itself derived from O-ru-ma-to 76 = Cn22
= 'EpvnavOos? The form is explained as due to remote assimilation by Miihlestein.
190
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
57-58
The connexion of two geographical names from the same area seems to guarantee
the interpretation; but even this may be illusory.
Pi-ru-te ku-re-we \ cf. 76 = Cn22. The latter word seems to denote another kind of troops
distinguished from ke-ki-de. The view of Palmer ( 1954 ^ p. 52 ) that it is a place-name
is refuted by the next tablet.
Ro-u-ko : cf. 44 = An29.
58 = An654
1 ku-ru-me-no-jo o-ka pe-ri-te-u
2 wo-ne-wa a-ti-ja-wo e-ru-ta-ra
3 o-ai 2 ?-ta me-ta-pi-jo ke-ki-de
4 MEN 50
vacat
6 u-pi-ja-ki-ri-jo ku-re-we men 60
7 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta
8 a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo e-te-wo-ke-re-we-
9 i-jo
vacat
11 ta-ti-qo-we-wo o-ka to-wa
12 po-ki-ro-qo pe-ri-no de-u-ka-ri-jo
13 ra-pe-do do-qo-ro pe-ri-ra-wo
14 e-no-wa-ro to-so-de pe-di-je-we
15 wa-wo-u-de ke-ki-de men 10
16 u-ru-pi-ja-jo men 10 ku-re-we men 20
17 i-wa-so men 10
18 o-ka-ra z men 10
§ 5 Command of Klumenos: Perintheus, Woinewas, Antiaon, Eruthras.
Fifty. . . ke-ki-de men of Metapa,
sixty ku-re-we men of U-pi-akron ,
(and with them the Follower Alektruon son of Etewoklewes).
§ 6 Command of Statig u oweus: . . Poikiloq u s ? Pelinos, Deukalion, Ra-pe-do ,
Do-qo-ro , Perilawos, E-no-wa-ro.
The following numbers of plainsmen:
Ten ke-ki-de men of Wa-wo-u- y
ten men of Olympia,
twenty ku-re-we men;
ten men at Iwasos,
ten men at Oikhalia.
51-59
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Klumenoio : a Homeric name; he is described as mo{i)roppas on43 = Sn01.
o-ai 2 ?-ta: cf. 5? = An43.
U-pi-ja-ki-ri-jo : presumably an ethnic, cf. U-pa-ra-ki-ri-ja PY An08, U-po-ra-ki-ri-ja
Cnl3.
Alektruon: another Homeric name, recurring on PY 167 — Es650. He is presumably the
brother of Ne-qe-u, another son of Eteocles mentioned on 43 =SnOI.
To-wa: a man or a place?
pediewes: =Trs6ts!s; but ‘plainsmen* seem odd; not ‘foot-soldiers’?
Wa-wo-u-de: analogy suggests that this is a place-name or ethnic; cf. wa-wo-u-\ PY
Xb02.
| 59 = An656
1 wa-pa-ro-jo o-ka ne-wo-ki-to
2 1 ... 4 e-ri-ko-wo a 2 -di-je-u
3 a-ki-wo-ni-jo [?1
4 wa-ka-ti-j a-ta ke-ki-de sa-pi-da
5 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta
6 pe-re-qo-ni-jo a-re-i-jo
7 ne-wo-ki-to wo-wi-ja ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo
8 men 20 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta
9 di-wi-je-u
vacat
11 du-wo-jo-jo o-ka a-kt-rt-uua
12 a 2 -ku-ni-jo pe-ri-me-de [?J
13 pu 2 ?-ti-ja a-pu 2 ?-ka-ne ke-ki-de po-ra-i men 20
14 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta di-ko-na-ro a-da-ra-ti-jo
15 u-wa-si ke-ki-de ne-wo men 10
16 me-ta-qe pe-i pe-re-u-ro-ni-jo e-qe-ta
vacat
18 a-ke-re-wa ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo men 50
19 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta ka-e-sa-me-no
20 a-pu 2 ?-ka
§ 7 Command of Wapalos: Newo-ki-to , Erikowos , Ardieus , A-ki-wo-ni-jo.
. . . ke-ki-de men of Wa-ka-ti-ja;
(and with them the Follower Presg u onios son of Ares),
Newo-ki-to borders :
Twenty men of Krokula ;
(and with them the Follower Diwieus).
§8 Command ofDwoios at A-ke-re-wa: A-ku-ni-jo , Perimedes, Put bias.
Twenty ke-ki-de men of A-pu-ka at Po-rai ;
192
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
59-60
(and with them the Follower Di-ko-na-ro son of Adrastos).
Ten young ke-ki-de men at U-wa-si\
(and with them a follower from Pleuron).
Fifty men of Krokula at A-ke-re-wa;
(and with them the Follower Ka-e-sa-menos of A-pu-ka).
Ne-wo-ki-to: perhaps the same person as the priest of44 = An29. Palmer ( 1955 , p. 10 ):
Newokhiton .
Erikowos : (or - gowos , •kowon) a ‘slave of the god* in PY Ep02; here more likely the
basileus of Jn845.
sa-pi-da: cf. sa-pi-de MY 105 «Ge602, PY Vn05; but the explanation ‘boxes’ proposed
there makes no sense here, ke-ki-de is elsewhere followed by men and a numeral,
sometimes with an ethnic adjective intervening.
wo-wi-ja : possibly worwia - opia. Elsewhere apparently a second member of a place-
name, the first part of which is a man’s name in the genitive; cf. Ko-ro-jo-wo-wi-ja
PY MnOl, Ru-ke-wo-wo-wi-ja Na35.
Diwieus: here clearly a man’s name; cf. di-wi-je-we PY 76 = Cn22, where Palmer takes
it as adjective with erenteres, ‘of Zeus’.
Dwoioio: ‘Double’.
A-pu 2 ?-ka-ne : plural of an ethnic, the singular of which recurs in A-pu 2 ?-ka line 20 .
Pleurdnios: ethnic or name? Elsewhere e-qe-ta precedes the name (except for 56=
An657.14), so the variation may be significant; cf. the mention of Pleuron in
PY 53 = Anl2.
60 = An661
e-ki-no-jo o-ka e-o-te-u
2 a-ti-ro-qe i-da-i-jo e-se-re-a 2
3 e-na-po-ro i-wa-so men 70
4 [•]-« -ri-[ ] men 30
5 ka-rq-do-ro ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo men [nn]
6 za-e-to-ro ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo men 20
7 me-ta-qe pe-i e-qe-ta wo-ro-tu-mi-ni-jo
vacat
9 e-ko-me-na-ta-o o-ka
10 ti-vi-to q-ke-i ma-re-u ro-qo-ta
11 a-ke-[. ]-m a-ke-wa-to
12 q 2 -ka-a 2 -ki-ri-jo u-ru-pi-ja-jo
13 ne-do-wo-ta-de men 30 me-ta-qe pe-i
e-qe-ta
§ 9 Command of Ekhinos: E-o-te-u and A-ti-ro , Idaios , E-se-re-a.
Seventy men from E-na-po-ro to Iwasos,
thirty men. . .,
t
193
60
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
x men of Krokula at Kharadros,
twenty men of Krokula at ^a-e-to-ro;
(and with them the Follower Wo-ro-tu-mnios ).
§ r o Command of Erkhomenatas at Ti-mi-to-a-ke-i : Maleus, Re-qo-ta , A-ke — u ,
Arkhewastos.
Thirty men of A-ka-akron and Olympia to Nedwon;
(and with them a follower).
A-ti-rc-qe: possibly complete as a name, connective -q u e being unusual in these lists;
but A-ti-ro recurs at Knossos.
E-na-po-To: interpreted as a common noun tnarsphoroi by Dcbrunncr and Von der Muhll
(Muhlestein, 1955 a, Nachtrag); but its identification as a place is guaranteed by its
inclusion in the tribute lists of the Na group (Na02, l 84 = Nn01; cf. Vn04 where it
reappears in company with Kharadros); possibly a place named after the hero
Enarsphoros.
ti-mi-to a-ke-i, the common place-name, more usually spelt with a-kt-e. The reading
is doubtful; Bennett pi-\* 8 si\.
a 2 -ka-a 2 -ki-Ti-jo : cf. A 2 -ka-a 2 -ki-ri-ja-jo PY 76 ~Cn22.
Ncdwonta-de : accusative of Ne6cov river of Eastern Messenia?
CHAPTER VII
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
This chapter must begin with a discussion of the ideograms for livestock which f
are set out below:
*23
Y
ox
*22
GOAT
109*
r
ox/bull
107*
HE-GOAT
iog b
r
cow
•° 7 l> ^
SHE-GOAT
IK
OX +SI
*85 i**
PIG
* 2 1
T
SHEEP
io8» V*
BOAR
106*
1
RAM
io8 b
SOW
io6 b
1
EWE
i*
PIC + S 1
T
SHEEP+TA
PIC +KA
*75
2
Kind of sheep?
105
HORSE
104
%
DEER
FOAL
The domestic animals of the tablets are four, if we exclude the deer which
appears on only three tablets (PY CnOl, 868, 875 ). To these may be added the
horse, which appears only in connexion with chariots, and is clearly used only
for military purposes (see p. 379). The signs for the horse and the deer
are self-evident; that for the pig is almost as clear, and was recognized by
Evans (PAf, iv, p. 722). The identification of the other three signs has been
much disputed. Evans, followed by Furumark and others, thought that the
ox was a variant of the horse. Others, including Palmer (19540, p. 67),
have preferred the value ox (cf. Carratelli, 1954, p.219). It is comparatively
scarce; it occurs in pairs on a series of Knossos tablets (e.g. 83 = Ch 902 ) and
is qualified by the word wergatai (e.g. KN 84 —C 59 , cf. ( 3 o 0 $ Ipydrrjs
Archilochus, 39, etc.). The proof seems to lie in PY 76 = Cn 22 , where five of
these animals are enumerated, the heading containing the word qo-o; this is
almost certainly a part of the word corresponding to { 3 ous, the best suggestion
195
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
being that of E. Risch (Muhlestein, 1955a, Nachtrag) that it is a scriptio plena
for g u os (acc. plur.). It is also observable that the ideogram though stylized
clearly shows a horn, and the meaning ox may be regarded as certain.
It would seem likely therefore that the remaining two signs should represent
sheep and goats, and the problem becomes merely that of deciding which is
which, sheep are much more numerous than goats; and they are repeatedly
associated with the sign w ool, sometimes with nothing intervening (see p. 205).
This in turn is associated with textiles (see p. 314), and the animal product
most likely to be used in garments is wool. Goats’ hair or goatskin is not
impossible, but is obviously less likely to be a common commodity. Finally
we may point to the apparent use of she-goat as the female of the agrimi
(see p. 302). The use of sign *75 = we for a kind of sheep suggests an abbrevia¬
tion of wetalon ‘yearling’; it may also be used of goats, see p. 208.
Compound Signs
The question of the compound signs is only partially resolved. The signs
indicating sex are certainly identified; the rest obscure. Those with two hori¬
zontal bars indicate male animals, those with a bifurcated stem females. Evans
(. PM, iv, p. 723) had already conjectured that these signs represented the sex
and had correctly interpreted them; his interpretation was, however, attacked
by Sundwall (1936* pp. 25-38), who reversed the sexes, taking ra m for instance
as ‘cow’. The sexes were finally determined by Kober (1949, p. 398) who
demonstrated that the word for ‘ total ’ now read as to-so, to-sa, showed gram¬
matical inflexion, and that rams were counted with the same form as men,
and ewes with the same form aswoMEN. The complication of a third gender,
indistinguishable in this word from the feminine plural, does not vitiate the
conclusion, since the neuter can be ruled out when it is a case of distinguishing
between the two sexes. The undifferentiated forms of the livestock signs have
been transcribed by the name of the species; but it is possible that these in fact
indicate the young animals, and we should call them rather calf, lamb, etc.
On the different forms of the horse sign see p. 210. 109*, properly bull,
is used also to denote the castrated, working o x.
The other compounds are less common and their meaning is unexplained.
The syllabic sign si compounded with pig is specifically coupled with the
word sialos on PY 75 =Cn 02 . But this may be fortuitous, since the ox is also
compounded with si, and these signs may well be taken over from Linear A;
b u l L for instance figures in the tables of Carratelli (1945, p. 479)- The sheep
sign compounded with ta figures only on PY Cn 09 , CnlO, both of which have
the introductory word ta-to-mo, perhaps statkmos,
196
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
Adjuncts
In addition to the compound signs, adjuncts written before the ideogram
are frequently used (more often at Knossos than at Pylos). The following table
shows which occur:
SHEEP 0
RAM 0
EWE 0
HE-GOAT
PIG 0
o is certainly here as elsewhere an abbreviation of o-pe-ro (or the like) and
means ‘ lacking, deficient’. No entirely satisfactory explanations have yet been
proposed for the remaining adjuncts. The analogy of the cuneiform tablets
suggests the following distinctions for sheep, in addition to male/female:
wool sheep / hair sheep / eating sheep
grain-fed / grass-fed / fattened / milk-fed
shorn / unshorn
sheep / lamb
It would be an interesting, though perhaps unprofitable, game to look for
Greek words which could be abbreviated by the phonetic symbols, and which
would correspond to these distinctions, pe suggests pckos (=ttokos) or pektos
‘shorn’, ne and pa might be newos and palaios (cf. the adjuncts ne and pa
applied to women, p. 163). ki might be connected with ‘green fodder’
(hardly xpi6$ ‘ram’), sa with oq ko$ (Dor. a 5 x 6 $) ‘fold’ or o^tes (Dor. ctcttes)
‘this year’. But it must be emphasized that such guesses cannot be verified.
Purpose of the Tablets
The livestock tablets from Knossos attracted a good deal of attention pre¬
vious to the decipherment. Evans ( PM , iv, p. 723) first called attention to
the large numbers of cattle involved; but it was Sundwall (1936) who pointed
out the curious fact that on most of the complete tablets the figures add up
to 100 or a similar round number, including the deficit noted by 0 . (For
examples and a fuller discussion see p. 201.) The numbers at Pylos are not so
obviously round figures, but the majority are multiples of ten, and of the
remainder a fair number end in five. At Pylos, however, we do not have the
check provided by the mathematics of the deficit.
It is on this fact that any theory of the transaction recorded must be based*
They cannot be a simple census of flocks of sheep and other cattle, since
a natural distribution would not show these round numbers, nor would this
pa pe ki ne ki.ne za sa
se
197
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
explain the deficits. Real flocks too would hardly show the disproportion of
rams to ewes which is evident. It follows then that these are allocations or
contributions, and that performance in many cases falls short of the amount
due. The high numbers of rams would not occur if these were allocations by
the palace; but they would naturally occur if the owners were obliged to supply
so many sheep annually. They would of course pick out the least useful members
for the regeneration of the flock. We may therefore feel sure that those are
right who have seen in these tablets a record of tribute imposed on his subjects
by the overlord. Sundwall, regarding the cattle as oxen, suggested that these
were ‘hecatombs’ of sacrificial animals. Although this explanation cannot be
ruled out, the numbers seem far too large for this purpose. Several of the
Knossos tablets which apparently give totals have figures in excess of 2000;
one fragment contains the numeral 19,000. This would have been piety indeed.
Even if the figures arc regarded as tribute, they are large for an annual con¬
tribution. Evans was certainly right in setting down cattle-raising as one of the
principal sources of wealth. It might be tempting to regard these sheep not
as real animals, but merely as a token of exchange, as oxen arc used as
a standard of measurement in Homer; but imaginary sheep cannot be divided
into rams and ewes, apart from the other subdivisions. Nor is there any
evidence in the tablets of anything approaching currency. Every commodity
is listed separately, and there is never any sign of equivalence between one
unit and another.
The state of the Knossos tablets and the fact that some of them appear
to record the totals make it very difficult to arrive at any firm conclusions
on the numbers mentioned. There are too a considerable number among
the newly published fragments. The much smaller number of tablets involved
at Pylos make the census easier. Even so it must be remembered that our
collection of tablets is doubtless far from complete, and many tablets have not
survived entire. On the other hand some may duplicate entries relating to
the same cattle. In any case, as explained above, there is good reason to think
that the figures recorded are only a small percentage of the total flocks.
Male
Female
Unclassified
Total
SHEEP
8217
1 5 54
386
10157
GOATS
1004
77 r
50
1825
PIGS
57
234
249
540
OXEN
^—
8
8
STAGS
16
16
The above table shows the total numbers of each of the principal categories of
livestock at Pylos on C- tablets sufficiently preserved. Damaged numerals have
198
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
61
been read as the smallest number which can be restored- The proportions
of sheep / goats / pigs are probably reasonably accurate, but the relative
scarcity of oxen is surprising.
1. FLOCKS OF SHEEP AND GOATS AT PYLOS (Cc, Cn) t
The first example illustrates the formula: (place-name) we-re-ke . Ventris and
others have proposed wergei (with a scriptio plena to avoid confusion) ‘encloses’.
But these cannot be the total numbers of cattle kept at these places, and the
construction seems a little curious. It is noticeable that Ro-u-so, which is later
a plural Aoucroi, is equally followed by we-re-ke, not *we-ro-ko-si. We might
expect a formula with prefixed o- to introduce the enumeration, cfl 75 =Cn 02 .
It may therefore be wondered whether we-re-ke is a plural substantive, which
is in some way applicable to both sheep and goats. The place-names occurring
in this series are: Pi-*82, Ro-u-so (twice) and A-ke-re-wa. In the text quoted
each entry consists of paro followed by a man’s name in the dative; the single
exception has Ma-ro-pi (place-name in locative-instrumental plural?) and
apparently the name in the nominative. In the preceding line an erroneous
nominative has been changed to the dative.
61 =Cn 04 [ 131 ] t
pi-* 82 we-re-ke
2 pa-ro
pi-me-ta rams 200
pa-ro
o-ku-ka rams 130X
3 pa-ro
ku-pi-ri-jo rams 5 0 x
pa-ro
a-ka-ma-wo rams 120X
4 pa-ro
ko-ru-no rams ioox
pa-ro
ne-ri-to rams 30x
5 pa-ro
po-ro-u-ie-we rams 90X
pa-ro
o-wa-ko she-goats 54X
6 ma-ro-pi to-ro-wi rams 130X
pa-ro
a-no-po rams 130X
7 pa-ro
ke-ro-wo rams 130X
pa-ro
ra-pa-sa-ko rams 91 x
8 pa-ro
po-ke-we ewes 27
pa-ro
a-ri-wo-ne rams 10 0
9 pa-ro
a-we-ke-se-we rams 180
pa-ro
po-ko-ro RAMS IOOX
10 pa-ro
e-ti-ra-wo rams ioox
pa-ro
a-ta-ma-ne-we rams 140 x
11 pa-ro
se-no ewes 44X
pa-ro
ko-ro ewes 24X
12 pa-ro
do-go-no rams 80x
pa-ro
wo-ki-to rams 73 x
13 pa-ro
me-te-we rams 163X
pa-ro
ke-sa-me-no ewes 40x
14 pa-ro
pu-wi-no she-go ats 55
Pi-*82 encloses:
from Pi-me-ta 200 rams
from Ogugas 130 rams
from Kuprios 50 rams
from Alkmawos 120 rams, etc.
199
61-62
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Ke-ro-wo: if this is the same man as that described as a shepherd at Asiatia 31 -Ae 04 ,
this is further proof of the identity of the sheep ideogram, and suggests that all these
men are the herdsmen and not the owners of the flocks.
The next tablet deals with the same area and eight of the personal names are
the same. In this case the sheep are not recorded as ‘from’ a person, but the
place-name is followed by either (a) a man’s name in the nominative after
which there is another name in the genitive and the word a-ko-ra (probably=
agora in the sense ‘collection’ or ‘flock’, see Vocabulary, p. 387), or (A) a man’s
name in .the nominative or genitive followed by pa-ra-jo. If this is some part
of 7 raAai 6 s it presumably cannot be in agreement with the man’s name where
this is in the genitive, though a failure of concord cannot be ruled out. In the
second tablet quoted here the expression ‘*’s flock’ is substituted by ‘ x a-ke-re\
i.e. agSrei. Hence we may suppose that the men so designated are in some way
responsible for ‘collecting’ the cattle. There are only four of them: A-pi-me-de ,
A-ke-o, A-ko-so-ta and We-da-ne-u. The latter two are mentioned elsewhere in
contexts that make it plain they are people of some importance: We-da-neus
is one of the persons who receive minor contributions on the Poseidon tablets
(169 = Es 646 , 170 = Es 649 ); A(r)xotas is issuing spices on 103 = Un 08 , inspecting
land on 131 =Eq 01 , and he appears on several other tablets. It would seem
likely therefore that these four are officials or representatives of the palace.
t 62 = CiiGjj
1
ma-ro-pi
qe-re-wa-o
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
1 36
2
ma-ro-pi
to-ro-wi-ko
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
133
3
ma-ro-pi
ke-ro-wo-jo
RAMS
85
4
ma-ro-pi
ra-pa-sa-ko-jo
RAMS
69
5
ma-ro-pi
pu-wi-no
a-pi-me-de-o
a-ko-ra
RAMS
I90
6
ma-ro-pi
i-wa-so we-da-ne-wo a■
-ko-ra
RAMS
70
7
ma-ro-pi
ti-mq-wo
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
7 °
a
ma-ro-pi
o-ka-ri-jo
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
95
9
ma-ro-pi
e-ti-ra-wo
pa-ra-jo
RAMS
70
10
ma-ro-pi
a-ta-ma-ne
'-u pa-ra-jo
RAMS
60
11
ma-ro-pi
qi-ri-ta-ko
a-ke-o-jo a ■
■ ko-ra
RAMS
90
L2
ma-ro-pi
a-ri-wo a-ke-o-jo a-ko
-ra
[X nn]
13
ma-ro-pi
i-re-jo we-da-ne-wo a-
ko-ra
[X] 60
14
ma-ro-pi
o-pe-re-ta
we-da-ne-wo
EWES
86
15
ma-ro-pi
po-ro-pa 2 -ta-jo we-da-ne-wo
EWES
63
16
ma-ro-pi
to-ru-ko-ro
we-da-ne-wo
EWES
88
17
ma-ro-pi
ma-ma-ro
we-da-ne-wo
RAMS
90
200
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
62-63
18
[ma-ro]-pi
ma-du-ro
we-da-ne-wo
RAMS
IOO
19
[ma-ro]-pi
se-no we-
-da-[ne]-wo
EWES
40
20
[ma-ro-pi]
ta-ta-ke-u
[we-da]-ne-wo
EWES
3 °
At Ma-ro-: the.. .of Q^elewas 136 rams.
At Ma-ro-: the.. .of Trowix : 133 rams,
etc., etc.
63 2 =Cc 660
a-ke-o a-ke-re
me-ta-pa / pa-ro ka-ra-su-no h e-goats 30
At Metapa: Alkeos collects thirty he-goats from Ka-ra-su-no.
2 . FLOCKS OF SHEEP AT KNOSSOS (Da-Dg) t
All the tablets of this group are really alike, varying only in the diff erent ways
in which the total is built up. They begin with a man’s name, presumably
that of the shepherd as in the parallel tablets at Pylos, written in tall characters;
then the tablet is usually divided by a horizontal line, the top
line containing the name of the 4 collector ’ in the nominative 106 4 ^ ram
or genitive, and the number of rams and/or ewes; the lower
line usually gives the place-name and any minor entry, such I0 ^ b Tf EWE
as the deficit. These positions, however, are not invariable.
Unlike the Pylos tablets, there is a separate tablet for each entry. The numbers
are as a rule round hundreds, or a series of lesser numbers adding up to a round
total. In these
cases the sum is
never shown on
the tablet.
A few
examples
will illustrate the principle:
Total
Dal 147
RAMS IOO
IOO
Del 148
RAMS 95
pe. RAMS 5
IOO
Ddl 150
RAMS 70
EWES 29
pa. RAMS
1
IOO
Del 151
RAMS 264
EWES 22
0. RAMS
H
3 °o
Del 152
RAMS 46
EWES 22
0 . RAMS
12
80
Del 154
RAMS gl
0. RAMS 9
IOO
At least thirty places are mentioned on these tablets—the exact figure
depends on whether a few which occur only once are correctly identified as
names. These places can be safely presumed to be in some sense tributary to
Knossos. The only ones which can be located geographically are: Phaistos,
Lato, Lyktos, Tylissos, and probably Se-to-i-ja = Setaia and U-ta-no = Itanos.
This distribution covers central and eastern Crete; the only two places known
from the tablets in West Crete (Kydonia and Aptara) do not figure in this
201
64-67
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
series. It would, however, be rash to generalize from what may in any case
be an accidental distribution, since we can locate so few of the place-names.
The western towns may possibly be excused from sending sheep owing to the
lack of suitable cattle roads.
The collectors are a little more numerous than at Pylos, but a large number
of tablets do not bear this entry. The two most frequently recurring names arc
U-ta-jo and We-we-si-jo i the former in connexion with ten places ( Da-wo ,
Da-*22-to , Do-ti-ja , E-ko-so, Ku-ta-to, Phaistos, Pa z -ko-we, Ra-su-to, Ri-jo-no,
Tu-ni-ja ), the latter with eight ( Da-ra-ko, Da-wo , Da-*22-to , Di-ro , E-ko-so,
Ku-ta-to , Phaistos, Su-ri-mo). Since there is considerable overlapping we cannot
suppose that the collectors were each responsible for separate areas.
64 = Dal 221
ai-ta-ro-we /
(L lxxvii)
RAMS 200[
pa 2 -ko-we
Aithalowcns: 200 rams at Pa^-ko-we.
Aitkalowens : aiQaAoas; the name recurs at Pylos.
f 65 = Dbl 232 (L lxxviii)
. . RAMS 22 EWES 27
na-pu-ti-jo / . . 3 .
ti-n-to pe-n-qo-te-jo
Naputios: twenty-three rams, twenty-seven ewes at Ti-ri-to\ (collector)
Peri-qo-te-jo.
Naputios : =vf|mmos.
Ti-ri-to : recalls TpiT(T)a, the old name of Knossos according to Hesych.
Pe-ri-qo-te-jo : the name of the ‘collector’ or official responsible. Note the unusual
arrangement. The numbers add up to fifty.
66 = Del 129 (L lxxviii, numbered 1161)
. u-ta-jo rams 27
po-ro-u-te-u , * J c
da-*22-to 0 . rams 63
Ploutcus: at Da-*22-to , thirty-seven rams, deficit sixty-three rams; (collector)
U-ta-jo .
67 = Dd 1171 (L xci)
RAMS 20 EWES 12
P°- ro . ■ . o
pa-i-to pa. rams 8
Poros : at Phaistos, twenty rams, seventy-two ewes; eight pa- rams.
pa.: stands here in the same position and relation to the other numerals as o. The total
is ioo.
202
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
68-70
68 = Del 648 (L?)
. we-we-si-jo-jo rams ^8 ewes 2
a-U-mo Ltt D
1 ku-ta-to 0. RAMS 50
Anthemos : at Ku-ta-to , fifty-eight rams, two ewes; deficit fifty rams; (collection)
of Werwesios.
Here the name of the ‘collector* stands in the genitive. The total, if the numerals are
correctly read, is 110.
69 = Df 1119 (L xci)
, , da - mi - ni-jo rams ^6 ewes 16
de-ke-se-u , t t \ Q
' ku-ta-to pe, rams 28
Dexeus: at Damnio - in Ku - ta-to , fifty-six rams, sixteen ewes, twenty-eight/?*- rams.
Da-mi-ni-jo : from its usage alone this seems to be another place-name; when associated
with another name this is always Ku-ta-to , so it may be a local district of this place.
70 = Dgll 58 (L lxxviii) f
. . , , ive - we - si-jo rams 63 ewes 2^
a-m-ja-to / . , 3 3
' pa - i-to pa . rams 2 0 . rams 12
Aniatos: at Phaistos, sixty-three rams, twenty-five ewes, two pa - rams; deficit
twelve rams; (collector) Werwesios.
The total including the pa- rams is 102; they can hardly be excluded from the calcula¬
tion in view of cases like 67 = Dal 171 where they are needed to make the 100, but
the reading of the last figure is uncertain, and the ‘ two’ may have been erased.
3 . FLOCKS OF SHEEP AND CONSIGNMENTS OF
WOOL AT KNOSSOS (Dk, Dl)
These tablets are similar in general form to the preceding series, but differ in
having an entry with the ideogram wool. The identity of this sign is still not
fully confirmed, and some are inclined to regard it as a mere unit of measure¬
ment or value. It is, however, principally used in con¬
nexion with sheep, as here, or with textiles (cloths,
pa-we-a). It is normally counted, but is subdivided by
/ into thirds, written i 1 and l 2. Further subdivision by
weight occurs in the Od tablets. Since / 1 =approx.
1 kg., the wool unit must be equivalent to about
3 ^
The amount of wool is proportionate to the number of sheep, the deficits
being noted in the usual way. The proportion is shown between the total
I06" ^ RAM
I 06 h EWE
r
•45 wool
203
+ +
71-73
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
number of sheep and the total amount of wool, and the deficit of wool is not
proportionate to the deficit of sheep. In one set of tablets the proportion is
four sheep: one unit of wool.
SHEEP
WOOL
Dkl 070
IOO
7 +'8 = 2 5
Dkl 071
50
6 + 6* = i2*
Dkl 072
IOO
I 3 J+ ,I S = 2 5
Dkl 073
50
6§ + 5 § = i2i
Dkl 074
IOO
rg + 6 =25
It was at first thought that in some cases the proportion was incorrectly
calculated; but checking of the original tablets shows that these cases are due
to misreading of the numerals, which are often damaged (1070 and 1073 are
here corrected). The approximation of I2§ to the correct 12$ seems to indicate
that division was not customary except into thirds.
In the second set the proportion is ten sheep: one unit of wool, a diff erence
which suggests that these are arbitrary figures, rather than the yield of two
different kinds of sheep.
SHEEP
WOOL
DI 933
40+20 + 60— 120
3 + 9= 12
D 1938
50 + 40 + 10 = IOO
7 + 3 = 10
D! 943
9 ° + 9 °
= t8o
11 + 7 = 18
D 1 946
70 + 70
= 140
7 + 7 = 14
D 1 947
80+10+70= l60
11+5 = 16
71 = Dkl 072 (L lxxiv)
. . X RAMS IOO WOOL 13 / I
ka-ie-u , . . t
1 ku-ta-to o. wool 11 / 2
Ka-te-u : at Ku-ta-to, ioo rams; 40 kg. of wool; deficit 35 kg. of wool,
x is a ‘check mark’ here as on 6l = Cn 04 .
72 = Dkl 074 (L lxxiv)
, X RAMS IOO WOOL IQ
e-TU-tO-TO / . J J r
ku-ta-to 0. wool 6
Eruthros: at Ku-ta-to , 100 rams, 57 kg. of wool; deficit 18 kg. of wool.
t 73 = D 1943 (K lviii)
a-ko-i-da
1
po-ti-ni-ja-we-(jo) ewes 90
pa 2 -nwa-so o.ki. rams 90 0 .
WOOL I I
WOOL 181
7'
204
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
73-75
A-ko-i-da : at Pa-nwa-so, ninety ewes, 33 kg. of wool; deficit ninety ki- rams and
21 kg. of wool; belonging to the Mistress.
Po-ti-ni-ja-wc -: shown by other similar tablets (D1 930, Dl 933, D1 946) to have lost its
final -jo . The meaning is difficult; it is clearly a derivative of po-ti-ni-ja Potnia , though
the Mistress is not necessarily divine in this context. On the other hand this place
on the tablet is normally occupied by a man’s name, and it is just possible that
Potniaweios is a man at Knossos, though the word is certainly adjectival at Pylos.
The last numeral has been corrected by the erasure of the last stroke.
74 = D 1 1061 (K xciii) t
\to]-sa I pa-i-ti-ja sheep wool 456
So much sheep’s wool from Phaistos: 1368 kg.
The sign preceding wool is badly damaged by a crack; but apparently nothing
intervenes between the two ideograms. This collocation can now also be found on
D1M4, 7135, 7280, 7300.
4. MISCELLANEOUS LIVESTOCK AT PYLOS (Cn)
*93 y
ox
*75
l
Kind of sheep?
X
ox + si
i07 a
T-J*
HE-GOAT
t
106 1
PIG 4 SI
RAM
0
O’
SHE-GOAT
As shown above, pigs and cattle are not often recorded at Pylos. Perhaps
Pylos was not so rich in livestock generally as Knossos. A particularly
interesting record of pigs gives us one of the examples of the nine towns which
seem to be the chief tributaries (see p. 142).
75 =Cn 02 [ 608 ]
1 jo-a-se-so-si si-a^ro
2 0-pi-da-mi-jo
3 pi-* 82 pigs + si 3
4 me-ta-pa pigs + si 3
5 pe-to-no picsTsi 6
6 pa-ki-ja-si pigs + si 2
7 a-puf-we pigs4 - si 2
8 a-ke-re-wa pigs + si 2
How the local inhabitants
will fatten fat hogs:
at Pi-*&2 three hogs
at Metapa three hogs
at Pe-to-no six hogs
at Pa-ki-ja- two hogs
at Aipu two hogs
at A-ke-re-wa two hogs
205
75-76
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
9 e-ra-te-i p i g s + s i 3 at E-ra-tos three hogs
,0 ka-ra-do-ro pigs + si 2 at Kharadros two hogs
11 n-jo pigs + si 2 at Rhion two hogs
jo-a-seso-si: an example of jo-=>o->, ho; cf. jo-do-so-si PY 257—Jn09. This spelling is
hardly to be regarded as due to preservation of the initial j- of Indo-European; it
alternates with simple 0 -. The verb is difficult. Palmer ( 1954 /*, pp. 19 - 22 ) takes it as
asisomi, future of aco ( 6 raai); the ordinal^ future is daco so a special formation must
be supposed. But the analogy of the other lists of tribute suggests that a verb of
giving, sending or providing would be more appropriate, though there does not seem
to be any suitable verb in Greek; the future of Iriui hisonsi leaves the first syllable
unexplained.
opiddmioi : according to the sense of the verb this can be either nominative plural ‘local
inhabitants* or accusative plural agreeing with sialons . Since the list details a number
of localities, the former is slightly more likely. The other alternative suggested by
Palmer (loc. cit.) ‘how the fat hogs in the demes arc to batten’ seems to take no
account of the subsequent list.
The two tablets quoted dealing with oxen both raise special problems. The
first is connected by its place-names with the military dispositions of 57 = An 43
(see p. 185). Palmer (1954A pp. 20, 53) has explained this tablet as a list of
oxen which are being assigned to the sectors indicated, as sacrificial victims
to ensure divine favour in the event of a battle. That there is some connexion
cannot be denied; but less picturesque explanations, such as food-supply, can
be imagined. The correctness of Palmer’s view depends to some extent on his
ingenious interpretation of i-je-si as from not \v\[x\ but another homonymous
verb connected with Up6s and meaning * to dedicate or sacrifice’. Some
support for this comes from the apparent use of the verb in 172 = Kn 02 , where
the context is certainly religious. However, some reasons for doubting the
explanation here are advanced in the notes; but the difficulties are far from
solved, and any translation must be regarded as very tentative.
The second tablet refers to livestock of other kinds, and apparently records
the colour of some oxen. This, combined with the small numbers involved,
may suggest sacrificial victims; but the text is too damaged for any firm
conclusions.
jtrt-je-si
me-za-na
e-re-u-te-re
di-wi-je-we
qo-o
a 2 -ra-tu-a
o-ka-ra 3
OX I
pi-ru-te ku-re-we
OX I
e-na-po-ro
i-wa-si-jo-ta
OX I
206
t 76 = Cn 22 [ 3 ]
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
76-77
6 o-ru-ma-to u-ru-pi-ja-jo ox i
7 a 2 -ka-a 2 -ki-ri-ja-jo u-ru-pi-ja-jo-jo ox i
vacant 2
How. . . are sending oxen to the inspector Diwieus:
A-ra-tu-a and Oikhalia: one ox.
The ku-re-we men at Pi-ru one ox.
The men of Iwasos at E-na-po-ro : one ox.
The men of Olympia at Erumanthos : one ox.
The. . .of the Olympian : one ox.
jo-i-je-si: ho hiensi: ‘send* or ‘sacrifice’?
me-za-na : Palmer and Gcorgiev both believe this to be a spelling, variously explained,
for melanas ‘black’; but if it agrees with qo-o , the word-order is extremely strange.
Andrews and Muhlestein interpret as Messdndn ‘to Messene’, which is perhaps
possible, although -ctct- arising from dental is ordinarily written s (e.g. to-so ); but
the name in view of its termination may be pre-Greek. The other examples of this
word (296 = Sh 736 , me-za-ne 91 =Fn 02 ) throw very little light on the meaning.
e-re-u-te-re: Palmer’s ereuter (= iptuvniris) ‘searcher, inspector’ is preferable to the
attempts of Furumark (1954, P- 26) and Muhlestein (1954, p. n) to make the word
a personal name Eleuther. What is not clear is whether it is dative singular or
nominative plural. Palmer prefers the latter, making di-wi-je-we an adjective (‘of
Zeus’) in agreement. Meriggi (rg54, p. 28) takes di-wi-je-we as the nom. plur.
subject. But it is highly probable that ku-re-we is nominative plur. as it is the title
of a class of armed men in the military tablets (see p. 191); and i-wa-si-jo-ta must
be an ethnic Iwasidtai. If then the individual entries each contain a subject (the
groups of men) and an object (the oxen), it is hard to see how ereuteres can be equated
with them. On the other hand a heq u etas named Diwieus is mentioned in 59 = An 656 ,
and the words e-qe-ta e-re-u-te-re appear together on a fragmentary sealing Wa 917 -
It therefore seems easier to take these words as dative singular, and this in turn
implies a meaning ‘send’ for the verb.
qo-o: the suggestion of E. Risch (Miihlestein, 1955a, Nachtrag), that this is a scriptio
plena for g v 6{n)s acc. plur. = pous, cf. Skt. gdh (hardly singular g u dn), offers the easiest
solution to the difficulty caused by the apparent lack of the digamma. The scribes
seem to have tried to avoid any monosyllabic word.
A 2 -ka-a 2 -ki-rijajo: this would appear to be not a place-name but an ethnic, and the
genitive singular U-ru-pi-ja-jo-jo is surprising if not an error; cf. a^-ka-a^-ki-ri-jo
u-ru-pi-ja-jo 60 = An 661 .
77 =Cn 23 [ 418 ] t
1 pa-ro we-u-da-ne-we
2 re-u-ko a-ko-ro-we-e oxen + si 2
3 re-[u]-ko ma-ra-ku pe-ko a-ko-ro-we ox + si 1
207
77
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
4 [
5 [
6 [
7 re-u-ko
& RAM I
From We-u-da-ne-u:
] 3 HE-GOATS 3 WE 3
] 2 [ ] 2
]
[. . . ] pe-ko a-ko-ro-we [
HE-GOAT I WE [
SHE-GOATS 3
]
]
Two oxen uniformly white,
one ox uniformly white. .
three. . three he-goats, three yearlings, three she-goats, etc.
We-u-da-ne-we\ probably an alternative spelling of We-da-ne-we, but it may be a different
person.
a-ko-ro-we-e: dual akhrowee ‘pale* or more likely hakhrowee ‘uniformly coloured*.
ma-ra-ku pe-ko\ a comparison of line 2 suggests that these two words should be taken
together as some qualification of ‘uniformly white*. They are in fact written in
characters of the same size, while the preceding and following words are respectively
slightly larger and smaller, ma-ra-ku might be for PpaxOs, if this is from *mr- t cf.
Avest. mduz.u-\ but the Aeolic form is Ppoxvs. pe-ko is perhaps to be connected with
moKos (neut.) ‘hide*, an accusative of respect?
The ideographic use of *75 (=we) here in connexion with goats as well as sheep
suggests that it may mean not a kind of sheep, but merely a young animal; it is
attractive to identify it with wetalon ‘yearling*. Note that the last ideogram in line 4
is probably female, not male as shown in ‘The Pvlos Tablets*.
Line 6 probably contained a fresh heading: pa-ro followed by another name.
5 MISCELLANEOUS LIVESTOCK AT KNOSSOS
(C, Ca, Ch, Co, Dm, Dn)
io 6 a
T
RAM
I09 1
OX / BULL
io 6 b
1
EWE
I 09 b
Jf
COW
107 “
HE-GOAT
170
&
Calf?
io 7 b
S HE-GOAT
io 8 a
f 1
BOAR
105
HORSE
io 8 b
Ir 5
SOW
* 2 3
P
OX
Some of the tablets dealing with livestock at Knossos seem to be not lists of
tribute, as in the case of the sheep, but gifts or allocations which are being
208
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
78
sent out by the Palace. Others are possibly totals, but their relation to the
other records is still obscure.
78 = C 914 (K lxvii)
, ... . pa-ra-ti-jo rams 5o
a-ka-wi-m-de
J pa-ro he-ooats 50
To Achaea: from Pallantios, fifty rams, fifty he-goats.
t
Akhaiwijan-de: the -de suffix marks this out as a place-name, and the spelling exactly
fits the form ’Ayai^a postulated as the Greek original of the Hittite Ahhijawa. There
is, however, no clue to its location. It is by no means impossible that it is merely a
place in Crete, though nowhere else mentioned on the tablets. Most of the proposed
locations of the Hittite name (Rhodes, Cyprus, or even the Greek mainland) would
be possible, for there is no reason why sheep and goats should not be carried by sea.
The status of Pallantios is obscure; spelt Pa^ra^ti-jo the name recurs on Dgl 235 ,
where he is presumably a shepherd.
One series of tablets (Dji) appears to give totals of rams for each of the places
mentioned. The entries complete enough to transcribe are listed below:
Ai 2 ?~so
5 °
Da-wo
2440
Da *22-to
1370
E-ko-so
2262
E-ra
134
Luktos
200[
Phaistos
I509
Pa^-ko-we
2003
Pu-na-so
330
Ra-ja
904
Su-ki-ri-ta
517
[Su]-ri-mo
239 °
Ti-ri-to
5 °
Unknown
10,892
Total
25,051
There is also a fragment with the numeral 19,000 [ + ?], which should perhaps
be added in. What these figures represent is hard to say; they do not appear
to bear any relation to the total numbers of sheep represented on the other
tablets. The figure for E-ra (134) can hardly be related either to the total
number of sheep recorded on surviving (published) tablets (809) or to the
deficit (215) or to their sum (1024).
209
++
79-82
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
79 = Dnl 094 (joined with 1311 L lxxii, lxxxv)
pa-i-to rams 1509 I40J
da-wo rams 2440
t 80 = C 913 (K lxxi)
pa-ro e-te-wa-no ai. he-go at i [
pa-ro ko-ma-we-te he-goat i pa-[ro ?
From Etewainos one ai - he-goat; . . .; from Komawens one he-goat; from. .
X 81 = Dm 1180 (joined with 5048 L)
. , ai-mi-re-we rams 4
pa-i-to . r
e-ka-ra-e-we rams 20
At Phaistos: four. . .rams, twenty. . .rams.
ai-mi-re-we , e-ka-ra-e-we : these two words characterize a small group of tablets, all of
much the same form, except that ai-mi-re-we is sometimes omitted, and in one case
(Dml 184) we have the entry ]-we-to o-pa . This latter word may be a term describing
some sort of tribute (sec p. 169 ). As pointed out by Carratclli ( 1954 , pp. 220 - 1 ),
the numbers of e-ka-ra-e-we are greatly in excess of those of the other category. The
natural interpretation is to regard these two words as masculine nominative plurals
describing the rams; Carratelli, however, takes them a 5 dative singular (- ewei ),
denoting the person to whom the animals are sent, and connects them with ia^&pa
(« a sacrificer on a fire altar) and afiia (= a sacrificer of dnrupa hpd). The formation
of the second name is obscure, the meaning of both doubtful. No wholly satisfactory
solution has yet been proposed; see the Vocabulary for further suggestions.
82 = Ca 895 (K lxvi; see plate II (a), facing p. no)
i-go iff* 5 4 P°-ro [
o-no 3 po-ro 2 4 [
Horses: five mares, four (full-grown) horses, x foals.
Asses: three she-asses, two foals, four he-asses.
The beginning of this tablet, containing the initial two words and half the horse’s head
on the second line, was found by Chadwick among some unpublished fragments in
Iraklion Museum in April 1955 . It had already attracted much attention, and Evans
{PM, iv, p. 799 ) first pointed out that the foals are distinguished from the horses by
being shown without manes. This distinction certainly holds for the last two entries
of line 1 ; the left side of the first ideogram in the line is broken, but may have had
a mane. This is the ordinary form on the chariot tablets {Sc), the mane usually being
tied up into three ‘top-knots’. On the other hand the second line is more difficult,
since it is now clear that none of the animals have manes, the first and f hird showing
210
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
82-83
instead the usual marks of sex. Whether any distinction is intended between the
ideograms of lines i and 2 is hard to say; no immediate differences are apparent,
and if the latter are really intended for asses the characteristic long ears do not seem
to be adequately represented. It is possible that the ideogram (as we may suspect
in other cases too) is merely a conventional form used alike for horse and ass, the
distinction here being adequately indicated by the initial words.
In each case three sorts of animal are listed separately, though in a different order.
In the second line the distinction is clearly between female, male and foals, and this
is therefore likely to apply to the first line as well, though the first two ideograms seem
to lack distinguishing features; if the first were complete the difference might be
seen, as suggested in the drawings here.
hiqq u oi: a welcome confirmation of our interpretation of this word, which some have
been inclined to doubt.
polo: dual in line 2. Evans had suggested this reading on the basis of the Cypriot
syllabary, but he was so convinced that the language was not Greek that he rejected
it as illusory.
onoi: without prejudice to the other places where o-no is found (never in contexts
suggesting an animal; see Vocabulary), the interpretation here seems incontestable;
i-qo and o-no are clearly parallel words describing animals of equine type.
83 =Ch 902 (K lxiii)
[Probably about twelve lines of this very thick tablet lost.]
1 mi-ru-ro si-pe-we ox ne . # 12
2 o-du-Tu-wi-jo ko-re-te ox ne. # 12
3 wa-to I ko-re-te ox S 12 wa-to / d$-nu-wo ox 12
4 si-ra-ro ko-re-te
5 pa 3 -ko-we e-ra-ne
6 o-du-ru-we u-wo-qe-we
7 ri-jo-no ko-re-te
8 ru-ki-ti-jo
9 a-pa-ta-wa ko-re-te
10 ku-ta-i-to ko-re-te
re-na-jo e-re-ta
ox 1 ne . # 12
ox 1 ne. # 12
ox 1 ne . #12
ox 1 ne. # 12
ox i ne. # 12
ox 1 ne. # 12
ox 1 ne. # 12
ox 1 ne. #12
ox 1 ne. #12
12 [.. ]-wa-to we-re-rpe
[One or more lines lost.]
A fi-ru-ro at Si-pe-we (?): one ox, twelve young calves .
The mayor of Odrus: one ox, twelve young calves .
The mayor of Wa-to : one ox, twelve young calves . Da-nu-wo of Wa-to: one ox,
twelve calves.
The mayor of Si-ra-ro : one ox, twelve young calves .
The li-ra-ne at Pa-ko-we : one ox, twelve young calves .
2 11
83-84
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The U-wo-qe-we at Odrus: one ox, twelve young calves.
The mayor of Ri-jo-no : one ox, twelve young calves.
The people of Luktos: one ox, twel ve young calves.
The mayor of Aptara: one ox, twelve young calves.
The mayor of Ku-ta-i-to : one ox, twelve young calves.
The rowers of Re-na: one ox, twel veyoung calves.
The we-re-we _: one ox, twelve young calves.
The key to this puzzle is the ideogram Si the number of these is always a dozen, and
it is preceded by the adjunct ne. which elsewhere may be newos ‘young*. The sug¬
gestion that it is a special sign for calf has here been followed in the translation
but without conviction. In three cases the vertical stroke of the o x ideogram seems
to have something attached to it, possibly a ligature with -to, though this is not
recognized by Bennett; cf. sheep + ta PY Cn 09 .
Mi-ru-ro: a man’s name, cf. 38 =As 1516 .
Odruios : apparently the adjective of Odruei (dat.) line 6. The name recalls the Thracian
* 06 pvaai (cf. “OOpvs). Surprisingly the word recurs on a Theban jar: ka-u-no
o-du-ru-wi-fo wa-na-ka-te-ro (TH I).
ko-re-te: as at Pylos the title of some kind of local ofRcial, perhaps mayor. The Greek
form is obscure, see Vocabulary, p. 397.
wa-to: apparently an otherwise unknown place-name. The recurrence of this word on
the Theban jars is a strange coincidence. The suggested reading wastos ‘citizen*
(cf. Rjorck, 1954a, P- I2 ?) is not altogether satisfactory; it might here mean the
citizens of the town of Knossos, as distinct from the Palace.
da-nu-wo: Bennett read mi-pa z -wo\ possibly a title rather than a name.
e-ra-ne: surely not Hellanes ? Some connexion with the place-name E-ra?
u-wo-qe-we: cf. u-wo-qe-n? V 145 , a tablet with several echoes of this one, including
u-du-ru-wo, perhaps genitive to o-du-ru-we y and we-re-we .
| 84 =C 59 (? xxiii)
1 / we-ka-ta oxen 6 da-wo / we-ka-ta oxen 6
„ r -. ta-ra-me-to _ . . , da-mo r
2 fi or 2\-to / . oxen 6 da-*22-to / . J oxen 6
L we-ka-ta we-ka-ta
3 tu-ri-so o x e n 6 ku-do-ni-ja / we-ka-ta oxen 50
At. .. -sa : six working oxen.
At Da-wo: six working oxen.
At. . .-to: six working oxen;_
At Da-*22-to: six working oxen; for the village.
At Tulissos: six working oxen; for the village.
At Kudonia: fifty working oxen.
212
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
84-86
wergatai : ‘workers’, a word used especially of oxen; so also Carratelli (1954, P- 219).
Furumark’s p^Kcrra ( = £x6vTa) translated ‘gezahmte’ cannot be justified either on
grounds of form (Cret. fEKaOOa is not the earliest form and in any case is feminine:
Bechtel, Griech. Dial, n, p. 694) or of meaning. The use of the male form of the ox
ideogram (except in one case, probably an oversight) does not of course imply that
the beasts were not castrated. The mention of Kudonia is interesting as it appears
to show that western Crete too was under the control of Knossos; the references to
it on the chariot tablets are ambiguous.
An interesting series of tablets (some of those with the Ch prefix) give us an j
intimate glimpse of rustic life. They record yokes of oxen, which are given
names; these were identified by Furumark (1954, PP- 28-9)- A full list of
these names will be found at the end of the Index of Personal Names (p. 427).
85 = Ch896 (K lxvii)
, ke-ra-no-qe
ta-za-ro / ai-wo-ro 7 ne.we. oxen ze i
Ta-za-ro: one yoke of young working oxen, Aiwolos and Kelainos.
Ta-za-ro: the name of the ox-driver?
ne.we.: abbreviations of newos ‘young’ and we-ka-ta — wergatds ‘working’? Cf. the
preceding tablet.
Mixed livestock are occasionally recorded under the heading of a place-name
and the word a-ko-ra-ja or a-ko-ra-jo , probably agoraios. This may mean
‘belonging to the agora or collection’ in the sense explained above; see p. 200.
It might, however, merely denote 4 belonging to the herd’, and it is remarkable
that in opposition to the tribute lists of cattle, the males are in a much sounder
proportion to the females, though still sometimes excessive for breeding pur¬
poses. The places named on the surviving tablets are: Wa-to , Kudonia,
Ka-ta-ra-i , Si-ra-ro , Aptara and Odrus.
86 = Co907 (K lxviii)
1 si-ra-ro / a-ko-ra-jo rams 202 ewes 750
2 HE-GOATS 125 SHE-GOATS240 BOARS 21 SOWS 60 BULLS2 COWS 10
6. GRAIN CONSIGNMENTS AND RATIONS AT KNOSSOS (E, F)
Although there is no indication whether these tablets record payments or
receipts, the former seems more likely on general grounds,
as the people concerned are often ethnic groups. We are 120 T WHEAT
not told their numbers, so there is no possibility of calcu- * ^ Month?
34
lating a ration. In most cases the commodity is the staple
213
87-89
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
grain wheat, but occasionally other commodities are added such as olives;
cf\ the rations of wheat and figs at Pylos (p. 157). The crescent-shaped ideo¬
gram is discussed in the notes on KN 35 = Am 819 .
87 -E 668 (F? xlviii)
1 ru-ki-ti-jo wheat 246 T 7
2 tu-ri-si-jo wheat 261 ra-ti-jo wheat 30 T 5
Men of Luktos: 29,604 1 . of wheat.
Men of Tulissos: 31,320 1 . of wheat.
Men of Lato: 3660 1 . of wheat.
t 88-E 749 (I iii)
1 pa 2 -ra-jo wheat 25
2 ru-ki-ti-jo wheat 21 [-f
3 ti-ri-ti-jo wheat [ ]
4 [su]-rx-mijo wheat [ ] T 2 <13
5 pa 2 -mi-jo wheat 12 T 5
6 u-ta-ni-jo wheat [ ]
7 pu-si-jo wheat [ ]
vacant 3
Men of Pharai: 3000 1 . of wheat.
Men of Luktos: 2520 L of wheat.
Men of Ti-ri-to : x 1. of wheat.
Men of Su-ri-mo: (30 + ) 1 . of wheat.
Men of Pa-mo: 1500 1 . of wheat.
Men of Itanos: x 1 . of wheat.
Men of Pu-so: x 1 . of wheat.
The figures in lines 4 and 5 are added from a new fragment joined by Bennett.
X 89 = E 777 (J liii)
1 ko-no-si-ja ki-ri-te-wi-ja-i month 1 wheat ioo
2 a-mi-ni-si-ja month 1 wheat ioo
3 pa-i-ti-ja month 1 wheat ioo
Reverse:
a-ze-ti-ri-ja wheat [
Women ofKnossos (for the ki-ri-te-wi-ja women): ration for one month 12,000 1 .
of wheat.
Women of Amnisos: ration for one month 12,000 1 . of wheat.
214
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
89-90
Women of Phaistos: ration for one month 12,000 1 . of wheat.
Nurses : at 1 . of wheat.
If the crescent-shaped sign is rightly interpreted as ‘month* here we have fairly clearly
a distribution of rations, in this case to women, as is shown by the feminine endings
and the two female occupational names. Either the rations are very generous or
large numbers of women are concerned; 500 at each place on the Pylos ration scale
(see p. 157).
ki-ri-te-wi-ja-i : possibly a religious office, see Vocabulary; the form is dative plural.
a-ze-ti-n-ja : one of the cases of substitution of z for k ; =a-ke-ti-ri-ja (see on PY 2 = Aa 815 ).
The form here could be dative singular or nominative plural.
90 = 0 820 (K Iviii)
1 ]-di e-ko-si a-pi ku-do-ni-ja pa-sa ki-ri-ta month 1
7 yja-qe payko-we-i-ja-qe months 4
3 ]-ti-ja ku-ta-ti-ja-qe po-ti-ni-ja-we-ja a-pu ke-u-po-de-ja months 4
. . .have in the region of Kudonia all the barley: one month’s rations.
Women of. . . and Pa-ko-we : four months* rations.
Women of. . .and Ku-ta-to, belonging to the Mistress, from. . . : four months’
rations.
ekhonsi amphi Kuddnidi pansan krithan (or pansans krithans ): similarly read by Furumark
( 1 954, p* 30) and Carratelli (1954, p. 89). Ventris reads a~pi for Bennett’s a-pu f either
of which makes sense.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-ja : the feminine of the adjective derived from Tldrrvia; it is not clear here
whether it agrees with the women froin the places mentioned or is to be taken with
ke-u-po-de-ja . This is a feminine to ke-u-po-da (KN X 442 , X 1044 ; PY 190 —Na 55 ,
etc., see p. 299), but its meaning is unknown; Furumark ‘aus dem Magazin (??)
der Potnia*.
7 . GRAIN RATIONS AT PYLOS (Fn)
The group of tablets classified as Fn is marked by the grain ideogram which
is provisionally identified as barley. The entries consist largely of occupa¬
tional names in the dative, and would therefore appear to be a distribution
of pay or rations; the size of the groups is not specified
when the entry is plural. The amounts range from two to 121 barley
a maximum of80 litres. In some cases other commodities
are also included in the ration; figs in FnOl, olives in Fn 05 , Fn 06 and
Fn 918 . Apparently included in some lists are offerings to shrines: FnOl has
entries Posidaionde and Pa-ki-ja-na-de and even U-po-jo Potnidi (cf. Furumark,
• 954 . P- 35 )-
2>5
+ +
91
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
t 91 =Fn 02 [ 50 ]
1 a-ki-to-jo pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja barley [
2 ke-ko-jo pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja barley [
3 a-ta-no-ro pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja barley T[
4 me-za-ne barley <1 2 ai-ki-a 2 -ri-jo (barley) <j i[
5 me-ri-du-{ma)-te barley <1 3 mi-ka-ta barley <1 3
6 di-pte-ra-po-ro barley <1 2 e-to-wo-ko (barley) <1 2
7 a-to-po-qo BARLEY <1 2 pO-TO-du-ma-te BARLEY <1 3
8 o-pi-te-u-ke-e-we barley <1 2 i-za-a-to-mo-i barley <1 3
9 ze-u-ke-u-si barley <1 4
vacat
11 *& 5 -[-]-ja-te-wo do-e-ro-i barley T i
12 mi-jo-[pa 2 ] do-e-ro-i barley <1 3
13 a-pi-[. . do-e-ro-i barley <1 3
14 [.]-wo-[. . . .do-e-ro]-i barley T 3
vacant 5
(Distribution of) barley:
for the retinue of Alkithos : x 1 .
for the retinue of Kerkos: x 1 .
for the retinue of Antanor: x 1 .
for the me-za-ne: 4 1.
for the shore-man: 2 1.
for the me-ri-du-ma: 6 1.
for the mi-ka-ta : 6 1.
for the leather-bearer: 4 1.
for the armourer : 4 1.
for the baker: 4 1.
for the po-ro-du-ma : 6 1.
for the rigger: 4 1.
for the i-za-a cutters: 6 1.
for the yokers: 8 1.
for the slaves of... : 12 1.
for the slaves of Mi-jo-pa: 6 1 .
for the slaves of Amphi- . . . : 6 1 .
for the slaves of. . . : 36 l.
pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja: basilewidi . This implies that the men named in the genitive are paaiAsTs;
unfortunately only one is named outside the Fn group, Antanor, who is associated
with the place Pa-ki-ja- in Vn 04 .
216
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
91-92
me~za-ne\ of the remaining entries two are certainly dative plural, as is do-e-ro-i in the
second paragraph; if therefore the rest are dative, they must be singular.
di-pte-ra-po-ro : diphtheraphoroi ‘wearer of a leather garment*, perhaps a title of a trade
or post? Or •poloi ‘leather-seller*; or even a metathesis for diphtheraloiphbi ‘school¬
master*? See Vocabulary, p. 390.
i-Za-a-to-mo\ possibly containing the word a-to-mo = arthmos, cf. e-qe-{a)~o a-to-mo
43 = SnOl. Or -tomos ‘cutter’ as in du-tu-to-mo?
mi-jo-[pa t ] : can be supplied from Fn 867 , and if genitive must be feminine.
8. OIL CONSIGNMENTS OR RATIONS AT KNOSSOS AND |
MYCENAE (Fh, Fo)
It seems clear from the archaeological evidence that olive-oil was in extensive
use in Mycenaean Greece. It is thus surprising to find that records dealing
with it are not very common; some at least of those at Knossos are religious
offerings. There is, however, a group of small tablets
which appear not to be religious, but allocations of oil. 130 ^ olive-oil
The introductory word, which may be a dative, is often
a personal name, but occupational terms also appear; and sometimes a place-
name is added. There are also a number of other terms occasionally found,
such as apudosis ‘payment’ and zo-a which seems to be 361], somesortof decoction
of oil.
92 = Fh 349 (C • xxxii)
ru-ki'to I a-pu-do-si oil 53 [
Luktos: payment 1908 1 . of oil.
Mention of oil at Pylos is even rarer; it may have not yet been produced +
in Messenia and be therefore a luxury article, an impression also obtained
from the references to it in Homer. One of the new tablets from Blegen’s
excavations of 1954 (Gnll 84 ), however, plainly records a transaction in oil
between two men who are elsewhere named as ‘unguent-boilers’; and the
identity of the ideogram is happily confirmed by the spelling e-ra 3 -wo=elaiwon.
Its text runs: ko-ka-ro a-pe-do-ke e-ra 3 -wo to-so e-u-me-de-i oil 18; pa-ro
i-pe-se-wa ka-ra-re-we 38. ‘Kokalos repaid the following quantity of olive-oil
to Eumedes: 648 l.; from Ipsewas thirty-eight stirrup-jars The association of
e-ra 3 -wo with oil is confirmed by four or five new tablets found in 1955 in tlie
pithos magazine behind the Megaron. At Mycenae Wace in 1952 named the
building which he had discovered two years earlier ‘the House of the Oil-
merchant ’ because the basement yielded thirty large stirrup-jars which ‘ had
originally contained oil, for their clay is heavily impregnated with oil* (Wace,
217
92-93
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
19536, p. 423). This name is not entirely substantiated by the tablets found in
this house, since most of them refer to wool* But one tablet, which is quoted
here, bears testimony to dealings in oil, apparently a distribution to various
persons and groups. Dealings in wool would of course hardly leave an
archaeological trace, and if the owner of the house was really a merchant he
may have dealt in at least two commodities.
t 93 Fold
1 a-ne-a 2 <1 3 pa-na-ki A 1
2 ma-no A 1 a-na -*88 <1 1
3 to-ti-ja A 1 we-i-we-sa A 1
4 ke-ra-so <! 1
5 pi-wc-n-si 1 tu-mi-[ ] <1 1
6 ko-ma-ta A 1 na-ta-ra-ma <1 [.]
7 pe-ta-[,] <1 1 pu-ka-ro [<f 1]
8 o-ta-ki A 1
9 e-ro-pa-ke-ta oil i
10 a-ke-ti-ri-ja-i A 4
vacant 4
15 to-so oil 2 ^ 1 <1 1
For Aineas: 6 1. of oil.
for Phainax : 2 1. of oil, etc.
Total: 86 1. of oil.
a-na-* 88 \ the last sign is unlike any recorded elsewhere, but may be a variant of
cf. the man’s name a-na-ro KN D 1928 .
pi-we-tisi: dative plural of rTiEpi8es; cf. pi-we-ri-di Oel 03 ; man’s name Pi-we-ri-ja-ta
PY 254 -Jn 04 . Does this imply not a sale but an offering?
a-ke-ti-ri-ja-i : dative plural; see Vocabulary, p. 387.
9. MIXED RATIONS AND CONSIGNMENTS AT KNOSSOS (F)
120 ^ WHEAT 122 ^ OLIVES
*30 Y FIGS 'Jf OLIVES + A
^ OLIVES TTI
This small class of tablets from Knossos shows a mixture of various agricultural
products. Some tablets seem to belong to the lists of off erings (c.g. F 953 ),
but others arc more likely secular. The commodities arc chiefly wheat and
218
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
94-95
barley, but the tablets quoted are of interest as adding figs and olives. The
identity of the sign 122 olives seems to be confirmed by the reading, but no
explanation has yet been offered of the ligatured versions of it.
94 = F 841 (joined with 867 K Ixii, lxiii) t
1 ] -ti-ja sa-pi-ti-[ne]-we-jo [
2 a-di-* 22 -sa wheat T 6 figs 8 [
3 ]-no-di-mi-zo-jo [?] wheat 2 figs 34 [
4 pa-i-to mi-sa-ra-jo sa-pi-ti-ne-we-jo [
5 su-za figs 75 ka-po e-[ra-wa ?
6 e-ra]-wa olives 46 e-ra-wa [
vacant 2
Too fragmentary for translation; the quantities in lines 5 and 6 are considerable:
9000 1. of figs and 5520 1. of olives.
sa-pi-ti-ne-we-jo : cf. the man’s name sa-pi-ti-nu-wo 38 = As 151 G. Possibly a patronymic,
in which case mi-sa-ra-jo will be a man’s name.
su-za : cf. 166 = Gv 864 . Apparently for suka ‘figs’, with z for k as in other words.
ka-po e-[ra-wa: karpoi elaiwds ‘ fruits of the olive ’ ? In the next line e-ra-wa is presumably
plural ‘olives*.
95 = F 852 (K liv)
1 da-wo I a-ma e-pi-ke-re wheat io,ooo[
3 olivesTa 70 olives-Fti 20 oil[
At Da-wo: harvest, . . : 1,200,000 (+) 1 . of wheat,
a- olives 8400 1., ti- olives 2400 1, x 1. of oil.
a-ma : occurs five times at Knossosin connexion with wheat. The formula a-ma e-pi-ke-re
is repeated once (F 851); elsewhere a-ma is preceded by broken words which may
be names, and once appears on a fragment with da-mo> but not on the same line.
It seems likely that it has something to do with apAco ‘reap’; possibly a noun
= ‘harvest*, though a third singular of the verb cannot be excluded (for the form
cf. te-re-ja). in later Greek means ‘shovel’ or ‘ bucket’ and Ventris has proposed
amd epikkiles ‘bucket full to the brim’, but the relevance of this to the context is
uncertain. The latter word could also be a hypothetical episkheres (cf. imaxepcb).
10 . MIXED RATIONS AND CONSIGNMENTS AT PYLOS (Un) *
A small group of tablets record a large variety of agricultural produce and
livestock, in considerable amounts. Unfortunately in no case is the heading
really intelligible; some appear to be a requisition, and in one place a deficit
is recorded. But the reason for this impost is not clear. Most of the ideograms
219
96
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
are now identified. No. 125 has been provisionally named cyperus; what
appears to be the same sign is at Knossos also found in a form (no. 124) which
contains the condiment sign (no. 123), and this is glossed ku-pa-ro on
102 = Ga 517 . The same sign is also found with superimposed ku (no. 126).
| The value of no. *65 flour is given by 171 =Un 7 l 8 , where the sign in
121
'1
BARLEY
*65
n
FLOUR
122
OLIVES
132
?
131
k
WINE
ME
T
Honey?
106a
ram, and other livestock ideograms
*30
Y
FICS
I2 5
r
Cyperus?
I46
to
A textile?
a simplified form is glossed by me-re-u-ro = meleuron = &X®jpov (see Vocabulary,
P- 399 )- No. 132 is a liquid, but its nature is entirely unknown. The abbrevia¬
tion me, being a liquid, is probably meli ‘honey’; there is nothing to show that
it has the same meaning when it appears as an entry on the Ma tablets (see
p. 290), where the quantities are very large if we transcribe the figures as liquid
units (36 1 .). The meaning of no. 146 is discussed on p. 290, and the suggestion
is made that it is some kind of textile.
96 -Un 02 [ 138 ]
1 pu-ro qe-te~a % pa-ro du-ni-jo
2 BARLEY 18 T 5 pO-pa 2 OLIVES 4 T 3 <1 5
3 WINE 13 RAMS 15 WE 8 EWE I HE-GOATS 13 PIGS 12
A PIG-j-SI I COW I BULLS 2
5 me-za-wo-ni barley 4 T 8 <1 1 ka-pa olives 7
At Pylos: due from Dunios : 2220 1 . of barley, 526 1 . of eating olives, 468 1 . of wine,
fifteen rams, eight yearlings, one ewe, thirteen he-goats, twelve pigs, one fat
hog , one cow, two bulls.
From Mezawon: 578 1 . of barley, 840 1 . of. . .olives.
qe-te-a z : a word which recurs at Knossos in the forms qe-te-a and qe-te-o (see Vocabulary,
p. 406). It must record the nature of the transaction and Furumark (1954, p. 42)
is probably right in regarding it as meaning ‘ to be supplied, due’. It is more difficult
to find a satisfactory etymology. A connexion with 0£crcraa0ai ‘pray for’, Horn.
cTTritecTTOs, is possible, but the meaning presents obstacles, and Furumark’s q u hestea
cannot be explained by the suffix -t£os, which is generally agreed to be from *-T£fos.
220
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
96-97
Possibly to be identified with t£A0os ‘payment due*; in this case the form qe-te-o must
be genitive.
po-pa 2 : also applied to olives at Knossos 164 =Gv 863 * Probably denotes some kind f
of olive as distinguished from ha-pa. The spelling would fit 9op(3r), cpopp&$, possibly
meaning ‘for eating’.
ka-pa : the name of a different kind of olive; connected with ‘trough’, i.e. for
pressing?
97 = Un 03 [ 2 ]
1 pa-ki-ja-si mu?-jo-me-no e-pi wa-na-ka-te
2 q-pi-e-ke o-pi-te-(u)-ke-e-u
3 BARLEY l6 T 4 * 12 $ T i <1 3 o. <1 5
4 FLOUR I T 2 OLIVES 3 T 2 *7^P ^2 ME ^ I
5 FIGS I OX I RAMS 26 EWES 6 HE-GOATS 2 SHE-GOATS 2
6 PIG + SI I SOWS 6 WINE 20 ^ I *146 2
At Pa-ki-ja - p : .. .for the king, the rigger keeps : 1968 1 . of barley, 18 1 . of cyperus
(deficit 10 1.), 144 1. of flour, 384 1. of olives, 24 1. of. . ., 12 1. of honey,
120 1. of figs, one ox, twenty-six rams, six ewes, two he-goats, two she-goats,
one fat hog> six sows, 732 1. of wine, two cloths.
mu?-jo-me-no : to judge by the form this might be a middle or passive participle, but
hardly uudpevos unless=nvouj.tEvos, It is possible that it is dative; ‘on the occasion
of the initiation of the king’, bri + dat. = k in the time of’ is found in Arcadian.
wa-na-ka-te: wanaktei , with the same use of a as a dead vowel (after the nominative
wa-na-ka) as in wa-na-ka-te-ro.
q-pi-e-ke: amphi-ekhei — &\.nxi^P or aph-ieke =<hyb)K£? Garratelli (1954a, pp. 101-2)
translates ‘collects’.
opiteukheeus: the restoration is almost certain in view of the other examples of this word
(see Vocabulary, p. 402), but the meaning of the is not yet discovered.
11. SPICES AT KNOSSOS (Ga, Og)
All three sites have produced written evidence of the use of spices or condi-
ments, though in this case the richest find comes from Mycenae. The use of
spices such as coriander and aniseed is attested archaeologically for the Bronze
Age, and it is reasonable to suppose that many of
the condiments used in classical times for culinary or
medicinal purposes had been known much earlier.
Few have names with Indo-European cognates, and
most were probably in use in the Aegean area before
the arrival of the Greeks, or were introduced by trade during the Mycenaean
age. Coriander and cyperus are both described at Knossos as ‘ Cyprian ’, which
cr> 1
123 l^i CONDIMENT
124 Cyperus?
9
221
*♦-+
98-101
DOCUMEN TS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
probably refers to their provenance; and there is an unidentified spice called
Phoinikio- which clearly betrays its origin. The ideogram no. 123 was taken by
Evans to represent a building without caves (‘granary 5 sign— PM , iv, p. 622),
despite the presence in some forms of what is obviously a handle. For Myres
(SM II, p. 33) it was ‘obviously a rick or granary’, and in the form no. 124
‘ the cylindrical wicker-structure with lifting handle, still in use among the
Southern Slavs 5 . It resembles more closely a large pepper-pot, and its true
significance emerged from the identification of coriander and cyperus as a
result of the decipherment [Evidence, p. 92). From its use with the fractional
signs for dry measure (e.g. Ga 4 l 5 ) it follows that it denotes the unit of spice
(approx. 120 1 .). The variant no. 124 appears to contain the ‘cyperus’ ideo¬
gram no. 125.
t 98 = Ga 4 l 5 (E xxxiv)
ru-ki-ti-jo j ko-ri-ja-do-no condiment 2 T 6
Men of Luktos: 312 i. of coriander seed.
ko-ri-ja-do-no : this word is found also at Pylos and Mycenae, where its plural is also
spelt ko-ri-a 2 -da-na . It is an ancestral form of Kopiavvov, KOptavSpov, which may be
derived from koria[n)dnon by assimilation and popular etymology. The fruits of the
coriander, Coriandrum sativum, are widely used as a condiment. The ancients seem to
have obtained it from Egypt, though it was originally imported into Egypt from
India.
99 =Ga 418
su-ri-mi-jo /
(E xxxiii)
po-ni-ki-jo l 3
ko-ri- ja-do-no T 5 [2]
Men of Su-ri-mo: 3 kg. of Phoenician spice , 60 1 . of coriander seed.
100 =Og 424 (E xxxiv)
pa z -ko-we-i‘jo /
po-[ni]-ki-jo
a-pu-do-si
5
Men of Pa-ko-we: payment 5 kg. of Phoenician spice.
101 =Ga 675 (F lx, xlix)
wa-na-ka-te / pe-ma condiment 10
For the king: 1200 1 . of seed for condiment.
The absence of a word or sign indicating the nature of the condiment is unusual, but
cf. Ga 416 . These tablets may have formed part of a series which made it unnecessary
to repeat the name of the commodity on each.
222
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
102-103
102 =Ga 517 (F xl)
, ku-pi-ri-jo
iu-wt-no , ‘ *j2d i
' ku-pa-ro T
Twinon : 120 1 . of cyperus seed from Cyprus.
Twinon : cf. tu-wi-no-no Ga676, which may be genitive. Probably a man’s name,
perhaps ^ Eivcov.
ku-pi-ri-jo : not, like po-ni-ki-jo , the name of a separate commodity, so presumably
adjectival; it might mean only ‘of the Cyprian variety’. At Pylos it is a man’s name,
but this is unlikely here.
12. SPICES AT PYLOS (Un)
The two chief spices at Knossos, cyperus and coriander, reappear at Pylos,
together with other enigmatic ideograms. No. 157 is so far unidentified; it
appears to be counted, or if in standard units is not yet found with any
fractions. It is also found on An 23 reverse, which
seems to have no connexion with the obverse and
123
■a
CONDIMENT
ranks for classification with the two Un tablets quoted
here. No. 127 (also found on An 23 rev.) is a mono¬
i57
?
gram of kaFpo, though it is impossible to be sure
of the order in which these signs are to read; cf. the
127
Fruit?
monogram aTre-I- pa in descending order i n Un 06 ,
in ascending order in 171 = Un 718 . It seems likely
* 3 J
s
WINE
that this should b e connected with ka-po i n K N 94 =
F 841 =karpos ‘fruit*. No. 131b appears to be
131b
1
? t
merely halfofno. 131 wine, but cannot be identical
with it since it appears in the same list; possibly a
ME
r
Honey?
special kind of wine (e.g. must). The presence of no.
145 wool among a list of commodities such as
*45
WOOL J
spices, fruit and wine is also puzzling, in particular in the second of these
tablets, where it has the annotation wi-ri-za . This cannot be unconnected, since
it recurs at Knossos. It is possible that there is some confusion here between
the wool ideogram and the syllabic sign ma used at Mycenae as an abbrevia¬
tion for ‘ fennel’ (see p. 227); there seems to be similar confusion on KN 203
F 953 .
1 o-do-ke a-ko-so-la
2 tu-we-ta a-re-pa-zo-o
223 9*
103 =Un 08 [ 267 ]
103-104
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
3 tU'We-a a-re-pa-te [ ze-so-me]
* ze-so-me-no {ko\
5 ko-ri-a 2 -da-na condiment 6
6 ku-pa-ro 2 condiment 6 *757 16
7 RA + PO 2 T 5 WINE 20 ME2
8 WOOL 2 *131 b 2
three lines erased
Thus A(r)xotas gave spices to Thuestas the unguent-boiler, for unguent which
is to be boiled:
coriander seed 720 1.
cyperus seed 720 1.
... 16 units.
fruits 300 1.
wine 720 1.
honey 72 1.
wool 6 kg.
must 72 1.
ho doke: cf. a-pu-do-ke.
tu-we-ta : taken by Furumark (1954, p. 41) as thuestas , correctly seen by Palmer (19546,
p. 21) to be a man’s name. Evidently names not infrequently fitted professions;
cf. ka-ke-u the name of a Jn/ 50 .
ateiphazodi : the identification of this trade-name gains further confirmation from Pylos
GnI 184 , where two men who are elsewhere given this title are engaged in a transaction
concerning olive-oil (see p. 217).
thuea: aromatic substances used in the making of perfumes; the sense of‘burnt offering’
for 6vos is not necessarily the earliest; cf. (IXatov) teOvcom^vov ‘perfumed’ (//. xiv,
172).
j aleiphatei zesomendi: the words of which aleipha-zoos is compounded. Palmer translates:
‘How A. gave to T., the unguent-boiler, the0u6a for boiling in (or with) the unguent.’
But this would require ze-so-me-na. The translation proposed involves a rare use of
the dative to denote purpose: cf. ‘HpcncAeiots yovais, Pind. Isth. vn, 7, ‘for the
begetting of Herakles*. In either case the future middle participle must be taken in
passive sense. It would also be just possible to take it as a true middle with Thuestdi :
‘Thus A. gave to T. f who is to boil spices in unguent*; the object of doke would
then be koria(n)dna } etc. But the order is against this.
+ 104 = Un 09 [ 249 ]
po-ti- [ni] -ja-we-jo
1 pi-ra-jo I a-re-pa-zp-[o ] ku-pa-ro 2 condiment 2 T 5
2 wi-ri-za wool 2 [ ] *757 10
224
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
104
3 [ ] T6
vacant 2
Philaios the unguent-boiler of the Mistress: 300 1 . of cyperus seed; root (?)
6 kg. of wool ; 10 units of. ..; 72 1. of....
a-rf~pa-£p- [0 : Chadwick disagrees with Bennett’s reading of the last preserved sign as
it could be zo t thus allowing an obvious restoration.
wi-ri-za: found again with wool on a Knossos fragment OdM 26 . It would seem to
be the equivalent of (Lesb. fipfaSa), but its meaning is obscure.
13 . SPICES AT MYCENAE (Ge) \
The three texts quoted here are representative of a group of seven similar
tablets found by Wace in the House of the Sphinxes in 1954. These together
with the other Mycenae tablets are being published by Bennett (MTII) with
a commentary by Chadwick.
The tablets numbered Ge 602-608 form part of a consistent series dealing with
a range of commodities, most of which can be confidently identified with
herbs and spices. Some tablets have an introductory phrase, but apart from
this the text consists entirely of a list of personal names, each followed by
specified quantities of the various commodities. Ge 606 and Ge 607 are slightly
different in form, but deal with the same commodities. The names in the lists
vary between nominative and dative, even on the same tablet: Pe-ke-u 105 =
Ge 602 (nom.), but Ka-e-se-we (dat.) two lines further on; cf. Ka-e-se-u Ge 605 .
Possibly the dative implies that the transaction was indirect, i.e. ‘on behalf of\
The purpose of the records is to some extent conjectural; but if the House
of the Sphinxes is in fact a private house and not an appendage of the palace,
they may be a merchant’s records of his business dealings. Since the amounts
associated with each name are comparatively small and are not totalled, they
may represent sales of these commodities; and in some cases the wording
suggests that they are amounts outstanding against future payment. In the
absence of any form of currency the debt can only be recorded in terms of the
actual commodities sold.
Lists of spices in a rather different context, referring to the produce of
certain places, are quoted by Lacheman (1939, p. 535) from the Nuzi tablets.
Among the spices mentioned both there and at Mycenae are coriander, fennel
and kamunu , which Lacheman following Bezold translates as ‘caraway*.
A new ideogram which makes its appearance on these tablets is no. 155,
which looks like some sort of dish or basket. It may perhaps be a container
in which the spices were kept. There is also a form without handles, which is
225
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
virtually indistinguishable from the metric sign ( = approx. 0-5 1.), but
seems here to be a container; it is transcribed as cup. The metric sign itself
has a handle on a newPylos tablet (Uni 185 ). Since the principal commodities
recur frequently it will be convenient to discuss them before commenting on
the texts.
123
n
CONDIMENT
KU
*
Cumin
PE
&
Bunch?
MA
u
Fennel
! 55
BASKET
MI
V
Mint?
KO
^7
CUP
Coriander
SA
Y
Sesame
ka-da-mi-ja: apparently kardamia , a feminine or neuter plural form forKdpSapov ‘garden-
cress, Lepidium sativum* , the pungent seed of which was much used as a condiment
especially in Persia (Xen. Cyr. 1, 2, 8, Aelian Var . hist . in, 39). The alternative
reading ka-da-mi-ta suggests KaXapivfla, a kind of mint, if we accept the representa¬
tion of X by d in pre-Greek words; cf. da-pu 2 ?-ri-to-jo = Xapvpivfloio in KN 205 =
Gg 702 .
ka-na-ko : this occurs by itself or in the ligature ka + na + ko. More often, however,
it is qualified by an adjective: e-ru-ta-ra = eruthrd ‘red’, or re-u-ka = leukd ‘white*;
e-ru-ta-ra may even stand by itself, ka-na-ko re-u-ka is always measured; e-ru-ta-ra
is always weighed (weights from 1 to 3 kg.). This is clearly the plant known as
KvfjKos (original long a is attested by the Doric adjective kvcik6s), the gender of
which varies between masculine and feminine. The identification of the plant has
been contested, but is generally supposed to be safflower, Carthamus tinciorius , the
florets of which are used to make a red dye. The oil is also used medicinally and
for culinary purposes, Dioscorides (iv, 88) says that the flower of kv^kos is used as
a relish (e!s tct irpoaovyqpcrra). The distinction of ‘red 1 and ‘white* seems to be
confirmed by the varying senses of the adjective recorded by Hesychius: kvtikov
to KpoKi^ov xP^ a > T °u avGous* ote 8e < 5 rrro KapiroO, to Xeuk6v. It serves
here to distinguish the red florets from the pale seeds. It should be observed that
KvfjKos has an I.-E. etymology and is originally an adjective of colour ‘ tawny*.
| ka-ra-ko : probably the Boeotian yXaycov (or yXaych) = Attic PXt'ix^v, lorn yXqy^v,
‘pennyroyal, Mentha pulegium *. It was used as a condiment in cooking; cf. kvkegov
pXqxoovias, Ar. Par, 712.
J ko-no or once ko-i-no : this is counted (numbers from 2 to 12) and is qualified by a-po-te-i[,
e-ne-me-na (abbreviated to e) and DE. The variations of spelling can be paralleled
in other words (e.g. ko-to-na at Fy\os = ko-to-i-na at Knossos), At Knossos ko-no is
found on one tablet 203 = F 953 + 955 , where it prefaces the abbreviation ma.
226
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRfDUCE
105
It is probably to be equated with the Greek axotvos (which is sometimes feminine);
but with precisely which of the plants so designated is not clear. Possibly ‘ginger-
grass, Cymbopogon schoenanthus\ a fragrant plant used in the manufacture of perfumes
and later imported into Greece from Syria for this purpose. See especially
Theophrastus, H.P. lx, 7, 3, where it is said not to grow in Europe.
ko-ri-ja-da-na, ko-ri-a 2 -da-na\ abbreviated ko, sometimes inserted in the condiment
ideogram. It is measured (amounts from 12 to 24 1 .). ‘ Coriander’; see on
98 -Ga 415 .
ku-mi-no , ku-mi-na: abbreviated ku; it is measured (amounts from to 4 1.). kOuivov
‘cumin, Cuminum cyminum\ The word is Semitic, though Akkad, kamunu is alleged to
mean ‘caraway’. According to Dioscorides (m, 59) it was imported from Egypt and
Ethiopia, but also grown in Galatia and Cilicia. An oriental provenance is at least
likely. It is widely used in cooking.
ma-ra-tu-wo: abbreviated ma; it is measured (amounts from \ to 2 1.). marathwon y to be
equated with the classical forms uapaOov or pdpaOpov. The former is usually explained
as derived by dissimilation from the latter; we may, however, suspect in the latter
the influence of the suffix - 0 pov. The measured quantities clearly refer to the seed,
which is used in cooking. I’he plant is widespread in distribution, so that (his is
more likely a local product than an import.
mi-ta: abbreviated mi(?); counted with pe (numbers 1, 2 and perhaps 20). It is
possible that pe represents some sort of measure; perhaps ‘bunch’. The use of pe in
Cypriot as an abbreviation of the coin iteXckus can hardly be relevant. The plant
is obviously piv0a, plv0r|, some kind of mint, a common and widely distributed
plant.
sa-pi-de: counted (numbers 6 and 12). The identification is uncertain, and may be a
container rather than a spice. The word recurs at Pylos (Vn 05 , to which a new
fragment found in 1954 has been joined), where numbers of these are mentioned in
connexion with the nine towns; the numbers are damaged, those readable being
200, 80, 60 and 40. Possibly sarpides ‘boxes’; cf. crapms = aapnos, An . Ox. n, 466,
and crapTTov$* ki| 3 cotous, Hesych. A connexion with adAnq ‘saupe fish’ or atyrna
‘cuttle-fish’ seems much less likely.
ta-sa-ma: abbreviated sa; measured (amounts 1 to 5 1 .). Equivalent to crnadMff
or enjaapa. The word is Semitic, the Ugaritic form (limn) being nearest to the
Greek. The oil resembles olive-oil, but the small quantities of seeds can hardly
have been intended for pressing. The seeds are themselves eaten, and a sweetmeat
called halvas is still made from them in Greece today. It was grown in antiquity in
Mesopotamia, but is said not to have been introduced into Egypt before the first
millennium B.c.
se-ri-no : measured (amounts from \ to 5 1 .). cteAivov ‘celery, Apium graveolens\ The
seed is clearly intended.
105 = Ge 602 t
1 jo-o-/)$-ro a-ro-[ 2 - 3 ]-mi-jo j //e-se~ro
2 /m 2 ?-ke ma-ra-lu-wo x? i [
227
105
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
3 pe-ke-u ku-mi-no tz [ ]
[ma-ra]-tu-wo <1 I
sa-sa-ma ^ 2
sa-pi-de 6
4 ka-e-se-we ka-na-ko e-ru-ta-ra [ ]
[sa]-sa-ma <\ i
ma-ra-tu-wo 4 I
sa-pi-de 6
5 ke-po ka-na-ko e-ru-ta-ra / [ ]
[ ]
mi-ta pe 2
ko-no a-po-te-i[
6 [ 1 DE I
BASKET [i]
How. . .owed for spices to Psellos :
Pu-ke: fennel seed 0-5 1 .
Phegeus : cumin x
fennel seed 2 1.
sesame seed 1 1.
boxes 6
f or Ka-e-se-u: red safflower x
sesame seed 2 1.
fennel seed 2 1.
boxes 6
Ke-po : red safflower x
. . .x
mint 2 bunches
rushes . . .
.1 bundle
[1] basket.
jo-o-po-ro : ho ophlon ‘how’ or ‘thus they owed*. < 2 ><pAov is originally aorist to 6<|>EiAco.
Cf. o-o-pe-ro-si ho ophilonsi PY 184 = Nn 01 .
a-ro-[\ Palmer conjectures a-ro-[ma-ta] = dpcbpiccTa. But the shape of the break does
not favour this restoration; and it does not lead to an easy solution of the next word,
which may be the nominative plural subject. The comparison of the first word of
Ge 606 [do?]-si-mija might suggest a similar restoration here; cf. do-si-mi-jo PY
Wa 730 .
pe-se-ro : written in smaller characters. Cf. the man’s name in the genitive pe-se-ro-jo
KN 24 =Ai 63 ; =TeAAco? The word is not known as a name until late, but the
228
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
105-106
adjective is at least as early as Aeschylus. The syntax is obscure, and he may be not
the merchant himself, but his clerk.
a-po-tf-i[: The reading is uncertain and the apparent absence of a numeral is
surprising.
de: possibly =desmd ‘bundle*.
106 =Gc 603 t
1 ke-po ko CONDIMENT T 2
ka-na-ko re-u-ka 4 i
da-ra-[, ,]-ta-qe 20
[ka]-na-ko e-ru-ta-ra * i
[?]ka-ra-to cup i
2 pu-ke-o ko T 2
ku <1 2
ma o 2
sa 02
ka-na-ko i i cup i
ko-no io e-ne-me-na i
3 i-na-o ko T 2
ku 4 i
if. •; —'ji
ko-no io e i
ka-na-ko e-ru-(ta-ra) i i
* rq-ke-da-no ko T 2
ku <f 2
[ erased ? ]
ko-no 12 E [ i ]
CUP I
a-ke-re-wi-io ko T 2
ku <1 i
ma 4 i
no-ko (sic) io de [i]
cup 1
6 pe-ke-u ko T 2
ku <1 I 0 2
ma 4 i
ko-no io ei
ka-na-ko / 2
CUP i
22 §
106-107
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
7 pu-wo ko T 2
ku 'I 2
ma <1 [ ]
ko-no de i
CUP I
Reverse: me-[ ] 2
Ke-po : coriander seed 24 1 .
white safflower 2 1.
... 20
red safflower 1 kg.
basket 1
Pu-ke-o : coriander seed 24 1 .
cumin 4 1.
fennel seed 1 1.
sesame 1 1.
safflower 1 kg., cup 1.
rushes ro e-ne-me-na 1
Jnaon: coriander seed 24 1 .
cumin 2 1.
mint 20
rushes 10 e- 1
red safflower 1 kg.
etc.
There is no introductory phrase, and the personal names are all in the nominative.
It is perhaps one of a set, of which the preceding tablet forms the first.
ka-ra-to : if the word is complete as it stands this might be kalathos y i.e. a description of
the cup ideogram which follows, which may be no more than a handleless variant
of the BASKET.
ra-ke-da-no: nominative to ra-ke-da-no~re 107 = Ge 604 . This is evidently one of the class
of names in - andr y but the first part of the compound is obscure.
a-ke-rt-wi~jo\ this recalls the Pylos place-name A-ke-re-wa ; the use of ethnic adjectives
as personal names is found elsewhere on the tablets (see p. 98).
pu-wo\ Purwos = TTOppos > also found at Knossos.
1 ke-e-pe o-pe-ro ka-na-ko e-ru-ta-ra [ ]
[ ]
[ ] DE I
ku <1 1
230
107 Ge 604
LIVESTOCK ANI AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
107
2 i-na-o-te o-pe-ro ku <1 i
sa <j i
ko-no 2
se-ri-no / 2 cup i
3 ra-ke-da-no-re o-pe-ro e-ru-ta-ra l i
ma <1 i
sa <f i
4 a-ke-re-un-jo o-pe-ro e-ru-ta-ra / 3
5 pu-ke-(o o)-pe-ro{ro } ka-na-ko / 1
ma u 2
sa x? 2
ka-da-mi-ja [ ]
In this tablet all the names are in the dative, followed in each case by the word
o-pe-ro ‘deficit'. In line 5 the scribe has written pe-ro-ro , which is plainly
an error, and the name is probably pu-ke-o as in 106 =Ge 603.2 rather than
a variant form of pu 2 ?-ke 105 = Gc 602 . 2 .
23 *
CHAPTER VIII
t LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
The series of tablets, one of the most extensive at Pylos but regrettably
poorly represented at Knossos, is distinguished by the ideogram no. 120, which
is measured in amounts varying from 137 units (? 16,440 litres) down to
A 1 (2 litres). This commodity is one of the staple cereal
grains, and has here been translated as ‘wheat Furumark 120 ^ wheat
and Carratelli read ‘barley’.
Even before decipherment it was possible to guess, from the complex arrange¬
ment of the Pylos E - tablets, that they record hierarchies of different classes of
persons on an apparently territorial basis. This was confirmed by phonetic
transcription: the word ko-to-na (Knossos ko-to-i-na ), whose detailed listing
constitutes the primary purpose of the series, is evidently the classical Krroiva.
This term was used on Rhodes of a territorial unit equivalent to the Attic
deme ) and is glossed by Hesychius in the plural as 8fj(Jios pepEpicrp£vos ‘sub¬
divided deme’; it is derived from the stem *kti- ‘settle, with buildings and/or
cultivation’ (cf. Skt. ksitih ‘settlement 7 , Arm. sen ‘settled; village 3 ). At Pylos
it apparently refers to the small-scale unit of cultivation, a ‘field’ or ‘plot’.
Since our first reference to the E - tablets as records of land-tenure [Evidence,
PP* 98-9) they have been discussed in greater detail by Furumark (1954,
PP- 3 & - 7 )» Webster (1954, pp. 13-14), Carratelli (1954a, pp- 102-12, 19546,
pp, 221-2), and Palmer (1955, pp. 6-18). Our commentary on this series,
of which a large and representative selection is printed below, owes much
to their analysis.
The ktoinai are generally described as being either ki-ti-me-na or ke-ke-me-na :
the exact significance of this distinction is disputed. The first term, which is
confined to the ‘first set’ of tablets (114 = En 02 et seq.) apparently recording
actual ownership, is clearly ktimenai , from the same stem *kti- ‘settle’ and
formally identical with the participle seen in:
Od, xxiv, 226: tov 5 ’ olov ttot^p' EOpEv dO-KTipEVT^ £v dAoofj.
Od, ix, 130: ol k£ atpiv Kat vfjaov du-KTiHEVt)v £k&movto, etc.
Carratelli supports the suggestion that ktimenai j?kekeimenai distinguish
‘cultivated’ land from ‘fallow’ or ‘uncultivated’; there is a parallel in the
distinction at Ugarit between sdubdy ‘uncultivated or fallow fields’ from those
232
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
that are rimy ‘blooming’ (Virolleaud, 1951, p. 32). But it can hardly be
a coincidence that ?kekeimenai is almost invariably confined to fields admini¬
stered by the damos or ‘village’ (a term which might refer either to its people
or to its land). The only exceptions are EalO, Eall, where ?kekeimenai ktoinai
are attributed to the ‘swine-herds’ and ‘cowherds’; 146 = Eb 34 (cf. Ep 03 . 14 )
and 140 = Eb 35 , where they are recorded as subject to the obscure condition
e-to-ni-jo; and Ea 809 .
Our translations will provisionally follow Furumark in translating the par¬
ticiples as ‘private’ and ‘communal’ respectively, even though these may be
their effective rather than their etymological meanings. Ktimenai may once
have meant ‘land outside the ager publicus reclaimed by private initiative’.
Webster compares Od. xxiv, 205-7 ( an d Nilsson’s commentary, 1933, p. 242):
oi S’ 4 tteI 4k ttoXios Kcrr^pav, Taya 6' aypov Tkovto
K aXov AaspTao T£-ivyp4vov, ov pa ’ttot' a\!n-6$
AaspTris KTedrnacFEv, 4 ttei paXa rroXX’ 4poyrjaEv.
On this view, the ktoinai ktimenai correspond approximately to the category
of yf \ ISiokttitos in the Egyptian system of land tenure recorded at Tebtunis
(Rostovtzeff, 1941, pp. 274-92). Less probable alternatives are ‘ land actually
occupied by its owners’ or ‘land with a separate dwelling on it’, which the
usual translation #f Horn. by ‘good lo live in' might suggest.
The second term ke-ke-me-na may perhaps be formally connected with keIucu,
Kdpsvos, whose stem shows reduplication in Skt. figye ; there are, however,
other possible derivations (e.g. from the stem of Homeric yEino ‘seized’).
Palmer (1955, P- l) connects ?kekeimenai with koivos ‘common’ and with
Germanic haim- ‘nucleated village settlement’: the sense ‘communal’ would
be confirmed by the phrase ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-na (Ep 02 . 3 ), if the
spelling in fact represents ?kekeimend.s ktoinas koinas and not an erroneous
repetition of syllables by the scribe.
Palmer (1955, p. 1 1) appositely compares the stipulations of the Hittite
Code (§§ 39-40, trans. Goetze, in Pritchard, 1950J:
If the inhabitant of a town has possession of another inhabitant’s fields, he shall also
perform the respective feudal service to the liege lord; if he allows the fields to lie idle,
another man may take the fields, but he must not sell them. t
If a ‘craftsman’ disappears and a socman is assigned in his stead, if the socman says
‘this is my craftsman’s fee but this other one is my socage’, he shall secure for himself
a sealed deed concerning the fields; then he has legal possession of the craftsman’s fee
and shall also perform the socage. If he refuses the craftsman’s service, they will declare
the fields of the craftsman vacant , and the people of the town shall work them.
233
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
From these and other somewhat obscure clauses on the same subject it
appears that Hittite land was in principle divided into two classes (see Gurney,
1952, pp. 102-3). The inalienable land of the socman (‘liege-man’ or ‘fief-
holder’) is held under specific terms of service (sahhan), and on his death the
fief returns to the palace; the holding of the craftsman (lit. ‘ man of the tool’),
or member of the artisan class, derives its title from the local authority, can
be bought and sold, but reverts to the ‘ men of the village ’ when the title lapses.
The owners of ktoinai ktimenai at Pylos, among whom no women appear,
are classified as te-re-ta (114 = En 02 . 2 , cf. 152 = Er 01 .6), probably telestai ;
cf. Elean cute ^etccs cute teAeqtcc ‘whether he be private citizen or magistrate 5 .
In view of initial not q u ~, the Mycenaean term is probably from TsAq
‘services due’ rather than from teAo$ ‘fulfilment’, and it may imply original
feudal obligations on the part of holders of such land. Palmer (1955, p. 13)
suggests a direct comparison between these obligations and the sahhan of the
Hittite land-owning class. He translates telestai as ‘barons’, arguing that this
term, perhaps derived from a Germanic bar a related to cpopos ‘ tribute’, may
reflect a parallel feudal organization.
Palmer similarly equates the lands administered by the Pylos damos with the
Hittite ‘ village land ’; and suggests that the Homeric name SripioEpyos, applied
to craftsmen, minstrels and physicians, in fact originally meant ‘ those who
work village land’, i.e. a parallel class to the Hittite ‘men of the tool’.
To make deductions about the precise conditions of Mycenaean land tenure
from the apparent etymology of the terms used is of course rather precarious,
in view of the historical adaptations which the system and its terminology may
have undergone since the Greeks’ original settlement in the country. Palmer’s
attempt to use them for a reconstruction of the ‘ Indo-European 5 institutions
which they may have brought into the country with them encounters the same
difficulties (as well as neglectingthepossibleinfluenceof'Minoan’ institutions);
but it represents the courageous first step in a necessary line of enquiry.
The evidence of the tablets does not allow us to assume with certainty that
the land administered by the damos is in fact an ager publicus , in the sense of
being owned on a collective basis and subject to periodical redistribution. It is
conceivable that the ?kekeimenai ktoinai merely represent the residue of such
a system; perhaps ‘land lying uncared-for 5 , whose ownership has lapsed due
to death or punishment, and which only then reverts to the village for admini¬
stration—as seems to be the case with the ‘vacant’ craftsman’s land in the
Hittite clauses. Compare also Gardiner’s remarks on the category of khato land
in the Wilbour Papyrus (1948, 11, p. 210).
For a theoretical discussion of primitive land tenure, see Thomson, 1949,
234
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
pp. 297-330 He makes it clear that the Sfjnoi represent the units of clan settle¬
ment, initially founded on a collective administration of the land. The
agglomeration of these original villages into centralized towns was evidently
not far advanced in Mycenaean times: Thucydides (i, 5 and 10) preserves
a memory of 4 unfortified ttoAeis whose people lived in scattered villages’. Most
of the references to the damos on the Pylos tablets probably apply, not to the
centre ‘Pylos’ itself (only the palace and the seat of administration?), but to
the satellite village of Pa-ki-ja- > one of the nine which are frequently listed
together in a fixed order. Most of the spellings of this name appear to imply
a nominative plural in -dnes, which looks more like a clan or tribal name than
primarily a place-name (cf. "EAAavES, ’AxapvavEs). Is the theos who figures
so largely in the records of this village (cf. 172 =Kn 02 rev.) a tutelary divinity
of the clan? Thomson (1949, pp. 361-2) concludes from Od . in, 7 that Pylos
consisted of nine 6f]poi; the possible connexion with the nine villages of the
tablets has long been noted by Blegen and Bennett.
Though the ‘first set’ of Pylos tablets contains records for ktoinai ktimenai
as such, there are no tablets listing the land of the damos except in the form of
o-na-ta (singular o-na-to, evidently neuter). These apparently constitute some
kind of subordinate title to the use of particular fields, and we have translated
them as ‘ leases’. Those who have ‘ leases ’ of ktoinai ktimenai in the ‘ first set’ are
called o-na-te-re (nom. plur.), something like ‘tenants’. Whether the onata paro
damoi represent the only way in which the ‘communal’ land was farmed is not
clear, since the surviving records may well be confined to certain restricted
categories of tenure, in which the palace authorities were particularly interested.
One might have considered translating o-na-to as coviyrov (Dor. covorrov)
‘bought, buyable’, whatever this precisely means in a primitive economy; but
the Skt. vasndm suggests that cbvq (Lesb. ovva) should have initial *w-, and
a derivation of the Mycenaean term from ovivrjpi ‘bestow a benefit’ is more
probable. Such an ondton may originally have meant a plot of land given to
a retainer as a reward, cf. Od. xiv, 62-7:
... os kev f^i’ evSvkecos 691AEI xai KTfjcriv diraaasv,
oIkov te KXqpov te ii oAvpivf|aTT)v te yvvaiKa,
old te go oitcrji ava£ euQumos eScokev,
os ol iroAAa Kau^cri, Geos S’ £rri Epyov
cos xai 4 [xoi to6e Epyov ae^ETai, co irnpiuvco.
tco k i me rroAA’ covt]ctev ava£, si avroG’ ^yfipa.
Is the expression ke-ra o-na-to on 137 = Eb 30 (cf. 135 =Ep 704 . 2 ) con¬
ceivably the complete form of the expression, i.e. yspas oviyrov ‘a pension
which brings (repeated) profit’ ? Cf. also $d. xxm, 24: cje 6e toOto yE yqpas
235
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
6vr|aei. But the fact that the owners of the larger ktoinai can themselves be
onateres of another man’s land makes it unlikely that all the 'tenants’ at Pylos
have actually received their holdings as rewards for services rendered. The
form ondter (cf. classical 6vrpxop) suggests by its form * one who bestows a benefit’
rather than the expected ‘beneficiary’, but it may be denominal from ondton\
cf. domoTfip (Horn. dornoTTis), etc.
The class of onateres includes fullers, potters and other trades, as well as one
or two priests or priestesses; the great majority, however, are described simply
as ‘servants of the god’, including both men (theoio doelos) and women (f. doela ).
This is probably a formal title, and does not rank them in the servile class of
the doeloi and doelai of the other tablets, on which these are counted but not
referred to by individual names. It is tempting to compare the name UpobouAoi
given to the farmers of temple lands in Egypt (Rostovtzeff, ibid.). Their precise
status here is obscure. Does the large number of these ‘theodules* (and of
religious functionaries in the ‘third set’, pp. 252-8) imply that the land tenure
recorded on these tablets is primarily connected with the organization of
religious institutions at Pylos? Or is it due to the fact that certain favoured
craftsmen and temple acolytes were the only persons, below telestas level, who
were allowed to hold leases of land? Or are the theoio doeloi just farmers, whose
liability to pay temple dues is thereby recorded ?
Two other kinds of land-holding, the kama and the temenos , will be discussed
later in this chapter (pp. 261, 266).
The relation between the schedule of land holdings and their corresponding
amounts of wheat is expressed by the phrase to-so-(de) pe-mo or pe-ma (only
on 152 = Er 01 , 153 =Er 02 ). Since pe-ma is applied to coriander-seed on KN
Ga 674 , it is natural to read it as crrr£ppa ‘seed’ (or ‘sowing*, class, generally
crrTopd or cnropos). Pe-mo apparently has the same meaning, either as a spelling
variant (-mo from *-mn?) or as a doublet in - mos , cf. 65 upp 6 s/o 8 uppa,
KaOapMOS/KdOappa in Aeschylus.
It is not clear whether the amounts of seed grain are a record of an actual
transaction (an issue from the royal granaries?), or merely a theoretical way
of expressing the acreages of the land (being recorded for purposes of taxation?).
In either case there is evidently an accepted density of sowing which makes it
unnecesraiv to record the acreages in other measures of area (except once on
114 = En 02 . 1 ). The Nuzi texts use the Babylonian imeru ‘donkey-load’ to
measure both amounts of grain and the acreages of fields; Lewy (1949) argues
that the Sumerian system of land measure is similarly derived from the corre¬
sponding unit volumes of seed, and quotes the Arab lexicographers as defining
units of surface area by the volumes of grain needed to sew them.
236
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
The densities of sowing quoted for ancient times by Neo-Babylonian texts,
by Cicero and Columella, and by the Talmud are in agreement with those in
use today, and vary generally between 150 and 200 litres to the hectare
(if-2j bushels to the acre). Webster (1954, p. 13) has pointed out the absurdly
low acreages which result for the Pylos lands if we use this rate of seeding,
and the litre equivalents of the wheat measures suggested in ch. 11, as our
conversion factors. The situation is somewhat improved if we assume that the
amounts of wheat are those actually issued for a season’s sowing, not theoretical
acreage equivalents, and that half the land is at one time left fallow: in that
case we may double the area of the king’s temenos , and of the ktoinai ktimenai ,
which we have calculated from the sperma figures. The alternative by which
pe-mo is regarded, not as wheat sown, but as some kind of tax levied on the
crops of the ktoinai (Carratelli, 1954 a, pp. 102, 110) does not produce any
improvement in the figures, since a reasonable levy on a crop of grain might
well be larger than the amount of seed required to produce that crop; but it
cannot be excluded merely on this account.
Lewy (1944) has shown, however, that the rate of seeding assumed in
Mesopotamian records earlier than <7. 1000 b.c. was very considerably less than
the modern figure. She quotes 50 litres per hectare for the Neo-Sumerian and
Kassite periods, 60 litres for the Nuzi texts; and adduces evidence from the
Mishna for an earlier system of cereal culture in which ‘instead of leaving an
entire field fallow for one season, the farmers of the ancient Near East prevented
the exhaustion of their soil by dividing their fields into one-furrow beds which
were alternately tilled and left fallow’. The spacing of these sown furrows
would be three times wider or more than that usual under the later system.
Whether or not this explanation will hold good for Mycenaean Greece, it may
be of interest to see what acreages result for the Pylos lands if we take a sowing
of 50 litres per hectare, and the value of the wheat unit measure as 1 20 litres
(i.e. a factor of 2 4 hectares per unit measure).
King’s temenos
Total for ‘first set’
Medium-sized ktoina
ktimena
Medium-sized onaton
Smallest onaton
(once only)
Sowing of wheat
50 units (6000 1.)
40 units
2 T 3
T 1
<1 1
Area
120 ha = 297 acres
96 ha =237 acres
5-4 ha = 13 3 acres
0 24 ha= acre
0 04 ha = i 1 ^ acre
Population supported
83 men for a year
67 men for a year
4 men for a year
\ man for a year
5*5 man for a year
The small size of some of the fields is not surprising for Greek terrain, and is
paralleled on the Alalakh tablets (Wiseman, 1953) and the Wilbour Papyrus
237
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
(see below). The figures for ‘population supported 1 are estimated on a 5-fold
consumable yield (which is the upper limit quoted for wheat on the Nuzi
tablets, Lacheman, 1939), and on a monthly ration of T 2^—30 litres: this
result is not, of course, affected by variations in the rate of seeding which we
assume. The surviving tablets evidently record only a very small fraction of
the total acreage required to feed the population of Pylos and its outlying
settlements. Either the smaller tenants had more land to support their families
than the diminutive onata recorded on the surviving tablets; or else these are
no more than allotments with which they supplemented an income derived
from other work, as is evident in the case of the potters and fullers. For com¬
parison, in Anglo-Saxon times the normal holding for a peasant household
owning two plough-oxen was a quarter-hide (30 acres), though ‘cottars 1 might
support themselves on as little as 5 acres.
One might still speculate (with Webster, 1954, p. 13) whether the pe-mo
figures, while indeed referring to seed-corn, may in fact ‘only represent some
known fraction of the total sowing 1 ; one might imagine, for example, that the
palace granaries provided half or a quarter of the seed required, possibly in
a situation of emergency; or that the palace granaries received from the farmers
a tax equal to half or a quarter of their sowing (and hence the diff erent formula
applying to the temenos of the king, 152 = ErOI ?). There is no explicit evidence
with which to attempt a final answer to this difficult problem.
Two examples of cuneiform tablets of somewhat similar context may be
compared.
1. Sumerian, from Laga§ (Genouillac, 1909, TSA , xxxvni):
2580 litres of emmer-wheat (first time), 600 litres of emmer-wheat (second
time) and 1260 litres of barley have been drawn for the field Datiramma:
the steward Eniggal delivered them from the Ekiqala building to the farm
superintendent Ur-Enki (sixth year).
2. Nuzi (AASOR 16, 1935-6, no. 87):
500 litres of barley, given to Kipali for sowing on five imeru of land
belonging to Uzna; the lands ofUzna are for ‘partnership 1 (cf. o-na-to ??)
and Kipali shall not dispose of them.
Note that Babylonian issues of seed grain sometimes include an extra above
that calculated for the acreage, to allow fodder for the plough animals (see also
p. 260).
The closest parallel to the arrangement of the Pylos E- tablets is, however,
provided by the paragraphs of the long Wilbour Papyrus (Gardiner, 1948).
It contains a cadastral survey, made in about 1150 b.c., of a large number of
fields along the left bank of the Nile, together with their assessment for taxes
238
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
of emmer-wheat. In spite of the elaborate phraseology and calculation of each
paragraph, Gardiner admits that much of the real meaning and purpose of
the series remains obscure, as it must with our Pylos tablets.
The different terms which differentiate the fields show distinctions (i) of
ownership, whether by individuals, temples, Crown, etc.; (2) of condition—
‘newly opened up’, ‘(normal) arable’, ‘tired’, ‘uncultivated 5 , etc.; (3) of
location with regard to the rise and fall of the Nile flood. The entries of small¬
holders which constitute many of the paragraphs resemble those at Pylos in
their listing of personal names and occupations, and in the fact that many
women appear. E.g.:
§ 84. The landing-place of Pharaoh in Hardai. Measurement made to the south of
P-ma:
The lady Hathor, together with her brethren: 3 arouras ~ f at 1 f measures of corn.
Apportioned for Suchus of P-ma, cultivated by the hand of Hori: 10 arouras
= 2 f at if measures.
The charioteer Pra‘(hi)wcnmaf, cultivated by the hand of the cultivator Amene-
mope: (20} 5 arouras—j at if measures.
The lady Tkamen: 5 arouras™ f at 1 J measures.
The herdsman Sct(em)hab: 5 arouras—f at if measures.
The bee-keeper Pkhore: 5 arouras — \ at if measures.
The retainer Nakhthikhopshef: 5 arouras = f at if measures.
The stable-master Kenhikhopshcf: 5 arouras =f at if measures.
The slave Shcdcmdei: 3 arouras = f at if measures,
etc.
The size of such smallholdings varies from as little as 0-0164 ha (3^ acre)
up to 11 ha (27 acres), while the fields of khato land belonging to the Crown
have limits of 055-93 ha (if— 230 acres): Gardiner (11, p. 98) quotes Lozach-
Hug for the statement that in recent times about 40 per cent of holdings in
Egypt were of f acre or less.
1 . TYPICAL FORMULAE ON SHORT PYLOS TABLETS
Before examining the large and complex tablets which make up the three most
important ‘sets’, let us look at the typical land-tenure formulae in isolation,
as they occur on some smaller tablets. The first three examples all refer to the
shepherd Mo-ro-qo-ro. On the first his name appears in the genitive as the
actual ‘owner’ of a ktoina ktimena ; on the second a tenant is recorded as having
a lease ‘ from Mo-ro-qo-ro s plot 5 ; the third (the most usual wording of the same
formula) describes a lease ‘from Mo-ro-qo-ro himself’, where his name goes
into the dative case. Note the grammatical agreement shown by the descrip-
239
108-113
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
tion poimenos (gen.), poimenei (dat.); but on the first tablet (as on 111 = Ea 23 )
poimen appears added in small letters above the line, as if in parenthesis, where
we should logically expect the genitive case.
f 108 = Ea 817
mo-ro-qo-ro-jo j ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na ' po-me' wheat 3 Ti <1 1
The private plot of Molog u ros (shepherd): 374 1 . wheat.
109 = Ea 782
ru-ko-ro e-ke o-na-to 'ra-wa-ke-si-jo' pa-ro mo-ro-qo-ro-jo ko-to-na po-me-no
WHEAT T I
Lugros, servant of the commander [similarly on Ea 09 , Ea 823 , Ea 882 ), holds
a lease from the plot of Molog u ros the shepherd: 12 1 . wheat.
110 = Ea 800
ke-re-te-u e-ke o-na-to pa-ro mo-ro-qo-ro po-me-ne wheat q
Kretheus holds a lease from Molog u ros the shepherd: 240 1 . wheat.
The same variation in formulae is shown by the tablets referring to another
shepherd:
111 =Ea 23 [ 71 ]
ko-do-jo I 'po-me ko-to-na-ki-ti-me-na wheat 1 T 4 4 3
The private plot of PKoIdos (shepherd): 174 1 . wheat.
112 = Ea 825
ta-ra-ma-ta I e-ke o-na-to pa-ro ko-do ' po-me-ne ' wheat T i
Thalamatas holds a lease from PKoIdos the shepherd: 12 1 . wheat.
Ko-do 1 s third tablet exemplifies the second kind of ‘lease’ recorded on the
E- tablets, that held not from an individual but from the damos (see the
‘fourth set’, pp. 258-64).
113 =Ea 824
ko-do e-ke o-na-to pa-ro da-mo ' po-me wheat T 4
PKoIdos the shepherd holds a lease from the village: 48 1 . wheat.
2 . THE FIRST PYLOS SET
The thirteen paragraphs making up this series have been preserved in two
separate recensions, of which the larger tablets (‘Version A’) introduced by
114 = En 02 have here been printed first and may represent the later and more
polished documentation. The reason for the two versions, whose items show
240
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
114
identical quantities and order but some variations in spelling and phraseology,
is not altogether clear; but a large proportion of the remaining E- tablets show
a similar bureaucratic duplication, as will be seen from the other sets printed
below.
The ‘ first set’ gives the complete breakdown for an area o tktimena (‘ private 5 ?)
land which, though not large (approx. 96 ha, or 240 acres ?), shows a complex
pattern of land tenure. The introductory adjective Pa-ki-ja-ni-ja is evidently
derived from Pa-ki-ja the name of one of the nine ‘satellite towns’, and shows
the location of the land. Why do no other place-names appear on the Pylos
E- tablets? Do the other records of land, in the absence of a specific title, also
refer to Pa-ki-ja , or to the territory of ‘ Pylos’ itself? The existence of a series
for Pa-ki-ja , but for none of the other nine, may be due to the accidents of
survival; but it might also indicate that Pa-ki-ja represents the largest fertile
area close to ‘Pylos’; which may be the name (transferred from another site
by a migrating dynasty?) only of the palace complex itself.
Version A
114 = En 02 [ 609 ]
1 pa-ki-ja-ni-ja to-sa da-ma-te da 40
2 to-so-de te-re-ta e-ne-e-si men 14
3 wa-na-ta-jn-jn ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to so-de-pe-mo wheat 2 <1 1
4 o-da-a 2 o-na-te-[re ] e-ko-si wa-na-ta-jo-jo ko-to-na
5 a-tu-ko e-te-do-mo wa-na-ka-te-ro o-na-to e-ke {to-so)-de pe-mo wheat
<1 1
6 i-ni-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 2 44
7 e-*65~to te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 2
8 si-ma te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
vacat
10 a-ma-ru-ta-o ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 I 3
11 [ o-da-a 2 e-ko-si a]-ma-ru-ta-o ko-to-na o-na-te-re
12 [so-u-ro te-o-jo do]-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat <13
13 [ e-do-mo-ne-u te-o]-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T [i]
] 4
[e-sa-ro te
-o-jo do\-e-ro
[o-na-to] t
\-ke
[to-so-de] pe-mo
WHEAT
<1
3
IS
[wa-na-ta-jo te-re-ta. ...
o]-na-lo e-
■ke
to-so-de pe-mo wheat T
I
16
[ e-ra-ta-ra
i-je-re-ja do-
e-ra\ pa-ki-ja-na
o-na-to e-ke to ■
so-de pe-mo
WHEAT
T
1
17
[po-so-re-ja
te-o-jo do-e-
■ra o]-na-to
e-ke
to-so-de pe-mo
WHEAT
T I
<1
3
ia
[i-je-re-ja
pa-ki-ja-na 0
-na]-to e-ke
to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 3
241
114
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
(There are) so many acreages belonging to Pa-ki-ja- p \ 40,
And there are so many fief-holders upon them : fourteen men.
§ 1 The private plot of PWarnataios, so much seed: 242 1 . wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to ? Warnataios:
? Atukhos the king's artificer holds a lease, so much seed: 2 1 . wheat,
1., servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 32 1. wheat,
E., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease , so much seed: 24 1 . wheat,
S>, servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease , so much seed: 12 1. wheat.
§ 2 The private plot of Amaruntas, so much seed : 276 L wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Amaruntas:
5., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 6 1 . wheat,
E., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1 . wheat,
E., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease , so much seed: 6 1. wheat,
? Warnataios the fief holder holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1 , wheat,
E., the servant (fi) of the priestess of Pa-kifa p , holds a lease, so much seed:
12 1. wheat,
P., servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 18 1 . wheat,
The priestess of Pa-ki-ja p holds a lease, so much seed: 36 1 . wheat.
| da-ma-te: since it cannot be neuter plural, this noun must be either feminine singular
or plural; the name of a class of persons (cf. du-ma-te 257 — Jn 09 damartes?) is excluded
by the lack of a man or woman ideogram. The ethnic adjective P., and en-eensi in
line 2, suggest a topographical term whose initial is repeated in the ideogram da
(also found on Knossos tablets of similar context, e.g. 157 = Uf 835 )- If it is a measure
of area, it is significant that the total amount of wheat recorded on this set of
tablets appears to add up to approximately 40 measures (<r. 4800 litres). Webster
(i 954 ) and Furumark (1954) accept Damdtir ^ ‘ corn-land *; this is doubted by
Carratelli (1954, p. 225) who suggests a derivative of *dam-jdom-, perhaps ‘family
units' (originally the area of land regarded as sufficient for one household, like the
Old English ‘hide'?).
J to-so-de (line 2): enclitic -de ‘and’? These fourteen telestai are evidently the individuals
whose ktoinai introduce each of the separate paragraphs of the set. The same persons
are also described as ktoinookhoi on 131 =Ep 01 ; and ?Warnataios, subject of the first
paragraph, is described as a telestas when he himself appears as a ‘tenant’ in the
second. There is an evident discrepancy in the fact that the set appears to consist
of only thirteen paragraphs, and it is possible that the ktoinai of § 6 in fact have two
telestai (a different explanation by Bennett, see p. 261).
ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na (line 3): it is not clear from the spelling, or vital to the meaning,
whether this is to be taken as singular or plural.
o-na-te-re e-ko-si (lines 4 and 11): note the free variation in word-order (not extended
to the introductory o-da-a 2 ) shown by the successive recurrences of this phrase:
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
114-115
e-ke-si on 115 ^ En 03.21 is clearly a scribal lapse, and not to be equated with the
‘spears 1 of 257 =Jn 09 . 3 . As usual on these tablets, ekheijekhomi implies ‘tenancy 1 ,
not ownership (recorded by the genitive, as in lines 3 and 10). An alternative con¬
struction could be: ‘how they occupy PWarnataios 1 ktoina (singular) 1 ; but the usual
opposition onalon ktoinasjonata kloindon suggests that the ktoina is the unit of individual
working, not the unit of overall ownership.
115 = En 03 [ 74 ]
1 ru-*83~o ko-to-na-ki-ti-me-(na) to-so-de pe-mo wheat 1 T [5]
2 o-da-a 2 o-na-te-re 711**83-0 ko-to-na e-ko-si
3 pe-ki-ta ka-na-pe-u wa-na-ka-te-ro [o]-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
4 mi-ra te-o-jo do-e-ra ( o-na-to ) e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
5 te-se-u te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 4
6 ma-re-ku-na te-o-jo do-e-ro (1) o-[na-to e-ke to-so-de pe\mo wheat T 1
7 e-ko-to te-[o]-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat <1 3
8 ma-zu ? te-[o-jo do-e\-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat A [3]
9 e-*6j-to te-o-jo do-e-[ro] o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat A 1
vacat
11 ai-ti-jo-qo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T 5 <1 4
12 o-da-a 2 o-na-te-re e-ko-si ai-ti-jo-qo ko-to-na
13 e-pa-sa-na-ti te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 2
14 ku-*63~so [ te]-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
15 ta-ra 2 -to te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
16 we-te-re-u i-e-re-u o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 5
17 e-ko-to te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
18 ko-ri-si-ja te-ojo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 5
vacat
20
pi-ke-re-wo ko-to-na
ki-ti
-me-na
to-so-de pe-mo
wheat
2
T 6
21
o-da-a 2
o-na-te-re
e-ke-
si (sic)
pi-ke-re-wo ko-to-na
22
ai-wa-ja
te-o-jo do «
■ e-ra
o-na-to
e-ke to-so-de
pe-mo w
HE
at T 1
23
pe-ki-ta
ka-na-pe-u
wa-na-ka-te-ro
o-na-to e-ke
to-so-de
pe-
-mo
WHEAT T 2
24 ko-ri-si-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 5
§ 3 The private plot of R., so much seed: 180 1 . wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to R.:
P., the king’s fuller, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 L wheat,
? Smila, servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease , so much seed: 12 1 . wheat,
Theseus, servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 48 L wheat,
etc.
243
115-116
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
§ 4 The private plot of Aithioq u s, so much seed: 188 1 . wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Aithioq u s:
E., servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 24 1 . wheat,
etc.
§ 5 The private plot of Pikreus, so much seed: 312 1 . wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Pikreus:
Aiwaia, servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease , so much seed: 12 1 . wheat,
P., the king’s fuller, holds a lease, so much seed: 24 1 . wheat,
Korinsia, servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease* so much seed: 60 1 . wheat.
ru-*8s-o (gen.), ru-*8yt (dat.), evidently shows a consonant declension parallel to
a-ta-no-rola-ta-no-re, etc.; but the ending of the dative prevents a comparison with
names in -es on the model of - me-de-oj-me-de-i . If the rare sign *83 conceals the
alternative spelling of some such name as ru-kew-o/ru-kew-e , then the implied syllable-
division is quite unprecedented.
ia-ra t -to (line 15) appears in 'Version B’ as ta-ra-to on 121 = Eo 04 , where in addition
e-pa-sa-na-ti r is deliberately spelt i-pa-sa-na-ti , and i-e-re-u reappears as i-je-re-u. Such
variations might perhaps suggest oral dictation rather than visual copying: in either
case the scribe has allowed himself some freedom in modifying the precise wording
of the repetitive formulae. Like Hektor, Korinsia, Pe-ki-ta and We-te-re-u, the man
Ta-ra % -io is recorded as holding leases of ktoinai belonging to more than one telestas.
t 116 = En 659
1 qe-re-qo-ta-o ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 T 3
2 o-da-a 2 o-na-te-re e-ko-si qe-re-qo-ta-o ko-to-na
3 ra-su-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T i
4 we-te-re-u i-e-re-u o-na-to e-ke to-so-de be-mo wheat T i
5 tu-ri-ja-ti te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke pa-ro pe-re-qo-ta (sic) pe-qo-ta to-so pe-mo
WHEAT T 9
6 ta-ra 2 -to te-o-jo do-e-ro o-[na]-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat <i 3
vacat
8 a-da-ma-o-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-[na ] to-so-de pe-mo wheat 1 T 8
9 o-da-a 2 o-na-te-re e-ko-si a-da-ma-o-jo ko-to-na
10 ta-ra 2 -to te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de \pe-mo] wheat T 2 <14
vacat
12 q-i-qe-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat [1] T 2
13 o-da-a t ta-ra 2 -[to te]-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 1 4 3
vacat
15 ra-ku-ro-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-[me-na to]-so-de pe-mo wheat 1 T 1 <13
16 o-da-a 2 i-ra-ta te-o-jo do-e-\rol o]-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo wheat A 3
vacat
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
116-117
18 a-ka-ta-[jo]-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat 3 T 2
19 o-da-a 2 ka-ra-[pa 2 ?-so te]-o-jo [do-cYro o-na-to e-ke wheat T 2
§ 6 The private (plot) of ?Q”eleq u kontas, so much seed: 276 l. wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Q.:
R., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 12 l. wheat,
W. the priest holds a lease, so much seed: 12 1 . wheat,
Thuriatis, servant (f.) of the god, from P. (!) the old man , so much seed:
108 l. wheat,
T., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease , so much seed: 6 l. wheat.
§ 7 The private plot of Admaos, so much seed: 216 1. wheat.
Now this is how the tenants hold plots belonging to Admaos:
T., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease , so much seed: 32 1 . wheat.
§ 8 The private plot of A~eus, so much seed: 144 1 . wheat.
Now this is how T., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease , so much seed:
18 1. wheat.
§ 9 The private plot of R., so much seed: 138 1 . wheat.
Now this is how I., servant of the god, holds a lease, so much seed: 6 1 . wheat.
§ 10 The private plot of Aktaios, so much seed: 384 l. wheat.
Now this is how K., servant (m.) of the god, holds a lease, so much seed:
24 L wheat.
qe-re-qo-ta-o : perhaps the equivalent of a classical *TqA£-96vrr|s, cf. Tt ! |A£ 90$. It is f
remarkable that the other occurrences of this individual's name, including that on
line 5 of the same tablet, are spelt with initial pe-. Bennett regards this as betraying
a less archaic pronunciation of the labio-velar; if so, it shows, surprisingly, the
Aeolic development rather than the Arcadian. On Eb 22 and on 148 =Ep 04.10
pe-re-qo-ta is qualified as pa-da-je-ujpa-de-we-u (an ethnic?), and in ‘Version B'
(123 = E0O6) the dative pa-da-je-we replaces his name entirely. The possibility cannot
be excluded that the additional word pe-qo-ta (connected with TrpecrpuTTis?) of
116 =En 659.5 and of 123 = Eo 06 . 4 , 6 serves to distinguish one Telephontes from
another, thus explaining the absence of a fourteenth paragraph. But though
qe-re-qo-ta-o in line 1 might conceivably be genitive plural , it could hardly be dual.
A further difficulty is presented by the fact that ‘Version B' of § 6 shows an extra
‘tenant' in line 6.
Line 10: o-na-te-re is used in the plural even though only one entry follows. This anomaly
is corrected in the remaining three paragraphs by a telescoped version of the formula,
of which only o-da-a 2 ( hoda ar ‘thus in turn'?) remains.
117 = En0l [ 467 ]
1 ti-pa 2 -jo-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na to-so-de pe-mo wheat 8 T 3
vacat
245
117-118
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
3 po-te-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-(na) to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 T 4
vacat
5 pi-ri-ta-wo-no ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na ke-ra-me-wo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 1 T 1
§ 11 The private plot of Thisbaios (the shepherd): 996 1 . wheat,
§ 12 the private plot of Ponteus: 288 1 . wheat,
§ 13 the private plot of Brithawon the (royal) potter, so much seed: 132 1 .
wheat.
Although these last three entries show ktoinai no smaller than the rest, they are dis¬
tinguished by having no subsidiary ‘tenants’, and also by considerable variations of
wording in ‘Version B',
Version B
Its main differences from 4 Version A’ are the omission of the o-da-a 2 formula
introducing the ‘tenants’; its replacement by the phrase 1 pa-ro X (dat.)’ in
each entry; the elimination of to-so-de pe-mo\ and the expansion on e-ke to
| e-ke-qe. This last peculiarity, which apparently adds nothing to the meaning,
has been discussed by Carratelli (1954^, pp- 223-4), who suggests that it is
a ‘fossilized’ first half of an original ‘both. . .and’ formula with two verbs:
note, however, that e-ke-qe e-u-ke-to-qe on 140 = Eb 35 is probably not an
example of‘both. . .and’, since its ‘Version A’ on 135 =Ep 704.5 agrees with
the other entries in reverting to e-ke e-u-ke-to-qe . This -q u e used by the scribe
of‘Version B 5 should probably be explained either as another example of the
puzzling early use of te to mean something other than strictly ‘ and’ (Schwyzer,
Gram . 11, pp. 574-6), or as an indication that he regarded the naming of the
‘tenant’ as a separate proposition, i.e. ‘(Here is) X., and he holds a lease’,
or the like.
} 118 = EoOl [ 211 ]
1 wa-na-ta-jo-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na wheat 2 [<l 1]
2 a-tu-ko e-te-do-mo e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro wa-na-ta-[jo] wheat <1 i
3 i-ni-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro wa-na-ta-[jo ] wheat
[T 2 < 1 4 ]
4 c-*6f)-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro wa-(na)-ta-[jo\
wheat [T 2]
5 si-ma te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro wa-na-ta-jo wheat T i
§ 1 The private plot of PWarnataios: 242 1 . wheat.
PAtukhos the arti/icer } and he holds a lease from W.: 2 1 . wheat,
etc.
246
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE 119-120
119 Eo 02 [ 224 ]
1 a-ma-ru-ta-o ko-to-na-ki-ti-me-na wheat 2 T [3]
1 so-u-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-\na]-to-pa-ro [ a-ma-ru-ta\ 'pa-ra-ko
wheat <1 3
3 e-do-mo-ne-u te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-[na-to] pa-ro \a-ma-ru-td\ 'pa-ra-kd
WHEAT T I
4 e-sa-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-[na-to ] pa-ro a-ma-ru-ta wheat <1 3
5 wa-na-ta-jo te-re-ta e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-ma-ru-ta wheat T i
6 e-ra-ta-ra i-je-re-ja do-e-ra pa-ki-ja-na e-ke-qe pa-ro a-ma-ru-ta wheat T i
7 poso-re-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-lo pa-ro {a-ma-ru-ta | ' ta-ta-ro
wheat T 1 <1 3
8 i-je-re-ja pa-ki-ja-na e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-ma-ru-ta wheat T 3
§ 2 The private plot of Amaruntas: 276 l. wheat.
S., servant of the god, and he holds a lease from Phalaikos [Amaruntas erased ):
6 L wheat,
etc.
Lines 2 } 3 and 7: the action of the scribe in erasing ‘Amaruntas’ and recording that the
‘leases’ are in fact held from Phalaikos and Tantalos is not taken into account in
‘Version A’. Are these two men, who appear separately on 131 ^EpOl as kloinookhoi t
relatives of Amaruntas? Or are they holders of some kind of intermediate lease,
So-u-ro and the others being sub-tenants?
120 = Eo 03 [ 276 ]
1 [ ru-*8j-o ] te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro ki-ti-me-[na ko]-to-na wheat 1 T 5
2 \pe\-ki-ta ka-na-pe-u wa-na-ka-te-ro e-ke-qe [ o]-na-to {pa-ro) ru-*8j-e
wheat T 1
3 mi-ra te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*8j-e wheat T i
4 te-se-u te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*8j-e wheat T 4
5 mq-re-ku-na te-o-jo do-e-ra [\) e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*8j-e wheat T i
6 e-ko-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*8j-e wheat <13
7 ma-zu ? te-o-(jo) do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*8j-e wheat <1 3
8 e-*6e;-to te-o-jo do-e-ro-e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ru-*8j-e wheat <1 i
§ 3 The private plot of R. the beetroot-gatherer: 180 1 . wheat.
P., the king’s fuller, and he holds a lease (from) R.: 12 1 . wheat,
etc.
Line /. The occupation te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro ( teutl-agoros ?) recurs on PY An 09 . If it agrees f
with R. here, we must assume that the genitival {-jo) has been omitted in error. Or
should we read ‘the private plot of the beetroot-gatherers (vested in) R.’?
247
121-123
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
| 121 =Eo 04 [ 247 ]
1 ai-ti-jo-qo ki-ti-me-na ko-to-na / to-so-de-pe-mo wheat [i T 5 <14]
2 e-ko-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ai-ti-jo-qe ko-to-no-o-ko
WHEAT T [i]
3 ko-ri-si-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to ki-ti-me-na ko-to-na
\ai-ti-jo-qd\ ' ai-ti-jo-qe' wheat T 5
4 \e-pa-sa-na-ti\ ' i-pa-sa-na-ti te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro
ai-ti-jo-qe wheat T 2
5 ku-*63~so te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ai-ti-jo-qe wheat T 3
6 ta-ra-to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ai-ti-jo-qe wheat T i
7 we-te-re-u i-je-re-u e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro ai-ti-jo-qe wheat T 5
§ 4 The private plot of Aithioq u s, so much seed: 188 1 . wheat.
Hektor, servant (m.) of the god, and he holds a lease from Aithioq u s the
plot-owner: 12 1 . wheat,
Korinsia, servant (f.) of the god, and she holds a lease of a private plot
belonging to Aithioq u s: 60 1 . wheat,
I., servant (f.) of the god, and she holds a lease from Aithioq u s: 24 1 . wheat,
etc.
Line 2: note the addition of ktoinookhoi to describe the actual owner of the plot.
Line 3: the variant formula introduced here by the scribe does not seem to indicate any
distinction in sense, and ii does not appear in ‘Version A* (115 = En 03 . 18 ); but
note that the list of ‘tenants* there begins with E-pa-sa-na-ti, which in ‘Version B’
is the first entry to have the completely normal formula. The scribe’s original
Ai-ti-jo-qo (gen.) in line 3 is of course correct; it appears to have been altered to - qe
under the influence of the Ai-ti-jo-qe which occurs (correctly) in all the other entries.
122 =Eo 05 [ 160 ]
1 pi-ke-re-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na / to-so-de pe-mo [wheat] 2 T 6
2 ai-wa-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro pi-ke-re-we wheat T i
3 pe-ki-ta ka-na-pe-u wa-na-ka-te-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro \pi-ke-re-we
wheat T 2
* [ko-ri-si]-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro pi-ke-re-we wheat T 5
§ 5 The private plot of Pikreus, so much seed: 312 1 . wheat.
Aiwaia, servant (f.) of the god, and she holds a lease from Pikreus: 12 1 . wheat,
etc.
J 123 = Eo 06 [ 444 ]
1 [? qe-re-qo-ta-o ko]-to-na ki-ti-me-na wheat 4
[ra-su-ro te-o-jo do-e\ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro pa-da-je-we [wheat T i]
248
2
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
123-128
3 \we-te-re-u i-je]-re-u e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro pa-da-je-we wheat [T i]
4 [tu-ri-ja-ti te-o-jo do-e-ra ] e-ke-qe pa-ro pa-da-je-we pe-qo-ta wheat [nn]
5 [ta-ra 2 -to te-o-jo do-e]-ro e-ke-qe pa-ro pa-da-je-we wheat [4 3]
6 [ ? ] e-ke-qe pa-[ro pa]-da-je-we pe-qo-ta wheat T [nn]
§ 6 The private plot of Q.: 480 l. wheat,
etc.
124 = Eo 351 (formerly Ec 02 )
1 a-da-ma-{o)-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-[me-na wheat 1 T 8]
2 ta-ra 2 -to te-o-jo do-e-[ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-da-ma-o wheat T 2 44]
§ 7 The private plot of Admaos: 216 1. wheat.
T., servant (m.) of the god, and he holds a lease from Admaos: 32 1 . wheat.
125 ~Eo 471 (including former Ec 03 ) t
1 a-i-qe-wo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na wheat i T 2
2 ta-ra 2 -to te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-i-qe-we wheat Ti 43
§ 8 The private plot of A.: 144 1 . wheat.
T., servant (m.) of the god, and he holds a lease from A.: 18 1 . wheat.
126 = Eo 281 (formerly Ec 04 ) +
1 [ ra-ku-ro-jo ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na] wheat 1 T 1 43
2 [i ra ta tc-o-jo do-e-ro ? e]-ke-qe u-na-to pa-ro ra-ku-ro wheat 4 3
§ 9 The private plot of R.: 138 1 . wheat,
I., the servant of the god, and he (?) holds a lease from R.: 6 1 . wheat.
127 = Eo 269 (formerly Eb 26 )
. . . ko-to-na ki-ti-me-na
a-ka-ta-]o-jo , . ,
ka-na-pe-wo / to-so-de pe-mo
wheat 3
T 2
Edge: ka-ra-pa$-so te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe o-na-to pa-ro a-ka-ta-jo
to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 2
§ 10 The private plot of Aktaios the fuller, so much seed: 384 1 . wheat.
K., servant (m.) of the god, and he holds a lease from Aktaios, so much seed:
24 1 . wheat.
128 = Eo 278 (formerly EbOl) H
ti-pa 2 -jo po-me e-ke-qe wo-wo ko-to-no wheat [8 T 3 ?]
§ 11 Thisbaios the shepherd, and he holds the confines of two (?) plots: 996? 1 .
wheat.
ko-to-no (scarcely x$°v6s) can apparently only be explained as a dual ( ktoinoin?) t in
the declension of which Mycenaean feminines do not show -a- (p. 84). The phrase
249
128-130
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
recurs on 141 = Eb 20 as kc-kc-mc-no ko-to-[no ?] wo-wo > which is replaced on 135 -
Ep 704 simply by ke-ke-me-no . IVo-wo seems to represent worwo^s), either the Homeric
otipov ‘land-measure’ or opos ‘boundary, boundary-stone’.
129 ~ Eo 268 (formerly Ea2(V
po-te-wo I ko-to-na wheat 2 T 4
§ 12 The plot of Ponteus: 288 1 . wheat.
130 = Eo 371 (formerly Ea 24 )
r . .. ke-ra-me-wo wa-na-ka-te-ro-l jo)
[pi-n]-ta-wo-(no) ......
Lr J ko-to-na-ki-ti-me-na
WHEAT [i T i]
§ 13 The private plot of Brithawon the king’s potter: 132 1 . wheat.
The lack of concordance in the description of the potter seems to be due to a confusion
between the two varieties of this formula, cither Brithawon ekhei ... or Brithdwonos
ktoinn ....
3 . THE SECOND PYLOS SET
‘Version A’ of this set is contained on a single tablet, 131 = EpOJ. This is
apparently a resume of the ‘communal plots’ which are rented (presumably
at Pa-ki-ja too) by the same important class of men who are recorded as
owning ‘private plots’ of their own in the ‘first set’ of tablets. Six of the
telestai of that set reappear in this list, together with the two names Phaiaikos
and Tantalos which are added over erasure on 119 = Eo 02 . Also listed are
A-tu-ko e-te-do-mo , only a ‘tenant’ in the ‘first set’, and two men Ku-so and
Ke-ra-u-jo whom we do not meet again.
The diff erent wording which distinguishes the first and second sections of
131 = Ep 01 reappears in the individual tablets of‘Version B’ (except that
e-ke-qe there extends throughout), but it is difficult to say whether a definite
distinction of meaning is implied. ‘Version B’ shows that ktoinookhos (written
in smaller letters over EpOl . 2 ) should be inserted at the end of each entry in
the first section. As in lines 8-14, it should evidently be taken to mean
‘Aithioq u s holds a lease from the damos , being himself a plot-owner’; compare
148 = Ep 04 . 11 , where the present participle of the verb ‘ to be’ is in fact added:
[Phalai]kos . . ., ktoinookhos eon . Carratelli rightly criticizes Furumark’s analysis
ktoinookhos-par o-damoi, ‘one who holds his plot from the damos\
The leases of ‘communal plots’ by men and women who are not themselves
ktoinookhoi are catalogued on the large Ep - tablets in the ‘fourth set’ (below,
p- 258).
250
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
131
Version A
131 =Ep 01 [ 301 ]
1 ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na a-no-no / to-so-de pe-mo [wheat i T i ?]
2 ai-ti-jo-qo o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na 'ko-to-no o-ko '
to-so [pe-mo] wheat i T 4 <13
3 wa-na-ta-jo o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na to-so-de-pe-mo
WHEAT T 5
4 a-da-ma-o o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na to-so-[de pe]-mo
WHEAT T 4
5 a-tu-ko e-te-do-mo o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-[to-na to-so
pe-mo wheat nn]
6 tq-ta-ro o-na-to e-ke pa-ro da-mo ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na to-so-pe-mo
[wheat T 5 ?]
vacat
H pi-ke-re-u e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo [wheat nn]
9 ra-ku-ro e-ke-qe kc-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo wheat [nn]
11 ku-so e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo wheat <1 [nn]
11 ke-ra-u-jo e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-(so)-pe-mo
WHEAT T 4
12 pa-ra-ko e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so-pe-mo wheat T 7
13 ko-tu-[ro 2 ] e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo
wheat T 1
14 a-i-qe-u e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na ko-to-no-o-ko to-so pe-mo wheat T 6
§ 1 Communal plots not leased , so much seed: 1 32? 1 . wheat.
§ 2 Aithioq u s holds the lease of a communal plot from the village (being himself)
a plot-owner: so much seed: 174 1. wheat,
§ 3 W. holds the lease of a communal plot from the village (being himself
a plot-owner): so much seed: 60 1. wheat,
etc.
§ 13 A-i-qe-u , and he holds a communal plot (being himself) a plot-owner:
so much seed: 72 1. wheat.
a-no-no: Webster (1954, p. 13) and Carratelli independently agree with us in suggesting
a compound adjective an-onoi ‘not subject to o-na-to\ which would explain the
absence of a personal name in the first position. But who actually farms this land?
Ea 22 contains the puzzling annotation ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na-(a)-no-no: Amphialos ekhei.
The new tablet Ea 801 reads Klu(me)noio melitewos ktoina a-no-no ke-ke-me-[na ?].
132-135
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Version B
As Bennett has pointed out to us, the entries of 131 = Ep 01 are duplicated
by the separate tablets Eb 818 (§ i), Eb 08 (§ 2), Eb 09 (§ 3 ), Eb 747 (§ 4), Eb 05
(§ 7), Eb 02 (§ 8), Eb 893 (§ 9), Eb 04 (§ io),Eb 03 (§ n),Eb 23 + 892 (§ 12) and
Eb 895 (§13).
132 = Eb 818 (including former Ea 21 )
ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na a-no-no to-so-de pe-mo wheat 1 T [8J ' 1'
§ 1 Communal plots not leased , so much seed: 132 1 . wheat.
133 =Eb 08 ( + 846 )
1 ai-ti-jo-qo e-ke-qe o-na-to ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na
2 pa-ro da-mo ko-to-no-o-ko / to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T 4 <13
§ 2 Aithioq u s, and he holds the lease of a communal plot from the village
(being himself) a plot-owner: so much seed: 174 1. wheat.
134 =Eb 895 -j- 906
1 a-i-qe-u e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na
2 ko-to-no-o-ko to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 6
§ 13 A., and he holds a communal plot (being himself) a plot-owner: so much
seed: ? 72 1. wheat.
4 . THE THIRD PYLOS SET
The subjects of this list, which contains several formulae unique in complexity,
seem to share a religious function. Only two of the entries refer specifically to
ondta paro damoi\ some at least of the remainder evidently describe other, more
obscure, kinds of holding.
Version A
135 = Ep 704
1 o-pe-to-re-u qe-ja-me-no e-ke ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na to-so pe-mo [wheat] 2 T 5
2 u-wa-mi-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke-qe i-je-re-ja ke-ra to-so pe-mo
wheat Ti <13
3 e-ri-ta i-je-re-ja o-na-to e-ke ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo to-so pe-mo
WHEAT T 4
4 ki-ri-te-wi-j a o-na-to e-ko-si ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo to-so pe-mo
wheat 1 T g
5 e-ri-ta i-je-re-ja e-ke e-u-ke-to-qe e-to-ni-jo e-ke-e te-o / da-mo-de-mi pa-si
ko-to-na-o
252
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
135
6 ke-ke-me-na-o o-na-to e-ke-e to-so pe-mo wheat 3 T 9
7 ka-pa-ti-ja ka-ra-wi-po-ro e-ke ke-ke-me-no o-pe-ro-sa du-wo-u-pi wo-ze-e
o-u-wo-ze llol
8 to-[so pe-mo wheat nn] f
§ 1 O.Q,. holds a communal plot, so much seed: 300 1. wheat,
§ 2 Huamia, servant (f.) of the god, and she holds as a lease a geras of the
priestess; so much seed: 18 1. wheat,
§ 3 Eritha the priestess holds the lease of a communal plot from the village;
so much seed: 48 1. wheat,
§ 4 The £.-women hold the lease of a communal plot from the village, so much
seed: 228 1. wheat,
§ 5 Eritha the priestess holds (this), and she claims that (her) god holds the
freehold ; but the village says that he/she (merely?) holds the lease of communal
plots: so much seed: 468 1. wheat,
§ 6 Karpathia the key-bearer (f.) holds two (?) communal (plots); although
under an obligation to perform with the two, she does not perform : so much
seed: x 1. wheat.
o-pe-to-re-u qt-ja-mt-fw: the vocalization of these woids is uncertain. Are they both
proper names, or is one a title? In ‘Version B’ the first is spelt o-pe-te-re-u (cf.
6<peATpeuco ‘sweep’?); similarly on Ea 805 : o-pe-te-re-u e-ne-ka a-no-pa^-si-ja, The
last word, which apparently describes the cause or justification of his holding, seems
to be a noun parallel to classical compounds with -Paoia.
Line 2: the position of ondton before ekhei q u e seems ungrammatical and does not corre¬
spond with ‘Version B’: it is perhaps due to confusion by the copyist with the
wording ondton ekhei seen in the next line. If o-na-to ke-ra really means ondton geras
‘a beneficial pension*, one might have expected paro hiereiai t from the priestess*.
ki-ri-te-wi-ja : the function of these women is uncertain (see 28 = An 42 , p. 167).
Lines 5-6: the ‘communal plots’ here are evidently quite distinct from the small ‘lease
from the village’ attributed to the same priestess in line 3. She is presumably the
same ‘priestess of Pa-ki-ja -* who also holds a ‘lease’ from Amaruntas in 119 = Eo 02 .8.
As the congruent ekhei ‘has’ and phasi = 91101 show, eukhetoi is in the present tense,
with ‘Arcadian* -toi for Attic -Tai (see p. 87): it does not mean ‘prays* or ‘boasts’
but ‘solemnly or insistently declares*, which is nearest to its original sense. The f
construction with infinitive is only used in Homer of the subject of the verb: Ev/youai
elvat ‘I claim to be. . . *; should one translate here ‘and she claims to hold the
e-to-ni-jo for her god’?
The meaning of e-to-ni-jo is uncertain. It recurs only on 146 = Eb 34 (cf. Ep 03 - 14 ),
of‘communal plots’ held by Amphimedes ; and on 55 =An 724,12 (see p. 188). It
10
253
CD
135
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
scorns to describe a privileged title to originally ‘communal’ land, quite distinct from
the status of ‘ownership’ implied by the term ktimenai. See Vocabulary, p. 394 , and
cf. Carratelli, 1954 a, p. 106 .
The construction of the second half of the sentence, and the explanation of the
divergent wording in ‘ Version B*, are problematical. In da-mo-de-mi the third syllabic
must be the enclitic -de which articulates the second clause in ‘Version B’: the pro¬
posed damos de min follows the normal word-order, cf. Od. iv, 1 16 , voqae 6 e piv
MeveActos, etc. Compare e-ke-de-mi a 2 -ku-mi-jo on Na70: ex tl ^ p.iv 'A^piog, where
min would appear to mean ‘it’ rather than ‘him/her’ (the most frequent Homeric
use), ptv is the anaphoric pronoun referring back to a person just mentioned: it is
not reflexive except in subordinate clauses with a new grammatical subject, e.g. II.
v, 845 : 'AOqvi] 60v' *Ai 6 os KuvEqv, nq piv 1601 oppipos *Apqs- This sentence cannot
therefore mean ‘but she says that she herself has. . . *, which one might deduce from
the apparent wording of ‘Version B’ alone. Another alternative might be ‘but she
says that the damos has. . . ’; but this leaves min without a reasonable explanation,
and it would be most unexpected if the priestess, whose name introduces the whole
sentence, should at the end turn out not to be herself the party interested in the
amount of seed corn listed. The same objection can be levelled at Carratelli and
Webster when they translate the ko-to-no-o-ko of‘Version U’ as ‘but (she declares)
that the plot-owners have. . . \ That the damos should be so personified that it can
be recorded as ‘saying* something is not unreasonable, even for this date: in the
ondton paro damdi formula it occupies the same position as human beings do in ondton
paro Ait.hioq u ei, etc.
klawiphoros: as suggested by the order hiereia klawiphoros q u e on 142 = Eb32, and by the
parallel hiereids doelosjKarpalhids doelos on Ep03.8~9 (and cf. 27 = Ae08/Ae09), this
female title is that of a religious office (‘temple superintendent*?). Compare Attic
kAeiSouxoS ‘priestess’; KA£i 6 o 9 opos; Doric KAaxotpopos, title of a priest at Messene
(IG 5(1). 1447). In ‘Version B’ the word [. ,]-ja-pi (probably Pa-ki-ja-pi as on
257 =Jn09.7) is added: compare hiereia Pa-ki-ja-na on 119^ Eo02. 8 .
ophilonsa duouphi worsen ou worzei : though mis-spelt wo-zo-e , the first verb was recognized
as an infinitive in ‘Version B’ by Carratelli ( 1954 a, p. 110 ), before the publication
of Ep704. Formally identical with Homeric ‘ act, accomplish (a deed), perform
(a sacrifice)’ and with its doublet ep 6 co (*fTpyjco> *f£pz 6 co) of the same meanings,
its significance in this context is uncertain. Variant forms of the same formula are
repeated on 148 = Ep04 (see p. 261 ) and on three fragmentary tablets:
Ep04.6, 7, 9, 13: . . .ekhei q u e worzei q u e.
. . .he both holds the land and ‘performs*.
Ep04.4: . . .] duouphi teleiaen , ouq l, e worzei.
. . .(under an obligation) to ‘perform’ with two, but he does not ‘perform’.
Eb39 + 940: . . .o]phelon q u e teleiaen , ouq u e teleid .
. . .and under an obligation to ‘perform’, but he does not ‘perform*.
Eb40: . . . te]leiaen , hemei de teleid.
. . .(under an obligation to ‘perform’ with two), but he ‘performs’ with one.
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
135
Eb37 : . . .] duouphi de [. . .
, . .but (he performs’) with two.
Carratclli ( 1954 a, p. no) supports the interpretation worzei — ‘ cultivates, ploughs’,
a meaning which is not shown by the classical p^co/€p6co, but which might perhaps
be inferred from yccopyos, Homeric tpya ‘cultivated lands', and from ^pya^opai in
Hesiod. The expressions ‘with one’, ‘with two’ might then refer to the multiple
ploughing stipulated when fallow land was brought back into cultivation (Thomson,
1949 , P- 3°9) 1 and these entries might be taken as implying possible penalties for the
non-cultivation of land, similar to those mentioned in the Hittitc Code (above, p. 233 )
and in §§ 42-3 of Hammurabi’s code (Pritchard, 1950 ):
‘If a seignior rented a field for cultivation, but has not produced grain in the field,
they shall prove that he did not work on the field and he shall give grain to the owner
of the field on the basis of those adjoining it. If he did not cultivate the field, but has
neglected it, he shall give grain to the owner of the field on the basis of those adjoining
it; furthermore, the field which he neglected he shall break up with mattocks, harrow
and return to the owner of the field.’
It is very remarkable, however, that the fact of ‘Poultivating' or ‘ not Pcultivating’
should only be recorded for a minute fraction of the total number of tenants. If the
pe-mo is regarded as a tax, then this might be payable whether the land was cultivated
or not, as in the Hammurabi clause; but if it is actually seed grain issued, then its
provision for uncultivated land seems senseless. Carratclli has himself pointed out
that the worzei formula is almost entirely confined to entries concerning the type of
holding called ka-ma. The present participle worzonjworzontes is also restricted to a
corresponding class of men called ka-ma-e-we (and once to a mo-ro-pa 2 moroppds
‘? portion-owner’ on 57 = An43). From the variations in the formula, particularly
Ep04.4, it appears that worzei is synonymous with le-re-ja ( 3 rd sing, present from
*teAeicc|.u = Homeric teAeico ‘pay’?); and it is more probable that these verbs refer
to some kind of feudal dues or services which a holding of ka-ma land entails.
Compare the following two entries on Ep03, which diverge from the onaton paro
damdi formula general on the remainder of the tablet, and which may be intended
to be synonymous:
Line 5 : Psoleia theoio doela onaton ekhei [paro X .] kamaewei worzontei :
‘She holds a lease from the kama-owncr, who renders the services.’
Line 7 : Meleus hiereids doelos onaton ekhei paro [Pto]lematai kamaewei , ouq u e worzei:
‘He holds a lease from the kama- owner, and docs not himself render the services.'
It is significant that on all other entries except Ep03.7 which refer to ( not per¬
forming' we have an explanatory clause with ophelonjophelonsa ‘although being under
an obligation to do so'. ,
This stipulation may reflect a similar situation to that in § 47 of the Hittite Code
(later recension):
‘If any one buys all the fields of a “craftsman'’, they shall ask the king, and he
shall render those services which the king orders. If there still remain fields in the
hands of the man from whom he buys, he shall not render the services .’
255
135-140
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The precise meaning of the instrumentals duouphi ‘with two* and e-me ‘with one*
(cf. 236 = Ta 641 . 1 ) is hard to determine. It is possible that ke-ke-me-no here implies
a pair of ktoinai (cf. 128 = Eo 278 ), and one might argue that the ‘key-bearer* is
consequently called upon to render services ‘in respect of the two of them*. The
other examples of the same formula, however, are all fragmentary, and it is impossible
to check whether they also refer to multiple holdings.
Version B
136 = Eb 31 [ 294 ]
1 o-pe-te-re-u qe-ja-me-no e-ke-qe ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na
2 to-so-de pe-mo wheat 2 T 5
§ 1 O.Q., and he holds a communal plot, so much seed: 300 1. wheat,
t 137 = Eb 30 [ 416 ]
1 u-wa-mi-ja te-o-jo do-e-ra e-[ke]-qe i-je-[re-ja ] ke-ra o-\na-to ]
2 to-so-de pe-mo wheat T 2 <13
§ 2 Huamia, servant (f.) of the god, and she holds of the priestess a geras-lease
(a beneficial pension?), so much seed: 30? 1. wheat.
138 = EblO [ 409 ]
1 i-je-re-ja pa-ki-ja-na e-ke-[qe o-na-to ke-ke-me-na]
2 ko-to-na pa-ro-da-mo [to-so pe-mo wheat T 4 ?]
§ 3 The priestess of Pa-ki-ja- p holds the lease of a communal plot from the village,
so much seed: ? 48 1. wheat.
{ 139 = Eb 21 ( + Ebl 4 ) [ 321 ]
1 \ki-ri-wi-\\ 'ki-ri-te-wi-ja e-ko-si [o-na-ta ke-ke]-me-na-o
2 ko-[to-na-o pa-ro da-mo to-so]-de pe-mo wheat 1 T 9
§ 4 The £.-women hold the leases of communal plots from the village, so much
seed: 228 1. wheat.
Note that the ‘leases* and plots are here in the plural, compared with singular in
‘Version A*. The fragment printed together with Eb 21 in PTI has been found
not to belong with it.
140 = Eb 35 [ 297 ] (see plate III (a), facing p. 111)
1 i-je-re-ja e-ke-qe e-u-ke-to-qe e-to-ni-jo e-ke-e te-o
2 ko-to-no-o-ko-de ko-to-na-o ke-ke-me-na-o o-na-ta e-ke-e
3 wheat 3 T 9 <13
§ 5 The priestess, and she holds (this), and she claims the (her) god holds the
freehold , but the actual plot-owner (claims) that he/she holds the leases of
communal plots: 474 1. wheat.
256
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
140-142
The divergences from ‘Version A* are as follows: the omission of‘Eritha’; the enclitic
in ekhei q u e; the substitution of ktoinookhos de for ddmos de min phdsi\ the omission of
to-se pe-mo \ and the additional 4 3 in the total. Our translation assumes that the f
‘village* is here referred to as the recognized or reputed ktoinookhos of the site; but
an alternative might be ‘. .but she claims that she holds the leases, being herself
a plot-owner* (cf. 131 = EpOl .2). A similar analysis is made by Chantraine ( 1955 ,
P- 25 ).
141 =Eb 20 [ 338 ] X
1 ka-pa-ti-ja ka-ra-wi-po-[ro pa-ki]-ja-pi e-ke-qe / to-so-de pe-mo
2 ke-ke-me-no ko-to-[no ] wo-wo o-pe-ro-sa-de wo-zo-e o-wo-ze wheat [nn]
§ 6 Karpathia, the key-bearer (f.) at Pa-ki-ja-v , and she holds the confines of
two (?) communal plots; but though under an obligation to perform , she does
not perform: so much seed: x 1. wheat.
The words to-so-de pe-mo have evidently been fitted into the end of line 1 due to lack
of space. The wording shows a number of divergences from that of ‘Version A*.
The last two words, which at first resisted reasonable explanation (cf. Evidence ,
p. ioi), are now shown to be mis-spellings, wo-zo-e standing for wo-ze-e =worzeen y
and o-wo-ze for the more correct o-u-wo-Ze -
As a pendant to the ‘third set’ may be added a further tablet devoted to the
priestess and her acolytes:
142 = Eb 32 [ 317 ]
1 \p]-4&- a 2 i-j e ~ Te -j a ka-ra-wi-po-ro-qe e-qe-ta-qe
2 we-te-re-u-qe o-na-ta to-so-de pe-mo wheat 21 T 6
Now this is how the priestess and the key-bearer and the attendants and
PWestreus (hold) leases: so much seed: 2592 1 . wheat.
The formula o-da-a 2 (=& 6 e &pa?) suggests that this tablet is itself one of a set. The
only other E- tablets which begin in the same way are 151 = Eb36, which similarly
recapitulates the ‘ leases’ held by the category of ktoinetai y and the fragmentary tablet
Eb847-f849 (see next note); but 149=Eb33, which does the same for the class of
kamaewes y may well belong to the same series. Does this tablet Eb32, with its veiy
large total, represent a meticulous digest and addition of all the individual holdings
in these four names which are scattered throughout the rest of the year’s census?
If so, its surviving records must be very incomplete, since a total of only about nine
units can be extracted from them for the priestess and the others.
e-qe-ta = heq u etds y lit. ‘follower’. Palmer ( 1955 , p. 21 ) suggests translating it on
57 = An43, etc., where it apparently represents a military rank, by the word ‘count*
(comes = iTaipos). It might be plural here, to judge from the entry on Eb847: o-da-a 2
e-qe-[ta? . . ,e]-ko-si o-na-ta , etc. If the word e-qe-ta-qe is taken as singular (which the
257
142-143
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
parallelism of the three other entries rather favours) it may be necessary to restore
Eb847 as heq u e[tao doeloi] ‘the servants of the count’, or the like. (Since writing this,
the addition of a 1954 fragment has shown that Eb847 is in fact to be read o-da-a 2
e-qc-si-jo do-e-ro e-ko-si o-na-ta y etc.)
we-te-re-u : we already know him as a hiereus on 115 —En03.16, etc.
5. THE FOURTH PYLOS SET
After the second and third sets, which record the < leases’ which the land¬
owners and the priestess hold from the village, the fourth set catalogues (with
a few exceptions) those held by the inferior class of craftsmen and theoio doeloi ,
whom we have already met as tenants of ktoinai ktimenai in the first set.
‘ Version A’ is represented by the four very large tablets Ep 02 , Ep 03 , Ep 04 and
Ep 705 , of which only the last two arc reproduced here. ‘ Version B’ is broken
down into individual entries on a number of small tablets, of which only
a fraction survive. The name Hektor occurs twice as the holder of a ‘lease
from the village’: are these two dilferent individuals?
143 = Ep 705
1 ma-ra z -wa te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke ke-[ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo
to-so pe-mo wheat] T 2
2 ka-ta-no te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke \ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo
to-so pe]-mo wheat T 2
3 du-ni-jo te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-[ke ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo to-so ]
pe-mo wheat T 1
A e-sa-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to [e-ke ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro ] da-mo
to-so-pe-mo wheat <1 2
5 ka-ra-u-du-ro te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke [ke-ke-me-na ko\-to-na pa-ro da-mo
to-so-pe-mo wheat T 2
6
to-ro-ja
te-o-jo
do-e-ra
o-na-to
e-ke
ke-ke-me-
[rtfl] ko-to-na
pa-ro
da-mo 1
to-so pe-mo
WHEAT T 1
t
o-re-a 2
te-o-jo
do-e-ro
o-na-to
e-ke
ke-ke-me-
■na [ko-to]-na
pa-ro
da-mo
to-so-pe-mo
WHEAT <j 2
8
e-ko-to
te-o-jo
do-e-ro
o-na-to
e-ke
ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na lko-to-na3
' pa-ro
da!-mo to-so pe-mo wheat T 2
9 pu-ko-wo te-o-jo do-e-ro o-na-to e-ke ke-ke-me-na [ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo]
to-so-pe-mo wheat T 2
10 ta-ra-mi-ka te-o-jo do-e-ra o-na-to e-ke ke-[ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da\ -mo
to-so-pe-mo wheat T i
258
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
143-147
§ i PMarraiwa, servant (f.) of the god, holds the lease of a communal plot
from the village: s* much seed: 24 1. wheat,
etc.
The first entry of 143 = Ep 705 is duplicated by Eb866 (as § 2 by Eb890, f
§ 3 by Eb 43 , § 5 by Eb 838 , § 8 by Eb 913 , § 10 by Eb 27 ):
144 : Eb866
ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na pa-ro da-mo
ma-ra.-wa . , t wheat
te-o-jo do-e-ra e-ke-qe o-na-to
(T 2]
The woman’s name was written Ma-ra-wa. and the second letter corrected.
o-ke-u
WHEAT T 2
145 Ea 05 [ 259 ]
u-me-ta-qe [? u]-po
e-ke o-na-to pa-ro da-mo
O. holds a lease from the village, and ?Eumetas under him (?): 24 1 . wheat.
This unique variation in the standard formula suggests some form of subtenancy. The
full name E-u-me-ta (=EuuqTr)$) occurs on KiN 1)1 1388. Bennett reads q-po .
Several entries on Ep 03 diverge entirely from the paro ddmoi formula. The If
last line reads: Amphi\medes . . .] ekhei e-to-ni-jo tkekeimends ktoinds . . .. This
reappears in ‘Version B’ as:
146 = Eb 34 [ 473 ]
1 a-pi-me-de e-ke-qe e-to-ni-jo ke-ke-me-na-o ko-to-na-o
2 to-so-de pe-mo wheat 4 T6
Amphimedes, and he holds the freehold of communal plots, so much seed: 552 1 .
wheat.
As in the ‘third set’, § 4 , ‘Version B’ here shows ‘leases’ and ‘plots’ in the plural.
Ep03.11-12 also refer to two men as being Amphimedeos doeloi; a person of this name
is a ‘sheep collector’ on PY 62=Cn655. The recurrence of Amphimedeos po-ku-ta ||
on KN C 911.10 (cf. gen. pe-ri-me-de-o on 43=;Sn01) gives rise to a suspicion that
A. may be a title rather than a personal name.
Ep 03 lines 4 and 5 record two different kinds of leases which the woman
Psoleia holds: first that of a ‘communal 5 plot from the village, then one from
a kamaeus (quoted above, p. 255). A more elaborate summary of leases held
by a single individual is seen in the four entries devoted to Kretheus on the'
following tablet:
147 = Eq 03 [ 59 ] tt
1 [ ] WHEAT 6
2 ke-re-u e-ke o-na-to ke-ke-me-{na ) ko-to-na wheat 2 [T] 4
259
++
147
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
3 ke-re-te-u e-ke o-na-to ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na su-qo-ta-o wheat I 18
4 ke-re-ie-u e-ke o-na-to pa-ro da-mo wheat 3
pa-ro ra-wa-ke-si-jo [?] wheat 2
5 ke-re-te-u e-ke e-ne-ka i-qo-jo wheat 5
vacat
7 du-ni-jo e-ke o-na-to pa-ro da-mo wheat 1 T 6 i
Reverse: a tallying in 5’s, making up a total of 137 units of wheat.
Lines 3-5:
Kretheus holds the lease of a communal plot of the swineherds: 216 1. wheat,
Kretheus holds a lease from the village: 360 1. wheat,
he holds (one) from the commander’s (temenos ?): 240 1. wheat,
Kretheus holds (this) on account of the horse: 600 1 . wheat.
kt-rt-u in line 2 is probably not a mis-spelling of Kretheus, since the same name recurs
on Ea827.
Kretheus himself is the subject of four other single-entry tablets, none of whose wordings
and amounts appear to correspond with Eq03:
Eall: Kretheus ekhei (o)ndton {/o} ?kekeimends ktoinds g u oug u otddn: wheat T i
Ea771: Kretheus ekhei ondton melitewon ktoinds'. wheat T 5
110=Ea800: Kretheus ekhei ondton paro Molog u rdi poimenei : wheat T 2
Ea806: Kretheus ekhei ondton ?kekeimend,sparo damoi: wheat 1 T 2 [
e-ne-ka i-qo-jo: the meaning of this eiiiiy is obscure. It is dangerous to take ‘Kretheus'
one horse’ as proof that it was used for riding rather than chariot-driving, since the
noun may perhaps (like classical i \ umtos) have been used collectively. Carratelli
( I 954^> P- 222 ) quotes with approval Furumark’s suggestion that wheat 5 in line 5
is in fact a total of the two entries in line 4 : ‘Both the commune and the military
authority have contributed for the horse provided by Kretheus.’ But there is no
clear evidence of a summation in the layout of the tablet (one would expect to-so),
and if the grain is taken as fodder for the animal(s), this interpretation can hardly
be reconciled with the normal meaning of ondton paro damoi as a land-holding. That
the heneka hiqq u oio entry should mean extra grain for Kretheus’ plough animals (on the
Babylonian analogy) seems impossible, in view of the light build of early horses and
the limit on tractive power set by their inefficient harnessing. But compare the
Homeric use of the hardier mule for ploughing, II. x, 351 . Kretheus* holding is
probably to be compared with the acreages frequently introduced on the contem¬
porary Wilbour Papyrus with the words ‘field for horses which the stable-master
So-and-so bespoke*. Gardiner ( 1948 , 11 , p. 78 ) quotes a model letter from Papyrus
Sallier 1 : ‘30 arouras of fields were given to me to make into food for the pair of
horses of Pharaoh which are in my charge, and now, behold, they have been taken
from me. . . *; and he concludes: ‘ It would seem, then, that stable-masters of Pharaoh
were entitled to lay claim to such land as they needed for grazing the horses entrusted
to them, as well no doubt as for their personal support.*
260
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
148
The long tablet Ep04 can be divided into two sections, which show different
formulae. The first (lines i— 13 ) refers to holdings of ka-ma land, and to some f
kinds of service rendered in return. This ka-ma , whose occupants or tenants
are called ka-ma-e-we 9 has been compared (first by Huxley) with the Cretan
gloss Kap< 5 cv’ t6v dypov (cf. X a ^oci); it also occurs in the expression worgioneio-
ka-ma on 171 =Un718.11, with which compare worgioneio- e-re-mo on 152=
ErOl. 7 (p. 266 ). It apparently describes a feudal holding distinct from temenos
and ktoina ktimend , entailing certain definite obligations whose fulfilment is the
concern of the palace, and partly vested in a class of priests (i.e. the *worgiones =
ipyewves).
A pair of lines ( 11 - 12 ) describe a kama holding by the ktoinookhos Phalaikos
(whom we know from 119 = Eo02.2, 131 = Ep01.12), and a lease held from
him by a theoio doela. It is these two entries which Bennett regards as repre¬
senting the missing fourteenth paragraph of the ‘first set*, mistakenly copied
out of order. The rest of that set, however, refers exclusively to ktoinai
ktimenai.
The second part of the tablet (lines 14 - 20 ) repeats the normal ondton paro
ddrwi formula of 143=Ep7I5, etc., and will be omitted here.
148=Ep04 [ 613 ]
1 [ ? o-pe-ro-qe du\-wo-u-pi te-re-ja-e
2 [? e-me-de te-re-ja to-so pe-mo ] wheat 10 T 1
3 [? Ko- . -ro o-na-to e-ke ke-ke]-me-na ko-to-na ka-ma-e-u wo-ze-qe
to-so-pe-mo [wheat nn]
4 [ ? o-pe-ro-qe ] du-wo-u-pi te-re-ja-e o-u-qe wo-ze [
5 [to-so pe]-mo wheat [nn]
6 [•-]-re-u q-si-to-po-qo ka-ma e-ke-qe wo-ze-qe to-so-pe-mo wheat i T 2
7 [>]-ke-re-u i-je-ro-wo-ko ka-ma-e-u o-na-to e-ke wo-ze-qe to-so-pe-mo wheat i
8 [sa-sa-wo] o-na-to e-ke ka-ma-e-u e-pi-qe to-me te-ra-pi-[ke ] to-so pe-mo
wheat 1 T 5
9 [e-u]-ru-wo-ta U-o-jo [do-e]-io e-ke-[qe ? ka]-ma o-na-to [wo]-ze-qe to-so
pe-[mo ] wheat 1 T 3
10 [pc-re\-qo-ta pa-de-we-u [e]-ke-qe ka-ma o-na-to si-ri-jo-(jo) ra-ke to-so-pe-mo
wheat 1
11 [pa-ra]-ko [o-na-to e-ke] ka-ma ko-to-no-o-ko e-o to-so pe-mo wheat i
12 [po-so]-re-[ja te-o]- jo do-e-ra e-ke o-na-to pa-ro pa-ra-ko to-so pe-mo
wheat T 1 <13
13 [ -ko mi]-ka-ta pa-de-we-u ka-ma-e-u e-ke-qe wo-ze-qe to-so pe-mo
wheat T 5
26]
++
148
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
§ i (cf. Eb 40 ?): . . .though under an obligation to render the services in respect
of two, he (only) renders them in respect of one; so much seed: 1212 L
wheat.
§ 2 (cf. Eb38): K. holds the lease of a communal plot as a kama -holder and
renders the services ; so much seed: x 1. wheat.
§ 3 (cf. Eb 39 ?): . . though under an obligation to render the services in respect
of two, he does not render them at all; so much seed: x 1. wheat.
§ 4 (cf. Eb 25 ) : So-and-so the cook both holds a kama and renders the services ;
so much seed: 144 1. wheat.
§ 5 So-and-so the sacrificing priest holds a lease as a kama -holder and renders
the services\ so much seed: 120 1. wheat.
§ 6 (cf. Eb 842 ): S. holds a lease as a kama-holder, and in return for this he
serves ; so much seed: 180 1. wheat.
§ 7 (cf. Eb 24 ): E., the servant (m.) of the god, both holds the lease of a kama
and renders the services', so much seed: 156 1. wheat.
§ 8 (cf. Eb 22 ): P., the (priest) ofP., and he holds the lease of a kama ; he has
obtained the portion of S. (?); so much seed: 120 1 . wheat.
§ 9 (cf. Eol 73 ): Phalaikos has the lease of a kama , being himself a plot-
owner; so much seed: 120 1. wheat.
Psoleia, servant (f.) of the god, holds a lease from Phalaikos; so much
seed: 18 1. wheat.
§ 10 (cf. Eb 839 ): So-and-so, the miktds of P., both holds as a kama -holder
and renders the services; so much seed: 60 1. wheat.
§ 1 and § 3: o-pe-ro-qe is restored on the analogy of Eb 39 (see p. 254). Compared with
the logical sequence. . .ophelonsa worieen , ou world of 135 = Ep 704 . 7 , this wording
. . .ophSlon q u e teleiaen , ouq u e world shows not only a puzzling alternation of verb but
also some degree of anacoluthon—unless ouq u e is taken in the sense ofoOSe ‘not even’
rather than as a connective ‘but not*. Compare also 43 = Sn01. 3 - 4 .
§ 2 : if Bennett is right in regarding Eb38 as the corresponding ‘Version B’, that differs
in showing the participle worion instead of the indicative world q u e. It is also signi¬
ficant in writing corrected ka-ma-e-u over a pa-ro da-mo in erasure, showing that,
though the ka-ma fields are included in the wider classification of ?kekeimenai ktoinai ,
they are not collectively administered by the village. It is difficult to decide whether
the variant formulae
(a) . . .ekhei kamdn. . .
(£) ... ekhei ondton (kekeimends ktoinai) kamaeus . . .
(r) ... ekhei ondton kamdi . . .
262
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
148-149
are intended to be entirely synonymous; but (a) and (£) alternate in § 4 and its
other version Eb25, and all three entail the action of worzeen.
§4: the reading sito-poq u os ( Evidence , p. 96) is uncertain, since the damaged symbol j
which precedes si seems to be syllabic and not a word-divider. On the corresponding
Eb25 only ]-to-po-qo survives, and the numerals differ in reading wheat i T 2.
Should we read {a}-si-to-po-qo here, the a- being due to a careless anticipation of
arto-poq u os ‘baker’?
§6: e-pi-qe to-me te-ra-pi Eb842 reads e-pi-qe to-e te-ra-pi-ke, With the scribes’
apparent prejudice against one-sign words, to-e may perhaps be intended as a fuller
spelling of the dative pronoun tco; is to-me a variant form to*mei (cf. Skt. tdsmai ‘to
that’) with the dative ending seen in Gortyn ot\\x\ ‘to whomever’? Cf. £irl toutco,
im toktSe, etc., ‘on this condition’, and IL x, 304 , tIs xiv moi t 68 e Spyov teA&jeie
8copcp ?tti pEyaXcp; ‘in return for a large gift*. The verb te-ra-pi-ke (? therapiskei)
appears to be a derivative of the stem of OEpcnroov, perhaps an earlier equivalent of
0EpcrrrE\>o3 ‘do service’.
§ 8: the corresponding Eb22 reads \pe-re-qo-ta pa-da-je-u i-je-[ ka-ma si-[ri]-jo-jo ra-ke [
The same variation in the spelling of P.’s ethnic (?) description is guaranteed by
mi-ka-ta pa-de-we-u (§10) compared with mi-ka-ta pa-da-je-u on Eb839* The word
ra-ke appears to be Adyt (from Aayydva)) ‘obtained by lot, gained possession’.
Note that the subjects of § 9 and §10, who are in the telestds class, are alone in not
being required to worsen , etc.
We will close the discussion of the four main sets of Pylos land-tenure lists j j
with three small tablets which, like 142 = Eb32 and Eb847 (see above, p. 257),
appear to represent selective totals extracted from the lists for particular
categories of individuals.
149= Eb33 [236]
1 ka-ma-e-we o-na-ta e-ko-te ke-ke-me-na-o ko-to-na-o
2 wo-zo-te to-so pe-mo wheat 30 T 2 <13
The fozma-holders, having leases of communal plots (and) rendering the services ,
so much seed: 3630 1. wheat.
Does this total include all the ka-ma entries on 148 = Ep04, as well as those of the same
type on other tablets which have been lost? If so, what is the function of the similar
total for ka-ma-e-we on the next tablet? Does xunstrophd ‘grand total’ imply a digest
of several sub-totals of the Eb33 type? It is of course possible that some of these
tablets refer to different geographical areas, which were kept separate in the filing
system, but not individually headed by place-names (like those which we know to
refer to Pa-ki-ja-) ; or even that apparent cases of duplication refer to two consecutive
seasons.
263
++
150-151
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
t 150 = Ec 07 [ 411 ]
1 ku~su-to-ro-pa 2 1p$-to [o-e-ko-si ?] te-re-ta wheat 44 [?
2 ka-ma-e-we wheat 58 T 5
Edge: te-o-jo do-e-ra
Aggregate of all (that) the fief-holders (? have): 52804- 1. wheat,
Aggregate of all (that) the tama-holders (have): 7020 1. wheat.
Here again, does the total for the telestai include the fourteen of the ‘ first set* (who
between them are assigned about thirty-four units), or the three of 152 = ErOl (with
thirty units) ?
151 =Eb 36 [ 901 ]
1 o-da-a 2 ke-ke-me-na-(o) ko-to-na-o o-na-ta e-ko-si ko-to-ne-ta
2 to-so pe-mo wheat 3 [?]
Now this is how the ‘ men of the ktoina * hold leases of the communal plots, so
much seed: 3604- 1 . wheat.
+ Note the unusual inversion of the word-order. The form ktoiv^toci ‘members of a
township* is known from inscriptions of Syme, north of Rhodes. It is surprising to
find it at this early date, since Buck and Petersen {Reverse Index , p. 545) regards
ktoiv£ttis = KTOivarris, <pvAhT|S, Carpathian Soc^tocs = Stiuottis and Argive kco^tccs
= KComYnis as modified by the analogy of oIk&ttis. What the ktoinetai represent in the
Pylos set-up is difficult to guess: the term is probably not synonymous with ktoinookhoi .
Cf. also ko-to-ne-we with m a n b on Be 995 .
H 6. THE ESTATES OF THE KING
The important Pylos tablet ErOl has already been widely discussed [Evidence,
p. 99 , Furumark, 1954 , p. 35 , Meriggi, 19546 , PP- 34~5> Carratelli, i954^,
pp. 110 - 12 , Palmer, 1955 , PP- 9 - 10 ), and general conclusions drawn from it
as to the structure of Mycenaean society.
Carratelli understands telestaon {temenos) in line 5 , but da-ma-te or ktoinai
ktimenai would be expected on the analogy of the ‘first set’. These three
‘ fief-holders’ are evidently distinct from the fourteen residents o {Pa-ki-ja listed
in lines 1-2 of 114 = En02. Does ErOl, as the princely temenea would suggest,
refer to land in the immediate neighbourhood of the palace ?
For the relation between the wanax and the lawagetas , see p. 120 . The new
tablet 171=Un718 (p. 282 ) shows a similar hierarchical division into four
paragraphs, although the subject is not the seed corn proportional to these
264
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
lands, but the offerings which are to be taken from them for Poseidon. There
are certain differences in the order and wording:
ErOl Un 7 l 8
(1) wanakteron temenos = (I)
( 2 ) lawagesion temenos = ( 3 )
( 3 ) telestadn {ktoinai) =( 2 )
( 4 ) worgioneio- e-re-mo = ( 4 )
E-ke-ra 2 -wo
lawdgetds
ddmos
worgioneio- kama
The sequence king—military leader is paralleled on PY Uni 1, lines 7 and 10 :
wanaktei—lawdgetdi ; but 55 =An724 (An32), lines 5 and 7 , substitutes the order
E-ke-ra 2 -wonei — lawdgetdi. This suggests that ? Ekheldwon is either the name of
the king himself or that of a representative member of his household. The
latter would be more likely if E-ke-ra-ne (Uni 1. 1 ) is regarded as a defective
spelling of the same dative.
The name [E]-ke-ra 2 -[wo] reappears on tablet 153 = Er02, which Bennett
has printed together with ErOl on account of the spelling pe-ma which it shares
and the fact that a single scribe apparently wrote these two tablets and no
others. If he is indeed the king, E. has evidently built up an estate of * private
plots’ in addition to the hereditary temenos assigned to his office at the original
land-division.
The further equation between the telesiai of ErOl and the ddmos of Un718
is surprising, after the apparently sharp contrast between these entities on the
other land-tenure tablets. But ddmos probably means no more than Village,
as opposed to Palace, and the telestai may well have been regarded as important
members of it: in addition to holding ‘private plots’ in the village, they may
themselves have sat on the council responsible for allotting the leases of
‘ communal plots’ paro ddmoi. Outside the immediate vicinity of the palace,
we apparently find basilewes (further defined as ko-re-te-re and mo-ro-pa 2 ) in
charge of the villages (see 43=Sn01, 258 = KnO 1); but in the ddmos attached to
Pylos itself they evidently have no place in the hierarchy.
Carratelli agrees with us in taking wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo as equivalent to opyECo-
vikoS, from the term opyscovEs ‘ members of a religious association ’; it is spelt
opytovas (acc. plur.) in the Homeric hymn to Apollo, and derived from
(f) 6 pyia ‘rites’. Thomson ( 1949 , P- 112 ) infers ‘that the orgeones were a body
of persons appointed by and from the demotai to administer the village cult’,
which was centred on an opy&$ ‘rich land or grove sacred to a god’ (though
this word may not in fact be etymologically connected). The action worzeen
which is apparently the duty of holders of kama land may perhaps be construed
in this light as meaning ‘to contribute to the (F)opyia\
265
152
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The gender and meaning of e-re-mo are not clear, yfj Epfjpo$ ‘waste land’
would call for feminine -ne-ja (as kama in fact should on Un 718 ). Or is w. not
an adjective but a noun worgion-eion ‘the place of the worgiones ’ ? Should
?eremon be taken to mean ‘uninhabited land’, or ‘land left inviolate, free of
annexation or encumbrance’ ?
152 = ErOl [ 312 ]
1 wa-na-ka-le-ro le-me-no
2 to-so-jo pe-ma wheat 30
3 ra-wa-ke-si-jo te-me-no wheat 10
vacat
3 le-re-la-o lo-so-pe-ma wheat 30
6 to-so-de te-re-la men 3
7 wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo e-re-mo
8 to-so-jo pe-ma wheat 6
vacat
§ i The preserve of the king, seed at so much: 3600 1 . wheal.
§ 2 The preserve of the military leader, seed at so much: 1200 1 . wheat.
§ 3 (The lands) of the fief-holders , so much seed: 3600 1 . wheat; and (there are)
so many fief-holders: three.
§4 The unencumbered (land) of the cult association, seed at so much: 720 1 .
wheat.
wanakteron temenos : cf. tejjsvos PaaiAqiov, II. xvm, 550 . The temenos is an estate ‘cut off’
(tsijvco) for the use of ruler or chief; the meaning ‘precinct of a god’ is secondary.
tossoio sperma: why the spelling pe-ma should be restricted to ErOl and Er02 is not clear.
One might argue that we indeed have orrspiJci ‘seed, ?sowing’ here, but that pe-mo
on the other tablets has a quite different meaning; but no distinction is apparent
in the context. Why the genitive tossoio in lines 2 and 8? ‘ A sowing of so much (grain) ’;
or ‘seed of such (an amount or value)’, gen. pretii?
tossoide telestai: as in 114 = En02.2 and 153 = Er02.4, 6 , to-so-de follows to-so in a linked
pair of entries, and suggests that -de should here be taken as the particle 8s ‘and,
but’.
A further link with 171 =Un7l8 is provided by sa-ra-pe-do-[ in Er 02 . 2 . It is
evidently not the name Sarpedon, but an inflexional variant of the sa-ra-pe-da
which introduces the other tablet. Its ending (neuter plural?) recalls the
-iteSov of Greek topographical terms such as yecbTreSov 1 plot’, aArrreSov ‘ coastal
plain’, oivotteSov‘ vineyard’, Hesychius sActtteSov te^evos; perhaps it is a local
place-name, here to be read in the locative, -pedoi'i. Bennett’s integration of
temenos in line 2 is not supported by a word-divider, and ~pu 2 ? is extremely
266
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
153
rare as a word-ending. We would compare TrsipuTEujjEvos ‘planted with fruit
trees’, and interpret the two sections of the tablet as referring to acreages of
E.’s wheat-fields and to a census of the trees or vines in E.’s orchards. This
twofold division of a chief’s lands is frequently alluded to by Homer:
11 . vi, 194-5: Kai 11.1EV oi (BeAAepcxpovTVi) Avjkioi teuevo$ t&uov E^oyov aAAcov,
KaA6v, <|>VTaAifjs Kal apovpqg, oq>pa veuoito.
11 . ix, 578-80: sv$a juv (MtAeaypov) fjucoyov tejievos TTEpiKaAA£$ £A£a 0 ai
TTEVTqKOVTOyUOV, TO (JEV f|Ml<JU oivOTT^SoiOj
fynav 8 s yiAijv apooiv tteSioio TapEcrOai.
11 . xiv, 1 !2 r —3 : (TuSeus) vocTe Si 8ab|.ia
dc9VEiov pioToio, aAi$ 8£ ol f|aav dpoupai
TT\jpo<pbpoi, ttoAAoi 6i 9vrcov faav SpyaToi 8(1,191$.
Od. vi, 293-4: Iv 0 a 8 e -iraTpog ipoO ('AAkivooio) temevo$ TE 0 aAuT& t* aAcon,
tScjcjov ( 4 tto rrToAiog, octcjov te yiya>v£ poqaag.
153 ~Er 02 (with addition of new fragments) [ 880 ] t
1 [ e\-ke-ra 2 -\wo ki\-ti-me-no e-ke
2 sa-ra-pe-do-[i ? pe]-pu 2 ?-te-jne-no
3 to-so [pe-ma\ wheat 3o[ + 20?]
4 to-so-de [.,.]-/o pe-ma wheat 42[T2?]
5 to-sa we-je-[we ] 1 ioo[
6 to-sa-de su-£a [?] iooo[
vacat
8 kusu-to-ro-pa 2 io-so pe-ma 94
PEkhelawon has private (lands) on the S~peda, planted with trees.
So much seed: ?6ooo L wheat,
so much seed of the [...]: ?528o 1. wheat.
So many [...]: 1100?
So many fig-trees: 1000?
Aggregate, so much seed: 11,280 1 .
The detailed descriptions of the four items are unfortunately fragmentary, but the high
numbers of the last two are comparable with those of the Knossos lists of trees (see
below, pp. 272-4).
we-Je-[we: may be restored from KN 164 = Ga 863 , =some kind of plant.
su-£a: yukiai ‘fig-trees’ as in 165 = Gv 862 . See p. 272.
If the figure of 42 wheat in line 4 is intended purely as an acreage-equivalent, one
might restore [a-ki-ti]-to ‘ untilled’ here: in antithesis to ki-ti-me-no in line 1 ?
Pylos EqOl has up to now received little discussion, due to the great difficulty
of interpretation; it is clear, however, that it deals with territory further
removed from the palace than any of the other land-tenure tablets. The
267
154
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
subjects of at least the first three entries are not individuals but the names of
outlying villages: A-ke-re-wa is well known as the sixth of the ‘ Pylos 9 *, while
E-ri-no-wo-te (loc.) is listed with A-ke-re-wa and A-puf.-we on An 07 and with
Lousoi on MnOl. Its nominative is spelt E-ri-no-wo (Na 51 ), which (like
Sa-ri-nu-wo-tejSa-ri-no-te , A 2 -pa-tu-wo~te, Pe-re-wo-te) suggests -won j-wont os :
a (possibly non-Greek) development of the adjectival -*went-/-wont- (cf.
t ZeAivoOs, etc.) ? The locative ko-tu-we is found on Na 908 .
The amounts of seed are evidently too small for the total acreages of these
villages: the tablet must record a restricted category of land, defined by the
introduction and, in particular, by the puzzling word o-ro-jo. A photograph
of this tablet was published by Blegen, 19396 (Fig. 10), and Hrozny (1949)
prints a translation which, however fantastic its methods, nevertheless suggests
that it is a record of the condition of fields.
+ 154 =Eq 01 [ 213 ]
1 o-wi-de a-ko-so-ta to-ro-qe-jo-me-no a-ro-u-ra a 2 -ri-sa
2 a-ke-re-wa o-ro-jo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 8
3 o-da-a 2 e-ri-no-wo-to o-ro-jo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 10
4 o-da-a 2 ko-tu-wo o-ro-jo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 20
5 o-da-a 2 po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo-jo o-te-pe-o-jo o-ro-jo to-so-de pe-mo wheat 6
6 o-da-a 2 ko-no o-ro-jo to-so pe-mo wheat 40
Thus Axotas has observed on his tour of inspection , counting the corn-lands of
A-ke-re-wa* \ of the loss y so much (acreage of) seed: 960 1 . wheat.
And similarly those of E-ri-no-wo ; of the loss , so much seed: 1200 1 . wheat.
And similarly those of Ko-tu ; of the loss , so much seed: 2400 1 . wheat.
And similarly those of queenly O-te-pe-o : of the loss , so much seed: 720 1 .
wheat.
And similarly those which are common ; of the loss , so much seed: 4800 1.
wheat.
ho wide - Attic d> 8 t eI 6 e: the same introduction is found to the list of vessels 235 — Ta711,
evidently another record guaranteed by personal inspection; cf. Od. iv, 411 - 12 :
<JKOKCI$ |J€V TOl TTp&TOV <5t p l 0 HV| O’ E 1 Kdl ItTEICTIV'
avrrap Trdoas tteuti douETai r\bk t 8 r|Tai, etc.
Axotas’ name occurs with other aorists on PnOl .1 and l03=Un08.1, and in the
genitive A-ko-so-ta-o as one of the ‘sheep collectors* (p. 200 ): he was possibly one of
the chief stewards of the palace. The connective o-da-a 2 occurs in lines 3-6 but not
in the first item: it evidently resumes, in abbreviated form, the ‘thus’ formula of the
introduction, which must be regarded as forming a continuous sentence through
lines 1-2 (in the same way, o-da-a 2 da-mo on 171 = Un 7 l 8 .7 picks up the 0 - of line 2 ).
268
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
154
troq u eiomenos : middle/passive participle of the ‘iterative-intensive’ form (-*90, cf.
Schwyzer, Cram, i, 719-20) of Tphrco, of which the active Tpiirtov ‘turned* occurs
once in II. xvm, 224. If it agrees with Axotas, it should perhaps be taken in the sense
of Tp^Trouai ‘go on a circuitous journey’, cf. Od. xv, 80: t\ 8’ 606 Xeis Tpa90qvai
< 5 tv* *EXX&6a xai utaov ’'Apyo*, and Herod, u, 3: xai 8rj xal 6$ Qi'iPas xal 6s *HX(ou
tt6Xiv 6Tpa-n6u^v, etc. Compare also the Homeric TTepiTpo-rricov 6viauT6$ ‘ revolving
year’.
a 2 -ri-sa appears from its form to be an aorist participle, which must agree with Axotas
rather than with the feminine arourans. The classical verbs 6Xiv66g> ‘make to roll’
and 6X1305 ‘salt’ do not fit the sense, nor (f)aXl3co ‘gather together’ the spelling.
Perhaps the verb *< 5 tpi- ‘count’, from which 6 pi- 0 u 6 $ ‘number’, 6 pi 0 u 6 co ‘count’
(evidently a later substitution) and Homeric v-i^piTos ‘innumerable’ are derived.
Compare also a 2 -ri-e> 55 = An 724.5 (p. 187). The sequence of tenses aorist—iterative
present—aorist is explained by the ‘aspect* function of Greek participles, the ‘ touring’
evidently being regarded as a continuous process, the ‘ counting’ as a series of five
discrete acts.
o-ro-jo: Palmer reads *oloio ‘(seed) of barley’, comparing oOXa( (*6Xfa(), Arc. 6Xoa(, j
‘sacrificial barley’, 6Xupa ‘Einkom wheat’. Other possibilities are cbpoio (*jor~)
‘of the year’; or the genitive of the noun *olos which underlies the Homeric adjective
oOXos, Dor. <i>Xos, ‘destructive’. In the latter case the tablet may record the acreages
of parts of these villages which have been laid waste or allowed to deteriorate.
Compare Telemachus* complaint to Menelaus, Od. iv, 318: 6 <r 01 crat moioTkos, 6 Xo>X€
8£ Tt(ova Cpya, ‘my rich plough-lands have been ruined’. This interpretation is
extremely uncertain.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo-jo\ the subdivision of part of a village community by the adjective
? potnia{we)ios ‘of the Mistress?’ is also seen in the lists of smiths on JnOl and Jn 03 .
No reasonable explanation can be offered.
ko-no: possibly koiv 6 $ ‘common’, though the numerals and the introduction o-da-a %
prevent us from regarding it as a total of the preceding items. In these the genitives
probably qualify arourans rather than o-ro-;o, but koino - can only agree if it is here a
two-ending adjective, as in Sophocles, Tr. 207. The form of the adjective to-so (for
to-so-de) is probably not significant.
7 . KNOSSOS LAND-TENURE TABLETS
The Knossos tablets listing the wheat ideogram (classified by Bennett with
the prefix E) do not appear to share any of the characteristic Pylos land-tenure
formulae, and should probably be regarded as a record of actual consignments
of grain from outlying villages: the amounts listed are generally larger than
on the Pylos E- tablets, often running into hundreds of units. Of interest are
the words ra-wa-ke-si-jo on E 1 569.2 (and its apparent mis-spelling ra-wa-e-si-jo
269
++
155-156
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
on E 846.1), which might refer to a lawagesion temenos\ and the heading to the
fragmentary E 849 which includes a total of 130 units of wheat: pu-ta-n-ja
pe-ra-[ .... This appears to be the word (pcrrccAid ‘ plantation, orchard ’, and one
might expect, as in Homer, to find it kept distinct from corn-land; but the
first half of the tablet may have included olives or figs, and in any case corn can
well be grown in areas between olive-trees (cf. Columella, De re rustica , v, 8 -$).
The equivalent of the Pylos land-tenure series is to be found in the two dozen
tablets to which Bennett has given the prefix Uf. The words ek/iei , ?kekeimena y
kloina and telestds help to establish the identity of
context; but the formula tossonde ?spermo is replaced da
by the use of the ideogram da, apparently a land-
measure, whose only occurrence at Pylos is on 114 — pa
E n02.1. We saw there that it is apparently equivalent
to the acreage sown with 1 unit of wheat (about
2* 4 ha, or 6 acres?). At Knossos it is subdivided into a smaller unit pa:
as it is followed by the number 3 on 158 = Uf 836 , the p a is evidently a quarter
of the da or less. Does it stand for spadion (original form of crraSiov) ‘a single
ploughing’ ?
This Late Minoan series is too fragmentary to permit a detailed comparison
with the system of land-tenure seen in operation at Pylos.
A unit of land
measure
i A fraction of the
preceding
e-n-ke-re-we
155 =Uf981 (K)
ko-to-i-na
e-ke-pu-te-ri-ja [
Eriklewes holds an orchard plot....
Bennett’s Index (p. 66) gives ko-ti-i-na, which is not supported by the original: note the
fuller spelling of the diphthong. Is pu-te-ri-ja merely a variant phutelia for (puraAid?
Or an adjective phuterian agreeing with ktoinan ‘a plot suitable for planting; given
to a gardener’? Or a noun describing a holding (parallel to ondton , etc.) ‘a lease for
planting, as a reward for planting’? In any case the term suggests that these fields
are probably orchard or vineyard, not corn-land.
| 156 =Uf 1031 joined (K lxxi)
ko-to-i-na
pe-ri-je-ja e-ke pu-te-n-ja »A 1 ti-ri-to[
P. holds an orchard plot....
This appears to be a woman’s name. The same formula occurs a third time on Ufl022,
only e-ke-pu-te-[ and ko-to-if surviving.
270
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
157-161
157 = Uf835 (K lxiv)
ke-ke-me-na
]-do e-ke ti-ri-to pu-te da i pa i
.. .-do holds a communal orchard plot at ?Trittos p : 6 ? acres.
ti-ri-to : probably not ‘a third share* or the like (cf. the Attic bcTTjtiopot?), but a place-
name parallel to those on other tablets of the series. Ti-ri-to (cf. Tpfrra, said to be
an old name of Knossos) is a place frequently mentioned on the Knossos sheep
tablets, and its adjective Ti-ri-ti-jo parallels Pa 2 -ra-jo on E 749 .
pu-te is either an abbreviation for pu-te-ri-ja (as pu on Uf432.2?), or a word ?phuter
‘planter, gardener’; cf. Palmer’s reading of puf-le-re ki-ti-je-si (PY 193 = Na57)
as phuteres ktiensi ‘the gardeners plant, bring into cultivation*.
ke-ke-me-na : the contrasted word ktimend only occurs at Knossos on X 7753. On Uf432,
however, the second paragraph is introduced by e-te-do-mo ki-te-[ t which may be
intended for ktei-[toi or the like (with the ‘dead’ vowel in kt- generalized as in LukHos
and in wanak'teros?) : ‘it is brought into cultivation by the e-te-domoi* (cf. 114 —
En02.5).
158 Uf836 (K lxvii)
wo-we-u
ku-ka-da-ro pa 2 -ra pi-di-jo da 1 pa 3
K., the worweus , at Pa 2 -ra (?Phidios): 7 ? acres.
wo-we-u is a trade-name known only from C 911.3: ‘ Ri-wo the worweus of the place
Su-ki-ri-ta\ The classical 6 pcus came to mean ‘mule* (‘he who traces the furrow*);
does it mean ‘superintendent of the field boundaries* here? The context of the word
Pi-di-jo t which seems to be a proper name, is uncertain: a second party to the
transaction?
159 = Uf990 (K)
a-ri-ja-wo pa 2 -ra te-re-ta [
A~awon, a fief-holder at Pa 2 -ra\. . ..
160 = Uf970 (K)
te-re-ta
! ]-ra ti-ri-to wo-ne-[
So-and-so, a. fief-holder at PTrittos,. . ..
161 =Uf839 (K lxvii)
te-re-ta ke-ma-qe-me me-ra
ko-do da-*22-to ke-nu-wa-so da [nn]
? Koldos, at the place D. (K.); a fiej'-holder , and. . ..
161-163
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Da-* 22 -to: a frequent place-name on Knossos tablets, also unexpectedly occurring on
the Eleusis vase. Adjective Da-* 22 -ti-jo , etc.
Ke-nu-wa-so: another second party to the transaction? Cf. the non-Greek man’s name
Pa 2 -nwa-sol Pa r nu-wa-so, TTavOaais, etc.
ke-ma-qe-me me-ra : a puzzling group, me-ra might conceivably be pqAa ‘sheep’.
t 162 = Uf983 (K lxxi)
o-pi po-to-ri-ka-ta
]-do-wo e-ko-So ke-ke-me-na [da nn]
So-and-so, a communal (plot) at E-ko-so p, . . . :
E-ko-so is probably the frequent place-name of that spelling (adjective E-ki-si-jo , etc.)
rather than ‘outside’ or e£cov ‘intending to keep’. The last word looks like a
compound parallel to tttoMolkos, etc.
t 163 =X 984 (K)
1 ]pa-te ke-ke-me-na [
2 ] zo-wa e-pi-zo-ta ke-ra ke-ke-me-na' [
The exact context of the tablet is very uncertain, but the word ke-ke-me-na suggests that
it is part of the Uf- series; ke-ra recurs on PY 135 = Ep704 and 137 = Eb30. ‘ Living
things’ in classical Greek is confined to the form * 2 obfta> jcjSa; it is uncertain when
this secondary form, not found in Homer, may be considered to have developed.
Classical only has the sense ‘survive*. The Homeric participle jcovtos is
explained as a contraction of 3 coovtos, but the verb shows traces of an earlier
athematic conjugation (see Schwyzer, Gram . I, p. 675 ).
8 . KNOSSOS ORCHARDS
The purpose of this series (classified as Gv-) and the identity of the main
ideograms have been recognized by Evans (PM, iv, p. 717 ) and by Myres
(SM II, p. 60 ). The olive-tree is clearly recognizable
on Gv862, line 2 : the word po-pa 2 in line 3 associates
it with the more schematic ideogram no. 122 on Pylos
96 = Un02.2, which probably means olives and
recurs on Knossos 94 = F 841 in company with the
spelling e-ra-wa.
The fig-tree ideogram of Gv862, line 1 , is more
diagrammatic, being based on a linearized version of
the 4 hieroglyphic’ fig-spray sign (see above, p. 31 ). The description su-za (?
sukia = ctukt], Dor. auxia) also accompanies, on94 = F 841, the form of the
176 r OLIVE-TREE
I75 Y FIC-TREE
J 74
if a
Hr >>
Seedling,
cutting,
layer?
272
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
164-165
same ideogram without a ‘trunk’ (identical to the syllabic sign ni) which
represents the fruit of the fig.
The meaning of ideograms no. 174 , which seem to repeat themselves at the
end of each section, may be defined by the (pura of Gv864.3, possibly ‘ newly-
planted specimens’ of each variety (cf. Furumark, 1954 , P- 4°)- On this basis,
the four ideograms of Gv862, lines 2 and 3 , would show olive trees of pro¬
gressively lessening maturity, rather than a number of different species of fruit
tree on the model of Alkinoos’ orchard (Od. vil, 114 - 16 ):
iv 6 a 61 6 Ev 6 pEa paKpa TTEtpuKaai ttiXeOocovtoc,
oyxvai Kai poiai xai ^Xeou dyXaoKaprrot
ovKEai te yXuKEpai xai £XaIai TT|XE06coaai.
The only introductory sentence is preserved on tablet 164 =Gv 863 . This
may be compared to that on a Nuzi tablet of similar context: ‘ The trees from
the orchard of the town TaSeniwa:. . .’ (Lacheman, 1939, p. 534).
164=Gv863 (K lxvii)
1 P<h- ra I jo-e-ke-to-qo wo-na-si ji-[
2 ?]we-je-we ? seedlings 3 420 su . fig-trees 109 [
Pa 2 -ra p : thus the place has in its vineyards .. ..
420 newly planted . . 109 fig-trees,. . ..
ho ekhei toq u os woinassi : we have met the place Pa 2 -ra on the other Knossos land tablets.
Bennett’s Index reading Pa 2 -ra-jo is not supported by the photograph, but there are
traces of a possible second divider after jo. This prefix has the function of an intro¬
ductory ‘thus*, as on 257=Jn091 {jo-do-so-si ‘thus they will give’), etc. The
etymology of tottos ‘locality* is uncertain: Osthoff proposes *toq u o The word
wo-na-si is here taken as the locative of Hesychius’ gloss o(v 66 es * dpTreXcbSEis tottoi;
from 01 vt} ‘vine* one would expect wo-na-i.
165 = Gv862 (K lxv)
1 ] su-za fig-trees 1770
2 ] olive-trees 405
3 \ pO - pa % ^ IO + ? [..] Vf l l ? SEEDLINGS 15 20
vacat
5 ]365 ? SEEDLINGS 3 225
As Myres remarks, the first tree in line 3 gives the appearance of having been pruned;
the second appears to be a young tree without much development of trunk. Of the
possible vocalizations of po-pa 2) iropirri ‘brooch*, cpoip^ ‘radiant*, 9 oPn ‘lock of hair,
foliage*, 9 oppf| ‘ fodder, food ’ and 9op(3as ‘ providing food only the last two appear
165-166
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
to fit the use of the term with olives at Pylos. It is not clear from the photograph
whether po-pa t may not be preceded by other letters; an adjective like EU 90 p( 3 os or
TroAOcpoppos could not agree with feminine elaiwai , unless 8ev8pta is understood.
166=Gv864 (K)
1 ] ? SEEDLINGS 4 69 [
2 ] su-za FIG-TREES 53[
a ] pu-la ? seedlings 3 [nn
2 74
CHAPTER IX
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND
RITUAL OFFERINGS
The forty-two tablets transcribed in this chapter deal with a variety of miscel¬
laneous commodities, and their classification by Bennett includes eight different
prefix initials (E- F- G- K- M- JV - U- V-) ; they share, however, a number
of characteristic features of context and arrangement which makes it con¬
venient to study them as a group*
(a) Though often fragmentary, the different series which these tablets repre¬
sent are all of them records of tribute or offerings, assessed in accordance with
schedules showing a fixed order.
( b ) The operations are evidently of a seasonal or periodic nature, as proved
by the use of month-names in their headings, and by such expressions as ‘last
year’, ‘next year’ in their entries.
(r) The tablets show in detail how the theoretical assessment of the con¬
tribution ( dosmos ) compares with the amount actually delivered (< apudosis ), and
records the deficit (« ophelo -) which may result from this sum after allowance
has been made for amounts which the contributors may have been ‘let off'
(.aneta or eleuthera ekhonsi , ou didonsi ). The assessments themselves are calculated
with reasonable accuracy in accordance with various fixed ratios, and demon¬
strate the most advanced Mycenaean mathematics we have yet seen in
operation.
(i d ) A number of the tablets lay down the scale on which offerings are made
to a number of different shrines, priestesses and divinities. These are of great
importance in providing our only written evidence for Mycenaean religion,
and unexpectedly reveal the worship of many of the gods and goddesses known
from classical sources.
L THE PYLOS ‘DOSMOS’ TABLETS
The wheat ideogram reappears in the set of fifteen tablets found in 1952 and
classified as Es~ (see Bennett, PT 11 , pp. 159 - 61 ): these ™
show a list of thirteen men’s names, in three separate 120 T WHEAT
versions devoted to different operations. Only the first of these, 167 = Es650,
275
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
has the tossonde hpermo formula which is characteristic of the land-tenure
tablets (ch. vm). The second version, complete on 168=Es644, lists the
names in the same order as the subject of a dosmos wetei-wetei (see below);
the third version is distributed among thirteen separate tablets (169 = Es646,
etc.) which record a larger dosmos to the god Poseidon and much smaller ones
to three entities whose function is rather uncertain.
| The following table shows the thirteen men’s names rearranged in order of
descending importance, with their spermala and dosmoi converted to litres at
a conversion factor of T 1 = 12 1. With three exceptions the amounts form
regularly descending series in each column, but they have evidently not been
arrived at by any completely rigid system of proportions: the average ratio of
30 : 5 : 12 : 1 , which can be deduced from the estimated totals of the whole
series, only applies exactly to one individual’s assessment, that of ?Worthias.
Dosmos
? spermo
wetei-wetei
Poseidaonei
Diwiewei
etc.
Total
Alektryon
840 1.
114L
276 1.
32 1.
486 L
Kopreus
720
84
180
20
324
PHoplomenos
480
?
204
16
? Worthies
240
40
96
8
t6o
A-ne-o
180
30
60
2
96
Lukouros
168
?
84
6
?
O-ka
144
28
84
6
128
PPhilotawon
144
28?
84
6
128?
Ku-da-ma-ro
144
28?
84
6
128?
Aigi ~ os
120
?
72
4
?
Se-no
120
24
60
4
96
Servant of W ~neus
48
16
36
2
58
Ka-ra-i
36
6
?
2
?
A fourteenth individual, Pi-ro-te-ko-to , closes the list on 167 = Es650; but the
amount of his Ispermo was either never entered or has been erased, and his
name does not reappear. Of the other names, an Alektryon Etewokleweios is
known as a heq u etds attached to the ‘troops’ on 58=An654 (cf. the form
A-ku-tu-ru-wo- on KN Fh364); the Se-no who is a shepherd at Ma-ro-pi on
62= Cn655 and Cn04 may well be a diff erent person.
The fourteen evidently form a group quite distinct from the land-owners
of Pa-ki-ja- whom we have met in ch. vm; yet the size of Alektryon’s holding
(7 units) is larger than any single ktoina there; the smallest, that of Ka-ra-i
276
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
167
is equivalent to a generous ‘lease* in the first set (see p. 240 ). Where is their
land situated?
A possible clue is given by the amount of wheat listed. The total Ispermo
for the thirteen men (with slight uncertainty as to Lukouros’ entry) is 28*2 units;
and we have seen that the ‘ lands of the telestaV which follow the royal temenea
on 152 = ErOI are assessed at 30 units. Those lands, however, have only 3 telestai
upon them: if the Es- tablets in fact record the acreages and obligations of the
men owning land in the immediate neighbourhood of the palace at Pylos, we
shall have to assume that telestas rank is only held by three of the first names on
the list. Some of the thirteen or fourteen may in fact be ‘tenants’, but the
formula e-ke to-so-de pe-mo does not apparently attempt to make any
differentiation.
167 = Es650
1 ki-ri-ti-jo-jo ko-pe-re-u j e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
6
2 a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
7
3 se-no
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
I
4 o-po-ro-me-no
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
4
3 ai-ki-wa-ro a-te-mi-to
' do-e-ro e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
1
6 we-da-ne-wo do-e-ro
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
T 4
7 wo-ro'ti'ja-o
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
2
8 ka-ra-i /
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
T 3
/ a-ne-o
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
1 T
1
Reverse:
1 ru-ko-wo-ro
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
1 T
4
2 o-ka
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
1 T
2
3 pi-ro-ta-wo
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
i T
2
4 ku-da-ma-ro
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
1 T
2
3 pi-ro-te-ko-to
In the month of PKrithios:
e-ke
to-so-de
pe-mo
WHEAT
1 ?
i
§ 1 Kopreus, he has (an
acreage of) so
much seed: 720 1
l. wheat.
§ 2 Alektryon, he has so much seed: 840 1. wheat.
§ 3 Se-no, he has so much seed: 120 L wheat.
§ 4 PHoplomenos, he has so much seed: 480 1. wheat.
§ 5 Aigi~ os, servant of Artemis, he has so much seed: 120 1. wheat.
§ 6 The servant of W ~ neus, he has so much seed: 48 1. wheat.
§ 7 PWorthias, he has so much seed: 240 1 wheat,
etc.
277
167-168
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
| ?fi'rithioio: the analogy of the Knossos tablets similarly introduced by a genitive
adjective (e.g. Fp5, Diwioio menos y see p. 305) suggests that this is the name of a
month. If so, it is the only one recorded at Pylos, with the possible exception of
po-ro-wi-to-jo on I72 = Kn02, If ?/Crithio - was the name of either a man or a place,
it would surely be of sufficient importance to occur freely on other tablets.
ekhei tossonde ?spermo : comparing the formulae on the other land-tenure tablets, we
might also punctuate ‘he holds (land): so much seed’ (especially if to-so-de is to be
read iosson de *and so much’, which is always a possibility).
A-te-mi-to do-e-ro : the genitive 'ApTepiTOS (Doric ’ApT^UTos, perhaps by popular etymo¬
logy from dpTapos) is attested in N.W. Greek inscr.; ’ApT^piSos may perhaps be an
innovation. Whether all the theoio doeloi are in fact ‘slaves of Artemis’ is of course
very uncertain (see also p. 236). A possible dative ‘to Artemis’ occurs in A-ti-mi-te
(PY Unll.5).
?WoTthido: the other two versions (where the genitive would in fact be more correct)
show the nominative W o-ro-ti-ja; possibly the genitive W~newos in the preceding
line induced the confusion. This ‘servant (or slave) of W~ neus’ is not mentioned
by name in any of the three versions; for W~ neus himself see below, p. 279.
Pi-ro-te-ko-to: Bennett reads this as one word (Philotekton?). Or ‘Philon, the joiner’?
% 168 = Es644
1
ko-pe-re-wo
do-so-mo
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
7
2
a-re-ku-tu-ru-
wo-no we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
9
<1
3
3
do-so-mo we -
te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
4
o-po-ro-me-no
do-so-mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
[nn]
5
ai-ki-wa-ro
do-so-mo
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
[nn]
6
we-da-ne-wo
do-e-ro
do-so-mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
1
<1
2
7
[wo-ro-ti-ja ]
do-so-mo
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
3
<1
2
B
[ka-ra-i\ do
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
<1
3
9
[a]-ne-o do-
so-mo we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
<1
3
10
[ru-ko-wo-ro
do-so]-mo we-te-[i-we]-te-i
[WHEAT
nn]
11
[o-ka do]-so-mo we -
■ te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
<1
1
12
pi-ro-ta-wo
do-so-mo
we-te-i-[we]-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
<1
[
13
ku-da-ma-ro
do-so-mo
we-te-i-we-te-i
WHEAT
T
2
[
]
§ 1 The year-by-year contribution of Kopreus: 84 1. wheat.
§ 2 The year-by-year (contribution) of Alektryon: 114 1. wheat.
§ 3 Se-no, (his) year-by-year contribution: 24 1. wheat,
etc.
Koprewos dosmos : note that the genitive is maintained only in the first two entries; in the
third version, only Alektryon shows this case. The word dosmos , which is evidently
equivalent in sense to classical 8601$, 56ua, 8605, etc., survives in the Arcadian com-
278
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
168-170
pound <rrru 6 o<ni 6 $ ‘sale’, adj. dm/Soapios ‘saleable’, 'l'he noun ending - 01 $ was
originally the mark of compounds (Schwyzer, Gram, i, 504 ), and there is some doubt
whether the simple *dosis already existed in Mycenaean times; for apu-dosis , see
p. 291 . The fuller spelling of -sm- also occurs in de-so-mo (= desmos, KN Ral 548 ).
we-te-i-wc-te-i: this reduplicated locative of the word fetos ‘year’ apparently shares the
meaning of the classical adverb diutpitTei ‘year by year’ (cf. &U 91 $t 4 co ‘offer yearly
sacrifices’, EM , xc, 26 ): the archaic construction can be paralleled by Sanskrit
padepade ‘at every step’, varsevarse ‘every year’ (cf. also such modern Greek idioms
as <peyyapia <peyydpia ‘once in a blue moon’). From the fact that no recipient is
mentioned, the tablet may record a tithe to the palace. It is equivalent to only about
one sixth of the sowing; but the four other dosmoi help to bring the total levy on each
individual up to between 45 and 125 per cent of the ?spermo figure, weighing more
heavily on the smaller holders.
169 Es646
1
ko-pe-re-u po-se-da-o-ne do-so-mo
WHEAT
i T
5
2
ai 2 ?-ke-te-si do-so-mo
WHEAT
T 1
<1
4
3
we-da-ne-we do-so-mo
WHEAT
T 1
<1
4
+
di-wi-je-we do-so-mo
WHEAT
T i
<1
4
§ 1 Kopreus: (his) contribution to Poseidon: 180 L wheat,
contribution to the Protectors'. 20 1. wheat,
contribution to W~ neus: 20 1 . wheat,
contribution to Diwieus: 20 1. wheat.
Poseidddnei dosmos : this word-order is preserved on the tablets headed by the first five
names in the standard list; the sixth saves space by omitting dosmos and reads:
W ~ newos dodos Poseidddnei ; the remainder, perhaps under its influence, show dosmos
Poseidddnei . The genitive Poseidaonos on 170=Es649 is presumably a scribal error;
a further spelling difference is seen in Ru-ko-u-ro , Es729.
Ai 2 ?-ke-te-si: dative plural in -tersi, possibly from the dual noun aij-ka-te-re on |
248=Va01 (see p. 348 ). For Horn. dAicrfip?
XVe-da-ne-we: except for those of Alektryon, Kopreus and PHoplomenos, all the tablets
show the genitive W~ newos in this position: no difference in meaning is probably
intended. W^-neus is one of the ‘ sheep collectors ’ on the Pylos Cn- tablets (pp. 199 - 201 ),
on a par with Axotas and Amphimedes. He and Diwieus also head a pair of tablets
(76 = Cn23 and 77 = Cn22) listing cattle, possibly for sacrifice: they are apparently
important figures in palace and cult administration. Di-wi-je-we is certainly not a
dative of Zeus, for which Di-we is the Mycenaean spelling (p. 286 ).
170 = Es649 +
1 a-re-ku-tu-ru-[wo]-ne po-se-da-o-no do-so-mo wheat 2 T 3
2 ai 2 ?-ke-te-si do-so-mo wheat T 2 <1 4
279
170
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
3 we-da-ne-we do-so-mo wheat T 2 <14
4 di-we-je-we do-so-mo wheat T 2 <14
§ 2 Alektryon’s contribution to Poseidon: 276 1. wheat,
contribution to the Protectors : 32 1. wheat,
contribution to W~neus: 32 1. wheat,
contribution to Diwieus: 32 1. wheat.
The entries for the remaining eleven names are contained on the Es - tablets 645,647,
6 53, 703, 728, 726, 648, 729, 727, 651 and 652.
The expression ‘ a dosmos to Poseidon’ serves as the introduction to the first
of two extremely important ritual tablets from Pylos. The offerings on Un 718
are headed by the word Sa-ra-pe-da , recurring on 153=Er02 (where it was
thought to be the name of a tract of agricultural land adjacent to the Palace),
and consist of varying amounts of nine different kinds of farm produce, divided
into four paragraphs. These show a remarkable parallelism with the four
entries on 152 = Er01, more fully discussed on p. 265 , and appear to represent
the four different categories of person who own land in this area: PEkhelawon
(either the king or one of his representatives); the damos or ‘ village ’ (perhaps
including the class of telestai , ‘fief-holders’); the ‘military leader’; and the
worgiones or ‘cult association’. Their offerings are in roughly descending pro¬
portions, like their sperma on ErOl.
The importance of Poseidun al Pylos is emphasized by 172 = Kn02, and has
a possible echo in Book hi of the Odyssey , where Telemachos’ arrival finds the
people arranged in three companies offering bulls to Poseidon (perhaps as
the legendary grandfather of Nestor, as the scholiast points out):
KAO01, TToadSaov yaiTjoys, ueYfaTC
fjUlv eu/ou^voici TEAEUTT^aai t<45e Epya.
NiCTTOpl TTpCOTlOTCX Kal ulAd k05oS StTO^E,
atrrap etteit* <5AAokxi 6i5ou yapteacav <5tuoif3t)v
outmaaiv TTvA(oi<nv (iyaKAsrrffc ^KaTopPrjs. (rn, 55 - 9 )
Similar multiple offerings of different commodities are usual in cuneiform
records of ritual operations at various seasons of the year. Here is a Sumerian
example from LagaS (Genouillac, TSA y no. 1 , 1 ):
Seven sacks of flour, three pots of light ale, four pots of dark ale, two measures of oil,
two measures of dates, two measures of wine, two lake (?) fish, one sheep, one white
kid, one lamb—to the god Nina.
A closer parallel, both in the objects and amounts represented and in the
probable degree of historical connexion, can be found in classical offerings of
280
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
the type listed, for example, on the late fourth-century B.c. sacrificial calendar
from Cos (SGDI y 3636-8, Schwyzer, Dial. 251c):
Tpl-rqc &von£vou. . . .‘HpaxXa KoviaaAov, PoOs.
toOtov 6uei 6 lapeus, Tcji 0ecp Upa SiSoTai:
Kpi 0 av Tpia fiuuieSiMva,
Kat om/pajv Tpetg TeTapTfjs,
Kai heAitos T^ropes KOTuXeai,
Kai Tupol oTeoi 5ucb5eKa,
Kai Ittvos Kaivos,
Kai <ppuy6tvoiv 6X^0$ xal ^vAecov &x^o%
Kai oTvou Tpia fjiilyoa.
The most explicit Minoan or Mycenaean representation of a sacrifice is seen
on the painted sarcophagus from Agia Triadha, the two longer panels of which
are illustrated in fig. 15. It is dated to the earliest part of LM III, contemporary
with or slightly later than the destruction of Knossos, and certain features of
style and detail have been regarded as showing Mainland influence. A full
discussion of attempts to interpret these scenes is given by Nilsson (1950,
pp. 426-43); two general problems make it risky to use them as an exact
illustration of the Pylos ritual tablets:
(1) Opinion is divided as to whether the cult scenes illustrate a specifically
funerary ritual, or offerings to a deified image of the Head, or merely a series
of normal sacrifices to a deity, only indirectly connected with the fact of burial.
(2) Nilsson suggests that the sarcophagus may have been made to the order
of a Mycenaean chieftain, but admits that the example of earlier cult scenes
from Agia Triada show that a ‘Minoan’ sacrifice had much the same outward
appearance. As with so much of Late Minoan and Mycenaean representative
art, we are now faced with the possibility that ‘Greek’ institutions (or at least
ones hitherto only known to us in a later Greek garb) are being carried on
with the trappings of ‘Minoan’ ritual, art and social conventions. There is
some parallel in the representative art of the Renaissance; if only a part were
to survive, future archaeologists might well doubt the reality of Christianity
in that period. We must also take into account the process of syncretism between
‘Indo-European’ and ‘Aegean’ deities which has been generally assumed, and
which has analogies in the pantheons of the other Near Eastern cultures,
particularly of the Hittites and Hurrians.
Analogies between Un 718 and the sarcophagus are seen in the objects
sacrificed (the ox, the two goats under the table, the vessels containing liquids,
and the basket of ‘fruit’—which might perhaps be cheeses); and the fact
that women officiate connects with the preponderance of hiereiai at Pylos and
281
171
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Knossos. Sheepskins, whose purpose on Un 718 is not self-evident, appear on
the sarcophagus as the ceremonial lower garments of the acolytes (cf. Evans,
PM, tv, p. 401), and as a kind of cloak to the effigy (?) in front of the shrine. The
grain and wine which precede the bull and rams in lines 3 and 7 arc probably
to be connected with Nestor’s ritual of ouAoxdrai and Aoi( 3 tj oivou detailed in
Od. hi, 429-63, already invoked for the sarcophagus by von Duhn. Cf. also
Od , xix, 197.
Fig. 15. The Agia Triada sarcophagus.
t 171 = Un 7 l 8
1 sa-ra-pe-da po-se-da-o-ni j do-so-mo
2 o-wi-de-ta-i do-so-mo to-so e-ke-ra 2 -wo
a do-se WHEAT 4 WINE 3 BULL I
282
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
171
4 tu-ro 2 TU-f ro 2 io ko-wo skin + ko i
5 me-ri-to <1 3
vacat
7 o-da-a 2 da-mo wheat 2 wine 2
8 rams 2 TUiR 0 2 5 a-re-ro a + RE-}-pa <1 2 skin + ko i
9 to-so-de ra-wa-ke-ta do-se
10 rams 2 me-re-u-ro Iff T 6
11 wine ^2 o-da-a 2 wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo ka-ma
12 wheat 7 6 wine 1 i Tu-f ro 2 5 me-ri-\to]
13 i <1 1
The S~pcdaP to Poseidon, its contribution.
§ 1 As far as one can see, ?Ekhclawon will give so much as a contribution:
480 1. wheat, 108 1. wine, one bull, ten cheeses, one sheepskin, ?6 1. of honey.
§ 2 And similarly the village (will give): 240 1 . wheat, 72 1 . wine, two rams,
five cheeses, 4 1. fat , one sheepskin.
§ 3 And the military leader will give so much: two rams, 72 1 . flour, 24 1 . wine.
§ 4 And similarly the estate of the cult association (will give): 72 1 . wheat,
? 12 1. wine, five cheeses, ? 14 1. of honey.
Poseiddoni : other Pylos examples of this alternative spelling of the dative ending are
ko-re-te-ri OnOl . 5 , Me-za-wo-ni 96 = Un 02 , 5 . See p. 85.
o-wi-de-ta-i: the difficulty of interpreting this word leaves in doubt the punctuation and
syntax of the first two lines, but the repetition of dosmos shows them to be divided
into two clauses. Both terms recur on the fragmentary label Wa73 1 :
do-so-mo
o-wi-de-ta-[
The dative plural of a noun in -tds {*oun-det&*i ‘sheep-trussers’, cf. Fig. 15??) seems
unlikely, since the analogy of 154 = EqOl ( o-wi-de , etc.) suggests that 0- is also a
prefixed adverb or conjunction here, whose clause is recapitulated by the o-da-a 2 of
paragraphs § 2 and § 4. The infinitive fiS^oGcu seems the obvious choice for the
second element, although the etymology of the ending -oGai does not suggest an
original disyllable (Schwyzer, Gram. 1, p. 809). The restrictive construction cbs +
infinitive is not attested before Herodotus’ cos ^oi 8 ok&iv ‘as far as it seems to me’,
although the Homeric OaO^a tSsaGai, etc. show some analogy with it. Is this a
scribal formula to emphasize that the transaction has not yet actually occurred, and
that some correction might be expected?
tu-ro 2 \ note the surprising repetition of the spelling in the form of a ‘monogram’ (see
p. 52), which apparently recurs on KN U 7498 .
ko-wo : compare the ideogram no. 152, skin+wi, which we interpret as wrinos ‘ox¬
hide’. This spelling seems to represent the Homeric xcoas (*qotLns)> declined as if from
-os, ‘sheepskin, fleece’.
283
171-172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-re-ro : it is impossible to read aXeupov, since the ideogram is reckoned as a liquid on
Un 06 , and ‘flour’ is already indicated by the word meleuron of line lo (see Voca¬
bulary, p. 399). The monogram on Un 06 has a double cross-bar (i.e. a + re + pa
= aXEi9ap?), and it is tempting to regard the present spelling as an error
j Pylos 172 = Kn 02 has already been discussed at length by Furumark (1954,
PP- 51 - 3 ), Meriggi (19546, pp. 19-22), Carratelli (1954a, pp. H 3 -> 4 > ! 955 )
and by Palmer at the London Seminar. Despite difficulty in explaining the
introductory formula, there is general agreement on the purpose of the tablet:
it clearly records ritual offering or exhibition of cups
precious material, carried out under the edict of the palace
before the shrines or images of various divinities. The
individual vessels are accompanied by man or woman
ideograms. Bennett first suggested that these are figurines
of the same material, and a suspicion of human sacrifice
may also occur; but it seems more probable that their
main function is to carry the vessels, just like the men
and women illustrated on the LM la ‘Cupbearer 1 and ‘Procession’ frescoes
at Knossos, of whom Evans says (PM, 11, p. 710): ‘It is a fair conclusion that
the scenes here depicted were intended as a glorified representation of actual
ceremonial processions in which, at fixed seasons, the acolytes and ministers of
the Palace cult carried out the sacred vessels and other relics to be shown to the
assembled people in the West Court.’
It is in this light that the syntax of this difficult text should probably be
examined. The following translations of lines 1-2 have so far been proposed:
Furumark: ‘Let them be sent to the shrine of Poseidon, and bring the gifts and
cupbearers to the city’?
Meriggi: ‘They were sent to the shrine of Poseidon, and the city sent gifts and
acolytes’?
Palmer: ‘A ceremony of consecration was performed in the Poseideion, and the town
was purified, gifts were brought and the defilement was purified.’
It is fairly generally agreed that the adjectival formations such as Po-si-da-i-jo
which diff erentiate three of the introductory formulae are the names of places
rather than the titles of priests or festivals, since the fourth formula provides
in their place Pa-ki-ja-si, well known as a local toponym; note also Po-si-da-i-jo-de
on FnO 1 . 2 . But the ending of Pa-ki-ja-si and the absence of the usual allativc
suffix -de indicate that these are all in the locative case; it is therefore difficult
to regard i-je-to as a part ofirjpi with the sense ‘send io\ and preferable to take
it as the description of an activity which takes place at the different localities.
284
and bowls of some
gold
BOWL
cup
■ 4 > l
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
Palmer goes so far as to postulate a verb i-je- ‘to sacrifice’, distinct from the
classical \r\\n and related to Icpos.
Close examination of the tablet reveals a divider between pe-re and po-re-na-qe
in lines 2, 8 and rev. 2. The recurring verbs pe-re and a-ke evidently show the
classical distinction of sense between <pEpco and ayco, cf. II. xxm, 512-13: 6 g 3 ke
6’ ayeiv h-apoioi yuvaiKa xai Tpi*rro6a <pEpEiv. They record the activities
appropriate to the two separate sets of ideograms on the tablet, the carrying
of the cups and bowls ( dora ‘gifts’) and the conducting of the men and women
(po-re-na?). Though one might logically expect this last word tobe an unattested
noun meaning something like ‘cup-bearer’, it is possible that it merely repre¬
sents qjopfjvat ‘ to carry’.
The tense, voice, person and subject of the verbs i-je-to \ pe-re / a-ke are
problematical (as is the function of the -qe added to the first). There are three
alternatives:
1. They are active/middle indicative, i-je-to could represent hietoi/hientoi
(present middle, 3rd sing, or plur.) or hieto/hiento (imperfect middle); a-ke
and pe-re can only be 3rd or 2nd sing, active, present or imperfect. It is
difficult to find a subject for these verbs. Is it the initial pu-ro = Pylos? Or must
we understand ‘he’, for the king or one of his officials?
2. They are passive. Palmer regards a-ke , etc., as aorist passives in - e , -en.
This formation in Homer (e.g. is generally regarded as having been
originally restricted to intransitives (pijt), etc., Schwyzer, Gram. 1, pp. 756-60);
but while forms in - 0 r| are probably late innovations, Palmer is perhaps justified
in arguing that the Mycenaean verb may already be allowed to possess some
specifically passive forms.
3. They are imperatives. In this case a-ke and pe-re can only correspond to the
classical singulars ayE and <pEpE; but they need not necessarily be taken as
instructions to a single person, since the plural forms are the result of an
innovating tendency in the different Indo-European languages. In the same
way the form hie to need not be specifically passive or 3rd person: the original
function of-/o is that of forming generalized imperatives indifferent as to person
or voice (Schwyzer, Gram . I, p. 801), as seen in early Latin and in the Cyprian
gloss £A 0 etcds- £A 0 e. But it is not clear why -to should be added to the first
verb and not to the other two.
The third alternative has been followed in the printed translation, but
without any very strong conviction. It must be admitted that securely identified
imperatives have not yet been found in any other introductory formulae.
Quite apart from the syntax of the paragraphs, a further problem is set by
the peculiar way in which they are disposed on the tablet. In its present form
11 285
CPI
172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
each face of the tablet i s divided by cross-lines into five sections of varying length;
and several of these sections are left blank, a fact which must require some
special explanation. The only other tablet which shows similar blank entries
is Knossos 207 = V 280 , which is introduced by a month* name and which
there is reason to think represents a calendar or diary of fifteen successive days.
Palmer has already proposed to identify po-ro-wi-to-jo (Kn 02 , ‘reverse’, line i)
as a month name Plowi(s)toio ‘the time for sailing again’ (cf. ttAcoi^co, rrAcbipa
‘sailing weather’). An alternative explanation of the blank entries might con¬
ceivably be that the tablet records a series of processions all occurring on the
same day, but that some of those for whom provision was made failed to
materialize.
If Kn 02 really represents a calendar of the ceremonies prescribed for ten
days of a Pylos month (purposely divided into five days on each side?), then
we might expect po-ro-wi-to-jo to represent the first word of the complete text,
and the ‘reverse 7 to be the first side written. The tablet bears considerable
signs of erasure and re-use, and Bennett’s initial ‘reverse’ (preserved in our
transcription) is the flatter side, i.e. the original obverse; in his new edition
published in PT II Bennett now regards the side beginning po-ro-wi-to-jo as
the obverse. The writing is hasty and careless: one case of an omitted sign is
certain (in line 5), and two more are highly probable.
t 172 = Kn 02 [Tn 3 I 6 ]
Obverse:
f 1 i-je-to-qe po-si-da-i-jo a-ke-qe wa-tu
pu-ro j 2 do-ra-qe pe-re po-re-na-qe a-ke
l 3 gold cup I women 2 qo-wi-ja [..] ko-ma-we-te Ja
PU-RO
4 i-je-to-qe pe-re-*82-jo i-pe-me-de-ja-(jo?)-qe di-u-ja-jo-qe
5 do-ra-qe pe-re-po-re-na-qe a-(ke) pe-re-*82 gold + bowl i
woman 1
6 i-pe-me-de-ja gold+bowl i di-u-ja gold howl i
woman 1
7 e-ma-a 2 / a-re-ja gold cup i man i
8 i-je-to-qe di-u-jo do-ra-qe pe-re po-re-na-qe a-ke
9 di-we gold bowl 1 man i e-ra gold bowl i woman i
10 di-ri-mi-jo \ di-wo i-je-(re?)-we gold bowl i [ ? ]
vacat
pu-ro 12-16
vacant
286
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
172
Reverse:
1 po-ro-wi-to-jo
ro 1 2 i-je-to-qe pa-ki-ja-si do-ra-qe pe-re po-re-na-qe
[ 3 a-ke po-ti-ni-ja gold cup i woman i
4 ma-na-sa gold bowl i woman i po-si-da-e-ja goli bowl i woman i
5 ti-ri-se-ro-e gold cup i do-po-ta gold cup i
vacat
?U‘RO 7 “' lQ vacant
Obverse:
(ist) pylos: perform a certain action at the (shrine) of Poseidon and. . .the
town, and bring the gifts and bring those to carry them.
One gold cup, two women. . ..
(2nd) pylos: perform a certain action at the (shrines) of the /)o^-goddess and of
Iphemcdeia and of Diwja, and bring the gifts and bring those to carry them.
To the /)o^-goddess: one gold bowl, one woman.
To Iphemedeia: one gold bowl.
To Diwja: one gold bowl, one woman.
To Hermes. . . : one gold cup, one man.
(3rd) pylos: perform a certain action at the (shrine) of Zeus, and bring the gifts
and bring those to carry them.
To Zeus: one gold bowl, one man.
To Hera: one gold bowl, one woman.
To Drimios the priest of Zeus: one gold bowl, [one man?].
(4th) blank.
(5th) pylos: blank.
Reverse:
(In the month?) of? Plowi(s)tos:
(ist) pylos: perform a certain action at the place Pa-ki-ja-ne , and bring the gifts
and bring those to carry them.
To the Mistress: one gold cup, one woman.
(2nd) To ? Mnasa: one gold bowl, one woman.
To Posidaeia: one gold bowl, one woman.
(3rd) To the ‘ thrice-hero*: one gold cup.
To the ‘lord of the house’: one gold cup.
(4th) blank.
(5th) pylos: blank.
287
112
172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Posiddidi : compare Od. vi, 266: Iv6a acp’ dyopf) koAov noaiSiYiov dp<p(s. Mycenaean
shares the classical distinction in vowel between the noun and adjective (-«'-)
in this name. Poseidon is not mentioned by name in line 3, since his is the only
offering.
a-ke-qe wa-tu^age q u e wastu? There is nothing lost after tu , as Bennett’s 1951 drawing
suggests. Is this phrase, whose meaning is obscure, meant to be understood in all the
paragraphs? If we translate ‘ bring to the town then what is the object? And should
we not expect wastu-de ? If we regard wastu itself as the object of age, ‘ bring the towns¬
people’ (compare Evans’ showing of the sacred vessels ‘to the assembled people’),
this presupposes a personalized sense ofaoru which is so far quite unparalleled. It is
these difficulties which have evidently led Palmer to postulate in this line a quite
different verb *<5cyco ‘ purify ’ related to ayv6$, <5cyio$, o^opai.
qo-wi-ja, etc.: the second word, too uncertain to be read, seems to consist of two signs
written over an erased three-letter word. The phrase may be intended as a description
of the preceding women, qo-wi-ja is apparently from g u ous ‘ox *: acrobats for the bull
games?? ko-ma-we-te-ja cannot mean ‘long-haired’, for which - wessa would be the
feminine. Note that these words do not show the expected dual in -6: Chadwick
suggests that they are in fact the names of female divinities associated with the
Posidaion, and possibly explaining the sex of the cup-bearers, which elsewhere agrees
with that of the recipients.
pe-re-*82 : the vowel ending is probably -a in view of the adjectival formation in -jo ,
which parallels that from di-u-ja . Palmer reads *82 as ja 2i comparing the men’s
names Ki-ri-*82-jolKi-ri-ja~i-jojKi-ra 2 -i-jo ; and reads T7£Aaa ‘dove-goddess’ (cf. the
TT^Afiai at Dodona). This goddess now recurs on Pylos Uni 189, as the recipient of
female animals, and with Po-se-da-o-ne (erased) on the same tablet. Does *82 represent
jaijjdi , so that the form is in fact dative plural?
Jphemedeidi = ’l^ip^Seia, the mother of Otus and Ephialtes by Poseidon, Od . xi, 305.
The absence of initial W- and the spelling - pe - show that this name does not contain
I<pi; contrast the man’s name Wi-pi-no-o = 3 l<p{voos. Almost certainly a pre-Greek
deity, whose name has been modified by popular etymology; the confusion of* and i
seems to be confined to non-Greek words.
Diwjdi (disyllabic like me-u-jo= mewjdn?) : compare the goddess Aifia on an early fourth-
century Pamphylian inscription (Schwyzer, Dial . 686 1 ). This paragraph, like lines
4 and 5 of the ‘reverse’, evidently deals with a mixed collection of deities, who may
have features of their cult in common.
E-ma-a 2 (also Uni 1.8): apparently Hermaai , cf. Horn. ‘Eppfjs, ‘Eppcias, dial. 'Eppas,
‘Eppacov, ‘Eppaos, etc. The etymology from eppa ‘cairn’ is disproved by the absence
of in early Cretan inscriptions and in Homer. A-re-ja is obscure: cf. the epithet
“ApT]a (acc.) applied to Zeus and Enyalios, and “ApEiav, ’'Apqav to Athena, in a
fourth-century inscription from Arcadian Orchomcnos, Schwyzer, Dial . 665c. The
connexion with "Apris is doubtful, unless the Aeol. 'Apeus, ’Apeuios is secondary.
diwjo- ‘of Zeus’: note the different spelling (and meaning?) of di-wi-ja on 28 -An42.
The meaning ‘of Zeus’ is very rare for the classical 8ios, and no temple-name is
288
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
172
formed from it. Compare, however, the Knossos month-name Di-wi-jo with the
classical Alos.
E-ra\ the association with Zeus makes the identification with Hera almost inevitable.
The etymology <**Hpfd must be abandoned; it is built on the isolated Elean
'EpfaOiois, the derivation of which from the divine name is only assumed. It is
contradicted by dialect forms without f, e.g. Cypr. *Epai, Schwyzer, Dial . 681 (4),
and by the Attic ‘Hpa, since *"Hpfa would give *Hpi) (cf. Kopr|). Chadwick suggests
reading E-[ra\ on Uni l .8 between Potnidi and Hermddi.
di-ri-mi-jo , etc.; the Second word appears to be di-wo (gen.) rather than Bennett’s di-we.
This would prevent us from regarding Drimios as an epithet of Zeus (cf. ApOjivios
6 ZeOs t)toi Saipcov outco irapa TTajKpvMois, Tzetzes ad Lycophron, Alex. 536); but
this ‘priest of Zeus’ may conceivably be a hero figure rather than a living person.
Potnidi: the specification ‘at Pa-ki-ja-ne' makes it unnecessary to name her more
exactly; whoever she is, the Mistress is almost certainly the divinity served by the
‘priestess of Pa-ki-ja-ne ’ on the Pylos land tenure tablets, and possibly that understood
in the phrase theoio doelos. Compare Athdnd potnia on Knossos 208 =V 52 ? Or the
phrase Artemitos doelos on 167—Es650 (and "Ap-rems irb-rvia 0r|pc5v, 11 . xxi, 470)?
Or the title ai Tlb-mai -Demeter and Persephone (and read ‘the Demeter of
Pa-ki-ja-ne' on 114 = En02.1)?
Posiddeidi : her name shows the same structural relation to that of Poseidon as Diwja’s
does to Zeus.
Tris-keroei?: the subject of an article by Hemberg (1954), who regards him as an
ancestral figure related to the Attic Tpi(To)rT<irrop£<;, lit. ‘great-grandfathers’, rccordrd
as having the function of Qvpcopoi xal qjuAaKes twv dv^iwv. One would, however,
expect -e-ro-we in the dative.
Hemberg also joins Furumark and Carratelli in reading do-po-ta as a variant form of
6£OirOTT}$ ( *doms-potds beside *dems-; cf. 56pos, Skt. dampati- ‘master’); or more
likely dospotas from *dnu- (cf. Arcad. 84 kotos < *dekm-tos). Note that for some reason
(the absence of a public procession?) neither of these last entries includes a ‘cup¬
bearer’.
2. PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE FROM PYLOS VILLAGES |
(i) The Ma- Tablets
The arithmetic and phraseology of the eighteen tablets which make up the
Ma- series have been discussed by Bennett (1951c, p. 36), Furumark (1954,
pp. 42-3), Sundwall (19536) and Carratelli (1954a, P- 97 ; I 954 &, P- 220).
Each tablet is a reckoning of varying amounts of a list of six commodities in
fixed order, which will for simplicity be transcribed by the letters A-F.
It will be noticed that A, D and F are measured in whole numbers, B>
C and E in units of weight: this distinction will not be further indicated in
transcription.
289
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The ideogram D probably represents wrinoi ‘oxhides’ (more clearly on
Knossos M 797, identified in SM //, p. 61 , no. B 101). The other pictorial
symbol, A , looks like the syllabic sign pte with an inserted wt \ but the Knossos
forms of this sign (e.g. on M 467) diverge considerably from the Knossos pU,
and on M 757 and M 5712 it even has a ‘fringe’ along
the bottom similar to that of the cl#th ideogram (see
p. 3 1 3 ). It is associated with wool on M 559 and on
M683, as well as on the fragmentary Pylos Un853, in
which Poseidon’s name occurs in the preamble. It
probably represents some textile material. Tablets MnOl
and Mn02 are lists of this commodity by itself.
The other four commodities are recorded by syllabic
‘initials’, and there is no guarantee that they have the
same meaning as similar syllables used as abbreviations
in other contexts. Note, however, that ke-ro is used at
Knossos (U 436, U 746) as an adjunct to the circular
ideogram measured by weight on the Knossos Afc- tablets, which are similar
in arrangement to this Pylos series (see below, p. 302 ). It may represent
KT|pos ‘beeswax’; though there is some doubt whether the Common Greek
may not be *Kapos (cf. Boisacq s.v .). A , B , D y E and F also occur on a
fragmentary tablet of different arrangement, Mn03.
The six commodities are probably all materials required by the palace
workshops (though not all of metal, as Carratelli assumes), but whether for
connected or various purposes is uncertain. The first line of each tablet records
a place-name, followed by amounts of the six commodities which are clearly
calculated in a fixed proportion of 7 : 7 : 2 : 3 : U : 150 . The first table gives the
ideal scheme, including fractions, which results from exact calculation:
A
B
c
D
E
F
ni
ni
5
n
3$
375
2 i
23 i
65
10
5
500
28
28
8
12
6
600
42
42
12
18
9
900
46s
‘3§
20
10
1000
63
63
18
27
’ 3 i
1350
70
70
20
30
15
1500
A [*] A textile?
B it ?
C ^2 beeswax ?
D Oxhides
* h ?
F ?
The next table shows the amounts actually recorded, arranged in ascending
order: where these diverge from the ideal values by 10 or more, they have
been printed in heavy type.
290
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
The eighteen place-names agree with the fourteen legible on 257=Jn09,
with the exception of E-re-i (Jn09. 19) and A-si-ja-ti-ja (Jn09. 16, which may,
however, be an alternative spelling of A-*3j-ta t j). The ‘Pyles 9 s are all repre¬
sented : the last two columns of the table below give for comparison the amounts
of Tat hogs’ and ‘wine (?) 5 recorded for these nine on 75=Cn02 and 250 =
VnOI. These show a similar scheme of rising proportions, evidently adapted
to the relative importance of the different villages.
A
B
C
D
E
F
Cn 02
Vnil
Ma 09
Ri-jo
l 7
n
5
1
4
362
2
20
Mal 3
Ro-u-so
17
n
5
8
4
p
Ma 08
Ka-ra-do-ro
18
18
4
8
4
440
2
40
Ma 04
Pa-ki-ja-pi
22
22
7
1 •
4?
500?
2
35
Ma 05
A-pu z ?~we
23
23
7
10
5
500
2
35
Ma 06
A-ke-re-wa
23
23
7
10
5
5 **
2
30
Mall
A-te-re-wi-ja
23
23
7 ?
10
p
p
Mal 2
Ti-mi-to a-ke-e
24
24
7
10
5
f>»°
M a 14
Sa-ma-ra
24
24
7
10
5
500
Mai 7
A-^8yta 2
24
24
p
p
p
5 °o
Mall
Pi-*82
28
28
8
22
p
600
3
50
Mali
[x^a\-ma-e-wi~ja
28
28
8
1 2
5
600
Ma 02
Me-ta-pa
28
28
8
12
6
600
3
5 °
Mal 5
E-sa-re-wi-ja
42
42
12
18
8
900
Ma 07
E-ra-te-re-we
46
46
?
7
10
1000
3
5 °
Ma 03
Pe-to-no
6 3
63
17
27
p
1350
6
100
Mal6
Ra-wa-ra-ta 2
7 °
p
20
30
20
15°°?
Mal8
Si-re-wa
(‘assessment’
not recorded)
The shortest tablet of the series (Ma07) has only a single line, tabulating
the calculated proportions for the village E-ra-te-re-we. Furumark is no doubt
right in regarding this first-line entry as the total 4 assessment’ which the villages
are required to contribute; and the absence of any further entry here would
indicate that the full amount has in fact been received.
On four tablets the term apudosis (‘actual delivery’) describes a contribution
which falls short of the total assessment, and the adjunct 0 .- is used with each
ideogram to show the resulting ‘debt’ (ophelo -): this calculation is evidently
the main purpose of the series. On the surviving Knossos tablets, a regular
pair of entries with a-pu-do-si and o-pe-ro is only found on X 409, G 461
and Gal 530. In the translations of the Ma- tablets printed below, it will be
seen that the amounts in each column below the first line together add up to
the total ‘assessment’ above.
291
173-175
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
173 = Ma 06 [ 222 ]
1 a-ke-re-wa A 23 B 23 C 7 D 10 £5 £ 500
- a-pu-do-si A 10 0, 1
3 B
22
0 .1
c 7
D
8 0.
2 £ 5
£ 500
A
B
C
D
£
F
A-ke-re-wa (assessment)
23
23
k g-
7 k g-
10
5 k g- 500
Actual delivery
10
22
7
8
5
500
Owing
13
1
2
174 = Ma 08 [ 346 ]
1 ka-ra-do-ro ^4 18 B
18 C
4
D t
]
2 a-pu-do-si A 14 0. 4
B 1
6 c
1. 2
C 4
D 8
t £
4 £ 440
A
B
C
D
£
£
Kharadros (assessment)
18
18]
kg-
4 k g-
[8
4 kg.
44 o]
Actual delivery
14
16
4
8
4
440
Owing
4
2
175 = MalO [ 393 ]
1 [. za]-ma-e-wi-ja A 28
B 28 C 8
D 12
E ;
5 F
600
2 a-pu-do-si A 20 a-ne
-ta-de
A
i £ 21 C 5
0. 1
D 8 £
6 £ 450
3 o-da-a 2 ma-ra-ne-ni-jo
o-u-di-do-
si A 7 B
7
C 2
D 3 £
2 £ 150
A
B
C
D E
E
Za-ma-e-wi-ja (assessment)
28
28 kg.
8
k g-
12 5 kg.
600
Actual delivery
20
2 I
5
8 6
450
Remitted
1
Owing
1
Thus M. are/is excused
payment
7
7
2
3 2
150
The sum is here complicated by a common formula which states that a particular class
4 does not give* a certain amount. From the fact that this deficit is not taken into
account in calculating the overall ‘debt’, Furumark (1954, p. 43) is evidently right
in regarding it as a free allowance, by which the theoretical assessment for each
village is officially reduced. This is made clearer by the parallel use of the words
€Aeu6epa, £Aev 0 £pcoae on the Na- tablets (see p. 298). The class in question is most
often that of the khalkewes ‘smiths’, and it would be interesting to know if the listed
commodities are in fact the product of the smithies; or whether they are materials
which the smiths (or other classes named) are likely to need in the villages more
urgently than in the palace workshops; or whether the formula is in fact only the
equivalent of saying: ‘ The village of X. is excused payment of so much, in recognition
of the fact that it has so many smiths working on government contracts* (cf. the Jn -
tablets, pp. 352-8).
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 175-178
Tablet 183 =Nn 831 shows a breakdown of a levy of 45 sa (see p. 295) among the
diff erent members of a single village. ‘The smith* is represented among them; and
it seems likely that the Ma- tribute was also allocated in detail among the diff erent
classes of each village, some of which might receive preferential treatment. The
tendency of the smiths in particular to claim exemption from feudal obligations in
time of emergency is reflected, for example, in § 56 of the contemporary Hittite Code.
Compare Ma-ra-ne-ni-jo with Ma-ra-ne-nu-we , a class or place providing rowers on
54 ~Anl 9 .
The sums for D and E are anomalous, since the village contributes three more of
E than it need, and a debt of one D goes unnoticed: perhaps these discrepancies were
regarded as cancelling each other out. An additional concession for A is introduced
by the word aneta (cf. aveais 9opcov ‘remission of taxes’).
176 = Mal 2 [ 123 ]
1 ti-mi-to a-ke-e A 24 B 24 C 7
D 10 E 5
F 500
2 a-pu-do-si A 21 0. 2 B C D
E F
3 o-da-a 2 ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si A 1
B 1 F 10
A B
C
D
E
F
Ti-mi-to a-ke-e (assessment)
24 24 kg.
7 kg.
10
5 kg.
500
Actual delivery
21 (23)
( 7 )
(10)
( 5 )
( 490 )
Owing
2
Thus the smiths are excused payment
I T
10
The entries of line 2 reveal something of the scribe’s procedure: he has written in the
ideograms for the six commodities, but has not bothered to complete the amounts of
apudosis for the last five, evidently because no ‘debt’ in fact resulted from them. We
can therefore restore them by subtracting the smith’s allowance from the total
‘assessment’.
From there it is a short step to the layout shown on the next two tablets, where
no apudosis entry figures at all, and where we must again assume that the delivery
was satisfactory and incurred no ‘debt*.
177 = Ma 02 [ 90 ]
1 me-ta-pa A 28 £28 C 8 D 12 £6 F 600
2 o-da-a 2 ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si A 1 B 1 D 1
ku-re-we o-u-di-do-si A 4 B 4 D 2 E \\ F 100
ku-re-we : Carratelli (1954^, p. 220) suggests skulewes ‘leather workers’ {cf. oku^os/ f
okutos ‘hide*, cnarrsus, Horn. aKuroTouos). Sec also p. 191.
178 = Mai 3 [ 365 ] +
1 ro-u-so A 1 7 £17 C 5 D 8 E 4 F [ ]
2 o-da-a 2 ka-ke-we a 2 -te-ro we-to di-do-si A 1 B \ F 10
293
178 179
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
hateron welos didonsi: evidently a less generous concession than the ou didonsi formula.
Either ‘some other year’ or, more probably, ‘in the following year’ (cf. Attic Oartpct
‘on the morrow’, and the root meaning of ETgpos as ‘one or other of two’). The
temporal accusative (where f etei might be expected) recurs in lo-lo we-lo ( 43 ^Sn#l)
and may perhaps be explained as referring to an inclusive period rather than a single
point of time; but cf. also Horn. ai/Tfjuap ‘on the same day’, Attic tt|v copav ‘at the
proper season’, etc. (Schwyzcr, Gram, n, p. 70).
On the remainder of the tablets the deficit resulting from the calculation is
shown in the entry perusinwon opheio which is equivalent to the ‘debt’ figures
(0.-) included in the apudosis entry of the first tablets. Their identity of function,
in spite of the diff erent wording, is shown by the fact that the two formulae
never occur on the same tablet, and that only one tablet of cither type is extant
for each place-name. The variations are probably due to the accounts being
completed at different times, or to differences in the other records from which
they arc abstracted. The whole scries must presumably be regarded as referring
to Tiepuai ‘last year’ (or ‘the season which is past’), and as a collation of
the season's records made after all the returns are complete,
j The occurrence ofperusinwa opheio- on two of the tablets makes it difficult to
read the second word as a noun otpsAos ‘debt’ (only ‘usefulness’ in Greek),
and preferable to understand 6<pEiA6(pevov), 6<pEiA6(peva); unless we punctuate
1 the things oflast year: the deficit’. On Mal6 the ideograms have the adjunct
0 - added to them, and the deficit of E is written, surprisingly, o.pe-ro instead
of 0.0 . The adjunct 0.- also occurs with an ou didonsi amount on 180 = Ma 01 . 2 ,
where it seems out of place.
On the remaining tablets the ‘actual delivery’ can be restored as the dif¬
ference between the ‘assessment’ and the remaining items. A puzzling excep¬
tion is the sum for F on the next tablet, where the full assessment of 362 is
recorded as owing, in spite of the smiths’ free allowance of forty: this deficit
of unparalleled size may be suspected of having been inserted in error.
179 = Ma 09 [ 193 ]
1 ri-jo A \~j B 17 C 5 D 7 E 4 F 362
2 pe-ru-si-nu-(wo) o-pe-ro A 2 E 4 F 362
3 o-da-a 2 ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si A 2 B ^ F 40
o-da-a 2 pe-ra 2 -qo A 1 D 1 [?]
Pe-ra^-qo: applying the common vocalization rai to ra 3 , Andrews reads the name of the
Thessalian tribe of flepaipoi, recorded at Dodona in IL 11, 749. This is difficult to
control.
294
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 180-182
180 = MaOl [ 225 ] t
1 pi -*82 A 28 B 28 C 8 D 22 [E 6] F 600
2 pe-ru-si-nu-wa / o-pe-ro x re-u-ko-to-ro' B 2
o-da-a 2 ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si \z.a-we-te* 0 A 1 B 1 F 16
IxuklrorP za-we-te : to be taken together? The purpose of this annotation is obscure. The
place-name L. occult, for example, with Sa-ma-ra on 4 I=Anl 4 .
181 =Mal 4 [ 378 ]
1 sa-ma-ra A 24 B 24 C 7 D 10 E 5 f’ 500
2 $-da-a 2 ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si s D 2' /I 3 £ 3 C 2 '^60'
pe-ru-si-nu-wo o-pe-ro A 1 /) 2 /«’ 100
182 -Mal 8 [ 126 ] +
i-na-ma-ia
1 pe-ru-si-nu-wa si-re-wa o-pe-ro do-si-mi-ja
2 A 3 B Ci
This tablet is exceptional in showing no 'assessment’ entry. The word dosmia presumably
means 4 (items owing last season) belonging to the dosmos\ perhaps the generic name
for a levy of this type. Compare also the enigmatic basketry-label Wa 730 :
]-rfl-o do-so-mo I o
sa-ma-ra do-si-mi-jo-qe 1
The place-name Si-re-wa recurs on Mn 01 . 4 . It is tempting to read i-na-ma-ta as a
neuter plural qualified by the adjectives in -a, but difficult to find one to fit. Cf.
Arcadian tv aperra -rnSnrra ‘in perpetuity’, IG 5(2), 5?—but this presupposes a
Mycenaean form in- which is contradicted by en-eensi 114 = En 02 . 2 .
sa Y Linen?
(ii) The JV- Tablets
The ideogram sa occurs on only three fragmentary Knossos tablets, and is
confined at Pylos to the N- series [Na J\fg The pronunciation is probably
given by the word ri-no (184 = Nn 01 . 1 ) =Xivov, which might
mean any or all of‘flax’, ‘linen thread’, ‘net’, ‘sail’, ‘linen
cloth’ or ‘linen garment’. Like wool?, it is weighed at Knossos but measured
in whole numbers at Pylos. Skeins of linen thread or bales of linen cloth seem
the most probable: the totalling to-sa-de perhaps implies the plural Alva. As
with the ideogram n i =» ‘ figs ’, the phonetic use of the sign bears no apparent
relation to the initial of the Greek word.
The commodity is evidently subject to the same kind of yearly levy as the
six items counted on the Ada- tablets above, but the number of different villages
responsible for it is very much larger.
tt
295
183-184
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Nn 831 shows an assessment of forty-five sa for a single village (probably
to be restored as Ko-ri-to , cf. An 13 , Ad 07 ), broken down among its inhabitants.
Some are mentioned by name, some by trade: the ko-re-te (‘mayor*, more or
less synonymous with PcxoiAeOs?) contributes more than half
f 183 = Nn 831 (including former Nn 02 )
I
ko-ri-[. ri]-no
J do- J
PKorinthos |will give?] linen:
2
u-re-[ ]
SA 4
U.: four of linen.
3
a-mo-ke-re -[?]
SA I
A.: one of linen.
4
e-re-e-u
SA 2
E.: two of linen.
5
qo-u-ko-ro
SA 2
The cowherd(s): two of linen.
6
a-ro-je-u
SA I
A.: one of linen.
7
a-mu?-ta-wo
SA 4
?Amuthaon: four of linen.
8
e-po-me-ne-u
SA 4
PHepomeneus: four of linen.
9
ko-re-te
SA 24
The mayor: twenty-four of linen.
10
po-me-ne
SA 2
The shepherds: two of linen.
It
ka-ke-u
SA I
The smith: one of linen.
For the last word in line i one might expect dosmos or dosei , but the reason for the
erasure is obscure.
e-re-e-u : possibly the name of a trade, cf. e-re-e-wo on Na 60 .
NnOl is a record of the deficit shown by the sa deliveries of nine villages.
Nearly all the place-names are known from other tablets, and the sequence
A-pi-no-e-wi-jo — E-na-po-ro is found again on Vn 04 . Three of the names recur
in the surviving Na - series, all with larger amounts of sa:
Pu 2 ?-ra 2 -a-ke-re~u NnOl: io Na 52 1274-3
E-na-po-ro NnOl 133 Na 02 : 70
Te-tu-ru-we NnOl: 38 Nal 4 : 40
From this, and from the fact that the Na - totals are generally in round numbers
(io’s), we conclude that the latter are a record of the theoretical assessments,
of which NnOl (and the lost tablets of the same series) enable us to deduce
the amounts actually delivered.
% 184 = NnOl [ 228 ]
1 0-0- pe-ro-si n-no / o-pe-ro
2 u-ka-jo sa 20 ro-o-wa sa 35
3 pu 2 ?-ra 2 -a-ke-re-u sa io ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na
4 sa 5 di-wi-ja-ta sa 60
a-pi-no-e-wi-jo sa 28
296
s
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 184-187
6 po-ra-pi sa io e-na-po-ro sa 33
7 te-tu-ru-we sa 38
vacant 8
Thus they owe linen . Deficit: U-kajo t> y twenty of linen .
Ro-o-wa p y thirty-five of linen,
etc.
The simplest form of assessment is shown by the tablets Na 01 -Na 44 , which
merely contain a place-name followed directly by an amount of sa. The
figures vary between five and 100, averaging nineteen per village; the most
frequent entries are ten and thirty. Each name only occurs once in the whole j
series, with the exception of Erkhomenos duplicated on Na 72 (perhaps to
be excluded from it?).
185 = Na 32 [ 419 ]
re-u-ko-to-ro sa 1 o
Leuktron: ten of linen .
On seven tablets the assessment is qualified by the formula i X. ekhonsi\ in
which X. is one of the three terms applied to soldiers (?) on the five An - tablets
dealing with * troops’ (see pp. 183-94); the place-names also agree with those
detailed there. Apparently all the entries on the Na- tablets which have verbal
formulae, additional to the place-name, are intended to distinguish amounts
which are not expected to be delivered to the palace (see below); and the
wording 4 X . ekhonsV may be taken to mean either
‘The X. are in occupation of the place (and they will use the linen)\ or
‘The X. (who are at the place) are retaining it for their own use’.
186 =Na 46 [ 543 ]
ka-ra-do-ro / ko-[ro]-ku-ra-i-jo ' e-ko-si ' sa 30
Kharadros: the men of Krokula are in possession: thirty of linen.
Compare ka-ra-do-ro ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo men on 60 =An 661.5 (p. 193).
187 =Na 49 [ 514 ]
[ku]-pa-ri-so / ke-ki-de e-ko-si sa 30
Kuparissos: the ke-ki-de are in possession: thirty of linen.
Compare ku-pa-ri-si-jo ke-ki-de men on 56 = An 657 . 8 and 10 (p. ! 88). Probably
the present Kyparissia, on the coast 25-30 km. north of Pylos (KvTrapi<JC7T)Eis II. n,
593, Kuirapiaaia Strabo, KuTrapicrcros Scylax, Pliny).
297
188-189
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
t 188 = Na 928
[ ] u-ru-pi-ja-jo 'e-ko-si' s a io
[Place-name:] the men of POlympia are in possession: ten of linen.
For ?l/lumpiaioi compare 57 = An 43 . 11,58 = An 654 . 16 , 60 = An 661 . 12 , 76 = Cn 22 . 6 - 7 .
See p. igo.
A number of the Na- tablets record two different amounts of sa, one
immediately following the place-name, the other introduced by a clause
tossade X. eleuthera or tossade X. ou didonsi. As on the Ma- tablets, these two
formulae evidently refer to a free allowance deducted from the official assess¬
ment, as has been recognized by Furumark (1954, p. 43) and Webster (1954,
p. 15). Their interconnexion is clearly shown in the long formula of the next
tablet, and is confirmed by the totals for the whole series. If one adds up the
surviving 4 assessment 5 entries (in which the numerals directly follow the place-
name), one arrives at a total of 1245 sa; all the entries which represent
4 authorized concessions’ (e.g. ekhonsi , eleuthera i ou didonsi , aktiton) together yield
336. These figures may be compared with the cumulative totals recorded on
198 = Ng 02 and 199 —NgOl, which (when restored approximately in propor¬
tion with the entries ofNg02) probably indicate an expected delivery of about
1500 sa, and an allowance which ‘is not given* of about 550.
On five of the tablets with two or three entries, their amounts add up exactly
to thirty, a frequent amount on the single-entry tablets; and it is clear that
the first number does not, as on the Ma- tablets, record the whole ‘assessment’
but only the ‘delivery’ to be expected when the concessions have been sub¬
tracted from it (Furumark, ibid.). This is also plain on Na 65 , where the second
amount is larger than the first.
+
189 Na 65 [ 568 ]
r -, , e-sa-re-u ke-(u)-po-da e-re-u-te-ro-se sa 50
1 ?a-ke-re\-wa sa 30 . v ; r , ,
to-sa-de na-u-do-mo o-u-di-do-si
JA-ke-re-wa ?: thirty of linen.
And the shipbuilders are excused payment of so much—the e-sa-re-u
Ke-u-podas made it free: fifty of linen.
The title e-sa-re-u only recurs on Knossos 39 = Asl 517 , q.v . Webster (1954, p- 15)
connects the Xivov concessions directly with the requirements of the trades named,
i.e. sails and ropes for the naudomoi (see Vocabulary), thread and cloth (for shields,
cuirasses, etc.) for the khalkiwes , nets and ropes for the kundgelai. The same reserva¬
tions apply as in the case of the Ma- concessions (see p. 293).
298
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
189-194
Both the secondary sense of ^AsuOspos and the verb-formation in -oco (originally confined
to tenses other than present, Schwyzer, Gram. 1 , p. 727 ) appear earlier than one
might have expected.
190 Na 55 [395]
(top edge: ke-ke-me-no-jo wa-te-u)
r , e-re-u-te-ro-se s a i 5
sa nn] .
to-sa-de pe-i ke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u
[Place-name: x of linen.]
And A^-w-podas the e-sa-re-u made so much free to them: fifteen of linen .
pe-i^sphe'i or possibly spheis , ‘to them’, as on 56 -An657-ll> etc. The note written
along the top edge is obscure.
191=Na56 [248]
ta-mi-ta-na / ku-na-ke-ta-i x e-re-u-te-ro' sa 30
Ta-mi-ta-naP : free to the huntsmen: thirty of linen,
e-re-u-te-ro : the singular also appears (wrongly?) on Na54.
192 ;Na50
ri-jo sa 24
[ 252 ]
e-re-u-te-ra s a 6
to-sa-de ka-ke-we
Rhion: twenty-four of linen.
And the smiths (have) a free allowance: six of linen.
ka-ke-we: the dative plural kunagetd'i on 191 — Na 56 suggests the alternative reading
‘a free allowance to the smith' (singular) here. The plural is perhaps more likely
on the analogy of the Ma- tablets, and that of ma-ra-te-we on didonsi on 195 -Na 67 .
193 —Na57 [520]
f , to-i-qe e-re-u-te-ra
1 J pu 2 ?-te-re ki-li-je-si sa 30
[Place-name:] the planters are bringing into cultivation, and there is a free
allowance for these: thirty of linen.
ki-ti-je-si : the derivation of the verb from an original *kteTj.h « ktI^co (cf. Skt. kseti) is
due to Palmer ( 1954 a, p. 67 ).
to-i-qe : toi'i or tois , dat. plur. ?
194 Na 58 [334]
wa-na-ka e-ke
pi-ka-na / e-re-u-te-ra sa 20
IH-ka-na p : a free allowance—the king is in possession: twenty of linen ,
299
194-198
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
wa-na-ka\ the place may conceivably have a wanax of its own (‘the king has a free
allowance’?); but it is more probable that the position of the king in the formulae
is similar to that of the ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo , etc. on 186 — Na46 ff. No other entry combines
ekhei and eleuthera in a continuous sentence, or writes the latter on the bottom line.
Perhaps the king has already made a levy (in person?) on the place, and the seasonal
contribution is therefore excused.
195 =Na 67 [ 245 ]
o-u-di-do-si sa io
e-wi-te-wi-io s A 20 . , , • •
to-sa-de ma-ra-te-we ra-wa-ke-si-jo
E-wi-te-wi-jo?: twenty of linen.
And the military leader’s ma-ra-te-we are excused payment of so much: ten of
linen.
ma-ra-te-we : see Vocabulary. This tablet shows the alternative ou didorui formula: that
and the alternative eleuthera occupy successive lines of Na66, probably without
distinction of meaning.
196 = Na70 [ 926 ]
e-ke-de-mi a 2 -ku-mi-jo
| pa-ka-a-ka-ri a-ki-ti-to sa 6
Pa-ka-a-ka-ri*: (? the land is) uncultivated, and A 2 -ku-mi-jo holds it: sixof linen.
e-ke-de-mi: apparently ekhei de min , cf. da-mo-de-mi = ddmos de min 135 = Ep 704 . 5 . Does
this entry mean that no flax has been grown during the relevant season?
{ 197 = Na 69 [ 1088 ]
? to-sa-de o-u-di-do]-si sa 20
[... ?e] -ke a-ki-ti-to
[Place-name: So-and-so] holds the uncultivated land [and he is excused
payment of so much ?]: twenty of linen.
The series closes with the two JVg- tablets, which we have seen to represent
a cumulative total of all the assessments. The figures for ‘delivery’ and
‘allowance’ are split into two different categories by the varying prefix of the
introductory adjectives, whose explanation we owe to Andrews.
198 Ng 02 [ 319 ]
1 de-we-ro-ai-ko-ra-i-ja sa 1239
2 to-sa-de o-u-di-do-to sa 457
Those from this side of ?Aigaleon: 1239 of linen ;
and so many arc not contributed: 457 of linen.
3 °o
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 198-199
dewero-Aigolaia? : classical Scupo, perhaps from * 8 e-afepo (Schwyzer, Gram, i, p. 632 : f
♦Sc-aupo, cf. Avestan flair ‘here, hither’?), is not found in the sense ‘on this side of’.
But cf. Aristophanes t& tQSe koc! toc Scupo, Aristotle to 8e0po ‘objects near enough
to be sensible’, English on the hither side , Swedish hit ‘hither’, hit-om ‘on this side of*,
etc.
Aigol- is perhaps to be identified with mount Aigaleon; see p. 144 .
The tablet OnOl is evidently divided in the same way into villages ‘this side of A.’
and ‘beyond A.’, and reveals E-ra-to- to be in the first category, and Ra-wa-ra-ti-ja,
E-sa-re-wi-ja , E-ra-te-re-wa , ?Ti-mi-to i Sa-ma-ra , A-si-ja-ti-ja and *Ti-nwa-so to be in
the second. The latter are repeated on the last part of257 — Jn09 (lines 13 - 19 ), which
is probably arranged on a similar geographical basis. It is noteworthy that none of
the villages ‘ beyond Aigaleon ’ occurs on the three tablets which deal with levies of
‘rowers’, nor on the five which appear to record the disposition of coastal guards
(except for the doubtful reading ti-mi-to on 60=An661). There is unfortunately no
more detailed evidence for dividing the villages of the Na- tablets among the two
provinces, but the further one is evidently much less important than the nearer.
The adjectives can either be understood as applying to the territory, ‘the lands
this side of Aigaleon’ (cf. toc CnrcpdKpia ‘the uplands’, also the division of Attica
into o\ ‘YiT£p<ftKpiot and ol TTApaAoi, etc.), or to the objects themselves, totalled by
to-sa-de in the second line.
o-u-di-do-to: probably singular, tossa de ou didotoi , agreeing with the neuter plural subject
(unless this is to be taken as feminine).
199 = Ng 01 [ 332 ]
1 pe-ra z -ko-ra-i-ja sa 20 o[ +
2 to-sa-de o-u-di-do-to [sa nn]
Those from beyond ?Aigaleon: 200 of linen ;
and so many are not contributed: x of linen .
pe-ra z -ko-ra-i-ja -pera[iyAigolaia? : compare pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja Wa01.2, pe-ra-ko-ra-i-ja
Ad 15, pe-ra-a-ko-ra-i-jo OnOl. 8 ; Horn. TT^prjv AX 6 $ ‘on the other side of the sea’,
Aeschylus £k TtipaS NauiraKTia^, r) TTepa(a ‘ land on the other side (of a river or sea),
etc.’; Skt. para ‘away!’ (cf. Seupo!). The name of the site Perakhora north of Corinth,
compared by Turner ( 1954 , p. 19 ), was Flepaia in antiquity.
3. THE KNOSSOS Me- SERIES
Bennett has demonstrated to us that the commodities of the eighteen frag¬
mentary Me- tablets, found in the ‘ Arsenal’ building at Knossos together with
records of chariots, wheels, spears and arrows, show a listing in fixed order
and proportion similar to that of the six items of tribute on the Pylos Mi¬
series. Evans ( PM , iv, p. 833) identified the last commodity J as the horn
of the agnmi goat (capra aegagrus creticus) used in the manufacture of
3°!
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
composite bows like the to£ov eu£oov l£aAou aiyos aypiov of li. iv, 105; he
also noted that the numbers of 'horns’ are always even (except now on
Mc 5098 , and on M 0452 where ‘one horn* is introduced by \?ke]-ra).
The second ideogram // is the normal ‘shc-goat’
symbol found on the livestock tablets, and Evans
suggested that semi-domesticated agrimi may have
been kept in enclosures to ensure a regular supply of
horns; but in any case the ideograms most probably
represent carcases sent in by the hunters, whose names
possibly appear as the variable introduction to the
tablets. The first ideogram G , not found elsewhere,
appears to combine the upper constant of the ‘goat’ symbols with syllabic ra
(or ra-so y cf. Aaiaffiov ??): it may be the ideogram for a buck agrimi , the doe
not needing to be distinguished from the domesticated nanny-goat when ap¬
pearing in conjunction with him.
The third ideogram /, measured by weight, is problematical. One cannot
argue that all the separate items on the tablet are likely to be needed in the
manufacture of bows, since this can hardly be true of the first two; on the
other hand, it is difficult to think of a weighed substance which might be
derived directly from wild goats. For a possible ke-ro ‘beeswax’, see p. 290;
was this a product of the mountain-sides where the goats were hunted?
Compare MsAiacrdeov Trrrpi'is ek yAatpupfjs ipyopievdcov (//. 11, 88) with
alya dypiov TrrrpTft ^K( 3 aivovra (//. iv, 107). Apart from their horns, the
agrimi carcases would also provide meat ( Od. ix, 155) and rugs, etc. ( Od . xiv,
50)-
The Me- tablets are too fragmentary to be worth transcribing individually,
but the following table shows the amounts visible on the eleven best-preserved
G Buck agrimi' )
ll She-goat
I Honeycombs?
J Agrimi horn
Mc5098
Mc0462 + 5792 + 5808
Mc0454 + 0458
Mc0455
Mc0453 + 5798
Mc5118
Mc0459 +
Mc 0456 + 0477
Mcl508+1528+1504
Mc0460
Mc0464
H
/
J
208
154 kg.
345
30
24 kg.
52
17
■3 kg.
26
<7
12 kg.
24
1 7
12 kg.
24
1 5
—
20
14
10 kg.
20
10
7 kg.
14
10
6 kg.
12
8
6 kg.
12?
—
6 kg.
—
G
345
62
30
28
28?
23
16
16
14
12
302
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
of them. The values approximate to a ratio of 5:312:4; where they diverge
from the ideal proportion by 2 0 or more they are printed in heavy type.
Mc 5098 is possibly the total of the complete series, though high numbers of
G and // also occur on the fragmentary M 5107 .
It is not clear whether the tablets are the record of an expected quota, or of
an actual delivery. The horns are considerably fewer than might have been
provided by the number of goats listed, but perhaps only a proportion of them
were of acceptable length and curvature.
4. OFFERINGS TO DIVINITIES AT KNOSSOS
'3° ^
OLIVE-OIL
The eleven tablets of the Fp- series were found by Evans at the beginning of
the campaign of 1900, lying in a bath-shaped receptacle of clay at basement
level between the East Propylaeum and the central court (point A on fig. 13,
p. 115), together with the remains of the wooden box
in which they and the Fs- series (see below) had been
neatly filed in order. The identification of their only ideogram as ‘olive-oil’
was tentatively suggested by Furumark (1954, p. 116) and Bennett (MT /,
p. 448), and is now confirmed by the vocalization e-ra 3 -wo on a number of
Pylos tablets (see p. 217).
Both Furumark and Meriggi (1954 b y pp. 22-6) have recognized from the
month-names which introduce each tablet that the series forms part of a ritual
calendar, specifying or recording offerings sent to a limited number of places,
priests and divinities. It is not always easy to decide in which of these cate¬
gories the listed names are to be placed, but the allative accusative ending -de
may be taken as a criterion of place-names.
Within the sub-paragraphs introduced by each toponym three expressions
are found to recur, which will be referenced as P y Q, and A in the synoptic
table below. They presumably refer to shrines of the same cult in diff erent
places.
P: pa-si-te-o-i ~pdnsi theoi'i , ‘to all the gods*. See the article ‘ Pantheon* in Paulys RE y
xviii, 3 , cols. 698 - 730 . The dedication of shrines and offerings -rracnv OtoTs or Qeois
-rracnv xal Tracrais seems to have had its widest vogue in Hellenistic times. Pausanias
records two altars OtoTs -rracnv ev koiv£> at Olympia (v, 14 , 8 ; 15 , 1 ; 15 , 10 ), as well
as others elsewhere in the Peloponnese. The words ?do]-ra te- 0-1 introduce KN
E 842.1, which shows di-wo on the same line.
Qj. qe-ra-si-ja - Q u erasidi ? Note qe-ra-si-jo on Fpl 6 and possibly Fpl 8 . Furumark con¬
nects this name or title with Horn. Ttpas (*q u ervs) ‘meteorological phenomenon*.
Schulze ( Quaesl . Ep. p. 176 ) regards the name of the Theban seer Teiresias as
similarly derived (for the second vowel, cf. Etruscan Terasias, Terasials ), and Robert,
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Oidi/ms , p. 69 , thought he might originally have been ‘a chthonic oracle god’ (of
ambiguous sex?). Cf. also Zeus TEpdanos.
A: a-ne-mo-i-je-re-ja - ’Avipcov lepeicjc. See the article 'Avspoi in Paulys RE , 1, 2,
cols. 2176-80. Compare Herodotus vn, 178: AEA901 mev 8ti Kara t 8 xpncnTjpiov 2 ti
xai vuv toOs avepous fAaoxoirrai; further the EvSavenoi at Athens and 'AvEUOKolTat
at Corinth.
Where a place-name occurs without any such qualification, the off ering is
presumably to the tutelary deity or spirit of the locality, whom it is superfluous
to name (cf. Diktd- on Fpl and Fp 7 ): these entries are shown as X on the
table below.
Where P , Q ( , etc. occur without any place-name, Furumark suggests that
they refer to the vicinity of Knossos itself: they have been entered in the
column Nil. The status of the words si-ja-ma-to and e-ke-se-si is uncertain, and
their initials are shown bracketed.
Within each month the place-names appear to have been entered in a more
or less standard order, though this is spread over several tablets in each case,
and the greater part of the series must be lost. The table below attempts to
place the surviving tablets in their approximate sequence (though the order
of the months themselves is of course unknown). The amounts of oil for each
entry appear to be identical in successive months, with the exception of the
larger entry for P at Pa-de on 200 = Fpl.
Tablet
Month
,
z
1
«
1
7s
*
1
Q
'C
£
*8
0
*->
5
i
#
•
0
c
#
Cl
c
5
£
Fpl
?\-de-u-ki'jo-jo m.
d
X
XPQ_
Pt
XA
Fpl6
Wo-de-wi-jo m,
PQ_
Fp 48
Wo-de-wi-jo m.
(0
XQP
p
Fp6
Ka-TCt-e-Ti'ju
P(l
1
Fpl 5
Ka-ra-e-ri-jo m.
XP
Fp 7
Ka-ra-e-ri-jo m.
X
1
Fp!8
Ka-ra-t-ri-jo
dp\
1
Fp 5
Di-wi-jo-jo m.
dP
1
i
i
Fp )4
A-ma-ko-lo m.
(o a
1
1
1
Pa
Fpl 3
Ra-pa-lo in.
1
1
xp
XPQ_A
A
De-u-ki-jo-jo = Deukioio menos ? Sittig reads a wo - before this group on 200 = Fpl. 1 , and
takes it as a fuller spelling of wo-de-wi-jo-jo\ but the duplication of entries on Fp48
(found apart from the others?) makes this unlikely, unless the latter belongs to a
304
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS
200
different year or series. Chadwick reads a possible Cf. De-u-ki-jo as a man’s name
on MY 46=Aul02.
Wo-dc-wi-jo : the month recurs on 207 —V 280 and in the genitive on 203 = F 953.
U-dg-wi-jp-jo on Pylos Jn07 has been corrected to U-dg-wi-ni-jo (cf. U-de-wi-ne on
CnlO, probably a place-name).
Ka-ra-g-ri-jo : from xpatpa ‘head’ (*kra-gira?) ) or cf. the Ephesian month KAapiwv?
The form Ka-ra-e-i-jo on Fp354 may be a mis-spelling of the same word (though the
context, like that of Fpl48 and Fp363, suggests that it should be classified Fh-); and
the following words ]-jo and Pa-ja-ni-jo may also be the names of months. [ka]-ra-e-
ri-jo-jo me-no recurs on Gg7369 and Oa7374.
Di-wi-jo-jo = Diwioio menos . Cf. AT 05 , first month of the Macedonian year, also in use
in Aetolia, Lesbos, etc. Cf. ]-wi-jo-jo on G 726.
A-ma-ko-to : not a-ma-ko-ro , as read by Furumark and in Bennett’s Index.
Ra-pa-to = Lapato(-jo) menos. As pointed out by Sittig, the name of this month survives
in the Arcadian Pi^vos A errrefr co of an inscription of Orchomenos (Schwyzer, Dial .
667 ; cf. Carratelli, 1955 , p. 5 ).
The word menos recurs at Knossos on M 724 , Wb M 133 and Od 5672 , but
the month-names are unfortunately lost. To the six or seven months listed
above, we may perhaps add po-ro-wi-to-jo and ki-ri-ti-jo-jo at Pylos (and new
evidence on the unpublished 1955 tablets). The calendars of the two palaces
may of course have differed somewhat. Does the solitary me of E 842.1
stand for rrJn * month’? None of the names identified shows the typical
Attic-Ionic month formation in -icbv, which is probably a comparatively late
secondary development.
For a cuneiform parallel to the Knossos Fp - tablets, compare Alalakh
nos. 3og-i8 (Wiseman, 1953, P- 9 2 )> which record monthly issues of barley
and sesame-oil to temples and priests. E.g.:
309 : In the month of Tammuz, i£(?) ( l a of barley to the gods, ij qa to Tarhuziti,
1 qa to the goddess yepat, 1 qa to the carpenters, £ qa to the gods, $ qa to Beruwa.
Total 6 J (jiV).
310 : In the month of Iyyar, i£(?) qa of barley to the gods, 1 $ qa toTarbuziti, 5 qa
to Beruwa, 5 qa to the aldermen. Total 13 .
200 = Fpl (A xix) t
[?]-de-u-ki-jo-jo 1
me-no
di-ka-ta-jo / di-we
OIL
11
da-da-re-jo-de
OIL
1 2
pa-de
OIL
I
pa-si-te- 0-1
OIL
I
3^5
200
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
qe-ra-si-ja
OIL
M*?]
a-mi-ni-so / pa-si-te-o-i
<OI L>
3 [2 ?;
e-ri-nu
OIL
*<3
*47~da~de
OIL
<i 1
a-ne-mo \ i-je-re-ja
(OIL)
44
vacat
to-so
OIL
3 12
In the month of Dcukios:
To the Diktaian Zeus: 12 1 . oil.
To Daidaleion : 24 I. oil.
To Pa-de -: 12 1 . oil,
To all the gods: 36 1 . oil,
To the augur : ? 12 1 . oil.
Amnisos, to all the gods: ? 24 1 . oil,
To PErinys; ? 6 1 . oil.
To * 47-da-\ 2 I. oil,
To the priestess of the winds: 8 1 . oil.
(total) 136 I. oil.
<1 2
Bennett (A IT /, p. 446) recognized the figures in the last line as a total. Reading
<1 2 in line 8, he assumes that lines 6 and 7 between them account for ^ 3 <f 1; but
Pa-de Qj. shows ^ 1 on Fp 48 and A-mi-ni-so P. ^ 2 on 20 l = Fpl 4 , and one might
expect the same entries here. Chadwick reads <1 3 in line 8 of the original.
di-ka-ta-jo di-we: Bennett reads [. ]-ka-ta-jo ne-we y but the doubtful signs appear to be
mis-shapen di y s. Diktande recurs without qualification on Fp 7 , G 866 and the frag¬
mentary Fh 5467 , whfere i-je-re-ja appears in the second line. The association of Zeus
with Mount Dikte (now 'Acphnris Xpicrros in the Aam0icbTtKa opr|), which perhaps
results from syncretism with a ‘Minoan’ mountain god, is explained in Hesiod’s
Thtogony , pp. 477 ff.: these lines describe how Rhea was smuggled from the mainland
to the Cretan town of Lyktos (Ru-ki-to of the tablets), taken to Dikte, and hidden in
the cave in the ‘Aegean Mountain’ where she gave birth to Zeus. Zeus AiktoTos is,
for example, invoked in the civic oath of Itanos (Dittenberger, SyllA 526): Aia
Aiktcuov Kai *Hpav Kai 0 eoOs tous £v AtKTg Kai ’A0ava(av fToXidSa Kai 0roOs oaaois
tv ’A0ava(a 0 u&Tai TravTas; and discussed (with an erroneous location of the moun¬
tain) by Strabo, x, 478: eipTyrat 8e, oti tcov ’ETEOKprjTCOv uiTfjpxHV i*| TTpaoos, Kai 8 i6ti
£v“raG 0 a to toO AiKTaiov Atos lepov Kai yap P) Aiktti rrA^aiov, ouy, ci>s "ApaTog,
‘optog ay^Sov ’ISaioio’* Kai yap ytXiovs i) A(ktti Tfjs T6qs ocirfiyEi.
Evans (1897) l ent his support to the identification of the Aiktoiov d\rrpov (Strabo,
x, 476) with the cave near the village of Psykhro, 30 km. south-east of Knossos,
where continuous votive deposits from MM II down to Geometric have come to
light since its first exploration by Halbherr and Hatzidakis in 1886. The oflerings
306
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 200-202
on the Fp- tablets are perhaps confined to a restricted association of cults, possibly
centred on sky or weather gods.
da-da-re-jo-de: Furumark and Meriggi read Aai56Xe<5v5e. Cf. Steph. Byz.: AatSaXa . . .
xai KpriTiis <5 cAAt| (ti AAis).
pa-de : 203 =F 955 has the form pa-de-i (locative?), which makes it doubtful whether |
-de can here be allative.
a-mi-ni-so, elsewhere with -de: see 206=Gg705, below.
e-ri-nu: Furumark ( 1954 , p. 34 ) takes this as a defective spelling of the dative singular
of’Epivus (plural for Meriggi). In addition to her (or their) function as an avenging
deity, ’Epivus appears as an epithet of Dcmeter in Arcadia (Pausanias, vin, 25 , 6 , etc.)
and in Hesychius’ gloss E. = ’A<j>po5iTr|s aScoXov; so that her early status is uncertain.
*4J-da-dt: presumably a different name from * tf-ku-lo-de (Fpl 3 ) and * 4 ?-so-de
(Fh351, etc.).
201 = Fpl 4 (joined to Fp 27 and Fp 28 ; A)
1 a-ma-ko-to 'me-no \jo-te-re-pa-to'o\\l \ e-ke-se-si 1
2 qe-ra-si-ja *f 1 a-mi-ni-so-de / pa-si-te-o-i ^ 2 a-re [ ]
In the month of A-ma-ko-to:
...2l. (Oil).
To the augur : iq litres.
To Amnisos, to all the gods: 24 litres,
To A-re: [ ]
jo-te-re-pa-to e-ke-se-si: Meriggi ( 19546 , p. 25 ) recognizes a verbal formula, and reads
6 TpdTTETO ‘what was directed towards the deities E.’ (but the Mycenaean
form of Tpi-rrco appears to have had a labio-velar). TEp^avTO ‘ thus they took
delight in the discharge ’ ? ? But this leaves the first entry without a specified recipient.
There is a common place-name£-Ao-jo, adj. E-ki-si- jo, but this can hardly be its locative.
a-re: Furumark reads l to Ares’, but one might expect *a-re-we (* > 'Apr|fi).
202 = Fpl 3 , now in the British Museum. (A xx)
1 ra-pa-lo 'me-no ' / * 47-ku-to-de oil <1 1 pi-pi-tu-na <1 1
2 *8$-ri-mo-de oil <1 4 pa-si-te-o-i 1 1 qe-ra-si-ja 1
3 a-ne-mo-i-je-re-ja oil i u-ta-no / a-ne-mo-x-je-re-ja 1 1 4 2
In the month of Lapatos:
To *47~ku-to: 2 1 . oil,
To Pi-pi-tu-na: 2 litres.
To *8j)-ri-mo: 8 1 . oil,
To all the gods: 12 litres,
To the augur: 12 litres,
To the priestess of the winds: 36 1 . oil.
PItanos, to the priestess of the winds: 16 litres.
307
202-203
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Note that the oil ideogram is only entered in the first item of each line.
pi-pi-tu-na: Furumark compares A{ktuvvcc in form; that her name should actually have
been assimilated to Greek Slxnvov ‘net* from a native * Pip tunna seems unlikely, since
the name A(ktt) might well have provided its original derivation.
* 8 ^-ri-mo-dg: Furumark reads *85 as su , and regards the name as a variant spelling of
the place Su-ri-mo. Compare Pylos A-si-ja-ti-jalA-* 8 ^-ta Zi which confirms the con¬
sonant s - but not, apparently, the vowel [*85 = si, sa or sja?). See also p. 337 .
u-ia-no^ adj. u-ta-ni-jo , etc.: possibly Itanos, at the eastern tip of Crete, though this seems
very far away (120 km. by road) for a town which apparently supplies sheep to the
palace.
The relation between these tablets and the seventeen of the Fs- series which
were found with them is not altogether clear. These each contain an undated
record of an offering or ration of five to six commodities in fixed order and
in more or less constant amounts (the numbers in brackets show the surviving
occurrences):
barley: T 1 (13) T 2 (1)
figs: <1 2 (2) <1 3 (9) T 1 (1)
FLOUR: 'O I ( 9 ) TD 2 ( 4 )
oil: u 1 ( 4 ) -o 2 ( 6 )
wine: ^ 1 ( 7 ) <1 2 ( 3 )
honey: Nil ( 6 ) td i { 3 ) -02 ( 1 )
= 12-24 litres.
= 4-12 litres.
= £-1 litre.
= f-i litre.
= 2-4 litres.
= A -1 litre.
Several of the introductory words have - de , which suggests that they are
place-names. Apart from Pa-de (cf. 200 = Fpl) they are all unique, and of
non-Greek appearance. Except for the absence of oxen and sheep, the com¬
modities may perhaps be compared with those listed on 171 =Un 718 .
Other fragmentary groups of Knossos tablets found elsewhere in the palace
show signs of belonging to similar calendars of offerings. Small amounts of oil
are recorded as going Da-*8^-ja-de i-je-ro (‘to the shrine’) on Fh 363 and
[Da]-* 83 -ja-de on Fh 365 , where the second line has a parallel [ ]-da-so-de .
Tablets F 953 and F 955 seem to be part of a series listing the same months
and places as the Fp- series, but recording the commodities ma and ko; these
recur, together with the enigmatic word ko-no , on the ‘spice’ tablets from
Mycenae, where they are used as abbreviations of marathwon ‘fennel’ and
koria(n)dnon ‘coriander’ (see p. 227). Meriggi has convincingly suggested that
these two fragments should be joined thus:
j 203 = F 953 + 955 (K lxiii + lx)
1 wo-de-[wi]-jo-jo / me-[no . .\-ri-jo-de
ko-no ma 3 ko-ri-[ja-do-no nn] pa-de-i ko-no ma 2 ko T i
308
2
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 203-204
- ^ . r t pa-si-te-o-i T
3 pa-sa-ja ko-no ma [nn ko nn] r . . . ma 2 ko T 4
r J a-mi-m-so-de
In the month of Wo-de-wi-jo:
To [ \-ri-jo: 3 ko-no of fennel, x 1 . of coriander.
At Pa-de- \ 2 ko-no of fennel, 36 L of coriander.
To Pa-sa-ja : x ko-no of fennel, x 1 . of coriander.
To Amnisos, to all the gods: 2 ko-no of fennel, 48 1 . of coriander.
]-ri-jo-de : Meriggi suggests [Da-da)-ri-jo-de y but cf. ]-ki-ri-jo-de on Fs26.
Pa-sa-ja: this name is repeated on V 451 below Si-ja-ma-[to\ which itself occurs directly
after the month-name (and before Pa-de) on Fp48.
The last ma in the third line has the small stroke over it which normally distinguishes
the wool(?) ideogram: this is presumably an error.
Another fragmentary series, of which we have perhaps little more than a
month’s records, deals with offerings of jars of honey: one
of these, GglO, was apparently found together with the
Fp- and Fs- series. Offerings of oil and honey (pgArros
Kai dAdcpcrros dp^opi^as, II. xxm, 170) are among the rites at the funeral
of Patroclus. The word ‘amphora’ is indicated by the A surcharged over the
ideogram on Gg 704 , etc.
u4Aito$
dp9iq>opEvs
204 = Gg704 (D 1 )
1 [ ] me-no
2 [?e-ne-si-da\-o-n£ me-ri amphora + a i
In the month of :
One jar of honey to the Earth-shaker.
The month reference, unfortunately incomplete, suggests that this is the first tablet of a set.
Yo-ne could be completed Po-se-da-o-ne , but the more immediate parallel is e-ne-si-da-
o-ne on M 719 , cf. Gg 7 1 7 (where me-na is probably not M^va but a name, Mqvq ‘ Moon-
goddess ’ as on E842, where ] -pe-ro 2 -ne could be ‘Y-rrepiovt). Meriggi compares E. with
Poseidon’s names 'Evvoalyaios, ’Evoaix^cov (//. xiii, 34 , vn, 445 , etc., cf. dvoc^puAAos)
or ’EvvoaiSas (Pindar). If this connexion is maintained, the etymology *£vfo 0 t-
(*wedh~lwodh- t also in cb 0 £co and perhaps £ 0 pis) would indicate a graphic ne for -nwe-
similar to that required in e-ne-ka = exa (cf. Pylos Sa-ri-nu-wo-telSa-ri-no-te) } in the
absence of a convenient shortening like the sign nwa — -nu-wa-. It might also indicate
that, though the second part of Kretschmer’s etymology Poseidon <*rr 6 cns Aa$ ‘husband
of Earth’ may be correct, a parallel verbal form should be sought for the first half;
but a relative of Lat. quatio , O.H.G. scutten , Old Norse hossa ‘shake’ would appear
in the Mycenaean spelling with a labio-velar.
309
205-206
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
t 205 Gg702 (D i)
1 pa-si-ie-o-i \ me-ri amphora i
2 da-pu 2 ?-ri-to-jo / po-ti-ni-ja 'me-ri' amphora i
One jar of honey to all the gods,
One jar of honey to the Mistress of the ? Labyrinth.
da-pu^-ri-lo-jo (gen.): this place-name probably recurs in the da-pu-ri-to-[ of the frag¬
mentary X 140 , and might conceivably be a fuller spelling of the Da-*22-to of
Knossos and Elcusis. To identify it with AapOpiv0os involves the highly uncertain
assumption that the initial consonant has some intermediate sound peculiar to
‘Aegean’. But cf. the alternation Labarnas/ Tabarnas in the Anatolian dynastic name
of the Hittite kings of the Old Kingdom (Gurney, 1952, p. 64); also Ad^vri/Soupvri.
} 206 Gg705 (I) 1 )
1 ] a-mi-ni-so / e-re-u-li-ja me-|-ri amphora i
2 ] pa-si-te-o-i me + ri amphora i
3 MK + Rl AMPHORA I
Amnisos: One jar of honey to Eleuthia,
One jar of honey to all the gods,
One jar of honey [... ].
E-re-u-ti-ja = Attic ElAgiGuia, in which the quasi-participial ending is probably due to
popular etymology. The form ’EAeudia, known from Messenia and Laconia (also
’EAguaia, ’EAuata), is probably a long-standing variant to the , EAgu 0 u(j)a which is
the Cretan form in classical times. Her name also appears on three tablets (Od 714 - 16 )
apparently listing woollen garments. Pausanias (iv, 20, 2) records that the priestess
of Eileithyia Sosipolis at Olympia put out for her peters |iEpayjievas peAm. For the
traditional connexion of E. with Amnisos, cf. Od . xix, 188-90:
(’OSuctcteus) orfjcrE 5’ iv ’Apvicrcp, 061 te otteos ElAEiOutris,
£v Aipsaiv yaAETToIcn, poyis S’ OttocAu^ev d£AAas.
aerrixa 5’ ’l5o|iEvf}a UETdAAa acrTuSE (KvcoctctovSe) 6veA0cov,
and Strabo, x, 476, 8: Mivco 8e 9 acnv IthveIco T( 5 ’Apvicrcp, ottou to Tfjs
ElAsiOuias ispov.
The site of Amnisos is generally identified with Paliokhora, at the east end of the
long sandy beach of Karteros, 7 km. east of Iraklion, where Marinatos found a Late
Minoan building in 1932. He believes this bay to have formed the chief port of
Knossos; a rival claimant is the ‘Harbour Town’ located by Evans on the eastern
outskirts of Iraklion itself, which, though less convenient for the beaching of ships,
is easier of access to the palace. Whatever the name of this other port may have been
in early times, the proposed location of Amnisos appears to be confirmed by the
nearby cave at Ayi Theodori, lirst excavated by Hatzidakis in 1886 (cf. Marinatos,
31°
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND RITUAL OFFERINGS 206-208
ripcTKTJKGj 1929 , pp. 95- j 0 4 ; Evans, PA/, n, p. 839 ), where a deposit was found
stretching from Neolithic to Geometric, around an idol in the form of a ‘stalagmitic
omphalos'.
Chadwick and Bennett read Vke-ne in line 7 .
207 = V 280 (B xxx)
I wo-de-wi-jo
vacant
5 to-pe-la o-u-ki-U-mi+
vacant:
II a-pe-li-ra 2 / o-u-te-mi +
12 o-u-te-mi+
13 o-u-U-mi+
14 o-u-te-mi +
15 e-pi i-ku-wo-i-pi
vacal
Meriggi ( 19546 , p. 24 ) plausibly regards this tablet as a record of the r)^pai d'rro9pd5£S
or dies mfasli of the first or second half of a Knossoa month. As in the case of
172 m Kn02, a calendar will most reasonably explain the deliberate leaving of blank
entries. The expression oO ot/)(l has an exact classical counterpart, but
the objects or actions to which it applies are obscure: are they the names of festivals
or ceremonies, which can only take place in circumstances ascertained to be
favourable? And did they in fact take place on the day corresponding to the next
succeeding blank entry?
to-pe-za is now known from Pylos 239*»Ta642, etc. to mean * table’ (probably torpeza):
tables of offerings? a-pe-ti-ra 2 is apparently a feminine agent noun in - tria ; from
dcpitiMi?
e-pi i-ku-wo-i-pi , without ou themis formula or ‘check mark*: a fuller spelling of i-qo-
( *ikwos ) ‘horse’? Or a phrase relating the middle or end of the month to a phase
of the moon: epi ixuoiphi (dual instr., cf. t£ 0 s, ‘waist’)??
208 = V 52 (?)
1 a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja 1 [...]
2 e-nu-wa-ri-jo r pa-ja-wo-[ne ? i| po-se-da-[o-ne i?j
To Mistress Athena: 1
To ...
To Enyalios: 1
To Paian: [1 1
To Poseidon: [ 1 ]
a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja : cf. 11. vi, 305 : tt 6 tvi‘ ‘AOrivaiq, ipuainro^j, 5!a Ofdcov. Nilsson ( 1950 ,
p. 499 ) suggests that Athena ‘was originally the goddess who protected the palace
The month of Wo-de-wi-jo:
(4th) The tables: it is not right.
(10th) The releasers : it is not right,
(nth) The releastrs: it is not right.
(12th) The releasers : it is not right.
(13th) The releasers : it is not right.
(14th) At the waist (??).
208
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of the Mycenaean king, and whose cult belonged and whose protection was afforded
to the king personally’ (cf. 205 = Gg702?). The name Potnia (not necessarily referring
to the same goddess) also occurs on Knossos M 729.2.
s-nti-wa-ri-jo = 'EvuAAios, an early god of war [II. n, 651 , etc.), perhaps a consort of
’Evvcb, later regarded as an epithet of Ares. The name possibly recurs in the form
E-riwa-ri-jo on Pylos 55 = An724.
pa-ja^wo = Homeric Flair|cov II. v, 401 , Dor. flatdv (*naiapcov, perhaps from Traico
‘strike’), healer god, later identified with Apollo. It is not clear whether the names
on this tablet are in the nominative or dative.
po-se-da-[o-ne: cf. 169—Es646, etc. at Pylos. The name only recurs at Knossos on
X 5560: ]-ke po-se-da-o 1 [ .
3 12
CHAPTER X
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
1. TEXTILES AT KNOSSOS t
The numerous Knossos tablets characterized by Evans’ ‘banner’ ideogram
(no. 159) and classified by Bennett with the prefix L- have been discussed in
some detail by Furumark (1954, pp. 44-8) and Bjorck (19546). Their most
characteristic vocabulary word is the plural pa-we-a—pharwea, whose identity
‘59
P U
CLOTH 14
164
H B
A kind of cloth
0 0
CLOTH m + TE
145
¥
WOOL
161
vr
(Adjunct)
162
$
TUNIC + KI
a
CLOTH 3 +PU
158
A
Bundle?
with the Homeric ^apos proves that the ‘banner’ is in
fact a piece of cluth.
the ideogram probably represents an upright loom with loom-weights on the
warp rather than a garment with a tasselled fringe. Small superior figures
have been added to the word cloth in transcription to indicate the number
of intermediate strokes springing from the bottom horizontal, although these
variations are probably not significant except on 210 ^Lc 526 . The Linear A
version, found only on Agia Triada tablet HT 38 , has two intermediate
strokes, and (surprisingly) the surcharged initials Ku and zo also found occa¬
sionally at Knossos. The Pylos version, found on the 1952 tablets, has a ‘fringe’
of three strokes at top as well as bottom, and the surcharge pa (presumably
pharwos) in the contexts where the Knossos ideogram is blank. The meaning
of the curious adjunct No. 161 is obscure (see p. 320), but evidently not a
‘superintendent of olive groves’ (Evans, PM, iv, p. 716).
The lack of naturalistic variation in the ideograms makes it difficult to
visualize the actual textiles or garments listed and to interpret the associated
vocabulary. The Homeric (papos itself is still remarkably unspecific in meaning:
‘ a large cloth for a sail’ ( Od . v, 258), ‘ a large cloak’ (//. 11, 43, etc.), ‘ a funerary
shroud’ (xvm, 353).
Late Minoan man’s dress is usually shown on frescoes and engravings as
3 1 3
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
consisting of no more than a kilt; a more abbreviated garment with prominent
cod-piece and open sides is worn by infantrymen, boxers and gymnasts
(including women). Women normally wear a long flounced skirt, sometimes
with an 'apron*, and above the waist an open bolero with prominent short
sleeves over a diaphanous or non-existent blouse. The white robes worn by
men and women (e.g. on the Agia Triada sarcophagus, fig- 15, and on the
Palanquin Fresco, PM, 11, pp. 770-3) have been considered to have an
exclusively ritual use, and large formal cloaks have been regarded as the pre¬
rogative of chieftains; but something more than a kilt must evidently have
been worn by all classes at least during the winter.
On the Mainland some kind of divided drawers takes the place of the kilt,
and soldiers and retainers wear a white tunic coming down to above the knees.
Women’s dress is apparently similar to that of Crete.
The word pharwea has here been rendered somewhat arbitrarily as ‘ cloaks
but the remaining occurrences of the ‘banner* ideogram merely as ‘cloths’,
with little or no attempt to guess the exact shape and purpose of the textiles.
The ideogram translated as wool is derived from a Linear A monogram
of the signs ma + ru; its meaning is indicated by its prominent place on the
sheep tablets (see p. 203). Even where wool is counted together with
cloths in large numbers, its method of measurement is betrayed by occa¬
sional fractional amounts reckoned in ** (e.g. on 211 =Lc 532 ); Bennett has
shown that / 3 go to the normal wool unit of weight, which is therefore
equivalent to about 3 kg. (approximately the weight of a heavy blanket or of
a present-day winter overcoat). On the Mainland wool only occurs with
whole numbers; and on Mycenae 227 = O c 127 it is itself introduced by pa-we-a 2 ,
suggesting that it has come to mean an indivisible unit of woollen material
parallel to the cloth ideogram.
Parallel accounts of cloth and wool are found at Alalakh, e.g. no. 357
(Wiseman, 1953, p. 99): ‘ Account of thirty-seven pieces of cloth and thirty-five
measures of wool belonging to the fakanaku official’s store*; and at Ugarit,
e.g. xi, 732B (Virollcaud, 1940, p. 257):
Five tunics, 500 shekels of purple'wool... for the king,
Two tunics, 200 shekels of purple wool. . .for the queen,
One tunic, 100 shekels of purple wool. . .for the king’s son,
One tunic, 100 shekels of purple wool. . . (for various officials).
Knossos tablets 214 = Ld 571 ff. arc probably palace inventories of cloaks de¬
signed, as at Ugarit, for ‘distribution to functionaries, for example those who
lived in the palace itself, who were guaranteed to receive a new garment when
5 1 4
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
209-210
their old one was worn out 5 (Virollcaud, 1953, p. 193). Medieval English
account rolls show a similar grading of officials according to the value and
elaborateness of the robes which they receive from the king as part of their
allowance.
The Lc- and L- series, on the other hand, probably represent for the most part
receipts of cloth and wool from outlying villages, since they arc introduced by
place-names and include entries of o-pe-ro 1 debt 5 (L 473 , L 869 ) and a-pu-do-si
‘delivery’ (L 5867 , L 5930 ). The surviving range of place-names is as follows:
A-mi-ni-so, Da-te-we-ja , Da-wi-ja , Da-* 2 x-ti-ja , Do-ti-ja, E-ki-si-ja , E-ra-ja ,
Ja-pu.j-wi-ja , Ko-no-so ( te-pe-ja ), Pa-i-tija, Pa 2 -mi-ja , Ra-su-ti-jo, Ri-jo-ni-ja ,
Se-to-i-ja , Ti-n-to, Tu-nija , Tu-ri-si-ja , ]-ru-wo-weja .
It will be seen that the majority arc in the -a form of the adjective: this can
be taken either as referring to the pharwea themselves or to the groups of
women who have manufactured the goods.
209 — Lc .525 (F xi)
. . wa-na-ka-te-ra ci.othHtk 40 woor, 20o[ +
se-to-i-ja t 1 V*
tu-na-no cloth 1 3 wool [nn]
From Se-to-i-ja :
Forty edged cloths of royal type, 200-b measures of wool;
Three cloths of/w-rtfl-rto type, several hundred (?) measures of wool.
cloth + te: Mycenaean wheels are distinguished as being te-mi-^j l-la (Pylos
whffi.s + TE) or o-da-ku-we-ta (see p. 370). The second term is also applied to
woollen cloths on 220^=L 870, and it is possible that they refer to different kinds of
decorative border, cloth+te containing the initial of the first. Some of the
instances of cloth + te in Bennett’s Index (p. 1 16) must be corrected to cloth F pa
(e.g. Le786).
tu-na-no : the meaning of this term is unknown. It regularly occurs with the plain cloth
ideogram on the second line of tablets whose first lists ceoth+te (with pe-ko-to)
or plain cloth (with ko-u-ra ). On 2I2*=Lc535 all three categories are separately
totalled. The traces of numerals after the second wool, seem to include hundreds.
210 = Lc 526
. . . pe-ko-to cloth 1 Tte io cloth 2 4 -te 14 [
da-wi-ia r t 1 ' ' r i T
J tu-na-no cloth 1 3 wool [nn]
From Da-wo :
Ten edged cloths (type A) of pe-ko-to , fourteen edged cloths (type B). . .;
Three cloths of tu-na-no type, x measures of wool.
pe-ko-to: occurs on the similar Lc527 and on 212“ 1x535, and introduces ideogram
no. 164 on L 698 (cf. 225 = L 520). It is probably connected with the woman’s
210-212
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
trade pe-ki-ti-ra 2 =pektria 4 wool-carder?* at Pylos (cf. pe-ki-ti-[ on L 656); but
‘carded* seems meaningless when applied to wool which is already woven into cloth.
The second meaning of tt^kco is ‘cut, shear*: some process analogous to that used in
velvet-making? On- this tablet, as on Lc527 and L 5746, two separate entries of
cloth+te are differentiated by a varying number of intermediate strokes to the
‘fringe*.
| 211 =Lc 532 + 554 (F)
, , pa-we-a I ko-u-ra cloth 1 i6 wool 26 i 2
]-ku-wo \ 1 t . , c
J tu-na-no cloth 1 i wool 3 clothHte 4 wool 26
]: Sixteen cloaks of ko-u-ra type, 26$ measures of wool;
One cloth of tu-na-no type, three measures of wool;
Four edged cloths, twenty-six measures of wool.
pa-we-a ko-u-ra : the words are written out of alignment, so that it is doubtful whether
they are in grammatical agreement. Furumark*s connexion with Koup& ‘shearing,
fleece’ is impossible, since the Mycenaean form should be k6rd< *korsa. Cf. ko-u-re-ja
applied to wool on Lc581, to women on 25 = Ap694 (p. 165 ).
The three separate entries for wool on this tablet are puzzling, since they seem to be
closely allied with the three categories of cloth. It is possible that the wool
entries do not in fact represent a separate consignment but a record of the weight
of wool in the cloths themselves. The numerals on the Lc- and L- series are mostly
fragmentary, but the only complete ko-u-ra entry, on this tablet, would give a ratio
ot exactly i§ measures (or 5 kg.) per cloth; we can probably restore on Le557
and 3 J on Le556. The tu-na-no entries in the second line generally give 3 measures
per cloth (but 4 on Lc530, and apparently about 100 on 209 = Lc525!). The sur¬
viving entries for cloth + te would give 61 on this tablet and 7 on Le553- See
also 225 = L 520, where a ratio of 6 is apparent. Sundwall long ago suggested that
the wool ideogram is exclusively a unit of value (cf. PM, iv, p. 663 ); but this will
not work on the D- tablets. Although the sheep and wool are in a fixed ratio in
the totals, their proportions are quite erratic in the subsidiary sections of the account.
212 ~Lc 535 + 538 (F)
ta-ra-si-ja pa-we-a [ko-u-ra cloth nn ?]
to-sa ■ ke-ri-mi-ja [tu\-na-no [ cloth nn ?]
pe-ko-to [cloth + te nn ?]
So much piece-work of the ke-ri-mi-ja : x cloaks of ko-u-ra type,
x tu-na-no cloths,
x pe-ko-to cloths.
ta-ra-si-ja ‘allocation of raw material by weight* ( = Lat. pensum). See the Pylos
bronze tablets, p. 352 .
ke-ri-mi-ja: see Pylos 28 = An42, where it is applied to slave-girls.
316
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
213-214
213 = L 641 (F? xliv) t
1 o-a-po-te de-ka-sa-to a-re-i-jo / o-u-qe po-[
2 pa-i-ti-ja pe. cloth + te 2 mi. cloth+te 14 da-wi-ja pe. clothH-
te [nn]
3 do-ti-ja mi. cloth + te 6 pa 2 -mi-ja cloth+te [nn]
4 ko-no-so I te-pe-ja wi. gloth+te 3 tu-ni-ja cloth+te [nn]
Thus Areios received delivery from outside, and there are not. .
From Phaistos: Two clean edged cloths, fourteen dirty edged cloths,
From Da-wo: . . .x clean edged cloths,
etc.
o-a-po-te — ho ‘thus’ + 6 ttco0ev ‘from afar’; compare the introduction hd-dexato on
Pylos PnOl.l; and ]-ra-wo de-ko-to ta-ra-si-ja / w-[, ‘ [?Age]lawos received the
piece-work ’, on the adjoining L 642, which is evidently of identical context and which
preserves the alternative Homeric form of the aorist, Sckto.
The adjuncts pe.- and mi.- also occur with this ideogram on KN L 1568. The second
is spelt in full mi-ja-ro in the first entry, which may represent the Homeric uiap6?
‘stained, defiled’, though Boisacq postulates *miwsros\ pe- might then represent
tttitAu^vos ‘washed clean*.
te-pe-ja: its recurrence on PY Ad07 (in the genitive plural) suggests that it is a woman’s
trade. Possibly something like sterpheiai, cf. crrtpcpos ‘hide’ (Furumark). This would
confirm that the ethnics all refer to women workers. These Knossos women are
presumably somewhere in the town, and dnwOtv means ‘from outside the palace*.
214 = Ld 571 (G xlii); Ld 572 is identical
pe-ne-we-ta a-ro 2 -a bundle? i
pa-we-a / e-qe-si-ja re-u-ko-nu-ka cloth 3 25
Twenty-five cloaks with white o-nu-ke suitable for Followers, provided with
pe-ne -, of better quality; and one bundle.
e-qe-si-ja : probably formed from*-^-/a (a military or religious title), but disconcertingly
used of wheels on PY 288 = Sa790.
re-u-ko-nu-ka = leuk-onukha, parallel to po-ki-ro-nu-ka — poikil-onukha on 217 = L 587, etc.
The simple word o-nu-ke ( onukhes ?) is used with the wool ideogram on Od682 and
M 683. It is also written on one face of the sealing Wsl703: the other face has
stathmos (‘ weigh t ’) and the seal-impression itself is cancelled with the weight symbol 2.
The tablet L 1568, mentioned above in connexion with the adjunct mi.-, has on its
edge the puzzling annotation:
a-ze-ti-ri-ja ne-ki-ri-de
o-pi-ma-tu o-nu-ke wool 1 o-pi-po-ni-ke-ja (
^rnuapTUs? cf. dTrupotviaaco
o-nu-ka also occurs with cloths on Ld584, as if to mean ‘with o-nu-ke of unspecified
colour’ (though the form of the adjective is anomalous). The connexion with ovu£,
12
3*7
C [> 1
214-216
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
‘nail, claw, onyx’, etc., is problematical; the sense of the word seems to be that of
some kind of decoration made of woollen thread, which may be measured separately,
but which is designed for application to garments (cf. ‘lace’, etc.). Bjorck ( 1954 ^,
p. 272 ) suggests ‘border, fringe’. Compare ovv£ in the sense of an ornamental band
on the Ercchthcion building inscription.
pe-nc-we-la : a neuter plural adjective in -wenla (dual on Ld5108?); the initial element
is obscure. Not for ttveovtoc ‘fragrant’? Chadwick suggests pen-wenta , from uivos
‘natural grease in wool’.
a-ro 2 -a occurs on several other Ld- tablets, and is applied to wheels on So0430: the
feminine plural a-r§ 2 -e is found on L 735 applied to pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloths. The parallel
declension of mc-zo-a 2 jmc-zo-e suggests the comparative apEioov; for this use of ro 2
cf. po-pu-ro 2 ^porphure\o on L 758. Perhaps *ap(<jov (cf. api-otos)? The form a-ro 2 -jo
on 279 —So#437 is puzzling.
The numeral with the ideogram in the top line remains 1 irrespective of the number
of cloaks (and is often written after them), and Bjorck is probably right in identifying
it as the container or wrapping in which they arc kept rather than as a ‘hat’ or
other garment.
f 215 = Ld 573 (G xlii)
e - ru - ta - ra-pi
pa - we-a j ke - se - nu - wi-ja re - u - ko - nu-ka cloth 3 35 bundle? l
Thirty-five cloaks with white o - nu-ke suitable for guest-gifts, with red (some¬
things) ; and one bundle .
ke-se-nu-wi-ja — Homeric £e{via ‘guest-gifts’, here adjectival. On Ld649 ke-se-ne-[ is
probably an alternative spelling ke-se-ne-we-ja , but note the Homeric by-form
^eivi^i'a < *£evff)f ia * Compare also [? ke-se]-nu-we-jo on X 651, whose context is
shown by the genitive pa-we-o in line 1 . Bjorck’s doubts whether e-ru-ta-ra-pi repre¬
sents the feminine instrumental EpvGpatpi seem unjustifiable.
216 Ld 871 (K? lxvii)
pa-ro re - wa-jo
]-ra pe - ne - we-ta / e - qe - si-ja te - tu - ko - wo-a cloth 4 6
Six [garments] provided with pe - ne- y suitable for Followers, well made; from R.
\-ra\ a neuter noun, possibly e-ne-ra (cf. the dual e-ne-ro re-u-ko on L 695); the context
of e-ne-ra on Ai762 is not clear from Evans’ drawing; e-ne-re-ja is a description of
women on Ak638. Bjorck connects the word with Horn, evspoi ‘those below’:
: under-garments, under-blankets’? Cf. Od . x, 353 : rPotAAg Opovois evi pftyea xaAa,
TTop<j5upEa KaGuTTEpO 1 , uTTEVEpGe 5 e MG’ OuEpaAAEv.
te-tu-ko-wo-a , formally perfect participle active of teux<o, but used in sense of Horn:
TETvyuevos; sec Vocabulary, p. 409 .
31a
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
217-219
217 = L 587 -{-589 + 596 (G) f
1 po-ki-ro-nu-ka cloth 2 24 re-u-ko-nu-ka cloth 2 372
2 ko-ro-ta 2 cloth 2 14 pa 3 ?-ra-ku-ja cloth 2 42 po-ri-wa cloth 2 i
edge: tf-sa cloth 2 149
Twenty-four cloths with coloured o-nu-ke, 372 with white o-nu-ke ,
fourteen cloths, forty-two of the colour of pa-ra-ku , one grev one.
So many cloths (in all?): 149 .
ko-ro-ta 2 : perhaps the same word as ko-ro-to on Mycenae Oel 06 (sec Vocabulary, p. 398 ),
but -la 2 may imply -tin. Not for krokia ‘yellow 1 ?
pa^-ra-ku-ja: probably an alternative spelling of pa-ra-ku-ja Ld580. Or ‘adorned with
pa-ra-ku ’? For the unidentified precious material pa-ra-ku sec 239 = Ta642.
po-ri-wa - Horn. ttoAios (of grey hair, a wolf, steel, the sea).
The sum (?) on the edge unaccountably bears no relation to the separate items.
218 = L 598 (G xlv) \
1 [ \-ta-o po-ki-ro-nu-ka cloth 1 i
2 [re-u-ko-nu]-ka cloth 1 37 ko-ro-ta 2 cloth 1 2
edge: to-sa cloth 1 40 0. cloth 1 6
. . .of [ ]-las : one cloth with coloured o-nu-ke ,
thirty-seven cloths with white o-nu-ke ,
two dyed cloths.
So many in all: forty cloths.
Deficit: six cloths.
This tablet is apparently introduced by a man’s name, like the five pointed out by
Bjorck (Lc481, etc.) each of which has the enigmatic word to-u-ka followed by
wool on the reverse. The ending -ka in line 1, like po-ri-wa on the preceding tablet,
may indicate that the name of the cloths is here feminine.
219 = L 594 (G xlv)
n-ta pa-we-a
\da\-te-we-ja cloth 1 i tunic I ki i
Linen clothes from D.: one cloak, one tunic.
ri-ta pa-we-a: also on X 5927. With this tablet we leave the category of woollen gar¬
ments: ri-ta is the Homeric neuter plural Aitcx ‘linen cloth’, probably adjectival
here. The tunic ideogram differs from the corslet sign (see p. 380 ) by the
absence of cross-lines and the less pronounced shoulder-loops. The surcharged ki
probably stands for the ki-to — of 222 J 693, and identifies the garment as a
shirt, a lightly protected tunic, or as the foundation of a corslet before the addition
of armour. The word is borrowed from the Semitic form seen in Hebrew k'Loncl,
3*9
12 2
219-222
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Ugaritic ktnt (probably) and Akkadian kitintu ‘linen dress’; the basic kitu> kitinnu
means ‘linen’ itself in Akkadian, but it is perhaps better to assume that the My¬
cenaean word was borrowed as the name of a specific garment. On LeI78 the tunic
occurs with the surcharge Ri (/ztoj?) and the annotation u-po-we : compare Hesychius
Cnro(*p)£cm')S’ X 1 ™ 1 '-
220 = L 870 (K? Ixi)
[o]-da-ku-we-ta / we-we-e-a cloth 3 i tunic-1-ki i
Woollen clothes provided with o-da-k-\ one cloak, one tunic.
Compare the formula of Od . vm, 3 g 2 , etc.: 9 apo$ duirAuves r) 8 £ x lT & va -
t 221 = L 647 + M 12 + 5943 + 5974 (F)
nu-wa-ja pe. cloth [nn] . cloth 17 tunic + ki 3
[ ]-ra e-ni-qe e-ra-pe-me-na ' nu-wa-ja' cloth i [ }-ra z cloth i
[Garments:] x clean cloths of nu-wa-ja type,
seventeen dirty cloths, three tunics,
one cloth of nu-wa-ja type, torn and mended,
one . . .cloth.
Joined by Bennett from four fragments in 1954 . The meaning of nu-wa-ja is unknown
(cf. nu-wa-i-[ X 663). It is just possible that the unidentified adjunct, which seems
to be a monogram of mi+pu 2) is an alternative way of writing mi-jq-ro ‘dirty*?;
pu 2 for irAursov ‘ must be washed ’ ?
e-ni-qe occurs on two other fragments as e-ni-qe nu-[ and e-ni-qe pe-ne-[ \ see Vocabulary,
P- 392.
e-ra-pe-me-na\ the perfect participle passive of fxrnrG:> ‘stitch’, i.e. errapmend > Ippamitvn,
with a surprising lack of assimilation. Cf. ra-pte ‘tailor’, ra-pi-ti-ra 2 ‘seamstress’,
neither of which shows the postulated
+ 222 =J 693 (F xlvi)
1 ri-no I re-po-to ' qe-te-o ki-to bronze / 1 [
2 sa-pa 2 2 £ 1 e-pi-ki-to-ni-ja bronze i 1 [
Fine linen, of the tribute : a tunic = 1 kg. of bronze. .
a sa-pa= 45 g. (of bronze),
over-shirt(s) = 1 kg. of bronze. . .
ri-no re-po-to = Aivov Aeittov, cf. II. xvm, 595 : tcov 6 ’ a! ptv Ae-titocs 60ovas €X ov > ^
XiTcovas eicct’ £uvvf|TOUs. The form qe-te-a 2 (neuter plural) occurs on Pylos 96 = Un02,
q.v. It is uncertain whether the bronze figures are an indication of the value of the
items or of their actual weight (‘measured in bronze units’, in default of special
units like those for wool?); but a ‘tunic of fine linen’ is perhaps unlikely to weigh
more than 300 g. or so.
kito = \ itcuv: other cases of this word occur in less clear contexts: ki-to-pi on Le787
(instr. plur., cf. pa-we-pi =pharwesphi L 104), ki-to-na on L 785.
320
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
222-225
sa-pa : this garment recurs on Mycenae Oel08.
e-pi-ki-to-m-ja : presumably epikhitonia . A similar formation is seen in the expression
e-pi-ro-pa-ja o-du-we te-o-qo-ri-ja on the related tablet in the same hand Od 696 :
cf. Acbirq ‘cloak’, Od. xm, 224 , and Oeotto^os ‘priest’. Note also o-pi-i-ta-ja on
X 537 (cf. loros ‘loom, web’?).
223 = L 471 (? xciv)
[ pu ]- ka - ta - ri-ja / re - u-ka ' me - zo - e ' cloth 4 +pu 10
Ten white double cloaks , larger size.
pu-ka-ta-ri-ja : this word recurs on the Mycenae tablet X 508. Chadwick rejects a
connexion with iruKTaM^co * fight, box’, and suggests a dissimilated form of *ptukt
i.e. ‘a garment of double thickness’= Homeric 8 nr^a£ (fern., sc. x^ a * va )- The
feminine gender is proved by the ending of mezoes ‘larger’. Me-zo-[ also occurs on
Lc504; Bjorck suggests emending me-ko-ta on L 469 to read megistai ‘largest’, which
actually occurs on X 537.
224 = L 474 joined (E? xlviii) t
po - pu - re-ja / pu - ka - ta - ri-ja cloth 3 -fpu 21
Twenty-one purple double cloaks .
po-pu-re-ja: cf. the dual po-pu-ro 2 with two cloths + pu on L 758; and wa-na-ka-te-ro
po-pu-re-[ on X 976, suggesting that purple was already a favourite royal colour.
CX Od. xix, 225 : x^otivav Troptpup^v ou^v §x £ SI 05 ’OSuacrEus Snr^fiv.
225 = L 520
(F)
1 do-ti-ja
WOOL
18 pe-re-ke
0
3
2 ka-ma
WOOL
12
0
2
3 sa-mul-ta-jo
WOOL
24
0
4
Do-ti-ja P; 54 kg. of wool, makes three cloths.
The ka-ma : 36 kg. of wool, makes two cloths.
Sa-mu-ta-jo m : 72 kg. of wool, makes four cloths.
pe-re-ke : possibly *FT 6 pi^x £ i (‘embraces, comprises, makes’), with Tt£p before a vowel as
in Cyprian, Pamphylian, etc. Evans (PAf, iv, pp. 662 - 3 ) pointed out the ‘numerical
equation’ on this tablet, and regarded the second ideogram as a unit of weight,
identical to a Zakro stone weight of MM III which has a similar design on one face
and six dots on the other, and which weighs 220 grams. If there is in fact an equation
on this tablet, then the value represented must be much larger, since six times the
wool unit makes 18 kg. It is clear in any case from L 698 (where the ideogram
is introduced by pe-ko-to and has the normal ‘fringe’ at the bottom) that it is no more
than a specialized form of the cloth sign.
226-228
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
2 . TEXTILES AT MYCENAE
Of the three dozen tablets found by Wace in 1952 in the ‘House of the Oil
Merchant 1 and published by Bennett, all but two probably list the wool
ideogram. The majority consist largely of personal names in the dative (e.g.
Op/ielanorei on Oel 26), and seem to be the record of cloths or clothes issued to
members of a large household.
t 226 = Oel 29
di-ke
nc-wo ka-na-pe-we wool 4
Four woollen cloths to the young (or new) fuller Di-ke.
Other occupational names found in this context are a-ke-ti-ri-ja ‘nurse?’,
pe-re-ke-we (plekewei?), a-to-po-qo ‘baker’, ke-ra-me-wi 4 potter’, ka-ke-wi ‘smith’
(note the unusual datives in -i ); also ko-wo ‘son’ and tu-ka-te-re ‘daughter 1 .
General textile vocabulary shared with the other sites includes ta-ra-si-ja
= talasia (cf. 212 = Lc535), o-no (also with wool on Pylos 41=Anl4 and
UnOl) and pa-we-a 2 =pharwea.
X 227 = Oel27
pa-we-a 2 e-we-pe-se-so-me-na wool 20
Twenty woollen cloaks which are to be well boiled.
e-we-pe-se-so-me-na: apparently eu £yr|cr 6 uEva, from eyco ‘boil (trans.) The meaning is
uncertain: cf, tyriyjaoQca ‘to dye 1 (Pollux, 2 a.d.) ? Or cf. the word ballu ‘cooked 1
frequently applied to clothes at Nuzi, interpreted as ‘bleached 1 (Lacheman, 1939 ,
p. 543 )? Or are the clothes simply going to the laundry?
<f 228 = OellH 136
1 pe-ru-si-nwa o-u-ka [?
2 wo-ro-ne-ja pa-we-si[
3 ne-[wa?\ o-u-ka
4 [ ] -ki-ni-ja wool ioo[
5 [ j o-ta-pa-ro-te-wa-ro wool 20 o[
Last year’s o-u-ka :
x woollen cloths for cloaks.
New o-u-ka :
100 cloths of. . .-ki-ni-ja type.
200 cloths. . ., which are from Te-wa-ro .
322
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
228
o-u-ka (cf. o-u-ko Oel08): meaning unknown. Compare the Knossos word to-u-ka
(Lc481 , etc.)?
wo-ro-ne-ja : a form wloneia from *wolnos > oOAo$ ‘wool*, with the metathesis seen in the
by-form \ f\vo<; < *wlanos ? Palmer proposes worneia — 6 tpvsta ‘of lambs’. Bennett reads
pa-we-si-jo followed by the wool ideogram, but the end of line 2 is very uncertain.
o-ta- : the very tentative division onta paro Te-wa-ro would involve the form ovtoc of the
present participle which is so far confined to Attic; but 0 may not be initial.
3. TEXTILES AT PYLOS t
Ten very fragmentary tablets of a textile context (classified La-) were found
at Pylos in 1952. They share with Knossos the word ko-u-ra (cf. 2U = Lc 532 );
the genitive wanaktos ‘of the king’ is found on the reverse of La 622 (cf.
*45 ^ wool *59 | T | cloth 4 pa
*43 ^ Silver? 160 [yj Kind of cloth?
209 = Lc 525 ); the ideogram no. 143 occurs with the weight symbol 2 on the
reverse of La 630 , and is perhaps identical with that suggested for ‘silver’
(see p. 351, and compare the metal weights on 222 =J 693 ).
4. MYCENAEAN VESSEL NAMES
The ideograms for vessels show a great variety of forms, and it is not feasible
to allot a separate reference number for all of them; new tablets may easily
extend the range. Although they are intended as a more or less faithful drawing
of the numerous different types in use, it is characteristic of both Knossos and
Pylos that the scribe almost always adds the Greek name of the vessel type
either in full spelling or as a ‘surcharged’ initial (the references to these initials
in SM II, p. 59 should be treated with caution). The fact that the same names
recur with the same shapes at the two palaces effectively disproves the objection
which has been raised that such an added description is superfluous and
improbable. That the practice is inherited from Linear A is suggested by the
Agia Triada tablet HT 31 (PM, iv, p. 732, fig. 717), where vessels are anno¬
tated with sign-groups corresponding to Linear B su-pu and ka-ro-pa Zi cups
with pa 2 -pa 3 , su-pa z -ra and pa-ta-qe : the difference of language is obvious.
Thirteen vessel types with known Mycenaean names are shown in fig. 16.
Even though the ideograms are naturalistic and provided with Greek names,
it is not easy to connect all of them securely with types known from the
323
■h+
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
archaeological record, or to fit them accurately into the classification of shapes
set out by Furumark ( MP , figs. 2-21). There are two main reasons for this:
1. The connexion of classical Greek vessel-names with classical shapes is itself to
some extent a matter of guesswork; and not only have the classical shapes designed for
each specific purpose undergone marked changes from their Mycenaean equivalents,
but the Greek names themselves can be seen to show shifts of meaning between earlier
and later writers.
Knossos
Pylos
Mycenae
Transcripiion
200
201
t^t=5
vw
pi-jera^
pi-a r ra
tt-ri'po-dt
ti-n-po-di-ko
BOILING PAN
TRIPOD
CAULDRON
202
di-pa
GOBLET?
203
V
qt.[Q
qe-io
WINE JAR?
20 *
V
qe-ra-na
EWER
205
1}
a-u-ux
JUG
206
V
ka-tj
HYDRlA
207
ku-rn-supa^
TRIP«»
AMPHORA
208
fa
BOWL
209
^ ^ 4'Pi'pO-T€-V>t
V
l-re-tve
a-po-re-tvt
AMPHORA
210
ka-ra-rt-tot
ka-ra-rt-tuc
STIRRUP
JAR
211
f 1 .«*
WATER BOWL?
212
udaro
u-do-ro
WATER JAR?
213
v '—7 ipo-no
COOKING
BOWL
Fig. 16. Mycenaean vessel ideograms and their names.
2. That most of the ideograms (at any rate nos. 200-8) represent metal rather than
pottery types is indicated not only by their profiles but by the bronze ideogram
(nos. 202, 205 and 208), and by the fact that they are counted, like those of gold,
in small numbers from one to three. By contrast, note that in 1953 Blegcn found 2853
plain pottery kylixes in Room 2 and 2147 bowls and ‘teacups’ in Room 5 at Pylos:
the tablets listing these sets, if they were listed at all, would evidently have a very
324
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
different appearance. Owing to their melting-down value, finds of metal vessels are
almost entirely confined to undisturbed burials ofkings and chieftains, and to household
treasures which have escaped looting by concealment. The bulk of such finds date from
1600-1400 b.c., and it is a moot point whether metal shapes and decoration so far
characteristic only of Late Minoan and Helladic 1 —II may in fact be assumed to be
still in use around 1200 b.c., and used to illustrate the phraseology of the Pylos tablets.
But some of the more valuable objects may of course be heirlooms rather than of recent
manufacture.
The majority of the fourteen types listed above evidently belong to the
characteristic furnishing of a chieftain’s apartments, and are designed largely
for the heating and carrying of water for baths and hand-washing (and pos¬
sibly to a lesser extent for the preparation and
consumption ofdrink). Such services are shown
on the Knossos tablet K 93 (fig. 17), where the
first set apparently comprises our types 200, 212
and 205, the second our types 208 and 204.
Similar sets of bronze vessels provide (together
with weapons and Palace Style vases) the typical grave furniture of chieftains.
A representative group from the LM II ‘Tomb of the Tripod Hearth’ at Zafer
Papoura (PA/, in, p. 634, fig. 398) is shown in fig. 18: relatives of our types
2G0, 201, 204 and 208 can be seen, together with the ladle of 229 — K 434 and
the lamp (?) of 237 =Ta 709 .
The ‘Chieftain’s Grave’ at Zafer Papoura (PA/, iv, p. 861, fig. 843) yielded
a ewer of type 204, a two-handled bowl, a ‘frying-pan’ (lamp?), a mirror,
two swords and two spears. Similar groups of bronze vessels from houses
adjoining the palace are discussed by Evans (PA/, 11, pp. 623 ff.), and include
two tripods and a ewer from a house to the S.E. of the South House (fig. 394).
Note also the hoard of bronze vessels (types 200, 201,204) from the 4th Shaft
Grave (Schliemann, 1878, pp. 273-8). The following notes discuss in more
detail the identification of our types.
200. pi-a 2 -ra or pi-je-ra^ (plural), £ boiling-pan ’: a large shallow vessel, designed to
expose a large area to the fire, and provided with high-swung handles for suspension.
The foot apparently shown on 237 — Ta 709 .1 is unusual, since it is much too narrow
to keep the vessel in equilibrium; it is not entirely clear on the tablet. These vessels
are evidently considerably smaller than the huge hemispherical bronze cauldrons
with three handles found at Tylissos, of which the largest had a diameter of 1 40 m.
The name agrees in sense with the (VtpiOeTos 9iaAr| am/pcoTos of II. xxm, 270, and
shows the same vowel-alternation as the classical 9i&Ar|/9i£Aq.
20 r. ti-ri-po, plural ti-ri-po-de = Tpbros, cf. IL xvm, 346: ol Aorrpo)(6ov Tpi-rroS'
3 2 5
GS
Fig. 17 . Knossos tablet K 93,
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Icrraaav tv Trupi Kr)A£<p. The ideogram conforms to the Bronze Age pattern in showing
the legs attached to the belly rather than to the underside of the handles, but in a
rather more schematic way than on the surviving metal examples.
| 202 . di-pa, dual di-pa-e : spelling, gender and declension suggest identity with the
Homeric 8 rrras ‘goblet’, but the precise shape and use are far from certain. Late
Minoan and Helladic drinking vessels belong to the class of ‘stemmed cups* ( MP ,
figs. i 6 “i 7 ). The earlier version A in fig. 19 is exemplified by the f our gold cups from
Fig. 18. Contents of the Tomb of the Tripod Hearth, Zafer Papoura
(Evans, Palace of Alinos, 11, p. 634, fig. 39 ®)
the Mycenae acropolis treasure (Thomas, 1939 ), the silver ‘crater* from Shaft 11 at
Dendra, and the ‘loving cup* on the Knossos Camp-stool Fresco [FM t iv, p. 365 ,
fig. 305 c); and is paralleled in pottery by the ‘Ephyraean goblet’. The kylix from
the end of the Mycenaean age has a narrower stem, and either one or two handles
which may be low ( B ) or high-swung ( C ). The identification of our dipas with such
a cup is made difficult by the marked constriction at the neck of the ideogram;
by the fact that the handles arc shown high-swung even at Knossos; by the broad
base and lack of foot on the Knossos version; and by the four handles on 236 = Ta641,
which would seem to interfere with either drinking, pouring or scooping (unless
arranged in the paired fashion which has been argued for Nestor’s famous ‘four-
326
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
handled Sd-rras’ in //. xi, 632 - 7 ). The alternative of assuming that the ideogram is
only a schematic indication of a ‘piriform amphora’ [MP y fig. 4 ) with handles below
the neck encounters the objection that the qe-to of 236 = Ta641.2 is deliberately so
distinguished in drawing. The collocation with tripods might suggest that the dipas
is used for bath-water rather than drink, but its narrow base and handleless variety
prove it to be quite small.
203 . qe-to (plural): this vessel appears to have two horizontal handles (like the small f
pithoid jar, MP> fig. 3 , no. 27 ). Bennett’s suggested identification with die classical
lriOos ‘wine-jar’, ‘wine-cask*, is hard to reconcile with the current etymology,
204 . qe-ra-na (sing.): a bronze ewer or ‘oinochoe’ of the type usual in the surviving +
bronze hoards: these generally show a horizontal ring two-thirds of the way from
handle to base, to help in pouring (cf. Kopoovbfcaaa on 235— Ta 7 ll?)- Palmer’s
comparison with ir^Aavos ‘funerary libation* would apparently involve an un-
etymological use of q-. Alternatively cf. Old Norse huenrn ‘pot*, Gothic hwaimei
(fern.) ‘cranium’ (cf. Lat. testa)? One might expect the prokhowos of Mycenae
234 = Ue 6 ll to have a similar appearance.
Fig. 19. Late Hdladic drinking cups.
205 . a-te-we (plural): a word in -cus y describing a straight-sided ewer or ‘cream-jug’
with a more elongated neck than ( 204 ). The first vessel on fig. 17 differs in its curved
handle and tilted spout.
206 . ka-ti (singular): a globular pitcher with the indication of two extra smaller handles
at the widest part of the body, which may be designed to help carry the vessel on
the head. As in the classical hydria and in Mycenaean globular jugs of pottery ( MP ,
fig. 7 , nos. 128 and 129 ), one might expect to find these two handles in fact set on
the opposite axis to the main one. The spelling represents the ancestor of the classical
Kq0is, KqGdpiov ‘dice-shaker or voting urn* (cf. 08piain the same sense, and Hesychius’
Arcadian gloss KdrOiSoi * 08picu).
207 . ku-ru-su-pa z ?: a squat globular amphora with three legs or a tripod stand.
Probably not a compound of xpuobs ‘gold’ but a native ‘Minoan’ word, to judge
from the AgiaTriada vessel names ka-ro-pa^ su-pu and su-pa^ra quoted above; cf. the
Hittite (Hurrian) huprulk- ‘pilgrim flask*?
208 . A shallow bowl with upstanding ring handle riveted on: on 229 = K 434 the
bottom end of the ring stands clear of the body, the condition usual in the surviving
327
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
examples. According to size and context this ideogram may evidently represent
anything from a large bronze basin (cf. fig. 18 , object b ; and PM, it, p. 631 , fig.
395 a } b , c ) to a small gold or silver bowl like those
from Marathon, Mycenae, Dendra and from Ai
Iannis by Knossos ( JHS, 74, 1954 , PL IX), The
Homeric (e.g. Od . 1 , 137 ) is a possible Greek
name for this type. On 238 = Tn996.4 the bronze
bowls apparently have feet, which makes them
similar to the pedestailed bowls found in the
Shaft Graves at Mycenae (fig. 20 ).
f 209 . a-pi-po-re-we , a-po-re-we = &n (pKpopfjfES, &U 90 -
pfifes. The Mainland spelling already shows the
telescoped form (metrically impossible in Homer),
but the clear etymology ‘carried on both sides’
has preserved the bond between name and shape
down to classical times. Evans (PM, iv, p. 732 )
shows that the single honey amphoras on 204 =
Gg704, etc. arc probably of metal, pointing particularly to the handles on Gg709
(of which his fig. 716 gives an inaccurate impression); but the amphoras on 233 =
Ucl60 rev. may be of pottery, as the 1800 specimens of Gg700 certainly are. Evans
(PM, iv, p. 734 ) says that the latter have a surcharged A and ‘spouts’ like stirrup-
jars, but publishes no photo; Bennett’s Index (p. 114 ) does not refer to either of these
peculiarities.
J 2 io. ka-ra-re-we: called ‘stirrup handled vases' in $M ll y the ‘spout’ which appears
in profile on Evans’ drawing is not clear on the photograph (and indeed unexpected,
since the mouth of a stirrup-jar projects in the opposite axis to the handles) but is
confirmed by Chadwick’s autopsy. The use of the word on Pylos Gnll84 suggests
that this vessel type does in fact represent a stirrup-jar used for oil storage, and the
large number ( 180 ) counted on Uc778 again points to a pottery type; but note that
Evans infers the existence of stirrup-jars in metal from the rivet decoration of some
from Shaft Grave 68 at Zafer Papoura ( PM , 11 , p. 640 ). Krairewes from xpatpa
‘head*, or klarewes from KXfjpos (cf. KXt|pooTp{s ‘voting urn’)?? What Evans inter¬
prets as the neck of a stirrup-jar on U 746 is in fact the word ke-ro above the ideogram
no. 172 .
211 . That po-ti-[ on 232 = K 875*6 represents the initial of the vessels introduced by
}-we and surcharged/w on K 873 is only a conjecture. The ideogram shows a shallow
bowl or cup (numerals 32 , 24 , 22 ) of similar outline to the dipas but with two handles
set on the widest part of the body. On K 873 the first line adds u-do , presumably
OScop.
212 . u-do-ro (plural): apparently a conical bucket-shaped bowl with two horizontal^)
handles (absent on K 774, 776 ). The horizontal line near the top may indicate a
separate rim or lid (shown open on 238 = Tn996.4?). It is perhaps the vessel seen
to the left of K 93 (fig. 17 above) between the basin and the jug. This vessel was
3ii8
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
229-230
possibly used for baling out the bath in 238 =Tn996, and resembles the conical bronze
pans from Knossos (PM, u, fig. 394 , no. 4 ; fig. 396 ) and from Shaft V in chamber
tomb no. 7 at Dendra. Some similarity is also shown by the bronze tankard from
Tiryns and by the same shape in clay from Pylos, but these have only one handle.
The name is evidently derived from u 8 po- ‘water’, but the form 06po$ itself is only
found with the meaning ‘water-snake’ in Greek.
213 . i-po-no (plural): a shallow open dish. The classical hrvds (of uncertain etymology)
means ‘an earthenware dish or cover in which food was baked’ and, no doubt as
a secondary development, ‘oven, furnace’.
5. INVENTORIES OF VESSELS AT KNOSSOS
229 = K 434 (D xxxv) t
1 ] I BOWL I ^ I
2 \-d e -u)CL-pi ko-no-ni-pi 1
One. . ., one bowl, one ladle,
one [jug] with. . .bars.
Evans compares the silver ladle from the Vaphio tomb (PM, iv, fig. 91 1 ); note also
object 0 on fig. 18 above.
ko-no-ni-pi : Evans describes the ideogram as a ‘jug, the handle of which is partly
obliterated; it seems to have had a raised ring round its neck’; Chadwick confirms
dial ii has a clear band round the neck, ko-no-ni-pi (wrongly printed in Bennett’s
Index as -jd) is evidently a feminine noun (cf. 244 = Ta7l4.3) with genitive singular
in -nios or -nidos. Does it represent Kavovts ‘cross-bar’? Cf. also 11. xm, 407 : dcmfSa
... 8 v>co Kavdygcro’ dpapulav. A restoration [peri}derwaphi = TT£pi5£paio$ ‘round the
neck’ would, however, violate both the declension rules for compound adjectives
and the accepted etymology of 8 £pii from *g u erwa.
230 = K 740 (H li)
’? t ]
2 di-pa BRONZE GOBLET?-hpi 3?
3 qe-ro 2 bronze Q 16
4 ku-ru-su-pa z ? . tripod-amphora i
5 pi-ri-je . ze 1
6 [ ] rne-[ ]
uncertain number of lines missing
di-pa : probably an error for plural *di-pa-a. The plural 5 £ttcx in Homer is not a valid
analogy, since it is everywhere the result of elision.
qe- to 2 : Evans (PM, iv, p. 732 ) says that the ideogram ‘must probably be regarded as
a variant of the cuirass sign seen on the Chariot tablets’. It has the yoke-shaped top
329
230-232
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
characteristic of the tunic symbol (sec p. 313 ) and recurs in the armour context
of 299 -V 789 and 300-G 5670, q.v.
pi-rLje: the absence of another ideogram suggests that we should take zk not as ‘pairs’
but in the sense ‘saw’; but one would expect pi-ri-jo for irpiow. The function of the
dots in lines 4 and 5 is uncertain; ditto signs for ‘bronze’?
t 231 =K 872 (D orK? lxi)
1 [ J ke-ra-a [nn]
2 [ ]-mc-no ne-pa 2 -sa~pi ^ 1
3 r 1-pi-te-te ku-ru-so
^ nej-pa 2 -sa-pi we. ^ 7 . 3
? two bull’s head ‘rhytons’ [? gilded] on the horns;
one bull’s head ‘rhyton’ [? decorated] with ne-pa 2 -sa- ;
three silver cups [? decorated] with ne-pa 2 -sa the rim of gold.
Lines 1 and 2 : a comparable ‘bull’s head rhyton’ is shown among Keftiu tribute in the
early fifteenth century b.c. Egyptian tomb of User-Amon. The black steatite example
from the Little Palace (PM, 11 , pp. 527 ff.) has tridachna shell inlay round the nose
and in irregular patches; eyes of crystal and red jasper; small medallions with
revolving rays between the horns; and probably horns of wood covered with gold
foil. The silver one from the fourth shaft grave at Mycenae (PM, n, p. 531 , fig. 333 )
has horns of wood plated with gold, gold inlay round the muzzle, and a gold rosette
on the forehead. The objects or substance represented in this context by ne-pa 2 -sa-pi
(instr. plur.) is unknown, but it also enters into the cups of line 3 , and into the
composition of the man’s name Me-pa^sa-ta on PY Fn03.
ypi-te-te: cf. o-pi-te-te-re , PY 251=Vn02. 5. Either ‘lid’ (cf. ^TnOsuot, Horn. ImOripa)
or ‘applied band’ (cf. mplOspa). Compare the silver bowls from Dendra and
Mycenae with a gold plate attached to the rim; Nuzi tablet SMN 589 (‘a cup of
silver with its edges covered in gold’, Lacheman, 1939 , p. 538 ); and Od. iv, 615 - 16 :
dpyupe°S icmv octtos, ypuaco 6 * dm yEiXsa KSKpaavTai. The cups are of the same
shape as the gold ones from Vaphio and those shown in the Egyptian tomb of
Senmut. Such cups were also made of bronze (cf. PM, ir, fig. 288 c, from Tomb 12
at Mochlos). There appears to be a diminutive wo, of unknown significance, written
to the right of the ideogram.
x 232 = K 875 (K lxv)
1 [. . .] / pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja / di-pa a-no-wo-to [U i ]
2 pe-ri-ta / pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja / di-pa a-no-wo-to [U 1 ]
3 wi-na-jo / pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja / di-pa a-no-wo-to [ U 1 ]
4 i-da-i-jo I pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja / di-pa a-no-wo-to [U 1 ]
5 sa-me-ti-jo / pa 2 -si-re-wi-ja / di-pa a-no-wo-to [U t]
r> i-je-re-wi-jo pa 2 -si-[re-wi\-ja a-no-wo-to TJ 1 po-ti-[
330
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
232-234
So-and-so (the basileus’ retinue): one goblet(?) without a handle,
etc.
The bottom line is damaged. Evans’ drawing shows the number ro, but this horizontal
appears to be a crack in the clay. For the ‘goblet without a handle* cf. Pylos
236 = Ta641.3.
233 =Ucl 60 reverse (? xxvii) j
;? [
2 a-pi-po-re-we ^ three anaphoras. . .
3 i-po-no 14 [ fourteen cooking bowls. . .
4 [u\-dg-rg O 17 [ seventeen water jars. . .
uncertain number of lines lost
The other side of this tablet is a fragmentary list of wine and other measured com¬
modities. 'Die small T which follows the ideograms on Evans’ drawing is a single
ten with a vertical crack in the clay.
6 . VESSELS AT MYCENAE
234 = Ue 611 reverse. (House of the Sphinxes) X
1 ku-pe-ra 4 a-po-re-we 2 pe-ri-ke 3
2 ka-ra-te-ra 1 po-ro-ko-wo 4 a-ta-ra 10
3 ?] pa-ke-te-re 30 ka-na-to 5 qe-tija 10
4 qe-to 2 ti-ri-po-di-ko 8 ka-rq-ti-ri-jg 7
Four drinking cups, two anaphoras, three pitchers ,
one mixing-bowl, four pouring jugs, ten ladles,
thirty . . ., five baskets , ten small wine-jars ,
two wine jars, eight small tripods, seven baskets .
The other side of this tablet is a list of olives, figs and wine. The list of vessels is unfor¬
tunately not accompanied by ideograms; a considerable store of different pottery
types was found in a room adjacent to that in which this tablet was discovered in
1954 . In the doorway of this store-room a number of clay sealings were found in
* 953 ; they are inscribed with a series of words apparently describing vessels or
utensils, some of which recur on 234= Ue611.
ku-pe-ra : probably the Homeric KOrneAAa. Note the absence of the di-pa from this list
of vessels apparently devoted largely to drinking purposes.
pe-ri-ke = tt^Aikes: the word is quoted by Pollux (x, 67 ) from Cratinus, and mentioned
by Athenaeus (xi, 495 ) in the form irEXixai. The grammarians were by no means
sure of the meaning: kOAi£, orpoxotSiov and xo$S a re all given as equivalents.
ka-ra-te-ra : apparently kratera , but the accusative is surprising; possibly for a derivative
krateria? Old Latin creterra is supposed to be an early borrowing of the Ionic
accusative Kprp-fipa by way of Etruscan.
33
234
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
po-ro-ko-wo ss Horn. Trpoxoog, Cretan TtpoKoo? is used as a measure.
a-ta-ra : possibly antla . A neuter dvTXov is quoted from Pollux (i, 92 ); the sense * bucket*
is not recorded before Manetho. Cf. Hesychius dirrAta * Ka5krKo$.
pa-ke-te-re occurs on Pylos Vn879 (probably to be restored on 251«Vn02.6); no
plausible explanation. From oxpajco or Triy/vum? Cf. also yke-te-ri-ja with the
‘lamp?’ on 237 = Ta709.
ka-na-Lo: cf. KdvaoTpov, KdvaoOov? Not yvdOo? in some technical sense?
qe-ti-ja: probably a diminutive of qt-lo (236 = Ta64l. 2, q.v .), which is apparently to be
read in line 4 .
ti-ri-po-di-ko = tripodiskoi. Also a man’s name on PY Cnl2.8: cf. the Attic deme
TpmoSicTKOs.
ka-Tq-ti-ri-jo : connected with kAAcxOos?
t 7. INVENTORIES OF VESSELS AND FURNITURE AT PYLOS
The Ta- Series
Among the documents which were found by Blegen in the campaigns of 1952-3
and have appeared in Bennett’s second (1955) edition of the Pylos tablets, the
most important (both for further decipherment and for the light they throw
on Mycenaean culture) are the series which have been classified by the prefix
Ta-. One of these, 236 = Ta 641 with its tripods and four-handled ‘goblets’,
was separately published by Blegen (1953, c ^- Ventris, 19540, P- 18), and has
been invaluable in providing a conclusive check on the decipherment. An
earlier draft of the present chapter has already been partly published in Eranos
(53, 1955, 109-24); Bennett has independently arrived at a very similar idea
of their meaning.
The Ta- series consists of thirteen tablets of‘ palm-leaf’ shape in grey-burnt
clay, exceptionally neatly written and well preserved. From their similar
context, ‘hand’ and common locus, adjoining the Archive Room, they
evidently constitute a coherent set written for a single occasion. Ta 710 ,
which merely repeats Ta 721 lines 3-4, has been omitted here; but the red
tablet Tn 996 (with ‘bath-tubs’) may conveniently be discussed together with
the series because of its similar subject-matter, even though found some dis¬
tance away (in Room 4, Blegen, 1954, p. 28). We have printed first 711 , 641 ,
709 and 996 which record vessels and utensils; next 642 , 713 and 715 which
list the article to-pt-z.a\ then 707 , 708 and 714 which record to-no and ta-ra-nu
in combination; and finally 721 and 722 , where ta-ra-nu (plural ta-ra-nu-we )
are counted alone and illustrated by the ideogram q—T .
Although this rectangular object with its looped ends at first sight resembles
a vessel, its name thrdnus , plural thranues , is clearly the Homeric 0 pfjvus
332
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
‘footstool’. On Ta 722.1 the object can be seen to have short legs under it.
An identical piece of furniture is visible under the feet of the seated goddess
on the large gold signet-ring from Tiryns. Doubts were expressed by Evans
as to the ring’s authenticity, but the odd form of the footstool could hardly
have been anticipated by a forger. Wace tells us that he and Seager examined
the ring and shared Karo’s opinion that it is genuine.
The spelling of the objects to-no and to-pe-za will be discussed below; but the
first, which regularly forms a pair with thrdnus , is evidently the equivalent of
Bpovos ‘chair’, the second of Tpcrrr^a ‘table’. The furniture listed on the
Fig. 21. The gold signet ring from Tiryns.
surviving tablets comprises eleven tables, five chairs and fifteen footstools
(four of them paired with chairs). The low number of chairs may suggest that
part of their inventory is missing, or possibly that some of the thrdnues were
intended to be sat on. A close parallel is given by the Akkadian tablets
nos. 417-24 from Alalakh (Wiseman, 1953, pp. 108-9), e -g- no - 4 * 9 : ‘twenty
tables, thirty-two chairs and thirty-five footstools, for the house of Irihalpa’.
The construction and decoration of this furniture have fortunately been
listed in detail by the Pylos scribe, offering a fascinating sidelight on what we
already know of Mycenaean craftsmanship and of its favourite design motifs.
Compare especially Furumark’s analysis in Mycenaean Pottery ( MP ), the ivory
ornaments found at Mycenae in 1952-4 (Wace, 1954, where their function as
furniture decoration is stressed), and those from Delos (de Santerre & Treheux,
1948, with full references to previous Mycenaean ivories). Note also the ivory
fragments found in Pylos Rooms 53 and 54 in 1954, ‘evidently fallen from a
333
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
lady’s apartment above’ (Blcgcn, HJ 55 , p. 34 ). The specification makes great
use of adjectives in -fEacrcc and -Eios to specify the component details, and
applies to the furniture two recurrent passive participles in -pivo$. The first
of these, a-ja-me-no , is known from the specification ofKnossos chariots 200 years
earlier (e.g. 266= Sd0401): it apparently describes the inlay or veneering of wood
with more costly materials, especially ivory. The second, qe-qi-no-me-no or
qe-qi-no-to y probably refers to the turning or carving of particular designs.
The Ta- tablets appear to list the furnishings of a luxurious reception room
(furniture, vessels and arrangements for heating), and their context and
vocabulary find a significant echo in Od. xix, 53 - 62 :
'H 8 ' iev Ik OaA&uoio TT£pi 9 pajv TTr)V£A 6 'rr£ia.
Tfj rrapa ulv xAicririv rrvpl K&-i0£crav, 2v0* ap’ I 9 T 3 E,
SivcoTijv IAI 9 CIVT 1 Kai dpyvpcp (f[v ttote tIktcov
T rolria* ’Ikm&Aios) Kai Crrr 8 Opf^vuv iroaiv ?)K£
•rrpoa^ul' crinrjs, o0 J Itri ply a P&AAeto K&aS.
fiAOov 81 Spcpal AevkgjAevoi Ik UEyapoio.
al 6’ <5rrr6 \.dv cjTtov ttoAuv ipEov r|8l Tpa rre^as
Kai Sl-Tra’, Iv0ev dp* av8p£$ CmeppEvlowTES ettivov.
The Ta- tablets are also valuable in providing the longest extant Mycenaean
sentences (244 = Ta714 has twenty-three consecutive words), and in throwing
new light on the formation of the feminine dual (see 241 =Ta715) and of the
instrumental case in the plural. The latter regularly shows -phi as the ending of
consonant stems and of feminine -a- stems; but masculine and neuter - 0 - stems
merely end in -0 in the instrumental plural, probably to be interpreted as -ois
(see p. 85 ). This is clearly demonstrated in 246=Ta722.2-3:
elephanleiois karda'phi lewonteiois ‘ with ivory lions’ heads
elephanleidphi karuphi ‘with ivory nuts (?) \
In the Mycenaean consonant declensions the ending -phi is added directly to
the stem, as in oxsoxpt and opEcrcpi (Horn. KOTvArjSovoqu is evidently an innova¬
tion). The resulting consonant groups are reduced by assimilation, already
seen in the form qe-to-ro-po-pi of 31 =Ac 04 (cf. Horn. Kcmr 9dXapa, KappaAs,
KcnrTTEaE):
po-pi^*podphi (cf. Vedic padbhis)>popphi i
re-wo-pi = *lewont phi > lewom phi ,
but po-ni-ki-pi~phoinik-phi (a loan-word?).
The instrumental singular is already identical with the dative-locative in all
declensions.
334
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
235
235 = Ta 71 1 t
1 o-wi-de pu 2 ?-ke-qi-ri o-te wa-na-ka te-ke * 8 yke-wa da-mo-ko-ro
2 qe-ra-na wa-na-se-wi-ja qo-u-ka-ra ko-ki-re-ja ewer i
qe-ra-na a-mo-te-wi-ja ko-ro-no-we-sa (no ideogram)
3 qe-ra-na wa-na-se-wi-ja ku-na-ja qo-u-ka-ra to-qi-de-we-sa ewer i
Thus P. (fern. ?) made inspection, on the occasion when the king appointed
Sigewas(?) to be a damokoros:
One ewer of the queen’s set, bull’s head design, decorated with sea-shells ;
one ewer of the harmost's set , with a curved handle.
One ewer of the queen’s set , a woman’s gift , bull’s head design, decorated
with a running spiral.
ho wide P. hole wanax theke S . ddmokoron : this sentence may be intended to serve as
introduction to the whole Ta- series. The aorist wide also introduces 154 = Eq01 :
ho wide Axotas; it possibly refers to the checking of the transaction by the responsible
official. For theke ‘ appointed’ cf. II. vi, 300 : Tqv yap Tpcoes £9ilKav 'A0qvair)s UpEiav.
*8$-ke-wa is named on 258 = Kn01.21 as an official of places contributing gold; the
title da-mo-ko-ro (synonymous with ko-re-le and basileus ?) also occurs on OnOl and
KN L 642, X 7922. An analogous introductoiy phrase is seen on some of the tablets
from Alalakh, e.g. no. 355 : 4ana m Taguzi , inuma sarru ana al Abenaa!bu ‘four (birds) to
Taguzi, when the king went to stay in AbenaCf. also nos. 376 , 378 , 409 , 411 and
414 .
qe-ra-na ‘ewer’: see p. 327 .
wa-na-se-wi-ja'. apparently an adjective from fivaaaa formed under the influence of
(3a<JiAijios, etc. (cf. Horn. ^Eiviya, Ionic yuvaiKiVia). Alternatively ‘as a gift; to the
queen*?
qo-u-ka-ra : probably g u ou-kara rather than -gala. Full-face heads of cattle [MP, motif
no. 4 , ‘Bucranium’) occur on the silver cup from Dendra, and on the ‘ Vaphio’ cup
illustrated on the Egyptian tomb of Senmut (PM, n, p. 737 ).
ko-ki-re-ja — konkhileid ? A descriptive adjective also applied to tables (240 = Ta713):
cf. KOK<irAia, KoyxuXq, KoyyuXios, KoyAias, etc. Compare MP, motif no. 23 , ‘Whorl-
shell*, of which ivory examples have been found at Mycenae (Wace, 1954 , p. 150 )
together with cockle shells. Note that the bronze ewer of identical shape from the
Knossos ‘Chieftain’s Grave’ (PM, iv, p. 86 o, fig. 843 ) has cockle shells in metal
attached to the two extremities of the handle.
a-mo-te-wi-ja : derived from the title a-mo-te-wo (gen. sing.) seen on PY Ea25.
ko-ro-no-we-sa : from Kopcovq ‘sea-bird’ Od. v, 66 (cf. MP, motif no. 7 , and Evans, PM,\\,
PP* 3 2 9 _ 39)' O r from Kopobvrj ‘curved handle’, Od. 1 , 441 : flupqv 8 * frr£puCTcjE
Kopcbvq dpyup^r) (and see p. 327 ).
ku-na-ja: apparently gunaid, in Homer only in the phrase (5 Aeto) yuvaicov EtvEKa Scopcov.
to-qi-de-we-sa = torq u idwessa? Cf. to-qi-de-ja (237 = Ta709), a-ja-me-no lo-qi-de (245 =
Ta72l). This seems to be an ornamental feature rather than a physical appendage,
335
235-236
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
and does not occur in the plural. Connected with torqucd and with euTpoaaEoOar
£ 7 naTpe 9 £cr 0 ai (Hesych.) in the sense of ‘running spiral 1 ornament (ATP, motifno. 46 );
and more distantly with Tponis, gen. Tponios or TpomSos, ‘ship’s keel’? The
‘running spiral’ is frequent on all classes of LM and Mycenaean objects, together
with the other band patterns ‘half-rosettes and triglyph’, ‘rosettes’, ‘ivy leaves’ and
‘ triglyph band ’ (de Santerre: ‘ baguette a ligatures ’). Ivory specimens of all five of these,
from Mycenaean furniture, have been found at Mycenae and Delos. There are in
all five examples of feminine adjectives in -wessa on the Ta * series (for the decorative
sense, compare Horn. <5 cv0euoeis, etc.). The suffix is added directly to the word-
stem, as in Indo-Iranian and Hittite (see Buck and Petersen, Reverse Index , p, 460 );
the classical domSoEis, etc. are innovations.
| 236 =Ta 641 (see plate III (6), facing p. in)
1 ti-ri-po-de / ai-ke-u ke-re-si-jo we-ke 2
ti-ri-po e-me po-de o-wo-we ^ 1
ti-ri-po ke-re-si-jo we-ke a-pu kej ka-u-me-no
v ke-re-a 2 no-[pe-re?' tripod i]
2 qe-to wine -jar? 3 di-pa me-zo-{e} qe-to-ro-we $ 1
di-pa-e me-io-e ti-n-o-we-e 9 2
di-pa me-wi-jo qe-to-ro-we Q 1
3 di-pa me-wi-jo ti-ri-jo-we Q t
di-pa me-wi-jo a-no-we 9 I
Two tripod cauldrons of Cretan workmanship, of ai-ke-u type;
one tripod cauldron with a single handle on one foot;
one tripod cauldron of Cretan workmanship, burnt away at the legs, useless.
Three wine-jars ; one larger-sized goblet with four handles; two larger-sized
goblets with three handles; one smaller-sized goblet with four handles; one
smaller-sized goblet with three handles; one smaller-sized goblet without a
handle.
ke-re-si-jo we-ke : the first translation ‘Aigcus the Cretan brings them’ (Ventris, 1954 a,
p. 18 ) is certainly wrong: ‘Cretan’ should be Kpr)S, the omission of Aigeus in the
third clause would be anomalous, and a verbal phrase {we-ke —wekhei y cf. Pamph.
f£X^ TCO ?) is unparalleled in the rest of the series. Palmer plausibly reads kresio-werges
‘of Cretan style or workmanship’, cf. cpidAai AuKioupyeTs Demosth. xlix, 31 , Kponfjpes
Kopiv0ioupyeIs Callix., etc. We should, however, expect the dual -we-ke-e in the first
clause (or are the second numeral and the smaller word ti-ri-po-de added as an
afterthought?). Is ai-ke-u (spelt ai 2 ?-ke-u on 237 = Ta709.3) an adjective describing
the tripod, or the name of a man inserted in parenthesis? Webster suggests that the
ideogram represents a handle in the form of a goat’s head: compare Schlicmann’s
Warrior Vase from Mycenae (Thomas, 1939 , p. 70 ), where a double handle is formed
336
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
236-237
at each side by the recurving horns of a cow(?) in relief. No such double handle is
shown, however, on 237=Ta709,3.
e-me po-de o-wo-we: the alternation e-me-de / du-wo-u-pi-de on Eb37/Eb40 (sec p. 254 ),
etc. shows that e-me is the dative of ‘one* (*semi> hemi > £vi); and the
form oiw-dwes ‘ with one handle’ is suggested by the similar compounds
on the rest of the tablet. The Mycenaean three legged ‘incense-burners’
[MPy fig. 21 , nos. 315 - 16 ) show an analogous handle arrangement,
evidently only suitable for a fairly small vessel. Such a design does not,
however, agree with the ideogram as drawn.
ke-re-a 2 =skelea: in the accusative of respect, cf. to <jk£Aos Trrmpcoiigvos Demosth. xvm,
67 , toOs 690c^aoOs 6 i€ 90 appevoi Xen. An, iv, 5 , 12 (Schwyzer, Gram, n, p. 85 ). Less
probably ‘on the rim’, cf. Od. iv, 616 . The final no-[ may perhaps be com¬
pleted as nophelis , cf. 288 = Sa790 (p. 374 ).
qe-to : see p, 327 , no. 203 .
di-pa me-wi-jo a-no-we = dipas mewjon andwes : for the vessel type, see p. 326 , no. 202 . The
formation - owes (from *-duses ‘-cared, -handled’) is only paralleled once in classical
Greek, in Theocritus’ Kiaav/(3iov au 9 &£S ‘two-handled cup* ( 1 , 28 ). The more usual
-ouotos ( *-ousntos ) >-cotos is attested for Mycenaean by the di-pa a-no-wo-to which
on KN 232 = K 875 accompanies the same ideogram.
237=Ta709 ( + 712) t
1 pi-je-ra 3 to-qi-de-ja 3 pa-ko-to[ c . 10 lost
]-ke-te-ri : ja —a 1 kn-te-ri-ja 6
2 * 8 $-te 1 pu-ra-u-to-ro 2 pa 2 -ra-to-ro 1 e -[' c. 1 o lost
]-ra i-to-we-sa pe-de-we-sa so-we-ne-ja * 8 ^-de-we-sa-qe 1
3 ti-ri-po ke-re-si-jo we-ke ai 2 ?-ke-u tripod [i c, 10 lost
]-W T R IP O D I
Three boiling pans with running spiral decoration, x fixtures , . . ., one lamp, six
hammers ;
one brush y two fire-tongs, one fire-rake, . . one [ ] with an upright and
sockety decorated with groowj and pomegranates ;
one tripod cauldron of Cretan workmanship, of ai-ke-u type; one tripod
cauldron. . ..
pi-je-ra 3 = phielai: see p. 325 , no. 200 .
pa-ko-to[ ]: connected with classical etc.?
]-ke-te-ti-ja: a feminine noun similar in structure to (JaxT^pia. The ideogram appears
to represent a lamp (cf, fig. 18 , objects e,f and 0 ): lukteria , cf. Auxvos? Perhaps to
be completed as pa-ke-te-ri-jay as on the sealing MY Wt 5 o 6 .
ko-te-ri-ja (plur.): not KavTipiov ‘branding-iron’ but a word of similar structure.
Possibly korterion , cf. KopTtco/KpoTtco, KpoTtuia?
*8yte = sister? From at^co ‘hiss when put on the fire’? Or from astco ‘shake’ (for the
vowel, cf. Skt. tvisati)? Palmer; sorter ‘brush*?
337
237-238
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
pu-ra-u-to-ro =puraustrd, either dual of the feminine form m/pavaTpa IG, 2 s . 47 . 18 , *r
a neuter cf. -rrupaorpov Herodas, iv, 62 (perhaps a mis-spelling).
pa 2 -ra-to-ro\ Palmer proposes orraAaOpov (Pollux) = QK&AEU0pov.
histo-wessa ped-wessa ? Cf. Horn. Iotott£6t) ‘fixing for the foot of the mast’? Does - ra
(fern.) conceal another phiela ?
so-we-ne-ja, adjective from so-we-no (245=Ta721, etc.). Hardly § 6 awov [*qso u n n om).
Connected with (jGdAqv, (jcoAfivos ‘gutter, groove, pipe, shellfish’? A kind of de¬
corative band?
*8 $-de-we-sa-qe\ adjective from *8$-de-pi (instr. plur., 245=Ta721). Chadwick com¬
pares a(5r| ‘pomegranate’ (also ‘water-lily’). The form of the stem ending is obscure:
-dewessaj-desphi?
Fig. 22, MM III b (or LM la?) bathtub from the S.E. Bathroom, Knossos.
t 238 = Tn996
1 [ * Yko a-te-re-e-te-jo re-wo-te-re-jo 3
2 u-do-ro 3 pi-a z -ra fcj 3
3 [a-po]-re-we ^ 2 ka-ti 1 a-te-we bronze ^ 7 re-[
4 [ • • • ] 3 / po-ka-ta-ma gold bronze ^3 [
Three ? drainable tubs for bath-water, three water jars , three boiling pans,
two amphoras, one hydria, seven bronze jugs, . . ., three ....
Additional property : one gold bowl, three bronze pedestalled bowls. . ..
re-wo-te-re-jo =lewotreioi is evidently derived from the same noun as the female occupation
lewotrokhowoi ‘bath-pourers’ on 9 = Ab27. These are distinguished from Horn.
AoeTpoxoog by the unexpected vowel metathesis (or lack of metathesis, see p. 160).
The first word, in which one would expect a generic word for ‘tub*, may perhaps
be restored as dokhoi (cf. Hesychius 5ox6$‘ Aov/T^p). The adjective a-te-re-e-te-jo is
probably not identical with a-te-re-te-a on KN 278 = So894; perhaps connected with
<5vrrAos ‘bilgc(-watcr)*, dvTAlov ‘baler’, dirrA^co ‘bale out*. The ending - e-e-te-jo
may be equivalent to the classical -rynKOS (<4 vtAtitik 6$ ‘suitable for irrigation’, only
3 a.d. ); but the double vowel is anomalous, even coming from a ‘contracted’ verb.
Possibly ‘which has to be baled out’, referring to the fact that true Minoan-
338
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
238-239
Mycenaean baths generally have no outlet hole, unlike the larnakes which were
widely used (in Crete) for burial. These larnakes share with our bath the handles at
sides and ends, but arc flat on top to allow the fitting of a lid. Only one of the few
extant baths shows, to a much lesser degree, the higher back end of the Pylos ideo¬
gram: that found in the S.E. Bathroom at Knossos [PM, hi, p. 386, fig. 257). The
‘rowlocks’ on the side are possibly designed to take the carrying pole of a hot-water
vessel with high-swung handles like those of our phUlai . The line at upper left on
the ideogram may suggest the profile of a metal tub. Blegen (1955, p. 33) suggests
that Room 61 at Pylos may have been a bathroom. In 1955 he uncovered an apart¬
ment containing an elaborately built-in bath, in which a drinking-cup was lying.
po-ka-ta-ma , in smaller letters, does not seem to be the name of a vessel type, but a
general description of the more precious vessels which close the list: pos-kidma from
the ancestor of TtpocncrdoMai (but note posi- in composition at Knossos, 271 — Sd 0422 ) ?
But *KTaua is an unattested form, Doric and Arcadian using -rrapa instead.
239 Ta 642
1 to-pe-za
ra-e-ja
we-a-re-ja
a-ja-me-na a 2 -ro-u
-do-pi ku-wa-no-qe
pa-ra-ke-we-[qe
ku-ru-so-qe\
e-ne-wo pe-[za\
2 to-pe-za
ra-e-ja
me-no-e-ja
e-re-pa-te a-ja-me-
■na qe-qi-no-to *8$-de-pi
ko-ru-pi-qe
3 to-pe-za
ra-e-ja
a-pi-qo-to
' e-ne-wo pe-zd e
-re-pa-te-jo
po-pi
e-ka-ma-te-qe qe-qi-no-to-qe lo-qi-de
One stone table, of spring type, inlaid with * aquamatines ’ and kyanos and silver
and gold, a nine-footer.
One crescent- shaped stone table, inlaid with ivory carved in the form of pome¬
granates and helmets.
One stone table of encircled type, a nine-footer , with feet and strutting of ivory
and a carved running spiral .
to-pe-za appears to represent a pronunciation torpeza, an ‘Achaean* evolution of *[q u )tr-
pedja (though Boeotian has TpiirE^a, TphreSSa, and early tables more often had three
legs in order to stand steady on uneven floors).
ra-e-ja: Mycenaean - eiosl~eosl~ios occurs in place of classical -ivos in all adjectives of
material, but the equivalent of AAlvos should properly be written *ra-we-ja if the
etymology ♦Adfas is correct. If these tables really are ‘of stone’, one might expect
this only to apply to areas of inlay on the top, as in the case of the ‘ ivory table’ of
240 —Ta 7 l 3 . 2 . But compare Blegen’s 1954 find (1955, p. 34): ‘Dispersed here arid
there in the hollow (in front of the Propylon) were many fragments of a large circular
disk, perhaps a table top, made of variegated marble. The table had a diameter of
nearly 0-50 m. and was probably supported on three legs. The disk had a carved
design along its edges, and its upper surface bore a simple, inlaid decoration com¬
posed of small circular insets of red stone, arranged in groups of one, two and three.’
239
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
we-a-re-ja (cf. we~a 2 -re~jo on 244 = Ta 7 l 4 ) in form exactly parallels £apivos (*a/tfr-) l but
the meaning is obscure. Otherwise possibly a form of vaAsios ‘with crystal inlay’,
cf. the Knossos gaming-board (PM, i, pp. 471 ff., also PM, iv, pp. 928 ff.).
a-ja-me-na: ‘inlaid’, ‘veneered’ or ‘pegged’, typically of ivory on wood, and already
familiar from the Knossos chariot tablets, where the form a-na-i-t - probably means
‘not inlaid’, and suggests a reduplicated form aiai(s)mend , No plausible etymology.
a 2 -To-U'do-pi: it is uncertain whether the word divides after -to. Initial a 2 - is uncommon,
but represents ha- in a 2 -te-ro: conceivably halos hudo l phi ‘with waters of the sea’,
figurative name for some substance (cf. aquamarine , Meerschaum )? Compare 'AAo-
o\<8vr|, epithet of Thetis II. xx, 207.
ku-wa-no-qe (cf. ku-wa-ni-jo-qe 244 = Ta 714 ) = Horn, xvavos, xvdvEos. Wace has suggested
that kyanos represents niello, the blue-black metallic amalgam whose decorative use
is exemplified in the contemporary Enkomi bowl (Schaeffer, 1952, pp. 379 ff.) and
on the dagger blades and silver cups from Mycenae, but this involves certain diffi¬
culties. Niello is applied in powdered form into incised patterns cut in silver or gold,
fused under heat, and then scraped and polished level with the metal surface. One
might imagine silver or gold ornaments, previously decorated with niello, being
applied to furniture complete; but 244 —Ta 7 l 4 describes a chair, presumably of
wood, inlaid ‘with gold phoenixes and with phoenixes of kyanos’, which suggests
that the material is capable of forming a decorative element on its own. The classical
word xOavos is applied both to lapis-lazuli and to its synthetic imitation; and such
blue glass is known both from contemporary Egyptian furnishings and from the frieze
to the Great Megaron at Tiryns (cf. mpi 8piyxos xudvoto Od. vii, 87). A substance
more like niello might admittedly be muie plausible for the oiuoi peAavos xuavoio
on Agamemnon’s breastplate (//, xi, 24); but compare Alalakh tablet no. 427: ‘18
lapis-lazuli stones, 2 shekels of pure silver and 1 shekel of gold, given to the man
Takuhli for making a quiver’.
pa-ra-ke-we (elsewhere pa-ra-ku-we) might suggest the dat. sing, of Ppayus ‘short’ (name
of an unidentified alloy?), but cf. Aeol. Ppoyos. Muhlestein suggests *9aX-apyus or
♦nap-apyos, compounded with an archaic form of the word for ‘silver’. Or from
the Akkadian barrdqtu , Hebrew bdreqei ‘emerald’ (from which the class. op&pay 5 os
was later re-borrowed via India)?
e-ne-wo pe-za — ennewo-peza (*en-newti ‘nine’, cf. Arc. 5 £xo ‘ten’, Lesb. evotos ‘ninth’).
If we translate TparrEsav xuavo'^av II. xj, 629, ‘with feet of kyanos’, we should
consistently read ‘with nine feet’ here, which seems an impossible design. Note the
apparently three-legged table-top found by Blegen: do our ‘nin t-pezcC and ‘si x-peza'
( 240 =Ta 7 l 3 ) tables have three main supports, but triple and double extremities of
some kind? Chadwick translates ‘nine feet long’ (cf. SitroSns, Tpim8os, £xax6p-
tte5os) ; or ‘with nine fields or panels’, or ‘nine-sided’ (cf. tetpcoteSos ‘square’),
or ‘with nine-fold border’ (cf. tte^cc, rre^is ‘border’, and cf. the xuxAoi 5 £xa y^x^oi
of Agamemnon’s shield, II. xr, 33)? Wace takes Tpa ^av xuavonr^av to mean ‘ with
a border of niello’ rather than ‘with blue glass feet’, which is admittedly improbable
if taken quite literally.
340
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
239-240
me-no-e-ja\ cf. pirivo€iS^s ‘semi-circular’, Herodotus, i, 75? Not ‘Minoan*!
qe-qi-no-to in line 2 is probably to be taken with e-re-pa-te (‘inlaid with carved ivory’)
in contrast to the perfect qe-qi-no-me-na which is applied to the tables and chair-backs
themselves; and similarly to be taken with to-qi-de in line 3, which the adjectival
concord does not necessarily prove to be masculine, since -tos may here do duty for
feminine as well (cf. Od . v, 422 kAutos ’AjKpiTpiTn, and Schwyzer, Gram. 1, p. 502).
Qe-qi-no-to appears to represent the Homeric Sivcotos, but its etymology and redupli¬
cation are hard to explain. Sivcotos clearly does not mean merely ‘turned on a
lathe*: it may perhaps originally have referred to lapidary work executed with a
drill
ko-ru-pi-qe: assimilated from *koruthphi , cf. gen. sing, ko-ru-to on 293 =Sh 737 . Compare
the ivory helmets found in the Mycenae houses.
a-pi-qo-to — amphig u otos J (passive) verbal adj. from Horn. <5fu<pipat\/co ‘surround, embrace*.
It may refer to a broad edging round the top. Miihlestein suggests ‘which can be
walked round*, i.e. ‘free-standing* {cf. £ir(pcrros ‘climbable’, ?pparos ‘accessible’).
In a compound the feminine - tos is of course to be expected. Palmer: ‘with splayed
legs’.
popphi ekhmatei q u e: the use of the dative-instrumental without verb or preposition for
comitative ‘with’ is foreign to classical Greek. Homeric Ixi^a is used of a river-
bank (II. xiii, 139), of buttresses to a fortification (xn, 260), of stones used to prop
ships (xiv, 410).
240=Ta713
1 to-pe-za ra-e-ja ku-te-se-jo e-ka-ma-pi e-re-pa-te-jo-qe a-pi-qo-to
e-ne-wo-pe-za qe-qi-no-me-na to-qi-de
2 to-pe-za e-re-pa-te-]a po-ro-e-ke pi-ti-ro 2 -we-sa we-pe-za qe-qi-no-me-na
to-qi-de
3 to-pe-za ku-te-se-ja e-re-pa-te-jo e-ka-ma-pi a-pi-qo-to e-ne-wo-pe-za
ko-ki-re-ja
One stone table with strutting of ebony and ivory, of encircled type, a nine-/oo/^r,
carved with a running spiral
One ivory table of projecting type, decorated with a feather pattern, a six-footer ,
carved with a running spiral .
One ebony table with ivory strutting , of encircled type, a nin t-Jooter, decorated
with sea-shells.
ku-te-se-jo — kuteseiois (instr. plur.) ‘made of ku-te-so ’ (242 = Ta 707 . 3 ); cf. Kvmcrfc)$
‘bastard ebony’, Theophr. HP , 1, 6, r, v, 3, 1.
po-ro-e-ke = proekhes, cf. Horn. Tipo^x 00 ‘project’, Plut. TrpoexnS ‘three-dimensional*,
apparently in antithesis to amphig u otos , Muhlestein suggests a table set against a wall
pi-ti-ro 2 -we-sa—ptilowessa } from -rrrlAov ‘soft plumage; insect’s wing*; presumably a
decorative feature and not imAcoTos ‘stuffed with feathers*. It should perhaps be
341
240-242
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
noted that Tutankhamen’s tomb contained batons inlaid with beetles’ wing-cases
(Carter, 1927 , 11 . p. 35 ). Beazley compares <pi<5tAai TmAarroi, IG 2 2 . 1443. 135.
we-pe-za= <*hwek-peza y cf. inscr. Itarous, ektteBos = l£<rn-ovs. The assimilation *kp>pp
has no exact classical parallels; cf. Lat. *sexuiri > seuiri.
241 Ta715
1 to-pe-za ku-te-se-ja e-re-[pa]-te-jo e-ka-ma-pi a-pi-qo-to e-m-wo pe-za
ko-ki-re-ja
2 to-pe-za a-ka-ra-no e-re-pa-te-ja a-pi-qo-to 1
to-pe-za a-ka-ra-no e-re-pa-te-ja po-ro-e-ke 1
3 to-pe-zo mi-ra 2 a-pi-qo-to pu-ko-so e-ke-e e-ne-wo pe-zo to-qi-de-jo
a-ja-me-no pa-ra-ku-we 2
One ebony table with ivory strutting , of encircled type, a nine-footer , decorated
with sea-shell s\
one ‘headless’ ivory table of encircled type;
one ‘headless’ ivory table of /projecting type;
two tables of yew, of encircled type, containing box-wood, nine-footers , decorated
with running spirals , inlaid with silver.
| a-ka-ra-no = <3cK<5fpr|vos? The ending -0 betrays a compound. It is perhaps significant
that these two entries, together with that of the me-no-e-ja table on 239=Ta642. 2,
alone omit a -peza qualification.
mi-ra 2 cannot be an adjective agreeing with torpezoj perhaps the name of a timber in
the genitive, like pUlewds , helikds on the Knossos wheel tablets. Cf. (o)piAa£ A (a)piXos;
possibly for peXit] ‘ash’, though Schulz postulated *piEXf(a.
pu-ko-so e-ke-e : probably not the infinitive ekheen ‘to have’ (cf. 140*=Eb35), but the
dual of an adjective in -ifcj originally restricted to compounds: puxo-ekhes? Not
puxo-enkhes ? Cf. also Nuzi tablet SMN 1422 (Lacheman, 1939 , p. 536 ): ‘ 1 table of
boxwood with its feet inlaid with silver, etc.’.
The endings in line 3 are clear evidence for a feminine dual in -<?, which we had already
suspected from 135 = Ep704.7, 266=Sd0401 and L 758. This Mycenaean form
evidently dates from the time when the original IE *-ai had already become ineffective
due to the change of the feminine plural from *-ds to -ai, but when -a had not yet
been introduced on the analogy of the masculine -oi/-co. The analogy of SOco and
<* 1.1900 (both masc. and fern.) must have played an important part in the history of
the Mycenaean form.
} 242 Ta707
1 to-no ' ku-te-ta-jo ' (sic) ku-ru-sa-pi o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi o-ni-ti-ja-pi
ta-ra-nu-qe a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo *8$-de-pi
2 to-no ku-te-se-jo e-re-pa-te-ja-pi o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-i
qe-qi-no-me-na a-di-ri-ja-te-qe po-ti-pi-qe
3 ta-ra-nu ku-te-so a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo *8^-de-pi
342
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
242
One ebony chair with golden back decorated with birds; and a footstool inlaid
with ivory pomegranates.
One ebony chair with ivory back carved with a pair of finials and with a man’s
figure and heifers; one footstool, ebony inlaid with ivory pomegranates.
to-no is probably for thornos , cf. Cypr. Gopva^* uttottoSiov Hcsych. A spelling to-no =
thro-nos would do violence to the spelling rules (but cf. to-ro-no-wo-ko — throno-worgos?
on 39 = Asl 517 ). The similarity of the furniture found in the tomb of Tutankhamen
extends to the phraseology of Carter’s captions, e.g.:
PI. LIX (vol. i): ‘A small chair carved of ebony and inlaid with ivory; it has
antelope and floral devices of embossed gold on the panels of the arms’.
PI. LXII: ‘A magnificent chair of wood overlaid with sheet gold and richly
adorned with polychrome faience, glass and stone inlay’.
PI. LXXIVb: ‘An ebony stool richly inlaid with ivory and embellished with
heavy gold mountings’.
Compare also the furniture listed by Thothmes III among the loot from Megiddo
(Breasted, n, p. 436): ‘6 chairs of the enemy, of ivory, ebony and carob wood,
wrought with gold; 6 footstools belonging to them; 6 large tables of ivory and carob
wood’.
Also such tablets from Nuzi as SMN 1250 (Lacheman, 1939, p. 537): 4 i chair of
wood, 1 box ( quppu ) inlaid with gold; 1 chair inlaid with ivory and silver, with
its box’.
ku-ru-sa-pi : instr. plur. fern. At this date xpvcros, like the Hebrew and Ugaritic hams
from which it is borrowed, means indifferently ‘gold’ (n.) or ‘golden’ (adj.). The
Mycenaean form of the adjective may possibly be reflected in the numerous Homeric
passages where the ypu^Eos of the text must be scanned as a disyllable, e.g. 11 . 1, 15
XpuCTEco < 5 ti/a axijTTTpcp, etc.
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi , instr. plur. fern.: cf. Hesych. dptpiKcAEi-ivis ‘hanging evenly on both
shoulders’, < 5 c|i<|>ikeAej.ivov^ duqH( 3 apes, or ‘chair carried by two men’. The root
meaning of *kelemn - is hard to deduce: ‘shoulder’? ‘carrying-yoke’? Or ‘carrying-
pole’ to a palanquin rather than a normal chair? An alternative suggestion is
opikremnidphi from KpTijivos ‘an overhanging lip’: in either case the meaning would
appear to refer to the edges of the back or arms, which the Tutankhamen parallels
suggest as the most favoured place for decorative treatment.
se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-i is probably a compound of xapa ‘head’. The form - ka-ra-a-pi (243 =
Ta 708 ) is instr. plur., presumably for -k(a)rda‘phi, cf. Horn. gen. sing. Kapucrros,
KpaaTos. The variant on this tablet is perhaps a dual in -oiin. Cf. [ qo]-u-ka-ra-o-i
on 244 s=Ta 7 l 4 . Se-re-mo- from <jeAucx ‘plank, deck, bench, seat’ (cf. O.H.G. swetli
‘beam’)? If the ‘half-rosettes and triglyph’ motif is derived from the architectural
pattern of a row of decorated beam-ends, could that be the meaning of this term?
Otherwise a projection of the uprights of the back (for the form cf. Kto-Kpavov
‘capital’)?
qe-qi-no-me-na in line 2 evidently agrees in sense with opikelemniaphi (similarly on
343
242-244
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
243 = Ta708.2), but the ending - phi has been suppressed from the participle in order
to make clearer the relation to its own subordinate instrumentals.
andriantei q u e portiphi q u e: TiopTis ‘heifer’, II. v, 162 . Evidently not taurokalhapsia but a
bucolic scene like the bull-snaring on the Vaphio cups. Probably not <popTiS
‘merchant-ship’, Od. v, 250 .
| 243 =Ta708
1 to-no ku-te-se-jo a-ja-me-no o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja e-re-pa-te
2 to-no ku-te-se-jo / e-re-pa-te-ja-pi o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi se-re-mo-ka-ra-a-pi
qe-qi-no-me-na a-di-rija-pi-qe
3 ta-ra-nu ku-te-se-jo a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo a-di-ri-ja-pi re-wo-pi-qe
One ebony chair inlaid with ivory on the back.
One ebony chair with ivory back carved with Jinials and with figures of men;
one ebony footstool inlaid with figures of men and lions in ivory.
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja (fern. acc. plur. - ans) in line i is in the accusative of respect, as on
244 = Ta7l4.1 and skelea on 236= Ta641. 1 , q.v .
andriamphi lewomphi q u e : compare the lion-hunting scene on the inlaid dagger from
Tomb IV at Mycenae (PM, 111 , fig. 70 ).
X 244 =Ta714
1 to-no we-a 2 -re-jo a-ja-me-no ku-wa-no pa-ra-ku-we-qe ku-ru-so-qe
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-j a
2 a-ja-me-na ku-ru-so a-di-ri-ja-pi se-r e-mo-ka-r a-o-i-qe ku-ru-so
[ .-u-ka-rq-o-i\ ku-ru-so-qe po-ni-ki-pi
3 ku-wa-ni-jo-qe po-ni-ki-pi ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no ku-wa-no pa-ra-ku-we-qe
ku-ru-so-qe ku-ru-sa-pi-qe ko-no-ni-pi
One chair of spring type, inlaid with kyanos and silver and gold on the back ,
(which is) inlaid with men’s figures in gold, and with a pair of gold Jinials,
and with golden griffins and with griffins of kyanos.
One footstool inlaid with kyanos and silver and gold, and with golden bars .
The deleted word in line 2 can be restored as qo-u-ka-ra-o-i ‘bulls’ heads’; cf. 235 =
Ta7ll.
po-ni-ki-pi =phoinik-phi (masc.). It has been suggested that the name of the fabulous
bird <poTvi£ (Hesiod, Frg. 171 . 4 ) was first applied to the ‘griffins’ and sphinxes so
prominent in Mycenaean art, particularly on the ivories from Mycenae, Delos and
Enkomi (they are often confronted heraldically in pairs). The more directly-attested
meaning 901 ^ 1 ^ =‘palm-tree’ finds an equally good analogy in Motif no. 15 (MP,
p. 278 ); but on 246 = Ta722 line 1 it is perhaps more natural to find living creatures
as the subject of all four elements in the design.
ko-no-ni-pi: see 229 = K 434 (p. 329 ).
344
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
245-246
245 =Ta721
1 ta-ra-nu a-ia-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo *8j-de-pi to-qi-de-qe
ka-ru-we-qe footstool i
2 ta-ra-nu-we a-ia-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo *8$-de-pi so-we-no-qe
to-qi-de-qe footstool 3
34 ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo *8yde-pi so-we-no-qe footstool i
5 ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo *8$-de-pi footstool 1
One footstool inlaid with ivory pomegranates and running spiral and nut.
Three footstools inlaid with ivory pomegranates and grooves and running spiral .
One footstool inlaid with ivory pomegranates and grooves (twice).
One footstool inlaid with ivory pomegranates.
so-we-no-qe (cf. 237 — Ta 709 , so-we-ne-ja) : owing to the ambiguity inherent in the spelling
*0, a form such as this may be either instr. sing. (-01) or plur. (-oij). The same applies
to the masculines a-to-ro-qo and i-qo on the next tablet.
ka-ru-we (instr. sing.): cf. ka-iu-pi (instr. plur.) on the next tablet, yfjpus ‘voice* fits
spelling, declension and feminine gender, but is nonsensical, A form of K<$tpuov ‘ nut*
(cf a(Kus/aiKVOs)? Cf. <ptAXi^ Kapuorn £ i ‘cup adorned with a nut-shaped boss*
IG, 11 (2). 161 B 30. Or for x^ u S (fem.) ‘tortoise, lyre’?
246 = Ta722
1 ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no / e-re-pa-te-jo / a-to-ro-qo i-qo-qe po-ru-po-de-qe
po-ni-ke-qe footstool i
2 ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-jo ka-ra-a-pi re-wo-te-jo
so-we-no-qe footstool t
3 ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-ja-pi ka-ru-pi footstool i
ta-ra-nu a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te-ja-pi ka-ru-pi footstool i
One footstool inlaid with a man and a horse and an octopus and a griffin in
ivory.
One footstool inlaid with ivory lions’ heads and grooves.
One footstool inlaid with ivory nuts (twice).
Thranus aiai{s)menos elephanteiois anthrdq u 5 i hiqq u 5 i q u e polupodei q u e phoinikei q u e: the spelling
of ‘man* lends support to Brugmann’s derivation from *andr-hdq u os (cf Hesych.
6pco\y). If‘man’ and ‘hoise* are taken as singular, we may perhaps visualize the
decoration as being distributed over four symmetrical panels, with one creature in
each (like the rectangular ‘Warrior’ ivory from Delos, de Santerre, 1948, no. i).*
Compare the four rectangular panels from the top of a box (?) found in the ‘Tomb
of the Tripod Hearth* at Zafer Papoura (Evans, 190, p. 44, fig. 40). If we read
‘with men and horses’, it is tempting to regard them as part of a single composition;
cf the ‘Groom and horse* motif [MP, p. 449), and the ‘Groom and horse* fresco
from Tsountas’ excavations (Wace, Mycenae , fig. 99^). The octopus (inaccurately
345
246-247
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
labelled ‘cuttlefish*—a quite distinct species—as motif no. 21, AIP, p. 302) is of
course extremely common in all fields of LM and Mycenaean decoration. Compare
the floor-squares in the Pylos throne room and in the Great Megaron at Tiryns.
Elephanieiois kardafpki lewonteiois : decoration with lions’ heads is less common on My¬
cenaean objects than men’s or bulls’ heads, but compare the ivory pommel from
Mycenae, Karo, Schachtgraber, PI. LXXVII. Xecov ‘lion’ is already a stem in -nt- in
spite of *lewanja > Xtaiva. An ultimate Semitic origin was suggested by Curtius
(cf. Canaanite-Ugaritic labi'u, fern, labi’tu ); if so, it has somewhere picked up an
extension -nt-, betraying possible Anatolian mediation, wliich is al$# to be seen in
elephant- (cf. Hebrew 'elej\ Ugaritic and Akkadian alpu ‘ox’?).
iSJb,NNNN^rv.rvr^KKK.K.K
Fig. 23. Ivories from Mycenae and Dendra.
Stubbings has suggested to us that the two similar sets ofivory decoration with volute
ends found in situ in Tomb 518 at Mycenae (Wace, 1932, p. 84, fig. 30) and in
Tomb 8 at Dendra (Persson, 1952, PI. II) may be from the fronts of footstools: both
sets measure 36 cm. (14 in.) overall.
t 247 = Ta7l6
1 pa-sa-ro ku-ru-so a-pi to-ni-jo 2 wa-o — g 2
2 qi-si-pe-e X 2
Two swords (two gold studs on either side of the hilt; two . . ,-s).
The ideogram in the second line unfortunately coincides with a crack in the clay, but
it appears to be the representation of a sword or dagger rather than the symbol zk
indicating a pair, since the row of small strokes normally found to the right of that
sign is missing. Swords are unlikely to be counted in pairs, and ‘two pairs’ would
lead us to expect a plural qi-si-pe-a 2 (but see p. 370 below for inconsistencies in such
uses of the dual).
Owing to its smaller writing the top line is probably a specification of parts of these
swords rather than a list of separate objects. The Homeric -rraaaaXos is only used of
a ‘peg’ to hang things on, but the derivation from TTiiyvuui and the Attic ttcttt aXEUco
‘fasten with pegs or rivets’ show the basic constructional sense. It is normally only
346
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
247
the heads of the rivets on the hilt of Late Minoan and Mycenaean swords and daggers
which are covered with gold; and it is not clear whether the two bosses of a single
rivet, or the heads of two separate sets of rivets, arc here referred to; nor is the
position indicated by the word to-ni-jo clear - . Toppos, Toppiov ‘ peg, tenon, socket for
peg’ or CTTOjaiov ‘aperture, bit* can hardly be reconciled with the spelling. A single
word amphilornios, cf. Eur. &|i<plTopvos ‘well-rounded’? The typical construction of
the hilt of a LM II sword is shown in hg. 24 (cf. Hood, 1952, p. 273; Evans, PM, iv,
pp. 845-67): variations in outline between the ‘cruciform’ and ‘horned’ varieties,
etc. arc here disregarded. The ‘hilt-plate’, shown as A, is fixed by two rivets and
frequently supplied as a separate piece from the covering of the hand-grip B and
Fig. 24. Typical LM II sword hilt.
pommel C; it may be not only of gold plating but also of crystal, faience and ivory,
and presumably also of cheaper materials. The number of rivets to B is almost
always three.
The word wa-o and its ideogram are puzzling, aop ‘sword’ is excluded by its
etymology (*awor or *nsor ?) and by the lack of a dual ending. The ideogram is
probably not a double axe (improbable in the context, and small votive double axes
are not of this rectangular shape) but possibly a rivet seen in sectional view; an
anomalous spelling of wdlo or wallo « f|Aca, cf. £190$ apyupoqAov II. n, 45? Are the
hilts of these weapons perhaps fastened with two large gold-capped pegs and two
smaller plain rivets (compare those on the dagger from a Knossos warrior grave,
Hood, 1952, p. 270, lig. 12)?
347
247-250
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The use of q-s- for x- in is surprising and unparalleled; and the entry hardly
fits into the context of the other tablets in the Ta- series, unless the weapons are
intended as gifts. Is the ideogram conceivably intended for a ‘falchion’ (sickle¬
shaped knife, admittedly not yet found in a Mycenaean context) for which the
Egyptian name kepef might supply an etymology for £(<pos?
8. PYLOS LISTS OF MISCELLANEOUS CONTENT
We will close this chapter with five tablets on which no ideograms appear
(Bennett’s classification V-) and whose context and translation are for the most
part uncertain. The commentary will be kept to the minimum; see the
Vocabulary (p. 385 ) for further notes.
t 248 = VaOl [15]
1 pu-ro o-[da]-a 2 o-[. .]-ke e-te o-u-qe e-to ai 3 ?-ka-te-re 2
2 [pe]-re-ku-wa-na-ka [.]-ke e-te pu-ro e-ke-qe a-po-te-ro-te
'[ . \-ra-kq-te-ra 1
edge: pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka pu-ro e-ti-wa-jo / ai 3 ?-ka-te-re 'a-mo-i-je-to '
Pylos: now thus. . ., and two ai 3 ?-ka-tere are not (present); Presguanax has
arrived at Pylos from thence, and has one chit from each of them.
(Presguanax, Pylos. . .: the two ai 3 ?-ka-tere are being sent presently.)
ai z -ka-te-re (dual): cf. dat. plur. ai 2 ?-ke-te-si 169 = Es 646 , etc.? Andrews has suggested
restoring [a]-ra-ka-te-ra in line 2, which he regards as an alternative spelling of the
same word in the accusative singular. It would be surprising to find such a variation
on the same tablet, and it may be preferable to read [xa]paKTfjpa ‘engraving,
symbol, token’ (‘clay sealing, tablet*?), but Chadwick reports that the traces do not
favour the reading ka-. a-po-te-ro-te = < 5 t|j<poT£pco 9 EV.
a-mo-i-je-to = apuol Tect6ov? Or Utco/Uct6co ‘let them be sent’? Or apcos ‘somehow’?
X 249 = Va02 [482]
qe-qi-no-me-no
e-re-pa a-no-po a-ko-so-ta ze e-wi-so-zu?-ko 4 ro-i-ko 3
Ivory. . .Axotas m , pairs: four evenly-matched , turned , three crooked.
If
250-Vn01 [20] (cf.42 = An!7)
1 o-a 2 e-pi-de-da-to
2 pa-ra-we-wo wo-no
3 pi-* 82 -de 50
4 me-ta-pa-de 50
Thus the wine of Pa-ra-we-
has been distributed:
50 to Pi-* 82 ,
50 to Metapa,
348
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
250-252
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
pe-to-no-de ioo
pa-ki-ja-na-de 35
a-pu 2 ?-de 35
a-ke-re-wa-de 30
e-ra-to-de 50
ka-ra-do-ro-de 40
ri-jo-de 20
100 to Pe-to-no ,
35 to Pa-ki-ja-ne ,
35 to ? Aipy,
30 to A-ke-re-wa,
50 to E-ra-to ,
40 to Kharadros,
20 to Rhion.
251 =Vn 02 [ 46 ]
1 />'-<«-[ ]
2 ka-pi-ni-ja / po-ti-ja [ ]
3 ka-pi-ni-ja / e-ru-mi-ni-ja [
4 ka-pi-ni-ja / ta-ra-nu-we 11 [
5 ai 2 ?-ki-no-o 80 o-pi-te-te-re 50-|-
6 e-to-ki-ja 13 [? pa]-ke-te-re H°
7 pi-wo-ta-o / ta-ra-nu-we 6
8 qe-re-ti-ri-jo 2 me-ta-se-we 10
9 e-po-wo-ke / pu-to-ro 16
10 ai 3 ?-ki-no-o \ pu-to-ro 100
11 tg-to-mo a-ro-wo e-pi-* 6 *j-ko
12 e-[ru-mi]~ni-ja 7 ki-wo-qe 1
t
Only a few of the entries can be understood: po-ti-ja = y opTia?; ka-pi-ni-ja = K&tnn) i
Kcrrrvia ‘smoke-stack*; e-ru-mi-ni-ja—i AOpviai (‘roof beams*, Hesychius); ta-ra-nu-we =
0pV|vv€s (here equivalent to 0pavos ‘beam’?); ki-wo-qe xfcov ‘column*?; o-pi-te-te-re
from *6*mTf0qiJi? These seem to show that the tablet deals with carpentry items
for building construction, ai-ki-no-o is apparently part of a chariot or its decoration
on Knossos 276 —Se 1006 .
The list is continued on the even more difficult Vn 879 , which records eight a-ti-[ja ?]
pe-*6yka , twenty-four ko-ni-ti-ja-ja pe-*6yka y ten e-to-ki-ja pa 2 -ra-de-ro and eighty-six
pa-ke-te-re pa z -ra-de-ro. Perhaps e-to-ki-ja represents IvTolyios ‘on a wall’ (‘wall-
plates’?) and pdkteres ‘dowels* or ‘fixing-pieces’ (cf. TiqyMa)*
Vn 851 apparently records a distribution of de-mi-ni-ja ( = Hom. Sgpvia ‘beds’) to
both men and women in the dative case.
252 = Vn 06 [ 10 ]
1 o-di-do-si du-ru-to-mo
2 a-mo-te-jo-na-de e-pi-pu-ta 50
3 a-ko-so-ne Jioo) 50
4 to-sa-de ro-u-si-jo a-ko-ro a-ko-so-ne
5 100 to-sa-de e-pi-pu-ta 100
n
349
CIH
252
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Thus the woodcutters contribute to the chariot workshop:
50 saplings , 50 axles.
And the 'fields of Lousos’ (cf. Un 04 ) (contribute) so many:
100 axles, and so many saplings: 100.
a-mo-te-jo-na-de : allative in -de of a workshop noun in -ecov (cf. Horn. x a ^ K£c ^ v 'smithy’)
formed from the word a-mo-ta seen on the wheel tablets, see p. 371.
In line 4 the form to-sa-de is anomalous with the masculine a^ovEs, and may either refer
to 8£i>8p£a, etc., or be an anticipation of e-pi-pu-ta. which had come first in
lines 1-3. In a consistent syntax we should also expect the accusative *a-ko-so~na.
These ‘saplings’ (?) were presumably used for the bent-wood parts of the chariot
assembly, like the veou? 6p'nT|Ka$ of II. xxi, 38 (cf. Theoc. xxv, 247).
CHAPTER XI
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
140 fa
we 2.
Silver?
The identity of the first metal ideogram is proved by its totalling to-s$-de
ka-ko = TOcraoaSt x a ^ K °S on the Pylos Jn - tablets, to which the form with an
extra crossbar is almost entirely confined. It is also used as an adjunct to
metal vessels and other objects (Knossos 230 = K 740 and
Pylos 238 =Tn996) including an ingot (Oa734); and is
written under a wheeled chariot on Sc223, where
it perhaps refers to the wheels (cf. 278 = So894). These
uses make it safe to translate the symbol generally by
‘bronze* rather than ‘copper* (like x a ^ K o$ in Homer,
with the possible exception of xoAkos spuflpos, //. ix, 365 ); the unalloyed metal
possibly had no separate symbol. On 222 =J 693 small weights of bronze
are introduced by Alvov Aetttov ‘fine linen’, and appear to be an indication
of value.
The Pylos ideogram here translated as go ld is confined to tablets 258 = KnOl
(listing weights of c. 62-250 grams) and 172=:Kn02 and 238 = Tn996, where
it is an adjunct qualifying valuable vessels. Bennett ( 1950 , p. 218 ) wrote that
‘the unusually small quantities with this ideogram in KnOl would indicate a
material of considerable intrinsic value*.
Although the use of adjuncts to indicate the material of vessels and equip¬
ment is the exception rather than the rule, one should expect to find somewhere
a third ideogram to indicate ‘silver’ (whose full spelling a-ku-ro is confined to
290 = Sa03). This is possibly to be identified in the we which is used as an
adjunct to the ‘ Vaphio cup* on 231 = K 872 (only a part of this is recorded
by the text as being of gold), and which is written over the ingot ideogram
on Oa734£ij; its presence may also be suspected on KN J 58, although
Bennett read we as the last syllable of pa^ra-o-we. Note also the similar
ideogram on Pylos La630 (reverse), quoted on p. 323 . This use of we is to
be distinguished from that on C 411,96 =Un 02 , etc., where it clearly describes
a kind of sheep; and from the reversed S with cross-bar and dots which
probably represents of a talent. Silver is relatively uncommon both in
Homer and in the archaeological record.
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
L METALS AT PYLOS
j Twenty-seven tablets of the series (excluding257“Jn09 andjn 88 i) evidently
belong to a single set and conform to a rigid pattern. Each is introduced by
a place-name and the phrase khalkewes talasian ekhontes ‘ smiths having a talasia’,
followed by a number of men’s names with an amount of bronze each. The
second paragraph, introduced by tossoide khalkewes atalasioi ‘so many smiths
without a talasia\ consists of an enumeration of further men’s names without
any bronze entries at all.
Chadwick and Bjorck simultaneously recognized that the classical TaAaaia
(=TaAaatoupyla ‘wool-spinning’) is here used in the more general sense ‘an
amount allocated by weight for processing’: it is evidently derived more
immediately from toAovtov ‘weight’ than from the cognate T&Xas ‘long-
suffering’ (so Boisacq, j.tf.). The Latin pensum still shows both stages of an
identical semantic development.
The same context is shown by some Third Dynasty tablets from Ur (Legrain,
1947 ; c. 2100 b.c.). No. 324 lists ‘copper to work into dagger blades, issued
by the treasurer’s office’; no. 354 , ‘beaten copper, from the office located at
the chariot shed, delivered to the smiths at 16 J manehs 2 shekels (= 8*25 kg.)
per head’; no. 357 , the same at 10 manehs ( = 5 kg.). The more nearly con¬
temporary Alalakh tablet no. 402 (Wiseman, 1933 , p. 105 ) lists ‘4 half-talents
(=60 kg.) of copper for the smiths of the town BeraSena, 4000 shekels
(=33*5 kg.) of copper for arrow-heads, and 600 shekels ( — 5 kg.) of copper
for doors’.
From the fact that a number of the smiths’ names recur on other series of
tablets (for instance among the names of shepherds), Webster has suggested
that their work may have been on a part-time basis, like the seasonal iron¬
smelting by Hittite peasants referred to by Gurney ( 1952 , p. 83 ). Compare
also IL xxtn, 832 - 5 , where Achilles says of the ingot of pig-iron offered as a
prize: ‘Even if the winner’s fertile farm is at a remote spot, he will be able to
go on using it for five revolving years: his shepherd or ploughman will not
have to go to the town through lack of iron, but will have it at hand.’ This
conclusion is very uncertain, since the names which recur are among the
commonest Mycenaean stock, and may equally well be found at Knossos or
Mycenae (e.g. Xanthos on Pylos Jn06 and 50=Anl8, Mycenae G 06 IO and
Knossos C 912). There is no guarantee that the Pylos doublets refer to the
same individuals, quite apart from the different place-names with which they
are associated.
The most elaborate example of the standard lay-out is shown by 253 =Jn01,
352
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
253
where a third paragraph lists the slaves of both ‘active’ and ‘inactive’ smiths.
These slaves are not named or numbered, but we may perhaps allow one to
each smith whose name is written in the genitive (the corresponding nomi¬
natives elsewhere on the tablet are identifi ed by capitals in our transcription).
A ‘slave of Qe-[ ’ occurs among the ‘inactive smiths’ on Jn03; similarly a
‘slave of Dektos’ on Jn07, a ‘slave of Euetor’ on Jn750. A separate list of
slaves, one to each smith (their names lost), forms the reverse of Jn706; the end
of Jn03 lists large groups of men (fi ve, ten, thirty-one) belonging to certain
individuals not apparently smiths, since their names do not recur on the tablet.
On three tablets (Jn02,Jn03,Jn845) the first paragraph ends with the entry
‘ So-and-so the basileus\ perhaps the name of the local chieftain who supervised
the distribution. OnJn725 the division of the 2 jjf talents of bronze among the
twenty-seven smiths is not individually measured.
253 =Jn01 [310] t
1
a-ke-re-wa ka-ke-
■we ta-ra-si-ja
e-ko-te
2
ti-pa 2 -jo
BRONZE i I
# 2
qe-ta-wo
BRONZE
/ I
ft 2
3
ai-so-ni-jo
BRONZE i I
n 2
ta-mi-je-u
BRONZE
/ I
ft 2
4
e-u-ru-wo-ta
BRONZE i I
n 2
e-u-do-no
BRONZE
/ I
ft 2
5
PO RO-U-TE-U
R P ON 7 T i I
«2
wi-du-wa-ko
BRONZE
i l
tt 2
vacat
7 to-so-de a-ta-ra-si-jo ka-ke-we
8 PA-qo-si-jo ke-we-to wa-[di?]-re-u
9 pe-ta-ro
vacat
11 to-so-de do-e-ro ke-we-to-jo i-wa-ka-o
12 pa-qo-si-jo-jo po-ro-u-te-wo
vacat
M po-ti-ni- ja-we-jo ka-ke-we ta-ra-si-ja e-ko-te
15 i-ma-di-jo bronze i 2 tu-ke-ne-u bronze / 3
16 [ ] BRONZE / 3 I-WA-KA BRONZE / 3
17 [ a]-ta-ra-si-jo pu 2 ?-[ . \jq-ko
§ I. Smiths at A-ke-re-wa having an allocation:
Thisbaios: 15 kg. bronze; Q, u hestawon: 1*5 kg. bronze; etc.
And so many smiths without an allocation:
Pang u osios, Ke-we-to , Wadileus, Petalos.
And so many slaves: (those) of Ke-we-to , Iwakhas, Pang u osios, Plouteus.
353
253-254
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
§ 2. Smiths of the mistress (at A-ke-re-wa) having an allocation:
etc.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo: the smiths distinguished by this enigmatic adjective evidently belong
equally to the place A., since Iwakhas’ slave is included in the third paragraph.
The same division of the smiths occurs in the two sections of Jn 03 (cut apart after
writing) introduced by:
A-pe-ke-i-jo ka-ke-we. . . (adjective)
A-pe-ke-e ka-ke-we po-ti-ni-j a-we-j o (locative?)
It occurs as a description of tradesmen on Pylos 148 —Ep 04 and Un 09 , and in the
feminine on Knossos 90 ~G 820 . Its function on the Knossos Dl- series is obscure
(a man’s name, title, or adjective applied to sheep?). Despite the -we-, a derivation
from rroTVia ‘mistress’ seems probable: a class of persons specially subservient to
Athena? Or to the queen rather than to the king?
t 254 = Jn 04 [ 389 ]
1 a-ka-si-jo-ne ka-ke-we ta-ra-si-ja e-ko-te
2 pi-rq-me-no bronze t 3 ma-u-ti-jo bronze / 3 e-do-mo-ne-u.
BRONZE / 3
3 ka-ra-wi-ko bronze / 1 ft 2 pi-we-ri-ja-ta bronze / i ft 2
4 sa-mu?-ta-jo bronze l 1 #2 wa-u-do-no bronze / 1 ft Q
5 ka-ra-pa-so bronze l 1 #2 pi-ta-ke-u bronze / 1 ft 2
6 mo-re-u. bronze / 1 #2 ti-ta-[ . ]-wo bronze ** [ ]
7 to-sa-de e-pi-da-to ka-ko pa-si bronze / 6
vacat
9 to-so-de ka-ko bronze / 27
vacat
11 to-so-de a-ta-ra-si-jo ka-ke-we
12 te-te-re-u pa-pa-jo pi-ro-we-ko a 2 -nu-me-no
13 ko-so-u-to
Smiths at A-ka-si-jo- having an allocation:
Philamenos: 3 kg. bronze; etc.
And so much bronze is shared out among them all: 6 kg.
So much bronze (in all): 27 kg.
And so many smiths without an allocation: etc.
e-pi-da-to recurs at the end of the first paragraph of Jn 02 . It is either an incomplete
spelling of the epidedastoi of 250 ;= VnOl, or possibly some other tense of the same verb.
Pi-ro-we-ko =5 OiAoupyos: cf. ma-na-si-we-ko Jn 03.2 = MvqaiEpyos ‘ mindful of his work’.
It is perhaps significant that the smiths seem to have a higher proportion of unmis¬
takably Greek names than appear on most of the other lists.
354
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
254-255
The damaged set of numerals in line 6 needs to be restored as l i ft 2 in order to justify
the total (cf. Bennett, 1950, p. 215).
255 = Jn658
1 ka-ke-we ta-ra-si-ja \e\ -ko-si
2 e-ni-pQ-te-we we-w'e-si-jo 1 bronze l 5
bronze i ^ pi-ro-ne-ta 1
3 ma-ka-wo 1
4 pa-qo-ta 1
5 po-ro-u-jo 1
6 [ . ]-ko 1
7 wa-ka-ta 1
8 wo-wi-ja-ta
9 po-ru-e-ro 1
10 a-tu-kg 1
11 to-[so-de]
12 [to-so]-de
BRONZE i 5
BRONZE / 5
BRONZE / 5
BRONZE i 5
I BRONZE i 5
BRONZE / 5
BRONZE / 5
ka-ko BRONZE
a-ta-ra-si-jo
vacat
* 8 <)-ta-mo 1
o-na-se-u 1
re-u-ka-ta 1
o-tu-wo-we 1
pe-re-ta 1
o-pe-ra-no 1
|*o-
tl 1 3 f 20
BRONZE / 5
BRONZE / 5
BRONZE / 5
BRONZE
BRONZE i 5
BRONZE / 5
BRONZE / 5
J
e-ko-si — ekhonsi ‘they have*, instead of the present participle ekhontes : this variation is
shared by Jn 706 , where the total is introduced by to-so-de ka-ko e-ko-si. On Jn 832
the description talasian ekhontes is replaced by a-ke-te-re (= daiap-ai ‘those who practise
their trade’?, cf* Horn, dendeo in sense ‘work raw mateiials’); on Jn 650 it has in
addition the word pa-ra-ke-te-e-we (= Horn. TTpriKrfpts?). The total on Jn658 seems
to be a scribal error for 2 / 20.
The following table gives a synopsis of the surviving tablets of this series.
Of the fourteen different place-names, nine are not found on any other tablet,
suggesting that some of the smiths may have lived in small communities of
their own without other agricultural or maritime importance. Note the apparent
progression shown by the entries 25 J/ 26 / 27 — 54 / 56 — 78 / 80 — 108 , which may
correspond to a bronze ingot weighing rather less than a talent. Compare
Knossos Oa730, which lists sixty ingots at a total weight of 52 ! talents, or
i 26 | each.
Tablet
Place
Active smiths
Inactive smiths
Bronze (kg.
JnOl
A-ke-re-wa
12
5
23
Jn 02
Po-ivi-te-ja
'5
6?
108?
Jn 03
A-pe-ke-i-jo
10
<5
54
A-pe-ke-e p .
6
9
27
Jn 04
A-ka-si-jo-ne
11
5
27
Jn 05
Wi-ja-we-ra z
7
1
26
Jn 06
0-t e-mo-a-ke-r e-u
12
8?
56
Jn 08
Ru-ko-a z -\. ]-re-u-te
7
5
34
355
256
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Tablet
Place
Active smiths
Inactive smiths
Bronze (kg.)
>605
Jn 658
A-pi-no-e-wi- [jo]
E-ni-pa-te-we
16
(fragmentary)
0
80
Jn 692
Na-i-se-wi-jo
2
6
12
Jn 693
A-ke-re-wa
3
0
16
A-pu t ?-we
7
2
26
Jn 706
Pa-to-do-te
10
4
5 ° ?
Jn 725
E-ni-pa-te-we
27
0
78
[. }-nu-we-jo
5
0
18
Na-i-se-wi-jo
A-ke-re-wa
4
(erased)
0
12
Jn 750
A-si-ja-ti-ja
*7
4
25 i
>832
Ro-u-so
3
4
(no entry)
>845
[ ]
8
7
12
>937
]-me-no
11?
0
i6i
> 07 , > 927 , > 942 , > 944 , etc.: place-name lost, and fragmentary.
Total 193 81 701
The frequencies of the individual allotments of bronze to smiths areas follows:
1 kg. 1 i kg. 2 kg. 3 kg. 4 kg. 4* kg. 5 kg. 6 kg. 7 kg. 8 kg. 12 ? kg.
1 41 1 17 19 1 43 9 2 9 1
The thin bronze arrow-heads (or ‘arrow-plates’, Evans, PM y iv, figs. 816,
818) of the type found in the Knossos ‘ Armoury’, and common at both
Cretan and Mainland sites (including Pylos), weigh up to about 1*5 g.
each. Sword blades, on the other hand, and long spear-heads (such
as those from the LM II warrior graves near Knossos, Hood, 1952,
fig. 12) might scale up to 350 g. Hood {ibid. p. 256) gives the weight
of his LM II bronze helmet as 695 g.: this includes the cheek-pieces, but 10
per cent should perhaps be added to allow for parts that are missing.
The smaller of the two most common allotments at Pylos (that of i£ kg.)
would be sufficient for making 1000 arrow-heads, the larger (5 kg.) enough
for at least fourteen swords or spears. The total weight of bronze which can
be totalled on all the surviving tablets (801 kg.) would make something like
534,000 arrow-heads, or 2300 swords or spears, or 1000 bronze helmets. It is
tempting to regard the following tablet as a total of the complete series, from
which approximately a quarter of the entries must then be assumed to be
missing.
256 =Ja 749
to-so-pa dk 34 / 26
So much (bronze?) in all: 1046 kg., or just over a ton.
356
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
257
257=Jn09 [ + 829] t
1 jo-do-so-si ko-re-te-re du-ma-te-qe
2 po-ro-ko-re-le-re-qe ka-ra-wi-po-ro-qe o-pi-su-ko-qe o-pi-ka-pe-e-we-qe
3 ka-ko na-wi-jo pa-ta-jo-i-qe e-ke-si-qe ai-ka-sa-ma
4 pi-* 82 ko-re-te bronze
* 2 po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE tt 3
5 me-ta-pa ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
n
3
6 pe-to-no ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
n
3
7 pa-ki-ja-pi ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
*4
3
8 a-puf-we ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
n
3
9 [a]-ke-re-wa ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
a
3
10 ro-y.-so ko-re-te
BRONZE 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
n
3
11 [ka]-ra-do-ro ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
*4
3
12 [ n l~jp ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
*4
3
13 [ti]-mi-to a-ke-e ko-re-te
BRONZE i 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
*4
3
14 [ra]-wa-ra-ta 2 ko-re-te
BRONZE / 3
n
3 po-ro-ko-re-te
BRONZE
44
3
15 [sa]-ma-ra ko-re-te
BRONZE / 3
n
3 po-ro-ko-re-te
# 3
16 [a\-si-ja-ti-ja ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
# 3
17 e-ra-te-re-wa-pi ko-re-te
BRONZE / 2
po-ro-ko-re-te
# 3
18 za-ma-e-wi-ja ko-re-te
BRONZE / 3
3 po-ro-ko-re-te
# 3
19 e-re-i ko-re-te
BRONZE / 3
n
3 po-ro-ko-re-te
** 3
Thus the mayors and their wives, and the vice-mayors and kcy-bcarcrs and
supervisors of Jigs and hoeing , will contribute bronze for ships and the points
for arrows and spears:
Pi-*82 , the mayor: 2 kg. bronze; the vice-mayor: 750 g. bronze, etc.
(Total: mayors : 39 kg.; vice-mayors: 12 kg.)
ko-re-te-re : the ko-re-te appears to be the ‘mayor’ or local chief responsible for each
village (cf. 43 = Sn 01 , OnOl, 258 -KnOl), and the po-ro-ko-re-te is probably his
deputy; the two also occur together on KN V 865 . For the problematical description
-da-maj-du-ma (formally — SAaap?) see Vocabulary. The kldwiphoros occurs as a kind of
priestess on 135 = Ep 704 , etc. The o-pi-su-ko are named with the o-pi-ko-wo (— e-pi-
ko-wo ‘guards’?) and ke-ro-te=gerontes on Jn 881 : ‘guardians of fig trees’?? o-pi-ka-
pe-e-we is reminiscent of Hesychius irnoKonpEus ‘one who harrows in the seed’,
£maKa<peiov ‘mattock, hoe’; but cf, also Zeus *E7riK<5tpTrios ‘guardian of fruit’. It is
not clear whether these are predominantly civil or religious officials, but in the
subsequent entries their contributions seem to be lumped together with those of the
po-ro-ko-re-te-re .
ka-ko na-wi-jo : compare 56 pv vrpov ‘ship’s timbers’, Od . ix, 384, Nails and other
fastenings? It is difficult to see why these miscellaneous officials, rather than the
khalkewes of the other Jn- tablets, should be contributing such specialized items of
bronzework; unless the tablet in fact only records scrap bronze which is intended
357
257-258
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
for melting down and re-using for these purposes (and hence the lack of any sub¬
division between the different objects in the subsequent entries?}. Chadwick suggests
that na-wi-jo is from va6s: ‘ the bronze that is in the temples’. Compare the Hittite
‘Instructions for temple officials’, § 8: ‘Furthermore, whatever silver, gold, garments
or bronze implements of the gods you hold, you are merely their caretakers. You
have no right to them, and none whatever to the things that are in the gods’ houses.’
?paltaioi’i q u e enkhessi q u e aixmans : that the first represent arrow-heads is proved by
Knossos 264 = YVsl 704 , q.v. Webster points to the small amounts of bronze from each
village (2-75 kg.), enough for about 1800 arrow-heads or 8 spear-heads, compared
with the amounts on the other Jn- tablets (e.g. 47 kg. on the three tablets for
A-ke-re-wa). He suggests that the arrow- and spear-heads may represent an offering
or dedication rather than a regular war supply; or accumulations of votive offerings
which are being confiscated as a desperate defence measure?
Chadwick reads ro-u-so in line 10, where we should expect e-ra-te-i in the standard
order.
| 258 KnOl [Jo438]
1 [ ]-•*
2 M J
GOLD i I
3 e-re-[e?
gold] H I
4 po-ro-ko-re-[U
gold] I
5 do-ri-ka-o mo-[ro-pa 2
gold] H I
6 ru-ro mo-ro-pa 2
GOLD [ ]
I
7 ne-da-wa-ta
GOLD [ ]
8 e-ke-me-de
GOLD H [
]
9 [ro]-u-so ko-re-te
GOLD ^ [
]
10 pa-ki-j a-ni- [j 0? ko\-re-[te]
GOLD i 5
X
11 a-pu 2 ?-ja ko-re-[te]
GOLD ^ 5
12 KA-RA-DO-RO ko-re-te
GOLD t 5
X
13 [ ] ko-re-te
GOLD ^ 5
X
14 [ ]
GOLD H I
15 [ ]-ma
GOLD ^ 6
X
16 wo-no-[ ] -ma
GOLD # [
17 qo-wo-[ ] mo-[ro-pa 2 ?]
GOLD H I
18 q-ka-wo
GOLD ^ 3
X
19 e - R e - e po-ro-ko-re-te
GOLD 2 3
X
20 a-ke-ro pa 2 -si-re-u
GOLD 2 3
X
21 te-po-se-u ti-nwa-si-jo ko-re-te
GOLD I
22 po-ki-ro-qo
GOLD H I
23 *8s-ke-wa
GOLD H I
358
iVIETALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
258-259
24 ti-mi-ti-ja ko-re-te
25 I-TE-RE-WA
26 PI -*82
27 e-ra-te-re-wa-o ko-re-te
28 a-ke-re-wa ko-re-te
left edge: po-so-ri-jo-[ j -ma gold 2 [ \-jo a - tg-mo
gold 2 6
GOLD 2 6 X
GOLD 2 6 X
GOLD 2 6
COLD 2 p X
GOLD £ 3 X
This tablet probably represents a tribute of gold from the chieftains (basileus, ko-re-te ,
mo-ro-pa^) of surrounding villages. The recognizable place-names have been printed
in capitals for easier reference: they correspond, though not in precise order, with
those of257 = Jn09 and of OnOl. Some of the personalities arc common to 43 = SnO 1,
§ i, which suggests the restoration of a similar introduction basiliwjontes here. Apart
from line 2, the amounts of gold show the following distribution:
i 3 / 5 e 6 # I (= 250 g.)
4 5 5 10?
An amount of 2 7 occui's on La630 (rev.) and of 2 9 and Og7434 on KN Np859;
Bennett (1950, p. 217) concludes that 2 probably represents of or of a
talent (i.e. approximately = 20*9 g.). It is significant that the plain gold rings
and coils of gold wire from the Mycenae Acropolis treasure, in which Schliemann and
Ridgeway long ago proposed to recognize standard units of value, centre on weights
of 21-2 g. and 41-3 g. (as re-weighed for Thomas, 1939, pp. 72-4).
Whether there is in fact a direct connexion between this tablet and 172=Kn02
(with its offerings of gold vessels) is uncertain. Webster has pointed out that the
contributed amounts of gold fall within the range of weights shown by cups from the
Mycenae shaft graves, and might be designed for such; but one would expect a
considerable interval of time for the craftsmen to convert the raw materials into the
finished vessels.
2. METALS AT KNOSSOS
259 -Og 1527 |
1 [ ] mo-ri-wo-do i 3
2 [ ] 2 mo-ri-wo-do i 3
3 [ ] 2 mo-ri-wo-do i 3
uncertain number of lines missing.
mo-ri-wo-do : probably moliwdos - u6Au|36o$ ‘lead’ (see Vocabulary, p. 400); similarly
Georgiev, 1954, p. 83. The preceding entries are probably for another metal (copper
or tin?), part of a list of parallel allocations to smiths. Lead, used in the composition
of bronze, is listed together with it on some Nuzi tablets (Lacheman, 1939, p. 538).
The only other Knossos tablets recording weights of metal are 222 693, l
already discussed in another context, and J 58 and J 58 bis . The following
359
260-262
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
tablet from the ‘Armoury deposit’ may conveniently be included here, even
though the identity of the weighed material is concealed by the loss of the
final part of the introduction.
t 260 = Og0467 (P xviii)
1 jo-a-mi-ni-so-de di-do-[si
2 ku-pe-se-ro i 30 me-io-re i [nn
3 ne-ri-wa-to i 15 pi-do-[
Thus they contribute [. . .] to Amnisos:
Kupselos: 30 kg.; etc.
3 . SWORDS, SPEARS AND ARROWS AT KNOSSOS
The twenty-two tablets classified by Bennett as Ra- were found in a corridor
at the S.W. corner of the ‘Domestic Quarter’ (M on fig. 13 , p. 115 ), into
which they had fallen, together with their wooden chests, * .
from a store-room on the floor above (Evans, PM , iv, pp. 2 33 jj f
853 ff.); fragments of swords were found in the same
corridor. It is not certain whether the second variant
of the sword ideogram represents a different type from
the ‘ cruciform’ (see drawing on p. 347 , above), as Evans
thought, or merely a more schematic form of the symbol. The characteristic
vocabulary term for both variants is pa-ka-na= Horn. 9 &<jyaver.
230
231
SWORD
SPEAR
ARROW
261 = Ra 1540 (M xc)
to-sa Ipa-ka-na swords 50 [
So many swords (in all): fifty.
262 = Ra 1548 (M xc)
dc-so-mo
ku-ka-ro / pi-ri-je-te pa-ka-na a-ra-ru-wo-a swords 3
Kukalos, the cutler: three swords fitted with bindings .
pi-ri-je-te (cf. dual pi-ri-je-te-re on 52 =An 26 , q.v ,): also on Ral 547 , Ral 549 ; on seven
other tablets its place is taken by another occupational description ka-si-ko-no
(cf. Pylos An 3 l): see Vocabulary, p. 404.
a-ra-ru-wo-a — Horn. < 5 tpr|p 6 Ta, cf. fem. a-ra-iu-ja on 265 = Sd 0403 , etc. Fitted with
what? A scabbard (Horn. koAe6v) seems the most likely. The word de-so-mo — SeohoTs
is perhaps not to be taken with ararwoa> in view of its position here and on Ral 543
(where there would have been room for it on the bottom line). It might therefore
360
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
262-264
be an additional item, perhaps equivalent to the Homeric TEAapc£>v or dopTqp
‘sword-belt*. But in favour of a translation ‘fitted with their hand-grips* (B in the
drawing on p. 347) compare the scholiast on q>dcryava pEAdtvSETa 11 . xv, ^13:
aiSripoSETa.. .ol 54 psAalvas Aapas 6X OVTa ' tt)v 84 Aapqv Ssapdv kcxAeT 6 2 ipcovt 5 Ti$.
ol 84 4ttipeAcos 4v6e8ep4vcx -rrpos ttjv Aapi*|v.
263 = R 048 1 bis (?)
[e]~ke-a / ka-ka-re-a spears 42
Forty-two spears with bronze points.
enkhea khalkarea: cf. x a ^ KT *lP ei Soup! II. v, 145, etc.; this suggestion has also been made
by Furumark and Sittig. Something was undoubtedly written between ka-ka and
re-a , taken by Evans and Bennett’s Index as a divider; it is perhaps intended to be
deleted. The last sign is very doubtful and was read as ne.
264 = Ws 1704 (P)
Sealing: (a): o-pa (b): pa-ta-ja (c): arrow
This sealing, with Wsl 702 and Wsl 705 , were found in the ‘Armoury’ attached to the
charred remains of two wooden boxes containing carbonized arrow-shafts and arrow¬
heads of the type shown on p. 356 (PM, iv, pp. 617, 836- 40): the meaning of the word
pa-ta-ja (neuter plural, cf. 257 =Jn 09 . 3 ) is thereby assured. The word o-pa recurs on
the chariot and wheel tablets and on 29 = As 82 l, q.v. From the same building
comes K 0482 , on which the arrow ideogram is followed by the high numbers
6010 and 2630 (which would require about 13 kg. of bronze).
4 . CHARIOTS WITHOUT WHEELS AT KNOSSOS
Of the tablets found in the ‘Armoury’ building by Evans in 1904, thirty of
the longest deal with chariots; the form of the vehicles has been discussed by
Evans (PM, iv, pp. 785-^25) and their descrip¬
tions, which include the longest extant Knossos
sentences, by us in Evidence , p. 100 and by 2 4 °
Furumark (1954, pp. 54-9)- Unlike the single
chariots listed on the tablets found in the palace
itself (see below, 297 = Sc222, etc.), those from
the Armoury are shown without wheels; a large
number ofother tablets from the same building
list the wheels separately. Homer makes it clear that it was normally the
practice to remove the wheels when not in use (//. v, 722), and to place the
chariots on stands and cover them with cloths (vm, 441).
WHEELED
CHARIOT
WHEEL-LESS
CHARIOT
CHARIOT
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
| Fig. 25 shows the approximate appearance of the type of chariot listed,
supplementing the evidence of the ideogram from Mycenaean vase-paintings,
from the Tiryns fresco, and from the analogy ofcontemporary Egyptian chariot
harness. The whef,l*i.ess chariots listed in the Sd- tablets are described
as a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na , apparently equivalent to the classical r)p|JO<J|i£vai ‘put
together’, and their ideogram shows a vehicle which is ready for use except
l 2
Fig. 25. The Mycenaean chariot, and Egyptian yoke arrangements.
for the fixing of the wheels and the harnessing of the horses. The simpler
ideogram of the Sf- tablets (chariot-frame) is qualified as a-na-mo-to
( = dvappocrToi ‘not put together’) and represents the bare outline of the
chassis structure, before the addition of the side-extensions (/l), pole-stay ( D )
and yoke (F).
The body (Z?) was framed in bent-wood and covered with either ox-hide
or wickerwork, to judge from the indications of the vase-paintings; the cross-
bracing (only seen in the wheeled chariot ideogram) was presumably a
feature not actually visible on the exterior of the vehicle, except in lines of
METALS AN* MILITARY EQUIPMENT
stitching. The ‘spur’ (C) seen on the ideogram of Sc 2 l 9 and Sc 238 , on the
Tiryns fresco and on vases, is apparently a step formed by extending the rear
framing member of the floor, which in all probability consisted of interwoven
leather straps. The side-extensions (^ 4 ), which perhaps afforded extra lateral
defence for the warrior when mounting, appear generally to have been covered
in with the same material as the body; but their method of attachment is not
clear. One would expect the top members of A and of B to be formed of a
continuous piece of wood, but the vase-paintings invariably show them as
meeting at an oblique angle, and the chariot-frame ideogram proves that
the side-extensions do not form an integral part of the chassis. Perhaps, like
the wheels, they were particularly liable to damage and in need of periodical
replacement; and their removal would reduce the amount of storage room
needed by each chariot.
The other characteristic feature of the Mycenaean chariot is the pole-stay
(Z)) which runs from the middle of the rail to the forward end of the pole
(fbupos). This is taken by Evans to be a thong or cord, although on the Tiryns
fresco at least it appears to be a solid wooden bar, effective in compression as
well as tension. From it a number of appendages hang down: Evans argued
that they are of a purely decorative nature, and that their ends are not
attached to the pole.
The pole ( E ) does not have the up-curving end seen on Geometric chariots,
and a peg or hole may have been needed to anchor in position the 3 vy 65 e<jnov
with which the yoke was lashed on.
In the absence of explicit illustrations, the chiefobscurity concerns the actual
harnessing of the horses to the yoke. Contemporary Egyptian chariots had
harness-saddles in the form of an inverted Y which were lashed to the yoke;
they were applied over a wider saddle-pad, and had holes or hooks to take
the combined ends of the breast-strap ( G ) and girth (//). Fig. 25 (1) shows
the yoke arrangement of an unharnessed chariot shown on a painting for
Rameses II; (2) that of the chariots found in the tomb of Tutankhamen
(Carter, 1927, it, p. 63), where the harness-saddles are of leather-covered wood
with calcite reels on top and gold decoration on the outward-facing legs.
Some such attachment with saddles, rather than the direct lashing of the
breast-strap to the yoke, is perhaps indicated by the W-shaped attachments
visible behind the yoke on most forms of the Knossos Sc- and Sd- ideograms.
Our difficulties begin when we try to interpret the detailed terminology of
the Knossos tablets in the light of this picture. Their syntax and the mean¬
ing of the adjectives describing colour and material are clear enough; but not
only do the nouns which describe the parts of a chariot fail to agree with the
3 6 3
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
nomenclature found in Homer, but their identification is equally open to contro¬
versy. Beforegoingon to discuss them in detail, it is worth stating some of the basic
principles which might reasonably be expected, a priori , to govern the scribe’s
choice of descriptive matter; they are trite enough, but fundamental to all
similar specifications of objects on the Mycenaean tablets, where the need to
distinguish one from another is the prime function of the inventory.
(1) Where the same noun occurs in every specification, but with different
adjectives, it must refer to some prominent feature whose alternative methods
of construction form the easiest way of telling one chariot from another. In
the absence of the word ararwos ‘fitted with’ or the conjunction -q u e ‘and’, we
might expect the feature to be located somewhere on the ideogram as drawn,
if only we knew where to look for it.
(2) Where a noun and adjective occur exceptionally (e.g. do-we-jo i-qo-e-qe
on 268 = Sd 0413 ) it may conceivably describe an item not found at all on the
other chariots; but more probably it draws attention to a normal item made
of an unusual material or shape.
(3) Where an item is described as absent (e.g. o-u-qepte-no on 270 = Sd 0402 ),
it must be one which one would normally expect to find on all the other
chariots; but we cannot necessarily assume that its absence makes the chariot
unserviceable. Whether the feature will also be absent from the ideogram
depends on the conscientiousness of the scribe.
a~ni-ja (instr. a-ni-ja-pi) = classical fiviai, Homeric f)v(a ‘reins*. These form a partial
exception to rule 3: although three tablets have the note ouq u e hdniai posi{eensi) ‘and
there arc no reins attached’, five others add araruiai hdnidphi ‘provided with reins’;
so that it is uncertain whether the reins, which are certainly not indicated on the
ideogram as drawn, are to be assumed as present or absent when the chariot specifi¬
cation does not mention them at alt (but see further under o-po-qo ).
| i-qo-e-qe , where it occurs, is named first of the items, and on 268 = Sd0413 even before
po-ni-ki- ‘crimson’, which is possibly to be taken with it rather than with ‘chariot’.
The word is evidently compounded with hiqq u o- ‘ horse but the meaning and number
of the ending arc uncertain: Palmer proposes a derivative of *heq u omai ‘follow’. Its
adjective dorwtios ( = 5ovp€ios, ‘made of a 56pu, wooden pole or plank’) suggests
the possibility that it refers to the pole-stay ( D ), probably normally of leather, but
on the Tiryns fresco at least consisting of a wooden bar.
o-po-qo: always described as wi-ri-ni-jol-ne-jol-ne-o (Palmer: ‘of fptvos, leather’) with
the exception of e-re-pa-te-jo ‘of ivory’ on 265=Sd0403, where the chariot is itself
‘inlaid with ivory’. Palmer suggests op-oq u on ‘cheek-strap, cheek-piece’ (cf. 'nrapeinna
‘blinkers’), comparing the ivory variety with 11. iv, 141-2:
cos S' ote tis t‘ Iteyav-rct yvvf) (poivtKi Mirjvrj
Mrjovis Katipa, *rrapr|Tov IfppEvai nnreov.
3 6 4
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
265
Against this identification it may be objected that such decoration of the bridle is
not explicitly shown on any of the surviving paintings, and that under rule I one
would expect the o-po-qo to be part of the structure shown in the ideogram. But the
strong point in its favour is the fact that the only chariots which have no o-po-qo
formula are those in which the bridles are expressly stated to be absent (Sd0402,
271=Sd0422, Sd04l6?); perhaps the o-po-qo formula is not to be taken as an auto¬
nomous annotation to the chariots themselves, but as an instrumental reading on
from a-ni-ja (even where this is itself omitted), e.g.. . . araruiai haniaphi wrineois
opoq u ois. . ., etc.
o-pi-i-ja-pi (instr. plur. fem.): presumably another part of the a-ni-ja (or, if the lack of
-q u e is significant, a part of the o-po-qo itself); made of horn except on 267 = Sd0409,
where it is of bronze. Horn was used for bits (classical ordinov) in the
contemporary Danubian cultures and in the tcrrcmarc (Lorimer, 1950 , p. 308 ; Childe,
1947 , P* 1 r 3)i one bronze bit was found at Mycenae, two more at Miletus. Such
a meaning would suit the context, though Evans ( PM , iv, p. 830 ) believed that the
bridle still consisted only of a ‘nose-band’ (which is incidentally the original meaning
of hania , cf. Skt. nasyam). The plural instead of dual (in *-oiin?) may be justified by
assuming that each ‘ bit’ is regarded as a pair. The vocalization of the compound
o-pi-i-ja-pi , which is perhaps an -a- stem in -dphi> rather than -amphi etc., is unknown:
possibly from the root *si- in luds ‘strap’, Skt. sydti ‘tie’, Av. hitim ‘harnessing*?
Note also the word o-pi-i-ta-ja- on X 537, apparently a textiles tablet. An alternative
suggestion is to derive the second part of the compound from *ia = Vedic isd- ‘pole
of a car’, Hittite hitfa? (same meaning); the same stem occurs in Greek with ablaut
in olqiov, oTa£ (Homeric oTtjkes ‘rings of the yoke’). In this case it might mean the
pegs used to anchor in position the ^vydSEcruov (see above). Palmer ( 1955 ^, p. 36 )
translates ‘bit’, but compares Horn.
i-qija: the name of the chariot itself is clearly the adjective hiqq u id = bmia (cf. i-qo-jo
= nnroio on 277 = Se 1028). The feminine gender requires that we understand some
word like dpa^a; cf. Eurip. dyiiua nursiov ‘horse-drawn carriage’, Tirmiov ^uydv
‘chariot yoke’, IL v, 799 .
The total numbers of chariots recorded at Knossos are more than 120
with wheels on the Sc- tablets, some 41 without wheels on the Sd- and Se-
tablets, and at least 237 in a ‘not assembled* state on the Sf- series, giving a
total of 400 H- ■ What deductions can be made from these figures as to the total
Knossos chariot force and as to its tactical use we leave it to others to decide,
but it was evidently immeasurably smaller than the bodies of chariotry de¬
ployed by the Egyptians and Hittites on the more open battlefields of Syria.
265 =Sd 0403 (P xiv) j
2 [i]-qi~j a I a-ja-me-na e-re-pa-te a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-nq a-ra-ru-ja [ a-ni-ja-pi ]
1 e-re-pa-te jo o-po-qo ke-raja-pi o-pi-i-ja-pi ' ko-ki-da o-pa'
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOTS 3
3 6 5
265-268 DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Three horse-(chariots without wheels) inlaid with ivory, (fully) assembled,
equipped with bridles with cheek-straps (decorated with) ivory (and) horn
bits . The feudal contribution (of) Kolkhidas.
An examination of these tablets shows that the upper line on the original is in fact
written alter the lower line (sec p. 112).
a-ja-me-na e-re-pa-te , ?atai(s)menai elepkantei: cf. 239=Ta642. The position of this decora¬
tion must be somewhere on the body or pole itself (perhaps round the rail), since
even the chariot-frame is described as a-ja-me-na on 272^SfD421, etc. None of
our chariots is as elaborate as the gold-plated state chariots found in Tutankhamen’s
tomb (Carter, 1927, n t Pis. XVII-XXI), encrusted with semi-precious stones, glass
and faience; or as the ‘chariots inlaid with gold’ of the Nuzi tablets (Lacheman,
1939. p- 538).
o-pa : sec 29 = As821, and compare 264 — Wsl704 and 296^Sh736.
266 = Sd0401 (P xiv)
2 i-qi-jo I a-ja-me-no e-re-pa-te a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-no po-ni-\ki-jo]
1 a-ra-ru-ja a-ni-ja-pi wi-ri-ni-jo o-po-qo ke-ra-ja-pi o-pi-i-ja-pi
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOTS [2]
[Two] horse-(chariots without wheels) inlaid with ivory, (fully) assembled,
painted crimson, equipped with bridles with leather cheek-straps (and) horn
bits .
t-qi-jo: probably dual (cf. 241 — Ta715, q.v.); the only other occurrence of this variant
on Sd0415 has the numeral 2, though a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na inconsistently preserves the
plural ending. On Sd0401, i-qi-jo has been corrected from i-qi-ja .
po-ni-ki-jo— y oivikeos, Horn. cpoiviKOEis ‘crimson’, recurs on eight other chariot
tablets and is probably synonymous (or nearly so) with the mi-to-we-sa^miltowessa
which takes its place on four others. 'This represents class. (jIAteios, p(Ativo$, iuAt-
r|Ai<pr)s ‘painted with red ochre’. Compare the alternative Homeric epithets for
ships (poiviKo-rrdp^os and piATorrapqos.
f 267 = Sd0409-b 0481 (P)
2 i-qi-ja \po-ni-ki-ja a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na a-ja-[me]-na
1 wi-ri-ne-o o-[po]-qo ka-ke-ja-pi o-pi-\i-ja-pi] wheel-less chariot i
One horse-(chariot without wheels) painted crimson, (fully) assembled, inlaid;
with leather cheek-straps (and) bronze bits .
268 = Sd0413 (P xiv)
2 \}'^]“j a I P a ~i-L° a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na do-we-jo i-qo-e-qe po-ni-ki-[
1 [a-ra-ru]-ja a-ni-ja-pi wi-ri-ni-jo o-po-qo ke-ra-ja-pi o-pi-i-ja-pi
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOT [nn]
366
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
268-271
[One?] horse-(chariot without wheels) (fully) assembled, from (?) Phaistos, f
its pole-stay of wood, painted crimson, equipped with bridles with leather
cheek-straps (and) horn bits.
269 = Sd0404 (P xiv)
2 [i] -qi-ja I ku-do-ni-ja mi-to-we-sa-e a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na
1 [do-we]-jo i-qo-e-qe wi-rx-ni-jo o-po-qo ke-ra-[ja-pi o]-pi-i-ja-pi
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOT [nn]
[Three?] horse-(chariots without wheels) from (?) Kydonia, painted red,
(fully) assembled, their pole-stay of wood, with leather cheek-straps (and) horn
bits.
mi-to-we-sa-e : apparently an unusual spelling of -ssai; cf. e-qe-ta-e 29 = As821, we-ka-ta-e
X 1044.
270=Sd0402 (P xiv; see plate II (c), facing p. no) If
2 [*]’0 z V fl / u-ra-ro-mo-te-mc-ng. po-ni-ki-ja o-u-qe a-ni-ja po-si
1 a-u-qe a-re-ta-to o-u-qe pte-no o-u-qe *8yro o-u-qe \pe-pa 2 -to '
WHEEL-LESS CHARIOT [nn]
[One?] horse-(chariot without wheels) (fully) assembled, painted crimson;
and there are no bridles attached, nor a. . ., nor heels t nor streamers , nor. . ..
a-u-qe a-re-ta-to: a-u-qe is probably an error for o-u-qe rather than ctute ‘furthermore*.
The vocalization of the second word is unknown, but might suggest -ototos.
pte-no : probably dual of irTEpva ‘heel’, possibly making up the ‘spur* (C on fig. 25 ,
p. 362 ). Or ‘chocks’ to go under the wheels?
*8$-to\ Furumark ( 1954 , p. 57 ) connects this with oapov ‘brush’ and with the
‘streamers’ which normally hang from the pole-strap, and which are absent from
the ideogram here and on Sd0407. Possibly fem. dual = aeipd> ‘traces’.
pe-pa^-to: see the next tablet.
271=Sd0422 (P xv)
2 i-qi-ja / a-ro-mo-te-me-na (sic) o-u-qe a-ni-ja po-si-e-e-si
1 o-u-qe pe-pa 2 -to u-po '[ ] o-pa wheel-less chariot [nn]
[One?] horse-(chariot without wheels) (fully) assembled, and there are no
bridles attached, nor any. . .underneath. The feudal contribution of So-and-so..
po-si-e-e-si = -np6ai\o\ (cf. Arc. Troean < Trdaecm, S1G , cccvi, 12 ) ‘they are attached to’
or ‘they are present in addition’. On 0402 and 0416 posi is used absolutely: ouq u e
hdniai posi . Compare Sd0412: ouq u e posi elephans ‘and there is no ivory attached’.
pe-pa^-to evidently refers in some way to the underpart of the chariot or harness.
Furumark compares mipco: ouq u e pepartoi hupo ‘and it is not pierced (studded?)
367
*♦-+
271-274
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
underneath*, cf. JL I, 246 , aKq-rrrpov xP^ <T 6 i° l S mTrapufi/ov? More probably
a noun, possibly compounded with per- — Trcpi-; or beginning pherb- (cf. q>op(3€i6)?
Palmer: *pef}a-rov ‘floor? step?’ from root pa-.
272 = Sf0421 (P xv)
i-qi-ja / a-na-mo-to a-ja-me-na chariot-frames 27
Twenty-seven horse-(chariots) not (fully) assembled, inlaid.
273 = Sf0420 (P xv)
i-qi-ja I a-na-ta a-na-mo-to 'a-re-kisi-to-jo o-pa chariot-frames 80
Eighty horse-(chariots) not inlaid, not (fully) assembled. The feudal con¬
tribution of Alexinthos.
a-na-ta (cf. a-na-i-ta on Sf0419, a-na-to Sf0423, Sf0425) alternates with a-ja-me-na on the
Sf- tablets, beside the common denominator a-na-mo-to (=fem. dv&ppooToi). In
spite of the inconsistency in the feminine ending, it probably represents the negative
form an-aitftoi, which thus bears the same relationship to a-ja-me-na as a-na-mo-to
does to a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na. This was independently recognized by Chantraine.
| 274 = Sf0428 (P xv)
2 U]“9*-j a I po-ni-ki-ja me-ta-ke-ku-me-na
1 wi-ri-ne-o o-po-qo ke-ra-ja-pi o-pi-i-ja-pi \X ^— 1
One horse-(chariot), painted crimson, dismantled ; with leather cheek-straps (and)
horn bits.
The presence of the o-po-qo formula on this tablet looks at first sight like a flagrant
breach of rule 1 (p. 364 ), in that a ‘cheek-strap* is hardly to be expected on a chariot
whose framing is so incomplete that even the rail is missing from the ideogram. The
explanation probably lies, however, in the exceptional word me-ta-ke-ku-me-na , where
the prefix ne*ra- suggests some form of dismantling or rebuilding, during which its
original harness was not separated from it; cf. class. iietctttoiIgo, nETaoxEudjco, etc.,
‘remodel*; iiETax^co only means ‘pour from one vessel into another’, but compare
X^ouai in the sense ‘be dissolved, scattered, dropped* and x^ ‘cast* (cf. English
‘re-cast’).
Unlike the others, the fourteen chariot tablets classified as Se- were found
in the North Entrance Passage (K on fig. 13 , p. 115 ); though showing the
same ideogram as the Sd- tablets, their phraseology is markedly diff erent, even
if fragmentary; the references to ivory may suggest more highly decorated
state chariots.
368
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT 275-277
275 = Se879 (K lxvi)
ai-ki-no-o
pte-re-wa \ pa-ra-ja e-te-re-ta po-ro-ti-ri wheel-less chariot [nn]
[One?] old chariot of elm-wood . . .-ed three times with ai-ki-no-o.
e-te-re-ta: probably a verbal adjective, and apparently a variant of e-ka-te-re-ta on the
next tablet. From d£ap 0 p£a) ‘ dislocate’? Or cf. (-KTprjua, EKTpfiais ‘ trepanning hole*?
Or en-treta > cf. //. in, 448 , £v Tpiyrolai (‘inlaid*? ‘morticed*? ‘holed*?)?
Another adjective describing these chariots is wo-ra-we-sa on Se880, probably w6la-
wessa from Horn. ovXi*| ‘scar*.
po-ro-ti-ri appears to contain *trins (acc.) ‘three’ or trii ‘thrice’, on the analogy of the
numeral 2 on the next tablet. Cf. 7tp6TpiTa ‘on three successive days’, Horn.
Ka0<4rrra£ ‘once and for all’, ouvTptis ‘by threes’.
ai-ki-no-o : meaning unknown, cf. Pylos 251=Vn02. ‘Goat tendons* (cf. Skt. sndyuh
‘tendon, strap*)?? Cf. Horn, veupa pbcia.
276 = Sel006+ 1042 (K) |
e-re-pa-te-jo-pi o-mo-pi [
[ ? pte-re]-wa / e-ka-te-re-ta ai-ki-no-o 2 e-re-pa-te-jo-pi [
[? One chariot of elm-wood] . . .-ed with two ai-ki-no-o , with ivory. . . with
bands of ivory. . . .
o-mo-pi (iuati. plur.) probably from 04105 ‘decorative band’ (11. xi, 24 ) rather than from
6 ppos ‘chain*, ‘eye’ or &U 05 ‘shoulder’. Like e-re-pa-te-jo-pi , this word apparently
forms an exception to the rule at Pylos that -<pi is not added to - 0 - stems.
Sel007 uses the term e-wi-su-zo-ko , which recurs in an ivory context on PY 249 = Va02.
277 = Sel028 (K)
e-re-pa-te-[
[? iyqo-jo I ZQ-wa [ or £o-ja?
This tablet shows a deceptive resemblance to 163 = X 984 (^.^.), in spite of the
apparent ke-ke-me-na of the latter and its publication in SM 11 cheek by jowl with
tablets of the ‘land ownership* series.
5. CHARIOT WHEELS AT KNOSSOS
Apart from 278 =So894, all the two dozen Knossos wheel tablets were found U
in the ‘Armoury’ building (see Evans, PM , iv, pp. 793 - 6 ). Like the vase-
paintings and frescoes, they show a four-spoked design. Those from the tombs
of Amenhotep III and Tutankhamen (Carter, 1927 , 11 , pp. 57 - 9 ) have under
369
++
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
their gold casing a structure of ash, the hubs bound with rawhide, and have
leather tyres; Egyptian wall paintings also show bindings (some at least
presumably of metal) at intervals round the spokes,
at the junctions of spokes and felloe, and round the
felloe. The chariot of the Tiryns fresco has similar
markings on the spokes, and apparently has a separate
tyre, which is divided by wider and narrower dark
cross-lines which Evans suggests ‘ may have been wire
and metal bands'.
| The majority of the wheels are qualified by one or other of two names of
timbers (ptelewa 4 elm’ and helika 1 willow ’) and by one or other of two puzzling
adjectives describing their construction, te-mi-^yi -ta and o-da-ku-we-ta (variously
spelt). Both may well be adjectives in - wenta , and ] -mi-we-te on Sg890 bis
appears to be a variant spelling of the first; Ventris suggests, however, that
*77 may be a monogram for ne + ko , i.e. termin ekhonta ‘having a te-mi-\ It is
tempting to see in te-mi-welte-mi-*yi (cf. Horn. TEppioeis) an adjective
meaning ‘provided with a (leather) tyre’; even though Johannson’s proposed
connexion of the Homeric adjective with Skt. edrma ‘leather’ would demand
the spelling qe- here, and is in any case not generally accepted, Some kind of
decorative or functional edging seems likely, at any rate.
The alternative specification, which implies a noun-stem o-da~k -, is equally
uncertain (note its application to textiles on 220 = L 870). Connected with
o5ot£ ‘biting’ (‘serrated edge’?), or with oI5a£ ‘unripe fig’ (a kind of
studding?) ?
The ze and mo which precede the numerals do not, as Evans thought, refer
to a carpenter’s saw and the charioteer’s whip, but are abbreviations of jeuyos
‘pair’ and povpos ‘single’ (see p. 54 ). When the number of wheels is ‘three
pairs’ or more, the descriptive adjectives are in the plural, as we might expect;
but there is some inconsistency both at Knossos and at Pylos in the case of
lower numbers. Both ‘one pair’ and ‘two pairs’ generally involve dual
adjectives (the first presumably being read as ‘two wheels’), but one(?) pair
takes the singular on 278 = So894, and one and a half pairs (‘three wheels’)
the plural on 284 —SaOl.
The classical use of the dual, already very inconsistent in Homer, is confined
to two main functions: first, reference to ‘natural pairs’ (e.g. ears, eyes,
draught-horses); second, the counting of ‘accidental pairs’—but only where
the words 50co or ^EOyos are expressly added (so in Attic temple inventories
of the 5 th~ 4 th centuries b.c., e.g. cpiaAa xpuaa 11, etc.). Schwyzer [Gram. 11 ,
p. 48 ) suggests that such ‘accidental pairs’ must originally have taken plural
370
® ® WIIEKL
MO 1 Single
zt t 1 1 Pair
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
278
concord; but examples such as to-pe-zo ‘two tables’ (241 = Ta7l5) and di-pa-e
‘two goblets’ (236=Ta64l) show that our Mycenaean dialect is at the inter¬
mediate stage where an explicit 50co requires the dual in all classes of noun and
adjective, as in Indo-lranian and in Old Slavonic.
The neuter adjectives of the wheel tablets might naturally be taken as
applying to the heteroclitic kukAoc ‘wheels’, literally ‘circles’; but there is a
probability that the real term to be understood is a-mo-ta , and a possibility that
this is notappoorci ‘ well-fitted’ but harmdta y ancestor ofappaTa‘chariot* (which
evidently does not have this Homeric meaning at Knossos in view of i-qi-ja).
This term is evidently connected with ccppos‘fastening’, appo^co‘put together’,
in allusion to the fact that the chariot must be assembled from a number of
loose parts before use; and in the Mycenaean arsenals the word may have
been applied specifically to the wheels. Cf. apporroTrqyos ‘wheelwright’, //. iv,
485 , and a-mo-te-jo-na-de ( harmoteiona-de ?) as the destination of axles and
frricpi/Ta (pliant branches for felloes?) on 252=Vn06.
The total number of wheels separately listed on the Knossos tablets appears
to be over a thousand pairs, but of these the 462 J (?) pairs of o-da-ke-we-ta on
So0446 may perhaps represent a repetitive total (note the o-pe-ro of sixteen
pairs ‘missing* in line 2 ).
278 = So894 (K lxi)
1 a-te-re-te-a / pe-te-re-wa 'te-mi-*yi' wheel ze [ 1 ?]
2 ka-ki-jo wheel ze i ka-ko-de-ta wheel ze [ 3 -b]
3 ki-da-pa / te-mi-*yi-ta wheel ze 41 [mo i?]
4 o-da-tu-we-ta / e-ri-ka wheel ze 40 [ +
. . one (?) pair of wheels of elm-wood, with tyres ;
one pair of bronze wheels;
three+ pairs of bronze-bound wheels;
forty-one and a half (?) pairs of wheels of ki-da-pa wood, with tyres ;
forty-b pairs of wheels of willow-wood, with studs.
a-te-re-te-a: perhaps the neuter plural of an adjective in -?)$ with a- privative; not a
verbal adjective in -t£cx (- *Uwa ).
ka-ki-jo = khalkid (dual): possibly only the tyre was of solid bronze, although a wheel
entirely of metal is perhaps not excluded, especially as only one pair is listed.
ka-ko-de-ta = xa^»< 666 Ta, cf. khalkdi dedemend and argurdi dedemend at Pylos (see below)\
As a tyre of solid silver is unlikely, these adjectives probably refer to metal bindings
at intervals round the felloe or spokes, like those detected by Evans on the Tiryns
fresco.
ki-da-pa (not ki-da-ro ) Bennett, Index , p. 63 ): possibly a kind of timber, cf. (mvSayis,
< 7 K»v 5 AXauos, crKiScKpri?
279-283
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
f 279 = So0437 joined (P xvii)
a-mo-ta / pte-re-wa a-ro 2 -jo te-mi-*yi-te wheel ze 5
Five pairs of wheels of elm-wood, of better class , with tyres.
a-ro 2 -jo\ apparently dual of a-ro 2 -a on 214 = Ld571, 282 = So0430. A mis-spelling for
a-ro 2 -e? These duals do not agree with a-mo-la and with the recorded number of
wheels.
t 280 = So0439 (P xvii)
a-mo-ta / e-ri-ka te-mi-*yi-ta wheel ze 3 mo wheel [i]
Three and a half pairs of wheels of willow-wood, with tyres.
U 281=So0440 (P xvii)
a-mo-ta / pte-re-wa / o-da-*8?-ta ' de-do-me-na' wheel ze [nn]
x pairs of wheels of elm-wood with studs 9 which have been contributed.
o-da-* 8 y-ta : the sign *87 is confined to this word, as * 7 / to the other wheel adjective;
it appears to have the value kwe.
de-do-me-na = : in contrast to worzomena (‘manufactured’?) on So0438, etc.?
Or does that also mean ‘contributed’ (cf. worzei at Pylos, p. 254 )?
tt 282 = So0430 (P xv)
ku-kt-da u-pa nt-wu
e-ri-ka / o-da-*8y-ta a-ro 2 -a wheel ze 22 mo wheel i
Twenty-two and a half pairs of new wheels of willow-wood, with studs , of better
quality. The feudal contribution (of) Kolkhidas.
Xt 283=So0442 (P xvii)
o-pe-ro
[ ]-ja I a-mo-te pe-ru-si-nwa j ta-ra-si-ja wheel ze i
One pair of. . .wheels owing from last year’s allocation.
The word-order and syntax are not very clear. Possibly harmote (dual) ophilo[mend)
pemsinwas talanas; a-mo-te could also be apiaoa 0 Ti (aor. pass.) or the nom. sing, of the
occupational name a-mo-te-re (X 770 and X 6026); but it cannot be any part of
apiJOOT 6 $. In support of a Myc. form harmd ‘wheel’ one may add the possible
reading a-mo as nominative singular on KN So7485.3; the classical meaning of apua
is paralleled by the fact that both in Sanskrit ( rdtha -) and in Tocharian A ( kukdl )
the term for ‘chariot’ is derived from an IE word for ‘wheel’.
372
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
284-285
6 . CHARIOT WHEELS AT PYLOS
The vocabulary and arrangement of the Pylos wheel tablets, 200 years later,
are very like those of the Knossos series; and their *
adjectives show similar sequences of neuter duals or tp wheel
plurals according to the number of pairs listed. Pylos m wheel + te
has, however, developed a variant of the WHEELwith ®
surcharged te, which (to judge from 287 = Sa793) probably stands for the
qualification te~mi-*yi-ta.
284 = SaOl [488]
ku - pa - ri - se-ja wheel + te ze i mo i
One and a half pairs of wheels of cypress wood, with tyres ,
ku-pa-ri-se-ja : not to be confused with the place-name adjective Ku-pa-ri-si-jo on
56 = An657. The Homeric equivalent KUTrapiaoivos is only used once, of a door-post
in Od . xvn, 340 .
285 = Sa02 [487]
ke - ro - ke - re - we-o / wo-ka we - je - ke-e wheel+te ze i
One pair of wheels with tyres > fitfor driving , belonging to Kheroklewes.
This tablet is typical of a set of thirteen, all introduced by a man’s name in the genitive.
Three of them have two pairs of wheels, the rest one pair each; all the descriptions
are in the dual, as here. The remaining names are: Pa 2 -sa-re-o , Tu-ri-si-jo-jo ,
E-ke-i-jo-jo t Wo-ro-ko-jo i Wa-de-o , A-pa-si-jo-jo, Pe-qe-ro-joy E-te-wa-jo-jo , Mo-qo-so-joy
Po-ru-we-woy A-te-wo-joy A-meja-to.
wo-ka we-je-ke-e (dual): though its vocalization is very uncertain, it is likely that this
description is the opposite of no-pe-re-e ‘unfit for service’ (see below), and hence
means something like ‘fit for use on this charioteer’s vehicle’. It is tempting to
connect the second word with the Homeric d-eiKf|S, £rn-EiKf|S- we-je- could be an
abnormal spelling or represent a disyllabic grade of the root; but there is a more
serious objection that adjectives in -qs seem originally to have been all compounds
(Schwyzer, Gram, I, p. 513 ). Must we postulate a compound (with -ex? 1 s) °f the
same prefix we-j- which reappears in the adjective we-ja-re-pe , etc. (possibly ‘suitable
for anointing’, cf. 5i-r|Xupr)s, VE-TjXupifa, etc.?) applied to oil on the Pylos tablets of
1955 ? wo-ka cannot be the Homeric oyot ‘pre-eminently’, since this is certainly
from lx 00 ! an d probably a shortened form ofe 5 °X a i but It might be a somewhat
similar adverbial formation from ♦fix 0 * 3 ‘ride, take, in a chariot’ (cf. 6 x&a ‘chariot’
and 11. x, 403 : Tmroi dAsysivol 6 xE£o 6 ai ‘difficult to use in a chariot’). For the
ending cf. Kpuqja, piya, ciya, etc. Alternatively wo-ka may be a noun from the same
stem, to be taken closely with the preceding genitive.
373
++
286-290
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
t 286 = Sa787
^ pa-ra-jq we-je-ke-a 2 wheel ze 30 mo 1
e-qe-si-ja pa-ra-wa wheel ze 12 za-ku-si-ja wheel ze 32
So many (in all): thirty and a half pairs of old wheels, fit for driving ;
twelve pairs of old wheels for Followers (?),
thirty-two pairs of wheels of zjakynthian type.
e-qe-si-ja pa-ra-wa: the second line is written near the edge of the tablet, and all three
final signs look at first sight like -wa. e-qe-si-ja is also applied to ‘cloaks’ on 214 =
Ed57l, q.v if, as seems likely from 56 = An 657 , the heq u etas is a military officer, it is
perhaps reasonable that the design of both his uniform and his chariot should be in
some way distinctive.
ra-ku-si-ja : compare the \a]-ku-si-jo which should probably be restored as an ethnic
or place-name on 54 = Anl9, but which also occurs on Mycenae Oel22 (as a man’s
name?). The assibilation of the ending -vOios is also seen in Att. TTpoPaAiaios,
TpiKopOcrtos and in Pylos Ko-ri-si-jo , O-ru-ma-si-ja-jo.
+ 287 Sa793
e-re-pa-to / te-mi-*yi-ta pa-ra-ja ta-na-wa wheel + te ze ii
Eleven pairs of old spindly wheels with te-mi- of ivory.
e-re-pa-to : Ventris is inclined to analyse this phrase as: elephantos termin-ekhonta ‘having
a termis of ivory’; but this would indicate that the termis here represents some kind
of decorative band rather than the actual running surface or ‘tyre’.
ta-na-wa : Horn. Tavaos, see Vocabulary, p. 408 .
% 288 = Sa790
\ka-ko\ a-mo-ta e-qe-si-ja / no-pe-re-a 2 wheel + te ze 6
Six pairs of wheels for Followers (?), unfit for service.
no-pe-re-a 2 = Att. dvo^peAfj; cf. Horn. avcbvviJos/vcbvuMos, etc.
289= Sa682
te-tu-ko-wo-a 2 no-pe-re-a 2 wheel ze 6
Six pairs of heavily-built wheels, unfit for service.
te-tu-ko-wo-a 2 (cf. 216 = Ld871) =Hom. T£Tc/yMEva; see Vocabulary, p. 409 .
290 = Sa03 [287]
a-ku-ro / de-de-me-no wheel ze i
One pair of wheels bound with silver.
a-ku-ro: this is the only occurrence of the word apyupos on the tablets.
374
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT 291
291 Sa794
ka-ko de-de-me-no no-pe-re-e wheel ze i
One pair of wheels bound with bronze, unfit for service.
t
7. CORSLETS AND HELMETS AT PYLOS
Twelve tablets found in 1952 (classification Sh-) list the corslet ideogram.
'Phis resembles the Knossos corslet (see below, p. 380 ) in its tapering
sides and in the varying number of horizontal cross-lines; but insteadof vertical
shoulder loops it shows lateral projections which may
represent short sleeves, and above the neck it adds a 163 fit CORSLET
construction which must probably be taken as a form
of headgear. The identification of this Pylos ideogram as a set consisting of
corslet and helmet is confirmed by the terminology to-ra-keand ko-ru-to
(gen. sing.) = Kopu 0 os; and thus supplies new material for the discussion of
the traditional picture of Heroic armour in Homer and its relation to the
archaeological evidence (sec Evans, VM> iv, pp. 688 - 90 , 803 - 6 ; Lorimer,
1950 , pp. 196 - 245 ; Hood, 1952 , pp. 256 - 61 ; Gray, 1954 , etc.).
Hood suggests that certain bronze plates found in the ‘Tombe dei Nobili’ J
at Phaistos are part of armoured belts or corslets; but the absence of metal
scales from all other Minoan and Mycenaean sites, and in particular from
warrior graves, makes the direct archaeological evidence for a bronze corslet
very slight. Mycenaean vase-paintings show only doubtful indications of
body-armour, though the white dots on the tunics and helmets of the Mycenae
‘Warrior Vase’ (Lorimer, 1950 , PI. Ill) have been taken by some to represent
metal disks. Two ivories from Enkomi in Cyprus do, however, depict a
‘ lobster 5 corslet similar to that worn by the ‘ Peoples of the Sea’, divided into
ribbed bands in inverted-V formation: there is general agreement that these
were of metal.
Evans (PA/, iv, p. 688 ; SM II, p. 57 ) regarded the Knossos corslet
ideogram as representing ‘a form of body-armour consisting of horizontal
plates of metal, presumably backed by leather or linen, and suspended from
shoulder-pieces of a similar fashion 5 . He compared them with the horizontally
banded corslets worn by some of the soldiers of Rameses II and by his Shardana
mercenaries; but from their white colour and apparent rows of stitching
Bonnet has argued that these were not of metal but of thickly wadded linen.
Gray (p. 6 ) refers to a fragment of cloth fourteen layers thick from a Mycenaean
burial, which is thought to be part of such a padded corslet. There seems to
be no reason, however, why metal plates should not have been sewn into
375
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
wadding of this kind, and thus not appear as separately identifiable plates on
the exterior.
Lorimer is inclined to regard all Homeric references to a metal 0cbpT|£, with
the possible exception of the Achaean epithet as accretions
to the traditional picture; but in view of the scale corslets evidenced by finds
at Ugarit and Nuzi (and listed on the Nuzi tablets, sec below) and faithfully
depicted on the monuments of Amenhotep II, Thothmcs IV and Ramcscs III,
Gray and Hood find it hard to believe that similar metal body-armour was
unknown in the Aegean. Although the word x^ KSl °S is not found on the
Mycenaean corslet tablets, the object qe-ro 2 (which appears to be part of
a corslet, sec 299 = V 789) is once qualified by the bronze ideogram; and
on some ‘charioteer’ tablets the corslet is erased and replaced by an ingot,
as Evans pointed out. Such body armour may have been restricted almost
entirely to charioteers, for whom the absence of a shield made it a necessity;
which would help to explain its absence from chieftains’ graves.
The Pylos corslets are listed or identified by the varying number of o-pa-wo-ta
which they comprise: of the twenty listed, sixteen have ‘ twenty large o-pa-wo-ta
and ten small’, the remainder ‘twenty-two large ones and twelve small’. It
is tempting to identify these with the horizontal bands shown on the ideogram,
but it is not clear how they arc to be distributed. Do the small ones make up
the collar and sleeves? Or the upper part above the level of the armpits?
Or a more flexible section below the waist? And arc those of the back counted
separately from those of the front? One might expect the corslets to undo
into two halves by fastenings along the side, but the references to ‘pairs’ are
probably to be taken as the issue of two corslets to one chariot (cf. 297 = Sc222)
rather than the division of each into two yuaAoi.
o-pa-wo-ta apparently represents op-aworta 4 things hung or attached around’,
from dtfEipco (cf. Horn, owqopos ‘joined with’, dopTTjp ‘strap’; and dpTOcco
‘attach’, if from *<4[ r EpTCc<!o) . Another inconclusive indication of its meaning is
the fact that four o-pa-wo-ta (abbreviated o) are regularly applied to the xopus
or ‘helmet’ in these sets; but note that the classification o does not include
the two pa-ra-wa-jo , in which Bennett has recognized the equivalent of the
* 7 rapdfja in Horn. KopuSos 5ia ya^ K01TCIi ?T} 0}J ‘helmet with check-pieces of
bronze’, Od . xxiv, 523 (see Vocabulary, p. 403 ).
‘ It is clear (as Hood points out, 1952 , p. 258 ) that there was an extraordinary
variety of helmet fashions in the Aegean at this period.’ Fig. 26 shows a
representative selection. Helmets made entirely of relatively thin bronze, and
showing holes for the stitching of a padded under-cap, have been found in a
LM II warrior grave near Knossos (A: Hood, 1952 , PI. 50 ) and at Dcndra
376
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
( B : Persson, 1952 , pp. 119 - 129 ), and are shown on the Agia Triada ‘Boxer
Rhyton’ (C); a single bronze cheek-piece from Ialysos is in the British Museum.
A very characteristic type is the conical boar’s tusk helmet (D), with or
without fanciful horns and plumes above; the number of concentric rows of
plates is most often four. Owing to the relative scarcity of the raw material,
this helmet was probably confined to kings and chieftains. A simpler form of
A B C D
E F G H
Fig. 26. Late Minoanand Mycenaean helmets
conical headgear is shown on the vase from Tomb 5 at Isopata ( E ): it has
six concentric bands (excluding the bottom rim and terminal knob) which
Lorimer regards as strips of leather, Hood as thick padding sewn together at
intervals. A similar helmet, whose sections have a more pronounced bulge,
is shown on the fragments of a faience relief from Shaft-Grave III at Mycenae
( F ): it has four ‘rolls’, and four ‘horns’; a helmet with seven ‘rolls’ is seen
on a LM \a polychrome goblet from the Tomb of the Double Axes at Knossos
(PM, hi, p. 310 , fig. 198 ), with four ‘rolls’ on a clay seal-impression (ibid.
p. 205 ). More fanciful and unique types are shown on the late
377
292
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
‘Warrior Vase’ from Mycenae (6), where the spots arc regarded as metal
disks; and on a gold plaque-bead from Shaft-Grave III (//), whose two thick
‘rolls’ arc surmounted by a composite knob and by a horn.
The head-gear shown full-face in the Pylosideograms bears no unmistakable
resemblance to any of these eight types, and it is not altogether clear whether
the cap is to be taken as a simple cone and the lines below the cone as the
chcck-picccs and neck of the corslet; or whether these lines indicate a wide
bottom ‘roll’ (surmounted by small horns as on /■?), above which a relatively
narrow cone sticks up. In either ease the disposition of the four o - pa - wo-ta is
difficult to reconstruct. If they arc in fact concentric as on Z), E and F , their
width would be about 5 cm.; and if the bands of the corslet were of the same
width, about fifteen of them would be needed between neck and thigh. The
scale corslets of Ramcscs III have thirteen bands (Lorimer, 1950 , p. 198 ,
17 )-
Very similar phraseology is seen in the Nuzi tablets which list coats of mail
for charioteers and horses (Lachcman, 1939 , p. 541)5 '•
Bcl-Ahi received from the palace one coat of mail that fits the body made of 400 large
scales, 280 very small scales, the sides and decoration of which arc of copper; one
kurpisu (helmet) of copper made of 190 scales.. . .
400 scales of the side, 200 (small?) scales of the side, 200 scales of the kurpisu Ninki-
TeSup has received.
But a complete identity of context can only be argued if we assume that our
much smaller numbers of o - pa - wo-ta arc not separate plates but rows of scales,
perhaps sewn into separate belts before application to the corslet.
The Semitic prince shown on the chariot ofThothmes IV (Lorimer, p. 198 ,
fig. 16 ) has a helmet covered with approximately two dozen narrow bronze
plates sewn radially between the crown and lower rim; an arrangement of
four such petal-shaped plates, which avoids the difficulty of beating out a solid
cone of bronze, may perhaps be argued for the Pylos helmets. The number of
o - pa - wo-ta to the Pylos helmets also recalls the Homeric terms TpucpdAEicc and
xopvs TexpdcpaAos {//. xxn, 315 , also dptpitpccAos v, 743 ), KiA/sr) TETpa 9 dAr|pos
(xi, 41 ); but if these 9 &Aoi and 9 dAr|pa arc explained as ‘horns’ or ‘bosses’,
then they evidently have no relevance to the meaning of o - pa - wo-ta as applied
to corslets.
292 = Sh740
wi - so - wo - pa-na o - pa - wo-ta me - zo - a 2 o 20
pa-ra-10 CORSLET ZE 5 ,
me - u - jo - a 2 o io ko - ru-to 04 pa 2
378
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
292-296
Five pairs of old corslets: twenty larger-sized plates of equal. . . ;
ten smaller-sized plates ;
Four plates of the helmet, two cheek-pieces.
wi-so-wo-pa-iiQ : probably an adjective compounded with Taos (Cretan, Arc. fttfFos)
* equal’. One might have expected iaopap£a, laoiraAki, laoTrax^a, iaoirAarrta,
iao<pav^a, etc.; possibly from -nfjvos (=0<|>aaua Hesych.): ‘with an equal number of
thicknesses of cloth ’ ?
The use of 0 as an abbreviation is here quite distinct from its usual meaning ‘amount
owing or missing’.
293 = Sh737
corslet i o-pa-wo-ta I me-zo-a 2 o 2# me-u-jo-a 2 o 10
ko-ru-to o 4 pa-ra-wa-jo 2
One corslet: twenty larger-sized plates , ten smaller-sized plates ,
four plates of the helmet, two cheek-pieces.
294 = Sh733 (four other tablets arc identical)
corslet i me-zo-a 2 o 20 me-u-jo-a 2 o 10 ko-ru-to 04 pa 2
295 = Sh734 (three other tablets arc identical)
corslet 1 me-zo-a 2 o 22 me-u-jo-a 2 o 12 ko o 4 pa 2
The reverse of this tablet and of Sh739 have erased and illegible entries also apparently
dealing with corslets.
296 = Sh736 t
to-ra-ke a-me-ja-to o-pa me-za-na wo-ke ne. corslet 5
Five new corslets, the feudal contribution of A-me-ja -....
a-me-ja-to : genitive of a man’s name as on Sa834, not didavTOS ‘unstained’. The last
two words, of which wo-ke appears verbal (pepy- ‘work’ or pex* ‘convey’?), are
incomprehensible; me-za-na recurs in 76— Cn22, q.u.
8 . CHARIOTS AND CORSLETS AT KNOSSOS
The 140 Knossos Sc- tablets were apparently all found together in a small J
archive room in the West Wing of the palace (B on fig. 13 , p. 115 ), Evans'
‘Chariot Tablet Deposit’ (PM, iv, pp. 786 - 9 , 803 - 7 ). Each is introduced by
a man’s name, and itemizes corslets, wheeled chariots (see p. 361 )
and horses, generally in that order.
The extant tablets show eight cases of ‘one corslet’ and fourteen of ‘ two
379
297-299
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
corslets’; in the majority of cases the relevant numbers have been lost. On
nine tablets the corslet has been erased and an ingot apparently inserted
at the end of the line or on the reverse; on three
the ingot has been drawn in over the erasure
162
ESI
CORSLET
itself. Evans regarded this as the record of an
alternative issue of bronze sufficient to make a pair
106
HORSE
of corslets (these might then each contain about
13 kg. of metal). The number of chariots is never
165
£3
INGOT
larger than one, and on two tablets they are absent altogether. There are
eleven (?) entries with ‘a single horse’ (mo), at least twenty-five with ‘a pair
ofhorses’ (ze).
The tablets probably record the issue of equipment to charioteers: note that
the man Me-nu-wa of Sc238 recurs on V 60 after an introductory word which
Bennett read a-ni-wo-ko , Sittig a-ni-o-ko (Chadwick a-ni-o-ko ), and which is
evidently the Homeric qvloxot.
On four tablets the corslet has a surcharged circle with dots (=Q.e) instead
of the usual horizontal lines, and on Sc266 this version of the ideogram is
followed by qe alone with the numerals ‘one pair’: it is difficult to guess the
meaning.
297 = Sc222 (B xxvii)
mc-za-wo corslet 2 horse ze i
Mezawon: two corslets, one pair ofhorses.
298 = Sc226 (B xxvii)
ii-ri-jo-pa 2 wheeled chariot i corslet i horse i e-ko i
Triopas: one chariot, one corslet, one horse—(already) having one.
e-ko: we had previously taken this as cyxos ‘one spear*, but Furumark suggests £x wv >
which is rather more plausible and may help to explain the other tablets where the
chariot is accompanied by only one horse. Note that the usual mo is here omitted,
as if phrasing and context made confusion impossible.
The vocabulary of the Pylos corslet tablets enables us to fit the following
two Knossos fragments into their rightful context:
t 299= V 789 (J lii)
qe-ro 2 2 e-po-mi-[
]-rfl e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo 2 pa-ra-wa-jo [
qe-ro z : we have already met this word on 230 = K 740, where it describes an object
whose outline is reminiscent of the corslet ideogram and has the adjunct bronze.
380
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
299-300
It possibly represents some kind of foundation or framing to a metal-reinforced
corslet. Perhaps from or^XXco (*sq u eljo) y cf. Hesych. crr^XXor 3 cocr^a, crrroX&s ‘leather
jerkin’, crniXr^' yuvaiKttov l|i 6 rnov (Suidas), otoXos etc. Palmer (1955 A, p. 38 )
suggests *q' J helioi ‘coats of mail*; cf, <paXov to OTtpeov kukXoo^o toO aT€pvou,
Hesych., <paXapa, T€Tp&9aXos, etc.
e-po-mi-[jo ]: ‘shoulder pieces’? Cf. tTrcaiuos (Euripides), hr-coyis.
ۥpi-ko-ru-si-jo : evidently the adjectival equivalent (dual) of the description koruthos
‘of the helmet’ on the Pylos tablets; to what noun does it refer?
300 = G? 5670
‘ ] 7?- r <>2 2 [
2 ko]-ru Q 1 o-pa-wo-ta [
The identity of the helmet ideogram (cf. fig. 26 , A , p. 377 ) only became apparent
on further cleaning of this fragment by Ventris in August 1955 . Dr Platon has placed
it on exhibition with other selected tablets on the ground floor of the Iraklion
Museum.
PART III
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
I4 l Z
CHAPTER I
DISCOVERY AND DECIPHERMENT
p. 23t A new table of the values of Mycenaean syllabic signs will be found below
(Fig. 27 ). Almost everything in the basic values given here has been accepted,
the only exception being where it has proved impossible to confirm this
value for * 7 ^ owing to the lack of sufficient examples. The ‘homophones’
ought perhaps not to have been so labelled, since we never believed that they
were purely optional variants; it is now clearer what their special values were,
though much still remains obscure.
Basic values
a ^
e
A
i
y
0
D
U
r
da Y
de
**■
di
m
1
do
f
du
*
j“ Q
j‘
X
—
jo
T
ka ©
ke
Vf
ki
y
ko
T
ku
*
ma M
me
f
mi
V
mo
mu
r
na Y
ne
r
ni
Y
no
*
nu
N
pa \
fie
D*
Pi
ft
fio
fiu
A
ga f
qe
©
T
qo
t
—
ra k
re
T
ri
1
TO
1
ru
T
sa Y
se
P
si
1 fe
SO
f
su
E
n
le
+
ti
ft
to
T
lu
y
wa R
we
l
wi
L
wo
&'
—
za f
Z*
\
Special
values
zo
f
a x (ha)
T
a, (ai) H
au
dive
9
dwo
jtc
nwa
V
pu
H
fiu x
(jw«) y
’Ox (ryo) fi
ra x (
rai)
X
ro x ( ryo )
4
ta x
twe
1
two
Untranscribed and doubtful values
* 18
¥
*'9
i
* 22
1
*34
<
*35
)
*47
*49
m
*56 pa, ? H
*63
ur
*64
swi?
H
* 6 jju ?
hr
*79 Zu? 4&
*82 swa? ?
* S3
8
*86
U
Fig. 27. New table of the values of Mycenaean syllabic signs.
385
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a 2 appears to be always ha, if we accept the presence of intervocalic - h - in
Mycenaean; but even so, its use in place offlj in non-initial position is optional,
and there is no trace of other vowels having aspirated variants*
ai 2 ? and ai 3 ? (numbers *34 and * 35 ) are certainly variant forms of the same
sign. If they were distinct, this pair would be the only example in the syllabary
of the mirror image of a sign having a different value; no other pair of signs
could be mistaken for each other if turned about a vertical axis. But the value
proposed was always tentative and has not been confirmed, nor has any other
convincing proposal been made for them.
*£7 ( kwe ) is more likely to be twe , since qe has presumably the sound kwe or
something very much like it, and it is unlikely that there was another series
of labialized velars. The identification is built solely upon o-da-* 8 y-ta> which
is also spelt o-da-tu-we-ta as well as o-da-kejku-we-ta\ see Glossary.
pa 2 should be given the value qa and inserted into the appropriate blank
space in the basic values. The reason for failing to grasp its exact value despite
some equations with Greek words is instructive: original *q u a- became ira- in
all Greek dialects, and two words spelt with pa v pa (also pa-te , pa-si ) = Tids
and pa-ra-jo -- TraAaios, were thought to have had an initial labiovelar, thus
showing that this development had already taken place in Mycenaean. We
can now see that the etymologies proposed for these words are false, and we
have a consistent distribution of ^2 in words of labiovelar origin distinguished
from pa , which always represents a labial stop.
pa 3 ?: this still remains a possible value, being built mainly on the equation
of * 56 -ra-ku-ja with pa-ra-ku-ja ; but no decisive confirmation has been forth¬
coming. In any case it is likely to have a special value.
pte\ this appears to be an exception to the rule that signs represent only
consonantT vowel or consonant +semi-vowel -f vowel. But if the original value
had been pje , this would by a regular Greek phonetic change have yielded pte\
cf . kA^tttei < *KA£rr-yEi.
pu 2 : the transcription is certain, but the exact value is still unclear. It
appears to be usually phu (e.g, pu 2 -te-re = phuteres ), but also bu , if da-pu 2 -ri-to-jo
is really the equivalent of Aa(3up(v0oio.
ra 2 \ value rja , serves as replacement for ri-ja , but whether this is a matter of
orthography or pronunciation is not clear.
ra 3 : rai , e.g. e-ra 2 -wo = elaiwon = iAaiov.
ro 2 : rjo , e.g. tu-ro 2 — turjoi (?) — Tupoi.
*£ 5 : not j/a, a value based upon the false assumption that it occurs in the
initial word of PY Ma 397. It is now agreed that this damaged sign, which
must have the value sja, is not * 85 . The value au was proposed independently
386
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
by Ephron ( 1961 , pp. 71 ff.) and Petrusevski and Ilievski ( 1958 ); it has since
been confirmed by new discoveries, especially the Theban name au-to-te-qa-jo =
Autothig u aios. It is so far the only case of a sign containing a diphthong in -w.
ta 2 ( * 66 ): tja. But a new sign, *§/, formerly taken as a variant of * 66 , has
now been recognized as a separate sign with the value two.
Signs transcribed by numerals.
* 64 : value possibly swi (Chadwick, 1968 a).
* 65 : value generally accepted as ju, though no compelling proof has
appeared. The value was originally proposed by Meriggi ( 1955 ^, pp. 66 ff)
and Palmer ( 1955 *, p. 43 ).
* 7 /: value dwe proved by a new text (PY Sa 1266; Lang, 1958 , p. 189 ).
* 82 : many suggestions have been made, the best supported being sa 2 and ja 2 .
The variant swa , originally proposed by Gallavotti ( 1959 , p. 165 ), seems to be
the most likely value (Chadwick, 1968 a).
CHAPTER II
THE MYCENAEAN WRITING SYSTEM
p. 28 ! The exact dates of these periods can of course be endlessly disputed. The date
of the destruction level at Knossos containing Linear B tablets has been
questioned by Palmer ( 1961 , chapter vi; 1963 £), but his conclusions have
not generally found favour among archaeologists. At most it seems likely that
the destruction of Late Minoan II Knossos fell within the Late Minoan Ilia 1
period, thus reducing the date to perhaps c. 1375 . 1340 is perhaps early for the
beginning of Late Helladic 111 b; but the discovery of tablets in a layer at
Thebes apparently dated to Late Helladic Ilia seems to guarantee the
presence of Linear B on the Mainland during the fourteenth century.
P- 3 ^t An important argument in favour of assigning closely similar, if not identical,
values to Linear A and Linear B syllabic signs can be drawn from the Cypriot
syllabary (see pp. 63-6 and Fig. 12 ). It is clear from differences in the structure
of the Linear B and Cypriot systems that one is not directly derived from the
other: the separation in Linear B of tjd and of Ijr in Cypriot, the absence of
387
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the complex signs from Cypriot, apart from the differences in spelling conven¬
tions, make it certain that both derive from an earlier script, which can hardly
be anything but a form of Linear A. Despite the remoteness of the connexion,
a few Cypriot signsareclosely similar to Linear B signs with the same or similar
value (see Fig. 28).
Linear B
Cypriot
Linear B
Cypriot
h
da
h
ta
+
ro
+ -
ti
ti
•
na
T
T
to
T
to
2
we
1
*
pa
*
pa
r
se
r
1
po
po
Fig. 28. Linear B and Cypriot syllabic signs compared.
Furthermore, it is not too fanciful to trace a distant resemblance in many more
similarly paired signs. But if each of these pairs of signs has a common ancestor,
and each of the pair has the same or similar value, then this must surely have
been the value of the ancestral sign too. Granted some uncertainties about the
identification of individual signs, it seems clear that in the main the Linear B
syllabic values must hold good also for Linear A; though it needs to be
emphasized that the values so obtained can be only approximate, and it must
not be supposed that Linear A had necessarily the same consonant structure
or the five-vowel basis of Linear B, since this is dictated by the phonemic
system of Greek.
p. 38t The discovery of two sets of Linear B tablets at Thebes, in 1964-5 and 1970,
has both confirmed this prediction and gone a long way to fill the gap between
Cretan and Mainland examples of Linear B. Platon has dated the first batch
ofTheban tablets to LH Ilia, so that they belong at least to the same century
as the Knossos tablets; yet in form, script and language they seem to be
indistinguishable from the Pylos tablets.
p 39 t It now appears highly probable that the phonemic system for which the
syllabary was originally devised did not distinguish voiced and aspirated
consonants, but did provide for palatalized and labialized ones, i.e. consonants
combined with either ay or a w semi-vowel. See further p. 390 below.
388
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
p. 411 Fig. 9. Although some minor additions could now be made to this table, in
particular the addition of sign forms for the Thebes tablets, there is nothing
significant in these additions, and nothing has happened to change the picture
here presented, with two exceptions. The signs numbered 88 and 8g were
omitted from this table; 88 is now suppressed, and 8g has never been admitted
to the canon, as it occurs only on a sherd from Knossos (Z 1715 ; Raison, 1968,
pp. 183 ff.). But it has become necessary to admit two more signs: go
found at both Knossos and Pylos, has been recognized as a single sign, instead
of a special way of writing 42 twice; thus the third variant of 42 in both columns
K and P is to be suppressed, gi is which was previously read as a variant
form of 66; it occurs only at Pylos.
p. 431 The identification of sign 85 as au y used only in initial position, parallels the
use of a 3 (a/). The spelling at Knossos - a-e in 29 = Am 821 and we-ka-ta-e in
C 1044 is not erroneous, but is apparently a disyllabic dual ending.
t There is still no evidence that /?- can represent P; pa 2 is now securely identified
as qa y see p. 386.
P 44; It has become clear that z- also spells the product o {*ky in ka-zo-e<*kakyohes
(comparative of koko$), su-z# <r *xtlkyni , etc. The exact phonetic equivalent is
not certainly established, but the spellings ts/dz have been adopted in Part III
and the Glossary, since an affricate of some sort, presumably undifferentiated
in respect of voicing, seems necessary to account for the use of z- to represent
*dy and initial as well as *ky y *gy.
P 45 t QHh- may occur in some names to be connected with Bt^p (<*g'hw~) and
qe~te-se-u y if this is a name Q^htheiseus (see Glossary).
The identification of sign 16 as pa 2 in place of qa was due to incorrect
etymologies (Ttas, iraAaios) which we can now correct by the Mycenaean
evidence. Both these words contain original it and qa is used whenever tt has
a labio-velar origin. The terminations - qo-ta , -qo-to probably do not answer to
classical -panis, -pcrros.
The apparent variation in ra-pi-ti~ra 2 ra~qi-ti-ra 2 is illusory; the spellings
represent two different words. But there is a tendency where two labio-vclars
occur in one word for the first to be dissimilated to p: c.g. i-po-po-qo-i = hippo-
phorg'oihi (l7rrro<p6ppois). This will account for qe-re-qo-ta-o (gen.) answering to
pe-re-qo-ta . The pronunciation of a labio-velar before a consonant is surprising,
but q is regularly written in this position: c.g. a 3 -ti-jo-qo = Aithioq u s (Ai 0 iovp),
389
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ke-ni-qe-te-we = kherniq u tewes (cf*. x£P vi hO* There is no reason to suppose that
e-ri-ko-wo and e-ri-qi~ja are related names.
p- 45t The suggested rule that a scriptio plena might be used for the clusters - rg- and
-rm- has not been confirmed, and the examples quoted are probably to be
explained otherwise. In - sm however, the s is regularly noted.
P' 45*1 Exceptions to the rule that initial s is omitted before a stop are very doubtful;
but sm - is treated as in medial syllables: si-mi-te-u (man’s name) = Smintheus.
The alleged examples of omission of w- before consonant seem all to be
based upon unsound etymologies.
p. 4 6 t For an alternative interpretation of wo-no-qo-so, see Glossary.
p. 46* The group - nw - may be written either -nu-w- or with the vowel of the following
syllable supplied with n : ke-se-ni-wi-jo =xenwion. It is possible that n may be
omitted in this group when followed by a morpheme boundary: pa-wo-ke =pan-
worges (Chadwick, 1967a). In the group - sws is normally written: a-si-wi-jo =
Aswios ("Actios) (Chadwick, 1968a).
p* 4 6 1 f No polysyllabic signs have yet been detected, unless ra 2 ( = rya), ro % ( = *70),
dwo, etc., are sometimes to be read as having disyllabic value. It seems prefer¬
able to assume that, e.g., in the ending of feminine agent nouns, classical -Tpia,
-h-ra 2 represents rather a monosyllabic -trya, though it is still uncertain whether
the longer spelling -ti-ri-ja represents a graphic or a phonetic variant. The
series of ‘labialized’ signs with values consonant + w -hvowel has been much
increased by later discoveries: *yi=dwe y *go = dwo y *48=nwa , *8y—twe,
*yj — two, and possibly *82=swa, *64~swi. Although *62=pte appears to be
an exception to the rule that no sign has a value beginning with two stops, this
is almost certainly due to the special history of *py in Greek (see above,
p. 386).
p. 4 6 tt It may be taken as axiomatic that there are no true homophones; all the
apparent examples are probably due to overlapping values, where a sign has
a restricted application. Thus a 2 is constantly employed where the value ha
would be appropriate, even in medial position; but a may be substituted for it,
as the examples quoted on p. 47 demonstrate. The variations of spelling seem
to be due to the preferences of individual scribes, not to differences of dialect
between the various sites.
39 °
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
*34 and *35, which were provisionally identified as ai 2 and ai 3i have not
been confirmed, and are now treated as unidentified; there is still reason to
think they are variants of the same sign.
pa z is now transliterated qa\ see above.
pu 2 appears to represent phu y but possibly bu in da-pu 2 -ri-to-jo .
ta 2 is definitely tya\ for o-ta 2 -wc~o read o-two-we-o.
P . 48! A great deal of discussion of individual ideograms has not seriously called in
question the general conclusions stated here. It has been suggested that the
ideograms are conventional and therefore not actual pictures, so that acci¬
dental features may be mentioned in the description which do not tally with
the details of the ideogram: e g. the Knossos chariot tablets 265-271 con¬
sistently show the frame as having no wheels fitted, but it is tempting to
associate a-Ta-ro-mo-te-me-na with a-mo-ta ‘wheels’ and translate ‘equipped
with wheels’; or e-me po-de (PY 236 = Ta 641 ) may be taken as ‘with one
foot’, although the ideogram clearly shows three legs, for it would hardly be
recognizable as a tripod-cauldron, if it did not. Similarly it has been shown
(Killen, 1964a, pp. 71 ff.) that ram is employed as a sign not only for cas¬
trated males, and for lambs (with prefixed ki) t but also for sheep of mixed sex,
as well as specifically male sheep.
Much argument has raged over the transliteration of ideograms, and the
English authors were persuaded to abandon the use of their native language
in the interests of international agreement. Since it was undesirable as well as
impracticable to change the method used in this book, Part III and the
Glossary continue to transcribe ideograms by English words; but it should be
understood that this is a special expedient, and all future work should employ
only the Latin names and numbers approved by the Fifth International
Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies at Salamanca in 1970 (see Acta Mycenaea
[Ruiperez, 1972], 1, pp. xx-xxi).
A number of new ideograms have been added to the list on pp. 50-1, partly
as the result of fresh discoveries, more often through more careful discrimina¬
tion of variants. Since they are almost all unidentified there is little point in
repeating the detailed list referred to above. The important ones are the subject
of discussion where the texts are given in Part III. However, a few comments
on points of detail are required.
100 man is now used for all forms of the ideogram, so that 101 and 103
are now suppressed. Bennett (1966, pp. 18-25) h as demonstrated the probable
genesis of these variants, and the theory that 103 had a special significance
(‘craftsman’: Palmer, 1963a, p. 137) has not been confirmed.
391
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
*75 we used ideographically may perhaps refer to other animals as well as
sheep; see we in Glossary.
*65 flour is a possible meaning, but the sign may also refer to some kind
of grain other than wheat or barley (Chadwick, 1966, p. 31).
725 seems not to be distinguished into two signs depending upon which way
the top element points; 124 is a ligature of 725 + 725, 126 of 725 + KU.
72 #should have an extra element at the top; itis a ligatureof ka + n a + ko.
130: the forms given in columns P and M should be transcribed oil + we;
whether the second form in column K is the equivalent of this is uncertain,
but possible (Chadwick, 1966, pp. 26-8; Bennett, 1966, pp. 15-18).
757: the variant forms are discussed by Bennett (1966, pp. 11-15) and
Chadwick (1968c, pp. 196-7); the suggestion (p. 223) that the incomplete
form of 757 means ‘new wine’ still seems acceptable.
755: a ligature ofA + RE + PAin either ascending or descending order.
134: no promising value for this ideogram has emerged, and the problem is
complicated by the discovery of a similar, but not identical, sign (730) on the
Mycenae Oi tablets. On this see 321 = Oi 701 , p. 506.
755: a ligature of me + ri = meli ‘honey’.
j 42: no secure identification.
143: silver is no more than a guess.
*57 =sa: the connexion with flax looks good, but it is normally measured in
units,henceperhaps balesol flaxfibresaremeantratherthanfinishedlinencloth.
j 43 : the attempts that have been made to give this sign a meaning other
than wool have failed (Killen, 1962a).
7 46: on this see Lejeune (19646), Chadwick (19646, p. 24). Its connexion
with textiles is beyond reasonable doubt, but its exact meaning is still unclear.
752: the syllabic wi inside the outline clearly stands for wi-ri-no=wrlnos
‘ oxhide’.
755: this is probably no more than a variant of no, which is used as a
measure; the equation with kotuAt) is tempting.
7 36: a ligature of tu + Ro 2 =turoi (or turyoi ?).
231 : the upper form is certainly an arrow; the lower form is more probably
a light dart for throwing: see p. 513.
233: the sword may prove to be rather dagger; itis hard to judge scale
or proportions on such a drawing, and the Homeric use of tp&cryavov ought not
to weigh too heavily against ‘dagger’.
A number of new ideograms have been recorded, but they are all rare, and
some are possibly variants of others here listed. For full lists see Ruiperez,
1972, 1, pp. xx-xxi.
392
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
p. sat On o-pe-ro , not itself an abbreviation, see Glossary, s.v. o-pe-ro l .
P 53 t On this subject see further Killen, 1964a, 1966a. Adjuncts are listed, and their
meaning, where known, is given in the Glossary.
P . 541 On the Linear A system of fractions, see now Was (1971).
p- 55 t Exceptionally KN Og 7504 , listing ivory (< e-re-pa-ta ), has ftK i 30, apparently a
confusion of two ways of writing the same weight.
p. 57 t The sign probably always means wool rather than woollen cloth; but
occasionally cloth is weighed in wool units.
p. 59f This equation fails to allow for the diff erence between wheat (in the Mycen-
aean ration) and barley (in the Mesopotamian one); the ratio is roughly 1:2,
as is evident from the classical rations quoted above. The primary dry unit
will thus have a range of 75-100 1.
p. 59; This tablet allows a mathematical equation (see p. 420) which proves that 9J
units of barley can only be divided between the eighteen men and eight boys
so as to give credible rations, if each man or boy receives T 3$. On the supposi¬
tion that barley has roughly half the value of wheat, this is nearly equivalent
to the Pylos women’s ration of T 2 of wheat. That this might also be a man’s
ration appears from MY Au 658 . 4 , where twenty men are allocated four units
of wheat.
p. 6o| The necessary measurement of vessels was undertaken on the material
recovered from Pylos by M. Lang (19646). From the table she published it is
evident that the system of measurement interferes with the values obtained at
the lower end of the scale; for instance, there are large concentrations of
vessels measuring 0-25, 0-3, 0-4, 0-5, o-6, 0-7, 0-75 litres. Thus only the larger
vessels are much use, but significant peaks appear around 2*4 and 3 2 litres.
This suggests that o-8 litres is an element in the system, and Miss Lang identi¬
fied this with <1 1, thereby effecting a reduction on the figures proposed in
the first edition of 60%. The effect of this, however, would be to upset the
range of values suggested on p. 59, and to make the smallest unit (^) equal
to 0-2 1., which is lower than the smallest unit of any contemporary system.
It would therefore seem more plausible to adapt Miss Lang’s calculations by
supposing that o-8 i. represents -02 (= <1 £), so that the vessels containing
393
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
24 and 3*2 1 . would match figures of <1 1$ and <1 2. This involves a reduction
of 20% in the values proposed on p. 60, viz.:
Dry Measure Liquid Measure
1 unit =96 litres 1 unit~ 28‘8 1 .
T 1 =9*6 1. ^ 1 =9*6 1.
<l = i 6 1.
TI7 = 0 4 1.
The discussion of this problem by Palmer (1963 a, pp. 12-15) is vitiated by
his unwarranted inference that T 5 represents the standard ration for a man
(sec pp. 418, 420). Once this is appreciated, as also the difference between
rations of wheat and barley, which is at times overlooked by Palmer, then the
foundation of his argument collapses. Any attempt to correlate Mycenaean
with classical measures can only function at the level of the kotyle and khoinix ,
which show the same 4:1 ratio as Mycenaean td and <1. Thus Palmer’s
identification of <1 with the khoinix may well be right linguistically, but there
is no reason to prefer the Attic value of c. 0*9 1 . to the Pheidonian value of
c. 1 -3 L It must be grasped that all values proposed are merely an attempt to
establish an order of magnitude, and none should be regarded as an exact
determination, which will probably remain impossible until a vessel is dis¬
covered which is clearly marked as a measure.
The Pylos tablet Fr (formerly Gn) 1184 is more helpful than appeared at
first sight. Obvious as it may seem to us to standardize the size of vessels,
ancient pots, being hand-made, show a wide range of values. If a stirrup-jar
held exactly half a major unit of oil, only 36 jars would be needed for the
18 units of oil here mentioned, instead of the 38 actually recorded. If, however,
we divide 18 x 28 8 litres by 38, we obtain a value of 13-6 1. per jar, which is
within the observed limits of 12-14 1 . (see p. 60). Again the figure is probably
not exact, but is of the right order of magnitude.
p. 60$ The study of * Cypro-Minoan ’ writing has made some progress since this
section was written, but new finds have been relatively few: a clay cylinder
from Enkomi and a further tablet from Ugarit are the most important.
E. Masson (1971) has put forward the interesting suggestion that the Enkomi
tablets show a different application of the script from the other Cypriot
examples, and that therefore two languages may be represented by this script.
The important fact which concerns Mycenaean writing is that the affiliation
of the various Cypriot scriptsseems undoubted; but the date ofthe fragmentary
tablet from Enkomi (no. 6 on p. 61), r. 1500 b.c., shows that the system must
394
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
have been adopted f rom Crete rather than Greece, and this is confirmed by
the divergences between the organization of the classical Cypriot and Linear
B systems. Their common parent seems to be Linear A, and this has the con¬
sequence that features of Linear B which are not shared by Cypriot ought not
to be attributed to Linear A. Thus the two scries of dentals, which Linear B
distinguishes as voiced and unvoiced, probably represented a different distinc¬
tion in Linear A; it is Linear B da which corresponds to Cypriot ta , though ti
and to agree in the two systems.
The exact nature of this relationship will not become clear until the values
of Cypro-Minoan signs can be determined.
CHAPTER III
THE MYCENAEAN LANGUAGE
p. 68f On the prehistory of the Greek language, sec now Chadwick, 1963c.
P* 7 1 1 A great deal of debate has raged around this question of the method to be
adopted in interpreting Mycenaean words, but it is as absurd to deny any
validity to the etymological method as it is to rely on it exclusively. Where
the Mycenaean spelling exactly fits the classical word, having due regard to
the difference of dialects, and the sense so offered can be shown to agree with
the context, we should hesitate to refuse an identification. Cases which arc
based exclusively on such identities, without any support from the context,
must be examined critically. A few such interpretations given in the Vocabu¬
lary of the first edition have been withdrawn from the Glossary of this edition.
But the contextual method can rarely, without far more material than we have,
define the meaning of a word as closely as the linguistic one; and we must often
be content if the linguistic meaning is not inappropriate to what we can judge
of the context. As our appreciation of the purpose of the tablets improves, so
it becomes easier to judge between rival interpretations and to achieve m6rc
precision in the meanings assigned.
P The example of E-ke-ra 2 -wo was an unhappy choice, since it has become clear
that ra 2 is not just a substitute for ra u but implies a special pronunciation, such
395
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
as rya\ and this is confirmed by what appears to be a variant spelling of the
name, [e]-ke-rija-wo PY Qa 1292 . This name therefore belongs to the large
class of Greek names ending in -awon (c.g. a-re-ta-wo = '/\pe'rctcjdv } ma-ka-wo =
Moc)(do>v; see Landau, 1958, pp. 185-6); but the identification of the first
element is then speculative. We might cite instead among the leading citizens
of Pylos a-pi-me-de = 'ApcpiuqSris, a-ko-so-ta temptingly interpreted by Palmer
as Alxoitas , or the *e-te-wo-ke-re-iie = TteokAtis who is to be reconstructed from
the patronymic of his two sons. Transparently Greek names arc to be found in
all classes of society; and although the Knossos sheep tablets show an above-
average proportion of apparently non-Greek names, many names of high
officials too defy Greek interpretation. One is tempted to believe that the
ethnic mixture was well advanced, even at Knossos, and that, as in classical
times, we cannot deduce that a man was not a Greek speaker just because his
name is meaningless in Greek. We might indeed argue a contrary proposition:
that Greek names which arc sobriquets (like e-ru-to-ro ‘Red’ or ti-ri-po-di-ko
‘ Little Three-foot ’) were given to non-Greek speakers by their Greek masters
because their native names were difficult to pronounce or remember.
P 7 *t Researches by M. Pope (1964) have demonstrated that the date of borrowing
of Linear B signs from Linear A cannot be as late as the latest (LM I) examples
of the latter. This is some support for the view of Furumark and Ptiglicsr
Carratclli, that the date of origin may lie as far back as the sixteenth century.
p 73t The division into East and West Greek dialects is perhaps not so fundamental
as used to be thought, though it still serves to distinguish Arcado-Cypriot,
Attic and Ionic from West Greek. On the view of Risch (1955), Aeolic is to be
regarded as basically on the West rather than East Greek side of the line, and
East Greek no longer seems an adequate label for all non-Western dialects.
The sibilant s of Mycenaean docs not appear to represent anything but a or aa
(see below, p. 398).
p- 74 t The suggestion that the apparent 0 vocalism of certain Mycenaean words
like qe-to-ro-po-pi is really a graphic device for syllabic r has something to be
said for it; at least, if j survived in pronunciation, the scribes may have used
to as the nearest approximation in writing. If accepted, this allows personal
names beginning a-no- to be interpreted as Am- : c.g. a-no-me-de = Anrmedes i
a-no-qo-ta = Anjq u honlos\ but Anor- is also possible.
p- 74+ The form to-ro-qe-jo-me-no has also been cited as evidence for the thematic
inflexion of verbs in -eg;); but although the parallel with TpoTiko appears close,
39 6
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
th ej is left unexplained, and it is not impossible that the classical forms in
-6co are a conflation of *-eid and a diff erent type in -emi. Until further evidence
is forthcoming it seems safer not to build much on either of these verbs.
p 75t To the vases we can now add the tablets from Thebes, which at least confirm
the general likeness of the Mycenaean dialect at all sites, though there is still
too little for any real proof; it would certainly seem that the noun declension
at Thebes follows the normal Mycenaean pattern.
P 76! It has been shown that these minor differences of spelling are associated with
certain scribal hands. Consequently Risch (19666) has put forward the
ingenious suggestion that the rarer forms represent a social difference and are,
so to speak, sub-standard. As always, it is the sub-standard forms which tend
to become the standard in the later history of the language. The evidence is
still too tenuous to judge this suggestion.
p. 76^ A more up-to-date collection of examples of Mycenaean grammar has been
printed by Vilborg (i960) and comments on this section will be restricted to
corrections of errors and additions of importance.
p. 76I? Sec further Hester (1958).
p. 77 1 a-pi-qo-to is too obscure to be used for this purpose.
p. 77; The interpretation of e-wi-su-zo-ko , e-wi-su-*yg-ko is dubious; the value zu for
*yg remains unconfirmed.
p. 77^1 Delete u-ru-pi-ja-jo — ’OAupTnatoi. In u-ru-to , ti-ru- probably stands for wtu- \ see
Glossary.
P . 7711 Sign *43 is now transcribed conventionally <z 3 , but its value remains ai . On
*34, see above, p. 386.
p.78| pe-i is probably to be read sphehi ; see Glossary.
p. 791 The most likely explanation of ra 2 and ro 2 is that they note forms in -rya, - ryo ,
but it cannot be ruled out that these signs may sometimes function as disyllabic.
The feminine agent suffix -Tpta is spelt -ti-ri-ja by one scribe at Pylos, -ti-ra 2
by another.
397
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p. 79+ It has become clear that there is no lack of consistency in the notation of w in
Mycenaean script. The phoneme Jwj was never lost, so that the apparent cases
of its absence must be due to faulty etymology. The intrusive w is also, where
not a glide, due to the same cause.
p. 79^1 More complicated are the cases of initial we- which correspond to later
0 -f vowel (e.g. we-a-re-pe , we-a^re-jo ; contrast we-a 2 -no-i = wehanoihi; Chad¬
wick, 19586, p. 308); it is unclear whether this is graphic or phonetic. It is
also possible that u substitutes for w + vowel in some words (other than o-u-ru~to y
see above, which is motivated by the lack of a sign for wu) ; this explanation
has been proposed for o-u-ka=cwika.
p Hof There are still only these two examples of s<ky> and the first at least is suspect
(see Glossary); wa-na-se-wi-ja and the related wa-na-so-i arc thus isolated, and
since the stem may have been wanakt- y as in dat. wa-na-ka-te , rather than
wanok-y s may here be the product of kly. It is also possible that the resemblance
of these words to avaaaa is a mirage. Thus it appears safer to delete this
suggestion and to accept z as the normal Mycenaean reflex of ky (see below).
p. 80$ The case for the retention of intervocalic -h- now seems stronger and, where
the etymology is certain, the reconstructed forms of the Glossary now show
this. What is less certain, but may well be right, is whether Grassmann’s Law,
which governs the dissimilation of aspirates, had operated by this date. The
similar facts ofSanskrit are no proof of its antiquity, and forms like ko-to-no-o-ko y
if really ktoino-hokhos, argue in favour of its late date. However, the regular
restoration of these aspirates might cause confusion, and the interpretation of
forms such as e-ke as ekhei rather than hekhei has been continued. The question is
discussed by Ruijgh (1967, pp. 44-6) who favours the retention ofthese aspirates.
p. 80H The interpretation of Mycenaean z has led to much debate. The facts are best
explained on the theory that the sound was already some kind of sibilant
(distinct from those indicated by j). Lcjeune (1960^=1971, pp. 95-139)
favours a ‘strong sibilant’; but an affricate of the type Is (or tf) seems more
plausible (Chadwick, 1964a, p. 321; Heubeck, 1971 b). The signs are presum¬
ably capable of use for both voiced and unvoiced forms, so the interpreted
forms have been written with ts/dZt though this must not be taken as expressing
a final judgement on its phonetic realization. The product of this ts would be
classical aa (Attic and Boeotian tt) or in initial position <j/t; dz would yield zd ,
noted regularly by 3.
398
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
The major difficulty in this view is the existence of the apparent alternation
of k and z. It is just possible that a~ze-ti-ri-ja is a different word from a-ke-ti-ri-ja ;
but the place name ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na is hardly likely to be different from
ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na. The fact that most of the examples arc in proper names
suggests that a substrate influence may be at work here. But in any case it
appears easier to believe that ke and tse were different realizations of what
must earlier have been palatalized k'e , than that these palatal forms continued
in pronunciation, since no theory of this kind can account for z<dy and
initial *y- of words like ^Euyos. The origin of the z- scries as having been devel¬
oped from ky - will fit the rules which appear to govern the structure of the
syllabary; but the sound must have progressed beyond this point in order to
explain the clear facts.
The equation of the Mycenaean with the classical sibilants is complicated.
Original ss, dental stop 4- s, and ty will all have developed to ss and then in
Attic-Ionic and Arcadian to s. The Mycenaean notation s is ambiguous, and
we cannot easily choose between tossos and tosos as the interpretation of to-so.
The words which have - t/y - with a morpheme boundary intervening (e.g. the
feminine adjectives in -we-sa = -wessa) must have had -ss- in Mycenaean, since
this is maintained in Arcadian. But the group - ky- is normally represented by
Mycenaean z? hence this must still have been at a stage distinct from ss,
probably therefore ts , which develops normally to Arcadian -era- (Attic -tt-] .
The complications of -tt- in Attic are possibly due to Boeotian influence
(Chadwick, 1969, pp. 91-3).
The use of a special sign in some forms of Cypriot with a value ga is irrele¬
vant; there is no reason to think it had a spirant value as used to be assumed.
p- 8l t The pronunciation of the labio-vclars remains a matter of conjecture, but the
consensus of opinion favours their retention in Mycenaean. There is, however,
one exception, hinted at on p. 82, but the essential point had not then been
grasped. The two terms describing women, ra-pi-ti-ra 2 and ra-qi-ti-ra 2y can now
be shown to refer to different groups and they must have different interpreta¬
tions. Once this confusing example is set aside, all the cases where a labial
appears to replace a labio-velar occur in words which also contain a second
labio-velar: thus the personal name pe-re-qo-ta is shown by the analysis of the
tablets concerned to be identical with qe-re-qo-ta , the first form being due to a
dissimilation of labio-velars. A form earlier unknown proves this conclusively:
i-po-po-qo-i (PY Fn 79 , linked with ze-u-ke-u-si ‘drivers of yokes of oxen’) must
be hippo-phorg u oihi ‘horse-pasturers, ostlers’. In all other cases the - k'w - group
of the word for ‘horse’, which is not a labi«-vclar, but shares its treatment,
399
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
appears as q ( i-qo , i-qi-ja , i-qe-ja). The cases where -kw- conceals a morpheme
boundary are, however, spelt with two syllabic signs (e.g. o-da-ke-we-ta=odak-
wenta, te-tu-ko-wo-a = tetukh-woh a ).
The sign for qa (*16) has been discussed above. The new transcription is
adopted throughout the Glossary and Part III, and pa 2 in the earlier part of
the book must be understood as qa.
The identification of a labio-velar in the root of TpEirco is not entirely at
variance with the Latin and Sanskrit forms with - p -. The Indo-European base
*ter - will have had two suffixes, - p - and -^ v -, in combination with which it will
show zero grade in the base and full grade in the suffix; hence we can postulate
for I.-E. *trep- and *treq v -> either or both of which may have led to Greek
Tp^Ttco; but only the latter will account for Mycenaean to-ro-qo , etc.
p. 8»t It is possible, but not certain, that we-pe-za is to be interpreted hwespedza with
- sp-<-ksp -. A remarkable assimilation occurs if pe-qa-to is pe&g u aton<*ped -
g u aton (see Glossary).
p. 83t On the semantic value of the instrumental case see below, p. 403. The absence
of an instrumental in the singular may well be merely a result of the spelling
conventions; for the form of an instrumental would probably coincide
graphically with the dative. Likewise, the existence of an independent locative
cannot he proved, since the singular a- and o-stem forms (-ui, -01) would be
indistinguishable from the dative. The consonant-stem datives in -i are
certainly not restricted to locative force.
p. 83+ The form ko-to-no is now known to be accusative dual. There is a possible
instance of a dative dual in wa-na-so-i, which might represent wanassoiin , but
other interpretations are possible: see Glossary.
p. 84! The explanation of the dual forms has been attacked, but still seems the most
acceptable. It should be remarked that the dual of ko-wa ‘girl* is not written
ko-wo (e.g. PY 6 — Ab 379 ), since this would invite confusion with the word for
‘boy*. Whether this is a graphic device, or is the starting point for the classical
development in -a is not clear; but the parallel of Latin Jiliabus, deabus may
suggest that in these cases the later development had already begun. That the
nominative plural had already become -ai is evident from occasional spellings
with ra 3 , e.g. pi-je-ra 3i di-pte-ra 3 .
p. 84+ The presence of final -j in the nominative singular of masculine a-stems may
be deduced from the following consideration. The genitive singular in - do is
400
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
certainly, whatever the precise origin of the -o, an innovation replacing in¬
herited -dr; but the motive for this replacement must be to avoid confusion
with the nominative singular, since there is evidence, at least for feminines,
that the nominative plural was already in - ai (see above). Therefore there
would have been no need for the innovation, had the nominative remained
-a. The Homeric and dialect forms without final -s are either the short-vowel
type (e.g. hnroT&), which may have a special history, or in view of their restric¬
tion to a few dialects, notably Boeotian, may be later reformations rather than
inherited archaisms.
p. 8411 Although the interpretation of -o-z, -a-i as variant spellings for -ois> -ais has
been supported by Ruijgh (1967, pp. 76-8), the weight of opinion is now firmly
in favour of -oihi> -dhi> supposing that intervocalic -h- is preserved. It must,
however, be observed that it is impossible to set up a rule that where z is
written after another vowel, this always indicates a disyllabic pronunciation;
cf. the alternative spellings ko-to-na and ko-to-i-na of what must be diphthongal
01 in KToiva, since this is an o-grade noun of the same type as7ro(vr|. The objec¬
tion that since the dative plural termination appears in third declension nouns
as - si even where vowels precede (e.g. ka-ke-u-si y ti-ri-si), it should also have
been restored in the first and second declensions may be countered with the
theory that Mycenaean shows a transitional stage when the restoration of -jz
for -hi after a vowel had not yet extended outside the third declension; see
Lejeune, 1968c, p. 220.
p. 8st Kn Se 1042 is now joined to Se 891 , but the context still remains obscure; it is,
however, beyond question that e-re-pa-te-jo-pi is a masculine (or neuter)
instrumental plural of an o-stem adjective. Other possible examples are cited
by Lejeune (1958a, pp. 166-7); wo-wo-pi in the compound mo-ro-ko-wo-wo-pi
is hard to separate from wo-wo.
p 85} To the forms of the dative plural may be added ti-ri-\si — trisi (from Tp€i$),
and probably tu-ka-t$-\si y which, if the reading is sound, probably stands for
thugatarsi (from 0 uy< 5 nr|p). On the extension of -si from consonant stems, see
above.
P* 85I The suggestion that the dative singular in -e may be due to confusion with -z
is definitely to be rejected, since it is now clear that this phenomenon is rare
and restricted to special circumstances (Hester, 1958). The spelling -e is
generally accepted as showing the inherited I.-E. termination which was
401
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
later replaced by the locatival forms in -i, a process which had clearly begun
in Mycenaean times and was more advanced at Mycenae than elsewhere.
p. 86f There is no good reason to suppose an abnormal paradigm of the type medzon ,
plural medzohes\ it is more probable that the nominative singular was still
medzos . The presence of intervocalic - h - in these words is demonstrated by the
use of -a 2 in the neuter plural, and may be presumed before other vowels.
p. 87t This conclusion is supported by Lcjcunc (19580, p. 184), but Shipp (1961,
pp. 29 41) asserts that Homeric and Mycenaean Greek represent different
lines of development, and that Homeric Greek is more archaic than Mycen¬
aean. This seems a desperate attempt to save his earlier theory. There is no
evidence that the *-bh- element, observable in numerous I.-E. languages, is
ever employed as a singular, if we exclude Greek, the ease under discussion.
In Armenian the plural has been recharacterized by the addition of the plural
morpheme k\ so that the use of ~b in the singular is hardly proof that it is an
inherited use. The Balto-Slavonic forms in -mi arc enigmatic, but cannot be
used to prove that - bhi was a singular morpheme.
p. 87; The reconstruction sphehi 7 in line with -oihi, etc., seems preferable; but com¬
pare the note on p. 84 ^ above.
p. 87U The attempt to interpret to-e 7 to-me as a verb (Palmer, 19630, pp. 205-7) is
unconvincing; in particular, an athcmatic infinitive in -men is unexpected in
Mycenaean, and there arc no parallels. to-e 7 however, as dative of a pronoun
remains an isolated form and could even be an error. In PY Eb 156 the
identification of *85 as an leads to the interpretation of to-jo-qe au-to-jo as toio
q u e autoio ‘and of the same’, or perhaps rather ‘and of him himself’, since in
this use 6 need not have been in origin the definite article.
p- 87 tt to-to: more likely < *tod-tod than=Tovrro; see Glossary.
P-8 7 t+ No new numerals have appeared, but there arc new forms:
2: dwo (followed by numeral 2 as check, PY 323 = Sb 1315 . 3 ), probably to
be read as duo 7 though dwo (as in 5 (f)cb 5 £Ka) is also possible.
3: ti-ri-si= trisi, dat. plur.
p. 88f The example of a-pe-do-ke PY 305 = Fr (formerly Gn) 1 184 remains unique,
and attempts have therefore been made to explain it as due to something
402
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
other than the augment (e.g. ap-es-doke with es<ex ). But these may well prove
to be unnecessary, for it is hard to explain the universality of the augment in
later Greek if it did not exist in Mycenaean speech, even though unrecorded
in the tablets.
p 88+ Under aorist middle, delete ze-ta and infinitive wi-de-ta-i.
p.«9t A new adjective in -teros is ziq-we-te-ra = tsdwe{s)tera ‘ this year’s’: see Glossary.
p. 9«t The value of the termination -pi=-pln has been much disputed. Our original
idea was that it served as an instrumental, and where this sense was excluded,
notably in place names, the value was locatival. However, this leads to the
surprising conclusion that there arc two ways of expressing the locative of a
plural place name such as pa-ki-ja-ne: pa-ki-ja-si with the inherited locative
ending -si and pa-ki-ja-pi. Consequently the theory was put forward, and most
persuasively argued by Ilievski (1961, 1970), that the -pi forms of place names
represented a survival of the ablative case. Since in classical Greek (but with
the probable exception of Arcado-Cypriot) the ablative is syncretized with the
genitive, it is necessary to suppose an earlier syncretism of ablative with
instrumental (as in Latin); in the singular of 0-stems the forms would have
been identical. The ablatival theory has much to commend it, for it supplies
a need; there is no other locution which appears to express motion or origin
from a place, for neither am/ nor ££ appear to be used. On the other hand, a
full survival of separate case-forms in all declensions and numbers for the
ablative is doubtful, and we may perhaps see in Mycenaean the transitional
stage when -phi had become restricted in this sense to place names, and
survived only in a limited use, like the locative in Latin. It is possible that a
better understanding of the purpose of certain sets of tablets where forms in
-pi are used will clarify the question; for instance, the Pylos Na tablets (see
PP* 2 95 - 3 OI > 468-73), which are generally accepted as being payments
received from the places enumerated, have four such forms ( ku-te-re-u-pi ,
po-to-ro-wa-pi , ri-sa-pi , wa-a 2 -te-pi) and none in -si. Even so, consistency in such
matters is not to be demanded of busy accountants. Since only plural place
names of the first or third declension will show the -pi ending, their rarity need
occasion no surprise. However, this interpretation would involve also taking
po-to-ro-wa-pi in PY Aa 76 as ablative, where a locative sense appears much
more likely. Since both ablative and locative functions are shown by -91 in
Homer, it is possible that the earlier distinctions were already breaking down
in Mycenaean.
403
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
r. gif The addition of fl-jfl-mi-/o=dadpiv0os to the vocabulary is another notable
example of the use of a Homeric word, which must be a borrowing from a
pre-Greek source.
p. git ~de when used in the compound to-so-de is also probably still connective
(Ruijgh, 1967, pp. 337 - 50 )-
P- 9* Tl On the analysis of o-da-a 2 see p. 423 and Chadwick, 1971, pp. 102*3.
CHAPTER IV
THE PERSONAL NAMES
p. 92t The study of the personal names has been pursued by many authors, in
particular by Landau (1958). The general considerations set forth here have
not been impugned, and the additions to the catalogue of personal names have
not changed the picture. It should be noted that the ‘ Index of Personal
Names’ mentioned on p. 93 has been replaced by a complete catalogue, but
this is now incorporated in the Glossaiy of this edition. A considerable number
of names which are incomplete has still been omitted.
Since it is impossible to re-write this chapter to take account of new develop¬
ments, the commentary here will be restricted to important points, and no
conclusions should be drawn from silence.
P 94t On the question of final -j, see pp. 400-1.
p 94+ It now appears improbable that -qo-ta. can correspond to -p<rrT|S, but the other
choices remain open.
p* 9 st We may add a-ka~me-ne , possibly Alkdmenes or Akhaimenes , and a-o-ri-me-ne=
Ahorimenes. The form a-re-zo-me-ne has been shown to be due to a false
restoration; it should be a-re-i-me~ne y a variant spelling of a-re-me-ne, both
representing Areimenes .
p* 97 1 The name pe-pi-te-me-no-jo (gen.) from the Thebes tablets is Pepithmenos , a
reduplicated perfect participle from tteiOco.
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
p. soot The genitive wa-de-o cannot come from a H-stem.
p. ioot This type has been discussed by Szemerenyi (1957), and it appears likely that
they are shortened forms of compound names (e.g. 'AAe^eOs from *AA££cxv 5 pos
or the like). An interesting addition to the list is si-mi-te-u = 7 .\x ivGeus, the
Homeric epithet of Apollo.
p. ioit Although it is impossible to prove this as yet, it may be that some women’s
names in -0 represent feminine tf-stems, a type unknown in classical Greece,
though common among place names and common nouns.
p. io2f These lists could now be expanded, but everything indicates that the stock of
Mycenaean personal names is held in common by all Mycenaean peoples.
The tablets from Thebes contain many names also known from other sites.
CHAPTER V
THE EVIDENCE OF THE TABLETS
p- «o6| This is the section of the book which is most difficult to bring up to date,
because it is here that most progress is now being made. There are still many
documents which are, to some extent, obscure; for even when we can translate
them, we still need to know why such a fact needed to be recorded. The re¬
creation of the original archives is still far from complete, but the study of the
tablets in their original sets, i.e. groups intended to be read by the scribe as a
single document, has opened our eyes to many new facts. The cryptic style of
the entries becomes more understandable when we can compare the tablets
which were originally filed in the same basket. The arduous task of joining
fragments, especially among the Knossos tablets, hasalso led to new discoveries.
1 would now take an even less optimistic view of the value of the Homeric
poems as evidence for the material culture of Mycenaean Greece. The
similarities are all too often those which are imposed by the nature of a
monarchical society, operating a non-monetary economy in a small area,
rather than individual details unlikely to recur by chance. Conflicts between
405
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the archaeological evidence and the facts reported by Homer are many, and
once the nature of the Homeric poems is appreciated, they are inevitable and
without significance for our reaction to the poems. Mycenaean documents
must be interpreted in the light of archaeological evidence and parallels
from elsewhere; Homer must never be allowed to cast doubt on the facts
recovered from the tablets, though at times he may confirm them. This is
particularly important in the matter of geography; see section g and p. 415
below.
P- New discoveries have not significantly changed the picture. The total absence
of any kind of inscription on tombs or public buildings argues strongly against
general literacy; yet the study of handwriting confirms that literacy was not
the prerogative of a few professional scribes. The number of different hands
identifiable among the Knossos tablets may amount to as many as seventy-
five (Olivier, 19676, p. 101). We should think of all the main Palace officials
as literate, and capable of setting stylus to clay when required.
P- 1,1 1 There is a third type of tablet which is in some ways intermediate between the
palm-leaf and the page type. These are larger than the usual palm-leaf * but
although approaching the proportions of the page type arc wider than they are
high, often tapering slightly towards the right and left. Good examples are
KN Ln 1568 , PY 169 =Es 646 , MY 106 = Gc 603 .
p 1121 On the whole tablets were tailored to suit the text to be accommodated, and
on large tablets each entry is normally accommodated on a single line (but
entries are allowed to run over on PY 28 — An 607 ). Large areas of uninscribed
clay arc generally avoided, but examples occur (e.g. PY Cn 1286 ). The use
of the reverse is avoided in sets of large tablets intended to be read continuously.
PY 172 = Tn 316 is clearly exceptional, and bears evidence of erasure and re¬
writing on a massive scale (see p. 458).
P- U3t A curious case where there appears to be an equivalence between two com¬
modities is PY 319 = Un 1322 , the text of which is unfortunately in a very bad
state (Chadwick, 19646). It does, however, appear that twice the ideogram
*146, apparently a textile or the like, is followed immediately by the ideogram
wheat. Where two ideograms are so associated, one normally qualifies the
other, but this can hardly apply here. The use of the word o-no on this tablet
and elsewhere suggests a payment in kind; see Glossary, s.v. o-no b
The palace revenues may be in part the product of industries organized by
406
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
the royal officials. The production of woollen cloth at Knossos, and of linen
and metal-goods at Pylos, seems to have been on a very large scale; and the
surplus in these items may well have been traded abroad, by royal officials
rather than private merchants, in exchange for luxuries like gold and ivory
which were not available locally.
p 1! 3 + It is a strange fact that all the tablets bearing a month date appear to be
concerned with religious off erings. The reason for this has not been properly
explained, for the records of rations for women and children at Pylos also seem
to be calculated on a monthly basis, and this is explicitly stated in KN 35 = Am
819 , 89 = E 777 , yet in such documents there is never a mention of the date.
The theory that KN 207 =V 280 and PY 172 = Tn 316 are calendars is cer¬
tainly false (see pp. 475, 459). The term za-we-te — tsawetes ‘this year’ is further
confirmation of the absence of sets of documents relating to different years.
The incomplete Pylos Ab series may be the next year’s version of Aa, though
there are diff erences in the content of the tablets; but once Ab had been com¬
pleted, the Aa series might perhaps have been scrapped. The cases where
information collected on ‘palm-leaf’ tablets is recopied on to ‘page’ tablets
(as the two versions of the Pylos land-ownership documents, 114 - 148 ) clearly
do not relate to different years.
P* 1 1 4 t The sealings from Pylos and their probable relation to sets of tablets has been
discussed by Chadwick (1958c). It seems likely that baskets or boxes containing
tablets were labelled with one or two words serving to identify them.
p 1 ‘ 4 + Progress in locating the source of tablets has been recorded by Olivier (1967 £),
but the general picture remains unchanged. Olivier’s work on the scribal
hands has revealed a curious fact about the tablets found at B (the Room of
the Chariot Tablets): although a number of different scribes can be distin¬
guished, almost the whole of the tablets from this area are so much alike in
handwriting that some special explanation is needed. An office under the
control of an official who insisted that all his clerks imitate his handwriting is
the minimum hypothesis necessary to account for the facts; a theory that these
documents belong to a scribal school (Chadwick, ig68£) and in consequence
cannot be used as evidence of a real situation has not been refuted, and must
be reckoned as at least a possibility. The chief difference would be that no
deductions can be drawn from the Sc tablets about the size of the chariot force
at Knossos; see p. 522.
407
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p. n?t Many of the examples quoted are further discussed at the appropriate point
in Part III. Some of the apparent anomalies have been cleared up, and there
can be no doubt that the scribes displayed a reasonable level of mathematical
proficiency.
p. laot The suggestion of ‘priest-kings’ has been attacked by Bennett (1961), who
rightly emphasizes that there is no positive evidence in the tablets pointing to
the divinity of the king. There is, however, a problem over the word wanax ,
which is believed by many writers to be in some cases a divine title. The
difficulty is to be sure when a deity is meant; but there is at least a case for so
interpreting the title on the Pylos Fr tablets (see p. 480). If the jar from Thebes
is an import, the kingdom to be inferred from the adjective ‘royal’ will be
elsewhere; but it goes to confirm the ubiquity of kings in Mycenaean Greece.
E-ke-ra 2 -wo is not to be rendered Ekheldwon (see p. 395), and it has been ques¬
tioned whether the Pylos tablet (171 = Un 718 ) proves his identity with the
king; it would seem best to suspend judgement here.
p. It must be confessed that there is still no compelling evidence that the lawagetas
was a military officer; one might contemplate other solutions, for instance,
that this was a title conferred on the heir apparent. Etymology is a weak basis
on which to found an explanation of his function.
p. i2oH The function and status of the te-re-ta remains one of the most obscure problems
connected with the holding of land. They are officials or functionaries who
are mentioned in connexion with the holding of land, at least whenever the
context is clear. It is also likely, on grounds of etymology and because of
PY Eb 149 and 148 = Ep 613 . 4 , that the verb te-re-ja-e expresses the function
of the te-re-ta , but what this is remains uncertain. The new reading of Ep 6 13.4
makes it virtually certain that Eb 149 and 940 are parts of the same tablet.
The main rival theories are: (1) the te-re-ta have a religious function, and
the name telestds has obvious associations with T£Aq in the sense of religious
obligations (see Chadwick, 19570, pp* 126-9); (2) the te-re-ta are persons who
hold land in return for services owed to the king (Palmer, 1963a, pp. 190-6);
this associates the word with T^Aq in the sense of dues or taxes. Palmer rightly
insists that the te-re-ta have other occupations, thus the function is not itself a
full-time occupation. But religious office was rarely in Greece an exclusive
occupation, and the community at Pa-ki-ja-ne was clearly a religious one,
headed by a priestess. The holding of land in return for religious obligations
can be paralleled in later Greece.
408
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
p. 1211 It has been objected that the formation of the derivative ka-ma-e-u proves that
ka-ma cannot be a feminine a-stem, since ko-to-na , which is certainly one, forms
its derivative in -eus with elision of the -a (plural ko-to-ne-we) ; see p. 449. Thus
a neuter in - as may be preferable. This, however, raises a problem in PY 148 =
Ep 613 . 9 - 10 , where ka-ma followed by o-na-to would be naturally under¬
stood as genitive singular on the analogy of o-na-to ke-ke-me-na ko-to-na
(lines 14-20); in this formula ko-to-na is shown to be genitive where it appears
in the plural ( 140 =Eb 297 )-
p. 12t t A further detail about the e-qe-ta is revealed by PY 288 =Sa 790 , which shows
that they had a distinctive type of chariot-wheel, and we may therefore pre¬
sume that they possessed chariots. They must have been the officers of the
royal court, and they are distinguished from the local officials in charge of the
coast-guard detachments. Their principal function in the tablets seems to be
military, indeed they may have commanded the regiments of the Pylian army;
but this does not exclude other functions associated with the royal household,
and the religious context of some references (Palmer, 1963a, pp. 87, 151-3).
See further p. 429.
p. 121H The equation of qa-si-re-u with classical pacnAa/s can hardly be doubted, but
it is still uncertain what was the status of the individuals who bore this title.
Palmer (1963*2, pp. 39, 280) goes so far as to question the identification with
paaiXtvs, insisting that they are merely ‘foremen* in charge of groups of
smiths. This caution seems unjustified, but the semantic value in Mycenaean
must be ‘chief’, from which it is easy enough to see how the sense of ‘king’
developed after the collapse of the Mycenaean kingdoms ruled by wanaktes.
Homer, as usual, is confused in his terminology and fails to make the distinc¬
tion which Mycenaean usage demands. Similar considerations apply to
ke-ro-si-ja (p. 122) which is very probably geronsia , but has quite different
associations from the later yepouaia. The term ke-ro-te recurs on PY Jn 881 in
an obscure context in connexion with bronze, but this is no reason to doubt
the etymological explanation. See further on this subject O’Neil (1970).
p-1221 The list of trades could be a little expanded; for instance, the newer Mycenae
tablets include the term ‘cyanus-worker’ (ku-wa-no-wo-ko) to set alongside the
goldsmith. The ra-pte may be engaged in sewing leather rather than cloth;'
see p. 489. The stokers ( pu-ka-wo ) may perhaps be keepers of the sacred fire.
The women workers engaged on textile production are either slaves or at least
employees of the Palace, since both at Pylos and at Knossos the Palace is
responsible for feeding them.
409
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p. i24t The suggestion that the ethnics given to some of these women indicate places
raided by the ships ofPylos must be revised. If the mi-ra-ti-ja come from Miletus
in Ionia, this appears to have been a Greek colony at this date, and is thus
unlikely to have been raided for slaves. It therefore appears more probable
that the places so named arc the trading-posts or slave-markets through which
the women were acquired, and the use of the term ‘captives’ for one group
may imply that the others were acquired by other means. It has been suggested
that the places named in this connexion arc inside the domain of Pylos; but
it is remarkable that only one (ti-nwa-si-ja) is a name elsewhere mentioned on
the tablets and apparently within the control of Pylos. The names include
mi-ra-ti-ja (Miletus), ki-ni-di-ja (Knidos), ra-mi-ni-ja (Lemnos), a-*$4~ja
(probably Aswiai from Asia, the classical Lydia), ze-pu 2 -ra 2 (Zephyria = Hali-
karnassos ?); so that collectively they reinforce one another and present a
picture of trading-posts scattered along the west coast of Asia Minor.
p i25t It would be useless to list all the articles which have touched on Mycenaean
religion; a convenient review of all the relevant material has been published
by M. Gerard-Rousseau (1968). Two facts stand out: one, duly acknowledged
by all writers, is that most of the familiar gods of classical Greece are named;
the other, which tends sometimes to be overlooked, is that there is a roughly
equal number of names which appear to be divine, but do not correspond to
any classical titles. It must of course be remembered that even classical Greek
inscriptions frequently show divine honours paid to shadowy figures otherwise
unknown. At Knossos, at least, it seems likely that the local Cretan cults con¬
tinued alongside the Olympian ones, though how far syncretism had already
progressed is difficult to judge. The Dictaean Zeus must surely represent a
Cretan deity now worshipped under a Greek name.
The major omission from this section is the name of Potnia (cf. p. 126),
which was treated as if always, as it certainly is once at Knossos, an epithet of
Athena. Reconsideration of the references, and the new instances which show
her receiving offerings at Mycenae and Thebes, have suggested that she is a
much more significant figure; sec Chadwick, 1957a. It is possible to believe
that she is at each site the patron goddess, who is thus referred to instead of by
her real name; but it is more likely that she is really the prominent female
figure of both Minoan and Mycenaean art, who was later accepted into the
canon under a variety of names, especially Dcmeter. It is now certain that
Dcmeter is not named on the Mycenaean tablets (cf. p. 127), and the etym¬
ology of her name from an alleged *Sa ‘earth* is highly suspicious. But her
title as ‘mother of the gods’ is reflected in ma-te-re te-i-ja PY 306 = Fr 1202
410
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
(see p. 481); and her various aspects are indicated by the genitives which
precede her name: da-pu 2 -ri~to-jo KN 205 Gg 702 , possibly a form of AapuptvOos
(see p. 475); ne-wo-pe-o PY Cc 665 ; u-po-jo PY Fn 187 , 310 = Fr 1225 ; si-to-po-
ti-ni-ja MY 321 = Oi 701 [siton or a name Silo ?); and with adjective a-si-wi-ja
PY Fr 1206 ‘of Asia*; i-qe-ja PY 312 = An 1281 ‘of horses’. The discovery of a
shrine at Mycenae with a fresco figure of a goddess (Taylour, 1969, 1970)
strongly suggests that one of the communities of craftsmen there worshipped
her; and this will in turn explain the epithet po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo applied at Pylos
to smiths ( 253 =Jn 310 , etc.) and an unguent-boiler ( 104 =Un 249 ). The
sheep described by this epithet at Knossos will be her property or in some
sense allocated to the support of her shrines.
p. r^6t Hera is now found at Thebes (Of 28 ) as the recipient of an offering of wool.
p. Ares is clearly named on KN 201 = Fp 14 , in association with ‘all the gods’.
Whether the reading a-re on Me 4462 , which now incorporates the fragment
X 5816 , is really the god’s name is uncertain. To the personal names derived
from Ares add: a-re-i-me-ne , a variant spelling of a-re-me-ne , also from Thebes
jars, and a-re-i-ze-we-i (dat.) TH Of 37 . On PY 55 = An 724 e-nwa-ri-jo is a
man’s name and has nothing to do with the god.
p. 126H In KN 208 = V 52 the reading is now seen to be pa-ja-wo-ne , dative. In KN C
394 we have apparently pq-ja-o-ne, where it is difficult to read - wo-ne , and there
is no good reason to regard this as a divine name.
p. 126ft Additional references: PY Xn 1357 , TH Of 31 . The form e-ma-a 2 -o KN D 411
may be the genitive (see Glossary).
p i*7t Dionysus is now found on another Pylos tablet (Xa 1419 ), but again it is a
fragment with no clear context, though it does have on the reverse a form
which appears to suggest a connexion with wine (wo-no-wa-tisi).
p- 127$ The discovery of a deleted entry e-ri-nu-we (dative) on the lower edge of
KN 208 = V 52 confirms that Erinys is in the divine category.
p. 127^1 Demeter and the Dove-Goddess must both be deleted from this paragraph.
The name pe-re-*82 is certainly that of a goddess, but the value of *82 is
probably swa \ it is tempting to reconstruct the name as Preswa and to compare
this with n^paii and the first element of the compound rigpag^ovri.
4 li
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p-127ft The entry te-o-i ‘to the gods’, without ‘all*, occurs on KN E 842 , perhaps
Fh 348 , and PY 311 = Fr 1226 , Fr 1355 . The Pylos examples show that here
at least we have not a specifically Cretan feature.
P*i28f The statement that KN Fh 347 shows both oil and cattle must be corrected;
the sign for ox has also the syllabic value mu, and from this and a few other
examples it now appears that mu is used as an abbreviation, possibly for a
large storage vessel (see Glossary, s.v. mu).
p. 128$ On the human beings of PY 172 =Tn 316 (formerly Kn 02 ) see pp. 459-60.
p. 128II It is very difficult to determine how far titles may have been religious or
secular. For instance, the pu-ka-wo ‘ firc-kindlers’ may have been attendants
of a sacred fire rather than stokers. Olivier (i960) saw in many such terms the
titles of officials serving a sanctuary; but it is also clear that to establish a
religious function for one title in a list does not necessarily establish a category
for all. The question needs further study, but it is probable that with the sort
of evidence we have it will never be possible fully to separate religious from
secular titles.
P> »3<>t The statement that wheat and barley are issued together as a ration on a Pylos
tablet (An 128, formerly An31) must be questioned. The barley sign appears
on the reverse of the tablet, with a quantity very nearly double that of the
wheat entry on the obverse, thus suggesting that the ration calculated in wheat
was to be issued in barley, and that barley has only half the value of wheat;
but there is another entry on the obverse the ideogram of which is lost, and the
figures on the reverse are over erasure and not entirely certain. This equation
of wheat and barley is, however, confirmed elsewhere, for the basic ration of
wheat appears to be T 2 , of barley T 3$ (see on KN 35 = Am 819, p. 420). It is
therefore impossible that the identifications of the ideograms should be reversed.
p. »3oJ The ideogram for wine appeared on sealings recovered from the wine
magazine at Pylos; there is no doubt of its identification.
p- * 3 I t The mention of beetroot is an error for beet; but the interpretation of this
word as containing tgutAov is probably incorrect.
p 13U Correct the form for ‘deer’ to elaph-\ the statement of the first edition was based
upon a mistaken interpretation, but has been confirmed by new discoveries;
sec Glossary, s.v. e-ra-pe-ja .
412
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
p 1 3 ! 1 i The problem of the so-called ‘collectors’ is not yet satisfactorily resolved; but
they are not mere overseers. It now seems more likely that these people are
important officers, possibly members of the royal family, who have assigned
to them certain flocks and their produce. The king’s property will then be
restricted to the flocks (about two-thirds of the total) which have no ‘collector*
named.
p« * 32 t Leather from the skins of other animals (pigs, deer, sheep and goats) is men¬
tioned in PY 317 = Ub 1318 (p. 490).
p. i33t Two important advances in our knowledge of Mycenaean industry must be
recorded; but it must be added that little progress has been made in assessing
the status of craftsmen. The work of J. T. Killen (see especially 19646, ig66r)
has revealed the extent and organization of the Cretan textile industry. It is
clear that the wool of something like 100,000 sheep was shorn, spun and woven
under the close control of the Palace of Knossos; and it is reasonable to assume
that some portion of the output was used in foreign trade, as the presence of
rolls of cloth among the gifts brought to Egypt from the Aegean suggests. The
status of the women textile workers must have been humble, as is shown by the
Palace’s concern with the issue of their rations. But to ask whether they were
slave or free may be putting the wrong question; the classical dichotomy of
status is probably not relevant in societies of the Mycenaean type, and
medieval parallels suggest that the unfree may have enjoyed a higher standard
of living than the poorest of the free. At Pylos the series of tablets dealing with
flax ( 184 - 199 ) is evidence for the production of linen fabrics, an industry
probably restricted by climatic conditions to the south-west Peloponncse.
The other advance concerns the smiths. Lejeune (19616) has shown that
the number of bronzesmiths active in the Pylian kingdom is very large in
relation to the probable size of the population. Since there is still no evidence
for the presence of ores in this area, it seems certain that the raw materials,
copper and tin, must have been imported. This then explains the disastrous
shortage of bronze which the tablets record, for overseas trade must surely
have been hazardous at a time when fleets of raiders were sweeping the
eastern Mediterranean as far as Egypt.
The evidence that Cretan caves (Marinatos, 1962) were in some cases'
simultaneously smithies and cult-centres provides an explanation of the groups
of smiths at Pylos who are designated by the name of Potnia; and it is tempting
to wonder if the Pylian metal industry may not have been established by
refugees from the Cretan disaster consequent upon the eruption of Thera in
413
*5
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
the fifteenth century h.c:. The references to metal goods as ‘of Cretan work’
(ke-re-si-jo we-ke) may perhaps confirm this speculation.
p. 138! Further study has confirmed that the Pylos tablets 56 - 60 indicate emergency
measures taken by the king to guard against a raid from the sea. Those who
insist that the destructions which all over Greece characterize the end of the
LH Illb period were due to invaders moving wholly by land must not over¬
look this very clear evidence. The invaders, whoever they were, and Dorians
now seem to be weak candidates for this title, must have operated, like the
Persians of 480 b.c., by both land and sea; the Pylian kingdom was surely
difficult to attack by land, for there are only two feasible routes, along the
narrow coastal strip of Triphylia, or through the passes of Arcadia.
The fall of Knossos remains a mystery, but it is worth considering the
negative fact, which remains true despite much excavation, that clay tablets
in Linear B script have not been found in Crete outside Knossos, although
there is now evidence for the later use of the script on jars at Kydonia (Khania)
and possibly at the east coast sites, if they are really the origin of some of the
inscribed jars found at Thebes. This must be contrasted with the distribution
of Linear A tablets over all the known Minoan palaces from HagiaTriada to
Zakros. Taken together with the enormous degree of centralized control which
the Knossos tablets prove, it is tempting to suggest that the cause of the fall of
Knossos was primarily the overcentralization of the administration of Crete
in the LM II period, which provoked a reaction from the outlying areas. The
Knossian kingdom then in LM III would have disintegrated into a collection
of smaller states, a situation which seems also to have been reflected in the
distribution of Palaces and archives in the Minoan period; it is hard to
believe that a Minoan ruler of Knossos, even if nominally suzerain of Phaistos,
can have exercised the same degree of detailed control which we see, for
instance, on the sheep and wool tablets of the Linear B period.
p. i4ot Names of places at Knossos beginning 0- and q - are now certain; in the latter
case the effect was due to identifying qa as pa 2 .
p. x4 xf The lists of place names on pp. 146-50 have not been corrected, but the names
are fully discussed in the Glossary. It now seems clear that se-to-i-ja. is not
Setaia, for apart from the phonetic difficulty it appears that this name is to be
located in the central area. We might perhaps add to the list of names which
can be located Kantanos and Kadiston Oros, both doubtful (see Glossary, s.v.
ka-ta-no l and ka-di-ti-ja). More significant is the occurrence of o-du-ru-wi-jo,
414
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
ethnic of the town o-du-ru-wt , on a jar found at Thebes; and of wa-to no less
than nine times on Theban jars. These might be dismissed as a coincidence,
had it not been shown that the analysis of the clay of these vessels agrees closely
with that from Zakros and Palaikastro respectively (Catling and Millett, 19S5).
The conclusions to be drawn from clay analysis are still imperfectly under¬
stood, but it is strange that two quite independent lines of investigation should
suggest a Cretan origin. For a full discussion of the location of the Cretan names
see Chadwick, 1973.
p. 141} The question of the location of Homeric Pylos is too vast to be discussed here.
Since 1955 my views on the authenticity of the account of Mycenaean Greece
preserved by Homer have changed, and I now believe the Homeric evidence
to be almost worthless for this purpose. One major reason is precisely the
complete lack of contact between Mycenaean geography as now known from
the tablets and from archaeology on the one hand, and from the Homeric
accounts on the other. The attempts which have been made to reconcile them,
as on p. 143, are unconvincing; and it should be noted that the sole coinci¬
dence between the Catalogue’s list of towns in Nestor’s kingdom and the Nine
Towns of the Pylos tablets, a-pu 2 = Ainu, must now be withdrawn, for even if
initial a!- can optionally be written a- rather than a 3 ~, pu 2 seems to be always
phu (or possibly once bu). Mycenaean E-re-e is now known to belong to the
Further Province, which is apparently excluded by Homer from Nestor’s
kingdom.
It is of course possible to claim that the Homeric account dates from a
different phase of the Mycenaean period from the tablets. But even so it is
incredible that the names would have changed so dramatically over a period
of even two hundred years, unless some major cataclysm had intervened, Hope
Simpson and Lazenby (1970) have therefore proposed a date in LH IIIc for
the Catalogue of the Ships; but they ignore the fact that Ano Englianos was
then a ruin, and cannot be Nestor’s Pylos.
The only way out of the impasses into which Homer leads us is to cut the
Gordian knot and reject Homer as containing more than a distant and con¬
fused recollection of the Mycenaean age. Whether Nestor was an historical
character or not, we have no means of telling; what is certain is that his
historicity is totally irrelevant to our appreciation of the Homeric poems.
P- '4at In the first stages of our work it was natural to look for all possible identifica¬
tions of Mycenaean place names with classical ones; but it is now clear that
this method is unproductive, at least in this area, for continuity between
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Mycenaean and later times seems to have been slight. The name of Pylos
survived, but its location changed; most of the other Mycenaean names either
died out or became too unimportant to have been recorded by the Greek
geographers. It must be remembered that our most detailed account of
Messenian geography comes from Strabo, and is thus some twelve centuries
distant from the period of the tablets. The problem is discussed at more length
in Chadwick, 1963a.
The identification of [Ku]-pa-ri-so with the site represented by modern
Kyparissia still seems probable, at least as a general location, if not the exact
spot. Ri-jo is likely to be the modern Koroni, for the promontory more con¬
spicuous on the map, Cape Akritas, is barren and uninhabitable. The name
Ne-do-wo-ta-de must surely refer to the river Nedon, on which modern Kala-
mata stands, or a town near it. But the other names for which sites in Arcadia
or Elis have been suggested now look very improbable; and it is more likely
that classical Aouaoi in Arcadia owes its name to refugees from Mycenaean
Ro-u-so than that the Pylian kingdom extended north-eastwards beyond the
Messenian valley.
The attempts to locate the northern frontier on or even beyond the Alpheios
owe much to the unsound testimony of Homer. If Pi-*82 is Piswa (Chadwick,
1968a), this docs not mean that we must include classical TTlaa in the kingdom,
any more than Ko-ri-to must be the classical KopivQos. U-ru-pi-ja-jo , now that
we understand Mycenaean phonology better, cannot be associated with
'OAupiria and is probably a name beginning Wru
Archaeology has shown that the valley of the Kyparissia river is thickly
strewn with Mycenaean sites, but there is a natural gap to the north, along the
line of the river Neda. This frontier allows us to confine the Pylian kingdom to
plausible limits; and Pi-*82, which is the most northerly of the major areas of
the Hither Province, in which Pylos itself is situated, can then be well inland
up the Kyparissia river valley, for it and the next town on the list, Me-ta-pa ,
have connexions with the Further Province. Pa-ki-ja-ne must be close to Pylos
(cf. PY 172 =Tn 316 ). A-ke-re-wa is a coastal town to the south, probably on
the bay of Navarino. Ka-ra-do-ro^Kharadros ‘the Ravine’ (or possibly dual or
plural?) must be in the extreme south of the peninsula, and a suitable site,
dominated by two great ravines, exists at Phoinikous.
The location of the Further Province (Pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-jay see p. 144) is thus
beyond the mountain range which divides the coastal strip from the Messenian
valley. It probably docs not extend down much of the west side of the gulf,
since Koroni belongs to the Hither Province; and the cast side, leading to the
Mani, is difficult of access. No place name can be identified cast of the Nedon,
416
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
and the coast-guard tablets list only one town of the Further Province,
Ti-mi-to-a-ke-e, thus suggesting that it has a short coastline.
A suggestion made by Wyatt (1962), and further refined in an article by
C. Shelmerdine in course of publication, on the way the figures were grouped
in the assessments of the Ma tablets leads to the interesting conclusion that the
Further Province consisted of four sectors containing the following towns:
(a) Ra-wa-ra-ta 2
( b) E-sa-re-wi-ja , Z a ~ ma ~ e ~ w ^j a
(c) A-[sjayta 2l Sa-ma-ra , Ti-wi-to-a-ke-e
(d) E-ra-te-re-we, A-te-re-ui-ja
The principle behind the groups is that each makes approximately the same
contribution; groups (a) and (6) are paired, and so are ( c ) and (d). This
grouping is very unlikely to be arbitrary, but must correspond to the geo¬
graphical arrangement of the towns. The Messenian valley is bisected by
natural features, the rivers running from north to south, and less obviously by
the Skala hills running cast and west; thus the four groups are likely to answer
to the four geographical sectors. Since we have in 257 =Jn 829 a linear list of
the Seven Towns (in Ma increased to eight by splitting E-re-i into two), and
this begins in the Further Province at the coast ( Ti-mi-to-a-ke-e ), it is possible
to guess the likely distribution of the sectors: (a) south-east, (£) north-east,
(t) south-west, (d) north-west.
p- 4st The supposition that slave-women came from Asia Minor can perhaps be
reinforced by the identifications of A-*64~ja as possibly Aswiai ‘women of
Asia’, the older name for Lydia, and Z e ~P u 2 mfa z as derived from an old name
of Halikarnassos. But rather than imagine piratical raids by the ships of Pylos
on these distant coasts, we can explain these epithets as indicating the trading-
posts through which slaves, coming perhaps from inland areas, passed into
Greek control: see above, p. 410.
p. 146! The entries making up these lists are now to be found in their alphabetical
positions in the Glossary (pp. 528-94).
417
2-7
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
CHAPTER VI
LISTS OF PERSONNEL
p. 1551 Despite much that has been written on this sub ject, the views propounded
here still seem the most probable. It is certain that we have a census of women
and their children of menial status, about three-quarters of whom are located
in Pylos, the remainder at a few other places, especially Lcuktron, which
appears to be the main royal establishment in the Further Province. Study of
the scribal hands of the Aa tablets enables us to divide them into two sets
corresponding to the two Provinces; the Ab tablets, however, have no entries
for the Further Province. Thus either the record is incomplete, which accounts
for the preservation of last year’s records as well, or the rationing of the
women in the Further Province is not carried out from Pylos. The argument
against the latter view is that this does not account for the frequent, though
minor, discrepancies in the numbers between the Aa and Ab tablets.
p- 157 1 The principle on which the amount of the supplement is calculated was
demonstrated by Palmer (1959, pp. 137-42) and Ota (1959) following im¬
proved readings by Bennett (1957). The supplements are: T 2 correlating
with ta; T 5 correlating with da; T 7 or T 9 both correlating with da ta (i.e.
T 7 = da 1 ta 1, T 9 = da 1 ta 2). It has been suggested that these are
rations for extra personnel (guards or supervisors) not recorded among the
women; but it is easier t* regard them as extra payments given to certain
women already counted in the group who act as charge-hands or supervisors.
One tablet (Ab 555 ) shows an impossibly large supplement; Palmer (1963a,
p. 117) ingeniously explained this as wheat 16 written in error for wheat
12 T 4 which would bring the supplement within the normal range. On the
absolute values of the metric signs see p. 394.
p. »58t 2 = Aa 815 . The translation ‘nurses’ should now be abandoned; see Glossary.
p i59t 4 = Aa 240 . The separation of the Aa tablets into two sets relating to the two
Provinces shows that Aa 89 refers to Lcuktron, Aa 240 to Pylos.
P * 59 t 7 = Aa 717 . ro-u-so is not to be identified with Aovcroi in Arcadia, but another
place of this name, probably sing. Lousos.
4.8
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
12-28
]?. i6of 12=Aa 671 . ‘Musicians’ and ‘sweepers’ were guesses which now appear
improbable; see Glossary.
p. i G11 13 = Ad 691 . pa-wo-ko-qe may be rather pan-worgm q u e ‘and of the maids-of-all-
work’; sec Chadwick (1967a).
p. 161 ^ 14 = Ad 697 . The second restoration of the top line seems preferable since
forms corresponding to Att. poOAopai but with ^-vowel arc dialcctally more
remote from Mycenaean.
p. 163f The abbreviation pe is likely on the analogy of its use in describing sheep (see
p. 433) to stand for perusinwai ‘of last year’, not of course referring to their
birth as in the ease of the sheep, but perhaps their recruitment to this group.
Similarly z.cl may stand for za-we-le (or an adjectival derivative) =tsawetes
‘this year’, tu may be for thugatcr ‘daughter’ (see Killcn, 1966a).
P .,6:U 18 = Ak 61 1 .
to-te-ja is likely to be an occupational term rather than an ethnic.
de-di-ku-ja: it has been suggested by Chantrainc (1957, p- 243) that this is not an
incorrect spelling but a perf. pple. of the root of Ssikvloji = ‘assigned (to work)’.
But if di-da-ka-re is correctly connected with the root o f 6 i66<jkco, the question of an
erroneous form here must remain open. The distinction of‘under instruction’ and
‘with instruction completed’ is a valid one.
p. 163H 19 = Ak 627 . The join with 7025 reveals the first word of line i as da-*22-to> a
well-known place name, and confirms the restorations at the beginning of
lines 2 and 3.
p. 165! 23 = Ag 1654 . It now appears probable that man c is nothing but a scribal
variant of the ordinary form of man.
p. i66t 26 =An 292 . It should be noted that this is only the first four lines of a long
tablet. Presumably other Aa tablets would have been abstracted on the same
tablet. It is possible that si-to-ko-wo is not nominative plural but dative singular,
that is to say, this is a list for the official in charge of issuing the rations, for it
is hardly likely that all 53 women, not to mention those on the lost part of the
list, were measurers of grain.
P do-qe-ja \ the unvcrifiable suggestion has been made (by Palmer, 1963a, p. 128) that this
is the name of a goddess, cf. di-wi-ja do-e-ra in line 5, which is almost certainly
‘slave of the goddess Diwia’.
4^9
28-36
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p. 167^ ku-le-re-u-pi : it would be equally possible to regard the suffix - phi as having ablative
meaning. In any case the word functions as a place name.
p. i68j e-e-to: no convincing explanation of this form has emerged, but it has yet to be shown
that any tablet conveys orders; it would therefore seem that an imperative can be
excluded. It is possible that it represents ehento aor. mid. of Tqpii (cf. 3rd sing. eTto).
p. 168* 29 = Am 821 . Corrections: 1 . 1 e-mi-to for ti-mi-to ; 1 . 2 begins ](tu-we ta-ra.
e-qe-la-e ; this reading is confirmed and seems to be the dual ending of masc. a-stems.
e-mi-to , if correct, is obscure.
o-pa : Palmer (1963a, p. 437) distinguishes three words, making this a goddess, the
same spelling a place in Ce 50 , and a sense ‘work-shop’ elsewhere. If we substitute a
meaning such as ‘contribution* for ‘work-shop’, there is nothing to prevent us from
understanding all examples as the same word. The true meaning is probably more
precise than this, but cannot be exactly determined. An etymology from *soq v a
must now be excluded.
P* 'fo)t 30 =Ae 264 . The gen. du-ni-jo-(jo) is restored on the analogy of Ae 8, which
ends with the same three words. No satisfactory explanation has yet been given
of me-tu-ra or su-ra-se.
p- i7°t 33 =Ae 26 . The reading pe-me seems to be epigraphically preferable, though
less easy to interpret. Possibly a man’s name, since workers at Knossos are
often listed as o-pi a man, apparently meaning l in the workshop of’, l chez\
p 170: 34 —Am 601
e-so-to : the future es(s)ontoi is preferable to an imperative because of the absence of
orders on the tablets.
p. 170I 35 = Am 819 . There is no doubt that the crescent-shaped ideogram stands for
month; cf. 89 = E 777 . The ration is extremely important for it gives the
equation i8x-f-8> , = T 97J, where x = a man’s ration and y = a boy’s ration. It
can be shown mathematically that the only values for x and y which give a
plausible solution are x=y—~\ 3| (i.e. td 90, which allows a ration of 3 per
day, allowing 30 days to the lunar month): see Chadwick (1964a, pp. 323-4).
Barley rations in antiquity were calculated as approximately double those of
wheat, thus T 3J of barley is a reasonable equivalent of T 2 of wheat. That
this figure is appropriate for men as well as women (see p. 418) is confirmed
by a text from Mycenae, Au 658 . 4 : to-so man 20 si-to wheat 4 (i.e.
T 2 per man).
P 1 7 *tt 36 = B 817 * There can be little doubt that ku-su-to-ro-qa means ‘aggregate*, a
meaning possessed by Greek ouaTpo<pr|. But the discovery that pa 2 is qa and
420
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
36-40
always represents a labio-velar raises a complication, since OTp&pco is normally
derived from *strebh- not *streg u h-. Hence other interpretations have been
proposed, such as a derivative of the root of Tp 4 mo (cf. to-ro-qo , to-qi-de). But
it is perhaps easier to assume that, as in the case of Tp^rrco, the classical form
represents a contamination of the labial and labio-velar suffixes.
p. 17d 38 = As 1516 . Corrections: 1 . 8 wa-du~[.]-to man i; 1 . io a-ta-ze~u [man i].
It is true that the paragraph running from lines 12 to 19 contains the man
ideogram 24 times before the total men 23; but the first paragraph (lines
2-11) apparently has only 31 entries, including that after a-nu-wi~ko in line 2.
The last is damaged and the total is lost.
p. 17at 39 =As 1517 . Corrections: 1 . 8 read ku-pa-nu-we-to; 1 . 14 read a^-ni-jo.
o-pi e-sa-re-w'e: probably ‘in the work-shop of E.\ If so, Uiq v omenoi probably means in
effect ‘unassigned’. It is perhaps more likely that to-ro-no-wo-ko is dative in agreement
with e-sa-re-we than nominative plural, but the practical effect is slight, since the
three men in the work-shop of a chair-maker presumably follow the same trade.
p. i73t 40 = An 261 . Corrections: 11 . 2-5 the first word should be transcribed o-two-
we-o (see below); 1. 6 read ku-te-re-u\ 11. 15-18, readjustment of the fragments
produces a text in three lines only:
15 ]ke-ro-si-ja
4
J
MAN I
16 ke-ro-]si-ja
[
]-ka-[.]
MAN I
17 ke-ro-]si-ja
o-pe-l]
[man I
The meaning of ke-ro-si-ja , whatever its etymology, is plainly some kind of
group associated with a local official. Palmer (1963a, pp. 228 f.), regarding
qa-si-re-u = pacxiAeus as a ‘foreman’ in charge of smiths, rejects the association
with yepoucria. But if a paoiXeus may be the local ruler of a community of
smiths, it does not seem impossible that the senior members of the community
should make up a council or senate. It is unnecessary to suppose that the terms
are incompatible. On the bronzesmiths see p. 509.
o~two-we~o : it was shown by Lcjeunc (1962a) that sign *66~ta 2 was to be distinguished
from the sign which occurs only on this tablet as the second sign of this word. It is
now numbered *gt and assigned the value two, since there is no doubt that it is the
same man who is mentioned as o~lo-wo[ in line 7 of the reverse; perhaps o-to-uw[-we-o]
should be restored there. He is therefore perhaps the same man as the smith of
255 =Jn 658 . The variant spelling on the reverse (also a-pi-o-toja-pi-jo-to) is due to
a change in scribal hand.
421
41-43
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
p. i?4t 41 An 35 . The fact that masons arc already located at Pylos and Leuktron
is explained by the fact that Leuktron is the administrative centre of the
Further Province (see p. 418).
lu-TU-ple-Ti-ja: now interpreted as strupUrias (aTpuTrrnpia, a rare variant of crruTrrnpia;
see Pugliesc Carratelli, 1962, p. 7, Chadwick, 1964A, p. 23) ‘alum’.
o-no : although etymologically still obscure, there is little doubt that the meaning of
this term is approximately ‘object given in exchange’, ‘consideration’ and thus
equivalent to ‘price’; see Chadwick, 19646, pp. 21-6. The absence of f in Cretan
ov&, etc., has been traditionally explained as due to precocious loss before o; but it
seems at least possible that the etymological connexions are unsound. Thus Furu-
mark’s suggestion d>vos may not be wrong. The use of alum was mainly for dyeing,
but when Amasis of Egypt gave the Delphians 1000 talents of it for the temple of
Apollo (Herodotus 11 180), was this sold to provide funds or was it actually used for the
temple?
p *75 1 The connexion of Aq 218 (formerly An 29 ) with Aq 64 (formerly SnOl) is now
generally admitted, and their prefixes have been changed to Aq to emphasize
this fact. It is certain that o-da-a 2 (Aq 64 . 12 , 218 . 1 , 9 ) is a word used to intro¬
duce the second and subsequent paragraphs of a document; it therefore
follows that 218 which begins with this word cannot be the first tablet of this
set. In spite of this Palmer (1963a, pp. 140-6) has arranged the tablets in
reverse order, assuming that another tablet is lost and that the broken entry
in Aq 64 began with another o-da~a 2 . His argument is that 218 proceeds from
men to ze and therefore 64 with no men but ze throughout should follow.
This is not impossible, but it is an unnecessary assumption. It should be
observed that the entries throughout the two tablets each begin with a man’s
name; it is only those who ought to do something (a-na-ke-e o-pe-ro-te 218 . 1 )
who are simply listed as men. It is also to be observed (cf. p. 175) that the
names on 64 have titles which demonstrate their importance (ko-re-te, mo-ro-qa ),
whereas those in 218 do not seem to rank higher than ‘priest’ (i-je-re-u).
Finally, the second paragraph of 64 is headed ko-lo-na e-ko-te=ktoinans
ekhontes ‘holders of plots’, the second paragraph of 218 a-ko-to-no = aktoinoi
‘plot-less’, which is not only the logical order but is precisely paralleled by the
formulas of the Jn tablets (talasidn ekhontes/atalasioi, see p. 352).
The significance of the document is still uncertain despite much discussion.
The abbreviation ze is elsewhere used for zeugos ‘pair’, ‘yoke’, not only of
animals like oxen and horses but also of inanimate objects like wheels. It is
possible that it here abbreviates a different word altogether, though it is hard
to see what. An alternative approach has been suggested by Ruiperez (1956,
l 957), that leugos here has the sense of a measure of land, i.e. the amount that
422
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
43
can be ploughed with a yoke of oxen, a semantic development seen in Latin
iugerum , which is a singular reformed from the plural iugera equivalent to
3suy8<x Hence Ruiperez concludes that the document relates to the division
and allocation of land-holdings. Against this it might be argued that the
second paragraph of 218 shows ze entries against names which arc listed as
aktoinoi ‘having no plot’; but zf. might refer to a future allocation, or they
might hold land other than ktoinai. The sense of e-ke-jo-to is unclear. Ruiperez
also proposes that the mysterious ideogram I is a subdivision of ze, but its
correlation with the verb a-ke-rc-se (see p. 175) is against this, and it is not
confirmed by its independent use at Knossos, as Ruiperez admits.
The key to the whole document undoubtedly lay in the damaged first line
of'64, and it must be observed that Bennett has now abandoned the reading
given here and reads simply j -re-wi-jo-te. While this docs not exclude the
restoration [qa-st]-re-wi-jo-te> it must be noted that the way is now open to
other restorations, (c.g. \i-je\-re-wi-jo-te hierewyontes ‘serving as priests’).
Another word must have preceded. In any case it seems dear that it is a
present participle.
p. r 76 t 43 = Aq 64 (formerly Sn). Readings: 1 . 1 ]-re-wi-jo-te.
mo-ro-qa (-pa 2 ) : the labio-velar sign will here represent *k'w , as in i-qo = Ittttos, hence we
should transcribe by a double consonant: mo(i)ro-qq u ds.
i-*6j: the most likely value for *65 is ju . It is possible that i- ju is the nominative of a
Mycenaean word for ‘son’: sec Glossary.
te-ra-ni-ja : the analogy of other entries, especially line 5, might lead to the identification
of this word as a substantive in apposition to if the analogy is exact, it would
be an official title and po-so-ri-jo-no would then have to be a place name; cf. 258 =
Jo 438 edge. But this analysis leaves the repetition a-ke-re-se. . .o-a-ke-re-se un¬
explained, though it could be mere error, cf. to-to to-to in line 14.
e-qe-o a-to-mo : the second word might be a title in KN C 979 , where the other mem¬
bers of the set have du-ma (C 1030 , C 1039 , C 7057 ?) or da-mo-ko-ro (C 7058 ) in the
same position in the formula. But this will hardly fit Jn 832 . 9 : a-to-mo ka-ke-we
a-ke-te , and better sense may be obtained by taking it to mean ‘guild (of craftsmen)’,
which has the advantage that it enables us to identify the word with dpOuos * union*,
‘league*. It is, however, still difficult to explain ka-ke-we which seems to be nomina¬
tive plural in apposition to a-to-mo singular, as confirmed by a-ke-te ; cf. ka-ke-we
a-ke-te-re in line 1, If correct, po-ki-ro-qo may then be genitive, Poikiloq u os t rather than
nominative, e-qe-o could then be genitive singular in agreement with Poikiloq u os f
or genitive plural further defining the trade practised by the guild. There is no reason
why a list of local officials should not contain a corporate body of this kind. It is
never safe to press the analogy of corresponding entries too far.
o-da-a 2 : the usage of this word as introducing the second and subsequent paragraphs
423
42-45, 301-302
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of a list make it certain that it contains a connective particle. Hence we should
analyse it as ho d{e) with another particle of the approximate form *aha giving
intensifying force. The whole word will therefore translate ‘and thus’, the verb
or other phrase which introduced the first paragraph being understood with it.
This analysis is confirmed by the variant forms o-a 2 PY 250 = Vn 20 , which stands
at the head of an isolated tablet and hence lacks the connective; and by o-de-qa-a 2
PY 304 = On 300 , to be analysed as ho de q u (e) aha ; see p. 467; Chadwick, 1971,
PP 102-3.
p. 1771 44 =Aq (formerly An) 218 . Corrections: 1 . 16 read qo-te-wo with no sign lost
before it.
a-na-kc-c. the interpretation anagthtn has been generally accepted, but there is no
agreement on its meaning; suggestions range from ‘put to sea’ to ‘trace boundary
furrows’.
da-i-ja-ke-re-u: the interpretation ‘divider of lands’ has been enthusiastically welcomed
by those who see this document as concerned with allocations ofland, but it remains
very questionable.
p . 178f 45 = An 830 . Corrections: 1 . 2 at right ]ke-je-me[-no\ 1 . 3 at left di-ri-wa-[\ 1 . 6
read e-so for e-o ; 1. 8 ro-ro-ni-ja ; 1. 10 qo-]u-ko-ro men 18 [ ].
e-so: conceivably enso— doco with a-te-re-wi-ja genitive or accusative ‘inside A.’.
ko-re-te-ri-jo: adjective from ko-re-te (a local official).
p. 1791 A new set of 9 tablets from Pylos classified Ac appears to list men of the
principal towns forming work-groups. The place-names preserved are ka-ra -
do-ro , pi-*82 , a-ke-re-wa , me-ta-pa (all among the Nine Towns of the Hither
Province); two tablets begin with ethnics, pe-ti-ni-jo ( pe-to-no one of the Nine
Towns) and te-mi-ti-jo (from ti-mi-to-a-ke-e , sec Glossary, one of the Seven
Towns of the Further Province). The place name or ethnic is followed by
men and a number ranging from 10 to 69 and, in every case but one, o-pe-ro
men and a smaller number. In Ac 1276 o-pe-ro was written and then deleted.
It would seem that the groups were almost all below strength; for the use of
o-pe-ro ‘deficit’, ‘not present’ in lists of persons, cf. Ad 357 and its abbreviation
0 in 12 = Ad 671 .
301 =Ac 1275
pe-ti-ni-jo men 69 o-pe-ro man 1
302 = Ac 1280
me-ta-pa men 22 o-pe-ro man 7
P- not There are now a few more broken tablets of this type from Mycenae and an
interesting parallel list of women (see below, p. 425).
424
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
46, 303
p. 179H 46 = Au 102 . Corrections: 1 . 5 read ko-no-[.]-du-ro-qe ; it appears that the third
sign is not pu 2 and may be an otherwise unknown sign. Some of the names
reappear on other tablets which are lists of men’s names: na-su-to, te-ra-wo
and mo-i-da are among nine names on Au 657 , e-ke-ne and te-ra-wo on Au 653 ,
na-su-to on Au 660 . This suggests that au-wi-ja-to on Au 653 and Au 657 is a
variant spelling of au-ja-to (if this is not simply an error, but the scribe is
different). The name might be Auidtor (for *Auto-idtor ‘self-healer’): sec
Lejeune, 1966a, p. 25.
i-jo-qe : it has been suggested that i-jo is a variant of (if to be read i-ju) and means
‘son’. The parallel of vlos/vlus is remarkable, but i- can hardly represent kui -. To
accept this it would be necessary to suppose that two words, an 0-stem *hios and a
u-stem *huius had become contaminated, with different results in Mycenaean and
classical Greek: see i-* 6 j in Glossary, While not impossible, this theory must be
regarded as so far unproved. The strongest argument in favour of i-jo-qe — ‘and son*
is the parallel of tu-ka-te-qe ‘and daughter’ in the list of women quoted below. It
may be irrelevant that Au 657 is headed simply i-jo-te, which is probably iontes
‘about to go’, as in a more explicit context in PY 53 = An 1 .
p 179ft 303 =V 659
1 wo-di-je-ja de-mi-ni-ja 1
2 ma-no a-r e-ka-sa-da-r a-qe 2
3 ri-su-ra qo-ta-qe 2
4 e-ri-tu-pi-na te-o-do-ra-qe 2
5 o-to-wo-wi-je tu-ka-te-qe 2
6 a-ne-a 2 tu-ka-te-qe 2
7 pi-ro-wo-na ki-ra-qe 2
8 [.]ka-ro ke-ti-de-qe 2
0 ]-ri-mo-qe 2
10 ]ma-ta-qe 2
11 ]*&> 1
12 ]qe 2
13 ]
right edge: i-ri -[.] 1 ke-ra-so ki-ra-qe 2
wo-di-je-ja: a woman’s name also found at Knossos and Pylos, perhaps Wordieia (cf.
ethnic ‘PoSieOs).
de-mi-ni-ja : there is a striking parallel in PY Vn 851 , a list of names each with the
numeral 1 and a check-mark but no ideogram, headed by a line of which nothing
remains but the word de-mi-ni-ja at the right. Notice that here too it cannot be a
woman’s name, since the numeral is 1 (i.e. wo-di-je-ja), and all lines containing two
names have the second ending in -qe. The interpretation demnia = bi\x\)\& ‘beds’ or
425
303, 47-51
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
‘bedding’ imposes itself. Were these women requiring accommodation and being
issued with bedding?
ma'no : this name, together with a-ne-a 2 and ke-ra-so , reappears in MY 93 —Fo 101 ,
where in default of evidence they were taken as masculine.
a-re-ka-sa-da-ra-qe : the last sign is damaged but looks more like ka than qe, if so, it is
clearly a scribal error. The name is Alexandra,
le-o-do-ra-qe : Theodora q*‘e.
tu-ka-te-qe: thugater q u e ‘and daughter’. That this is not a name is evident from its
repetition in successive lines. The same argument might be applied to ki-ra-qe
(1. 7, edge), and this may represent a noun: gilld ‘infant’, cf. veoyiAos and the
name HAAos.
]ma-ta-qe : restore perhaps [ko-]ma-ta-qe y cf. 93 = Fo 101 . 6 .
P . 1 79++ 47 = Am 826
te-re-ta: the implications of this title are still far from clear, some contexts suggesting a
religious connexion, others a class of land-holders; see pp. 120, 408. It is a little
curious that this class, which is clearly not of humble status, should be so numerous
at one town and coupled with carpenters.
P. i8o| 48 = B 101. The reading is certainly a 3 -te-re .
p. ifloj In an attempt to account for some puzzling features in these lists Olivier
(i 960 ) has suggested that some at least are lists of temple servants; e.g. the
pu-ka-wo ‘fire kindiers’ might be the guardians of the sacred fire. There does
not seem to be a sufficiently large group of titles with expressly religious
implications to make this convincing. The pu-ka-wo might equally have such a
humble task as charcoal-burning.
p. i 8 o 1 49 = An 427. Correction: 1. 3 pi-pu-te , the pu is very doubtful.
a-pu 2 -we: the identification with AIttu is to be rejected, since we should expect a 3 -
sometimes to be used for initial ai -, and pu 2 stands for phu and perhaps bu .
•• 18 o 11 50 = An 39. Corrections: 1. 11 read e-]to-wo-ko men 4 ; reverse 1. 8 [ \qo-la-wo
M A N [ •
p. 182 ! 51 = An 18 . Correction: 1. 11 after to-so te- illegible.
te-ko-io-na-pe : this word is analysed by Palmer ([963 a, p. 132) as a place name, because
some at least of the entries on this tablet consist of place names, but the analogy of
texts such as An 424 shows that such lists do not repeat the place name for each entry,
and we must not expect the same consistency from a Mycenaean scribe as a modern
scholar. The word is discussed at length by Chadwick (19676), and although the
place-name theory cannot be disproved the arguments against it are strong.
426
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
52
p. 182; 52 = An 207
po-ku-ta: pos-khutai is improbable, partly because there is no evidence for the apocope
of Myc. posi (Arc. ttos). The adjective po-ku-U-ro can only be explained if the base is
po-ku- to which the suffixes, -ids and -teros arc added.
ra-pte-re : perhaps men who sew leather rather than cloth = ‘saddlers’: d\ ra-pte-ri-ja
a-ni-ja PY 323 = Sb 1315 ‘reins with saddlers’ work’.
p. 184T The first group of tablets remains a collection of isolated documents, but the
o-ka tablets have keen intensively studied, and their structure has been largely
elucidated, though many details remain obscure. The geography of the south¬
western Peloponnese, combined with archaeological field-work, makes it
highly probable that the kingdom of Pylos was confined to the area between
the rivers Neda in Triphylia and the Nedon on which the modern Kalamata
stands, since this is a coherent area with satisfactory lines of inland communica¬
tion. The alleged references to Elis must be discounted; neither of the names
corresponds exactly, and in any case it is all too frequent for a place name to
be duplicated.
The total number of men listed on this set (excluding those named) is not
less than 780; several figures may be incomplete. All the units are multiples
of 10 and range from 10 to 1 10. This in itself is sufficient to disprove the
suggestion that this document records the mobilization of the Pylian army.
For even if it were as small as this, which is highly improbable, it would be
madness to divide it into small units, not one of which could be expected to
hold off for long a large raiding party. It is therefore clear that the purpose of
this organization is not strictly defensive but to provide an early warning
system to guard against an unobserved landing.
These 780 or more men are spaced out irregularly round the coast ( opihala
‘coastal regions’) in ten sectors, which are described as o-ka , whatever the
correct interpretation of the word. Their location is not always clear, partly
because the place name does not always occupy the same position in the
formula, and also because many of the place names do not recur elsewhere.
In §1 the place name o-wi-to-no stands immediately after the heading ma-re-wo
o-ka; in §2 there is no place name here because the two detachments of troops
are at different places, 20 men at a 2 -ru-wo-te and 20 at a 3 -ta-re-u-si . Where
Nedwatas, the commander of the o-ka , had his head-quarters is not specified,
perhaps because it was too well known to the writer. In §3 the o-ka ofTros is
at ro-o-wa , but the 110 men of his detachment are at a 2 -ra-tu-wa. §4 is made
more difficult by lacunae; perhaps ka-ke-[ is the beginning of a place name,
and line 10 is apparently irregular, leaving us in doubt which of these words,
427
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
if any, is a place. §5 is remarkable since the location of neither the o-ka of
Klumenos nor his detachment of 50 men is specified. Since they are natives of
me-ta-pa , it may be presumed that they are in that general area; again it may
have been sufficiently obvious to the writer where Klumenos, who was the
ko-re-te of i-te-re-wa (43 = Aq 64 ), would dispose his guards. §6 also departs
from the normal formula; it is unclear whether to-wa is a place or a man.
Wa-wo-u-de is likely to be a topographical term, but whether it is the location
or place of origin of the troops can only be guessed. The detachment of 60
men is, exceptionally, made up of five separate units.
§7 is more regular. The o-ka of Wapalos is located at ne-wo-ki-to , but the
number of his detachment is not given, for sa-pi-da takes the place of the usual
men4 - number. It is tempting to search for some word as an interpretation
which could serve as a substitute for a number (e.g. 'as required’, ‘as avail¬
able 5 ), but no plausible suggestion has been made. A subsidiary detachment
of 20 men is at ne-wo-ki-to wo-wi-ja\ if wo-wi-ja is worwia = opia ‘frontier’,
this will perhaps make sense.
In §8 Dwoios has his o-ka and main detachment at a-ke-re-wa y an important
town; but a small force of 10, specifically called young, are at u-wa-si . §g
repeats the pattern of§2: no location for the o-ka > but troops at four different
places. Finally Erkhomenatas in §10 has his head-quarters at ti-mi-to a-ke-i }
the only town named which is known to be in the Further Province, but his
detachment is being sent to Nedwon (probably the only name with aliative
- de , but cf. wa-wo-u-de in §6).
Each o-ka has also a short list of named men. A number of these reappear
on other Pyios tablets, but there is always the danger that the name is borne
by two men (cf. ma-re-u in §10 who duplicates the name of the commander of
o-ka §1). Thus the recurrence of some of these names among the bronzesmiths
(Jn tablets, see pp. 352 ff.) is probably without significance. But the presence
of six of these names on the diptych 43 = Aq 64 and 44 = Aq 218 is hardly
likely to be an accident: ma-ra-te-u y e-ta-wo-ne-u (now restored at 57 = An 519 . 7 ),
de-wi-jo (if really a name), e-ru-ta-ra } po-ki-ro-qo y pe-ri-me-de. Two also recur on
258 =Jo 438: e-ke-me-de and po-ki-ro-qo again, in the company of ne-da-wa-ta ,
commander of o-ka §2. All this suggests that they are people of consequence,
at least on a local level, and this confirms the idea that they are the subordinate
officers of the o-ka , no doubt in charge of the various detachments.
The fact that many of the place names are not mentioned elsewhere is
understandable if we remember that the function of these detachments is to
act as look-outs. They will not therefore be posted in sheltered bays and
harbours where settlements are likely, but on uninhabited cliffs and pro-
428
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
montories; they would, however, still have been based upon the nearest town.
This fits well with the pattern seen on the tablets. The order of these tablets
should be corrected to place 58 = An 654 before 57 = An 519 .
Divided among the ten o-ka are 11 e-qe-ta , each introduced with the formula
‘and with them (is) the e-qe-ta So-and-so’. But they are not regularly spaced
out, one to each o-ka. §8 has no less than three, while § 7 has two; §§1,3 and 6
have none. But since this is the last item in the formula and clearly refers
backwards, there is no reason why the e-qe-ta should not be attached to all the
detachments listed between him and the previous one. Thus a-e-ri-qo-ta will
cover not only §2 but § 1 as well, and this may be why his location is stated
separately, at e-ra-po ri-me-ne = Elaphon limenei ‘Deer-harbour’. Similarly
a-re-i-jo covers both §6 and the main sector of§ 7, while di-wi-je-u is attached
only to the small group of men on the ‘frontier’. We may well ask why the end
of §7 and the whole of §8 require the presence of so many e-qe-ta ; presumably
this is the most dangerous area. This would agree well with the picture
presented above (p. 414), for the area of the Bay of Navarino is not only the
most attractive site for a landing, but is also nearest to the Palace.
The function of the e-qe-ta can only be explained by examining all the
information we have about this class. The use of patronymic adjectives with
their names implies that they were persons of importance; they possessed
slaves, and textiles and chariot-wheels are named after them (see Glossary,
s.v. e-qe-si-jo). This suggests that they must have been the owners of chariots,
the elite of the Mycenaean army; and their name which means ‘Follower’
(classical from ettojjloci) is best interpreted as follower of the king, the
members of the court. Their allocation to duties in connexion with coast¬
guards must therefore be to provide liaison with the king’s headquarters at
Pylos. Since we know they possessed chariots, they will have had a means of
quick communication, for their charioteers could be used as despatch-riders.
The existence of a network of roads suitable for horse-drawn vehicles has been
made extremely probable by the discovery of traces of such roads. The
allocation of one e-qe-ta to cover the first two (i.e. the most northerly) o-ka is
thus easily intelligible, for there can have been only one major road leading
northwards in the vicinity of the coast.
It is tempting to go even further and suppose that apart from their function
as liaison officers the e-qe-ta were also commanders of regiments of the Pylian
army. The obvious target for the raiding force will be the unfortified Palace;
thus the strategy of defence must be to cover all the approaches to the Palace,
but at the same time to concentrate the strongest forces on the most likely line
of attack. The other regiments will be placed on good lines of communication,
429
53
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
so that they can be quickly moved in case of need. No raider knowing the
location of the Palace can have failed to attempt a landing in the area of the
Bay of Navarino; and this is precisely the district which seems to be designated
in § § 7 and 8, for this is undoubtedly the location of A-ke-re-wa .
The mysterious words o-ka-ra ( o-ka-ra 3 ), ke-ki-de , i-wa-so, o-*j4-/a, ku-re-we,
pe-di-je-we , u-ru-pi-ja-jo> ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo seem all to be descriptions of the troops
used for these duties. Some look like ethnic adjectives, but if so the places from
which they are named are not elsewhere mentioned on the tablets, and they
contrast with the real ethnics such as o-wi-ti-ni-jo ( 56 = An 657 . 4 ) or ku-pa-ri-si-jo
(ibid. 8, io) from known places. Only one offers a plausible etymological
explanation: pe-di-je-we is likely to be peditwes from TreSiov ‘plainsmen’,
though it is not impossible that it is equivalent to tte^oi ‘foot-soldiers’. None
of the guesses made for the rest are convincing. But some of these names
reappear on the Na tablets (see pp. 395 fT.), where the groups of ke-ki-de ,
ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo and u-ru-pi-ja-jo are said to ‘possess’ (land or its produce?).
Great efforts have been made to connect soldiers with flax (see below, p. 470);
but perhaps the eff ort is vain, and the connexion is by way of a third term.
If we regard the names on the o-ka tablets not as varieties of soldiers, but as
tribal names, their reappearance on the flax-tablets would require no special
explanation, since the alleged coincidences in numbers between the two sets of
tablets are not as remarkable as seemed at first sight. It is possible therefore
that these men are drawn from communities resident within the kingdom of
Pylos, but not part of the normal Greek population. They may well have
retained their non-Greek language from the time before the settlement of the
area by Greek-speakers; but even if they had become linguistically assimilated
to their masters, they would doubtless retain their old pre-hellenic names,
though adapted to Greek declensions.
One conclusion from these documents seems inescapable; that Pylos feared
an attack coming by sea, and its subsequent destruction implies that these
precautions were in the event in vain. The direction from which the attack
was expected cannot be deduced; the despatch of rowers to Pleuron would
hardly be significant, even if we were sure it was the Aetolian Pleuron which
was meant. Suspicion must fall upon the so-called Peoples of the Sea, who are
known from Egyptian sources to have been active around the end of the
thirteenth century and powerful enough to launch two major sea-borne attacks
upon the Nile Delta. But no confirmation of this suspicion has yet been found.
p. i85t 53 = An 1 . The five place names in lines 2-6 have been understood as locatives;
the men are at these places, but will soon leave. But it would be equally possible
43°
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
53-55
to regard them as ablatives, if we accept the idea of a limited survival of the
ablative as a case-form in Mycenaean (sec above, p. 403). It is noticeable that
the only name which is a plural of the first or third declension ( po-ra-pi , cf.
po-ra-i clearly locative PY 59 = An 656 . 13 ) has the - pi suffix.
P . i86t 54 = An 611 . Corrections: 1 . 3 [me-]ta-ki-ti-ta ; 1 . 4 [ \wa ki-ti-ta ; 1 . g me-ta-
ki[-ti-ta.
Despite the initial lacuna the pattern of this tablet is clear. The men listed
belong to various coastal towns and arc sometimes further specified by
classifications: ki-ti-ta ‘settlers’ (whatever the special value of the term),
me-ta-ki-ti-ta ‘new settlers’, po-si-ke-te-re ‘immigrants’, po-ku-ta (meaning
obscure). Entries so introduced refer to the last place named. There is also a
category of men introduced by a man’s name in the genitive: e-ke-ra 2 -wo-no y
we-da-ne-wo. Both of these men arc clearly important personages elsewhere on
the tablets (e g. 171 = Un 718 , 168 = Es 644 ). This leaves a few terms obscure:
wo-qe-we pn?, ko-ni-jo pn or ethnic? (the omission of man is due to erasure
and re-writing in a cramped space); we-re-ka-ra(-ta) y if rightly restored, and
te-qa-ta may be occupational terms.
p- l8 7t 55 —An 724 . There are frequent traces of erasure and re-writing on this
tablet; i. 4 after man i another man has been written faintly by another hand.
No significant progress has been made with the problems presented by this
tablet, though a brave effort by Perpillou (1968) should be mentioned. Any
attempt to construct a regular formula encounters difficulties, and the
frequent corrections lead us to suspect that scribal errors are present. For
instance, man i in line 4 is preceded by o-pe-ro-ta e-re-e , which is apparently
ophelonta and an infinitive (probably erehen ‘to row’); but men 5 in line 6 has
o-pe-ro-te e-re-e , where the first word seems to be nominative plural, ophelontes y
unless we adopt the suggestion of Risch (1958a) that -es functions as both
nominative and accusative plural termination of consonant stems. It seems
on the whole easier to believe that the syntax is incoherent.
It is clear that the text divides into sections, each beginning with a place
name: 11. 1-8 ro-o-wa; 11. 9-12 a-ke-re-wa ; 1. 13 wo-qe-we y if this is really a
place; if not, this line belongs to a-ke-re-wa ; 1. 14 ri-jo. a-pe-o-te seems in other
contexts to refer to temporary absentees rather than permanently missing
personnel; it is therefore likely that the entries record the reasons why certain
men arc not present. If a-pe-e-ke is apheeke from d<piT|i.u, this would be an
appropriate word, ‘discharged’, ‘released’, but it demands a subject. In line
2 this may be found in me-nu-wa; but in line 5 e-ke-r a 2 -wo-ne is dative, unless
43 i
55-60
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
it is an error. Perpillou solves this problem by supposing me-nu-wa to be
understood as the subject throughout; but if this were so, it is hard to explain
why the verb should be repeated. Perpillou also gives an ingenious interpreta¬
tion of a^ri-e as halien , accusative singular of &Aieus (for acc. in -en see Lejeune,
1971, p. 262); but he has to suppose scribal incoherence and a failure to alter
this to the plural when the original entry man i was deleted and man 5
inserted in the next line. He interprets a-re-sa-ni-e as a finite verbal form
ens-an-ie prefixed by the particle ar\ but in view of the retention of £V (Iv)
without the suffix -s in Arcadian and Cypriot to express motion into, ens
(=ds) would be surprising in Mycenaean.
p. >9°t 57 =An 519 . Corrections: 1 . 2 zo-wo was a mistake in transcription in
the first two editions of the Pylos Tablets ); 1 . 7 po-te-u\ ]e-ta-wo-ne-u[; 1 . 8
MEN 2o[.
p. lgst 59 =An 656 . Corrections: 1 . 2 the deleted word is \di~wi-je-u\ ; 1. 18 men 6o[.
p. i 93 t 60 =An 661 . Corrections: 1 . 2 a-/i-rp-[.]; 1 . 4 [^-o-ri-jo kp-rp-ku[-ra-]i-jp men
30; 1.5 men io[; 1. 8 now lost, but probably containing a word at the left.
CHAPTER VII
LIVESTOCK AND AGRICULTURAL
PRODUCE
p. 195t The identifications of the ideograms for domestic animals have now been
generally accepted. The most important modification of the pattern set out
here, apart from the use in transcription of Latin names and the abbrevia¬
tions m and / for male and female, has been the valuable suggestion of Killen
that the male ideogram was used as an all-purpose sign covering on occasion
not only castrated males, but mixtures of males and females. That is very
clear in KN 84 =Ce 59 ; see p. 213. But its implications for the enormous
series of Knossos sheep tablets are far-reaching and will be discussed below
(p- 433)-
432
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
61
p. 197 1 Progress here has been slow, but Killen (1964a) has discussed pa , za>pe and se.
Most of these seem to be indications of age, and the following are generally
accepted:
pa=pa-ra~jo=palaios ‘old’
pe = pe-ru-si-nu-wo = perusinwos ‘last year’s’
ki = ‘new-born’ (obscure, but cf. ki-ra in Glossary)
ne=ne-wo = newos ‘young’
Za — za-we-te=tsawetes (or adjectival form) ‘this year’s’
On the other hand the adjunct se is restricted to a small group of tablets, and
it seems clear that it represents rather the place name se-to-i-ja.
P- 197+ The merit of having advanced this problem to a definitive solution belongs to
Killen, whose studies summarized in his article (19646) have completely
changed our view of this subject. These are restricted to the Knossos sheep
tablets, and problems remain to be elucidated on the sheep of Pylos and other
animals at both sites.
The disproportion of rams to ewes which was so perplexing (cf. p. 198) is
easily explained once it is appreciated that the ideogram ram can stand for
wethers (i.e. castrated male sheep), for enormous flocks of these have often
been kept for wool-production. But since they would be incapable of regenera¬
tion, separate breeding flocks (Knossos Dl series) were required, and every
year the flocks of wethers must be counted and replacements drafted to
maintain their proper strength. This at once provides a plausible explanation
for the deficits, and makes it possible to regard the records as a census; they
are in fact the documents necessary for efficient flock management on a large
scale. This is confirmed by the existence of remarkably similar records in
medieval England and elsewhere.
The tablets that show wool are thus the records of the productivity of the
flocks, and here too the figures agree well with medieval practice.
p- 1 99 t Confirmation of scriptio plena of the type required by we-re-ke=wergei has not
been forthcoming, and it may be better to take this as a noun. Palmer (1963a)
proposes wreges ‘herds’ (cf. Vedic vraja - ‘enclosure, herd’), which is plausible
though not attested in later Greek; the sense of ‘enclosure for sheep’ is not
to be excluded.
p. 199$ 61 = Cn 131 . Corrections: the chcck-mark (X) seems to have been attached
to every entry except the last, but not always in the same place; 1. g rams 170
(for 180).
433
61-70
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
pa-ro\ it may be questioned whether these are all flocks received from the shepherds
named. Perhaps here pa-ro has merely locative sense, ‘in the charge of’.
p.aoot 62 = Cn 655 . Corrections: 1 . 7 ti-ko-wo ; 1 . 13 ma-ro-pi rg-kg-jg . . . [X] 80.
pa-ra-jo : undoubtedly refers to the sheep, see above, p. 433.
a-ko-ra: it now seems likely that the men designated here and at Knossos as ‘collectors’
are in some ways beneficiaries of the produce of the flock. It is possible that the sheep
and goats were nominally the property of the king, but that he assigned certain
flocks to his nobles for their sustenance; at least these words need not imply that the
persons named were tax-gatherers employed by the Palace.
p. 2oif It is now clear that the hundreds and other round figures on these tablets
represent the notional strength of the flock; hence the deficit (0) indicates the
number of replacements needed in the current year. As at Pylos the ‘collectors’
are probably nobles to whom the flocks arc assigned, which will explain why
the flocks of a particular man arc not concentrated in one area. The name of a
‘collector’ is sometimes substituted by what appears to be an adjective,
especially po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo ; this seems to imply that these were allocated for the
support of the goddess Potnia, or perhaps rather her human ministrants. The
flocks which do not have a collector’s name, about two-thirds of the archive,
will then have belonged directly to the king.
P .aoat 65 = Db 1232
pe-ri-qo-te-jo\ it is possible that this is an adjective rather than a name; see Glossary.
P* a ° 3 t 70 = Dg 1158 . Correction: read 0 . rams 10 (corrected from 12).
p. 203$ The identity of ideogram */^5 = wool is now agreed in this context. It has
been suggested that elsewhere (c.g. PY 103 = Un 267 , 104 = Un 249 ) the same
sign has a diff erent meaning; but a plausible explanation of the presence of
wool among ingredients of ointment can be given (sec p. 441), and there is
no justification for doubting that the sign has the same meaning in all contexts.
It has been suggested that wool should be regarded as a ligature of the
syllabic signs ma and ru . The ideogram is sometimes hardly distinguished from
ma> but when carefully written has a small clement at the upper centre which
resembles re or ro, rarely ru. It seems certain that the ideogram was taken over
from Linear A, in which it is quite clearly a ligature of the signs corresponding
to ma and ru; but this is no justification for importing this analysis into Linear
B where the second clement has been reduced in size and distinctiveness to a
point where it cannot be seriously regarded as forming a ligature. Whether
434
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
73-76
maru represents a Minoan word for ‘wool’ or ‘fleece' which was borrowed by
Greek as paAAbs is purely a matter of speculation.
In the Dl tablets we now regard ki. rams as being a convention for lambs,
thus the relatively small yield of wool is accounted for by these being breeding
flocks.
p. 2o4t 73 = D 1 943
po-ti-ni-ja-we(-jo): see p. 434.
p. 205 ! 74 = Dp (formerly Dl) 1061. The sheep sign is apparently not ram, but
might be ewe; both are found preceding wool on Dp 7280. 7300 should be
omitted from the references here.
p. 2o6t 76 = Cn 3
The essential first step in analysing this tablet is to discover its syntax. It
seems clear that i-je-si is a verb, preceded by the particle jo- =-ho ‘thus'; that
qo-o is its object^^Jj ‘oxen’; that di-wi-je-we is the dative of a man’s name,
though a title or even an ethnic cannot be entirely excluded, and that
e-re-u-te-re is therefore likely to be a dative in apposition. The entries in 11 . 3-7
consist of a place name followed by a word which is elsewhere the description
of a group of men, and is therefore likely to be nominative plural here, rather
than dative singular ( ku-re-we and o-ka-ra 3 are the only forms which would
distinguish singular from plural). If so, these men are the subjects of the verb
i-je-si, and this leads to the conclusion that me-za-na may perhaps be another
nominative plural and be a generic name which subsumes the more detailed
classes of the individual entries. It seems unlikely that me-za-na can be an
accusative of motion towards, since although this is theoretically possible
Mycenaean Greek appears always to use the suffix * de to characterize
such an accusative (e.g. pe-re-u-ro-na-de PY 53 = An 1 ). If me-za-na is the
subject, we then have the order: adverb-verb-subject-indirect object-
object; cf. PY 252 = Vn 10 where it is adverb-verb-subject-accusative
of destination-object, and a similar but more complicated example in
PY 257 =Jn 829 .
The suggestion has been advanced above (p. 430) that the names o-ka-ra 3l
ku-re-we and u-ru-pi-ja-jo , which recur on the o-ka tablets ( 56 - 60 ), together
with i-wa-si-jo-ta, which is paralleled there by i-wa-so , may be tribal names
belonging to subject peoples. If this is correct, and me-za-na is the generic
term for them, this makes it rather more probable that the word is to be con¬
nected with the classical name of the area, Meaarivia; the town was originally
435
76-78
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Meaodva. The spelling with za, implying a pronunciation Metsdna{i?) at this
date, excludes a connexion with Greek p^aaos, which is in any case improb¬
able in a word with the pre-Greek suffix -ova.
i-je-si : the first edition offered the choice of‘send* or ‘sacrifice’ for this word, and it is
still difficult to decide. If ‘send’ is right, then e-re-u-te-re di-wi-je-we is probably
the dative of the recipient, ‘for the inspector( ?) Diwieus*; the place names may then
be ablatives, or locatives closely connected with the classes of men. If the meaning is
‘ sacrifice*, the existence of a verb of this form seems to be proved by P Y 172 = Tn 316
(see p. 462), but the meaning of e-re-u-te-re di-wi-je-we is difficult, if the second word
is, as elsewhere, the name of a man. It might be tempting to suppose an ablative
(or dative) absolute, ‘Diwieus being inspector’, since it is hard to make him into a
deity, despite his theophoric name and his association with Poseidon on the Es
tablets. A sacrifice before battle, as urged insistently by Palmer (19630, p. 176), is
perfectly appropriate; but why were five battles anticipated, and why are the local
levies, not the main force of the army, instructed to sacrifice bulls ?
u-ru-pi-ja-jo-jo: the last syllable must be an error, an understandable case of dittography.
p. 2 o 7 f 77 ~Cn 418. Corrections: 1 . 3 ma-ra-pi\ 1. 8 at right we[ ] pig[.
Q-ko-ro-we-e: Palmer’s assertion (19630, p. 405) that the new reading in l. 3 rules out
‘of uniform colour’ is hardly justified; it is still possible to refer thus to an ox which is
white except for dark patches underneath. But the alternative akrdwehe ‘with pointed
ears’ is perhaps less open to objection, though there is insufficient evidence to settle
the question.
ma-ra-pi: the reading of the last sign is still uncertain, but if this is correct, it could be
maldphiy locative plural of the noun preserved in the classical phrase Crrro p&Atk
‘ under the arm-pit*; that is to say, ‘under the legs’. Pe-ko should then be an adjective
of colour, and this suggests comparison with mpKvds ‘dark* and various forms invite
the restoration of an earlier adjective *ir£pKO$. Thus ‘white, dark in the n&Xat’
(Palmer) is a possible, but not entirely convincing, solution. The specification of
colour in connexion with oxen may be due to their use for sacrifice, white animals
being often prescribed for sacrifice to the Olympian deities.
P-aogf 78 = C 914
a-ka-wi-ja-de: Palmer (1963a, pp. 65, 184) objected that parallels show that this is the
name of the herdsman, though he has now retracted this objection (1969, p. 485).
In fact, the determination of hand (no. 112) shows that this tablet belongs to a group
(including 80 = C 913 ) which has nothing to do with the main sheep archive (D
tablets). Unfortunately few of these texts are complete, but there is nothing in them
to suggest that a destination is out of place. The only word preserved on them which
is not a personal name is sa-pa-ke-te-ri-ja C (not Dl) 941 , which has been taken as
sphakteria , possibly meaning ‘ for sacrifice*, but a place name (cf*. ^axTqpia in Mes-
senia) cannot be excluded. However, the spelling is somewhat abnormal ( sa-pa - for
436
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
78-83
CT9CC-, - ka-te- rather than - ke-te- y but cf. wa-na-ka-te-ro) and the identification is probably
wrong.
p. 2ogJ The tabic of Dn entries needs correction in the light of improved readings,
joins and re-allocation of tablets.
Da-wo
2440
Da-*22-to
1370
E-ko-so
2252
Pa-i-to
i 5°9
Pu-naso
330
Pu-so
1034
Qa-ra
2290
Ra-ja
904
Ri-jo-no
2000 [
Ru-ki-to
4 ° 4 °[
Su-ki-ri-ta
5 J 7
Su-ri-mo
2390
Ti-ri-to
1222
* 56-ko-we-i
2003
Unknown
11,183
Total
35.484
In addition to the fragment mentioned (Dn 1088) which reads I 9 , 30 o[, there
is also Dn 1319 reading [a-]mi-ni-si-ja ne ram ii, 9 oo[, and a fragment
(Dn 5668) probably to be restored [pe-ri-]qo-te-jo ram 330 o[. Olivier ( 1967 c)
demonstrated that the Dn tablets arc the totals of the flocks held by the
Palace in each area, but that those belonging to the ‘collectors’ arc totalled
separately (as on Dn 5668).
p. 2io| 80 — C 913 . See above on 78 = C 914 .
p. aioj 81 = Dm 1180
a^-mi-re-we, e-ka-ra-e-we. These words have been exhaustively discussed by Lejeune
(19626); he concludes that e-ka-ra-e-we cannot be a derivative in -evs of lox&pa,
because this would not account for medial - ra He proposes instead engraewes
(ypotco) ‘animals for fattening’; and compares a^-mi-re-we with atpamot ‘stone-wall’,
i.e. animals kept in enclosures.
p. 2 m| 83 =C 902 . Corrections: this tablet has been removed from the special Ch
series; l.i 1 read re-ri-jo ; I.12 probably no sign lost in lacuna before wa-to.
There has been no confirmation of the meaning of the rare ideogram here
associated with oxen; the adjunct ne suggests that they arc young animals of
437
83-89
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
some sort, but perhaps of a different species. The omission of the numeral i
after ox on lines i 3 seems to be without significance.
wa-to : found also on jars from Thebes, the analysis of the clay of which suggests that
they may come from Palaikastro in eastern Crete; this then is a possible identification
for this name, o-du-ru-wi-jo is on a Theban jar which may have come from Zakro.
u-wo-qe-we: Palmer (1963a, p. 183) suggests uw-oq u ewes ‘overseers’, a compound with
the preposition u alleged to exist in Cypriot. In value it is equivalent to £tt(.
re-ri-jo: if this reading is correct, it could be Lerioi from A£pos, but since all the other
places on this tablet of which we know anything are in Crete, we must assume
another place of the same name rather than a reference to the island.
p. 2121 84 = Cc 59. Corrections: 1. 1 at left ]niq-sa; 1. 2 at left ku-]tq-to i at end [.]-rno
for da-mo over we-ka-ta\ 1. 3 \-]-mo for da-mo .
It now seems that the reading da-mo in this tablet is unsound, though it is
hard to sec what should stand in its place. I {ta-ra-me-to i which stands in the
parallel place at the beginning of line 2, is a man’s name, [.]-mois presumably
another, ma-sa is known as a place name, so probably the word is complete.
p. 2131 The names given to oxen have now been included in the Glossary, and it is
therefore necessary to give the amended list of complete names here:
a z -wo-ro> KN Ch 896, [Ch 898], Ch 1029, Ch 5754, [Ch 5938], Aiwolos .
[Cf. AIoAos Od. x, 2.]
KN Ch 1034.
ke-ra-no , KN 85 = Ch 896, [Ch 7066]. Ktlainos.
ko-so-u-to , KN Ch 900, Xouthos . (Also as man’s name.)
po-da-ko , KN Ch 899, Ch 1029. Podargos. [fToSapyos name of two horses: II.
viir, 185, xxm, 295.]
to-ma-ko, KN Ch 897, Ch 898, Ch 1015. Stomargos.
wa-no y KN Ch 5724.
wo-no-qo-so, KN Ch 897, Ch 1015. Possibly spelling of Woinoq u s i but Woinoq u sos
is perhaps more likely. [OTvovp as man’s name Od. xxi, 144; cf. poe oivotte
//. xiii, 703T.]
p. 2r3$ 86 = Co 907. The place names belong to the same group as those in 83 = C 902;
they arc perhaps located in the cast and west of the island.
p. 214t 88 = E 749. Corrections: 1. 2 wheat 23[ + ; 1. 7 wheat 6[.
p. 214$ 89 = E 777. Corrections: in all three lines read wheat ioo[, i.c. the figure
is probably not a round number.
43 8
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
90-93
p. aif,t 90 = G 820. Corrections: 1. i (for ]di), to-sa for pa-sa.
t 9 -sa: tos(s)dn krithdn ‘so much barley 1 , ‘month i 1 presumably means therefore ‘one
month’s ration’.
p .*15+ The identity of the ideogram no. 121 as barley seems to be established,
apart from its general probability, by two facts. It would seem from An 128
that an entry wheat 2 T6 <15 to 2 has been converted on the reverse
to barley 5 T 3 <14 which is double the quantity ignoring the
last unit; and there is good evidence from antiquity that for ration purposes
wheat was regarded as roughly double the value of barley. The barley
ideogram also has the characteristic ‘beard' of an car of barley.
p. 2 j 6 f 91 = Fn 50. Corrections: 1 .11 read au-[ke-i-]ja-te-wo' y I .13 a-pi-e-ra do-e-ro-i.
The supplements and the reading of I .13 arc guaranteed by the recurrence
of these names in 312= An 1281, though this throws no light on the identity
of the persons named, a-pi-e-ra will also be feminine, like mi-jo-qa.
qa-si-re-wi-ja : since qa si-re-u apparently means no more than ‘chief’ and can be used of
the man in charge of a group of bronzesmiths, it appears the word has risen in
importance after the Mycenaean period. It is quite likely that it denotes a work¬
group under the control of the man named.
me-za-ne: see on me-za-na y p. 435. But it is impossible to reconcile the two forms if
me-za-na is nom. plur.; perhaps variant forms of a non-Greek word.
i-za-a-to-mo-i: the reading of the second sign is confirmed. Muhlestein (1955, p. 124)
ingeniously suggested that i-za - was derived from hiqq u yd , as a by-form to i-qi-ja =
hiqq u id. It remains impossible to verify the suggestion.
P- 2i7t It now seems clear that the word a-pu-do-si ‘payment’ is used to denote con¬
tributions by subjects to the Palace. In these eases at least, as 92 = Fh 349, it
is clear that the oil is being brought into the Palace stores; others arc equally
certainly records of disbursements, but there arc still many tablets which arc
difficult to assign confidently to one side or other of the account book.
p. 217 ^ The information on oil at Pylos has been much increased by new finds and a
section on this subject has been introduced into the Addenda on Chapter IX;
see p. 476 below. t
p. 2 i 8 t 93 = Fo 10 1. Corrections: 1. 2 read a-na-* 82 \ 1. 9 e-ro-pa-ke-tg y the last sign could
perhaps be -ja (Olivier, 1969 , p. 7 ), the ideogram here and in I .15 is perhaps
oil -f- WE.
439
93-97
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-ne-a 2 : this, like ma-no and ke-ra-so , recurs on a tablet where the identifiable names are
feminine (MY 303 = V 659 , see p. 425), and we may presume they all are. Hence
all of these may perhaps be women’s names; certainly we-i-we-sa (1. 3) appears to
have the feminine adjectival ending -wessa (perhaps Huiwessa ‘she who has many
sons’, if we- before vowel represents classical 0-).
a-na-*82\ the new reading is due to Olivier. If *82 is correctly identified as swa (Chad¬
wick ig68fl), the name is perhaps something like Amaswa ; it certainly has nothing
to do with dvaaaa.
pi-we-ri-si : TTtepIs is attested as a woman’s name, but this does not explain the plural.
The analogy of a-ke-ti-ri-ja-i , which is also plural, suggests that it might be some kind
of title or group. Since ^ 1=46, there may have been six of them. But a-ne-a 2
is singular, and receives three times the normal amount, so it is impossible to draw
firm conclusions. E-ro-pa-ke~ta (or -ke-ja) draws 60 times the normal amount.
p. 2 tgf 94 = F 841. The wheat ideogram on both occurrences has the syllabic sign
pe ligatured with it. The significance of this addition is not known, but as an
adjunct pe appears often to stand for perusinwos Tast year’s’. This might not
be impossible here too.
su-za: in 165 = Gv 862 this word is coupled with a much more tree-like ideogram,
making the interpretation sutsai < sukyai ‘ fig-trees * certain there. It is open to question
whether the same meaning is not intended here, as the annotation would seem
superfluous if the fruit is meant; cf. 1 . 3. Ka-po can then introduce the fruit, if we
reject the restoration e-[ru-wu. The ideogram for ‘figs' (^ syllabic ni) is doubtless a
simplification of the ‘tree’ sign. In line 6 possibly the second e-ra-wa introduced a
mention of olive-trees.
p. 22 of The gloss ‘flour’ applied to no. *65 is not a certain proof that this is the value
of the ideogram, since it would be possible to regard ‘flour’ as an extra piece
of information rather than a verification. Thus *65 might rather stand for
another grain (Chadwick, 1966 , p. 31 ).
p, 221 f po-qa (po-pa 2 ): this word is one of the proofs that pa z = qa t since it clearly belongs to the
family of po-qe-wi-ja (see Glossary).
p. 22]} 97=Un 2 . Correction: line 3 read *125 4- pa Ti <{3 o <15; o is here
probably not the ordinary abbreviation of o-pe-ro ‘deficit’, but a shorthand
for the ligature of *125 + o which occurs elsewhere (e.g. Fa 16, Ua 434, Un 47 ).
mu-jo-me-no : the note has been misunderstood; the form corresponds to uv6pevos (pvco
‘close’), but this is unintelligible unless in sense it is equivalent to pvovpsvos (uucco
‘initiate’). Replacement of simple verbs by contract types is not rare (e.g. cb0£w
replaces *cZ>0co, aor. dxra II 1, 220, errepko exists alongside oripopai, etc.). The verb is
presumably muiomenos ( <*mu(s?)-yo). Palmer’s objection ( 1963 a, p. 258) that this
440
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
97-103
involves a ‘non-Greek gerundival construction’ is hard to follow; participles are
used regularly in Greek to indicate time, especially in the genitive absolute, and with
prepositions in expressions such asmpl TrArjQouaav ayopav. His other objection, that
‘initiation can hardly apply to the god wanax\ is mistaken, since he himself admits
(p. 461) that the word refers both to the human ruler and the deity.
a-pi-e-ke : a form derived from lt||ai seems to be excluded by the locative pa-ki-ja-si .
Perhaps a part of the verb meaning ‘sacrifice* or ‘dedicate’ seen in i-je-si, i-je-to>
compounded with apu - or amphi- ?
0-pi-te-(uyke-c-u : it is not impossible to interpret the word as written without (u)
[opistegeeuSy Palmer, 1963a, p. 258), but it seems more likely to be a simple error.
The opiteukheeus will be the overseer of-reuxea, i.e. the store-keeper. There is nothing
surprising in finding him elsewhere in humble company.
p. 22The use of ku-pi-ri-jo on condiment tablets seems now less likely to be an
indication of origin, but the commodity known as Phoinikio- strongly suggests
a Syrian origin. Among the condiments listed at Mycenae (sec pp. 225-31),
sa-sa-ma is certainly sesame, and its eastern origin is confirmed by the Semitic
name; but J. Inncs Miller (1969, p. 87) shows that in Roman times it was
imported from India, so that the Phoenicians may have been only middlemen
in a trade-route linking Greece with India at this much earlier date. If ko-no
is ‘sweet rush’ (p. 227), this too is an Indian product; and the same is true
of ku-pa-ro if it is Cyperus rolundus , the fragrant variety, but Cyperus longus
'galingalc' is also a possibility and this is a native of the eastern Mediterranean.
p. 98 =Ga 415 . Correction: read condiment i T 6 , equivalent to approxi¬
mately 150 litres.
p-223! The signs for wine have been discussed at length by Bennett (1966) and
Chadwick (1968c); it still seems most likely that the reduced variant (no.
131b) is intended for ‘must’.
p 223: The wool ideogram has been exhaustively investigated by Killcn (1962a),
who shows that its presence in lists of ingredients of unguent can be easily
explained by the fact that raw wool is rich in grease (lanolin), which is used
in the manufacture of ointments. Similarly wi-ri-za = wridza (pl^a) will refer
to the root section of the wool, which is particularly rich in grease. The
confusion between *143 and ma is also found at Mycenae (see Killcn, loc. cit.),
but there is no need to question wool in the following two tablets.
p. 224! a-rt-pa-lt ze-so-me-no: Palmer now (1963a, p. 270) translates ‘for him [Thyestes] to
boil... in the unguent*. This meets the objection that the form should be ze-so-me-na ,
but imposes an unnecessary middle sense on the participle. Since describes the
103-106
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
process of making dAtupap, ‘to boil’ —‘to make by boiling’, it seems preferable to
allow the middle form to function as passive, as the -0r|- clement of future and
aorist passive is an innovation and is so far absent from Mycenaean; cf. e-we-pe-se-so-
me-na (see Glossary), which is hard to understand if not passive.
P . s2 4 + 104 = Un 249 . Correction: line 3 read] ka + pq T 6.
a-re-pa-zo[-o : the reading is now printed thus by Bennett and Olivier.
p. 2251 There has been a tendency to regard these tablets as proof that perfumed oil
was produced at Mycenae as at Pylos. Although this is likely on archaeological
grounds, for Wace named the first house he excavated the ‘House of the Oil
Merchant’, it has been pointed out by Killcn (1964c) that all the plants named
are used in cooking to season food, but some of them have no smell. Thus we
must suppose that these are used as flavouring, not as perfumes. The possible
occurrence of the word dpcbpctTct to refer to them is no objection, since this
covers both aromatic and flavouring herbs.
p. 2261 ka-ra-ko: the existence of this word has been called in question by the further study of
Gc 605 , where it was believed to occur twice. In line 1 the reading now preferred by
Olivier is ka-]ra-to (cf. 106 —Ge 603 . 1 ) and in line 6 ka-ra-[ where it is impossible to
exclude ka-ra-to y though ka-ra-ko is a little easier.
p. 226* ko-no : the reading t-ne-mt-na in 106 = Ge 603.2 is confirmed, and the suggestion e-ro 2 -
me-na = erromenai must be rejected. This and the word abbreviated de probably
refer to two different varieties of skhoinos (see on 105 —Ge 602 below).
p. 227! 105 =Ge 602
jo-o-po-ro : while it is theoretically possible that ophlon is 1st person singular (Palmer,
19634, p. 273), the absence of any clear forms of finite verbs other than 3rd persons
makes this highly improbable. The reference would only be intelligible if these
were the private records of a merchant; but everything suggests that the buildings
where these were found represent the workshops and living quarters of palace
officials.
a-ro -[: it seems possible to read a-ro-mo[-la y if this is an acceptable form for dpcbMorra;
cf. a-mo-ta — appara, etc.
pe-se-ro : Palmer’s suggestion (loc. cit.) that this is the first entry with a nil quantity is
perhaps confirmed by the reading of a deleted [ sa-sa-ma ] and a doubtful quantity
aft er it, but the small size of script makes this uncertain.
ku-mi-no : possibly read ku-mi-no -j o[ with jo in place of td, but most of the entries appear
to be accusative or nominative of the rubric.
a-po-te-i[: better reading a-po-te-ra = amphoterd i each of the two varieties of skhoinos (see
p. 226). Probably to be taken as singular, since dual would presumably require
a-po-te-ro.
p. 229! 106 = Ge 603 . Corrections 1 .1 da-ra[ \rni-la-qe. Reverse: pe-[,
442
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
CHAPTER VIII
LAND OWNERSHIP AND LAND USE
p. 232! No class of Mycenaean documents has given rise to more argument than the
Pylos land-tenure tablets; yet they remain one of the more obscure areas of
interpretation. It is not that the vocabulary or syntax are more than usually
difficult, though here too there arc unsolved problems. It is rather our total
ignorance about the situation, of which the tablets record only marginal
elements. Most of the attempts at a solution have started from a theory about
the holding of land in Mycenaean Greece, and the evidence of the tablets
has then been interpreted to (it this theory. It is fair to observe that without
such a theory any total explanation is probably impossible; but the very small
amount of hard fact which can be deduced from the documents allows the
most extravagant varieties of interpretation. An attempt will be made here to
extract the core of fact and no space will be wasted on the discussion of the
many theories.
The first fact which needs to be appreciated is that the Pylos E tablets are
not a survey of the arable land of the whole kingdom or even the Hither
Province. The vast majority of tablets refer to the place Pa-ki-ja-ne (114 = En
609.1), which is the one of the Nine Towns closest to the Palace; it also figures
in the religious document 172=Tn 316.rev .2 as the location of a shrine, and
this together with the fact that so many of the persons listed on the four main
sets have religious titles justifies us in regarding this place as in some respects
a special case. The other two main sets of land documents (Ea and Es) refer
apparently to different areas, but unfortunately we are given no means of
locating them. We must therefore ask why, if this is a general survey, so little
information has been received; and it seems safer to conclude that the only
areas listed are those in which special problems of tenure have arisen. It is
thus extremely dangerous to generalize from the situation at Pa-ki-ja-ne , in so
far as it can be deduced, for it may well be exceptional.
It follows from this that any attempt to understand the way in which grain
was grown and distributed is vain. Obviously the arable land must have been
worked intensively to feed the population; but the details of the process escape
us entirely. The Palace issued large quantities of grain each month; the
fragment Fg 253 with its total of wheat 192 T 7 is likely to represent the
monthly ration of the women listed on the Ab tablets, and this is a quantity
443
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of about 18,500 litres. An efficient means of collection must have existed to
supply this need; but we cannot find it in the surviving records.
Secondly, it is clear that land is regarded as falling into one of tw o categories,
called by the tablets ke-ke-me-na and ki-ti-me-na. The etymology of the first of
these terms is still an unsolved mystery; or rather there is no lack of plausible
solutions, only of the means of choosing between them. But its eff ective sense
was grasped very early by Furumark (see p. 233), and the idea that such
land is ‘communal’ is generally accepted. Its opposite, ki-ti-me-na , must
therefore indicate ‘private’ land, though etymologically this is the present
participle of an athematic verb *£/iV>ni=KT(3co, of which we have the 3rd
person plural of present indicative ki-ti-je-si in 193 =Na 520 . The contrast
between this present participle and ke-ke-me-na^ which is almost certainty a
reduplicated perfect participle, needs to be accounted for by any theory of
these terms’ etymology. This is enough to disprove the suggestion (p. 233) that
ki-ti-me-na means ‘reclaimed by private initiative’; it must mean either
‘inhabited’ or ‘cultivated’, and since ke-ke-me-na also was cultivated, perhaps
the distinction is between land on which the aristocracy had their country
houses and land which is left for occupation by the local communities. This
may lead us to accept the idea of Ruijgh (1967, p. 366) that ke-ke-me-na is
kekhemend , perfect participle of *kikhemi ‘abandon*; cf. x^P 01 ‘widow’, Skt.
jdhati ‘leave’. Against this it has been urged by Hcuhrrk (1967) that the
development of meaning seen in the classical representative of this verb,
kixocvco, is hardly likely to be post-Mycenaean, and he therefore favours
kekesmenos from the root *kes —‘cut’ (cf. keAjod, keIcov). It is difficult to choose
between these alternatives, but at least Heubeck has given good reasons for
dismissing the other suggestions on morphological grounds.
Thirdly, it must be admitted that we committed an error in employing the
word ‘feudal’ in our discussion of this subject, for it has given rise to much
argument and misunderstanding. It ought properly to be restricted to the
system of Medieval Europe, but it has been used loosely to denote any system
in which land is occupied in return for services. Since a non-monetary economy
is virtually obliged to institute some such system, there is nothing remarkable
(much less Indo-European) in the existence of a ‘feudal’ system in this sense
at Pylos. It will arise spontaneously wherever parallel conditions exist. The
specific features of Medieval feudalism are either absent or at least unproved.
There is, for example, nothing to show that any of the obligations imposed on
occupiers of land include military service.
This said, it may be admitted that holdings of land seem to be associated
with the performance of specified services, since we are told that some occu-
444
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
piers ‘ought’ to perform some act, but have not done so (135 = Ep 704 . 7 ,
148 — Ep 613 . 4 ). But the nature of this act remains a matter of speculation; in
both cases this obligation concerns the ke-ke-me-na land and thus the ddmos.
There is no parallel obligation recorded on the holders of ki-te-me-na land,
though it might be supposed that if these are ‘barons’ their holdings would
entail services to the king.
What these private occupiers do is to let out part of their holdings to
ondteres , translated ‘ tenants’, but the implications of that term must be avoided.
These ondteres are the people who actually enjoy the produce of the land, but
what they do in return is not specified. Presumably the nobles farm part of
their estates themselves and let out other parts to ‘tenants’ in return for a
share of the produce or some other ‘rent*. The details of this process have
been studied by Bennett (1956a).
The derivation of o-na-to from 6v(vqi.u is now generally accepted; but it is
becoming clear that cbvr| and derivatives are not to be connected with Skt.
vasnam , Lat. uenum, since there exists a Mycenaean ‘commercial’ term o-no
(Chadwick, 19646, Lejeune, 1964a) and the Cretan forms without f- in the
Gortyn Law code are in fact the principal foundation for the ‘rule’ that f r -
is lost before o in Cretan (and possibly in Homer). It is not impossible that
the loss of f led to the coalescence of two distinct words.
Fourthly, the status of the persons listed has been much discussed. Some are
craftsmen, such as the king’s fuller (115 ^En 74.3); but the majority, apart
from the high officials called te-re-ta , are religious: the priestess, the key-
bearers, and the numerous te-o-jo do-e-ro and do-e-ra . The predominance of a
priestess, and the fact that Pa-ki-ja-ne is the home of Potnia (172 = Tn 316),
suggest that theos is here feminine. But the status of her servants is not that of
slaves, since they hold plots of land; they must rather be temple servants or
tEp65ouAoi, a relatively honorific position.
Fifthly, the relation between the amounts of grain recorded and the land
held needs to be explained. The practice of measuring land by the quantity
of seed needed to sow it is widespread, from ancient Babylonia down to modern
Mediterranean countries. In the Aegean islands it is still possible to hear of a
vineyard described as ‘ two pinakia ’, where the pinaki is a measure of volume.
But the practical reason for the system has not been grasped. There is no
absolute equation possible between seed-measurement and acreage, because
the ratio of seed to superficial area will vary widely according to the kind of
land. A steep, stony hillside will clearly grow less wheat acre for acre, than a
rich, level plain. But if both are measured in terms of productivity, it is possible
to equate holdings of different types. Presumably the average yield would be
108
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
known, and the quantity of seed would be a fixed proportion of this. The
system has the same advantages as the Persian measurement of distance by
the parasang , or the modern Greek practice of specifying a journey as so many
hours rather than kilometres, which can easily be meaningless in very moun¬
tainous country.
Perhaps the rates of seeding for antiquity quoted on p. 237 arc based upon
rich corn-land, and the rocky slopes ofMcsscnian hills would demand a much
lower rate. But even at the rate of 50 litres per hectare, the holdings arc small
(see the table on p. 237) and it must be remembered that the suggested reduc¬
tion in the size of the metric unit involves scaling these down by one fifth. If
the unit is really to be halved or more, the problem becomes even more acute.
It is hard to believe that pe-mo is anything but errr^ppa, or that there is a hidden
factor by which all these figures need to be multiplied. It should be observed
that the figures for the king’s temenos arc based not on 152 = Er 312 (wheat
30), but on the suggestion, no longer accepted, that e-ke-ra 2 -wo is the name of
the king, and that the figure attributed to him in 153 = Er 880.3 is really
wheat 50. This figure seems probable in view of the total, so there must have
been an estate of this size in private ownership, though perhaps not under
grain.
p.34of 108 = Ea 817 . Correction: wheat 3 Ti < 16 .
p. 240* The existence of these two recensions has given rise to much speculation. Two
facts arc clear. The quantities recorded on the two sets are identical, allowing
for errors and incomplete preservation; the situation is therefore different from
the Pylos Aa and Ab tablets where the numbers of women and children are
similar but not identical. From this we can deduce that no long period of time
intervened between their redaction. Secondly, the fact that a clay tablet dries
rapidly and further entries cannot thereafter be added is undoubtedly the
reason why separate pieces of information were recorded on small tablets as
they were received; if it proved necessary to combine these entries into a full
catalogue, this would entail copying all the information on to larger tablets.
This implies that Version B must precede Version A in time.
However, the minor differences between the two versions call for some
explanation, for if Version A were a mere copy of Version B we should expect
it to be identical in wording as it is in figures. The explanation has been sought
in a diff erence between plan and performance, as if Version B were ‘prospec¬
tive’ and A the completed record. It would be surprising if the plan was
carried out so accurately, or if it was, that it should still be thought necessary
446
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
114-121
to record the facts a second time. But an adequate explanation is provided by
the analysis of scribal hands (Bennett, 1958^). Version A is the work of hand 1,
a prolific scribe. Version B is by two different scribes: Eb and Eo hand 41,
Ea hand 43. It is thus possible to explain the difference in wording as due to
the habits of different scribes.
p * 2 * 2 ^ da-ma-te: the interpretation Ddmdter is too poetical and has been generally abandoned,
though the goddess still sometimes appears in the list of Mycenaean deities quoted as
appearing on the tablets. The most likely meaning is ‘households’ and this can prob¬
ably be extracted from damartes , the classical sense of 6<Scpap ’wife’ being a specialisa¬
tion from this. Bennett (1956a) showed that the series refers to forty persons.
P* *4 Q t to-so-de \ Ruijgh (1967, pp. 343-50) has convincingly shown that the -de of this word is
to be interpreted as ‘and* introducing a separate clause; Warnataioio ktoina ktimena
is thus to be taken as a ‘nominative of the rubric’.
p> a-Ht u6 = £ n 559 Corrections: 1 . 9 the scribe seems to have written o-to-te-re, a
straightforward blunder due to the similarity of na and to and the fact that
these two signs recur so often in o-na-to; 1. 19 o-na-to e-ke to-so-de pe-mo
WHEAT T 2.
P* 245f g e . re .g 0 .i a . o: the explanation is now seen to be a tendency to dissimilate two labio-
velars in one word, for the same effect is visible in i-po-po-qo-i (PY Fn 79) =hippo-
phorg u oihi (not hiqq u o -); see Lejeune, 1958a, p. 302.
p a 4 h l Various explanations have been offered of the -qe in e-ke-qe. The most interest¬
ing observation is that of Winter (1956, p. 507) that the presence of - qe
correlates with the word order verb-object; when the object (o-na-to) pre¬
cedes the verb, the -qe is regularly dropped. Ruijgh (1967, pp. 317-19)
concludes that the second suggestion made here is correct; it introduces a
separate clause, much as the -de of to-so-de pe-mo . This may seem strange
syntax to us, but it is preferable to inventing a new meaning for -qe.
p 2 4 6 + 118 = Eo 211. Correction: 1. 2 wheat [<l 1 ].
P' 3 47 t Beetroot is an error for beet ; but the interpretation should be abandoned. No,
satisfactory explanation has been offered.
p.248f 221 =Eo 247 , line 3. It would perhaps be easier to regard the corrected form
fl 3 -ti-jo-qe as correct, but with omission of pa-ro (cf. 120 = Eo 276 . 2 ). It makes
no difference to the sense.
447
16-2
123-135
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p. 248* 123 = Eo 444 . Corrections: 1 . 1 wheat 2 T [3] (cf. 116 = En 659 . 1 ); 1 . 6,
probably to be restored [tu-ri-ja-ti te-o-jo do-e-ra ]; at end read wheat
T 2[.
p. 2491 125 = Eo 47 l [+] 855 . Correction: 1 .1 [a-]i[-qe-wo ko-]to-na ki[-ti-]me-na.
p.249$ 126 =Eo 281 . Corrections: 1. 1 [ra-ku-ro-jo] ki-ti-me-na ko-tp-nq ; 1. 2 [i-ra-ta]
te-o-jo do-e-ro e-ke-qe.
p.249 ^ 128 = Eo 278 . Correction: e-ke-qe dwo ko-to-no. The merit of this correction
must be credited to Risch (1957), who saw that what Bennett had read as
wo-wo was in reality a single sign composed of an element like wo followed by
its mirror image. This, together with the confirmation that a-stems have a
dual in -0, makes it certain that the translation should read: ‘holds two plots’.
p. 2511 131 = Ep 301 . Correction: 1 . 4 to-so pe-mo.
P- 25 a-no-no: the o-na-to is a portion of a holding which is surrendered to someone else;
thus ‘not subject to o-na-to ’ need mean only that the holder does not have any
o-na-te-re , but enjoys the f ull use of the land himself.
p. 2531 Lejeune (ig66/>, p. 261) proposes the restoration of line 8 as to-[so pe-mo
wheat io T]4, the last figure being preserved. For the reasons see the next
note.
p. 2541 A further join to ‘Ep 04 ’ = Ep 613 as re-numbered shows that ‘Eb 39 ’ + 940
( = Eb l 49 [ 4 -] 940 ) is the corresponding entry. It can perhaps be restored
thus:
1 te-re-ta su-ko[ po-ro-du-ma ? ]o-pe-ro-qe te-re-ja-e o-u-qe te-re-ja
2 du-wo-u-pi-de [o-pe-re? to-so-de pe-mo wheat 10 + ]
‘The telestasy [the assistant superintendant] of figs (?)... and being under an
obligation to “perform” and he does not “perform”, but [he is under an
obligation (to “perform”)] with two: so much seed, etc.’ It is hard to see
what other restoration after du-wo-u-pi-de in line 2 would have permitted the
compiler of Version A to transcribe this as ‘. . . [under an obligation] to
“perform” with two, and he does not “perform”.’
The interpretation of the two verbs both translated ‘perform’ is as obscure
as ever. Palmer (1963a, p. 204) has proposed taking wo-ze as woizei<*woikyei
comparing foiKicov in Cretan. But this does not offer a convincing meaning,
for pondco (= oIkeco) in Cretan means ‘dwell’, and the verb wo-ze must have
some reference to an obligation incurred in respect of the land. I have
448
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
135-147
suggested (Chadwick, 1957 a, pp. * 27 - 8 ) that the obligation might be religious
(cf. p€^co, another verb from the root £py-) and that te-re-ja is the verb which
describes the function of the te-re-ta ; this last suggestion cannot be proved, but
at least the words are associated by Eb 149 [ + ] 940. The association of these
terms with ka-ma land does nothing to solve the problem. It has been pointed
out by Heubeck (1961 b y p. 310 ) and Lejeune ( 1962 b, p. 410 ) that the deriva¬
tive ka-ma-e-we excludes the possibility that ka-ma is a feminine a-stem, since
this should yield *ka-me-wc (cf. ko-to-ne-we PY Ac 995 from ko-to-na) ; it would
seem likely therefore that it is a neuter noun in -as.
p. 256 f l37 = Eb 416. Correction: the latest readings show i-je-re[-ja ]ke-ra. Thus the
keyword ke-ra (cf. 135 = Ep 704.2) is damaged on both occurrences.
P* 2 56 * 139 = Eb 321 + 1156 [ + ] 327. The addition of a fragment confirms that
Palmer’s suggestion (1963 a, p. 21 1 ) was correct: read e-ko-si-qe [.
p. 257t ko-to-no-o-ko could also be plural, i.e. the ktoinookhoico\\cctive\y are equivalent tothe</a/72oj.
p. 257 ^ 141 =Eb 338. Correction: 1. 2 read ko-to-no dwo o-pe-ro-sa-de . For dwo cf.
note on 128 —Eo 278 (p. 448 above).
P. 257 H 142 = Eb 317. The set to which this tablet belongs was identified by the fact
that this and three others (now called Ed) are in a different hand. The com¬
plete set is discussed below under 149=Ed 236 (p. 450 ).
P 2591 Read now: §3 by Eb 169, §5 by Eb 838, §8 by Eb 913, §10 by Eb 464.
P-259i 145 =Ea 259. Correction: u-me-ta-qe-a-po. The division into two words is still
possible: u-me-ta-qe a-po , but the ’second cannot be the preposition apo } since
this is regularly apu in Mycenaean; possibly ampho . Whether u-me-ta is an error
for *e-u-me-ta is doubtful. If the upper line was added as an afterthought, this
will explain why the verb e-ke was not changed to the dual.
p. 259 H The last line of Ep 539 can now be read as: Amphi\me]des ekhei e-lo-ni-jo
kekheme[ndon k]toind[on] in keeping with 146 = Eb 473.
P- 259 ft The suspicion that Amphimedes is not a personal name seems to be unjustified. f
p . * 59 +} 147 = Ea 59. Correction: 1. 4 . pa-ro ra-wa-ke-si-jo e-\ Jwheat 2 .
Kretheus probably appears on six other tablets: Eall=305, Ea 771, 110 = Ea
800, Ea 806 quoted here, and also
Ea 304 Kretheus ekhei ondlon paro Sa-ke-re-we : wheat[,
449
147-148
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Ea 809[ A J retbeus ekhei onaton keMinuends ktoinds lawagesioio armostewos [
In Ea 771 the reading at the end is probably wheat 3 (perhaps corrected
from wheat 1 T 5). It appears that a-mo-te-wo cannot be restored after
ra-wa-ke-si-jo in line 4 of Ea 59. Palmer ( 1963 a, p. 277 ) has explained e-ne-ka
x-qo-jo as ‘in the service of Hippos’, where Hippos is a god equated with
Poseidon Ilippios . It cannot be claimed that this does anything to clarify the
entry; nor does evek a bear the sense ‘in the service of’.
p. 2Gif ka-ma: see note on this word above (p. 449).
p 148 Ep 613 (re-numbered for 617). Corrections: 1. 1 restored from Eb 495:
[ne-qe-wo e-da-e-ivo ka-ma ]o-pe-ro[ du-]wo-u-pi te-re-ja-e ; 1 . 3 if equation
with Eb 862 is sound, restore [ko-i-ro] at the beginning, but this cannot be
definitely confirmed; 1 . 4 [ lc-re-]la su-ko po-rg-du[-ma? o-pe-ro ]du-wo-u-pi
(cf. Eb 149 f + ] 940) ; 1. 3 \to-]sg-de pe-mo wheat io[; I.i i [pa-]ra-ko e-ke-qe
ka-ma ; 1 .13 ko[-lu-ro., mi-]ka-ta (cf. Eb 839).
p. 263! The reading a-pi-lo-po-qo proposed by Palmer (1963 a, p. 483 ) is not possible.
p. 263; to-me: this is still an unsolved problem. Scherer (1959, p. 350) objected that Skt. tasmai
was probably from *!osmoi (the long diphthong is certain), but the influence of
consonant stem datives in -ei cannot be excluded. Scherer’s solution is to take to- in
both forms as dative toi coupled with two different particles: -mermen ([.^v soliiarium ),
-e-en t the suffix found in Argivc tovSsov^v, tccSev. Palmer (1963a, pp. 205-6) takes
te-ra-pi-Le as dative of a man’s name, and the disputed forms as verbs: to-me — thomen^
athcmatic infinitive, to-et^thde^ 3rd sing. aor. subj., of a verb related to the noun
0 cor] ‘penalty’. The change in construction is surprising, and even more an infinitive
in when we should expect an ancestor of Arcado-Cypriot -von. Palmer also
takes to-jo-qe in Eb 156.2 as an optative of the same verb; but there at least it would
seem likely that to-jo-qe au-to-jo = toio q l, e autoio ‘and of the same’ or ‘and of him
himself’, but the context is far from clear. Cf. also to-i-qe PY 193 —Na 520 .
p ^63! ra-ke: Palmer (1963a, p. 451) suggests that this is not a verb, but locative of a noun
lakhei. If this is from A&x°S> wc should expect ra-ke-i ; but perhaps a root-noun *lax,
gen. lakhos , is conceivable.
p. 263ft It now appears from the scribal hands that four of the tablets previously
assigned to Eb form a separate set and make up a single document. The use of
four small tablets rather than one large one was probably dictated by the need
for the tablets to fit the Eb file. The four arc now classified as Ed y and the set
comprises 149= Ed 236, 142 Ed 317, Ed 847 (see below), 151= Ed 901.
For convenience the text of the whole series is printed here; it is obviously a
summation of the figures in the previous sections.
a d n mo n a r, c o m m e n t a r y
149-151
149= Ed 236
1 ka-ma-e-we o-na-ta e-ko-te ke-ke-me-na-o ko-lo-na-o
2 wo-zo-te to-so pe-mo w H e a t 30 T 2 4 3
142 = Ed 317
1 [o-]da-a 2 i-je-re-ja ka-ra-wi-po-ro-qe e-qe-la-qe I
2 we-te-re-u-qe o-na-ta to-so-de pe-mo wheat 21 T 6
Ed 847
1 o-da-a 2 e-qe-sijo do-e-ro e-ko-si o-na-ta
2 Ikii-su-qa} to-so-de pe-mo wheat i T3 <14
151 = Ed 911
1 o-da-a 2 ke-ke-me-na-q kq-fo-na-o o-na-ta e-ko-si ko-no-ne-la
- tq-so pe-mo wj.ieat 3I
§1 Holders of ka-ma } holding leases of communal plots (and) rendering the
services, so much seed: 2905 1 . wheat.
§2 And thus the Priestess and the Key-bearer and the Follower and Wcstrcus
(holding) leases : and so much seed: 2073*6 1 . wheat.
§3 And thus the slaves of the Follower hold leases : and so much seed: 131*2 1.
wheat.
§4 And thus the men of the ktoina hold leases of the communal plots: so much
seed: 288 ( + ?) E wheat.
The details of the summary arc the subject of a note by Lcjcunc ( 1966 ^).
He has demonstrated, as far as the mutilated figures allow certainty, that this
is a total, or rather scries of totals, for the Ep tablets. The total of the figures
preserved on Ep is wheat 53 T 2 <1 4 , but a number of figures arc
missing and the total must be higher; but as Lcjcunc points out, this figure
may list some plots twice, when the holder sub-lets. However, the amount to
be subtracted for this is small (T 5 <1 2 ). The total of the Ed tablets is wheat
56 T 2 4 1 , and there is only one figure incomplete, so it is fairly accurate.
The agreement between these totals favours Lcjcunc’s hypothesis.
Further checks can be made on the individual tablets of the scries. 142 =
Ed 317 lists the four major holders: the Priestess (named as Eritha 135 = Ep
704.3, 5) holding in all wheat 4 T 3 (including a large plot on behalf of
her deity); the Key-bearer (named as Karpathia 135 = Ep 704.7) whose holding
45i
151, ISO
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
is missing on both 135 = Ep 704 and 141 = Eb 338, but we know she had two
plots; the Follower, who is identified by Lejeune as Amphimedes and holds an
e-to-ni~jo of wheat 4 T 6 (Ep 539.14); and Westreus who is a priest
and has a holding of wheat 2 T3. The total of these figures is wheat i i
T 2 ; so compared with the figure WHEAT21T6 of 142 = Ed 317, the double
holding of the Key-bearer must have been wheat 10 T 4. This figure can
be plausibly restored in 135 = Ep 704.8, since the 4 is legible after a lacuna.
The slaves of the Follower (Ed 847) are listed as the slaves of Amphimedes
in Ep 539.10-12. But the total of their holdings is only wheati T 1 as against
wheat 1 T 3 <1 4 of Ed 847. One figure is damaged (T 2) but it does not
appear easy to restore it as T 4 <1 4 , which is needed to balance the account.
The scribe who wrote the Ed tablets was the same as the writer of the Ep
tablets (version A of this book, but actually the second version to be
written); but the fact that he chose to copy the shape ofthe££ tablets suggests
that he may have been working from them rather than Ep , which he can have
made later. Since the figures on the relevant Eb tablets are even worse pre¬
served than Ep, this may account for some discrepancies; but the figures are
in total so close that it can hardly be doubted that the equation is correct and
Lejeune’s deductions are justified.
p 264! 150 = Ed 411. Correction: I.i wheat 44 T 2 <l[ .
This tablet, now reclassified Ed , is not a normal member of the set, since it
was written by two different hands. Line 1 was written by the scribe of Eb ,
line 2 and the edge by the scribe of Ed. It is therefore a tempting hypothesis
that the second line totals the other Ed tablets, and the figure of wheat 58
T 5 is obviously close to the sum of the figures on the other tablets, wheat 56
T 2 <1 1. Since the figure on 151 = Ed 901 is incomplete, it is interesting to
speculate on possible restorations which would make an exact match. The
high position of the three strokes visible after wheat makes it almost certain
that the figure here was 5 or 6 ; following this the shape of the break suggests
the presence of T, then after a short interval two strokes are visible which
might be the top of 4. There is no room for more than a medium-sized
numeral following this. The difficulty is to propose a restoration consistent
with 150= Ed 411.2; here Bennett and Olivier now read T 2 [, but the photo¬
graph shows traces of five strokes, though the last three were badly smudged,
if not deliberately deleted, while the clay was still wet; no <1 entry can have
stood there despite the [. The total of the three earlier Ed tablets is wheat 53
T 2 4 1 ; hence if Ed 901 had wheat 5 alone, there would still have been
<1 1 more on Ed 411.2 than could be accounted for if the reading were T 2 .
45 2
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
150
Hcncc it seems certain that T 5 should be read, and this leads us to restore
wheat 5 T 2 <15 in Ed 901.
This must lead us to re-examine line 1 . Whether the proposed restoration
is right or not, the sense must be ‘grand total of the holdings of the telestai'. We
know from 114 = En 609.2 that there were fourteen telestai at Pakijania, whose
holdings of ktoina ktimena arc listed in two versions on the EnjEo tablets. If we
add up the figures, restoring one from the other, the holdings of the thirteen
ktoinai amount to wheat 31 T 5 <1 2 , the total of onata to wheat 6
T 4 <1 2 , making a grand total of wheat 37 T 8 <1 4 . The total on
150 = Ed 411.1 is probably wheat 44 T 2 perhaps with a <1 following,
though from the photograph this appears doubtful. The discrepancy is
accounted for by the fact (see p. 242 ) that only thirteen ktoinai arc listed, and
we have to suppose that the fourteenth consisted of approximately w heat 6
T 3 <j 2 to make the total balance, a figure which is within the limits of
variation of size of ktoinai. The interesting point here is that its inclusion in the
grand total ( ku-su-to-ro-qa ) shows that this was drawn up before the correspond¬
ing Eo tablet was suppressed, and therefore presumably before version A
(really the second version) was compiled, since 117 = En 467 was deliberately
cut at the bottom after the third entry, no doubt to delete this fourteenth ktoina.
If this argument is sound, one further fact emerges: telestai in line 1 refers
not only to the fourteen telestai , but also to thcii undLerts> and ka-ma-e-we
likewise in line 2 refers not only to the ka-ma-e-we of 149 = Ed 263, but to all
the other holders of onata listed on the set of four Ed tablets. We can deplore
the absence of a Mycenaean equivalent for ‘etc.*; but the demonstration is a
warning against reading too much into the headings used to introduce the all-
important figures. It should be noted that this theory implies that the onata
ceded by holders of ktoinai ktimenai arc not counted in the amount given as the
size ofthcfooi/zfl; note especially thccstatcof Aithioq u s (115 = En 74.11-18, 121 =
Eo 247), which gives the ktoina as w heat i T 5 ^4 and the total of onata as
w h e at 1 T 5 ; if this were subtracted, Aithioq u s would be left with <1 4 , less than
any of his onateres, but if added his estate is an average size (wheat 3 <1 4 ).
p. 264$ ko-to-ne-ta : Lejeune concludes that this means either those who receive allocations of
land from the village other than the ktoinookhoi , or the complete collection of all who
receive such allocations, including the ktoinookhoi. We have insufficient evidence fora
decisive answer.
p. 264U It can hardly be claimed that all that has been written on this subject since
1955 has solved the problems; indeed the chief result is to increase the mis¬
givings which all interpretations arouse. It is clear that 152 = Er 312 lists a
453
153-154
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
special holding of the king and the lawagetas , that of three members of the class
of telestai and another area of uncertain designation. Almost everything else is
speculation.
The suggestion that E-ke-ra 2 -wo is the name of the k ing has not been con*
firmed or refuted; at least he is a very important official. The reading
[E]-ke-ri-ja-wo on the new tablet Qa 1292 is probable, and if this is indeed the
same name it rules out Ekheldwon , which would, it now seems, hardly be spelt
with ra 2 in any case; something like Enkhelidwon is more likely. The parallel
between 152 = Er 312 and 171 = Un 718 is perhaps less striking than appeared
at first sight, though it cannot be denied that there is some connexion.
The interpretation of wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo now seems suspect because of the
srriptio plena wo-ro-k- for worg-, which is contrary to the usual rules; Palmer
(1963 a, p. 214 ) has also rightly called attention to the morphological difficul¬
ties. Heubeck ( 1960 a, p. 18 ) has suggested a derivation from pco£ ‘cleft’, but
this does not explain the term; it may be merely a place name.
Palmer (loc. cit.) has suggested that to-so-jo is a spelling for tosyon with a
palatalized s ; no parallels are quotable, and the forms to-so and to-so-de also
occur on the same tablet. It seems therefore more likely that to-so-jo is genitive
singular, though the reason for the variation is still obscure.
P 26 7t 153 = Er 880. No further improvement of the text has been possible, but the
readings we-je[-we in 1. 5 and su-£$[ in 1. 8 are slightly more certain. The ending
of sa-ra-pe-do[ in 1. 2 is quite uncertain. The other restorations still appear
plausible, but it must be emphasized that they are conjectural.
we-je[-we: Georgiev called attention to the gloss of Hesychius: vli*|v * tt\v &utt£Xov. From
this we may reconstruct a nominative vlifc as Arcadian or Cypriot replacement of
(cf. Up*s, etc.), of which the Mycenaean form would be the plural. The
interpretation depends upon the theory that initial we- followed by a vowel may
correspond to Greek u-; cf. we-a 2 -re-jo , we-a-re-pe , we-e-wija , we-je-ke-a 2 .
p. 268 f The place names in - wo-te have been discussed by Heubeck ( 1960 ^, 1961 c)
and Lejeune ( 1969 ), who support the idea that Greek inherited the suffix
*-wont - as well as *-went~. The Mycenaean evidence suggests that *-wont - was
restricted to place names, and even these were later remodelled to *-went-
(e.g. ’OiroEvri). The nominative may therefore have been in -wons rather than
-won, if the later Ne5cov (-ovto$) is a re-formation. There is a possible example
of the suffix at Knossos: e-wo-ta-de G 901.
p 268 $ 154=Eq 213. Correction: 1. 3 Olivier now reads wheat 20; if this figure is
correct the total on the tablet is 94 units of wheat, exactly the same as on
454
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
154—163
153 = Hr 880. It can hardly be a coincidence that 94 = 47 x 2 ; for the presence
of multiples of 47 in the Es tablets, see p. 457 .
The unique features of this tablet arc still not convincingly solved. It is
generally agreed that to-ro-qe-jo-me-no is a medio-passivc participle connected
with either Tpeirco or crrp^co, so that 'on his tour of inspection* may well be
close to the sense. But a 2 -ri-sa remains obscure, and although nominative
singular of an aorist participle is possible, it could conceivably be accusative
plural of an adjective agreeing with a-ro-u-ra , or even—that familiar last resort
of baffled interpreters—a place name. Since the remaining lines all (except
perhaps the last) refer to localities, the last explanation seems least likely,
though it might be a region in which the specific localities lie. The objection
to the suggestion ‘counting’ (p. 269 ) is that a 2 is normally used only for ha~
and there is nothing to suggest a rough breathing in dpt 0 p 6 s; a- is regarded as
perhaps prothctic by Chantrainc ( 1968 , p. 109 ). In any case there appears to
be no classical Greek word to fit this pattern.
p. 2&9f o-To-jo: Palmer now (1963a, p. 218) suggests that this is nominative or accusative of a
noun meaning perhaps ‘granary’. Certainly this makes the syntax easier, but the
word resists satisfactory etymological explanation. The formula to-so-de pe-mo
Seems everywhere else to refer to land, not actual grain; so that o-ro-jo ought rather
to be the description of a plot or holding. The comparison with Cypriot olpcov
‘district’ is tempting, but cannot be exact.
P po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo-jo o-te-pe-o-jo: Palmer (1957a, p. 569) acutely called attention to the
element *pe-o to be extracted also from ne-wo-pe-o , if this is really a place name. But
the analysis does nothing to identify the elements of the compound; cftt^os is im¬
possible owing to the declension. The adjective potniaweios despite its bizarre form
seems to be regular; the variant spellings po-ti-ni-ja-we-i-jo and po-ti-na-wi-jo are
found; see Glossary.
p*27o| 156 = Uf 1031. Correction: delete [ at right; the tablet is cut, not broken, and
the text is complete.
P ' i 7 1 f 161 — Uf 839. Correction: the last sign in the lower line may be 1 rather than
da, but it would still appear to belong to this set.
p. 272 ! 162 = Uf 983
o-pi po-to-ri-ka-ta : opi PtolikhtUdi ‘on the territory of P.’?
P 272 : 163 = Ra 984. Corrections: lines 1 and 2 read de-de-me-na ; 1. 2 ]zo-wa; at end
add sword[, the ideogram being here inverted.
455
163-165
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
This tablet is now seen not to belong to this set, but goes with 277 ~Ra 1028.
Two Pylos tablets refer to wheels as argurdi or khalkoi dedemend ‘bound with
silver* or ‘bronze*; this makes it reasonable to restore here [e-re-]pa-te de-de-
me-na=elephantei dedemena ‘bound with ivory*. On the same principle we might
wonder if ke-ra de-de-me-na can mean ‘bound with horn*; for both horn and
ivory on chariots, see pp. 365 - 8 . But we should expect the dative (instrumental)
to be spelt ke-ra-e\ nor can neuter nominative keras agree with the participle.
]zo-wa is shown to be complete by comparison with Ra 1028. e-pi~zo-ta recalls
Homeric liriaacoTpa (//. v, 725 , etc.), but it must have a different suffix; cf.
Petrusevski, 1968 , p. 128 .
P* 2 73t 165 = Gv 862. Corrections: 1 .1 ]su-za\ 1. 2 )jo olive-trees 405 ; 1 .3 ]i~po-qa.
] su - za \ there is no need to assume that the word is incomplete, though both here and
in 166 = Gv 864 the break is immediately before su. It will probably represent
sutsai < * silky ai , the adjectival derivative of gukov which was replaced in later Greek
by auxia > a\iKf\; the Doric variant avKta is probably from a dialect where ca > la.
] i - po -( ja : if the reading is correct, po-qa might still be an independent word =90pptf,
and the ]i the last sign of a noun in the dative plural, despite the absence of a divider.
Alternatively a compound is possible, provided the noun is neuter.
CHAPTER IX
PROPORTIONAL TRIBUTE AND
RITUAL OFFERINGS
p. 2761 Further work on the Es tablets has produced, if not real illumination, at least
some gleams of light on the process by which the dosmoi were computed. The
most complete study is that by M. Lang ( 1964 a). She has established that the
group of men originally numbered fourteen, as the fourteen names on
167 = Es 650 imply; but the figures against the last name were deleted, and
168 = Es 644 equally has a ruled but vacant fourteenth line which might
indicate the same change.
These calculations can be followed more easily if the table is reprinted
giving the figures in T units and keeping the original order (see opposite).
456
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
Ko-pe-re-u
Seed
60
Annual
contribution
7
A-re-ku-tu-ru-tvo
70
94
Se-no
(O
2
O-po-ro-me-no
40
1 +
Ay-ki-wa-ro
10
U
We-da-ne-wo d.
4
i*
Wo-ra-ti-ja
20
3i
Ka-ra-i
3
4
A-tie-o
15
2*
Ru-ko-wo-ro
*4
[]
0-ka
12
2$?
Pi-ro-la-wo
12
2[J?]
Ku-da-ma-ro
12
2[*?]
Totals
282
34*+
Other
Total for
recipients
Poseidon,
Total
Poseidon
{each)
etc.
contributions
15
1!
20
27
23
2!
3 1
404
5
4
6
8
l 7
1*
21
22 +
6
4
7
7 +
3
i
3 *
4 !
8
f
10
! 3 i
24 ?
i
2*+?
3 + ?
5
*
5 *
8
7
1
84
84 +
7
1
io|?
7
1
84
io| ?
7
1
84
io|?
( (2
94
1404
*74!+
The explanation of these figures is not easy. As pointed out by Miss Lang,
282 is a multiple of 47 and 140J is within ^ of 47 x 3 = 141. But some other
factor must be at work, since although the rounding off of 141 to 140 would
be plausible, the introduction of an odd ^ is difficult to explain. The mysterious
47 reappears in two other tablets (153 = Er 880 and 154 =Eq 213 ) which both
have now (see p. 454) a total of 94 ( — 47 x 2) units of wheat.
Miss Lang has found the other factor in the figure 14, which is attractive
in view of the evidence that there were originally fourteen names in this group.
140J will then be a compromise between 14x10=140 and 47x3 = 141.
282(= 47 x 6) approximates to 14 x 20 = 280, and 112 is exactly 14 x 8. In the
‘Annual contribution’ the figure for 0 -po-ro-me-no should probably be at least
3, and those for Ayki-wa-ro and Ru-ko-wo-ro about 2 each, so it would not be
impossible that this column added up to 42= 14 x 3.
Some of the irregularities may be due to the wish to distribute the total
among the thirteen names, keeping a due proportion, but at the same time
avoiding any measure less than J of a unit (= 4 ). Wyatt (1964) has produced
an ingenious theoretical grouping of the names into four (instead of Miss
Lang’s three), each of which holds 70 units, but the last holds 72 as it is com¬
posed of four names and 70 is not divisible by four; but neither is it divisible
by the three names in his third group. It is conceivable that having 282 unfts
to distribute among 13 names the Mycenaean officials might have proceeded
as he suggests, dividing it into three lots of 70 and one of 72; but nothing will
account satisfactorily for the great diversity in the figures actually given.
One fact emerges clearly: the smaller the holding, the higher the total of
457
168-172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
dosmoi expressed as a pereentage. Thus the p#sscss#r «f the largest holding
(70 units) contributes a total of 40^ or 55%; the two smallest contribute
120-8% and 100% (if the latter figure is complete).
From this it can be deduced that the quantities of wheat listed in the
contribution tablets is not a deduction from the quantity of seed-corn. A
reasonable hypothesis would be that 167 Es 65 t represents a holding of land
expressed in terms of seed-corn, as on the other E tablets; its produce might
therefore be as much as 20 to 50 times this value, so that the tax imposed
would be relatively light.
p. ? Krithioio ; wc can now add the one certain example of a month name at Pylos: pa-ki~
ja-ni-jo-jo me-no 309 — Fr 1224 .
p-278^: 168 = Es 644 . Corrections: I.4 wheat T 1 [; I.5 wheat T[.
p* 279t Ai 2 ?~ke-te-si: in the absence of any confirmation of the value of sign no. 34, the sugges¬
tion oAkttip should be abandoned.
p. 279} 170 Es 649 . Correction: l.i the tablet seems to have a~re-ku-tu-ru~no~ne but
this must be an error for a-re-ku-lu-ru-wo-ne .
p, a8af 171 = Un 718 . Corrections: l.i sa-ra-pe-da confirmed; I.13 [ ]i <1 1.
o-wi-de-ta-i : the suggested ho widesthai should be withdrawn, and dative plural of a
noun seems more probable. But no one has been able to improve on the etymological
interpretation as owi-detdhi; the apparent parallel a 3 -ki-de-ta (atyi-) in Na 529 is a
false reading, the last sign being now read as - ja . It is uncertain whether o-wi-de-ta[
on Wa 731 is complete or not. Possibly the second clement is -dertdhi (Sspco) "sheep-
flayers’. But the relation of this word to po-se-da-o-ni in line 1 remains obscure.
e~ke-ra 2 -wo: on this name see p. 454.
tu~ro 2 : the ideogram on KN Ra 7498 seems to be a form of sw «r d rather than
this ‘monogram’. The spelling with ro 2 implies a pronunciation turyoi , which would
evolve into classical 'rOpol (cf. epupoo < ^qjup-^co).
a-re-ro : the ligature is certainly a + re + pa which justifies us in regarding this spelling
as an error for a-re-pa , cf. 313 = Un 6 . 7 .
me-re-u-ro : it has been generally accepted that this is meleuron = aXEUpov, but the inference
that the ideogram ( = the syllabic sign *65, cf. Raison, 1964) has the value ‘flour’ is
perhaps incorrect. It recurs on the Knossos Fs series, where offerings are listed
consisting of quantities of barley, figs, oil, wine and honey (Chadwick, 1966, p. 31);
this strongly suggests that *65 is the designation of a grain other than wheat and
barley, and ‘flour’ is an annotation specifying the form in which this grain is offered.
It is probably vain to speculate about the nature of the grain.
p. 284! The «rder «f the tw# sides «f this tablet (cf* p. 286) is still n«t entirely clear.
It w«uld appear that the text as we have it represents at least a second draft
458
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
172
on the same tablet, and traces of the previous text can be detected, especially
on the 'obverse'. But it is now generally assumed that the ‘reverse’, beginning
po - TO - wi - to-jo , is to be read first. It appears probable, though not certain, that
the scribe first inscribed the ‘obverse’, deleted it, turned the tablet over and
wrote the existing ‘reverse’, but at line 7, having drawn the rules and entered
the initial RU-RO , he became dissatisfied and turned back to the original
‘obverse’, writing as lines 1-3 the text intended for ‘reverse’ 7-10. However,
a case could still be made out for keeping to the order as printed here, since
the formula of ‘obverse’ 1 3 is irregular, with the insertion of a-ke-qe wa-lu
and the omission of the name of the deity preceding the enumeration of the
offerings. This could result from uncertainty about the form of each entry,
which was resolved beginning with the second entry (lines 4-7) and was
copied on the ‘reverse’; po - ro - wi - to-jo would then stand outside the repeating
formula. But it may be preferable to take po - ro - wi - to-jo as a general heading
to all that follows, like the preamble to the o-ka tablets ( 56 = An 657 . 1 ) or the
furniture tablets ( 235 —Ta 71 1 . 1 ).
The impression of haste and carelessness is evident throughout, and en¬
courages us to propose emendations with less qualms than elsewhere. It is also
clear that the arrangement of the text is largely experimental, and not the
result of deliberate spacing. The use of both faces of the tablet almost certainly
implies that it is an isolated document, not a member of a set, since the
continuation would then be made on the next tablet. Sets of large tablets do
not have entries on the reverse.
From these facts it is evident that the theory of a calendar of religious
offerings must be abandoned. It could only represent part of a month, and
there is no trace of the remainder of what would have been a long scries of
documents. It is true that po-ro-wi-to now recurs on two, possibly three, of the
olive-oil tablets from Pylos, and there too might, but need not, be the name
of a month (see p. 480). But even if correctly so identified, this tablet shows no
more than the curious affinity of religious offerings for dates (see pp. 304-5).
Moreover, the alleged parallel at Knossos (207 = V 280 ) is very far from certain
(sec p. 475), and although the two texts might appear to support each other,
they would be so totally different from anything else we possess that we ought
not to assume this, if they can be fitted into the regular pattern of records, not
prescriptions.
However, even if it is not a calendar, there can be no doubt that the subject
of the text is a scries of offerings to deities. Zeus, Hera, Hermes and Potnia
are all familiar names; the rest are mostly explicable even if less familiar. The
offerings consist of thirteen gold vessels and ten human beings, eight women
459
172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
and two men. The men are offered to male deities, the women to female deities,
though a problem arises in the first paragraph of the 1 obverse where no
deities appear to be specified, though the place seems to be the shrine of
Poseidon. It has been suggested that the ideograms man and woman here
refer not to human beings but to figurines; this would be contrary to every¬
thing we know about the use of ideograms on the tablets, and seems highly
improbable without any clue. It may be regarded as certain that these ten
people were being dedicated to the deities, but it remains an open question
what rite was followed.
The revulsion which we feel for human sacrifice must not influence our
judgement here. It is clear that the gold vessels would become the property of
the god, and we may presume that the owners of the human beings equally
divested themselves of ownership. This might be by dedicating the person to
the god’s service; but the doeloi or doelai of deities in the tablets appear to be
persons of some standing, since they can hold land. The true slaves appear to
be owned by persons. Hence the alternative, that these people were committed
to divine service by being sacrificed, begins to appear more likely.
A new piece of archaeological evidence for the practice of human sacrifice
in Mycenaean times has recently been reported (Protonotariou-Deilaki,
1969): two human skeletons found buried in kneeling posture at the entrance
to a tomb. This may encourage us to accept more ambiguous examples re¬
pot led earlier (see the article cited). We may also have recourse, with all due
caution, to Homer, and recall that not only were twelve Trojan youths
sacrificed on Patroklos* pyre, but this is subordinated to the sacrifice of two
out of his nine dogs (//. xxiii, 173-6). On the other hand the twelve named
men assigned to deities or religious functionaries on 312 =An 1281 can hardly
have been sacrificed.
We may now turn to the question of the purpose of the rite. If ten human
beings, even if slaves or captives, and thirteen gold vessels arc being offered,
in whatever sense, to a whole pantheon of deities, this is hardly an ordinary
annual ritual. It is more likely to be a special occasion, and the hasty writing
of the tablet may perhaps correspond to a hasty preparation. If so, and it must
be emphasized that any such interpretation is speculative, it is likely to have
been an apotropaic ceremony to avert impending disaster, perhaps consequent
upon the news of a successful landing or the defeat of the defending forces.
The supplication to Athena at Troy (//. vi, 269-311) suggests itself as a
parallel; and perhaps this is the explanation of the alabaster vase at Zakro
which was found broken into four pieces and scattered (Platon, 1968, p. 225).
Our first comments on this tablet insisted on the likelihood of pe-re and a-ke
460
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
172
concealing forms of <pepco and dryco, two verbs which are so regularly coupled
in Greek for bringing inanimate and animate objects. The inanimate objects
which are carried must be the do-ra — dora ‘gifts’. Thus the po-re-na must be
the ten persons who are led to the rite; though no Greek word provides an
interpretation it may seem appropriate to translate as ‘victims’. If figurines
were meant, the correct verb would be <pepco. Our suggested ‘persons to
carry the vessels in procession’ encounter the difficulty that three of the
vessels have no one to carry them. It is much more likely that the offerings
are all brought, but different verbs are used to convey the diff erent means of
movement.
Palmer, however (1963 a, p. 266), while connecting pe-re with (pepco has
interpreted a-ke as hage ‘was purified’ from a root found in ayv6s, a^opat. We
should expect this at Pylos to be spelt a 2 -ke , but usage is not entirely consistent.
This has the advantage that wa-Lu (‘obverse’ line 1) can be given its natural
interpretation as wastu = &oT\j ‘the town’; but it involves taking po-re-na as
nominative singular, which is difficult if the first part of po-re-no-zo-te-ri-ja
Un 443.2 belongs to the same word; cf. also po-re-no-tu-te[ Ua 1413 , and
po-re-si (dat. plur. ?) TH Of 26 ,
The question what part of <pepco and dyco pe-re and a-ke represent cannot be
separated from the interpretation to be given i-je-to-qe. It might be a tempting
solution to regard this as the nominative singular required as subject to the
two present indicatives; but this leads to no easy interpretation, and most
commentators have followed our lead in regarding it as a verbal form, with
suffixed -qe . The presence of the connective, even if contrary to classical usage,
is little diff erent from the use of e-ke-qe in the E tablets (see pp. 246, 447).
Thus if i-je-to is a verb, it must presumably match with pe-re and a-ke . If the
latter pair are aorist passive, i-je-to should be the same; but its form is unsuit¬
able, for it might be an imperfect or even a perfect, but hardly an aorist, even
if the classical type of aorist in -0qv had not yet developed. The change from
imperfect to aorist would be surprising; Palmer translates i-je-to ‘ a ceremony
of consecration was held’ without commenting on the tense. It would therefore
be simpler to regard i-je-to as present medio-passive in -toi (see p. 87), agreeing
with the present indicatives pherei and agei, The use of the present with no
precise reference to time is common enough on the tablets; cf. the present
tenses of the JV tablets (e.g. 195 =Na 245 , 193 = Na 520 , 186 =Na 543 ',
184 —Nn 228 , etc.).
But i f we accept this interpretation, we have to find a subject for the verbs.
Who brings the offerings? Or can pherei and agei be treated as impersonal
‘one brings’? Two solutions seem possible; that pu-ro is used to mean ‘the
461
172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
people of Pylos’ or even the king acting on behalf of the kingdom; or that
po-ro-wi-to is the name of the official responsible and is to be understood out
of the introductory genitiv e (sc. ‘these are the offerings of po-ro-wi-to'). The
first seems preferable, though it is not entirely convincing; it hardly seems
possible that wa-tu is wastu used as a substitute for Pulos, though this would
of course make sense of the puzzling insertion in the formula, since acnv is so
clearly distinguished in classical usage from ttoAis as meaning the city as a
collection of buildings. We can rule out the names of the deities as possible
subjects since some arc clearly in the dative ( ti-ri-se-ro-e, di-we , i-je-we) and all
may be. It would be possible to take p$-si-da-i-jo, pe-re-* 82-jo, etc., as nomina¬
tives (‘the priest of Poseidon, etc.’); but this will not satisfy ‘reverse’ line 2,
where the dative pa-ki-ja-si occupies the same position in the formula. It is
simpler to regard all these words as dative-locative. We can eliminate do-ra ,
not as being plural, but because the gifts arc obviously brought, they do not
bring anything; and since po-re-na is parallel in structure to do-ra, this too is
impossible. Thus we are led to the conclusion either that pu-ro is the subject,
or that the subject was regarded by the writer as so obvious that it was
unnecessary to specify him.
The initial word i-je-to-qe must fr#m its position be emphatic and set the
tone for the following entry. This makes it difficult to associate with ir\ix\
‘send’, and the presence of the locative-dative pa-ki-ja-si in ‘reverse’ line 2
seems to prove that this meaning is wrong. It is therefore tempting to accept
Palmer’s idea (1963 a, p. 265) that it belongs to a verb which did not survive
in classical Greek, but had a base *is?- with religious meaning seen in the
adjective iepos. It is of course true that *isdro * (Skt. isira-) would yield Greek
iccpos, and this is the normal West Greek form; but the alternation of iapos
and iEpo$ is not explained by normal dialect alternations, and it is possible
that the word contains two distinct origins which have become confused; and
this might account for the meaning ‘strong’ as well as ‘sacred’. The verb at
this stage might have retained the form ihemi as distinct from hie mi (or hihcmi)
so that the confusion was graphic rather than phonetic; and it may have been
deponent, since there is no reason to regard iheioi as passive rather than middle
voice. In the translation proposed here it has been tentatively rendered
‘ sacrifices ’.
.286! 172 = Tn 316 . Corrections: read ‘reverse’ as first side, followed by ‘obverse’;
obv. line 10 the suggested correction i-je- (re)-ive for i-je-we is probably
unnecessary.
462
ADDITIONAL COM VIE N T A R V
172
Translation: ‘reverse’:
In the month of Plowistos. Pylos sacrifices at Pa-ki-ja-nc and brings gif ts and leads
victims .
For the Mistress: one gold cup, one woman.
For Mnasa : one gold bowl, one woman.
For Posidaeia: one gold bowl, one woman.
For the thrice-hero : one gold cup.
For the Lord of the House : one gold cup,
Pylos . . . (blank)
‘obverse’:
Pylos sacrifices at the shrine of Poseidon and the city leads, and brings gifts and
leads victims : one gold cup, two women, for (! u owia ( and ?) h'omawenteia.
Pylos sacrifices at the shrines of Perse and Iphemedeia and Diwia, and brings
gifts and leads victims:
For Perse : one gold bowl, one woman.
For Iphemedeia: one gold bowl.
For Diwia: one gold bowl, one woman,
For Hermes Areia : one gold cup, one man.
Pylos sacrifices at the shrine of Zeus and brings gifts and leads victims:
For Zeus: one gold bowl, one man.
For Hera: one gold bowl, one woman.
For Bnmios the son of Zeus: one gold bowl [ ?)
Pylos . . . (blank)
qo-wi-ja: the second explanation offered has been followed in translation. Komdwenleid
(also TH Of 35) stands in much the same relation to Komawens, which is found as a
man’s name, as Posidaeia does to Poseidaon . Explanations which make these words
adjectives describing the vessels do not account for the absence of a deity to receive
this sacrifice, nor the sex of the two victims. G"'6wid might emerge as Boia in classical
Greek, a woman’s name and that of a town, also called Boicu, which might be
named after a local divinity.
pe-re-*82\ if, as seems likely (Chadwick, 1968a), *82 has the value swa y this goddess
must have some such name as Preswa . It is tempting to see in this a metathetized form
of the classical TlEpc^ (Od. x, 139), daughter ofOceanus and wife of Helios; whether
it may be further identified with the first element of TTspaEtpovTi is only speculative.,,
IHwjai : as Ruijgh (1967, p. 130) points out, the nominative might be either Diwya
or Diwya , the former being a feminine from Zeus ‘the wife of Zeus’, the latter an
adjectival form ‘the daughter of Zeus’. Ruijgh is no doubt right in preferring the
former explanation, despite the rarity of Aid in later Greek.
E-ma-a also now at Xn 1357.1 and TH Of 31.
463
172
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
di-ri-mi-jo ) etc.: the form i-je-we is acceptable as dative to i-*6j, if *65-ju: [h)iewei
‘son’. At the same time it mast be admitted that in such a carelessly written docu¬
ment the omission of a sign in this word is not improbable; wc have quite certainly
a at ‘obverse’ line 5 for a-ke t and almost certainly i-pc-mc-dc-ja-qc for i-pe-me-de-ja-
jo-qe in the previous line. On the problem of ‘son’, sec Glossary.
Tris-herdei: the name recurs on Fr 1204 as the recipient of oil. There is no good reason
to expect a digamma in the declension of ^pG>s; the formation with adverbial Tpicr-
suggests that qpco$ was originally an adjective. If the men and women arc sacrificial
victims, the last two deities on this side are not judged important enough to warrant
one.
p. 209t To the list of major studies of this series must be added those of Lcjeune
(!958a, pp. 65-91), Wyatt (1962) and Palmer (1963a, pp. 300-5). For the
most part the analysis given in the first edition has been confirmed, but
Palmer’s suggestion that the six commodities arc all aromatic substances and
are religious offerings is unlikely.
The main part of Wyatt’s article is an ingenious attempt to show how the
figures of the assessment were obtained and to account for the apparent dis¬
crepancies visible in the table on p. 291. He assumes that the Palace set a total
for the contributions of each commodity and that this figure was allocated
among the towns by dividing it between the two Provinces, and then dividing
each Province into two areas which were further divided into two regions.
This is certainly one way in which the figures may have been reached, but
there are still minor discrepancies. His scheme does, however, lead to sugges¬
tions about the geographical location of some of the towns which are in line
with those proposed above (sec p. 417).
With two exceptions, the seventeen place names of the Ma series, omitting
182 — Ma 126 which is plainly aberrant, can be equated with the sixteen of
the standard list of the principal towns of the two provinces (257 ^Jn 829 ).
The exceptions arc a-te-re-wi-ja and e-sa-re-wi-ja (Ma 330 , 335 ), which appear
instead of e-re-i. E-sa-re-wi-ja is shown by 304 = On 300 to belong to the
Further Province, and a-te-re-wi-ja is associated with it on An 830 . We may
therefore presume that these tablets belong to the Further Province, but that
for some reason one of the regions has been divided into two.
Little progress has been made with the identification of the six commodities.
*146= A is now generally believed to be some form of textile (Chadwick,
19646, Lejeunc, 19646) though doubts have been expressed by Palmer (1963 a,
esp. pp. 485-6) who rightly notes that this is used in offerings. However, the
offering of garments is a familiar feature of Greek ritual. No good suggestions
have been made for the weighed commodities B, C and E\ the syllabic values
464
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
174-180
may well be abbreviations, but not necessarily of Greek words (cf. ni, sa).
The suggestion of‘beeswax 5 for ke {keros) has not received any confirmation.
The last item, F, ought to be more easily identifiable, if it represents a Greek
word, since not many things can occur in such profusion (figures over 1000 in
some cases). It appears to be counted, which tells strongly against substances
such as honey (i meli ) or wine ( methu ) which would demand liquid measures.
The same argument applies to things measured in dry measure (meleuron
‘fiour 5 , see me-re-u-ro in Glossary); and it is hardly likely to be the name of a
unit ( metron , medimnos) since this would leave the substance unspecified. The
only plausible solution is mela ‘sheep and goats 5 , of which there may have
been sufficient numbers available, and the ambiguity in the word would
prevent the use of the animal ideograms which are specific; but it must be
emphasized that all these guesses depend upon the word so abbreviated sur¬
viving into classical Greek, and it could well be something quite different.
It is certain that these contributions are some kind of regular tax imposed
on the towns, since deficits of the previous year are mentioned; 180 = Ma 225
refers to a remission granted to the smiths ‘this year 5 , and 178 = Ma 365 to a
payment in ‘the following year 5 . It is of interest that the assessments for the
Further Province are considerably higher than for the Hither Province,
despite the smaller number of towns; but this would be understandable if they
controlled the rich agricultural land nf the Pamisos valley.
p.292! 174 = Ma 346 . Correction: l.l add at the end F^.oo[ (i.e. a figure probably in
excess of 400).
p 2931 177 — Ma 90 . On ku-re-we as the name of a class of inhabitants see p. 430.
p.293; 178 = Ma 365
hateron wetos \ this interpretation has been generally accepted, though Lcjcunc suggested
taking a 2 -te-ro as hateroi ‘the other smiths pay their annual contribution’, but this
seems to strain the meaning of welos. The parallel with za-we-le ‘this year’ (180 =
Ma 225 ) strongly suggests that this phrase means ‘next year’ (and not ‘every other
year’).
p-294t The suggested abbreviation ophelo{mena) has not been confirmed, and it seems
easier to accept incoherence of syntax, taking o-pe-ro as usual as a neuter noun. ,
p- 2951 180 = M a 225
za-we-le : brilliantly identified by Palmer (i960, p. 60; cf. 1963a, p. 305) as tsaweles <
*kyaweles = afjTES ‘this year’. The word now recurs at Knossos (Fh 5451 ) with its
adjectival form ^a-we-te-ra (Fh 518 ),
465
180-182, 304
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
rt-u-ko-lo-ro : the reference to Leuktron, which is the administrative centre (cf. p. 418)
of the Further Province, is surprising on a tablet which deals with Pi-*82 (Piswa?) t
one of the Nine Towns of the Hither Province. Perhaps the solution lies in the loca¬
tion of this town near the frontier between the two provinces; we believe it to lie at
the northern extremity of the kingdom, and if it were in the S*ulima valley (perhaps
in the area of Malthi or even Peristeria (Moira) where such rich finds were made),
it would be as accessible from the Pamisos valley as from Pylos via Kyparissia.
p. 295^ 182 = Ma 126 . Correction: 1.2 A 3 B \ C 1.
i-na-ma-ta: solutions based upon Arcadian tv=£v seem unlikely since this form of the
preposition has not been reliably identified in Mycenaean. Palmer (1963a, p. 305)
may be right in suggesting it is a personal name of the common type ending in
-aids . In Wa 730.1 the reading is perhaps da-so-mo = 6aojjo$ ‘distribution’.
p. 295H It will be useful to add here the badly damaged tablet On 300 , since it is a
vital piece of evidence in the determination of the geography of the kingdom
of Pylos (sec pp. 415-17). The ideogram *134 bears a general resemblance
to *132 and *153 which arc surcharged with syllabic wi and ho
and appear to stand for wrinos ‘hide’ and kowos ‘sheepskin*
respectively. But there arc differences in the outline of *134 and
the resemblance may be fortuitous. The tablet gives no further
clue to the identity of the ideogram, since the heading is lost.
152 $
>53 $
'54 U
v
304 =On 300
1
[At least one line lost]
2
)
*154 10
a-pi-a 2 -ro
*154
3
ko-re-te-]ri
*>54 $[
]pa-ki-ja-ni-jq[ ] 'ko-re-te-ri'
*’54
4
}
*> 54 [
]*>54
5
*> 54 }\
e-ra-te-i-jo 'ko-re-te-ri'
*>54
6
]-»*->[
]du-ma-ti *154 3
7
da-mo-ko-ro\
]
vacat
8
o-de-qa-a 2
pe-ra-a-ko
-ra-i-jo [
9
ra-u-ra-ti-ja
ko-re-te
* ] 54 ?[ ]e-sa-re-wi-ja ko[-re-te
*’54
10
e-[ra-te]-re-wa-o ko-re-te *134 2[ ]te-mi-ti~ja ko-re-te
*>54
11
sa-ma[-ra]
ko-re-te *
J 54[ l 2 a-si-ja-ti-ja ko-re-te
*>54
12
]ma *
134 2 te-po-se-u *134 3
13
] vacat
14
18
vacant
466
a n dit io sal gommentar y
304
A small fragment, On 1§74, appears to belong to this tablet but cannot be
accurately placed. No translation is given in view of the damaged state of the
text and its tabular form.
The second paragraph of this text clearly begins at line 8 with the word
o-de-qa-a 2 , strongly reminiscent of o-da-a 2 which so often serves the same
purpose (e.g. 43 = Aq 64.12, 44 = Aq 218.9). The doubts over the presence of
a divider between o-de and qa-a 2 arc justified, and the four signs probably
constitute a single word. Study by Olivier of this text has revealed that the
scribe first wrote o-de-qe pe-ra- and then deleted all but the first two signs
and inscribed the present text. This confirms the view of o-da-a 2 proposed by
Chadwick ( 1971 , pp. 102 - 3 ) this ls ho de plus a particle *aha, for in this
case we have plainly ho de q l, (e) aha replacing ho de ^"^=005 5e te.
The paragraph is headed pe-ra-a-ko-ra-i-jo , plainly an adjectival form from
pe-ra-ko-ra-i-ja Ac 398 and pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja 199 = Ng 332; for the details of the
structure of this word see Chadwick, 1963 #, pp. 137 - 8 . It refers to places on
the far side of the feature which divides the kingdom into two, and four of the
following place names are identifiable with towns among the final seven of
257 = Jn 829 (ra-u-ra-ti-ja = ra-]wa-ra-ta 2 , te-mi-ti-ja ^ ti-mi-to-a-ke-e , sa-ma\-ra\ =
[sa-]ma-ra, a-si-ja-ti-ja). Of the other two e-sa-re-wi-ja reappears on Ma 330
and on Vn 493 coupled with za-ma-e-wi-ja (175 = Ma 393, 257=Jn 829.18),
and despite the apparent lack of space e-[ra-te-]re-wa-o must be restored in
line 10 (cf. 258 =Jo 438.27, also followed by ko-re-te ; also e-ra-te-re-we Ma 333).
It is therefore tempting in line 12 to restore [e-re-o du-)ma , the duma of Helos,
since du-ma and ko-re-te are clearly titles of the same sort (cf. 257 = Jn 829.1-2).
This leaves only te-pose-u to account for, and he is shown by 258= Jo 438.21
to be ti-nwa-si-jo ko-re-te. In other words the official is named instead of being
given his title.
We can now turn to the even more damaged first paragraph. Line 1
presumably contained the heading stating the subject of the record; it prob-
ably contained the word de-wc-ro-a-ko-ra-i-jo or something similar. The nine
following entries will then correspond to the Nine Towns of the Hither
Province. Strangely the title ko-re-te-ri is here in the dative case, with the less
usual locatival -i ending; but rather than suppose a different operation in the
first paragraph, we may put this down to scribal inconsequence, pa-ki-ja-ni-ja
is the town nearest to Pylos, frequently mentioned on the tablets. a-pi~a 2 -ro =
Amphihalos is an important person (An 192.1, Qa 1297) but there is no
evidence of his town, e-ra-te-i-jo is the adjective of e-ra-to which replaces ro-u-so
in some versions of the List of the Nine Towns. In line 6 [du]-m-jo is a likely
restoration (cf. An 192.2), but again we cannot conjecture the place name
467
304
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
which must fit in the lacuna, da-mo-ko-ro has been finally proved by KN C
7058 + 7922 to be a title rather than a personal name. This too appears to
stand, like te-po-se-u , outside the entries corresponding to the principal towns
of the Province.
p 295 ft The attempts that have been made to dissolve the connexion between the
ideogram sa and the word ri-no~linon (184=Nn 228) have now generally
been abandoned. But much doubt still surrounds the meaning of the word
linon, since it can refer both to the raw fibres of the flax plant and to the thread
and cloth prepared from them; the other product of the plant, linseed, is in
classical Greek called Aivou cnTepua, but might also be included in the Mycen¬
aean use of the word.
As pointed out by Killen (ig 66 £, p. 36 ), ri-no is measured by weight at
Knossos on Og 5778. Thus KN Ne 4479 with the entry sa / 1 may be some
confirmation that s a on the Pylos tablets refers to a product of the flax plant.
It is possible that standard bales of the fibres formed the basic unit in which
the product was counted, and when it is weighed it is the seed which is meant.
The formulas of the Na tablets may be divided into two basic types, depend¬
ing on whether there is one entry of sa or two. The simple class with one entry
may be subdivided into those with a formula consisting only of a place name
followed by sa and a number (e.g. 185—Na 419) and those whore the pi are
name has a qualifying phrase added, but no separate sa entry. This phrase may
be as short as we-da-ne-wo ke (Na 856, 1041), but in most cases contains the verb
e-ko-si (Na 396, Na 405, 187=Na 514, Na 516, 186=Na 543, 188=Na 928)
or e-ke (196=Na 926; cf. 194=Na 334, but this belongs to the type with
e-re-u-te-ra, see below).
The compound class consists of those with two or more entries of s a. These
too are of two types, those with the formula: Place name sa number
to-sa-de X e-re-u-te-ro (- ra ) sa number, where X is a noun in the dative
case (e.g. 192 = Na 252), and those where the second element is varied to
to-sa-de X o-u-di-do-si , where X is a noun in the nominative (e.g. 189 = Na
568, 195—Na 245). Further annotations are added, but this division still
holds good.
There are two tablets apparently of the simple class with one sa entry, but
containing the e-re-u-te-ra formula: 191 = Na 248 and 194 = Na 334; and one
in which the first sa is not followed by a number (Na 924: ri-sa-pi sa
me-to-re e-re-u-te-ro-se to-sa sa 10 ). It seems likely that Na 924 implies a
zero entry for the first sa, and therefore the other two may be regarded also
as of the compound class, with sa o understood after the place name.
468
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
From this classification it is clear that e-re-u-te-ra and o-u-di-do-si are in some
sense equivalent, for the totalling tablets, 198=Ng 319 and 199= Ng 332, do
not have anything corresponding to e-re-u-te-ra , but a single subordinate entry
headed o-u-di-do-io , which must be the passive of o-u-di-do-si. At the same time
the use of both formulas on one unfortunately incomplete tablet (Na 185. A
]o-u-di-do-si sa 2 : .B] e-re-u-te-ro sa 2 ) suggests that the distinction is not
arbitrary.
The e-re-u-te-ra formula may be varied by the use of the verb e-re-u-te-ro-se
to indicate the official responsible for the remission (190 = Na 395), and in
one case this is added to the o-u-di-do-si formula (189= Na 568), which is
further proof that the terms are effectively synonymous.
Thus the meaning of e-re-u-te-ro-se=eleutherose must be ‘made free 5 , ‘re¬
mitted’, which is a tolerable extension of the sense of the classical ^Aeu 0 Ep 6 co
‘to free (a person) from debt’ (Herodotus vi, 59 , Plat. Rep. 566 e). This in turn
will explain the use of the adjective in the sense of‘allowed free’, ‘remitted’.
The nearest classical parallel seems to be its use to mean ‘free of debts’,
‘unencumbered’ (Dem. xxxv, 21 ). The wavering between e-re-u-te-ro and
e-re-u-te-ra may be due to thinking of the plural units represented by sa
(feminine?) or the collective neuter singular ( linon ).
It is not clear whether these tablets represent an assessment or an actual
delivery. There is no mention of a deficit except in the special document
184=Nn 228, so perhaps we should regard the main entries as a forecast of
the amount to be received. They diff er from the assessments of the Ma tablets
by requiring the sums remitted in the compound tablets to be added to the
first entry in order to produce the round numbers characteristic of the simple
type. Thus:
Na 245 20+10 = 30
Na 252 24 + 6 = 30
Na 425 27 + 3 = 30
Na 529 18 + 5 + 17 = 40
This explanation will satisfy the three tablets with presumed zero main entry
listed above. Here the total assessment has been remitted, so that the delivery
is forecast as zero.
We can now ask what is the meaning of the group with only one entry, but
an annotation including e-ko-si : are these too to be regarded as compound
tablets with a zero assessment? Or are they forecasts of deliveries which the
annotation does not cancel out? It is hard to see what purpose there would
be in introducing yet a third way of denoting a rebate; and it is clear that the
subjects of e-ko-si are words of a diff erent type from the trade names which
469
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
figure in the remission formulas. We can perhaps put the question in another
form and ask what is the object of e-ko-si; is it the following number of sa,
which would imply that the Palace received nothing, or is it the territory in
question which is ‘occupied’ by this group of people?
196 = Na 926 may be helpful here in view of its variation on the formula.
The territory is described as a-ki-ti-to^ aktitos , which can hardly be uncul¬
tivated, if at least 6 units of flax are expected from it. Presumably it means
‘not subject to the process described by ki-ti-je-si ’ (193 = Na 520) which
entitles those performing it to a remission. Perhaps the original sense was ‘to
render habitable’, ‘ to build dwellings upon’. (Cf . ktictcte 6e AapScrvirjv, tirtl outtco
"IAios tpq EvireStcpirE-n-oAiOTo//. xx, 216 .) From this the special sense o fki-ti-me-na
‘land under habitation’, ‘lived upon’, might develop to mean effectively
‘private estate’. At least it is clearly the land which is called aktitos; and the
tablet goes on to note: ekhei de min A 2 . Here min can hardly refer to the flax, but
to the land which is aktitos : ‘and H. holds it’. If therefore the note does not
here cancel the contribution, it is reasonable to assume that in the other cases
too e-ko-si docs not imply any rebate. In 194 =Na 331 the royal holding is
specially exempted from contribution.
The subjects of the verb e-ko-si on surviving tablets are: ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo
(Na 396, Na 405, Na 516, 186=Na 543), ke-ki-de (187 = Na 514; cf.]ke-ki-do
Na 848), and u-ru-pi-ja-jo (Na 928). These are three of the names used on the
o-ka tablets to refer to contingents of troops. Miihlestein ( 1956 a, pp. 16 - 18 )
first called attention to apparent similarities in the numbers, which he inter¬
preted as meaning that the troops were issued with one sa apiece. Unfortun¬
ately, although this suggestion has been eagerly accepted, the evidence is far
from satisfactory.
187 = Na 514 lists sa 30 at [ku-]pa-ri-so with the note ke-ki-de e-ko-si ;
56 = An 657 lists two detachments of ku-pa-ri-si-jo ke-ki-de of 20 and 10 men
respectively. If the sum were any figure but 30, the commonest number in the
Na tablets, the coincidence would be striking. But both sets of tablets work for
preference in multiples of io, and the agreement might well arise by chance.
186 —Na 543 lists s a 30 at ka-ra-do-ro , which is held by ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo (the
restoration is beyond doubt); 60 = An 661.5 lists a number of ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo
at the same place, but although men 30 was originally read the figure is
damaged and io[ is the safest reading. This coincidence therefore depends
upon a very uncertain reading.
Na 1027 has the simple entry: e-na-po-ro SA70. 60 = An 661 reads e-na-po-ro
i-wa-so men 70. On this basis Miihlestein proposed regarding Na 1027 as
having omitted the annotation i-wa-so e-ko-si. But of course this is quite
470
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
unjustified; the Na tablet is a normal assessment and no annotation was
made.
188 = Na 928 had its left end missing, but records sa io and u-ru-pi-ja-jo
e-ko-si . Muhlcstein proposed restoring the place name as *pe-di-jo to match
58 —An 654.14-16: to-so-de pe-di-je-we ... u-ru-pi-ja-jo men io. Unfortun¬
ately the join of Na 928 with 929 and 953 shows that the name was really
]a 2 -ke-wo-a-ki-[ which does not recur elsewhere.
The hypothesis that one unit of sa was issued to each man in the coast¬
guard detachments is thus shown to be poorly founded. All that the facts show
is that at certain places liable for a contribution of flax, there were ‘occupiers’
of land who bore special generic names and were drawn upon to provide the
manpower required for the coastguard service. Sec further on these names,
p. 430.
Finally we may dispose of Palmer’s suggestion that $a stands for linseed
issued to the troops as emergency rations, for which he compares Thucydides
iv, 26 , 8 . This refers to the parcels of food smuggled by underwater swimmers
to the Spartans blockaded on Sphaktcria. Clearly the need here was not for
palatable food, but for food with a high nutritive value; it would need to have
been boiled to render it non-toxic. To suggest its widespread use as military
rations on such a slender basis is a dangerous hypothesis. It must also be
remarked that linseed would presumably be measured in dry volume and in
the absence of metric signs the figures would refer to the standard dry units,
i.c. about 96 litres per man—a heroic ration.
It is clearly a more economical hypothesis to suggest that the figures refer
to the normal production of flax, which may have been a royal monopoly.
The greater part of the flax still grown in Greece for fibres is produced in
Mcsscnia and the adjacent areas (Chadwick, 1963 a, p. 129 ), doubtless on
account of the lavish water-supply which is required for retting. This explains
also the relative scarcity of flax (sa) in Crete. For the use of linen cloth, sec
PP- 323, 522 .
It is interesting that instead of grouping the contributions under the Sixteen
principal towns, each town or village is assessed separately. This suggests an
agricultural product not requiring a process of manufacture or treatment in a
central depot; contrast the Ma tablets. The tablets must have been divided
between two files corresponding to the two Provinces and each accompanied
by a totalling document (198, 199); but unfortunately they were all written
by the same scribe and there is no way of restoring them to their correct
files, except where we have independent evidence for the location of the
place.
47
183-184
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
p.agGt 183 = Nn 831. Corrections: l.i [ do-so-mg\
It was perhaps inevitable that the restoration ko-ri[-ja-do -]ho, which Ventris
and I discussed and agreed to reject, should have been proposed (Palmer,
1963 a, p. 310 ). One reason was that the two signs alone would have not filled
the lacuna, but if a divider were included the spacing then becomes plausible.
The other is that the restoration of a name of a spice matches ill with sa, if this
signifies flax. It is true that ko-ri-to does not occur on any of the surviving Na
tablets; but there is no objection to a place name as the heading for a tablet
of this sort (cf. sa-ra-pe-da 171 = Un 718.1). Possibly ko-ri-[to-jo ] or ko-ri-[si-jo]
would fit the gap better. It is uncertain whether the last word do-so-mo 1 con¬
tribution’ was intended to be deleted or not; the whole tablet appears to have
been deleted and re-written.
p. 296 ; 184=Nn 228
The corresponding Na
tablets
can
be listed as follows
1
u-ka-jo
SA
20
2
ro-o-wa
SA
35
Na
568?
]-wa
SA
20 + SA
5°
3
pu 2 -ra 2 -a-ke-re-u
SA
10
Na
425
pu 2 -ra 2 -a-ki-ri-jo
SA
27 + SA
3
4
ke-ija-ka-ra-na
SA
5
5
di-wi-ja-ta
SA
60
6
a-pi-no-e-wi-jo
SA
28
Xa
58
a-pi-no-e-wi-[
1
po-ra-pi
SA
10
Xn
432?
po-ra-[
8
e-na-po-ro
SA
33
Na
1027
e-na-po-ro
SA
70
9
te-tu-ru-we
SA
38
Na
1054
te-tu-ru-we
SA
40 + ?
If the few cases where both figures are preserved are to be trusted, the number
of sa here is always smaller than the assessment of the Na tablets. Thus if this
is a record of deficits, the diff erence must be the actual deliveries received. In
line 4 of this table the corresponding Na tablet might be Xa 70 (with a variant
of this form of the name, but probably not belonging to this series); but it
should not be identified with the simple ke-i-jo of Na 577 with an assessment
of sa 14 . Ke-i-jo (cf. ke-i-ja Qa 1303) is clearly an adjectival form of ke-e
(Aa 93, Ad 295) which is known to lie in the Further Province, whereas all
the other place names on this tablet which can be assigned to provinces are
in the Hither Province. Hence it seems probable that ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na (though
a similar adjective qualifying krdnd=KpT)vr\ ‘spring’) and ke-i-jo are two differ¬
ent places, both producing flax; it is notable that ke-e is shown by Ad 295 to
be the home of ri-ne-ja-o = lineiddn ‘flax workers’.
Several of the places listed on this tablet are shown by their associations to
472
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
184-198
be in the southern part of the Hither Province; on ro-o-wa see p. 187 ; and
e-na-po-ro is located between a-ke-re-wa and ka-ra-do-ro , sixth and eighth of the
Nine Towns (p. 142 ), by 60=An 661.3. Po-ra-pi (in the locative form po-ra-i)
seems to be placed a little further north by 59=An 656.13.
Some of the names also reappear on Mb or Mn tablets, associated with the
ideogram *146 ( = 4, p. 290 ) which is believed to be some kind of textile. It
does not follow that * 146 = ‘linen cloth*, since it is also associated with wool
(KN M 559, M 683).
p. 2971 E-ko-me-no is duplicated on 197= Na 406 and Na 941; it is possible that these
are two different places. CJ-ra-*86 occurs on Na 466 and the rare sign *86 also
ends the names on Na 1039 and Na 1086, but this is hardly sufficient proof
that the name is the same in each case. It is not impossible that *86 is a
‘compound’ sign preferred by this scribe, where others would spell out the
group in two signs. The names appear to be all in the dative-locative, with the
-pi ending in appropriate cases (plurals of a- and consonant-stems).
p* 2981 188 = Na 928. As a result of a join with 929-1-953, the text now reads:
]a 2 -ke-wo-a-ki-[ ]u-ru-pi-ja-jo x e-ko-si' $a 10
U-ru-pi-ja-jo is not to be connected with Olympia.
p, 298 ; 189=Na 568. An alternative restoration would be \_ro-o]-wa } cf. 184 = Nn
228.2.
The title, if it is one, e-sa-re-u now recurs in the dative case e-sa-re-we on
Gn 1 197.4. But it is not clear which of these terms is the name and which the
title. Palmer takes ke-u-po-da as kheuspondas ‘libation-pourer’ and hence
e-sa-re-u as a personal name.
p. 300 ! a-ki-ti-to must mean something other than ‘uncultivated’; sec p. 470 above.
p. 300 + 197 = Na 406 + 1088. The text now reads:
o-qe-[ sa 20
e-ko-me-no di-wi- ja-wo e-ke a-ki-ti-to
di-wi-ja-wp : Diwydwon , a name found at both Knossos and Thebes.
o-qe-[ ]ji: a tantalizing break, since there is no obvious word to fill the gap. Possibly
o-qe represents ho q u e (6 Te) written as one word with a following verb. If so, the verb
must be athematic to end in -si in the 3 rd person singular, so perhaps a restoration
o-qe-[di-do-]si is possible, di-do-si here being diddsi } ‘and he contributes’.
p* 3 0, t It is not clear whether de-we-ro- implies a pronunciation dewero , or whether
we is here a spelling for u (cf. pp. 398 , 492 ).
473
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
p- 3 °'i No real progress has been made with the interpretation of this series. Its
presence in the Arsenal along with records of chariots and weapons suggests
that it must have had a ‘military’ purpose, and the idea that it is connected
with the manufacture of bows still seems the most plausible; cf. to-ko-so-wo-ko—
toxou'orgoi ‘bow-makers’ at Pylos (An 207.12). In KN V 150 to-ko-so-ta
a-te-u-ke i the interpretation seems certainly to be toxoids ateukhis ‘unequipped
archer’, but possibly the first word is to be taken as a personal name.
No one has explained why animals arc listed together with their horns; the
number of horns would presumably be twice the number of animals, but the
number of horns actually recorded (J) is always less than (or the same as)
the number of male goats (G). Palmer (1963 d, p. 162 ) has objected that since
there is a fixed relationship of 1 kg. of / to every 2 horns, this must be also an
animal product. But he docs not propose an identification, nor does he explain
the relationship between the number of horns and the number of animals.
The table on p. 302 needs only slight correction in the light of new readings,
and none of the changes disturbs the conclusions drawn from it. Me 5098 has
been improved by joins with 4457 and 8264, and is now re-numbered Me 4457.
It begins in line 1 with the regular totalling formula: to-sa , probably neuter
plural. Line 2 begins ke [, which it is tempting to restore as keras (or its plural).
But the figure for J, apart from being the only odd number in this column, is
doubly aberrant. It is the only case where the number of J\s not less than the
number of G; and it is the only J figure which is not double the / figure (in
Me 4462 read 1 26 ). It seems clear that the tablet contains an error, and we
should have had J 308 . The mistake can have arisen by the scribe confusing
308 with H 208 immediately above, and substituting instead the G figure.
The most interesting addition is the fragment Me 5107 with the reading:
G 354 H 2 oo[
This is clearly another totalling document, like Me 4457. The purpose of
Me 5107, with no introductory word, is not clear, for it does not seem to be a
copy of Me 4457, unless 354 is a careless error for 345 ; the second figure is
incomplete.
All the tablets of this scries for which the find-spot is known were found in
the Arsenal (P on the plan, p. 115 ), except for Me 1508. This was apparently
found along with the sword tablets (p. 360 ) in the East wing (Af). It also
appears to duplicate Me 4456 , the heading of which is the place name
da-* 22 -lo ; Me 1528 has the ethnic adjective, da-* 22 -ti-jo. The figures for G and
H agree, but / is 6 kg. instead of 7 and J is 12 instead of 14 . Its find-spot is
confirmed by its appearance, for it lacks the characteristically cracked surface
474
ADDITIONAL C • M MENTAKY
200-207
of the tablets from the Arsenal, though it was apparently written by the same
scribe.
P 3<>3t The eleven Fp tablets mentioned here are those with numbers between i and
48 , the last of which is alleged to have been found in the Room of the Chariot
Tablets [M on the plan). There is also a trace of another parallel series in a
different hand made up of Fp 354, 363, 5472 (possibly a part of the same
tablet as 363) and 5514. The series has been discussed at length elsewhere
(Chadwick, 1966 ).
'Fhe use of mc-no=menos , genitive, with forms in both -0 and -o-jo has given
rise to the theory that the 0 -stems in Mycenaean have alternative genitives in
-a and in -oio (Luria, 1957 ; cf. Chadwick, 1958 a). The question cannot be
finally resolved, but the alleged form in -0 is curiously restricted in usage.
p. 305! 200 = Fp l: Corrections: 1.1 : no sign is missing before de-u-ki-jo-jo , but the
word is indented, probably because of the shape of the tablet; 1 .1 the reading
di-ka-ta-jo / di-we is certain. There are slight differences in the form of the 011 .
ideogram on this tablet, but since all the entries are totalled in I .12 they cannot
be of great significance (see Chadwick, 1966 , pp. 27 - 8 ).
P* 3°7t fia-de cannot be associated with mris ( 1 the divine child ’) if the etymology < *Tiaf r \$ is cor¬
rect ; but the etymology may be at fault. It seems to be the name of a deity, not a place.
p. 3 « 8 t 203=Ga (formerly F) 953 [ + ] 955. Correction: 1. 2 ]2 pa-de-i.
i> 3 lo t 205 = Gg 702
da-pu 2 -ri-lo-jo : the normal value of pu 2 is now known to be phu. But although a value pu
would seem unlikely, bu is a possible alternative.
p. 206 = Gg 705. Correction: I .3 read ]o-ne (cf. 204 = Gg 704).
P . 31 , t 207 = V 280
The attempt to explain this text as a calendar does not lead to any satisfac¬
tory solution, and 172 = Pylos Tn 316 is not in any way parallel. The fourteen
lines, omitting the heading in 1 . 1 , might suggest the days of a month; and
wo-de-wi-jo is recorded as a month name on Fp 16, Fp 48 and 203 = Ga 953
[-f] 955. But the lacuna at the beginning of 11. 12-14 can be paralleled oti
PY Cn 328.5-15, where the word a-ka-na-jo occupies this place in II. 2-4 and
I .5 begins with the isolated sign a. Clearly the word hud to be repeated in each
line, and the scribe could not be bothered to write it fourteen times. Thus
it is likely that here too a-pe-ti-ra 2 is to be understood in II. 12 - 14 .
475
207-208
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
The only other word which is clear is to-pe-za (1*5), which on the Pylos
furniture tablets (239-241) —torpedza “TpdrrE^a ‘table'. Though this could
conceivably be the name of a festival (cf. Umbrian meja ‘offering’= Latin
mensa)y it is only known to us as the name of a piece of furniture, o-u-ki-te-mi
was interpreted as otryx Oqtts; but te-mi recurs in te-mi-dwe = termidwen (cf.
Teppioeig) ‘furnished with a -reppis’, the sense of the noun (‘border’, ‘edge’?)
being obscure. At least this sense is not impossible here, o-u-ki will perhaps be
rather oukis<*ou k w i.s = ouri$, with the normal treatment of the labio-vclar
in contact with u (cf. Thessalian kis = tis, probably generalized from ou ki$).
a-pe-ti-ra 2 is interpreted by Lcjcunc (i 960 a, p. 20 ) as an adjective with to-pe-za
understood, perhaps amphestna ‘with scats on either side’.
Much debate has raged around i-ku-wo-i-pi y most authors trying to make
this a form of rrrrros; but if so, it is a unique spelling of the group - kw -, normally
represented by q, unless hctcrosyllabic (cf te-tu-ko-wo-a ). The connexion pro¬
posed with i£0s<*iax0s (Boisacq) has been misunderstood by Palmer ( 1966 ,
p. 275 ); but is scarcely more satisfactory for the sense. It is probably unneces¬
sary to suppose a dual in - oiimphi (as Palmer docs, loc. cit.); Vcdic -ebhis is
evidence for a form *-oibhi-s , and the Homeric examples of -o<pt arc plainly
secondary. The tablet is one of many acute problems posed by the ‘Room of
the Chariot Tablets’; see p. 522 .
w . ail ; 208 — V 52. Correction: the join with a small fragment (8285) has revealed
that the restoration of the second entry of 1.2 was correct: read pa-ja-wo-ne 1 .
The lower edge also bears a deleted inscription [ e-ri-nu-we pe-ro ].
e-ri-nu-we — Erinuei is the expected dative to e-ri-nu (200 = Fp 1.8), which is perhaps a
‘nominative of the rubric’.
5. OFFERINGS OF OIL AT PYLOS (Ft)
p. 3 iat Among the more recent finds at Pylos was a series of tablets which list quan¬
tities of olive oil. They were found, not in the Archive Room, but in the store¬
rooms fitted for the storage of oil on the N.E. side of the Palace. One of the
most important (Gn, now Fr, 1184) was published in time to allow us to
quote the text on p. 217 , but it is here repeated as the first of a selection of
the new texts. These tablets were published with a commentary in 1958 by
E. L. Bennett: The Olive Oil Tablets of Pylos , Supplement no. 2 to Minos ,
Salamanca.
Fr 1184 clearly indicates that oil was being prepared in the Palace work¬
shops for use as unguent. This would have been made by the addition of
476
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
perfumed ingredients and by decoction, a process described by the use of the
verb ‘boil*. A list of some of the ingredients is to be found in 103 = Un 267,
since these are supplied to a man described as aleiphazoos ‘unguent-boiler*.
The remainder of the series are almost all records of the issue of oil to various
recipients. In many cases the oil is qualified by one or more of a series of
adjectives which denote the perfume: wo-do-we=wordowen (cf. £>o 86 evti . . .
i\axco 11 xxiii, 186 ) ‘rose-scented*, pa-ko-we =sphakowen ‘sage-scented’,
ku-pa-TO-we=kupairowen ‘cyperus-scented’, e-ti-we (?). It is possible for oil to
have two of these perfumes (1203, 1224). The single instance of a-e-ti-to is
presumably the opposite of e-ti-we. The identification of this perfume is
difficult; for a suggestion see the Glossary.
The oil ideogram is sometimes in its simple form (1204, 1209, 1212, 1231,
1238), but more often is ligatured with syllabic signs, usually a or pa, less often
po and only once we (1184). There is also one example of the compound
ligature a- f re + pa replacing oil (1198, cf. 171 =Un 718.8). There are
eight cases where oil + pa correlates with pa-ko-we , and it is never found
associated with one of the other words indicating perfumes (except where
pa-ko-we also occurs). It is therefore very likely that pa is here an abbreviation
of pa-ko-we. Since none of the other perfume names begins with a- or po-
(excluding of course a-e-ti-to which is negative), these ligatures must refer to
something different, oil 4* a is once found with a-ro-pa (1225) and it is tempt¬
ing to assume that this is the meaning of a : aloi phd (dAoKpi^) * grease * or‘ unguent *.
There is no obvious correlation on these tablets for po, but the Knossos Fh-
series uses the word po-ro-ko-wa to describe oil (Fh 350), which must be
prokhowa (irpoxori) ‘outpouring’, a possible term to describe runny oil as con¬
trasted with unguent.
The other word which appears to describe the oil rather than its use is
we-a-re-pe (with variant spelling we-ja-re-pe). This would appear to be a
derivative of dXsMp-; cf. Bi-qAupifc (Sophocles). There is some reason to think
that we- before a vowel may represent u- cf. we-je-ke-a 2 in the Glossary; thus a
possible interpretation is ualeiphes ‘for smearing on*. It is thus an alternative
way of describing unguent, and it never appears on the same tablet as
a + re-I-pa or a-ro-pa; but on three of its four appearances it is followed by
oil -I-a; on the fourth there is no ideogram written. Thus even if the form is
not exact, it is very likely to be a description of unguent.
The word ke-se-ni-wi-jo (1231), cf. ]nu-wi-jo (1255), is plainly xenwion ‘of
guests*. The word is also used of textiles where it must mean ‘provided for or
given as gifts to guests*, since it is parallel to wanaktera and heq u esia , ‘for the
king*, ‘for heq u etai\ Since in this case we know that the oil was being given to
17
477
CDI
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
another recipient, Potnia, it follows that it must here mean ‘received by way
of a guest-gift’.
The analysis of the remaining parts of the text is more difficult. We can
easily identify entries of the following types:
(1) Persons, some at least of whom arc divine, in the dative case: po-se-
da-o-ne — Poseidddnei , wa-na-ka-te = Wanaktei , po-ti-ni-ja = Potnidi , ti-ri-se-ro-e —
TrisheTd(h)ei (cf. 172 —PY Tn 316.rev. 5 , see p. 289 ), te-o-i~t!uoihi .
( 2 ) Addresses: ro-u-si-jo a-ko-ro =Lousi6iagroi (or locative?), pa-ki-ja-na-de=
P . . . anas-de , di-wi-jo-de = Diwyon-de ‘to the shrine of Zeus’.
( 3 ) Date: pa-ki-ja-ni-jo-jo me-no (1224) = /*. . . dnioio menos ‘in the month
of P.’; for a month-name derived from a place, cf. Attic Mouvux ic ^ v
It is therefore reasonable to try to fit the more opaque terms into the frame¬
work so provided. But some preliminary cautions must be issued. It is possible
for an address to be sufficient: ro-u-si-jo a-ko-ro (1220.1), pa-ki-ja-na-de (1209).
Equally the recipient, as we may term the ‘person’ receiving the oil, may
stand alone: ti-ri-se-ro-e (1204), u-po-jo po-ti-ni-ja (1225) ‘the Mistress of
Hyp . . in such cases we may presume that the recipient has only one
address. Thus where a recipient has several addresses, wc are entitled to infer
that one of the other words in the entry is effectively the address.
There is only one clear case of a date (1224) and that in a text which con¬
tains no address. Since the month Pa-ki-ja-nios was presumably named after a
festival celebrated at the place Pa-ki-janes, it might in effect seive as an address.
Thus although we cannot exclude the possibility that other opaque words are
the names of festivals, we are entitled to presume that they could serve the
purpose of locating the destination of the oil in space rather than time. Thus
our three types of entries can be reduced to two.
The form pa-ki-ja-ni-jo-i occurring once (1216) can be understood as either
an address or a date, but as in the case of pa-ki-ja-ni-jo-jo me-no the date
would be equivalent to an address. The form is a dative-locative plural.
The question must now be faced whether any entry contains two separate
recipients, that is, excluding plurals or duals such as te- 0 - 1 . It should be
observed that the copula -qe is never added to the words under discussion,
though it is used with an epithet describing the oil (wo-do-we-qe 1223.2, where
the preceding word is lost). On the other hand asyndeton occurs in pa-ko-we
e-ti-we (1224). The reason for admitting two recipients is that it permits an
attractive solution of wa-na-so-i as dative dual wanassoiin ‘to the two queens’.
Although there is no evidence for the form of the dative of the dual of a
feminine j-stem, the nominative in -0 and the analogy of -ouv in o-stems in
Homer makes the formation plausible. Against this it may be argued that
478
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
*-ky- yields Myc. z> and that *wanak-yd would thus be spelt *wa-na-za\
however this difficulty may perhaps be circumvented by supposing dvaaeja to
be derived from *wanakt-yd , with the of the declension of dva£ already
apparent in Mycenaean.
But although it might be possible to regard wa-na-so-i wa-na-ka-te as ‘for
the two Queens [and] the King’, it is clearly simpler to regard wa-na-so-i as
the address, a locative plural indicating the name of the shrine or locality.
This explanation would then apply equally to di-pi-si-jo-i , which is parallel to
it. And we can now explain wa-na-se-wi-jo and di-pi-si-je-wi-jo as adjectival
forms derived from the place names. Their form, with a suffix - e-wi-jo , is
surprising, but it is common enough in later Greek, where -rfios, which began
with stems in -eus (e.g. (3acjiA€us, PaatArjios), was freely extended to other
stems (e.g. *noA€pr|ios). It is noticeable that wa-na-so-i and wa-na-se-wi-jo , as
di-pi-si-jo-i and di-pi-si-je-wi-jo , are mutually exclusive alternatives, and may
thus have the same semantic value.
Whether these words have Greek etymologies is another question. The var¬
iant spelling wa-no-so-i (1219) may be a mere error; but if not, it could point
to a non-Greek name of the type Wa[r)nas[s)os (cf. Kapvaaos, TTapvaCT(cj) 6 ^,
AapvacjcTOs). The obvious interpretation of di-pi-si-jo-i as dipsioihi ( = 5rplois)
has given rise to the ingenious theory that the thirsty ones are the dead who
require drink-offerings; but these would hardly be appeased with perfumed
oil. Adrados ( 1968 ) has drawn attention to the Thessalian month name
A 14 / 10 S and insists rightly that this must reflect a cult title; he suspects a goddess
*Aivfna, perhaps a name for the Earth. But it is not clear why he makes
di-pi-si-jo-i masculine ‘the priests of Dipsia’; it might equally refer to a place
or a festival connected with her. It is most improbable that the spelling -jo-i
can represent a nominative plural.
Finally we must attempt to assign the other terms to appropriate categories.
re-ke-to-ro-te-ri-jo (343) is associated with Poseidon, the variant re-ke-e-to-ro-te-
ri-jo (1217) with the address Pa-ki-jdnes. Since Poseidon has another address
( wa-no-so-i 1219), this term must serve to indicate the place and may be the
name of his shrine at Pa-ki-jdnes , since he has a festival there (1224). The
Homeric phrase OTOpicrca A£yos {//. ix, 621 , 660 ) ‘to make a bed’ strongly
supports an interpretation lekhe-stroterion (Bennett, 1958 a, p. 31 ), but in what
sense it is to be taken is not clear. Palmer (1963 a, p. 251 ) takes it as the nam'e
of a festival and refers it to the iepos ya^os; but it might refer also to a divine
banquet, where food is offered to the images of the gods reclining at table.
The variant spelling has been variously explained; Palmer (loc. cit.) and
Lejcune (1961 b y p. 419 ) propose to treat it as a contact form rather than a true
479
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
compound, Palmer finding in it a dual lekhe[h)e i Lejeune a dative lekhe(h)ei.
Alternatively the intrusive -e- may be explained away as en or es (from ex)
attached to the second member of the compound. Neither of these solutions
is convincing, and the origin of the longer form must remain obscure.
The form to-no-e-ke-te-ri-jo (1222) is similar in structure, and serves to
indicate the recipient of the offering, possibly by reference to a festival, since
the place is already indicated by wa-na-so-i . Possible etymological explanations
are discussed below.
The word po-ro-wi-to occurs on two, possibly three, tablets (1221, 1232;
1218?). It is not likely to be a description of oil, and it is associated with
wa-na-se-wi-ja and di-pi-si-jo-i which we have analysed as indications of
address. It seems therefore that it must be either a recipient or an indication
of date. The second explanation has been favoured by the occurrence of its
genitive, po-ro-wi-to-jo, at the head of PY 172=Tn 316. If it is really a month-
name, it is tiresome that the word me-no does not occur with it (as with pa-ki-
ja-ni-jo-jo 309 = Fr 1224); the etymological explanation Plowistos ‘the month
of sailing’ is plausible. But the suspicion must remain that it is really the name
of a person or deity to whom the offering is made.
Similar considerations apply to me-tu-wo ne-wo (perhaps to be read as one
word) in Fr 1202. Here the recipient is plainly given, so it must be either an
address or a date. Etymological interpretation leads to p£ 8 u, but if this is
genitive then ne-wo must presumably be a short genitive in -o (see
p. 475 ), since a plural methuon newon is hardly likely.
Finally we can approach the question of the identity of the recipients.
Poseidon and Potnia (with her various epithets) arc divine; so is Mater theia
‘the Divine Mother’ ( = Mother of the Gods?). Trisheros is among the re¬
cipients of offerings on 172=Tn 316, so must presumably be a deity (perhaps
a demi-god). This establishes a strong case for taking Wanax ‘the King’ as a
cult-title of a deity rather than the human king of Pylos; the fact that he has
an address other than Pylos would have been sufficient indication that the
human king was not meant. Hence we may be encouraged to take a-pi-qo-ro-i=
Amphiq u oloihi (Fr 1205) as here the title of some group of attendant deities,
rather than the human palace servants listed on Aa 804 (cf. 11 = Ad 690).
The word e-re-de (1228) looks at first sight like a place name with allative
-de y but it is hard to suggest a form for an accusative which would end in -e in
Mycenaean script. To suppose *-grade of an j-stem, Heles (Palmer 1963 a,
p. 247 ), seems arbitrary. Lejeune’s suggestion of a form in - en , answering to the
similar Arcadian forms from stems in (e.g. hiep£v), seems equally doubtful.
The form recurs together with ma-se-de on Mn 1411, a fragment; no other
480
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
305-306
place names are found with -de in the Mn series. It does not seem impossible
that it is really dative singular from a stem in - d -, but a final decision must
depend upon more information.
305 = Fr 1184
1 ko-ka*ro a-pe-do-ke e-ra 3 -wo to-so
2 e-u-me-de-i oil + we 18
3 pa-ro i-pe-se-wa ka-ra-re-we 38
Kokalos contributed so much olive oil to Eumedes: 518 * 41 . of oil. From Ipsewas,
thirty-eight oil-jars.
ko-ka-ro: Kokalos (the name of the mythical king of Sicily) is named as a-re-po-z.o-o=
aleipho-zohos ‘unguent-boiler* in Fg 374.
a-pe-do-ke : the only example of a verb in a past tense exhibiting the augment so far
found in Mycenaean: contrast a-pu-do-ke KN Od 681, It has been suggested that this
form is to be interpreted as ap-es-doke with es < ex = (SotekBcoke, but this is probably
unnecessary.
e-u-me-de-i: Eumedes is known from Ea 812 and Ea 820 to be another ‘unguent-
boiler*.
ka-ra-re-we: on KN K 778 this word describes a two-handled jar with a spout, the so-
called ‘stirrup-jar’ regularly used for oil. The form is uncertain, but the gloss xAapbv
&ainpos kcoOgdv (Hesych.) suggests a derivative in -eus: kkldrewes: see p. 494.
The relationship between the two entries on this tablet seems to have been
misunderstood by those who are anxious to prove that pa-ro has locatival rather
that ablatival force. It is impossible to construe ka-ra-re-we as accusative after
apedoke , nor is it probable that on the same tablet oil would be both measured
in units and by the jar. Thus the second entry must record, with inconse¬
quential syntax, the issue to Eumedes of the jars necessary to contain the
eighteen units of oil he is receiving from Kokalos. This in turn allows us to
calculate the average volume of a stirrup-jar in terms of Mycenaean measures,
namely <1 8 £ or 13-7 1 . on the revised values proposed (see p. 394 ).
306 = Fr 1202
me-tu-wo ne-wo ma-te-re te-i-ja 'pa-ko-we' oil + pa 5 1 1 ' 4
To the Divine Mother at M . . ., sage-scented oil: 160 1.
me-tu-wo ne-wo : sec above, p. 480.
ma-te-re te-i-ja: mdtrei is preferable to mdttrei y but the form is ambiguous; theijdi — Gdqc.
pa-ko-we : sphakowen , see above.
The quantity is surprisingly large but a similar amount occurs in 1206 and rather more
than half this on 1208.
481
307-310
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
307= Fr 1220
1 ro-u-si-jo a-ko-ro pa-ko-we oil+pa <\ q
2 di-pi-si-jo’i wa-na-ka-te oil -f pa 1 i
For the Lusian territory, sage-scented oil: 6*4 1.
For the King at Dipsioi , sage-scented oil: g -6 1.
ro-u-si-jo a-ko-To : Lousidi agroi if dative, but possibly to be taken as locative; cf. 252 =
PY Vn 11.4.
di-pi-si-jo-i: in form probably Dipsioihi , equivalent to the adjective 814 / 105 , but serving
as an address.
308 = Fr 1222
wa-na-so-i to-no-e-ke-te-n-jo 'oil f pa <1 1 '
For the holding oj the throne at W.; sage-scented oil: 1-6 1.
wa-na-so-i: an address, see above, p. 473 *
to-no-e-ke-te-ri-jo: many interpretations of this word have been attempted. It seems most
plausible to take to-no- as thomo- = 0povo- as in the furniture tablets (242-244); cf.
lekhe - in the parallel compound re-ke-(e)-to-ro-le-ri-jo , Fr 343, Fr 1217. The second
member is then perhaps hekterion (fy 00 )* but helkterion (eAkco) cannot be excluded.
Palmer’s stonoegerterion ‘the raising of the lamentation’ ( 13630 , p. 252 ) is exceedingly
ingenious and might conceivably be right. But it may perhaps be a shrine rather
than a festival.
309 = Fr 1224
pa-ko-we e-ti-we
pa-ki-ja-ni-jo-jo me-no po-se-da-o-ne oil- f pa d 2
In the month Pakijanios , for Poseidon: sage- and . . .-scented oil: o -8 1 .
e-ti-we : sec Glossary.
310 = Fr 1225
1 e-ra^-wo u-po-jo po-ti-ni-ja
2 we-a 2 -no-i a-ro-pa oil 4- a ^ 1
Olive oil for the Mistress of Hyp . . ., ointment for robes: 9-6 1 . oil.
u-po-jo po-ti-ni-ja: also mentioned at Fn 187.8, where she receives barley and figs,
and at Fr 1236, which locates her in the territory of Pa-ki-ja-ne .
we-a 2 -no-i: wehanoihi = £avoi$ ‘for robes’ (cf. Skt. vasanam).
a-ro-pa: aloiphd ‘ointment’.
482
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
3 11-312
311 It 1226
ro-u-si-jo a-ko-ro te-o-i pa-ko-we oil + pa <\
For the Lusian territory, for the deities: sage-scented oil, 4 * 8 ( 4 - ?) 1.
te-o-i: their names are not specified, but the address will have made their identity clear.
Cf, however, Fr 1355 te-o-i a-ro-pa pu -[.
6 . MISCELLANEOUS OFFERINGS AT PYLOS
A few new and improved texts can be added here as further evidence for
Mycenaean religion. The first is interesting for the repetition of some of the
names found on 91 Fn 50, and the implication that the owners of the slaves
there are probably priests or religious functionaries of some sort.
312 An 1281
1 po-\ti-ni-ja i-qe-ja
2 ?do-so]-mo o-pi-e-de-i
3 a-ka re-u-si-wo-qe man 2
I au-ke-i-ja-te-we MAN
5 o-na-se-u la-ni-ko-qe man 2
me-ta-ka-wa pg-so-ro man 1
7 mi-jo-qa[ ]e-we-za-no man i
8 a-pi-e-rq to-ze-11 man 1
9 po-li)-a-ke-si po-ti-ni-ja re-si-wo
10 au-ke-i-jq-te-we[ ]ro
II mi-jo-qa ma-ra-si-jo[ ]
12 me-ta-ka-wa ti-ta-ra-[ J
13 a-pi-e-ra ru-ko-ro
1416 vacant
For the Mistress of Horses, [contribution] at the shrine : A. and R.: 2 men
For Augeiateus: O. and T. : 2 men
For Metakawa : P.: 1 man
For Mioq u a\ . . . 1 man
For Amphiera : T. : 1 man
For the Mistress at . . R.: 1 man
etc.
po-ti-ni-ja i-qe-ja: Potnidi hiqq u etat =nnrd$. This seems the obvious interpretation of
the adjective, and Palmer ( 1966 , p. 276 ) has collected the evidence for a horse-deity
worshipped in the Peloponnese in classical times.
do-so]-mo : the restoration is suggested by the formula of the Es tablets (168-170).
o-pi-e-de-i: originally read o-pi-ke-de-i , but this appears to be due to a correction of
4 8 3
MAN I
MANX
MAN I
MAN I
MAN I
312-313
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
o-pi-de The unelided i of opi suggests the presence of k; cf. o-pi-a % -ra 56— An 656.1*
Perhaps therefore to be taken as two words, the preposition opi and the dative
hede[h)i of«6os ‘seat* (especially of a deity), ‘shrine’.
po-ti]-a-ke-si: there is some support for the reading ti before a which suggests comparison
with the place name po-ti-ja-ke-e An 298.2. If the last sign is really -ji, this will
presumably be locative-dative of a plural form. It is put here to distinguish this
household of the Mistress from that where she bears the form of a horse. It should
be noted that the four names are repeated at this place.
313 —Un 6
[Broken at the top]
1 po-se-da[-o-ne
vacat
pe-re -^82 cow i ewe i pig + ka i
pe-re -*82 cow l ewe i pig + ka i
vacat
]wool 5
< 1 .[
sheep[
6 **46 37 */6?[
7 A + RE + PA 1 I
8 0X2 COW 2
Reverse:
2 ] i-je-re-ja cloth + te[
3 ka-]ra-wi-po-ro cloth + te[
sow 1
sow 1
The addition of two pieces (1189, 1250) has shown that this is a fragment of
an interesting text. The reading po-se-da[-o-ne=^ Poseiddonei is confirmed by a
deleted text still readable underneath the present one. Pe-re -^82 is the deity
who receives offerings on 172=Tn 316.rev.5; see p. 463 . pig + ka recurs on
Un 853.5, again distinguished from sow, so presumably male; it seems
obvious that k a stands for Kdrrpos ‘ boar*, but probably not the wild boar. The
ideogram * 146 (= A in the table on p. 290 ) is probably a textile, a -f-RE-f pa
is a ligature of three syllabic signs in descending order, found also in 171 — Un
718.8, = aleiphar ‘unguent*.
On the reverse the two words legible are i-je-re-ja ‘priestess’ and \ka]-ra-wi-
po-ro ‘key-bearer’, the religious title found on 135 —Ep 704, etc.
Excavations of the north-east wing of the Palace in 1957 yielded a new
series of tablets, now given the prefix Qa. They are all single-line tablets
characterized by the ideogram *j8g , a rectangular frame in which is inscribed
the syllabic sign ke. Judging by analogies, ke- is likely to be the
first syllable of the Mycenaean name for the object listed. The 189
numbers of this object vary from 1 (at least eight times) to 5 .
484
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
313-316
Possibly some kind of textile (a ceremonial robe?) is meant. The formula
consists of a personal name (a-pi-a 2 -ro Qa 1297), or a personal name and
a place (e.g. a-te-ra-wo ka-ra-do-ro Qa 1304), or a personal name and title
(e.g. ka-wa-ra i-je-re-ja 314 = Qa 1289) or a title and a place name (e.g.
i-je-re-u se-ri-no-wo-te Qa 1290 ‘the priest at S.’). In this it resembles the
variations to be seen among the entries of 258=Jo 438. But the titles here
appear to be religious; three tablets refer to a priest or priestess (Qa 1290,
1296, 1300; cf. 1303?), and one to a man ‘of the Mistress’ (potnidwios 316 —
Qa 1299). This may lead us to suspect that po-qa-te-u (Qa 1295) is phoig u asteus
(tpoipd^co) ‘prophet* or ‘ritual purifer’.
Of the personal names a-pi-a 2 -ro = Amphihalos stands alone on 304= On
300.2, and is known also as a land-holder. \E]-ke-ri-ja-wo and me-nu-a 2 recur
on 55 = An 724, but since the latter occurs on two Qa tablets (1293, 1301), it
is perhaps a title rather than a name. Ne-qe-u e-da-e-u reappears as a land¬
holder Eb 496, cf. 148 = Ep 613.1. Thus the names listed here are all persons
of consequence.
314 = Qa 1289
ka-wa-ra i-je-re-ja *i8g[
The priestess K . . .
315 = Qa 1296
a-o-n-me-ne i-je-re-u * i8g[
The priest Ahorimenes . . .
316 = Qa 1299
ka-e-se-u po-ti-ni-ja-wi-jo *i8g i
K., the man of the Mistress: one . . .
The name Ka-e-se-u recurs at Mycenae 105 = Ge 602. The usual form of adjec¬
tive from Potnia is po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo , an equally obscure formation.
485
209-213
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
CHAPTER X
TEXTILES, VESSELS AND FURNITURE
p- 3 1 31 Later work on the subject of textiles has not rendered this account obsolete,
and it is only necessary to add a few general comments. The use of the cloth
ideogram with the same surcharged signs (ku and zo) in both Linear A and
Linear B has led to some confusion, and this has even been claimed as evidence
that neither is Greek. The truth is simpler. The words used to describe special
kinds of cloth are particularly liable to be borrowed and are often geographical
in origin; one has only to think of such English words as cashmere , crepe de chine ,
calico , cambric. Thus it would be inevitable that the Greeks established in Crete
would continue the production of Minoan textiles and would perpetuate the
Minoan names in a hellenized form. With the loss of Minoan crafts in the post-
Myccnaean period, these loan-words too would disappear from the Greek
language, and this explains why we can interpret so few of the technical terms
used on these tablets, ku and zo are doubtless abbreviations of Minoan words
for particular fabrics which were borrowed into Mycenaean Greek.
These tablets are the subject of a special study by J. T. Killen (forthcoming).
He interprets the Lc type as records of the manufacture of textiles by groups
of women working at various places in Crete; these tablets are closely connec¬
ted with some of the Ak tablets (see pp. 163-4), which were written by the
same scribe and found in the same part of the Palace. The picture which
emerges is of small industrial establishments in different parts of the island,
but all closely controlled by Knossos. On the other hand, the textile industry
at Pylos seems to be largely concentrated in the capital with only a few out¬
lying workshops.
p.3*5t 209=Lc 525. Corrections: 1. 1 clothHte 40 wool ioo[
p. 3 » 6 t 211 = Lc 532 + 554. Corrections: 1. 1 wool 26 / i[; 1 . 2 cloth + te 4
WOOL 2§[.
ko-u-ra \ now found also at Mycenae as epithet to pa-we-a 2 L 710,2.
p. 317 t 213 = Le 641
o-a-po-te: Killen has shown that in Od 562.3 a-po-te pe-re , a-po-te must be a man’s name.
This leaves the interpretation of a-re-i-jo obscure, since if it is, as at Pylos, a patro¬
nymic adjective, its separation from the verb is remarkable.
486
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
214—222
p- 3 1 7+ 214^Ld 571. It now appears that the difference between Ld 571 and Ld 572
is only in the number ofstrokes in the ‘ fringe’ ofthe cloth ideogram ; Ld 572
has only two. In any case it is difficult to believe that one of these tablets is not
intended to replace the other.
re-u-ko-nu-ka: it can now be added that the nominative singular o-nu appears to stand on
•d 681, again in the context of wool. There seems little doubt that this is the same
word as ovu£, but it has some technical meaning here. On the edge of Ln 1568 the
reading has been changed to: o-pi ma-tu-iye. . .o-pi po-ni-ke-ja[ and Killen has
shown that o-pi is the preposition opi in the sense ‘in the workshop of’, ‘chez\
pe-ne-we-ta: the rules of word-formation in Mycenaean exclude possibility of derivation
from an o-stem; the root of this adjective must therefore be either a neuter J-stem
(see Palmer, 19634 , p. 293 ) or a consonant stem. Perhaps therefore sphen-wenta
from CTcpr)v ‘wedge’; this might refer to tapering shape, but more likely describes some
kind of decoration.
p-3' R t 215 = Ld 573. The join of Ld 649 with 8169 has completed this word as
ke-se-ne-wi-ja , which violates the ordinary rule that -nw- is spelt with fl + thc
vowel of the following syllabic or u. It is here a reflexion of the vowel of the
preceding syllable. The expected spelling ke-se-ni-wi-jo is now found on
PY Fr 1231.
p-3'9t 217 = Ld 587 4-589 + 596 + 8262. Correction: 1. 1 add to-sa before po-ki-ro-nu-ka.
Edge: a lacuna before ]to-sa may explain the significance of the number.
Killen and Olivier ( 1968 , p. 119 ) have shown that this tablet is the totalling
document for tablets such as 218 = Ld 598.
p- 3*9+ 218 = Ld 598+661. Corrections: 1. 1 wi-jo-qo-ta-o ; 1. 2 re-u-ko-nu-ka.
wi-jo-qo-ta-o : gen. of man’s name, also found as that of a shepherd Db 1305.
p. 32of 221 = L 647
nu-wa-ja: the variant spelling nu-wa-i-ja is found on L 592 ( + 663), followed by pa-we-a }
and on L 5910+5920.1. ]e-ni-qe nu-wa-i-ja [ above a cloth entry similar to the
second in 1. 1 of this tablet. It seems likely to be an adjective, but there is no plausible
identification in Greek.
e-ni-qe: all the extant examples are or may be introducing a second adjective describing
a number of textiles. It is therefore possible to interpret it as eni q u e (= 6 vecrri nr)
‘and there are among them’; cf. tosoide telestai enehensi PY 114 = En 609.2. Note
especially L 593 + 5992 + 8587: \ko\-pu-ra e-ni-qe pe-ne-we-ta *161 cloth 1 4.
p. 320* 222 = L 693. There has been no confirmation of the idea that the bronze
figures here represent value; it would seem more likely that the bronze is
487
222-228
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
actually used in making the tunic—perhaps more accurately described as a
piece of armour. Similarly the epikhitonia will be bronze plates fitted on to the
tunic; cf. e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo ‘fittings on the helmet 5 299=Sk 789. In Xe 537 the
correct reading is probably o-pi i-ta-ja .
p. 32 if 224 = L 474. Palmer ( 1963 a, p. 297 ) is wrong in suggesting that, because in
some cloth tablets this place is occupied by a description of women, po-pu-re-ja
must here too be one = ‘purple-dyers 5 . The parallel of 223 = L 471 (in the
same hand) shows that an adjective of colour is required.
p. 321 $ 225 = L 520. It is clear that do-ti-ja is a place name and that sa-mu-ta-jo is a
man’s name. It is therefore likely that ka-ma is here not the same word as at
Pylos but a man’s name; and this leads to the suggestion that pe-re-ke , although
displaced, is another, rather than a verb connecting the two entries. The
apocopated form mp has not been proved in Mycenaean, and the only likely
verb would be ttAeksi 4 plaits ’ for which there is no subject.
p. 32 at 226 ~Oe 129. Correction: for di-ke read di-du-mo , man’s name: Didumoi .
Parallel to tu-ka-te-re is the new reading tu-ka~pi*si Oe 112.2, which, if correct, must be
dative plural thugatarsi <
p. 322 : 227 = Oe 127
e-we-pe-seso-me-na: our interpretation is rejected by Palmer (1963 a, p.421) on the
grounds that it is one word; but does he read Homeric kncriutvov divisim ? His own
ev- = frn- is suspicious since it occurs only in glosses, and the very existence of
Cypriot 0- has been questioned (Scherer, 1959, p. 173), though this may be excessive
caution. Palmer would also connect the verb with £ttco ‘attend to’, but does not
explain the formation which is correct for the future of In either case the sense
required seems to be passive, thus confirming the absence of the element -0r|- from
Mycenaean passive forms; cf, ze-so-me-no * to be boiled’ PY 103 = Un 267.4. A pos¬
sible explanation of the need for boiling may be the process employed to remove the
natural grease of the wool, which is sometimes retained during weaving. Beekes
(1969, p. 67) conjectures a verb *ewepho corresponding, with prothetic 4-, to O.H.G.
weban , Eng. weave , later replaced by v/tpalvco. The correlation of pa-we-a t with wool
instead of cloth is puzzling; it is hard to believe that this is wool for the making of
cloths, unless e-we-pe-se-so-me-na can refer to fabrication rather than treatment.
Possibly the explanation is that the quantity of cloth was measured by weight
rather than by counting; hence the translation should read l 6o kg of woollen
cloaks. . .\
p. 322 U 228 = Oe 111. Corrections: 1. 2 : wo-ro-ne-ja pa-we-si / [.]-me-jo-i' wool[;
1 . 3 end wool[; 1 . 4
488
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
228
o-u-ka: the best hypothesis is Palmer’s (19630, p. 439) who would see in this word
owika i adj. of6fi$ ‘sheep’. This view is accepted, with some hesitation, by Chantraine
(1966, p, 177). The objection to the meaning is avoided if wo-ro-ne-ja means ‘lamb’s’,
though this does not explain o-u-ko in Oe 108 and 120 . The use of -u-j- alternating
with -wi-j- in di-u-jajdi-wi-ja^ etc. (Chantraine, loc. cit.), is not really a parallel, and
we need further evidence to resolve this problem.
wo-ro-ne-ja : best taken as wroneia , a metathesis of womeia, adj. from fn'jv ‘lamb*, the
original genitive of which was probably dpv6s (i.e. fpr)V, fapv6$). For the treatment of
l > ro } cf. qe-to-ro -.
pa-we-si : not pa-we-si-jo as read earlier, —pharwes(s)i t with an adj. in agreement.
Olivier (1969) suggests ]jo-tai-ni-*§6 as a possible reading; if the last sign is
really -ja t this would recall e-pi-jo-ta-na PY Aa 95 - e-pi-ja-ta-ni-ja Ad 687 , a place name.
p- 323 ! The meagre records with the ideograms cloth or wool still do not include
a single complete tablet. But such evidence as there is agrees with the corres¬
ponding documents from Knossos and Mycenae. New finds show thatCLOTH-j-
pu occurred here too (La 1394), and La 1393 has a broken first line which
might be restored, e.g., o-de-ka-]sQ-to a-ri-wo ta-ra-\si-ja , or o-da-\sQ-to (cf.
Wa 917) would do equally well.
Growing conviction that *146 is a textile suggests that the new Pylos Mb
series should be mentioned here. Few tablets are complete, but some seem to
have nothing but a place name followed by * 146 and a number: e.g. Mb 1396
a-pi-no-e-wi-jo *146 2 . Other tablets apparently have personal names. The
new fragments of Mn tablets are similar; they appear to list the same com¬
modity under place names and persons.
p. 323 : 3a. LEATHER GOODS AT PYLOS
The use of leather was earlier inferred from the word di-pte-ra-po-ro , but new
finds from the north-east wing at Pylos in 1957 provided evidence of the leather
goods which could in any case be presumed to exist. Cf. also the new tablet
323 = Sb 1315 dealing with chariot-harness, no doubt also of leather.
It is clear that the first tablet is a record of the issue of skins, mainly tanned
leather, but some of rawhide (see below). The objects which are to be made
from them are specified, either in apposition (nominative) or in the dative of
purpose; occasionally a dependent genitive is found (e.g. pe-di-ro 1. 5 ). The
persons named are therefore likely to be leather-workers, and it is interesting
that they include women as well as men. It is likely that the men are the
rhapteres mentioned elsewhere, and thus the feminine rhaptriai also may refer
to women who sew leather rather than cloth; see on 323 —Sb 1315.
Many of the technical terms are as yet unsolved, but the general sense of the
tablet is clear. A few items seem to be of other materials if correctly interpreted.
489
317
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
317 = Ub 1318. The central section of this tablet was not recovered until 1964
(Lang, 1965 ). There is a detailed study also by Ruijgh ( 1966 ).
1 au-ke-i-ja-te-we ka-tu-re-wi-ja-i di-pte-ra 4
[ . . . . } di-pte-ra 2
au-ke-i-ja-te-we o-ka di-pte-ra [
2 au-ke-i-ja-te-we o-pi-de-so-mo ka-tu-ro 2 di-pte-ra 4
ka-ne-ja
wo-ro-ma-ta 4
me-ti-ja-no
to-pa ru-de-a 2 di-pte-ra 1
a-re-se-si
e-ru-ta-ra di-pte-ra 3
wo-di-je-ja pe-di-ra 2
we-e-wi-ja
di-pte-ra 10
wi-ri-no
we-ru-ma-ta ti-ri-si ze-u-ke-si 1
5 wi-n-no pe-di-ro e-ma-ta 4
e-ra-pe-ja e-pi-u-ru-te-we E 2
6 a-pe-i-ja u-po ka-ro we-[ ]-ja 1
u-po we-e-wi-ja e-ra-pe-ja e i
7 mu-te-we we-re-ne-ja ku[ \pe-re 1
mu-te-we di-pte-ra a 3 -za pe-di-ro-i 1
810 vacant
t
2
3
4
5
6
7
For Augciatcus: four skins for saddle-bags.
For ...(?): two skins.
For Augciatcus: . . . skins (as) straps.
For Augciatcus: four skins (as) bindings of pack-saddles;
four panniers of basketry.
Mcstianor: one skin (as) fastenings of a hamper;
three red skins for . . .
(For) Wordicia: two (skins as) sandals;
ten pig’s skins;
one hide (as) wrappers for three pairs (of sandals?);
four hides (as) laces of sandals;
two deer skins (as) . . .
(For) Amphchia: one pigs skin with fringes underneath;
one deer skin with pig's skin underneath.
For Myrtcus: one sheep’s (skin?) . . .
For Myrtcus: one goat’s skin for sandals.
It is immediately apparent that some of the entries begin with personal
names (c.g. au-ke-i-ja-te-we 312 = An 1281.4.; me-ti-ja-no-ro Vn 1191.1, associ¬
ated with wo-di-je-ja). Hence a-pe-i-ja and mu-te-we arc also likely to be names.
490
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
317
Some are plainly in the dative, but me-ti-ja-no is nominative if a name in - dnor ,
as Vn 1191 suggests; probably this is mere scribal inconsistency. On the other
hand some entries do not begin with names, so we must assume that the
previous name serves as heading until cancelled by the next. The entries are
mainly hides (i diphtherai) of various animals, and articles made of leather.
ka-tu-re-wi-ja-i; cf. ka-tu-ro 2 in line 2 , ka-tu-re-wi[ KN X 1047 . 2 . Miss Lang saw that
these words could be associated with Kav 0 OAr| ‘swelling’, Kav 0 f)Aia ‘panniers for pack-
animals’, etc. The group is well discussed by Ruijgh (loc. cit.). The form here
probably represents kanthuliwiahi dative plural of a feminine derived from the
adjective in -ewios; the meaning is therefore likely to be ‘saddle-bags’.
o-ka : there is no reason why this should be the same word as designates a command on
56 - 60 . Ruijgh suggests holkdi ‘for pulling’; but perhaps okhai (eyco) ‘supports’,
‘straps’ would be possible.
o-pi-de-so-mo: opidesmoi , cf. ^ttiSect^os used by medical writers to mean ‘bandage’.
ka-tu-ro 2 : kanthulion ? ‘pack-saddles’?
ka-ne-ja : the most likely suggestion is kaneia ‘made of basketry’, the adjective which
survived into classical Greek only as a substantive xaveov ‘basket’. Kdvva is Semitic
(Assyr. kanu ‘ reed’).
wo-ro-ma-ta: wlomata = Xco^aTa, a word only attested in Hellenistic Greek and meaning
‘a fringe on a garment’. But since it is probably derived from the root *wel- ‘roll’
(cf. dA£co, TAAco, etc.), it might here have some such sense as ‘container’, perhaps the
panniers for use with the preceding straps and bindings on pack-saddles.
me-ti-ja-no : man’s name, Mestidnor (Ruijgh), possibly Metidnor ( = Mesi -, cf. Mpcndva^).
to-pa ru-de-a 2 : it has generally been assumed that one of these is a substantive, the other
an adjective in agreement; but parallel phrases, like opidesmoi kanthulion above, suggest
that they might both be substantives. Ru-de-a 2 — . . .eha has the appearance of the
plural of a neuter in -os (cf pa-we-a 2 —pharweha ). But there is no suitable identification
known in later Greek. For to-pa Palmer (1963a, p. 459) suggested stoibd ‘cushion’;
Ruijgh a dative *storphai ‘ consolidation ’. But i t is not impossible that 0 here represents
f and we could interpret the spelling as tOTpd = Tc5fpTTT[ ‘large basket’, ‘hamper’.
Since one hide could not make a hamper, it must be the other noun which describes
the leather articles, and to-pa will be genitive torpds. Perhaps therefore the ru-de-a 2
arc straps, hinges or fastenings, such as arc often made of leather to attach lids to
hampers, or for strengthening.
a-re-se-si: obviously dative plural, but no satisfactory suggestion has been made for this
word. They arc made of red leather and three hides arc allocated for them. Fragments
of red leather were recovered from a Mycenaean tomb at Kazarma (Protonotariou-
Dctlaki, 1969, p. 4).
wo-di-je-ja : the woman who is described as ‘of Mcstianor’ on Vn 1191 , his wife or his
slave? Perhaps husband and wife worked together on leather goods. Re-di-ra (cf.
pe-di-ro line 5) is plainly -n^STAci ‘sandals’, if the word should not be given the more
general sense ‘footwear*; but the entry is cryptic, since ‘two’ can hardly mean ‘a
491
317
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
pair’ as this would demand a dual. More likely the sandals are the objects to be
made, and we must understand diphtherd (dual) with the numeral.
we-e-wi-ja : the proposed rule (Chadwick, 19586, p.308) that initial we- preceding a
vowel may represent a Greek u- has not been generally accepted. Yet this is a highly
convincing example. In the latter part of this tablet the animals from which the hides
are taken are specified as deer, sheep and goats. If we assume that oxen are meant
when no animal is specified, then the animal known to have been reared at Pylos
which is missing from the list is the pig. The difficulty is that Geios would appear to
contain the normal -eios ending of adjectives of material, and - e-wi-ja presumably
implies -r)fio$. The extension of this type, based upon stems in -eGs, e.g. qa-si-re-wi-ja =
g u asilewia (paaiAfGs), i-je-re-wi-jo = hierewios (IspEUs), is well attested for Homer,
e.g. 7toXeut)10S, where there is no known *noXEH€us, and must be presumed to be
Mycenaean also: cf. ro-u-si-j e-wi-ja (ro-u-so), di-pi-si-je-wi-jo (di-pi-si-jo -i), wa-na-
se-wi-jo (wa-na-so-i). Thus, remarkable as it may seem, we-e-wi-ja may represent
huewiai ‘pig’s’, and classical Gaos could also continue that form. The spelling
we-e-wi-ja recurs at Knossos (As 1518 -f 1529 ) in an obscure context.
wi-ri-no : the contrast between wrinos = f>ivos and diphthera- is puzzling at
first sight. 'Pivos is often used of ox-hide, but if diphthera is the skin of other animals,
this does not explain the entries at the beginning of this text where no animal is
specified. Etymology and classical usage both suggest that 5t90epa (cf. 64 vyco) refers
to the tanned hide, f>ivos to the raw hide. Homer even uses f>ivo^ of the skin of a
living person (//. v, 308, Od. v, 426).
we-ru-ma-ta ti-ri-si ze-u-ke-si: the interpretation of the first word must depend upon
thr others, and we must nut lose sight of the fact that only one hide i* u^cd. Ti-ri-si
can hardly be anything but trisi, dat. ofTpcts ‘three*. Ruijgh, questioning the reading
of the last sign, doubts the existence of the classical form with intervocalic -o- already
restored in Mycenaean; but since the starting point of the spread of these forms
must be the consonant stems (e.g. pa-si = pansi ), and they had already reached the
stems in -eus (ka-ke-u-si = khalkeusi), their extension to all third declension nouns is
not unexpected, although they had not yet aff ected the 0- and a-stems. J?e-u-ke-si is
dative plural of jeuyos, the word regularly abbreviated as ze: dzeuge(s)si. But is the
meaning ‘ pair’ or specifically ‘ a yoke of oxen’ ? It is hard to think what could be made
out of one hide which would constitute something for three yokes. This is a decisive
objection to Ruijgh’s werumata (Ipvco) ‘bridles’. But his objection to the more attrac¬
tive welumata (fiXutia Od. vi, 179) ‘wrappers’ disappears once we rid ourselves of the
notion that jEuyos means a yoke of oxen. Since sandals are mentioned just above and
immediately afterwards, is it impossible that these are the pairs meant?
e-ma-ta: the reading was originally published as e-[. .]-ta , which effectively misled
interpreters. Hermata — epuorrex, used in Homer (//. xiv, 181; Od. xvm, 297) to mean
‘earrings*, is a derivative of cTpco and ought to be treated separately from eppa
‘support’. The etymological sense ‘that which is strung or fastened* suggests that it
means here the ‘laces* used to secure sandals to the foot, often reaching well up the calf.
e-ra-pe-ja : apparently only a variation on e-ra-pi-ja Ub 1316 , elapheiai (jc. diphtherai ),
and the same word is represented by the abbreviation e with the numeral. Surpris-
492
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
317
ingly the dual is not used, perhaps because the scribe was unsure of the number
when he began the entry.
e-pi-u-ru-te-we: the spelling -u-ru- y as in o-u-ru-to 56 = An 657 . 1 , must represent -wr-;
cf. £urqp * that which draws’, ‘strap’. Hence epiwrutewes is a likely form, but the mean¬
ing is more difficult; Ruijgh, comparing £tteipvct&pevov tt]v Aeovt^v, Hdt. iv, 8,
‘having spread the lion-skin upon him’, suggests it may mean ‘skins used as gar¬
ments’. Since deer skin is used it will be something for which soft leather was needed,
therefore not straps or ropes for pulling.
a-pe-i-ja : if this is really a woman’s name, then the entry consists only of the word
we-[. .]-ja with a qualifying u-po ka-ro. It is possible that this is the word missing in
line l, where the second sign could well be pt. We-[. .]-ja can be restored either as
we-re-ne-ja (I. 7) or we-e-wi-ja (11. 4, 6); the latter is epigraphically more likely.
ka-ro : of the many possible interpretations perhaps kairos (Kaipo^) is best, meaning here
a fringe hanging beneath ( hupo ) like the threads of the warp on a woven cloth.
u-po we-e-wi-ja : since e-ra-pe-ja is certainly a deer skin, it cannot also be a pig’s skin;
but the two skins might be combined in some way (e.g. a garment with the upper
part of deer skin, the lower of pig’s skin; or even an outer layer of deer skin, and a
lining of pig’s skin, though this seems less likely).
mu-te-we : presumably another personal name in the dative.
we-re-ne-ja : almost certainly another adjective describing the animal from which the
skin is taken: wreneia ‘lamb’s’ (Heubeck, i960, p. 19). If the hypothesis of an original
*rpqv, fapvbs is correct, this adjective will be built on the nominative instead of the
root as dpvEios. The greatest difficulty lies in accepting wo-ro-ne-ja — wroneia as an
alternative Hum. Is it possible that the words were already specialized and we-re-ne-ja
means ‘of a young ram* rather than ‘lamb’s’? See Glossary.
a $ -za: aidzd<*aig-yd y ‘goat’s’, the expected development of an adjective in *-yos
attached to the stem aly-, but replaced in classical Greek by ccTyeios to retain the
appearance of the stem.
pe-di-ro-i : pediloihi , dative of purpose, ‘for (the making of) sandals’.
p. 326! 202 . di-pa: some of the difficulties in the way of identifying this word with
Settocs can be removed by studying the earliest examples of the word in
alphabetic Greek. In //. xi, 632 , it is clear that this is no ordinary drinking-
vessel, for we are told (11. 636 - 7 ) that anyone but Nestor would have had
difficulty in lifting it from the table when it was full. Similarly the word was
later used of the golden bowl in which the sun made its return journey across
the ocean during the night (Pherecydes, 18 a, Jakoby).
p. 327! 203 . qe-to: it is possible to identify the word with ttiOos if we assume that the
origin is a base *g w hedh- t giving a Mycenaean form q v (h?)ethos, and that iriOos
is an Aeolic word (cf. *maupES=T£aaEpE$). But this involves rejecting the con¬
nexion with Germanic words such as Icelandic bida ; Latin fid-elia could still
493
229-230
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
belong with Tn0o$. But neither the size of the vessel nor the form of the word
favours the identification, and it may well be one of the numerous loan-words
used for vessel-names in Greek (cf. dpupkxAAos, (3ikos, Aepr)$, Ar)xu0os) and this
explains the confusion of Myc. e but classical i, since this seems to occur only
in non-Greek words (cf. ku-te-so , i-pa-sa-na-ti in Glossary; Hester, 1958 ).
p. 327+ 204 . qe-ra-na : various attempts have been made to provide this word with an
etymology, such as a connexion with ( <*g u 'her -) ‘vessel for hot-water’.
Perhaps a better suggestion is *g w el- ‘to pour in drops’ (Skt. galanam , Gk.
paAav-eus, etc.). But the ending - a-na recalls the pre-Greek suffix of place
names -ava ('qvTi), and this too may be a loan-word.
p. 328! 209 . a-pi~po-re~we: the reference to Knossos Gg (now K) 700 should be
deleted. These vessels arc of the spouted type described under 210 , and have
surcharged ka, an abbreviation of ka~ra-re-we . The amphora with surcharged
a occurs several times in the Knossos Gg series (e.g. 204 = Gg 704).
p. 328} 210 . ka-ra-re-we : the best interpretation of this word is due to Householder
( 1 959 P- 379) : khldrewes , based upon a gloss of Hesychius: xAapov* £Aaiqpds
KcbOcov. Pindar ( Pyth . ix, 65 ) uses the expression xAapov yeAav, which has caused
trouble to the commentators; since it is said of a Centaur, is it impossible that
it means ‘to laugh like an oil-jar’ (i.e. with the characteristic noise made by
pouring liquid from a narrow-necked vessel) ?
p , 32 g| 229 = K 434. Correction: 1. 1 at left probably ]j<i (not 1 ). Perhaps the end of a
feminine adjective in -we-sa ?
ko-no-ni-pi\ the suggestion that this means ‘with cross-bars’ has been criticized on
archaeological grounds by Gray (1959, p. 53), but no better solution has so far been
proposed.
p. 329 $ 230 = K 740. Correction: 1. 6 'me-no-no[ f (in very small signs above the line).
di-pa: probably singular, with no eff ort to adapt the syntax to the numeral.
qe-ro 2 : the armour tablets ( 299 - 300 ) show clearly that this is the name of a piece of
equipment, two of which make a set. In that case, no drawing accompanies the word;
here the drawing somewhat resembles the corslet sign (no. 162), but is dis¬
tinguished from it. For a discussion and photograph see Chadwick (1957^). This text
confirms that it is used in pairs as the number is even, and tells us that it is made of
bronze.
There are two possible lines of interpretation. We may ignore the differences and
regard the ideogram as a form of corslet; if so, the numeral two must refer to a
494
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
230-23
‘lobster’ corslet made up of two pieces, like that found at Dendra in i960 (Vermcule,
1964, p. 135); but this had as well three flexible bands composing a kind of sk irt.
If this interpretation is correct, no plausible identification of qe-ro 2 has been made,
for attempts to connect the word with yvaAov arc linguistically impossible.
•nc argument in favour of this interpretation is the fact that the corslet
ideogram is often surcharged with syllabic qe, which could bean abbreviation of
qe-ro 2 , though this cannot be confirmed. K.N Sc 266 is sometimes quoted as confirma¬
tion that qe is reckoned in pairs; but corslet + qe is always followed by the
numeral one, and on Sc 266 the scribe wrote: corslet + qe i ze i, and then
inserted a small qe as an afterthought before ze. Analogies suggest that the correction
was itself an error; he should have inserted the ideogram horse which always
precedes ze 1 in this series.
The alternative (see Chadwick, loc. cit.) is to follow the order of the items of
equipment on the armour tablets, which shows that these come between the check-
pieces and the shoulder-guards. This leads to the suggestion that they arc arm-
guards to protect the upper arm below the shoulder guard. This has the advantage
that it becomes possible to interpret qe-ro 2 as sq u elid (dual), which can be equated
with the Aeolic form cttt£A(A)iov of the usual ^/eAiov ‘bracelet’; it is uncertain whether
cm- represents the original order or a metathesis of vp-, but a metathesis of such a
difficult group as q u s- would not be surprising in Mycenaean (sec, however, qisi-pe-e
in Glossary). This alternative has not been generally accepted, but no evidence has
yet been found to resolve the question.
p. 33 o| 231 = K 873. Corrections: 1. 1 \ke-re-a\ 1 . 3 we and the small sign (probably the
base of no rather than wo) after the ideogram arc the remains of a deleted word.
p. 330 ^ 232 —K 875. Correction: 1. 6 numeral 10 over a deleted figure. No convincing
explanation has been given of the meaning of qa-si-re-wi-ja, plainly a derivative
of the official title qa-si-re-u , to be identified with {3c«7iAeus although the sense
of‘king’ is inappropriate.
P . 33 [| 233 —Uc 160 reverse. Corrections: 1. 2 the numeral is probably 6 ; 1 . 4 do is
quite uncertain, but the restoration is justified by PY 238 = Tn 996.2.
The obverse of this tablet is interesting for the recently improved reading
de-re-u-ko associated with the ideogram wine; the interpretation as dleukos —
yAevxos ‘sweet new wine' throws interesting light on the etymology of
yAuxus (Chadwick, 1968 c).
p. 33 q 234=Uc 611 . Corrections: the ‘reverse’ should probably be regarded as the
obverse. The left edge is missing in every line, but little or nothing is lost. In
1 . 1 the safer reading is ] pe-ra 4 , but the restoration is probable; 1.4 ti-ri-po-di-ko
and ka-Ta-ti-ri-jo arc certain readings.
495
234
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
On the sealings which repeat words from this tablet see Chadwick (ig 5 g).
The words which repeat are a-ta-ra(-qe) Wt 501, ka-na-to Wt 502, 506, qe-ti-ja
Wt 504, pa-ke-ie-ri-ja Wt 506, and possibly ka-ra-ti-ri-jo which appears as
ka-ra-se\-ti-ri-jo on Wt 507, with the text divided between two lines and se
above the normal size. Possibly the se is not part of the word but an inde¬
pendent annotation. These sealings also supply two other words belonging to
this semantic group; e-ku-se-we (Wt 501) = enkhusewes ‘funnels’ (already sug¬
gested in the Vocabulary of the first edition) and ke-ni-qe-te-we (Wt 503) =
kheTniq u tewes (cf. x£pvivp) ‘wash-hand basins’. A pottery funnel was found in
this same room of the House of the Sphinxes.
ka-ra-te-ra: the apparent accusative has given rise to the suggestion (Risch, 1958a)
that all these words should be regarded as accusatives, and this leads to a theory that
consonant stem accusatives plural may have an ending -es, as well as -or, which is
evidenced by pa-ki-ja-na-de (-dnas-de). Scribal inconsequence is more likely, but the
possibility must be kept in mind.
pa-ke-te-re: the repetition of this word on lists of building materials at Pylos and the
large numbers there too (86 and 140) suggest that it is not a vessel but some other
metal artifact. Perhaps some kind of peg or nail (on which to hang the vessels?):
pdkteres (irnyvvm) seems likely.
ka-na-to: if the previous word means ‘nails’, perhaps gnathoi ‘cramps’ is not too fanci¬
ful; cf. Aesch. P.V, 64 dSaiiavTivou vOv <jq>qvo$ auGciSq yv&Gov j crrepvcov Siainra^
Traaa&XEv’ lppco|i£vco$.
qe-tt-ja : on the presence ol diminutives in -tov in Mycenaean see Lejeune (1967).
He points out that the sealings must have been attached to baskets, and thus give
only the names of small objects, the larger ones being ranged directly on the
shelves.
p< 33 *t The most important advance in the interpretation of this series comes from
the discovery in 1 g 57 of the missing piece of237=Ta 709 (Lang, 1958 ).
Some light is shed on the construction of the furniture by the much later
thrones discovered at Salamis in Cyprus by Karageorghis (1967 a, 19676 ,
p. 346 and Fig. 150 ). It is not at all improbable that the traditions of Mycen¬
aean craftsmanship continued there down to the Archaic period. One tomb,
dated to the end of the eighth century b.c., contained three wooden thrones,
of which the wood had perished, ‘one decorated with silver, ivory and blue
paste, the other with ivory and gold, the third only with ivory 5 . Ivory, gold
and blue paste on chairs are clearly indicated in the Pylos tablets, and the
mention of silver may perhaps lend some support to the suggestion (p. 340 )
that pa-ra-ke-we conceals another name for this metal (cf. a-ku-ro in Glossary).
There was also a wooden footstool covered with thin sheets of silver to match
496
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
235
one of the thrones. To judge from its shape it must have held a cushion, and
this confirms the idea (p. 333 ) that the thrdnues were seats rather than merely
for the feet.
Much debate has raged around the question of the purpose of this group of
precious articles. Our phrase ‘the furnishings of a luxurious reception room 5
(p. 334 ) led to the obvious criticism that luxurious apartments do not contain
damaged articles (the tripod-cauldron with the legs burnt off 236=Ta 641.1),
and it must not be thought that this inventory was of an apartment in use.
The absence of beds would be surprising if it were. It must rather be the
contents of a strong room, the store of KEiuqAicc kept for use as gifts, where
valuable but damaged objects would no doubt be kept until they were repaired
or used as scrap. If Pu 2 -ke-qi-ri were the official responsible for these goods, it
would be important on taking over to ensure that any damaged articles
were so recorded, so that he could not be held responsible for the damage.
Palmer, however, put forward an ingenious theory (1957 6 ) that the inven¬
tory was made on the occasion of a burial and is a record of the contents of a
tomb, which were observed when it was opened for a fresh interment. This
would neatly explain the damaged items with traces of fire, since funeral rites
often involved sacrificial meals. The objection was raised (Gray, 1959 ; cf.
Palmer, i 960 ; Gray, i 960 ) that no known tholos in Messenia is large enough
to house all the furniture listed, and in view of the labour involved the inven¬
tory cannot be the result of opening more than one tomb. The absence of beds
is also striking in this context. But the crucial argument revolves around the
meaning of the first line of 235 = Ta 711: Palmer proposed the translation
‘when the King buried au-ke-wa Damoklos’, taking theke to mean ‘buried’
and da-mo-ko-ro as a personal name. Subsequent work on the Knossos tablets
by Olivier (1967 a) has produced clear evidence that da-mo-ko-ro is a title, not
a name. It is harder to disprove that tiGevcu can mean ‘bury’ when used in
isolation, but it should be observed that this meaning is always indicated by
something in the context—a corpse or bones as object, a phrase such as ‘in the
earth* or ‘in the tomb’. Even so, the idea cannot be entirely rejected; but
combined with other arguments it seems preferable to regard theke as having
its normal sense ‘appointed’.
P 335 t 235=Ta 711
pu 2 -ke-qi-ri: there is no reason to suspect that the name is feminine; masculine names in
-i (as classical -is) are known.
au-ke-wa : the scribe started this word with a- which he deleted and wrote *< 9 j, a further
confirmation of the value au\ probably Augewds.
497
235-236
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
wa-na-se-un-ja: Palmer (19576) made the interesting suggestion that all the epithets
describe the decoration rather than use of the vessel, and consequently this word is
to be interpreted ‘decorated with queen(s)’, the queen being the title of a goddess.
Similarly a-mo-te-wi-ja is taken to mean ‘decorated with a charioteer’. To this
Miss Gray (1959, p. 53) retorted that ‘a goddess with women or a chariot with
fighters on a jug involves the double improbability of the type of design and its appear¬
ance on a closed vessel with a strongly curved surface’. Whether we know enough of
Mycenaean metal-work (if the jugs are in fact metal) to pronounce what is probable
may be questioned; but it is surely not necessary to suppose that all the epithets are
of the same kind. It is possible that wa-na-se-wi-ja and a-mo-te-wi-ja refer to a type,
shape or material conventionally so named, and we cannot expect to determine
their meaning precisely. A list of English vases containing such expressions such as
‘Toby jug’, ‘Wedgwood’ or ‘Crown Derby’ would be similarly opaque to the
uninitiated.
ko-ro-no-we-sa: Palmer rightly objected that a derivative in -revs from an <2-stem would
demand ko-ro-na-; hence Kopcbvq must be abandoned, but a neuter from the adjective
Kopwvos cannot be excluded. Palmer’s own solution (19576, p. 73) is klonowessa
(kA6vos) ‘decorated with a throng of warriors’; but the word means ‘turmoil’ and
this seems an odd description of a static scene.
ku-na-ja : the identification with yuvaios is certain, but the ambiguity in the description
persists.
P-33 6 t 236=Ta641. Correction: 1. 1 ' ke-re-a 2 tripod[i'].
The two certain instances of scribal error or inconsequence (1. 2 me-zo-e for
me-zo y 11 . 2-3 ti-ri-o-we-e/ti-ri-jo-we) may encourage us to suppose that a 3 -ke-u
and we-ke are similarly singulars for duals. The second could be avoided by
supposing we-ke to be instr.-dat. of a noun with ke-re-si-jo the adjective in
apposition; but kresiowerges is still the most attractive suggestion, and a 3 -ke-u
remains a problem. Palmer’s aigeus ‘decorated with a goat motif’ ( 19576 , p.
79 ) is intelligible if it refers to goat protomes (Gray, 1959 , p. 52 ). Doubts
about the use of the -eus suffix in quasi-adjectival forms can be set aside (cf.
o-pi-ke-wi-ri-je-u 237 = Ta 709.3), and the classical restriction to ethnics is
probably not valid for Mycenaean. The ‘Cretan workmanship’ may mean not
imported from Crete, but made by Cretan smiths working in the kingdom of
Pylos, or even simply ‘of Cretan type’.
o-wo-we: the analogy of the other adjectives in - o-we on this tablet favours oiwowes
‘single-handled’, and this is archaeologically possible. But ‘with a single handle on
one foot’ is an odd expression; nor could hemei podei mean ‘on each foot’. It has been
objected that this phrase cannot mean ‘with (only) one foot’ because the ideogram
plainly shows three feet; but it is becoming clearer that despite attempts to accommo¬
date the ideogram to the object described these are stereotypes, and the effort of
depicting recognizably a tripod-cauldron with two of its feet missing would be
498
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
236-237
beyond the artistic powers of the scribe. It is therefore better to take the phrase
‘with one foot’ separately from o-wo-we. If we reject the parallel of qe-to-ro-we^ etc.,
we can interpret ow(w)owens (Palmer, 1963a, p. 344) and equate this with the
Homeric cotcoeis (//. xxm, 264 + ), which is certainly an artificial form. Palmer’s
translation ‘with “car” handles’ is puzzling; coTCoeis is generally understood as
‘having handles’, and ifotis is here the Greek for ‘handle’ it cannot simultaneously
mean ‘car’. The earlier explanation may well prove to be the right one.
me-wi-jo: there is no reason to reconstruct -n in the nominative singular, when it is
absent from other parts of the declension; meiwyos is not an impossible form for
Mycenaean.
\i. 337t 237 = Ta 709. Completed text (see above, p. 496 ):
1 pi-je-ra 3 to-qi-de-ja 3 pa-ko-to a-pe-te-me-ne 2
po-ro-e-ke-te-ri-ja —<=> 1 ko-te-ri-ja 6
2 au-te 1 pu-ra-u-to-ro 2 qa-ra-to-ro 1 e-ka-ra a-pi-qo-to pe-de-we-sa 1
e-ka-ra i-to-we-sa pe-de-we-sa so-we-ne-ja au-de-we- sa-qe T
3 ti-ri-po ke-re-si-jo we-ke *34~ke~u tripod i ti-ri-po ke-re-si-jo we-ke
o-pi-ke-wi-ri-je-u tripod i
pa-ko-to : phaktd the name of the large vessel shown, cf. 9 okt6v phpov uapa ’ApKdat,
kotOAcci dririKal Tpsls Lexicon Cyrilli; tpaKTat ^qvoi, orm/ai, m/eAoi Hesychius
(Naoumides, 1968). Is the female occupational term pa-ke-te-ja to be derived from
this?
a-pe-te-me-ne: aputhmene ‘without a base’ (PetruSevski, 1958) conflicts with the known
spelling rules, but pe might be an error for pu ; amphethmene ‘with a strainer on either
side’ (Palmer, 1963a, p. 342) is unsatisfactory sense, as he admits, and should perhaps
be amphi-heth.-.
po-ro-e-ke-te-ri-ja: prohelkteria (Palmer) offers the best solution, ‘an instrument for draw¬
ing forth’, perhaps a kind of fork or rake.
ko-te-ri-ja : khd(s)steria(i) (xcovvuiu, Palmer, 1963a, p.343); but we should expect
kheu- or khou-.
au-te : auster [rom otuco ‘kindle’; but the forms ^aua-np (££avcn-piov), KaTauaat, etc.,
show that ‘draw’ is the original sense (Chantraine, 1968, p. 145). However, the
association with tongs makes ‘kindler’ not improbable.
e-ka-ra: eskhard , a word which meant, at least in origin, ‘portable hearth’, ‘brazier’;
cf. Latin altaria. An example of the object is to be seen in Fig. 18 (p. 326), item a.
a-pi-qo-to: the term is also applied to tables (239 = Ta 642.3 + ). In 241 =Ta 715.2
(cf. 240 = Ta 713 . 2 , 3 ) it seems to form a contrast with po-ro-e-ke . But even if this is so,
there are too many explanations of either term for this to narrow the quest suffi¬
ciently. Since a-pi-qo-to is unlikely to describe material, po-ro-e-ke also should be inter¬
preted as referring to shape or type; but this does not exclude po-ro-e-ke being a
compound of ircopos ‘marble’ with a second element perhaps from *{h)ekhos = ia
‘support’. Ruijgh (1967, p. 354) argues strongly against -qo-to = -Pottos ; if he is right,
499
237-239
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
this will eliminate ‘that can be gone round’, i.e. free-standing, and ‘splay-legged’
(Palmer, 19630, p. 31). But his own suggestion amphiq u hoitos is unconvincing for the
form, though the meaning ‘with a rim around’ would be satisfactory.
i-to-we-sa: histowessa ‘provided with a mast* (i.e. an upright on which to hang a pot?).
au-de-we-sa-qe: the possible interpretations of this word which will also account for the
instrumental plural au-de-pi have been exhaustively discussed by Lejeune (19660,
p. 16) who concludes that no word known from later Greek can satisfy the phonetic
pattern. It is likely to be from a neuter noun in - 5 os, but no value for the first sign
will yield a known word. It is therefore no obstacle to the view that *8j = au, although
this leads to no plausible interpretation.
*34~ke~u\ the value ai for *34 was largely derived from its apparent alternation with
a 3 -ke-u in 236 = Ta 641 . 1 , but has not been confirmed and must be rejected.
o-pi-ke-wi-ri-je-u : no convincing interpretation. These words must describe ornaments or
fittings which serve to distinguish the tripod-cauldrons.
P 338t 238 = Tn 996
This tablet does not of course belong to the set represented by the Ta tablets.
[a-po-]re-we : there is not room to restore the long form a-pi-po-re-we found at Knossos
(233 = Uc 160 rev.).
ka-ti: the identification with KqOls has been attacked on the grounds that this is a dice-
box; but we do not know what vessels the ancients used for shaking dice, and in any
case, the name could easily have been transferred to a diff erent vessel.
P- 339t 239 = Ta 642
ra-e-ja: the case for interpreting this as Ideia ‘of marble’ is strong. It appears to be the
etymologists who are wrong in supposing *Aafa$ on the strength of Aatomos, etc.
we-a-re-ja: there is little doubt that this corresponds to OoAeIci, but whether the form
should be interpreted as hua- or wea* remains uncertain.
a-ja-me-na : a Luvian etymology (cf. aiamis ‘made’, ‘wrought’, Meriggi, 1954a, p. 81)
has been proposed, but is not convincing. The sense is almost certainly ‘inlaid’.
c-ne-wo-pe-za: no satisfactory solution of this problem has emerged, but ‘double and
triple legs ending in a single foot are common* (Gray, 1959, p. 53). Probably the
equation of -pedza with ‘foot* must not be taken too literally. But it remains curious
that tables are almost all of the ‘ nine-foot’ type.
me-no-e~ja: Palmer’s objection (1957^, p. 63, 1963a, p. 345) that this cannot be derived
from the root *ur|vcr- of ni*)v has been answered by Risch (1959, p- 222), who shows
that other ablaut grades of this root may have been present in Mycenaean Greek.
But it is possible that the word refers to material or decoration rather than shape;
Ruijgh (1967, p. 237) suggests ‘decorated with crescents’.
qe-qi-no-to : the correct solution to this problem was seen by D. M. Jones (1958); the
scribe finding the syntax difficult has used a parallel clause with a finite perfect verb:
g u eg u inotoi ‘it is decorated’. Heubeck (1966) provided an ingenious etymology for
this word from the base *g°*? 9 r l h ve ’- 11 ma Y have started by meaning ‘enliven’,
5°°
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
239-243
‘decorate with living creatures’ and then been generalized, as was classical swyp&pos;
in usage it is clear that the technique here is carving as opposed to inlay (cf. Gray,
• 959 . P- 53 )-
a-pi-qo-to : see on 237 , p. 499 above.
p. 341 f 240=Ta 713. Corrections: 1. 1 to-qi-de 1 ; 1. 2 to-qi-de 1 \to-pe-za\
po-ro-e-ke: pro(h)ekhes ‘projecting’ remains a possibility, though the exact meaning is
obscure. Ruijgh (1967, p. 45) proposes poro(h)ekhes ‘with support of marble’, Palmer
(1963a, p. 347) pdroenkhes (ly^os). See on a-pi-qo-lo , p. 499.
pi-ti-ro z -we-sa: it appears we must reconstruct *ptilyon as doublet of TniXov to account
for the use of ro 2 .
we-pe-za: possibly [h)wespedza <*hweks-.
p. 34^f a-ka-ra-no: the fit with dKdpqvos is so close it is hard to reject. A possible solution to the
problem of its meaning was supplied by Platon’s discovery at Kato Zakro of ‘a
stone pedestal stand with a device for holding and permitting interchangeable
table-tops’ ( Nestor r/i 1/65, p. 411; cf. Chadwick, Nestor 1/12/65, p. 415). If correct,
this would prove that a-pi-qo-to and po-ro-e-ke did not refer to the tops of the tables.
It would match the usual order if a-ka-ra-no were a description of material (Palmer,
1963a, p. 348), but if so it cannot be an adjective, since it must be a compound to
have a feminine form in - 0.
pu-ko-so e-ke-e : the apparent parallel with po-ro-e-ke may be illusory. Clearly a compound
of
p* 344 242 =Ta 707. Corrections: 1. 1 o-ni-ti-ja-pi i^au-de-pi 1 ; 1. 2 se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-re i
po-ti-pi-qe 1 .
ku-ru-sa-pi: it has been suggested by Miihlestein (1956^) that adjectival khrus(s)os
derives from *khrus-_yos, and was later replaced by xpuaeos.
se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-re : the reading of the last sign is difficult and both i and re appear
possible; Bennett and Olivier now prefer re. The formation has been exhaustively
discussed by Risch (1966a) who concludes that an enlargement in -r of the stem
K&pa ‘head’ is supported by the evidence of later Greek. But the identity «f the
first member (some sort of animal?) remains unsolved; Muhlestein (1957) ingen¬
iously suggested Seiremo- = Znpqvo-, stems in m- having been eliminated from later
Greek (cf. e-me, p. 87), but it is hard to imagine how Sirens’ heads could have been
distinguished from women’s (Palmer, 1963a, p. 349); and the link vowel -0- is
unexpected.
po-ti-pi : Miss Gray objects to ‘heifers’ on archaeological grounds (1959, p. 53), and
finds ‘calves’ no better.
P*344t 243=Ta 708. Corrections: 1. 1 ; e-re-pa-te 1 ; 1. 3 re-wo-pi-qe 1 . Bennett and
Olivier have deciphered the erasure at the end of line 1 as a repetition of
5° 1
243-247
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
242=Ta 707.3, except that ku-te-so is replaced by the more correct ku-tese-jo .
In line 3 the scribe wrote a-ja-me-no a-di-ri-ja-pi before deleting the second
word and writing e-re-pa-te-jo over it.
p*344+ 244 = Ta 714. Corrections: 1. 2 se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-re-ge ; the deleted word was
probably se-re-mo-ka~ra-o-re\ 1 . 3 po-m-ki-pi i, ko-no-ni-pi 1 .
we-a 2 -Te-jo : ‘of rock-crystal’, not of course the whole chair, but this is mentioned as a
prominent feature of the decoration.
po-ni~ki-pi\ arguments have been assembled against the nation that 901 vi£ could mean
‘griffin’ as a decorative motif, notably by Dcssenne (1957) and Chantraine (1958a).
‘Palm-tree’ should therefore be substituted, here and in 246 =Ta 722 . 1 , where
there is no objection if these figures appear in separate panels. Although groom and
horse would combine easily, we can hardly add the octopus climbing the palm-tree
(but cf. Pliny, jVa/. Hist, ix, 92).
P- 3 * 6 t 247 Ta 716
Tlii.s remains the aberrant member of this set, differing in shape and vocabu¬
lary, and consequently most resistant to elucidation. Although the signs of the
first line are smaller than those of the second, it does not seem possible here to
regard the first line as a note appended to the entry in line 2 .
It is generally agreed that the ideogram in line 2 represents a rapier-like
sword, and consequently the interpretation of gi-si-pe-e as g u siphee (£l<pos)
must be accepted. Heubeck ( 1958 ) has fully discussed the etymology and
spelling.
The objections to the rendering offered of the first line arc mustered by
Palmer ( 1963 a, p. 358 ). Pa-sa-ro is unlikely to be TraaodAco, because the product
of *-ky- seems to be consistently rendered by Myc. z (but cf. wa-na-so-i, etc.).
Palmer’s psald> from which 4 /dAiov ‘chain’ was formed, seems probable. A-pi
lo-ni-jo is likely to be a divided compound, and it remains only to identify the
second member. The presence of to-no = thornos in the context might suggest
amphithornid (cf. Doria, 1956 , p. 4 ) ‘for fitting around chairs’, but why
should gold chains be so used? Palmer suggests amphitonid (tovos) ‘double
stranded’.
Whatever wa-o stands for, contraction will have resulted in an unviable
classical form, and it is hardly surprising that the word is not identified. Any
connexion with dop can be certainly excluded if this word provides the first
element of the man’s name a-o-ri-me-ne (see Glossary), If wa-o is really a double¬
axe, the name might be Minoan, for the derivation ofAapdpivOosfrom Adfipus
is suspect.
502
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
248-251
p. 348 t 248 = Va 15. Corrections; 1 . i for*-/? read e-ka-te or e-qe-te; 1. 2 read [ pe-\re-ku-
wa-na-ka[ ~\e-te; it is doubtful whether a sign is lost or not before \ra-kq-le-ra.
For ai 2 ? read * 35 .
No real progress has been made with this text; the absence of ideograms
makes it impossible to determine the subject. If the restoration o-[da]-a 2 is
correct in line 1, this is presumably the continuation of another tablet, but no
pair has been identified for it. Since o-da-a 2 is normally first word, the restora¬
tion may well be wrong; the 0 - is doubtful.
P. 348 : 249 = Va 482
The value iu for *79 has not been confirmed or disproved.
a-no-po : Lcjcune (1958a, p, 213) proposed anopon ‘unworked*; cf. o-pa in Glossary.
Palmer (1963a, p. 369) regards it as a man’s name.
ro-i-ko : the objection to is that we should expect this word to have initial w~.
Palmer (1963a, p. 368) proposed rhoiskoi ‘small pomegranates’, ‘knobs’. The prob¬
lems arc discussed by Chantraine (1966, pp. 164—5) who arrives at the judgement;
non liquet.
p-3481 250 = Vn 20
o-a 2 : the only example of this word. Since a 2 probably represents ha, it can hardly be
koia. More likely therefore the same word as o-da-a 2 , but without the connective d(e ),
since this is an isolated tablet, not a continuation.
p. 34 9 t 251 = Vn 46
The whole text is very difficult to read, but further study has produced an
improved text.
1 P'-™A
2 ka-pi-ni-ja a-ti-jq §[
3 ka-pi-ni-ja e-ru-mi-ni-ja 4
4 ka-pi-ni-ja ta-ra-nu-we I2[
5 *35~ki-no-o 81 o-pi-rq^-te-re ^o[
6 e-to-ki-ja 23[ pd\-ke-te-re 140
7 pi-ri-ja-o ta-ra-nu-we 6
8 qe-re-ti-ri-jo 2 me-ta-se-we 10
9 e-so-wo-ke pu-to-ro 16
10 *35-ki-no-o pu-to-ro 100
11 ta-to-mo a-ro-wo e-pi-*6j-ko 1
12 e-ru-mi-ni-ja 2 ki-wo-qe 1
It is clear that this is part of a list of building materials; the beginning is
lost or it might specify the piyapov for which these items were required or
503
251
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
provided. The list may conceivably have included tools, metal fittings, etc.,
as well as timbers; but any interpretation must fit this general context.
ka-pi-ni-ja: gen. kapnias ‘of the chimney’. Palmer’s objection (1963a, p. 424) that timber
would be inappropriate for this position results from a failure to understand the
construction of Mycenaean roofs. The smoke-duct over the hearth in the megaron
at Pylos was of earthenware (Blegen, 19536, p. 61) but an elaborate structure of
timber would have been needed to hold this in position, and the whole structure
might properly be called ‘chimney’.
a-ti-ja: previously read po-ti-ja , but cf. Vn 879.1 a-ti[ in what appears to be a similar
list, if not a continuation of this. Probably neuter plural antia from dvTios in some
technical sense, perhaps ‘cross-bars’; cf. dvTiov (Aristophanes + ) ‘a part of a loom’.
Together with elumniai and thranues these are the timbers for the chimney structure.
*35~ki-no-o\ one reason for attributing the value at 3 ? to *35 was the spelling a^-ki-no-o
at Knossos as part of a chariot (275 = Se 879 , 276 = Se 891 ).
o-pi-ra^-te-re: if the reading is correct this can hardly be anything but opi^rhaistereSy
cf. patorfip ‘hammer’. Perhaps not tools for construction but fittings to prevent
damage to the ends of beams?
e-to-ki-ja: entoikhia ‘fittings for insertion in walls’. If the numbers are significant these
will hardly be the beams surrounded by masonry making up the walls themselves
(Palmer, [963a, p. 367)-
pi-ri-ja-o : a particularly happy discovery: phlidon ‘door-posts’.
qe-re-ti-ri-jo : possibly q u (e)lethnd i from a diminutive in - ion of iriXcOpov, irA£6pov, a
measure of length in Homer and later Greek, hnt in origin doubtless meaning a rod
or pole. Ruijgh (1970, p. 315) proposes a derivative of pXfjTpov * fastening’.
me-tase-we : a compound of prra-, but the second member is obscure. Connexion with
prrapaios must be rejected, if it represents -afEp-.
e-so-wo-ke: in this line and the next the problem arises that in previous entries the
epithet (genitive) precedes and the second word is the substantive; but since *35-ki-
no-o also stands alone (line 5), it must be the substantive and pu-to-ro can therefore
be the epithet. This seems to be the order also in 1 . 11. If so, pu-to-ro is probably
genitive plural.
ta-to-mo : the word recurs in tablets dealing with sheep (Cn 4 , Cn 595 ), and the spelling
corresponds to oraOnos. This word has both the sense ‘sheep-pen’ (e.g. It. n, 470) and
‘pillar’ (e.g. 0 d. 1, 333). Thus the two contexts of the Mycenaean word answer to
two Homeric senses of the Greek word.
e-pi-*65~ko\ if, as seems likely, the value of *65 is ju t there is no word in the lexicon to
suit this spelling. Palmer (19556, p. 43; 1963a, p. 367) has proposed to interpret this
as liri^uyos; it is of course true that 3 in ^uyov corresponds to^y ofother Indo-European
languages (Lat. iugum y Skt. yugam ), but there is no example in later Greek of this
sound surviving as y. Moreover, the root occurs in the Mycenaean words ze-u-ke-si
and zc-u-ke-u-si and the abbreviation ze, and seems always to be spelt with
It is therefore extremely doubtful if this alternative can be accepted here. Palmer
cites as parallel pe-*6^-ka from the similar tablet Vn 879 , which he interprets as
504
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
251, 318-319
Trip^uya; but apocope ofiTEpf is unknown in Mycenaean, and an alternative explana¬
tion is here available [peyuka{$) ^tteukti ‘pine’).
p- 35°t Three more miscellaneous documents from Pylos may be added here.
318 = Un 1314
1 a-wa-ra-ka-na-o pa-ma-ko
2 jo-gi wo-Lo-mo pe-re I
3 a-wa-ra-ka-na e-pi-ka ka-ja pa-ra-we-jo ' do-we-jg-ge 199 '
At the end of 1 . 3 the scribe has divided the line in order to squeeze in the last
word. Bennett and Olivier read pa-ra-we ' do-we-jo-ge ' ka 20; but, as first
pointed out by Palmer, the alleged 20 is almost certainly the top of a raised
jo. The circular sign following it is very cramped, but neither k a nor qe offer
plausible sense, and a numeral is required.
The general sense remains extremely obscure, pa-ma-ko is likely to be
(pdppaKov (if not O&ppaxos as a man’s name). Jo-gi is a correct spelling for
ho{g)g u i (or yo- ?) = 6,*rt and if pe-re =^pherei, wo-to-mo is presumably a man’s
name, a-wa-ra-ka-na must be an a-stem with a genitive singular -do if masculine,
or plural -don if feminine. It is easier to make fun of the suggestion that it is a
Mycenaean form for dpA/VT) than to suggest anything better; a derivative in
-na of awlax>cfthcfi, ‘furrow* is theoretically possible, but unconvincing for the
sense. Do-we-jo(-ge) recurs as a description of a part of a chariot (KN 268 -Sd
4413 + , cf. p. 364) = dorweioi-g u e ‘and of wood*; but this does not offer a likely
solution for pa-ra-we-jg.
319 = Un 1322
1 ]??[ ] 9 ~ no [ ] WHEAT 6 FIGS [
2 de-ku-tu-wo-kg[ ]o-no wheat 2 figs 2
3 i-te-we o-ng[ ] wheat 12
4 we-a 2 -no[ ?n\-no re-po-to *146 wheat 5
5 we-[ ]wo[ wheat 15
The fragment is very much battered and is broken off at both top and
bottom. It was discussed at length by Chadwick (19646). Its chief interest lies
in the combination of the ideogram *746, which appears to be some kind of
textile (see p. 464) with the sign for wheat. In other cases where two ideo¬
grams are written together (e.g. ewe wool KN Dp 7280 + ), the first appears
to qualify the second; but textile obviously cannot qualify wheat, so it seems
likely that the wheat represents in some sense the price of the textiles. It is,
however, strange that the number of pieces of cloth is not specified; possibly
this is the record of the keeper of the granary, who was interested in the issue
505
319-320
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of the wheat, but not in the goods received in exchange. Lines 1-3 appear to
give the payment in kind made to certain tradesmen.
de-ku-lu-wo-ko: following a suggestion of H. Miihlestein, probably dektuworgoi ‘for the
net-maker’. This involves regarding classical 8i»avov as a replacement of an earlier
w-stem 81 ictu recorded by the Etymologicum Magnum; and supposing Myceneaean
e = \ as in ku-U-so = kutkjos. If so, this may be evidence that the word is of Mediter¬
ranean origin rather than associated with SikeIv ’cast’. Chantraine (1968, p. 284),
however, suggests deiktu-.
o-no\ attempts to associate this word with wvo$ seem to be blocked by the etymology
*wos-no- (cf. Lat. uetium , Skt. vasnah ; sec Lcjeune, 1964a, p. 83). Mycenaean o-no
might be associated with the root of 6vivr||ji, and it is not entirely certain that
Cretan 6vo$ results from a precocious loss of digamma before 0. Mycenaean forms
show that 6 <pe{Aca>, despite Arcadian fo<pASK6cji, had no digamma, and the etymology
of d> 64 co is not certain.
: if the reading is correct, dative (or nominative plural) of *histeus ’weaver’,
agent noun in -ars from loros ‘loom’. Cf. i-U-ja-o 15 =Ad 684 , gen. plur. of the
corresponding feminine *hisleia.
wc-a^-no: cf. we-a % -no-i 310 = Fr 1225 , wehanoi ‘fine robes’. The sign before ]-m? seems
not to be 0, hence the restoration [ri]-no re-po-to= linon Upton ‘fine linen’, cf. KN 222 =
L 693 .
320= Va 1324
1 e-ke-i-ja 30
2 pe-di-je-wi-ja 20 a-ko-so-ne 2
Thirty spears; twenty . . .; two axles.
e-ke-i-ja \ enkhehiax ‘spears’, cf. fyydn v, 167 + . What difference there was in meaning
between 2 yxos and is not clear. The original form must have been *enkhes-id ,
hence the restoration of intervocalic -h-\ at least the spelling e-i must here represent
two syllables.
pe-di-je-wi-ja : cf. pt-di-jt-wt 58 = An 654 . If this means ‘foot-soldiers* (see p. 192),
perhaps the derivative pediewiai (jc. enkhehiai) means ‘infantry-spears*.
a-ko-so-ne : axones y cf. 252 = Vn 10 . In this context the word might be used for any round
poles thicker than those used for spears.
9. MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS FROM MYCENAE
Excavation by Lord William Taylour of a house in the Citadel at Mycenae
in i 960 produced a further group of six tablets (Ot), all fragments in a poor
state of preservation. They are characterized by a new ideogram,
* 190 , which bears some resemblance to * 134 , but has been
separated from it until further evidence shows whether they should
*34
'90 -'/>
be regarded as variants or not. There is no clue to the nature of the com-
506
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
321
modity, but it probably represents a foodstuff, since it is assigned to groups
of workers and also to a deity.
The presence of Potnia in these records (321 = Oi 701, Oi 704) is particu¬
larly interesting in view of the recent discovery in the same area of evidence
of an ivory workshop and a shrine of a goddess (Taylour, 1969 , 1970 ). It is
very tempting to identify the female figure represented in the fresco as Potnia,
the great Cretan goddess, and to speculate whether this cult might not have
been brought to Mycenae originally by a guild of Cretan craftsmen.
One tablet is quoted as a specimen; no translation is given as the interpreted
words are commented on separately.
321 = Oi 701
1 [Broken at top]
2 v a c a t [
3 si-to-po-ti-ni-ja *190 [
4 po-ro-po-i *190 10
5 ka-na-pe-u-si *190 6
6 i~ ia do-ke-ko-o-ke-ne *190 5
7 \ku-wa-] no-wo-ko-i *190 2
8 [Broken at bottom]
si-to-po-ti-ni-ja: almost certainly to be divided si-to po-ti-ni-ja in view of the isolated
po-ti-ni-ja , who receives 15 of * 190 , in Oi 704 . 1 . The first word might be a divine
name, «£ifc?(i), cf. Iitco as a name of Demeter in Sicily (see Chadwick, 1963^, p. 58);
or a place name, or even genitive plural siton ‘the Mistress of grains’. In any case
a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja KN 208 = V 52 is a close parallel.
po-ro-po-i: the only interpretation proposed is dat. plur. propoihi of a noun *7rpoir6$ cf.
Oeo-irpiTros, ‘augur* (PetruSevski, 1966, p. 294). This is dependent on the etymo¬
logical connexion with Trpfrrco; a rival view is that -irpoiros is assimilated from *-TTpoKos,
cf. Lat. procus (Boisacq). Since the only identifiable dative plurals in this group arc
descriptions of craftsmen, the sense is suspect too.
ka-na-pe-u-si : knapheusi ‘for the fullers’.
[. ]-pu 2 -ta : there does not seem to be room to restore [e-pi]-pu 2 -ta, cf. e-pi-pu-ta PY 252 =
Vn 10; but -pu 2 -ta strongly suggests -epura.
do-ke-ko-o-ke-ne: cf. [do-]ke-ko-o-ke-ne-i Oi 703 , ko-o-ke-ne-i[ Oi 704 . This makes it clear
that do-kt is a separate word, presumably doke ‘gave* as elsewhere (see Glossary,
s.v. di-do-si), Ko-o-ke-ne may then be a man’s name (in -genes?), but the shift to dative,
in Oi 703 , 704 is puzzling.
[ku-wa-]no-wo-ko-i : the restoration is proved by the repetition of this word in Oi 703 ,
Oi 704 : kuanoworgoihi ‘for the cyaniis- workers’. On kOovos see p. 340 and Glossary,
s.v. ku-wa-no .
507
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
CHAPTER XI
METALS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
p. 35 «t The most remarkable addition to the list of articles to which the sign for
bronze is attached is the Knossos sealing Ws 8497, where it surmounts a
rectangular object shown by the accompanying word to be a bath-tub:
a-ja-mz-/o~<icr(5(puv0o$, the Homeric word. This may be some support for
suggesting that the bath-tubs of 238=Tn 996 at Pylos are also of bronze,
though the ideogram is here applied only to smaller vessels. It now seems
likely that on KN 222 = L 693 the bronze is intended to serve as fittings on a
tunic, perhaps a piece of armour, rather than as an indication of value, for
which no parallels have been discovered.
P 35i+ The suggestion that w e on certain tablets stands for silver has not been con¬
firmed. On KN 231 = K 872 the we appears to be rather the remains of a
deleted word. On J 586w = Og 1804 the reading is 8 , not we. This leaves
only the ingot with surcharged we on Oa 7346 zj= 1808 , as the reading on
PY La 630 rev. is very doubtful. It remains true that mentions of silver are
less frequent than we should expect.
p- 352 t The total o tjn tablets after some joins now stands, with the same exceptions,
at eighteen tablets and eight fragments, some of which may belong together.
It has been suggested by Lejeune (1961 6 , p. 419 ) and Palmer ( 1963 a, p. 279 )
that ta-ra-si-ja should be interpreted talansia(<*talant~ia), and thus a different
word from TaAaaia. Obviously there is no way of resolving this question, but
equally there is no reason for inventing a new form when the classical one fits
as well. The semantic argument is without weight, as shown on p. 352 , since
the Latin parallel is so exact. Nor does the late date at which TaAaaia is first
attested (beginning of the fourth century b.c.) cast doubt on the word’s
antiquity, for it must be a derivative of *TaAcrrds or the like; it is hardly a
‘ shortened form of TaAamoupyia* (Palmer, loc. cit.), which is no earlier (Plato).
But in default of evidence the question must be left open.
Lejeune ( 19616 , p. 433 ) has demonstrated that 256=Ja 749 is almost
certainly the totalling tablet for this series, as suggested on p. 356 . It gives a
total of 1046 kg of bronze, as against the total in excess of 600 kg shown by the
seventeen tablets sufficiently complete to be usable. Thus rather more than
508
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
one-third of the Jn tablets are missing or too badly damaged to use. The
number of smiths recorded is approximately 270 , not counting the slaves;
therefore the total number for the whole of the Pylian kingdom, allowing for
the extra third, amounts to about 400 (Lejeune’s figures, p. 425 ).
This in turn should lead us to reflect upon the numbers to be expected in
such a territory. It is hard to estimate the numbers required, but bearing in
mind the relative scarcity of bronze as compared with iron in later ages, one
can scarcely credit that so large a number would have been needed for
domestic purposes. Unlike the village blacksmith of medieval and modern
times, they are not scattered throughout the settlements, but are concentrated
in groups of up to twenty-six or twenty-seven (one name in Jn 725 is deleted)
in places, scarcely half of which are mentioned again in the Pylos archives.
It would seem likely that they were located near good supplies of timber for
use as fuel, and perhaps on hill-tops where the wind'would supply the necessary
draught for their furnaces. For instance Ro-u-so figures in this list, and this
place is shown by 252= Vn 10 to be a wood-producing area.
The groups listed as po-ti-ni-ja-we~jo (cf. p. 354 ) are almost certainly to be
regarded as ‘in the service of Potnia*. It may seem peculiar to us that guilds
of craftsmen should be simultaneously devotees of a goddess, though medieval
guilds offer parallels; but this is precisely what is to be deduced from the
excavation of cave-sanctuaries in Crete. Arkalokhori, for example, has been
shown to have been both a shrine and a bronze-smithy (Marinatos, 1962 ). It
is hardly pressing this evidence too far to suggest that the devotees of Potnia
practised a similar combination of cult and craft; indeed, these guilds may
well have been descended from Cretan groups who emigrated at the time of
the Minoan collapse and found refuge on the mainland; cf. the vessels ‘of
Cretan workmanship’ PY 236 = Ta 641, 237 = Ta 709. A remarkable parallel
has recently been discovered by Lord William Taylour in the Citadel House
at Mycenae; there an ivory-workshop adjoins a shrine with a fresco of a large
f emale figure, doubtless Potnia herself (see p. 411 ).
These facts cast further doubt on the suggestion that the smiths were part-
time or seasonal workers, though they may well have had to grow their own
food. But it remains to explain why nearly a third of the smiths listed are
without allocations of bronze, and why the rest have relatively small quantities
of metal on which to work. One smith on Jn 601 has as much as 12 kg of metal,
but 3 to 4 kg is normal, and some have as little as 1-5 kg. Here it is tempting
to speculate about the sources of raw material and the destination of the metal
goods made in the kingdom of Pylos. The copper undoubtedly came from
Cyprus, while the most accessible sources of tin were to the west of Greece; is
18 509 cm
253-255
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
it not likely that a port on the sea-route linking the Aegean with the west
would be where the two ingredients of the alloy met; and that the excessive
numbers of workmen were due to the special position of Pylos as favourably
placed both for the import of raw materials and for the export of finished
goods ? At a time when sea-raiders were scouring the eastern Mediterranean,
as Egyptian records show, and Pylos itself feared an attack from the sea (see
p. 430), it would be hardly surprising if sea-communications had been
interrupted and the Pylian bronze industry was suffering from an acute
shortage of raw material.
The identification of qa-si-re-u (pa 2 -si-re-u) with paaiAcus has been attacked
by Palmer (1963a, pp. 227 f.) on the grounds that the functions of the Mycen¬
aean qa-si-re-u are restricted to a craftsman context. While it is true that the
term appears predominantly in the bronze tablets, it is not necessarily re¬
stricted to them and 258 =Jo 438 shows it in company with ko-re-te and
mo-ro-qa y both officers of the local administration. Certainly its sense is
different from the classical use of PocchAeus as ‘king’, but even then it was
frequently used as the title of a religious official (c.g. apycov pacnAeus at Athens),
so that its semantic development may have been from the religious to the
secular sphere. The identity of qa-si-re-u with pacnAeus as a word is hard to
deny, seeing that p- is almost certain to be derived from a labio-velar.
p. 353 t 253 = Jn 310 . Corrections: Jn 605.10 has two entries for slaves where the figure
following the owner’s name is 2; this shows that the bars separating names of
a-ta-ra-si-jo smiths as well as slave-owners should be taken as the numeral 1.
Line 8 read: pa-qo-si-jo i ke-we-to i wa-[di?]-re~u [ 1 ]; 1 . g:
pe-ta-ro 1; l.u: ke-we-to-jo 1 i-wa-ka-o 1; I.12 pa-qo-si-jo-jo 1 po-ro-u-te-wo 1;
I.17 [ to-so-de a]-ta-ra-si-jo pu 2 -si-ja-ko 1. On po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo see p. 509 above.
p* 354 t 254 =Jn 389 . Corrections: 1 . 6: Bennett and Olivier now read the damaged
numerals as i 3, but point out that this needs to be corrected to i 1 ( 44 ) 2
to save the arithmetic. 1. 8 was apparently inscribed with the text of 1. 9, but
was then deleted. H.12-13: insert 1 after each name.
e-pi-da-to: probably not a verb, but the verbal adjective epidastos (Lejeune, 1958a,
p. 226).
P-355t 255 =Jn 658 . Corrections: the doubtful readings arc mostly confirmed, except
l. 1: ka-ke-we ta-ra-si-ja e-ko-si\ 1. 6: read [po-]ro-ko\ 1. 10: a-tu-ko 1 bronze
/ 5 {ko-ma-dg-ro br onze 5J; 11. 11 and 12: to-so-de ; l. 11 at right add [5j
corresponding to deleted entry in 1.10.
5 10
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
255-257
The relation between this tablet and Jn 725 is intriguing. The second
(deleted) paragraph of Jn 725 lists eight names at na-i-se-wi-jo, which arc
repeated onjn 692, two having allocations of 6 , the rest without allocation.
There are two deleted totals for this paragraphon Jn 725, / 12 and 3 p(-h ?),
the first of which answers to the figures on Jn 692. This suggests that 725 is
earlier and represents a first attempt at listing the smiths and allocating a
total quantity of bronze; 692 would therefore be the final version. The first
paragraph of 725 refers to e-ni-pa-te-we and lists 27 names, of which one is
deleted; 658 has only 17 , of which one is deleted, and no a-la-ra-si-jo . These
might then be supplied from the ten extra names on 725. But the equation is
not so simple. The name pi-ro-ne-ta of 658 does not appear on 725. Three
names appear in altered form, if the readings are correct in both places:
ma-ka-wo (wo is damaged) seems to reappear as ma-ka-ta\ wa-ka-ta as wa-tu-ta ;
po-ru-e-ro (po is damaged) as o-ru-we-ro (the substitution of we for e after u is
merely a matter of spelling). Either our readings arc unsound or the redaction
of one tablet or the other was slovenly. Two scribes arc concerned; the scribe
of658 also wrote only Jn 706 of the Jn tablets, the other one which uses e-ko-si
in place of e-ko-te . The bronze total of 725 is UtL 2 18 , which has been slightly
increased on 658 to yield a figure easily divisible by 16 . The problem is dis¬
cussed at length by Lejeune ( 19616 , pp. 430 - 2 ).
. 3571 257 =Jn 829. Corrections: 1. 9 read: a-ke-re-wa ; 1. 11 : kq-ra-do-ro\ 1. 13 : ti-mi-to -
a-ke-e; I. 14 bronze / 2 ft 3 (according to Bennett and Olivier, but
regularity suggests that ** 3 is more likely).
It is agreed that this tablet is a list of contributions of quantities of bronze
made by the local officials of the sixteen areas into which the kingdom is
divided. The questions which remain to be answered are:
( 1 ) Why are the ko-re-te and po-ro-ko-re-te, who alone actually contribute,
accompanied in the preamble by other officials?
( 2 ) Why is the total amount contributed, 51 kg, so small in relation to the
quantities distributed (see the table on p. 356 ) ?
( 3 ) What is the structure of line 3 ?
The first question is perhaps the easiest. It is not unknown for officials to
bear varying titles for historical reasons while discharging the same function;
thus the senior official of a Cambridge or Oxford college may be called Master;
President, Provost, Principal, Dean, Warden, etc., though all occupy the same
position in their colleges. Can we not therefore assume that ko-re-te and
po-ro-ko-re-te are the generic titles for local officials, but that in certain areas
they were known also by specific names? Thus du-ma emerges as an alternative
257
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
to ko-re-te , which is in keeping with what we know of its use; and the key-
bearers and the others must be alternative titles which could all be subsumed
under the heading po-ro-ko-re-te . A ‘supervisor of figs’ is perhaps a surprising
title, but royal courts have usually been full of officials with strange-sounding
titles, which often have little relation to their real duties; and the presence of
figs in the slave-women’s ration may be significant. It would appear that
o-pi-ka-pe-e-we should be related to OKCKpos rather than cn<a<pr); but in what sense
the word is used is unclear; possibly the reference is to boats.
The second question possibly depends upon the third, and may be post¬
poned. Line 3 clearly contains the object of the verb ddsonsi\ ka-ko=khalkon
represented by the ideogram bronze in the entries below; cf. to-so-de ka-ko
bronze in 254 =Jn 389 . 9 . na-wi-jo has every appearance of being an epithet
to ka-ko. a.yka-sa-ma can hardly be singular in view of the dative plurals which
precede; it cannot be genitive, dative or instrumental plural which would
require an extra syllable, and nominative is excluded by sense and syntax; it
is therefore accusative aixmans ‘points’. The question thus emerges whether
the sequence -qe . . . - qe in pa-ta-jo-i-qe e-ke-si-qe is a ‘double’ use = ‘both . . .
and ’ or two separate connectives, the first coupling ka-ko with a 3 -ka-sa-ma (and
its attributive datives), the second linking the two datives. The ‘double’ use
of-qe is rare, but not unknown, in Mycenaean; see Ruijgh, 1967, pp. 290, 297,
305, 309. Ruijgh himself (p. 309) prefers the second explanation of the present
sentence. But Palmer (1963 <3, p. 283J adopts the first, taking aixmans in apposi¬
tion to khalkon ‘bronze as points for arrows and spears’. Where opinion is so
balanced, it is hard to make a firm judgement; but I now incline to Palmer’s
explanation, because of possible parallels and because it offers a plausible
solution to the second question posed above.
The parallels are in 317 = Ub 1318 , where we have (on my interpretation)
several entries which list the finished article in apposition to the raw material,
sometimes with a dative or genitive appended. E.g. wi-ri-no we-ru-ma-ta
ti-n-si ze-u-ke-si 1 ‘a raw-hide as coverings for three pairs’; o-pi-de-so-mo
ka-tu-ro 2 di-pte-ra 4 ‘four skins as bindings of pack-saddles’. These are not
exact parallels, but are sufficiently like ka-ko . . . a 3 -ka-sa-ma to justify the
translation ‘bronze ... as points’ (i.e. to make points).
The whole sentence may therefore translate: ‘Thus the mayors and super-
intendants, and vice-mayors and key-bearers and supervisors of Jigs and hulls ,
will contribute temple bronze as points for darts and spears.’ If this is approx¬
imately correct, we may approach again the second question: how is the small
quantity of bronze requisitioned to be explained? There seems little chance
that bronze or its constituent metals were produced in the south-western
5 12
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
257
Peloponnese; how then could these local officials be expected to find, some
2 kg, some 3-75 kg each? Clearly not by requisitioning the stocks of local
smiths, since the bronze available has been issued to them by the Palace and
they will have to account for it. Moreover, the bronze is clearly going to be
allocated to smiths in order to transform it into weapons. We may also reason¬
ably suppose that bronze vessels and artifacts, other than weapons, were very
rare except among the aristocracy. But a possible source of bronze scrap lay
in the dedicated objects, often old and useless, to be found in religious build¬
ings. It may be objected that no adjective from vao$ ‘temple' is found in
classical Greek, whereas vaios (Ion. vi*|ios) from vaOs ‘ship* is well known; but
if an adjective from va 6 s<*naswos existed, it too would have had the Mycen¬
aean form nawios . Nor is the alleged absence of Mycenaean temples a serious
objection; for the name need not imply a building or even a special room
where religious ceremonies were performed: ‘cult was an integrated part of
the palace life, handled in palace halls which had other domestic functions as
well 1 (Vermeule, 1964, p. 283). But shrines are not unknown on the Mainland
(Taylour, 1964, pp. 67-9). Indeed this may explain why the contributions are
demanded of the ‘vice-mayors' as well as ‘mayors'. The subordinate officials
could perhaps have been in charge of part of the territory, but in this case it
is odd that every district has one and none has more than one. But if the vice¬
mayor is merely the second ranking official of the district, he and the mayor
might be the only two citizens wealthy enough to possess a house-shrine, and
thus disposable bronze scrap. The shortage of metal attested by the whole of
the Jn series of tablets will explain the need for these desperate measures;
imports of raw material have been cut off precisely at the time when there is
an overwhelming need for weapons. This theory equally explains the rebates
for smiths in the Ma tablets (p. 292) and Na tablets (e.g. 192 =Na 252 ).
pa-ta-jo-i-qe: it was suggested (p.358) that this word must mean ‘arrows’ since its
nominative pa-ta-ja was found at Knossos on sealings in context with the remains of
arrows. What seems to have been overlooked is that the ideogram transcribed
arrow on 264= Ws 1704 (the lower illustration under no. 231 on p. 360) is very
different from that on R 4482 (upper illustration; see p. 361 and under 264). The
latter are undoubtedly arrows, since they have a feathered flight at the rear end, and
it is hard to be sure if they have a point, as shown; but the identity of the shaft with a
largish barbed point is not so evident, and it would seem that pa-ta-ja might rather be
light missiles hurled manually, since if the interpretation paltaia is correct, the verb
ttoAXco could hardly be used of an arrow, and the meaning of the later iraXTdv is
certainly ‘javelin* or ‘dart*. In later usage too alxu^ is restricted to spears, and the
word for the point of an arrow is dnds. This of course raises the old question whether
the Mycenaeans made use of throwing-spears as well as the heavy thrusting spear,
513
257-260
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
which is well attested by the large bronze spear-heads recovered. There is enough
evidence to show that the weapon was not unknown, though it may have been used
more for hunting than warfare; it would not of course have penetrated any but the
lightest armour. The Homeric evidence is totally unreliable, but there is no reason to
suppose that wherever two spears are attributed to a warrior, this is an anachronism
introduced from the Dark Age (Snodgrass, 1967, p. 23).
p- 358 f 258 = Jo 438. Correction: l.i [ ]ko-re-te.
A few unimportant restorations arc confirmed, but no progress can be made
cpigraphically with this lacunosc text. The heading remains enigmatic, even
now that a fragment has completed the word at the end of line 1 as ko-re-te ;
we might have expected a plural on the analogy of257 =Jn 829. It is significant
that the quantity of gold in line 2 is four times the largest contributions in the
remainder of the tablet; some high official must have been named here.
It would seem likely that here too we have a list of local officials, and that
the title ko-re-te must be understood also with the place names of lines 25 and
26 . 43=Aq 64.5 shows that the ko-re-te of i-te-re-wa was called Klumenos and
held the rank o i'mo-ro-qa; he commands an o-ka in 58=An 654. Thus we may
perhaps assume that the three men here named as mo-ro-qa (lines 5 , 6 , 17 )
were the ko-re-te-re of their local districts. The broken word ending ]ma in
lines 15 , 16 may have been du-ma ‘superintendant’, cf. du-ma-te in 257 = Jn 829.
The title qa-si-re-u (1. 20 ) fits this context well enough; a-ke-ro is more likely to
be a man’s name than genitive plural angeldn. Ne-da-wa-ta ( 1 . 7 ) is the com¬
mander of an o-ka in the north of the kingdom on 56=An 657, and E-ke-me-de
( 1 . 8 ) is the first of his subordinate officers; they were perhaps ko-re-te and
po-ro-ko-re-te of one of the northern districts. Po-ki-ro-qo ( 1 . 22 ) is an officer in the
o-ka of Ta-ti-qo-we-wo in 58=An 654. Au-ke-wa ( Augewas ) is the da-mo-ko-ro
appointed by the king in 235 = Ta 711; 304=On 300 has da-mo-ko-ro in parallel
position at the end of the Hither Province to te-po-se-u in the Further Province,
the man who is described as the ti-nwa-si-jo ko-re-te ( 1 . 21 ).
p- 359 t 259= Og 1527. This piece appears to belong to a large tablet and one or more
lines are missing at the top. Palmer (1963 a, p. 435 ) has doubted the identifica¬
tion of mo-ri-u'o-do, but in default of further context, some form of p 6 Aup 5 os
still seems most likely.
p. 359+ It is not certain that either J 58 or Og 1804 (=J 58 bis) relate to metal. On the
ingot tablets ( Oa ) see p. 351 .
p. 360! 260 = Og 4467. Correction: 1. 3 read pi-ri\.
514
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
263-264
p- 360$ The situation of the sword tablets is remarkable, but can be explained if this
area of the * Domestic Quarter’ was the location of the Royal Guard. The king
must surely have had a small force of soldiers to guard him, and they may also
have had a supply of weapons for issue to the royal family in case of emergency.
Boardman ( 1963 , pp. 79 - 80 ) has suggested that the swords on these tablets are
rather daggers; the Homeric use of (pdoyavov is liable to be inaccurate, and the
suggestion cannot be controlled. But it remains plausible, and whichever it is,
the form of the hilt favours an early date for the tablets.
p. 361 ! 263 = R 1815 ( = 0481 bis). The reading is still disputed, since the tablet was
broken between ka-ka and re-a , and something seems to have stood between,
though possibly later deleted. Despite this, however, the reading ka-ka-re-a
has much to commend it.
p.36ii On the meaning of pa-ta-ja and the identification of the arrow ideogram,
sec p. 513 above. Perhaps therefore ‘javelin’, though the association with
arrow-heads makes this questionable.
p. 3 6a t The word a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na occurs exclusively with the full chariot ideo¬
gram, but minus wheels. It appears therefore to alternate with a-na-mo-to on
the tablets showing the bare chariot-frame, and this is used once with a
unique ideogram (Sf 4465), which appears to represent pole and yoke without
any car. The conclusion that this pair of words denotes the presence or
absence of the equipment of the bare frame (back, pole-stay and yoke) seems
inescapable. The suggestion of D. J. N. Lee ( 1958 ) that it means provided
with or without wheels ( a-mo-ta ) must therefore be rejected, even though it is
not impossible that a feature should be stated to be present when not illustrated
by the ideogram.
The pair formed by a-ja-me-na (dual a-ja-me-no) and a-na-i-ta, a-na-ta , a-na-to
is more complicated. If a-na-mo-to is anarmostoi y then we should expect anai(s)toi
or the like as the negative of the participle arja-me-na. But it is evident that
a-na-(i-)ta is twice used in the plural, contrary to the rule that compound
adjectives have only two terminations. Palmer ( 1963 a, p. 319 ) suggests that
it is a noun, but this ignores a-na-to (Sg 888 , Sf 4423, Sf 4425) where equally
the tablet was, or may have been, introduced by i-qi-ja in large characters; the
number in all these cases cannot be recovered. On the whole it is probably
easier to regard a-na-(i-)ta as a scribal error or inconsistency.
P 3 6 4t i-qo-e-qe : it should have been observed that this is unlikely to be a singular both because
of the form and because a chariot has two horses. Perhaps therefore dual of a root
515
265-274
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
noun *hiqq u o-heq u s as proposed by Lejeune (1958a, p. 179, n. 76). The only likely part
of a chariot to be so called would be the two harness-saddles attached to the yoke,
which are described on p. 363 and illustrated in Fig. 25. Since they fit on the horse’s
neck, they might conceivably be described as ‘horse-followers’.
o-po-qo\ Palmer (1963a, p. 316) has correctly seen that this word is a compound oCopi-
and the second element of TTpoa-amov, u£t-g>ttov, etc. But opoq v 6 ought to mean not
‘nose-pieces’ but ‘eye-pieces’, and this leads to the suggestion that the word means
‘blinkers’. Blinkers of bronze are attested by the chariot and horses buried in the
dromos of a tomb at Salamis in Cyprus, where Mycenaean customs seem to have
survived down to a much later date (Karageorghis, 1966, p. 238; 1967 b, p, 341).
p 36 st 265=Sd 4403. In the translation for £ cheek-straps' read ‘blinkers’ and for
‘feudal contribution' read ‘work*. Similar corrections should be made in the
translations of the following texts.
P* 366 f 267 — Sd 4409. Corrections: 1. 2 read: a-ja-me-na ; 1. 1 : wi-ri-ne-o o-po-qo
ka-ke-ja-pi o-pi-i-jq-pi wheel-less chariot i.
p* 367 ! 268 = Sd 4413. Translation: for ‘ pole-stay ’ read 'harness-saddles' ; for ‘ cheek-
straps' read ‘blinkers’.
p* 367 ; 269 = Sd 4404. The upper edge of this tablet has the reading:
po-ni-ki-ja wheeled chariot i
This is remarkable as being the only case of the form of the chariot with wheels
being used outside the Sc series (on which see below, p. 522 ).
mi-to-we-sa-e: Lejeune (1958^, p. 21) suggested that the final -e was an independent
adverb, en ‘inside’, graphically attached to the preceding word. But it is perhaps
more likely that it is an abnormal spelling for the plural, possibly influenced by the
dual of masculine a-stems (see p. 389).
P.367H 270 =Sd 4402
au-ro : dual or plural of auXos ‘pipe’ in some technical sense; cf. avXoimv 5 i 60 uoiai
Od. xix, 227, of a buckle.
pe-qa-to (pc-pa 2 -to) : probably ptgg u alon < *ped-g u aton (cf. Paros, paivco) ‘that which is
trodden by the f#ot, foot-board ’ (cf. Palmer’s suggestion on p. 368).
4 > 368t 274 Sf 4428. The argument is not changed by substituting ‘blinkers’ for
‘cheek-strap’. The probable sense of me-ta-ke-ku-me-na ( metakekhumena ) is
‘taken to pieces’, *knocked-down\
516
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
276-278, 322
p* 3 > 276 = Se 891 4 -10064 1042. The newly-joined fragment proves the restoration
pte-re-wa. No progress has been made with the interpretation of this group of
tablets.
p. 3 & 9 t 277 = Ra 1028. This tablet can be re-classified on the basis of the joining of an
almost illegible fragment and the suggestion by Olivier that 7498 is part of the
same tablet. The complete text now reads:
e-re-pa-te [ ]ri sword i8
]-qo-jo I zo-wa[ \ e~]pi[-zo~ta de-de-]me-na sword 99
The restorations are based upon 163 = Ra 984 as now corrected, except that
the guess \}\-qo-jo has not been confirmed. It would be possible to restore
ke-ra before de-de-me-na in the second line, but this is perhaps a variable element
in the formula. The sword ideogram in line 2 is inverted, exactly as in
163 = Ra 984.
p. 369 U Another fragment (So 1053) has now been identified as listing wheels, but
not found in the Armoury.
p- 370 ! The value of * 7 / as dwe was established by PY Sa 1266 te-mi-de-we-te. Hence
the Mycenaean adjective must be termidwens , with the dental stem declension
of Tgppts; Homeric Teppidns is thus prnhahly a later replacement with the
link vowel -o- preserving the metrical shape (-^ w - for-). The exact
nature of a xeppis is not made any clearer. The alternative description is
variously spelt o-da-ke-we-ta, o-da-ku-we-ta, o-da-tu-we-ta and o-da-* 8 y-ta ; hence
*87 is probably twe > since the value *kwe would presumably coincide with
*78 — qe. It is tempting to see in the first member of the compound some form
related to 68 ous ‘tooth 5 , perhaps referring to a design rather than a serrated
surface to the wheel; odat- might come from zero-grade *odnt-, and odak- is
possibly connected with 65a£.
p- 374 278 =So 894. Corrections: for * 71 read dwe in lines 1 and 3 ; in line 3 read
ZE 41 MO[I].
le-mi-dwe = termidwen; the neuter singular must be understood as referring to one pair;
the plural in line 3 equally refers to the 41 pairs.
p 37 ^ 322 = Sg 1811 (formerly 890^u, now joined) (K)
1 ] CHARIOT-FRAME 22 [
] CHARIOT-FRAME 224 |
]-mi-we-te wheel ze 21 [
5i7
3
322, 279-285
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
4 ]
5 o-da-]ke-we-ta
6 )o-da-ke-we-ta
7 ]
WHEEL ZE 8
wheel ze 7 a-mo I[
WHEEL ZE 172
vacat
Rev.: 176 [
This collection of fragments now reveals that one tablet could list both
chariot-frames (cf. 272, 273), and wheels. The size of some of the figures
suggests that this was a totalling document.
[te]-mi-we-te: if rightly so restored, and not a mere slip, may be evidence that the j-stem
declension of ter mis already existed alongside the dental stem.
p. 37 at 279 = So 4437. Read: te-mi-dwe-te.
p. 372 $ 280 = So 4439. Read te-mi-dwe-ta and mo wheel i.
p. 372 If 281 =So 4440. Read o-da-twe-ta (see on 278 above) and wheel ze 6 .
p- 37 att 282 = So 4430. Read o-da-twe-ta. On o-pa see p. 420 .
p. 372 ft 283 =So 4442. The left-hand end of this tablet is probably X 4472, giving the
reading: se-to[-]i-ja . One other wheel tablet begins with a place name, So
4448: pa-i-to. The reading a-mo 1 , singular to a-mo-ta , is established for 7485,
now joined to 322 = Sg 1811.
P 373 t The most important discovery in this field since the publication of the first
edition has been the completion of Sa 753 by a new fragment (Lang, 1958 ,
p. 182 ) giving this text:
se-we-ri-ko-jo wo-ka e-ge-si-jo wiieel + te ZE2
This for the first time showed that wo-ka can occur independently of we-je-ke-e
and thus cannot be an adverb. As was quickly pointed out by Palmer (1957 a,
p. 580 ), the second explanation offered must be correct; we can reconstruct a
feminine noun wokhd related to the verb ’•‘fix 00 *
p. 373 f 285 = Sa 487. Read: wheel +te ze 2 [.
The set to which this tablet belongs now numbers eighteen; the names to
be added are: Se-we-ri-ko-jo , E-ti-ra-wo-jo , A-re-to-to , E-pi-wo-qa-la-o ; the fifth
name, E-te-wa-jo y incorrectly lacking its genitival ending, had occurred before
(Sa 769).
we-je-ke-e: the opposition with no-pe-re-a 2 wheels, which are never assigned to the chariot
of a named person, makes it virtually certain that the effective sense of this word is
5 l8
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
285-288, 323
‘serviceable’. How to extract this sense from the spelling is less certain, but the
similar sense of ^ttieikt^ strongly suggests that a solution should be sought in that
direction. The chief obstacle is that -£iKf)s is plainly from *-f£iKf)s (cf. 4 -mdKsAos
without elision of t); we- could possibly be a spelling device for (A)h-, giving the pre¬
fix u-= 4 tti- which appears to occur in several Cypriot words (especially u-ke-ro-ne =
ux^pov (gen.) ‘wages’ Schwyzcr, Dial. 679 . 5 , 15 ). To explain -je- we must therefore
have recourse to a dissimilation *we-weikes > *we(y)eikes (Chadwick, 19586, p. 308;
Chantrainc, 1959, p. 250). This solution has so many difficulties that great eff orts
have been made to find an alternative, but almost all produce unacceptable sense.
The attempt to find £yx°S in the second member (Palmer, 1958, p. 17, 1963a,
p. 462; cf. Ruijgh, 1967, p. 380) involves, not merely the unexampled sense of
‘axle’ for the noun, but also the assumption that Mycenaean chariots had their
wheels mounted upon a removable axle rather than one integral with the frame.
Other attempts to meet the required sense have been based upon we- as a spelling
(or more likely variant form) ofsu-, and an adjectival form in -eX9S related to e\oo f
cf. pu-ko-so e-ke-e PY 241 =Ta 715 , p. 342 (Gallavotti, 1958, p. 67; Luria, 1958,
P- 259 )-
p. 374t 286 = Sa 787. Read in upper line: wheel ze 31 ; in lower line: pa-ra-ja
Za-ku-si-ja .
The comparison of Sa 843, also completed since the first edition (Lang,
1959 , P* 131 ), shows a parallel text:
to-sa we-je-ke-a 2 ne-wa wijeel- 1 -te ze 20
This finally proved that ne-wa and pa-ra-ja were opposites, thus confirming
that pa-ra-ja must be TraAcud.
p. 374+ 287 = Sa 793. Read te-mi-dwe-ta (see above, p. 517 ).
P.374I 288=Sa 790
e-qe-si-ja must mean that the ‘ Followers’ have a special pattern of chariot-wheel, and
therefore they must possess chariots.
p. 375 t Excavation in 1957 produced a tablet dealing with chariot equipment, though
the records of the chariots themselves arc still missing. There is also an
interesting list of men which seems to be connected with the manufacture of
chariot-parts.
323 = Sb 1315
1 ]-wo-ja a-ni-ja te-u-ke-pi 5 di-pte-ra 3 e-ru-ta-ra 16 [
2 ro-u-si-je-wi-ja 6 ra-pte-ri-ja a-ni-ja 3
519
323
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
3 ne-wa a-ni-ja a-na-pu-ke 5 / dwo 2 fl a-pu-ke 9
a-ni-ja-e-e-ro-pa~Jo-qe-rg-sa v 2'
4 a-pe-ne-wo 4 / a-pu-ke a-pe-ne-wo V jj ne-wa po-qe-wi-ja ze 11
1 Five sets of reins [fitted] with equipment; sixteen red hides.
2 Six (sets of reins) of Lousos type; three sets of reins with saddlers’
work.
3 Five sets of new reins without head-bands; nine (sets?) with two head-
bands; two sets of reins . . .
4 Four . . .; one . . . with head-band(s); eleven pairs of new halters.
] -woja: there has been erasure at this point and it is uncertain what happened; it is
tempting to suppose that the scribe wrote a-ra-ru-wo-a (traces of the a remain beneath
ja) and intended to change the neuter to feminine plural by deleting a and substitut¬
ing ja, forgetting that he needed also to delete wo. A contrast with the first entry of
line 3 seems to be intended; but te-u-ke-pi might stand qualifying a-ni-ja even without
the support of a participle.
te-u-ke-pi : teukhesphi y but in which of the many senses ofT*Ox°$? The Homeric sense of
‘armour’ seems inappropriate, so perhaps it is more general, ‘equipment’.
di-pte-ra 2 : diphtherai ‘treated hides’; see on this p. 492. These may have been to cover
the frame of the body of the chariot (cf. p. 362 and item B in Fig. 25). The red
colour, as on 317 = Ub 1318 , cf. p. 491, recalls the other words for ‘red* on the
Knossos chariot tablets [po-ni-ki-ja 266 = Sd 4401 , 267 = Sd 4409 , 268 = Sd 4413 ,
etc.; mi-to-we-sa-e 269 = Sd 4404 ).
ro-u-si-je-wi-ja\ apparently a derivative in -iwios from the place name ro-u-so; cf.
wa-na-se-wi-jo , di-pi-si-je-wi-jo y wo-de-wi-jo , etc. This suffix does not seem to be res¬
tricted to stems where it can be analysed as -evs+-io$; cf Cretan Oifya < *0£-qfia.
The name presumably indicates a type; cf. the epithet ‘Zakynthian’ used of wheels,
PY 286 =Sa 787 .
ra-pte-ri-ja: plainly rhaptiriai , the adjective from pcn n qp. This suggests that the sewing
done by the rhapteres may be on leather, possibly ornamental stitching, since all
reins would need some sewing.
ne-wa a-ni-ja a-na-pu-ke : newai hdniai anampukes ‘new reins without head-bands’.
The ampukes on this tablet are plainly for horses, a sense attested by a compound in
Pindar (see Glossary).
dwo 2: these signs are much smaller than those on either side, and it is clear that the
scribe inserted them as an afterthought; the numeral is meant to illustrate the
interpretation of the syllabic sign, which exceptionally stands alone. Whether it is to
be read dwo or disyllabically as duo remains uncertain. The note ‘two’ must refer to
the following entry; but if the scribe meant to record nine sets of two head-bands
(one for each horse), why did he not write ze 9 ‘nine pairs* as he did for the halters
in line 4? Since the preceding and following entries both relate to reins, is it not
likely that this entry too is to be understood as referring to nine sets of reins equipped
with head-bands, the numeral ‘two’ being inserted to show that a-pu-ke y which
52 °
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
323-324
might be instrumental singular, is to be thought of as dual? The result is inconsistent,
but would have been clear enough to the writer.
a-ni-ja e-e-ro-pa-jo-qe-ro-sa: there is no divider after a-ni-ja , and at the end of the line
the scribe ran out of space, hence 2 is inserted above the line. This suggests that
we might read a-ni-ja-e as a feminine dual, like mi-to-we-sa-e KN 269 -Sd 4404 ,
see p. 516. The resultant word in either case remains obscure. Palmer (1963a,
p. 329) calls attention to sTAos, glossed by Hesychius as Secrpos, but its plural eUecx
shows that it is a neuter J>stem, and therefore cannot fit the Mycenaean spelling
unless e-e-ro is complete and singular nominative or accusative. It may still be
connected, for the other meanings given by Hesychius include xcrAivol and q>i|iol.
a-pe-ne-wo : the repetition of this word in the following entry, which has been squeezed
in apparently after the last entry in the line was written, raises difficulties. The easiest
solution is to regard it as an o-stem, appearing first in the nominative plural, then in
the nominative singular; a-pu-ke will then be an annotation, as in dwo a-pu-ke of
line 3. If a-pu-ke be nominative, it must be dual or plural, which conflicts with the
numeral 1, though even this is not a certain reading. The alternative is to take
a-pe-ne-wo as genitive plural, understanding a-ni-ja with the first entry; but then we
have again the problem of a-pu-ke followed by 1. Lejcune (1958a, p. 335) adopting
this solution interprets the word as apenewon from *crrTqvEUS, an animal used to draw
an CTTrrjVTi.
po-qe-wi-ja: phorg u ewiai (<pop( 3 Eia() * halters’. This matches with po-qa and i-po-po-qo-i
(see Glossary), both of which show a labio-velar for the final consonant of the root
represented by classical <p£p( 3 co.
324 = An 1282
1 a-qi-ja-i man 18 a-mo-si man 18
3 ki-u-ro-i man 13 po-qe-wi-ja-i man 5
3 do-ka-ma-i man 36
45 vacant
The whole tablet has been written, deleted and re-used; but the final readings
are perfectly clear. It is evident from a-mo-si — harmosi 'wheels’ and po-qe-wi-ja-i
=plioTg u ewidlii ‘halters’ that we have a list of equipment for chariots, with
varying numbers of men assigned to each. The items are all in the dative
plural. The problems are to account for the other three words and to explain
the numerals. There is clearly a basic unit of 18 , which occurs in line 1 , is
split into 13 + 5 in line 2 , and is doubled in line 3 . If we assume that the
number of men is somehow related to the amount of labour needed to make
the item, then it is reasonable that more than three times as many men will
be needed to make wheels as halters.
a-qi-ja-i\ it is almost irresistible to conjecture a scribal error and emend to i-qi-ja-i
‘chariots’, although this word is so far known only at Knossos, and at Pylos wo-ka
521
324, 296
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
appears to take its place. The equal number of men assigned to chariot-frames and
to wheels is probably intelligible; though larger, a chariot requires less work to
construct than a pair of wheels.
ki-u-r 9 -i: Palmer (1963a, p. 328) quotes Hesychius: Kioupo$ ‘a basket for corn’; it
would be more convincing if it could mean ‘basketwork* for the fabrication of
chariot-bodies. Mycenaean - u - cannot correspond directly to classical -oh-.
do-ka-ma-i: it is tempting to connect this with Soxu^j or even 5 paxMp ( < ^dfk-smd, cf.
SpAaaouai), but the parallel of a^-ka-sa-ma shows that -ksm- in these words had not yet
been reduced to -xm- Apart from this, neither ‘hand’s breadth’ nor ‘handful’ offers
satisfactory sense. A connexion with 8okos ‘beam’ might be more promising semantic-
ally. Any explanation must account for the large number of men assigned to this
item.
p 3751 The archaeological picture has been changed by the discovery in a tomb at
Dendra in the Argolid in i 960 of a complete suit of bronze armour (Verdelis,
1961 ; Astrom, 1962 ). Although this is earlier in date and clearly of a different
construction from the suits listed at Pylos, it can never again be asserted that
bronze body-armour was not used in Mycenaean times. It docs not, however,
follow that the Pylos armour was entirely of bronze; the material of the
‘plates’ (o'pa-wo-ta) is never specified, and one may doubt the wisdom of
wearing metal armour in a Greek summer. It is at least possible that some of
the armour was of thick linen rather than metal, or that linen played some
part in its construction; in medieval times linen armour was much used, and
if enough layers of material were superimposed could be very effective. The
association of ingots with corslets on the Knossos tablets (p. 380 ) certainly
suggests that the material was bronze, though the reason for the corrections
has not been satisfactorily explained.
p. 379t 296 = Sh 736. Correction: read at end: wo-ke ne-wo[ ] 5 *
Possibly me-za-na wo-ke is to be taken together as an indication of the type
of craftsmanship; cf. ke~re~si~jo we-ke= JCrisiowerges PY 236 = Ta 641,
237=Ta 709.
p* 379 t The number of Sc tablets has now been increased to 156 , but many of these
arc small fragments and the total number of tablets will probably have been
rather smaller. The tablets from this deposit form an apparently closed group
with little cross-reference to the other Archives, and although written by
different scribes show a remarkable similarity of hand-writing (Olivier, 19676 ,
pp. 66 - 76 ; Chadwick, 19686 , pp. 17 - 20 ). Their purpose remains enigmatic,
for if it is a list of equipment issued to these warriors, the Knossian army must
have been in a poor state to require so much material; and if less than a full
522
ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY
complement of two corslets, one chariot and two horses is issued, is it because
the warriors already have the remainder? This might explain the note e-ko i
added after the record of one horse on 298 = Sc 226. Alternatively, if it is the
record of the equipment at present held by these men, the condition of the
army is again parlous, since so many of them have defective equipment.
Possibly we must understand this as a list of the equipment supplied by the
Palace, the warriors supplying the remainder themselves. But even this theory
is far from solving all the problems.
The number of tablets listing one and two corslets can be corrected to
fourteen and nineteen respectively, allowing those in which the corslet
ideogram is followed immediately by another ideogram to count as instances
of i ; corslet i is written only eight times. Since no less than eighteen
tablets show corslet written and then deleted, perhaps the absence of the
numeral may here be significant. It is clear that two corslets, presumably one
for the warrior and the other for his driver, is the normal issue; if the two
pieces made up a single suit, we should expect them to be counted in pairs
(zk), and it would be hard to explain the single pieces. The seven certain
cases where an ingot has been inserted, often in substitution for a corslet
and never together with one, also require an explanation. It is easy to say
that this is the raw material issued in lieu of corslets; but how long must
the warrior wait until the armour has been fashioned from it? At least this
would imply that there was no thought of suddenly mobilizing the army for
service.
The corslet ideogram surcharged with qE has been taken as standing for
qe-ro 2 , on which see 299 = Sk 789 and p. 494. This is a mere guess which cannot
be confirmed. The entry q_e ze i on Sc 266 is almost certainly a scribal error
for horse ze 1 ; the qe has been squeezed in as an afterthought, and was
probably suggested by the fE surcharged on the corslet.
Of the introductory names preserved many do not recur at Knossos; of
those that do, most arc on other tablets from the same find-spot. On V 60 the
word a-ni-o-ko ‘charioteer’ is not necessarily to be taken as a heading to the
complete list, but the association is probably significant; two names, a-e-da-
clo-ro and la-pa-no , recur on F 153 (from the same archive) which is probably a
list of rations.
p. 380 ! The two tablets brought together here as 299 and 300 can now be seen to
belong to a set of six fragments, the best preserved of which is here added. The
prefix Sk has been allocated to this set, which is clearly akin to the Pylos Sh
tablets, but shows differences of detail.
523
325
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
325-Sk 8100
2 qe-ro 2 2 e-po-mi-jo 2 / o-pa-wo[-ta
o-pa-wo-ta
1 pa-ra / ko-ru helmet i o-pi-ko-ru-si-ja 4 pa-ra-wa[-jo 2
Pa-ra: one helmet, four helmet-plates, [two] cheek-pieces, two arm-guards, two
shoulder-guards, . . . plates.
pa-ra: probably a man’s name, though the similarity to ]-ra in 299 = Sk 789 is suspicious;
no other tablet of the series has any part of the first word preserved. The lower line,
which has a word written above it, is to be read first, as usual when there is no central
ruling.
ko-ru: korus , the confirmation of the restoration in 300 = Sk 5670 is welcome.
o-pi-ko-ru-si-ja o-pa-wo-ta : owing to the way in which these words and the accompany¬
ing 4 are written, it would be equally possible to read o-pi-ko-ru-si-ja 2 o-pa-wo-ta 2.
If so, one must ask why the words are not in the dual; cf. e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo in 299 =
Sk 789 . The variation in the form of the adjective is a striking confirmation that
opi and epi were not significantly distinguished in sense, for the same scribe wrote
both tablets. Clearly this is the equivalent of ko-ru-to o 4 on PY 292 = Sh 740 , 293 =
Sh 737 . The same entry is repeated on Sk 8149 , but here its end is damaged.
qe-ro z : see on this word p. 494.
e-po-mi-jo: the conjecture of 299 = Sk 789 is confirmed.
o-pa-wo[-ta: the final entry may have concerned the plates of the corslet proper; it is
not preserved on any of the other fragments of this set.
524
PART IV
GLOSSARY, BIBLIOGRAPHY,
INDEX AND CONCORDANCES
MYCENAEAN GLOSSARY
This glossary is not restricted to the texts printed in this book, but contains an entry for
every complete Mycenaean word recorded up to 1972. Incomplete words are omitted
unless they can be plausibly restored or are otherwise of interest. Full references are not
given for frequently occurring words, the sign -I- being used to indicate further references.
Words are normally indexed under the simplest form quotable, and separable
prefixes and suffixes are ignored in the alphabetical order. Thus words beginning with
the prefix 0- will be found under the simple form, though cross-references are included
in case of doubt. Inflexional forms and derivatives are given separate headings under the
main entry. The alphabetical order adopted is (unlike the first edition) by transliterated
signs, so that, e.g., words beginning a 2 - are placed after those beginning a not com¬
bined into a single list. The following changes of practice in transliteration compared
with the first edition, and consequently parts I and II of this, have been adopted:
ai = a 3
pa 2 = qa
*85 = au (placed after a 3 )
These changes have been made to conform with the internationally agreed system of
transliteration.
The combination of three indexes into one has meant that a convenient system had
to be introduced to distinguish place names and personal names; hence the three
abbreviations pn = place name, m n ^ man’s name, w N = woman’s name. A full list
of abbreviations follows:
abl.
ablative
mid.
middle
acc.
accusative
M N
man’s name
act.
active
MY
Mycenae
adj.
adjective
neut.
neuter
aor.
aorist
nom.
nominative
app.
apparently
pass.
passive
conj.
conjunction
perf
perfect
conjug.
conjugation
perh.
perhaps
dat.
dative
pers.
person
ctym.
etymology
plur.
plural
fem.
feminine
P N
place name
fut.
future
poss.
possibly
gen.
genitive
pple.
participle
indie.
indicative
prec.
preceding
inf.
infinitive
prep.
preposition
inscr.
inscription
pres.
present
instr.
instrumental
prob.
probably
KN
Knossos
PY
Pylos
loc.
locative
rel.
relative
masc.
masculine
rev.
reverse
527
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
sb. substantive
sim. similar
sing. singular
s.v. sub voce
A, With amphora ideogram, KN 204= Gg 704 + :
abbreviation of a-pi-po-re-u (see a-pi-po-re-u *).
With o live ideogram, KN E669,95= F 852 +:
obscure.
With oil ideogram, PY 310 = Fr 1225-K
Probably=a/<u/>A<* ‘ointment’.
Ideographic use, PY Un 1320: obscure.
a-da-ma-o, PY Eb 747, l3l = Ep 301, Jn 832.
mn: Admaos?
a-da-ma-o-jo, PY 116 = En659. Gen.: Admaoio .
a-da-ma-jo , PY 124= Eo 351. Defective spelling
o f prec.
a-da-ra-ko[ t KN X 793. mn?, da?.: perhaps
Andrarkhoi. [Ilievski, 1969 a, p. 216 .]
a-da-ra-ro, KN Da 5223. mn.
a-da-ra-te-ja, PY Aa 785, Ab 388. Prob. not an
ethnic as proposed (p. 156 ), but since only
one woman is recorded more likely a feminine
personal name: Adrasteia. [Cf. 'ASpi^crrcicc //.
ii, 828 .]
a-da-ra-ti-jo , PY 44=Aq 218, 59=An 656.
Patronymic adj.: Adrdslios. [Cf. ’'ABpiicrro?,
//. xiv, 121 +.]
a-da-wa-si-jo, KN C 912. Adj. describing man,
perh. patronymic.
0-dv-H>o-rtf[, KN B 164. mn. Dat.?
a dc-mc tre, PY Eq 116. mn,
q-de-ra it KN Ap 639. wn.
a-de-te, PY Eq 34. Occupational term in -ter: an-
deler ‘binder* ? Docs. 1 ; ‘riveter’ Palmer (1963 a,
P- 336).
a-de-te-re y PY 52= An 207. Dual: -tire.
a-de-we-\ .], KN As 1516. mn.
]a-di-je-wOy KN D 747. mn. Gen. Cf, a r di-je-u.
a-di-nwa-ta , KN 39 = As 1517. mn.
a-di-ri-ja-te , PY 242 = Ta 707. Inst. sing. masc.
andriante[i) ‘(inlaid) with a figure of a man’.
[dvBpias Pindar 5 b.c. 4*.]
a-di-ri-ja-pi t PY 243=Ta 708 4*, Instr. plur.:
*andriant-phi > andriamphi.
a-di-ri-jo, KN Do 7613. mn. Andrios? Andrion ?
["AvBpjos ethnic; ’AvSplcov.]
a-di-*22-sa, KN 94 =F 841. Obscure.
a-do-we, TH Z 842, TI Z 24, Z 25. Single word
inscribed on jars ;mn?
a-du-po-to, KN C 911. mn.
a-du-ru-po-to , KN Dg 1107+ 1465. mn: Adruptos ?
a-e-da-do-ro , KN F 153, Sc 237. mn.
a-e-ri-qe , PY Jn 832. Perh. mn, but uncertain if
-qe is the particle q u e ‘and’.
a-e-ri-qo, PY An 192, Jn 431. mn. Shortened form
of next? Aeriq"ltoi?
a-e-ri-qo-ta, PY 44=Aq 218, 56= An 657 + . mn.
Aeri-fhoitdi? [Horn. A4 > 10 Si'9 0 ' Tl K]
TH
Thebes
TI
Tiryns
W N
woman’s name
a - e - se - wa y PY Fn 79. mn. Dat.
a - e - ti - to [, PY Fr 1200. Epithet of sage-scented oil:
‘without e-ti' (see e-ti-we ).
ai for words beginning ai - see under a,-.
a - i - qe - u , PY l34 = Eb 895, l3l = Ep 301. mn.
Vcntris: Ahiqq u eus? Lejeune ( 1968 a): Ahi-
q xt heus (hypocoristic of *’A(h)i-<p 6 vras 4 he
who kills with the sword’).
a - i - qe - wo , PY 116= En 659. Gen.
a - i - qe - we , PY l25=Eo 471. DaC.
a - ja - me - no , KN 266=Sd 4401+ , PY 242 = Ta
707+. Nom. sing, and plur. masc., perh. pf.
pple. pass. aia{s)mtnos ( aiamenos?), - 01 . Also
nom. dual fern.: -mend: ‘inlaid’. [Meaning
clear, but form and etymology obscure.]
a - ja - me - na t KN 265 = Sd 4403 +, 272 = Sf 4421,
PY 239 = Ta 642. Nom. sing, fcm.: - maid .
a - ja - me t KN Sd 4415. Defective spelling of
prec.
a-ka\ KN Da 1078+, Dn 5318. pn.
a-ka\ PY 3l2=An 1281. mn.
a-kq-de, KN B 799. mn.
a-ka-i-je-ja, TH Of27. Fern, adjectival formation
on a-ka-i-jo ?
a-ka-i-jo, KN De 1084, F 153, Vc 68 , Vd 62+ .
mn. Cf. a-ka 1 ?
a-ka-ma-jo y PY Fn 324. mn. Dat. ? ALkmaidi.
[dAxualos* vravlaxos Hesych.; cf. ’AXupalcov.]
a-ka-mq-no, PY Jn 415. mn: Alkmdnor (Ilievski,
19696 , p. j 74 ). ['AXKUT^VWp.]
a-ka-ma-wo, PY 6 l = Cn 131+ , Jn 706+ . mn.
Nom. and dat. Alkmaivos, -woi? [Cf. 'AXkuoimv
IL xn, 394 .)
a-ka-me-ne[, KN Xd 82, If complete, prob. mn.
Akhaimenes or Alkdmenis ? [’AxcciMivrft, ’AAxa-
tfVTK.]
a-ka-na-joy PY Cn 328 + , Xa 1337. Poss. pn or
adj, describing sheep and goats: cf. a^-ka-na-jo.
a-ka-ra-noy PY 241=Ta 715. Nom. sing, fern.,
adj. describing a table; perh. akardnos
‘headless’ (i.e. designed to take detachable
tops?); in view of declension prob. compound
with negative a-, [dacdpiivo* Anih. Pat.] See
pp. 349 , 501
a-ka^re-Uy KNGa416. mn: Agalleus? Angareies?
a-ka-re-u-tey PY Cn 4. Perh. pn in dat, -loc.; cf.
a-ke-re-u-le.
a-ka-sa-no[y KN As 602. mn: Alxdndr. ['AXx^Vop
Schwyzer, Dial . 761 .]
a-ka-si-jo-ne, PY 254=Jn 389. pn: loc.?
a-ka-ta-joy KN Dv 1086+ , PY 127 = Eo 269. mn:
nom. and dat.: Aklaios , -afoi. [’AktoIos.]
a-ka-ta-jo-joy PY [116= En 659], 127= Eo 269,
Gen.: Aktaioio .
528
GLOSSARY
a-ka-ta-ra-te-so-de y KNFp 5504. Perh. pn in acc.
with allative -de.
a-ka-to, KN Dv 5256, Sc 256. mn: Agalhos,
Agath&n? ['AyaOos, 'Ayd&wvJ
a-ka-to-wa, KN Vc 81. mn.
a-ka-to-wa-o, TH Ug 4 + . Gen.
a-ka-wi-ja-de , KN 78—C 914. Prob. pn in acc.
with allative - de : Akhaiividn-de . [Cf. Hitt.
Ahhijawa.] Not mn as proposed by Palmer,
see p. 436 .
a-ka-wo y KN Ga 738, PY 258=Jo 438. mn:
Alkdivdn ?
a-ka-wo-ne , PY Un 219. Dat.: - dnei .
a-ke, PY !72=Tn 316, MY Ue 611. Prob. 3rd
sing. pres, indie, act. of 6 yw: agei\ see pp.
285 , 461 .
a-ke-a x , PY Vn 130. Nom. plur, neut.: angeha
‘wine jars’ ? [<5yyo$ Od, xvt, 13 +.]
a-ke-e : see ti-mi-to-a-ke-e.
a-ke-e-to, KN Da I 195. mn.
a-ke-o, PY An 192, 63=Cc 660. mn.
a-ke-o-jo, PY Cn 40 + . Gen.: - 010 .
a-ke-r a-no, KN Vc 205. mn.
a-ke-ra-wo, KN Vc 316, PY Cn 599 + . mn: nom.
and dat.: A geld wo s or Arkheldwos, -tvo~i.
[’AylAaos //. vm, 257, ’Ay*A«o$ Od. xxn, 131;
’ApyiAaos.]
a-ke-r a t -te, PY Vn 493. Nom. plur. masc., aor.
pple.: perh. agiranies (dycfpco, cf. a-ke-re )
’collecting, gathering’; or less likely angilantes
’announcing’.
a-ke-re, PY 63=Cc 660. 3rd sing, pres.: ngtrei
‘he collects (goats)’. Exact sense not clear.
[Aydpco //. tv, 377 + .]
a-ke-re-mOy KN Uf 838. Nom. sing., occupational
term: agremCn ? [dypepcbv ‘hunter’ Etym.
A lag.)
a-ke-re-mo-no, KN V 865, Gen. sing.: agremonos.
a-ke-re-se, PY 43= Aq 64. 3rd sing. aor. or fut.:
agrise, agrisei ’took’ or ‘will take’. [dyp^tj ‘take’
retained in Aeolic; cf. Horn. fiypEi ‘come on!*]
o-a-ke-re-se ibid, he agrise(i) ‘thus he took (will
take)'. Seepp. 176 , 423 .
a-ke-re-u, PY Cn 441. Nom. sing, mn or occu-
pational term? [dypevs?]
a-ke-re-we, PY Un 1193. Dat. sing, or perh.
nom. plur.
a-ke-re-u-te, MY Ge 606. pn?: perh. abl. in
-euthen.
a-ke-re-wa, PY [49=An 427], 54= An 610, 55 =
An 724, 59=An 656, 253=Jn 310, 258=Jo
438 + . pn: one of the Nine Towns of the
Hither Province (see p. 142 ).
a-ke-re-wa-de, PY 250= Vn 20. Acc.+ -<fc,
a-ke-re-wi-jo, MY 106= Ge 603, 107—Ge 604.
mn. Nom. and dat.
a-ke-ro\ PY Cn 1287, Ea 136, Vn 493. Nom. sing,
and plur.: occupational term, perh. angelos,
-oi\ Palmer ( 1963 a, p. 404) suggests ageroi
‘collectors’.
a-ke-ro *, PY 258=Jo 438. App. mn.
a-ke-ta, KN B 798, PY Cn 719. mn: nom. sing.
(KN case uncertain): Agetas ? Akestds?
[’Ayr|Ta$, ’AKiorTtf.]
a-te-te, PYJn 832. App. nom. sing, of next, perh.
error.
a-ke-te-re, PY Jn 832. Nom. plur., description
of bronzesmiths, replacing la-ra-si-ja e-ko-le
where no quantity of metal is specified: prob.
aske tires ‘those who practise their craft*,
[doxico ’work raw materials’ 11. xxm, 743*1
See also a^-ke-te-re, ja-ke-te-re.
a-ke-ti-jo , PY An 209. mn: Akestios? ['Atdorios.]
a-ke-ti-ra x , PY 2 =Aa 815 + , TH Of 36. Nom.
plur. fern., description of women (cf. a-kc-tc-re) >
prob. asketriai ‘practitioners of a trade’ but
with more specific reference unclear; poss.
akestriai ‘sempstresses’ [dxioTpia 5 b.c.]. See
pp. 158 , 418 ,
a-ke-ti-ra t -o, PY Ad 290+ . Gen. plus.: -don.
a-ke-ti-ri-ja, KN 17=Ai 739 + , PY Aa 85+.
Nom. plur. (or dual?): variant spelling.
a-ke-ti-ri-ja-i, PY Fn 187, Un 219, MY 93=
Fo 101+ . Dat. plur. -dhi.
See also a-ze-ti-ri-ja.
a-ke-to-ro, KN V 145. Poss. sb., meaning and
case unclear.
a-ke-u, KN Dv 1133, V 151+ . mn: Alkeus ?
[’AAmcv^,]
a-ke-wo, KN Ap 628. Gen.: Alkewos.
a-ke-wa-ta, PY Jn 431. mn; cf. a-ki-wa-la.
a-ke-wa-to, PY 60-An 661. mn.
a-ki-a 2 -ri-ja-de: see ayki-a t -ri-ja.
a-ki-re-u, KN Vc 106. mn, nom.: AkkiUeus.
[’Ax'Atafc]
a-ki-re-we, PY Fn 79. Dat.: Akhillewei.
a-ki-ri-ja , KN C 7064. Description of goats of
both sexes: perh. agria (neut. plur.?) ‘wild
creatures’, [dyptos.]
a-ki-ti-to, PY 197=Na 406 + , [153 = Er 880?].
Adj, describing land: aktitos, -on ‘not in¬
habited’? (see p. 470 ). [&K*nTOS h . Horn.]
Cf. ki-ii-me-na.
a-ki-to, PY Fn 79. mn, dat.: Alkithoi ? [Cf.
*AAk 16 oos.]
a-ki-to-jo, PY 91 =Fn 50. Gen.: -thoio.
a-ki-wa-ta, KN 38=As 1516, B 801. mn; cf.
a-ke-wa-ta.
a-ki-wo-ni-jo, PY 59= An 656. mn.
a-ko-i-da, KN 73 = DI 943. mn.
a-ko-mo-ni-joy KN De 1112 + . mn: Akmonios. [Cf.
*Akuojv, ’AKUOvi 8 ns.]
a-ko-ra, KN Dk 969, PY 62=Cn 655 + . Nom.
sing., prob. agora [dyopd] in sense more
closely related to dytipco, perh. ‘collection’.
Prob. a term describing the official respon¬
sible for flocks.
a-ko-ra-jo x , KN 86 = Co 907. Nom. plur. masc.?,
description of livestock: agoraioi ‘belonging
to the agora'.
529
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-ko-ra-ja, KN Co 903-f. Nom. plur. neut,:
agoraia,
a-ko-ra-jo 3 , KN 38 = As 1516. mn: Agoraios.
a-ko-ro , KN I)! 932 + , PY 307=Fr 1220 + , Ua
1413, 252= Vn 10. Sb. qualified by adj. to
form geographical name, case and number
uncertain: agros ‘territory’. [dypo5,]
a-ko-ro-fo-mo-jo , KN B 1025. mn?, gen.: Akro-
ddmoio. [’Axp66quo<;,]
a-ko-ro-qo-ro, KN Da 1079. mn: Agroq u otos , [Cf.
Latin Agricola .J
a-ko-ro-ta, KN Me 4459, MY Go 610+ . Prob.
MN.
a-ko-ro-we , PY 77 = Gn 418. Nom. sing, masc.,
description of oxen: poss. hakhrowls ‘of
uniform colour’ (akhriiois ‘colourless’ is diffi¬
cult in context); or akr-diais ‘with pointed
ears’ (Gallavotti).
a-ko-ro-we-e , PY 77 = Cn 418. Nom. dual:
- icehe.
a-ko-ro-we-i, KN Ch 7100. App. variant
spelling of dual, since followed by bos ze I.
a-ko-so-ne , PY Va 1323 + , 252= Vn 10. Nom.
(and acc.?) plur.: axones ‘shafts, axles’.
[d£cov; cf. \ko-so-rd-ja.']
a-kn-so-ta> PY 50=An 39 rev., 154 = Eq 213,
103 = Un 267, 249 = Va 482 + . mn: an
important official; nom. prob. Atxoilds
(Palmer). [Cf. 'AXkoltos.]
a-ko-so-ta-o , PY Cn 40 +. Gen.: -tao.
a-ko-te-u> PY Cn 643. mn: Akonteus? ['AkovteiAJ
a-ko-to, KN Sc 239, Sc 250. m n : Aktor. [”Aktu>p
II. it, 513 T]
a-ko-to-no , PY 44=Aq 218. Nom. plur. masc.:
aktoinoi ‘not possessing a plot’.
a-ko-to-wo , PY Cn 45, Jn 431 + . mn.
]a-ko-we-i-ja, KN L 1649. Obscure.
a-ko-wo , PY 55 = An 724. Obscure; Palmer
{ 1963 a): ankhorivons (as object of e-qo-te)
‘neighbours’, but this cannot be reconciled
with ioo-wo (q.v.) = worwos (opo$). See p. 188 .
a-ku-di-ri-jo , KN Dc 1270, Xd 110. mn.
a-ku-t.uf.-i , KN Ce 139. pn: loc. plur.
a-ku-ri-jp[, KN As 609. mn*. Argurios ?
a-ku-ro , PY 290=Sa 287. Material used for
binding of wheels; instr. sing, arguroi ‘with
silver’, [apyvpos.]
a-ku-tu-ru-wo, KN Fh 364. mn: perh. Alktruon
(Heubeck, 1957 , p. 274 ), or mis-spelling of
a-re-ku-lu-ru-wo (q.v.).
a-ku-wo , KN U 109. Prob. mn: Alkuon ?
a-ma, KN E 845 +, 95= F 852 + . Word occurring
on tablets recording large quantities of
grain, prob. nom. sing, amd ‘harvest’. [Cf.
dpdeo ‘reap’, but possibly connected with
<5iido|icn, ‘collect’, duq: see Chantraine t 968 ,
p. 72 .]
a-ma-ko-to, KN 201 =Fp 14. Name of a month,
gen. (?): Haimakto ? [atuaKid^ Eur.]
a-ma-no, KN Ap 5748?, As 1520. mn?; in Ap wn?
a-ma-ru-ta, PY 119 = Eo 224. mn, dat,; Amarun-
t{h)di? [Cf. ’Auapuyxeds, 'Apap0v6to5.]
a-ma-ru-ta-o> PY !14=En 609, 119 = Eo 22 +
Gen.: -t(h)do.
a-ma-ru-to-de, Til Of 25. pn: acc. + Amarun -
Ihou-dt. [’AwipwGos in Euboea, or another
place of the same name?]
a-ma-to-wo , PY An 115. mn: perh. Amathowos.
[Cf. ’AUaQoGs eponymous hero of Cypriot
town.]
a~ma-tu-na f PY Fn 187. mn.
a-me-a , KN Da 1J89 + . mn; cf a-me-ja-to .
a-me-ja , KN F 153. MN, nom.
a-me-ja-to , PY Sa 834, 296= Sh 736. Gen.
a-me-ja-si\, KN B 799 rev. mn.
a-me-no } PY Jn 415. mn: Armenos ? Asmenas ?
Ameinon ? ['Apitfvos, 'Ao+evos, 'Audvcov.]
a-me-lo , PY Jn 693. mn.
a-mi-/a[ } PY Vn 865. mn.
a-mi-ke-te-to, KN Od 687. Perh. mn.
a-mi-ni-so, KN 200 = Fp 1+, PY An 943. pn:
Amniios (on the site see p. 310 ); no evidence
to check whether Pylos reference refers to
Cretan town. [’Auvicros xix, r 88 ; Egypt
a-nd-ni-s-} Faure (rq 68 ).]
a-mi-r ti - so-de. KN 2 01 = F p J 4 +, Acc.:
Arnnison-dc.
a-mi-ni-si-joj-ja , KN 34 = Am 601+ . Ethnic:
Amnisios, -id.
a-mi-nu-wa-ta , PY Cn 436. mn.
a-mi-nwa[, KN V 482. Poss. variant spelling.
a-mi-si-ja , KN L 513. Prob. defective spelling of
a-mi-ni-si-ja.
a-mi-to-no, KN Ra 1543. mn.
a-mo , KN 322 = Sg 1811. Nom. sing, neut.:
( h)armo ‘wheel’. See pp. 371 - 2 . foppcrra
‘chariot’ It. iv, 366 + ; the initial aspirate may
not be original, cf. a-ra-ro-mo-U-me-na .J
a-mo-ta , KN 279 = So 4437+, PY288=Sa 790.
Nom. plur.: ( h)armota (with wheel ideo¬
gram).
a-mo-te } KN 283=So 4442. Nom. dual;
( h)armate.
a-mo-si } PY 324= An 1282. Dat. plur.;
(h)armosi.
a-mo-i-je-tOy PY 248= Va 15 rev. Prob. two
words: harmo ‘chariot’? hieloi ‘is being sent’
(Palmer, 1963 a, p. 406 ).
a-mo-ke-re\-we?] y PY 183 = Nn83l. mn: -kltwis?
a-mo-ra-ma , KN 34= Am 601 +. Nom. sing,
or plur.?; prob. word meaning ‘rations,
supplies’. [Cf. dpnaAid ‘rations’ Hesiod +,
Arc. dppcoXa, dpptouaXa * dpTuucrra Hesych.
See Schmeja, 1968 , p. 133 ]
a-mo-si, a-mo-ta : see a-mo.
a-mo-ta-jo , PY Jn 320, mn: Armostaios? (Ha-?).
[Cf. ’ApudcTTcts,]
a-mo-te-jo-na-de, PY 252 = Vn 10. Acc. +
allative: (h)armoteidna-de ‘to the wheelwrights’
workshops’. See p. 350 .
530
GLOSSARY
a-mo-te-re , KN Xc 6026, X 770. Prob. dat. sing.
or nom. dual of noun in -ter.
a-mo-te-wi-ja, PY 235 = Ta 711. Nom. sing. fern,
adj. describing ewer; prob. derivative of next
(- iwid ) but sense uncertain. Sec pp. 335 , 498 .
a-mo-te-wo, PY Ea 421. Gen. sing., occupational
term: pass. (h)armotewas 'wheelwright 1 or
{h)armosteu'Of ‘fitter 1 .
a-mu-ta-wo, KN V 756, PY l83 = Nn 831, TH
Ug9. mn: Amulhaufon. ['Aiiudcrwv Od. xi, 259 ]
a-mu-ta-wo-no, PYJn 431. Gen.: Amuthdivonos.
a-na-i-ta , see a-na-to.
a-na-ka, KN Ne 4480. mn.
q-na-ka-te, PY Un 219. Poss. dat., but err^r for
wa-na-ka-te cannot be excluded.
a-na-ke-e , PY 44=Aq 218. Pres, inf., poss.
anagehen ‘bring, contribute 1 ? [dvdyw.j
a-na-ki-ti, KN Dv 1471. mn.
a-na-mo-lo, KN 273 = Sf 4420+. Nom. fern,:
anarr/wstoi ‘not fitted out 1 with reference to
incomplete chariot ideogram, not anhar *
motoi ‘wheelless 1 , sec p. 515 .
a-na-mo-ta , KN Sf 4465: ncut. plur. ?, referring
to obscure ideogram.
a-na-pu-ke , PY 323= Sb 1315. Nom. plur. fern.,
describing reins: anampukes ‘without head-
bands 1 ; cf. a-pu-ke.
q-na-qo-ta, KN B 798. mn: Anaq"hoilds? (See
P 94 )
a-na-re-u , KN Pp 494. mn.
a-na-te-u, PY Jn 415. mn.
a-na-to, KN Sg 888 +. Nom. plur. fem., describing
chariot-frames: artai(s)toi ‘not inlaid 1 (opposed
to a-ja-me-na). See p. 515 .
a-na-i-ta, KN Sf 4419+ . App. nom. plur. fem.,
with fem. endings in compound adj.
KN 273 = Sf 4420. Shorter spelling #f
prec.
a-na-*82, MY 93= Fo 101. vvn.
a-ne-a 2 , MY 93= Fo 101, 303 = V 659. wn: Ained?
a-ne-mo, KN 200= Fp 1. Gen. plur.: anemon
‘(priestess) of the winds 1 . [&t*pot II. xm, 795 + ,]
a-ne-mo -i- je-re- ja, KN 202= Fp 13. Prec.
written continuously with following word:
anemia hieretai (see i-je-re-ja).
a-ne-o t PY 168=Es 644,* l67 = Es 650 + . mn.
a-ne-ra-to , KN Fh 342. mn, dat.
a-ne-ta-de, PY 175 = Ma 393. Nom. plur. neut.
introducing a rebate on contributions: aneta
de ‘but remitted 1 , [dvrros ‘set free 1 , cf. dv«< 7 [$
‘remission of taxes 1 .}
a-ne-te-wa, KN Vc 185. mn.
a-ne-u-da , KN Vc 215. mn.
a-ne-u-te , PY Cn 40. pn: also spelt a t -ne-u-U.
a-ni-ja, KN 270=Sd 4402 + , PY 323 = Sb 1315.
Nom. plur.: ( h)aniai ‘reins 1 . [Horn, fivia,
Pindar avlat, Att. f|viai, some dialects
Avion; cf. Ski. ndsyd ‘nose-rein 1 .]
a-ni-ja-pi, KN 266 =Sd 4401 +. Instr. plur.
(araruiai) (h)dnidphi ‘(fitted) with reins 1 .
a-ni-ja-e (division doubtful), PY 323 Sb 1315.
Dual: (h)dnide?
a-ni-ja-to, KN 70= Dg 1158. mn: Anujtos?
a-ni-p-ko, KN V 60. Nom. sing. (prob. not plural
referring to subsequent entries too): (h)ani-
okhos ‘chariot-driver’, [f|v(oxc>S II. vili, 89 + ]
a-no, PY Cn 254. mn?; perh. to be read with next
word as compound a-no-dc-ki-si-wo', see
de-ki-si-wo.
a-no-ke-wa, PY An 192. Prob. occupational term
or title, parallel to <lu-ma .
a-no-ke-we, KN Db 1261, PY An 192. mn (doubt¬
ful at Pylos); cf. a-no-ze-we.
a-no-me-de , PY J 11 706. mn: Anomidis, Anomedis?
[Cf. 'AvSpopYiSqs.]
a-no-no , PY Ea 801, l3l = Ep 301 +. Nom. fan.
sin£. adj., describing ko-to-na ki-ii-ine-na:
anonos ‘not subject to o-na-la.
a-no-po\ PY 249 = Va 482. Nom. sing, masc.,
adj. describing ivory: perh. anopos ‘not
subject to o-pa\ or ‘unworked 1 (Lejeune,
195&»» p. 213 ).
a-no-po s , PY 61 =Cn 131. mn.
a-no-qasi-ja , PY Ea 805. Gen. sing.: reason for
allotment of land.
a-no-qo-ta , KN Ak 615, Da 1289, Vc 173 + . mn:
Anorq m hontds ? [Cf. AvBpcKpovrTK II. n, 651 + ,]
a-no-qo-ta-o , KN Dq 45, E 847. Gen.: -too.
a-no-ra-ta, PY An 340, Jn 832. mn.
a-no-ta, PY Jn 750. mn.
a-no-we , PY 236=Ta 641. Nom. sing, neut.,
describing a vessel: anouxs ‘without handles 1 .
[Cf. dp<po>£S (Theocr.) ‘two-handled 1 .]
a-no-wo-to, KN 232= K 875. Nom. sing, neut.,
describing a vessel: anowolon , anouoton? ‘with¬
out handles', [dvouorros Theocr.j
a-no-ze-we , PY Cn 600, mn : cf. a-no-ke-we.
a-no-zo-jo, KN 19 = Ak 627. mn, gen.
a-nu-ko, KN Ce 50, Db 1464+ . mn.
a-nu-mo , KN De 1362+. mn.
a-nu-no[, KN C 912, mn.
a-nu-to, KN 38 = As 1516 + , TH Z 865 + , [TI
Z 26?]. mn: AnvUu. ["Avuro^J
a-nu-to-jo, KN X 697. Gen.: Anutoio.
a-nu-wa, PY 52=An 207. pn.
a-nu-wa-to , KN Ap 639. wn.
a-nu-wi-ko, KN 38=As 1516, Ws 8754. mn.
p-o-ri-jo, PY 60=An 661. Possible reading of first
word in line 4; pn.
a-o-ri-me-ne, PY 3l5 = Qa 1296. mn: A(h)ori-
menes? [dop, l^vos.j
a-o-ze-jo, PY Na 588. Perhaps second element of
compound place name; see e-ro^-ne.
a-pa-i-ti-jo, KN L 588. mn: Haphaistios, -ion!
[‘HfetiCTTtOS, -icov.]
a-pa-je-u, PY Jn 845. mn.
]a-pa-ni-jo, KN Dv 5224. mn.
a-pa-re-y , KN 8 804. mn: Aphareiu. ['A^apcus II.
xm, 541 .]
a-pa-re-u-pi, PY Cn 286+. pn: loc. or abl. plur.
531
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-pa-ri-ka-na-we-ja, PY Na 246. pn.
a-pa-sa-ki-jo, KN Me 4455, (PY Jn 937?]. mn?
a-pa-si-jo-jo, PY Sa 767. mn, gen.
a-pa-ta, PY Na 551. pn.
a-pa-ta-wa, KN 83 =C 902 +. pn: Aptaruta .
(“Air-rapa; the form "Armpa is due to
popular etymology.]
a-pa-ta-wa-jo, KN 47 = Am 826. Nom. plur.
masc. ethnic: Aptarivaioi.
a-pa-ta-wa-ja , KN V 7670. Nom. plur.? fern.:
Aptarwaiai.
a-pa-u-ro, KN Me 4463. mn: Aphauros?
a-pe : see te-ko-to-a-pe.
a-pe-a-sa : see a-pe-o.
a-pe-do-ke, PY 305 = Fr 1184. 3 rd sing. aor. indie,
act.: ap-tdAkc. Unique example of augment,
hence suggested ap-es-ddke, but this is less
likely. Cf. a-pu-do-ke.
a-pe-e-ke, PY 55 =An 724. Verbal form, meaning
and identification uncertain; see p. 187 .
a-pe-e-si[, PY An 614. Prob. 3 rd plur.: ap-ehensi
‘they are absent’. [driTE«xt.]
a-pe-i-ja, PY 317= Ub 1318. Personal name,
prob. fern.
a-pe-i-si, KN Od 666 . Obscure; poss. verbal form
(ap-risi ‘will be deducted’ Palmer) or verbal
noun?
a - pe - ke - e , PY Jn 431. pn, loc,
a-pe-ke-i-jo, PY Jn 431. Nom. plur. masc.,
ethnic. (Cf. ke-e.)
a-pe-ne-wo, PY 323=Sb 1315. Nom. sing, and
plur.? Lejeune ( 1958 a, p. 335 ): gen. plur.
nprnfttfn 'of animals used to draw carts’. See
p. 521 .
a-pe-o, KN V 117?, PY 51 = An 18. Nom. sing,
masc. participle: apehdn ‘being absent*.
a-pe-o-te, KN 37 = B 823, PY 55 =An 724.
Nom. plur. masc.: apehontes.
a-pe-a-sa, KN Ak 615, Ap 618. Nom. plur.
fem.: apehassai, [Cf. Arc. foa(a)a, Crel,
Icrrra.]
a-pe-re, KN U 49. Obscure.
a-pe-ri-ta-wo, PY 56=An 657. mn: Ampelitawdn ?
a-pe-te-me-ne, PY 237=Ta 709. Nom. dual, adj.
describing pa-ko-lo ; obscure. See p. 499 .
a-pe-te-u, PY Jn 692+. mn.
a-pe-ti-ra z , KN 207 = V 280. Obscure: see pp.
311 , 476 .
a-pi, KN 90 = G 820, PY 247=Ta 716. Prep.
am phi (Kudonidi) ‘around’; in PY prob. first
member of compound. [du 9 i.]
a-pi-a t -ro, PY An 192, Ea 109, 304=On 300, +.
mn: Amphihalos. ['ApcpiaAos Od. vm, 114 .]
a-pi-da-ta, KN Vc 175. mn.
a-pi-do-ra, MY Oe 115+. wn, dal.?: Amphidorm.
a-pi-do-ro, KN Xd 146. mn: Amphiddtos .
[’Au 9 <Stopos.]
a-pi-e-ke, PY 97=Un 2. Perhaps a form of the
verb seen in i-je-si , i-je-to, q.v.
a-pi-e-ra, PY 9l = Fn 50, 312 = An 1281, MY Oe
103. Gen. and dat. of wn: perhaps Am-
phierds, -di. See p. 483 .
a-pi-ja-ko-ro-jo , KN B 812. mn, gen.: Amphiagroio,
Amphidgoroio ?
a-pi-ja-re[, KN Xd 94, Xd 7568. mn?: if com¬
plete, Amphiaris ? or Amphiare[us] ?
a-pi-je-ta, KN Dv 5241 ?, PY 56 =An 657, [MY
Oe 132?]. mn.
a-pi-jo, PY Jn 725. mn: Amphidn? [‘AUipfcov, -ovo$J
a-pi-jo-to, PY 40=An 261. Gen.: Amphionlos.
a-pi-o-to , PY 40=An 261 rev.+ . Variant
spelling of gen.
a-pi'ka-ra-do-jo , PY Pa 398. mn, gen.: Amphi-
kladoio ?
a-pi-ke-ne-a, PY Xa 1044. Possibly pn: Amphi-
genea. [Cf, ‘Auipiyivtia //. it, 593 .]
a-pi-me-de, KN B 801, PY 146=Eb 473+. mn:
Amphimides. [ > AU 9 iUt l ) 6 riS.]
a-pi-me-de-o, KN C 911, PY 62= Cn 655+.
Gen.: Amphimidehos .
a-pi-no-e-wi-jo, PY 184=Nn 228 + . pn (in form
prob. ethnic).
a-pi-o-to: see a-pi-jo .
a-pi-po-re-we, KN 233= Uc 160 rev. Nom. plur.,
describing amphora ideogram: amphipho-
reives ‘amphoras’. Od . 11 , 290 +.]
a-po-re-we , PY [238=Tn 996?], MY 234 = Ue
611 rev. Nom. dual: amphorewe . [Shorter
form Herodotus + .]
a-pi-qo-i-ta, KN 20=Ai 824. mn?, app. gen. or
nom. of rubric: Amphiq u hoitds.
a-pi-qo-ro, PY Aa 804, 11 =Ad 690, TH Of 34.
Nom. ami gen. plur., dal. sing.? describing
women: amphiq u oloi, -Idn, -Idi ‘attendants’.
[dytpImroAos Od. I, 331 .]
a-pi-qo-ro-i, PY Fr 1205. Dal. plur.: am-
phiq u oloihi', see p. 480 .
a-pi-qo-ta, KN C 915, PY Jn 431. mn, nom. and
dat,: Amphiquhoitds, -tai? (cf. a-pi-qo-i-la ).
a-pi-qo-ta-o, PY 40=An 261, An 616 (mis¬
spelt a-pi-qo-o ). Gen.: - tdo .
a-pi-qo-to, PY 237=Ta 709, 239=Ta 642, 240=
Ta 713, 241 =Ta 715, Nom. sing, and dual
fem., adj. describing tables and portable
hearths (iox^pai): obscure, see pp. 341 , 4 gg.
a-pi-ra-wo, KN 38=As 1516. mn: Amphitawos,
-Idwon. [Cf. TTtpiAaos.)
a-pi-re-jo , KN Vc 199. mn.
a-pi-re-we , KN V 337. Nom. plur.: obscure, perh.
name of an article of armour?
a-pi-te[, KN U 876. Prob. the name of some
artifact.
a-pi-te-ja , PY Fn 187. pn or wn?
a-pi-te-wa, PY 57=An 519, Na 1021. pn.
a-pi-wa-to, KN As 1516. mn: Amphiwastoj?
a-po-ne-we, PY 53=An I, 54=An 610. pn: loc.
or abl. (See also a-pu-ne-ive.)
a-po-re-we : see a-pi-po-re-u *.
a-po-te , KN 213 = Le 641 ( o-a-po-le ), Od 562.
Formerly taken as adv. apothen , but prob. mn.
53 2
GLOSSARY
a-po-te-r<ji) MY 105 =Ge 602. Reading prob.:
ko-no-a-po-terra: skhoinoi amphoterai ‘both kinds
of rush'. [duq>dT£po 5 .]
a-po-te-ro-te T PY 248= Va 15. Prob. adv. ampho-
terdthen ‘from both sides’. [ 6 n<j>OTipcofHv.]
a-pu Only in composition; in KN 90 = G 820
read a-pi . Apu . [duu AeoL Arc., Cypr. for
dord, not due to phonetic change but possibly
original form, driro being due to influence of
Otto.]
a-pu-da-se-we , KN Gm 840. Nom. plur. or dat.
sing., possibly apudassewes, -euei from *apu-
dasseus ‘distributor’. ( 6 dcroao 0 ai p SartoM-at.]
a-pu-do-ke t KN Od 681. 3 rd sing, aor.: apudoke
‘rendered, paid'. [dcrroSiScoP t It. iv, 478 + .]
Cf. a-pe-do-ke,
a-pu-do-si, KN 92 = Fh 349+, l00 = Ga 424+,
PY 173 = Ma 222 + . Nom. sing.: apudosis
‘delivery' (i.e. amount delivered as opposed
to assessment). [aTr 66 ocn$.]
a-pu-do-so[-nto ?], KN Nc 4484. Prob.: apudos[mvi]
= a-pu-do~siy cf. do-so-mo. [Arc. <3nru6ooMOS.l
a-pu-ka, PY 44=sAq 218. Nom. sing., prob.
eilinic= a-pu^-ka.
a-pu-ke , PY 323 = Sb 1315. Nom. plur. (in line 3
perhaps instr. sing, or dual): ampukes ‘front-
lets, head-bands' (for horses). [djiiru( ‘head-
band for women’, also for horses (t.iovai.mvn<ia
Pindar).]
a-pu ke-ka-u-me-no, PY 236—Ta 641. Nom. sing,
rnasc.: apukekaumenos , (of a tripod cauldron)
‘burnt away’ (as to the legs). [dn-OKaioo.]
a-pu-ki-fH, PY Xn 1342. Obscure.
a-ptt-ko-wo-koy PY Ab 210, Ad 671. Nom. and
gen< plur. fern., a class of women: ampuk-
ivorgoi ‘head-band makers’ (possibly for
horses, cf. a-pu-ke ).
a-pu-ne-we, PY l5 = Ad 684. Prob. pn, alternative
spelling of a-po-ne-wc.
a-pu 9 (-de), PY 250= Vn 20. pn, one of the Nine
Towns of the Hither Province; acc. +
allative - de . Not Aipu [AIttu II n, 592 ], since
/>«* appears to stand for phu (and bu?) but
not pu, and we might expect at least as a
variant spelling.
a-pttj-we, PY 49=An 427, 257=Jn 829, Ma
124+ . Loc.
a - pu ^- ja , PY 258=Jo 438. pn; alternative form of
*a-pu t , fern, derivative in -id.
a - pu^kay KN Xd 111, PY 59=An 656. Nom.
sing, ethnic name in -on; app. not from
*a-pu±y which is a u-stem and would not
explain k; see also a-pu-ka.
a - pu 2 - ka-ney PY 59 = An 656. Nom. plur.: -ones.
]a-qa-ro , KN Sc 233. mn.
a - qa-tOy KN As 1516. mn.
a - qe - mo , KN Db 1160. mn.
a-qi-ja-i, PY 324=An 1282. Dat. plur., in list of
words relating to chariots: poss. scribal error
for i-qi-ja-i (see i-qi-ja).
a-qi-ra, KN Xd 166 >v Xd 300. Prob, mn.
a-qi-ro, KN Da 1123. mn.
a-qi-ru, KN Ce 50. mn.
a-qi-ta[, KN V 7620. Obscure.
a-qi-ti-ta, [KN Ap 639], MY Oe 103. vvn.
a-qi-zo-we, PY 43=Aq 64. mn.
a-qo-ta , KN L 588. mn.
a-ra-da-jo , KN 38=As 1516. mn.
a-ra-i-fo, PY 40=An 26L mn.
a-ra-ka-jOy KN B 806. mn.
a-ra-ka-te-jay KN Ak 5009, Lc 531, PY Aa 89,
TH Of 34. Nom. plur. or dat. sing., describing
women: dtakateiai, -di ’spinning-women’.
[^AaKarq ‘distafV’, Od. iv, I 35 + -]
a-ra-ka-te-ja-o, PY Ad 677. Gen. plur.: -don.
a-ra-te-ja-o, PY Ad 380. Defective spelling of
prec.
a-ra-ko, KN As 607, C 911, Db 1236 + . mn:
Arakos. ['Apaxo?.]
a-ra-na-rOy KN 38 = As 1516. mn.
a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na, KN 2£5=Sd 4403, 267=
Sd 4409, 268=Sd 44I3 + . Nom. sing, and
plur. fern. (Sd 4415 app. error for dual);
description of chariot ideogram without
wheels, contrasting with a-na-mo-io: ararmot-
mena, -m ‘fitted out’. [Cf. appa, <&pP 03 to, but
the details of their history are obscure.]
a-ra-ro-mo-to-me-na, KN Sd 4416. Variant
spelling of prec.
a-ro-mo-te-me-na, KN 271 =Sd 4422. Incom¬
plete spelling.
q-ra-ro mo-te-me-no . KN 266=Sd 4401. Fern,
dual: -mend.
a-ra-ru-ja, KN 266=Sd 4401, 265=Sd 4403+ .
Nom. sing, and plur. fern.: araruia, -uiai
(hdnidphi) ’fitted (with reins)', [dpapula, II.
xv, 737 +•]
a-ra-ru-wo-a, KN 262= Ra 1548+ . Nom. plur.
neul, ararivoha ‘(swords) fitted (with bind¬
ings)’.
a-ra-ru-wo-jay KN Sd 4408. Confusion of two
prec. forms, a-ra-ru-wo- intended to be
altered to a-ra-ru-ja.
a-ra-si-jo, KN Df 1229, Fh 369, X 1463. mn:
Alas0)ios? [Cf. place name "AAaacTa or
Aaoala in southern Crete.]
a-ra-te-ja-o : see s.v. a-ra-kti-U-ja.
a-re y KN 201 = Fp 14, Me 4462*. Divine name, app.
dat.: Arei? In Me 4462 perhaps not the same
word. ["Apris, dat. 'Aptfi,//. v, 841 + ; see
Heubeck, 1969 c, p, 150 .]
a-re-i-jo, KN 213 = Lc 641, PY 59= An 656. At
PY patronymic adj.: Areios; at KN perh,
MN. ['Apfjios.) Cf. a-re-jo .
a-re-i-me-ne , TH Z 849, Z 851. mn; Areimehes
(Arei-?)
a-re-mc-ne y TH Z 852. Alternative spelling.
a-re-i-ze-we-it 'FH Of 37. mn. dat.?
a-re-jay PY l72=Tn 3 16 rev. Dat. sing, masc.,
prob. epithet of llermes;cf. Arc. “Apqa (acc.)-
533
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
a-re-jo, KN Vc 208. m n : cf. a-rg-i-jo.
a-re-ka-sa-da-ra(-qe), MY 303 = V 659 (last sign
perh, hi written In error for qg). wn: Ahxandtd
($ u e). [Cf. ’AXl£av 6 po$.]
a-re-ke-se-u , KN Da 1156, MY Fu 7 ] ]. mn:
Alexeus. [aXi^oo; Szemerenyi, 1957 , p. 180 .]
a-re-kisi-to> KN So 4433, PY Vn 865. mn.
a-re-ki-si-to-jo, KN So 1053. Gen.
q-re-ko-to-re, KN Cc 152 rev. mn, dat.: Alektorei.
[dXtKTOJp.]
a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo, PY 58=An 654, 167= Es 650,
mn, nom.: Algktnidn. ('AXektPucov It. xvii,
602 .] Cf. n-ku-tu-ru-wo .
a-re-ku-tu-ru-\wo]-ne {-ru-np-ne app. error), PY
170 = Es 649. Dat.: -onei.
a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo-no, PY 168=Es 644. Gen,:
- onos .
a-re-me-ne : see a-rc-i-mc-nt,
a-re-pa y As ligature a + re + pa, PY Fr 1198,313 =
Un 6 , 171= Un 718 + . In Un 718 preceded
by a-Tt-rOy error for a-rg-pa : aUiphar ‘ointment,
unguent’. [aXeiqwtp.]
a-re-pa-te , PY 103 = Un 267. Dat.: aleiphaln.
a-re-pa-zo-o, PY 103= Un 267, [Un 249]. Dat.
(and nom.?) sing.: uleiphazooi ‘unguent-
boiler, perfume-maker*.
a-re-po-zo-o, PY Ea 812 +, Fg 374. Nom.;
alternative spelling: aleiphozoos .
a-re-sa-ni-e, PY 55=An 724. Obscure; see p. 187 .
a-re-se-si t PY 317 = Ub 1318. Dat. plur., object
made of red leather.
a-re-su-ti-jo, MY Au 609 rev. mn.
a-re-ta-tOy KN 270=Sd 4402. Part of a chariot;
sec p. 367 .
a-re-ta-wo[, KN As 645. mn: Aretdwcn . ['AptTdcov
IL vi, 31 .]
a-re-ta it KN Df 1325, X 7556. mn: Are ids?
[’AptiTloc-;.]
]a-re-te-re-u[y KN As 5557. Poss. mn.
a-re-to-to, PY Sa 1265. mn, gen.: Arelhonlos ,
Aretontos? ['Apfflcov, ‘ApHoov; for declension
cf. a-pi-jo.]
a-re-u-kel KN Xd 182. mn?
a-re-wp, P Y A n 340. m n , nom.
a-ri-ja-to, PY 55= An 724. mn?
a-ri-ja-wo, KN 159 = Uf990. mn: -divvn.
a-ri-ja-wo-ne, Fh 462. Dat. -awonn.
a-ri-ke-Uy KN Ai 966. mn: Halikeus ?
a-ri-ko , KN Da 1353. mn.
a-ri-qa, PY Jn 832. mn: Arisg"ds ? [’Apiopas]
a-ri-qo, PY An 723. pn?
a-ri-to-[.]-jp t KN Fh 347. Obscure.
a-ri~w£-\yf[y KN F 153 rev. mn?
a-ri-wOy PY 62=Cn 655, La 1393, mn: An won?
[’Aplcov; as name of horse//, xxtti, 346 .]
a-ri-wo-ney PY 61 = Cn 131. Dat.: Ariwongi?
a-ro-do-ro-Oy KN Fs 4. Prob. name of a divinity
or shrine.
a-ro-ja, KN E 843 ?, PY Fn 187. Prob. personal
name, dat.
a-ro-je-u, PY 183 = Nu 831. mn: Aloieus? [Cf.
'AAcorvs It. v, 386 .]
a-ro-ka, PY Un 1319. pn or mn?
a-ro~mp[, MY 105=Ge 602. Heading to list of
spices; reading uncertain, a-ro-ma[ (Palmer)
is excluded, but a-ro-rng^-ta ?] for dpcoiicrra is
possible; cf. pg-mo for erntppa, etc.
a-ro-mo-te-me-na: see a-ra-ro-mo-ig-me-na
a-ro-pa, PY 310 = Fr 1225 + . Nom sing., describ¬
ing o 1 L ideogram: aloiphd ‘unguent*. [dAo^q
Od . vi, 220 + ; cf. a-Tg-pa .]
a-ro-po, PY An 199. Nom. plur., describing men:
aloiphoi ? ‘anointers, painters?*
a-ro-ta, PY La 626, [La 630]. Description of
textiles, prob. neut. plur.: nl6ita? ‘unsewn’
(Lcjeune, 1960 a, p. 15 ). [&XtooTor <5ppa<poi
I lesych.]
a-ro-te, PY La 622. Obscure; cf. prec.
a-ro-u-ra, PY 154=Eq 213. Acc. plur.?: arourans
‘corn-lands’, [apoupat Trvp&popoi II. xtv,
122 + .]
a-ro-we, KN K 774, X 658 rev. Obscure.
a-ro-wo, PY 251 = Vn 46. In list of building
materials, obscure.
a-ro-wo-ta, KN Vc 184. mn.
a-ro-zo, KN Lc 536, L 8503. Nom. sing. masc.
adj. describing a tunic.
a-ro'io, KN L 5909. Neut. plur.
KN 214=Ld 571, L 586 + , 282=So
4430. Nom. plur. neut, adj. applied to textiles
and wheels: anoha {arjoha ?) ‘of better quality'.
[Old comparative to fipioTo*, later replaced
by Apelcov.]
o-roj-e, KN L 735, L 7409. Nom. dual or plur.
fem.: arioht[s).
a-rOfjOy KN 279—So 4437. App. gen. sing, or
nom. dual; form hard to explain, poss. error.
a-sa-ma-o, PY Cn 1287. mn.
a-sa-ma-to, PY Sa 761. mn, gen.
a-sa-mi-to, KN Ws 8497. On sealing with ideo¬
gram of rectangular shape; nom. sing, or
plur.: asaminthas, - oi . [<5cadpiv6os Od. in,
468 + .]
a-sa-pi, PY Na 523. pn, loc.
a-sa-ro, KN As 40. mn: Assaros? Cf. ja-sa-ro. [Cf.
Vtoodpoxos II. xx, 232 .]
a-sa-ti-ja, PY Mn 162. Prob. variant spelling of
a-sija-lija.
a-se-e, PY 51 = An 18, [An 852]. pn, loc.
a-se-so-si, PY 75 = Cn 608 (jo-a-st-so-si). 3 rd plur.
fut.: prob. (/to) asisonsi ‘thus they will fatten
(swine)’, [doai IL v, 289 + .]
a-si-ja-ti-ja, PY 31 = Ae 134, 257 =Jn 829, 304=
On 300+ . pn, one of the Seven Towns oft he
Hither Province. Sec also a-sa-tija , a-[.]-to 4 .
qsi-to-po-qo, PY [Eb 177], 148=Ep6l3. Occu¬
pational term, nom, sing.; prob. a confusion
of ado-pa-qo (q.v.) and si-to-po-qo: sttopoq u os
‘cook*.
a-si-wi-ja, PY Fr 1206. Dat. sing, fern., epithet of
534
GLOSSARY
Potnia : Atwiai ‘Lydian’ (Chadwick, 1957 ,
p. 125 ). ['Acri^j II. ii, 461 ; cf. Hitt. AsSuwa.]
See also 0 ** 64 -ja.
a-si-wi-jo, KN DM469, PY Cn 285 + , MY Au
653 + . mn: Aswios, ["Actios.] See also a-* 64 ~jo.
u-so-na, PY An 129, Obscure: pn or occupational
term?
a-so-qi-jo, KN B 803, [PY Ad 689?]. m n: Asoq'ios ?
[Cf, 'Actutt 6 s.]
a-so-ta-o , PY Cn 719. Error for n-ko-so-ta-o.
a-ta, PY 50=An 39 rev. mn; cf. a,-fa.
a-ta-ma-ne-u, PY 62 = Cn 655. m n: Athamdneus ?
[Cf. ‘ADauoveS.j
a-ta-ma-ne-we, PY 61 = Cn 131. Dat,: -ewei.
a~ta-mu-no-ty{[> TI Z 7. mn.
a-ta-ma-ta, KN B 799. mn.
a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja, KN 208= V 52. Prob. dat.:
A (hand i potniai ‘for the Mistress Athena*.
[ttotvi’ ’AOqvaiq II, vt, 305 .] See also
po-ti-ni-ja.
a-ta-no, KN As 603, As 1520, Vc 569. m n : Antdnor.
[‘AvTiivcop ll. m, 262 +.]
a-ta~no-re , PY Vn 130. Dat.: - ret .
a-ta-no-ro, PY 91= Fn 50. Gen.: -ros.
a-ta-Oy KN L 698, PY An 340, Jn 431 + . m n, nom.
and dat.: Antaos , -oil [Cf. ‘Avralos.]
a-ta-o-joy PY Vn 1191. Gen.
a-ta-rQy MY 234= Ue 611 rev., Wt 501 {-qe)<
Nom. plur. neut. or fern., a kind of vessel:
antla ? [Cf. dvrAos ‘ship’s hold’ Od . xii,
411 + ; dvrAlov ‘bucket’ Aristoph, + , dvrAlct.]
a-ta-ra-si-joy PY 253=Jn 310, 254=Jn 389, 255=
Jn 658+ , Nom. plur. masc., of bronzesmitbs:
atala{n)sioi ‘without a ta-Ta-si-ja . On the - n- y
see p, 508 .
a-ta-rc>y PY 41= An 35. mn, cf. a^-ta-ro.
a-ta-ro-we, PY An 129. mn; cf. a s -ta-ro-w*.
a-ta-ti-nUy KN F 153, Vd 137. mn.
a-ta-tu-roy PY Cn436. mn.
a-ta-wOy PY An 192. mn: Anthawon ?
a-ta-wo-ne[ y KN Xd 324. Dat.
See also a-/a-[?]-tfx>-no.
a-ta-wo-ne-joy PY Eq 34 ( + 887). Obscure, perh.
derivative of prec.
a-ta-ze-Uy KN 38=As 1516. mn.
a-ta-l^-wo-noy PY Pa 889. mn, gen.; cf. a-ta-wa .
a-te-i-ja-ta, KN Dk 1064+ , mn.
a-te-joy KN Da 1392, Db 1329 + , Poss. mn, a
'collector’ of sheep, or an epithet of the sheep
themselves.
a-te-mi-tOy PY 167= Es 650. Gen,: Artenulos .
["ApTEUts, W. Gk. “ApTcruis, -uitos; cf.
’Aprtpiaios < -fnos.J
a-ti-mi-te , PY Un 219. Dat. of variant spelling:
Artimitei. (Cf. a-U[-mi-to ? PY Fn 837.)
a-te-mOy KN As 1520, 68 =De 1648+ . mn:
AnthcmoSy Antfiemon? [Cf. 'AvOeuigjv Jl. iv,
473-1
a-te-ra-woy PY Qa 1304. mn: AnUldwos . [Cf.
a-to-no ; Mtthlestein, 1969 , p. 76 .]
a-te-re-e-te-jOy PY 238=Tn 996. Nom. plur. masc,
adj. describing bath.
a-te-re-te-ay KN 278=So 894. Prob. neut, plur.
adj. describing wheels; cf. prec. See p. 371 .
a-te-re-K’i-ja, P Y Aa 779, 45= An 830, Ma 335+ .
PN.
a-te-u-key KN V 150. mn, or nom. sing, adj.?:
( toxotds ) ateukhis ‘unequipped’? See p, 474 .
[dTE^xqsJ
a-te-wey PY 238 = Tn 996. Nom. plur.: name of a
kind of ewer or jug.
a-te-wo-joy PY Sa 797. mn, gen.
a-ti-ja, PY 251 = Vn 46 {a-ti-jd), [Vn 879?], MY
X I. At PY nom. plur.’ neut. or fcm., con¬
structional members of a chimney structure:
perhaps antia. [dvriov as part of a loom,
dvrr(o?.] MY context obscure.
a-ti-ja-wOy PY 58= An 654, Jn 845. mn: Antidwon.
[Cf. ‘AvtIcov.]
a-ti-jOy KN As 1516. mn.
a-ti-kay KN V 831. mn.
a-ti-ke-ne-ja, MY Oe 110. wn, dat. ?: Anti gene idi.
[’Avriymia.]
a-ti-mi-te: see a-te-mi-to.
a-ti-pa-moy KN Dv 1470 [ + ] 5075, Od 562, PY
Jn 320+. mn: Antiphdnxos . [’Avriipriuos.]
a-ti-ri-ja[, PY Ae 27. Obscure: pn?
a-ti-roy KN Dv 1272. mn: cf. a-ti-Tp-[y PY 60 =
An 661.
a-tOy KN As 40. mn: Anthosl ['Avflo^.J
a-to-me-ja , KN Ap 639. wn.
a-to-moy KN C 979, V 56, PY 43 = Aq 64, Jn 832,
Jn 881, 258=Jo 438. Nom. sing., app. a
guild of craftsmen: arthmos ’fellowship,
league’. [dpGpds h. Horn. +, cf. dp&uio$ Od,
xvi, 427 .] Prob. not pn even in Jn 832, cf.
Jn 881.
a-to-mo-na , KN Od 690, mn, dat.
a-to-po-qo, PY 49=An 427+, 91 = Fn 50, MY
46=Au 102. Nom. plur.: artopoq u oi ‘bakers’.
[dpTOKOTTOj Herodotus +, arising from Myc.
form by dissimilation and metathesis.]
a-to-po-qo-iy MY Oe 117. Dat. plur,
a-to-ro-qoy PY 246=Ta 722. Dat. (instr.) sing.:
anthrdq*6i ‘with a human being’. [dvGpcoiros
of obscure origin.]
a-tu-ko, KN Dg 1102, X 1052, PY I l4 = En 609,
118 = Eo 211, 131 = Ep 301, 255=Jn 658 + .
mn. [The suggested Atukhas ( 1 st ed.) is
unlikely to be correct as being obviously
ill-omened.]
a-tu-qo-ta, KN B 799. mn.
a-tu-qo-te-ra-to, KN V 1523. mn?
a-u-qe , KN 270= Sd 4402. Error for o-u-qe.
a-u-ta-nay KN Xd 7649. mn?
a-wa-ne-Uy PY Vn 865. mn.
a-wa-ra-ka-nay PY 318=Un 1314. Prob. nom.
(plur.?), name of an artifact; e.g. awtakna, as
derivative of aOAa$ (*dfAa 5 ) ‘furrow 1 , mean¬
ing perh. ‘ploughshare’. Connexion with
535
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
dpaxvq is highly improbable; Palmer ( 1963 a)
takes it as mn.
a-wa-ra-ka-na-o, PY 318 = Un 1314- Gen. plur.
(sing., if mn).
a-wa-si-ja , PY An 615. pn?
a-wa-so, KN Db 10994-. mn.
a-wa-ta , PY An 340. mn: Awdlas? [Cf. J
a-wa-ti-ka-ra, KN Am 827. wn; cf. mn wa-ti-ko-ro.
a-we-ke-se-Uy PY Cn 285 + , Jn 605. mn: Awc.xem.
[A^co; Szemerenyi, 1957 , p. 180 .]
a-Yve-ke-se-we, PY 6 l = Cn 131. Dat.: -euxi.
a-we-u-pi, PY An I 72. pn, loc. or abl.
]a-Yvi~je-mo, KN X 7635. mn?
a-wi-to-do-to, KN U 4478. mn: Awisiodotos. [Cf.
Aiotos.]
a-Yvo-i-jo , KN Dv 1462+5279, PY Cn 599. mn,
nom. and dat.: Awdhios, -6i. ['Hcoos.]
a‘Yvo-ro> KN B 800. m n : Auwos ? (Cf. a 3 -u*?-ro.)
a-Yvo-ti-jOy KN Dd 1157. mn.
a-ze-o, KN Dv 1226. mn.
a-ze-tay KN Dv 1466. mn.
a-ze-ti-ri-jciy KN 25=Ap 694, 89=E 777 rev.,
Ln 1568 edge+ . Nom. plur. fem., description
of women; prob. variant spelling of a-ke-li-ra v
a-ze-to, KN X 766. Adj. describing zo-wa ?
a-*3yka, KN Ld 786+. Adj. describing textiles?
a-+35-fe, PY La 626 (poss. a-*j^-to). Adj. describ-
' *ing textiles?
a-* 56 -da-rP t KN C 911, mn.
a-* 56 -no, KN As 1520, Dv 5232. mn.
a-*6<f-ja l , PY Aa 701, Ab 515. Nom. plur. fem.
ethnic adj.: Aswiai ‘women of Asia (= Lydia) \
[Cf Chadwick, tg 68 a, p. 63 .]
a-*6<f-ja-Oy PY Ad 315. Gen. plur.: Aswiadn.
a-*6^ja % , PY Vn 1191. wn :Aswid. [Sing, ofprec.]
a-* 64 -jo t KN Sc 261, PY Cn 1287, Fn 324 + .
mn, nom. and dat.: Aswios, -6i. Cf. a-ii-wi-jo.
a-*6ynta-na-key KN Fs 3, [Fs 20]. Dat.?, recipi¬
ent of offerings, divine name?
a~*6j-na, KN Od 714. Obscure.
a-+79y KN Ap 618, MY Oe 123. wn.
a-[.]-/a*, PY Ma 397. Place name, app. alter¬
native spelling of a-si-ja-ti-joy so that damaged
sign has value sja.
Aj, PY Un 1319, Ideographic use, a kind of
wheat ?
at-di-je-u, PY 59= An 656. mn. Cf. a-di-je-wo,
a t -e-ta, PY 40= An 261. mn.
a z -ka-a 7 -ki-ri-jOy PY 60“An 661. pn.
a^ka-ai-ki-ri-ja-jo, PY 76 = Cn 3. App. ethnic
adj.
a^ke-te-re, KN V 118. Nom. dual?: —a-kt-U-re ?
]a % -ke-Yvo~a-ki-[, PY 188= Na 928. pn.
dj-ki-ja, PY 45 = An 830. pn.
d z -ki-rd, PY Na 856. pn.
a, -ku-mi-joy PY 196=Na 926. mn?
d z -ku-ni-jOy PY 59 = An 656. mn.
a 2 -ma-[. ]->va, PY Na 1092. pn.
di-ne-u-te, PY Cn 599. pn, also spelt a-ne-u-te
di-nu-me-no, PY 254=Jn 389. mn: Hanutntnos?
[cf. dvuyi, Avutco; Chantraine, 1968 , p. 93 .]
dx-pa-tu-Yvo-te, PY Cn 599. pn, loc.
dt-rd-kd-Yvo, PY Cn 1287. mn.
d t ~rd-(u-d, PY 76= Cn 3. pn.
a 3 -rd-tu-YVdy PY 57 = An 519. Variant spelling.
dt-ri-e , PY 55 = An 724. Obscure, see p. 187 .
dx-ri-sdy PY 154= Eq 213. Obscure, see p. 26 g.
fli-fp[ ){i-do-piy PY 239 = Ta 642. Instr. plur., a
material used to decorate furniture. See p. 340 .
dx-ru-wo-tey PY 56= An 657. pn, loc.: HalwonUi ?
[Cf. *AXoO$ Arcadia, Paus. vtu, 25 , 2 .]
dftdy PY An 209. mn. Cf. a-ta .
dx-te-poy PY 57 = An 519. pn or mn?
dx-te-roy PY 178 = Ma 365. Acc. sing, neut.:
hateron ( wetos ) ‘the next (year)’, perhaps
‘every other year’? [&Tepo$ < *sm-teros;
nrpos only Att.-Ion.)
d a -to, PY Un 1321. Obscure,
a, -zo-qi-jo, PY Un 1193. mn?
A } , Ideographic use PY Un 1185, apparently
abbreviation of a z -ka-na-jo.
As adjunct, KN 80 = C 913, applied to C O a t .
d z -du-Yvo-nd, KN Ap 769. wn.
dx‘kd~nd~;Oy PY Un I 185. App. the name of a
liquid, abbreviated a,.
d z -kd~rdy KN L 567. mn.
d z -kd-sd-ntdy PY 257=Jn 829. Acc. plur.?:
aixmans ‘points (for darts and spears)’,
[fyxeos cxlXW?l, xvi, 315 +.]
dx-ke-td , KN Dv 1139. mn.
a 3 -A;t?-a, PY 236= Ta 64i. Formerly taken as mn
(Aigeus)y but perh. nom. sing, describing
tripod cauldron, despite failure of concord
with dual ti-ri-po-de; Palmer (ig 63 a, p. 344 )
aigcus as adj. ‘with goat-head protomes’; or
cf. aiy*$ ‘high waves’?
dx-bf-Yvd-tdy KN Da 5205. mn.
dx-ke-Yva-to, KN Dv II90 + . mn; cf. a^ki-cua-to.
dx-ki-d 7 -ri-j#yTHOr2b. pn, derivative of alytoAos:
Aigi (h)aiid?
d-ki-a^ri-jd-de, TH Of 35. Acc. + -de: Aigi-
(h)alidn-de.
d r ki-d 7 -ri-jOy PY 91 =Fn 50, Fn 79. mn, or
occupational term? Dat.: Aigi{h)aLi6i ? [Cf
alyiaAos, prec.]
a 3 -ki-de-/Qy PY Na 529. Prob. nom. plur. neut.,
of adj. describing flax?
dz-ki-e-wey PY Vn 130. mn, dat.: Aigiewei. [Cf.
Alyieus, ethnic of Afyuv.]
a a -ki-e-YvOy PY Jn 605. Gen.: -iwos.
dx-ki-no-Oy KN 275=Se 879, 276=Se 891
(+ 1006). Nom. dual?, some part of chariot?
See p. 369 .
dx-ki-pd-tdy KN Fh 346, PY 32=Ae 108+ . Nom.
and dat. sing.: aigi-pa(s)tas?, -di ‘goat-herd’.
[cti$ + obscure element.]
dx-kipoy KN U 4478. mn: Aigipos? [Cl', alyirrous.]
d Z -ki-po-dey PY Mb 1397. pn? Cf. prec.
53 6
GLOSSARY
d^-ki-si-jo, KN U 4478. mn.
dt-ki-wa-ro, PY !68 = Es 644, !67 = Es650 + . mn.
a^ki-wa-to, KN Uf 987. mn.
-ai-ko-ra-i-Ja: see de-we-to-a 9 -ko-ra-i-ja.
a r ko-ta , KN 38=As 1516, PY 56=An 657, 44 =
Aq 218. mn.
d^-ku-pi-ti-jo , KN Db 1105. mn: Aiguptios.
[AlyCrrmos Od . u, 15 .]
a^me-wa, PY Vn 865, Xa 1376. mn.
ai-mi-re-we, KN 81 = Dm 1180-4-. Nom. plur.
masc.: class of sheep, distinguished from
c-ka-ra-t-u* y q.v. Sec p. 437 .
aj-ni-jo, KN 39 =As 1517. mn.
di-nu-me-no, PY 40=An 261, mn: Ainumenos .
[atwuai.]
d\-pu-ke-ne-jd, PY Fn 79. wn?, dat.
dt-sd, PY Un 1426 TH Ug 14 (a,-}q).
Nom. sing.: aisa 'portion? [aloaOd. v, 404 -.]
di-se-we, PY Cr 868 . pn? (Cf. -a r sc-uxi{ PY An
615?)
dz-so-ni-jo, PY 40=An 261, 253=Jn 310 n-, MY
Ui 651. mn: Aisonios. [Cf. Alaoov Od. xi, 259 ,
AIctovIStts.)
di-td-jo, KN Ga 419. mn.
di-td-re-u-si , PY 56 = An 657. pn, loc.
di-td-ro, PY Jn 415. mn: Aiihalos. [At 8 aAo$.] Cf.
a-td-ro.
di-td-ro-we, KN64=Da 1221, PYCn 285 + . mn:
Ait/talowem. [Cf. AiGaXbcis river in Mysia.J
Cf. a-ta-ro-tve.
di-te, PY Un 1321. Nom. sing.?
d^te-re, KN 48~B 101. Nom. plur. t>ccu-
pationai term: aitires ‘inlaycrs’ from verb
found in a-fa-me-no?
drti-jo-qo, PY 133 = Eb846 + , H5 = En74, 121 =
Eo 247, 131 = Ep 301, mn, nom. and gen.:
Ailhioq"s, Aithioq u os. [AiGioirc^ //. xxm,
206 + .]
d 3 -ti-jo-qc, PY 121 =Eo 247. Dat.: Aithioq u <i,
d»-to, KN Da 6061. mn: Aithdn ? [AIGcov Od . xix,
•83 3
]d^tu-ti-;q[y KN L 5949. Obscure (fern, ethnic?).
di-wd, KN C 973. Possibly name of an ox:
Aiwans? [Alas IL 1 , 138 +; Corinth. Atras
Schwyzer, Dial. 122 . 3 .]
d^wd-Jdy PY 115 = En 74, 122=Eo 160. wn:
Aiwaid? [Alaiq Od . xn, 268 .]
d)-wd-td r KN Vc 7612. mn: Aiwdtds? [AlpTris Od.
x> i37+ ]
di-wd-fp, KN As 1516. mn.
d*-wo-4\-jo-no, PY VVr 1247. mn, gen.?
di-wo-ro, KN 85 = Ch 896, Ch 1029, Ch 5754,
[Ch 5938]. Name of an ox: Aiwolos. [aldXos.]
a 3 -za, PY 317 = Ub 1318. No»n. sing, fern.: oidzd
‘goatV. [ < *aigid\ classical alyeiosj
dt-zo-ro-qe , KN Ch 1034. Name of ox + -q*e?
au, Adjunct to woman: KN Ak 617. Obscure.
KN C 1582, Annotation to oxen; cf.
au-to-a-rta.
au-de-pi , PY 239=Ta 642 + . Instr. plur., a
decorative feature on furniture, see p. 338 .
du-de-we-sd(-qe), PY 237 = Ta 709. Nom. sing.
fern.: -wessd 'decorated with au-de-pi\ see prec.
du-jd-to, MY 46=Au 102. mn, prob. the same
name as au-un~ja-to.
du-ke-i-jd'te-we, PY 312 = An 1281, 317 = Ub
1318. mn, dat.
du{-ke-i']jd~te’WOy PY 91 = Fn 50. Gen.
du-ke-wd , PY An 192, 258=Jo 438, 235= Ta 711.
mn, nom. and acc.: Augewds y -an . [AOyelas
It. xi, 701 ; Auy^as Pind. +.]
du-ri-jo, KN As 6(34, Da 1080+, TH Ug 5. mn:
Autios ?; a t Thebes possibly adj. [Cf. auXio$.]
au-ri-mo~de, KN 202= Fp 13. pn, acc. + -de.
du-rOy KN 270=Sd 4402. Nom. plur. or dual:
autaiy 'pipes', some part of a chariot. See p.
516 . [auXosofa buckle Od. xix, 227 .]
du-td-mo, PY255=Jn 658,Jn 725. mn: Aulhaimdn?
[Cf. Aluoav.J
du-tdi , KN Db 1166. mn.
dii-te, PY 237 = Ta 709. Nom. sing.: austir
‘kindler’. See p. 499* [Cf. ^auoTTip.]
du-te-rdy MY Oe 128. wn, dat.?: Authcrdi?
du-to-q[y PY Cn 938. Variant spelling of next?
au'fo-artfl, PY Cn 314. mn.
du-to-di-td , KN Ch972. mn; cf. prec.
du-to-jo , PY Eb 156. Gen. sing.: (loio q*e) autoio
‘and of the same’.
du-to~te-qd~jo, TH Ug 4. mn: Autothig u cdos. [Cf.
©TiOalos; Chadwick, 1971 , p. 129 .]
d*i-to-* 34 -td-rd y PY Fn 187. Prob. mn or title
du-u-te y KN Od 666 . Obscure; poss. auiveies 'this
(same) year’, but the spelling is unparalleled.
[Petrusevski and Ilievski, 1958 , p. 277 .]
du-wi-jd-tOy MY Au 653, Au 657. mn; prob. the
same name as au-ja-to.
da, Associated with woman ideogram: KN 18 =
Ak 611, 21 = Ak 624 + , PY 5=Aa 792, 2 =
Aa 815,6 = Ab 379, 9 = Ab 553 + : perhaps^
‘supervisor?
Associated with man ideogram: KN As 608,
As 625, PY 45 = An 830(?), Il4 = En 609(?):
as with women ?
Adjunct to wool ideogram: TH Of 34, Of 39,
Of40.
In obscure contexts: KN Me 4454, 157= Uf
835 + , PY Un 1193.
da-da~re-jo-de, KN 200=Fp I + . pn with allative
-de: Daidaleion-de. [Cf. AatSaXos 77. xvm, 592 .]
dd-i-jd-ke-re-Uy PY 44 = Aq 218. mn or epithet of
hiereus (e.g. dai-agreus 'divider of lands’) ?
dd-i-pi-td , KN B 799. mn.
dd-i-qo-td, KN Da 1164. mn: Daiq u hontds.
[Ary^ovTty.]
dd-i-rdy KN Od 7388 edge, V 479. mn.
dd-i-td-rd-ro, KN Dc 1231. mn.
dd-i-wo-wo, KN V 1043. mn.
dd-i-ze-tOy KN Da 1317. mn.
537
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
da-ja-ro, KN Dc 1167, Dv 1420. mn.
]da-je-we, PY Vn 851. mn, dal.
da-ka-ja-pi, PY Gn 720. pn, loc.?
da-ka-sa-na-ta, PY An 172. mn.
da-ko-ro, PY 52 = An 207, An 424, 49=An 427.
Nom. dual and plur., occupational term:
dakord, -rot ‘temple-servant’? [ < *diji-koTO-,
cf. 3cncopos.J
da-ko-ro-i, PY Un 219. Dal. plur.: dakoroihi .
da-ko-so, KN As 1520. mn.
da-ma-o-te, KN X 1051. Obscure, pass. nom.
plur. masc. fut. pple.: damakonlts. [Sacudjox]
da-ma-te , PY ll4 = En 609. App. nom. plur. of
fern, noun meaning approximately ‘house¬
holds’. [Possibly Sducrp (from rool of Souos)
with later specialization of meaning as ‘wife’.]
da-mi-jo, PY Ea 803. Acc. sing.: dairdon ‘land
belonging lo the damos'. [Snpios ‘public’
Od. xx, 2644*.]
da-mi-ni-ja , PY [Aa 96], 14= Ad 697. pn; cf.
da-mi-ni-jo 1 ,
da-mi-ni-jo 1 , * KN 69= Df 1119 + , Dk 1076 4-, V
337, X 1019. Word occurring on sheep
tablets in places occupied by both ‘collector’
and place name; possibly a place name
subordinate to ku-ta-tv, or a man's name; in
V 337 and X 1019 context obscure,
da-mi-ni-jo\ PY 54 = An 610. Nom. plur. ethnic?:
Damnioi? [Cf. ‘EiriSaiJivos; da-mi-ni-ja.]
da-mo, KN C 911, PY Ea 52 +, l33 = Eb 846+,
131 = Ep 301 + , 171 = Un 718. Nom.? and
dal. sing.: damos, -o'i. An entity which can
allocate holdings of land, probably a village
community; see Heubeck, 1969a, p. 539.
[Siuios.]
da-mo-de-mi, PY 135= Ep 704. Damos de min
(phds t), ‘but the community says that she . . .’
Sec p. 254.
da?-]mo-ke-re-we-i, PY Fn 324. mn, dal.:
Damoklewehi. [AcrPOKAfjs.]
da-mo-ko-ro, KN C 7058, PY 304=On 300,
235=Ta 711. Nom.?, acc. and dal, sing.,
title of an official: prob. ddmo-, but secoi.d
member obscure (cf. ko-re-te ). Now shown by
KN texts not lo be proper name. [Heubeck,
1968.]
da-na, KN Ce 152. mn?
da-na-jo, KN Db 1324, V 1631. mn: Danaios?
[Cf. Aavaos.]
da-na-ko, PY An 209. mn.
da-na-mo, KN E 847. mn?
]da-na-ro, KN Dd 5174. mn.
da-nu-wa-a-ri[, PY Mn 1412. Prob. pn, to be
divided after wa?
da-nti-wo, KN 83 = C 902, C 911. mn, or title?
da-nwa, KN Gg 701. Recipient of offerings;
divine name?
]d<?-nwa-re, KN Bb 1302, Sc 5058. mn.
da-o-ta, KN Vc 125. mn.
da-pu-ri-fp[, KN Xd 140. Obscure; cf. da-pu t -ri-lo-jo .
da-pti 2 -ra-zo, Eleus'isjar (Raison, 1968, p. 124].
Perhaps mn; cf, dit-pu t -ra-zo.
d a-puz-ri-to-jo, KN 2*5 = Gg 702, [Oa 745+7374].
Gen. sing., place owned by Polnia: prob.
Dabunni'hoio. [Ac*fiOpiv0os, with Aegean d for /
(cf. '06 \taoi\K,, 'OAvcteus, etc.); pu t =.bu is also
remarkable.]
da-ra[, MY l06 = Ge 603. Name of a spice?
da-ra-ko y KN Dd 1579 + . pn.
da-ra-rntt-ro, KN Dc 1220. mn. Drdmttlos?
[*6pacmi-vAo$.]
da-ru-+5$, KN Uf 432. mn.
da-sa-fp, PY Wa 917 (]o-da-sa-f(>). 3rd sing. aor.:
hd dasn(o ‘thus he distributed’. [ScrrioMat,
(£)5 oc<j6 It xvni, 511 + .] Cf. e-pi-de-da-to.
da-f f[ ]so, PY Jn 431. mn.
\dQ-so-de, KN Fh 365. pn, acc. + -de.
dv-so-mo, PY Wa 730 (if correct reading; cf. do-
so-mo; sec p. 466). dasmos ‘distribution’.
[SaoMOS IL I, 166+ .]
da-ta-ja-ro, KN De 1153. mn.
da-ta-ra-mo, KN Dl 935. pn.
da-te-ne-ja, KN Ap 639. wn.
da-te-wa, KN V 147. mn.
da-te-we-ja, KN Ak 612, D 8174, Lc 540, L 594 +.
Nom. plur. fern.: ethnic or occupational
term?
da-to-re-u, PY Cn 328. mn.
da-to-ro, KN Dk 964, Bv 1104. mn: Daitros ? [Cf.
Aafrwp II. vni, 275.]
da-u-da-ro, PY Cn 1287. mn.
da-u-ta-ro, PYJn 431. mn.
da-wa-no, KN 39=As 1517, Ga 423 rev.. Me
4454 + . mn: Dwdnos? [Cf. 69V < ♦6fav.]
da-we-ro, KN C 912. Obscure; mn, gen.?
da-we-u-pi, PY Cn 485, Cn 925. pn, loc. plur.
da-wi, KN Db 1212. mn.
da-wi-[.], KN 39=As 1517. mn.
da-wo, KN Ak 621, 84=Ce 59, 95= F 852+ . pn.
da-wi-joj-ja, KN Ak 780, Am 568+, Nom.
plur. masc. and fern, ethnic adj,
da-zo, KN As 5549, Ra 1547. mn?
da-+22-to, KN As 40, 84=Ce 59, 66=Dc 1129,
l61 = Uf 839 + , Eleusis jar (Raison, 1968,
p. 124). pn.
da-*22-ti-jof-ja, KN E 669, Xe 544 + . Nom.
plur. masc. and fern, ethnic adj.
da-*8j-ja, KN Dv 1086 + . pn.
do- *83-ja-de, KN Fp 363 +. Acc. + -de.
de-*8j-ja-i , KN E 670. Dal.-loc. plur.
da-*8j-jo, KN Be 1419, V 479 rev.+ . mn, cf.
prec.
de, As adjunct lo woman, girls or boys: KN Ak
610, Ak 620, Ak 5948: possibly abbreviation
of de-di-ku-ja.
As adjunct to obscure ideogram * s6g : PY Pa 49,
Pa 53.
Introducing numbers after ko-no ‘rush’: MY 105
= Ge 602, l06 = Gc 603 + : possibly=<fc.rma
‘bundle’. [8£—6EOnai found in Papyri.]
538
GLOSSARY
-de\ PY 28 = An 607 (ma-te-de, pa-lt-de), l40 = Lb
25)7 (ko-io-no-o-ko-de), 141 =Eb 888 (o-pe-ni-
sa-de), l35 = Lp 704 {da-mo-de-mi), ]75 = Ma
398 {a-ne-Ut-de), 196= Na 926 {e-ke-de~mi) > etc.
Adversative and connective particle: (U ‘but,
and’. [ 6 £.J Cf. also lo-so-de.
-de 2 , KN 200= Fp I (da-da-re-jo-de ), 201 = l’’p 14
(a-mi-ni-so-de), 78= C 914 (a-ka-iui-ja-de), etc.,
PY 53 = An 1 {pe-Te-u-ro-na-de) i 60= An 661
{nc-do-wo-ta-de), 250= Vn 20 (passim], etc.,
TH Of26 + (do-de). Enclitic allative particle:
-de ‘to’. [- 6 e.]
]de-a-ta, KN De 5190, DC 1222. mn.
de-de-me-no, PY 290=Sa 287, 291 = Sa 75)4. Norn,
dual ncut. pf. pplc.: iUdtxncw , of wheels,
‘bound (with silver or bronze)’; cf. ka-ko-de-ta.
[ 6 i. 6 £Uai pf. pass. Od. xxtv, 2284 -.]
de-de-me-na , KN 163=R.a 984. Norn. plur.
fern, or ncut.: dedemenai , -a, applied to
daggersC?), cf, de-so-mo.
]d?-di-ku-ja, KN 18 = A k 611, perhaps abbreviated
de Ak 620+. Norn. sing, or plur, fern.; pos¬
sibly error for de-di-iddj-ku-ja: dedidakhuia{i)
‘instructed*. Cf, di-da-ka-re.
de-do-me-na> KN 281 =So 4440 4 -, U 7507. Noin.
plur. neul. (or fern.?): dedomena ‘delivered’.
Sec also di-do-si.
de-do-wa-re-we, PY Fn 187. Dat. sing.: m n or title?
de-ka-sa-to , KN [Fh 370?], 213 = Le 641 (de-ka-
sa-to), PY Pn 30 ( o-de-ka-sa-to ). 3 rd sing. aor.
mid.: dexato ‘received’. [iSi^oTO II. xvw,
238 , etc.]
de-ke-se-u, KN Db 1426, 69= Df 1119. mn:
Dexeus? Derxeus? [Cf. Styopa 1 , StpKopai;
Szcmerenyi, 1957 , p. 180 .]
de-ki-si-wo, KN C 908, (V 1524?], PY Cn 254.
mn, dat.: Dexiwdi. [A^ios ( 6 e^i 6 $ <
Parnph. A£Sifu$ (Masson, 1960 ,
p. 1 12 ).]
de-ki-si-wo-jo, PY Vn 1191. Gen.: Dexiwoio .
de-ko-to 1 , KN Le 642. Context incomplete,
perhaps 3 rd sing. aor.: dekto ‘received’
[Sexto II. xv, 88 4-], but possibly mn (sec
next).
de-ko-to PY Cn 600. mn: Dektos. [Sextos.]
de-ko-to-jo, PY Jn 413. Gen.
de-ku-tu-wo-i <cp[, PY 319= Un 1322. Dat. sing, or
plur. ?: dektuworgoi , -oihi, ‘to the net-maker(s)
[* 6 iktvs (Siktuov Od . XXii, 386 + ) +
-(f)opyos; e for 1 would imply a non-Greek
origin, but Chantraine { 1968 , p. 284 ) pro¬
poses interpretation deikitt- keeping connexion
with Sikevv ‘throw’.]
de-ma-si , KN Fh 353, Prob. dat. plur., recipients
of oil. (Suggested dermasi ‘in leather bottles’
is improbable in view of parallel contexts.)
de-me-o-te , PY 41 =An 35. Nom. plur. masc. fut.
pplc.: dimehontes ‘who are to do building
work’. [Senco II. vn, 436 +.}
de-mi-ni-ja , P Y V n 8 51, M Y 303= V 655). Context
obscure, but only Greek word to lit spelling is
nom, plur. rlemrtM ‘bedding’, [Seiivia II. xxiv,
6444-.]
de-mi-ni-jo , PY Wr 1326. Sing, of prec. ?
de-mo-qe, PY Cn 45. mn, dat.
de-ni-mo , KN Dc 13#3, mn.
~\de-ra-wo, PY Fn 324. mn, dat.: -idwdi.
de-re-y-kQ, KN Uc 160. Nom. sing, annotation to
wine: dleukos ‘sweet new wine’. [yAtvxos
(yAuxtis < *6 Auk0s); Chadwick, 1568 c.]
de-so-mo , KN 262 Ra 1548+ . Tnstr. plur.
masc,: desmeis ‘(swords fitted) with bands’,
= belts (TeAcu<ibv} or some other fining.
[Seo+oS IL vi, 5074 - ; the sense of ‘rivet’
alleged m II. xvur, 379 (Palmer 1963 a, p.
336 ) is unnecessary; a band of metal could be
hammered to shape to make a handle for a
tripod.]
de-u-jo-i, KN Fh 352. Dat. plur,, recipients of
OIL?
de-u-ka-rt-jo> PY 58 = An 654. mn: Deukalldn.
[AeuxaAtcov IL xni, 4514- ]
de-u-ke-ro , KN U 4478. mn.
de-u-ki-jo, MY 46 = Au 102 (de-u-ki-jo-qe). mn,
Deukios, Deukion ?
de-u-ki-jo-jo^ KN 200 Fp 1 . Gen, sirtg,, name of
a month.
}de-wa-pi, KN 229 = K 434. Sec p. 329 .
de-we-ra, KN Dv 2019. mn.
d$-we-ro f PY Jn 320. mn.
de-we-ro-ai-ko-ra-i-ja, PY l98 = Ng 319, [Wa
948], Name of a district: Deuro-aigolaia? =
the Hither Province. Ruijgh ( 1970 , p. 317 )
proposes Dewero-. See p. 144 .
de-wi-jo, PY 57 = An 519, 44=Aq 218. Obscure.
Di, As adjunct to woman, girls and boys: KN Ai
190, 21 =Ak 624, 19 = Ak 627+, Ap 629:
probably abbreviation of di-da-ko-te.
As adjunct to ideograms of vessels: KN 230
= K 740, K 829, K 7363.
D i + pte : KN U 821 0; abbreviationofdi-/>/c-ra ?
Ideographic use: PY Ua 1252: obscure.
di-da-ka-re , KN 22 = Ak 781, Ak 783+, (abbre¬
viated di ? 21=Ak 624 + ). Description of
children; poss. loc. didaskalei 'at the school¬
master’s’. Sense 'under instruction’ is possible,
but details of form obscure.
di-da-ma-o, PY Xa 184. Obscure.
di-de-ro , KN [B 799?], Dv 1504. mn. [Cf. Linear
A di-de-ru .]
di-do-si, KN [260=Og 4467], PY 178 = Ma 365,
252= Vn 10 (, o-di-do-si ), 175= Ma 393+
( o-u-di-do-si ), 189= Na 568 + [o-u-di-do-si).
3 rd plur. pres.: didonsi ‘they give, deliver’.
[5(Sco|Ji.]
di-do-to, PY l98=Ng 319, 199=Ng 332
( o-u-di-do-to ). 3 rd sing, (or plur.?) pres, pass,:
(ou) didotoi ‘is (not) delivered'.
do-se , PY |7I =Un 718. 3 rd sing, fut.: dosei
‘he will contribute’.
539
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
do-so-si, PY 257=Jn 829 ( jo-do-so-si ). 3 rd plur.
fut.: dosonsi ‘they will contribute’.
do-ke, KN Ws 1707, Xe 7711, PY l03 = Un 267
(o-do-ke), MY 321 =Oi 701. 3 rd sing, aor.:
do he ‘he contributed’.
See also: de-do-me-na.
di-du-me, KN L 588. Obscure.
di-du-mOy KN X 5751?, MY 226=#e 129. mn,
dat.: Didumoi. [A(5uno$.]
di-ka-ta-de , KN Fp 7, F 866 + . pn, acc. + -de:
Diktdn-de ‘to Dicte 1 . [AIktiv]
di-ka-ta-jo , KN 200= Fp 1. Dat. sing. masc.
ethnic adj.: Diklaioi (Diwei) ‘ (to Zeus) of
Dicte’.
di-ka-ta-roy KN As 566, Dd 2010. mn.
di-ki-nu-wo, KN Dv 1502. mn.
di-ko-na-ro , PY 59=An 656. mn.
di-ko-to, KN D 411. mn?
di-no-zo, TH Z 857, Z 858. mn? Cf. no-di-zo.
di-nu-wa-ta, PY Jn 725. mn. [Cf. Arc. AtvuT-ras.]
di-pa, KN 232= K 875 + , PY 236=Ta 641. Nom.
sing.: dipas ‘vessel’, [Berras II. xt, 632 + ,
often in early use a large vessel, not a drihking-
cup.] di-pa KN 230= K 740 used with
numeral 30 may be plur. (Lejeune, l9C‘Jc, p.
232 .)
di-pa-e, PY 236=Ta 641. Nom. dual: dipae
‘two vessels’.
di-pi-ja, KN V 7577. App. fem. ethnic.
di-pi-si-je-wi-jo, PY Fr 1218. App. adj. derived
from next.
di-pi-si-fo , PY Fr 1240. Prob. nom. of next.
vrV'.w, PY 307= Fr 1220, Fr 1231 + Prob
dat. plur., meaning obscure; perhaps the
name of a recipient of oil; if so, prob.
dipsioihi ‘for the thirsty ones’, i.e. the dead
(according to Guthrie, 1959 , p. 45 ) or the
Genii (according to Marinatos, 1966 ); priests
of goddess Dipsia (the Earth ?), cf. Thessalian
month Ai +105 (Adrados, 1968 ). See p. 479 .
di-pte-ra, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Nom. sing, and plur.
(also dual ?) : diphiherd, -rai ‘a prepared hide,
piece of leather’. [ 8 up 0 £pa Herodotus+ .]
di-pte-ra*, PY 323 = Sb 1315. Variant spelling
of nom. plur.: diphlherai.
di-pte-ra-po-ro, [KN C 954 ((li[-pte-r(i-]po-ro-i?)),
PY (Ea 814?), 91 = Fn 50, Un 219. Nom.
and dat. sing., occupational term: diphlherd-
phoros, -roi ‘wearer of leather’? See p. 217 .
di-qa-ra[, KN Ap 628. wn?
di-qo, PY 55= An 724. Obscure, possibly mn
(]di-qo is mn at KN DI 930).
di-ra, KN Uf 432. mn.
di-ra-po-ro , PY Ea 814. Prob. error for di-pic-ra-
pO-TO, q.v.
di-ra-qo, KN Dk 1075. mn.
di-ra-wo-noy PYJn 750. mn, prob. gen.
di-ri-mi-jo, PY 172 = Tn316 rev. Name of man or
hero, recipient of offering; dat.
di-roy KN Da 1338, Dc 1I67 + . pn.
di-soy KN Sc 255. mn. [Prob. not Dissos, if =
5iaaos <
di-ta-ka-so, KN DI 916, Ga 427. mn, nom. and
dat.?
di-u-jay PY Cn 1287, l72 = Tn 316 rev. Name of a
female deity, gen. and dat.: Diwyds, Diwydi .
[*Aif]d > 5ia, rather than Aifla (Pamph.),
according to Ruijgh ( 1967 , p. > 32 ).]
di-wi-ja, KN Xd 97, PY 28 = An 607. Variant
spelling. PY gen.: Diwyds.
di-u-ja-jo{-qe) , PY 172 = Tn 316 rev. Acc. neut. ?:
Diwyaion ‘the shrine of Diwya 1 ?
di-u-ja-wo: see di-wi-ja-wo,
di-u-jOy PY 172=Tn 316 rev. Ace. neut.?:
Diivyon ‘the shrine of Zeus’? [6105 originally
‘of Zeus'.} See also di-wi-jo .
di-wa-jo, KN V 1523. mn.
di-we, KN 200=Fp 1, F51 rev., PY l72=Tn 316
rev. Dat.: Diwei ‘to Zeus’. [Zeu$, An.)
di-wo, PY 172 = Tn 316 rev. Gen.: Diwos.
di-we-se-ja, MY Oe 103. wn, dat.?
di-we-so , KN V 151. mn.
di-wi-ja: sec di-u-ja.
di-wi-ja-ta , PY 184= Nn 228. pn.
di-wi-ja-wo, KN Vc 293, PY l97 = Na 406, TH
Ug II. mn: Diuydwdn ? [Cf. di-u-ja.]
di-u-ja-wo, TH Of 26, Of 33. Variant spelling.
di-wi-je-ja, KN Xd 97. wn or title? Cf. next.
di-wi-je-u, PY 59=An 656, [44=Aq 218?]. In
59 the name of an e-qe-ta; other contexts less
clear but mn remains possible: Diwieus. [Cf.
AieOv]
di-wi-je-wc, PY 76 Cn 3, 169 £s 646 + .
Dat.: Diwiewei.
di-wi-jo, PY Mb 1366. Diwion ‘shrine of Zeus’ or
as pn? [Variant spelling of di-u-jo .]
di-wi-jo-de, PY Fr 1230. Acc. + -de: Diwion-
de.
di-wi-jo-jo, KN Fp 5. Name of month, gen.:
Diwioio. [ATo$ month-name in Macedonia
and elsewhere.]
di-wi-pa-ra, KN X 722. Obscure.
di-wo, KN Dv 1503, PY An 172. mn: Diwon.
[Aicov.] See also di-we.
di-wo-a-ne[, KN Xd 216. mn?
di-wo-nu-so[, PY Xa 1419. In fragment, without
clear context, prob. divine name: Diwonuso(s?).
[Aiovvaos.]
di-wo-nu-so-jo, PY Xa 102. No context, gen.:
Diwoiuisoio.
di-wo-pu-ka-ta, KN Fp 363. mn or title?
di-za-so, KN Dv 1505, Pp 493. mn.
di-zo, KN As 1520, V 479, V 1523. mn, nom. and
dat.: Ditsos, -di. [> 8 iao 6 s, cf. di-so.]
di-*6j-pa-ta, KN Ln 1568. mn; Palmer: Diu-
phanlds (with *65 = ju).
do-de, 'PH Of 26, Of 31, Of 33. Preceded by
names in gen., perhaps do-de (1 don-de ?) ‘to the
house (of)'. [Sco, usu. acc. II. 1 , 426 +.]
do-e-ra, KN 20=A. 824, Ap 628, Gg 713 +, PY
540
GLOSSARY
27 = Ac 303, 28=An 607, 137 = Eb 4I6 + ,
150= Ed 411, 114= En 609 + , 118^Eo
211 + , 148= Ep 613. Nom. sing, and plur.
fem.: doeld y -ai ‘maid-servant, bondwoman
slave’. [ 8 oOAq II. m, 409 + .]
do-e-ro, KN B 822, C 9 11 +, PY 33 = Ae 26, 28=
An 607, Eb 156 + , 114 = En 609, 168 = Es
644 + , 118 = Eo 211, 148=Ep 613, 253=Jn
310 + . Nom. sing, and plur. masc.: doelos, -oi
‘bondman, slave, servant’; on iheoio doelos see
p. 236 . [Ion. SoOAos, Doric Suftos < doelos
( dohetos ?); cf. Khotanese dohd ‘man’, Skt.
dasaft.]
do-e-ro-i, PY 91 =Fn 50+ . Dat. plur.: doeloihi.
do-e-ro-jo, KN C 912 rev. Gen. sing.: doeloio .
do-ka-ma-i, PY 324=An 1282. Dat. plur., in a
list which includes wheels and halters;
obscure, see p. 522 .
do-ke: see di-do-si.
do-ke-ko-o-ke-ne: see do-ke, s.v. dx-do-si, and
kO’O-ke-ne .
do-po-ta , PY 172=Tn 316. Dat., recipient of an
offering: pass, dospotai ‘to the Master’.
[$£<nr 6 Tns, if from *dems~, with variant *doms-
or *dms-\ but perhaps not a Greek name.]
do-qe-ja , PY 28=An 607. Uncertain whether the
name of a goddess (gen.), or a description of
the women (nom. plur.). See p. 167 .
do-qe-u, KN B 804. mn.
do-qo-no, PY 61 =Cn 131. mn, dat.
do-qo-ro , PY 58=An 654. mn.
do-qo-so, MY Au 609. mn.
do-ra, PY 172=Tn 3 16 ( do-ra-qe ). Acc. plur.:
dora ‘gifts’. [ 6 wpov II. vr, 293 + .]
do-re-we, KN Fh 342. mn, dat.?
do-ri-je-we, PY Fn 867. mn, dat.: DStiewei .
[AwpicuS.]
do-ri-ka-tto , KN U 4478. mn: Dolikhdnor.
do-ri-ka-o, KN V 958, PY 258=Jo 438. mn:
Dolikhddn. [AoAt)( 6 wv.]
do-ri-wo, KN Xd 167. mn?
do-ro-lOy PY Jn 320. mn.
do-ro-jo-jo, PY Cn 45. Gen., but prob. error for
dat.
do-ro-me-u, PY An 209. mn: Dromeus . [Apov^.]
do-ro-qo, PY Na 384 ( do-ro-qo , so-wo-te perhaps to
be read as a single word or compound), pn,
loc.
dose , do-sosi : see di-do-si .
dosi-mi-jo, PY Wa 730 (do-si-mi-jo-qe). Nom. sing,
or plur. masc.?: dosmios ‘contributory’, adj.
from do-so-mo. [Cf. Arc. c5cttu66o^ios.]
do-si-mi-ja , PY 182= Ma 126, [MY Ge 606].
Nom. plur. neut. or fem.: dosmia(i).
do-so-mo, PY 168=Es 644 + , 171 =Un 718, Wa
731. Nom. and acc. sing.: dosmos y -on ‘contri¬
bution’. [Cf. Arc. drrufSoCTtnS ‘payment’.]
do-ti-ja, KN Ap 629, Ce 139, C 979, Dn 1200,
213 =Le 641+ . pn. [Cf. Awtiov ttc6(ov in
Thessaly.]
do-ti-jo, KN D 7134 (do-ti-jp), V 653. Ethnic adj.
of prec. or variant of pn?
do-ti-jo-no[, KN V 831. mn.
do-wa, KN V 5113. Context obscure; poss. nom.
plur.: dorwa ‘shafts’? [ 66 pu, plur. 6o0pa Od.
oc, 498 + < *doru>a.\ Cf. do-ive-jo .
do-we-joy KN[269= Sd4404],Sd4407 +, P Y318 =
Un 1314 ( do-tve-jp-qe }. Nom. sing, or plur.:
dortveiosy - 0 i ‘made of wood’. [SoOptios Eurip.
+, Soupdrtos Od. vm 493 + ; cf. do-wa.]
DU, Ideographic use: MY Ui 709; obscure.
du-ko-so[, PY Jn 431. mn.
du-ma, KN C 1030, C 1039, PY An 192. Nom.
sing., title of official: form obscure, cf. do-
ma-le , nu-ri-du-ma-te, Po-ro-du-ma-ie. See pp.
511 — 12 .
du-ma-te{-qe\ PY 257=Jn 829. Nom. plur.
(+ -q*i r).
]du-ma-ti , PY 304=On 300. Dat. sing.
du-niy KN Dd 1201. mn.
du-ni-ja , KN Fh 341. Obscure.
du-ni-jo, KN 38=As 1516, 39=As 1517 + , PY
147 = Ea 59, 143 = Ep 705, 96=Un 138 + .
mn, nom. and dat.
du-ni-jo-jo, PY Ae 8 + . Gen.
du-pi-jo, KN Xd 287. mn.
du-pu t -ra-zo, KN Da 1173, V 479. mn. Cr.
da-pu t -ra-zo .
du-pu^-so, KN Fh 343. mn.
du-qo-te-ja , TH Of27, wn?
du-re-Uy P Y Jn 845. mn.
du-ri, KN Da Ii43. mn: Ditris? [Avpis local name
of Atlas and of a wind.]
du-ru-po , KN As 1516,Fh 345+, mn, nom. and dat.
du-ru-lo-mo, PY 252= Vn 10. Nom. plur.:
drutomoi ‘wood-cutters*. [ 8 p*jt 6 moS //. xi,
86 + .]
du-sa-ni, KN Ap 639. wn.
du-ta-so , KN Db 1159. mn.
du-to, KN As 1516. mn (two men of the same
name?).
dv-tu-wa, KN Ap 639. wn.
] du-wo-jo, PY Jn 750. mn: Dwoios? [ 601 &, cf.
Aolas.)
du-wo-jo-jo , PY 59= An 656. Gen.: Dwoioio.
du-wo-u-pi: sec dwo.
dwo, PY 141 = Eb 338, 128 = Eo 278, 323=Sb
1315. Nom. and acc.: dwo{divd?). [ 6 uo, 5uw;
cf. 6(f)<b5£Kcx.] Formerly read as wo-wo and
only recognized as a separate sign by Risch
(■957).
du-wo-u-pi, PY Eb 149 ( du-wo-u-pi-de ), Eb 495,
148 = Ep 613 + . Instr.: dwouphi or duoiumphi?
[Cf. Arc. dual in -otw.}
dwo-jo, KN V 492 (]dwo-jo) y X 8126, mn; cf.
du-wo- jo.
E, In connexion with cloth: KN Ln 1568.
As adjunct to obscure ideogram *i77 m . KN U
4478.
541
19
CDI
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Ideographic us<s: KN U 5717 (obscure), PY
Un 1319 (obscure); PY Ub 1316, Ub 1317,
317 = Ub 1318: abbreviation of e-ra-pe-ja ,
{-pi-ja); MY 106=Ge 603: abbreviation of
e^ne-me-na,
e-da-e-u, [KN V 958?], PY Qa 1298. Nom, sing.,
title or ethnic?
e-da-e-wo , PY Eb 495. Gen. sing.
e-da-[.]-m-ja[, KN U 4478. mn.
e-do-mo-ne-u , PY <114=En609>, 119=Eo 224,
254=Jn 389 + . mn.
e-do-ma~ne-we, PY Cn 925. Dat.
e-e-ro-pa-jo-qe-rp-fq, PY 323=Sb 1315 (preceded
by a-ni-ja without division). Reading and
word-division uncertain.
e-e-si, KN 24 Ai 63, 271 = Sd 4422. 3 rd plur.
pres.: ehensi ‘they are’, cf. e-ne-e-si, a-pe-e-si.
[Au. elol; Myc. form with generalization of
< m esenti, cf. Hitt, asantsi .]
e-o, PY I48=Ep 613. Nom. sing. masc. pple.:
ehon ‘being’.
e-o-te , KN 37 = B823 (ta-pa-e-o-te), PY An 614?
Nom. plur. masc.: ebonies.
See also e-e-lo, e-so-to , a-pe-Oy e-ne-e-si t e-ni-qe.
e-e-to, PY 28=An 607. Obscure, prob. verbal
form, from dpi or nun? See p. 168 .
] e-i-ja-si, KN B 804. mn.
e-ka-ma-te , PY 239=Ta 642. Instr. sing., part of
a table: ekhmatei ‘with a support, strut’.
[IXPa It. xtv, 410 + ; cf, also iypoc* 6 xupcopor,
otOAos Hesych.] See p. 341 .
e-ka-ma-pi , PY 240=Ta 713 + . Instr. plur.:
ekhmapphi .
e-ka-no, PY Jn 725. mn: Ekhanfr?
e-ka-ra y PY 237 = Ta 709 (see p. 499 ). Nom. sing.:
eskhard ‘portable hearth, brazier’. [kryApO
Od . vi, 52 +.]
e-ka-ra-e-Yve y KN 81= Dm II80 + . Nom. plur.,
term describing sheep; see pp. 210 , 437 .
e-ka-sa-te-{i [, PY Qa 1291. mn: Exantheus ? [If
correct, this would be the only evidence for
Myc.
e-ka-te-jo, KN Sf 4418, X 768. Obscure; in Sf
perhaps epithet of chariot-frames,
e-ka-te-re-tdy KN 276 =Se 891 (+1006). Prob.
adj. describing chariot-frames; cf. a-le-re-ie-a ,
which suggests that this may be a compound
with ekh-, cf. also e-te-re-ta.
e-key KN 157 = Uf 835 + , PY 109=Ea 782 + ,
131 = Ep 301+ , 153 = Er 880, l94 = Na
334 + , 3 rd sing, pres.: ekhei ‘he/she has,
holds’. [I X ci Horn. + .]
e-ke-de-mi, PY 196= Na 926, ekhei de min ‘but
he has it’, cf. da-mo-de-mi.
e-ke-e y PY 140 = Eb 297, 135 = Ep 704. Pres,
inf,: ekhehtn ‘to have’.
e-ke-qe, PY I18 = Eo 211+, l36=Eb 294 + ,
248= Va 15, Prob. ekhei-b-q M e ‘and he/she
has’. See p. 246 .
e-ke-si, PY 115= En 74. 21. Error for e-ko-si.
e-koy KN 298=Sc 226, So 4446. In Sc 226
perhaps nom, sing. masc. pres, pple.: ekhm
‘(already) having (one)’; but poss. enkhos
‘spear’, see [e]-ke-ay in So 4446 (reverse)
obscure.
e-ko-si, KN 90= G 820, PY 55= An 724, 151 =
Ed 901 + , 114 = En 609 + , 255=Jn 658 + ,
186 = Na 543. 3 rd plur. pres.: ekhonsi ‘they
have’.
e-ko-tey PY 43 = Aq 64, 149= Ed 236, 253=Jn
310. Nom. plur. masc. pres, pple.: ekhontes
‘having’.
e-ke-a\ KN V 831. mn.
[e-]ke-a z , KN 263 = R 1815. Description of
spears; nom. plur. enkheha ‘spears’. [ly X °S
It. vi, 329 + ; cf. e-ke-i-ja.]
e-ke-si (-qe), PY 257=Jn 829. Dat. plur.:
enkhes(s)i q*e ‘and for spears’.
]t-ke-p\[y KN Wb 5131. If correct, perhaps
instr. plur.: enkhesphi.
e-ke-da-moy KN Uf 1522, PY Gn 285. mn, nom.
and dat.?: Ekheddmos, -ci. ['E X £ 6 ccuos ( 'E X £-
Styos.]
e-ke-de-mi: see e-ke.
e-ke-e : see e-ke , pu-ko-so.
e-ke-i-ja, PY 320 = Va 1324. Prob. nom. plur.:
enkhehiai ‘spears?’ [ly X dq It. v, 267 +;
perhaps distinguished in meaning from
*YX°*]
e-ke-i-ja-ta, PY Jn 750, mn: Enkhehidtds. [Cf.prec]
e-ke-i-jo-jo, PY Sa 760. mn, gen.: Enkhehiaia ?
Ekheioio ? ["Eyxtios title of Aphrodite, 'E X dos
MN.]
e-ke-jay PY Vn 1339. mn?; cf. e-ke-a\
e-ke-jo-tOy PY 44=Aq 218. Prob. 3 rd plur. of
medio-passive verb: -onloi. No plausible
explanation of root (perhaps enkeiontoi
(lyxeipai) cf. xiovrat).
e-ke-me-de, KN [Dd 659], U 4478, PY 56=An
657, 258=Jo 438. mn: Ekhemidis. [Cf. wn
'EXfunSa.]
e-ke-na-tOy P Y Ea 305. Error for e-ke o-na-io.
e-ke-ne, MY 46=Au 102, Au 653. mn: Engenis?
[lyyrvrjG cf. ’Eyyrv^rcjp.)
e-ke-w-woy KN U 4478. mn: Ekhenuos? (Itievski).
e-ke-pu-te-ri-ja : see e-ke and pu-te-ri-ja.
e-ke-qe: see e-ke.
e-ke-ra-ne, PY Un 219. Obscure, possibly pn.
[Cf. 'EyyrAaws = *Eyx*A£oci ?]
e-ke-rarwoy PY [153 = Er 880], 171 =Un 718.
mn: Enkhelidwdn ?
e-ke-ra t -wo-no, PY 54 =An 610. Gen.: -wonos.
e-ke-ra^-wo-ney PY 55 = An 724. Dat,: -utonei.
[e-]fcf-ra 3 -u-na, PY Un 853. Variant spelling of
acc.?
[e]-ke-ri-ja-wo, PY Qa 1292. Variant spelling
of nom.
]e-ke-ri-jo-na, PY Vn 851. mn or wn?
e-ke-ro, PY Jn 832, MY Au 609? [e-ke-ro[). mn:
Enkheros ? [Cf. Cypr, £y X epa.]
542
GLOSSARY
e-ke-ro-qo-no, PY Aa 777, Ab 563 + , 13 = Ad 691,
An 199, Nom. and gen, plur.; description of
men and women. Palmer: enkhirv-q^omoi, -on
‘wage-earners’. See p. i 6 j.
e-ke-se, KN B 799, mn.
e-ke-se-si , KN 201 = Fp 14. Dae. plur.?; meaning
obscure.
e-ke-si , PY ll5=En 74. Error for e-ko-si: see
e-ke .
e-ke-si-jo , PY Cn 4, mn.
e-ke-si-qe: see [*-]£e-<j*.
[ ?e-)ke-ti-ra-woy KN V 7049. mn: EgertildwdS?
e-kii KN Od 688 . Obscure.
e-ki-no, KN Da 1078, mn: Ekhinos? [lx?vos.]
e-fci-no-jo, PY 60=An 661. Gen. EkJunoi*.
e-ki-si-joj-ja : sec s.v. e-ko-so.
e-ki-wo, PY Jn 320. mn. Ekhiwos , Ekhiwon ?
['EX105, 'Exlwu.j
e-ko: see s.v. e-ke.
e-ko-me-na-ta-o, PY 60=An 661, 44=Aq 218.
mn, gen.: Erkhomendtdo. [Cf. place name
'Epxouev 6 s.J
e-ko-me-no, PY Cn 40, Cn 599, Na 406, Na 941.
pn: Erkhommos. [‘Epxopcvos, "Opy-, but not to
be identified with that in Arcadia.]
e-ko-si : see e-ke.
e-ko-so , KN C 1030, Da 1137 + , F 157 + , L
564+. pn: Exos ? [Not= F Afc$ which is earlier
Fdfo.)
e-ki-si-joj-ja, KN 29=Am 821, Lc 527 + .
Ethnic: £nor, -id.
e-ko-so-no, PY Na 507. pn.
e-ko-te: see e-ke.
e-ko-to , PY Eb 913, U5 = En 74, 120=Eo 276,
121 = Eo 247, t 43 =Ep 705+. mn, Hektor .
['Exrcop 11. i, 24 a + .]
e-ko-to-ri-jo, PY Cn 45. mn, dat.: Hektorioi.
e-ku-se-we{-qe), MY Wt 501. Nom. plur.:
enkhusewes ‘funnels’, [fcy X £co.]
e-ma-a t , PY l72=Tn 316, Un 219, Xn 1357, TH
Of 31. Divine name, dat.: Hermnhcfi. [ l Epu%,
"Eplislas, etc. 11. 11 , 104 , Od. xiv, 435 + ]
e-ma-a^o, KN D 411, but perhaps 0 is not part
of the word. If correct, possibly gen.:
Hermdhdo? Or alternatively a derivative
meaning ‘temple or festival of Hermes’ ?
e-ma-ta, PY 317= Ub 1318. Neut. plur.: hnmata
‘laces (for footwear)’, [Ipuara (from rlpco
‘string, thread*) ‘earrings’ IL xiv, 182 .]
e-me, PY 236=Ta 641. Dat. sing, masc.: hemti
‘one’. [Att. ds, gen. £v 6 s, from *hems>hms t
*hemos, Schwyzer, Cram. 1 , 588 .]
e-me-de , PY Eb 495. As prec. + -<&; ‘but with
one’. See p. 254 . [Taken as abl. heme by
Heubeck, 19696 , p. 12 .]
e-me-si-jo[, KN De 1381, E 843. mn. [Previously
taken as month name, but this is not in
keeping with context.]
e-me-si-jo-jo , KN Lc 551, L 8159, X 35. Gen.
e-mi-ja-ta, KN V 831. mn.
q-mi-to, KN 29= Am 821. Gen. following keneka.
Formerly read li-mido.
e-na-i-jo[> KN Xd 302, [Xd 7596?]. mn?
e-na-po-na, KN Od 681. Obscure.
e-na-po-ro, PY 60 = An 661, 76=Cn 3, 184 =
Nn 228 + . pn.
]e-na-ri-po-to, KN Sg 884. Verbal adj. describing
chariot frame: enaliptos ‘oiled, painted’.
[^vdX^ntTOS HippOCr.J
e-ne-e-si, PY 114 = En 609. 3 rd plur. pres.: en-
ehensi ’they arc in’. [Iveimi.]
e-na-ka, KN 29=Am 821, PY 27 = Ae 303, 42=
An 37, 147= Ea 59, Ea 805. Preposition with
gen.: ’for ihe sake of’, 'because of\ [eveko,
Elvoca 11. xiv, 89 +. Not from £v+*ffKa
(cf. b«bv); prob. acc. of obsolete noun (cf.
x dpiv).]
e-ne-ke-se-u, KN Da 1081. mn: Enexetis. [$vek-;
Szemerenyi, 1957 , p. 180 ,]
e-ne-me-na, MY 106=Gc 603. Nom. fern, ofpple.
describing a form of skhoinos (see ko-no ), also
abbreviated e, sec p. 226 .
e-ne-o, KN As 625, Poss, nom. sing. masc. or
neut. pple.: enehon.
e-ne-ra , KN Ai 762. Obscure: poss. connected
with e-ne-re-ja.
e-ne-ro, KN L 695. Possibly sing.
e-ne-re-ja , KN Ak 638. Nom, plur, fern., descrip¬
tion of women: ‘makers of e-ne-ra 1 ?
e-ne-si-da-o-ne , KN [Gg 717], M 719. Dat. sing,
prob. divine name. [Interpretation uncertain;
sec Heubeck, 1957 , pp. 277 -8 ]
e-ne-ti-jo, PY Cn 45. mn, dat.?
e-ne-wo pe-za (also as one word), PY 239=Ta
642+. Nom. sing. fern, describing a tabic:
ennewo-pedia ‘with 9 . . see p. 340 and cf.
wt-pe-za.
e-ne-wo pe-zo t PY 241 =Ta 715. Dual form of
prec.: -pedzd.
e-ni , PY Xn 1342. Context obscure; cf. e-ni-qe.
e-ni-ja-u-si-jo, PY 50=An 39. mn. Dat.?:
Eniausidi. [Mauaios.J
e-ni-pa-te-we, PY 255=Jn 658, Jn 725. pn, loc.
e-ni-qey KN L 593, 221 = L 647, L 5910, L 5924,
L 5961, L 5998. Prob. not adj. describing
Ci.OTlr, but connective: eni q u e ( = f\*<rrl te)
‘and there is (arc) among them’. [Ivi Jl.
xvni, 53 +.]
e-ni-to-wo, PY Eb 1187, Ep 539. mn.
e-no-wa-ro, PY 58=An 654. mn or pn?
e-nu-wa-ri-jo, KN 208= V 52. Dat. divine name:
t'emalidi. ['EwAAsos 11. xvn, 2 11 + .]
e-nwa-ri-jo, PY 55= An 724. m n: poss. Emudlios
(cf. T HAi$). [Not to be confused with the god
’Evu&Aio*, see prec.]
e-o, e-o-te: see s.v. e-e-si.
e-o-te-u, PY 60 = An 661. mn.
e-pa-re, PY An 723. mn.
e-pa-sa-na-ti, PY 115 = En 74, Ep 212. wn.
[Identical with i-pa-sa-na-ti.)
543
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
e-pa-ta[, PYJn 937. mn.
e-pe-i-ja-o, TH Of 41, Of 42. mn, gen.? [Cf.
e-pe-ke, KN D1 932. Obscure; not empe{s)kes
‘unshorn’ (Palmer), since a wool clip is
recorded (Killen, Nestor p. 257 ).
e-pe-ke-u, PYJn431. mn. Epeigeus? [‘EirEiyEus It.
xvi, 571-1
e-pi , KN Lc56i {e-pi-qe), 207 =V 280, PY Eb 842,
148 = Ep 613 {e-pi-qe), 97=Un 2. Pre¬
position with dat.: epi ‘upon’,etc. [£tt[; cf. o-piJ]
e-pi-da-o, KN Vc 129. mn.
e-pi-da-to , PY 254=Jn 389, Jn 601. Description
of bronze, prob. adj.: epidastos ‘distributed’.
[Cf. dx/dc-Baoros, etc.; cf. next.)
e-pi-de-da-to , PY 250= Vn 20. 3 rd sing. perf.
pass.: epidedastoi ‘has been distributed’.
[^rnSfSaoTai, Hesiod, Th. 789 .)
e-pi-ja-ta , PY An 115. mn. Epihaltau [’EqnaATift
II. v, 385 -]
e-pt-ja-ta-m-ja , PY Ad 687. pn: variant of
e-pi-jo-ta-na.
e-pi-jo-ta-na, PY Aa 95. pn: variant of prec.
e-pi-ka , PY 318 = Un 1314. [Cf. e-pi-ko.]
e-pi-ke-re, KN F 851, 95= F 852. Word describing
harvest? See p. 2 ig.
]e-pi-ke-to , KN E 8122. Obscure.
e-pi-ki-to-ni-ja, KN 222 = L 693, [L 7514?].
Description of bro N 2 E: epikhitdnia ‘fittings
on a tunic’. [Cf. ki-lo' y see p. 488 .]
e-pi-ko , KN B 1025. [Cf. e-pi-ka.]
e-pi-ko-e, PY Ad 672. pn.
e-pi-ko-o, PY Aa 94. Variant of prec.
e-pi-ko-ru-si-jo , KN 299= Sk 789. Description of
2 fittings as parts of a set of armour; dual
epikorusid ‘on the helmet’. [<-Kopu 6 - 105 ; see
also o-pi-ko-ru-si-ja.]
e-pi-ko-wa, KN Fh 343, Fh 380. Description of
olive oil: epikhowd ‘oil for anointing’? [Cf.
iTTiyba* KardxvaiS Hesych.; Godart, 1969 ,
p. 55 ; see also po-ro-ko-Uta.]
e-pi-ko-wo, KN As 4493?, PY 56=An 657. Norn,
plur.: epikowoi ‘watchers, guards’. [Cf. Delph.
TTup-Kbos ‘watcher of the sacred fire’.]
e-pi-pu-ta , PY 252=Vn 10. Nom. plur.: epiphula
‘young trees, saplings’? [dn 19601101 ‘grow
upon’ Herodotus; cf. pu-ta.]
e-pi-qe: see e-pi.
e-pi-qo-ra t , PY Mn 456. pn. [Cf. 'ETmroAai?]
e-pi-ro-pa-ja , KN Od 696. Description of wool:
epilopaia? [Cf. &cbin) ‘cloak’; see p. 321 .]
e-pi-ta-jo , PYJn 927. mn.
e-pi-u-ru-te-we , PY 317 = PY Ub 1318. Nom.
plur. perh. epiwrutewes (cf. ^utt'ip) . See p. 493 .
e-pi-we-ti-ri-Jp , PY Ea 52. Nom. sing, masc.:
description of a man, probably occupational
term: epiuuestrioi ? [Cf. ^pEcrpis ‘upper
garment’.]
e-pi-wo-qa-ta-o , PY Sa 1266. mn: gen. Epiivoq u tao?
[£rri, fbros, cf. 4mct.]
e-pi-zo-ta , KN 163 = Ra984, 277 = Ra 1028. See
PP 456, 5«7
e-pi-*6j-ko, PY 251 =Vn 46. See p. 504 .
e-po , KN Ce 283, Ws 8712, PY Vn 493. Obscure;
poss. not the same word in all cases.
e-po-me-ne-u , PY 183 = Nn 831. mn: Hepomenevs?
[Ittw ‘busy oneself with’.]
e-po-me-ne-we , PY Xn 1357. Dat.: -ewei.
e-po-mi-jo , KN [299 = Sk 789], 325=Sk 8100,
Sk 8149, [V 337?]. Description of piece of
armour; dual: epomio ‘shoulder-pieces’, ‘paul-
drons’. [dTrcopios Lucian; hreopts Eur. 4 -.]
e-po-wi-ja , PY An 615. pn.
e-pu t -rto, KN Ga 427. mn?
e-qa-na-qp [, PY Ua 158. Obscure.
e-qa-ro, KN Dv 1125. mn: Eng u aros? ['Eu^apos.]
e-qe-a-o, KN V 56. Gen. plur. of occupational
term? [Cf. next.]
e-qe-o , PY 43 = Aq 64. Gen. plur. of occupational
term? [Cf. prec.; attempts to connect these
words with i-qo— Ittttos seem unlikely in view
of initial e-.]
]e-qe-ra-wo, KN B 5025. m n: Heq u etdwos ?
e-qe-si-joj-ja: sec s.v. e-qe-ta.
e-qe-ta, KN 29= Am 821, B 1055, PY 57= An
519+ , 142=Ed 317, Wa 917. Nom. sing,
and plur. masc.: heq u etas , -tai ‘followers’, i.e.
companions of the king, important officers of
the court. [frrSTds Pindar.]
e-qe-ta-e , KN 29=Am 821. Nom. dual:
keq u etae.
e-qe-ta-i, PY 28=An 607. Dat. plur.: keq*ctdki.
e-qe-si-joj-ja, KN 214= Ld 571 +, PY Ed 847,
288=Sa 790+, Wa 1148. Adj.: heq u esios , -id,
etc. ‘of or belonging to heq u etai ’ (used of
slaves, textiles and chariot-wheels).
e-qo-me-nel PY [Fr 1240?], Fr 1338.
e-qo-te , PY An 615, 55 = An 724. Obscure: poss.
fuq v ontes with act. inflexion?
e-ra\ KN Da 1323+ , Pp 498, X 722. pn.
e-ra-de, KN Fh 357. Acc. + -<fc.
e-ra-jol-ja , KN Ap 639, Fh 1059, Lc 528 + , V
431. Ethnic: -aios, -aid, etc.
e-ra 2 , PY 172=Tn 316, [Un 219], TH Of 28.
Name of deity; dat,: Herat [*Hpq //. 1 , 572 + ;
not from *‘Hpfa as suggested by Elean
Hlpfadiois.]
e-ra-ne, KN C 902. Official title or mn?
e-ra-pe-ja, PY 317= Ub 1318. Fern. sing, (also
plur.?), adj. describing leather goods:
elapheid ‘of deerskin’. [IAd 9 Eios Xen.+ .]
e-ra-pi-ja, PY Ub 1316: Fern, plur.: el a phi ai.
e-ra-pi-ja-o (spelt e-ra-ti-ja-o in error), PY Ub
1317. Gen. plur. fern.: elaphiadn.
e-ra-pe-me-na , KN 221 =L 647. Fern. sing, or
plur. perf. part, pass.: err(h)apmend , -ai.
[^drrrrw thus proved to have no f- (see Chad¬
wick and Baumbach, 1963 , pp. 241 - 2 ); - pm -
poss. etymological spelling rather than un-
assimilaled in pronunciation ?]
544
GLOSSARY
e-ra-po ri-me-ne , PY 56=An 657. Prob. pn, loc.:
Elaphdn limenei ‘at Deer Harbour’, but might
be two personal names.
e-ra-se, PY Cn 4. Perh. elase ‘drove’: see s.v.
o-qe.
e-ra-ta-ra, PY 114=En 609, 119 = Eo 224. wn,
e-ra-te-i , PY 75 = Cn 608. pn, loc.: ElaUhi, one of
the Nuie Towns of the Hither Province, cf.
ro-u-so. [Cf. 'EXArcia (in Phocis).]
e-ra-to-de , PY 250= Vn 20. Acc. + -de:
Elatos-de.
e-ra-te-i-jo, PY 304=On 300. Ethnic: Elatehics .
e-ra-te-re-wa-o, PY 258=Jo 438, [304= On 300].
pn, gen. plur.: Elatrewdm ? [Cf. mn ’EXaTpeus
Od . vm, i 11 .]
e-ra-te-re-wa-pi, PY Cn 595, 257=Jn 829. Loc.
(abl.?): -waphi.
e-ra-te-re-we , PY Ma 333. pn, variant of prec.:
Elatriwes ?
e-ra-ti-ja-o. sec s.v. e-ra-pe-ja.
e-ra-to , KN Dc 1359. mn: Eratos, Elatos? ['Efxxro^
'EX err 05 .]
e-ra-to-de: see s.v. e-ra-te-i.
e-ra-wa [, KN 94= F 841. Gen. sing, or nom. plur.:
elaiwd ‘olive-tree’. [iXcrtcu Od. xi, 590 +.]
e-ra-wo\ [KN F 726], PY Fr 1223. Nom. sing.:
elaiwon ‘olive-oil’ with oil ideogram. [fXcnov
II. x, 577 + ; -f- attested by Lat. oleum <
*elaiuom .]
e-ra^-wo, PY 305=Fr 1184, Fr 1217, 310=Fr
1225+ . More accurate spelling: elaiwon ,
c ra wo*, KN C 1039. Prob. mn, not ‘olive-oil’.
e-re-de , PY Fr 1228, Mn 1411. Obscure, pn +
-de?
e-re-dwo-e, KN As 604, V 655. Heading to lists of
men; nom. plur.?
e-re-e l , PY 55=An 724. Pres. inf. it ten ‘to row’,
cf. e-re-ta. [tpfocrco < Hpkr-yvs. It. ix, 361 + ,]
See p. 188 .
e-re-e 2 : see s.v. e-re-i.
e-re-e-u , PY 183=Nn 831. mn, nom.: Heleheus ?
Or an official title?
e-re-e-wo , PY Na 284. Gen.: -Iivos.
e-re-e-we , PY An 723, Cn 1197, Jn 881. Dat.?:
-etvet.
e-re-i , PY 257=Jn 829. pn, loc.: Helehi. [*EXos
//. 11 , 594 , but not necessarily the same place.]
e-re-e, PY [258=Jo 438], Xn 442. Alternative
spelling ?
e-re-mo , PY 152=Er 312. Possibly eremon ‘waste
land’, [iprjuos Od. nr, 270 + .] See p. 266 .
e-re-pa, KN Sd 4412, PY 249 = Va 482. Nom.
sing.: elephans ‘ivory’. [^905 II. v, 583 .]
e-re-pa-1a, KN Og 7504. Acc.?: elephanta.
e-re-pa-te , KN [163 = Ra 984?], 266=Sd
4401+ , PY 239=Ta 642, 243 =Ta 708.
Dat.-instr, sing.: elephantei.
e-re-pa-to, KN V 684, PY 287=Sa 793. Gen.:
eUphantos.
e-re-pa-i-ro , KN Vc 212. mn.
e-re-pa-pp , KN Ce 144. mn? Variant spelling
of prec, ?
e-re-pa-te-jo, KN 265=Sd 4403, PY 239=Ta
642 + . Epithet of chariot frames and parts of
tables; adj.: eUphanteios. [£AE 9 <Wrrios Diosc.+
‘of an elephant’.]
e-re-pa-te-ja , PY 240=Ta 713 +. Fein.: elephan -
Ida.
e-re-pa-te-ja-pi , PY 242 = Ta 707+ . Instr. plur.
fem.: eUphanUidphi.
e-re-pa-te-jo-pi , KN 276 = Se 891, [X 7814?].
KnO&$ian instr. plur. masc. or neut.: eit-
phanUiophi .
e-re-pa-te-o, KN Se 1007. Variant form:
elephanteos.
e-re-ta, KN As 5941, 83 = C 902, PY [14=Ad
697], 53=An I, 55=An 724 + . Nom. sing,
and plur. masc.: eretai ‘rowers, oarsmen’,
[{ptrcu Od. 1 , 280 +.]
e-re-ta-o, PY 15=Ad 684. Gen. plur.: ere toon.
P-re-te-ri-ja, PY Pa 889. Obscure.
e-re-u-ta, KN B 5172, PY An 1423. mn?
e-re-u-te-re, PY 76 = Cn 3, Wa917. Dat. sing, or
nom. plur.? Official title: ereuterei , -res? [Cf.
Cret. ffxurds.] See p. 207 .
e-re-u-te-ro, PY 191 =Na 248 + . Nom. sing,
neut.: eleutkeron Tree of impost’. See pp. 298 ,
469 . [IXLtopoS II. vi, 455 + .]
e-re-u-te-ra, PY 192=Na 252 + . Prob. neut.
plur.: eUulkem.
e-re-u-te-ro-se, PY 190=Na 395 + , 3 rd sing. aor.:
eleuilu r/J-xr ‘he made Acc’. (tXtvGtpout Herod¬
otus +.]
e-re-u-ti-ja, KN 206=Gg 705, Od 714+ . Dat. of
divine name: ELeuthidi. [Lacon. ’EXrvOicr,
Cret. ’EXrOOvia, Horn. ElXriBuia.]
e-re-wi-jo, PY Vn 48. Followed by po-ti-ni-ja ,
apparently without division. Gen. plur.?
Palmer: Herewion ‘at the festival of Hera’,
but a place would be more appropriate.
e-ri-ka, KN 278=So 894, 280=So 4439. Gen.
sing.: helikds ‘of willow-wood’. [Arc. iXitcri
Theophr. Prob. related to Lat. salix rather
than OE welig ‘willow’ and 4 fiX(Kii ‘spiral’.]
e-ri-ka-wee, PY Un 1319. mn or pn?
e-ri-ke-re-we, KN 155 = Uf 981. mn: Eriklewes.
e-ri-ko-wo , PY 59=An 656, Ep 212, Jn 845 + .
MN.
e-ri-ma-si-fp, PY Pa 49. mn, dat.
e-ri-rto-wo, PY Na 106. pn, nom. for usual loc.
e-ri-no-wo-te, PY [An 427], Cn 4, Mn 456.
Dat.-loc.: -wontei.
e-ri-no-wo-to, PY 154=Eq 213. Gen.: -ivontos.
e-ri-nu, KN 200 = Fp I. Divine name, nom. for
dat,?: Erinus. [’Epiv0$ II. ix, 571 + .]
e-ri-nu-we, KN 208 =V 52, Dat.: Erinuei .
e-ri-qi-ja, PY [Eb 1440], Ep 539. wn: Erig u id?
[Cf. next.]
e-ri-qi-jo , PY Ea 480. mu: Erig'ios? [Cf. 'Epi-
ofttvris, etc., TToXO-pios, etc.]
545
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
e-n'-ra-ra, KN Nc 4474. mn.
e-ri-ia, PY 135 = Ep 704. wn, priestess: Eritkd?
[Cf. 'Epitos.]
e-ri-ta-qi-jOy KN As 604. mn,
]e-ri-ta-ri-jo[ t KN Xd 304, mn. Enlhalioi ? [Cf.
‘EpiO^as.]
e-ri-ti-qi[y KN B 802. MN.
e-ri-to-ti-no, PY Cn 4. pn,
e-ri-tu-pi-na t MY 303 = V 659. wn.
e-ri-we-ro , PY Vn 130. mn, dat.: Eritacroi.
[«p(t)pos.]
e-ri-*ig, KN Ag 90, mn.
e-ro-e, KN Sc 244. mn ?
e-ro-e-o, KN Xd 116. Gen. of prec.?
e-ro-ma-to, PY An 172. pn.
e-ro-Pa-ke-ja, KN Lc 534, Ld 595, MY 9 3=F o
101. Noin. plur. fern.; description of women
cloth-workers. Cf. e-ro-pa-ke-u .
e-ro-pd-ke-u, KN As 4493. mn or occupational
term? Cf. e-ro-pa-ke-ja .
e-ro-u-tdy KN Da 1162. mn.
e-rot-ne, PY Na 588. pn.
e-ro t -qo, PY Ea 29, Ea 325 + . mn.
e-ruy 'MY 106= Ce 603. Incomplete spelling of
e-ru-ia-ra.
e-ru-mi-ni-ja, PY 251 =Vn 46. Nom. plur.:
tlumniat ‘roof beams’. [4Auuvtai Hesych.)
e-ru-si-jo, PYVn 130. m n, dat.: EruSiidi. [’Epoociog.]
e-ru-ta-jOy PY Jn 725. mn.
e-ru-ta-ra 1 , PY 58=An 654, 43=Aq 64. mn.
Erulhrds . [*Ep 06 pa?<]
e-ru-ta-ra\ PY 323=Sb 1315, 317 = Ub 1318,
MY l05 = Ge 602+ . Nom. sing, or plur.
fern.: cruthra, -ai ‘red’. Cf. mn e-ru-io-ro .
[£pu 6 po$ //. xix, 38 + .]
e-ru-la-ra-pi, KN 215 = Ld 573+. Insir. plur.
fern.: eruthraphi ‘with red (patterns, spots?)*.
e-ru-ti-ri-jp[, KN Xd 297, m n : Eruthrios. ['EpufJpios.]
e-ru-to-ro , KN 39 = As 1517, 72 = Dk 1074. mn:
Eruthros. Cf. e-ru-ia-ra. ['EpodpoS.]
e-sa-pa-ke-mt[-na ?], KN X 7375. Perf. part,
pass-: esfiargmena ‘swathed 1 ? [Aor. oirap^ctv
Horn, h . Apollo 121.]
e-sa-re-Uy PY 190 = Na 395, Na 527. mn or more
likely title.
esa-re-we, KN 39=As 1517, PY Cn 1197, Dat.
e-sa-re-wi-jdy PY 45 = An 830, Ma 330,
304=On 300, Vn 493. pn. Cf e-sa-re-u.
e-sa-ro, PY [114 = En 6091, H9 = Eo 224, 143=
Ep 705, mn.
e-se-re-a t y PY 60 = An 661. mn.
cse-re-e-joy KN DJ 947, D1 949, D1 1046. Anno¬
tation giving ownership of flocks of sheep,
prob. derivative of mn (cf. prec.) or title.
e-sOy PY 45 = An 830. Poss. ensd ‘inside*. [doc*>.]
Sec p. 424 .
e-so-to, KN Am 600, 34= Am 601. 3 rd plur. fut.:
es(s)ontoi ‘they will be 1 ?
e-fp-wo-ke, PY 251 = Vn 46. Sec p. 504 -
e-ta-je-u, PY An 5. mn: Etaieus ? [Cf. pn ‘EraitlS.]
e-ta-wo-ne, KN [Ld 591], [Ld 5607J, Xe 5540.
mn, dat.? Cf. next.
e-ta-wo-ne-Uy PY 57 = An 519, 43=Aq 64. mn:
Etauvuetis. (’E-reti^veOs Od. iv, 22 +.)
e-ta-wo-ne-woy KN L 695. Gen.: Etawonewos.
e-ta-wo-ne-we } KN Ld 584, Dat.: Etdwonfwei.
e-te, KN Am 600, 34=Am 601, PY 248= Va 15?
Poss.: enlhen ‘from there’. [£v0€v.J
e-te-do-moy KN Uf 432, PY Ea 808, $ !4 = En 609,
118 = Eo 211, 131 = Ep 301. Occupational
term: earlier suggestion entes-domos (cf.
fvTEa) seems unlikely.
e-te-jo, KN Gg 521. Description of amphoras,
e-tc-/q[, KN Fh 359. Description of oil; fern.?
e-te-re-Wy PY C n 600. s 1 n.
e-te-re-tdy KN 275= Se 879, Adj. describing
chariot-frames; cf. e-ka-te-re-la.
e-te-wa, PY 56=An 657, Cn 254. mn: Etewds .
e-te~wa-o, KN X 8270. Gen.: Etewdo or nom.
EieivdSt 1 ?
e-te-wa-joy PY Cn 600, Sa 1267, Xa 639. mn:
Eiewaios . (Sa 1267 error for gen.?)
e-te-wa-jo-jo, PY Sa 769. Gen.: Etewaioio.
e-te-wa-no, KN 80= C 913, sin, dat.: Etewaintii ?
e-te-wa-tu-wo, K N C 912. m n , gen.: Etewastuos.
e-te-we, PY Cn 925. mn, dat.: Eniewei ? (Hcubeck,
1957 , p. 272 .)
e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-joy PY 58= An 654, 43=Aq 64.
Patronymic adj.: Eietvoklewehios ‘son of
Eteocles 1 . [Cf. piq ’ETEOKAqdq //. iv, 386 .]
e-ti-je-ja, PY Vn 851. wn?
e-ti-me-de-iy PY Fn 324, mn, dat.: Entimedehi?
(Heubeck. 1957 , p. 272 .)
e-ti-ra-wo, PY 61 = Cn 131, 62=Cn 655. mn, nom.
and dat.: EntilAwoSy -6i? (Heubeck, 1957 , p.
272 ) or Eriildwos ? [Cf. Aa£prq$.]
e-ti-ra-wo~fo, PY Sa 1264. Gen.: -Idutoio.
e-fi-ri-ja, PY Vn 851. wn?
e-ti-way KN Fs 19. pn?
e-ti-wa-ja, KN Ap 639, Od 681. wn.
e-ti-wd-jo, PY 248=Va 15. mn (cf. prec,}?
e-ti-wa- t.ip[, PY Wr 1359. mn?
e-ti-we, PY Fr 343, Fr 1209, 309=Fr 1224. Adj.
describing olive oil: ertiiven? [Lejeune, 1958 / 1 ,
p. 18 ; cf. fp-rts • Kpqiivds prob. a plant.] Cf.
a-e-ti-io,
e-tOy PY Va 15. 3 rd pers. dual: eston ‘are 1 ?
e-to-ki-jdy PY 251 = Vn 46, Vn 879. Nom. plur. in
list of building materials: entoikhia ‘wall-
fittings’? [(vToixios Xen.+ .]
e-to-mo-joy PY Vn 1191. mn, gen.: Heioi/noio ?
[Cf. WN ’ETofuq.]
e-ro-ni-joy PY 55 = An 724, 140=Eb 297, 146 =
Eb 473, Ep 539, 135= Ep 704. The name ofa
kind of land holding; see p. 253 .
e-to-ro-qd-td, KN Oa 878, U 736. Name of an
artifact or mn? If mn, Esthlog'atch ? (Ruijgh,
• 967 . P- 355-)
e-lo-wo-ko, KN Fh 462, PY 50=An 39, 91=Fn
50. Occupational term, dat. sing, and nom.
54®
GLOSSARY
plur.; ento-worgot? Gf. e-te^da-rm i bill s4v- is
hard to explain.
tr-to-wo-ko-i, TY Fn 79. Dat. plur.
e-u-da-i-ta, KN 1)1 47. mn.
e^u-da-mo, KN B 799, V 57, TH Z 853. mn:
Euddmts or Eudaimon. [EGSauos, ECr5alu<uv,]
fru-de-we-roj PY 6 = Ab 379 + , pn: Eudeiwelos?
[Of. EvSritAoS name of Aspledon, Strabo.]
e-u-do-no^ PY 253=Jn 3!0. mn,
x-u-ka-rtO; PY" Un 1320, mn, dat,
e-u-kd-ro , PY An 723, Jn 750. mn: Eukalos.
[tUKqAos, l)or. 6<4aAos.)
$-u-k<’-tQ t PY r l40=Eb 297, 135 = Ep 704. 3rd
siag, pres. mid.: eitkhetoi ‘she declares’ (not
’prays*), (outgo ipqcrt Kat myrrau II. xiv, 366.]
&-u-ko-me-no t PY Jn 725, [KN F 7748?]. mn:
Eukhomenos.
e-a-ko-ro, KN Dd IL49 + , V 482. mn: Enkolos t
Eukhoros, Euklos ? [EGkoAoS, £Gx o P°S» EibcAos. J
e.-u-me-de t PY r Ka 7734. mn: Eumidts. [EumiSiK
/*« x, 314,]
e-u-mc-de-u PY 305 = Fr LL84. Dat.: Esimedthi.
e-u-me-ne, PY Ea 757, Ea 822, Ju 725. mn:
Eumtnis. [EOtii^,]
e-u-me-ta, KN l>v HftB. mn; Ewniids . [EGpqTtlS-]
e-u-mo > KN Da 139i. MN.
e-u-nu-wo, KN As 1520, B 799, Dv 12tC, mn:
Eundwts. [Euvr]as IL vu, 468.J
f»u*o-mo[, KN Xd 127. mn: Eu{h)ormos ?
e-u-po-ro , MY 46= Au 102. mn: Euporos , Euphoros y
Eupdlos ? [Emropof, Evipopa;, ECrrrcjAoj.]
e-u-po-ro-wo, KN V 7620, PY Jn 60i +. mn:
Euplouoos . [EuitAous.)
e-u-qo-ne, PY Vn 130. mn, dat.
e-u-ro-wd-[, KN X 408. mn?
e-u-ru-dd-mo, KN Xd L66. m n : Euruddmos.
[EGpuBauosJ
e-V-ru-po-to-re-mo-jo , [KN Xd 92?], PY Fn 324.
mn, geu>: Euruptolemoio. [EOpuTrroArUoj.]
e-u-ru-qo-ta f KN V 147, mn; Euruq^honlds,
Euruq u hoitds ?
e-u-ru-wo'ta, PY Eb 156, [148 = Ep 6L3], 253 =
Jn 310. mn: Eurtuctds ? [Eup&mxs.]
e-u-ta-re-\vp y PY Na 525, mn, gen.., forming pn
with U'o-wo: Euihaltwos ? [CL EuGaA^s,
Ev0dAio$ etc.)
e-u-;p-f^-<7o,PY Jn 478. mn: Eutroq'os? [Eurpo-rroy.]
e-u-wd-ko-ro , PY Jn 431. mn: Eudgoros, Euagms.
[Eudyopos, EvayposJ Sec also e-uio-ko-ro.
c-u-wa-re, PY Jn 693. mn: Entires. [Eufjpqs.]
e-u-we-to, PY Jn 750. mn: Euetor, Euestor ?
e-u-we-to-ro, PY Jn 750. Gen.: -toros.
e-na-koTO, KN V 1005, TH [Z 850], [Z 883],
[Z 884]. mn: prob. variant spelling of
e-u-tva-ko-ro .
e-wd-rd-jo, KN Db 1367, mn.
e-wi-da-si [, PY Na 104. Dat. plur.?
e-we-de-u, KN Ga 423, Vc 312. mn.
e-we-ki-td, KN X 993. mn?
e-wc-pe-se-so-me-na, MY 227=Oe 127. Neut.
plur., fut. jmrt. pass.: {pharwea) eu hepslmmcna
"to be well boiled*? "b^il’.] Palmer:
compound of s0- (— £rri) + nr to.
e-we-H 'a-ta y KN V 57, [Xd 313?]. mn or title?
e-wEku-wo-te^ PY Na 604. PN, I»c.r -wuniei.
e-wi-ri-pi-jdj, PY Aa 60, Ethnic \ nom. plur. fem,;
Eivripia 1 . [Cf. next.]
e-wi-ri-po , PY' 54=An 611 . vtt:Ewnpos. [EGpmos.]
e-wisu-zo-koi KN Se 965, Sc 1007. Description, of
chariot-frames; perhaps compound of ewisu-
= l<xu < fiopo-, with protbetic vouci as
Horn. and -ay- > -itt-? Bui cf. wi-so-wo-
ptt~na.
e-H’i~su-*y<Eko t PY Va 404, 249= Va 48*2.
Perhaps variant of proc., but see Lejcune
{ 1958 ^, pp. 21 a- 17 .)
e-wi-td-jo t KN Vc 102. mn.
e-wi-te r u y PY Cn 437, [Jn832j. mn.
e-wEte-we, PY Cn 40. Dat.
e-wi-tb-wi-jo , PY Mn 456, 195 = Na245, Vn 130.
PN.
e-wEto-wo, KN B 806. mn.
e-wo-ta-de, KN C 9Q1. pn; acc. + -de or loc.?
)e-wo*ta*ol, PY Cn 314. mn, gen,?
e-ze-to, KN Od 583. Obscure.
e-zo-wo, KN Xe 5900, PY' Cn 40, On 599. mn.
e-*6s-to , PY 115 = Eu 74, 114^En 609, 118 = Eo
211, !20 = Eo 276, mn.
i-dd-i-jo, KN 232 = K 875, PY 60^An 661, TH
Of28. mn, [Prob. not = ’( 8 atos.]
i-dd-rd-td , KN Xd 154. nn.
i-do-me-ne-jd, PY Eb 498, Ep 2 12. wn: Idomeneia.
[Cf. *15op£vt0$ II. 1 , 1454 .]
i-dp-me-ni-jo, PY Gn 428. mn, dat.: Idomcnioi ?
i-du, KN Ap 639. wn.
i-e-re-u: see i-je-re-u.
i-jd-me-i , FY" Fn 324. mn, dat.
i-jd-pu^we, KN Lc 646. pn, loc. [C Ejd-pu 2 -wi ja.]
i-jd-te 7 PY Eq 146. Nom. sing.: idler ‘physician 1 ,
[iryrfip //. n, 732+, Cypr. acc. to-ni-ja-te-ra-ne
tov TaTlpav.]
i-jd-wo-ne , KN B 164, [W$ 1707?], Xd 146. mn,
dat. or nom. plur. of ethnic: lawonei? [Cf.
‘ldovrs II. xiu, 685 .J
i-je-re-jd, KN 200= Fp I 4 - , PY 27= Ac 303,
140= Eb 297 + , 114= En 609, 119=Eo 224,
Ep 539 + , 314 = Qa 12894, 3l3=Un 6 .
Nom. and gen. sin g.: hiereia f -as * priestess’,
[l^peia II. vi, 600 + .]
i-je-re-u, KN 29= Am 821, PY 44=Aq 2 18, 121 =
Eo 247 + , Fn 837, Q.a 1290, 3l5 = Qa 1296.
Nom. sing.: hiereus ‘priest’. [fepeOs IL -l,
62 + .]
i-e-re-u, PY U5 = En 74, ll 6 =En 659. Variant
spelling of prcc.
i-je-re-wo , PY Ea 756, Gen, sing.: hierew&s.
i-je-re-wi-jo , KN 232= K 875. mn or neut. adj,
describing vessel? I Here whs or hicrewiont
[Cf. lepf|tov Od . xiv, 94 + ,J
547
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
i-je-ro l , KN Fp 363. Adj. describing oil or neut. as
sb. ?: hieron ‘sacred* or ‘shrine? [kp 6 $ II. it,
305 + .]
i-je-ro-jo, PY 27= Ae 303. Gen. sing, of adj,
describing gold: hieroio .
i-je-ro *, KN Dv 1447. mn: Hier6n . [ a 14pcov.]
i-je-ro-wo-ko, PY [Eb 159], 148 = Ep 613. Nom.
sing.: hierotvorgos ‘sacrificing priest*, [lepoepyos
Call. + .]
i-je-to(-qe ), PY 172 = Tn316. Prob. 3 rd pers. of
mid. verb: sec p. 462 .
( jo-)i-je-si> PY 76= Cn 3. 3 rd plur, pres, act,
of same verb? Or hiensi ‘they send* [tript] ?
i-je-we, PY 172=Tn 316. Dat. sing., perhaps to
i-* 65 : hiewei ‘son* or error for i-je-irej-ust
(i-je-re-u) ? See p. 462 .
i-jOy KN V 1523, MY 46=Au 102. At MY either
mn or more prob. nom, sing.: ( h)ias 'son*.
Sec p. 425 . [Cf. *-* 65 .] Context at KN
obscure, possibly sing, of next.
i-jo-te, KN B 7041, L 698, PY 53 = An 1, MY
Au 657. Nom. plur. masc.: iontes'who are to
go*, [dpi, cf. Icbv xolXris dirl vr\6$ Od. n, 332 .]
i-ka-sa-ja y PY Gn 720. pn?
i-ka-se, KN Sc 258. mn. Cf. next,
i-ke-se , KN Xd 143. mn. Cf. prec.
i-ke-se-ray KN Dk 1077, Dv 1496. mn.
i-ke-ta , KN B 799. mn: Hiketds, [Cf. 'Ikst&oov
II. ni, 147 +.]
i-ku-to, MY Oi 705. mn?
i-ku-tu-re y KN L588. mn?
i ku-wo-i-pi , KN 207= V 280. Instr. plur.: see p.
476 .
i-ma-di-ja , PY Ea 816. mn or wn.
i-ma-di-joy PY Cn 436, Ea 29, 253=Jn 310. mn,
nom. and dat.
i-mi-ri-jo, KN Db 1186. mn.
]i-mi-so, KN Do 996. mn.
i-mo-ro-ne-Uy KN Vc 55, [PY Jn 927]. mn.
i-na, PY Eb 885, Ep 539. mn.
i-na-ma-ta, PY 182 = Ma 126. Obscure; see pp.
295 , 466 .
i-rta-ne, PY 51 = An 18. pn: -tints. Cf. next.
i-na-pi, PY An 5 (deleted). Instr.: -dmphi.
i-na-ni-jay PY Ae 8 , Ae 72. pn: -atria, variant of
i-na-ne,
i-na-Oy PY An 209, MY 106=Ge 603+ . mn.
i-na-o-te, MY 107=Ge 604. Dat.
i-ne-w, KN As 607, Da 1379, Xd 133? mn.
i-ni-ja, PY 114 = En 609, 118 = Eo 211. wn.
i-pa-sa-na-ti, PY Eb 1350, 121 =Eo 247. wn.
Corrected in 121 from e-pa-sa-na-ti, q.v.
i-pe-me-de-ja, PY 172=Tn 316. Divine name,
dat.: Iphemedeiai. [ J l<pip£ 6 eia Od . xi, 305 ,
which is prob. deformed by popular etymo¬
logy; see p. 288 .]
i-pe-me-de-jai-joy-qe, PY 172=Tn 316. Prob. dat.-
loc.: ‘(and) at the shrine of Iphemedeia\
i-pe-ne-o[, PY Xa 1419. In context with divine
names?
i-pe-ra-ta, PY Jn. 601. mn.
i-pe-se-wa, PY 305=Fr 1184. mn, dat.
i-pe-ta, KN Dl 949. mn.
i-po-no, KN 233=Uc 160 rev, Nom. plur.: ipnoi
‘dutch ovens*, i.e. earthenware bowls used
for baking on a hearth. [1tv6$ Herodotus + ;
the alleged sense ‘lantern* (Aristophanes) is
non-existent.]
i-po-po-qo-i(-qe), PY Fn 79. Dal. plur. occu¬
pational term: hippophorg'oihi ‘horse-feeders,
ostlers*, [bmo^oppos Plato + ; p by dis¬
similation from q, see p. 399 ]
M-Po-qa, KN 165=Gv 862: see p. 456 .
i-qa-ro, KNXd 7555. mn? Hiqq*aios? ['(TTTTaXos]
i-qe-ja, PY 312 = An 1281, Epithet of Potnia,
dat.: hiqq u tiai ‘(the Mistress) of Horses’.
[tTnreios II. v, 799 +.]
i-qi-jay KN [265=Sd 4403], 267 = Sd 4409+,
273 = Sf 4420+. Nom. sing, and plur, fern.:
hiqq^idy -ai ‘chariot*, associated with chariot
ideogram. [Originally adj. = Ittftios with
fem. substantive understood, possibly wokhd ,
sec wo-ka] See also a-qi-ja-i .
i-qi-jo, KN 266=Sd 4401 + . Nom. dual.:
hiqq v id .
i-qo, KN 82= Ca 895, PY Fa 16, 246= Ta 722.
Nom. plur., dat., instr. sing.: hiqq u oi, -oi
‘horses*. [nrrro$ < *ekuoo&.]
i-qo-joy PY 147 =Ea 59. Gen.: hiqq u oio . Sense
here and in Fa 16 uncertain, taken by
Palmer as a god.
i-qo-e-qe y KN 269= Sd 4404+ . Name of part of a
chariot made of wood; prob. compound ol
hiqq*o- 'horse*. See pp- 364 , 515 .
i-ra-ko-to, KN V 466. mn.
i-ra-tay KN Uf 1011, PY 116 = En 659, [126=Eo
281]. MN.
i-ro-tOy KN C 912. mn.
i-sa-na-o-tiy PY Cn 254. mn, dat,
i-sa-wo, KN Sc 253. mn.
i-se-we-ri-joy KN B 798, L473, X 5105. mn.
i-so-e-ko, PY Fn 187. mn or title?
i-su-ku-wo-do-tOy KN Fh 348. mn: Iskhuodoios?
[Apparently not from l<*xC>s if this has f-.]
i-ta-da-way MY Oe 106. wn?, dat.
i-ta-ja, KN Ap 769, Xe 537. wn.
i-ta-moy KN Ap618. wn.
i-ta-noy KN Xe 5877. Apparently mn; cf. next.
]i-ta-nOy KN Ap 769. wn.
i-ta-ra-joy PYJn431. mn.
i-te-ja-Oy PY 15 = Ad 684. Gen. plur. fem.:
histeidtiny ‘weavers*. [Ictt< 5$.] Cf. i-te-we.
i-te-re-wa, PY 43 = Aq 64, 258=Jo 438. pn, nom.
and gen.
i-te-u y KN 38 = As 1516. mn: Histeus? Cf. next.
PY 319 = Un 1322. Dat. sing, (or nom.
plur.): histiivei ‘weaver*, [lot 6 $.] See p. 506 .
i-te-we-ri-di, MY Oe 121. wn?, dat.
i-ti-nu-ri, KN Dq 439. mn.
i-toy KN As 1519. mn.
548
GLOSSARY
i-to-we-sa, PY 237=Ta 709. Nom. fern. sing. adj.
describing a portable hearth: hislowessa
‘provided with a lords’. See pp. 338 , 500 .
i-wa-ka , KN Uf 120, V 60, PY 253=Jn 310, Ub
1317. mn: Iwakhds?
i-wa-ka-o , PY 253=Jn310. Gen.: Iwakhdo.
i-wa-ko , KN As 1516. mm Iwakkhos?
i’wa-si-jo-ta , PY 76= Cn 3. Nom. plur. ethnic
name?: Iwastolai,
i-wa-so 1 , PY 57 = An 519, 58=An 654, 60=An
661. Name of a group of men: Iwasoi ? Cf.
prec. [Cf. 'laCTov "Apyos Od. XVI 11 , 246 ; not
to be identified with "laaos in Arcadia.]
i-wa-jo 1 , PY 62=Cn 655. mn: Iwasos.
i-we-ro, KN As 1519. mn.
i-za-a-to-mo-i, PY 91=Fn 50. Dat. plur. of
compound of a-to-mo: - arthmoihi . First element
obscure: Miihlestein hitsa- < *hiqq u ia- } but
this is problematical.
i-za-re, KN B 805. mn,
1 -* 65 , PY Ae 344, 43 = Aq 64, 44=Aq 218, [Jn
431], Jn 725. Either follows gen. of man’s
name or, with suffixed - qe , nom. of man’s
name: (h)ius ‘son*. Cf. i-je-we 172=Tn 316,
possibly dat.; i-jo. [The value of *6$=ju is
probable though not yet certain; if correct,
i-ju and i-jo bear a strange resemblance to
ulus and ul 6 s; possibly two different words
for ‘son* became contaminated leading to
both having initial (A)/- in Myc., but ul- in
later Greek; Heubeck, 1971 c.]
i-*6 5 -ke-c, KN Xd 105. Obscure.
ja-ke-te-re, PY Mn 11. Apparently variant
spelling of a-ke-te-re, a t -ke-te-re.
ja-ma-ra, KN V 503. mn.
ja-ma-ta-ro , KN V 655. mn.
]ja-mi-nu, KN Ap 5547. wn.
ja-pa-ra-ro , KN V 429, V 652. mn.
ja-pe-re-so, KN Fs 23. pn?
ja-pp , KN V655. pn?
ja-put-wi-ja , KN Lc 541. Nom. plur. fern, of
ethnic; cf. i-ja-pu x -we.
ja-qo, KN Me 4461. pn?
ja-ra-to, KN De 1424. mn.
ja-ruy KN C 911. mn.
jq-sa-no, KN 38=As 1516. mn.
ja-sa-ro, KN V 832. mn. Cf. a-ra-ro.
ja-ti-ri, KN De 1301. mn.
je-zoy KN Db 1274, Dv 5989. mn.
jo KN 201 =Fp 14, 164=Gv 863, PY 76=Cn 3,
75 = Cn 608, 257=Jn 829, MY 105=Ge
602 + . Variant spelling of prefix 0 -, q.v.
jo-e-ke-to-qo, KN 164=Gv 863. Obscure: seep.
273*
jo-i-je-si'. see s.v. i‘je-lo(-qe).
jo-o-po-ro: see s.v. o-pe-ro *.
jp-qi, PY 318 = Un 1314. Acc. neut. sing, rel.:
hoqq"i ‘which*. [6, Tt < *yod-k v i(d).]
jo-te-re-pa-tOy KN 201 = Fp 14. Obscure: seep. 307 .
ka, As adjunct to stirrup-jar {* 210 ): KN K
700: abbreviation of *ka-ra-re-u (see ka-ra-te-
we).
As adjunct to pic: PY 313 = Un 6 , Un 853:
abbreviation of kapros (icdTipos) ‘boar’.
Ideographic use: PY Un 219; in list of offerings ?
ka-a-na, KN X 728 edge. Obscure.
ka-da-i-so, KN De 5018+7693. mn. [Cf. ka-da-
si-jo.)
ka-da-i-to, KN Uf 5726. mn.
ka-da-mi-ja, MY 107 = Ge 604. A spice, prob,
kardamia = Kdp 6 awov, xapSauK ’garden cress’,
Lepidium sativum.
ka-da-noy KN Dk 1065, Dv 1128. mn: Kdddndr?
[Cf. ki^os; Heubeck, 1957 , p. 273 .]
]ka-da-ra-sOy KN F 452. mn?
ka-da-ro t P Y C n 40, mn, dat.
ka-da-si-jo, PY 57=An 519. mn.
]ka-di-ti-ja, KN V 1003. Fern, ethnic? Kadistiai ?
[Cf. K 66 icjtov 6 pos N.W. Crete.]
ka-do-wo, PY 43 = Aq 64, Cn 719. mn.
ka~e~sa-me-nOy PY 59=An 656, TH Ug 5. mn:
Kahesamenos ? [Cf. xai vouch, KeKaapfvos;
Heubeck, 1957 , p. 275 .]
ka-e-sa‘me~no~jOy PY Vn 1191. Gen.: - noio .
ka-ese-uy PY 316 = Qa 1299, MY Ge 605. mn:
Kaheseus . [Cf. ka-e-sa-me-no; Heubeck, 1957 ,
p. 276 .]
ka-e-se-wey MY 105 = Ge 602. Dat. (error?):
Kahtsewei.
fa-jay PY 318= Un 1314. Obscure.
ku-jvy KN Dv 1451. mn.
ka-ka-po, PY Jn 320. mn: Kakkabos?
ka-ka-re-q, KN 263 =R 1815. Reading uncertain,
apparently a gap after ka-ka: prob. neut.
plur.: (1 tnkheha) khalkdreha ‘(spears) with
bronze points’. [xa^K^pci 5oup( li v, 145 + .]
ka-ke, KN 38=As 1516, B 799? mn.
ka-ke-ja-piy KN 267= Sd 4409, Sd 5091, [Se893?].
Instr. plur. fern.: khaikeiaphi ‘of bronze’.
[xdXxeios II. xni, 30 +.]
ka-ki-joy KN 278=So 894, Dual neut.: khalkio
*a pair of bronze (wheels)’. [kokAcx x^ kea >
It. v, 723 .]
ka-ke-u\ KN V 958, PY 28 = An 607, Jn 725,
183 = Nn 831. Nom. sing.: khalkeus ’bronze-
smith 1 . [xcxXxeus It. xit, 295 .]
ka-ke-wey KN Fh 386, PY 253=Jn 310 + ,
178=Ma 365 +, 192=Na 252 + . Nom. plur.
(at KN dat. sing.?): khatkewes (-ewei).
ka-ke-wiy MY Oe 121. Dat. sing.: khalkewi.
ka-ke-u-siy PY An 129, Na 104. Dat. plur.:
khalkeusi. *
ka-ke-u J y PY Jn 750. mn: Khalkeus. (A smith by
trade.)
ka-ki-jo: see s.v. ka-ke-ja-pi.
ka-koy PY 254=Jn 389 + , 291 =Sa 794 + . Nom.
and instr. sing.: khalkos, -ot ‘bronze’. [xaA* 6 s
Hom+.J
ka-ko-de-tdy KN 278=So 894. Nom. plur. neut,,
549
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
of wheels; khalkodeta ‘bronze-bounci’. [xaA*6-
6£to$ Aesch. 4-.]
ka-ma , KN 1 520, PY 55 = An 724, Ea 28, Eb
159 + , 148= Ep 613, 171 = Un 718. Nom.
and acc, sing. A kind of agricultural holding,
see p. 261 . [Prob. a neut. noun in -as to
account for derivative ka-ma-e-u, but gen.
sing, seems to be needed in 148= Ep 613; cf.
PetruSevski, 1970 a, p. 126 .] At poss. mn.
kd-ma-p, PY Eb 156. Dual?
ka-ma-e-u, PY Eb 1564-, 148=Ep 613. Nom.
sing, ‘man who has a ka-ma holding 1 . See p.
261 .
ka-ma-e-we, PY 40 = An 261 +, t49=Ed 236,
150= Ed 411, Ep 539. Dal. sing, and nom.
plur.: -mitt, -ewes.
ka-ma-jo , KN Am 5882. Nom. plur., description
of men ?
ka-ma-ti-jo-jo, TH Z 850, [Z 884 0j. mn: gen.:
K harmaniioio ? [Cf. Xdpuas, XappavTlSTisJ
ka-ma-to, KN Da 1275. mn.
ka-mi-ni-to , KNDal382?,De 1260, Dk 1073. mn.
ka-mo, KN As 604. pn?
ka-mo-ni-jo, KN Da 1293. mn: Skamfodos?
ka-na-a-po, KN Vc 7518. mn.
ka-na-ko , MY 105=Ge 602 4 ; ka 4 na4 ko Ge
608. Nom. sing, fern.: kndkos ‘safflower 1 ,
Carlhamtis tinctorius. [KvfjKOS Hippocr. - 4 , 6
or ?j.) See p. 226 .
ka-na-pc-u, PY Cn 1287, U5 = En 74, 120=Eo
2764-- Nom. sing, masc.: knapheus ‘fuller,
cloth-dresser 1 . [Kvcnpcus jnscr. 6 b.c.+ ;
yva^Os prob. the later form, Schwyzcr,
Cram . 1 , 414 .]
ka-na-pe-we, MY 226=Oe 129. Dat. sing.:
knaphiwei.
ka-na-pe-wo , PY 127= Eo 269. Gen. sing.:
knaphewos.
ka-rta-pe-u-si, MY 321 = Oi 7014-. Dat. plur.:
knaphetisi.
ka-na-po-to, KN V 961. mn.
ka-na-to, MY 234=Ue 611, Wt 502 4 -. Nom. (or
acc.?) plur.: name of vessel or implement.
Perhaps: gnathoi ‘clamps 1 . [yvd 6 os in this
sense Aesch. Pr. 64 .]
ka-na-to-po , KN Ap 639. wn.
ka-ne-ja, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Prob. neut. plur. of
adj.: karma ‘made of basketry 1 . [Cf. k 6 v€ov,
Kavttov ‘basket 1 ll. ix, 2174 *.] See p. 491 .
ka-ne-u-ta. KN Da 13S0. mn.
ka-ni-to, KN Dh 1646, Dv 1449, X 7583? mn.
Ktistopoulos: Kanilhos. [KdviOos modern
name of spring on Mt Ida; Faure, 1967 , p.
58 )
ka-nu-se-u, KN As602. mn: Ganuseus. [Cf. Towuri-
8 tis; Hcubcck, 1957 , p* 269 .]
ka-nu-ta-j o, PY An 129. mn.
ka-pa, KN E 71, PY96 = Un 138. At KN perhaps
pn, cf. ka-pa-jo ; at PY description of olives
(cf. ka-po), see p. 221 .
ka-pa-jo, KN B 5752. Description of three men,
perhaps ethnic of ka-pa.
ka-pa-ra , PY Un 1321. Introduces wine entry
after to-sa\ Palmer ( 1963 a, p. 424 ) compares
crx6< faAo? dvTAtjTTip (Hesych.).
ka-pa-ra t \ K_N Ak 5009. Description of women
doth-worker(s) ?: poss. sing, of ethnic or
descriptive term in -as.
ka-pa-rayde, PY Aa 788, 26=An 292. Nom.
plur. fem.: -odes.
ka-pa-ray do , PY Ad 679. Gen. plur. fem.:
•a dm.
ka-pa-ra PY Jn 706. mn.
ka-pa-ri-jo, KN U 4478, Vc 72, V 60, V 77. mn:
Karpalion. [Kap-rraXlwv.]
ka-pa-ri-jo-ne, KN Fb 344. Dat.: Karpalionei .
ka-pa-si-ja, PY Vn 851. wn, possibly — ka-pa-iija :
Karpasid ?
ka-pp-so, KN Ai 966. Obscure.
ka-pa-ti-ja, PY 141 = Eb 338, 135= Ep 704 4 -, Un
443. wn: Karpathid ? [Cf. Kap-rrdGio* ethnic of
Kdprraflos, Horn. KpdrraOos //. n, 676 ; cf. also
ka-pa-si-ja. J
ka-pe-se-wa-o, PY Cn 453. mn, gen., forming
place name with wo-wo.
ka-pi-ni-ja, PY 251 = Vn 46, Gen. sing.: kapnias
‘of the chimney 1 . [Kcnrvla = KtrrrvoSoxri
Moeris.J See p. 504 .
ka-po , KN 94 = F 841. Possibly nom, plur.:
karpoi ([laiwas ?] 'fruits of the olive 1 . The
ligature ka + po (PY An 616, 104= Un 249,
103= Un 267, Un 592) may stand for the
same word.
ka-pte, KN Df 1230. mn: Skaptfr or Skdpter?
[craormip, cf- oxfjrrTpov.]
ka-pu-ro , KN V 961. mn.
ka-ra-a-pi, PY 246=Ta 722. Instr. plur. neut.:
krdapphi or karaapphi ( < *-at-pki) ‘with (lions 1 )
heads 1 . [Horn. gen. sing. Kap^a-ros, KpaaTos;
Rbch, 1966 a.]
ka-ra-do-ro , PY Ac 1273, 60=An 661, 75=Cn
608, 257=Jn 829, 258=Jo 438, 174=Ma
546, 186 = Na 543+. pn: Kharadros or dual
A 'haradrt? One of the Nine Towns of the Hi¬
ther Province, prob. Phoinikous. (xdpaBposJ
ka-ra-do-ro-de , PY 250=Vn 20. Acc. + -dr.
ka-ra-do-wa-ta, PY Ea 57. mn.
ka-ra-e-ri-jo, KN Fp 6 +. Name of month.
ka-ra-e-i-jo, Kn Fp 354. Erroneous or variant
spelling.
[ka)-ra-e-ri-jo-jo, KN Gg 7369, M 1645. Gen.:
-ioio.
ka-ra-i, PY [l 68 = Es 644], l67=Es 650+ . mn
( or wn?).
ka-ra-kp, M Y Ge 605. Reading very uncertain in
line 6 A; in line I read [ka-^rq-to. Possibly a
herb: glakhdn ‘pennyroyal 1 , Mentho pulegium.
[Dor., Boeot. yXoxco(v), Ion. yAtfowv Att.
ka-ra-ma-to, KN V 684. Furumark: gen. plur.
550
GLOSSARY
klasmaton 'fragments (of ivory*)\ Case un¬
explained; Palmer suspects error for ka-ra -
ma-ta.
ka-ra-na-ko , KN B 988, Obscure; mn?
ka-ra-na-ta , KN Vc 65, Xd 7906. mn: Krandtax?
[Cf. pn KpdvnJ
ka-ra-rti-jo, PY Wr 1J 99. Obscure.
ka-ra-pa-so, PY 254=Jn 389, MY Oi 705, mn.
ka-ra-pi , PY Ea 808. mn: Krambts ? [Kpap^iS.]
ka-ra-re-we , KN K 778, PY 305= Fr l 184. Norn,
plur., name of an oil-jar, probably ‘stirrup-
jar’. Householder ( 1959 a, p. 379 ): khlarewes.
[Cf. x^ a P^ v ' £Aair)p 6 s K6j0cov Hesych.] See
P 494-
ka-ra-se\ti-ri-jo, MY Wt 507. Variant or erron¬
eous spelling of ka-ra-ti-ri-jo ?
ka-ra-so-mo , PY Fn 79. mn, dat.?
ka-ra-su-no , PY 63= Cc 660. mn, dat.
ka-ra-te-mi-de , PY Gn 428. mn, dat.?
ka-ra-te-ra , MY 234= Ue 611. Apparently acc.
sing.: kraiera 'mixing bowl’. [xprprijp II. xxii,
74 1 4" •]
ka-ra-ti-ri-jo , MY 234=Ue 611. Nom. plur.;
name of vessel. Cf. ka-ra-se-tx-ri-jo.
ka-ra-to, MY 106 = Gc 603, Gc 605? In a list of
spices: possibly kalat/ios ’basket’?
ka-ra-u-du-ro, PY Eb 838, 143= Ep 705. mn.
ka-ra-u-jqi , MY Fu 711. mn?: Kldwjds?
ka-ra-u-ko, PY Cn 285, Jn 706 + , [MY Z 713?].
mn: Glaukos. [PAoukos II. 11 , 876 + .]
ka-ra-u-ro , PY An 192, Jn 750. mn: Kalauros ?
[KdAaupos eponymous hero of KaAaupia.]
ka-ra-wa-ni-ta , PY Cn 45. mn, dat.?
ka-ra-we , KN 25 = Ap 694, Ap 5868. Nom. plur.
describing women: grdwes ‘old women’.
[yptlOs Qd. 1 , 191 +.]
ka-ra-wi-ko , PY 254=Jn 389. mn: Klatviskos.
(Chantraine, 1966 , p. 1 73 *)
ka-ra-wi-po-ro, PY 141 = Eb 338, 142=Ed 317,
135 = Ep 704, 257=Jn 829, [313 = Un 6 ],
Vn 48. Nom. and dat. sing., nom. plur.,
prob. always fern.: kidwiphoros ‘key-bearer’,
title of a religious office. [Dor. KAqoco^dpos,
cf. Att. xAeiBouxos ‘priestess’. *KAafte to be
reconstructed as origin of kAeIs, etc., cf. Lat.
ciauis , prob. a loan.]
ka-ra-wi-po-ro-jo, PY Ae l 10. Gen. sing.:
klawiphoToxo.
ka-ra-wi-so , PY Ja 1288. mn?
ka-ra-* 56 -so, PY [l !6 = En 659], l27 = Eo 269
edge. mn. Cf. ka-ra-pa-so.
ka-ri-pi-jo, KN X 7918. mn?
ka-ri-se-u , KN 38=As 15I6 + , PY jn 431, MY
46=Au 102. mn: Khariseus. [Cf. next.]
ka-ri-si-jo , PY Jn 706. mn: Kharisios. [XapicnosJ
ka-ro l , KN Fh 340. pn? (G#dart, 1968 a, p. 599 .)
ka-ro\ PY 317 = Ub 13 It. Perhaps; kairos
‘fringe’? [xalpos, cf. Kaipoafcov Od. vn, 107 J
See p. 493 -
ka-ro-ke-e , PY 52 = An 207. pn, loe. [Cf. ke-e .j
ka-ro-qo, KN Sc 257+ , PY Vn 865, M Y Au 657.
MN: Kharoq u os or Kharoq u s . [Xapcntos II. n,
672 , Xapo«|< II. xi, 426 .]
ka-ro-qp[, KN X 1047. Name of object?
ka-ru-ke, PY Fn 1S7, Un 219. Dat. sing,: karakul
‘herald’. [Kqpu£ It. 11 , 50 + .]
ka-ru-no, KN Dl 412, Dl 7147. pn.
ka-ru-pi: sees.v. ka-ru-we .
ka-ru-ti-je-ja-o{-qe ), PY 12=:Ad 671. Gen. plur.
fern, of occupational term, not ethnic in view
of formation in -eia answering to masc. in -eus
(Chadwick, 1964 a, p. 323 ).
ka-ru-we , PY 245 =Ta 721. Instr. sing, fern.: a
decorative feature in ivory, perhaps karuci
‘nut, boss’. [Cf. Kcrpuov Batrach. + ; crixus/
oikuosJ
ka-ru-pi , PY 246=Ta 722. Instr. plur.: perhaps
karuphi. ,
ka-sa-no, V 831. mn.
ka-xa-ro , KN C 912, Dv 1450. mn.
ka-xa-to , KN Vc 7537, PY 50=An 39, Jn 320,
MY Go 610, Oe l 13. mn, nom. and dat.:
Xanthos, -di. [£dv0os II. v, 152 ,]
ka-si-ko-no , KN [Ra 1541], [Ra 1546], Ra
1556-4-, PY An 128, 'Perm occurring in
sword context; poss. occupational term (cf.
pi-ri-je-te) ; nom. plur. at PY. Lejcunc ( 19606 )
kasi- ‘with’.
ka-so b KN V 684. Name of material?
ka-so-, PY Cn 599. mn, dat. [Cf. Kdcros pn, II. 11 ,
676 .]
ka-ta-mi-jp, KN C 911. Nom. sing, masc.,
personal adj.?: ‘(the slave) of *ka-ta-mo\
ka-ta-ni-ja, KN L 771. Prob. nom. fern, plur.,
ethnic adj. of ka-ta-no x : Kantaniai?
ka-ta-no x , KN X 795. Possibly pn: Kantanos?
[KdxTavos S.-W. Crete.]
ka-ta-no % , PY Eb890, l43 = Ep 705. mn: Katdndr?
[Cf. nxc-ta-no.]
ka-ta-ra , KN Np 85. pn, nom. plur.: Katrai? [Cf.
KcrrpEUs Paus. vin, 53 , 4 ; Ilievski, 1959 , p.
126 .]
ka-ta-ra-i , KN Co 906. Loc. plur.: -ahi.
kq-ta-ra-pi, KN V 145, [X 7773]. Instr. plur.:
- dphi .
ka-ta-ro, KN X 8101, MY Z 202. Obscure; mn?
[Cf. xadapds.]
ka-ta-wa, PY Cn 40, Jn 605. mn, nom. and dat.
Cf. next.
ka-ta-wo, KN Dk 5201, Dv 1113. mn. [Katarwos
(Karapfos Schwy 2 cr, Dial . 654 ) satisfies
spelling, but seems an improbable name.]
ka-fq 2 -rp, KN As 604. mn.
ka-te-u , KN 7l = Dk 1072, Dv 1451 (subsequently
deleted), mn: Kasteus? [Hcubcck, 1957 , p.
274*]
ka-ti, PY 238=Tn 996. Nom. sing., name of jug
or hydria: prob. kdthis . [Cf. K^0is ‘vessel for
shaking dice’, xriOdpiov ‘voting urn’, Arc.
xd 0 i 6 oi (for - 6 rs?}' uBplai Hesych.]
551
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ka-to , K N D v 1169, Dv 5287. m n : Kast&r?
ka-to-ro, KN Do 1054 + , Dq 438, Dq 686 .
Gen.?: Kastoros.
ka-tu-rf-wi-ja-i, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Dat. plur.:
kanlhtdewidhi 'saddle-bags'? See p. 491 , and
cf. ka-tu-roj.
ka-tu-re-\yi [, KN X 1047. Prob. nom. plur.
ka-tu-rox , PY 317 = Ub 1318. Gen. plur.: kan -
ihulidn ‘of pack-saddles'? [Cf. xavGOXq
'swelling', Kavdt'jXia ‘panniers for pack-
animals', etc.) See p. 491 .
ka-u-da, KN Fs 21. pn?
ka-u-no, TH Z 839. mn: Khaunos ? [Heubeck,
1969 c, p. 146 .)
ka-u-ti-\yq, PY An 340. mn.
ka-wa-do-ro, PY Ep 212. mn: Kalwandros ? (Heu¬
beck, 1957 , p. 3 a.)
ka-wa-ra, PY 314= Qa 1289. wn.
ka-wa-ro, KN De 1287 (possibly incomplete at
left), mn.
ka-wa-ti-ro, PY An 340, Mb 1401. mn, nom. and
dat.
ka-wi-jo, PY An 192. Nom. sing., description of
man or ethnic?
ka-wi-ta, PY Cn 600. mn.
fo-wo, KN Sc 7471. Context obscure; could be
kalwo(s) = kccX 6 $,
ka-za , KN Sp 4452. Description of object called
ivo-ra with hom-shaped ideogram; perhaps
khaltsd < *khalkyd ‘of bron 2 e\
ka-zo-e, PY Va 1323. Nom. plur., description of
axones: katsohts < *kakyos-es. [Original corn-
par. of KOXO'J; cf. ppiJ £^\ fp
ka-* 5 &>na-to, KN As 1516. mn.
ka-'&no, KN Df 1219. mn.
ka-*5&so-ta, KN Ap 769. wn.
KE, As adjunct: KN As 608, As 625 (obscure). As
adjunct to vessel: KN K 773 (perh. abbre¬
viation of ke-ni-qa or ke-ni-qe-te-ive ); to
circular ideogram: KN U 436 (cf. ice + ro,) ;
inside rectangular frame (= *i8q)\ PY 314 =
Qa 1289, 315 = Qa 1296-*-.
Associated with sa ( = 'flax*): PY Na 856, Na
1041 (poss. abbreviation of word describing
land-holding, cf. ke-ke-me-na).
Ideographic use: KN Nc 5100, PY 177 = Ma90,
176=Ma 123+ (weighed commodity); (with
numeral, not weighed): KN Gg 711.
]ke-a: see [e^-ke-a*.
ke-do-jo, PY Ua 158. Gen. sing.?
ke-do-si-ja, KN B 799, B 804. Heading to lists of
tnen.
ke-e, PY Aa 93, Ad 295. pn, loc.
ke-i-ja, PY Qa 1303. Nom. sing. fern, of ethnic,
or personal name?
ke-i-jo, PY Na 577. Ethnic used as pn.
ke-e-pe, MY l07=Ge 604. mn, dat. Possibly an
error for ke-pe-e, dat. of ke-po.
ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na, PY 184=Nn 228. pn. Probably
adj. (cf. ke-e) + krdnd 'spring'. OpiWq.)
ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na, PY Xa 70. Variant spelling of
same name?
ke-ka-to, KN 39=As 1517, PY Pn 30. mn.
ke-ka-u-me-no: see a-pu ke-ka-u-me-no.
ke-ke-me-na , KN 157 = Uf 835, 162=Uf 983, Xe
664 + , PY Ea 757 + , 144=Eb 866 + , 131 =
Ep 301+ . Nom. and gen. sing., nom. plur.,
perf. pple. pass.: kckcsmxnd, - nds , - nai . The
meaning is approximately 'belonging to the
demos, communal'. The form kekesmend (cf.
ncAjo, xdcov) 'divided' is recommended as
most likely interpretation by Heubeck ( 1967 ).
ke-ke-me-na-o, PY 146=Eb 473 + , 149=Ed
236, 135=Ep 704. Gen. plur. fern.: kekes-
mentfdn
ke-ke-me-no , PY 45=An 830, 141 = Eb 338,
135 = Ep 704. Acc. dual fern.: kekesmeno. In
An 830 interpretation of form doubtful.
ke-ke-me-no-jo, PY 190= Na 395. Gen. sing,
masc. or neut.: -meiuno.
ke-ke-tu-wo^e, PY40=An261. Heading to list of
men, nom. plur. masc. of perf. pple. ?
ke-ki 1 , PY An 192. Nom. sing, description of man:
-is? See p. 430 .
ke-ki-de , PY 56=An 657 + , 187 = Na 514 + .
Nom. plur.: -ides.
\kt-ki-do, PY Na 848. Gen. plur.: -iddn ?
ke-ki\ PY Jn 692, Jn 725. mn.
ke-ki-jo, PY 56=An 657, 44= Aq 218, mn or
patronymic adj.? Cf. ke-ki*.
ke-ko-jo , PY 91 = Fn 50, MY Ui 651. mn, gen.
ke-ku- r ?> KN Xd 7656?, PY Mn 162. mn, dat.:
JCefkucui? [Cf- KtpKuXus.]
ke-ma-qe-me, KN 161 =Uf 839. Context obscure.
ke-ma-ta , KN V 684. Context obscure, but
kxrmata 'slices' seems possible, [Ktppa.]
ke-me-ri-jo , PY Fn 324. Qualification of man's
name, perhaps ethnic or patronymic adj.
ke-me-u, KN Dv 1427. mn: Kelnuus? [Cf. KfXws.
K£Anos.)
ke-ni-qa, KN Ws 8497. On sealing with a-sa-mi-lo,
nom. sing.?: khetniq u s (or acc. khernig*a?)
'vessel for washing the hands’? [x^pvivy Od.
1 , 136 + 'water for washing the hands'; cf.
X^pvi^ov //. xxtv, 304 ‘vessel forthis purpose'.]
ke-ni-qe-te-we . [KN X 768], MY Wt 503. Nom.
plur.: khcmiqPlewes 'wash-hand-basins'. [Cf.
X*pvi 4 >, Xcpvlirroncu; see prec.)
ke-nu-wa-so, KN 161 =Uf 839. Context obscure.
ke-o-te-ja , TH Of 28. Fern, dat.: epithet of
goddess Hera?
ke-po, MY 105=Ge 602, 106=Ge 603 +. mn.
ke-po-da : see ke-u-po-da.
ke-pu, KN Ap 639. wn.
ke-puj-fc-u, KN Vc 7575. mn.
ke-ra 1 , KN 163 = Ra 984. Perhaps ace. sing.:
keros 'horn' (context obscure, see p. 456 ).
Npa$.]
]ke-ra-a, KN 231 = K 872. Nom. plur.?:
kera{h)a.
55 2
GLOSSARY
ke-ra-e, PYSa840. Dual: kera{h)e?
ke-ra\ PY 137= Eb416, 135 = Ep 704, Acc. sing.,
prob.: geras ‘gift of honour*, [y£pas 6 ti 5 ^ 0 $
f 6 o>K£V Od. vu, 150 +.]
ke-ra-ja , KN V 831. mn.
ke-ra-ja-pi , KN 266 = Sd 4401+, 274 = Sf 4428.
Instr. plur. fem.: keraia'phi ‘made of horn’
(description of some fitment on chariots).
[KEpabs 11. ut, 24+ ‘horned’, if this is not
from *KEpaf 6 s, cf. Lat. ctruos ‘stag’; cf. repaid
‘horn* Aesch. + .]
ke-ra-i-jo-pi ,KN Sd4450. V ariant spellingof prec.
ke-ra-me-ja, KN Ap 639. vvn: Kerameia. [Fem.
to repaid.]
ke-ra-me-u , PY Cn 1287. Nom. sing.: kerameus
‘potter*. [repapEus 11 , xvtit, 601 +.]
ke-ra-me-we , PY 52=An 207. Nom. dual:
keramixtt.
ke-ra-me-wo, PY 117 = En 467, 130=Eo 371.
Gen. sing.: keramewos .
ke-ra-me-wi [, MY Oe 125. Dat. sing.: keramiwi.
ke-ra-no{-qe), KN 85 = Ch 896. Name of one of a
yoke of oxen: Kelainos . [reAaivbs ‘dark’.]
ke-ra-so , MY 303 = V 659. wn: Keraso?
[K*pacros.]
ke-ra-ti-jo-joy PY An 424. m n, gen. forming place
name with tvo-ivo .
ke-ra-u-jo , PY Eb 501, 131 = Ep 301. mn.
ke-re , KN As 1516, B 805. mn: Kris ? [Kpifc.]
ke-re-at , PY 236=Ta 641. Acc. plur. neut.:
skeUha ‘legs (of a tripod cauldron)’. [ctk£Aos
( only of a man) //. xvi, 314 +.]
ke-re-na, KN M 719. Obscure.
ke-re-no , PY Cn 599, MY 46=Au 102. mn. Prob.
nom. and dat.; at MY the entry vir 2 is
prob. an error for I or the second name has
been omitted. Possibly Gerenos. [Cf. Tep^vios.]
ke-re-si-jo we-ke , PY 236=Ta641, 237=Ta 709.
Description of tripod cauldrons. Palmer
kresiownges ‘of Cretan style or workmanship’,
see p. 336 . [Cf. Avxtocpyite Herodotus+ ,
KopivOioupyifc, etc,]
ke-re-ta~o , PY Cn 1287. Gen. sing, ofmasc. man’s
or god’s name, or gen. plur. of fem. noun?
Owner(s) of a do-e-ro .
ke-re-te, PY An 128. Nom. plur.: Kriles ?
ke-re-te-u, PY 147 = Ea 59, Ea 304+, 110 = Ea
800, Xa 565? mn: Kretheus. [Kp^fteus Od. xi,
237-1
ke-re-ti-wo , PY Na 547. pn.
ke-re-u , KN Ag 91, PY 147 = Ea 59 (error for
ke-re-te-u?), Ea 827. mn.
ke-re-wa, KN Od 666 ?, Xd 282. mn: KUw&s ?
[KAias.)
ke-re~za> PY Aa 762, Aa 807, Ab 217, Ab 586,
Ad 318, Ad 686 . Name of place or area at
Pylos.
ke-ri-mi-jaj KN 212 = Lc 535, PY 28 = An 607.
Both contexts obscure; perhaps an adj.
describing women.
ke-roy PY Jn 413. mn.
KE + RO„ KN [U 436?], U 746. Written over
circular ideogram no. 172; possibly ketion
‘honeycomb*, but etymology of Ki^po?
uncertain.
ke-ro-ke-re-we-o , PY 285=Sa 487. mn, gen.:
Kheroklewehos.
ke-ro-si-ja, PY 40 = An 261, An 616. A group of
men under a qa-si-re-u, prob. geronsia ‘council
of elders’. See pp. 172 , 421 . [yepouaia.]
ke-ro-te , KN B 800 (erased), PY Jn 881. Prob.
nom. plur.: geronles ‘old men*, [y^pcov.]
ke-ro-ta, KN Ld 785, Ld 786, Ld 788. Neut.
plur. adj. describing cloth: prob. geronla ‘old’.
[Cf. pa-ra-ja=pataia in same context Ln
1568; y^pov 06 x 05 Od. xxn, 184 , etc.]
ke-ro-u-te-u, PY Cn 600, [Fn.324]. mn: Keloutheus ?
[Cf. xiAa/Oos, 6 k 6 Aov 8 os.]
ke-ro-u-te[.-we], PY Fn 324. Dat.
ke-ro-we, PY Cn 4. mn.
ke-ro-woy PY 31 =Ae 134, 61 =Cn 131. mn, nom.
and dat.: Know os?
ke-ro-wo-jo, PY 62= Cn 655. Gen.
ke-sa-da-ra, PY Ea 828, Fg 368, Mn 1368 + , wn:
Kessandra ? [K€Oo 6 v 6 pa (vase inscr. for
KaaaavSpa): Heubeck, 1957 , pp. 321 273 .]
ke-sa-do-ro, KN As 1520, B 798. PY Vn 130. mn:
Kessondros? [Cf. ke-sa-do-ra.]
[ ke]-sa-do-ro-jo , KN B 809. Gen.: Kessandroio.
ke-sa-me-no , PY 61 = Cn 131, Fn 324. mn:
Kessammos . [Pple. of •l-reS-odMiv, cL
re 8 vo$; Hcnbrrk, 1957 , p. 273-]
ke-se-ni-wi-jo , PY Fr 1231. Adj. describing oil:
xenwion ‘for guests*. [£dvia (*^vfia) II. xi,
779+-]
[ke-se-'lnu-wi-jo, PY Fr 1255. Alternative
spelling of prec.
ke-se-nu-wi-ja , KN 215 = Ld 573 + . Neut. plur.
describing textiles: xenwia.
ke-se-ne-wi-jay KN Ld 649. Alternative spelling
of prec.
ke-se-rtu-woy PY Cn 286. mn?: Xenwdn. [Core.
l^VfCJV,]
ke-tdy PY Jn 706. mn.
ke-ti-de{-qe), MY 303 =V 659. wn.
ke-ti-roy KN Da 1323, U 172 +, PY Jn 415. mn.
ke-toy KN Da 1134 + , PY Cn 436. mn.
ke-to-ro, KN C 954. mn.
ke-u-po-da, PY 190 = Na 395, Na 527. Prob. a
title; Palmer: kheuspondds ‘libation-pourer*?
ke-po-di r, PY 189= Na 568. Prob. defective
spelling.
ke-u-po-do-Oy KN C 1044, Dq 442. Gen.
ke-u-po-de-jdy KN 90 = G820. Obscure: seep. 21 ^.
ke-u-sa, KN D1 946. mn.
ke-we-no, PY Cn 600, Jn 431. mn, nom. and dat.
ke-we-to, PY 253=Jn 310. mn.
ke-we-to-jo, PY253=Jn3l0. Gen.
ke-wo-no~jo. PY 57=An519. mn (commander of
an o-ka), gen.
553
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
)k^-wo-re-u-si t KN Ws 1707. Obscure; dat. plur. ?
ke-zoy PY Cn 328. mn?
ke-* 8 'j~* 18 , KN Dd 1425. mn.
ki, As adjunct to sheep and coats: KN C 7088,
Dh 1243 + , Dk 1066 +, DI 412 + , Do9l9 + :
meaning ‘young’, ‘new-born’ (Killen, 19640 ,
p. 78 ), perhaps abbreviation of word used in
fern, ki-ra.
As adjunct to tunic: KN 219= L 594, 221
L 647, 220= L 870+ ; =ki-to ‘tunic’.
Ideographic use: KN L 1649, U 5653(?):
prob. = prec.
ki-da-pa, KN 278 =$0 894. I Yob. name of timber,
cf. CKiv 6 a*y 6 s?
ki-da-ro, KN E 842. Obscure, perhaps mn. [Cf.
Ki 6 ap(a epithet of Dcmeter.]
ki-do-ro, KN X 7557. mn?
ki-du-ro, PY An 192. mn.
ki-e-u, PY 55= An 724. mn.
ki-e-wo, PY 43 = Aq 64. Gen.
ki-je-u , KN Xd 94. Variant spelling of nom.
ki-jo-ne-usi, PY Gn 428. Dat. plur. of occu¬
pational term?
ki-ka-ne wi-jo-de, PY Vn 48. Prob. pn + -<ie;
formerly read as one word.
ki-ke-ro, KN As 1519. MN.
ki-ma-ra, PY Aa 63. Nom. plur. fern., description
of women, possibly ethnic.
ki-ma-ra-o , PY Ad 668 . Gen. plur.
ki-ma-ta, KN As 1520. mn.
}ki-ma-to, KN V 7620. mn (prob, complete).
ki-mu-ko, KN Dv 1085. mn.
ki-mu-ku, KN Db 1327. mn. [Cf. prec.]
ki-ni-di-ja, PY 5 = Aa 792, Ab 189, 26=An 292.
Nom. plur. fern., description of women:
Knidiai. [KvISos.J
ki-ni-di-ja-o, PY Ad 683. Gen. plur.: Knidiadn .
ki-nu-qa , KN Ap 618. wn.
ki-nu-ra, PY Q.a 1301, Vn 865. mn: Kinuras.
fKivi!/pris //. xi, 20 .]
ki-ra(-qe), MY 303= V 659 (twice). Either wn or
more likely term of relationship (cf. tu-ka-te-qe
in same tablet): possibly gild ‘female infant’.
[Cf. veoyiA 6 $ ‘new-born’ Od . xti, 8 6 4,
Chadwick, 19636 , p. 65 ; see also ki.)
ki-ra-di-ja , KN V 1005. Nom. plur. fern, of ethnic
adj.? [Cf. iKipds epithet of Athena, IicjpdSiov
axpov.)
ki-ra-* 56 -so, KN Fh 360. mn?
ki-ra^-i-Jo : see s.v. ki-ri-ja-i-jo .
ki-re~i-W, KN Da 1098 edge (erased), mn.
ki-ri-ja-i-jo , PY 57= An 519. mn: Kiljaioi,
Kirjaios ? [KlAAaios, Kippafos.j
ki-ra 2 -i-jo , KN Sc 103. Variant spelling.
ki-ri-ja-si, KN B80I. mn.
ki-ri-jo-te , KN Da 1163+, Db 5272+. Frequent
annotation on shekp tablets; prob. adj.
describing rams.
ki-ri-ko , KNX 1041. mn?: Krikas? [Cf. KpiKOS.)
ki-ri-ne-to, KN Dv 1248. mn.
ki-ri-se-we, PY An 298. Nom. dual or plur., a
man’s trade: khrisewes ‘anointers?, painters?,
plasterers?’ [Cf. 'oil, plaster*;
Xphrrqs ‘white-washer’ Hesych.)
ki-ri-ta l , KN 90 = G 820. Acc. sing, or plur.:
kr it ha >i, krithans ‘barley*. [Kpi 6 f|, Kpi&ccl II. Ki,
69Y.3
ki-ri-ta *, KN Ld 785. Prob. neut. plur. adj.
describing cloth: khrista ‘anointed, painted
(with red spots?)’. [xP lCTT &0
ki-ri-ta-de , KN Ws 8493, X 8768. Possibly pn +
1 de , perhaps fem. acc. plur., cf. next.
ki-ri-ta-i, KN Od 5003. Dat.-loc. plur.? Or
from ki-ri-ta i ?
ki-ri-te-M-ja , KN Fp 363, PY 28=An 607, 139=
Eb 321, 135= Ep 704. Nom. plur., a class of
women possibly with a religious function.
See p. 167 .
ki-ri-te-wi-ja-i, KN 89 = E 777. Dat. plur.
ki-ri-te-wi-ja-pi , PY Un 1428. Instr. plur.
ki-ri-ti-jo-jo , PY 167= Es 650. Gen. sing.;
possibly the name of a month: Krilhioio ?
ki-ri-* 82 -jo> PYJn 320. mn: Kritiuaios? [KpicrcxTos
adj. of Kpiaa; Chadwick, 1968 a, p. 65 .)
ki-si-wi-ja , PY Aa 770, [Ab 194). Nom. plur. fern,
of ethnic adj. The suggestion that this is
ancestral to XI 05 (p. 156 ) depends upon the
assumption that *ksu) developed to as
*ksm to khm in alxPH, cf. o 3 -ka-sa-mo; but if
Xios (adj.) is really from *Xho$, we should
expect an extra syllable.
ki-si-wi-ja-o t PY Ad 675. Gen. plur.: -don.
ki-si-wi-je-ja , KN Xd 98. Context obscure; wn?
ki-si-wi-jg, KN V 60. mn. [Cf. kisi-wi-ja.]
ki-ta-ne-to, KN 29=Am 821, Da 1108. mn.
ki-ta-no , K N Ga 1530 +, X 1385. Probably name
of a condiment.
ki-ti-je-si , PY 193= Na 520, [Na 1179). 3 rd plur.
pres.: ktiensi ‘they settle, bring into culti*
vation’? [Athematic conjug. of verb later
represented by ktIjoj, cf. Skt. kflti ‘resides’;
see Palmer, 19546 , p. 26 .]
ki-ti-me-na , [KN X 7753?], PY 111 = Ea 71 + ,
117 = En 467 + , 118 = Eo 2I1 + . Nom. and
gen. sing., nom. plur. fem.: ktimend, -ds , -at,
serving to denote land not administered by
the damos, see pp. 233, 444 * [Cf. luKTfptvos
II. 11 , 501 + .]
[ ki-)ti-me-no , PY 153 = Er 880. Prob. ace. neut.
sing.
ki-ti-me , PY U 7 = En 467. Defective spelling of
ki-li-me-na.
ki-ti-ta , PY 54 = An 610, 55 = An 724. Acc. sing.,
nom. plur,: ktitdn, -tai 'settlers, inhabitants’.
[ktitiis Eur., cf. -nrpiKTlTai Od. xi, 288 , and
rne-ta-ki-ti-ta.]
ki-to. KN Lc 536, 222= L 693. Nom. sing.:
khilon ‘tunic’, or possibly ‘fine linen’. [x»t<£>v
‘ tunic’ Od. xv, 60 + , Ion. kiBcov.] See p. 320 .
ki-to-ne , KN L 771. Prob. nom. plur,: khildrxts.
554
GLOSSARY
ki-to-na, KN Ld 785. Acc. sing, or plur.?
ki-to-pi , KN Ld 787. Instr. plur.: khitdmphL
\ki-to-ni-ja : see s.v. e-pi-ki-to-ni-ja.
ki-u-ro, KN B 801, D1 47? mn.'
ki-u-ro-i, PY 324=An 1282. Dat. plur.; probably
some part of or equipment for a chariot.
Palmer ( 19630 , p. 328): kiuroihi ‘baskets 1 . [Cf.
xlovpos Hesych., Hebr. kiyydr ‘pot, basin'.]
ki-wo(-qe), PY 251 = Vn 46, Nom. sing.: kiivon
{q M e) ‘and a column’, [xicov Od. xix, 38 +.]
ki-wo-na-de, PY Vn 48. Acc. sing. + -tk;
Kiw&na-de, used as place name.
ki-zo, KN Ap 5748. wn?
ki-*i8-i-so, KN Da 1363+ 1428. mn.
ko, KN Ap 629; abbreviation of ko-wo or ko-wa ?
As adjunct to cloth: KN L 8105,
In lists of spices: KN Ga 34, 203 = Ga 953+,
PY Un 219, Un 592 (with condiment), MY
106 =Ge 603+ ; abbreviation ofko-ri-ayda-na,
etc. ’coriander’.
Ligatured with skin: PY 171 = Un 718; abbre¬
viation of ko-wo ‘sheep-skin*.
On armour tablets: PY 295=Sh 734, 293=
Sh 737 + : abbreviation of ko-iu-to (see ko-ru)
‘(plates) of the helmet’.
ko-m, KN X 737. mn?
ko-a-ta, KN B 798. mn, dat.?
ko-a 2 -ta y PYJn 706. mn, prob. variant spelling.
ko-do, KN l61 = Uf 839, PY 113 = Ea 824, 112 =
Ea 825+ , Vn 130. mn, nom. and dat.
ko-do-jo , PY 1 11 = Ea 71, Ea 754. Gen'.
ko-do-ro y PY Jn 706. mn: Kodros. [K65pos.]
ko-i-no: see s.v. ko-no.
ko-i-rP, PY Eb 862, l48=Ep 613. mn.
kokq-re-u t TH Of 30. mn? [Cf. next.)
ko-ka-ro, PY Fg 374, 305= Fr 1184. mn, nom.
and dat.?: Kokalas. [KdacaXos.]
ko-ki-day KN 265=Sd 4403, 282=So 4430.
Entry preceding o-pa } poss. mn in gen. (cf.
a-Te-ki-si-to- jo).
ko-ki-de-joy KN Fh5465. Context obscure; cf. prcc.
ko-ki-joy PY 56= An 657. mn: Kokkion ? [KokkIcov,]
ko-ki-re-ja, PY 235=Ta 711,240=Ta 713, 241 =
Ta 715. Nom. sing, fern.: adj. describing
ewers and tables: konkhileid ‘decorated with
sea-shells’? [Cf. * 6 xAos Eur. +, xoyxvXjov
Eptch.+ , etc.) See p. 335 ,
ko-kuy KN Dh 1240. mn: Kokkux ?
ko-ku-roy KN B 803. mn: Gongulos (Landau).
[ Toy y 6X05.]
ko-ma-do-ro, PY |255=Jn 658J, Jn 725. mn.
ko-ma-tay MY93 = Fo 101 , [303= V 659?). wn:
Komdtd . [Cf. mn Kopotcxs.]
ko-ma-we, PY57 = An5l9, Jn 750. mn: Komdwcns.
[kou^hS-]
ko-tr.a-we-tOy KN Dk 920+, Dv 1272+ . Gen.:
Komdwcntos.
ko-ma-we-te, KN 80 = C 913, Dk 1049?, PY
Cn 925. Dat.: Komdwentei.
ko-ma-we-ta, KN B 798. mn, dat.?: Komowaitai?
ko-ma-ne-te-ja, PY l72=Tn 316, TH Of 35.
Name of a female deity? See p. 463 .
ko-na, PY Ep 212, MY Ue 652. At PY possibly
erroneous repetition of preceding ko-to-na , or
adj. koinds ? At MY context obscure.
ko-ne-wm-ta, PY Jn 431. mn.
ko-ni-dm-jo, KN 38=As 1516. mn,
ko-ni-jQy PY An 615. pn? [Cf. ko-no z .]
ko-ni-jo, PY 54= An 610. The omission of the
man ideogram may be accidental, due to
lack of space; perhaps nom. plur. masc., cf.
ko-ni-ja.
ko-ni-ti-ja-ja, PY Vn 879. Nom. plur. adj. or
noun describing artifacts.
ko-no'y PY 203=Ga 953[+]355, MY 105 = Ge
602+ . Probably a condiment: skhoinos,
perhaps ‘sweet rush’ or ‘ginger-grass’, Cym-
bopagan schoenanthm. See p. 226 , [Not Cretan
X^vvoi ‘cups’ (as proposed by Maddoli,
1968 ).]
ko-i-no, MY Ge 606. Variant spelling.
ko-no PY I54=Eq 213. With o-ro-jo forming a
place name; gen. plur.? [Cf. ko-ni-ja ,]
ko-no-ni-pi, KN 229 = K 434, PY 244=Ta 714.
Instr. plur. fern., part of the decoration of a
jug and a chair: possibly kononiphi ‘cross-bars,
rods’. [Cf. xavovls (xerveov); ko- for k 3 is
suspect, but perhaps justified in a loan word
(Babylonian though cf. ka-ne-ja.]
ko-no-soy KN Ak 626, 213 = Le 641 +. pn:
Knosos. [Kv»coa 6 s JL 11 , 646 +; cf. Egypt.
ku-nu-I/ Faure ( 1968 ).]
ko-no-so-de , KN C 5753. Acc. + -M: Kndson-de.
ko-no-si-joj-jciy KN 38=As 1516, B 1055, 89=
E 777, V 56+ . Ethnic adj.: Kndsioi, -ai , etc.
ko-no-[.]-du-ro{-qe)y MY 46=Au 102 (formerly
read ko-no-pu t -du-ro). MN.
ko-o-ke-ne, MV 321 = Oi 701 ( do-ke-ko-o-ke-ne ).
mn, nom.: Koogtnis ? [Cf, Kotoyh/ift.]
ko-o-ke-ne-i, MY Oi 703, Oi 704. Dat. - ginthi.
kp-pm-yyi-jo, PY Fn 324, mn, dat.?
ko-pe-re-u, KN 29=Am 821, PY 169 = Es 646,
l67=Es 650. mn: Kopreus. [Korrpcus II. xv,
6390
ko-pe-re-wo, PY 168=Es 644. Gen.: Kopriivos .
ko-pe-re-we, KN Fh 5486. Dat.
ko-pi, KN Ap 639. wn.
ko-pi-nmy PY 148= Ep 613. wn.
ko-pu-ra, KN L 5998, [X 8267?]. Obscure;
personal name?
ko-ra, MY Ui 651. Perhaps wn, gen.
ko-re-tey KN 83= C 902, V 865, PY 43= Aq 64,
257=Jn 829, 258=Jo 438, l83 = Nn 831,
304=On 300. Nom. sing, masc., title of
official in tributary villages, ‘mayor’? Form
to be restored unclear, but an agent noun in
-Ur. See p. 511 . [Cf. po-ro-ko-re-le } do-mo-ko~ro.\
ko-re-te-re, PY 257 =Jn 823, Xn 1357. Nom.
plur., dat. sing.: - tires, -tirei.
ko-re-te-riy PY 304 = On 300. Dai. sing.: -liri.
555
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ko-re-te-ri-joy PY 45 —An 830. Adj. describing
land belonging to a ko-re-tr. -tirios f -on,
ko-re-wo, KN Ln 1568. mn?
ko-ri-a r da-na, PY 103 = Un 267, MY Ge 605.
Nom. plur. neut.: korihcdna (- ondixa. ?) ‘cori¬
ander (seed)’ Coriandrum sativum . [icopiavvct
Anacr. 6 b.c. + , also KopIavSpov, xopIaufiXov,
KoXiavSpov, Kopiov; classical forms in¬
fluenced by popular etymology; for Myc.
pattern cf. 'ApidBur).]
ko-ri-ja-da-na , MY Ge 605. Variant spelling.
PY An 616. If correct, variant
spelling.
ko-ri-ja-do-no , KN 98= Ga 415, 99=Ga 418+ .
Nom. sing.: kori(h)adnon.
ko-ri-jo, KN Dv 1267. mn: Skolios? [ 0 x 0 X 16 $.]
ko-ri-si-ja, PY Eb 347, 115 = En 74, [122 = Eo
160], 121 = Eo 247, Ep 212. wn: Korinstd.
(Fem. ethnic, see ko-ri-to .]
ko-ri-to , PY Ad 921. pn in Further Province:
Korinlhos . [Not to be identified with K 6 piv 6 os
on the Isthmus.]
ko-ri-si-jo , PY 52= An 207, An 209. Nom. plur.
masc., ethnic adj.: Korinsioi. [Normaldevelop¬
ment of *Korinlhios ; Kopivflios in Att.-Ion.
is analogical or borrowed from West Greek.]
ko-ro x , PY Eq 146. Context fragmentary; gen.
plur.: khoron ‘of the lands’? [X&P°S H. hi,
315 + 0
ko-rcPy KN De 1152, PY 61 = Cn 131. mn, nom.
and dat.: Khoiros , Khdlos? [Xolpos, XcoXoS.]
ko-ro-tfy-wo, PY Na 1041. pn. [Bennett suggests
reading ko raJo^fi-LCO, cf. ko-ro-jo-ao-oui-ju.]
ko-ro-ja-ne, KN Fh 382. mn, dat.
ko-ro-ja-ta, PY Ac 72. mn.
ko-ro-jo-wo-wi-ja, PY Mn 456. pn: gen. sing.
Khdroio? + ivorwia. [opiov, cf. uw-m/o.]
ko-ro-ki-ja, PY Aa 354, Ab 372, 26=An 292.
Nom. plur. fem. of ethnic adj.
ko-ro-ki-ja-o, PY Ad 680. Gen. plur.
ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo, PY 59=An 656, 60=An 661,
Na 396, 186=Na 543 + . Nom. plur. masc.
of ethnic adj. Attempts to relate this to
KopKvpa= K^pKvpa or KpoxOAeia are prob¬
ably vain. See p. 430 .
ko-ro-no-we-sa, PY 235 ='la 711. Nom.s'mg. fem.,
describing a ewer: perhaps koronowtssa ‘with
a curved handle’, [xopoovbs, cf. Kopcbvr| Od. t,
441 .] Palmer: klonoutessa ‘decorated with a
throng of warriors’. See p. 498 .
ko-ro-sa-no t KN Vc 53. mn.
]ko-ro-te-M-jo, PY Na 512. pn.
ko-ro-to, MY Oe 106. Nom. sing., applied to
wool; possibly khrostos ‘dyed’. [xptp 3 <o might
however yield *khrowistos.]
ko-ro-tai, KN 218 = Ld 598 + . Prob. neut.
plur., applied to cloth, but ta 2 prob. implies
an ending -l{h)ia. This may therefore be a
different word. [Perhaps cf. xpocaoi ‘tassels,
fringe’.]
ko-ro-tu-rto, PY Jn 478. mn.
ko-ro-we~ja[y KN X 1013. No context; cf. ko-ru-
we-ja ?
ko-ro-ze-kd, PY An 192, mn.
ko-ruy KN [300=Sk 5670], 325 =Sk 8100, [Sk
8149]. Nom. sing, korus ‘helmet’. [x 6 pus Od,
xxiv, 523 +.]
ko-ru-tOy PY 292 = Sh 740+. Gen. sing.:
koruthos. {Abbreviated ko PY 295= Sh 734 +.)
ko-ru-pi(-qe), PY 239=Ta 642. Tnstr. plur.:
korupphi (y“e) < *koruth-phi.
ko-ru-dd-ro-joy PY 33 = Ae 26. mn, gen.: Koru-
dalloio. [Cf. Kopu 8 aAX 6 $ name of an Attic
deme.]
ko-ru-noy PY 61 = Cn 131, Cn 719. mn, nom. and
dat.
ko-ru-td-td, PY Cn 254. mn, dat.: Koruthatai?
[Cf. next.]
ko-ru‘to x , KN Dv 1310. mn: Koruthos. [K 6 pu 6 os,]
ko-ru-to 1 : see s.v. ko-ru.
]ko-ru-we-jd t KN L472. Fem. plur. adj. describing
textile-workers. [Cf. ko-wc-ja.]
ko-sd-md-rte, PY An 615. Obscure, mn?
ko-sd-md-tOy KN Ga685, PY [Eb915], Ep212. mn.
ko-soy KN As 40. mn.
ko-so-joy KN Ap 637. Gen.?
ko-so-ne, PY Cn 45. mn, dat. [Cf. prec.]
\ko-so-m-jd, KN U 437. Description of rectangular
ideogram, perhap [a]xonw ‘small shafts’.
[< 5 ^ 6 viov Hero 3 b.c. + ; cf. a-ko-so-ne.)
ko-so-u-tOy KN Ch 900 (fcp-su-u-to-qe), PY 254 =
Jn 389. At KN name of ox, at PY mn:
Xouihos. [ 200605 .]
ko-td-woy PY Jn 431. mn.
ko-te-ri-jdy PY 237 = Ta 709. Name of a utensil in
a list of hearth implements: nom. plur. fem.
or neut. Palmer: kho(s)stiria(i) ‘shovels’, see
P- 499-
ko-te-roy PY Xn 1127 (deleted). No context.
ko-te^Uy KN Do 1054. mn.
ko-tiy KN Db 5352, De 1084. mn.
ko-tOy KN C 912, mn: Kolhdn? [KcoOcov.]
ko-to-ndy PY 43=Aq 64, l08=Ea 817 +, 144=
Eb 866 + , 117 = En 467+, 118 = Eo 211 +,
131 = Ep 301+ . Nom. and gen. sing., nom.
and acc. plur.: ktoind , - an , -ai, -ans, ‘estate,
plot of land’. [ktoTvch' Stylos peutpioufuos
Hesych.; a unit of land with religious
associations in Rhodian inserr. From *kUi- f
cf. ki-ti-je-si.]
ko-to-i-ndy KN 156= Uf 1031 +. Fuller spelling.
ko-to-nd-no-noy PY Ea 922. Mistake for ko-to-na
< ay-no-no.
ko-to-nd-Oy PY 140=Eb 297 + , I35 = Ep 704,
Wa 784. Gen. plur.: ktoinaon.
ko-to-noy PY 141 =Eb 338, 128 = Eo 273. Acc.
dual: ktoind.
ko-to-ne-tdy PY 151 = Ed 901. Nom. plur.:
ktoinetai ‘men of the kloina\ exact meaning
uncertain; see p. 453 . [Rhod. KTOivfrau]
556
GLOSSARY
ko-to-ne-we, PY Ac 995. Nom. plur. = prec.?
ko-to-no-o-ko, PY 140=Eb 297, 133“ Eb
8*16 +, 121 = Eo247+, 131 = Ep 301 + . Nom.
and acc. sing.: ktoino{h)okhos , -on, ‘holder of a
ktoina\
ko-to-no-ko, PY Eb 173. Mistake for ko-to-no-
o-ko.
ko-tu-ro % , PY Cn 436, Eb 892 + , [ 131 = Ep 301J,
Jn 431, TH Of 34. mn: Kotulion? [Cf.
K 6 tuAos, etc.]
ko-(n-rot-ne, PY Eb 1347. Dat.: Kotulidnei?
ko-tu-we , PY An 233, An 615, Na 908. pn, loc.:
Gortuei? [T 6 pTuS in Arcadia, Palmer, 19630 ,
p. 71 , but this is unlikely to be the correct
location.]
ko-tu-wo, PY 154= Et( 213. Gen.: Gortuos?
ko-u-ra, KN 211 = Lc 532 + , PY La 623+, MY
L 710. Nom. plur. ncut.?, description of
textiles; no satisfactory explanation.
ko-u-re-ja , KN Ak 643, 25 = Ap 694, Lc 550,
Lc 581. Nom. plur. fem. or neut., description
of textiles or more likely their makers: ‘for
ko-u-ra'.
ko-wa, KN 23= Ag 1654+ , 17 = Ai 739 + , 18 =
Ak 611 +, Ap 639, PY l=Aa 62 + , 6 = Ab
379 + . Nom. sing, and plur. fem. (also used
for dual to prevent confusion with ko-wo ):
koru'd, -ai ‘daughter, girl\ [xoupii It. vi,
420 +, Alt. K 6 prj, Arc. K 6 pfa.]
ko-wa-to, PY Cn 328. mn.
ko-we , KN Ws 8498. Obscure.
kn-wt-ja, KN X 697. Prob. variant spelling of
ko-ru-we-ja.
ko-we-jo, KN Dk 925. Describing sheep,
masc. plur.?
ko-wi-ro-wo-ko, KN 48 = B 101. Nom., number
uncertain, name of a man’s trade: kowilo-
ivorgos ‘make of hollow-ware'? Exact sense of
koIXos here cannot be determined, [xoiAoup-
y 6 $ Zeno papyrus.]
ko-wo\ KN Ag 87+, 17 = Ai 739 + , 18 = Ak
611 + , 35 = Am 8I9 + , V 482 + , PY 1 = Aa
62 +, 6 = Ab 379 + , 8 = Ad 670 + , 26=An
292+, MY Oc 121. Nom. sing., dual and
plur., dat. sing.: korwos, -5, -oi, - 6 i ‘boy, son;
(in plur.) children*. [»coupos Od. xtx, 523 +,
Alt. K 6 po$, Dor. Kwpos.]
ko-wo PY 171 =(Jn 718. With ideogram
hide + ko: kowos ‘sheepskin, fleece’. [Horn.
Ktbta, k cocci (//. ix, 661 +) should have a
sing. perhaps kgocx$ is influenced by
other nouns in -as such as 6 £|ias, *£pas,
>cp£as.]
ko-za-ro, PY Jn 431. mn. [Cf. ko-ka-ro ?]
KU, As adjunct to cloth ideogram: KN L 514,
L515 + .
As adjunct to wool ideogram: TH Of 26, Of
28, Of29 + .
As adjunct to *125 (cyperus?): KN F 157, MY
U e 652: = ku-pa-ro ?
Ideographic use: MY 106= Ge 603, 107=Ge
604+ : abbreviation of ku-mi-no ‘cumin*.
Obscure: PY Un 1319, MY Ui 709.
ku-da-jo{-qe ), KN V 1004. mn: Kudaios, Khudaios?
ku-da-ma-ro , PY 168= Els 644, l67=Es 650. mn.
ku-do , KN Dfl2l0. mn: Kudon? [K06cov.]
ku-do-ni-ja , KN 84=Ce 59, Co 904, 90 = G 820,
Lc 481, Sd 269=4404+. pn: Kudonia.
[Ku5covla (site of modern Chania), cf. K05coves
Od. hi, 292 ; Egyptian kiny, Faure, 1968 .]
ku-do-ni-ja-de, KN L 588. Acc. + -de: Kudonia ri¬
de.
}ki 4 -do-ni-jo[, KN Xd 169. Masc. ethnic?
ku-i-so, KN Da 5214. mn.
ku-ja-ro , KN De 1254, X 44. mn.
ku-jo , KN Df 5211. mn.
ku-ka, MY Oe 121, mn, dat.: Gugai? [ruyns.]
ku-ka-da-ro , KN 158= Uf 836. mn.
ku-ka-no, KN Dc 1337. mn.
ku-ka-ra-so , PY Cn 643, Cn 719. mn.
ku-ka-ro, KN Da 1238, 262 = Ra 1548, V 653.
mn: Ktikalos? [Cf. KunaAa name of Attic
deme.]
ku-ka-so , KN As 5719?, V 429. mn.
ku-ke-re-Uy PY Jn 845. m n : Kukleus. [KukAcus-]
ku-ke-so, KN Dd 1306, mn.
ku-ke-to, KN Da 1392. mn.
ku-kp-wi-rq, KN X 7644. Obscure.
ku-mi-no , MY 105=Ge 602 + . Nom. sing, neut.:
kuminon ‘cumin’, Cuminum (yminum. [xOmvov
Hippocr. 5 b.c. +. Semitic loan-word, cf.
Ugaritic kmn y Hebr. kammon , Akkad, kamunu.]
See p. 227 *
ku-mi-nay MY Ge 605. Nom. plur.: kumina.
ku-mi-soy KN Da 1202. mn.
ku-mo-noy KN Dk 945. mn, dat.: Gumndi?
ku-mo-no-soy KN Da 1313. mn.
ku-na-jay PY 235=Ta 711. Nom. sing, fem.,
description of a ewer: gunaia ‘of a woman’,
exact sense uncertain, perhaps ‘for women’s
use* or ‘decorated with a figure of a woman’
(Palmer), [yuvata 5£>pa Od. xi, 521 , etc.]
ku-na-ke-ta-iy PY 191 =Na 248. Dat. plur.:
kunagetahi ‘for the huntsmen*. [Kuviyyrnis
Od. tx, 12 o + . Dor. Kvvoyfras.]
ku-ne, MY Fu 711. mn?, Kuncs? [K0vr|$.]
ku-ne-u, KN Da 1396. mn: Kuneus?
ku-ni-ta, KN B 798. mn, dat.?
ku-pa-nu-we-to, KN 39 = As 1517. mn.
ku-pa-ri-se-jdy PY 284=Sa488. Nom. plur. neut.:
kuparisseia ‘(wheels) of cypress-wood’. [Cf.
KUTrapiaatvos Od. xvn, 340 + .]
[ku-]pa-ri-so, PY 187=Na 514. pn: Kuparissos r .
[Kvirdpiaaos, Horn. KvirapiaoriHS II. It, 593 ;
cf. present Kyparissiay not necessarily the same
site.]
ku-pa-ri-si-jo, PY 56=An 657. Ethnic adj.:
Kuparissioi.
ku-pa-ro, KN Ga 465, 102=Ga 517+. A condi¬
ment, nom. sing.: kupairos, -on, ‘Cyperus
557
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
rotundu.s\ [KUTmpav Thcophr. + , also
KOTTfipo^, Ion. KOTtEpos, Dor. Kuxraipos
(Aleman). Not in sense ‘Cyperus longin' cf. JL
xxi, 351 . Probably loan-word, cf. Hebr.
koper .]
ku-pa-roi, PY 104=Un 249, 103“ Un 267.
Variant spelling: kuparyos ?
ku-ro-ro 2 , PY An 616. Mistake f#r prec-
ku-pa-ro-we, PY Fr 1203. Adj. describing oil,
nom. sing, ncut.: kupairousen ‘scented with
cyperus’.
ku-po-rQ-<ji$, PY 1201. Prob. false reading for
prec.
ku-pa-sa » KN V 145. pn?
]kki-p<?-si-ja f KN V 1043. Perh. fcm. or ncut.
plur. of ethnic adj.
[ku ?-]pe-ra, MY 234==: Uc 611. Doubtful rcstora-
tion; if correct, nom. plur.: kupella ‘drinking
cups’, [KUTTEAAa II. Hi, 248 +.]
ku-pe-re-te, KN B 799. mn.
ku-pe-se-ro , KN 260=Og 4467. mn: Kupsdos .
[Kv+eAo$.]
ku-pe-te-jo , KN X 974. Obscure.
ku-pi-ri-jo , KN Fh 347 + , 102=Ga 517 +, PY
61 “Cn 131, Cn 7L9, Jn 320, Un 443.
Unequivocally mn at PY in Cn and Jn;
doubtful at KN and PY Un 443, but strong
reasons for regarding it as the name of an
unguent-maJcer are adduced by Godart
( 1968 ^). Kuprios.
ku-po, MY Oe 103. Personal name, dat,: masc.
or fern. ?
ku-ra-no , KN 39“ As 1517. mn: Kulldnos?
[KOAAqvos.]
ku-re-we, KN B 164, PY 57=An 5I9 + , 76=
Cn 3, 177=Ma 90. Nom. masc. plur. Name
of a class of men, possibly ethnic; see p. 430 .
ky-ri-na-ze-ja, PY Fn 187. Persona] name or title,
dat.?
ku-ri-sa-to , KN X 8101, PY An 5, Cn 4, Jn 706.
MN.
ku-ro-ro 2 : error for ku-pa-ro 2 , see s.v. ku-pa-ro .
ku-ro 2 , KN As 603, U 4478, PY Ea 814. mn, nom.
and dat.: Kurios , -oi ? [Kvpio^.]
ku-ro 2 -jo , KN B 822. Gen,: Kurioio.
ku-ru-ka, KN Vc 5510. mn. [Prob. not Glukas ,
see Chadwick, J 968 C, p. 195 .]
ku-ru-me-ne-jo, KN Fh 5502. mn?
ku-ru-me-no, KN Sc 236, PY 43=Aq 64, TH Of
33. mn: Klumenos . [KAun*vo$ Od . in, 452 .]
ku-ru-me-no-jo , PY 58= An 654. Gen.: Klu-
menoio.
ku-ru-me-ni-jOy KN Da 11 73. Patronymic adj. ?:
Klumenios ‘son of K,’
j*H-rw-m-ra, KN X 1525. mn?
( 111 -w-no, KN As 625. mn?
ku-ru-no-jo , PY Ea 801. Gen,
ku-ru-soy KN 231 = K 872, PY 244= Fa 714,
247=Ta 716. Instr. sing.: khruso'i ‘with gold’;
also adj.: khnuos, -oi, -6, -ois ‘golden’ (perh.
khrussos < *khru^yos?). [xpuoos ‘gold’, JL vi.
48 +; XP^( 0 °S (generally scanned as
disyllabic) ‘golden’, JL 1 , 15 , etc. From Hebr.
and Ugaritic haru}-, both substantive and
adj.]
ku-ru-so-jo, PY 27= Ae303. Gen. sing.: khrus»io
‘of the gold’.
ku-ru-sa-pi, PY 242=Ta 707, 244=Ta 714.
Instr. plur. fcm. adj.: khntsdphi ‘golden’.
ku-ruso-wo-koy PY 52 = An 207. Nom. plur.:
khrusoivorgot ‘goldsmiths’, [xpuoroupyos Sep-
tuagint + ; cf. xp'-'aoxoos Od. m, 425 + .]
ku-ru-su-*p6, KN 230= K 740. Nom. sing.:
description of a three-legged vessel, possibly
a compound of khrus - ‘gold’. See p. 32 /.
ku-ru-zo, TH Z 840, 841,845 + . Isolated inscr. on
vases; prob. mn. [Not Glukinn, sec Chadwick,
1968 c, p. 195 .]
ku-sa-me-ni-jo, PY 57= An 519, 44=Aq 218.
Patronymic adj. from * Kussamenos : Kvssa-
menios. [ *KVcra(f£pEVos participle to
adxpiiv, cf. KO 609 , etc.; Heubeck, 1957 , f. 273 .]
ku-so, PY Eb 893, 131 = Ep 301. mn.
ku-so-no, PY Ac 8 . mn.
ku-su , KN L698. Preposition with dat.: ran ‘with’.
[£uv Horn. +.]
ku-su-pa , KN Fh 367. Nom. sing, ncut.: to-so-ku-
su-pa = toson xumpan ‘so much (olive oil)
altogether’. [£v);mcxs Od . vit, 214 + .]
ku-su-pa-ta, KN Dp 699. Nom. plur. ncut.:
xumpanta.
ku-su-qa, PY Ed 847 (deleted). Prob. error for
ku-su-to-ro-qa.
ku-su-to-ro-qa > KN 36=B 817, PY 150=Ed 411,
153 = Er 880. Nom. sing,: xunstroq M ha ‘aggre¬
gate, total’. [Identity with ou<rrpo 9 ?) is highly
probable in view of meaning deducible from
contexts, but this conflicts with current view
of etymology of crrp^pod, which may be wrong;
see Chadwick and Baumbach, 1963 , p. 246 .]
ku-ta-i-jo, KN 39=As 1517. mn.
ku-ta-i-si-[ t KN X 7891. mn, prob. ku-ta-i-si-[jo ],
variant spelling of next.
ku-ta-si-jo, KN Dv 1237, Dv 1394. mn: Kutaisios ?
[Cf. ku-ta-ti-jo.]
ku-ta-toy KN [84=Cc 59], 68 = De 1648, 69=
Df 1119, 71= Dk 1072, 72 = Dk 1074 + . pn:
Kutaiton ? [Cf. KOtoiov?]
ku-ta-i-to, KN 83 = C 902, Xd 146? Variant
spelling.
ku-ta-ti-jojja, KN Ga 419, 90=G 820+ .
Ethnic adj.
ku-te-ra 2l PY Aa 506, Ab 562. Nom. fcm. plur. of
ethnic adj.: Kutherai ? [Cf. pn Ku&qpa?]
ku-te-ra-o, PY Ad 390, Ad 679. Gen, plur,:
Kother don ?
PY 40=An 261. mn: Kuthireus ? [Cf.
KuGnpa pn.]
ku-te-re-u-piy PY 28=An 607, Na 296. Instr.
plur. pn: Kuthireuphi ? [Cf. ku-te-re-u.]
558
GLOSSARY
ku-te-ro , KN B 822. mn: KuihJros? [KuSjjpo^.J
ku-te-se-jo , PY 242=Ta 707, 243=Ta 708+ .
Nom. sing, and instr. plur.: kuteseios, -oh
‘made of ebony’. [See ku-U-so.)
ku-te-se-ja , PY 240 =Ta 713+ . Nom. sing,
fern.: kuUseid,
ku-te-ta-joy PY 242 = Ta 707. Error for ku-tc-sc-jo.
ku-te-so, PY 242=Ta 707. Nom. s ing?: kutesos ,
a kind of wood, probably ‘ebony’, [kutkjos
‘ bastard ebony’. Laburnum vulgare , Theophr.j
ku-to t KN 38=As 1516. mn.
ku-tu-qa-noy KN Ap 639, Da 1161? Personal
name, wn in Ap, mn in Da (if complete).
ku-wa-ni-jo{-qe) , PY 244 = Ta 714. Instr, plur.
masc.: kuwaniois ‘with (palm-trees?) of lapis-
coloured glass’. [kuAv€ 05 //. xi, 26 +.]
ku-wa-noy PY 239—Ta 642, 244=Ta 714. Instr.
sing.: kuandi ‘(inlaid) with kyanoSy lapis-
coloured glass’, [kuouos kl. xi, 24 , both
lapis lazuli’ and ‘blue glass paste imitating
this*. Cf. Ugaritic iqnu, Akkad, uqnu ‘lapis
lazuli'? S#e further HaJleux ( 1969 ).]
ku-wa-no-wo-ko-iy MY Oi 703+. Dat. plur.:
kuanouvrgoihi ‘for the £ya/uM-workers\ [Cf.
ku-tva-no.]
ka-wa-tay KN Ws 8754. mn?
ku-*6j-so , PY ll5 = En 74, 121 = Eo 247. mn.
MA, Ideographic use: KN 203=Ga 953, PY Un
219, MY 106=Ge 603, l07=Ge 604: abbre¬
viation of ma-ra-tu-uto ‘fennel*. Sometimes
apparently used in error for wool, which
has an extra element.
As adjunct to * 177 : KN U 4478: obscure.
ma-diy KN As 603, Db 1168. mn.
ma-di-qoy KN B 806, D1 930, Dv 1460, Kydonia
jar? (Kadmos 6 , 1967 , p. 107 .) mn.
ma-du-ro, PY 62=Cn655. mn.
PY Jn 725. mn: Makhdtds. [Maxcrras.]
The same man as ma-ka-wo, but which is
correct? See p. 511 .
ma-ka-wOy PY 255=Jn 658. mn: Makhdwon.
[Max<5t<ov //. 11 , 732 + .] See s.v. mn-ka-ta.
ma-ke-ray KN V 831. mn.
ma-ke-ra-mo[y KN Xd 154. mn?
ma-ki y KN Xd 107. mn?
]ma-ki-nu-wo f KN Np 858 (prob. complete at
left), mn?
ma-ki-ro-ne, KNGg995. Dat., perh. divine name?
ma-ma-roy KN B 801?, PY 62=Cn 655. mn:
Marmaros . [Mdptiapo^.]
ma-mi-di-to y KN C 911. mn?
ma-na-je-u[, KN V 958. mn.
ma-na-sa, PY l72 = Tn 316. Dat., divine name.
ma-na-si-we-ko, PY Jn 431. mn: Mndnu>ergos.
[MvqoUpyos.]
ma-ney PY Mn 1407. Personal name or place
name?
ma-ni-koy PY Cn 1287. mn: Manikhos? [Thess.
Mdvixos; Chantraine, 1966 , p. 168 .J
ma-no, MY 93= Fo 101, 303= V 659. wn, nom,
and dat.: Aland?
ma-no-u-ro, PY Jn 605, Jn 692, [Jn 725J. mn.
ma-qe, KN F 51. Obscure.
ma-ra, KN Xd 7662, PY Cn 328. mn.
ma-ra-me-na[y PY Vn 1191. wn: perh. A idlamend
(cf. 'probe*), Ruijgh, 1967 , p. 368 .
ma-ra-ne-nu-we, PY 54=An 610, [Mn 1410?]. pn.
ma-ra-ne-ni-jo, PY 175= Ma 393. Variant form
of prec. or ethnic ?
ma-ra-ni-jOy PY Cn 643, Cn 719. mn: Malanias ?
[Cf. pn MaXavfa (Cyprus).J
ma-ra-pi, PY 77 = Cn 418. Perhaps instr. plur.:
mala'phi ‘under the legs’. [Cf. 0 tt6 ;i 6 AtisJ
See p. 436 -
ma-ra-pi-jOy KN Dd 1296. mn: Maraphios?
[Map<5«piOs.]
ma-ra-si-jo, PY 3l2 = An 1281, Jn 706. mn.
ma-ra-ta, PYJn 750. mn.
ma-ra-te-u, PY 56=An 657, 44-Aq 218, Cn 328.
MN.
ma-ra-te-we, PY l 95 =Na 245. Nom. plur., a
class or trade.
ma-ra-d-sa, PY 45 = An 830. Obscure.
ma-ra-tu-wo, MY l05=Ge 002+. Nom. sing.:
moraduvon ‘fenncf\Formru/um vulgare . [popaQov,
udpaOpov.]
ma-ra^-wa, PY 144=Eb 866, 143 = Ep 705. wn:
Marraitod ? [Cf. Mappalo^.J
ma-re-ku-na, PY ll5=En 74, 120= Eo 276. Man’s
or woman’s name; the gender is wrong in one
case.
ma-re-woy PY 56=An 657. mn, gen.: Mdliwosy
Malleivos ? [Cf. MaAo$, MaAA 6 $,]
ma-ri, KN D1 947, D1 948. pn.
ma-ri-joy KN X 1581. Obscure, possibly ethnic
ofprcc.
ma-ri-ne[ t MY X 508. Obscure, cf. next.
ma-ri-ne-we, KN Ga 674, Gg 713. Dat. sing,,
name of deity ?
mq-ri-rte-wOy KN As 1519 (now seen to be
correct reading): gen.
]ma-ri-ne-we-Ja-iy TH Of 25, Of 34. Dat. plur.
fern, derivative of pr«c.
ma-ri-tay PY Jn 832. mn: Malilds . [MaMn^.]
ma-ri-ti-wi-joy KN Da 1461, PY An 594, Cn 40,
MY V 662. mn, nom. and dat.
ma-ro l , PY Cn 40. pn. (Perhaps abbreviation for
ma-ro-pi?)
ma-ro~piy PY Cn40, 61 =Cn 131+ . Loc. plur.:
Moldmphi ? (Ruijgh, 1967 , p. 368 .)
ma-ro l y PY Cn 328. mn.
ma-ro-ne, KN Fh 347. mn, dat. [From ma-rd 4 ?)
ma-sa, KN 84= Ce 59?, Dq 42, Ga 1058, X 7776.
PN.
ma-sa-d€y KN X 744. Acc. + -de>
ma-se-de, PY Cc 1285, Mn 1411. Obscure, pn or
MN?
ma-je-wi-raj-[, KN Ws 1701. On sealing; obscure.
ma-si-dwoy KN Fh 360. mn.
559
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ma-so-mo, KN D1932. pn?
ma-so-ni-jo, PY Vn 851. mn, dat.?
ma-so-qe, KN F 854. mn 4 -q u e?
ma-ta , PY Cn 4. pn with a-ko-re-u-U?
ma-ta-i, PY An 172. mn.
ma-ta-ko, PY Jn 845. mn: Malthakos?
ma-ta-u-ro , KN Dv 8151. mn.
ma-ta-wo, PY Ac 27. mn.
ma-te, PY 28 = An 607. Nom. sing, fern.: mdlir
‘mother’. [uf|Tqp.]
ma-te-de , PY 28 =An 607. mdlir de ‘and the
mother’.
nm-te-re, PY 306= Fr 1202. Dat. sing.: rndlrei
{theidi) Ho the Divine Mother*.
ma-le-u-piy KN K 877. Obscure.
?lma-te-ue, PY Cn 40. mn, dat.
ma-ti‘jo. KX D 1024. mn?
ma-ti-ko. KX' Yc 295, V 831. mn: Aldlikhot.
(Miynxo^: Chantraine, 1966 , p. 173 .J
ma-to-ro-pu-ro, PY Cn 595. pn: Aldlroptdas ?
ma-to-pu-ro. PY Mn 1412. Error or variant
form (Matorputoi ?).
ma-tu-\yq, KX‘ Ln 1568. Personal name, dat.
ma-u-ti-jo. PY Cn 40, 254 =Jn 389. mn, noin. and
dat.
ma-wa-si-jo, PY Jn 431. mn.
"*«**7$» PY 115=En 74, 120=Eo 276. wn.
me. Adjunct to children: KN Ak 634, Ak 5741:
prob. abbreviation of mt-u-jo{-e) ‘smaller’.
Ideographic use: PY 177= Ma 90, 179= Ma
193 + , Mn 11, 97 = Un 2, Un 2l9, 103=
Un 267: possibly not the same word in all
cases; see p. 465 .
me-de-i-jo , KN B 800. mn: Alidnos. [Mqffctos.)
me-ka-o, PY Na 571. mn, gen. forming pn with
itv-ivo: Aiegao ? [Mfyns.]
me-ki-ta , KN L 469?, Xc 537. Adj. describing
cloths, prob. nom. plur. ncut.: megida ‘of the
largest size 1 . [yiyt070$.] Cf. me-sa-ta,
me-ki-ti, KN Dv 1434. mn.
me-ki-to-de[ t PY Fr 1244. pn, acc. 4 -dr?
me-ki-to-ki-ri-ta> PY [Aa 955), Ab 575. Descrip¬
tion of one woman, probably her name:
Megistokntd. [Cf. McyicTTOnAffr, etc., *Aya06-
KplTO$, etc.]
me-na, KN E 842, Fs 3, Gg 717. Possibly acc.sing.:
mine ‘mouth’, but context obscure and
perhaps a different word.
me-na-wa-te[, KN Fh 5723. mn, dat.?
me-ni-jo, PY Wa 114. Nom. sing, neut.: minion
‘monthly ration*. [Cf. uqvtfla.]
me-no, KN 200=Fp 1, 201 = Fp 144, 204=
Gg 7044, M 1645, Oa 7374, PY 310= Fr
1225. Gen. sing.: menos ‘in the month of*.
[u*ft //. xtx, 1174 .J Cf. me-na , me-ni-jo,
o-pi-me-ne.
me-no-e-ja , PY 239=Ta 642. Adj. describing a
table, nom. sing. fern. Obscure; earlier
suggestion menoeid ’crescent-shaped’ is in¬
correctly formed, unless there is a derivative
*min6s in Myc. Perhaps name of a material
(Palmer, 1963 a, p-345)*
me-nu-ai, PY 44^=Aq 218, Qa 1293, Qa 1301.
Nom. sing, title of an official. [Cf. MivOoti
Hdt. 1 , 1464 .]
me-mi-wa, KN Sc 238, V 60, Xd 7702, P Y 55=
An 724. Alternative spelling, prob. used as
mn at KN.
me-pp, PY An 616. Nom. sing., name of a liquid.
me-ra, KN 161 = Uf 839. Context obscure; see
p. 272 . Perhaps pn, cf. next.
me-ra-de, KN Fh 5505. pn, acc. 4 -dr?
me-ra-to, PY Jn 832. mn: Melanthos. [MeAavSos,]
me-re-ti-ri-ja , PY 1 = Aa 62, Aa 764. Nom. plur.
fern., a woman’s trade: trulelriai ‘corn-
grinders’. [Cf. wr-rr-«-ra=dAeupov ’Hour*;
dArrpfs Od „ xx, 1054 .]
me-re-ti-ra lt PY Ab 789. Alternative spelling.
me-re-ri-ra^-o] , PY Ad 308. Gen. plur.
me-re-u, PY Ep 539. mn: Meleus?
me-re-u-ro, PY 171 = Un 718. Nom. sing.:
mtlevron ‘Hour*. [jidAiupov Alcaeus, prob.
influenced by 6 Aiupov.]
me-ri, KN 205 = Gg 702 4 ; as monogram me + ri
Fs 24, 206 = Gg 7054. Nom. sing, with
amphora ideogram: meti 'honey*. Od .
xx, 694 .) Cf. me-ri-ti-ja.
tne-ri-tOy PY 1 7 1 = U n 718. Gen. sing.: me Hi os,
me-ri-da-ma-te, PY 50=An 39, 52 = An 207.
Nom. dual and plur., title of an official;
perhaps mtlidamarte , -Us “superintendants of
honey* (no doubt exercising other (religious ?)
functions). [Cf. du-ma.J
me-ri-du-ma-te , [KN X 1045?), PY 50= An 39,
An 424, 49=An 4274. Variant spelling?
me-ri-du-ma-si, PY Fn 867. Dat. plur.
me-ri-du-(e , PY 91 = Fn 50. Error for me-ri-du-
<ma>-lr.
me-ri-re-H'o, PY Ea 771, Ea 481, Ea 8014. Gen.
sing., man's trade: melitiutos 'bec-kccpcr* ?
[From ucXit- ‘honey’ rather than u£Ai<roa
‘bee’ as mcAkto£U$ Arist.4.)
me-ri-ti-joy PY Wr 1360. Nom. sing. masc. ?, with
ideogram wine: mditws ‘honeyed’. [Cfl olvo*
UcAitiios Plutarch 7 . 672 b.J
me-ri-wa-ta, KN Dv 1255, [PY Jn 431?]. mn:
Mcliwdlds? [Cf. ueMct? or MeXiaorot priests
of Dionysos.)
me-sa-po, PY Na 606. pn: AUssapos? [Cf Mtcroa-
irdai Laconia.)
me-sa-ta , KN L 735. Description of cloth, nom.
plur, fern.?: mes{s)al<ii 'of medium size or
weight*. [uea<xrro$ ‘midmost’ It. vm, 2234 1
Cf. me-ki-to,
me-sa-to, KN Wb 1714, Wb 58224. On
sealings with ideogram nom. sing,
masc. or neut.?
me-ta(-qe), PY 57=An 5194. Prep, with dat.:
melo q"e ‘and with (them)’. [Cf. und opiv
Od, iv, 17 .)
GLOSSARY
me-ta-ka-wa, PY 312 = An 1281. Prob. wn, dat.:
M ttakaliD&i ?
me-ta-ke-ku-me-na , KN 274= Sf 4428. Nom. sing,
fem. of perf. pple. describing framework of a
chariot: metakekhunund ‘taken to pieces*,
‘knocked down’? See p. 516 . [prr 6 + x^ 00 ;
cf. x u6,! ) v j etc.; for sense cf. Lat. confusus.]
me-ta-ki-ti-ta, PY 54=An 610. Nom. plur., a
class of men: metaktilai ‘fellow or new settlers*;
cf. ki-li-ta . [Cf. tiiroocos, lifTavoKJ^S )
me-ta-no, PY Cn 719, mn: Metandr. [Cf.MrrdvEtpa
Horn, hymn Dem. 161 + ; Heubeck, 1967 , p. 31 .]
me-ta-no-re , KN Uf 1522. Dat.: Metdnorei
me-!a-pa, PY 302 = Ac 1280, 28=An 607, 43=
Aq 64, 75=Cn 608, 257=Jn 829, 177 = Ma
90 4-. pn; Meta pa, one of the Nine Towns of
the Hither Province. [Mirtnra, but not to be
identified with know n sites.]
me-ta-pa-de, 250 = Vn20. Acc. + -de: Metapan-de.
me-ta-pi-jo, 58=An 654. Nom. plur. masc.
ethnic adj. Metapioi. [Cf. t 6 $ MetctttIos in
Elean inscr. Schwyzer, Dial . 4 * 4 .]
]me-ta-ra-wo[y KN B 799. mn: Metalawos.
me-ta-ri-ko-wo, KN Vc 291. mn,
me-ta-se-we , PY 251 = Vn 46. Nom. plur.: in list
of building materials ; see p. 504 .
me-ta-* 47 -H>a, MY Go 610. mn, dat.
me-te-to, PY Mn 456, Na 337, Vn 130. pn.
me-te-to-de, PY 41= An 35.
me-te-we } PY 61 =Cn 131. mn, dat.: Methitvei ,
Mitiwei?
me-ti-ja-no , [KN Np 273?], PY 317 = IJh 1318.
mn; Mestianor (Ruijgh, 1966 ) or Miiti&ndr
(Heubeck, 1967 , p. 31 ) or Mtlidndr { — Misi-,
cf. Mqoiova^); cf. ne-ti-ja-no.
me-ti-ja-no-ro, PY Vn 1191. Gen.: -anaros .
me-to-qe-u, PY An 192. mn: Metoq'etis? [Cf.
MhxOTTOS.]
me-to-re, KN Da 5295, 260=Og 4467, PY Na
924. mn.
me-tu-ra , PY 30 = Ae 264 + . Prob, acc., meaning
obscure.
me-tu-rOy KN C 954. mn: Methullos ? [Ml 8 vAAos.]
me-tu-wo ne-wo (or as one word?), PY 306 = Fr
1202. Possibly dating formula; see p. 480 .
me-u-jo, KN Ak612, Ak 614 + . Nom. sing. masc.
and fem. (apparently sometimes used in place
of dual): meiwyds ‘smaller’, ‘younger*, [iieioov
Hom.+ ; reconstruction of form uncertain:
meiivijo- Heubeck, 1963 a, pp. igg- 2 O 0 .]
me-wi-jo , KN 18 = Ak 611 + , PY 236=Ta 641.
Alternative spelling, masc. and neut.: -os, -os.
me-u-jo-e , KN Ak 613 + . Nom. plur. masc.
and fem.: meiwyohes .
me-wi-jo-e, KN *20=Ai 824, 19 = Ak 627, Ak
782+, K 829. Alternative spelling of prec.
(also as nom. dual: -ohe).
me-u-jo-at, PY 294= Sh 733 + . Nom. plur.
neut.: mtiwyoha .
me-wi, PY 43 = Aq 64. mn.
me-wo-ni-jo, KN K 7599, U 4478. mn,
me-za-na , PY 76= Cn 3, 296 = Sh 736. Possibly
nom. plur.; see p. 435 . [Cf.Mtoootva.]
me-za-ne » PY 91=Fn 50. Possibly dat. sing.,
but connexion with prec. problematic. Per¬
haps error for me-za-iwo^-ne, see next (Olivier,
i 960 , p. 118 ).
me-za-wo, KN B 8206, 297=Sc 222. mn: Medzd-
urfn?
me-za-wo-ni, PY 96= Un 138. Dat.: -woni.
me-zo, KN Ak 612 + . Nom. sing. masc. and
fem.: medzds ‘larger’, ‘older*, jjidjcov Horn.
+ , Att.; other dialects Wjwv< *meg-j'6n.}
me-zo-e, KN 20=Ai 824, 18=Ak 611, 19 =
Ak 627 + , Gg 5637, 223 = L 471, PY 236=
Ta 641. Nom. dual and plur. masc. and fem.:
medzohe, -ohes .
me-zo-a t y PY 294 = Sh 733 + . Nom. plur.
neut.: medzoha.
me-*86-ta , KN Cc 61. mn.
mi. As adjunct to cloth +te: KN 213 = Le 641,
Le 5930, Ln 1568; possibly abbreviation of
mi-ja-ro.
Ideographic use: MY 106=Ge 603 (erased):
probably abbreviation of mi-ta ‘mint 1 .
-mi, PY 135 = Ep 704, 196=Na 926. Enclitic
pronoun: min ‘him*, ‘her*, [uiv Horn,+ .]
mi-ja-ra-ro, KN 38=As 1516. mn.
mi-ja-ro , KN Ln 1568. Apparently description of
cloth, also probably abbreviated to mi;
obscure.
mi-jo-qa , PY 312 = An 1281, [91 = Fn 50], Fn
867. Possibly wn in gen.
mi-ka-ri-jo, PY Cn 600, Jn 605. mn.
mi-ka-ri-jo-jo, PY Jn 605. Gen.
mi-ka-ta l , PY 50=An 39 + , Eb 839, 148=Ep
613, 9l = Fn 50. Nom. and dat. sing., nom.
plur., name of a man’s trade: possibly miklds,
-lai ‘mixer* in some technical significance.
mi-ka-ta 2 , KN Vc 64. mn, unless an example of
mi-ka-ta l .
mi-ka-to , KN Vc 67. mn,
mi-ko-no, PY An 209. mn,
mi-ni-so, KN Uf 1522. mn, dat.?
mi-ra, PY Eb 905, 115 = En 74, 120=Eo 276,
148= Ep 613. w n : Smila? [Cf. m n Xu(At|s.]
mi-ra-ti-ja, PY Aa 798+, Ab 573. Nom. plur.
fem., description of women: Milatiai ’women
of Miletus*. [Later MiAi s |<Jios.]
mi-ra-ti-ja-Oy PY Ad 380+. Gen. plur.:
Mildtiaon.
mi-ra-ti-ra , PY Ab 382. Error for mi-ra-ti-ja.
mi-ra 2 , PY 241 =Ta 715. Probably a kind of r
wood for tables, see p. 342.
mi-ru-ro, KN 38=As 1516, 83 = C 902, Da 1127+ .
MN.
mi-sa-ra-jo, KN 94 = F 841. mn: Misraios ? [Cf.
Afijr ‘Egypt’.]
mi-tay MY 105 = Ge602+. A spice: mintha ‘mint*,
Mentha viridis. [tfivOa 6 b.c. +.]
561
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
mi-ta-qo, KNDv 1292. mn.
mi-ti, KN Dl 463. mn.
mi-to-we-sa, KN Sd 4407 4-. Nom. sing, or plur.
fern., of chariots: miltowessa, -ai ‘painted red'.
[Cf. niAT07T(5tp^oi It. n, 637 .]
mi-to-we-sa-e, KN 269=Sd 4404. If not an
error, perhaps prec.4-monosyllabic word:
mittowessa(i) en ‘painted red inside’. [Lejeune,
l 9586 , p. 21 ] Seep. 516 .
mo, Ideographic use, parallel to 2 E, but with
numeral j , referring to horses and wheels:
KN Sc 220 + , 278=So 894, 282=So 44304-*
PY 284=Sa 488-1- : abbreviation of *mdnwos
‘single’. [Ion. j.,ovvos, Att. p, 6 vo$.]
mo-da, PY Jn 601. mn. Cf. next,
mo-i-da, MY 46= Au 102, Au 657. mn. Variant
spelling of prec. ?
mo-ni-ko, KN Da 1288, V 337. mn. [See Chan-
traine, tg 66 , p. > 6 g.J
mo-qo-so, KN De 1381. mn: Atoq u sos . [Mo^os; cf.
Hitt. AfukSaj,]
mo-qo-so-jo, PY Sa 774. Gen.: Atoq u soio.
mo-re , KN Dv 1214. mn.
mo-re-u, PY 254=Jn 389, Jn 431, Jn 750. mn
(three diff erent men): Afoteus?
mo-ri-wOy I’Y Cn L287. mn: Atiliwon? [MoAfcov/A
Xi, 3224-.]
mo-ri-wo-do, KN 259=Og 1527. Nom. sing., a
substance measured by weight: moliwdos
‘lead’? [ii6At|3os It. xt, 237 ; also poAip5o$,
poAvpfio^, p 6 Aipo^, etc.]
mo-ro-ko-wo-wo-pi, PY La 635. pn?, loc. plur.?,
perhaps compound of mo-ro-ko and tuo-tuo
(q.v.),
mo-ro-qa , KN C 954, Xd 7586, PY 57= An 519,
43=Aq 64, 258=Jo 438. Nom. sing, masc.,
title of local official. Palmer: mo{t)TO-qq' i ds
‘possessor of a share’, [poipa, pbpo^ (Locr.
and Lcsb.) a measure of land; tr<5caaa0ai
‘possess’.]
mo-ro-qo-ro, PY Ea 439, I10 = Ea 800. mn, dat.:
Atotog u roi. [M 6 \oPpos; cf. poAopp 6 $ Od. xvit,
2194-.]
mo-ro-qo-ro-jo, PY 109= Ea 782, 108=Ea 817.
Gen.: Aiolog v roio .
mu. Identical with ideogram */qp = ox (without
marks of sex). Also in context with otl: KN
Fh 347, Fh 371, Fh 5452: Palmer ( 1 * 636 , p.
87 ; 1965 , p, 319 ) suggests a vessel holding ^4
(i.e. 38-4 1 . or 24 1 . on his figures).
]mu-da } KN Dv 1331. mn.
mu-jo-me-no , PY 97= Un 2. Prob. dat. sing,:
muiomendi ‘being initiated’, [♦puicj (< *mus-
yo), cf. but in sense equivalent to Modco.]
Sec p. 440 .
mu-ka-ra, KN Pp 498. mn?
mu-ko, PY An 172. mn; Atukon , Atuskhon ?
[MOkcov, Mucycnv.]
mu-ta-pi , PY An 5, Cn 4. pn.
mu-te-we, PY317 = Ub 1318. MN,dat.: Aturtewei?
mu-ti, PY Eb 858. w n ; prob. error for mu-ti-ri, q.v.
mu-ti-ri, PY Ep 212. wn: Afurtilis . [Cf. pn
Mvp-riAkJ
mu-ti-ri-ko, PY Cn 1287. mn: Alustiliskts ?
[Chantraine, j*66 , p. 17 r.J
mu-to-na, PY 57=Axi 519,Jn 706. mn; Alurtonas?
[Cf. MOpTCOV.]
mu-to-wo-ti , PY Eb 495 (edge). Obscure, perhaps
loc. ofpN.
na-e-fq-jq, KN Ln 1568. Personal name.
na-e-si-jo, KN V 147, PY Jn 750. mn.
na-i-se-wi-joy PY Jn 6924-, Mn 1408. pn or
ethnic adj.
na-ki-zo, KN Ws 8499. mn?
na-ma-ru-ko, PY Cn 1287. mn.
na-pe-re-wa , PY Cr 868. pn?
na-pu-ti-jo, KN 65 = Db 1232, PY Jn 845. mn:
Ndpulios. [Cf. vtyttOtios.]
na-ru , KN Db 1304. mn.
nasi-jo, KN B 800. mn: Ndsios (Gcorgiev).
[Nnaios (vfjaos).]
na-su-to, MY 46=Au 102, Au 657, Au 660. mn.
na-su-wp, KN B 799. mn.
na-la-ra-ma, MY 93=Fo 101. Personal name,
fern.?, dat,
na-u-do-mo, KN U 736, PY 189= Na 568, Vn 865,
[Xn 990], Nom. plur.: naudomoi ‘ship¬
builders’, [Cf. vau-trqyos, to-ko-do-mo.]
nq-u-pi-ri-/p[, KN Fh 5432 (doubtful reading). If
correct, cf. pn NavrrAiov;
na-u-si-ke-re[-we ?], KN Xd 214. mn: Naunkleuxs?
[NauaixAq^.]
na-wa-to, PY Jn 415. mn.
na-wi-jo, PY 257=Jn 829. Acc. sing, masc.:
ndwion ‘(bronze) of the temple’. [Cf, va(F)o$
< *vao-fo^. Alternatively possibly from vans,
vxVio^ (Horn.).] See pp. 357 , 513 .
na-wi-ro, KN Db 1507. mn: Ndwitos ? [Landau,
J 958.]
ne. As adjunct to woman andchildren: KN 21 =
Ak 624, 22=Ak 7814-, Ap 629; as adjunct
to animals: KN 85 = Ch 896, 83 = C 902, Dh
1240, Dk 1066 4 -: in both cases probably
abbreviation of neivos, newd ‘new’ or ‘young’.
ne-da-wa-ta, PY 258=Jo 438. mn: Nedwdtds .
[Cf. N46a river and nymph.]
ne-da-wa-ta-o, PY 56=An657.Gen.: Nedwdtao.
ne-de-we-e, PY Cn 595. pn, loc.
ne-do-wq-te, PY Cn 4. pn, loc.: Nedwontei.
[N£ 6 cov river of E. Messenia.]
ne-do-wo-ta-de , PY 60=An 661. Acc. 4- -dr:
Nedwonta-de.
ne-e-ra-wo, PY Fn 79. mn, dat.: Nehtldwoi. [Cf.
NdAecos; Heubeck, 1957 , p. 3 *, Muhlestein,
> 969 , P 76 ]
ne-e-to, TH Of 38. mn, dat.?
ne-ka-ta-ta, PY Vn 851. Man’s or woman’s name,
dat.
ne-ki-ri-de, KN Ak 780, Ln 1568, Ws8152. Nom.
562
GLOSSARY
plur. fern., probably description of women.
(Apparently not nekri&s ‘shrouds’, Chadwick,
i96«, P 54 )
rte-ki-ri-si , K N Od 687. Dat. plur.
ne-me-ta-wo , PY Cn 4. mn.
ne-o-ta, KN As 1516. mn.
ne-o-to, KN As 1519. mn.
ne-qa-sa-pi , K_N 231 = K 872. Instr. plur., decora¬
tion on metal vessels.
ne-qa-sa-ta , PY Fn 324. mn, dat.
rte-qe-u, PY 43 = Aq 64, Jn 725, Q.a 1298. mn.
ne-qe-wo, PY Eb 495, [148= Ep 613j. Gen.
ne-ri-to, PY 61 = Cn 131. mn, dat.: Neritoi .
[Nnpitos Od. XVII, 207.]
ne-ri-wa-to, KN 260=Og 4467. mn,
rte-se-e-we, PY Cr 868 . pn.
ne-ti’ja-no y [KN Np 273?], PY Cn 599. mn:
Nestidndr. [Heubeck, 1957, p. 29.]
ne-ti-ja-no-re, PY Cn 40. Dat.: NeUidnoreL
ne-we-wi-ja, KN Lc 560, PY Aa 695, Ab 560.
Nom. plur. fem., description of women
textile workers.
ne-we-wi-ja-o> PY Ad 357. Gen. plur.
ne-wo, KN Fh 362 4-, Od 689, X 658, PY 59=
An 656, 306=Fr 1202, MY 226=Oc 129.
Nom. sing, and plur. masc., nom. sing, neut.,
dat. sing, masc,, etc.: newos t - oi , -on, -01 ‘new’,
‘young’, [vfos Horn. 4*.]
ne-wo-jo, KN Fh 5506. Gen. sing.: newoto.
ne-wa y KN Dp 997, 282= So 4430+ , X 7722,
PY Sa 843, 323=Sb 1315, [MY 228=Oe
111], TH Of 34. Nom. and dat. sing., nom.
plur. fem. and neut.: mud, -ai, -a.
ne-wo-ki-tOy PY 59= An 656, 44=Aq 218. Prob¬
ably pn; the form m-wo-ki-to wo-wi-ja (An
656.7) implies a plur.
ne-wo-pe-o, PY Aa 786, Ab 554, Ad 688, Cc 665.
pn, prob. an o-stem, since loc, appears to be
the same as nom.
ni, Ideographic use: KN Fs 2-)-, 94 = F 841 + ,
Uc 161, PY 6=Ab 379 + , 41=An 35, Fg
253 + , Fn 187, Ua 158, 97= Un 2 + , MY
Ue 611: on evidence of KN 94= F 841
equivalent to su~zp 'figs’; taken over from
Linear A, perhaps as abbreviation of Minoan
word appearing as Greek gloss vututeov
(Neumann, 1962).
Ligature with cup and circular ideogram:
MY Ue 661.
no-da-roy KN As 609, Dc 1228. mn.
no-di-zoy T1 Z 11 +. mn? Cf. di-no-zo.
no-do-ro-we , KN As 625. Obscure.
no-e-Uy PY Jn 431. mn: Noeus.
no-nu-we y KN Od 562. Personal name, dat.
no-pe-re-a „ PY 289=Sa 682, 288=Sa 790+ .
Nom. plur. neut., describing wheels: nopheleha
‘unserviceable’. [dvuxpcArfa 6 b.c. + ; cf'
vcbwpos/Avuvuyos, etc.]
no-pe-re-e, PY 291 =Sa 794. Dual neut.:
nd phelehe.
no-ri-wo-ki-dey TH Of 36. Perhaps dat. sing, of
fan. derivative of next: -worgideL
no-ri-wo-ko , PY Aa 98. Nom. plur. fem., a trade:
•worgoi ?
no-ri-wo-ko-joy PY Ad 669, Gen. sing.
no-sa-ro, KN Dv 6059. mn.
no-si-ro, KN As 603, Ln 1568. mn.
nu-to, KN V 482, Xe 5913. mn.
nu-wa-ja, KN 221 = L 647. Nom. plur. neut., adj.
describing cloth. See p. 320.
nu-wa-i-ja, KN L 592, L 5910.
O, As abbreviation of o-pe-ro\ very common: c.g,
KN 73 = D1 943, 218 = Ld 598, PY 12 = Ad
671 (cf. c-pe-'to Ad 357), 176 = Ma 123 + .
As abbreviation of o-pa-wo-ta (q.v.): PY 293 =
Sh 737 + .
In ligature with barley: KN G 7509?
In ligature with ♦/$5 (cypens): KN F 5079,
PY Fa 16, Ua 434, Un 47, MY Ue 652; also
alone= */g5 + o: PY 97 = Un 2.
Ideographic use (not necessarily always the
same commodity): PY l77 = Ma 90 + , Un
219, TH Ug 3 + .
0-, KN 213 = I-c 641, PY 56 An 657, 154=Eq
213 + . Prefix, also spelt/o-, usually attached
to verbs and standing in initial position: h6
‘thus’. [Cf. Aleman d>- t\ etc.]
o-a-po-te : see a-po-te.
o-a t , PY 250= Vn 20. Form of o-da-a t used when
not connective: perhaps ho ’A a reinforced
form of kS ‘thus’; see s.v. o~da-a t .
o-da-a^y PY 43=Aq 64, 44 = Aq 218, 142=Ed
317 + , 114 = En 609 + , 154 = Eq 213 + , 175
=Ma 393 + , 171 = Un 718, Phrase intro¬
ducing the second and subsequent paragraphs
of a list, hence at the beginning of a tablet
indicates it belongs to a set of which it is not
the first member: Ad d{e) aha ‘and thus’. See
P* 423*
o-da-Ae-we-fa, KN Sg 1811, So 4446, Nom. plur.
neut., adj. describing wheels and cloths:
perhaps odakuienla ‘toothed’ (i.e. with tooth¬
like decoration); Lejeune, 1968*/, p. 35,
Heubcck, 1971a.
o-da-ku-we-ta, KN [L 870], So 4435. Variant
spelling.
o-da-tu~we-ta, KN 278=So 894. Variant form:
odalwenta .
o-da-*8?-tay KN 282=So 4430+ . Variant
spelling, perhaps of o-da-tu-we-tay with *87=
twe.
o-da-ra-o , KN Xe 5913. mn?
]o-da-sa-(p : see da-sa-to,
o-da-*87~ta : see s.v. o-da-ke-we-ta .
o-de-ka-sa-to : see de-ka~sa-lo.
o-de-qa-a tt PY 304=On 300. Lengthened form of
o-da-aji ho de q v {e) aha ‘and also thus’. See
p. 467.
o-di-do-si, o-do-ke : see s.v. di-do-si.
563
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
o-du, KN V 479. mn.
o-du-we , KN Od 696. Dat.?
o-du-ru-we, KN 83 = C 902. pn, dat.-loc. On
evidence of Theban jar perhaps to be identi¬
fied with Zakro (Catling and Millett, 1965 ,
P* 35) *
KN Co 910. Gen. Cf. u-du-ru-wo.
o-du-ru-wi-jol-ja, KN Ai 982, 83= C 902, TH
Z 839. Ethnic adj.
o-du-*j6-ro, PY 40=An 261. mn.
o-ja-de, KN Fs 9. Obscure, pn?
o-ka x , P Y 56=An 657 + . Title of a command held
by a senior officer in the coast-guard; prob.
orkha, cf. dpyq, 6 px<xP°S- See p. 185 . Others
suggest holkas ‘merchant ship’, but there is no
reason why ships should be employed for this
purpose.
o-ka *, PY 317= Uh 1318. Prob. noun, article
made from leather: perhaps okhai ‘supports*,
‘straps*. [6x4] See p. 491 .
o-ka\ PY [l 68 =Es 644], l67=Es 650, Es 727.
MN.
o-ka-ra, [KN X 7631 ?], PY 56 = An 657. At PY
nom. plur., name of a class of men serving as
coast-guards. See p. 430 . At KN perh. mn.
o-ka-ra 3 , PY 57“An 519 +, 76= Cn 3. More
usual spelling of nom. plur.
o-ka-ri-jo, PY 62= Cn 655. mn: Oikhalios . [Cf.
OlyaXlti II. 11 , 730 .]
)o-ke-te, KN Xd 116. Obscure.
o-ke-te-u , PY J n 693. m n : Okheteus ?
o-ke-u, PY 145 = Ea 259, Ea 814. mn.
o-ki-ru, FY Cn 285. mn.
o-ki-ri-so , PY Cn 202. mn.
o-ki-ro, KN Da 1509. mn.
o-ko, PY Cn 436. mn.
o-ko-me-ne-u , PY Ea 780. mn: Orkhomtneus. [Cf.
‘OpXoU*v 6 s as pn, II 11 , 511 , 605 .]
o-ko-te, KN Vc 126, Vd 137, Xd 7558. mn.
o-ku, KN As 8161, Da 1170, D1 792 +. mn: Okus.
o-ku-ka, PY 6 l = Cn 131, Cn 719. mn, nom. and
dat.: Ogugds, -di ? [Cf. pn '(dyuyitt Od. 1 , $ 5 .)
o-ku-na-wo, KN V 60. mn: Okundwos.
o-ku-no, KN Da 1082. mn.
o-ku-su-wa-si, MY Ue 652. Obscure.
o-mi-ri-jo-i , KN Fh 356. Dat. plur., recipients of
oil. Muhlestein ( 1958 , p. 223 ): Omrioihi —
*Ou(3piois ‘Rain-spirits’, cf. 230$ 6 pppio$;
but epenthetic P may be assumed on the
analogy of 6 in a-di-ri-ja-te.
o-mi-ri-so, KN C 911. mn.
o-mo-pi, KN276=Se 891, [Se 1007?]. Instr. plur.:
perhaps oimophi ‘with bands (of ivory)’. [Cf.
StKa oliioi . . . ku 6 voio II. xr, 24 ; etymology
uncertain.] See p. 369 .
o-mu-ka~ra t KN Od 666 . mn?
o-na, KN M 559, PY Ua 158. At KN possibly pn,
cf. next; at PY perhaps plur, of o-no, q.v.
]o-na-de [, KN Fh 5431. Acc. of pn with -de?
o-na-jo, KN Dv 1511, E 670, PY Jn 832. At
KN E 670 prob. ethnic adj ; at KN Dv 1511
and PY Jn 832 mn.
o-na-se-u, KN V 1523, PY 312=An 1281, 255=
Jn 658 + . mn: Ondseus. [Cf. Cypr. 'Ovam-;
Szemerenyi, 1957 , p. 180 .]
o-na-te-re, PY U4 = En 609+ , Wa 784. Nom.
plur.: onateres ‘persons holding an onaton'. See
P- 2 35- [Cf. dvi'iTcop Hesych.]
o-na-lo, PY U2 = Ea 825 + , 133=Eb 846, 114 =
En 609 +, 118 = Eo 2U + , l48=Ep 6I3 + .
Acc. sing, neut.: onaton *a portion (of land)
enjoyed’, ‘beneficiary right’. See pp. 23 * 5 , 443 .
o-na-ta, PY l40 = Eb 297 + , l49=Ed 236,
l42 = Ed 317. Acc. plur.: ondta.
o-ne-u, KN Dd 1207. mn: Orneus. [’Opv« 6 s.]
o-ni-ti-ja-pi, PY 242= Ta 707. Instr. plur. fern, of
adjective describing part of a chair: omi-
thiaphi ‘decorated with birds*. [ 6 pvl 06 O$
Aristoph. + .]
o-no\ KN Fh 347+,M 559, Xe 657, P Y 41 = An
35,55 = An 724 +, M YOe 108 +. Nom. sing.
of word meaning ‘consideration*, ‘payment’
(Chadwick, 19646 ); perhaps onon from root of
6 vlnim (Lejeune, 1964 a). Cf. o-na . See p.
422 .
o-no *, KN 82= Ca 895, Ca 7788?. Nom. plur.:
onoi‘asses’. [ 6 vo*/f. xi, 558 +.]
o-no-ka-rai, PY Mn 1412, Na 1038 ( }no-ka-ra-ro-
re), pn: perhaps loc.: Ono-karaorei ‘Ass-head’.
[Cf. Risch, 1966 a.]
o-no-we-wo-rp-l, KN Xe 657. To be separated
o-no «*-KK>-ro, cf. Fh 347; see o-no.
o-nu, KN Od 681. In view of association with
wool, prob. variant spelling of o-nu-ka.
o-nu-ka, KN Ld 584, Ld 591, Od 485.? Perhaps
nom. sing.: onux (cf. wa-na-ka= wanax;
Palmer 1963 a, p. 437 ). Sense obscure, but
must be some part of or appendage to
textiles which might be white or variegated
(cf. po-ki-ro-nu-ka, re-u-ko-nu-ka). [Prob. same
word as 6 vu£, but in some technical sense.]
o-nu-ke, KN Ln 1568, M 683, Od 682, Ws 1703.
Nom. plur. (or dat. sing.?): onukhes.
o-nu-ke-ja, PY Ab 194. Nom. plur. fern.: ‘women
who make o-nu-ke'.
o-nu-te-jq-Q, PY Ad 675. Gen. plur.
o-o-pe-ro-si : see o-pe-rosi.
o-pa , KN 29=Am 821, Ce 50, Dm 1184, E 971,
L 695, 265= Sd 4403+, 273 = Sf 4420, 282 =
So 4430, 264 = Ws 1704 + , PY 296 = Sh 736,
Wr 1325 +. Nom. and gen. sing.: prob. a
noun meaning roughly ‘contribution’. See
p. 420 . [Etymology obscure; connexion with
*so<^d (cf. 6 -rrdcov) must be excluded.]
]o-pa-ro-ze, PY Un 1321. Obscure.
o-pa-we[, KN Dv 1434. Perhaps beginning of mn
in gen.
o-pa-wo-ne-ja, KN Fh 339. Obscure, not to be
connected with 6 ttAcov if from *soq u d ; cf.
o-pa.
564
GLOSSARY
o-pa-wo-ta, KN 300=Sk 5670, 325=Sk 8100, PY
292 =Sh 740-f. Nom. plur. neat.: prob.
‘plates’ or ‘pads’ attached to body-armour,
perhaps op-aiuorta , literally ‘hung on’. [ opi+
&ipco.] See p. 376 .
o-pe, KN B 800. Obscure.
o-pe-qa, PY Cn 570. mn, dat., perhaps identical
with o-qe-qa.
o-pe-ra-no, PY 255=Jn 658 + . mn: Opheldnor.
[Cf. Boeot. ’Op&avBpo*; Heubeck, 1957 ,
p. 3i ]
o-pe-ra-no-ro, MY Ui 651. Gen.: Opheldnoros.
o-pe-ra-no-re , MY Oe 126. Dat.: Opheldnorei .
o-pe-re-ta , PY An 209, 62 = Cn 655. mn: Ophdestds
(Palmer). [’OiprAiorris //. V m, 274 .]
o-pe-ro 1 , KN Ga 461 +, Gg 706, L 473 + , 283=
So 4442 + , PY 301= Ac 1275+ , Ad 357,
Cn 4 + , 182 = Ma 126 + , MY 107=Ge 604.
Often abbreviated to o. Annotation intro¬
ducing missing quantity: prob. nom. sing,
neut. ophelos ‘deficit 1 . [In origin the same
word as 69 ^ 0 $ ‘advantage’, with different
semantic development from ‘that which is
needed’.]
o-pe-ro *, PY Eb 149 (p-pe-ro-qe), Eb 495, 148=Ep
613. Nom. sing. masc. ofpple.: opheldn ‘being
under obligation’.
o-pe-ro-ta , PY 55= An 724. Acc. sing, masc.:
ophtlonta,
o-pe-ro-te, PY 55= An 724, 44=Aq 218. Nom.
(and acc.?) plur. masc.: ophilontes .
o-pr-ro-sa, PV 141 = Eb 338 {o-pc-ro-sa-dt),
135=Ep 704. Nom. sing, fern.: ophilonsa (dr).
o-pe-ro-si, PY 184 = Nn 228 [o-u-pe-ro-si). 3 rd
plur. pres, indie.: (ho) ophflonsi ‘thus they
owe’.
o-po-roy MY 105=Ge 602 (jo-o-po-ro). 3 rd plur.
aor. indie.: (hi) ophlon ‘thus they owed’.
o-pe-se-to, PY Cn 600. mn.
o-pe-tay KN B 799. mn: Ophelias . ['Cty&Tcrs.]
o-pe-te-re-Uy PY Ea 805, 136= Eb 294. mn. Cf.
o-pe-lo-re-u.
o-pc-te-we, KN So 4447. mn, dat.?
o-pe-te-wo(-qe), KN L 593. Gen.?
o-pe-to-re-u, PY 135=Ep 704. mn; variant or
incorrect spelling of o-pe-te-re-u.
o-piy KN 39=As 1517, Fh 368, L 648 + , Me 1508,
Od 562 + , 162=Uf 983 + , PY 33=Ae 26,
32=Ae 108, 31 =Ae 134. Preposition with
dat.: opiy at KN with personal names ‘in the
charge or house of (a supervisor)’, at PY
with animals ‘responsible for’, ‘in charge of’.
in 6 tn 0 cv, 6 Trd>pa, etc., doublet of
£tt(; cf, Lat. oby Osc. op t etc.] There is no
compelling reason for postulating another
word with the same spelling (Palmer, 1963 a,
p. 438 , cf. p. 485 ); see further Killen, 1968 .
o-pi-a t -ra, PY 56= An 657. Acc. plur. neut.:
opihala ‘coastal regions’. [£ 90 X 05 II. n,
538+.]
o-pi-da-mi-joy PY 45=An 830, 75 = Cn 608. Nom.
plur. masc.: opiddmioi ‘resident’, [bnSfiuios
Od . 1 , 194 + .]
o-pi-de-so-mo, PY 317 = iJb 1318. Nom. plur.:
opidesmoi ‘bindings’. [tirlSeopos ‘bandage’,
Aristoph. +.]
o-pi-?-de-i, PY 312 = An 1281.*Prob. to be read as
two words: opi hedei ‘at her seat’ (i.e. shrine or
temple). [£805, //. v, 360 +.]
o-pi-i-ja-piy KN 266 = Sd 4401 +, 274 = Sf 4428.
Instr. plur. fern.: part of the harness or
equipment of a chariot: opi-hidphi ‘attach¬
ments to reins’ (*hid from *sey9 t - ‘bind’),
Ruijgh, 1967 , p. 204 . See also p. 365 .
o-pi-ka-pe-e-we(-qe), PY 257 = Jn 829. Nom. plur.,
title of an overseer. See pp. 357 , 512 .
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja , PY 243=Ta 708, 244=Ta
714. Acc. plur. fern., some part of a chair:
perhaps opikelemnians (cf. dt-upiKlteuvov) or
opikremnians (cf. Kpnpvoc). See p. 343 .
o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi, PY 242 = Ta 707+ . Instr.
plur.
o-pi-ke-ri-jo, PY An 615. pn: Opiskherion ?
o-pi-ke-ri-jo-de , PY 55= An 724. Acc. + -de.
o-pi-ke-wi-ri-je-u, PY 237=Ta 709. Nom. sing.,
description of a tripod-cauldron.
o-pi-ko-ru-xi-jay KN 325=Sk 8100, Sk 8149.
Description of 4 fittings as parts of armour;
neut. plur.: opikorusia ‘on the helmet’. [See
e-pi-ko-nt-$i-jo.)
o-pi-ko-wo, PY Jn 881. Nom. sing., perhaps a
title: opikoiras? (cf. e-pi-ko-ico).
o-pi-me-ney PY An 7. Prob. to be divided: opi
mend ‘per month* (as opposed to daily
rations).
*>-pi-< 7 i-na,KNLd 584.Prob. to be divided :o-piqi-na.
o-pi-ra-i-jdy PY Cn 1286. Obscure, poss. pn.
o-pi-rva-te-re, PY 251 = Vn 46. Nom. plur.:
opirhaisteres, cf. fSaurrVip; perhaps not ‘ham¬
mers’ but some kind of fittings for beams.
See p. 504 . [Chadwick, Nestor 1 / 4 / 66 , p. 431 .]
o-pi-ri-mi-ni-jo, KN Sc 230. mn: Opilimnios. [Cfl
'EiriAlimo$ title of Poseidon.]
o-pi-ro-qoy PY Aa 777, Ab899, 13 = Ad 691. Nom.
and gen. plur. fern.: opiloiq'oiy -on ‘remaining’,
‘supernumerary’. Cf. pe-ri-ro-qo. [frrdAomos
Pindar +.]
o-pi-si-jo, KN As 1516+ , PY Jn 927. mn: Opsios.
[”0^10$ IG 11, 868, ii, 20.}
o-pi-si-ri-ja-wey KN Lc 616, L 8105. In cloth
context, obscure.
o-pi-su-ko, PY 257—Jn 829, Jn 881. Nom. plur.
(and sing.?): official title, possibly opisukoi =*
‘overseers of figs’? See p. 357 .
o-pi-te-ke-e-Uy PY 97 = Un 2. Nom. sing., title of
official?; perhaps error for o-pi-U-u-ke-e-u.
o-pi-te-u-ke-e-we, PY 50=An 39, 91 = Fn 50 + .
Nom. plur. and dat. sing., probably a title:
opiteukheewes, -ewei ‘overseer of Ttuxsa’ but
exactsense unclear.
565
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
o-pi-te-u-ke-we, KN B 798. Prob, defective
spelling.
o-pi-ti-ni-ja-ta, FY Eb 472, Eb 477. Nom. sing.,
title of a priest (cf. Ep 539).
o-pi-tu-ra-jo, PY Fn 187. Title or mn? Dat,:
Opithuraioi. [Cf. 0 upaio$.]
o-po-qo, KN 266=Sd 4 4 01 +, 274 = Sf 4428. Nom.
dual or plur.: opdq*o } -oi ‘blinkers’ (found in
archaic tombs in Cyprus). [Cf. Trpoo-OTrov,
mSt-ootov; Chadwick, Nestor 1 / 3 / 66 , p. 429 .]
o-po-ro: sees.v. e-pe-ro 1 .
o-po-ro-me-no, PY 168= Es 644, 167 = Es 650+.
mn: Hoplomenos. [ottAoucti.]
o-po-ro-u-si-jo , KN As 603. mn.
o-qa t PY Jn 601. mn: 0q u ds? [" 6 ) 7 rasJ
o-qq-ja, KN Db 5212 + 8369. mn,
o-qa~wo-m\ PY Fn 324. mn, dat.: Oq^aivoni? [Cf.
6 -rr<icjv 11 . x, 58 + .]
o-qe e-ra-se, PY Cn 4. Apparently replacing the
name of a man responsible for moving sheep
from one station to another: perh. hos q u e
elare ‘and he who drove them’. [£Aauvo> ‘drive
(animals) 1 , Od . lx, 237 ; cf. Gallavotti, 1956 ,
p. 8 .]
o-qe-qa> PY Cn 45. mn, dat.; perhaps identical
wilh o-pe-qa.
o-qe[ ]si, PY 197 = Na 406. Obscure, see p.
473-
o-qo-o-ki-te, KN L 588. Obscure (perhaps to be
divided o-qo-o ki-te).
ore-ct, PY l43 = Ep 705. mn: Orthos. [‘Opcitf.}
o-re-e-wo , PY Cn 600. mn, gen.: Ore(h)iu>oSy
making pn with wo-wo.
o-rt-i, KN B 7034, Possibly loc.: orehi ‘on the
mountain’? [ 6 po$.]
o-re-rno-a-ke-re-\tj PY Jn 320. pn,
o-re-ne-ja , KN Ld 579 + , L 5108. Nom. plur.
neut,, adj. describing cloths: perhaps olcneia
‘decorated with angular pattern 1 , [Cf. coAlvr|,
♦wAevos: Ruijgh, 1967 , p, 239 .]
o-re-ne-a, KN L 593. Variant spelling.
[o-]re-ne-o, KN L 758. Dual: oUruo.
o-re-o-po, KN M 720. Obscure,
o-re-ra, PY 56=An 657. mn: Orestds. ['Optarns
II. v, 705 + .]
o-re-te-wo , KN Dq 439, [Dq 441]. mn, gen.?
o-ri-ko , MY 46=Au 102. Hardly man’s name,
perhaps nom. plur. [See Chadwick, MT it,
p. 106 .]
o-ri-mo, KN Ap 5748. wn?
o-ro-do-ko, PYVn 865. mn.
o-ro-yo, PY 154= Eq 213. See pp. 268 , 455 .
o-ro-ke-we , PY [Fn 324], Gn 428. mn, dat.
o-ro-me-no , PY 32=Ac 108, 31 = Ac 134 + . Nom.
sing, masc.: opi. . . ( h)oromenos ‘watching over
(animals)'. [Cf. £rrl . . . 6 povTcri Od. xiv,
104 ; prob. < *ser~, Avest. horaiti ‘watches’.]
o-ro-qa , KN V 479. mn.
o-ro-ti-jo, PY 55 = An 724. mn?
o-ru-ma-to, PY 76 = Cn 3. pn, cf. ’EpOuavflos.
o-ru-ma-si-ja-jo\ PY 57 = An 519. Prob, serves
as ethnic t# o-ru-ma~t*.
o-ru-we-ro, PY Jn 725. mn. The same man as
po-ru-we-ro , but which is correct? See p. 511 .
o-sa-po-to, KN Ap 5748. wn?
]o-se-ko-do, KN Fh 371. mn?
o-ta-ki, MY 93= Fo 101. Man’s or woman’s
name, dat.: Oitalki . [Heubeck, 1963 b, p. 75 ; cf,
a-ko-so-to.)
o-to-pa-ro-te-wa-ro , MY 228=Oe 111. To be
divided o-ta po~ro te-wo-ro? First word
obscure; see p. 323 .
o-ta-re-wo, KN E 1035. Obscure, mn or pn?
o-te , PY 235 = Ta 711. Conj,; hole ‘when 1 , [ots
11 ■ h 397 'h *J
o-te-pe-o-jo y PY 154 = Eq213.PN, gen. See p. 455 .
o-te-ra, MY Oe 106. wn, gen.
p-te-se-Uy KN Db 1241. mn.
o-ti-na-woy PY Cn285. mn: Orlinduws,
o-ti-ri-ja, PY Aa 313. Nom. plur. fern., name of a
trade: -trioi.
o-ti-rat, PY Ab 417. Alternative spelling.
o-ti-ra x -o, PY Ad 663. Gen. plur.: - tridon.
o-tp-pe-4q-hQ-we-de-[y PY Sh 739 rev. Dubious
reading.
o-to-ro-qa, KN De 1371 +8741, [Dv 8289], [FY
Vn 493?]. mn.
o-fo-wo-o, PY An 616. mn, gen. Defective spelling
for o-to^wo-inx.y- 0 , see s.v. o-tu- 100 -we.
o-to-wo-M-je, MY 303 = V 659. wn.
o-tu, PY An 5. mn.
o-fu-wo-we, PY 255=Jn 658. mn.
o-to-wo-we-i, PY Vn 851. Dat.
o-tnv-we-o, PY 40=An 261. Gen.
o-to-wo[-we-o?] y PY 40=An 261 rev. Alterna¬
tive spelling. See also o-to-wo-o.
o-two-we-o: see s.v. o-tu-wo-we.
o-u-y KN 207= V 280, PY 16=Ad 686 , 135 = Ep
704, l77 = Ma 90 + , l95 = Na 245 + , 198=
Ng 319 +, Negative particle: ou ‘not 1 . [ou.J
See also o-u-ki, o-u-qe.
o-u-ki-, KN 207= V 280. Negative particle or
adj.?: tftiA:(A)i or oukis (= crirris).
o-u-koy MY Oe 108, Oe 120. Nom. sing, neut.,
associated with wool.
o-u-ka, MY 228= Oe III. Nom. plur.?
o-u-qe, KN 213 = Le 641, 270 = Sd 4402 +, PY
43=Aq 64, Eb 149, !48=Ep 613 + , 248=
Va 15. Negative conjunction: ouq'e ‘and not*.
[oCrrr ‘and not'.]
a-u-ru-to : see - u-ru-lo >
o-u-te-mi: see - te-mi.
o-wa-koy PY61 =Cn 13 l,Jn 725. mn, nom. anddat.
o-wa-si-/Oy KN Ra 1558. mn.
o-we-to, KN Dm 1184. mn, gen.
o-wi-da, PYJn 725. mn.
o-wi-de : see -wi-de.
o-wi-de-la-i, PY 171 = Un 718, Wa 731 ( ]o-wi-de-
ta[). Dat. plur.: perhaps owiderldhi ‘sheep-
flayers'. See p. 458 .
566
GLOSSARY
u-wi-ro, KN Dd 1218, mn; Omilos ? [Of. 'OtXeOs
li xm, 697 +*]
o-wi-io-no t PY Aa 775, Ab 277, Ad 685, 56= An
657, 44=Aq 218. pn; -t(k)nos?
o-wi-ti-ni-jo> PY 56“ An 657. Ethnic adj.:
-t(h)nioi.
o-wo-ta, PY Jn 725. mn.
o-wo-to , PY 40=An 261, Vn 130. mn, nom, and
dat.
o-wo-we, PY 236=Ta 641. Nom. sing, masc.,
describing a tripod-cauldron: oiwdwes ‘with
a single handle’ #r owu-owens ‘provided with
handles’? See p. 498 .
o-wo-ze, PY 141= Eb 338, Error or abbreviated
spelling of o-u-wa-zt> see s.v. wo-ze,
o-za-mi \, PY 42=An 37. Obscure, see p. 174 .
o-ze-to : see - ze-to .
o-* 22 -di, KN A 5 1520. mn.
o-* 34 -ta y PY 57 = An 519, 58 = An 654. Nom.
plur.; name of a class of men.
o-* 3 $-ta , TH Ug 3. mn, cf. prec.?
p~* 34 ~ta-o t TH Of 33 ; prob. gen. oTsame name,
showing that *34 and *33 are variants of the
same sign.
PA, Abbreviation or pa-ra-joj-ja ‘old’, applied to
women and sheep: KN Ak 614 +, C 394+,
67=Dd 1171 + .
Abbreviation of pa-ra-wa-jo ‘cheek-pieces’: PY
294= Sh 733+.
Annotation on cloth: obscure: KN Ln 1568.
Ligatured with cloth: KN L178 + , PY La
623 + , Un 853.
Ligatured with ot l, probd^)\y= pa-ko-we ‘sage-
scented’: PY 306 = Fr 1202 + .
Ligatured with ideogram *125 (cyperus) : PY
97 = Un 2.
Ideographic use, associated with t>a: KN 157 =
Uf 835+ (see p. 270 ). Also in obscure
context: PY Un 1319.
As subdivision of w#ol unit: TH Of 26, Of28,
Of 40 + .
pa , PY 256=Ja 749, Jn 601. Nom. sing, masc.:
to-so-pa = tos(s)os pans ‘so much (bronze) in
all’, [iTas, probably not from *kwdnt-\ cf.
Tokh. B. po, plur. panta\ Chadwick and
Baumbach, 1963 , pp. 233 - 4 .] Cf. ku-stt-pa .
pa-sa , KN X 8109, [90=0 820 is a false
reading]. Perhaps fern.: pansa.
pa-te , KN B 1055. Nom. plur. masc.: (<oj(r)ot)
panics.
pa-la, KN C 9I7[ + ]918. Nom. plur. neut.:
panto.
pq-tp[ t PY 150= Ed 411. If correct reading,
perhaps gen. sing. masc. or neut.: pantos
‘{total) of the whole’.
past , KN 200=Fp ! + , 206=Gg 705+ , PY
254=Jn 389. Dat. plur.: pansi , esp. in
pa-si-te-o-i (KN )=pansi theoihi ‘to all the
gods’.
pa-da-je-u, PY An 192, Eb 1594-. Nom. sing,
prob. a title or ethnic rather than a name;
apparently also spelt pa-de-wc-u, q.v. Of. pa-de,
pa-de-wc,
pa-da-je-we, PY Eb 1347, 123 = Eo 444. Dat.
pa-de, KN 200= Ep l + , Fs 8 , Ga 456. Dat. sing.,
recipient of oil, possibly a divine name.
pa-de-i , KN 203 = Ga 953[ + ]955. Alternative
spelling of dat.
pa-de-we, PY Un 219. Dat. sing., perhaps divine
name, cf. pa-dc.
pa-de-we-u , PY 148=Ep 613. Apparently=/>a-^a-
je-u, ij.v.; not an error since it occurs twice on
this tablet.
pa-di-jo, KN Sc 224. mn: Pandidn. [riavSicov II. xu,
372 ]
pa-i-ti-ja , KN Ap 639. wn: Phaisttd. [Ethnic of
Oaio+is, see pa-i-to.]
pa-i-to, KN Da 1 156+, E 36, 94 = F 841, Ga
416 + . pn: Phaislos. [Qonoros IL it, 648 .]
pa-i-tHoj-ja, KN Ak 828, 74=Dp 1061, 89=
E 777, 213= Le 641, Od 681 + , Ethnic adj.:
Phaistios.
pa-ja-ni, KN Ap 639, wn.
pa-ja-ni-jOy KN Ep 354. Dat. sing., recipient of
oil: mn? [Connexion with ITatdv < *f7atdfGav
(see pa-ja-wo-ne ) must be excluded, unless
this is a defective spelling.]
pa-ja-rOj KN As 1519. mn.
pa-jaso , KNDc 1203, Dv 8290 + 8362. mn.
pa-ja-wo-ne, KN 208= V 52. (Cf, pq-ja-q-ne C
394?) Dat., in a list of divine names: Paid-
wonci. [fTaiAcov II, v, 401 + .]
pa-ka , KN V 1523, PY An 7, MY Oe 112. mn,
nom. and dat.
pa-ka-a-ka-ri, PY l96=Na 926, pn, prob. to be
divided pa-ka a-ka-ri ; perh. Pdgd Akharis or sim.
pa-ka-na, KN 261 = Ra 1540 4. Nom. plur. neut.:
phasgana ‘swords’ or ‘daggers’? [<pd(ryavov II.
xxjii, 824 + , Cypr. according to Anec. Gr.
* 095 ; on the suggested meaning ‘daggers’ see
Boardman, 1963 , pp. 79 - 80 ; Snodgrass, 1967 ,
p. 22 .]
pa-ke-ta , KN U 4478. mn.
pa-ke-te-ja . PY Aa 662, Ab 745, Ab 746. Nom.
plur. (in Ab 745 changed from dual pa-ke-te-
jo), women’s trade, perhaps connected with
pa-ko-lo , q.v. (Ruijgh, 1963 , p. 241 ; Chad¬
wick, 1964 a, p. 323 : ‘measurers’?).
pa-ke-te-ja-o(-qe)> PY 12 = Ad 671. Gen. plur.
with -q u e.
pa-ke-te-re , PY [25l = Vn46], Vn 879, Wr 1415,
MY 234=Ue 611 rev. Nom. plur., name of r
some small fitting, possibly metal, not
necessarily at MY a vessel: perhaps paktires
‘pegs’, ‘bolts’. [Trrjyvupi.]
pa-ke-te-ri-ja , MY Wt 506. Neut. plur., diminutive
of prec.: pa'ktcn'a ?
pa-ke-we , KN L 7514. Obscure, possibly nom.
plur. pakhewes ‘thick*, (iraxus.]
567
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
pa-ki-ja-na, PY 138 = Eb 409+ , 114 = En 609,
119 = Eo 224, Na 561. Probably pn, variant
in -and of next, in some cases loc. [A variant
of the fcm. adj. in -dnid > -dn(n?)d has been
proposed but is unnecessary.]
pa-ki-ja-ne, PY Vn 19, Xa 113. Nom. plur., pn:
-ones, one of the Nine Towns of the Hither
Province. No convincing interpretation has
been proposed; the root is probably non-
Greek, cf. ‘AxapvavES* 'AypiavES, etc.
pa-ki-ja-na-de, PY Fn 187, Fr 1209+, 250= Vn
20. Acc. plur. + - de .
pa-ki-ja-si, PY 51 = An 18, 75 = Cn 608, 172=
Tn 316 + . Loc. plur.: - ansi .
pa-ki-ja-pi , PY 257=Jn 829, Ma 221. Instr.
(abl. ?) plur.: -dm phi .
pa-ki-ja-ni-jo, PY Fr 1236. Ethnic adj.: -dnios
{agios) ‘territory of P.\
pa-ki-ja-ni-jo-jo, PY 309 = Fr 1224. Gen. sing,
masc.: -dttioio (menos) ‘month of P.’, i.e., when
the great festival takes place at P. [For
derivation of month-name from place name,
cf. MoowyKov.]
pa-ki-ja-ni-jo-i, PY Fr 1216. Dat. plur.: ‘at the
feast of P.’ or ‘for the people of P. ?*.
pa-ki-ja-ni-ja, PY 114= En 609, [258=Jo 438],
304—On 300. pn, = pa-ki-ja-na . [Cf., e.g.,
* Axap vaves/' Axa pvctv la.]
pa-koy PY 49= An 427, (perhaps to be restored
52=An207. 11). pn. [In PY Fr 1216 probably
error for pa-ko-tve.]
]pa-ko-<je , KN Cb 5728. Name of ox; cf. pr*~dn-ko.
pa-ko-tOy PY 237 =Ta 709. Nom. dual phaktd,
name of vessel; cf. 9 < 4 ktov* p+rpov irapat
"ApKckoi, KCmjXcn d-rrixal Tprls Lexicon
CyrilLi (see Naoumides, 1968 , p. 280 ). Cf.
pa-kt-tt-ja?
pa-ko-wa , PY La 624. Obscure.
pa-ko-we, PY 306=Fr 1202, 307 ^Fr 1220 + .
Nom. sing, neut., adj. describing oil:
sphakowen ‘scented with sage’.
pa-ku-ro 2 y PY 44=Aq 218, Jn 750. mn.
pa-ma-ko, PY318=Un 1314. Nom.sing. ?, possibly
pha'mnhm ‘drug*, [qxippaxov Od. iv, 230 + .J
pa-tvji-kiy MY 93 = Fo 101. wn?, dat.: Phainaki ?
[<Dalva^.]
pa-na-pi, PY Cn 45. pn, instr. plur,: Phandphi ?
[Cf. Aetolia.]
pa-na-re-jo, KN As 1516, 39=As 1517 + , PY
Fn 867. mn, nom. and dat.: Panareios, -di
[Cf. nav&pttf.]
pa-na-so , KN E 843, Uf 121 + , X 1018. pn?
Palmer: Pamas{s)os? [napvaa(o-) 6 $.]
pa-pa-jo, PY 254 =Jn 389. mn: Pamphaios,
[n 6 u<?cnO«;.]
pa-pa-ra-ki , TH Of 25 . mn, dat.? [Cf. next.]
pa-pa-ra-ko , PY Jn 845. mn.
pa-pa-roy KN Vc 206, Xd 207 +, PY Cn 643+.
mn: Barbaros, Par par os? [B<frpPapos; pn
ndp-rrapos.]
pa-pu-sOy PY Jn 415. mn.
pa-qo-si-jo, KN [B 988, Dq 441], PY 253=Jn
310 +. m N: Pang u osios. [Cf. riauP<*>T65ai
Attic deme.]
pa-qo-si-jo-jo, PY 253=Jn 310, Gen.: Pang u o-
sioio .
pa-qo-ta, PY 255=Jn 658, Jn 725. mn: Pang'dlds .
[Cf. prec.]
pa-ray KN [299 = Sk 789?], 325=Sk 8100. mn?
pa-ra-joy PY An 298, 62 = Cn 655 + , 292 = Sh
740+ . Nom. plur. masc.: palaioi ‘old", some¬
times equivalent to ‘last year’s’. Possibly not
the same word in all contexts; for evidence of
meaning see pa-ra-ja below. [traAaios II, xiv,
108 + ; traditionally connected with t^Xe,
but this must now be rejected in the light of
Myc. spelling with pa-.)
pa-ra-jay KN Ln 1568, 275=Se 879, U 124,
PY 286=Sa 787, 287=Sa 793, TH Of 34.
Nom. plur. neut. (and fern.?),dat.sing, fern.:
potato, -di } conlrasted at PY with m-wa =
newa ‘new’ in Sa 843.
pa-ra-ke-se-we, PY Fn 324. mn, dat.: Prdxewei .
[Szemer 6 nyi, 1957 , p. t 8 o.]
pa-r<f-fa‘te-e-u, PY Jn 832. Nom. sing., descrip¬
tion of a smith.
pa-ra-ke-te-e-we, PY Jn 750. Nom. plur.
pa-ra-ke-we(-qe), PY 239=Ta 642. Instr. sing.,
name of a material used to inlay furniture,
see p. 340 .
pa-ra-ku-we , PY 244= Ta 714, 241=Ta 715.
Variant spelling.
pa-ra-ko, KN Sc 258, PY Eb 377 +, 119 = Eo 224,
131 = Ep 301, 148= Ep 613. mn, nom. and
dat.: Ptakos? Phataikos? -di. [TTXdxos moun¬
tain II. vi, 396 ; <J>4AaiKOS.]
pa-ra-ku, PY Cn 201. Obscure, mn?
pa-ra-ku-jay KN Ld 575, Nom. plur. neut., adj.
describing textiles; cf. *$6-ra-ku-ja .
pa-ra-ti-jo, KN 78 = C 914. mn, dat.: Pallantioi ?
[(laXAfivTios, adj.]
pa-ra-to, KN Db 1373. mn: Ptatdn? [nX&T<ov.]
pa-ra-u-jo, KN Ga 425. mn?
pa-ra-wa-jo, KN 299=Sk 789, [325=Sk 8100],
PY 293 = Sh 737. Nom, dual: paraw(w)aid
‘pair of cheek-pieces*. [Cf. irapeial ‘cheeks’,
Lesb. irapaua.]
pa-ra-we-jp, PY 318 = Un 1314, Reading and
meaning uncertain, see p. 505 .
pa-ra-we-wo, PY 42=An 37, 250=Vn 20.
Obscure; see p. 175 .
pa-ra-[ ,]-we-jo, KN Sp 4451. Reading uncertain,
apparently dual adj.
pa-re, KN Dl 8177, Sc 247, Sc 249? mn: Phates?
[<I>aXiK]
3 pa-ri-so '. see [ ku-\pn-ri-so.
pa-rHo. MY Wt 505. Obscure.
pa-ro, KN Ai 115, C 908+, Dk 945, 216 = L
871+, PY An 129 + , 6 l=Cn 131 +, 109=
Ea 782 + , Eb 747+, H 8 = Eo 211 + , 131 =
568
GLOSSARY
Ep 301 + , 305= Fr 1184, Mb 1401, Mn
162 + , Pa49 + , 96 =Un I38 + , MY 228= Oe
111?. Prep, with dat.: para ‘from or at the
hands of (a person) 1 , [irapd Homer + ; Trapo
Alcaeus, fr. 130 , 12 Lobel-Page (Taillardat,
i 960 , p. 3 ); see also Householder, 19596 .]
pa-rO’ke-ne-[to] f PY 16 = Ad 686 . 3 rd sing. aor.
middle: ou paro-geneto ‘did not present him¬
self’. [Cf. *a» 091 V irapeyfyvrro Sarri Od.
xvn, 173 ]
pa-sa-ja, KN 203=Ga 953, X 451. Obscure,
perhaps divine name.
pa-sa-ko-me-noy KN Vc 211. mn: Psakomenos?
pa-sa-ro, PY 247=Ta 716. Nom. dual, objects
made of gold: possibly psalO ‘chains’. [Cf.
ydXiov; Palmer, 19630 , p. 358 , whose
objections to the interpretation passalo are
sound.]
pa-se-ri-jo, MY Oe 121. Paironymic adj.?, dat.:
‘the son of P.\ [Cf. u-wa-si-jo ko-wo KN Ai
115]
pa-51 1 : see s.v. pa.
pa-si*, PY 135 = Ep 704. 3 rd sing. pres.: phdsi ‘says,
affirms’. [97101 Homer + .]
pa-si-te-o-i: see s.v. pa , le-o.
pa-ta, PY Cn 40. mn, dat.: Phantdi? [<t>dvrT|s,]
pa-ta-ja, KN 264 = Ws 1704+ . Nom. plur. neut.,
on sealings with ideogram showing stick with
point, perhaps a small throwing-spear or
javelin, different from the arrow ideogram
on KN R 4482: perhaps paltaia 'javelins*.
[Cf 7 tct>t 6 v ‘dart’ Ari?toph.+ ]
pa-ta-jo-i ,, PY 257=Jn 829. Dat. plur.: pal -
taioihi.
pa-ta-re[, KN Xd 58. Obscure.
pa-ta-ti-jo, KN C 911. Perhaps adj. from personal
name: ‘(the slave) of P,\
pa-ta-u-na, KN As 608 [ +] 625. mn?
pa-re 1 , PY 28 = An 607. Nom. sing.: pater ‘father 1 .
[Trcrnjp Homer+ .]
pa-te-de , PY 28=An 607, poter dc ‘and the
father 1 .
pa-re*: see s.v. pa.
pa-te-ko-to, PY An 7, Fn 1427? mn, dat.
pa-ti, KN As 1516, Dd 1281. mn.
/K»*/p[: see s.v. pa.
pa-to-ro, KN Uf 198. mn.
pa-to-yp-te> PYJn 706. pn, loc.
pa-wa-jo, KN Sc 258. mn.
pa-wa-wo, KN Sc 254, PYCn 285, Vn 493. mn.
pa-we-a, KN 2ll = Lc 532 + , 214 = Ld 57! + ,
219 = L 594 + . Nom. plur. neut.: pharwe{h)a
‘piecesofcloth 1 . [90905 0d. v, 258 , U. is, 43 + ;
cf. Lett, burvcs ‘sails'.]
pa-we-a* KN Ld 787+, MY 227 = Oc 127,
L 710. Variant spelling: pharweha.
pa-we-o, KN L 651. Gen, plur,?; pharwe{h)on .
Ipa-R'tf-Pi, KN L 104. Instr. plur.: pharweiphi .
pa-we-si, MY 228 = Oe 111. Dat. plur.:
pharwcs(i)i.
pa-wt-noy KN B 799, B 805. mn.
pa-wo, KN Ws 8499. On a sealing, perhaps
pharwos sing, (see pa-u:e-a ), but context
obscure.
pa-wo-ke y PY Aa 795, Ab 558. Nom. plur.,
description of women: pan-ivor ges ‘maids of all
work'? [Chadwick, 1967 a.1
pa-wo-ko, PY 13 = Ad 691 (pa-too-ko-qe), La632.
Gen. plur.: panworgon . Possibly not the same
word in La 632.
pa-za-ti, KN Dl 948. mn.
pa-ze, KN V 114. mn?
paj-: for words beginning pay, see under qa -.
pa a -: for words beginning pay see under ♦ 36 -
PE, Abbreviation of pe-ru-si-nu-wof-wa ‘last year’s 1 :
(of women) KN 19 = Ak 627 + , (of sheep)
KN 69 = Df 1119 + .
Annotation to cloth ( -pe-ko-to ? Killen,
1966 c): KN 213“Le 641, Ln 1568 + , cf.
PY La 630.
Annotation to tunic + ki ( = pe-ru-we-ta ? Kil¬
len, 1966 c): KN Ld 595.
Annotation to * 146 : KN M 1645, M 7373.
Ligatured with wheat: KN 94 = F 841 (cf.
PY Un 1319?).
Ligatured with ingot: KN Oa 733, Oa 734.
Ideographic uses: PY Un 219, Un 1319; used
to measure wool: KN Od 1062 + , to measure
mint: MY l05=Ge 602+ .
pe-da, KN V 114. Prep, with acc. ?: peda wastu
‘to the town’? [Chadwick, 1968 ^, p. 20 .]
pe-da-He-rvi* Fh 2013. Possibly to be
divided: peda hicron ?
pe-da-i-ra, KN Fh 341. mn.
pe-de-we-sa , PY 237=Ta 709. Nom. sing, fem.,
adj. describing a portable hearth: pedwessa
‘equipped with feet 1 .
pe-di-je-we , PY 58= An 654. Nom. plur., name of
a class of men: pediewes . [Cf. rTtSiets,] See
pp. 192 , 430 .
pe-di-e-wi, PY Wr 1328. Dat. sing.?
pe-di-je-wi-ja, PY Va 1324. Nom. plur., in con¬
text with spears and axles: pediewiai 'infantry
spears’ ?
pe-di-ra, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Nom. plur. neut.:
pedita ‘sandals’ or ’footwear’? [iriSiAa II.
xxiv, 341 +.]
pe-di-ro, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Gen. plur.:
pedilGn.
pe-di-ro-i, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Dat. plur.:
pedilaihi.
pe-iy PY 57=An 519 + , l90 = Na 395. Dat.
plur. 3 rd pers. pron.: spheht? spheis? ‘themV
[Horn., etc. < 79 i(v), Att.-Ion. a 9 lai(v), Arc.
<*9ei5.]
pe-ka-wo, KN Vc 66 , Xd 80. mn.
pe-ke-u, MY 105 = Ge 602, 106=Ge 603+ . mn:
Sperkheus? [Landau, 1958 , p. 101 .]
pe-ki-ta y PY H5 = En 74, l22=Eo 160, l20=Eo
276. mn.
5 6 9
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
pe-ki-ti-ra-i , PY [Aa 891], Ab 578. Nom. plur.
fern., a woman’s trade: pektriai 'wool-
carders’. [Cf. Sjjcoai. . . etpia tteIkete
Od. xvm, 316 .]
pe-ki-(i-ra t -o, PY 3 =Ad 694. Gen. plur.:
pektridon.
pe-ki-ti[, KN l>d 656. To be restored as this
word?
pe-ko , KN Dc 8080, Dv 1621, Dv 7098, PY 77=
Cn 418. Prob. mn {‘collector*) at KN,
perhaps adj. at PY. [Palmer: perkos (cf,
TrepKvb? ‘dark', mpKO$ ‘a kind of hawk'),
[ 963 a, p. 443 .]
pe-ko-to, KN 210—Lc 526+, L 698 + . Textile
term, connected with pe-ki-li-ra 2 ? See p. 315 .
pe-ma, KN E 1569, 101 =Ga 675 + , PY 152 =
Er 312, l53 = Er 880, Nom. sing, ncul.:
sperma ‘seed’ (of wheat and coriander),
[a-nippa Homer+.]
pe-mo y PY 133 = Eb 846 + , 117 = Eri 467+,
121 =Eo 247, 131 = Ep 301, 154=Eq 213,
l67=Es 650. Variant form: sperm # (cf. a-rw).
pe-nic, PY 33 = Ae 26. Possibly mn, dat.: see
p. 420 .
pe-ne-we-ta, KN 214= Ld 571 -+, L 593, 216 = E
871. Nom. plur. neut.; perhaps sphenwenta
‘with wedges’, sec p. 487 . [< 799 ^ Acsch. + ;
cf. < 79 Tiv< 5 Trous.]
pe-ne-we-te , KN L 5108. Nom. dual: sphen -
t vente ?
pe-pi-te-me-no-jo, TH Ug 1 + . mn, gen.: Pepilh-
menoio. [Miihlestcin, Nestor 1 / 12 / 64 , p. 361 .]
pe-po-ro, KN Dc 6060, PY Jn 601. mn: Peplos?
[UinXofi.}
[?pe-}pu 2 -te-me-no 1 PY 153 = Er 880. Probably
pepKatemenon (or -tmenon ?) ‘planted with trees’.
[Cf. yq 7 TE<j>vrsup 4 vq Her.] See p. 267 .
pe-qa-to, KN 270=Sd 4402, 271 =Sd 4422. Nom.
sing., part of chariot: pegg u aton < *ped-g u aton
‘foot-board’. [Wild, 1962 , p. 128 .]
pe-qe-ro-jo, PY Sa 768. mn, gen.
pe-qe-u, KN Vd 137, PY Jn 693. mn.
pe-qe-we, PY Cn 45, Fn 79. Dal.
pe-qo-no , KN B 798. mn.
pe-qo-ta , PY 116 = En 659, 123 = Eo 444. Perhaps
title or description used to distinguish two
men of the same name.
pe-ra-a-ko-ra-i-jo , PY 304=On 300, Possibly nom.
plur. ethnic or variant of pn pe-ra^-ko-ra-i-ja
(q.v.).
pe-ra-ko-no, MY Oe 118. mn?
pe-ra-ko-ra-i-ja : see s.v. pe-ra 3 -ko-ra-i-ja .
pe-ra 2 , KN X 999. Obscure.
pe-ra 2 -w p[, KN Xd 98. Obscure.
pe-ra 3 -ico-ra-i-ja, PY 199=Ng 332, Wa 114. pn,
the name of the Further Province (sec pp. 144 ,
416 ): Peraigolata or sim. [Tiipa; cf. AlyaXiov;
Chadwick, 1963 a, p. 138 ,]
pe-ra-ko-ra-i-ja, PY Pa 398. Variant or erron¬
eous form ?
pe-ra 3 -qo, PY 179= Ma 193. Nom. plur., name of
a group of men, possibly Peraig u oi. [flepai|3o{;
sec p. 294 .]
pe-re , KN Od 562, PY Cc 1284, 172=Tn 316,
318 = Un 1314. Probably in all cases 3 rd
sing, pres.: phetei ‘carries’, ‘brings’. Seep.
460 .
pe-re-i-to , PY Wr 1327. On scaling, apparently
with horse ideogram.
pe-re-ke , KN 225 = L 520. Probably mn : see p. 488 .
pe-re-ke-u, PY Cn 1287. Nom. sing., man’s trade:
possibly plekeas ‘weaver’. [Cf. ttXokel^
Epicharmus+ .]
pe-re-ke-we , PY Ac 574 + , MY Oe 130. Nom.
plur. and dat. sing.: -ctces, - ewei, at MY in
wooi. context.
pe-re-ko, KN Ag 88 . m n.
pe-re-ku-ta , PY An 172. Nom. sing, or plur.:
presgutds ‘old man’. [Att. Ttptopurns* Dor.
TTpdyus, TrpnyEUTa^, etc.]
pe-re-kit-wa-na-ka , PY 248= Va 15. mn: Pres-
guwanax.
pe-re-qo-ni-jo, PY 59= An 656. Prob. mn:
Presg u 6 nios? [Cf. FlpEcr^cJv, fTpeaP^vidSry]
pe-re-qo-no, PY Jn 725. mn: Presg v onos? [Cf. prec.]
pe-re-qo-no-jo, PY Ea 270, Jn 605, Gen.: -oio.
pe-re-qo-ta, KN Ce 50, PY An 192, Eb 159, 116=
En 659, 148= Ep 613. mn, nom. and dat., also
spelt in gen. qe-re-qo-la-o (q.v.): Peleq u hontds,
-tdi. [Cf. Bocot. TTeiXe-; hypocoristic Tr}Xe 90 $.j
pe-re-ta , PY 255=Jn658,Jn 725, mn.
pe-re-u-ro-na-de, PY 53 = An 1. pn, acc .+ -de:
Pleurdna-de ‘to Pleuron’. [TTXfuptov, Actolia It.
it, 639 + .]
pe-re-u-ro-ni-joy PY 59=An 656. Nom. sing, of
ethnic adj., or used as mn?: Pleurdnios .
pe-re-wa-ta , KN Vc 183, PY An 129. mn. [Cf.
pe-re-* 8 a-ta .]
pe-re-wo-te , PY Na 513, Xa 176. pn, loc. [Phrewotei
(<ppfap) Doria, 1961 , p. 433 ; or for Phlei(wo)-
wontei ( 9 X^ 009 ) Lcjcune, 1969 , p. 51 ?]
pe-re-* 8 i , PY 172=Tn 316, 3l3 = Un 6 . Divine
name, dat. fem.: possibly Preswat. [Cf. report,
riEp< 7 E-<p 6 v?i; Chadwick, 1968 a, p. 65 .)
pe-re-* 8 a-jo y PY 172 = Tn 316, Probably dat.-
loc. of derivative adj.: Preswaidi? ‘at the
shrine of P.’,
pe-re-+ 82 -ta y KN As 602. mn. [If * 82 =zswa, cf.
pe-re-wa-ta.\
pe-ri-je-ja, KN 156= Uf 1031. Man’s or woman’s
name?
pe-ri-jo-ta(-qe), KN V 1002. mn.
pe-ri-ke, MY 234= Uc 611. Nom. plur., name of
a vessel: pelikes. [n£Xi£‘ kuXi£ f| irpoxotSiov
Cralin, 5 b.c. ap. Poll.; cf. Att. irtXfKri = X°^>
Acol. tteXikcx ‘basin’.]
pe-ri-ke[y MY Au 609. mn, to be restored: Perikle-
ivis or sim.?
pe-ri-me-de , PY 59=An 656. mn: Perimedes.
pe-ri-me-de-Oy PY 43 = Aq 64. Gen.: Perimedeos.
57 °
GLOSSARY
pe-ri-mo , KNDv584l (£p-rt -mo), PY 43 = Aq 64.
mn; Perimos. [nfpiuos//- xvi, 695 .]
pe-ri-no, PY 58 = An 654, Jn 706. mn: Perinos ?
[Palmer; short form to ’TTeplvoos or the
(ike.]
pe-ri-qo-ta, PY Jn 693. mn: Petig u 6lds? [Cf.
neptptuTotSas (Georgiev); see p. 94 .]
pe-ri-qo-ta-o, KN Dq 42 t Dq 46. Gen.: - tao .
pe-ri-qo-te-jo, KN Da 1172 +, 65= Db 1232, De
1231 + . Probably nom. plur., adj. describing
sheep, rather than mn ; exact function obscure.
pe-ri-ra-wo, PY 58 = An 654. mn: Perilautos.
[riEpiAaos.]
pe-ri-ro-qo, KN V 479. Probably nom. plur.
introducing list of men: peritoiq u oi * remaining'.
[TTEplAonros Aristophanes + ; cf. o-pi-ro-qo .]
pe-ri-ta, KN 232 = K 875, V 60. mn: Perilds.
[neplxas.]
pe-ri-te, PY Vn 130. mn, dat,
pe-ri-to-wo, KN [Vc 171], Vc 195, V 655. mn:
Perithowos. [rTriplQoos (Flo- metrical length¬
ening] II. xu, 129 .]
pe-ro{-qe), KN As 605. mn: Pellon, Phellos ?
[fT4AAcov, <D4AAos.]
pe-ro-ro y MY 107=Ge 604. Error for o-pe-ro.
J pe-ro t -[, KN E 842. Sign at right perhaps -n*; to
be restored [ ujpe-ro^ne: Huperionei ? [TiTEplcov
//. xix, 398 +.]
pe-ru-si-nu-wo, PY 181 = Ma 378 + . Neut. sing.:
pcrusirwxm ‘last year’s’. Abbreviated j be.
[ttepvctTvo^ Arisloph. + ; from *per-uk~ (cf
F^tos), Skt. pariit ‘last year’; for suffix cf.
perhaps Horn, imopiuos, where the i may be
metri gratia.]
pe-rusi-nu, PY 179 = Ma 193. Defective spelling
of prec.
pe-ru-si-nu-wa, PY J80 = Ma 225 + , Ub 1316.
Fern, and neut. plur.: perusinutai, -um.
pe-ru-si-nwa, KN 283=So 4442, MY 228=Oe
Ml. Alternative spelling of prec.
pe-ru-si-nwa-Oy PY Ub 1317. Gen. plur. fem.:
perusinwdan.
pe-se-ro, MY 105 = Ge 602. mn, perhaps dat.:
Psellos? [YtAA^s as name only late; as adj.
Aesch. *+.]
pe-se-ro-jo , KN 24=Ai 63. Gen.: -oio.
pe-ta-o-ni-jo, TH Ug 12, mn or adj.?: Pelaonios ?
[Cf. TTmtiv II. n, 500 .]
pe-ta-ro, PY 253=Jn 310. mn: Pelalos . [TTetciAos.]
pe-te-ki-ja, KN 38=As 1516. mn.
pe-te-re-wa: see s.v. pte-re-wa.
pe-te-u, KN As 603. mn.
pe-to-no, PY 75 = Cn 608, 257=Jn 829, Ma 120,
Vn 19+. pn, one of the Nine Towns of the
Hither Province: perhaps Pethnos .
pe-to-no-de y PY 250= Vn 20. Acc. + -dr.
pe-ti-ni-jo, PY 301 =Ac 1275. Nom. plur.
ethnic adj.: Pethnioi ?
pe-to-no-qa, TH Of 29. Obscure.
pe-we-ri-jo , KN 39=As 1517. mn.
pe-*f) 5 -k<iy PY Vn 879. Possibly name of a timber
or other material? p*-ju-ka suggests tteokt)
‘pine’, but the spelling would be surprising.
pi-a t -ra y PY 238=Tn 996. Nom. plur. fem.:
phihalai 4 boiling-pans 4 . [^tdAq II xxm, 243 + ,
used to collect the bones of Palroklos; later
‘drinking-bowl’; also 9 i 4 Aiy]
pi-je-ra z , PY 237=Ta 709. Alternative spelling
of prec.: phielai.
pi-di-jo, KN 158=Uf836. Obscure, mn?
pi-ja-ma-so, PY Fn 324. mn, dat. [Cf. dement
piya- ‘give’ in Hittile names.]
pi-ja-mu-nu, KN Ap 5748. wn ; see note on pi-ja-ma-
so .
pi-ja-se-me, KN 38=As 1516. mn; see note on
pi-ja-ma-so .
pi-ja-si-ro, KN 38 = As 1516. mn; see note on
pi-ja-ma-so.
pi-je-ra z : see s.v. pi-a t -ra .
pi-ka-na, PY 194=Na 334. pn.
pi-ke-re-u, PY Eb 496, 131 =Ep 30 I. m n: Pikreus?
[Cf. Cypr. gen. pi-ki-re-wo Schwyzer, Dial.
684 , 5-1
pi-ke-re-wo , PY 115 = En 74, l22 = Eo 160.
Gen.: -iutos.
pi-ke-re-we , PY 122= Eo 160. Bat.: -ewei.
pi-ke-te-i, PY Gn 720. mn, dat.?
pi-ki-nu-wo, KN Da 5217. mn.
pi-ma-na-ro, KNAs 1520, V 1523. mn.
pi-me-ta, PY 61 =Cn 131. mn, dal.
pi-mo-no, KN Xe 692, Ws8499. mn, nom. and dat.
pi-pi, TH Z 846, Z 854. mn.
pi-pi-tu-na , KN 202=Fp 13. Divine name; for
ending cf. Akrwya. See p. 308 .
pi-ra-jo, PY 30=Ae 264, l04=Un 249. mn:
Philaios. [OfAcnos.]
pi-ra-ka-ra, KN Ap 639. wn: Philagra. [Cf.
OlAayposJ
pi-ra-fcq-wo{-qe), KN V 1005. mn; Philakhaiwos.
[<J>iAdx al °S Schwyzer, Dial. 57 .]
pi-ra-ki, MY Au 657, Z 710. mn: Phildgis ? [Cf.
'AyisJ
pi-ra-ki-jo, KN V 1002. mn.
pi-ra-me-no, KN E 36, PY 254=Jn 389. mn:
Phtlamenos. [Cf. <ptAaro //. v, 61 +, ipiAdpEvos
IG xiv, I549-J
pi-ra-qo, KN Vc 181. mn.
pi-re-fq, PY Fn 324. mn, dat.: Phileta'i. [OiAiyrcis.]
pi-ri-da-ke, MY Oe 128. mn, dat.
pi-ri-ja-me-ja , PY 50= An 39 rev. mn: Prianuins ?
[Cf. TTplauos 19 + .]
pi-ri-ja-o, PY 251 = Vn 46. Gen. plur.: phliaon
‘door-posts’. [<pAial Od . xvn, 221 ,]
pi-ri-je , KN 230 = K 740. With sign ze; perhaps
here to be taken not as a a abbreviation=
‘pair’, but as ideogram for ‘saw’. [Cf.
TtpicOV?]
pi-ri-je-te, KN 262= Ra 1548+ . Nom. sing., name
of trade concerned with swords: prietir ?
‘cutler’. [Cf. pi-ri-je, pi-ri-te; rrpigTt'ip.]
571
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
pi-ri-e-te-re, PY Fn 1427. Dat. sing.: -tirei,
pi-ri-je-te-re , PY 52 = An 207. Nom. dual: -lire,
pi-ri-e-te-si , PY An 7. Dat. plur.: -Hrsi.
pi-ri-no, KN 38=As 1516. mn: Philinos ? [<t>iAIvo$.]
pi-ri-sa-la , KN U 4478. mn.
pi-ri-ta , PY Vn 1191. wn: Philistd. [<t>iM(JTcr.]
pi-ri-]ta-wo> PY 130=Eo 371. mn: Brlthatvdn ?
Plinthdwon ? (PetruSevski, 1959 ). (.^ . i
pi-ri-ta-wo-no, PY ll 7 = En 467. Gen.: -atvonos.
pi-ri-ie, KN Ra 1543. Probably mis-spelling of
pi-ri-je-ie , but could be pristir. [iTpiOTrip.]
pi-ri-to-jo , KN C 911. mn, gen.?: Philistoio?
[<J>iAlOTO$.]
pi-ri-y-wo, KN B 803. mn.
pi-ro-i-ta , KN V 1523, [V 1526?]. mn: Philoilds.
[OjAoinrns; cf. <D»Aorrio$ Od. xx, 185 + .]
pi-ro-ka-te , PY Jn 832. mn.
pi-ro-na , PYEp539. wn: Philond?
pi-ro-ne-la , PY 255=Jn 658. mn.
pi-ro-pa-ta-ra , PYVn 1191 .wn: Philopatra.
pi-rQ-pe-se-wa , TH Of 28. mn, dat.: Phiiopsewdi or
Philopeisewai? [Cf. FTtioEaS.]
pi-ro-qa-wo, KN As 609. mn: Philoqq^awdn [cf.
<J)iAoktt|uwv] or Philoq v dwon [cf. o-qa-wo-ni] ?
] pi-ro-qe-moj MY Ue 611. mn.
pi-ro-qo-[ y PY Cn254. mn, dat.: Philo-,
pi-ro-ta-wo , PY 168= Es 644,167 = Els 650 -f . mn.
pi-ro-te-ko-tOy P Y 167 = Es 650 rev. m n : Philotektdn y
if correctly read as one word; see p. 278 .
pi-ro-we-ko , PY 254=Jn 389. mn: Philowergos.
[OiAoupyosJ
pi-rv-wo-na), PY Ac 344. mn. (Cf. next.]
pi-ro-wo-nd* t MY 303=V 659. wn. F/dluwoind ?
pi-ru-te, PY 57=An 519, 76=Cn 3. pn, *1oc.
pi-sa-wa-ta , KN B 1055. mn: Piswdtas? [Cf.
pi-*8s.]
pi-ta-ke-u , PY 254=Jn 389. mn: Pithdkeus ?
pi-ti-ro t -we-sa f PY 240 =Ta 713. Nom. sing. fem.:
ptilowessa {ptiho -?) ‘decorated with feather
pattern’? (tttIAov ‘feathers, down; insect’s
wing’, Herodotus-f.]
pi-wa-tOy PY An 1423. mn?
pi-we-re y PY Aa 1182. pn.
pi-we-ri-di, MY Oe 103. Dat. sing, fern., perhaps
ethnic, also used as wn: Piweridi.
pi-we-ri-fj, MY 93= Fo 101. Dat. plur.
pi-we-ri-ja-ta , PY 254=Jn 389. mn: Piweridtas.
[Cf. prec.; ITieplT'i II. xiv, 226 .]
pi-za-ray KN X 1801. Obscure, mn?
pi-*8sy PY Ac 1276, An 830, 61 = Cn 131,
75= Cn 608 , 258=Jo 438, 180 = Ma 225 + .
pn, first of the Nine Towns of the Hither
Province; probably Piswd. [fHaa, but not to
be identified with Pisa on the Alpheios;
Chadwick, 1968 a, p. 64 .]
pi-* 82 -de y PY 250= Vn 20. Acc.+ -de\ Piswan-de.
pi-[. ]-te, PY 49= An 427. pn, loc.
po, Annotation to man *,=po-ku-ta: KN B 808 + .
Annotation to cloth: KN L 7380.
Ligatured with *211 (see p. 328 ) ;KN Fs 8 , K873.
Ligatured with oil (perhaps-=po-ro-ko-u>a, see
p. 477 ): PY Fr 1203, Fr 1208.
Ideographic use: KN C 7516.
po-da, KN V 1524. Obscure.
po-da-ko{-qe)y KN Ch 899. Name of ox: Podargoi
(?“*)• [n<S5apyos name of two horses II. vm,
185 , xxm, 295 .]
po-dd-qe-re-fj-je-wo, KN B 822. Obscure, gen. of
adj.?
po-de, PY 236=Ta 641. Dat. sing.: podei ‘foot, leg’
(of tripod cauldron or table), (ttou^ Homer + .]
po-piy PY 239=Ta 642. Instr. plur.: popphi
< * pod-phi. Cf. qe-lo-ro-po-pi.
po-i-te-u, KN Da 1083. mn: Phoiteus? [Cf. next.]
po-i-ti-joy KN Da 1314. mn: Phoitios. [Cf. place
name OoiTlai.]
po-kdy KN Dp 997, Dp 7742. Nom. plur. pokai
‘fleeces’. [iTOKai variant of ttokoi. See Killen
1962 ^, 1963 .)
po-ka-ro, KN Da 5195. mn.
po-ka-ta-ma, PY 238 = Tn 996. Nom. sing.,
annotation to golden and bronze vessels,
perhaps their name, or pos-ktama ‘additional
property’? [Cf. po-si. Arc. tto$; Kiqpa; sees.v.
po-ku-ta.]
po-ke-we, PY 61 = Cn 131. mn, dat.: Phokiwei?
[(DtdKfCrs ethnic.]
po - ki - ro - nu - ka , KN Ld 579, 218 = Ld 598 + . Nom.
plur. neut.: poikil - onukha ? (ofgarments) ‘with
many-coloured o - nu-ke ’ (see o - nu - ka , and cf.
re - u - ko - nu - ka ). [ttoikIAoj //. v, 735 + .]
po - ki - ro-qo , PY 58 = An 654, 43= Aq 64, 258 =
Jo 438. mn: Poiktloq u s } - oq u os "i
po - ki - te , KN B 806. mn.
po - ko-roy PY Cn45, 61 = Cn 131. mn, dat.
po - ku-tay KN B 815 + , C 911 +, L 469, PY 52 =
An 207, 54 = An 610. Nom. sing, and plur., a
class of men. The suggestion pos-khutas is
improbable in view of the lack of evidence for
* pos=posi in Myc., but a compound of
-khutds (xfco) is likely. [Cf. -rTpox^‘nls=
TTp6 X oosJ
po-ku-te-roy KN C 911. Apparently adj. to prec.
(For formation cf. wa-na-ka-le-ro ; this confirms
that -ta of po-ku-ta must be a suffix.)
po-ma-koy PY Cn 45. mn. Georgiev: Poimarkhos,
-dgos.
pp-rnq-no-ri, KN L 759 (deleted). Obscure; if mn,
dat., perhaps: Poimdnori. [Cf. FTo{pav 6 po$.]
po-me\ KN 29=Am 821, PY 31 =Ae 134, An 101,
l!l = Ea 71 +, 128=Eo 278. Nom. sing,
masc.: poimen ‘shepherd’. [noipr)v Od. x,
82 +.]
po-me-ne, PY 110 = Ea 800 + , 183=Nn 831.
Dat. sing, and nom. plur.: poimenei , poimenes.
po-me-no , PY 109= Ea 782, Gen. sing.: poimenos.
po-me 1 , KN Dd 1376. mn: Poimen (in fact, a
shepherd), [rioipriv.]
po-mi-ni-jOy KN V 503, mn: Poimnion or Poimnios.
[rioipvlwv, TToipfvios.]
572
GLOSSARY
po-lif-to-qe-w, PY Eq 34.4. Obscure.
po-ni-ja-ja , KN Sd 4408. Error for po-ni-ki-ja.
po-ni-ke(-qe), PY 246=Ta 722. Instr. sing, masc.:
phoinikei ‘with a palm-tree*; prob. not
‘griffin*, [ipoh/ifj Od. vt, 163 +.] See pp- 344 >
502 .
po-ni-ki-pi, PY 244 =Ta 714. Instr. plur.:
phoinikhphi .
po-ni-ke-ja[, KN Ln 1568. wn, dat.: Phoinikeidi.
po-ni-ki-ja, KN 270 = Sd 4402 4-, Se 965 + , 274=
Sf 4428. Nom. sing, and plur. fem.: phoinikid ,
- ai , describing chariots, prob. ‘painted
crimson* (less likely ‘of palm-wood’). ( 901 V 1 -
ksos Pindar + , cf. vccts 90 iviKOTrapx;)ovs Od. xt,
124 .]
po-ni-ke-a, KN Se 880. Variant spelling:
phoinikea.
po-ni-ki-jo , KN 99 = Ga 418 + , [Od 5082 ?}. Nom.
sing. neut. ?; name of a spice measured by
weight: phoinikion ? (In Od 5082, if rightly
restored, perhaps adj,, cf. po-ni-ki-ja.) There is
no proof that ipoivfiKjiov, Inscr. Cret . tv, 145 ,
is a substantive, but it could be the same word
(Maddoli, 1968 ).
po-no-qa-ta, PY Fn 324, KN Da 1341[ + ]1454+
8777 ? mn, dat.: Pornoq u dtai. [Cf. Trdpvoi+, Aeol.
TTopvomos; Ruijgh ( 1967 , p. 355 ): Pono-
g u atas?]
po-pi: see s.v. po-de.
po-po, KN Ln 1568, L 513, L 567 + , Od 689+.
wn?, nom. and dat.
pn-po-i , MY Ot 702. Dat. plur., poss. variant of
po-ro-po-i.
po-pu-re-k j[, KN X 976. Nom. plur. masc.?:
pOrphvfaifi? [irop<pupt 05 , II, viti, 221 + .]
po-pu-re-ja, KN 224 = L 474. Nom. plur. fem.:
porphureiai.
po-pu-ro j, KN L 758. Possibly nom. dual fem.:
porphurid.
po-qa, PY96 = Un 138, TH Ug 17 (cf. KN 165 =
Gv 862). Word applied to olives, prob.
phorg u d ‘for eating*, ‘food*. [ipopP^, II. v,
202 + ‘food for animals’; on etymology see
Chadwick and Baumbach ( 1963 , p. 253 ).]
po-qa-te-Uy PY Qa 1295. Probably a title: poss.
phoi g u astcus ‘purifier* or ‘prophet’? [Cf.
90 ipdjw.]
po-qe-wi-ja, PY 323=Sb 1315. Nom. plur. fem.:
phorg u eiai ‘halters’. [ 9 opP*id Xen. + .]
po-qe-m-ja-i, PY 324=An 1282. Dat. plur.;
phorg u cidhi .
po-ra-i, PY 59=An 656. pn, dat.-loc. plur.
po-ra-pi, PY 53= An 1, Mn 1408, 184=Nn228.
Instr. plur.
po-re-na(-qe), PY 172 = Tn 316. Prob. acc. plur.
masc.; see pp. 285 , 46 j.
po-re-si, TH Of 2 6 : dat. plur.?
po-re-no-tu-ff[, PY Ua 1413. Obscure, perh.
compound of or containing a form of
prec.
po-re-no-zo-te-ri-ja , PY Un 443. If divided
po-re-no zo-U-ri-ja , the first word might be gen.
(sing, or plur.) to cons, stem po-re-na (acc.
plur.); ^o-te-ri-ja might then be tsoteria
(ocoT^pta) ‘ransom of victim, prisoner, or the
like*. This would involve accepting aw- as
the product of not a contraction of
aapo- (< The problem is com¬
plicated by the presence in PY Un 443 of
U-ri-ja immediately preceded by what is
apparently barley 2; but po-re-no-zo offers
no easy solution.
po-re-si : see s.v. po-rc-na(-qc).
po-ri-ko , PY Cn 328. mn: Polikhos? [rToXiyosJ
po-ri-wa, KN 2l7 = Ld 587. Nom. plur. neut.:
poliwa ‘grey’, of textiles. [ttoAio$ II. ix, 366 .]
po-ri-wo, KN C 311. mn: Poliwos? [Cf. prec.]
po-ro x , KN 82=Ca 895. Dual with ‘maneless
horse ’ ideogram. Evans: polo ‘ two colts,
foals’ (of horses or asses'), [-rrwXos Od. xxm,
246 + .]
po-rory KN 67 = Dd 1171. mn, Georgiev: Polos,
but there are other possibilities. [riwAos.]
po-ro-de-qo-no, KN F 51. Recipient of barley,
man's or god’s name?
po-ro-du-ma-te, PY [148= Ep 613], 91 = Fn 50.
Dat. sing, (Ep 613 po-rg-du^-ma], nom. sing.):
pro- and obscure title (see du-ma).
po-ro-e-ke , PY 240=Ta 713, 241 =Ta 715. Nom.
sing., epithet of a table: see p. 501 .
po-ro-e-ke-te-ri-ja, PY 237 = Ta 709. An imple¬
ment used in connexion with hraziers: perh.
prohclkteria ‘instrument for drawing forth*.
[Palmer, 1963 a, p. 342 .]
po-ro-i-ra, KN Od 690. Personal name, dat.
po-ro-ko, KN Dv 1416, PY [255=Jn 658?], Jn
725. mn.
po-ro-ko-re-te, KN V 865, PY 257=Jn 829,
258=Jo 438. Nom. sing., official subor¬
dinate to ko-re-te.
po-ro-ko-re-te-re{-qe), PY 257=Jn 829. Nom.
plur.
po-ro-ko-wa, KN Fh 350. Technical term describ¬
ing olive oil: prokhowd ‘outpouring*, [-n-poxoi 1 !
‘river-mouth, outpouring* Horn.] Cf. e-pi-ko -
wa.
po-ro-ko-wo, MY 234 = Ue 611 rev. Nom. plur.:
prokhowoi ‘jugs', [-rrpoxoos Od. xvm, 397 +,
Att. Trpoxovs.]
po-ro-po-i, MY 32l = #i 701. Dat. plur.: see p.
507.
po-ro-qa-ta-jo, PY 62=Cn 655. mn. [Cf. Attic
deme npdoTrcrATO ?]
po-ro-su-re, KN Sg 888 . Obscure; mn?
po-ro-te-ke, MY Ue 661 (jo-po-ro-te-ke). 3 rd sing,
aor.: {ho) prolhekt ‘Thus he set out’? The
absence of a subject makes this obscure and
doubtful (see Chadwick, 19636 , p, 62 ).
po-ro-te-u, PY Eq 146. mn: Proteus ? [lipoma's.]
po-ro-ti-ri, KN 275 =Se 879. Obscure: see p. 369 .
20
573
CD]
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
po-ro-to , KN Od 562. Poss. mn: PrSlos , but the
structure of the text b obscure.
po-ro-tu-qo-no, KN Vc 54. mn.
po-ro-u-jo , PY 255=Jn 658, Jn 725. mn.
po-ro-u-te-u, KN 66 =Dc 1129, PY 253=Jn 310,
[Vn 493] + . mn: PbuUus . [rTAovmvs.]
po-ro-u-te-wo, PY 253=Jn 310. Gen.: Ploutium.
po-ro-u-tc-we , PY 61=Cn 131. Dat.: Ploulrwei*
po-ro-we[, KN X 1014. Obscure.
po-ro-wi-to, PY [Fr 1218?}, Fr 1221, Fr 1232.
Possibly a month-name: Pldwistos ‘the month
of sailing’ (Palmer 1963 d, p. * 254 ); see pp.
286 , 459 , 480 .
po-ro-wi-to-jo, PY 172=Tn 316. Gen.
po-ru-da-ma-te, PY 50=An 39. Nom. plur.:
varant spelling of po-ro-du-ma-ie ?
po-ru-da-si-jo , KN V 118, PY 44=Aq 218.
Patronymic or ethnic adj.?
po-ra-e-ro, PY 255=Jn 658. mn. The same man as
o-ru-u/r-ro, but which is correct? See p. 511 .
po-ru-ka-to , KN Vc 74. mn: Polukastos ? [Cf.
rToAuxctcrq Od. ill, 464 .]
po-ru-po-de(-qe ), PY 246=Ta 722. Instr. sing.
Bennett: polupodei ‘(inlaid) with an octopus’.
[Gen. TTOuAurroSos Od. v, 432 + .]
po-ru-qo-ta , PY Cn 40, Jn 845. mn, nom. and
dat.: Poluq u honld.t. [noAu<p 6 vnis //. iv, 395;
the labio-vdar preserved by analogy of other
names in -q*konlds.]
po-ru~qo~to, KNDa 1137, PY An 128. At KN man’s
name: Polug u otos ? At PY probably epithet,
po-ra-fe-we, KN Vc 176. mn.
po-ru-to, PY An 5. mn.
po-ru-we-wo, PY Sa 796. mn, gen.
po-se’da-Oy PY Es 653. Nom. (prob. error for
dat.): Postidttn ‘ Poseidon ’. [rioa«5dcov Horn.;
the Corinthian forms with -afov must be
secondary. On etymology see Hamp ( 1968 ).)
po-se-da-o~no, KN X 5560?, PY Eq 34, 170=
Es 649. Gen.: Postiddinos.
po-se-da-o-ne, [KN 208 = V 52], PY 169 = Es
646 + , [Fr 343], 309=Fr 1224 + , [313 = Un
6 ]. Dat.: Posadiotui.
po-se-da-o-ni, PY 171 = Un 718. Alternative
dat.: Poseiddoni.
po-siy KN 270=Sd 4402, 271 =Sd 4422 + .
Adverb: post ‘together, attached’. [*poli >
Dor. rrorf, ttot, Arc.-Cyp. rr 6 $, parallel to
*proti > Horn. Trpori, Alt.-Ion., Lesb. irpos-]
po-si-da-e-ja, PY 172 = Tn 316. Dat. sing, of
goddess’s name: Posiddeiai .
po'si-da-i-je-u-si, PY Fn 187. Dat. plur.: Posi-
dd'ijeusi ‘ for the priests of Poseidon 1 ?
po-si-da-i-jo , PY 172 = Tn 316. Acc. ncut.:
Posiddion ‘ the shrine of Poseidon ’ ?
po-si-da-i-jo-de, PY Fn 187. Acc.+aNative -de,
‘ to the shrine of P.’.
po-si-ke-te-re , PY 54= An 610. Nom. plur. masc.,
a class of men: pos-ik(t)tires?; ‘suppliants’ is
an unlikely meaning, perh. ‘newcomers’?
[k 47 r|$ Horn., 1 kt?ip Soph., irpooforrcop
Aesch.]
poso-pe-re-i, PY Cn 40. mn, dat.: Pos-opkeUi?
[Cf. irpcxTo^tflAca.]
po-so-ra-ko, PY Jn 725 (deleted), mn.
po-so-re-ja, PY 119 = Eo 224 + , 148 = Ep 613 +.
wn: Psoleia ?
pO’SO’ri-jOy PY 258=Jo 438, [Jn 601?]. mn:
P solid 1 ?
po-so-ri-jo-no, PY 43=Aq 64. Gen.
po-so-ro, PY 312 = An 1281, Jn 601 +. mn:
Psoton? [YoAtov,]
po-te-ja[, TH Of 41. Obscure.
po-te-re-we , PY Fn 187. mn or trade-name?, dat.
po-te-u, PY 57=An 519, Cn 45. mn; PonUus or
Phoiteus ? [rTovrtOs; cf. po-i-fr-u.]
po-te-wo, PY 117 = En 467, 129= Eo 268. Gen.
po-ti-ja-ke-e , PY An 298, 54= An 610. pn, loc.
[po-)tha~ke-fi, PY 312=An 1281. Prob. variant
of same name in loc. plur.
po-ti-jo, KN B 804. mn: Ponlios. [TT 6 vrio$.]
po-ti-na-jo , PY Jn 692, Jn 725 + . mn.
po-ti-ni-ja, KN 205=Gg 702, M 729, Oa 7374,
208=V 52, X 444?, PY 312 = An 1281, Cc
665, Fn 187, 310 = Fr 1225+ , l72 = Tn 316,
Vn 48, MY 321 =Oi 70! + , TH Of36. Name
of goddess, nom.?, gen. and dat.: Potnia ,
Potniajy Polnidi, ‘the Mistress’. Frequently
with epithet and sometimes written as one
word {a-la-na-po-ii-ni-ja KN 208= V 52,
MY 321 =Oi 701). [rr 6 -rvia
Horn. +, cf. Skt. paint.] On the identification
of the goddess, see Chadwick, 1957 a.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo, KN D1 930+ , PY Ep 613,
253=Jn 310 + . Nom. sing. masc. adj.
derived from mWvia: Polniawiios ? ‘of or
belonging to Potnia’. [Polni-arwdos Lejeune
( 19626 , p. 407 ); the form is difficult, see
p. 127 .]
po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo-jo, PY 154=Eq 213. Gen. sing,
masc. or neut.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-fa y KN 90 = G 820, Dp 997. Nom.
sing, or plur. fcm. or plur. neut.
po-ti-ni-ja-we, KN 73 = DI 943. Defective
spelling for poAi-ni-ja-u.>e-jo.
po-ti-ni-ja-we-i-jOy KN Dp 7742. Variant
spelling for po li-ni-ja-we-jo.
po-ti-ni-ja-wi - jo, PY 3l6 = Qa 1299. Variant
form: Potniawios .
po-ti-pi{~qe), PY 242= PY Ta 707. Instr. plur.:
porliphi ‘with heifers'. [Tr 6 pris //. V, 162 + .]
po-fr-ro, KN [ V 756], V 1002, V 1003+ . Obscure,
apparently introduces two masc. names on
tablets headed by a fern, ethnic adj.
po-to, KN 38=As 1516. mn: Ponlos ? [fldvros.]
po-to-re-ma-ta, PY [Ep 539], Jn 601. mn, nom.
and dat.: Ptolemdtds, -tai. [Cf. rioAetuSrrCrs.]
po-to-ri-jo, KN 39 = As 1517. mn: Ptotidn?
po-to-ri-ka-ta, KN 162= Uf 983. mn, dat.:
Ptolikastai, Plolikhdldi ?
574
GLOSSARY
po-to-ro-wd-pi, PY Aa76, Ad 678, l,a623, Na 262.
i*n: prob. l#c.-instr. plur.
po-wi-te-ja . PY Jn 601, Na 923, pn.
po-*34-wi doy KN Sc 235. mn.
pte-fo-ri, PY 50 = An 39 rev. mn.
pte-noy KN 270=Sd 4402, Sd 4405, Sd 4450.
Nom. dual: pternfi * foot-boards for mounting’.
Seep. 367 . [irrEpvq ‘heel’ //. xxu, 397 ; ‘foot¬
board, mounting-step’ Pollux 1 , 144 (Petru-
sevski, 19706 ).]
pte-re-way KN 275= Se 879 + , 279=So 4437,
281 =So 4440+ . Gen. sing.?, describing
wheels: ptciewds ‘of elm-wood’, Ulmus glabra.
[TTTS^r) It. VI, 419 + ; * 7 TTeA£fCI, cf. OHG
fetawa ‘willow’.]
pe-tc-re-wa, KN 278 =So 894. Alternative
spelling of prec.
PU, Ligatured with cloth, abbreviation of pu-ka-
tn-ri-ja: KN 223= L 471, 224 = L 474 + , PY
La 1394, Wr 1374.
pu-dd-so[, KN V 431. mn?
pu-i-re-wi, MY Go 610. mn, dat.
pu-ka-ro, MY93 = Fo 101, [303 = V 659?]. Prob.
wn, dat.
pu-ka-ta-ri-jdy KN 224= L 474+, MY X 508.
Nom. plur. fem., description ofcL*TH + pu:
possibly puktaliai ‘of double thickness, folded '.
[Cf. titvktos, ttukv6j, etc. Ugaritic mizrtm
‘doubled garment’ Gordon no. 88 .]
pu-ka-woy PY 50=An 39, 49 =An 427 + . Nom.
plur. masc., a man’s trade: pur-kawoi ‘fire-
kindlers', possibly a religious title. [Cf.
TTUpKOEvs Soph., TTvpKcrfVi 4 pyre 1 II. VII,
428 + ; -rrvpkaoi, of the Delphians, Orac. ap.
Plut. 2 . 4 o 6 e.]
pu-ke-Oy MY 106= Ge 603, [107= Ge 604?]. mn.
pu-ke-se-roy PY Jn 845, mn.
pu-ko-ro, KN Xd 142?, PY 50=An 39 rev., Fn
837, Jn 478? mn.
pu-ko-so e-ke-e , PY 241=Ta 715. Nom. dual
fem., describing tables: puxo-ekhe(h)e ‘with
box-wood supports', [m>£os.]
pu-ko-tOy KN X 796. No context; mn?
pu-ko-WQy PY 143=Ep 705. mn: Purkowos? [Cf.
rivpKOOl.]
pu-ma-ra-kOy PY Cn 643. mn.
pu-nasi-jOy KN B 806. mn. [ = Ethnic adj. of next.]
pu-na-so, KN C 979, Da 1588 +, Dn 1096. pn.
pu-na-si-jo, KN Ga 34, Ga 420. Ethnic adj.
pu-na-to, KN C 912. mn.
pu-nu-so, KN Df 1233. mn,
pu-ra-ko[, KN Xd 141. mn?, if complete: Phutakos ?
[(DuAcekos It. vt, 35 .]
pu-rv-so, KN Dc 5677. mn: Purasos . [riOpaooj //.
xi, 491 -]
pu-ra-tdy PY Jn 605. mn: Puldtds or Pulartds.
[rivAiVrris as ethnic; rTvA&p-nis Ii xi, 491 .]
pu-ra-ta-Oy PY Jn 605. Gen.: -too.
pu-ra-u-to-ro, PY 237 = Ta 709. Nom. dual fem-
or neut.: puraustro * iire-tongs’. [7rupctv/uTpa=
TTvpaypa IG, ii 2 , 47 , 18 , 4 B.c., TrOpavarpov
Hcrodas iv, 62 ; -rrup + *aus- } cf. Lat. haurio.
Cf. Cypr. Ivauov* ?v0es,
Hesych, The Horn. auc*> shows specialization
of meaning, see Karageorghis, 1954 ]
pu-re-wa, KN U 4478. mn: PhuUwds? [Cf.
OvAjiVs; pu^re-itH 2 .]
pu-riy KN B 799, F 452, V 479. mn: Putts. [n0p )S
II. xvi, 416 .]
pu-ro, PY Aa 61 + , 9 = Ab 553 + , l 2 = Ad671+,
27=Ae 303 +, 41 = An 35, Cn 45, l72=Tn
316. pn: Pulos. [flvAos It. xi, 671 + .] There
are two places of this name, the second
distinguished by the epithet ra-u-ra-ti-jo, q.v.
pu-ro-jo, PY An 129. Gen.: Puloio.
pu-so, KN As 604, Da 1339, Dc 926 + . pn.
pu-si-jol-jd, KN 88 =E 749, Ga 992, X 450.
Ethnic adj.
pu-ta, KN 166 = Gv 864. Nom. plur. neut.,
describing tr EE ideogram: phuta ‘young
plants’. [<}nrrdv Od . xxiv, 227 +.]
pu-td-ri-jdy KN E 849. Nom. sing, or plur. fem.:
phulaliq ‘orchard, vineyard'. [(puTCtAir 1 ) It. vi,
*95+-]
pn-to-tdy KN X 7743. Obscure.
pu-te\ KN 157 = Uf835, LT987?, Uf5726. Nom.
sing.: phuter ‘planter’? [Cf. 9 VTEO 00 ; sec also
pu t -t€-re.]
pu-te x , KN 38=As 1516. mn.
pu-te-ri-jo, KN l55=Uf981, [Uf 1022], Uf 1031.
Acc. sing, following c-Ju (and sometimes not
divided from it): variant spelling of pu-ta-ri-ja
=phulatidn, or a derivative of pu-te^phulrr?
pu-te-u, PY Jn 431. mn: PuOuus, Phuleu-s? [FlvOeus,
Ou71^5.]
pu-ti-jd, PY An 340, Qa 1294. mn: Puthias .
[rivGlas.]
pu-to-ro *, PY 251 = Vn 46. Gen. plur.?: item in
list of building materials. See p. 504 .
pu-to-ro*, KN 38= As 1516, Da 1333. mn.
pu-wdy KN Ap 639. wn: Purivd . [fluppa; d.pu-wo .]
pu-wd-ne, PY Jn 832. mn.
pu-m-no, PY 61 = Cn 131, 62=Cn 655. mn, nom.
and dat.: Purwinos, -oi. [flvppivos.]
pu-wo, KN 38=As 1516, C 912, MY 106 = Ge
603. mn: Purivos or Pursivos? [TTvppos;
Corinth. Flvpfos (name of a horse) Schwy 2 er,
Dial. 123 , 15 J
pu-za-ko, PY Cn 328. mn.
pu-zo, KN Ap 5748. wn?
pu[ ]-d t -kOy PY An 340. mn. Cf. pu r $ija-ko.
pu-[.]-dd-kd, PY Ep 539. mn.
put-ke, MY 105=Ge 602+. mn.
pui-ke-qi-riy PY 235 = Ta 711. mn. r
pu t -ke-qi-ri-ne-jd, TH Of 27. wn? [Cf. prec.]
pu^rd-ne-jOy KN B 799. mn.
pu\-rd r d-ke-re-u, PY 184 = Nn 228. Place name:
Phulids Agreus? [Lejeune, 1962 &, p. 417 .]
put-rdfd-ki-ri-jOy PY Na 425. Variant of place
name? Phulidi Agrios?
575
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
pu 2 -re-g, KN Sc 243. Obscure.
pu 2 -re-wa, TH Of 26. mn, dat.: Phuleivai? [Cf.
pu-rc-wa.]
Pu 2 -ru-da-ro y KN Uf 432. mn: Phludaros? [Cf.
tpAvSapos; Palmer, 19556 , p. 4°J
Pu r fj-ia-ko, PY 253=Jn 310. mn: Phusiarkhos?
Cf. £«-[.]-a 8 -jfco.
]pu 2 -te-mc-no: see [ pe-\pu t -te-me-no.
pu t -te-re, KN V 159, PY 193= Na 520. Nom.
plur.: phuteres ’ planters’ ? [Cf. (pursveo, pu-le 1 ;
Palmer, 1963 a, p. 449.]
pu 2 -ti-ja , PY 59= An 656, Jn 601. mn. [Phutids
hypocoristic of -<|>utos, Ruijgh, 1967 , p. 159 ;
poss, Phutlms^pu-ti-ja, if dissimilation of
aspirates is not operative.]
pu 2 -to , KN Uf 1522. mn, dat. [/ > /iuMoj=nO0o$?;
see prec.}
qa, Ligatured with *124 (cyperus): KN Ga 5088,
Ga 7358.
qq-a 2 -ri-da, TH Of 39. Obscure.
qa-da-ro , KN V 831. mn. [Poss. Q l andaros =
fldvScxpos //. iv, 88 +.]
qa-da-so, KN Db 1297. mn: Q^adasos? [nf)6a<70$
II. vi, 21 + .]
qa-da-wa-so , MY Oe 130. mn ?, dat.?
qa-di-ja , KN C 911. mn.
qa-i-Po, KN Dg 1101. mn.
]qa-ka-na-Pi[, KN X 4487. Inslr. plur. fem.?
qa-ko-joi PY Vn 1191. mn, gen.
qa-me-si-jo, KN 38=As 1516. mn. [Cf. qa-nti-si-jo ?]
qa-mi-si-jo, KN Sc 135. mn: Qj'amisios. [Cf.
nduioos river in Messenia; cf. qa-nw-si-joA
qa-mo, KNDa l:R7,Db 1099 +,Ca417,Pp497.PN.
qa-mi-jof-ja, KN Ak 613 + , 88 = E 749, Lc
543 +. Ethnic adj.
]qa-na-no-to , KN Da 1351, Dv 7181, Dv 7248. pn.
qa-ttu-wa-so, KN As 1516. mn: Q u anuasos ?
[riavOaaos.]
qa-nwa-so , KN 73=D1 943. pn.
qa-qa-ro, KN As 604. mn. [Cf. Linear A qa-qa-ni
HT 93+ ; sec Lejcune, 19686 .]
qa-ra , KN 35 = Am 819, Da 1098+ , 164=Gv
863, L 473, 158= Uf 836 + . pn.
qa-ra-jo 1 , KN 88 = E479, Ga423+ . Ethnic adj.
qa-ra-de-roy PY Vn 879. Possibly name of a
material?
qa-ra-i-so , KN V 466, [Dv 5285?]. mn. [Cf. place
name npai<? 6 $; Palmer ( 19556 , p. 38) =
BXctiao;.]
qa-ra-jo 1 , sec s.v. qn-ra .
qa-ra-jo\ KN 39=As 1517, V 429+. mn.
qa-ra-o, KN Og 1804. Obscure.
qa-ra-si-jo , MY Au 657, [Au 658?]. mn.
qa-ra-su-ti-jo , KN Dd 1150, Nc 4489, Xd 154. mn.
qa-ra-to-ro , PY 237 = Ta 709. Nom, sing. Painter:
sq u atatfiron ‘oven-rake’. [o+AAGGpov Pollux.]
qa-ra-we-ta, MY V 662. mn?
qa-ra it PY An 192. mn: Q'allans? [ndXXas,
-avros.j
qa-ra^te, PY An 7, 50=An 39, TH Of38. Dat.
qa-ra 2 -fp-de t TH Of 37. Gen.+ -*/e: ‘to the
house of Q.’,
qa-ra 2 -ro, KN Dl 932. mn.
qa-rai-ti-jo, KN Dg 1235. mn: Q u allantios?
qa-ra 2 -wo, KN Ce 50. mn.
qa-ru-ko, MY Au 657, Au 660. mn.
qa-sa-ko, KN C 912, Dd 1283. mn.
qa-sa-re- 9 , PY Sa 755. mn, gen.
qa-sa-ro-we, KN Db 1329, E 848, Np 7923. pn.
qa-si-da-ro, KN Db 1110, Dv 1490. mn.
qa-si-re-Uy PY Jn 431, Jn 601 +, 258=Jo 438, TH
Of 42. Nom. sing.: g u asiUu.s ‘chief’, used of
local headmen, not sovereign, [j 3 aoiXews;
cf. PacxiXfjES . . . eioi <5XXoi -rroXXot Iv . . .
*106 xt] Od. 1 , 394 .]
[, ?qa-]si-re-we , KN B 779. Doubtful; perhaps
nom. plur., but poss. dat. sing, of mn, cf. KN
39=As 1517.2.
qa-si-re-wi-ja, KN 38=As 1516, 232=K 875,
PY [Fn 867?], (Pa 398], Pa 889. Prob. fem.
sing., derivative of qa-si-re-u: g u arileuia, sense
unclear, poss. group or area controlled by a
g u asiUus.
[?qa-si)-re-wi-jo-te, PY 43 = Aq 64. Possible
restoration, but -si- cannot be confirmed; if
correct, g'asitiivjonles ‘ functioning as g u asil-
«u’?
qa-ti-ja , KN As 1519. mn.
qa-to-no-ro, KN 38=As 1516, Fh 5463. mn.
qa-*8y-to, KN Sc 257. mn?
qe. Surcharged on corslet ideogram: KN Sc
224, Sc 227+ ; o» KN Sr 2f>6 Mn apjuirrnily
ideographic, but see p. 495 .
-qe, KN 85= Ch 896 +, 90 = G 820, 221 = L 647,
etc., PY 12 = Ad 671 +, 57=An 519 + , 148=
Ep 613 +, 257=Jn 829 + , etc., MY 46=Au
102, 106=Ge 603, 303=V 659. Enclitic
particle: -q u t ‘and’, [te; Lat. -que, Skt. co,
etc.]
qe-da-do-ro, KN De 1294, Uf 121. mn.
qe-ja-me-noy PY l36 = Eb 294, 135 = Ep 704.
Nom. sing. app. a title, in form prob. pple.:
Ruijgh ( 1967 , p. 376 ) q u ejamenos from a verb
parallel to ‘celebrant’ or ‘reverend’. [It
is difficult to treat it as mn, but cf. Hcubeck,
'957, P- 273-]
qe-pa-ta-noy KN Ln 1568. wn?
qe-qi-no-me-noy PY 249= Va 482. Nom. plur.
perf. pple. mid. or pass.: g'eg'inomenoi
‘carved’. [Perhaps in origin ‘endowed with
life’ cf. Plo$, Richardson, Heubeck, 1966 ;
cf. Sivgjt 6 s Od. xix, 56 .]
qe-qi-no-me-na , PY 242=Ta 707, 243=Ta
708 +. Nom. sing. fem. and prob. inslr. plur.:
g u eg' l indmcnd. See pp. 343 - 4 .
qc-qi-no-to, PY 239 = Ta 642. 3 rd sing. perf.:
g u eg'‘iti 6 Un ‘it is carved ’. [D. M. Jones, 1958 .]
qe-ra-di-ri-jo, KN Sc 246. mn: Qj'itandrios. [Cf.
TnXocvSpos.]
576
GLOSSARY
qe-ro-jo * KN Vc 5523, V 482. mn: Gcorgiev
Q^heraios (Qhw-?). [Cf. ©t)paios ethnic of
©rjpa; 0r\p <
qe-ro-no, PY 235=Ta 711. Nom. sing, fem.:
‘ewer, jug’. See pp. 327 , 494 .
qe-ra-si-ja , KN [Fh 5475?], 200=Fp 1 , 202= Fp
13 +. Prob. fern. dat. sing., name of a
divinity. [Possibly to be connected with 6 f|p;
cf. n^Tvia 6:ipc5v //. xxi, 470 .]
qe-ro-si-jo , KN Fp 16. Dal. sing, masc.? A
male counterpart, or an error?
qe-re-ma-o, KN V 7513, PY Qa 1295. mn:
QfeUmaos ? [Cf. t^Ae-, ( 01 v 6 )-Hctos.J
qe-re-me-e y PY Na 540. pn, loc.
qe-re-me-ne-u, PY Jn 845. mn: Q'elemencus?
Lejeune ( 19580 , p. 143 ): Qyrenuuus (cf.
Trptpvov)-
qe-re-me-ti-wo, PY An 5, Cr 875 (-ft-tJW-[). Place
name?
qe-re-me-ti-rey PY Cn 4. Apparently variant
or error for the same place name.
qe-re-qo-to-o , PY 116 = En 659. mn, gen.:
Q^iLeq'hontdo. [Nom. also spelt pe-re-qo-ta,
q.v.]
qe-re-ti-ri-jo y PY 251 = Vn 46. Nom. dual: perhaps
q u (e)ieihri6 ‘poles’. [Cf. iriAeOpov. irAdOpov,]
Or from pAqxpov ‘fastening’. [//. xv, 678 ;
Ruijgh, 1970, p - 3 1 5 -] See p. 504 .
qe-re-wa y KN Xd 122, Xd 296. mn: Q^ilewas?
[Cf. TqAte]
qe-re-wo-o, PY 62= Cn 655. Gen.
qe-ri, KN Df 1360. mn.
qc ri jo y KN 23=Ag 1651. > 1 :.’: Q^h^rion ? [3fipiww.]
qe-ri-to, PY Eb 900, 148=Ep 613. wn.
qe-ro y KN As 602, Db 1204, V 479. mn.
]qe-ro-me-no y PY 14 = Ad 697. Nom. sing. masc.
pple.: q'elomenos ‘being’. [iriAopai (Aeol.).]
qe-ro Xy KN 230=K 740, 299=Sk 789, 300=Sk
5670, 325=Sk 8100 + . Nom. sing, and dual,
(poss. plur.), describing bronze artifact in
lists of armour: perh. sq u elion, -0 (cL Aeol.
cnriA{A)iov=xf4Aiov) ‘arm-guards’. [Chad¬
wick, 1957 by p. 148 .] See p. 494 .
)qe-sa-ma-qa y KN Fs 11. Obscure, possibly divine
name. [Chadwick, 1966 , p. 32 .]
qe-to-ko, PY Cn 45, Cn 570-f, Jn 431. mn.
qe-fp-kp-jo, PYJn 431. Gen.
qe-ta-ra-je-u, PY Jn 845. mn: QfetraieiLt? [Cf.
T 6 Tpa-?j
qe-to-se-u[, KN As 605. mn.
qe-to-wo, PY 253=Jn 310. mn.
qe-te-jo , PY Fr 1206, Fr 1241. Prob. ncut. sing, of
adj. meaning roughly ‘to be paid’, ‘due’.
Etymology uncertain: possibly q'eiUios from
root of -rivco with analogical e-grade in root
and suffix -Uios (but -t4o$ believed to be
< *-tewos\ See Lejeune 1964 a, pp. 82 - 92 .
qe-te-o y KN Fh 348, L 513, 222 = L6 9 3 + .
Variant spelling.
qe-te-a, KN Fp 363. Neut. plur.?
qe-te-a if PY 96= Un 138. Variant spelling of
prec.?
qe-te-re-u, PY Vn 865. mn: Qfelreus. [Cf. xETpa-?]
qe-te-se-u, ,KN As 609. mn: Q^hthciscus? [Cf.
^Onaqvcop ( 9610 -) //. 11 , 833 + ; Heubcck,
1 957 > P- 270 .]
qe-toy PY 236=Ta 641, MY 234 = Ue 611 rev.
Nom. dual and plur.; name of a
vessel. See pp. 327 , 493 .
qe-ti-jo, MY 234= Ue 611 rev, Wt 504. Nom.
plur. neut.; diminutive in -ion of prec.
qe-to-ro-no y PYJn 431. mn.
qe-to-ro-po-pi, PY 31=Ae 134, Ae 489 + . Instr.
plur.: q u elropopphi (< *-pod-phi) ‘four-footed
animals’. [T 6 Tpa 7 ro 8 a Herodotus+ .j
qe-to-ro-we, PY 236=Ta 641. Nom. sing. neut.
Blegen: q^etrowes ‘with four handles’. [Cf.
a-no-we, ti-ri-jo-we.]
qe-wd-rd, KN Me 4459. Obscure.
qi. As a unit of weight: KN Np 85, Np 270+.
See p. 55 .
qi-jo-to, KN Db 1140. mn.
qi-jd-zo, KN Dv 1500, Xe 5899. mn.
qi-ko-we-e, KN C 911. Obscure: pn?
qi-nd, KN Ld 584 {o-pi-qi-na). Prob. wn. dat.
qi-ni-te-we, KN D 1024. mn, dat.?
qi-nwo-so, KN Dc 1515. mn.
qi-qe-roy KN 39=As 1517. mn.
qi-ri-jd-to, KN Ai 1037, Ai 5976, B 822, B 988[ + ]
5761. Annotation on personnel records: prob.
3 rd sing. aor. q u riato ‘he bought’. [irplctTO Od.
1 , 430 of buying a slave.]
qi-ri-tu-ko y PY 62= Cn G55. mn.
qi-si-jd-koy PYJn 706. mn.
qi - si - pe - e y PY 247 = Ta 716. Nom. dual: q*siphee
‘two swords’. [£hpos //. 1 , 194 + ; see Heu-
beck, 1958 .] See pp. 346 , 348 , 502 .
qi - si - to , KN De 1264. mn.
qi - td-roy KN Dk 936. mn,
qi-woy TH Of 33. pn or mn? [If mn, cf. Biwv.]
qi-ZOy KN Dd 1291. mn.
qo, Ideographic use (obscure): KN U 49.
Possibly intended for ox?
]qo-i-p<, j[, KN X 7735. Possibly q u oind =
but reading doubtful.
qo-jo-si, KN B 799- mn.
qo-jd-te, KN Od 667, Od 681, mn.
< 70 - 0 , P Y 76 = Cn 3. Prob. acc. plur.: g u ons ‘oxen*.
(Pous; see p. 207.]
qo - po - ro[ y KN Fh 7571. mn?
qo - pi-jdy PY Na 329. pn.
qo-qo-td-o, PY Ea 270, Ea 305+ , Gen. sing, or
plur.: g u og u otdo y -tadn ‘of the oxherd(s)
[Prob. dissimilated from qo - u - qo-ta , q.v., buf
here a trade rather than a name.)
qo-re-po-p-ti, PY Fn 324. mn, dat.
qo-ro-mu-roy PY Na 841. pn.
qo-to\ PY Na 532. pn.
qo-to'y MY 303 = V 659. wn.
qo-to-wo, PY Na522. pn.
577
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
[ ]qo-fa-wo, PY 50=An 39 rev. mn.
qo-te-ro , KN 38=As 1516, Da 1495, PY 32=Ae
108, 40=An 261. mn.
qo-te-wo, PY 44= Aq 218. mn, gen.
qo-u-ka^ra, PY 235 = Ta 711. Apparently adj.,
nom. sing., describing a ewer: g u oukara(s ) (or
-kr&s) ‘with ox-head’. [Poos, K<5tpa; Risch,
1966 a.]
[qo]-u-ka-ra-o-re y PY244=Ta 714. Apparently
an illusory reading: see se-re-nto-ka-ra-o-re .
qo-u-ko-ro , KN [As 5609?, Xe 8546?], PY 51 =
An 18, 45=An 830, An 852, 183=Nn 831.
Nom. plur.: g u oukoloi ‘oxherds’. [(3 ouk6Aoi
II. xiir, 5714 -.]
qo-u-ko-ro-jo , PY Ea 781. Gen. sing.: g"oukotoio.
qo-u-qo-ta, KN L 480. mn, dal.: G*oug u otai. [Cf.
PooP&tccs Pindar.] Cf. qo-qo-la-o.
qo~wa-ke~se~u[y KN As 602. mn: G*owaxtus. [fJoGs,
dyetv; Heubeck, 1957 , p. 270 .]
qo-w, MY Fu 711, mn.
qo-wi-fa, PY l72 = Tn 316. See pp. 288 , 463 .
flo-wo[, PY 258=Jo 438. mn.
qo-zoj MY Oe 118, Obscure.
r a, Ideographic use: PY Un 219.
Obscure, perhaps incomplete word: PY F r 1215.
Apparently in ligature with 00 at: KN Me
4454 + ; see p. 302 .
ra-e-/a, PY 239=Ta 642, 240=Ta 713. Nom.
sing, fern., adj. describing tables: load ‘of
stone’. [On etymology and connexion with
Aaas see Heubeck, 1961 a.]
ra-i-pi, PY Na 530. pn, loc.?
ra-/a, KN As 6Q7(?), C 979, Da 1202, Dn 1096 +.
PN.
ra-ja-mo, PY Xa 1420. mn?
ra-ka, PY Un 592. Description of doubtful ideo¬
gram, prob. * 154 .
[?]ra-kq-te-ra, PY 248 = Va 15. Obscure: see
P- 348.
ra-ke , PY Eb 159, 148= Ep 613. Perhaps verbal
■ form, 3 rd sing. aor.: lakhe ‘was allotted’
(Georgiev); Palmer ( 1963 a, p. 451 ) proposes
dat. of noun: lakhei (from laJJws masc.) ‘in the
allotment’. See p. 450 .
ra-ke-da-na, MY 106=Ge 603. mn: Laksddndr?
[Cf. AawSaiiitov; Szemer^nyi, 1959 -]
ra-ke-da-no-re , MY 107=Ge 604. Dal.: -anorei .
]ra-ke-re-we[y KN Xd 305. mn?, -klrwis?
ra-ke-u, PY Cn 254. mn, app. nom. for dat.
ra-ku , KN V 653. mn.
ra-ku-ro f PY Eb 566, l26=Eo 281, 131 =Ep 301.
mn, nom. and dat.
ra-ku-ro-jo, PY H 6 = En 659, [!26=Eo 281].
Gen.
ra-ma-jo , PY Cn 285, Jn 692+ . mn.
ra-ma-na-de , KN Fh 353. pn, acc. +-de.
ra-ma-o t PY Ub 1316. mn.
ra-mi-ni-ja, PY Ab 186. Nom. plur, fern, ethnic
adj.: Lamniai ? [Anpvoj.]
ra - mi - rti-jOy PY An 209, Cn 328, Cn 719. mn:
Ldmnios?
ra-moy KN Uf 120. Obscure, mn?
ra-mo-cfe[, T H O f 38. If complete, prob. pn + ~de.
ra-niy KN B 41, X 1801. mn.
ra-ni-jo-ne t PY 52=An 207. Nom. plur. ethnic
adj. or place name?
ra-o-no, KN Dv 1249. mn.
ra-pa-do, PY Ea 481. mn: Lampadin. [Cf Aap-
TraCiwv.]
ra-pq-i-[ ]-y>i, PY Mn 11. Dal. plur., obscure.
ra-pa-sa-ko , PY 61 = Cn 131. mn, dat.: Lampsakdi.
[Cf. place name Adp^KiKO^.]
ra-pasa-ko-jo, PY 62 = Cn 655. Gen.: Lam-
psakoio.
ra-pa-to , KN 202 = Fp 13. Month name, gen.?:
Lapatd. [mijv 6 $ Aarrdtco, Schwyzer, Dial . 667
(Arcadia); see p. 305 .]
ra-pe-do, PY 58= An 654. mn.
ra-pi-ti-raty PY Ab 555. Nom. plur. fern., a
woman’s trade: raplriai ’sewing-women’,
‘sempstresses’, [^drrrpict; cf. next.]
ra-pte, PY An 172, Ea 28, Ea 29+ . Nom. sing.,
man’s trade: rhapier ‘sewing-man’, perhaps
‘saddler’. [Cf. ra-pi-ti-ra % \ on etymo¬
logy of ^kStttw see Chadwick and Baumbach,
> 963 . PP- 241 - 2 .]
ra-pte-re, KN Fh 1056, V 159, PY 52=An
207 +. Nom. plur.; rhaptires.
[ ?ra-]pte-siy KN Fh 5432. Dal. plur.: rhaptersi?
ra-pte-ri-jay PY 323=Sb 1315. Nom. plur. fcm.
of adj.: rhapHrini ‘ (reins) with stitching work’.
This suggests that the masculine trade at
least was concerned with sewing leather
rather than cloth.
ra-qa-ray KN Xe 7437. Obscure.
ra-qi-ti-ra x , PY Ab 356. Nom. plur. fern., a
woman’s trade, not identical with ra-pi-ti-ra t
(Bennett, 19566 , p. 131 ); Lejeune ( 1958 a, p.
299 ): laq'triai (cf. Adjonat), but sense
obscure (implausible Ruijgh, 1967 , p. 377
‘store-keepers’).
ra-qi-ti-ra x -o, PY Ab 667. Gen. plur.
ra-ri-di-)Oy KN 0911. Nom. sing. masc. adj., des¬
cribing a slave: possessive of personal name?
ra-sa-to, KN B 808. mn.
]-ra-si-ne-wi-fa, PY Vn 48. pn?
ra-su-ro, PYEb 1174, Il 6 = En 659, Ep212. mn.
ra-su-ti-jo, KN L 761. mn? [Cf. qa-ra-su-ti-jo, pn
ra-su-to .]
ra-su-to, KN 17 = Ai 739, As 604, C 979, Da
1189+. pn.
ra-te-me , KN V 653. mn.
ra-fo, KN Da 1321 +, Db 1185+, Dn 1209, Xd
58. pn: Laid. [Acrrco.]
ra-ti-jo, 87 = E 668 . Ethnic adj.: Lalioi.
ra-u-ra-tay KN Dd 1300. mn: Laura ids? Cf.
ra-wa-ra-la.
ra-u-ra-ti-jOy PY 304=On 300. pn, gen. sing.:
Lauranthids or sim.?
578
GLOSSARY
ra-wa-ra-ti-ja y P Y 45 = An 830. Variant spelling.
ra-wa-ra-ta x , PY An 298, [257=Jn 829], Ma
216. Variant spelling.
ra-u-ra-ti-jo, PY Ad 664. Epithet of pu-ro t to
distinguish this town, also called ra-u-ra-ti-ja,
from the capital Pylos.
ra-wa-ra-ti-joy PY Cn 45. Variant spelling of
prec.
ra-u-ta, PY An 5, Jn 832. mn.
]ra-wa-e-si-jOy KN E 846. Obscure; error for
ra-wa-ke-si-jo ?
ra-wa-Are-ya, KN 38= As 1516. In parallel context
with qa-sure-wi-ja, hence prob. error for
ra-Lva-kc-Oiyja, the office or retinue of the
ra-wa-ke-ta.
ra-wa-ke-fi[-ja ?], KN Xd 154. See above.
ra-wa-ke-ta, PY 55=An 724, [Ea 1406?], Un
219, 171 = Un 718. Nom. and dat. sing.:
Ldwdgelds , -idi ‘leader of the people’, see p.
iso, [ASyfras Pindar+ .]
ra-wa-ke-si-jOy KN E 1569, PY 147= Ea 59+,
152=Er 312, 195=Na 245. Nom. and dat.
sing, masc., nom. sing, neut., nom. plur.
masc., adj.: Idwdgesios , -on, etc. ‘of or belong¬
ing to the Lawagetas’.
ra-wa-kesi-jo-joy PY Ea 421 +. Gen. sing, of
prec.
ra-w 0 j, KN C 911. mn.
ra-wa-ra-ta, PY An 723. pn?, variant of ra-uta-ra-
ti-ja ? Or mn, cf. ra-u-ra-ta?
ra-wa-ra-ti-jaj-jo y ra-wa-ra-ta x : see s.v. ra-u-ra-ti-ja.
ra-wa-si-joy KN E 288. Obscure; mn or ethnic?
ra-wi-ja-ja, PY Aa 807, Ab 586. Nom. plur. fern.,
description of women: lawiaiai ‘captives’.
[Cf. AqiASes //. xx, 193 +; Ion. A^tt), Dor.
A$a, Att. Alia < *A 5 ^la.]
ra-wi-ja-ja-o y PY 16=Ad 686 . Gen. plur. fern.:
Idwiaiddn.
ra-wi-zoy KN Db 1245. mn.
ra-wo-do-koy P Y Ea 802. m n : Lawodokos . [AckSSoko*
//.tv, 87 + .]
ra-wo-ke-ta, KN As 605, PY Jn 478. mn: Ldwo-
skheids? [Heubeck, 1969 a, p. 537 .]
ra-wo-po-qoy KN As 4493. mn: Ldwophorg H os?
[Afclxpoppos Preisigke, WorUrbuch ; cf. A«c**j>op-
piSns; Heubeck ( 1969 a, P* 537): Lawo-
phog'os .]
ra-woqo-noy KN B 798, Me 4462. mn: Ldwo-
q u honos. [Heubeck, 1969 a, p- 537*1
ra-wo-qo-no-jo , KN D1 928, D 1650. Gen.:
Ldtvoq^hoiwio.
ra-wo-qo-ta PY Jn 750. mn: Lauuoq^honid s.
[Heubeck, 1969 a, p. 537 .]
ra-wo-ti-jo, KN Ce 61, Vc 203. mn.
RAj, Identical with ideogram saffron.
re. As adjunct to cloth: KN Lc 646, L 8105.
Ideographic use: MY Ui 651.
re-a-moy PY An 209. mn.
re-kay PY Eb 886 , Eb 1344, Ep 212. wn: Leskfui?
[Cf. mn Aloyw; Palmer, 19546 , p. 27 .]
re-ka-sa, MY Oe 110. wn?
re-ka-tq , KN B 806. mn.
re-ka-ta-ne> PY 52=An 207. pn, loc., or masc.
plur. of ethnic?
re-ke-to-ro-te-ri-jo, PY Fr 343. Description of oil
or name of festival? Bennett: lekiiestrdtbion
‘for a spreading of couches’, taken by some
as implying a lepd* y&uo$, but perhaps
rather a divine feast.
re~ke~e-to-ro~te~ri~jOy PY Fr 1217. Variant of
prec., but exact form obscure.
]re-ki-si t KN X 7712. mn; prob. to be restored
[a-]re-ki-si: Alexis . [*AAe£i$,]
re-ko-noy KN C 917. mn.
re-ko-no-joy KN C 912, C 917. Gen.
re-me-toy KN Pp 495, (]re-me-tOy KN Dd 1106).
MN.
re-ne, KN [L 7866?], M 719. Context obscure.
re-pe-u-ri-jo, PY Cn 40. pn.
re-pi-ri-joy PY Eq 146. mn: Leprios ? [Cf. pn
A^-rrpgov.]
re-po-so, KN As 609, Xe 5540. mn.
re-po-to, KN 222 = L 693, PY 319= Un 1322.
Neut. sing, qualifying linon: lepton ‘fine, thin’.
[//. xvin, 595+1
re-qa-se-wo, PY Cn600. mn, gen. making pn with
LUO - LUO .
re-qo-me-no, KN 39=As 1517. Nom. plur, masc.:
leiq u omenoi ‘ left behind or over*; cf. o-pi-ro-qo,
pe-ri-ro-qo . [oi 6 ’ 0I01 AsIttovtcci Od. xxii,
250 + .]
rt-qp-na-to-mo, PY Eq 146. Nom, sing, masc.,
name of a trade.
re-qo-we, PY Jn 845. mn.
re-ri-Joy KN 83 = C 902. Ethnic adj.? [Cf. Alpios?]
re-si, KN Lc 561. Context obscure.
re-si-jo[y KN X 7900. Context obscure.
rt-fi-ne-iy PY 51 = An 18. pn, loc.
re~si-wo, PY 312 = An 1281. mn.
re-ta-moy PY Cn 285. mn.
re-u-ka-so, PY Pa 53. mn, dat. Leukasdi? [Cf.
Aancaala Messenian stream.]
re-u-ka-ta, KN Ce 61, PY 255=Jn 658, Jn 725.
mn: Lcukdtas.
re-u-ka-ta-ra-fa[, PY Vn 851. wn (or mn?):
Leuktraii. [Cf. re-u-ko-to-To.}
re-u-ko\ KN L 695, PY 77=Cn 418. Nom. sing.,
nom. dual, masc.: Uukos , leukd, ‘white’.
[A«vk6s Horn.+ .]
re-u-ka, KN Ld 649, 223= L 471, MY 106 =
Ge 603 -I- . Nom. sing, and plur. fern., nom.
plur. neut.: leukd, -ai t -a.
re-u-ko x y PY An 615(?), MY Oi 705. mn, nom. and
dat.?: LeukoSy -6 i . [prec.]
re-u-ko-joy TH Z 849, Z 851, Z 852. Gen.:
Lxukoio.
re-u-ko-nu-kdy KN 214 = Ld 571, 215 = Ld 573,
217 = Ld 587, 218 = Ld 598 + . Nom. plur.
neut., describing cloths: leukonukha ‘with
white onukhes' (sec o-nu-ka).
579
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
re-u-ko-ro-o-pu % -ru, PYJn 415. mn: pass, error for
Ijuko-ophms (Palmer, 19546 , p. 66 ), but we
should expect rather Lrukophms.
re-u-ko-to , PY Un 1319. mn or pn?
re-u-ko’to-ro , P Y Ad 290 +, 41 = An 35, 180= Ma
225, [Mn 456], 185= Na 419. pn, capital of
Further Province: Lcuktron. [AruxTpov, but
not to be identified with any classical site of
this name.]
re-u-si-wo(-qe), PY 312 = An 1281,Jn 692+. mn.
re-U‘te-ra> PY Na 425. Error for e-re-u-U-ra.
re-wa-jo , KN 216 = L 871. mn, dat.
re-wa-o, PY Fn 324. mn, dat. [Cf. prec.?]
]-re-wi-/o-te : see s.v. qa-si-re-u.
re-wo , KN Xd 7663. mn?: Lewon. [Atoov.]
re-wo-pi, PY 243 = Ta 708. Instr. plur.: leu/omphi
(< *Uwont-phi) ‘with lions’. [Akov II. v,
782 +.]
re-wo’te-jo , PY 246=Ta 722. Instr. plur. adj.;
(karaaphi) Uwonteiois ‘with lions' (heads)’.
[Asowteios Aesch. +.]
re-wo-te-re-jo, PY 238 = Tn 996. Nom. dual (or
plur.?) adj.: Uuiotreid ‘for bathing’. [Ao*Tp 6
plur. ‘bath’ II. xxii, 444 +; for apparent
vowel metathesis, see p. 160 .]
re-H'o-fo-ro-fco-H'o, PY Aa 783, 9 = Ab 553, 10=
Ad 676. Nom. and gen. plur. fern.: lewotro-
khoutoi, -on, ‘bath-attendants’. [AotTpoybos
Od. xx, 297 +.]
RI, Ligatured with tunic, perh.= ri-la ‘linen*:
KN L 178.
Ideographic use: PY 173= Ma 222+, Mn 11;
see p. 290 .
ri-ja-ko, PYJn 692, Jn 725. mn.
ri-jo, PY 53 = An 1, 54=An 610, 55= An 724,
75 = Cn 608, [257=Jn 829], 179=Ma 193,
192=Na 252. pn, nom. and loc.: Rhion , one
of the Nine Towns of the Hither Province.
['Piov Messenia, Strabo vin, 360 ; modern
Koroni.]
ri-jo-de , PY 250= Vn 20. Acc. +-de: Rhion-de .
ri-jo-not KN Ak 5876, Ap 629, 83= C 902, Da
1091+ ,Dn 1209. pn.
ri-u-no, KN Xd 149. Variant spelling?
ri~*6yno, KN U 49, [Xd 292, X 5509?].
Variant spelling (if * 65 = ju) ?
ri-jo-ni-joj-ja, KN 21 =Ak 624, I>c 529+, Od
563 +. Ethnic adj.
ri-fw-we, PY Jn 692, Jn 725. mn.
ri-ma, PY Xa 1335. Obscure.
ri-ma-zo , KN Da 1415. mn.
ri-me-ne : see e-ra-po rx-mt-ne.
ri-na-ko-ro , PY An 129. Description of man, poss.
trade name: linagoros (cf. Lejeune, 1958 a, p.
133 ), or pn: Linagroi ‘flax-fields’ (Palmer,
1962 , p. 7»o, 1963 a, P- 453)*
ri-ne-ja , PY Ab 745, Ab 746. Nom. plur. fern., a
women’s trade: lineiai ‘flax-workers’, ‘linen-
weavers ’ ?
ri-rte-ja-o , PY 8 = Ad670+ . Gen. plur.: iineiddn.
ri-ni-jo , KN X 722. Context obscure and reading
uncertain; derivative of Alvov?
ri-no, KN 222= L 693, Np 7423, Og 5778, X
7741, PY 184 = Nn 228, [319 = Un 1322?].
Nom. and acc. sing.: linon ‘flax, linen’.
[Aivov IL ix, 66 t + .]
ri-pa-[.J, KN Dv 5704. mn: to be restored ri-pa-
[ro]: Liparos or Lipardn ? [Aitrapo^, A»ir 6 pa>v.]
ri-sa-pi, PY Na 924. pn, loc. plur.: Lissdphi ? [Cf.
Alaaa Crete, Aiaaai Thrace.]
ri-jo-wa, [KN Xd 7756?], PY 44=Aq 218. mn.
ri-so-we-ja, PY Na 1040. pn.
ri-JM-ra, MY 303 = V 659. wn.
ri-ta, KN 219= L 594, L 5927, L 8159. Nom.
plur. neut., epithet of pharuva: lila ‘of linen’.
[AIto acc. plur. Od. 1 , 130 , etc.]
ri-u-no: see s.v. ri-jo-no.
ri-wi-jo, MY Au 609. mn.
ri-wi-so, KN Da 1114, Dv 1111, Ga 419. mn.
ri-zo, KN 39=As 1517+ , B 800, V 1523, PY
40=An 261, mn, nom. and dat.
ri-* 6 $-no: see s.v. ri-jo-no.
ri-*& 2 -ta-o, TH Z 853. mn, gen.
RO. As a unit of weight, perhaps the same as # :
KN Og 1804, Np 267 + . See p. 55-
ro-a , KN Xd 148. Context obscure,
ro-i-fco, PY 249= Va 482. Dual (or plur.?),
description of pieces of ivory(?): rhoikd
‘crooked* is impossible if the etymology is
correct which demands wr-> rhoukS ‘pome¬
granates (as a decorative element)’ Palmer,
19630 * P* 368 *
10 -A 01 rY Cu 40, Cn 570. mm, dal.
T9 m H-Q-)9 1 PY 62= Cn 655. Gen.
rch-o-wa , PY 53 = An I, An 172, 57 = An 519, 55 =
An 724, Mn 1370 + , 184=Nn 228. pn, loc.,
possibly the port of Pylos: see p. 187 .
rp-qo-ta, PY 60= An 661, mn.
ro-ro-ni-ja , PY 45=An 830. Obscure, perhaps pn.
ro-rw, KN Ce 50, Db 1185, Dq 1234. mn.
ro-u-ko, PY 57= An 519, [44= Aq 218]. mn.
ro-u-si-je-wi-ja, PY 323 = Sb 1315. Nom. plur.
fern., describing reins; perhaps Lousiewiai ,
derivative of ro-K-ro; see p. 520 .
ro-w-jo, PY 7=Aa 717 + , Ab 382 + , Cn 285 + ,
[257=Jn 829], [258=Jo 438], 178 = Ma
365+. pn, one of the Nine Towns of the
Hither Province: Lousos, [Aoucol Arcadia.]
ro-u-si-jo, PY 307= Fr 1220, 311 = Fr 1226, Ua
1413, 252=Vn 10. Ethnic adj.: Lousios.
ro-wo , PY Jn 750. mn.
ru-da-to, KN X 7677. mn?
ru-de-a^ PY 317 = Ub 1318. Neut. plur. of noun
in -or? See p. 491 .
ru~do-ro -\[, K N Fh 5498. Obscure; reading perh.
ru-do-ro-np.
ru-ke-wo-wo-wi-ja , PY Na 1053. pn, prob. gen. of
m n + wo-wi-ja : Lunketvos woruuia ‘the bound¬
aries of Lynccus’. [AvyK£u$; 6 p*a, see wo-wo .]
ru-ki-ja , PY 55 = An 724. Context obscure.
580
GLOSSARY
ru-ki-jo t PY Gn 720, Jn 415. mn injn, uncertain
in Gn: Lukios ? [A0ki°S-]
ru-ki-ti-ja, KN Ln 1568. wn: Luktxa . [See next.]
ru-ki-to , KN Da 1288+, Dm 1177, 92= Fh 340,
V I59 + . pn: Luktos. [AOktos //. u, 647 , later
Auttos; Egypt, ri-kl-lj ? (Faure, [ 968 ). The
spelling ki rather than ko may be due to the
influence of the ethnic adj., but could
indicate an obscure vowel in the non-Greek
form of the name.]
ru-ki-ti-jo , KN 83 = C 902, 87 = E 668 + .
Ethnic adj.: Luktios , -ot.
ru-ka'arfct-re-u-te , PY Jn 415. pn, dat.-loc. [cf.
a-ka‘Tc-u4c, a-ke-re-U‘te .]
ru-ko-ro, PY 312 = An 1281, Ea 132, 109 - Ea
782 + . mn: Lugros ?
ru-ko-ro-jo , PY Ea 823. Gen.
ru-ko-wo-roy PY l67 = Es 650 rev. mn: Lvkotvoros .
[Cf. pn Auxoupia.]
ru-ko-u-ro, PY Es 729. Alternative spelling of
the same name; since it cannot be a con¬
tracted form= AvKoupos, it may indicate a
pronunciation Lukovuros.
ru-ma-no, KN Dg 1438. mn.
ru-na, KN 38~As 1516, PY Un 1320, mn, nom.
and dat.
ru-na-mOy KN Da 1098, Da 1277. mn.
ru-na-so, KN Dv 1439, Dv 1442. mn: Lurnassos ?
[Cf, pn Aupvqaaos //. it, 690 +.]
ru-nu, KN Ln 1568. wn.
ru-rOy KN V 832, PY 43 = Aq 64, 258=Jo 438.
mn: Luros? [AOpos.]
ru sa ma, KM Ln 1568. ;vn.
ru-si, KN Ak 634 edge (rw-j<’[), L 588 (ru-si-qc).
mn: Lusis. [Aums.]
ru-ta 2 y KN Db 5272[ + ]5294. mn.
ru-ta 2 -no, KN Ap 639. wn.
ru-we-ta, PY Cn 599. mn, dat.
ru-we-to, TH Of29. mn or pn?
] ru - wo - i-kOy KN Db 2020. mn, possibly to be
restored: [Eu)ruu>oikos or [Po\luwoikos ?
ru -*^ 6 - ra - so , KN Da I 172. mn.
ru -* 8 j - o , PY 115 = En 74, [ l20=Eo 276]. mn, gen.
ru-*8j-e, PY 120= Eo 276. Dat.
sa, As adjunct to shlep and goat: KN C 394,
D 5954.
Ideographic use, at Pylos= ri-no ‘flax’, ‘linen’,
at Knossos perhaps not the same since it is
weighed: KN Nc 4479, Nc 5121, PY 195 =
Na245 + , l98 = Ng 319, 199=Ng 332, 184=
Nn 228, 183 = Nn 831. [Possibly connected
with Semitic words for ‘linen’: Milani, 1970 ,
P- 305 I
At Mycenae, abbreviation of sa-sa-ma ‘sesame’:
M Y 106=G e 603, 107=Gc 604.
sa - de - so , KN L 868 . mn?
sa-joy KN Dk 931. pn.
sa-ka-rc-u, PY Ea 776, Jn 431. mn: Sangnrem?
[Xayyapfls Aeolic people, cf. Xdyapa, etc.]
sa-ka-re-wo, PY Ea 756. Gen.
sa-ka-re-we, PY Ea 56, Ea 304, Dat.
]sa-ka-ri-jo, KN V 1523. mn?, dat.?
jQ-ke-rne-no, MY Au 609. mn.
sa-ma-da, KN Np 267. pn or mn?
)sa-ma-ja-fp, KN Dv 5054. mn.
sa-ma-ra, PY [257=Jn 829], 181 = Ma 378,
[ 3 O 4 = On 300], Wa 730. pn, one of the Seven
Towns of the Further Province.
sa-ma-ra-de , PY 41 =An 35. Ace.+ -de.
sa-ma-ri-jo, KN Da 1147. mn.
sa-ma-ri-wa, PY Na 527. pn.
SQ-ma-ri-wa-tQy K N As 645, D v 1188. m n . [Cf. prcc.]
sa-ma-ru[, KN V 655. mn?
sa-ma-ti-ja, KN Ap 639. wn.
sa-me-ti-jo, KN 232=K 875. mn.
sa-mi, KN Ap 639. wn.
sa-mu-ta-joy KN 225 = L 520, PY 254=Jn 389,
Vn 865, MY V 662. mn: Samuthaios ? [Cf. wn
IauC/0a.]
sa-na-so[, KN Nc 5787. mn?
sa-na-to-de> KN Fs 2. pn, ac c.+ -</e?
sa-ni-jo, *PY An 5, Cn 4. mn: Sannion? [Xavvioiv.]
sa-nu-we , PY Vn 851. mn or wn, dat.
sa-nu-we-tay KN Db 1227. mn.
sa-pa , KN 222= L 693, MY Oe 108. Prob. the
name of a textile.
sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja, KN C 941. Originally taken by
Sittig as pn, Sphaktfrid) more likely neut. plur.
sphakleria ‘victims’ (Lejeune, 1960 a, p. 12 ),
but the writing of initial j- before p and ka-te
for ke-t€— kte both arouse suspicion (Palmer,
p. 185 ), see p. 390 .
sa-pa-nu-wo-me-no, KN X 999. Obscure; poss. to
be divided sa-pa-nu-tvo me-no.
sa-pe-ra, PY Fr 1215. Obscure, apparently
replaces entry giving quantity of oil. Cf. next.
sa-pi-da, PY 59= An 656, Obscure, apparently
replaces entry giving number of men. Cf. prec.
sa-pi-de, PY Vn 19, MY 105=Ge 602, Gc 605.
Nom. plur., a commodity which is counted,
containers ? : perh. sarpides ‘ boxes ’ ? [Cf.
oaprris* aapnos An. Ox. 11 , 466 , and oapirous-
mPgotoO$ Hesych.] See p. 227 .
sa-pi-ti-ne-we-jo, KN 94 =F 841. Poss. adj., cf.
next. Sec p. 219 .
sa-pi-ti-nu-wOy KN As 1516. mn.
sa-qa-re-jo, KN D1 412, D1 794, D1 935 + . Adj.
describing sheep, poss. derived from mn,
sa-ra-pe-da, PY 171=Un 718. Poss. pn contain¬
ing -peda ?
sa-ra-pc-do[, PY 153= Er 880. Prob. variant
(sing.?) of prcc,
sa-ri~nu-wo-tey PY An 424, Mn 456, [Na 1094].
pn, loc.: Salinu'ontei? [Cf. XeAivoOs stream in
Triphylia.]
sa-ri-no-tc, PY Vn 130. Variant form of or error
for prcc.
se-ri-no-wo-te, PY Qa 1290. Prob. variant
spelling.
581
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
sa-ri-qo-ro, PY An 172, Jn 845. mn.
sa-sa-jo, KN Df 1290. mn,
sa-sa-ma, MY l05=Ge 602, Ge 605 r Ge 606. Also
abbreviated sa, l06 = Ge 603 + . Nom. plur.
neut.: sasama ‘sesame seed’, [ar)cmua Hip-
ponax 6 b.c. + , Dor. aiaorUov. Semitic loan¬
word, cf. Akkad, fammaJammu, Ugaritic £$mn.]
sa-sa-wo, PY Eb 842, [148=Ep 613}, mn.
sa-ti -[.], KN Ap 639. wn.
sa-u-ko, KN Xd 179. mn.
sa-u-ri-jo, KN As 1516. mn: Saurios? [Cf. Icnjpos,
Zavpias.J
sa-za-ro , KN B 799. mn.
sa-ze-ro, KN Db 1262. mn.
sa-zo, KN As 1520,19v5301. mn.
ja-* 65 , KN Ap 639. wn.
SE, Abbreviation of place name sc-to-i-ja on
sheep tablets: KN Do 919, Do 923+ ; (see
Killen, 1964 a, p. 91 ).
Adjunct to ideogram *168 (adze?): KN Pp
493 + .
se-do, KN De 1398. mn.
se-me-ttt-ro, KN Dc 1364. mn.
se-no> PY 61 =Cn 131, 62=Cn 655, 168=Es 644,
167 = Es 650+ . mn, nom. and dat.
se-re-mo-ka-ru-a-pi , PY 243 =Ta 708. Instr. plur.,
a decorative feature on chairs: prob. -k{a)ra-
dphi . See pp. 343 , 501 .
se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-re t PY 242=Ta707, 244 = Ta
714. Instr. sing.
se-ri-na~ta, KN U 4478. m n : Selina las, [Cf. se-ri-no.]
se-ri-no, MY 107=Ge 604. Nom. sing., a herb or
spice: selinon ‘celery’, Apiwn gravooUns.
[oiAivov//. 11 , 776 +.]
se-ri-nO’WO-te : see sa-ri-nu-ivo-t*.
se-to-i-ja, KN Ak 634, 38 = As 1516+ , Da 1392+ ,
209= Lc 525, Sd 4407+. pn. Comparison
with iTyrala is prob. false, and there are
indications that the name belongs to central
Crete.
se-we-ri~ko-jo, PY Sa 753. mn, gen.
se-wf-ri-wo-wa-zo, PY Fn 324. mn, dat.
se-wo-to, KN Da 1268. Annotation to pn qa-ra.
Si, Ligatured with ox: PY 77=Cn 418.
Ligatured with Pic,= ji-< 2 ,-ra ‘hog’: PY 75=
Cn 608, Ua 25, 97 = Un 2, 96=Un 138.
si-a 2 -ro, PY 75 = Crt 608. Acc. plur,: sialons ‘fat
hogs’. [alaXos It. xxi, 363 + .]
si-da-jo , KN D 1 947, Nc 4490?, Od 562. mn:
Sidaios. [Cf. pn XI 6 ai, I 181 }.]
si-ja-du-we , KN Dk 969, D1 930+ . pn.
si-ja-ma , KN V 1526. mn?
si-ja-ma-to , KN Fp48, U 4478, X45L Nom. and
dat.; probably a divinity.
si-ja-pu 2 -ro, KN 38=As 1516, [U 4492?}. mn.
si-jo~wo-te , PY Cn 4. pn, loc.
si-ki-to , KN Da 1339. mn.
si-nia , PY 114= En 609, 118=Eo 211. wn: Sima.
[ 2 !Iut|; cf. si-mo .)
si-ma-ko , PY Pn 30. mn.
fi-mi-do, KN As 607. mn.
si-mi-te-u, KN Am 827, V 1583. mn: Smintheu.i.
[lUivOev*; as epithet of Apollo, It. t, 39 + d
si~mo, KN Sc 263. mn: Stmos, Simdn. [Huos,
liuoov.]
si-mu-ta, PY Jn 832, mn.
si-ne-e-ja , KN Ap 639. wn.
si-ni-to, KN Dg 1280. mn.
si-no-u-ro, PY Cn 285. mn.
si-nu-ke, KN Ap 639. wn.
si-nu-mo-ro , KN Me 4456. mn?
si-pa-ta-da, KNDv 5663. mn.
si-pa-ta-no, PYJn 832. mn.
si-pe-we, KN 83 = C 902. pn, loc.?
si-put, KN 38 —As 1516. mn.
si- q< 1 , KN Ai 7745. mn?
si-ra-ko , KN Ai 5976, B 822, [X 7744J, mn.
si-ra-no, KN V 466. mn: Sildnos. [IiXav 6 $,
IiXtii> 65 .}
si-ra-pe-te-fQ, KN V 961. mn.
si-ra~ro, KN 83 = C 902, 86 =Co 907. pn.
si-ra-ri-ja , KN Lc 512. Ethnic adj.
si-ra-si-ja, KN X 974. Obscure.
si-ra-ta , PY Jn 750. mn.
si-re~wa> PY 182= Ma 126, Mn 456. pn.
si-ri-jo , PY 148= Ep 613. mn, nom. error for gen.:
Sirios ?
si-ri-jv-Jo, PY Eb 159. Gen.: Sitiaio?
si-ta-ro , KN De 1138, X 7774. mn.
si-to, KN 35 = Am 819, MY Au 658. Nom. sing,
with ideogram barley at KN, wheat at
MY: silos ‘grain’.
si-to-ko-wo, PY 26=An 292. Nom. plur. fem. or
dat. sing, masc.?: sitokhowoi , -oi ‘grain-
measurer^) ’. [Cf. Od. n, 380 , ypn^s ... 8 ^
ol aX 9 iTa X € ^ €u *l
si-to-p(>[, KN As 625. Poss. to be restored st-to-
po[-qo]: silopoq^os ‘cook’, cf. q-si-lo-po-qo.
si-to-po-ti-ni-ja, MY 321= Oi 701. Dat. sing.:
sitdn polniai or Sitdi polniai. [CL Iitco epithet
of Demeter.}
si-za , KN As 1520. mn.
so-ro-pe-o, PY 52= An 207. pn.
so-u-ro, PY [114 = En 609J, 119= Eo 224. mn.
so-we-ne-ja , PY 237=Ta 709. Nom. sing, fern.,
adj. of next.
so-H>e-no(-qe), PY 245=Ta 721+ . Instr, sing, or
plur.: item of decoration on a footstool. See
P 33®-
so-wo-te: see do-ro-qo,
su, Adjunct to tree, abbreviation of su-za ‘fig-
tree’: KN 164=Gv 863.
su-di-ni-ko , KN De 1151. mn.
su-ja-to, KN M 719. Obscure.
su-ke-re , KN As 40. mn.
su-ke-re-o , KN 38=As 1516. Gen.
su-ki-ri-ta, KN Db 1324+ , Df 1325, Dn 1092+.
pn: poss. Sugrila. [Cf. Iuf3piTa; alternation of
P and y occurs in oilier cases where a labi*-
velar origin is excluded (e.g. Att. {3Xtix«v,
58a
GLOSSARY
Dor. yXdx«v); but the evidence that su-h'-ri-la
is an <i-s tc-in makes the identification doubif ul.]
su-ki-ri-ta-pi , KN Dl 47. Loc. plur.?
su-ki-ri-ta-jo, KN C 911. Ethnic adj.: Sugritaios.
su-ki-ri-to, KN 38= As 1516. mn. [Cf. prec.]
su-ko, KN V 479, FY Eb 149, 148=Ep 613. mn;
at PY might be gen. plur. sukdn (cf. o-pi-m-ko ),
but mn perhaps more likely.
]su-ko-rt£, KN Fp 5472. Obscure.
su-ma-no, KN Dh 1406. mn.
su-me-ra-we-[. J, TH Of26. mn, dat.?
su-mi , KN As 1516. mn.
sit-mo~no(~qe), KN Od 563. mn.
su-po> KNDc5812. mn.
,su-pu-wo> KN C 912. mn, gen.?
su-Qo-ta, PY Ea 822. Dat. sing. : sug u otdi ‘swine-
herd’. [Cf. oupcorrqs Od. tv, 6404 - ; later
av{36TTiS.]
su-qQ-ta-o> PY l47=Ea 59, Ea 4814-. Gen.
sing, or plur.: sug^otao, -toon,
su-ra-se , PY Ae 8, Ac 72, 30=Ae 264. grd sing,
aor. (or fut.?), sense obscure; the only Greek
interpretation is suldse{\) ‘seized’. [cruXdco
I lorn. 4 - ]
su-ra-te , PY Ac 72, 30“Ae 264. Nom. sing., prob.
agent noun from verb su-ra-se: suldter * seizor’ ?
See p. t 6 g.
su-ri-jo, KN X 5962, mn?
su-ri-tno, KN29=Am 821, Da 1108 + , Dn 1089,
Pp 494+. pn.
su-ri-mi-jo, KN [ 88 = E 749], 99=Ga 4|8, [Og
833]. Ethnic adj.
su-ro-no , TH Z 846, Z 854+ . mn, gen.
su-ru-so t KN Dv 1312. mn.
su-se, KN Da 5192. mn.
su-ta-no, KN Da 1321. mn.
su-we-ro-wi-joy PY 56=An 657. mn (or possibly
pn); sec p. 189 .
su-ZQ\ KN94 = F841j I65 =Gv 862, l 66 =Gv 864,
PY ! 53 =Er 880. Nom. plur. describing a
form of tree ideogram, also with Nt, the
usual sign for ‘figs’: sutsai (<*j ukyai) ‘fig-
trees ’. [Classical av t^a, also Aeol. ainda, are
new derivatives of ctvkov.]
]su-* 56 -ta, KN As 5932 edge. Restoration [*u-]ju-
*$6-ta would be tempfmg, if *$6=pa^ as
xumpontay but the gender is wrong for a list of
men.
TA, As adjunct to ox,= tot/ro* ‘bull* (one bull and
twenty cows): KN C 901.
Ligatured with sheep , = ‘steading’:
PY Cn 4, Cn 595.
Ideographic use (with da) on tablets listing
women workers, perhaps a supervisor: KN
18 = Ak 611,21 = Ak 624 + ,PY4=Aa 240+ ,
6 = Ab 379 + .
ta-de-so , KN De 1409, Df 1285, V 655 + , TH Z
869. mn; Tardtssos ? [T 6 pSi*jooos.]
ta-di-*22-soy KN De 5032. mn.
ta-ja-noy KN Dv 7240. mn.
ta-mi-de-so t KN Dl 944. mn.
ta-mi-je-Uy PY 253=Jn 310. mn: Tamicus ? [Cf.
Tatiias.J
ta-mi-ta-na, PY 191 =Na 248. pn.
ta-mi-te-mOy KN Fs II. Obscure, destination of
offerings?
ta-na-po-soy KN Db 1198, Dv 1410. mn.
ta-na-tOy KN De 1618. mn.
ta-na-way PY 287 =Sa 793. Nom. plur. neut.
describing wheels: la-na-it>a ‘thin’, ’slender’,
possibly ‘worn tilin', [tavads II. xvt, 589 +
both ‘long’ and ‘thin’; cf. Lai. tenuity Eng.
thin]
ta-na-wOy PY Jn 693. mn: Tanavuos ? [Cf. prec.]
ta-ni-ko, PY 56=Arx 657, 312 = An 1281 ( ta-m-
ko-qe). mn.
ta-nu-ko, PY An 209. mn.
ta-pa-da-no, KN As 625. mn.
ta-pa-e-o-te, KN 37= B 823. Nom. plur. masc.
describing men, apparently contrasting with
a-pe-o-te ‘absent’: possibly an adverb (e.g.
tarphay cf. Tappets II. xt, 387 + ) plus eontes,
effectively meaning ‘present’.
ta-pa-noy KN F 153, Sc 240, X 7795. mn.
ta-pe-ro, KN Da 1343. mn.
ta-qa-ra-te[y KN Xe 524, [X 7752?]. mn, dat.
ta-qa-ra-tiy KN V 7512. Variant of prec. or
different mn?
tQ-rd> KN 29=Am 821. pn.
ta-ra-iy KN Xd 298. mn?
ta-ra-ke-wi^jo?^ PY An 172. pn: Trdkhewios ?
[Cf. -rperxus .]
ta-ra-ma-tay PY Ea 336, 1 12 = Ea 825 + , Vn 851.
mn, nom. and dat.; ThalamdtdSy -di. [Cf.
©aXapcrras inhabitant of OaXdpcu.]
ta-ra-ma-ta-Oy PY 32=Ae 108 + .Gen.: Thala-
mdtdo.
ta-ra-ma-Oy PY 3 1 = Ae 134. Error for ta-ra-ma-
ta-o.
ta-ra-me-tOy KN 84=Ce 59. mn?
ta-ra-mi-kay PY Eb 464, I43=Ep 705. wn:
Jhalamikdy -iskd? [Cf. pn ©aXctpcu; Chan-
traine ( 1966 , p. 167 ).]
ta-ra-nuy KN V 1521, PY 242 = Ta 707+. Nom.
stng. masc.: thranus ‘beam’, ‘footstool’.
[6pgvus Od. xtx, 57 +, Alt. 0pavos ‘bench’.]
ta-ra-nu-we, PY 245=Ta 721, 251 = Vn 46.
Nom. plur.: thrdnues.
ta-ra-pe-sey PY Vn 865. mn.
ta-ra-qo, KN E 843. mn.
ta-ra-sa-tay KN Vc 201. mn; Thalassdtds ?
ta-ra~si-jay KN 2l2 = Lc 535+, Le 642, 283=So
4442, PY 253=Jn 310+ , MY Oe 110. Nom!
and acc. sing.: talasidy -dn ‘amount weighed
out and issued for processing*. See p. 508 .
[laXaaia ‘wool-spinning’ shows greater
specialization since the Myc. word is used
also of bronze and materials for manufacture
ofwheelsjon form, seeLejeune, 61 b, p. 419 .]
583
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ta-ra-to , PY An 192, 121 = Eo 247. mn; Stralou?
[iTpa-rcov.] Cf. fa-ra^-fo.
ta-ra-to-no, KN Dc 1130. mn.
ta-ra 2 -to, PY 115c: En 74, 116 = En659, l24=Eo
351, 125= Eo 471 + . mn, the same as ta-ra-to :
Straion ?
ta-re-u, PY Jn 693. mn: Thateus ? (Cf. @aXq$.]
ta-re-wa, PY Fn 41. mn, dat.: ThaUwai ? [OaXraS-]
ta-si-kol KN Ca 7367. mn?
ta-so, KN As 608, C 911, Dv 5200. mn.
ta-su, KN Ln 1568. mn or wn.
ta-ta-ke-u, PY 62 = Cn 655. mn: Stand gens. [Cf.
Cret. arapTOs = aTpctTO^.]
ta-ta-ro, KN As 607, PY 119 = Eo 224, 131 =Ep
301. mn, nom. and dat.: Tarialos, -oi?
[T 6 vTaXo<; Od. xt, 582 .)
fa-fa-fa, KN Cc 152. mn?
ta-te-re, PY An 209. Nom. plur., a man’s trade:
perhaps slateres connected with to-to-mo?
(ototiip only of weights and coins; ‘debtor 1
once Epich. 5 b.c.]
ta-ti-qo-we-u, PY 55 = An 724. mn: Stdiig u oweus.
[Cf. ZTTianrrro$.]
ta-ti-qo-we-wo, PY 58= An 654. Gen.: Stdti-
g‘*owcwos,
fa-fo l , KN As 602 ( la-lo-qe ). mn.
ta-to 2 , PY Cn 4. pn?
ta-to-mo , KN Ws 1703, PY Cn 4,Cn 595, 251 =
Vn 46. Nom. sing.: stathmos , in PY Cn 4
‘sheep-fold’, in Vn 46 ‘upright post*,
‘pillar’, in KN Ws possibly ‘ weight'. [aTa 0 p 6 $
‘sheep-fold’ It. v, 557 + ; ‘upright post’ Od.
Ij 333 4 ; ‘wright’ Hd( 4 ]
ta-u-na-so, KN De 1269. mn.
ta-u-pa-du-we, KN E 843. mn.
ta-u-po-no, KN U 4478. mn.
ta-u-ro , KN V 832. mn: Tauros. [TaupoS mythical
king *f Crete.]
ta-wa-ko-to , KN Od 715. mn?
ta-we-si-jo , KN Dv 1332. mn.
ta-we-si-jo-jo, PY 40=An 261, An 616.
ta-za , KN Db 1247, Dv 5219. mn.
ta-z<?-pp, KN Da 8201. mn.
ta-za-ro, KN 85 = Ch 896, Db 1097, V 503. mn.
ta-Zo-te-ja, PY Vn 851. wn.
ta-* 22 -de-so , TH [Z 870], 7 . 871, (Z 872], 7 876.
mn, cf. ta-de-so.
ta-*4$-ro, KN Da 1588. mn.
te> As adjunct to man, KN As 5542, As 5944.
As adjunct to o 1 l , KN Fh 340.
Ligatured with ci.OTH, = te->a ?: KN Ap5748.
209= Lc 525+, 213 = Lc G41 + , Ws 8153,
PY La 624 + , 313 = Un 6 .
Ligatured with w ueel,= tc-mi-divc-ta ?: PY 285
= Sa 487+ ; see p. 373 .
te-do-ne-ja, PY Vn 851. wn.
te-i-ja , PY 306= Fr 1202. Dat. fcm. sing.: theidi
‘divine’, ‘of the gods’. [Qdos It. vi, 180 + .]
te-ja-rP , KN V 479. mn.
te-jo , KN Dv 7617, L 565. mn.
te-ke, PY 235 = Ta 711. 3 rd sing, aor,: thc~ke
‘appointed’, ‘made’. [Cf. Tf|v . . . Tp£>E$
IQtlKav , . . Upeiav II. vi, 300 .] The sense
‘buried’ (Palmer, 1963 a, p. 340 ) normally
requires a mention of the earth, bones,
etc.
te-ki-ri-ne-to, KN Dq 686 . mn.
te-ko-to-ne , KN 47=Am 826, (PY 51 = An 18?].
Nom. plur.: tektones 'carpenters’. [t&toves
//• vi, 315 +.]
te-ko-to-a-pe, PY An 5. Prob. two words:
leklon apes(?), rather than pn (Palmer, 1963 a,
PP- 33* 132 ): see Chadwick, 19676 .
te-ko-to-na-pe , PY 51=An 18, An 852. Alter¬
native spelling of prec.
te-me-no , PY 152=Er 312. Nom. sing, ncut.:
temenos ‘area of land set aside for a chieftain'.
[t 6 ievo$ fktcriAnlov Ik xvm, 550 +, later
‘precinct of a god’.J
te-me-u[, KNXd319. mn.
te-mi 1 , Only in composite spellings: o-u-ki-te-mi
KN 207= V 280; o-u-le-mi KN 207 = V 280.
Neg. ou, ouk(h)i (see o-w-> o-u-ki-) and a noun,
poss, ter mis ‘ border (?)’. [Cf. Tipyis* -irou$
Hesych.; te-mi-dwe.] Formerly taken as
themis, but explanation of this tablet as a
calendar is unlikely. See p. 476 ,
te-mi\ KN Df 1602. mn.
te-mi-dwe , KN 278=So 894. Nom. sing, neut.,
adj. describing wheels: termidwen ‘provided
with a termis ’ ( =‘border’, ‘edge’, ‘flange?’).
[Cf. Trpjnoets It. xvt, 803 +, in Horn, of
shields and tunics, exact sense unclear; alter
native declensions in -is, -ios and -idos also
evidenced by [te^-mi-vue-te, q.v.]
te-mi-dwe-ta , KN 278 =So 894, So 4429 + ,
PY Sa 791, 287 = Sa 793. Nom. plur. neut.:
termidwenta.
te-mi-de-we-te, PY Sa 1266. Nom. dual:
termidwente.
te-mi-ro, KN Da 1338. mn.
te-mi-ti-ja, PY 304=On 300. pn: Themistia? The
same place as ti-mi-to-a-ke-e, q.v. [A derivative
of 0 hns is made less likely by alternative
spelling ti-mi-ti-ja .]
ti-mi-ti-ja, PY 258 = Jo 438. Gen.: Th(i)mistids.
te-mi-ti-jo, PY Ac 1278. Nom. plur. ethnic adj.:
Themis tioi.
[te\-mi-we-te, KN Sg 1811. Nom. dual: either
termiwente as alternative form of termidwente
(sec te-mi-dwe), or error for te-mi-de-ue-te.
te-np-ja-so [, KN As 604. mn.
te-mt. KN Uf7489. mn.
te-o , KN Ai 966, PY 140 = Eb 297, 120=Eo 276,
135= Ep 704. Ace. sing.: theon ‘the god (or
goddess)’; in KN Ai 966 either gen. plur.
theon or as PY Eo 276 error for te-o-jo. [ 0 eo$
masc. and fcm. Horn. + ; cf. te-i-ja.]
te-o-jo, PY 137 = Eb 416 + , 150= Ed 411, 115 =
En 74+, 122 = Eo I60 + , 135 = Ep 704 + .
58-3
GLOSSARY
Gen. sing.: theoio (always with doelos or doeld)
‘servant of the god(dess)
te-o-i y KN E 842, [Fh 348], PY 311 =Fr 1226,
Fr 1355. Dat. plur.: theoihi ‘to the gods’. [Cf.
pa-si-te-o-i s.v. />a.] A dat. dual is theoretically
possible.
te-o-na, PY 116 = En 659. Error for te-o-jo.
te-o-do-ra(-qe), MY 303 =V 659. wn: Theodora .
[0€o5ci)pa.]
te-o-po-[, PY 50 = An 39. mn?
te-o-po-ri-ja, KN Ga 1058, Od 696. Possibly name
of festival?: theophoria? [0EO<popia ‘divine
possession ’,]
te-pa, KN L 5090?, Ws 8153. Name of a heavy
type of cloth. [Cf. tottt^?]
te-pa-i , MY Oe 107. Dat. plur.
te-pa-ra, KN Ce 50. mn or p n ?
te-pe, P YJn 725. mn.
te-pe-ja, KN 213 = Le 641, TH Of 35. Nom. plur.
and dat. sing.?, a woman’s trade, prob.
makers of te-pa.
te-pe-ja-o , PY Ad 921. Gen. plur.
te-pe-u, PY An 340. mn: Terpeus? [Formed on
T4pirotv8po5?]
] te-pi’ja-qe, PY Fn 324. Personal name ( + ?“«?),
dat.?
te-po-se-u, PY 258=Jo 438, 304=On 300. mn.
te-qa-de, MY X 508. Perhaps pn, acc. + -<fe:
Theg u ans-de, probably not Thebes in Boeotia.
[Cf. next.]
te-qa-ja , KN Ap 5864, PY Ep 539. wn: Theg H aia.
[Cf. 0q[knos, ethnic adj.; au-to-te-qa-jo.]
u-qa-ta-qe, PY 54—An 610. Nom. plur. (with
-q^e), class of men.
te-qi-ri-jo-ney PY Fn 187, [Vn 851]. mn, dat.
te-qi-jo-ne , PYUn 219.Defectivespellingofprec.
te-ra-ni-ja , PY 43= Aq 64. Obscure: see p. 177 .
te-ra-pe-te, KN V 147. mn.
te-ra-pi-ke , PY Eb 842, 148 = Ep 613. Perhaps 3 rd
pers. sing, of verb: see pp. 263 , 450 .
te-ra-po-si-jo, KN Da 1314, Db 1263+-, Lc 446.
mn, a ‘collector’ or adj.? [Derivative of
tepdircav ?]
te-ra-po-ti , KN F 193. Dat., recipient of barley,
mn?: Theraponti ? [©spdmcov.]
]te-ra-u-re-o, PY Sa 22. mn, gen.?
te-ra-wo, MY 46=Au 102, Au 653, Au 657. mn:
Teldwdn ? [Cf. TeA^cov.]
te-ra-wo-ne , PY Fn 79. Dat.: Tclawonei ?
te-re-do , PY Cn 1287. mn.
fe-re-Ja, PY Eb 149, [Eb 495], [l48=Ep 613].
Probably 3 rd sing, pres, indie, of athematic
verb: trleid (cf. Horn. Sa^v^ for * 6 auva?)
‘perform function of te-re-ta 1 ?
te-re-ja-e , Eb 149, Eb 495, l48 = Ep 613. Inf.
of prec.: teleiaen? [Inf. ending -en as in
thematic -een?\
te-re-Ja-wo, KN Vc 188. mn: Teleiowon?
te-re-ne-we, PY 51 =An 18. pn, loc. sing, or nom.
plur.?
te~re-ne-wi~ja, PY An 852, Cr 868 . Variant
form of name, fem. loc. sing.
te-re-no , KN Fp 363. Obscure.
te-re-pa-t o: see jo-U-re-pa-lo,
te-re-ta , KN 47=Am 826, 161 = Uf 839 + , PY
Eb 149, 15 0 = Ed 411, 114= En 609, 1 l9 = Eo
224, Eq 146, 152= Er 312. Nom. sing, and
plur., name of a class of functionaries:
teleslas, -ai. [Cf. teAecttA nom. sing. Olympia
6 B.C.]
te-re-ta-o, PY 152= Er 312. Gen. plur.;
tele it don.
te-re-te-we , PY 28=An 607. Obscure: see p. [68.
te-re-wa-ko, KN C 973. mn?
te-ri-ja, PYUn 443. Obscure; see s.v. po-re-no-zo-
te-ri-ja.
te-ro-a, PY Xa 627. Obscure.
te-ro-ri-jo, KN Uf 1522, mn, dat,?
te-ru-ro, KN Dd 1380, Me 4464? mn.
te-ru-sa , KN Dv 1308, TH Of29. mn.
te-se-e, PY Na 531. pn, loc.
te-se-u, PY 115 = En 74, !20=Eo 276. mn:
Theseus. [0r|OEOs II. 1 , 265; short form of
name beginning 0qa»-? Heubeck, 1957 ,
P- 271 .]
te-so-qe , PY Un 1193. mn, dat.? or pn?
te-ta-ra-ne, PY 53 = An I. pn, loc.
te-te-re-Uy PY Eb 1176, Ep 539, 254=Jn 389. mn:
Terthreus ? [Cf. Tep 0 peus, Hermippus, 5 b.c.]
te-te-Uy KN V 958. mn?
te-tu-ko-wo-a, KN 216 = L 871. Nom. plur. neut.,
perf. pple. of TEvyco, describing cloths:
Utukhuuo{h)a 'fuliy worked', ‘finished’, [uteu-
X 4 ** in pass, sense Od. xn, 423 ; e-grade in
perfect is unusual and may well be a replace¬
ment of *TETVXf<*>5.]
te-tu-ko-wo-a t , PY 289=Sa 682. Alternative
spelling of prec., describing wheels.
te-tu-ru-we, PY Na 1054, 184 = Nn 228. pn, loc.;
same place as te-ta-ra-ne ?
te-u-ke-piy PY 323=Sb 1315. Instr. plur.:
teukhesphi ‘with equipment’, [te^x 64 * usually
‘armour* II. vi, 3404 -.]
te-u-po-r(>[, PY 45 =An 830. Obscure.
te-u-ta-ra-ko-roy PY An 424, 120= Eo 276. Prob¬
ably a man’s trade (in Eo 276, if not an
error, gen.); discussion by Chantraine
(> 958 ^); pn (Palmer, 1963 a, p, 137 ) is
abnormal in Eo.
te-u-toy KN Xd 292?, PY Jn 601, Jn 693. mn.
te-wa-joy KN Ce 156, D! 7503, Uf 1038, PY Fn
324. mn, nom. and dat.
te-wa-ko-no, PY An 209. mn.
te-wa-roy MY 228=Oe 111 ( o-ta-pa-ro-te-wa-fo ).
Prob. to be divided: pa-ro te-wa-ro : mn, dat.
te-woy KN X 722. Obscure.
ti, As adjunct to oi.ive: KN E 669, 95= F 852 4 ,
MY Ue 611.
ti-ja, KN Dg 1278. mn.
ti-ki-jOy PY An 129. mn, dat.
585
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
ti-ko-ro, KN Da 5179, PYCn 1197. mn.
ti-kp-wo, PY 62=Cn 655. mn.
ti-ma, KNVc317. mn.
ti-mi-ti-ja: see s.v. te-mi-ti-ja,
ti-mi-to a-ke-e, PY Cn 600, 257 =Jn 829, 176=
Ma 123, Na 361. pn, written divisim only in
Cn 600, but cf. te-mi-ti-jo : compound name
Thmistos? and loc. of noun in -os, e.g. ayKO^
‘glen’ (//. xx, 490 + ). Located in the south
of the Further Province.
ti-mf-fp-a-ke-i , PY 60 = An 661. Alternative
spelling of loc.
ti-mi-Za , KN Df 1121. mn.
ti-mti-nu-we, KN Od 539, M 683. mn, dat.
KN Ga 34. Gen.?
ti-ni-ja-ta , PY Fn 79. Dat. sing., qualification of
man’s name, trade or title. Cf. o-pi-ti-ni-ja-ta.
ti-no x , KN Ap 5748. \vn?
ti-no 3 , V Y 51 = An 18, Xa 565? pn?
]ti-no-de . PY Fr 1223. If complete, ti-no + -de.
ti-nwasi-jo , PY Ea 810, l ? n 324, 258=Jo 438.
Ethnic adj., nom. and dat. masc. sing, (in
Ea 810 as mn?).
ti-nwa-si-ja, PY Aa699, Ab 190. Nom. plur. fern.
ti-nwa-ti-ja-o, PY 15= Ad 684, (cf. Xa 633).
Alternative form, gen. plur. fern. [This
implies that the name from which the ethnic
is derived had -1 - or -th-.]
ti-qa-jo, KN 39=As 1517, PY 128= Eo 278,
253=Jn 310. mn; Thisg u atos? [Cf. pn Glcrpq.]
ti-qa-jo-jo, PY 117 = En 467. Gen.
ti-ra , KN Od 681, Od 687. Word describing wool;
perhaps lilai ‘flocks of wool’. [riXai Plut.;
cf. tI^Xw, etym. obscure.]
ti-ri-da-ro, PY Ea 28, Ea 460, Ea 754. mn.
ti-ri-jo, PY Cn 4. mn.
ti-ri-jo-ko-so, KN Da 1384. mn.
ti-ri-jo-qa, KN 298=Sc 226, Vc 303, Xd294. mn:
Trioq u ds. [Tpidtras; cf. Tpio 7 tos /t. Horn, m,
ai3-l
ti-ri-jo-we, PY 236=Ta 641. Nom. sing, neut,:
tridwes '(vessel) with three handles’. Cf.
a-no-we , qc-to-ro-wc .
ti-ri-o-we-e, PY 236=Ta 641. Nom. dual:
tridwe(h)e.
ti-ri-po, PY 236 = Ta 641, 237 = Ta 709. Nom.
sing, masc.: tripos ‘tripod cauldron’, [rpmos
//. xx. 11 , 164 + ; also Tpinovs.]
ti-ri-po-de, PY 236 = Ta 641. Nom. dual: tiipodc.
ti-ri-po-di-ko 1 , MY 234= Ue 611 rev. Nom. plur.:
tripodiskoi ‘small tripod cauldrons’. [Tpiuo-
Sloxos.]
ti-ri-po-di-ko*, PY Cn 599. mn, dat.: Tripodiskoi.
[pn TprrroBlcjKOS.}
/i-ri-ja-fa[, KN Cc61. mn.
ti-ri-se-ro-e, PY Fr 1204, 172=Tn 316. Divine
name, dat.: Tris{h)iro{h)ei. [CJ.TptTo*rrarop€$?]
ti-ri-to\ KN Da 1238, Db 1232 + , L 869, Uf
I20 + . pn: Tritos? [Cf. Tph-a, old name of
Knossos, Hcsych.)
ti-ri-ti-jol-ja , KN 88 = E 749, [Og 833], X 1385.
Ethnic adj.
ti-ri-to*, KN Dv 1386. mn: Tritos, Triton ? [TpfTos,
TpiTMV.]
]fj-ri-we-ro, PY Un 1320. mn, dat., prob. com¬
plete.
ti-se, PY Un 1321. Obscure.
ti-ta-ma, KN X 974, X 5881. Obscure.
ti-ta-ma-i, KN X 744. Dat. plur.
ti-ta-ra-[, PY 312 = An 1281. mn.
ti-ta[ J wo, PY 254=Jn 389. mn.
ti-tu-so, MY Oc 112. mn, dat.
fi-wa-ti-ja, KN Ap 618. Nom. plur. fern., ethnic
adj.? Cf. ti-nwa-ti-ja-o, s.v. ti-nwa-si-jo.
to, Ideographic use (doubtful reading): MY Ge
606.
to-e, PY Eb 842. Possibly a datival form from the
demonstrative pronoun; see pp, 87 , 263 , 450 .
to-mc, PY 148= Ep 613. Alternative form of
to-e having the same function.
to-i-qe, PY 193 = Na 520. Prob. dat. plur. masc.
of demonstrative pronoun: toi{h)i q*e ‘and
for them ’.
to-jo-qq, PY Eb 156. Gen. sing.: toio q*e ( autoio)
‘and of ihe same’.
to-ke-u, PY An 209. mn, Stoikhais? [IxoiXfOs.]
to-ko, KN As 1518. Context obscure: tokos?
' childbirth ’, ‘ interest \
to-ko-do-mo, PY 51 = An 18, 41 = An 35 4 , [Fn
1427?]. Nom. sing, and plur.: ioikhodomoi
‘builders’. [Cf. toixo5o|^w, IG vn, 422
(Oropus, 4 b.c.).]
to-ko-so-ta, KN V 150. Nom. sing.: toxoids
‘archer’, unless here mn; see p. 474 . [to£ott|s;
also as mn, II. xi, 385 .]
to-ko-so-wo-ko, PY 52=An 207. Nom. plur.
masc.: toxoumgoi ‘bowyers’, ‘bow-makers’.
[Cf. to^ottoios.]
to-ma-ko , KN Ch 897, Ch 898 ( to-ma-ko-qe ), Ch
1015. Name of an ox: Stomargos. [cropapyos
' loud-mouthed ’ Acsch. +,]
to-me: see s.v. to-e.
to-mi-ka , KN L 761, L 764+. Description of
textiles.
to-na-ta, KN B 803. mn: Thoinatds? [Cf. 9 oiv(a$,
9 oiv|cov, etc.]
to-ni, KN V 145. Obscure.
to-ni-ja, KN L 192. Description of textiles?
to-ni-jo, PY 247=Ta 716. Poss. dat. sing., but
perhaps more likely part of a compound adj.
a-pi to-ni-jo , nom. dual. See pp. 347 , 502 .
to-no\ PY 242=Ta 707, 243=Ta 708, 244=Ta
714. Nom. sing, masc.: thornos ‘chair’.
[Qpovo* Od . 1 , 145 + ; cf. 0 opva£- OttottoSiov
(C ypr.) Hesych.]
to-noi-qe)*, KN V 1043. mn, with q u e: Thoinos ?
[9oTvo^.J
to-no-e-ke-te-ri-jo, PY 308= Fr 1222. Name of a
festival: perhaps thonio-(h)ekterion ‘the holding
of the throne’. See p. 482 .
586
GLOSSARY
to-o, P Y U n 13 21. Context obscure*
to-pa, PY 3I7 = Ub 1318. Possibly gen,: tvrpds ‘of
a large baskeL or hamper’. [T&p-rrf| Pollux.J
See p. 49'-
to-pe-si, KN B 805. mn.
to-pe-za, KN 207 =V 280, PY 239 =Ta 642,
240=Ta 713, 241 =Ta 715. Nom. sing. fem.:
torpcdza ‘ table’. (TpdTt^a possibly from
to-pe-zo, PY 241 =Ta 715. Nom. dual: torpedzd.
to-qa , KN Fh 339. Error for to-ro-qa ?
to-qi-da-so , PY Fn 324. mn, dat.
lo-qi-de, PY 239=Ta 642, 240=Ta 713, 241 =
Ta 715. Instr. sing., a decorative feature on
vessels and furniture: prob. torq'idci ‘with a
spiral’. [Cf. Lat. torqueo\ Gk. Tp£rrw may be a
conflation of *trep- and See p, 336 .
t*-qi-de-ja, PY 237 = Ta 709. Nom. sing, fem.:
torq^ideid ‘(dish) decorated with spiral
pattern’.
to-qi-de-jo , PY 241 =Ta 715. Dual fem.:
torq'ideit.
(o-qi-de-we-sa , PY 235 = Ta 711. Nom. sing,
fan.: torq^id-wessa, synonym of to-qi-de-jo.
to-ro-ke , PY 296 = Sh 736, [Wa 732]. Nom. plur,:
thd/akes ‘corslets’; elsewhere represented by
ideogram *163. [ 6 eopr|£ II. xxm, 560 + , Alt.
Aeol. 06ppa£, etym. olaseure.]
to-ri-jo, PY Jn 605. mn.
to-ro, KN Dc 5687. mn: Tr6s ? [Tpd>s //. v ’,265 +.]
to-ro-o, PY 57=An 519. Gen.: Trd{h)os?
to-ro-ja, PY 143 = Ep 705. wn: Trdid? [Cf. prec.]
to-ro-ki-no, KN V 831. mn.
to-ro-no-wo-ko, KN 3 9=As 1517. Nom. plur. or
dat. sing., men’s trade: thronoworgoi , Si
‘chair-maker(s)’. [Contrast spelling to-no =
thornos, but derivation from Horn. 9pova
‘embroidered flowers’ seems less likely.)
to-ro-o : see s.v. to-ro.
to-ro-qa, KN Fh 358, Fh 5446 +. Description of
oil: troqVid 1 for consumption’. [Tpcxprj Hdt.
+ ; this implies an origin *dhreg M h- for
Tp€q>co.] Discussion and different suggestion in
Godart, 1969 , pp. 52 - 6 .
}-to-ro-qa, KN De 1371. mn.
to-ro-qe-jo-me-no, PY l54 = Eq 213. Nom. sing,
medio-pass. pplc.: trotfewmaws (or stro -): see
pp. 268 , 455 . [Cf. Tporrico II. xvm, 224 .]
to-ro-qo, KN Od 563. Possibly acc. sing.: iroq^on,
but context obscure. [Tp 6 rros; for etym. of
rpfrrw sec s.v. to-qi-de.]
to-ro-wa-ko, KN X 7566. mn?
fo-ro-H'a-.so, PY Na 405. P n.
to-ro-wi, PY 61 = Cn 131, Jn 601. mn.
to-ro-wi-ko, PY 62= Cn 655. Gen.
to-ro-wi-ka, PY An 5. mn; possibly alternative
spelling of to-ro-wi (nom. - 1 .r?).
to-ro-wo, KN Ag 89?, PY An 129, Vn 130. mn,
nom. and dat.
to-ru-ko-ro, PY 62=Cn 655. mn.
to-sa, to-sa-de'. see s.v. to-so, to-so-de.
to-sa-me-Jq-o , PY Ad 685. Gen. plur. fem.,
description of women, prob. a trade.
to-sa-no, PY Fn 79. mn, dat,
to-sa-no-jo, PY Jn 431. Gen.
to-sa-wa, KN D1 7086 (erased). In an entry of
lambs; possibly intended for to-sa wa-ni-ja =
tOi{s)a warnui ‘so many lambs’ or the like.
to-si-ta, PY Cn 719. mn.
to-so, KN 34=Am 601, 38=As 1516-4-, 36 =
B 817 + , 200 = Fp 1-4, etc.. PY 51 = An 18,
149= Ed 236, I l 6 = En 659, 305=Fr 1184,
etc., MY Au 658, 93= Fo 101, TH Ug 14.
Nom. and acc. sing. masc. and neut.., nom.
plur. masc.: tos(s)os , -on, -oi , normal My¬
cenaean totalling formula ‘so much’, ‘so
many’. [Horn, toccto^, t6oo$; there is no
way of deciding which spelling the Myc.
form represents, as - ss- may already have
been simplified.]
to-sa, KN [74 = Dp 1061], 26l=Ra 1540, etc.,
PY l,14 = En 609, 153 = Er 880, etc. Nom.
sing, fem., nom. plur. fem. and neut.:
tos(s)a, -ai, - a „
to-so-pu , PY 256 Ja 749, Jn 601. Nom. sing,
masc.: tos(s)os pans ‘so much (bronze) in all\
Sec s.v. pa,
to-so-jo, PY 152 = Er 312. Gen. sing.: tos(s)oio.
(P’SO-ne, MY Oe 118. Obscure; possibly
tos(s)os -4 particle - ne.
to-so-de, PY 58= An 654, l46=Eb 473-4, 253=
Jn 3I0 + , 171 =Un 718, etc., MY Au 609?.
Nom. sing, and plur. masc., nom. sing, neut.:
tos(s)os-de, etc., ‘and so much (or so many)’.
It is uncertain whether -de has always con¬
nective force, but it is likely in many cases:
Ruijgh, 1967 , pp. 343 - 50 . [To<j6o5e.]
to-sa-de, KN Ga 1530, PY 153 = Er 880, 198=
Ng 319. Nom. sing, fein., nom, plur. fern, and
neut.: tos(s)a-de, etc.
to-so-ku-su-pa , KN Fh 367. Nom. sing, neut.,
introducing a very large quantity of oil:
tos{s)on xumpan ‘so much altogether’. See s.v.
ku-su-pa.
to-so-o, PY Xn 1342. Obscure: to-so with added
particle?
to-te-ja, KN 18= Ak 611, [X 7846?]. Nom. plur.
fem., a woman’s trade.
to-te-we-ja-se-we, MY Oe 106. Personal name,
dat. ?
to-ti-ja , MY 93= Fo 101. wn, dat.
to-to, PY 43 = Aq 64. Neut. sing.: app. toto
(i wetos ) 'this (year)’. [Probably not to be
compared whh touto, but a reduplicated
*lod-tod (Vedic tot-tad) ; see Lejeune, 1958 a,
p. 231 . Attic toto (Dipylon Vase) is a
chimera; read to (=tou) t 6 & . . .]
to-tu-no, KN Da 1276. mn.
to-u-ka, KN Lc 481, Lc 504-4. Annotation to
wool on reverse of textile tablets: poss.
587
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
toukhd, noun corresponding to (cf.
te-tu-ko-wo-a), but sense obscure: Bj#rck,
J 954^> P- 275; hardly 'finished goods’
(Palmer, 1963 a, p. 460) since it refers to wool,
not cloth.
to-u-na-ta, KN Dm 1182, Dv 1479. mn.
to-wa , PY 58=An 654. pn or mn?
to-wa-no, KN B 806. M n : Thowdnor or Thorwdnor
(Heubeck, 1957, p. 31).
to-wa-no-re> PY Fn 79. Dat.: - anorti.
to-wa-te-u , PY Eb 1188, Ep 539. mn.
to-wi-noy KN Do 923. mn.
to-woy KN Sc 7480. Obscure.
to-wo-na[, MY Fu 711. Personal name?
to-ze-u, PY 312 = An 1281. mn.
tu, As adjunct to woman or ideographic,
= tu-ka-le 'daughter* (Killen, 1966a): KN Ap
629, Ap 637, Ap 639 + ,
tu-da-ra, KN Do 924. mn: Tundards ? [TuvSdpHs;
cf. TvvSdpccos Od. xi, 298+.]
tu-ka-na , KN Ap 639. wn, twice on same tablet,
possibly representing different names.
tu-ka-te(-qe) t MY 303 = V 659. Twice in a list of
women: thugatir q u t ‘and daughter*. [Quyorrqp
//. IX, 148+.]
tu-ka-te-re, MY Oe 106. Prob. dat. sing.:
thugatrei. [On form see Ruijgh, 1959, p.
77-]
tu-ka-fq-fty MY Oe I 12. Dat. plur.: ihugatarsi
(< *thugai{si), if reading is sound.
tu-ka-tOy KN Ap 639. wn.
tu-ke-ne-u, PY 253=Jn 310. mn.
tu-ma-da-ro, KN Db 1368. mn.
tu-ma-i-ta , KN As 605, [X 7673?]. mn: Thumaitds.
[0vpa|TTfi, hero of Attic deme ©uuatTaSai.]
tu-ma-ko , KN C 973. Name of an ox? [Cf.
lo-ma-ko; at0|ia =<rr6pa Theocr.]
tu-me-ne-woy MY Ui 709. mn?
tu-na-no y KN 209=Lc 525, 210 = Lc 526, 211 =
Lc 532 + . Description of a kind of textile;
see p. 315.
tu-ni-ja, KN Ap 629, Db 1246 +, 213 = Le 641 +.
pn. [Cf. 'EAtuvIcx (now Kunavj) south of
Knossos?]
tu-ni-ja-dty KN Fh 373. Acc .+ d*.
tu-ni-jo, PY Cn 4, Xa 1419. mn.
tu-qa-ni-ja-sOy KN Db 1279, [Dk 920?], [Uf
5721 ?]. mn. [Cf. pn Tu(n)rravEm.]
tu-ra-te-Uy PY Ae 8, Ae 72. Nom. sing., description
of a man, prob. a trade.
tu-ra-te-we y KN B 755. Nom. plur.
tu-ra-te-u-si, PY Gn 428, Vn 48. Dat. plur.
tu-ri-ja-jp, PY Jn 431. mn: Thttriaios? [Cf. pn
©vpeai.]
tu-ri-ja-tiy PY II6 = En 659, [123=Eo 444]. wn:
Thuriatis? [Cf. ©upccms (yn).]
tu-ri-joy KN Nc 4473, PY Jn 693. mn: Turios ?,
Thuridn ? [Tvpios, ethnic of Tyre; ©vplwv.]
tu-ri-si-jo-jo. PY Sa 758. mn, gen.: Tutisioio. (Cf.
tu-ri-so.]
tu-ri-so, KN 84=Ce 59, Db 1241+. pn: Tulisos.
[Tu\ic6$ Insc . Cret. i, 30, 1; now Tylissos.]
tu-ri-si-joj-ja, KN 87 = E 668, Lc 533, Og 833 + .
Ethnic adj.: Ttdisioi, -ai.
tu-ri-ta, PY Cn 40. mn, dat.
tu-rou PY 171 =Un 718. Nom. plur.: turoi
(turjoi?) ‘cheeses*; also written with mono¬
gram TU + RO ; . [TUp6$ //. XI, 639 + , cf. Av.
t&ri-.}
tu-ru-pte-ri-ja, PY 41= An 35, Un 443. Gen. sing,
depending on following o-no: strtiptirids ‘of
alum’; see p. 422. [orpurmipta Instr. Prien .
3 6 4*5 (3/2 B.C.) = OTUTTTTipla Hdt.+.]
Ui-ru-pe-le\-ri-ja?\, KN X 986. Variant spell¬
ing?
tu-ru-we-u, PY 40=An 261, Cn254. mn: Thrueus ?
[Cf. pn ©pvov 11. 11, 592.]
tu-si-je-u, PY 57=An 519. mn. Cf. tu-ti-je-u.
tu-ti, KN V 652. mn?
tu-ti-je-uy P Y Cn 4. mn. Cf. tu-si-je-u.
tu-to, KN Ga 419. mn.
tu-wa-si, PY Fn 41. Prob. dat. plur. of description
of men.
tu-we-a : see tu-wo.
tu-we-ta; PY 103= Un 267. mn, dat.: Tkuestai , an
unguent-boiler by trade, [©vfcmis II. II, 107.]
tu-wi-jo, KN 37 = B 823. Obscure, description of
men or pn?
tu-wi-no, KN 102=Ga 517. mn: Twindn. [Cf.
Elvcov; olvopai < ♦/tain-.]
tu-wt'-no-no, KN Ga 676. Gen.
tu-wo, PY Un 219. Nom. sing, neut.: thuas
‘aromatic substance*. [80*5, usually plur..
II. vi, 270+ , often ‘burnt offering*; cf. IXaiov
T€0ucop£vov II. XIV, 172.]
tu-we-a, PY 103=Un 267. Acc. plur.: thtu(h)a .
tu-zo, KN Ap 639, C 7698. wn in Ap 639; prob.
mn in C 7698.
tu-* 49 -mi, KN Ap 639. wn.
tu-* 56 -da-roy KN Dv 1370. mn.
U, As adjunct to ideogram of bucket (* 212 ),
abbreviation of u-do-ro (q.v.): KN K 774,
K 775 + .
Ideographic use: PY Un 219.
u dey TH Of 38. Adverb: huide ‘hither’? [Cf. Lcsb.
tuTSe, Cret. uf ‘whither*.]
u-de-wi-ne, PY Cn 595. pn, loc.
u-de-wi-ni-fQ. PY Jn 413. Prob. mn. [Ethnic adj.
of prec.j
u-doy KN K 873. Annotation to vessel labelled
po; poss. hudor ‘water 1 . [08<s>p; cf. u-do-ro.)
u-do-no-o-i, PY Fn 187. Dat. plur., class of
persons, or loc. pn?
u-do-roy KN [233 =Uc 160 rev.], PY 238=Tn
996. Nom. plur., name of bucket-shaped
vessel: hudroi ‘water-jars’. [v6pos II. 11, 723 +
‘water-snake*; cf. v/Spla.J
u-du-ru-woy KN V 145. pn, gen.? Cf. [ o-]du-ru-wo,
see s.v. o-du-ru-ux.
588
GLOSSARY
u-jo-na, KN Ap 639. wn.
u-ka, KN X 7386. pn?
u-ka-jo, PY 184=Nn 228. pn.
u-me-ta-qe-q-po, PY 145 = Ea 259. Perhaps to be
divided u-me-ta (mn) q*e a-[to’, see p. 449 .
u-pa-ra, KN Ap 639. wn.
u-pa-ra-ki-ri-ja, PY An 298. pn, subordinate to
ra-wa-ra-ta 1 ? [Cf. ’VirEpdKpia.]
u-po-ra-ki-ri-ja, PY Cn 45. Variant spelling?
u-pi-ja-ki-ri-jo, PY 58= An 654. Prob. nom.
plur. masc. of ethnic adj.
u-pa-ta-ro } TH Z 1, Z 2 + , mn.
u-po, KN 271 = Sd 4422, PY 3l7 = Ub 1318.
Adverb: hupo ‘underneath’, [Cmo Horn.+ .]
u-po-di-jo-no , PY Na 105. mn, gen, forming pn
with wo-wo.
u-po-jo , PY Fn 187, 310= Fr 1225, Fr 1236.
Qualification of Potnia, pn in gen.?
u-po-ra-ki-ri-ja : sec s.v. u-pa-ra-ki-ri-ja.
u-po-we, KN L 178. Description of two lincn( ?)
tunics. [Cf. Hcsych. Cmofcrnft (*Cmof Gottis)-
XITCOV.]
u-qa-mOy KN Me 4454. App p n ; cf. qa-mo .
u-ra-jo, KN B 799, Db 1265 + . mn: Hulaios,
Huraios ? [’YAorlos, ’Ypatos.]
u-ra-mo-no , KN 38=As 1516, Da 1315. mn.
q-ra-* 86 , PY Na 466 (restoration in Na 1039 and
1086 improbable), pn.
u-re-u , PY Vn 865. mn: Hul(l)rus? ['YAsuj,
‘YAAeOs.)
u-ro if KN Db 5367. mn.
u-ru-pi-ja-jo, PY 57= An 519, 58= An 654, 60 =
An 66 !, 76 -Cn 3, 188 - Na 928. Nom. plur.
masc., description of men, possibly ethnic,
but not to be connected with Olympia. See
p. 430 .
u-ru-pi-ja-jo-jo, PY 76 = Cn 3. Gen. sing.,
possibly error.
-u-ru-tOy PY 56= An 657. 3 rd plur. pres, indie.:
( hd) wrunloi ’thus they are guarding’. [£Ga 0 ou
//. xv, 141-f, imperf. tfpuro 1L iv, 138 + ;
Risch, 1958 A, p. 337 , prefers sing, wrtitoi,
taking e-pi-ko-wo as collective sing.]
u-suy KN V 7512. Obscure.
u-ta-joy KN Da 11274, 66 = Dc 1129, Ra 1559,
V 832. mn, a ‘collector’ of sheep.
u-ta-jo-joy KN Da 1135 + . Gen.
u-ta-no 1 , KN [As 604], Db 1097+, 202=Fp 13,
Pp496 + . pn: perh. Cftanos . [Pos$.= 'bravos
with interchange of u and 1 as in some
pre-hellenic names; cf. mo-ri-wo-do.]
u-ta-ni-jo, KN B 807, 88 = E 749 + . Ethnic adj,
u-ta-no 2 , KN Dd 1592. mn.
u-wa-mi-ja , PY 137=Eb 416, 135 = Ep 704. wn:
Huamid? [Cf. pn 'Y&ucia (Messenia).]
u-wa-si. PY 59=An 656. pn. dat.-loc. plur.
u-wa-si-jo , KN Ai 1 15. Poss. mn, but more likely
patronymic adj.: pa-ro u-wa-si-jo ko-uv ‘from
the son of U.’? [Cf. pn u-wa-si, mn u-iva-
ta.]
u-wa-ta, KN Dd 1286, PY Jn 605. mn: Huatds,
ffuantds? [Cf. ‘Yorrat; ‘Y 6 vt£?.]
u-wo-qe-ne , KN V 145. Alternative form of or
error for next.
u-wo-qe-we, KN 83= C 902. Peril, nom. plur.,
title of an official. [Palmer, 1963 a, p. 461 :
u{w)oq H itt*s ‘overseers’.]
u-+ 3 6y KN Df 1120. mn.
wa, Possibly abbreviation for WHi-na-ka-te-ra
(Killen, 1966 c, p. 107 ): KN Le 654.
Obscure, hut possibly similar: KN F 51 rev.,
ELEUSts jar.
wa-a r ta, MY 46=Au 102. mn.
wa-a 2 -te-pi, PY Na 1009, Xa 1377. pn, instr.-loc.
plur.
h a-a.-te-we, PY 52 = An 207, [Mn 1371?).
Variant form, dat.-loc. sing. ?
wa-da-ko, PY Cn 285. mn.
wa-de-o, PY Sa 766, mn, gen.: \Yude{h)os ?
wa-di-re-we , PY Fn 79. mn, dat.
wa-do-me-no, PY Vn 130. mn, dat.: Wadomenoi.
[Cf. f) 6 ouai, fofiouai Corinna.]
wa-du-ka-sa-ro, KN Da 1445. mn.
wa-du-na, KN V 503, V 1523. mn.
wa-du-na-roy KNC912, Db 1242, Dc 1118 + . mn.
wa-du-ri-jo, [KN Ga 456?], PY Jn 725. mn:
Wddulios. [Cf. *H 6 vAos,]
wa-du-{ . ]-fo, KN 38=As 1516. mn, formerly read
wa-du-na-to.
wa-e-ro, PY Cn 1197. mn?
wa-je, KN V 479. mn.
wa-ka-ta, PY 255—Jn 658. mn. — wa-iu-ta,
impossible to tell which is the error; sec p. 511 .
wa-ka-ti-ja-ta , PY 59= An 656. Poss. nom. plur.
masc. ethnic?
wa-ke-i-jo, KN Xd 177, Xd 191. mn: Wdkheios ?
[Cf. Arc. FSxos.]
wa-kf-ta, KN Fs 4. Recipient of offerings?
wa-na-ka, KN Vc 73, PY 194= Na 334, Na 1356,
235=Ta 711. Nom. sing.: wanax ‘the king’.
[<5va£ //. 1 , 442 + , Cypr. wa-na-.xc.]
]wa-na-ka-to , PY La 622. Gen.: wanaktos?
wa-na-ka-te , KN 101 =Ga 675, PY 307= Fr
1220+ , 97=Un 2, [Un 1426]. Dat.: wanakuL
wa-na-ke-te , PY Fr 1215. Variant spelling of
dat.
wa-na-ka-te-ro, KN X 976, PY 115 = En 74,
114 = En 609, 122=Eo 160, 120=Eo 276 + ,
152 = Er 312, TH Z 839. Nom. sing. masc.
and ncut.: icanakleros, -on ‘of the king’,
’royal’. [<5va£ + -irpos, cf. pacriAtOTEpos Horn.]
wa-na-ka-te-ra, KN 209= Lc 525, [TH Of 36?].
Nom. plur. ncut. or fcm.: wanaktcra(i).
wa-na-se-wi-jo, PY Fr 1215, Prob. adj. form of
wa-na-so-v. see p. 479 .
wa-na-se-wi-ja, PY Fr 1221, 235=Ta 711. Fcm.
sing, or neut. plur. [Earlier taken as wanasse-
uid 'of the queen’, but etym. doubtful.]
wa-na-si-ja-kf, PY Vn 851. mn, dat.?
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
wa-na-so-i, PY 308= Fr 1222, Fr 1227 +. Dat.-loc.
plur., a shrine or locality: see p. 478 .
wa-no-so-i, PY Fr 1219.Varianlspelling«r error.
wa-na-ta-jo, KN V 466, PY [ll4=En 609],
118 = Eo 211, 119 = Eo 224, 131 = Ep 301.
MN, nom. and dal.: Warnataios, -oi? [Cf.
’Apvalo* Od. xviil, 5 .]
wa-na-ta-jo-jo, PY 114 = En 609, 118= Eo 211.
Gen.
wa-ta-jp, PY 118 Eo 211. Error for wa-na-ta-jo .
\vQ-ni-ko, PYJn 478. mn: Wamiskos . [’ApviaKOs.]
wa-no(-qe), KN Ch 5724. Name of an ox.
wa-no-jo, PY Cn 40, Cn 599. mn, gen., forming pn
with wo-wo.
wa-o, PY 247 Ta 716. Annotation to ideogram
resembling double-axe with numeral 2 ; sec
P* 5*2-
wa-pa-no, PY Jn 601. mn,
wa-pa-ro-jo, PY 59=An 656. mn, gen.: Wapaloio ?
[Cf. drirccAos.]
wa-po, KN Fh 5429. mn?
wa-ra-ki-no, PY An 615. mn?
wa-ra-ko-no, PYJn 845. mn.
wa-ra-pi-si-ro , [PY Cn 436], MY46=Au 102. mn.
wa-ra-ti, KN Ap 639. wn.
wa-ra-wi-ta, KN So 4443, Nom. plur. neut.,
description of wheels. The suggestion ivrtiwista
‘damaged’ conflicts with that offered for
o-pi-ra z -te-re; similarly wlawista ‘coming from
booty’ (Le.jeune, 1958 a, p. 37 ; Palmer, 1963 a,
p. 462 ) conflicts with that offered for ra-wi-
jaja.
wa-ra-wo-Qp, PY Cn 600. mn.
wa-re-u-ka-ra[, PY Na 576. pn.
wa-ru-wo-qo, KN As 1516. mn.
wa-si-ro, KN V 159. Obscure.
wa-te-u, PY 190= Na 395. Obscure.
wa-ti-ko-ro, PY Jn 725. mn; cf. wn a-wa-lika-ra .
] wa-ti-ro, PY Jn 431. mn
wa-to , KN Co 903, 83= C 902, Np 7423, TH Z
846, Z854+. pn; on the evidence of analysis
of jars from Thebes they may have been made
in Pala'ikastro area of E. Crete, hence wa-to
may be the name of this site.
wa-tu, KN V 1 14, X 795?, PY Eq 34, 172 = Tn
316. In some contexts obscure: in V 114 and
Tn 316 prob. wastu ‘the town', [atrru //. 11 ,
332+]
wa-tu-o, PY Vn 865. mn.
wa-tu-o-ko, PY Ea 136. mn: Wastuokhos. [Cf,
’Acttvoxti JL It, 513 .]
wa-tu-ta, PY Jn 725. mn: = u/a-ka-ta, impossible
to tell which is the error; see p. 511 .
wa-tu-wa-o-ko, PY 57 = An 519. mn: Waitudokhos ?
[Cf. wa-tu-o-ko', influenced by ♦-rroXisioxos,
Epic TToXir)oxos, Lacon. -rro?udxbi?J
wa-u-do-no, PY* 254=Jn 389. mn.
wa-u-so[ , KN Fh 5479. mn?
wa-wa-ka , KN Ln 1568. wn?
wa-wi, KN V 756. mn.
wa-wo-u-de, PY 58= An 654, [Xa200?], pn with
-do?
wa-*S6-re, KN Dc 1117. mn.
WE, As adjunct to ox, possibly abbreviation of
we-ka-la: KN 85 = Ch 896.
As adjunct to oil, probably abbreviation of
u*-a-re-pt: PY 305= Fr 1184, MY 93= Fo 101.
As adjunct to ideogram * 166 (ingot?): KN Oa
878, Oa 1808+ , PYOb J372 + , Ua 1413.
Ideographic use, apparently denoting a variety
of sheep or goat, possibly = wetalon ‘yearling’:
KN D411, D1 790+ , PY 77 = Cn 418, Ua 17,
96=Uii 138 + .
we-a-re-ja : sec s.v. we-a^-re-jo.
we-a-re-pe, PY Fr 1215, Fr 1223. Nom. sing, neut.,
adj. describing oil: prob. u-aleiphes ‘lor
anointing’. See p. 477 ,
we-ja-re-pe, PY Fr 1205, Fr 1217+. Alternative
spelling.
we-arno-i , PY 3 l 0 =Fr 1225, 319= Un 1322?
Dat. plur.: ivehonoihi ‘for robes’. [Ifivb* //.
xxt, 507 + .]
we-a % -re-jo, PY 244=Ta 714. Nom. sing, masc.,
adj. describing tables and chairs: hualeios (or
sim.) 'of or decorated with rock-crystal’. [Cf.
vaAos Hdt. +.]
we-a-re-ja, PY 239 = Ta 642. Nom. sing. fem.
we-da-ne-wo, PY 54 = An 610, 62 = Cn 655+,
! 68 =Es 644 + , Na 856 + , Un 1193. mn,
gen., a person of great importance.
we-da-ne-we, PY l69=Es 646 + . Dat.
we-e-wi-ja, KN As 1518, PY 317 = Ub 1318. At
PY, nom. fem. plur. of adj., describing skins:
hufwiai ‘pigs”, [fcios Aristoph.+ .] See
p. 492 . Context at KN obscure.
we-i-we-sa, MY 93= Fo 101. wn, dat.: prob.
Muiwessdi. [vlos + -€ts.]
we-ja-re-pe : see s.v. we-a-re-pe.
we-je-ke-a 2 , PY 286=Sa 787, Nom. plur. neut.,
adj. describing wheels: uweikeha, ‘serviceable’
(opposite of no-pe-re-a^ ). [Compound of 0 +
-cik ?|5 as See pp. 373 , 5*8-
[we-]jt~ke-a, PY Wa 1148. Variant spelling.
we-je-ke-e, PY 285=Sa 487+. Nom. dual:
uu>eik*{h)e.
we-je-we, KN 164 = Gv 863, [PY 153 = Er 880].
Nom. plur., description of plant or tree: prob.
huiewes ‘vine-shoote’. [Cf. vIt[v* t?|v dpTTEAov
Hesych.]
we-ka-di-jo, KN U 4478, V 831. mn: Wergadioi,
Wekadios? [Cf. 'Epy 66 Eis, Boeot. FhiKaSdpoE.]
we-ka-sa[, KN Al 1037. Obscure, peril, descrip¬
tion of slave-women: on formal grounds poss.
wekasja(i) (< *iveknt-y3 = ^KoOca), but sense
improbable.
we-ka-ta, KN Ai 1012, Ce 50, 84=Ce 59+ . Nom.
plur. describing oxen and poss. men:
ivergatai ‘workers’. [^o0$ ^pydrrrjs Archil.,
Soph.]
we-ka-ta-e, KN C 1044. Dual: wergatae .
590
GLOSSARY
we-ke: see s.v. ke-re-si-jo we-ke.
we-ke-i-ja , KN 35— Am 819. Obscure: annotation
to groups of 18 men, peril, a derivative of
Ipyov (cf. ipyada in sense of ‘craft-associa¬
tion’, ‘guild’}.
we-ke-i-jo[, PY Jn 937. mn.
)H'e-ke-se, KN Xe 5540. If complete, poss. 3 rd
sing, aor.: u>exe ‘brought’. (Cf. pe-rt Od 562.)
[ftyco Cypr., Pamph.; cf. Lat. ueho, Skt.
vahati.]
we-ko-we-ka-tel, KN Ak 630. Obscure.
we-pe-za , PY 240 =Ta 713. Nom. sing, fem.,
description of a table: (h)weppedzA or
(h)wespedza ‘six-footer’, exact sense obscure:
sec p. 342 and cf. e-ne-wo-pe-za.
we-ra-jOy PY Eb 364, Ep 613 (in both cases in¬
complete}. MN.
we-ra-te-ja , KN Ap 618. Obscure, description of
women ?
]we-ra-ti-jay KN Ak 784. Variant spelling,
we-ra-fo, KN Dc 1136. mn.
we-re-fca-ra-fa, PY An 298. Nom. plur., a man’s
trade.
we-re-ka-ra, PY 54=An 610. Poss. defective
spelling of prec.
we-re-key PY 61 =Cn 131. Cn 202-I-. Heading to
cattle tablets, poss. nom. plur. wregts ‘en¬
closures’. [Cf. Skt. orajah ‘enclosure’; Palmer,
1957 a, p. 569 ]
] ^f-re-ki-ja, KN Ai 1012. Obscure.
Yve-re-ne-ja, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Prob. nom. sing,
fem., describing a skin: prob. tmeneid ‘sheep's’,
‘lamb’s’. [Cf. fbrjv ‘sheep'; fipvEios Hdt. -I-;
Heubcck, 1960 a, p. 19 .) See p. 493 .
we-re-we, KN 83 = C 902, V 145. Nom. sing, or
plur., title of an official?
we-ro-pa-ta, KN B 5132, mn.
we-ro~tay PY An 129. mn?
we-ru-ma-ta, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Nom. plur.:
welumaia ‘wrappers’. [tftuua Od. vt, 179 .]
See p. 492 .
we-te-re-Uy PY Eb 472 + , 142 = Ed 317, 115= En
74+ , 121 = Eo 247 + . mn.
we-to, PY 43=Aq 64, l78 = Ma 365. Acc. sing,
neut.: ivetos ‘year’. [£to$ //. xxiv, 765 + ; in
dialects frequently f£ros.]
we-te-i-we-te-i, PY 168 = Es 644. Reduplicated
dat.-loc.: wete(h)i wete{h)i ’from year to year',
‘annually’. [Cf. Skt. uarfe-varfe 'every year’.]
)we-ta-rOy KN V 5575, Name of an object?
we-u-da-ne-we, PY 77 =Cn 418. mn, dat. [Cf.
we-da-nc-ms , but prob. not the same name.]
we-wa-do-roy KN Dv 1601, Sc 252. mn: Werwan-
dros? [Cf. (f)ipuiiai; Heubcck, 1957 , p. 32 .]
we-wc-c-a, KN L 178, 220:- L870, [PYXn878?].
Nom. plur. neut., description of textiles:
werwe(h)e(h)a ‘woollen’. [Alt. ^pca, neut.
plur., Ion. dplvfo*; from tlpos ‘wool’
Hom. + , < *werwos, cf. Lat. ueruex ‘sheep’.]
we-we-ro, KN Fh 347, V 147. mn.
we-we-st-fe-fa, PY A a 762, Ab 217. Nom. plur.
fem., a woman's trade: wertvesieiai 'wool-
workers’. [Despite the obvious objection to
intervocalic a derivative of elpo$ ‘wool’
seems to be supported by dpcoiwvri ; wreath
wound round with wool’ Aristoph. or
earlier ?]
Yve-we-si-je-ja-o, PY Ad 318. Gen. plur.:
werwesieiaon.
Yve-Yve-si-jOy KN Da 1161 +, Le 654, PY 255=
Jn 658 + . mn: Werwtsios ? [Cf. prec.]
Yve-we-si-jo-jo, KN Da 1 162, 68 = De 1648+ ,
Od 502+ . Gen.
we-wo-ni-jo, KN C 954. mn,
wi, Ideographic use: PY Un 219, Wr 1332.
As part of ideogram *152 =oxhide, abbrev.
of wi-ri-no (q.v.): e.g. PY l73 = Ma 222 + .
wi -da-jo, K N V 60. mn: Widaios. [’l5a!o«;.]
Yvi-da‘ka-so> KN Dd 1402. mn.
Yvi-da-ma-rOy KN Do 919, V 479. mn,
Yvi-da-ma-ta^y KN Ap 639, Ln 1568. wn.
-wi-de, PY 154 = Eq 213, 235=Ta 71 1. 3 rd sing,
aor.: (ho) wide ‘thus he saw’. [16c It, xl,
543 + .]
Yvi'do-Yvo-i-jo, PY Ac 344, An 5. mn: Widwo(h)ios
(in Ae 344 for gen.?}. [Cf. l 8 u!oi, d 86 s
< *widw 6 s.}
Yvi-du-Yv&~i- j o, PY Jn 415. Alternative spelling.
Yvi-dYvo-i-jo, PY Ep 539. Alternative spelling.
Yvi-du-ro, KN B 799. mn. [Cf. ‘'iBupo* name of a
river.]
Yvi-du-ru-ta, KN Ch 5754. mn,
Yvi-du-Yva-ko, PY 253=Jn 310. mn.
wi-Ja-da-ra, PY Ae 142. wn, gen.? or pn ? If wn,
perh. Wiandrd(s). [Cf. 'JdvEipa II. xvui, 47 .]
Yvi-ja-ma-roy KN As 1516, Da 1378. mn.
]Yvi~ja~na-tu , KN Ap 769. wn.
Yvi-ja-ni-jo, PY Jn 431. mn.
Yvi-ja-te-Yve, P Y Cn 45, Cn 600. mn, nom. or dat.?
Yvi-ja-te-YvOy PYJn 431. mn.
Yvi-ja-Yve~rai, PY Cn 643, Cn 719, Jn 478. pn.
Yvi-je-mOy KN As 609, Dv 1266. mn.
Yvi-je-so, KN Da 1163. mn.
Yvi-jo-de : see ki~ka~ne wi-jo-dc,
Yvi-jo-ka-de, KN Db 1155. mn.
Yvijo-qo-ta, KN Db 1305, [Dq 7852]. mn:
Wioq*hontas? [Cf. ’Icxp&v.]
wi~jo-qo-ta-o y KN [Dq 1026], 2l8 = Ld 598.
Gen.: -too.
Yvi-jo-ro-jo, PY Jn 725. mn,
wi-na-jo, KN Da 1197 +, Fh 1059, 232= K 875+ .
MN.
Yvi-na-tOy KN As 604. pn: Winatos? ['IvaTos; cf.
(’EXruBuiav) Biva-nav laser. Cut . tv, 174 .
60 , 74 .]
Yvi-nu-ri-jo[, PY 54= An 610. pn or ethnic?
Yvi-pi-no-Oy KN V 958. mn: Wiphino(h)os. [’Iqdvoo*
II. vii, 14 ; second element from *nes~ as in
VEOUCUp v6<TTOS.)
Yvi-pi-o, KN Nc 5103. mn: Wiphion. [’I<plc*>v.]
59
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
wi-ra-ne, KN Dv 5193. mn.
wi-ra-ne-to, KN As 1516, Dv 1205. mn.
wi-ri-ja-no, PY Ea 52. mn: Wrianos ? [*Piavc>$.]
wi-ri-ke-ja, PY Vn 851. wn, dat.?
wi-ri-ki-no, KN V 831. mn.
wi-ri-ne-we, KN Fh 5428, Fh 5435. Prob, dat.
sing., recipient of oil: perh. wrinewei ‘for the
tanner’ or mn? [Cf. wi-ri-no.]
wi-ri-ni-jo, KN 266= Sd 4401, 269= Sd 4404 + .
Nom. dual neul. ? : tvrinid ‘made of leather’.
[Cf. wi-ri-no.]
wi-ri-ne-o, KN Sd 4408+ , 274= Sf 4428.
Variant form: urinco.
wi-ri-ne-jo, KN Sd 4415, Sd 4468. Variant
form: wrineid.
wi-ri-no, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Nom. plur.: wrinoi
‘ox-hides’. [£iv 6 s Od. l, 108+.]
wi-ri-wo[, PY An 340. mn.
wi-ri-za, KN Od 2026, Od 8202, [X 44], PY
104 = Un 249. Nom. sing.: wridza ‘root’; in
context always in connexion with wool, the
root section of which is rich in lanolin (Killen,
19620 , p. 42 ). [jbi 3 a, Lasb. Pplo 6 a.]
wi-ro, KN As 1516. mn: [Vitos or Wiros. [ r lAo$ //.
x, 415 ; "Ipo? Od. xviii, 1 .]
wi-ro-jo, KN Da 5234. mn.
wi-sa-to , PY Vn 130. mn, dal.
wi-so, KN Ap 639. wn.
wi-so-\v 0 -pa-tw, PY 292=Sh 740. Nom. plur.
neul., description of plates on a corslet; prob.
wisu>o-, but second member obscure. [loos
< f^ofos-]
wi-su-ro, KN Dd 1284. mn.
wi-ti-mi-jo , PYJn 605. mn: Wisihmios ? [’lofyiios;
no evidence for f- in Ia 6 |i 6 $.]
]wi-to-te-ra[, PY Wa 748. Obscure.
wi-tu-ri-jo, KN X 770. mn: Witulios? [Cf. *huAos
Od. xix, 522 .]
wi-tu-ta, PY Jn 320. mn.
wi-* 6 §-te-u, KN Dv M03. mn.
wo, Ideographic use or adjunct to wheat?: PY
Un 1319.
wo-de-wi-jo, KN Fp 16, Fp 48, 207 = V 280. Name
of a month: wordewios ‘of roses’. [Cf. £*S5ov;
PelruSevski, 1959 , p. 104 .]
wo-de-wj-jo-jo, KN 203 = Ga 953.
wo-di-je-ja , KN Ap 639, PY 317 = Ub 1318, Vn
1191, MY 303 = V 659. wn: Wordieia. {Cf.
£65ov.]
wo-di-jo, KN V 60, PYJn 601. mn: Wordios? [Cf.
^k56ov.]
wo-do, KN Xd 282. Obscure.
wo-do-we , PY Fr 1203, Fr 1204+ , Nom. sing,
neut., description of oil: wotdouxn ‘rose-
scented’. [£o 86 cvti . . . IXcricp 11 . xxm, 186 .]
wo-i-ko-de, KN As 1519. Acc. sing.+-</*: woikon-
de ‘to the house or shrine (of)’. [o!k6vSe II. j,
606 .]
wo-ko-de, TH Of 36. Variant spelling: ‘to the
shrine {of Potnia)’.
]wo-ja-de, KN Fh 365. A cc. + -dt?
wo-jo, PY Eb 472. Gen. sing.: ( h)woio ‘of his own’,
[olo gen. II. in, 333 .]
wo-ka, PY 285 = Sa 487, Sa 753 + . Nom. or dat.
sing.?: wokha ‘vehicle’, ‘chariot’. [Cf. 6 x*a
II. iv, 419 +.]
wo-ka-re , KN V 960. Obscure.
wo-ke, KN L 698, PY 296=Sh 736. Obscure:
verbal form {cf. u>o-ze?) or dat. of a noun?
wo-ki-ro, PY Cn 328. mn.
woki-to, PY 61 = Cn 131. mn, dat.
woko-de: see wo-i-ko-de .
wo-na-si, KN 164 = Gv 863. Dat.-loc. plur.:
woinassi ‘in the vineyards’? [olvdSes 1
tteAgo&is tottoi Hcsych.]
wo-ne-wa, PY 5 8= An 654. mn.
wo-ne-we, PY Cn 40, Cn 643 + . Nom. plur.,
description of sheep.
wo-no, PY 250= Vn 20. Nom. sing.: woinos ‘wine’?
[olvo? Hom.+.]
wo-no-qe-wa, PY Na396, [258=Jo 438?]. pn.
wo-no-qe-we, PY Un 1193. Variant form?
wo-no-qo-so, KN Ch 897, Ch 1015. Name of an
ox: Woinoq m sos , Woinoq^orsos ? [Olvovy as mn
Od. xxi, 144 ; cf. o'votte II. xm, 703 ;
Pctrulevski, 1962 , p. 250 .]
wo-no-wa-fi-si, PY Vn 48, Xa 1419. Dal. plur.:
woinouo(s)tifi? Sense and construction ob¬
scure, but a compound of woinos seems likely.
The reading of the penultimate syllable
is uncertain in both cases. [Cf. Otvdr)?]
wo-qe-we, PY 54—An 610. 55 = An 724. pn.
wo-ra-e, KN Sp 4451. Nom. dual, name of object,
prob. connected with chariots, e.g. tyre. [Cf.
wo-ra-we-sa.]
[ wo-]ra, KN Sp 4452. Prob. sing.
wo-ra-ke-re[ , KN Xd 170. mn?
wo-ra-we-sa, KN Se 880. Nom. sing, fcm.,
description of chariot: ?-wessa. [Cf. ivo-ra-e.]
wo-ro-ka-ne, KN B 1025. Poss. nom. plur.
describing men.
wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo, PY 152 —Er 312, 171 =Un 718.
Adj. or other description of a piece of land.
See pp. 265 , 454 .
wo-ro-ko-jo, PY Sa 763. mn, gen.
wo-ro-ma-ta, PY 317 = Ub 1318. Nom. plur. neut.:
wlomato ‘containers’? See p, 491 . [>.wua.]
wo-ro-ne-ja, MY 228 = Oe 111. Description of
wool, perhaps tmoneid ‘lamb’s’. [Metathesis
of womeiazz Palmer, 1963 a, p. 464 .]
wo-ro-qo-ta[, PY Qa 1305. mn.
wo-ro-ti-ja, PY Es 728. mn.
wo-ro-ti-ja-o, PY [168=Es 644], 167=Es 650.
Gen.
wo-ro-fp, KN Do 5010, Dv 7863. mn.
wo-ro-to-qo, KN Vc 290. mn.
wo-ro-tu-mi-ni-jo, PY 60=An 66 L Prob. mn.
wo-si-jo-ne , KN B 1055. mn.
wo-ti-jo, KN Dv 5302?, PY An 340, Jn 832. mn:
Worthios. ['OpdiosJ
592
GLOSSARY
wo-to-mo, PY 3l8 = Un 1314. Pass. mn.
wo-tu-ko -[, PY Xn 593. Poss. mn? [Cf. 'OpTuycov.]
wo-ru-wa-ne, PY Cn 4. pn, loc.
wo-wa-ro , PY Jn 750. mn,
wo-we-u , KN C 911, Uf836, PY Ac 142. Nom. sing.
masc,, prob, a title: perh. worweus. [Cf. wo-ivo.]
wo-wi-ja , PY 59=An 656, Mn 456, Na 1053,
Forms a place name after a gen, app. mn:
prob. wotwia ‘borders’. [dpia; cf. wo-wo\
wo-wi-ja-ta, PY An 172, 255=Jn658 + . mn.
wo-wo l , PY An 424 + , Cn 40+, Na 105+ .
Combined with mn in gen. forms a place
name: prob. ivorwos ‘boundary’, [opos. Ion.
oOpos, Corcyr. oppos, poss. by dissimilation
from ♦f f 6 pfos; cf. wo-wi-ja, mo-ro-ko-wo-wo-pi]
wo-wo\ KN Dc 5228, Dk 1071. mn.
wo-ze, PY Ea 309, 141 = Eb 338 +, 148= Ep 613,
135=Ep 704 + . 3 rd sing, pres.: wordzei
‘works, performs’, exact sense obscure;
sometimes negative o-u-wo-ze with variant or
erroneous spelling o-wo-ze (141 =Eb 338).
[{[p 6 w Hom.+, cf. ££ 30 + from ♦ftpy-;
Hcubeck, 1969 //, p. 5 }
wo-ze-e, PY 135 = Ep 704. Pres. in 6 n.: wordzehen.
wo-zo-e , PY 141= Eb 338. Error for wo-ze-e.
wo-zOy PY Eb 862. Nom. sing. masc. pres. pple.:
wordzdn.
wo-zo-te , PY 149=Ed 236, Ep 539. Nom. plur.
and dat. sing, masc.: wordzontes , - ontei.
wo-zo-me-no, KN So 4433. Nom. dual pres,
pple. pass.: wordzomend ‘being worked on’
(i.e. under construction).
wo-zo-me-na , KN So 4438. Nom. plur. neut.:
wordzomena.
wo-* 65 ‘fp, KN Dv 1492, MY Au 653? mn.
wo-* 7 $, KN V 7049. Obscure.
wo-* 02 -ni-jo, KN Dc 1154. mn.
za, As adjunct to women or sheep, probably
abbreviation of za-we-te or adjectival form,
‘this year’s’ (Killen, 1963 , p. 450 ): KN Ak
616, Do 919, Do 924 + .
za-e-to-ro , PY 54= An 610, 60 = An 661. pn,
za-ki-ri-jo , KN Vc 108. mn.
za-ku-si-ja, PY 286=Sa 787+. Nom. plur. neut.,
description of wheels: Dzakutisia ‘Zakynthian’
(type or origin?). [Cf. Z 6 kuv 6 o^ //. 11 , 634 .]
[za]~ku-si‘jo, PY 54= An 610. Poss. nom. plur.
masc.: [Dza]kunsioi.
za-ku-si-jo , MY Oe 122. mn: Dzakunsios. [prec.]
za-ma-e-wi-ja, PY 257=Jn 829, 175 = Ma 393,
Vn 493. pn.
za-mi-jo , KN 39=As 1517, PY An 129. Nom.
plur. masc., description of men.
za-mi-so , KN Xd 111. Obscure.
] za-ra-ro , KN Dd 1429, Dk 1070, X 8634. mn.
za-we-ie , KN Fh 5451, PY 180= Ma225. Adverb:
Isawetes ‘this year’. [c^tes, Att. Dor.
cores, <*kyd-wetes\ Palmer, i 960 , p. 60 ;
*963 fl > P 3°5‘1
W-we-te-ra, KN Ca 518, [Cg 5637, X 658?].
Nom. fern, sing.?, adj.: lsdu<{s)terd ‘this
year’s’. [From *kyawet-teros or haplology for
tsduetes-teros ?]
ze, KN 85 = Ch 896 + , 278=So 894 + , PY 43 =
Aq 64+ , 284=Sa 488 + , 292=Sh 740+ ,
249 = Va 482. Used to indicate paired
objects, esp. oxen and wheels: dze(ugos) ‘pair’.
Cf. zc-u-kt-ii. In KN 230= K 740 perh,
ideographic for ‘saw’.
ze-i-ja-ka-ra-na , PY Xa 70. See s.v. ke-i-ja-ka-ra-na.
ze-me-qe[, KN L 588. Poss. mn + ^Y
ze-ne-si-wi-jo, KN M 720. mn.
ze-pu^-ra^, PY A a 61. Nom. plur, fem., description
of women: Dzepfwrai . [Cf. Z^vpla old name
for Halikarnassos, Strabo xiv, 656 .]
ze-pu % -ra-o , PY Ad 664. Gen. plur.: Dzephurddn .
ze-pu t -ro, PY Ea 56. m n : DzepUuros. [Cf. Z4<pvpos.]
Ze-roy KN As 4493?, Da 5218. mn.
ze-so-me-noy PY 103 = Un 267. Dat. sing. fut.
pple. pass.: zes(i)ornrndi ‘to be boiled’ (in the
manufacture of unguent); taken by Palmer,
* 963 * 2 , p. 27 o, as middle, but fut. passives
do not seem to be differentiated in Mycen-
aean; cf. e-we-peseso-me-na. [jfco]
-ze-to, PY Vn 130. Verbal form, probably
meaning ‘received’ or similar: Palmer,
1963 a, p. 440 : gentOy but spelling z~ for g - is
suspect, [yhrro II. vm, 43 .]
zc-u-ke-si , PY 3l7 = Ub 1318. Dat. plur.:
dzeuges(s)i 'pairs’. Frequently abbreviated to
2 e. [seOyos II. xvirr, 543 + 0
ze-u-ke-u-si, PY 91 = Fn 50, Fn 79. Dal. plur., a
class of men: dzeugeusi ‘ox-drivers’? [Cf. Att.
jevyirai.]
Zf-wa-so, KN X 2002. Obscure; mn?
zo. Adjunct to cloth: KN L 433. Obscure,
zo-a, KN Fh 343, Fh 355 + . Nom. sing., descrip¬
tion of oil- dzoa , perh. ‘oil from second
pressing’ (Godart, 1968 a, p. 605 ). [Cf.
j 6 tv t 6 Ittcoko too psAi-to* Hesych.]
zo-do-so, KN As 40. mn.
zo-wa, KN Nc 4473, 163= Ra 984, 277=Ra 1028,
X 766. Obscure.
Zo-wi-jo, KN V 1523, PY Cn 40. mn, nom. and
dat.: Tsowios or Dzowios? [Cf. Zcofo-, Zcofo-;
Lejeune, > 960 *:, p. 126 .]
zo-wo, PY 57=An 519. mn.
*t8-to-nOy KN Ap 639. wn.
* 22 -ja-fp, KN X 4486. Obscure; mn?
* 22 -ri-ta-ro , KN Dv 1216. mn.
* 34 -ke-ja, PY Fn 187. WN,dat.? Cf. * 35 ~ke-ja.
* 34 -ke-te-si, PY l69=Es 646 + , Dat. plur.,
persons or divinities receiving offerings; see
PP- 2791 45 s *
*34-ke-u, PY 237 = Ta 709. App, adj., description
of tripod cauldron; cf. a 3 -ke-u, o-pi-ke-wi-ri-
je-u.
]*34-so, KN Dv 1239. mn?
21
593
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
PY 44=Aq 218. Nom.sing. masc., title or
description of a man.
+ 34 -( 0 -pi, PY Vn 130. Instr. plur.; obscure
* 34 -zo, KN Da 1253. mn.
*$ r r ka-te-re, PY 248=Va 15. Norn, dual.;
obscure. See p. 348 .
*35-ke-ja , PY Eb 871. Personal name. fcm. ? Cf.
•;i 4 -kc-ja,
* 35 -ki-n°-°) PY 251 =Vn 46. Norn, plur.;
structural members for building. Cf. a y ki-
no-o.
* 35 ~ to > PY Eb 472. Gen. sing.?
*47-da, KN Xd 100. pn?
+47-da-de, P Y 200= Fp 1 . Ace. 4- -dt.
*47-ku-to-de, KN 202= Fp 13. pn, ace. f -de.
* 47 ~™-de, KN Fb 351, Fh 357, Fh 393 4-. pn,
acc.T -de,
*47-ta-qo[, KN Xd 140. Obscure.
*47-ti-jo, KN K 775, V 503. mn.
*-f9-sa-ro , KN V 653. mn.
KN Db 5231. mn.
*§ 6 -du~nu-ka, KN Da 1 132, Dv 1191. mn.
+$6-i-ti, KN Fh 1057. Dat.?, divine name?
KN Fp 15. Variant spelling?
* 5 f)'^we } KN Ap 618 , 83 = 0 902 + , 64 =Da
1221, Db 12254-, Lc5646, T1 Z 27. pn.
* 56 -ko-we-e, KN D 1 794, Dl 7141. Dat.doc.
* 5 6 -ko-we-i, KN Dm 5181, Dn 1093. Variant
of dat.-Ioc.
*$ 6 -ko-we-i-jo}-ja, KN 100 = Ga 4244-, 90=
G 820. Et hnic adj.
]* 5 $-na-ro, KN Dl 928. mn.
*$ 6 ~ru-sa-ta, KN As 607. mn,
*$G-po-so , KN Ln 1568. wn?
*§ 6 ra-ku-ja , KN 2L7=Ld587. Norn, plur. neui.,
description of textiles; cf. pa-ra-ku-ja Ld 575.
* 5 &ri-to, KN Db 1423, Xc 6120, mn. '
* 56 -ro 2 , KN Dv 1422. mn.
] *$ 6 -so-jo, KN Ai 1036. mn, gen.?
* 56 ’-//: see S.V. *$ 6 - 1 - 1 !.
* 6 $, Ideographic use: KN Fs 24-, PY Fn 187,
97 = Un 2, 171 =Un 718. Associated with
me-re-u-ro ‘Hour’, but possibly standing for a
kind of grain rather than its form (Chadwick,
*9 66 > P 3 ■)
*# 2 -de, P Y Cn 600?, Jn 4 31. m n .
]* 83 -re-fo-de, KN Ga 465. pn, ace. 4 --de.
]-*th-re-to, KN Dl 933. mn.
594
BIBLIOGRAPHY
This docs not pretend to be an exhaustive list of either the pre-decipherment literature or the immense
volume of books and articles which have appeared since the lirst edit ion. 11 is not even a select biblio¬
graphy, but rather a list of the references which are contained in the book; the omission of any item
must not be construed as criticism or even evidence that it has not been read with proiit. After twenty
years of Mycenaean rcsearchj i t is not always easy to trace the sources of a communis opinio.
The real reason, however, for this selective treatment lies in the existence of much fuller bibliographies,
to which the reader is referred. Ever since 1956, the London Institute of Classical Studies has published
annually a current list of books and articles dealing with Mycenaean under the title Studies in Mycenaean
Inscriptions and Dialect, compiled by a number of scholars, latterly under the general direction of L. J. I).
Richardson. The fruits of the first ten issues were gathered into a single convenient volume by
L. Baumbach (1968). It is in this and the subsequent annual issues that further information must
be sought.
Mention should also be made here of the two periodicals which have devoted themselves to Mycenaean
and kindred subjects: Kao MO s published in Berlin by W. dc Gruytcr, edited by the late E. Grumach,
and since his death by William C, Brice; and Mt.\os, published in Salamanca and edited by M- S.
Kuipcrcz. There is also the series of volumes appearing at irregular intervals at Rome under the title
Sludi micenci ed egeo-analolici , from the Edizioni dclFAtmCo, the publishing house responsible under the
direction of C. Gallavotti also for the impressive series called Incunabula Graeco.
I he five international colloquia on Mycenaean studies have each produced a volume of Proceedings:
(1) Etudes mycemennes , edited by M. Lejeune, Paris, 1956.
(2) Atti del 2 0 colloquio inter national e di sludi micenei, Athenaeum, Pavia, 46, 295-436.
( 3 ) Mycenaean Studies , edited by E. L. Bennett, Madison, 1964.
(4) Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies , edited by L. R. Palmer andj. Chadwick,
Cambridge, 1966.
(5) Acta Mycenaea , edited by M. S. Ruiperez, Salamanca, 1972.
Other notable collections of Proceedings are: Atti e Memone del i° Congresso Internationale di micenologia ,
Rome, 1968, and Studia Mycenaea, edited by A. Bartonck, Brno, 1 968.
Aalto, P. ( 1945 ): Notes on methods of decipher¬
ment of unknown writings and languages.
Soc. Orient. Fenn., Studia Orienlolia , II, 4 .
Adrados, F. R. (tg 68 ): di-pi-si-jo-i y el mes dipsio
de Farsalo. Minos , 9, 187 -- 91 .
Anstock-Darca, M. ( 1951 ): Bibliographic 2 ur
kretisch-minoischen Schrift und Sprache.
Orientalia , 20, 2 , 171 - 81 .
Astrom, P. ( 1962 ): Guldbagarc, bronsharnesk
och andra fynd i Dendra. Svdrdfejare och
sjdlamord , Malmo, 87 - 96 .
Banti, L. ( 1954 ): Myth in prc-c!assical art, Amer.
J. Archaeol. 58, 307 — 10 .
Barrois, A. G. ( 1953 ): Manuel d y Archeologie
biblique , vol. 11 , Picard, Paris.
Baumbach, L. ( 1968 ): Studies in Mycenaean
Inscriptions and Dialect 1953 - 1964 , Rome.
Bkfkf.s, R. S. P. ( 1969 ): The Development of the
prolo-indoeuropean laryngeals in Creek , Mouton,
Hague.
Bennett, E. L., Jr. ( 1947 ): The Minoan Linear
Script from Pylos. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Cincinnati.
( 195 #): Fractional quantities in Minoan book¬
keeping. Amer. J. Archaeol. 54, 204 - 22 .
{PT I): The Pylos tablets , a preliminary transcrip¬
tion, Princeton U.P. for University of Cin¬
cinnati, 1951 .
095 f ^) : Statistical notes on the sign-groups
from Pylos. Minos , l, 100 - 37 .
{ l 95 5<: ) : The undeciphercd Minoan Script,
Tale Scientific Magazine, 25, 5 .
( 1952 ): Corrections of Scripta Minoa II, Privately
circulated.
(Index) : A Alinoan Linear B index, Yale University
Press, New Haven, 1953 .
(A/7" I): The Mycenae tablets, with a foreword
by A. J. B. Wacc. Proc. Amer. Philosoph. Soc.
97, 4 , 422 - 70 .
( 1955 ): Junctions of fragments of Minoan
595
21-2
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Bennett, E. L., Jr. ( cont.)
inscriptions in the Iraklion Museum. Minos t
3, 2 , 122 - 5 .
(PT II): The Pylos Tablets: texts of the inscrip¬
tions found I939S4, Princeton U.P. for
University of Cincinnati, 1955 .
(MT JI):The Mycenae Tablets 11 . Trans, Amer.
Philosophical Soc . 48, 1 , 1 - 122 .
( 1956 a): The Landholders of Pylos. Amer, J.
Archaeol. 60, 103 - 33 .
( 19566 ): Correspondances entre les textes des
tablettes pyliennes des series Aa, Ab et Ad.
Etudes Myceniennes (ed. M. Le.jeune), Paris,
121 - 36 .
( J 957) : Review of Documents in Mycenaean
Greek. Language, 33, 553 “ 68 .
( 1958 a): The Olive Oil Tablets of Pylos: texts of
inscriptions found, 1955 , Suplementos a ‘Minos’
Ntim. 2 , Salamanca.
( 19586 ): Tentative identifications of the hands
of the scribes of the Pylos Tablets. Athenaeum ,
46 (n.s. 36 ), 328 31 .
( 1961 ): On the use and misuse of the term
‘Priest-King’ in Minoan studies. KpryTiKa
Xpovmi, 15-16, 1 , 327~35-
(* 964 ) (editor): Mycenaean Studies: Proceedings
of the third international colloquium, University of
Wisconsin Press, Madison.
(rq 66 ): Miscellaneous observations on the forms
and identities of Linear B ideograms. Proc.
Camb. Coll, on Myc.Stud. tl- 25 .
Bennett, E. L., Jr. and Olivier, J.-P. (forth¬
coming): The Pylos Tablets in Transcription,
Rome.
Bjorck, G. ( 1954 a): Pour les inscriptions en
lineaire B peintes sur les vases. Eranos, 52,
120 - 4 .
( 19546 ): Pour le vocabulaire des tablettes
bannidres’ de Knossos. Eranos, 52, 271 - 5 .
Blegen, C. W. ( 1928 ) : The coming of the Greeks,
n. The geographical distribution of pre*
historic remains in Greece. Amer. J. Archaeol.
32, 146 - 54 .
( 1950 ): A Mycenaean breadmaker. Annuario
della scuola archeologica di Atene , N.s. 8-10,
13 - 16 .
(* 953 a ) : inscribed tablet from Pylos. 'ApX-
Eis pvfjpqv F. n. OIkov 6 pou, 59 - 62 .
(■ 9536 ): Excavations at Pylos 1952 . Amer. J.
Archaeol. 57, 59 - 64 .
( 1 954) : Excavations at Pylos 1953 . Amer. J.
Archaeol . 58, 27 - 32 .
(•955) : The Palace of Nestor excavations of
■954- Amer. J. Archaeol. 59, 31 - 7 .
Blegen, C. W. and Kourounjotis, K. ( 19396 ):
Excavations at Pylos 1939 . Amer. J. Archaeol.
43, 557-76.
Blegen, C. W. and Wacr, A. J. B. ( 1939 a):
Pottery as evidence for trade and colonization
in the Aegean Bronze Age. Klio, 32, i3*~47-
Boardman, J. ( 1963 ): The Date of the Knossos
Tablets. In Palmer and Boardman: On the
Knossos Tablets, Oxford.
Boisacq, E. (. Boisacq ): Dictionnaire itymologique de
la langue grecque, 4 th ed., Carl Winter, Heidel¬
berg, 1950 .
Bosskrt, H. T. ( 1932 ): SantaS und Kubaba. Neue
Beitrage zur EntzifFerung der kretischen und
hethitischen Bilderschrift. Mitt, der Altarient .
Ges. 6 , 3 , 88 .
Brtce, W. C. ( 1961 ): Inscriptions in the Minoan
Linear Script of Class A, Oxford.
Browning, R. ( 1955 ): The Linear 4 B’ texts from
Knossos, transliterated and edited. Bulletin of
the Institute of Classical Studies, Supplementary
Papers, No. 1 .
Bock, C. D. ( 1926 ): The language situation in
and about Greece in the second millennium
b.c. Class. Philol . 21, 1 - 26 .
{Dial.): Introduction to the study of the Greek
dialects , 2 nd ed. Ginn, Boston, 1928 .
Buck, C. D. and Petersen, W. ( Reo . Index): A
reverse index of Greek nouns and adjectives^
University of Chicago, 1944 .
Carratelli, G. Pugi.iese ( 1945 ): Le iscrizioni
preelleniche di Haghia Triada in Creta e
della Grecia peninsulare. Monumenti Antichi,
40, 422 - 610 .
( ! 954 fl ) : La decifrazione dei lesti micenei. La
Parola del Passato 35, 81 - 117 .
( 19546 ): Nuovi studi sui testi micenei. Ibid. 36,
215 - 28 .
( 1954 c): Reviews of Bennett ( Mycenae , 1953 )
and Meriggi ( 19546 ). Ibid. 37 , 312 - 20 .
( 1955 a): Riflcssi di cuhi inirenei nelle tabclle di
Cnosso e Pilo. Studi in onore di U.E. Paoli,
Florence, 1 - 16 .
( 1962 ): Achei nell’ Etruria e nel Lazio? La
Parola del Passato, 17, 4 - 25 .
Carter, H. ( 1927 ): The Tomb of Tutankhamen ,
3 vols. Cassell, London.
Catling, H. W. and Millett, A. ( 1965 ): A
Study of the inscribed stirrup-jars from
Thebes, Archaeometry, 8 , 3 - 85 .
Chadwick, J, ( 1953 ): Greek records in the
Minoan Script. Antiquity, 27, 196 - 200 .
( ! 954 fl ) : T/te Earliest Greeks, Pamphlet reprinted
from the Manchester Guardian , June 1954 .
596
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Chadwick, J. ( cont .)
( I 954^) ; Mycenaean: a newly discovered
Greek dialect. Trans. Philol. Soc. 1954 , 1 - 17 .
( 1955 ): The Knossos horse and foal tablet (Ca
895 ). Bull. London Inst, Class. Stud. 2, 1 - 3 .
( 1 957 < 3 ): Potnia. Minos, 5, 117 - 29 .
( 1 9 5 7 6 ) : New fragments of Linear B tablets
from Knossos. Ann. Bril. Sch. Athens, 52,
i47-5i>
( 1958 a): Error and Abnormality in the My¬
cenaean noun-declension. Parola del Passato,
13, 285 - 95 .
( 19586 ): Rapport sur les questions generales.
Alii del 2 0 Colloquio internazionale di Studi
minoico-micenei: Athenaeum , 46, 299 - 313 .
( 1958 c): The Mycenaean Filing System. Bull.
London Inst. Class. Stud. 5, 1 - 5 .
(*959) : Inscribed sealings from Mycenae.
Eranos , 57, 1 - 5 .
( 1962 ): Further Linear B Tablets from
Knossos. Ann. Brit. Sch. Athens , 57, 46 - 74 .
( 1963 a): The Two Provinces of Pylos. Minos , 7,
125 - 41 .
( 19636 ): The Mycenae Tablets in. Trans . Amer.
Philosophical Soc. 52:7, 1 - 76 .
( 1963 c): The Pre-History of the Greek Lang¬
uage. Cambridge Ancient History , ed. 2 , Vo!, it,
chap. 39 .
( 1964 a): Review of L. R. Palmer, Interpretation
of Mycenaean Greek Texts. Gnomon , 36, 321 - 7 .
( 19646 ): Pylos Tablet Un 1322 , Mycenaean
Studies (cd. E. L. Bennett), Madison, 19 - 35 .
( 1966 ): The Olive Oil Tablets of Knossos. Proc.
Cam 6 . Coll, on Myc. Studies, 26 - 38 .
( 1967 a): Mycenaean pa-wo-ke. Minos , 8 ,
>15-17*
( 19676 ): Mycenaean te-ko-to-na-pe. Studi micenei
ed egeo-anatolici, 4, 23 - 34 .
( 1968 a): The Group sw in Mycenaean. Minos ,
9, 62 - 5 .
( 19686 ): The Organization of the Mycenaean
Archives. Studio Mycenaea (Brno), 11 - 21 .
( 1968 c): Mycenaean Wine and the etymology
of yXuKOs. Minos, 9, 192 - 7 .
( 1969 ): Greek and Pre-Greek. Trans. Philol.
Soc. 1969 , 80 - 98 .
( 1970 ): Linear B tablets from Thebes. Minos,
10, 115-37*
( 1971 ): The ‘Greekncss* of Linear B. Indoger -
manische Forschungen, 75, 97 - 104 .
( 1973 ): Relations between Knossos and the rest
of Crete at the time of the Linear B tablets.
Proceedings of 3 rd Congress of Cretan Studies (in
publication).
Chadwick, J. and Baumbach, L. ( 1963 ): The
Mycenaean Greek Vocabulary. Glotta, 41,
157-271
Chadwick, J., Killen, J. T. and Olivier, J.-P.
( 1971 ):' The Knossos Tablets, fourth edition,
Cambridge University Press.
Chantraine, P. (1932): Quelques mots grecs
suspects d’etre empruntes k des parlers
prehclleniques. Melanges Gustave Glotz, Presses
Universitaires, Paris.
( 1933 ): La formation des noms en grec ancicn.
Soc. Ling, de Paris, 38.
( 1945 ): Morphologic historique du grec, Klincksieck,
Paris.
( 1948 , 1953 ): Grammaire homerique. 1 : Phonetique
et morphologic. 11 : Syntaxe, Klincksieck, Paris.
( 1955 ): Le dechiffrement de I’ecriture Lineaire
B k Cnossos et k Pylos. Revue de Philologie,
29, 11 - 33 .
( J 957 ) : A propos d’un receuil de textes
myceniens. Revue de Philologie, 31, 239 - 46 .
( 1958 a): Termes myceniens relatifs au travail
de 1’ivoire. Rev. £tudes grecques, 70, 301 - 11 .
( 19586 ): Mycenien Te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro. Minoica
(Festschrift Sundwall), 123 - 7 .
( 1959 ): Etat present de la philologie mycen-
ienne. Revue de Philologie, 33, 249 - 62 .
( 1966 ): Finales myceniennes en dko. Proc .
Comb. Coll, on Myc Studies, 161-79.
( 1968 ): Dictionnaire etymologique de la longue
grecque, Paris.
Chapoutiuer, F. ( 1930 ): Les ecritures minoennes
au palais de Mallia. £cole Fran^aise
d’Athdnes, Jztudes Criloiscs II, Geuthner, Paris.
Childe, V. G. ( 1947 ): The dawn of European
civilization, 4 th cd., Kegan Paul, Trench,
Triibncr, London.
Cowley, A. E. ( 1927 ): A note on Minoan
writing. Essays in Aegean archaeology presented
to Sir Arthur Evans , Oxford.
Cuny, A. (1910) : Les mots du funds prehellenique
en grec, latin et semitique occidental. Revue
des £tudes Anciennes, 12, 154 - 64 .
Daniel, J. F. ( 1941 ): Prolegomena to the Cypro-
Minoan script. Amer. J. Archaeol. 45, 249 - 82 .
Deroy, L. ( 1948 , 1951 ): Bibliographic critique des
recherches relatives k 1’ecriture cretoise. Revue
Hittite et Asianique, 8 , 48 , 1 - 39 ; ibid. 53, 35 - 66 .
Dessenne, A. ( 1957 ): Le griffon creto-mycenien:
inventaire et remarques. Bull, de Corresp.
helUnique, 81, 203 - 15 .
Dhorme, E. ( 1948 ): Dechiffrement des inscrip¬
tions pseudo-hieroglyphes de Byblos. Syria,
25. 1-35-
597
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
Dikajos, 1’. ( 1953 ): A second inscribed tablet from
Enkomi. Antiquity, 27, 233 - 7 .
Dorja, M. ( 1956 ): Inter pretaziom dt lesti micenei;
le tauolellt della clone Ta di Pilo, L. Cappelli,
Trieste.
(> 961 ): Aspetti della toponomastica miccnca
dcllc tavoiettc in Lineare B di Pilo. VII°
Congresso interna z. di Scienze Ono mastic he,
417 - 4 °.
Dow, S. { 1954 ): Minoan writing. Amer . J.
Archaeol. 58, 77 - 129 .
Erhron, H, D. ( 1961 ); Mycenaean Greek: a
lesson in cryptanalysis. Minos, 7, 63 - 100 .
Evans, A. J. (1894): Primitive pictogiaphs and a
prae-Phocnician script from Crete and the
Peloponnese. J. Hellenic Stud. 14, 270 - 372 .
( 1897 ): Further discoveries of Cretan and
Aegean script. J. Hellenic Stud . 17, 327 - 61 .
( 1900 - 1905 ): Knossos excavation reports. Ann.
But. Sch. Athens , 7-11.
( 1906 ( 2 ): Minoan weights and mediums of
currency from Crete, Mycenae and Cyprus.
Corolla A umismatica, Oxford, 336 - 67 .
([9066): The prehistoric tombs of Knossos.
Archaeologia, 59.
(SM I): Scripta Xlinoa vol. 1 : the hieroglyphic and
primitive linear dosses, Oxford, 1909 .
(PM): The Palace of Minos (particularly vol.
iv 6 ), O.xford, 1935 .
Evans, A. J., ed. Myres, J. L. (SM II): Scripta
Minoa, vol. n: the archives of Knossos, Oxford,
1952-
(SM III): Scripta Minoa, vol. tit: Linear Script A
etc. Seen in proof, 1954 - (Subsequently sup¬
pressed and replaced by Brice ( 1961 ).]
Faure, P. ( 1967 ): Toponymes prehcllcniqucs dans
la Crete moderue. Kadmos , 6 , 41 - 79 .
( 1968 ): Toponymes creto-myccniens dans une
1‘iste d’Amenophis ill. Kadmos , 7, 138 - 49 .
Pick, A. ( 1894 ): Die griechische Personermamen, 2 nd
cd. Vandenhoeck and Ruprccht, Gottingen.
( ] 9 ° 5 ) • Vor griechische. Ortsnamen, Vandenhoeck
and Ruprccht, Gottingen.
Ficulla, H. H. and Martin, W. J. ( 1953 ): Ur
excavations (texts), v: Letters and documents
of [be Old Babylonian period, British
Museum and University of Pennsylvania.
Friedrich, J. (1954): Entzijfcntng ocrsefwllener
SchrifUn undSfrachen, Springer-Vcrlag, Berlin.
Frisk, II, Griechisches etymologisches Worterbuch ,
Heidelberg, 1960 - 70 .
Furumark, A. (MP): The Mycenaean pottery:
analysis and classification, Kungl. Vitt. Hist, och
Ant. Akademicn, Stockholm, 1941 .
( 1953 ): A scarab from Cyprus. SknJter ulgivna av
Soenska Inst, i Alhai f: 11 (Op. Ath. 1 ), 47 - 65 .
0954) : AgaischeTcxtc in griechischer Sprache.
Eranos, 51, 103 - 20 ; 52> 18 - 60 .
Gallavotti, C. ( 1956 ): Leitura di testi miccnei.
Parola del Passaio, 11, 5 - 24 .
(*956): Noic brevi di filologia miccnca. Stud.
Ilal. Fil. class. 30, 52 - 72 .
{ 1959 ) : Review of Lejeune, AUmoires 1 : Revista
di Filologia , 37, 163 - 8 .
Gardiner, A. FI. ( 1948 ): The Wilbour Papyrus (3
vols.), Oxford University Press for the
Brooklyn Museum.
Geui, 1. J. ( 1952 ): A study of writing: the foundations
of grammatology, Routledgc and Kcgan Paul,
London.
de Genoiiillac, H. ( 1909 ): Tablettes sumeriennes
archaiqnes (LagaJ), Paul Geuthner, Paris.
Geohciev, V. ( 1941 , 1945 )' Vorgriechische
Sprachwisscnschaft. Jahrbuch der Univ. So.
Klim. Ohndski , I list.-Phil. Fak., Sofia, 36, 6 ,
1162 ; 41, 163 - 240 .
( 1949 ): I.c dechifTrcment dcs inscriptions
minoennes. Ibid. 45.
( 1950 ): Inscriptions minoennes quasi-bilingucs.
Ibid . 46.
( 1953 ): Problems of the Mtnoan language (in
Russian), Izd. Bolg. Akad. Nauk, Sofia.
( 5 954) : The present position in the decipherment of
the Minoan-Mycenaean inscriptions (in Russian),
Izd. Bolg. Akad. Nauk, Sofia.
( 1955 ): Introduction to the reading and inter¬
pretation of the Cretan-Mycenaean inscrip¬
tions (in Russian). Izd. Otdel. Lit. i Tazyko
(Akad. Mauk SSSR), 14, 3 , 267 - 79 .
I.clique des inscriptions creto-myceniennes , Izd. Bolg.
Akad. Nauk Sofia, 1955 . (With 2 supplements.)
G£rard*Rckjsseau, M. ( 1968 ): Les mentions
religieuses dans les tablettes rnyceniennes , Rome.
Godart, L. ( 1968 <i): Les quantiles d’huilc de la
serie Fh dc Cnossos. Atti del /• Congresso di
micenologia , Rome, 598 - 610 .
( 19686 ): Kupinjo dans les textes mycenicns.
Studi micenei ed egco-anatohci, 5, 64 - 70 .
( 1969 ): La serie Fh dc Cnossos. Studi micenei ed
egeo-anatolici , 8 , 39 - 65 .
Gordon, C. H. (1947): Ugaritic handbook.
Analecta Orientalia, Pont. Inst. Bibl Rome.
Gray, D. H. F. (1954): Metal-working in Homer.
J. Hellenic Stud. 74, 1-15.
( 1 959) : Linear B and archaeology. Bull.
London Inst. Class. Stud. 6, 47-57*
(i 960 ): Comment (on Palmer, i 960 ). Bull.
Land. Inst. Class. Stud. 7, 64 - 5 .
598
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(iURMEY, O. R. (*95'^) : The flitiites, Penguin
Books, London.
Guthrie, YV\ K. C. (1959)i Early Greek religion
in the light of the decipherment of Linear B.
Bull. London hist. Class. Stud . 6, 35-46.
HaIky, j. B. (1928): The coming of the Greeks:
t. The geographical distribution of pre-Greek
place-names. Amer. J . Aichaesl. 32 , 141 —5.
Hael.eux, R. (1969): Lapis-lazuli, azurite 011
pate dc verre? A propos dc kuwano ct
kuwanowoko dans les tabletlcs myccnienues,
Sludi micenei ed egco-anatolici, 9 , 47-66.
HammarstrOm, M. (1921): Gricehisch-etruskischc
YVortglcichungcn. (Holla, I L 2 11— 1 7.
Hamp, K. P. (1968): The Name of Demeter,
Minos, 9 , 198-204.
Hemuerc:, B. (1954): TpnTorrcop und Tpicnipco^.
Eraiws , 52 , 172-90-
Henle, J. E. (1953): .'I study in word structure in
Alinoon Linear B . Dissertation ai Columbia
University, privaicly printed, New York.
F-[ester. D. A. (1958): The 1 /e alternation in
Mycenaean Greek. Mims, 6? 24-36.
Keuhf.ck, A. (1957): Bemerkungen zu einigen
gricchischen Personennamen auf den Linear
B-Tafc!n. Beitrdgc zur Nameiforschung, 8,
28-35, 268-78.
(1958): Mykcnisch qi-si-pot^ $90$. Minos, 5 ,
' 49 - 53 *
(1960a): Review of Minoica. Bibliotheca Orientalis ,
17 , 17-19
(19606): Zu den gricchischen Ortsnamcn mit
-yent- suffix. Beitrage zur Namenforschung , 11 ,
4-10.
(1961a): Myk. *ra-o Aao$ 'Stein’ und Ver-
wandtes. Indogcrmanische Forschungen, 66? 29-34.
([961 b). Review: Vilborg, A Tentative Grammar
of Mycenaean Greek. Ihdogerm a nhc he Forschungen,
66, 308-12.
(1 q 6 r c ): Nochmals zu den gricchischen Orts-
namen mit ~yent- suffix. Beitrage zur JLamcn-
forschung, 12, 95-6.
('963a): ‘Digamma’—Problcmc dcs mykeu*
ischen Dialekts. Die Sprache , 9 , 193-202.
(19636): Erganzendc Bemerkungen. Kadmos , 2 ,
74-6.
(1966): Mycenaean qe-qi-no-me-no. Proc. Camb.
Coll . on Myc. Stud., 229-37.
(1967): Myk, ke-fa-mt-m* Antika, 17 , 17-21.
(1968): Da-mo-ko-ro. Atti e Memorie del 1*
Congresses internazionale di micenologia, Rome,
6i1-14.
(1969a): Gedanken zu gricch. Aaos. Studi
linguistic! in onore di Vittore Pisani, 535-44.
( 19696 ): Myk. e~me und du-WO-n-pi *iua Antika,
19, 3 - 12 .
( 1969 c): Zu den Linear B-texten auf mutter-
landtschcn Vasen, Athenaeum, 47, 144 - 53 .
(1971 a): Gricchisch 6 id:£. Dunum Indogermanuum
(Festschrift A. Scherer), Heidelberg, 123 - 9 .
( 19716 ): Zur s- und £-RciFic in Linear B.
Kadmos, 10 , 113 - 24 .
(1971 c): Ubcrlegungcn zum I.autwei l des
Silbcnzcichcns *65 in Linear B und /.um
griecliisclien Wort fur ‘S#Fin\ Studi micenei ed
egw-malolici, 1 3, 147 - 55 .
Hooi>, M. S. F. and De J#-nC, P. ( 1952 ): Late
Minoan warrior-graves from Ayios Ioannis
and the new Hospital Site at Knossos. Ann.
Brit. Sch. Athens, 47, 243 - 77 .
{ 1953 ): A Mycenaean cavalryman. Ibid. 48,
84 - 93 .
Hqj’k Simpson, R. and Lazf.nby,J. V . ( 1970 ): The
Catalogue of the Ships in If outer's Iliad, Oxford.
Houseiioi.oer, F. YV. ( 19594 ): Review of Mycenae
Tablets it, BIcgen and Lang, Palace of Nestor
Excavations 1955 , etc. Classical Journal, 54,
379“83-
( 19596 ): Pa-ra and Mycenaean cases. Glotta, 38,
1 - 10 .
Hrozny, B. ( 1949 ): I*es inscriptions cre'ioises: essai
de dechijfremenl, Orientalni Ustav, Prague.
(Consolidation of previous publications in
•94°. '943i '946. '94 8 *)
Huber, J. (1921): De lingua antiquissimorum
Graeciae incolarum. Dissert. Aenipontanae,
Vienna.
Iuevski, P. H. ( 1959 ): The adverbial suffix -fov
in Mycenaean. £iva Antika, 9, 105 - 28 .
(1961): Ablativot, instrymentalot i lokativot vo
najstorite greki te stovi, Skopje.
( 1969 a): Myc. A-DA-RA*KO. %ioa Antika , 18?
2 ( 6 .
( 19696 ): Myc. A-KA-MA-JO, A-KA-MA-WO,
A-KA-MA-NO; KA-KLRO, KA-KE-U. .?wa
Antika , 19, 174 ; 226 .
( 1970 ): I] sincretismo dci casi in miecneo, Studi
micenei ed egeo-anatolici, 12 , 88 —t 16 .
Jones, D. M, ( 1958 ): Notes on Mycenaean Texts.
Clotta, 37, 11 2 - 18 .
Kannengiesser, A. ( 1911 ): Agaischc, besonders
krctischc, Namcn bci den Etruskern. Klio, Tl,
26 - 47 .
Kantor, H. ( 1947 ): The Aegean and the Orient
in the second millennium h.C, Amer, J.
Archaeot. 51, i-i# 3 -
Karageorgius, J. V. ( 1954 ): The Ancient Cypriot
Dialect, Leukosia, 1954 .
599
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
KaraCeorchis, V. ( 1966 ): Recent Discoveries at
Salamis (Cyprus). Archdologischer Anzeiger,
1966 , Heft 3 , 210 - 55 .
( 1967 a): Note on a footstool from Salamis.
Kadmos, 6 , 98 - 9 .
( 1967 A): Chronique des fouilles et decouvertes
archeologiques a Chypre en 1966 . Bull . Corr.
Hell. 91, 275 - 370 .
Kerschensteiner, J. ( 1955 ): Bemerkungen zur
kretischen Lineacschrift B. Miinchener Studien
Zitr Sprachwissenschaft, 6 , 56 - 70 .
KtLLEN, J. T. ( 1962 a): The Wool ideogram in
Linear B texts. Hermathena , 96 , 38 - 72 .
( 19626 ): Mycenaean po-ka: a suggested inter¬
pretation. Parola del Passato, 17, 26 - 31 .
O 963 ): Mycenaean po-ka: a further note. Ibid.
18. 447-50-
( 1964 a): Some Adjuncts to the sheep ideo¬
gram on the Knossos Tablets. Eranos, 61,
89-93-
( 19646 ): The wool industry of Crete in the Late
Bronze Age. Annual of the British School at
Athens, 59, 1 - 15 .
( 1964 c): Review of Mycenae Tablets ill. Classical
Review , 14, 171 - 3 .
( 1966 a): The abbreviation tu on Knossos
Tablets. %ioa Antika , 16, 207 - 12 .
( 19666 ): The Knossos Nc Tablet*. Proc. Camb.
Coll on Myc. Stud. 33*"®*
( 1966 c): The Knossos Lc (Cloth) Tablets. Bull.
Lon/Lm Inst. Class. Stud. 13, 105 - 9 .
( 1968 ): The Knossos o-pi Tablets. Atti t memorie
del P C&ngresso intemazionale di micenologia,
Rome, 636 - 43 .
Killen, J. T. and Olivier, J.-P. ( 1968 ): 155
Raccords de fragments dans les tablettes de
Cnossos. Bull. Corr. Hell . 92, 115 - 41 .
Kober, A. E. ( 1943 ): The scripts of pre-Hellenic
Greece. Classical Outlook , 21, 72 - 4 .
( 1944 ): The ‘adze’ tablets from Knossos. Amer.
J. Archaeol. 48, 64 - 75 .
( 1945 a): Evidence of inflection in the ‘chariot’
tablets from Knossos. Ibid. 49, 143 - 51 .
( 19456 ): The cryptograms of Crete. Classical
Outlook , 22, 77 - 8 .
( 1946 ): Inflection in Linear Class B: 1 . Declen¬
sion. Amer. J. Archaeol. 50, 268 - 76 .
( 1948 ): The Minoan scripts: fact and theory.
Ibid. 52, 82 - 103 .
( 1 949) : ‘Total’ in Minoan (Linear Class B).
Archiv Oriental m, 17, 386 - 98 .
( 1950 ): A note on some ‘cattle’ tablets from
Knossos. Jahrbuch fur kleinosiatische Forschung,
1 , 142-50.
Kretschmer, P. ( 1921 ): Pelasger und Etrusker.
Glotta, 11, 276 - 85 .
( 1925 ): Die protindogermanische Schicht.
Glotta , 14, 300 - 20 .
( 1940 , 1943 ): Die vorgriechischen Sprach- und
Volksschichten. Glotta , 28, 231 - 78 ; 30,
84 — 218 .
( 1948 ): Die altesten Sprachschichten auf Kreta.
Glotta t 31, 1 - 20 , 127 .
Ktistopoolos, K. ( 1955 ): Statistical data on
Minoan words. Minos , 3, 2 , 100 - 6 .
Laciieman, E. R. ( 1939 ): Epigraphic evidence of
the material culture of the Nuzians. Appendix
D (pp. 528 - 44 ) to Starr, R. F. S.: Nuzi, vol. 1 ,
Harvard.
Landau, O. ( 1958 ): Mykenisch-griechische Pcrsonen-
namen , G 6 teborg.
Lang, M. (1958): The Palace of Nestor Excava¬
tions of 1957, Part 11. Amer. J, Archaeol. 62,
181-91.
( 1959 ): The Palace of Nestor Excavations of
1958 , Part 11 , Amer. J. Archaeol. 63, 128 - 37 .
( 1964 a): Es proportions. Mycenaean Studies,
37-5'-
( 19646 ): The Palace of Nestor Excavations of
1963 , Part il Amer. J. Archaeol. 68 , 99 - 105 .
( 1965 ): The Palace of Nestor Excavations of
1964 , Part 11 . Amer. J. Archaeol. 69, 98 - 101 ,
plate 24 .
Lee, D. J. N. ( 1958 ): A-ra-rv-mo-te-me-na. Bull.
London Inst. Class. Stud. 5, 61 - 4 .
Lecrain, L. (1947): Ur Excavations (texts), in:
Badness documents of the third dynasty of Ur,
British Museum and University of Penn¬
sylvania.
Lejeune, M. ( 1954 ): Dcchiffrement du ‘Lin^aire
B’. Revue des Etudes Anciennes , 56, 153 - 7 *
( 1956 ): Etudes myceniennes: Actes du colloque
international, C.N.R.S. Paris.
( 1958 a): Mtmoiresde PhilologieMycenienne, I, Paris.
( 19586 ): Etudes de philologie mycinienne: (3)
Les adjectils myceniens k suffixe -went. Revue
des Etudes anciennes, 60, 5-26 (= 1971 , 13 - 33 ).
(*959) : Tcxtes myceniens relatifs aux esclaves.
Historia , 8 , 129-44 ( = *97L 65 - 81 ).
( 1960 a): Essais de Philologie mycenienne vi.
Revue de Philologie, 34 , 9-30 (= 1971 , 199 - 224 ).
( 19606 ): Hittitc kati-, grec xaai-. Bull . Soc.
Ling. 55, 20-6 (= 1971 , 243 - 9 ).
( 1960 c): Les sifBantes fortes du myeenien.
Minos, 6 , 87-137 (= 1971, 97-139)-
( 1961 a): Essais de philologie mycenienne vii.
Revue de Philologie , 35, 195-206 (= 1971 ,
253- 6 5)‘
600
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Lejeune, M. ( cont .)
(1961 A): Les forgcrons dc Pylos. Hislona, 10,
409-34 ( = 1971 , 169 - 95 )*
( 1962 a): Lcs signcs TA t ct TWO. Revue de
Philologie , 36, 217-24 (='97 1 . 3 2 9~37)-
( 1962 / 1 ): Notes mycenicnnes. Parola del Passato ,
17, 401-20 (= 1971 , 359-75)-
( 1964 a): Sur quelques tennes du vocabulaire
economique mycenien. Mycenaean Studies,
77-109 (= 197 j, 287 - 312 ).
( 19646 ): Observations sur Tideogrammc tqS.
Mycenaean Studies, 111-24 (^ 1971 , 315 - 25 ).
( 1966 a): Syllabairc mycenien: peut-on lire AU-
pour 85 -? Studi micenei ed egeo-anotolici , I,
9 - 28 .
( 19666 ): Le recapitulatif du cadastre Ep de
Pylos. Proc. Camb. Coll. Myc . Stud. 260 - 4 .
( 1967 ): L'assibilation de 6 devant t en mycen¬
ien. Atti del i° Congresso internazionale di
micenologia, Rome, n, 733 - 43 .
( 1968 a): Un nom indo-europccn de Tepee en
mycenien? Beitrdge zur Namenforschung, 3,
38 - 9 .
( 19686 ): Mycenien qaqaro/mlnoen qaqaru. Actes
du P r Congris international des £tudes balkaniques
et sud-est cvrop/ennes , Sofia, 311 - 16 .
( 1968 c): EssaU de Philologie mycenienne.
Revue de Philologie, 42, 219 - 39 .
( 1968 c/): Chars et roues k Cnossos: structure
d r un inventaire. Mvios, 9 , 9 -bi.
(* 969 ): Sur les toponymes myceniens en -wont-.
Bull. Soc . Ling. 64,1, 43 - 56 .
( 1971 ): Mtmaires de philologie mycenienne, 11 ,
Rome.
Lesky, A. ( 1954 ): Review of ‘ Evidence \ Anzeiger
dcr phil.-hiit. Klasse der Oest . Akademie, 6 , I— 13 ,
reprinted in Gymnasium ( 1955 ), 62, r/ 2 , 1 - 13 .
Lewy, H. ( 1944 ): Assyro-Babytonian and Israelite
measures of capacity and rates of seeding.
J. Amev. Oriental Soc. 64, 65 - 73 .
( [ 949) : Origin and development of the sexa¬
gesimal system of numeration. Ibid. 69,
1 - 11 .
Liddell, H. G. and Scott, R. (I & S): A Greek-
English lexicon, revised and augmented edition,
Oxford, 1940 .
Lorimer, H. L. ( 1950 ): Homer and the monuments,
Macmillan London.
LimtA, S. ( 1957 ): Ober die Nominaldeklination in
den mykenischen Inschriftcn. Parola del
Passato , 12, 321 - 32 .
( 1958 ): Zu den neugefundenen pylischen
Inschriften ( 1955 - 1958 ). Parola del Passato,
15 , 241 - 59 .
Maddoli, G. ( 1968 ): Ko-no e po-ni-ki-jo micenei
in un 1 iscrizione cretesc arcaica. Atti del i°
Congresso micenologico, 2, 644 - 50 .
Marinatos, S„ ( 1951 ): Some general notes on the
Minoan written documents. Minos, 1, 1 ,
39-42
(■953) : T& Ttpwrov be t£>v pvqpslwv tt}*
Kpt^ToiiUKqvaTxqs ypa<pTis. *Ett€T. rqs ’Et. Bvj.
Zttou6wv, 23, 139 - 49 *
( 1962 ): Zur Fragc dcrGrotte von Arkalochori.
Kadmos , 1 , 87 - 94 .
( 1966 ): TToAu 6 (\yiov *Apyo$. Proc . Camb. Coll, on
Myc. Stud., 265 - 84 .
Masson, E. ( 1971 ): Les repertoires graphiques
chypro-minoens. Acta Mycenaea (Ruiperez,
•972), 1 , 99-tog*
Masson, O. ( 1952 ): Nouvelles inscriptions en
caractires chypro-minoens. Appendix (pp. 391 -
409 ) to Schaeffer ( 1952 ).
(* 954 ) : £pigraphic chypriotc: bibliographic
relative aux inscriptions chypro-minoennes et
eteochypriotcs. Orientalia , 23, 442 - 6 .
(i 960 ): Notes Epigraphiques. Glotta, 39,
111 - 14 .
Meili.et, A. (igog): De quelques emprunts
probables en grcc ct en latin. MBn. de la Soc.
Ling, de Paris, 15, 161 - 4 -
( 1926 ): La civilisation egeenneet le vocabulaire
meditrrran^rn Unguistique historique et Un¬
guis tique genirale, 1 .
Meriggi, P. ( 1941 ): Zu den neuentdeckten
minoischcn Inschriftcn aus Pylos. Die Antike,
17, 170 - 6 .
( 1954 a): II minoico B t grcco? Minos, 3, 55 - 86 .
( 19546 ): Das Minoischc B nach Vcntris 1
EntzifTerung. Glotta , 34, 1 / 2 , 12 - 37 .
( 1 954*) : Toponimi cretcsi in minoico B.
Archivio Glottologico Italiano, 39, 83 - 91 .
( 1955 a): Glossario miceneo (Minoico B). Acca-
demia dcllc scienze, Torino.
( 19556 ): I testi micenei in traserizione. Athen¬
aeum, 33, 64 - 92 -
Merlingen, W. ( 1953 ): Kretische Sprachreste im
Griechischen, rekonstruiert, privately duplicated,
Vienna.
( x 954) : Bemerkungen zur Sprache von Linear B,
privately duplicated, Vienna.
( 1 955) : Das * Vorgriechische 7 und die sprachwissen-
schafitichvorhistorischen Grundlagen. Gcrold,
Vienna.
Milani, C. ( 1970 ): Appunti di lessico miccneo.
Aevum, 44, 303 - 6 .
Miller, J. I. ( 1969 ): The Spice Trade of the Roman
Empire, Oxford.
60I
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Mitford, T. B, ( 1952 ): The status of Cypriot
epigraphy: Cypriot writing, Minoan to
Byzantine. Archaeology, 5, 151 - 6 .
MokpL'RCO, A. ( 1963 ): Mycenaeae Craecitaiis
Lexicon, Rome, Edizioni dell’ Ateneo.
MOhlkstein, H. ( 1955 a): Olympia in fylos (with
Nachtrag), privately printed, Basel.
( 19556 ): Zur mykenischen Schrift: die Zeichen
za, ze, zo. Museum Helvetuum, 12, 119 - 31 .
( 1956 a): Die oka-tafeln von Pylos, privately
printed, Basel.
( 19566 ): L’adjcctif myc^nien signifiant ‘en or’.
fitudes My cenie lines , 93 - 7 .
(i 957 ) : Sirenen in Pylos. Glotta, 36, 152 - 6 .
( 1958 ): Einige mykenische W 6 rter. Museum
Helvetuum , 15, 222 - 6 .
(■ 969 ): Redende Personennamen bei Homer.
Siudi micenei ed egeo-anatolici, 9, 67 - 94 .
Myrks, J. L. ( 1930 ) : Who were the Creeks? Berkeley.
(1946): The Minoan signary, a suggestion for
the arrangement of the signs in the Linear
Scripts of Minoan Crete. J. Hellenic Stud . 66 ,
1 - 4 .
(SM 11 and SM 111 ) : see under Evans, A. J.
Naoumides, M. ( 1968 ): New fragments of Ancient
Greek Poets. Greek, Roman and Byzantine
Studies, 9 , 267 -go.
Neumann, G. ( 1962 ): NiKuteov. Glotta, 40 , 51-4.
Nilsson, M. P. ( 1927 ): The Minoan-Mycenaean
religion and its survival in Greek religion, 1 st ed.
( 2 nd ed. 1950 , Gleerup, Lund).
( 1932 ): The Mycenaean origin of Greek mythology,
Cambridge.
( 1933 ): Homer and Mycenae, Methuen, London.
Olivier, J.-P. (i 960 ): A propos d'une ‘lisle' de
desservants de sanctuaire, Brussells.
( 1967 a): Le damokoro : un fonctionnaire my-
c^nien. Minos, 8 , 118 - 22 .
( 19676 ): Les Scribes de Cnossos, Rome.
( 1967 ^): La s£rie Dn de Cnossos. Siudi micenei ed
egeo-anatolici, 2 , 71 - 33 .
( 1969 ): The Mycenae Tablets tv, Leiden.
•’Natl., J. L. ( 1970 ): The words qasireu , qasirewija
and herosija. %iva Antika, 20, 1 1 - 14 .
•ta, H. ( 1959 ): Pyurosu bunsho ni okeru DA
oyobi TA. Shigaku £asshi, 68 , 60 - 72 .
Pau.ottino, M. ( 1947 ): L'origine degli Etruschi,
Stadium Urbis, Rome.
Palmer, L. R. ( 1954 a): Review of 4 Eoidence\
Gnomon, 26, 65 - 7 ,
( ! 954^) : Mycenaean Greek texts from Pylos.
' Trans . Philol. Soc . 1954 , 18 - 536 .
( I 955 a ) : Achaeans and Indo-Europeans, Inaugural
lecture, 4 November 1954 , Oxford.
(19556): Observations on the Linear *B‘ tablets
from Mycenae. Bull, of London Inst. of Class .
Stud. 2, 36-45.
(■ 957 fl ) : Review of Documents in Mycenaean
Greek . Gnomon , 29 , 561-82,
( r 957 ^)* A Mycenaean Tomb Inventory.
Minos, 5 , 58-92.
(1958): New Religious Texts from Pylos (1955).
Trans. Philol . Soc. 1958, 1-3 5 *
(1959): Methodology in ‘Linear B* Inter¬
pretations. Die Sprache, 5 , 128-42.
(i960): Tomb or Reception Room? Bull.
London Inst . of Class . Stud. 7 , 57-65.
(1961): Mycenaeans and Minoans, London (2nd
edition: 1965).
(1962): Review of Olivier, Desseroants . Gnomon,
34 , 707-11.
(1963a): The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek
Texts, Oxford.
(19636): The Find-Places of the Knossos
Tablets. In Palmer and Boardrnan, On the
Knossos Tablets, Oxford.
(1965): Review of Mycenaean Studies (Wisconsin,
1964). Language, 41 , 312-29.
(1 g66): Some points for discussion. Proc. Comb.
Coll . on Myc, Stud. 275-B4.
(1969): Addenda to The Interpretation of Mycen¬
aean Creek Texts (1963a), 483-96.
Palmer, L. R. and Chadwick, J. (editors) (1966):
Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium on
Mycenaean Studies , Cambridge University Press.
Pendleeury, J. D. S. (1939): The archaeology of
Crete, Methuen, London.
Pernier, L. (1935): II Palazzo minoico di Eestos,
vol. 1, Rome.
Perpill®Uj J.-L. (1968): La tablette PY An 724
et la flotte pylienne. Minos, 9 , 205-18.
Persson, A. W. (1930): Schrift und Sprache in
Alt-Krcta. Uppsala Univ. Arssknfl, Prog. 3,
1-32.
(1952): New tombs at Dendra near Midea.
Skrifter ulgivna av Kungt. Hum . Vitt.-samfundet i
Lund , 34 .
Perueei, E. and Tovar, A. (1953): Review of
‘ Evidence \ Minos, 2 , 125-6.
Petrubevski, M. D. (1958): Pa-ko-to a-pe-te-me*ne.
%iw Antika, 8, 294.
( 1959 ) : wo-di-jo, uv-di-je-ja, wo-de-un-jo ; pi-ri-
la-wo, qi-n-ta-ko, qi-ri-ta-ro ; wo-ro-ma-ta. £iva
Antika, 9 > 104; 230; 252.
(1962): Wo-no-qo-so \ wo-no-iva-ti-si ko-pi-na.
£iva Antika, 11, 250; 278; 318.
(1966): Miscellae. £iua Antika, 15 , 288; 294;
320; 326; 352.
602
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PetruJevski, M.l). (con/.)
( 1968 ): ^OHtea, s-pi-zo-Ut. £ioa Antika , 18, 128 .
( 19700 ): Interpretations de quelques mots
myceniens. Studi mieenei td rgeo-anotolici, 12 ,
• ai-35-
([ 9706 ): PU-no tTTipLrcj. £wa Antika, 20, 114 .
PetruAevski, M. D. and Iluvski, P. H. ( 1958 ) :
The Phonetic Value of the Mycenaean
Syllabic sign * 85 . £iv<t Antika , 8 , 265 - 78 -
Pqani, V. ( 1955 ): Die Enizifferung der Ageischen
Linear B Schrift und die griechischen Dia-
lekte. Rhdnisches Museum fur Philologis, n.F. 98,
81 , 1 - 1 .
Platon, N. (( 954 ): Review cj ['Evidence*. Kprima
Xpovixa, 1954 , 143 - 62 .
( 1968 ): *H TEAikVi WTTQOTpoi^ TWV plVtiiitC&V
Avarrbpajv. flrn-payulva tow B' 6 te 0 voG^ Kpiyro-
Xoyucow 2wc6p{ou 1 Vol. t, 220 - 9 .
Pope, M. ( 1964 ): Aegean Writing and Linear A.
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology t Lund, no.
8 > 1 - 16 ,
Porzig, W. ( 1954 ): Sprachgeographische Unler-
suchungen zu den altgriechischen Dialekten.
Indogermanische Forschungen, 61, 147 - 69 .
Pritchard, J. B. (ed.) ( 1950 ): Ancient Near Eastern
texts relating to the Old Testament , Princeton.
Protonotariou-DeIlaki, E. ( 1969 ): 0oA&rr6s
Kcrjapi^. Athens Annals of Archaeology,
2.3*5-
Raison, J. ( 1964 ): Note sur le signe myccnien 65 .
Kadmos , 3 , 58 - 63 .
( 1968 ): les vases d inscriptions peintes de Page
myccnien et leur eonlexte archJotogique, Rome.
Risen, E. ( 1955 ): Die Gliederung der griechischen
Dialekte in neuer Sicht. Museum Helveticum ,
12 , 61 - 76 .
(•957) : Mykenisch wo-wo ko-io-na . A1inos> 5,
’8-34-
( 1958 a): L'accusatif pluriel des themes
consonantiques en mycenien. Bull, Soc. Ling.
53:i, 96 - 102 .
( 1958 ^): L*Interpretation de la stirie des
tablettcs caracterisles par le mot o~ka.
Athenaeum, 46, 334“59-
( 1 959 ) : Pruhgeschichte der griechischen
Sprache. Museum Helveticum, 16, 215 - 27 .
( 1966 a): Mykenisch sertmokaraoi oder seremoka-
raore? Studi micenei ed egeo~analolici, 1 , 53 - 66 .
( 19666 ): Les differences dialectales dans le my¬
cenien. Proc . Camb. Colloq. on Myc. Stud . 150 - 7 .
Rojtovtzeff, M. ( 1941 ): Social and economic history
of the Hellenistic world, Oxford.
Rcijcii, C. J. ( 1959 ): Review MT 11 . Mnemosyne,
12 , 76-7
( 1963 ): Vrouwen en Kinderen in Pylos. Forum
der Letteren , 4 , 228 - 62 .
( 1966 ): Observations sur la tablette Ub 1318 de
Pylos. Lingtui , 16, 130 - 52 .
( 1967 ): Etudes sur la grammaire et le voeabulaire cht
grec iryebiien, Hakkert, Amsterdam.
( 1970 ): Review Article, P. Chantraine, Diction-
naire etymologique de la langue grecque. Lingua, 25,
302 - 21 .
Ruip£rez, M. S. ( 1950 ): Problemas d e morfologia
verbal relacionados con b*. representation en
griego de las raices disilabicas set. Emerita ,
18, 386 * 407 .
( 1952 ): Desinencias medias primarias indo-
europeas. Emerita, 20, 8 - 31 .
( 1956 ): Une charte royale de partage de terres
i Pylos, Minos, 4 , 146 - 64 .
( 1957 ): Notes on Mycenaean Land-division and
Livestock-grazing. Minos, 5, 174 - 206 .
{ 1972 ): Acta Myocnaeo (Proceedings of the Fifth
International Colloquium on Mycenaean
Studies, Salamanca 1970 ), Cniversidad de
Salamanca.
Sacconi, A. ( 1968 ): Ideogram mata Mycenaea.
Atti e Memorie del r° Congresso di micenologia, 2,
5 >3-55*
Safarjrwicz, J. (1955): Odcyfrowanie tekstow
greckich w pLsmie Lineamvm B. Mneandcr*
10, 135-47-
de Santee re, H. G- and Tr£heux, J. ( 1948 ):
Le d£p 6 t igeen et gcom&rique de PArtibnisinn
4 Delos. Bull, de Con. Hell, 71-2, 148 - 254 .
Sen achermeyr, F. ( 1929 ): Ftruskisdu Frithae*
sehichte , Berlin and Leipzig.
( J 935) : Hethiter und AchSer. Mitt, der zl/ic#ri>n/.
Ges. 9 .
O 939 ): Zur Indogermanisierung Griechen-
lands. Klio, 32, 235 - 88 .
{ 1949 ): Welche geschichtlichen Ereignisse
(lihrten zur Entstehung der mykenischen
Kultur? Archiv , Orientdlni , 17, 331 50 ,
( 1951 ): Streitwagcn und Streitwagenbild im
Alien Orient und bei den mykenischen
Gricchen. Anthropos , 46, 705 - 53 .
( 1953 ): Forschungsbericht: die agaische Friih-
zeit (Kreta und Mykenai) 11 , 1951 - 1953 * Am.
fur die Altertumswiss., 6 , 4 , 193 - 200 .
Schaeffer, C. F. A. ( 1952 ): Enkomi-Alasia,
Klincksieck, Paris.
Scherer, A. ( 1959 ): HanJbuch der griechischen
Dialekte, 11 , by A. Thumb, 2 nd edition by A.
Scherer, Heidelberg.
Schliemann, H. ( 1878 ): Mycenae, John Murray,
London,
603
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Schmeja, H. (1968): Studien zur Sprachuiissenschaft
und Kulturkunde {Gedenksehrif t fur W. Branden-
stein), Innsbruck, 129-38.
Schwyzer, E. {Dial.): Dialectorum grate arum
exempla epigrophico patiora, Hirzcl, Leipzig,
• 9 2 3 *
{Gram.): Griechische Grammatik auf der Grundlage
Karl Brugmanns griechischer Grammatik , vol. i,
1938, 1953; vol. n > cd. Dcbrunncr, 1950;
Index vol. Georgacas, 1953.
Shipp, G. P. (1953): Studies in the language of
Homer , Cambridge.
(1961): Essays in Mycenaean ot\d Homeric Creek ,
Melbourne.
Sittig, E. (1951): Entziflerung der altesten
Silbenschrift Europas. Nouvelle Clio, 3 , 1.
(■ 955 a ) : Sprachcn die Minocr gricchisch?
Minos, 3 , 2, 87-99.
(19556): Hcllcnischc Urkundc dcs 2. vorchr.
Jahrtauscnds von Cypern (Dikaios 1 minoisch-
kyprischc Tafcl von Enkomi). Nouvelle Clio, 6,
7-10, 470-90.
Snodgrass, A. M. (1967): Arms and Armour of the
Greeks, Thames and Hudson, London.
Stawell, F. M. (193c): A clue to the Cretan scripts.
Bell, London.
Stoltenberc, H. L. (1955): Die termilische
Sprache Lykiens, Gottschalk, Leverkusen.
Svndwall, J. (1932a): Zu dem minoischcn
Wahrungssystem. Melanges Glotz 11, 827 fF.
(19326): Minoischc Rcchnungsurkundcn, Soc.
Scient. Fenn., Comm. Hum. Lilt. 4 .
(1936): AUkretische Urkundcnstudicn. Acta
Acad. Abo., Humaniora, 10 , 2, 1-45.
(1940): Knossischcs in Pylos, Ibid. 13 , 1-5.
(1942): Minoischc Kultvcrzcichnissc aus Hagia
Triada. Ibid. 14 , 4, 1-24.
(1947): Methodische Bemerkungcn zur Ent¬
ziflerung minoischer Schriftdcnkmaler. Eranos,
45 , 1-12.
(1948a): An attempt at assigning phonetic
values to certain signs of Minoan Linear
Class B. Amer. J. Archaeol. 52 , 311-20.
(19486): DasThron- und Szcpterzcichen in den
knossischcn und pylischen Tafelchcn. Soc.
Scient. Fenn., Comm. Hum. Litt. 15 , 1, t-11.
(' 949 ) : Hcpatoskopic i n Knossischcn Tafelchcn.
Archiv Onentalni, 18 , 387-90.
(1950): Die Doppclaxt in postpositiver Stellung
in Zcichengruppcn knossischcr B-Tafclchcn.
Jahrbuchfur kleinasiatisehe Forschung, 1 , 151-5.
(1951a): Ober einige Sachzeichen in den
pylischen Tafelchcn. Soc . Scient. Fenn., Comm.
Hum. Litt. 17 , 3.
(19516): Die knossischcn Wageninvcntarc.
Studies presented to D, M. Robinson, (, 16-20.
(i95tf): Sachzeichen und Symbole in knos¬
sischcn Rinderinvcntaren. Minos, 1, 31-8.
(1953a): Zu den knossisch-pylischen Hohl-
massen fur Trockencs und Fliissiges. Soc.
Scient. Fenn., Comm. Hum. Litt. 19 , 2.
('9536): Aus den Rcchnungen des myken-
ischcn Palastes in Pylos. Ibid. 19 , 3.
(1954): Minoischc Bcitragc I. 1: Gewicht- und
Wcrtangabcn in Knossos und Pylos. 2: Zur
determinativen Funktion des Doppclaxt-
zeichens. 3: Bas Thron- und Szcpterzcichen
als Ideogramm. Minos, 3, 2, 107-17.
Szemer£nyi, O. (1957): The Greek nouns in -eus.
Mviinns X6piv: Gcdcnkschrift Paul Kretsch¬
mer, 159-81.
( 1 959 ) : "The origin of the name Lakcdaimon.
Glotta , 38 , 14-17.
Taillardat, J. (1960): Notulcs myceniennes. Rev.
des Etudes grecques, 73 , 1-14.
Taylour, W. D. (1964): The Mycenaeans, Thames
and Hudson, London.
(1969): Myccnac, 1968. Antiquity , 43 , 91-7.
(1970): New light on Mycenaean Religion.
Antiquity, 44 , 270-80.
Thomas, H. (1939): The Acropolis treasure from
Myccnac. Ann. Brit. Sch . Athens, 39 , 65-87.
Thomson, G (1949): Studies in ancient Greek society:
the prehistoric Aegean, Lawrence and Wishart,
London.
Tiumenev, A. I. (1953-1954): On the problem of
the cthnogcncsis of the Greek people {in
Russian). Veslnik Drevnei Istorii, 46 , 19-46;
50 , 41 - 51 .
Tsountas, Ch, and Manatt, J. I. (1897): The
Mycenaean Age, Macmillan, London.
Turner, E, G. (1954): Place-names in Pylos
tablets. Bull. London Inst. Class. Stud. 1 , c 7-20.
Valmin, M. N. (1930): Etudes topographiques sur la
Messenie anciennr , Carl Blom, Lund.
Ventris, M. G. F. (1940): Introducing ihc
Minoan language. Amer. J, Arch. 44 ,
494 - 520 .
(19536): A note on decipheiment methods.
Antiquity, 21 , 200-6.
(1954a): King Nestor’s four-handled cups:
Greek inventories in the Minoan script.
Archaeology, 7 , 1, 15-21.
(19546): Mycenaean epigraphy: suggested code
of practice. Bull. London Inst. Class. Stud. 1,
3 - 1 °.
(1 955 ) : Mycenaean furniture on the Pylos
tablets. Eranos, 53 , 3-4, 109-24.
604
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ventris, M. G. F. (ed.), Bennett, E. L., Jr. and
Chadwick, J.: The Knossos tablets: a new
transliteration. London Institute of Classical
Studies , Supplementary Papers, no. 2, 1956.
[Superseded by Chadwick, Killen and
Olivier, 1971.]
Ventris, M. G. F. and Chadwick, J. {Evidence ):
Evidence for Greek dialect in the Mycenaean
archives. J. Hellenic Stud . 73 , 84-103.
Verdeus, N. M. (1961): XaXtcovs uvKi)vatK6s
pa£ 6 k Aev&p&v. ’ApxaioXoyitcf) 'Eq^pcpt*,
1957 (i 960 , Suppl. 15-18.
Vermeule, E. T. (1964): Greece in the Bronze Age,
Chicago.
Vickery, K. F. (1936): Food in early Greece.
Illinois Stud. Social Sci. 20 , 3.
Vilborg, E. (i960): A Tentative Grammar of
Mycenaean Greek , Almqvist and Wiksell,
Goteborg.
Vikolleaud, C. (1953 etc.): Les nouveau* textes
alphabetiques de Ras-Shamra (16* campagne,
1952). Syria, 30 , 187-95; and other articles in
Syiia, similarly referenced by date.
Wace, A. J. B. (1932): Chamber tombs at
Mycenae. Archaeologia, 82 .
(1949): Mycenae , an archaeological history and
guide, Princeton University Press.
(1953a): The history of Greece in the third and
second millenniums b,c. Historia . 2 , 1 74-94.
(19536): Introduction to Bennett. MT II.
( , 954 a ) : Ivory carvings from Mycenae. Archae¬
ology. , 7 , 3, i 49 “ 55 -
(19546): The arrival of the Greeks. Viking
(Norsk Ark. Selskap), 1954, 211-26.
Was, D. A. (1971): Numerical Fractions in the
Minoan Linear A Script. Kadmos , 10 , 35-51.
Webster, T. B. L. (1954): Pylos Aa, Ab tablets—
Pytos E tablets—Additional Homeric notes.
Bull. London Inst. Class. Stud. I, 11-16.
(* 955 ) : Homer and the Mycenaean tablets.
Antiquity, 113 , 10-14.
Wild, R. (1962): Zu einigen Termini der
knossischen Wagentafeln. Kadmos, |, 126-9.
van Windekens, A. J. (1952): Le Pelasgique, Pub¬
lications Universitaires, Louvain.
Winter, W. (1956): Review of Pylos Tablets ir,
etc. Language, 32 , 504-8.
Wiseman, D. J. (1953): The Alalakh tablets, Brit.
Inst, of Archaeology at Ankara.
Wyatt, W. F., Jr. (1962): The Ma tablets from
Pylos. Amer. J. Arch. 66, 21-41.
(1964): Remarks on Professor Lang’s Paper ‘Es
Proportions’. Mycenaean Studies, 53-5.
605
GENERAL INDEX
‘Achaean’ dialect, 7, 108
Achaeans
allegedly non*Greck, 71
in Crete, 4, 137, 138, 141, 209
in Cyprus, 62
in Hittite records. 138, 209
Achilles, 104
addition and subtraction, 118
adjectives, 85-9
‘ adjuncts ’
to animals, 197, 433
to ideograms, 35, 53, 393
to women and children, 162-3, 4'9
Adrados, F. R., 479
‘Aegean’ loan-words, 13, 27, 70-1
Aeolic dialect, 7, 74-5, 81-2, 89, 108, 396
Agia Triada, see Hagia Triada
agnmi goats, 131, 301 3
Aigalron, 144, 301, 416
Aipy, 143 . 4 1 5
Akritas, 416
alabastra, xxvii
Aialakh (A^ana) tablets, 106, 113, 133-6,237,305,
3>4i 333> 335. 34°, 352
Alektryon, 132, 192, 276-80
‘All the Gods 1 cult, 127, 303, 412
almonds, 129
alphabet
Greek, xxxii, 3, 42, 60, 70
Phoenician, 3, 29, 60, 70
Alpheios, 416
alum, 422
Amnisos, 141, 170, 310
Amphigcneia, 143
amphorae, 49, 309, 328
Amythaon, 104, 137
Andrews, P. B. S., 25,46,68, 71-2, 80, 161, 167-8,
>77. 300
aniseed, 129
Ano Englianos, 14, 415
Apollo, 126, 312, 405
apples, 130
Aplera, 141, 180
Arcadia, 416
Arcadian dialect, 7, 22, 68-9, 73-5, 81-2, 89, 90,
399. 432, 454
calendar, 114
Ares, 126, 307, 312, 411
arithmetic, 117-19
Arkalokhori, 509
armour
Mycenaean, 42, 329, 375 81,488, 494-5, 522-4
on Egyptian monuments, 375-6, 378
arrows, 352, 356, 358* 361, 392, 513
art, Mycenaean and Classical, xxxi
Artemis, 127, 278
Asea, town, 145
Asia, 410, 417
Asine, 142, 186
aspirates
notation, 43, 386
phonology, 8o-t, 398
asses, 130—t, 210-1 1
assimilation of consonants, 82-3, 334
Astrdm, P., 522
Athena, 126, 311,410
Attic-Ionic dialect, 68-9, 73-5, 84, 396, 399
augment, vrtbal, 88
bakers, no, 123, 130, 179
Bamboula (Kourion), 63
barley, 129, 130, 215, 308, 393, 412, 420,
439
basil ms ‘chief’, 121-2, i7 ( > >75. 296, 353, 359,
409, 421, 495, 510
baskets, 491
bath attendants, 123, 156, 160
bathrooms, 339
bathtubs, 338-9
Baumbach, L., xiii
beans, 129
beds, 349, 425-6
beehive tombs (ifioloi), xxvii, 497
beekeepers, 134
beer, 131
beeswax, 290, 302, 465
beet, 131, 247, 412, 447
Bennett, E. L.Jr., xiv-xv, 14, 17 -21, 24, 26, 37,
5G 54-5. 58. i'0> 130, 153, 160, 245, 289,
303. 306, 323, 327, 332, 351, 359, 376, 391-2,
408, 418, 423, 441 2, 445, 447, 452, 476, 479,
5°', 505. 5«°-n
Bjorck, G., 24, 3>3. 3 352
BIcgen, C. \V., xxit-xxiii, 14, 25, 137, 141, 332,
339. 504
blinkers, 516
Boardman, J., 515
boars, 484
606
GENERAL INDEX
bow, composite, 302
bowniakeis (loxoioorgoi), 123, 183, 474
box-wood, 135, 342, 5«i
bread, 130
bronze, 49, 133, 3551-8, 363, 371, 375, 413, 487-8,
308-14
as unitor value? 320, 331, 487
Ruck, G. D., 14
building materials, 496, 503-4
bulls’ heads, 335, 344
I'hytons, 330
burials, 497
Ryblos script, 29
‘ Cadmeian’ letters, 3
calendars, 286, 311, 407, 459, 475
captives from pirate raids, 156, 410, 417
carders, 123, 156, 158
carpenters, 123, 179, 182
Carratclli, sec Fuglicsc
Catalogue of Ships, 107, 141, 143, 184,415
Calling, H., 415
cattle, see oxen
celery, 131,227
chairs, 333-4, 342-4
Chantrainc, l\, 419, 455, 489, 499, 502-3, 506,
5'9
chariots, 42, 54, >35* 350, 361-9, 379-8°, 391,
409, 429, 515-2 J, 523
cheese, 52-3, 130, 132, 283
children, lists, 155-65
chimney, 504
chronology, Minoan and Mycenaean, xxi, xxv, 7,
9> 28, 32, 38
classifiers, 48-g
cloth and clothes, 49, 3 *3-23, 484, 486 -9
cocks, 132
‘collectors’, 201-2, 413, 434 ) 437
colour, adjectives, 208, 226, 312, 32 t, 436
Columella, 237, 270
columns, fluted, xxviii
comparatives, formation, 86, 402
condiments, 52, 131, 221-9, 442
conjunctions, 18, gt
consonants
notation, 44- 6, 388 -90
phonology, 79-82, 397-400
contract verbs, 89, 396
copper, 413, 509
Corcyra, 145
coriander, 129, 131, 222, 227, 309
corslets, 329, 375 ~ 8 l 494 ~ 5 > 5 2 3
Cos, sacrificial calendar, 281
cowherds, 134, 179, 182
Cowley, A. E., 12
craftsmen, 391,411, 41 3 » 445
Cretan workmanship, 336, 413-14, 498, fjog
cumin, 131» 136, 227
cyamtS; 13 5, 34*, 409, 496, 507
cvpcrus, 131, 136, 223-4
cypress-wood, 135,373
Cypriot dialect, 7 , 68-9, 74 " 5 , 78 , 81, 91, 399,
432 , 438 , ‘154
Cypriot syllabaiy, [2, 20, 27, 42, 63-7, 387-8
Cypro -Minoan script, xxxii, 6 o-* 3 ’ 394“5
Cyprus, on tablets, 136, 223
daggers, 392
DaidaUion, 128, 3*7
dainos ‘ village’, 12 r, 233-5, 265, 280
Daniel, J. h\, 63, 66
‘ Dark age ’, xxxii, 60
darts, 392, 513, 5 ! 5
dating formulae, 1 14, 286, 303-5
dative endings, notation, 44, 84-6, 401
decorative moi ifs, Mycenaean, 333-46
deer, 131, 132, 195,412,490,492
Del#s, ivories, 333, 344-5
Demeter, 127,242, 289, 410 -11, 447, 507
Dendra, 328-30, 335, 346, 376
Dessenne, A., 502
digamma, 45, 73, 79, 398
Dikaios, P.» 61
Diktaian Zeus, 306, 410
Dikte, cave, t.j 1, 306
Dimini, xxii
Dionysus, 127, 41 t
Dioscorides, 226, 227
diphthongs
notation, 43
phonology, 77 6
Diwia, goddess, >25, t68, 288, 419, 463
dogs, 130, 132
Doria, M., 502
Dorian invasion, xxxiv, 6, 60,68, 76, 1 to, 138,414
Doric dialects, 68, 73
dosmos ‘offering’, 275, 283, 456-8
Dove-goddesses, J27, 288, 41 1
Dow, S., 24, 30, 32, 37-8, 48, 53, no, j 18
Drimias, 463
drinking cups, Mycenaean, 327, 331
dual number, notation, 84, 86, 334, 342, 370, 400
Dunbabin, T. J., 22
ebony, 135, 341
Egypt
armour, 375-6, 378
chariots, 363, 370
6O7
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Egypt ( contd .)
furniture, 343
land tenure, 233, 236, 239, 260
name, 136
synchronisms, 9
trade with, 413
writing system, 29
Eileithyia, 127, 310
Elis, 416, 427
elm-wood, 135, 370
Enkomi, xxxii, 62-3, 112, 340, 344, 375, 394
Enyalios, 126, 312
Ephron, H. D., 387
Ephyracan pottery, xxvi-xxvii
Epic dialect, 7, 70, 79, 83-4, 89-91, I0 7
Erinys, 127, 306, 411,476
Erymanthus, 145, 184, 190
Eteocretan language, 4, 11
Eteocyprian language, 63
ethnic adjectives, 22, 139, 145, 156
Etruscan language, 13, *7, 19-20
Eutrcsis, site, xxiv
Evans, A. J., 8-11, 29-31, 37, 40, 54, 57 , 60,
66, no, 112, 115-16, 130, 196-7,210,272,
306, 321, 328-9, 360-1, 363, 365>37 0_, > 375*
380
fennel, 131, 227, 309
feudal system, 234, 444
3'* 52, 129-30, 218, 220, 308
fig-trees, 133, 267, 272-4, 440
fire-kindlers, see stokers
flax, 131, 159, 295, 392, 413, 430, 468-73
flour, 130, 220-1, 284, 308, 392, 440, 458
‘ Followers’, e-qe-ta, 121, 124, 185, 257, 317, 374,
429 , 45 ** 5*9
foodstuffs, 129-32
footstools, 332-3, 343-6
fractions
hieroglyphic, 30
Linear A, 36, 393
Mycenaean, 53
Franz, A., 1 4
frescoes, Cretan and Mainland, xxviii
Friedrich, J., 25, 71
fullers, 123, 243
furniture, 332-3, 339-46, 476, 496-7, 500-2
Further Province, 415-18, 422, 424, 428, 464-6,
472 , 5'4
Furumark, A., 24, 72, 105-6, 122, 126-7, ' 3 0 *
162-4, I 7 °» * 74 * * 77 , >95, 207, 213, 215, 224,
232-3, 242, 250, 260, 264, 284, 289, 291-2,
298, 303-4, 307-8, 313, 316, 324, 361, 367,
380, 396, 422, 444
Gallavotli, C., 387, 519
Celb, I.J., 24, 29
gender, notation, 17-18, 196
Gcorgiev, V., 13, 71, 162, 165, 167, 207, 454
G^rard-Rousseau, M., 410
geronsia ‘council of elders’, 122, 172, 421
goat-herds, 123, 169
goats, 129, 131, 195-8, 208-10, 493
gold, 135-8, 166, 284, 343, 346, 358 - 9 , 480, 496
rings from Mycenae, 359
goldsmiths, 123, 183
Golgi, Cypriot inscription, 27
Gortyn law code, 445
grapes, 129
Grassmann’s law, 398
Gray, D. H. F., 494, 497-8, 500-1
Greek alphabet, xxxii, 3, 42, 60, 70
Greek dialects
development and distribution, 5, 68-9, 73-5,
396
entry into Greece, xxiii, 5, 14
‘grid’, syllabic, 16, 20
griffins, 136, 344
Hagia Triada
Boxer vase, 377
LM III sarcophagus, 281-2, 314
tablets, 10, 31-6, 313, 323, 327
Halbherr, F., to
handwriting analysis, see scribes 1 handwriting
Hattusilis HI, 120
‘ hecatombs*, 119
Hector, 104, 258
Helladic periods, chronology, xxi, xxvi, 28
helmets, 52, 107, 34 '* 358 , 375-9, 381, 5 2 4
Helos, 143
Henle, J., 24
Hephaistos, 127
heq u etas , see ' Follower*
Hera, 126, 169, 289, 4 11 * 459 , 483
heralds, 123
herbs, 442
Hermes, 126, 288, 459, 463
Herodotus, 3-5, 59, 75, 269, 283, 304, 422
Hesiod, 306
Hester, D. A., 397, 401, 494
Hesychius, 481, 499, 521-2
Heubeck, A., 398, 444, 449, 454, 493, 500, 502
hexameter, 108
hides, 466, 490-3
‘hieroglyphs*, Minoan, 8-9, 28-31
Hither Province, 416, 424, 443, 465 7, 472, 514
Hittites
languages, 13, 17
608
GENERAL INDEX
Hittites ( contd .)
society and laws, 120, 129, 131, 134, 233, 255,
293,358
writing systems, 29, 69
Homer
dialect, 7, 70, 79, 83, 89, 90-1, 107, 401-2
Iliad and Odyssey, see end of General Index
personal names, 103-5
relevance as history, 405-6, 415
relevance of cultural evidence, 107, 120, 133
homophones in syllabary, 39, 46-7, 69-70, 75,
80-1, 385, 390
honey, 52, 128, 131, 220, 283, 308-10, 392
Hood, M. S. F., 375, 377
Hopc-Simpson, R., 415
horn, material, 135, 365-7, 456
horns, goat, 119, 301-2, 474
horse deity, 450, 483
horse equipment, 365, 516, 519-21
horses, 42, 48, 130-2, i95> 210, 260, 345, 379-80
Householder, F. W., 494
Hrozny, B., 12-13, 268
huntsmen, 123, 132, 299
Ialysos, xxix, 377
lasos, 145, 190
ideograms
‘hieroglyphic’, 30
Linear A, 34-6
Mycenaean, 11-12, 15, 27, 42, 48-53, ill, 130,
etc.
transliteration, xv, 391-2, 432
Ilievski, P. H., 387, 403
Inatos, town, 141
Indo-European
institutions, 234
languages, 5
infinitives, formation, 88-9
inflectional patterns
Linear A, 32
Linear B, 15, 19, 22, 83-9
ingots, 57, 35 1, 355, 380
Innes Miller, J., 441
instrumental endings, notation, 44, 85-7, 334, 403
Iphimedcia, 128, 288, 463
Itanos, 141, 306, 308
ivory, 135, 333-4, 340-6, 348, 366-7, 393, 456,
496, 509
javelin, see dart
Jones, D. M., 500
Kadiston Oros, 414
Kakovatos, LH II pottery, xxvii
Kalamata, 416, 427
Kalokairinos, M., 8
Kantanos, 4(4
Karageorghis, V., 496, 516
Kato Zakro, see Zakros
Kerameikos excavations, xxxiii
Kerampoullos, A., 10
Khios, 145, 156
kkitdn ‘tunic’, 136, 319-20
khoinix, 394
Killen, J. T., xv, 391-3, 4 ' 3 . 432 “ 3 . 44 ,_2 - 468>
486-7
kings ( wanax ), 120, 264-7, 280, 300, 408-9, 478-80
kldwiphoros ‘key-bearer’, 128, 254, 257, 357, 451,
484, 512
Knidos, 145, 156, 159, 166, 410
Knoasos
Arsenal, 115, 474
cause of destructi on, xxx, 414
‘hieroglyphic archives’, 9,31
Linear A inscriptions, 31-2
name recorded, 22, 141, 171
site, xxxi, 7-10
status in Palace period (LM II}, xxvi-xxx, 24,
38-9
warrior graves, xxix, 325, 335, 376
Knossos tablets
circumstances of finding, 9,114-1 7, 303,360,379
date, 38, 1 lfi, 387
editing, xv, 10, 21, 26
Kobcr, A. E., 15-19, 196
Korakou, site, xxii, xxiv, xxvi
ko-re-te-re, 122, 175, 212, 296, 357 . 4 6 7 > 5*2
Korinlhos , 416
Koroni, town, 416
kolyle, 392, 394
Kouklia (Old Paphos), 65
krdtir, 331
Krokeai, xxviii
Krokyleia, island, 145
Klisiopoulos, K. D., 18
ktoina 4 field’, 132, 1 75 . 232-6, 423, 45 L 453
size, 237-8, 453
Kydonia, town, 141, 213, 414
Kyparissia, town, 143, 189, 297, 416, 466
Kyparissia, river, 416
Kythcra, 145, 156, 167
labio-vclars
notation, 45, 386, 389
phonology, 81-2, 245, 399 “ 4 00
labour, division of, 123, 133-5, 156, 180
Labyrinthos, 310, 386, 411
Lagai, tablets, 59, 164, 238, 280
609
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN CREEK
Landau, O., 396, 404
land tenure
Egypt ian, 233, 236, 239, 260
Hittite, 233- 4
Mycenaean, 120-1, 132-3, 232-72, 408, 422-3,
443^55
Lang, M-, 387, 393, 456-7, 490-1, 496, 518
Lapatos, Arcadian month, 305, 307
lapis lacedatnwninSy xxviii
lapis lazuli , 340
Lato, 141
laicdgetds ‘army leader’, 120, 124, 171, 188, 264-6,
280, 283, 408, 454
Lazenby, J. I\, 415
lead, 135, 359, 514
Leaf, W., 7
leather, 413, 489-93
leather workers, 489
Lee, D. j. N., 515
Lcjcunc, M., 81, 392, 398, 401-2, 413, 421, 425,
432 , 437 , 445 - 447 * 8, 45 ', 453 4 , 464-5, 476 ,
479-80,496,500,503,506, 508-9,511,516,521
Lemnos, 145, 156,410
inscriptions, 5, 13
lentils, 129
Leuktron, town, 139, 144, 297, 418, 422, 466
Lianokladi, site, xxiv
libation tables, 9, 32
libations, 282
ligatures, ideographic
Linear A, 35-6
Mycenaean, 49
Linear A, xxjci, 10, 31-40, 387-8, 395-6
Linear B
date of extinction, xxxii, 60, 1 10
origin, 37-40, 69-70, 72, 396
syllabary, 385-91
linen, 131, 295, 3'9, 392, 413, 468, 522
linseed, 468, 471
lions, 344, 346
literacy, Minoan and Mycenaean, xxxii-xxxiii,
30, 109-10, 406
literature in the Mycenaean age, xxxiii, 108
Lorimcr, H. L., xxxiv, 107-8, 375-8
Lousoi, town, 145, 159, 350, 4 , 6, 478, 482-3
Luria, S., 475, 519
Lyktos, town, 141, 306
Mallia tablets, 31
Maithi, 466
Mani, 416
Marinatos, S., 32, no, 310, 413, 509
masons, 123, 174, 422
masons’ marks, 29, 40
Masson, E., 394
Masson, O., 61, 65
mathematics, 1:7-19
measurement of area, 236, 270
measures and weights
Attic, 394
Mycenaean, 17, 42, 54 60,1 18, 32 1, 359, 393 " 4 *
481
Meriggi, P., 8g, 181, 207, 264, 284, 303, 307, 3°9,
3 11 > 3 8 7 , 500
Mcrlingcn, W., 68-9, 71
messengers, [23
Messcnia, 435- 6
Metapa, 143, 167, 186, 191
Mcthoni strait, 145
Miletus, 138, 145, 156, 365, 410
military organization, 124-5, 183-94, 414, 427-32
millet, 129-30
Milieu, A., 415
miltos ‘red ochre’, 366
Minoan: archaeological term, xxi, xxiv-xxvi, 9
Minoan language, evidence for, xxxi, 13, 32, 43,
69-70, 80, 323
mint, 131, 227
Mitford, T. B., 65
money, absence, 1 13, 198
monograms, ideographic
Linear A, 35
Mycenaean, 52
month names, 113 14, 278, 286, 303-5, 407, 475,
478-80
Morpurgo Davies, A,, xiv
Mother of the Gods, 410, 480
Miihlestcin, H., 140, 177, 184, 190, 207, 340-1,
439 > 47 °- ( i 5 01 . 506
Muller, K,, xxvii
Mycenae
Acropolis treasure, 57, 359
Citadel house, 506
House of Sphinxes, 25, 38, 225, 331
House of the Oil Merchant, 25, 38, 60, 109, 21 7
ivories, 333, 335-6, 341, 344, 346
relations with Crete, xxix, 10, 14, 24, 37 8
shaft graves, 328, 330, 377
site, xxi, xxiv, xxxiv, 6-7
Warrior vase, 378
Mycenae tablets
circumstances of finding, 25, 117,21 7, 225, 331,
506
date, 38
editing, 25, 225
Mycenaean dialect
characteristics of vocabulary, 68, 75, 90-1
foreign elements in, 70-3, 91, 93, 404
6lO
GENERAL INDEX
Mycenaean dialect ( contd .)
morphology, 83-9, 400-3
name, xviii
phonology, 76-83, 396-400
relationships, 22, 67-8, 73-5, 90-1
syntax, 89-90
uniformity, 75-6, 397
Mycenaean literature, xxxiii, 108
Mycenaean script
date of extinction, xxxii, 6o, 110
origin, 37-40, 69-70, 72, 396
Myrcs.J. L., 9, 15, 21, 24, 32, 35, 116, 130, 272-3
names of persons, 92-105, 395 ” 6 , 4 ° 4-5
of months, 113-14, 278, 286, 303-5, 4071 475 .
478-80
of oxen, 103, 213, 438
of places, i39-5 0 .4i4-»7
Naoumides, M., 499
Navarino, bay, 416, 429-30
Neda, river, 416, 427
Nedon, river, 144, 194, 416, 427-8, 454
Nestor, 104, 137, 142, 415
Nestor’s cup, 107, 326
Nilsson, M. P., 14-15, 281, 311
‘Nine towns’ of Pylos, 119, 142-3, 205, 291, 348,
357 . 4 i 5 . 4 * 4 > 443 . 446-7. 473
noun declension, 83-7, 94-g, 400-3
numerals
‘hieroglyphic*, 30
Mesopotamian, 117
Mycenaean, 11, 42, 53, 118, 402
Linear A, 36
pronunciation, 87
Nuzi (Kirkuk) tablets, 59, 106, 117, 132-3, 225,
236-8, 273,322, 330, 342-3, 359,3 66 ,37 6 ,378
oats, 129
octopus, 132, 345, 502
offerings, ritual, 128, 275, 280-3, 303-12, 456-85
Oikhalia, town, 184, 189
o-ka, 427-9, 430 , 514
olive oil, 31, 35,49, 128-30, 132, 217, 303, 308,
392 , 394 , 476-83
perfumed, 442, 477, 481-3
olives, 31, 129-30, 218- 21
olive-trees, 133, 272-3
Olivier, J.-P., xv, 406-7, 412, 426, 437, 439 “ 40 ,
442, 452 , 454 , 467, 487, 489, 497 , 501, 505,
510-11, 517, 522
Olympia, 145, '84, 190, 397 . 4'6
O’Neil, J. L., 409
orchards, 133, 272-4
Orkhomenos, 139, 145
Ota, H., 418
oxen, 129, 131, 195, 205-8, 211-13, 281 2, 412,
436 , 492
names, 105, 213, 438
oxhides, 49, 132, 289-90, 392, 492
* page’ type tablets, ill, 406-7
Paian, 126, 312, 476
pairs, notation, 54, 1 75, 370, 520
Pa-ki-ja-ne, town, 143, 205, 221, 241, 284, 291,
357 - 8 , 403, 408, 443, 445, 453, 463, 479, 482
Palace style at Knossos, xxvi-xxvii, xxix
Palaikastro, 415, 438
palatalized consonants, notation, 46, 69, 80-1, 388,
390 , 397-9
Palmer, L. R M 24, 46, 69, 74, 81, 12O-2, 125, 127,
134, 144, 161, 168-9, 174 . 184-5. 190, 193 .
195. 206-7, 224, 228, 232-4, 257, 264, 269,
271, 284-6, 288, 299, 323, 327, 336, 364-5,
381, 387, 39', 394, 39 s . 402, 408-9, 418-22,
426, 433 , 43 6 . 438, 44°-2, 448-50, 454 5.
461-2, 464-6, 471-4, 476, 479-80, 482-3,
487-9, 49 i, 497 - 505 . 5°8, 510, 512, 514-16,
518-19, 521 2
‘palm-leaf’ tablets, 111, 406-7
Pantheon, cult, 127-8, 303
Papademetriou, J., xxiv
participles, formation, 88-9
particles, grammatical, 91
patronymics, 75,92,94, 121
Pausanias, xxxiv, 138, 303, 307, 310
pears, 129
peas, 129
‘Pelasgian’ language, 4, 13
Pelasgians, 4-5
pennyroyal, 131,226, 442
* Peoples of the Sea’, 375, 430
Perachora, xxxiii, 301
Perpillou, J.-L., 431-2
Persephone, 411, 463
personal names, Mycenaean
compound, 97-8
declension types, 19, g4'9> 404~5
distribution, 102-3, 35 2
feminine, 101-2, 405
identification, 18, 92-3
non-Greek elements, 71,93, 171
of oxen, 105, 213, 438
recurring in Homer, 103-5
Persson, A. W., 12, 42
PetruSevski, M. D,, 387, 456, 499, 507
Phaistos
disk, io
‘hieroglyphic tablets’, 30-1
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Phaistos ( conld.)
on tablets, 32, 141,414
Tombe dei Nobili, 375
Pheai, town, 143
phiald, 325, 337-8
Phoenician alphabet, 3, 2g, 60, 70
Phoenicians, 3, 7, 1 36, 441
Phoinikous, 416, 441
phonetic signs
Cypriot, 63-6
Cypro-Minoan, 61
‘hieroglyphic’, 29
Linear A, 32-3
Mycenaean, 15, 23, 39-48, 69, 76-82, 385-91
Phylakopi, site, xxii, xxv, xxviii
physicians, 123
pigs, 49, '30-2, 195, 198, 205-6, 484, 492
Pindar, 494
Pisa, 416
pithoi, 60, 327, 493
place-names
attempts at location, 139-45, 414-17
pre-Hellenic, xxiii, 13-14, 140
series named on tablets, 22, 139-50, 155, 183—
94» l 99> 202, 209, 214, 291, 301, 304, 315,
355-9
Platon, N., 24, 381, 388, 460, 50t
Pleuron, town, 138, 145, 183, 186, 193, 430
Pliny, 109, 502
polyphonic signs, 46
polysyllabic signs, 46, 3go
pomegranates, 130, 338
Pope, M., 396
poppy-seed, 35, 130
portable hearth, 499
Poseidon, 126, 276, 279-8°, 287-8, 309, 312, 436,
450, 460, 463, 479, 480, 484
Potnia, 126-7, 289, 310-12, 354 > 4 I0 > 4 1 3 > 434 »
445. 459, 478, 480, 483, 485, 507, 509
potters, 123, 134, 250
potters’ marks, 29, 40, 63
Praisos, 141
pre-Hellenic loan words, 13, 27, 70-1
prepositions, 90, 403
Pres iva , 41 1
priests and priestesses, 128-9, t66, 168,252-8,275,
281—2, 304, 321, 412, 479, 485
pronouns, 87
proportion, calculation, 118-19, 157, 203-4, 2 75“
6, 2go-i, 302-3, 316
proto-Elamite tablets, 48
Protonotariou-Deilaki, E., 460, 491
provinces, see Further and Hither
psilosis, 80
Pugliese Carratelli, G-, 32, 72, to6, 122, 125, 169,
174, 18 t, 186, 195-6, 2to, 213, 215, 232, 237,
242, 246, 250-1, 254-5, 260, 264, 284, 289,
293, 396, 422
‘purple dyers’, 488
Pylos {Ano Englianos)
defence of, 409, 414, 427, 430
in Homer, 143, 415
name, 141, 416
name of King, 71, 120, 137, 187, 265, 280, 395-
6, 408
site, xxiii, 14, 117, 140-1, 415
size of kingdom, 139-40, 184,415 17
social organization, 120-5, 234-6, 280
traditional genealogy, 137
Pylos (ablets
circumstances of finding, 14, 25, it 7, 332
date, 38
editing, xiv-xv, 17, 26
Raison, J., 389, 458
ration scales, 59, 119, 157-8, 170, 215, 393-4, 4 ,2 >
418- 20, 439, 443
reduplication, verbal, 88
Rekhmara, tomb of, 38
religion, 125-9, 275, 279-89, 303-12, 408, 410-12,
459-64, 478-80
Rhion, town, 142, 416
Richardson, L. J. D., xiii
Ri3ch, E., 68, 75 , 196, 207, 396 7, 431, 448, 496,
500-1
ritual offerings, 128, 275, 280-3, 303-to, 407, 464,
476-85
rowers, 125, 145, 161, 183 8, 430
Ruijgh, C.J., 398, 40*. 404» 444. 447, 463* 49°-3,
499-5°«, 5°4,5* 2 ,5>9
Ruipirez, M. S.,87, 160, 39 1 2 , 4 22 ~3
rye, 129
sacrifice, 436, 460-3
safflower, 52, 58, 131, 226
saffron, 35, 130
Salamis (Cyprus), 496, 516
salt, 131
Sanskrit, 398, 400, 450
saws, 329
SchaefFer, C., 62, 69
Scherer, A., 450, 488
Schliemann, H., xxi, xxxi, 6-8, 359
Schwyzer, E., 519
scribes
as poets? 108
handwriting, 109, 157, 397, 406-7, 418, 447,
450, 45 2 , 5 22
6l2
GENERAL INDEX
scribes {conld.)
numbers, 109, 406
procedure, 110-14, 406
race, 71
school, 407
scriptio plena , 48, 196, 199, 207, 390, 433, 454
seal-stones, Minoan, 8, 28
sealings, no, 114, 33 b 4°7» 495
seamstresses, 123, 409
seed-corn, rates of sowing, 132-3, 237, 445-6
Semitic loan words, 91, 131, 135-6, 319, 343, 346
semi-vowels
notation, 44-5, 39°
phonology, 78-9, 397~8
Senmut, tomb of, 330, 335
sesame, 131, 135, 227
Setaia, town, 141,414
‘Seven Towns*, 417, 424
sex notation for animals, 196, 21 1, 433
sheep, 49, 119, 129, 131, 195- 205, 209-10, 391-2,
4*3. 4*9, 432-5, 437, 465, 492
sheep tablets, purpose, 197-8, 433
sheepskins, 49, 131, 282
Shelmerdine, C., 417
shepherds, 123, 169, 200-1, 240
ship, Mycenaean, 138, 183
shipbuilders, 123, 298
Shipp, G. P., 402
silver, 135, 323, 34°, 35L 374, 392, 496, 508
Sittig, E., 25, 62, 305
Sklavokampos, site, 110
‘slave of the god*, 124, 236
slaves, 123-4,156, 164, 166-7, 353,409-10, 417-18
Smintheus, 405
Smith, G., 63
smiths, 123, 135, 292, 298, 352-6, 409, 413, 421,
439, 5o8-»3
Snodgrass, A. M., 514
social organization, 119- 25
Sophocles, 477
spears, 256-8, 361, 512-14
spelling rules, 19, 22, 42-8
implications, 67, 69, 388
inconsistencies and errors, 19, 47, 71-2, 397
Sphakteria, 143, 436
spices, 52, 131, 221-9
spinners, 123, 156, 159
statistical methods, 18
Stillman, W.J., 8
stirrup-jars, 60, 109, 328
‘stokers’ [pu-ha~wo) y 409, 412, 426
Strabo, 5, 144, 306, 310, 416
Sundwall, J., 11-12, 17, 25, 35, 57-8, 128, 130,
196-7, 289, 316
‘supervisor of figs’, 512
swineherds, 134
swords, 346-8, 356, 360, 392, 455, 515, 517
Sybrita, town, 141
syllabary
Cypriot, 63-6, 387-8, 394-5
Cypro-Minoan, 61, 394
‘hieroglyphics’, 29
Linear A, 32-3, 387-8
Mycenaean, 15, 23, 39-48, 6g, 76-82, 385-91
syntax, 89-90
Szemer&iyi, O., 405
tables, 3 * 1 » 333-4, 339-42, 476
tablets, shape and use, 29, 34, 110-14, 406
Tacitus, 120
tailors, 123, 183
talent weight, 57
tallying, 118
Tawakalawas, 138
Taylour, Lord William, 411, 506-7, 509, 513
Teircsias, 303
Ulcslaiy 120-1,234, 277, 280, 408, 426,445, 449, 453
lemenosy 120, 132, 264-6
textiles, 135, 290, 295, 3 1 3-23, 392, 406, 413, 464,
486-9, 505
Thebes
inscriptions, 10, 38, 75, 109, 212, 389, 414
tablets, 387-8, 397
Theophrastus, 227
Thera, eruption, 413
thorax ‘corslet’, 375, 379
throne rooms, xxvii-xxviii, 39
thrones, 496
Thucydides, xxxiii, 5, 6, 59, 156, 235, 471
timbers used, 135
tin, 413, 509-10
Tiryns
chariot fresco, 362-3, 370-1
excavations, xxii, xxiv, xxxv
gold ring, 333
inscribed jars, 38
totalling formulae
Linear A, 36
Mycenaean, 17, 22, 263-4
trade, 135-6, 407, 4'°, 4*3, 4*7, 44 1
trades, 18, 22, 123, 133
guilds, 134, 423, 509
training, 163
transcriptions, conventions, xv, xviii-xix, 153-4
tribute lists, 118-19, *35r '98, 205, 289-303, 439,
465
Triphylia, 414, 427
tripods, 25, 135, 325, 336-7, 391, 49 8 -9
613
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Tritopatores, 289
Tritta, name of Knossos, 27]
Trojan war, date, 142
Trojans, 104
Troy, 6
Tsountas, Ch., xxii, 7
Turner, £. G., 25, 139, 142, 301
Tutankhamen’s tomb, 342-3, 363, 366, 369
Tylissos, 141
Ugarit (Has Shamra)
alphabet, 29
Cypro-Minoan tablets, 61, 394
tablets, 106, 113, 133, 136, 156, 233, 314-15
weights and measures, 56, 60
unguent, 123, 132, 224, 283-4, 411, 441-2, 477.
481
Ur, tablets, 59, 106, 133- 4, 182, 352
User-Amon, tomb of, 330
Vaphit, xxvii, 329-30, 344
Veda, 127
verb conjugation, 87-9, 253, 285, 402-3
Vcrdclis, N. M., 522
Vermeule, E. T,, 494, 513
vessels, metal, 284, 323-30, 335-8
vetches, 129
Vickery, K. F. p 129
Vilborg, E., 397
vowels
elision and contraction, 78, 437
notation, 43, 396
phonology, 76-8
Wace, A.J, B., 14, 24, 60, 108-9, 112, 134, 217,
333. 340, 442
Was, D. A., 393
weapons, 474, 506, 513-14
weavers, 123, 506
Webster, T. B. L., 25, 108, 157, 175, 232, 237,
242, 251, 254, 298, 336, 352, 358, 359
weights and measures, Mycenaean, 17, 42, 54-60,
118, 321, 359, 393-4, 481
wheat, 31, 129-30, 157-8, 213, 219, 232, 236, 269,
275, 281-3, 392-4, 406, 412, 418, 420, 438-
40, 443i 446-7. 451-3, 505
wheels, chariot, 54, 369-75, 39U 4°9> 45 1 . 456,
517-18, 521
Wilbour papyrus, 238-9, 260
willow-wood, 135, 370
winds, cult, 127, 304
wine, 35, ‘28, 130, 223, 282, 308, 348, 392, 411-12,
44 U 495
Winter, W., 447
women
lists, 155-68, 418-19
status, 124, 134, 156, 162, 410, 418
wood-cutters, 123, 350
wool, 36, 52, 55, 57, 119, 131, 203-5, 313 — 16,
322-3, 392-3. 4'3. 433~5> 44>, 488
word division, 47-8
word formation, 89
word order, 90, 447
writing materials, 109-14
Wyatt, W. F., Jr., 417, 457, 464
Zafer Papoura, graves, 325, 328
Zakros, 414-15, 438, 460, 501
Zakynthos, 145, 186, 374
Zephyria (Halikarnassos), 410, 417
Zeugos , 422-3
Zeus, 125-6, 287, 306, 459, 463, 478
GENERAL INDEX
HOMERIC REFERENCES
Wad
page
Odyssey
Pag*
l
15
343
X
333
5°4
i
246
368
III
7
L J 43> 235
II
88
302
III
55-9
280
11
470
504
III
429-63
282
11
59 £ -'4
•43
IV
318
269
II
G45-9
141
IV
41 I —12
268
II
867
4
IV
615-16
33°
r n
44«
369
V
234-5
108
rv
105^7
302
V
426
492
IV
141-2
364
VI
69-70
108
V
•45
361
VI
266
288
V
308
492
VJ
293 4
267
V
722
361
VII
87
340
V
725
456
VIJ
1 1 4 — 1 fi
273
V
743
378
VIII
392
320
VI
1 55-7o
3
IX
130
232
VJ
194-5
267
IX
• 55
302
VI
2(19-311
480
X
139
463
VJ
300
335
X
353
3 1 8
VIII
44 1
361
XJV
50
302
DC
85-8
185
XIV
62-7
235
IX
H9-52
i45
XV
80
269
IX
270
163
XV
297
•43
IX
578-80
267
XVII
34°
373
IX
621, 660
479
xvirr
297
492
XI
24
340, 369
XIX
53-62
334
XI
33
340
XIX
172-7
4
XJ
4 *
378
XJX
188-90
310
XI
629
340
xrx
197
282
XI
632
493
XIX
225
321
XII
260
34i
XX
105
•58
xni
<39
34 •
XXII
422
163
xrn
407
329
XXIII
24
235
XIV
121-3
267
XXIV
205-7
233
XIV
181
492
XXIV
226
232
XIV
410
34i
XXIV
523
376
XV1JJ
346
325
xvni
595
320
XX
216
470
XXI
38
35°
XXJI
3i5
378
XXIII
170
309
XXIII
03-6
460
XXIII
«e 4
499
XXJJI
270
325
XXIII
512-13
285
XXJIJ
832-5
352
615
TABLET CONCORDANCES
TABLET CONCORDANCE A
Pylos:
Ch. vi:
Lists 0 f personnel
43 = Aq 64
44 = Aq 218
1 = Aa 62
2 = Aa 815
45 = An 830
3 = Ad 694
4 — Aa 240
Mycenae:
46 = Au 102
5 = Aa 792
Knossos:
47 = Am 826
6 = Ab 379
7 = Aa 717
48 = B 101
8 = Ad 670
Pylos;
49 = An 427
9 = Ab 553
50 = An 39
10 = Ad 676
51 = An 18
11 = Ad 690
12 = Ad 671
52 - An 207
13 = Ad 691
53 = An 1
14 - Ad 697
54 = An 610
15 = Ad 684
55 = An 724
16 = Ad 686
56 = An 657
57 = An 519
Knossos:
17 = Ai 739
58 = An 654
18 = Ak 611
59 = An 656
19 = Ak 627
60 = An 661
20 = Ai 824
21 = Ak 624
Ch. vn
22 = Ak 781
Livestock and agricultural produce
Pylos:
61 = Cn 131
23 = Ag 1654
62 = Cn 655
24 ~ Ai 63
63 = Cc 660
25 = Ap 694
Knossos:
64 = Da 1221
65 = Db 1232
Pylos:
26 = An 292
66 — Dc 1129
27 = Ae 303
67 = Dd 1171
28 = An 607
68 = De 1648
69 = Df 1119
Knossos:
29 = Am 821
70 = Dg 1158
Pylos:
30 = Ae 264
71 = Dk 1072
31 = Ae 134
72 = Dk 1074
32 = Ae 108
73 = D 1 943
33 = Ae 26
74 = Dp 1061
Knossos:
34 — Am 601
Pylos:
75 = Cn 608
35 = Am 819
76 = Cn 3
36 = B 817
37 = B 823
77 = Cn 418
38 = As 1516
Knossos:
78 = C 914
39 = As 1517
79 = Dn 1094
80 — C 913
Pylos:
40 = An 261
81 = Dm 1180
41 = An 35
82 = Ca 895
42 = An 37
83 m C 902
616
CONCORDANCES
Knossos ( conL )
129 = Eo 268
84 = Cc 59
85 = Ch 896
130 = Eo 371
86 = Co 907
131 = Ep 301
132 = Eb 818
87 - E 668
133 = Eb 846
88 = E 749
89 = E 777
134 = Eb 895
90 = G 820
135 = Ep 704
136 = Eb 294
Fylos:
91 = Fn 50
137 = Eb 416
138 = Eb 409
Knossos:
92 = FK 349
139 = Eb 321
140 = Eb 297
Mycenae:
93 = Fo 101
141 = Eb 338
142 = Ed 317
Knossos:
94 = F 841
95 = F 852
143 = Ep 705
144 = Eb 866
Fylos:
96 = Un 138
145 = Ea 259
97 = Un 2
146 = Eb 473
147 = Ea 59
Knossos:
98 = Ga 415
148 = Ep 613
99 = Ga 418
149 = Ed 236
100 = Ga 424
150 = Ed 411
101 = Ga 675
102 = Ga 517
151 = Ed 901
152 = Er 312
Pylos:
103 = Un 267
153 = Er 880
104 = Un 249
154 = Eq 213
Mycenae:
105 = Gc 602
Knossos* 155 = Uf 981
106 = Gc 603
156 = Uf 1031
107 = Ge 604
157 = Uf 835
Ch. vni:
158 = Uf 836
159 = Uf 990
Land ownership
160 = Uf 970
and land use
161 = Uf 839
Fylos:
108 = Ea 817
162 = Uf 983
109 = Ea 782
110 = Ea 800
163 = Ra 984
Ml = Ea 71
164 = Gv 863
112 = Ea 825
165 = Gv 862
113 = Ea 824
166 = Gv 864
1 14 = En 609
Ch. ix:
1 15 = En 74
Proportional tribute
116 = En 659
and ritual offerings
117 = En 467
Pyi.os: 167 = Es 650
118 = Eo 211
168 = Es 644
119 = Eo 224
169 = Es 646
120 = Eo 276
121 = Eo 247
170 = Es 649
122 = Eo 160
171 = Un 718
123 = Eo 444
124 = Eo 351
172 = Tn 316
125 = Eo 471
173 = Ma 222
126 = Eo 281
174 = Ma 346
127 = Eo 269
175 = Ma 393
128 = Eo 278
176 = Ma 123
617
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Pyi.os: (amt.) Knossos;
177 =
Ma 90
178 =
Ma 365
179 =
Ma 193
180 =
Ma 225
181 =
Ma 378
182 =
Ma 126
Mycenae
183 =
Nn 831
Pvt,os:
184 =
N n 228
185 =
Na 419
186 =
Na 543
187 =
Na 514
188 =
Na 928
189 =
Na 568
190 =
N a 395
191 =
Na 248
192 =
Na 252
193 =
N a 520
194 =
Na334
195 -
Na 245
196 _
N a 926
197 =
Na 406
198 =
Ng 319
199 =
N g 332
Knossos; 200 = Fp 1
201 = Fp 14
202 = Fp 13
203 = Ga 953 [ + ] 955
204 = Gg 704 Pylos:
205 = Gg 702
206 = Gg 705
207 = V 280
208 = V 52
Ch. x:
Textiles, vessels and furniture Knossos;
Knossos: 209 = Lc 525
210 = Lc 526
211 = Lc 532
212 = Lc 535
213 = Le 641
214 = Ld 571
215 = Ld 573
216 = L 871
217 = Ld 587
218 » Ld 598
219 = L 594
220 = L 870
221 = L 647
222 = L 693
223 = L 471
224 = L 474
225 = L 520
Mycenae; 226 = Oe 129
227 ~ Oe 127
228 = Oe 111
229 = K 434
230 K 740
231 = K 872
232 = K 875
233 = Uc 160 rev.
234 = Uefcll rev.
235 = Ta 711
236 = Ta 641
237 = Ta 709
238 = Tn 996
239 = Ta642
240 ~ Ta 713
241 = Ta 715
242 = Ta 707
243 = Ta 708
244 = Ta 714
245 = Ta 721
246 = Ta 722
247 = Ta 716
248 = Va 15
249 = Va 482
250 = Vn 20
251 = Vn 46
252 = Vn 10
Ch. xt:
Metals and
military equipment
253 = Jn310
254 « Jn 389
255 = Jn 658
256 = Ja 749
257 = Jn829
258 - Jo438
259 = Og 1527
260 = Og 4467
261 = Ra 1540
262 = Ra 1548
263 = R 1815
264 = Ws 1704
265 = Sd 4403
266 = Sd 4401
267 = Sd 4409
268 = Sd 4413
269 = Sd 4404
270 = Sd 4402
271 = Sd 4422
272 » Sf442l
273 = Sf4420
274 = Sf4428
275 = Se 879
276 = Se 891
277 = Ra 1028
278 = S« 894
279 = S« 4437
618
CONCORDANCES
Knossos: {coni)
Pvlos;
TABLETS ADDED IN PART III
Knossos:
280 = So 4439
281 = So 4440
Pyi-os:
301 = Ac 1275
p. 424
282 5 = So 4430
302 = Ac 1280
p. 424
283 = So 4442
Mycenae:
303 = V 659
p. 425
P yl*s:
304 = On 301
p. 466
284 = Sa 488
305 = Fr 1184
p. 481
285 = Sa 487
306 - Er 1202
p. 481
286 = Sa 787
307 = Er 1220
p. 482
287 = Sa 793
308 = Er 1222
p. 482
288 = Sa 790
309 = Fr 1224
p. 482
289 = Sa 682
310 = Er 1225
p. 482
290 = Sa 287
311 = Er 1226
p. 483
291 = Sa 794
312 = An 1261
p. 483
313 = tin 6
p. 484
292 = Sh 740
314 = Qa 1289
p. 485
293 = Sh 737
315 = Qa 1296
p. 485
294 = Sh 733
316 = Qa 1299
p. 485
295 = Sh 734
317 = Uh 1318
p. 490
296 = Sh 736
318 = Un 1314
p. 505
319 = Un 1322
p. 505
297 = Sc 222
320 = Va 1324
p. 5*6
298 = Sc 226
Mycekak:
321 = Oi 701
p. 507
299 = Sk 789
Knossos;
322 = Sg 1811
p- 517
300 = Sk 5670
Pyjuos:
323 = Sb 1315
p. 519
324 = An 1262
p.521
Knossos:
325 = Sk 8100
p. 524
TABLET CONCORDANCE B
Knossos
219 = L 594
157 = Uf 835
200 = Fp 1
218 = Ld 598
158 = Uf 836
202 = Fp 13
34 = Axn601
161 = Uf 839
201 = Fp 14
18 = A it 611
94 = F 841
208 = V52
21 « Ak 624
95 = F 852
84= Cc 59
19 = Ak627
165 = Gv 862
24 = Ai63
213 = Lc 641
164 = Gv 863
48 = B 101
221 = L 647
166 = Gv 864
233 = Ucl60 rev.
87 = E 668
220 « L 870
297 = Sc 222
101 = Ga 675
216 = L 871
298 = Sc 226
222 = L 693
231 = K 872
207 = V 280
25 = Ap 694
232 = K 875
92 = Fh 349
205 = Gg 702
275 ^ Sc 879
98 = Ga 415
204 = Gg 704
276 = Sc 891
99 = Ga 418
206 = Gg 705
278 = So 894
100 = Ga 424
17 = Ai 739
82 = Ca 895
229 = K 434
230 = K 740
85 = Ch 896
223 = L 471
88 = E 749
83 = C 902
224 = L 474
89 = E 777
86 = Co907
102 = Ga 517
22 = Ak 781
80 = C 913
225 = L 520
299 = Sk 789
78 = C 914
209 = Lc 525
36 = 15 817
73 = D1943
210 = Lc 526
35 = Am 819
203 = Ga 953 [ + ] 955
211 = Lc 532
90 = G 820
160 = Uf 970
212 = Lc 535
29 = Am 821
155 = Uf981
214 = Ld 571
37 = B 823
162 = Uf 983
215 « Ld 571
20 = Ai 824
163 = Ra 984
217 = Ld 587
47 = Am 826
159 = Uf 990
619
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
Knossos: [coni,)
16 =
277 = Ra 1028
11 =
156 = Uf 1031
13 =
74 = Dp 1061
3 =
71 = Dk 1072
14 =
72 = Dk 1074
79 = Dn 1094
33 =
69 = Df 1119
32 =
66 = Dc 1129
31 =
70= Dg 1158
30 =
67 = Dd 1171
27 =
81 = Dm 1180
64 = Da 1221
53 =
65 = Db 1232
51 =
38 = As 1516
41 =
39 = As 1517
42 =
259 = Og 1527
50 =
261 = Ra 1540
52 =
262 = Ra 1548
40 =
68 = Dc 1648
26 =
23 = Ag 1654
49 =
264 = Ws 1704
57 =
322 = Sg 1811
28 =
263 = R 1815
54 =
266 = Sd 4401
58 =
270 = Sd 4402
59 =
265 = Sd 4403
56 =
269 = Sd 4404
60 =
267 = Sd 4409
55 =
268 = Sd 4413
45 =
273 = SC4420
312 =
272 = Sf4421
324 =
271 = Sd 4422
274 = Sf4428
43 =
282 = So 4430
44 =
279 = So 4437
280 = So 4439
63 =
281 = So4440
283 = So 4442
76 =
260 = Og 4467
61 =
300 = Sk 5670
77 =
325 = Sk 8100
75 =
62 =
Pylos
1 = Aa62
147 =
4 = A a 240
111 =
7 = Aa 717
145 =
5 = Aa 792
109 =
2 = Aa 815
110 =
108 =
6 = Ab 379
113 =
9 = Ab 553
112 =
301 = Ac 1275
136 =
302 = Ac 1280
140 =
139 =
8 = Ad 670
141 =
12 = Ad 671
138 =
10 = Ad 676
137 =
15 = Ad 684
146 =
Ad 686
132 = Eb 818
Ad 690
133 = Eb 846
Ad 691
144 = Eb 866
Ad 694
Ad 697
134 = Eb 895
149 = Ed 236
Ac 26
142 = Ed 317
Ac 108
150 = Ed 411
Ac 134
Ac 264
151 = Ed 901
Ac 303
115 = En 74
117 = En 467
An 1
114 = En 609
An 18
An 35
116 = En 659
An 37
122 = Eo 160
An 39
118 = Eo 211
An 207
119 = Eo 224
An 261
121 = Eo 247
An 292
129 = Eo 268
An 427
127 = Eo 269
An 519
120 = Eo 276
An 607
128 = Eo 278
An 610
126 = Eo 281
An 654
124 = Eo 351
An 656
130 = Eo 371
An 657
123 = Eo 444
An 661
An 724
125 = Eo 471
An 830
131 = Ep'301
An 1281
148 = Ep 613
An 1282
Aq 64
135 = Ep 704
143 = Ep 705
Aq 218
154 = Eq 213
Cc 660
Cn 3
152 = Er 312
153 = Er 880
Cn 131
168 = Es 644
Cn 418
169 = Es 646
Cn 608
170 = Es 649
Cn 655
167 = Es 650
Ea 59
Ea 71
91 = Fn 50
Ea 259
305 = Fr 1184
Ea 782
306 = Fr 1202
Ea 800
307 = Fr 1220
Ea 817
308 = Fr 1222
Ea 824
309 = Fr 1224
Ea 825
Eb 294
310 = Fr 1225
311 = Fr 1226
Eb 297
Eb 321
256 = Ja 749
Eb 338
253 = Jn 310
Eb 409
254 = Jn 389
Eb 416
255 = Jn 658
Eb 473
257 = Jn 829
620
CONCORDANCES
Pyi.os: [ coni .)
258 = Jo 438
177 -- Ma 90
176 = Ma 123
182 = Ma 126
179 « Ma 193
173 = Ma 222
180= Ma 225
174 « Ma 346
178 s Ma 365
181 = Ma 378
175 = Ma 393
195 = Na 245
191 = Na 248
192= Na 252
194 = Na 334
190 = Na395
197 = Na 406
185 = Na 419
187 = Na 514
193= Na 520
186 = Na543
189 = Na 568
196 = Na 926
188 = Na 928
197 = Na 1088
198 = Ng 319
199 = Ng 332
184 = Nn 228
183 = Nn 831
304 = On 300
314 = Qa 1289
315 = Qa 1296
316 = Qa 1299
290 8 Sa 287
285 = Sa 487
284 = Sa 488
289 = Sa 682
286 = Sa 787
288 = Sa 790
287 = Sa 793
291 = Sa 794
323 = Sb 1315
294 = Sh 733
295 = Sh 734
296 = Sh 736
293 = Sh 737
292 = Sh 740
236 = Ta641
239 = Ta 642
242 = Ta 707
243 = Ta 708
237 = Ta 709
235 = Ta711
240 = Ta 713
244 = Ta 714
241 = Ta 715
247 = Ta 716
245 = Ta 721
246 = Ta722
172 = Tn 316
238 = Tn 996
317 = Ub 1318
97 = Un 2
313 = Un 6
96 = Un 138
103 = Un 267
104 = Un 249
171 = Un 718
318 = Un 1314
319 = Un 1322
248 = Va 15
249 = Va482
320 - Va 1324
252 = Vn 10
250 ~ Vn 20
251 = Vn 46
Mycenae
93 = Fo 101
46 = Au 102
228 = Oc 111
227 = Oc 127
226 = Oc 129
105 = Gc 602
106 = Gc 603
107 = Gc 604
234 = U c 6 11 rev,
303 = V 659
321 = 01701
CONCORDANCE C
ORIGINAL PYLOS NUMBERS USED IN THE FIRST EDITION
OLD
NEW
OLD
NEW
OLD
NEW
AaOI
Aa 62
Abl9
—
Ab 558
Ae09
—
Ac 110
Aa02
=
Aa 354
Ab22
—
Ab 562
An02
An 292
Aa04
=
Aa 240
Ab23
=
Ab 1100
An07
=
An 427
Aa05
=
Aa 313
Ab25
=
Ab 586
An08
—
An 298
Aal 1
Aa 76
Ab26
=
Ab 217
Anl2
—
An I
Aal4
=
A a 506
Ab27
—
Ab 553
Anl3
—
An 209
AbOI
=
Ab 277
Ab30
—
Ab 194
Anl4
=
An 35
Ab02
=
Ab 379
Ab31
—
Ab 789
Anl7
—
An 37
Ab03
=
Ab 210
Ab41
Ab 746
An 18
=
An 39
Ab06
=
Ab 388
Ad07
=
Ad 921
Anl9
—
An 610
Ab07
Ab 372
AcOI
Ac 72
An20
-
An 18
Ab08
=
Ab 575
Ac02
—
Ac 8
An22
—
An 261
Ab09
=
Ab 555
Ac03
—
Ac 264
An23
—
An 616
Abl4
=
Ab 190
Ac04
—
Ac 134
An24
An 5
Abl5
=
Ab 899
Ac05
-
Ac 108
An26
=
An 207
Abl 6
=
Ab 578
Ac07
=
Ac 26
An29
—
Aq 218
Abl7
=
Ab 186
Ac08
=
Ac 303
An31
—
An 128
621
DOCUMENTS IN MYCENAEAN GREEK
OLD
NEW
OLD
NEW
OLD
NEW
An32
=
An 724
Ec04
= Eo 281
MnOl
= Mn 456
An33
=
An 614
Ec07
Ed 411
Mn03
= Mn 11
Ad35
=
An 615
EnOl
= En 467
NaOl
= Na 296
An42
—
An 607
En02
= En 609
Na02
= Na 1027
An43
=
An 519
En03
= En 74
Nal4
= Na 1054
Cn02
=
Cn 608
EoOl
= Eo 211
Nal9
= Na 1009
Cn04
=
Cn 131
Eo02
= Eo 224
Na24
= Na 522
Cn09
—
Cn 4
Eo03
= Eo 276
Na32
r= Na 419
CnlO
=
Cn 595
Eo04
= Eo 247
Na35
= Na 1053
Cnll
=
Cn 600
Eo05
= Eo 160
Na46
= Na 543
Cnl2
=
Cn 599
E 0 O 6
= Eo 444
Na49
= Na 514
Cnl3
=
Cn 45
EpOl
= Ep 301
Na50
= Na 252
Cn22
Cn 3
Ep02
= Ep 212
Na51
Na 106
Cn23
=
Cn 418
Ep03
= Ep 539
Na52
= Na 425
Ka03
=
Ea 136
Ep04
Ep 613
Na55
= Na 395
Ea05
—
Ea 259
EqOl
= Eq 213
Na56
= Na 248
Eal 1
=
Ea 305
Eq03
= Ea 59
Na57
= Na 520
Eal2
—
Ea 270
EiOl
= Er 312
Na58
= Na 334
Ea20
=
Eo 268
Er02
= Ei 880
Na60
= Na 284
Ea2l
—
Eb 818
FaOl
= Fa 16
Na65
= Na 568
Ea22
—
Ea 922
FnOl
= Fn 187
Na 66
= Na 185
Ea23
=
Ea 71
Fn 02
= Fn 50
Na67
= Na 245
Ea24
—
Eo 371
Fn03
Fn 324
Na69
= Na 1088
Ea25
—
Ea 421
Fn05
Fn 41
Na70
= Na 926
Eb02
=
Eb 566
Fn06
= Fn 79
NgOI
= Ng 332
Eb03
=
Eb 377
JnOl
= Jn 310
Ng02
= Ng 319
Eb04
—
Eb 501
Jn02
= Jn 601
NnOl
= Nn 228
Eb05
—
Eb 496
jn03
= Jn 431
Nn02
= Nn 831
Eb08
Eb 846
fn04
= Jn 389
OnOl
= On 300
Eb09
=
Eb 369
jn05
= Jn 478
PnOl
= Pn 30
EblO
=
Eb 409
JnOG
= Jn 320
SaOl
= Sa 488
Ebl4
—
Eb 321
Jn07
= Jn413
Sa02
= Sa 487
Eb20
—
Eb 338
Jn08
= Jn 415
Sa03
= Sa 287
Eb2l
=
Eb 321
Jn09
= Jn 829
SnOl
= Aq 64
Eb22
=
Eb 159
KnOl
= Jo 438
UnOI
= Un 443
Eb23
=
Eb 892
Kn02
= Tn 316
Un02
= Un 138
Eb24
=
Eb 156
MaO 1
= Ma 225
Un03
= Un 2
Eb25
—
Eb 177
Ma02
= Ma 90
Un04
= Un 47
Eb2G
=
Eo 269
Ma03
= Ma 120
U 11 O 6
= Un 6
Eb27
=
Eb 464
Ma04
= Ma 221
Un08
= Un 267
Eb30
=
Eb 416
Ma05
= Ma 124
Un09
= Un 249
Eb31
=
Eb 294
Ma06
= Ma 222
Unll
= Un 219
Eb32
=
Ed 317
Ma07
= Ma 333
VaOl
= Va 15
Eb33
—
Ed 236
Ma03
= Ma 346
Va02
= Va 482
Eb34
—
Eb 473
Ma09
= Ma 193
VnOl
= Vn 20
Eb35
=
Eb 297
MalO
= Ma 393
Vn02
= Vn 46
Eb36
—
Ed 901
Mai 1
= M a 335
Vn04
= Vn 130
Eb37
=
Eb 149
Mal2
= Ma 123
Vn05
= Vn 19
Eb38
=
Eb 862
Ma!3
= Ma 365
Vn06
= Vn 10
Eb39
Eb 149
Mal4
= Ma 378
Vn07
= Vn 48
Eb40
_
Eb 495
Mal5
= Ma 330
WaOl
= Wa 114
Eb43
—
Eb 169
Mal 6
= Ma 216
XbOl
= Xa 176
Ec02
—
Eo 351
Ma!7
= Ma 397
XcOl
= Xa 113
Ec03
=
Eo 471
Mal 8
= Ma 126
622
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11