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THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS
OE JOHN FOXE.
VOL. II.
1
LONDON :
FUINTKP liV R. CLAY, BUEAI) STRF.I.T HILL.
^i.
Reduced copy of the title page of the first Enghsh Edition, 1563.
and Monuments
jj of tl)csc latter ant) perilous ttajics
r%^ ^ iouti)ing matters of t^c ffil)urtJ),
J^ wherein are comprehended and describt i
the great persecutions & horrible trouble
tliat haue bene wrought and practised bj
'v the Romislie Prelates, speciallye in tins
Realme of England and Scotlande
from the yeare of our Lorde a
thousande, unto the tyme
nowe present
k Gathered and coUetled according to the
,,^ true copiej ami »n tinges cert ticalor e ds «el
,1 W ol rhe parties Iheniselues tint s ffeled
~ r ,ilAv&. U-3 a« also out of the Bishops Registers
*>' <«^^S^ "•"•^h "" ' ^he iloers therof,
^ _ ^^^v^=i^ ^ by John Foxe
^-^=- /^^ ^'^ SiN If Imprinted at London t i I hn Da
^\ ? J 3 tlweliyng ouer Aldersgate
" '^ 1 r 1 Ji Cu n piiuiIe„io Regie Majestat s
.■«) 1
4"
Jc
^
THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS
OF JOHN FOXE:
WITH A LIFE OF THE MARTYKOLOGIST, AND
VINDICATION OF THE WORK,
BY THE REV. GEORGE TOWNSEND, M.A.
OP TRIN. COLL. CAMB.
PREBENDARY OF DURHAM;
AND VICAR OF NORTHALLERTON, YORKSHIRE.
VOL. IT.
SEELEY, BURNSIDE, AND SEELEY:
FLEET STREET, LONDON:
MDCCCXLin.
BR
\L>07
1^4-3
CONTENTS.
VOL. II.
BOOK III.
CONTAINING THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM THE REMN OF EGBERT TO THE
TIME OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
A. D. PAGE
807. Egbert the Great, King of the West Saxons, afterwards Monarch
of the whole Realm 5
837. Ethelwolf 6
Epistle of Huldericke, Bishop of Augsburgh, to Pope Nicholas I. 8
858. Ethelbald, Ethelbert, and Ethelred 1 18
871. Alfred, otherwise called Alured 21
901. Edward the Elder » .... 36
924. Athelstan, or Adelstan 39
940. Edmund 45
Letter of Odo, Archbishop of Canterbury, to the Clergy . . 49
J955. Edwin, or Edwy 50
959. Edgar, surnamed Pacificus 51
975. Edward II., called the Martyr 65
978. Egelred or Ethelred II., surnamed the Unready 73
1016. Edmund Ironside, a Saxon, and Canute, a Dane, Kings together
in England 79
1042. Edward the Confessor 85
1066. Harold II 91
The Oration of King Edgar to the Clergy .... .101
Table of the Archbishops of Canterbury 1 03
a
CON'TF.XTS.
BOOK IV.
CONTAINING ANOTHER THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM WILLIAM THE CONQUEROl.'
TO THE TIME OF JOHN WICKLIFF
A. D. l-AUE
1066. William the Conqueror 105
1067. Law of William the Conqueror, circumscribing the Ecclesiasti-
cal Jurisdiction 106
1073. Acts of a Council holden at London 114
The History of Grcgorj' VIL, otherwise called HildeLraiul . 116
Epistle of Cardinal Benno to the other Cardinals . . .121
Another Epistle of Benno to the same . 124
1080. Second Excominimication of Hildebrand against the Emperor 131
1084. Sentence of the Council of Brixen against Hildebrand . . .132
The Names of those who were at the Conquest of England . . 136
1087. William Rufus 139
1098. Letter of Pope Paschal to Anselm 148
Articles and Opinions wherein the Greek Church ditfereth from
the Latin 150
Letter from Anselm to Waltram, Bishop of Naumburg . . 151
Part of another Letter of Anselm to the same 152
1100. Epistle of Waltram, Bishop of Naumburg, to the Earl Louis . 155
The railing Answer of the Earl Louis 156
1109. Henry 1 159
1104. King Henry's Letter to Pope Paschal 162
Anselm's Letter to King Henry ... 165
1100. Synodal Decrees of Archbishop Anselm 167
Letters of Anselm and Pope Paschal 170
1135. Stephen 185
1154. Henry II 189
1155. Letters to and from Adrian 191
The Life and HistoT}' of Thomas Becket 196
1169. The Talk between the French King, the King of England,
and Becket 241
J 177. Letter of Pope Alexander to Roger, Archbishop of York . . 256
The History of the Waldenses 264
Other Incidents happening in the Reign of King Henry II. . 271
1189. Richard 1 276
The Troubles of Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the
Monks of the same Church 287
Letters of Pope Urban to Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury . 292
The Story of William, the proud Bishop of Ely 309
1199. John . - , 319
Letters of King John 322
Letter of Pope Innocent to King John 324
1212. Letter Obligatory of King John to the Pope 33Z
1210. Henry III 342
The Rabblement of Religious Orders 352
Prophecy of Hildegard of the Ruin of Rome 353
A Treatise of Geoffery Chancier 357
1229. A Complaint of the Nobles of England against the Pope . . 363
Articles exhibited in the Council of London against the Pope . 368
Letter of King Henry III. to the Bishops 369
The Pope's Answer to the Election of Walter, Archbishop of
Canterbury 386
1231. A Copy of a Letter to restrain the Benefices of Romans within
the Realm 394
CONTENTS. Ill
AD. PAGE
1234. Faithful Counsel of the Bisliops to the King 407
Variance between Pope Gregory IX. and the Citizens of Rome 411
1 2,37. Substance of a Letter of Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople,
to Pope Gregory IX 414
Substance of another Letter of the same to the Cardinals . .416
A brief Table of tlie Pope's Oppressions in the Realm of Eng-
land 420
Intolerable Oppression of the Realm by the Pope's Exactions
in the Time of King Henry III 42.5
Letter of King Henry III. to Pope Innocent IV 430
1245. The Supplication of the Commons of England, to Pope Inno-
cent IV., in the General Council at Lyons 432
The Pope publishes a crusade against the Greek Church . . 437
1247. Letter to Pope Innocent IV. in the names of the Clergy and
Commonalty of England 439
1250. Lamentable Overthrow of the French Army in Egypt through
the Sinister Counsel of the Pope's Legate 450
The whole Tragical History of Frederic II., Emperor of Ger-
many 455
Letter of the Emperor Frederic to the King of England, com-
plaining of Excommunication 469
Letter of the Earl of Acerra to the Emperor Frederic . . . 473
The Emperor's Letter to the Prelates of the World, to bridle
the Pope pJvX restrain him of his Will 482
Letter of the French King to the Emperor Frederic on the Im-
prisonment of certain Cardinals of France, with the Emperor's
Reply 493
An Epistle Invective of the Emperor to the Cardinals . . . 495
Letter of the Emperor in consequence of the Sentence given
against him in the Council of Lyons 499
Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, on False Apostles and Tine . .511
1253. The Story of Robert Grosthead, Bishop of Lincoln . . . .523
Pope Innocent's unreasonable Letter to his Factors in Eng-
land 524
Answer of Grosthead to the Pope 526
Certain Aphorisms of Grosthead against the Pope 529
1261. Letter of King Henry III. to the Mayor of Northampton, in
behalf of certain Scholars minded to plant themselves there
as a University 543
1262. Letter of the King to his Proctors at Rome 544
1264. Letters between the Barons and the King 550
Acts of the King's Council concerning the Archbishop of Can-
terbury's Retiu'n into England 554
Letter of the King to the Archbishop of Canterbmy .... 555
Form of Peace between King Henry III. and his Eavons . , 556
Of the repairing of Trespasses committed against the Church . 558
Letter of King Henry concerning Non-residence 559
Letter of the King to the Sheriff of Oxfordshire concerning
Unlawful .\ssemblies ibid.
Notes of Occurrences in Foreign Countries during the Years of
King Henry III 575
1272. Edward 1 577
The Title of Scotland proper to England 582
Letter of the Lords Temporal to the Pope 583
1303. Declaration of William de Nogaret against Pope Boniface VIII. 591
Appeal of certain French Nobles against Pope Boniface
VllI • 5£6
1307. Protest of William de Plesian against the Pope 597
Appeals of the French King and Prelates against the Pope . 601
Epistle of Cassiodorus to the Church of England concerning
the Alwises of the Romish Church CIO
iv ( oxtp:xts.
A I>. PAGB
Summons of a ParHamcnt in France, and the Articles of the
Laity rifjainst the CHerpy fil2
The Prelates' Answer to the Lord Peter's Oration .... 620
A notlitr Sitting of the French Parliament 635
1308. Edward II . 611
1310. A Proliibif ion of Extortion in gathering the Pope's Peter-pence 6.52
Letter of Queen Isabel to tlie Mayor and Citizens of London . 6.57
1327. Edward III C6C
Letter of King Edward III. to the Nobles and Commons of
France, with other Letters ensuing 674
1340. Articles of Tnice between England and France 679
Letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury to King Edward III. . GSl
Letter of King Edward III. to the Dean and Chapter of St.
Pauls 682
Letter of the Emperor tb King Edward III., with the Reply . 687
1343. Letter of Complaint of the Nobles and Commons of England
to the Pope . . : G89
King Edward's Letters of Defiance against the French King . 691
Letters describing the King's Viage through France, with
otlier Letters ensuing 694
Table of the Archbishops of Canterbury 717
BOOK V.
CONTAINING THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF
SATAN.
1360. Table of the Persecution of the Primitive and Latter Church 726
The Ploughman's Complaint 728
A Parable prophesying the destruction of the Pope .... 748
The Life and Story of Fitz-Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh and
Primate of Ireland 749
Articles of the Students of Paris against the Friars .... 752
Opinions and Conclusions against the Friars 754
Conclusions and Protestations of Armachanus against the Friars 756
Notes on the Oration of Armachamts 765
1363. A Sermon of Nicholas Orem 769
1370. Notes of Parliaments 783
1371. The Story of John Wickliff 790
1377. View of Ecclesiastical Benefices 807
.XrrENDix TO Vol. II gj2
ERRATA.
I'ase 169, line 1 i,for " 120S," read " 1108."
— iii, — 2 1, /or " intendeth," read " indenteth."
— 231, — 29, /or " salvation," reod "salutation."
— 372, — 19,/or" 1220," read " 1218."
— 378, — S, /»r " twelve peers," read " the twelve peers.'
— 386, — 2j,/or " second day," read " first day.
— 397, — 33, /or " Briwere," read " di Braose."
— 501, running date, /or " 1246," read " 1249."
— 540, margin, /or " April 10th," read '• April 7th."
— 60S, line 38, for " days of pope Gregory IX." read '• days of pope Gregory X. "
— 650, lin. antepenult, fur " under pretence," read " at the king's request."
— G51, line 4, /or " retired hack again to Durham," read "came (whitUet
they were going) to Durham."
— 692, running date, /or " 1346," read " 1345."
— 848, line 15, for " legation," read " embassage."
— 860, — 19, for " court of France," read " court of Rome."
— 863, lin. antepenult, fnr •' Alfred," read " Arthur."
VOL. II.
ACTS AND MONUMENTS.
BOOK in.'
CONTAINING
THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS,
FROM THE REIGN OF KING EGBERT TO THE TIME OF
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
Now remaineth, likewise as before I did in describing the descent
and diversity of the seven kings, all together reigning and ruling^
in this land, so to prosecute in like order the lineal succession of
those, who, after Egbert, king of the West Saxons, governed and
ruled solely, until the conquest of William the Norman ; first ex-
pressing their names, and afterwards importing such acts, as in their
time happened in the Church worthy to be noted. Albeit, as touch-
ing the acts and doings of these kings, because they are sufficiently
and at large described, and taken out of Latin writers into the
English tongue, by divers and sundry authors, and namely in the
History or Chronicle of Fabian ; I shall not spend much travail
thereupon, but rather refer the reader to him or to some other, where
the troublesome tumults between the Englishmen and the Danes at
that time may be seen, whoso listeth to read them. 1 have fur-
nished a table of their names and reigns ; and the acts done under
their reigns I have compendiously abridged, using such brevity as
the matter would allow.
Therein is to be noted, that, before the reign of Edward the Con-
fessor, the Danes obtained the crown under their captain, Canute,
who reigned nineteen years. Harold Harefoot, son of Canute,
reigned about four years ; Hardicanute, son of Canute, two years ;
Edward the Confessor, an Englishman, son of Ethelred, twenty-
four years ; Harold, son of Earl Godwin, an usurper, one year ;
and William the Conqueror, a Norman, reigned twenty-one years
and ten months.
(1) Edition ir)G3, p. 10. E<'.. 1583, p. 135. Ed. 1596, p. 120. Ed. 1GS4, vol. i. p. 150.— N.B. The
first eit;ht pa;?e.s of tlie Latin Edition of 1j.)9, brinf^ tlio reader down to an account of Die proceed-
'ngs of a Convocation of Ilishops, holden at Lambeth, in the time of Wickliff, a.d. 1377. — Ed.
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DANISH INVASION OF ENGLAND. 5
EGBERT THE GREAT, — ?^
A.I).
KING OF THK WEST SAXONS, AFTERWARDS MONARCH OF THE 800.
WHOLE REALM.
In tlic reign of Brightric, a little before mentioned, about the
year of grace 795, there was in his dominion a noble personage, i„ ,),;<,
of some called Egbert, of some Ethelbert, of some Etliclbriirht ; !'nif"rae
who, being feared of the same Brightric, because he was of kingly i^anes
blood and near unto the crown, was, by the force and conspiracy of fheVorth
the aforenamed Brightric, chased and pursued out of the land of p^^^^^^- ^'"^
Britain into France, where he endured till the death of the said driven
Brightric ; after the hearing whereof Egbert sped him eftsoons out of °" ^°*"''
France unto his country of West-Sax, where he in such wise behaved
himself that he obtained the regiment and governance of the above-
said kingdom.
Bernulph, king of Mercia, abovementioned, and other kings, had a.d. so;
this Egbert in such derision, that they made of him divers scoffing
jests and scorning rhymes, all which he sustained for a time. But
when he was more established in his kingdom, and had proved the
minds of his subjects, and especially God working withal, he after-
ward assembled his knights, and gave to the said Bernulph a battle, in a.d. 823.
a place called Elinden, in the province of Hampton ;' and, notwith-
standing in that fight were great odds of number, as six or eight against
one, yet Egbert (through the might of the Lord, who giveth victory
as pleaseth him) had the better, and won the field ;^ which done, he
seized that lordship into his hand ; and that also done, he made war
upon the Kentish Saxons, and at length of them, in like wise, ob-
tained the victory. And, as it is in Polychronicon testified, he also A.n. sit.
subdued Northumberland,^ and caused the kings of these three king-
doms to live under him as tributaries, or joined them to his kingdom.*
This Egbert also won from the Britons or Welshmen the town of
Chester,* which they had kept possession of till this day. After these
and other victories, he, peaceably enjoying the land, called a council
of his lords at Winchester, where, by their advice, he was crowned
king and chief lord over this land, which before that day was called j^^.^ ^^^^^
Britain ; but then he sent out into all coasts of the land his com- fi'^t
mandments and commissions, charging straitly that, from that day Angiia.
forward, the Saxons should be called Angles, and the land Angiia.
About the thirtieth year of the reign of Egbert, the heathenish a.d. 832.
people of the Danes, which a little before had made horrible destruc- Danes
tion in Northumberland, and especially in the isle of Lindisfarn, where ge^cond"^
they spoiled the churches, and murdered the ministers, with men, <'ni'^ en-
. tered this
women, and children, after a cruel manner, entered now the second^ land.
time, with a great host, into this land, and spoiled the isle of Sheppy
in Kent, or near to Kent ; where' Egbert, hearing thereof, assembled
his people, and met with them at Charmouth : but in that conflict a.d. 833
he sped not so well as he \vas wont in times before, but with his
(1) " Elindon in Hamptuensi provincia," Polyclir. Most of the liistorians, however, say,
" EUandunc," i. e. Wilton.— Ed.
(2) Of this victory went a proverh, — " Rivjs crnore rubuit, ruina restitit, fcetore tabuit."
(3) SeeMalmsb.de Gest. Reg. Anjil. lib. i. c. 3. [Also Harpsfield, Hist. Eccl. Seoul. 8, c. 21.— Ed.]
(4) Ex Flor. Hist. (5) " Chester" here means Caerleon : see vol. i. p. o38, note. — Ed.
(fi) More correctly, " the third time :" see vol. i. p. 378, note (,'!).- Ed.
(7) " Where " here meaiis " wliereupon." " Whereof hearvnge, tlie kyngc Egbert," &c. Fabian.
—Ed.
b A BISHOP MADE A KIKG.
Egbert, knii^'lits was compelled to forsake the field. Notwillistanding, in the
^ j3 next battle, the said Egbert, with a .small power, overthrew a great
8;53. multitude of them, and so dravc thom back.* The next year follow-
ing, the said Danes presuming upon their victory before, made their
return again into the land westward, where joining with the Britons,
by their help and powder they assailed the lands of Egbert, and did
much harm in many places of his dominion and elsewhere ; so that
after this day they were continually abiding in one place of tiie
realm of England or other, till the time of Hardicanute, last king
of the Danes' blood ; so that many of them were married to P^nglish
women, and many that now be, or in times past were, called English-
nien, are descended of them. And albeit that they were many and
sundry times driven out of the land, and chased from one country to
another, yet, that notwithstanding, they ever gathered new strength
and power, that they abode still within the land.
England Aud tluis, as by stories appears, this troublesome land of Britain,
*'i^^^^'^" now called England, hath been hitherto by five sundry outward nations
by other plagucd : first, by the Romans ; then, by the Scots and Picts ; thirdly,
na ions. |^^ ^j^^ Saxons ; fourthly, by the Danes, of whose outrageous cruelty
and hostility our English liistories* do most exclaim and complain;
fifthly, by the Normans, who, I pray God, may be the last.
I'hen it followeth in the story, that the time of this persecution
of the aforesaid pagans and Danes continuing, King Egbert, when
he had ruled the West Saxons, and over the more part of England,
by the term of seven and thirty years, died, and was buried at ^Vin-
chester, leaving to his son P]thelwolf his kingdom, who first was
bishop of Winchester, (as Hoveden recordeth,) and after, upon neces-
sity, made king, leaving withal, and pronouncing this saying to his
son, " Felicem fore si regnum, quod multa rexerat industria, ille
consueta genti illi non interrumperet ignavia."
ETHELWOLF.
A.D. Ethklwoi.f, the son of Egbert, in his former age had entered
837. into tire order of sub-deacon, as some others say, was made bishop
of Winchester; but afterwards, being the only son of Egbert, was
made king through the dispensation, as Fabian saith, of Pope Pas-
chal :^ but that cannot be, for Paschal then was not bishop : so that,
by the computation of time, it should rather seem to be Gregory IV.''
This Gregory IV, was the third pope who succeeded after
Paschal I., being but four years betwixt them : whieh Paschal suc-
ceeded after Stephen IV., who followed after Leo III., next pope to
Adrian above in our history mentioned, where we treated of Charle-
magne.^ From the time of that Adrian I. unto Pope Adrian III.
the emperors had some stroke in the election, at least in the con-
firmation of the Roman poj)c. Notwithstanding, divers of those
aforesaid popes in the mean time began to work their practices to
bring their purpose about; but yet all their devices could take no full
effect before the said Adrian III., as hereafter (Christ willing) shall
be declared ; so that the emperors all this while bare some rule in
choosing the popes, anil in assembling general councils. Wherefore,
(1) Fabian, c. 15S. RoR. Hovcil. lib v. c. 1. [See Appendix.— En.]
(2) Ex Rof!. Moved, lib. v. (3) Guliel. lib. de dcst. Anglor. saith this pope vfas I.eo. IV
(4) See Appendix.— Kd. ('>) Supri, vol. i. p. Srs.
rOPE JOAN A WOMAN POPE. 7
by tlie commandment of Louis, the emperor, in the time of this Eceiesias-
(xregory IV., a general synod was commenced at Aix-la-Chapellc, HisTory.
where it was decreed by the said Gregory and his assistants : first, ~
that every church should have sufficient of its own proper lands and synod at
revenues to find the priests thereof, that none should need to lack chap'eiie.
or go about a begging ; Item, that none of the clergy, of what order ^^^ery
or degree soever they be, should use any vesture of any precious or to\"Ive
scarlet colour, neither should wear rings on their fingers, unless it be to^nd u's
when prelates be at mass, or give their consecrations ; Item, that pre- °^"
lates should not keep too great ports or families, nor keep great horse,
nor use dice, or harlots, and that the monks should not exceed measure
in gluttony or riot ; Item, that none of the clergy, being either anointed
or shaven, should use either gold or silver in their shoes, slippers, or
girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be conjectured, what
pomp and pride in those days had crept into the clergy. Moreover,
by the said Pope Gregory IV., at the commandment of Louis, the The Feast
emperor, the feast of All Saints was first brought into the church. saints.
After this pope came Sergius II., who first brought in the altering The
of the popes' names, because he was named before ' Os porci,' that is, names
' Swine's snout :' who also ordained the ' Agnus' thrice to be sung at ^'f^'^"^''"
the mass, and the host to be divided into three parts. The host
After him was Pope Leo IV., to whom this King Ethelwolf (as in into three
this present chapter is hereafter specified) did commit the tuition of ^"'^'
his son Alfred. By this Pope Leo IV. it came in, and was first
enacted in a council of his, that no bishop should be condemned under
threescore and twelve witnesses ; according as ye see in the witnesses
at the condemnation of Stephen Gardiner orderly practised.
Item, contrary to the law of Gregory IV,, his predecessor, this pope The
ordained the cross, all set with gold and precious stones, to be carried c°ofs first
before him, like a pope. foTthe^
And here next now followeth and cometh in the whore of Babylon pope.
[Rev. xix. 2,] (rightly in her true colours, by the permission of God,
and manifestly without all tergiversation) to appear to the wliole world :
and that not only after the spiritual sense, but after the very letter, and
the right form of an whore indeed. For after this Leo abovemen-
tioned, the cardinals, proceeding to their ordinary election (after a
solemn mass of the Holy Ghost), to the perpetual shame of them and
of that see, instead of a man pope, elected a whore indeed to minister
sacraments, to say masses, to give orders, to constitute deacons, priests,
and bishops ; to promote prelates, to make abbots, to consecrate
churches and altars, to have the reign and rule of emperors and kings:
and so she did indeed, called by name Joan VIII. This woman's a.d. sss.
proper name was Gilberta, a Dutch woman of Mayence, who went ^ ^oma"
with an English monk out of the abbey of Fulda in man's apparel called
unto Athens, and after, through her dexterity of wit and learning, ^'"'"
was promoted to the popedom, where she sat two years and six months.
At last, openly in the face of a general procession, she fell in labour
and travail of child, and so died ; by reason whereof the cardinals, yet
to this day, do avoid to come near by that street where this shame
was taken.^ By Benedict III. who succeeded next in the whorish
(1> In reference to this event, which has proved a source of lengthened controversy, a monkish
poet observes — " Papa Pater Patrimi peperit Papissa Papellum." See Bower's Lives of the Popes ;
Joan. Also Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. vol. ii. p. 271. — Ed.
8 MAKIUAGKS OK rUlKisTS fOltmUOEX.
Ecrieiiat- scc, was fifst onlaiiiccl (as most writers do record) tlie "Dirige" to
/h.To'„j. 1)0 said for tlie dead. Albeit before liim, Gregory III, liad done in
\h7TT7 ^''''*'' "^^^•'^^'" worthily for liis part already.
the dead. After liim sat Pope Nieliolas I. who enlarged the pope's decrees
with many constitutions, equalling the authority of them with the
writings of the apostles. He ordained that no secular prince, nor
the emperor liiniself, should be present at their councils, unless in
matters concerning the fliith; to the end that such as they judged to
be heretics, thev should execute and murder ; Also, that no laymen
should sit in jutlgment upon the clergy, or reason upon the pope's
power ; Item, that no christian magistrate should have any power upon
any prelate, alleging that a prelate is called God ; Item, that all church
service should be in Latin ; yet, notwithstanding, dispensing with the
Sclavoniansand Poles to retain still their vulgar language. Sequences
Marri- in tlic mass were by him first allowed. By this pope priests began
v?re'st*9^ to be restrained and debarred from marrying : w hereof Huldericke,
forbidden. l)isliop of Augsburgli, a learned and a holy man, sending a letter unto
the pope, gravely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his
indiscreet proceedings touching that matter. The copy of which
letter, as I thought it unworthy to be suppressed, so I judged it
here worthy and meet for the better instruction of the reader to be
inserted ; the words thereof here follow, out of Latin into English
translated.
A learned epistle of Huldericke, bishop of Augsburgli, sent to Pope
Nicholas I., proving by probations substantial that priests ought
not to be restrained from marriage.*
Iluklevicke, bishop only by name, unto the reverend Father Nichola?, tlic
vigilant overseer of the holy church of Rome, with due commendation sendeth
love as a son, and fear as a servant. Understanding, reverend Father, your
decrees whicli you sent to me concerning the single life of the clergy, to be far
discrepant from all discretion, I was troubled partly with fear, and partly with
heaviness. With fear — for that, as it is said, the sentence of the jiastor, whether
it be just or unjust, is to be feared. For I was afraid lest the weak hearers
of the Scripture, who scarcely obey the just sentence of their pastor, much
more despise his unjust sentence, should show themselves disobedient to
this oppressive, nay intolerable, decree of their pastor. With heaviness I
was troubled, and with compassion — for that 1 doubted how the members of
the body should do, their head being so greatly out of frame. For what can be
nmre grievous or more worthy the compassion of the whole church, than for
you, being the bishop of the principal see, to whom appcrtaineth the exami-
nation of the whole church, to swerve never so little out of the right way !
Ccrtes, in this you have not a little erred, in that you have gone about to con-
strain your clergy to continency of marriage with imperious tyranny, whom
rather you ought to admonish on the subject. For is not this to be counted
a violence and tyranny in the judgment of all wise men, when a man is com-
jJcUed by private decrees to do that which is against the institution of the
gospel and the suggestion of the Holy Ghost? Seeing then there be so many
.loly examples both of tiie Old and New Testament, teaching us (as you know)
holy discretion, I desire your patience not to think it grievous for me to bring
a few here out of many.
Priests' First, ill the old law, the Lord permitteth marriage unto the priests, which
inThTI'Td afterward in the new law we do not read to be restrained, but in the gospel
law per- tlius he saith, " Tlicro be some which have made themselves eunuchs for the
inittcd, in kingdom of heaven, but all men do not take this word ; he that can take it,
tiie new " ' '
r rl "ih' (l)Nicholao Domino el Tatri, pervijjili sanctre Romanac eoclesia! provisori, HuMorirus solo
lorumUL'n. nomine episropus, amorem ut filius, timorem ut servus. Cum tua (O Pater et Doniine) decrna
siii^r clericorum rontinentifl, &c. [See the Latin infra, vol. v. p. 312, whence this translation is
revised and cnrrectert.— En.1
PIIIKSTS MARRIAGES PROVED LAWFUL «^
let him take it." [Matt. xix. 12.] Wherefore the apostle saith, " Concerning Ecdesias-
virgins, I have no commandment of the Lord, but only I give counsel." jil^l'J^
[1 Cor. vii. 25.] Wliich counsel he knowing that all men could not take,
according to the Lord's saying before ; nay — seeing that many professed admi-
rers of the said counsel, who sought to please men, not God, by a false pre-
tence of continency, actually fell into horrible wickedness Therefore, t
lest through the infection of this wicked pestilence tlie state of the cliurch shoukl
be too much perilled, he said, " Because of fornication, let every man have
his own wife." [1 Cor. vii. 2.] Touching which saying our false hypo-
crites falsely do lie and ffeign, as though only it pertained to the laity, and not
to them. And yet they themselves, seeming to be set in the most holy older,
are not afraid to commit adultery, and, as we see with weeping eyes, they all
do outrage in the aforesaid wickedness.
These men have not rightly understood the Scripture, whose breasts while
they suck so hard, instead of milk they suck out blood. For the saying of the
apostle, " Let every man have his own wife," [1 Cor. vii, 2,] doth except none
in very deed, but him only who hath made a profession of continency, prefix-
ing with himself to keep his virginity in the Lord. Wherefore, O reverend
Father, it shall be your part to cause and oversee, that whosoever either with
hand or mouth hath made a vow of continency, and afterward would forsake
it, either should be compelled to keep his vow, or else by lawful authority should
be deposed from his order.
And to bring this to pass, you shall not only have me, but also all other of
my order, to be helpers unto you. But that you may understand, that those
who know not what a vow doth mean, are not to be violently compelled there-
unto, hear what the apostle saith to Timothy, " A bishop must be irrepre-
hensible, the husband of one wife." [1 Tim.iii. 2 — 12.] Which sentence lest you
should turn and apply onl}' to the church, mark what he infen-eth after, " He
that knoweth not to rule his own household and family, how should he rule the
church of God ?" "And likewise the deacons," saith he, "let them be the
husband of one wife, which have knowledge to govern their own house and
children." And this wife, how she is to be blest of the priest, you understand
sufficientlj'-, I suppose, by the decrees of holy Sylvester, the pope.
To these and such other holy sentences of the Scripture agreeth also he that This de-
is the writer of the " Rule of the clergy," writing after this manner, " A clerk po^^^trary
must be chaste and continent, or else let him be coupled in the bands of to the bi-
matrimony, having one wife."' Whereby it is to be gathered, that the bishop shops and
and deacon are noted infamous and reprehensible, if they be divided among fn Queen
more women than one : otherwise, if they do forsake one under the pretence Mary's
of religion, both they together, as well the bishop as the deacon, be here con- *'™'^'
demned by the canonical sentence, which saith, " Let no bishop or priest
forsake his own wife, under the colour and pretence of religion. If he do
forsake her, let him be excommunicate. And if he so continue, let him be
degraded. "2 St. Augustine also, a man of discreet holiness, saith in these
words, " There is no offence so great or grievous, but it is to be allowed, in
order to avoid a greater evil."
Furthermore, we read in the second book of the Tripartite History, that
when the Council of Nice, going about to establish the same decree, would
enact that bishops, priests, and deacons, after their consecration, either should
abstain utterly from their own wives, or else should be deposed; then
Paphnutius (one of those holy martyrs of whom the Emperor Maxlmus had
put out the right eye, and hocked their left legs) rising up amongst them,
withstood their purposed decree, confessing marriage to be honourable, and
asserting the bed of matrimony to be chastity ; and so dissuaded the council
from making that law, declaring what occasion thereby might come to them-
selves and their wives of fornication. And thus much did Paphnutius (being
immarried himself) declare unto them. And the whole council, commending
his sentence, gave place thereto, and left the matter freely without compulsion
to the will of every man, to do therein as he thought right.
Notwithstanding, there bo some who take St. Gregory for their defence in
this matter, whose temerity I laugh at and ignorance I lament; for they know
not how that the dangerous decree of this heresy being made by St. Gregory,
(1) Isidore, De Divinis sive Ecclesiasticis Olliciis, lib. ii. cap. 2, " dt Regulis Clciicoruni." — Et/.
(2) Apost. Can. v.— Ed.
10 nilESTs' MARKIAGKS PKOVEO LAWFUL
Eccieriat- l>e afterwards well revoked the same, with condign fruit of repentance. For
licai upon a certain day, as he sent unto his fishpond to have fish, and did see more
""'°'^9- than six lliousand infants' iicads brouglit to him, which were taken out of tlie
Six same pond or moat, he did greatly repent in himself the decree made before
thousand toucliing tlie single lite of priests, which he confessed to be the cause of that
^ff^n',,"'^ so lamentable a nnirder.' And so purging the same (as I said) with condign
found in fruit of repentance, lie altered again the things which he had decreed before,
moa^"'" * commending tliat counsel of tlie apostle, which saith, " It is better to marry
than to burn" [1 Cor. vii. 9]; adding moreover of himself thereunto, and
saying, " It is better to marry than to give occasion of death."
Peradventure if these men had read witli me this which so liappencd, I think
they would not be so rash in their doing and judging, fearing at least the Lord's
commandment, " Do not judge, that you be not judged" [Matt. vii. 4.] And
St. Paul saith, " Who art thou that judgest another man's servant ? Either he
standeth or falleth to his own master ; but he shall stand ; for the Lord is
mighty and able to make him stand." Therefore let your holiness cease to
compel and enforce tliose whom only j-ou ought to admonisli, lest through your
(jwn private commandment (which God forbid) you be found contrary as well
to the Old Testament as to tlie New ; for, as St. Augustine saith to Donatus,
" Tliis only do we fear about you, lest, in your zeal for righteousness, you should
be for punishing transgressors more witli reference to the aggravation of their
offences than to the tender forbearance of Christ. This we do beseech you for
his sake not to do. For transgressions are so to be punished, that the trans-
gressors may haply be brought to repentance." Also another saying of St.
A saying Augustine we would have you to remember, which is this : — " Nil nocendi fiat
of St. Au- cupiditatc, omnia consulendi charitate, et nihil fiat immaniter, niliil inhu-
^"^ '" ■ maniter;" that is, " Let nothing be done through the greediness of hurting,
but all things through the charity of profiting ; neither let any thing be done
cruelly, nothing imgently." Item, of the same Augustine it is written, " In
the fear and name of Christ I exliort you, which of you soever have not the
goods of this world, be not greedy to have them ; such as have them, presume
not too much upon them. For I say, to have them is no damnation ; but if
you presume upon them, that is damnation, if for the having of them you shall
seem great in your own sight, or if you do forget the common condition of
man through the excellency of any thing you have. Use therefore therein due
discretion, tempered with moderation." The which cup of discretion is drawn
out of the fountain of the apostolic preaching, which said, ' Art thou loose from
thy wife ? do not seek for thy wife. Art thou bound to tliy wife? seek not to be
loosed from her.' [1 Cor. vii. 27.] Where also it followelh, ' Such as have
wives, let them be as though they had them not, and they that use the world,
rom.irry let them be as not using it.' Item, concerning the widow he saith, ' Let her
fii the maiTy to whom she will, only in the Lord.' [1 Cor. vii. 39.] To marry in
the Lord is nothing else, but to attempt nothing in contraction of matrimony,
which the Lord doth forbid. Jeremy also saith, ' Trust not in the words of
lies, saying. The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the
Lord.' [Jer. vii. 4.] The which saying of Jeremy, Hierome expoimdeth
thus, " This may agree also, and be applied, to such virgins as brag and vaunt
of their virginity, with an impudent face pretending chastity when they have
What a another thing in their conscience, and know not how the apostle defineth the
d'fi''"d' ^ '""S'"' '^^'''^ ^'^^' s^'oidd be lioly in body, and also in spirit. For what availeth
by the '''^ chastity of the body, if the mind inwardly be unchaste, or if it have not
apostle, the other virtues, which the prophetical sermon doth describe?"
The which virtues forsomuch as we see partly to be in you, and because
we are not ignorant that this discretion, although neglected in this part, yet in
the other actions of your life is kept honestly of you, we do not despair but you
will also soon amend the little lack which is behind; and therefore (though not
so severely as we might, so serious is the offence) we do blame and condemn
tiiis your negligence. For although, according to our common calling, a
bishop is greater than a priest, yet Augustine was less than Hierome, and a
(I) nisliop Hall, In his " Honour of the ilarried Clergy," book iii. seel. 2 & 3, vindicates the
Kenuineuess of this letter against the cavils of his popish adversary, and in reference to this par-
ticular passage, says, " As for the number of children, I can say no more for it than he can against
it. This history shall be more worth to us than his denial. ]!ut this I dare say, that 1 know
persons both of credit and honour, that saw betwixt fifty and three score cast up out of the little
mole of an abbey where I now live. Let who list cast up the proportion." See Appendix. —Ed.
BY BISHOP HULDEUICKK. II
good correction proceeding from the lesser to the greater is not to be refused EccUsias-
' ■" > ■ • - ff^^^i
llistvry.
or disdained, especially wlicn lie who is corrected is found to strive against the
trutli, to please men. For, as St. Augustine saith, writing to Boniface, " Tlic
disputations of men, be they never so catholic or approved persons, ought not
to be placed on a par with the canonical Scriptures, as though we may not dis-
approve or refuse (saving the reverence which is due unto them) any thing that
is in their writings, if any thing therein be found contrary to the truth, as dis-
covered through divine aid either by ourselves or others." And what can be
found more contrary to the truth than this, viz. that when the Truth him-
self, speaking of continency, not of one only, but of all (the number only
excepted of them which have professed continency), saith, " He that can
take, let him take ;" these men, moved I cannot tell by what cause, do turn
and say, " He that cannot take, let him be accursed?" And wliat can be
more foolish with men or displeasing to God, than when any bishop or arch-
deacon run themselves headlong into all kinds of lust, yet shame not to say, f
that the chaste marriage of priests is in ill savour with them; and do not, with
the compassion of real righteousness, entreat their clerks, as their fellow-
servants, to contain, but with the pride of mere pretended righteousness com-
mand them and enforce them violently, as servants, to abstain 1 Unto the which
imperious commandment of theirs, or counsel (whichever you will call it), they
add also this foolish and scandalous suggestion, saying, "that it is more honest The ab-
privily to have to do with many women, than apertly in the sight and con- ?"r<l say-
science of many men to be hound to one wife." The which truly they would contrary
not say, if they were either of Him, or in Him, who saith, " Woe to you doing of
Pharisees, which do all things before men." And so the Psalmist, " Because P^P'^ts.
they please men they are confotmded, for the Lord hath despised them."
[Ps. liii. 5.] These be the men who ought first to persuade us that we should
shame to sin privily in the sight of Him, to whom all things be open, and then
that we seem in the sight of men to be clean. These men therefore, althotigh
through their sinful wickedness they deserve no counsel of godliness to be given
them, yet we, not forgetting our humanity, cease not to give them counsel, by
the authority of God's word, which seeketh all men's salvation, desiring them
by the bowels of charity, and saying with the words of Scripture, " Cast out,
thou hypocrite, first the beam out of thine own eye, and then thou shalt see to
cast the mote out of the eye of thy brother."
Moreover, this also we desire them to attend to, what the Lord saith of
the adulterous woman, " \Miich of you that is without sin, let him cast the
first stone against her." As though he would say, " If Moses bid you, I also
bid you. But yet I require you that be the competent ministers and executors
of the law, take heed what you add thereunto; take heed also, I pray you,
what you are yourselves : for if, as the Scripture saith, thou shalt well consider
thyself, thou wilt never defame or detract from another."
Moreover, it is signified unto us also, that some there be of them, who, wlien
they ought like good shepherds to give their lives for the Lord's flock, yet are
they puiied up with such pride, that without all reason they presume to rend
and tear the Lord's flock with whippings and beatings ; whose unreasonable
doings St. Gregory bewailing, thus saith, " Quid fiat de ovibus quando pastores
lupi fiunt?" that is, " What shall become of the sheep when the pastors them-
selves be wolves?" But wl^o is overcome, but he who exerciseth cruelty? Or
who shall judge the persecutor, but He who gave patiently his back to stripes?
But it is worth while to learn the fruit which cometh to the church by such
persecutors, also which cometh to the clergy by such despiteful handling of
their bishops, more like infidels. (Nay — why may I not call them infidels, of
whom St. Paul thus speaketh and writeth to Timothy ; that " in the latter
days there shall certain depart from the faith, and give heed to spirits of error
and doctrine of devils ; that speak false thi-ough hypocrisy, having their con-
sciences marked with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to
abstain from meats." [1 Tim. iv. 1 — 3.]) This, then, if it be well niariicd,
is the bundle which will grow from tlieir darnel and cockle sown amongst the
corn ; this is all the event of their madness ; that while they of the clergy be
compelled through a Pharisaic frenzy (which God forbid) to relinquish the
company of their own lawful wives, they must become vile ministers of forni-
cation and adidtery and other sinful filthiness, through the fault of those
which brought into tlie cluirch of God this heresy, as blind guides leading the
blind ; that it might bo fulfilled wliicli the Psahnist speaketh of such leaders in
12 THK DANKS AGAIN INVADF. EXGLAND.
Eihfiiroif. error, accursinn; them after this manner, "Let their eyes be blinded, thatthey see
—- not, and bow down always their back. " [Ps. Ixix. 23.]
-P' Forsomiich then, () apostolical sir! as no man who knoweth you, is igno-
^^— rant, that if you tliroiigh the light of your wonted discretion had understood
and seen wliat j)oisoned pestilence must come into the church through the
sentence of this your decree, you would never have consented to the suggestions
of certain wicked persons ; therefore, we counsel you, by the fidelity of our
due subjection, that with all diligence you put away so great slander from the
church of (Jod, and through your discreet discipline remove this Pharisaical
doctrine from the flock of (Jod : so that this only Shunamite of the Lord's
(using no more adulterous husbands) do not separate the holy people and the
kingly priesthood from her spouse which is Christ, through an irrecoverable
divorcement: seeing that no man without chastity (not only in the virgin's
state, but also in the state of matrimony) shall see our Lord, who, with the
Father and the Holy Ghost, livcth and reigneth forever. Amen.'
By this epistle of Bisliop Iluldcricke above prefixed the matter is
plain, gentle reader, to conceive what was then the sentence of learned
men coricerning the marriage of ministers : but here, by the way, the
reader is to be admonished, tliat this epistle, which by error of the
Avriter is referred to Pope Nicholas I., in my mind is rather to be
attributed to the name and time of Nicholas II. or III,
After this Pope Nicholas succeeded Adrian II., John VIII., and
Martinus II. After these came Adrian III. and Stephen V. By
this Adrian it was first decreed, That no emperor after that time should
intermeddle or have any thing to do in the election of the pope ; and
thus l)egan the emperors first to decay, and the papacy to swell and
rise aloft. ^ Thus much concerning Romish matters for this time.
Then to return where we left, touching the story of King Ethel-
wolf. About the beginning of his reign,^ the Danes, who before had
invaded the realm in the time of King Egbert, as is above declared,
A.D. 838. now made their re-entry again, with three and thirty ships arriving
about Hampshire ; through the barbarous tyranny of wliom much
bloodshed and murder happened here among Englishmen, in Dorset-
shire, about Portsmouth, in Kent, in East Anglia, in Lindsey, at
Rochester, about London, and in Wessex, where Ethclwolf, the
king, was overcome, besides divers other kings and dukes, Avhom the
Danes, daily approaching in great multitudes, in divers victories had
put to flight. At length King Ethelwolf, with his son Ethelbald,
AD. 852. warring against them in Southcry, at Ocley, drave them to the sea;
where they hovering a space, after a while burst in again with horrible
rage and cruelty, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared, so
much as to our purpose shall serve, professing in this history to write
of no matters extern and politic, but only pertaining to the church.
The cause of this great affliction sent of God unto this realm, thus I
found expressed and collected in a certain old written story, which
hath no name : the words of which writer, for the same cause as he
thought to recite them, (writing, as he saith, "ad cautelam futurorum,'')
I thought also for the same here not to be omitted, albeit in all parts
of his commendation I do not fully with him accord. The words of
the writer be these : * —
(1) Invcnitur ha;c epistnia in vetustis membranaceis libris (testante lUyrico in catalogo.)
MenilMit ejusdeni epistola: yEneas Sylvius, in sua percgrinaiione, et Gernianine tlescriptioiic.
('.') Martinus Polonus. — Kd.
(3) Foxe, misled by Fabian, gays, "the latter end:" see Appendix.— En.
(4) " In Anfflorum quideni Erelesia primitiva, religio clarissinie resplenduit : ita ut Regfs et
llcRina?, ct Principcs ac Duces, Consules. et Harones," etc.— E.\ vetusto exeniplo historlEC Cariaiiac.
W. C. 1. [The passak'C is found in M. Westni., and with very little variation in Hovedin, Script,
oost Bed. p. 412, and Uronipton : see infra, p. 108, note (1). — Ed.]
CAUSES OF god's WRATH AGAINST ENGLAND. 13
" In the primitive church of the Englishmen religion did most clearly shine, r.ihelwoif.
insomuch that kings, queens, princes and dukes, consuls, harons, and rulers of
churches, incensed with the desire of the kingdom of heaven, labouring and A.D.
striving among themselves to enter into monkery, into voluntary exile, and ^'>2.
solitary life, forsook all, and followed the Lord. But, in process of time, all xhe
virtue so much decayed among them, that in fraud and treachery none seemed causes of
like unto them : neither was to them any thing odious or hateful, but piety ^^."gj'j
and justice ; neither any thing in price or honour, hut civil war and shedding whereby
of innocent blood. Wherefore, Almighty God sent upon them pagan and cruel 'he realm
nations, like swarms of bees, which neither spared women nor children, as land was
Danes, Norwegians, Goths, Swedes, Vandals, and Frisians : who, from the scourged
beginning of the reign of King Ethelwolf till the coming of the Normans, ^^^J/^^
by the space of nearly two hundred and thirty years, destroyed this sinful
land from the one side-of-the-sea to the other, from man also to beast. For
why? they, invading England ofttimes of every side, went not about to subdue
and possess it, but only to spoil and destroy it. And if it had chanced them
at any time to be overcome of the English, it availed nothing, since other navies
with still greater power in other places were ready upon a sudden and unawares
to approach them."
Tlius far have you the words of mine author, declaring the cause
which provoked God''s anger: whereunto may be adjoined the
wickedness, not only of them but of their forefathers also before them,
who, falsely breaking the faith and promise made with the Britons,
did cruelly murder their nobles, wickedly oppressed their commons,
impiously persecuted the innocent Christians, injuriously possessed
their land and habitation, chasing the inhabitants out of house and
country ; besides the violent murder of the monks of Bangor, and
divers foul slaughters among the poor Britons, who sent for them to
be their helpers.^ Wherefore God's just recompence falling upon
them from that time, never suffered them to be quiet from foreign
enemies, till the coming of William the Norman.
Moreover, concerning the outward occasions given of the English- The first
men's parts, moving the Danes first to invade the realm, 1 find of the"^
in certain stories two most specially assigned ; the one unjustly ^'*"^^-
given, and justly taken, the other not given justly, and unjustly
taken. ^ Of the which two, the first was given in Northumber-
land, by the means of Osbright, reigning under-king of the West
Saxons, in the north parts. This Osbright upon a time journeying by
the way, turned into the house of one of his nobles, called Bruer, who,
having at home a wife of great beauty (he being absent abroad), the
king after his dinner, allured with the excellency of her beauty, did
sorely ill treat her : whereupon, she being greatly dismayed and vexed f
in her mind, made her moan to her husband returning, of this
violence and injury received. Bruer consulting with his friends, first
went to the king, resigning into his hands all such service and pos-
sessions which he did hold of him : that done, he took shipping and
sailed into Denmark, where he had great friends, and had his bringing
up before. There, making his moan to Codrinus the king, he desired codnnus
his aid in revenging the great villany of Osbright against him and and'in^'
his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and glad to have some just quarrel ^"ubbT*^
to enter their land, levied an army with all speed, and preparing all captain's
things necessary for the same, sendeth forth Inguar and Hubba, oane^s.
two brethren, his chief captains, with an innumerable multitude of
Danes, into England ; who first arriving at Holderness, there burnt
(1) See vol. i. pp. 313, 338.— Ed. (2) Ex Historia Jornalensi.
u
INVASION' Ol Tin: DANKS.
fause of
the com
iiig of
tlie
Murder
will out
Eihfitruif. u^) tlic countrv, aiitl kilk-il wiiliout mercy both men, women, and
^ D cliililii 11, whom they couUl lay hands ujion ; then marclunc: towards
8r)2. York, entered their battle with the aforesaid Osbri<iht, wlicrc he
^jj gg, with the most part of his anny was slain ; and so the Danes entered
Another posscssion of the city of York. Some others say, and it is by the
most part of story writers recorded, that the chief cause of the coming
of Inguar and Hubba with the Danes, was, to be revenged of King
Kdmiind, reigning under the West Saxons over the East Angles in
Norfolk and Sulf()lk, for the murdering of a certain Dane, father to
Inguar and llubba, which was falsely imputed to King Edmund.
The story is thus told.'
" A certain nobleman of the Danes, of the king's stock, called
Lothbroke, fatlier to Inguar and Hubba, entering upon a time with
his hawk into a certain skiff or cock-boat alone, by chance, through
tempest, was driven with his hawk to the coast of Norfolk, named
Kudham, where he, being found and detained, was presented to the
king. The king understanding his parentage, and seeing his case,
entertained him in his court accordingly ; and every day more
and more perceiving his activity and great dexterity in hunting
and hawking, bare special favour unto him, insomuch that the king''s
falconer, or master of game, bearing privy envy against him, secretly,
as they Avere hunting together in a wood, did murder him, and threw
him into a bush. This Lothbroke, being murdered, within two or
three davs began to be missed in the king's liousc ; of whom no
tidings could be heard, but only by a dog or spaniel of his, which con-
tinuing in the wood with the corpse of his master, at sundry times
came and fawned upon the king, so long that at length they, folloAving
the trace of the hound, were brought to the place where Lothbroke
lay. Whereupon inquisition being made, at length, by certain cir-
cumstances of words and other evidences, it was known how and by
whom he Avas murdered, that was by the king's liuntsman, named
Bcrike ; avIio thereupon being convicted, was put into the same boat
of Lothbroke, alone, and without any tackling, to drive by seas, and
thus either to be saved by the weather, or to be drowned in the deep.
And as it chanced Lothbroke from Denmark to be driven to Norfolk,
so it happened that from Norfolk Berike was cast into Denmark,
where the boat of Lothbroke being well known, hands were laid upon
him, and inquisition made of the party. In fine, in his toniients, to
save himself, he uttered an untruth of King Edmund, saying,
' That the king had ])ut Lothbroke to death in the county of Norfolk.'
AVHiereupon grudge first was conceived, then an army appointed, and
great multitudes sent into England to revenge that fiict, Avhere first
they arriving in Northumberland, destroyed, as is said, those parts
first. From thence sailing into Norfolk, they exercised the like
tyranny there upon the inhabitants thereof, especially upon the inno-
cent prince and blessed martyr of God, King Edmuncl." Concerning
the further declaration whereof hereafter shall follow (Christ our
Lord so permitting) more to be spoken, as place and observation of
time and years shall rc(juire.
This Ethelwolf had especially about him two bishops, whose counsel
he was most ruled by, Swithin, bishop of Winchester, and Adclstan,
(1) Sec vol. i. p. 32:., note (3).— Ed.
BLIND IGNORANCE. 15
bishop of Sherborne. Of the which two, the one Avas more skilful in Ei/ieiwoi/.
temporal and civil affairs touching the king's wars, and filling of his ^ jj
coffers, and other furniture for the king. The other, which was 855.
Swithin, was of a contrary sort, wholly disposed and inclined to spiri- swithin
tual meditation, and to minister spiritual counsel to the king ; who 'wincfie"*^
had been schoolmaster to the king before. Wherein appeared one t^r.
good condition of this king''s nature, among his other virtues, not only
in following the precepts and advertisements of his old schoolmaster,
but also in that he, like a kind and thankful pupil, did so reverence
his bringer-up and old schoolmaster (as he called him), that he
ceased not, till he made him bishop of Winchester, by the consecra-
tion of Celnoch, then archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning Monkish
the miracles which arc read in the church of Winchester, of this "J-^^nerof
Swithin, them I leave to be read together with the Iliads of Homer, switinn.
or the tales of Robin Hood.
This Ethelwolf (as being himself once nuzled in that order) was
always good and devout to holy church and religious orders, inso-
much that he gave to them the tithe of all his goods and lands
in West Saxony, with liberty and freedom from all servage and civil
charges ; whereof his chart instrument beareth testimony after this
tenor proceeding,' much like to the donation of Ethelbald, king of
Mercians above mentioned.
Regnante in perpetuum Domino iiostro Jesu Christo, in nostris temporibus
per bellorum incendia, et direptiones opum nostrarum, necnon et vastantium
ciudelissimas depriedationes hostinm barbarorum, paganarunique gentium
multiplices tribulationes affligentium nos pro peccatis nostris usque ad inter-
necionem, tempora cernimus incumbere periculosa. Quamobrem, ego Ethel-
wulfus Rex occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum et principum
meorum, consilium salubre atque imiforme remedium affirmavi : ut aliquam
portionem terrse mese, Deo et beatae Marise et omnibus Sanctis jure perpetuo
possidendam concedam, decimam scilicet partem terras meas, ut sit tuta muneri-
bus et libera ab omnibus servitiis secularibus, necnon regalibus tributis majori-
bus et minoribus, sive taxationibus, quas nos Witteredden appellamus : sitque
omnium rerum libera, pro remissione animarum et peccatorum meorum, ad
serviendum soli Deo, sine expeditione, et pontis constructione, et arcis muni-
tione, ut eo diligentius pro nobis preces ad Deum sine cessatione fundant, quo
eorum servitutem in aliquo levigamus. Placuit autem episcopis ecclesite Scire-
burnensis Alstano, et Winton Switlieno, cum suis abbatibus et Dei servis, viris
scilicet et foeminis religiosis quibus supradicta collata sunt beneficia, consilia
inire, ut omnes fratres et sorores omni hebdomada, die Mercurii, hoc est Wed-
nesday, in vmaquaque ecclesia cantent psalmos 50 et unusquisque presbyter
duas missas, unam pro rege, et aliam pro ducibus ejus in hunc modum con-
sentientibus, pro salute et refrigerio delictorum suorum. Postquam autem
defuncti fuerimus, pro rege defuncto singulariter, et pro ducibus communiter.
Et hoc sit firmiter constitutum omnibus diebus Christianitatis, sicut libertas
constituta est, quamdiu fides crescit in gente Anglorum. Scripta est autem
hcec donationis charta, anno gratiae 8.55 indictione quarta quinto nonas No-
vemb. in urbe Wentana ante majus altare beati Petri apostoli.
Hereby it may appear, how and when the churches of England
began first to be endowed with temporalities and lands, also with ignorance
privileges and exemptions enlarged : moreover (and that which spe- days."^^
daily is to be considered and lamented), what pernicious doctrine
this was, wherewith they were led thus to set remission of their sins
and remedy of their souls, in this donation and such other deeds of
(1) Ex Flor. Hist. [Lond. 15/0, p. 307 ; Francof. 1601, p. 158. The Latin in the text is accord-
ing to the printed copies, from which Foxe a little varies. — Ed.] ,
16 STORY OF LOUIS THE PIOLS, KI\G OF FRAXCK.
Eiheiwoif. then devotion, contrary to tlic information of God's word, and with
„ no small derogation from the Cross of Christ.
g56 ■ These things thus done within the realm, the said Ethclwolf, the
— king, taking his journey to Home with Alfred, his youngest son,
' committed him to the bringing up of Pope Leo IV., where he also
re-edified the English school at Rome; which, being founded by
King OtTa, or rather by Ine, king of Mercians, as in the * Flowers
of Histories"' is afiirmed, was lately, in the time of King Egbert his
Peter father, consumed with fire. Further and besides, this king gave and
{"hZuRh granted there unto Rome, of every fire-house a penny to be paid
the realm tliroufli liis wliolc land, as Kin" Ine in his dominion had done before.
to Rome. Also, lic gavc and granted, yearly to be paid to Rome, 300 marks ,
btswwed t'l^t is, to the maintaining of the lights of St. Peter, ]00 marks ;
to burn to the lights of St. Paul, 100 marks ; to the use of the Pope also
"' '^ ' another hundred.* This done, he returning home through France,
Oct. 1st, married there Judith, the daughter of Charles the Bald, the French
■ king ; whom he restored afterward (contrary to the laws of West
Saxons) to the title and throne of a queen. For before, it was decreed
among the AVest Saxons, by the occasion of wicked Ethelburga, who
poisoned Brightric, her own husband, that after that, no king"'s wife
there should have the name or place of a queen.
And forsomuch as I have here entered into the mention of
Judith, daughter of Charles the Bald, the occasion thereof putteth
me in memory here to insert by the way a matter done, although not
in this realm, yet not impertinent to this ecclesiastical history. And
first, to deduce the nan-ation thereof from the first original. The
father of this Charles the Bald, whose name M-as Louis, the first of
that name, called " the Pious," king of France, had two wives; whereof
by the first he had three sons, Lothairc, Pepin, and Louis : Avhich
three sons unnaturally and unkindly conspiring against their father
The and his second wife, with her son, their youngest brother, persecuted
^'^e* him so that through a certain council of lords spiritual and temporal,
and"do-* tlicy dcposcd the same their natural and right godly father, dispos-
ingsofthe scssing and discharging him (if all rule and dominion. ^loreover,
ford's."^ they caused him to renounce his temporal habit, enclosing him in the
monastery of St. Mark, for a monk, or rather a prisoner. All which
done, they divided his empire and kingdom among themselves.
Thus was Louis the Pious of impious sons left desolate. But
the power of God which worketh, when all earthly power ceaseth,
of his divine mercy so aided and recovered him out of all his tribu-
lation to this imperial dignity again, that it was to all his enemies
confusion, and to all good men a miracle. But this by the way.
By his second wife, whose name was Judith,^ he had this Charles the
Bald, here mentioned. Which Judith was thought, and so accused
to the pope, to be within such degree of alliance, that by the pope's
law she might not continue his wife without the pope's dispensation.
Frederic It so fell out in tlic mcau time, that this Louis, the emperor,
Utrecht. Iiad promoted a young man named Frederic, to be bishop of Utrecht,
and to him had given sad and good exhortation, that he remembering
(1) See the Latin conveyance, infri, p 652.— Ed.
(2) There were two Judiths, one the mother of Charles the Bald, the other his daughter, whom
King Ethelwolf married.
I
STORY OF LOUIS THE PIOUS, KING OF FKAXCE. 17
and following the constancy of his predecessors, would maintain riglit^'/'Wiro//.
and truth without all exception of any person, and punish misdoers ~X~1)~
with excommunication, as well the rich as the poor ; with such like 85G.
Avords of godly counsel. Frederic, hearing the king thus say, sitting
at dinner with him as the manner was, being newly invested, in these
words answered the emperor again : " I thank your majesty," saith
he, " who with your so wholesome exhortation put me in mind of my
profession. But I beseech you, of your benign favour and patience,
that I may freely disclose that which hath long encumbered and
pierced my conscience." To whom leave being given, thus he began :
" I pray you, lord emperor, to show me herein your mind" (point- openiy
ing to the fish before him), " whether it is more according to pro- nt'ueth
priety to attack this fish here present, beginning first at the head or "'^^"1116'
at the tail?"^ " What a tale is this?" quoth the emperor, " of the taWe.
tail and of the head ?" " At the head," quoth he. Then Frederic,
taking thereof his occasion, proceedeth : " Even so let it be, lord
emperor," saith he, " as you have said. Let christian faith and charity
first begin with yourself, as with the head, admonishing you to cease
from your fact and error, that your subjects by that example be not
emboldened to follow your misdoing. Wherefore first forsake you
your unlawful wedlock, which you have made with Judith your near
kinswoman." These words of the new bishop, although they moved
Louis the emperor not a little, yet he with a gentle modesty
and modest silence was contented, suffering the bishop to go home
in peace. But the word being uttered in such an audience could not
be so concealed, but spread and burst out in much talk in the whole
court, and especially among the bishops, consulting earnestly with
themselves about the matter. Through whose counsel and labour so
at length it fell, that the emperor was constrained to leave the com-
pany of his wife, till he had purchased a license of the bishop of Rome
to retain her again, who then forgave the said bishop all that was past.
But the woman hired two knights that slew him in his vestments,
when he had ended his mass. Ranulphus and Malmsbury^ give forth judsjedof
this story in his great commendation, that he died a martyr ; whereof m^Jfj^.
I have not to judge, nor here to pronounce, but that rather I think
him to be commended in his dying, than the woman for her killing.
And forsomuch as mention hath been made of Louis the Pious,
here is to be noted, that in France then were used by priests and
churchmen precious and shining vestures, and golden and rich staring
girdles, with rings and other ornaments of gold. Wherefore the
said Louis purchased of the bishop of Rome a correction for all such
as used such disordinate apparel, causing them to wear brown and sad
colours, according to their sadness.^
Of this Louis the papists do feign, that because he converted
certain of their church-goods and patrimony to the wages of his sol-
diers, " his body," say they, " was carried out of his tomb by devils,
and was no more seen."
And thus a little having digressed out of our course, now let us
return out of France into England again. King Ethelwolf, coming
(1) " Utrum piscem hunc mensse appositum honestius est X capite an 4 cauda aggredi?"
Malmsb. — Ed.
(2) Gul. lit), de Pontif. (3) Fabian.
VOL. II. C
IS YORK BURNED BY THE DANES.
Kiheiwoif. now from Rome by the country of France, was now returned again
^ ,) into his own doniinion, where lie continued not long after, but
857, departed, leaving be'..ind him four sons, who reigned every one in his
^——- order, after the decease of their father ; the names of whom were
Ktheiwoif Ethelbald, Ethelbright, Ethclrcd, and Alfred or Aiured.
eth.
ETHELBALD, ETIIELBRIGllT, AND ETHELRED L
A.D. KiXG Ethelbald, the eldest son of Ethelwolf, succeeding his father
8J7. in the province of West Sax, and Ethclbright in the province of
Kent, reigned both together the term of five years, one with the
other. Of the which two, Ethelbald, the first, left this infamy be-
hind him in stories, for marrying and lying with his stepmother, wife
A.D. 866. to his own father, named Judith. After these two succeeded Ethel-
Etheired. red, the third son, who in his time, was so encumbered with the Danes
York bursting in on every side, especially about York, which city they
byore** then spoiled and burnt up, that he in one year stood in nine battles
Danes, against them, with the help of Alfred his brother. In the beginning
of this king's reign, the Danes landed in East England, or Norfolk
and Suffolk, But, as Fabian writeth, they were compelled to forsake
that country, and so took again shipping, and sailed northward, and
landed in Northumberland, where they were met by the kings then
there reigning, called Osbriglit and Ella, who gave them a strong
fight ; but, notwithstanding, the Danes, with the help of such as
inhabited the country, won the city of York, and held it a certain
season, as is above foretouched.
In the reign of this Ethelrcd I., the Northumberlanders rebelling
against the king, thought to recover the former state of their kingdom
out of the AVest Saxons' hands ; by reason of which discord, as hap-
peneth in all lands where dissension is, the strength of the English
nation was thereby not a little weakened, and the Danes the more
thereby prevailed.
A D. 870. About the latter time of the reign of this King Ethelred L, which
was about a.d. 870, certain of the aforesaid Danes being thus pos-
sessed of the north country, after their cruel persecution and murder
done there, as partly is touched before, took shipping from thence,
intending to sail toward the East Angles, who by the way upon the
sea met with a fleet of Danes, whereof the captains or leaders were
named Inguar and Hubba ; who, joining all tOj,ethcr in one couYicil,
made all one course, and lastly landed in East England, or Norfolk,
St. F.d- and in process of time came to Thetford. Thereof hearing, Edmund,
king'o'f then under-king of that province, assembled a host that gave to them
Angles ^J'lttle ; but Edmund and his company were forced to forsake the field,
and the king, with a few persons, fled unto the castle of Framling-
ham, whom the Danes pursued; but he in short while after yielded
himself to the persecution of the Danes, answering in this manner to
the messenger, who addressed him in the name of Inguar, prince of
the Danes, " who most victoriously," saitli he, " was come with innu-
merable legions, subduing both by sea and land many nations unto
him ; and so now arrived in those parts requireth him likewise to
submit himself, yielding to him his hid treasures, and all other goods
INGUAR AND HUBBA SLAIN. 19
of liis ancestors, and so to reign under liini : -whicli thing if he would Eiheired.
not do, he should," said lie, ''be judged unworthy both of life and a.D.
reign.'" Edmund, hearing of this proud message of the pagan, con- 870.
suited with certain of his friends, ar 1 among others, with one of his
bishops, who was then his secretary ; who, seeing the present danger
of the king, gave him counsel to yield to the conditions. Upon
this the king pausing a little with himself, at length rendered this
answer, bidding the messenger go tell his lord in these words, " that
Edmund, a christian king, for the love of temporal life, will not
submit himself to a pagan duke, unless he first would be a
Christian." Immediately upon the same, the wicked and crafty
Dane, approaching in most hasty speed upon the king, encountered
with him in battle, as some say, at Thetford ; Avhere the king being
put to the worse, and pitying the terrible slaughter of his men, think-
ing with himself rather to submit his own person to danger, than
that his people should be slain, did fly, as Fabian saith, to the castle The per-
of Framlingham, or, as mine author writeth, to Halesdon, now and"n°a"r-
called St. Edmundsbury, where this blessed man, being on every I^^j'^'^j?™"'^
side compassed by his cruel enemies, yielded himself to their per- mund,
secution. And, for that he would not renounce or deny Christ tile^^East
and his laws, they therefore most cruelly bound him unto a tree, and ^''[h^'
caused him to be shot to death ; and, lastly, caused his head to be nanes.
smitten from his body and cast into the thick bushes; which head
and body at the same time by his friends were taken up, and solemnly
buried at the said Halesdon, otherwise now named St. Edmunds-
bury : whose brother, named Edwold, notwithstanding of right the
kingdom fell next unto him, setting apart the liking and pleasure of
the world, became a hermit, of the abbey of Cerne, in the county
of Dorset.
After the mart}Tdom of this blessed Edmund, when the cruel
Danes had sufficiently robbed and spoiled that country, they took
again their ships, and landed in South ery, and continued their journey
till they came to the town of Reading, and there won the town with Readin?
the castle, where, as Cambrensis saith, within three days of their J^^^" ^^
coming thither, the aforesaid Inguar and Hubba, captains of the Danes,
Danes, as they went in pursuit of their prey or booty, were slain at guar and
a place called Englefield. These princes of the Danes thus slain, ^^in'!^
the rest of them kept whole together, in such wise that the West
Saxons might take of them no advantage, but yet, within a few
days after, the Danes were holden so short, that they were forced to
issue out of the castle and to defend themselves in open battle ; in
the which, by the industry of King Ethelred and of Alfred his
brother, the Danes were discomfited, and many of them slain, which
discomfort made them fly again into the castle, and there keep them
for a certain time. The king then committing the charge of them to
Ethelwold, duke of Baroke, or Berkshire, departed. But when the
Danes knew of the king's departure, they brake suddenly out of puice
their hold, took the duke unprovided, and slew him and much ^J^^^''
of his people ; and so, joining themselves with others that were siain.
scattered in the country, embattled them in such wise, th^^t of them
was gathered a strong host.
As the tidings hereof were brought to King Ethelred, which put
c2
QO DEATH OF ETHELRED,
lUMrni. liim in £n"cat heaviness, word also was brought the same time of
j^D the hin(lin«j: nf Osrick, king of Denmark, wlio, witli the assistance
872. of the other Danes, hail gathered a gi'eat liost, and were embattled
o^rick. "Pf>n Ashdon. To this battle King Ethelred, with his brother
kini? of Alfred, forced by great need, hastened, to withstand the Danes, at
lanTi" n wliicli timc the icing a little staying behind, being yet at his service,
England, j^if-^^.^]^ .^^-jj^, y^,cj^ (.omc in bcforc, had entered already into the whole
fight with the Danes, who struck together with huge violence.* Tho
king being required to make speed, and being then at service and
med.itJitions, such was his devotion, that he would not stir out one
foot before the service was fully complete. In the meanwhile,
the Danes so fiercely invaded Alfred and his men, that they won
invoca- the hill, and the christian men were in the valley, and in great danger
pmycr"'* to lose thc field. Nevertheless, through the grace of God, and their
mli'me'^ godly mauliood, the king coming from his service, with liis fresli
of battle, soldiers, recovered the hill of the infidels, and so discomfited the
T''e Danes that day, that in flying away not only they lost the victory, but
over- most part of them their lives also, insomuch that their duke or king,
A3Mo"n."' Osrick or Osege, and five of their other dukes, with much of their
people were slain, and thc rest chased imlo Reading town.
After this the Danes yet re-assembled their people, and gtithered
a new host, so that within fifteen days they met at Basingstoke, and
there gave battle to the king, and had the better. Then the king
again gathered his men, which at that field were dispersed, and
with fresh soldiers accompanying them, met the Danes, within two
Another months after, at the town of Merton, where he gave them a sharp
iMerton. battle, SO that much people were slain as well of the Christians as
of the Danes ; but, in the end, the Danes had the honour of the
field, and King Ethelred was wounded, and therefore fain to save
himself.
After these two fields thus won by the Danes, they obtained great
circuit of ground, and destroyed man and child that would not yield
to them ; and churches and temples they turned to the use of stables,
and other vile occupations.
Thus the king, being beset with enemies on every side, seeing tlie
land so miserably oppressed of the Danes, his knights and soldiers
consumed, his own land of West Saxons in such desolation, he being
also wounded himself, but specially for that he, sending his commis-
sions into Northumberland, Mercia, and East Anglia, could have of
them but small or little comfort, because they, through wicked
rebellion, were more willing to take the part of the Danes than of
their king, was sore perplexed therewithal, as the other kings were
both before him and after him at that time, so that (as Malm esbury
witnesseth) " magis optarent honestum exitium, quam tam acerbum
imperium : ' that is, " they rather wished honestly to die, than with
Death of such troublc and sorrow to reign." And thus this king not long after
Kthelred. i , , i i i • °i x-i i • • i • i
(icccased, when he had reigned, as J^ abian saith, eight years, or, as
Malmesbury ^vriteth, but five years, during which time, notwith-
standing his so great troubles and vexations in martial affairs (as is
in some stories mentioned), he founded the house or college of canons
(I) Ex Gulitl. iM:.lniesburiensi. Ex Historia Jornalensi. Ex pabiano et aliis.
ALFRED CROWNED AT ROME. 2 1
at Exeter, and was buried at the abbey of Wimborne, in Dorset- Alfred.
shire, after whose decease, for lack of issue of his body, the rule of "XU"
the land fell unto his brother Alfred. 872.'
ALFRED,! OTHERWISE CALLED ALURED.
Among the Saxon kings hitherto in this history mentioned, I find
few or none to be preferred, or even to be compared, to this
Alfred, or Alured, for the great and singular qualities in this king,
worthy of high renown and commendation — whether we behold in
him the valiant acts and manifold travails which he continually, from
time to time, sustained against his enemies in war, during almost all
the time of his reign, for the public preservation of his people ; or
whether we consider in him his godly and excellent virtues, joined
with a public and tender care, and a zealous study for the common
peace and tranquillity of the weal public, appearing as well in his
prudent laws by him both carefully set forth, and with the like care
executed, as also by his o'^vn private exercises touching the virtuous
institution of his life; or, lastly, whether we respect that in him,
which with equal praise matcheth with both the others before, that
is, his notable knowledge of good letters, with a fervent love and Kinp
prmcely desire to set forth the same through all his realm, before his f^^^^^^
time being both rude and barbarous. All these heroical properties, P'ety, and
joined together in one prince, as it is a thing most rare, and seldom ''''"""^'
seen in princes now a-days, so I thought the same the more to be
noted and exemplified in this good king, thereby either to move
other rulers and princes in these our days to his imitation, or else,
to show them Avhat hath been in times past in their ancestors, which
ought to be, and yet is not found in them. Wherefore, of these
three parts to discourse either part in order, first we will begin to
treat of his acts and painful travails sustained in defence of the realm
public, against the raging tyranny of the Danes, as they are described
in the Latin histories of Roger Hoveden and Huntington, Avhom
Fabian also seemeth in this part somewhat to follow. King Alfred,
therefore, the first of all the English kings, taking his crown and
unction at Rome of Pope Leo ^ (as Malmesbury and Polychro-
nicon do record), in the beginning of his reign, perceiving his lords
and people much wasted and decayed by reason of the great wars which
Ethelred had against the Danes, yet, as well as he could, gathered a
strength of men unto him ; and, in the second month that he was
made king, he met with the Danes beside Wilton, where he gave
them battle ; but being ftir over-matched through the multitude of
the contrary part, he w\as put there to the worse, though not without
a gi-eat slaughter of the pagan army, which army of the Danes,
(1) Edition 1563, p. 11. Ed. 1583, p. HI. Ed. 159C, p. 127. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 157.— Ed.
(2) Pope John VIII., the hundred and sixth bishop of Rome, was chosen a.d. 872, the year that
Alfred obtained the government of his realm. The Leo to whom our author refers, was Leo IV.
to whom Alfred was sent at the age of four years, to be educated, [a.d. 85-1.] Asserius, wlio wrote
Alfred's life, informs us that Leo confimied him, adopted him for his son, and anointed him king
'" took his crown and unction at Rome." as Foxe observes), but of what kingdom neither that
writer, nor any other has informed us. , The kingdom of West Saxons was then held by his father,
who had three sons older than Alfred.— Ed.
22 INCKKASK OK THE DANES.
A'frr<i. after that victory, by conipiict made vith King Alfred to depart out
^1) of liis dominion of West Sax, removed from Reading to London,
878. where it abode all that winter. Haldcn their king, making truce
B^h^ there with Burthred, king of Mercia, the following year left those
expeiiij parts, and drew his men to Lindsey, robbing and spoiling the towns
doMi.'dfJs and villages a.s they went, and holding the common people under
at Rome, servitude. From thence they proceeded to Rcpingdon, where,
joining with the three other kings of the Danes, called Surdrim,
Osketell, and Ilamond, they grew thereby to mighty force and
strength : then, dividing their army into two parts, the one half
remained with Halden in the country of Northumberland ; the
residue were with the other three kings, wintering and sojourning
all the next year at Grantbridge, which was the fourth year of King
A.D. f7s. Alfred. In that year King Alfred's men had a conflict on the sea
with six of the Danes' ships, of Avhich they took one, the others fled
Roiio, away. In the next year went Hollo, the Dane, into Normandy,
rir^rSuke ^^here he was duke thirty years, and afterward was baptized in the
of Nor- faitli of Christ, and named Robert. The aforesaid army of the three
Danish kings above-mentioned, from Grantbridge returned again to
West Saxony, and entered the Castle of AVareham, where King
Alfred, with a sufficient power of men, was ready to assault them ;
but the Danes seeing his strength durst not encounter with him, but
sought delays till more aid might come. In the mean season they
were constrained to entreat for a truce, leaving also sufficient pledges
in the king's hand ; promising, moreover, upon their oath, to leave
the country of the West Saxons. The king, upon this surety, let
them go ; but they, falsely breaking their league, privily in the night
brake out, taking their journey toward Exeter, during which journey
they lost six score of their small ships by a tempest at Swanawic, as
Henry Huntingdc n in his story recordeth. Then King Alfred
followed after the horsemen of the Danes, but could not overtake
them before they came to Exeter, where he took of them pledges
and fair promises of peace, and so returned. Notwithstanding, the
number of the pagans did daily more and more increase, insomuch
(as one of my authors saith) that if in one day thirty thousand of
them were slain, shortly after they increased to double as many.
A.D. 877. After this tmce taken with King Alfred, the Danes withdrcAv to the
land of Mercia, part of which kingdom they kept themselves, and part
they committed to one Ceolulphus, upon condition that he should
be vassal to them, and at their commandment, with his people at
all times.
A D. 87S. The next year ensuing, which was the seventh year of the reign
of Alfred, the Danes now having all the rule of the north part
of England, from the river Thames, with Mercia, London, and
Essex, disdained that Alfred should have any dominion on the other
side of Thames southward. Whereupon the aforesaid three kings,
with all the forces and strength they oould gather, marched toward
Chippenham, in West Sax, with such a multitude, that the king with
his peo])]e was not able to resist them ; insomuch that of the people
which inhabited there, some fled over the sea, some remained with
the kin^, and divers submitted themselves to the Danes. Thus
King Alfred being overset with a multitude of enemies, and forsaken
ALFRED ENTEKS THE DANISH CAMP. 23
of his people, having neither land to hold, nor hope to recover that ytifred.
which he had lost, -withdrew himself with a few of his nobles about a.D.
him, into a certain wood country in Somersetshire, called Etheling, 878.
where he had right scant to live upon, but such as he and his people Alfred
miirht procure by huntinij and fishing. This Edelinc^, or Ethelintr, '''^■"' ',"'°
CI t* '^ ^ O' O'dW 00(1.
or Ethelingsey, which is to say, the Isle of Nobles, standeth in a
great marsh or moor, so that there is no access to it without
ship or boat, and hath in it a great wood called Selwood, and in
the middle a little plain, about two acres of ground : in this isle is
venison, and other wild beasts, with fowl and fish in great plenty.
In this wood King Alfred, at his first coming, espied a certain desert
cottage of a poor swineherd, keeping swine in the wood, named
Dun wolf; by whom the king, then unknown, was entertained and a swine-
cherished with such poor fare as he and his wife could make him, for ni"ie
which King Alfred afterwards set the poor swineherd to learning, ^v'^lJ'^'^g"-
and made him bishop of Winchester. ter.
In the mean time, while King Alfred, accompanied with a few, was
thus in the desert wood, waiting the event of these miseries, according
to certain stories a poor beggar there came and asked alms of the
king ; and the night following he appeared to the king in his sleep,
saying, his name was Cuthbert, promising (as sent from God unto
him for his good charity) great victories against the Danes. But let
these dreaming fables pass, although they be testified by divers
authors.^ Notwithstanding, the king, in process of time, was more
strengthened and comforted, through the providence of God, respecting
the miserable ruin of the English. First, the brother of King Halden
the Dane, before-mentioned, coming in with three and thirty ships,
landed about Devonshire, where by chance being resisted by an
ambushment of King Alfred's men, who for their safeguard there
lay in gamson, they were slain to the number of 1800 men, and their
ensign, called the Raven, was taken. Hoveden, in his book called
' Continuationes,"' writeth, that in the same conflict both Inguar and
Hubba were slain among the other Danes. ^ After this, King Alfred
being better cheered, showed himself more at large ; so that daily
resorted to him men of Wiltshire, Somersetshire, and Hampshire,
till he was strongly accompanied.
Then the king put himself in a bold and dangerous venture, as Alfred
write Malmesbury, Polychronicon, and Fabian, who followeth them ^nTo't^i^e*
both. For he, apparelling himself in the habit of a minstrel, being j^^"^^''
very skilful in all Saxon poems, with his instrument of music, entered
into the tents of the Danes, lying then at Eddington. There,
while showing his interludes and songs, he espied all their sloth
and idleness, and heard much of their counsel ; and after, returning
to his company, declared to them the whole manner of the Danes.
Shortly upon this, the king suddenly in the night fell upon the a.d. srs.
aforesaid Danes, distressed and slew of them a gi-eat multitude, and
chased them from that coast, insomuch that tlirough his strong and
valiant assaults upon his enemies out of his tower of Edeling newly
fortified, he so incumbered them, that he clearly voided the country
(1) Giiliel. JTalmesb. lib. de Reg.; Polychronicon, Rog. Hoveden; Jomalensis; Heiir. Hunting,
lib. V. de Hi.<;t. Aug.
(2) See page 19.— Ed.
^t SIKGE OF ROCIIESTEU.
^'f"^- of tlicni, between that and Selwood. His subjects soon hearing of
A.I), these liis valiant victories and manful deeds, drew to him daily out
SOO. of all coasts ; so that through the help of God, and their assistance,
he held the Danes so short, that he won from them Winchester
and divers other good towns. Briefly, he at length forced them
to seek for peace, which was concluded upon certain covenants,
whereof one, and the principal was, that the beforenamed Gutrum,
their king, shouUl be christened ; the other was, that such as would
not be christened should depart, and leave the country.
Gutrum, Upon tlicsc covcuants, first the said Gutnnn, the Danish prince,
prmce o ^^^j^^jj^^ j^ Winclicstcr, was there christened with twenty of his greatest
diVi"- dukes or nobles, which Gutrum King Alfred, being his godfather
ened, and at his baptism, named Athelstan. Having, after a certain season,
Athei- feasted the said Danes, Alfred, according to his promise before made,
']!"'"' gave unto their king the country of East Anglia, containing Norfolk
and suf- and Suffolk, and part of Cambridgeshire. Moreover, as saith Poly-
to him!*^" clironicon, he gi-antcd to the Danes that were christened the country
of Northumberland ; so the residue that would not be christened
departed the land, and sailed into France, where what vexation
and harm they ^v^ought, the chronicles of France do partly com-
prehend.
King Athelstan thus having the possession of these countries,
had all East Anglia imdcr his obedience ; and, albeit that he held
the said province as in fee of the king, and promised to dwell there
as his liege man, yet, notwithstanding that, he continued more like
a tyrant by the term of eleven years, and died in the twelfth year ;
during which space. King Alfred, having some more rest and
peace, repaired certain towns and strong holds before by the Danes
The nun- impaired ; also he buildcd divers houses of religion, as the House of
shaftls"- Nuns at Shaftesbury ; another religious house at Etheling he founded ;
EtheUng, ^"other in Winchester, named the New Monastery ; and also endowed
ami the ' richly the Church of St. Cuthbcrt in Durham. He, likewise, sent to
at Win- India to pay and perform his vows to St. Thomas of Ind, which he
buiu.^"^ made during the time of his distress against the Danes.
A.D. 88G. About the fifteenth year of the reign of Alfi-ed, the Danes
returning from France to England, landed in Kent, and so came
to Rochester and besieged that city, and there lay so long that they
buildcd a tower of timber against the gates of the city : but, by
strength of the citizens, that tower was destroyed, and the city
defended, till King Alfred came and rescued them ; whereby the
Danes were so distressed, and so near trapped, that for fear they left
their horses behind them, and fled to their ships by night. But the
king, when he was thereof aware, sent after them, and took sixteen
of their ships, and slew many of the Danes. This done, tlie king
returned to London, and repaired the same honourably (as saith
Hoveden), and made it habitable, which before was sore decayed
and enfeebled by the Danes.
A.D. 890. The fourth year after this, Avhich was the nineteenth year of the
reign of King Alfred, the aforesaid Athelstan, the Danish king of
Norfolk, who was before christened by Alfred, deceased. Not
long after this, about the one and twentieth year of tliis king's reign,
the Danes again landed in four places of this land; namely, in
Danes
driven
DEFEAT OF THE DANES. 25
East England, and in the north, and in two phiccs in the west. Before Ai/red.
the landing- of these Danes it chanced that King Alfred, liaving heard a.I).
of the death of King Athelstan, and of other complaints of the 897.
Danes, was in East Anglia when these tidings came to him.
When King Alfred was hereof assured that some of the Danes The
were landed on that coast, thinking with themselves the further they
went in those parts the less resistance to have and the more speed, [\""\ „
, ^ , IP *ir>i T Norfolk.
as they were Avont to have beiore ; Alired, sendmg messengers
in all haste to Ethclred, duke of Mercia, to assemble him a host
to withstand the Danes, who landed in the west, made forth toward
his enemies there, where he was in East Anglia, whom he pursued
so sharply, that he drove them out from those parts. They then
landed in Kent, whither the king with his people sped him ; and in
like manner drave the Danes from thence, without any great fight,
so far as in our authors we can see. After this, the Danes took
ship])inQ- amin and sailed into North Wales, and there robbed and Betum to
... . North
spoiled the Britons, and from thence returned by the sea into East waks.
Anglia, with a hundred ships, and there rested themselves, inasmuch
as the king was then gone westward.
The fourth host of the Danes the same year came to Chester, which at Driven
length they won ; but the country adjoining pressed so sorely upon Chester,
them, and besieged them so long, keeping them within the city, that j,'- "•, ,
1 • 1 • 1 1 1 ^ . '^ 1° n 1 "^ Caerleon.]
at last, weaned with the long siege, they were compelled to eat
their own horses for hunger. But, by appointment, at last they
gave up the town, and went about by North Wales to Northum-
berland, which was about the three and twentieth year of King
Alfred. In the mean while Alfred with his host sped him thither-
ward. Then the Danes, leaving their strong holds and castles
garnished with men and victual, took again shipping, and fet their
course in such wise that they landed in Sussex, and so came to the
port of Lewes, and fi-om thence toward London, and builded a tower
or castle near the river Ley, twenty miles from London. But the
Londoners hearing thereof, manned out a certain number of men at
arms, who, with the assistance of them of that country, put the Danes Dnven
from that tower, and afterwards beat it to the ground. Soon after, the ^ewes.
king came down thither, and, to prevent the dangers that might ensue,
commanded the river Ley to be divided into three streams, so xiie river
that where a ship might sail in times before, a little boat might then ^f/^d''
scarcely row. From thence the Danes, leaving their ships and wives, into three
were forced to fly that country, and took their way again toward ^ '^^^^^'
Wales, and came to Quadruge, near the river Severn ; Avhere, upon
the borders thereof, they builded a castle, and rested themselves for *
a time, but the king with his army soon pursued them. In the mean
time the Londoners at Ley, taking the Danish ships, brought some
of them to London, and the rest they fired. During these three
years, from the first coming of the Danes to Ley, England Avas
afflicted with three kinds of sorrows ; with the Danes, with Three
pestilence of men, and Avith murrain of beasts ; notwithstanding 1',!'']^",!'
which troubles the king manfully resisted the malice of his enemies, s'*'"*-
and thanked God always, what trouble soever fell to him, or to his
realm, sustaining it Avith great patience and humility. These three
years overpast, the next following, A\diich Avas the eight and twentieth
'26 ( HAUACTF.U OK KISG AI.KKED.
Alfred, of the rciijn of Alfred, the Danes tlivided their host, of whom part
A.D. went to Northumberland, part to Norfolk ; others sailed over to
001. France, and some came to AVcst Sax, Avherc they had divers conflicts
'i^^ with the l*hi<,di.slinien, both by land, and especially upon the sea ;
Danes' of wlioni sonie were slain, many perished by shipwTcck, divers others
taken, werc taken and hanged, and thirty of their ships were captured.
AD. 897. -^^^ i^j^g ^^j^gj. jjjjg^ King Alfred, when he had reigned twenty-
A.D. 901. nine years and six months, exchanged this mortal life. And thus
much, anil more, peradventure, than will seem to this our eccle-
siastical history ajjpcrtaining, touching the painful labours and
travails of this good king; which he no less valiantly achieved
than patiently sustained, for the necessary defence of his realm and
subjects.
Character Now, if thcrc bc any prince who listeth to see and follow the
Alfred? virtuous and godly disposition of this king, both touching the
institution of his own life, and also concerning his careful govern-
ment of the common-weal, thus the histories of him do record :
that at what time he, being young, perceiving himself somewhat
disposed to carnal indulgences, and thereby hindered from many
virtuous purposes, did not, as many young princes and kings'' sons in
the world be now wont to do, that is, resolve themselves into all
kind of carnal license and dissolute sensuality, running and
following without bridle, whithersoever their license given doth lead
them ; as therefore, not without cause, the common proverb reporteth
of them, that " kings'' sons learn nothing else well but only to ride f
meaning thereby, that while princes and kings'* sons have about them
flatterers, who bolster them in their faults, their horses yield to
them no more than to any other, but if they sit not fast, tliey will
cast them. But this young king, seeing in himself the inclination of
his fleshly nature, and minding not to give himself so much as he
might take, but rather by resistance to avoid the temptation thereof,
iTis Rodiy bcsought God that he would send him some continual sickness to
quench that vice, whereby he might be more profitable to the public
business of the commonwealth, and more apt to serve God in his
calling.'
Then, at God's ordinance, he had the evil called Ficus till he
came to the age of twenty years, whereof at length he Avas cured (as
is said in some histories) by a virgin called Modwen, an Irish woman.
Afler this sickness being taken away, to him fell another, which
continued with him from the twentieth to the forty-fifth year of his
age (according to his OAvn petition and request, made unto God),
^ whereby he was the more reclaimed and attempered from the other
greater inconveniences, and less disposed to that which he did most
abhor.
Moreover, to behold the bountiful goodness, joined with like
prudence, in this man, in the ordering and disposing his riches and.
rents, it is not unworthy to be recited, how he divided his goods
into two equal parts,^ the one appertaining to uses secular, the
other to uses spiritual or ecclesiastical ; of the which two principal
parts, the first he divided into tliree portions, namely, one to the
(1) Cestrcn. lib. v. cap. \. Fab. cap. 17.
(2) Polychron. lib. v. cni'. 1. GuUel. Malmcsb. lib. de Regibus.
His GOULY LAWS. 27
behoof of liis house and family ; one to the workmen and builders Alfred.
of his new works, wherein he had gi-eat delight and cunning ; and one "a.D.^
to strangers. Likewise the other second half upon spiritual uses, he 901.
did thus divide in four portions ; one to the relieving of the poor, JJ~
another to monasteries, the third portion to the schools of Oxford ji^'^''^'
for the maintaining of good letters, the fourth he sent to foreign
churches without the realm. This also is left in stories written in
his commendation for his great tolerance and sufferance, that when
he had buildetl the new monastery at Winchester, and afterward his
son Edward had purchased of the bishop and the chapter a sufficient
piece of ground for certain offices to be adjoined unto the same, and
had given for every foot of ground, " marcam auri pleni ponderis "
(which was, as I think, a mark of gold or more), yet Alfred
therewithal was not greatly discontented to see his coffers so
wasted.
Over and besides, how sparing and frugal he was of time, as of a How wcu
thing in this earth most precious, and how far from all vain pastimes h" spent^
and idleness he was, this doth well declare, which in the story of •^ '™^-
Malmesbury and other writers is told of him ; namely, that he
so divided the day and night in three parts, if he were not let by
wars or other great business, that eight hours he spent in study and
learning, other eight hours he spent in prayer and almsdeeds, and
other eight hours he spent in his natural rest, sustenance of his
body, and the needs of the realm ; which order he kept duly by the
burning of waxen tapers kept in his closet by persons appointed for
that purpose.'
How studious he was and careful of the commonwealth, and His godly
maintenance of public tranquillity, his laws, most godly set forth
and devised by him, may declare ; wherein especially by him was
provided for the extirpation and abolishing of all theft and thieves
out of the realm, whereby the realm, through his vigilant care, was
brought into such tranquillity, or rather perfection, that in every
cross or turning-way, he made to be set up a golden brooch, at least
of silver gilded, throughout his dominions, and none so hardy,
neither by day nor night, to take it down ; for the more credit
whereof, the words of the Latin story be these, " armillas aureas
juberet suspendi, quae viantium aviditatem irritarent, dum non essent
qui eas abriperent." ^ And no great marvel therein, if the realm
in those days was brought into such an order, and justice so well
ministered, when the king himself was so vigilant in overseeing the
doings of his judges and officers ; whereof thus also we read in
the said author testified : " judiciorum a suis hominibus factorum
inquisitor perperam actorum asperrimus corrector," i. e. " he was,"
saith mine author, speaking of the king, " a vigilant inquisitor of
the doings of his judges, and a strict punisher of their misdoings."
Jornalensis also writing upon the same, saith, " he did diligently
search out the doings of his officers, and especially of his judges, so
that if he knew any of them to err, either through covetousness or
unslcilfidness, them he removed from their office."*
(1) Guliel. Malmesb. lib. de regibus Angl. (2) Ibid.
(3) " Facta ministroruni suorum et potissime judicum diligenter investigavit, adeo ut quos ex
avaritia aut imperitia errare cognosceret, ab officio removebat." — Ex Hist. Jornalensi.
28 Alfred's encouragement of learning.
jiif"d. And thus mucli 00110001111? the valiant acts and noble virtues of
A.D. this worthy ]uinoc ; whorcunto, although there were no other
901. ornaments adjoininij besides, yet sufficient were they alone to set
forth a prince worthy of excellent commendation. Now, besides
these other qualities and g-ifts of God's qrace in him above-mentioned,
Kins remaineth another part of his no little praise and commendation,
com- which is his learning and knowledge of good letters, wherein he not
for"icani- "^^^7 ^^'^ oxcollently expert himself, but also a worthy maintainor of
">K' . ^ the same through all his dominions. Where, before his time, no use
li'r^re'n-*' of grammar or other sciences was jn-actised in this realm, especially
[n En-*'* about the west parts of the land, there, through the industry of this
gland. king, schools began to be erected and studies to flourish. Although
Chester auioug the Britous, in the town of Chester, in South Wales, long
ieo^n],'a' boforc that, in King Arthur's time, as Galfridus writeth,* both
riarning. grammar and philosophy, with other tongues, were taught. After
that, some wnriters record that in the time of Egbert, king of Kent,
this island began to flourish with philosophy. About which time
univer- some also think that the university of Granchester, near to that
oran°- wliicli now is Called Cambridge, began to be founded by Bede,
cam-*"^^^ following this conjecture therein, for that Alcuinus, before-mentioned,
bridge, who after went to Rome, and from thence to France, in the time
Univer- of Charlciiiagnc, where he first began the university of Paris,
Paris. "vvas first trained up in the exercise of studies at the same school
of Granchester. Bede^ also, writing of Sigebert, king of East
Anglia, declareth how that king, returning out of France into
England, according to the examples which he did there see,
ordered and disposed schools of learning, through the means of
King Si- Felix, then bishop, and placed in them masters and teachers, after
founder the usc and manner of the Cantuarites. And yet before these
ofschoois. t[,^-,eg^ moreover, it is thought that there were two schools or
Two an- univorsitios within the realm; the one for Greek, at the town of
schools Greglade, which afterward was called Kirkelade; the other for Latin,
riand, ^^ ^ placo tlion callod Latinlado, afterward Lethelado, near Oxford.
one for But, howovor it clianccd that the knowledge and studv of good
Greek . . ^ • O
the other Icttors, ouce planted in this realm, afterward went to decay, yet
for Laiin. j^jj^„ Alfred desorvoth no little praise for restoring, or rather
increasing the same ; after whose time they have ever since con-
tinued, albeit not continually through every age in like perfection.
But this we may see, what it is to have a prince learned himself,
who, feeling and tasting the price and value of science and
knowledge, is thereby not only the more apt to rule, but also to
instruct and frame his subjects from a rude barbarity, to a more
civil congruity of life, and to a better understanding of things, as
we see in this famous prince to happen. Concerning his first
education and bringing up, although it was somewhat late before he
entered on his letters, yet, such was the apt towardncss and docility
of his nature, that being a child he had the Saxon Poems, as they
were used then in his own tongue, by heart and memory.
Afterwards with years and time he grew up in such perfection of
learning and knowledge that, as mine author saith, " nullus Anglorum
fuerit vel intelligendo acutior, vel interpretando clegantior ;" which
(I) Lib. ix. cap. 12. See Appendix. (2) Beda, lib. iii. cap. 18.
1
HIS LITERARY WORKS 29
tiling in liim the more was to be marvelled at, for that lie was twelve Aifr.;i.
vears of age before lie knew any letter. Then his mother, careful a.D.
and tender over him, having by chance a book in her hand, which 901.
he would fain have, promised to give him the same, so that he
would learn it.^ Whereupon he, for greediness of the book, soon
learned the letters, having for his schoolmaster Pleimundus, after- pieimun-
wards bishop of Canterbury. And so daily grew he more and fg"^j,,,gj{„
more in knowledge, that, at length, as mine author saith, " a King ai-
great part of the Latin library he translated into English, converting after-
to the uses of his citizens a notable prey of foreign ware and ,"i"[,yp ^^
merchandize."^ Of the books by him and through him translated, eauter-
Avere Orosius, the Pastoral of Gregory, the History of Bede, Boetius Books
' de Consolatione Philosophise ;'' also a book of his own making and in ^1' out of
his own tongue, which in the English speech he called a Hand-book, ^?i'"j''y
in Greek called Enchiridion, in Latin a Manual. Besides the
History of Bede, translated into the Saxon tongue, he also himself
compiled a story in the same speech, called, ' The Story of Alfred,""
both which books, in the Saxon tongue, I have seen, though the
language I do not understand. As he was learned himself excellently
well, so likewise did he inflame all his countrymen to the love of
liberal letters, as the words of the story reporteth : " he exhorted None aa-
and stirred his people to the study of learning, some with gifts, anrdig-"
some by threats, suffering no man to aspire to any dignity in the "''V '*'^-
court except he were learned." * Moreover, another story thus saith, ^^ere
speaking of his nobles : " also his nobles so much lie did allure to ''^""'^'^•
the embracing of good letters, that they sent all their sons to school ;
or if they had no sons, yet their servants they caused to be learned ;""^
whereby the common proverb may be found, not so common as
true, " such as is the prince, such be the subjects." He began, The
moreover, to translate the Psalter into English, and had almost fransfa-
finished the same, had not death prevented him.^ In the prologue ^^^ '"'«
of the book," thus he writeth, declaring the cause why he was by King
so earnest and diligent in translating good books from Latin into
English ; shoAving the cause thereof why he so did, as foUoweth -J
" the cause was, for that innumerable ancient libraries, which were
kept in churches, were consumed with fire by the Danes ; and that
men had rather suffer peril of their life than follow the exercises of
studies ; and therefore he thought thereby to provide for the people
of the English nation."'
It is told of him, both by Polychronicon, Malmesbury, Jornalensis,
and other historians, whereof I have no names, that he, seeing his
country to the westward to be so desolate of schools and
learning, partly to profit himself, partly to furnish his country and
subjects with better knowledge, first sent for Grinbald, a learned
(1) Ex Hist. Guliel. Malmesb. de Regib. Ang.
(2) " Plurimam partem Romanse Bibliotheca; Anglorura auribus dedit, optimam prasdam pere-
grinarum mcrcium oivium usibus convertens."
(3) " Illos praemiis, hos minis hortando, neminem illiteratum ad quamlibet curiae dignitatem
aspirare permittens."
(4) " Optimates quoque suos ad literaturam addiscendam in tantum provocavit, ut sibi filios sues,
vel saltcm si tilios non habereut, servos suos, literis commendarent." — Polychron. lib. vi. cap. 1.
(5) Guliel. Malmesb. de Regib. Ang. (6) Entitled, " Pastorale Gregorii."
(T) "Quod Ecclcsiae in quibus innumerie priscse Bibliothecse continebaiitur, cum libris a Danis
incensfe sint: quodque in tola insula studium literarum ita abolitum esset, ut quisque minus
timeret capitis periculum, quam studiorum exercitia adire. Quapropter se in hoc Anglis suis
consulere," &c.
80 .lOlIANNES SCOTUS.
Alfred, monk, out of France, to come into England : he also sent for another
learned man out of Wales, whose name was Asserius, whom he
made bishop of Sherborne ; and out of Mercia he sent for Wcrefrith,
bishop of Worcester, to whom he gave the Dialogues of Gregory
to be translated. But chiefly he used the counsel of Neotus, who
then was counted for a holy man, an abbot of a certain monastery,
in Cornwall, by whose advisement he sent for the learned men
above recited, and also first ordained certain schools of divers arts at
Oxford, and enfranchised the same with many great liberties ;'
and uni- ^^'^^^^^^^o^' perhaps the school now called New College first then begun
versity of bv tliis Ncotus, might take its name; which afterwards, perad venture,
bepun by tlic bisho})s of Winclicstcr, after a larger manner, did re-edify and
Alfred, enlarge with greater possessions.
Johannes Morcovcr, among other learned men who were about King Alfred,
scotus. histories make mention of Johannes Scotus, a godly divine and a
learned philosopher; but not that Scotus whom now we call Duns, for
this Johannes Scotus came before him many years. This Johannes is
described to have been of a sharp wit and of great eloquence, and well
expert in the Greek tongue, pleasant and meiTy of nature and con-
ditions, as appeareth by divers of his doings and answers. First, he
coming to France out of his own country of Scotland, by reason
of the great tumults of war, was there worthily entertained, and
for his learning had in great estimation of Charles the Bald, the
French king; who commonly and familiarly used ever to have him
about him, both at table and in chamber. Upon a time the king
sitting at meat, and seeing something (belike in this John Scot)
which seemed not very courtly, cast forth a merry word, asking him
what difference there was betwixt a Scot and a sot .'' Whereunto the
His an- Scot, sitting ovcr against the king somewhat lower, replied again
t"/' '" suddenly rather than advisedly, yet merrily, sajing, " mensa tantum,"
French tj^^^ jg^ " |-]jg i^\)\Q quIv ;" importing thereby himself to be the Scot,
and so calling the king a sot by craft ; which word how other princes
would have stomached I know not, but this Charles, for the great
reverence he bare to his learning, turned it but to laughter among
his nobles, and so let it pass.
Another time the same king being at dinner was served with a
certain dish of fish, wherein were two great fishes and a little one.
After the king had taken thereof his repast, he set down to John
Scot the aforesaid fish, to distribute unto the other two clerks sitting
there with him, who were two tall and mighty persons, he himself
being but a little man. John taketh the fish, of the which the two
great ones he taketh and carveth to himself, while the little fish
he reacheth to the other two. The king, perceiving his division
thus made, reprehended the same. Then John, whose manner was
ever to find out some honest matter to delight the king, answered
him again, proving his division to stand just and equal : " for
here," saith he, " be two great ones and a little one," pointing to
the two great fishes and himself, " and likewise here again is a little
one and two great ;" pointing to the little fish, and the two great
persons : " I pray you," saith he, " what odds is there, or what
(1) Ouliel. Mainicsb. ; Jornaleiisis; Fabian, c. i"l.
I
KING Alfred's childrex. 31
distribution can be more equal ?" Whereat the king with his nobles ^'fred.
being much delighted, laughed merrily. A.D.
At the request of this Cliarles, simamed Bald, the French king, this 90l.
Scotus translated the book of Dionysius, entitled, " De Hierarchia," joiianne»
from Greek into Latin, word for word, " quo fit," as my author f ™',^f,tes
saith, " ut vix intelligatur Latina litera, quum nobilitate magis Graeca, ciony-
quam positione construitur Latma. He wrote also a book, iJe Hierar-
Corpore et Sanguine Domini,' Avhich was afterward condemned by the iiuoLatin.
Pope, in the council of Vercelli. The same John Scot, moreover,
compiled a book of his own, giving it a Greek title, ' I\tp\ ^wcrtKwv
Stat|0£o-£wi;,' that is, ' De naturae divisione ; ' in which book (as sailh
my aforesaid author) is contained the resolution of many profitable
questions, but so that he is thought to follow the Greek church
rather than the Latin, and for the same was counted of some to be
a heretic ; because in that book some things there be w'hich in
all points accord not with the Romish religion. Wherefore the pope, is ac-
writing to the said King Charles of this Scotus, complaineth, as in thrpope
his own words here foUoweth : — " relation hath been made unto ^ ^ .
our apostleship, that a certain man called Johannes, a Scottish man,
hath translated the book of Dionysius the Areopagite, of the names
of God and of the heavenly orders, from Greek into Latin ; which
book, according to the custom of the church, ought first to have
been approved by our judgment ; namely, seeing the said John,
albeit he be said to be a man of great learning and science, in time
past, hath been noted by common rumour, to have been a man not
of upright or sound doctrine in certain points."'"^ For this cause,
the said Scotus being constrained to remove from France, came into
England, allured, as some testify, by the letters of Alured, or
Alfred, by whom he was with great favour entertained, and was con-
versant a gi-eat space about the king ; till, at length (whether before
or after the death of the king, it is uncertain), he went to Malmes-
bury, where he taught certain scholars a few years, by whom at last
most impiously he was murdered and slain with their penknives, siain by
and so died, as stories say, a martyr, buried at the said monastery scholar",
of Malmesbury with this epitaph.
" Clauditur in tumulo sanctus sopliista Johannes,
Qui ditatus erat jam vivens dogmate miro.
Martyrio tandem Christi conscendere regmnn
Qui meruit, regnans secli per secula cuncta."
King Alfred having these helps of learned men about him, and
no less learned also himself, past his time not only to the great
utility and profit of his subjects, but also to a rare and profitable
example of other christian kings and princes for them to follow.
This aforesaid Alfred had by his wife, called Ethelwitha, two sons,
Ed.vard and Ethelward ; and three daughters, Elfieda, Ethelgora, The chii-
and Ethelguida : " quas omnes liberalibus fecit artibus crudiri ; " that Alfred,
is, " whom he set all to their books and study of liberal arts," as
my story testifieth. First, Edward, his eldest son, succeeded him
(U " Relatum est apostolatid nostro, quod opus Dionysii Areopajritae, quod de divinisnominibus
et de ccelestibus ordinibus Grasco descripsit eloquio, quidam vir Johannes (jienere Scotus) nuper
transtulit in Latinum. Quod, juxta morem Ecclesia;. nobis niitti, et nostro judicio debuit appro-
bari ; praesertim quum idem Johannes (licet multss scientia; esse praedicetur) olim non sane sapere
in quibusdam frequent! rumore dioatur," &c.
32
ALFREDS DKATII. KCCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS.
Alfred, in the kingdom; tlic second son, Etliclward, died before his father;
A.D. Ethelgora, his middle (huigliter, was made a nun; the other two
901. were married, the one in Mercehmd, the other to the earl of Flanders.
Thus King Alfred, that valiant, virtuous, and learned prince, after
he had thus ehristianly governed the realm for the term of twenty-
Death nine years and six months, departed this life, 5 Cal. Novemb. a.d.
Alfred.^ 901, and lieth buried at Winchester. Of Alfred this I find, more-
A.D. yoi. Qy^,Y^ greatly noted and commended in history, and not here to be
forgotten, for the rare example thereof, that, wheresoever he was, or
whithersoever he went, he bare always about him in his bosom or
pocket a little book containing the Psalms of David, and certain
other orisons of his own collecting, whereupon he was continually
reading or praying whensoever he was otherwise vacant, having
leisure thereunto. Finally, what were the virtues of this flimous king,
this little table hereunder written, Mhich is left in ancient writing
in remembrance of his worthy and memorable life, doth sufficientlv,
in few lines, contain.'
^J^f^- In the story of this Alfred, a little above, mention was made of
Canter- Pleimuud, schoolmastcr to the said Alfred, and also bishop of Can-
^'^'' terbury, as succeeding Ethelred there bishop before liim ; which
Pleimund governed that see thirty-four years. After Pleimund
succeeded Athelm, Avho sat twelve years, and after him, Ulfelm, who
sat thirteen years. Then followed Odo, a Dane, bom in the said
see of Canterbury, who governed the same twenty years, being in
great favour with King Athclstan, King Edmund, and Edwin, as in
process hereafter (Clirist willing), as place and order doth require, shall
more at large be expressed.
Ecciesias- As toucliing the course and proceedings of the Romish bishops
fairs"'' there, where I last made mention of them, I ended with Pope
Stephen V.^ After his time was much broil in the election of the
Nine bishops of Romc, one contending against another, insomuch that
popes in -vithin tlic spacc of nine years were nine bishops, of whom the first
yjars. was Fomiosus, who succeeded next unto the forenamed Stephen V.,
(1) " In Repis Alfredi, ct virtutis illius claram niemoriain : — Famosus, bellicosus, victoriosus ;
viduarum, pupilloruni, et orphanorum, pauperumque, provisor studiosus ; poetarum Saxonicorum
peritissimus ; sua; gciiti diarissimus, affabilis omnibus, libcralissinius ; prudentia, fortitudine,
temperantia, justitia proeditus ; in infirmitate, qua continue laborabat, patientissimus ; in exe-
quendis judiciis indaj^ator discretissimus, in servicio Dei vigilantissimus et dcvotissimus, Anglo-
Saxonum Rex Alfredus, piissimi Ethelulfi filius, 29 annis sexque meuMbus regni sui pcractis
mortem obiit. Indict. 4. quinto cal. Novemb. feria quarta, ct Wintoni.v in novo moiiasterio
sepultus, immortalitatis stolam ct resurrectionis gloriara cum justis expectat," &c.
Moreover, in the history of Henry of Huntingdon, these verses I find written in commendation
of the samp Alfred, made, as I suppose and liy his words appeareth, by ilie said author, wliereo*'I
thought not to defraud the reader. The words thereof here foUow :
Epitaphium Regis Alfredi.
Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem,
Armipotcns Alfrede, dedit, probitasque laborem,
Perpctuumque labor nomen: cui mixta dolori
Gaudia semper erant, spcs semper mixta timori.
Si modo victor eras, ad crastina bella pavebas,
Si modo victus eras, ad crastina bella parabas.
Cui vestcs sudore jugi, cui sica cruore
Tincta jugi, quantum sit onus regnare, probanmt.
Non fuit inmunsi quisquam per cliniata mundi,
Cui tot in adversis nil respirare liceret.
Ncc tamen aut fcrro contritus ponere ferrum,
' Aut gladio potuit vita; finisse dolores.
Jam jiost transactos vitac regnique Uibores
Christus ei sit vera quies, sceptrumque perenne.
(2^ See page 12. Stephen V.— liu
I
SCHISMS AMONG THE I'OPES. o3
being made pope against tlie mind of certain in Rome, that ■would Ecdettas-
ratlier Sergius, then deacon of the church of Rome, to have been Jffd'iL.
pope : notwitlistanding, Mars and money prevailed on Formosus'
part. This Formosus, of Avhom partly also is mentioned in other
places of this ecclesiastical history/ being before bishop of Porto, a sea-
port near Rome, had, on a time, I know not upon what causes, offended
Pope John VIII. , by reason whereof, for fear of the pope, he voided
away, and left his bishopric, and because he, being sent for again
by the pope, would not return, therefore was excommunicated. At
length, coming into France to make there his satisfaction unto the
pope, he was degraded from a bishop into a secular man's habit,
swearing to the pope that he would no more re-enter into the city of
Rome, nor claim his bishopric again ; subscribing, moreover, with
his own hand, to continue from that time in the state of a secular
person. But then Pope Martin, the next pope after John, released
the said Formosus of his oath, and restored him again unto his
bishopric ; whereby Formosus not only entered Rome again, but
also obtained shortly after the papacy. Thus he being placed in
the popedom, there arose a great doubt or controversy among the schisms
divines about his consecration, whether it was lawful or not ; some ^bruOTies
holding against him, that forsomuch as he was solemnly deposed,
degraded, unpriested, and also sworn not to reiterate the state
ecclesiastical, therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise than for a
secular man. Others alleged again, that whatsoever Formosus was,
yet for the dignity of that order, and for the credit of them whom he
ordained, his consecration ought to stand in force, especially seeing
the said Formosus was afterward received and absolved by Pope
Martin from that his perjury and degradation. In the mean time,
as witnesseth Sigebert, this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulph for
aid against his adversaries ; who then marching to Rome, was pre-
vented from entering, and besieged the Leonine quarter. But in
the siege the Romans within so played the lions, that a poor hare,
or such a like thing, running toward the city (saith the author),
the host of Arnulph followed after with such a main cry, that the
valiant Romans upon the walls for verv fear, and where there was no
hurt, cast themselves desperately over the walls, so that Arnulph with
little labour scaled the walls, and got the city. Thus Arnulph,
obtaining the city of Rome, rescueth Pope Formosus, and beheadeth
his adversaries ; whom the pope to gratify with like recompence
again, blesseth and crowneth him for emperor. Thus Formosus, sitting
fast about the space of four or five years, followed his predecessors ;
after whose time, as I said, within the space of nine years, were nine
bishops, as followeth. But in the mean time, concerning the story
of this Formosus declared by Sigebert and many other chroniclers,
this thing would I gladly ask, and more gladly learn, of some indif-
ferent good Catholic person, who not of obstinacy, but of simple error
being a papist, would answer it to his conscience, whether doth he
think the holy order of priesthood, which he taketh for one of the
seven sacraments, to be character indehhilis or not ? If it be not
indelebilis, that is, if it be such a thing as may be put off, why then
(1) Ex Clironico Sigeberti.
VOL. II. D
34 ON'E POPE nURN'S THE DECREES OF AXOTIIER.
rcriesias- dotli tlic popc's (loctriiic so call and so hold the contrary, pre-
affalrs. tending it to be indelehilis, \inrcniovablc ? If it be indeed so as
"TT they teach and affinn, hulelehilis character^ ■why then did Pope
the pope John, or could Pope John, annihilate and evacuate one of his
c"rdinau sevcu popc-holv sacramcuts, making of a priest a non-priest or
may err. Jaynian, uncliaractcring his owtv order, which is (as he saith)
a character, which in no wise may be blotted out or removed ?
Again, howsoever Pope John, is to be judged in this matter to
do either well or not well, this would I know, if he did well in so
dispriesting and discharactering Fonnosus for such private offences ?
If yea, how then standeth his doing with his own doctrine which
teacheth the contrary ? If he did not well, how then standeth
his doctrine with his doings to be true, which teacheth that the
pope with his sjTiod of cardinals cannot en-? Moreover, if this
Pope John did not err in his disordering Forraosus, how then did
Martin, his successor, not err in repealing the said doing of his
predecessor ? or how did not Pope Fonnosus himself err, who being
unpricsted by Pope John, afterward, without reiterating the character
or order of priesthood, took upon him to be Pope, and made acts
and laws in the church ? Again, if Fonnosus now pope did not en,
how then did Pope Stephen his successor afterward not en, who did
annihilate the consecration, and all other acts of the said Formosus, as
erroneous ? Or again, if we say that this Stephen with his sjTiod
of cardinals did right, then how could it be that Pope Theodore,
and Pope John IX, who came after the aforesaid Stephen, did not
plainly en, who, approving the consecration of Fonnosus, did condemn
and burn the acts sjniodal of Stephen and his cardinals, which before
had condemned Fonnosus, according as in story here consequently
may appear ?
After Formosus had governed tlie sec of Rome five vears, succeeded
first Boniface \ I., who continued but five and twenty days. Then
came Stephen VI., who so envied the name of his predecessor For-
mosus, that he abrogated and dissolved his decrees, and, taking up
his body after it was buried, cut two fingers off his right hand, and
commanded them to be cast into the Tiber, and then buried the body
in a private or layman''s sepidchre.^
Thus, after Stephen had sat in the chair of pestilence one year,
succeeded to the same chair Pope Romanus, and sat three months,
repealing the acts decreed by Stephen his predecessor, against For-
mosus. Next to him came Theodore II., who likewise taking part
with Fonnosus against the aforesaid Stephen, reigned but t'^enty days.
Then sat Pope John IX., who did fight and repugn against the
Romans, and, to confirm the cause of Formosus more surely, did
hold a synod at Ravenna of seventy-four bishops, the French king
Charles^ and his archbishops being present at the same, at the which
One council were ratified all the decrees and doings of Fonnosus, and
burne'th thc Contrary acts of the synod of Stephen VI. were burned. This
decree/.' P'^P^ ^'^'c<i "ot popc fully two ycars, after whom succeeded Bcne-
A.D.9U0. diet IV., who kept the chair three years. After whom Leo V. was
next popc, who within forty days of his papacy, was, with strong
(1) Ex Chron. Martini ptEnitentiarii, Platina. Sigeberto, Polychronico, et aliis.
(2)iSee Appendix.
RAPID SUCCESSION OF POPES. 35
lifind, taken and cast into prison by one Christopher, his own house- Ecciesim-
liold chaplain, whom he had long nourished before in his house ; which ^^",„.
thing, saith Platina, could not be done without great conspiracy, and ~ — ~ —
great slaughter of men. Which Christopher, being pope about the v. imi.ri-
spacc of seven months, was likewise himself hoisted from his papal un"pop'e(i'
throne by Sergius, like as he had done to his master before ; and thus cvla'j'a'i^"'
within the space of nine years had been nine popes, one after another.
Then Sergius, after he had thrust down Pope Christopher into a
monastery, and shorn him monk, occupied the room seven years, ad. so.';.
This Sergius, a rude man and unlearned, very proud and cruel,
had before been put back from the popedom by Formosus above-
mentioned ; by reason whereof, to revenge himself upon Formosus
again, Sergius being now in his papacy, causing the body of Formosus,
where it was buried, to be taken up and afterward set up in the papal
chair, as in his pontificalibus, first degraded him, and then commanded
his head to be smitten off, with the other three fingers that were left, Pope For-
as Sigebert writes ; ^ which done, he made his body to be throM^n into ^"1"^'
the Tiber, deposing likewise all such as by the said Formosus before ^^f\ ,
had been consecrated and invested. This body of Formosus, thus
thrown into the Tiber, was afterward, as our writers say, found and
taken up by certain fishers, and so brought into St. Peter''s temple ;
at the presence whereof, as they say, certain images there stand-
ing by, bowed down themselves, and reverenced the same — with
lie and all. But such deceivable miracles of stocks and images, Feisned
in monkish and friary temples, be to us no news, especially here in ™'",'^{^,e
England, where we have been so inured to the like, and so many, that ^o'^y "f
such wily practices cannot be to us invisible, though this crown-shorn sus.
generation think themselves to dance in a net. But the truth is,
while they think to deceive the simple, these wily beguilers most of
all deceive themselves, as they will find, except they repent. By this Bearing
Pope Sergius first came up to bear about candles on Candlemas on"c!rn-
dav, for the purifying of the blessed Virgin ; as though the sacred diemas
' ^ ^ I J ^ o^ ^o ^ flay, how
conception of Jesus the Son of God, were to be purified as a thing it came
impure, and that with candle-light ! "^'
After Sergius entered Pope Anastatius III., in whose time the a.u.sh.
body of Formosus, aforenamed, is thought to be found of fishermen
in the river Tiber, and so brought (as is said) into the temple to be
saluted of the images ; which thing may be quickly tainted as a lie ;
for how is it to be thought that the body of Formosus, so long dead
before, and now lying seven years in the river, could remain whole all
that while, that fishers might take it up, and discern it to be the
same ? After Anastatius had sat two years followed Pope Lando I., A.D.nu.
the father, as some stories think, of Pope John, which John is said to
have been the paramour of Theodora, a famous harlot of Rome, and set
up of the same harlot, either against Lando, or after Lando his father, to
succeed in his room. There is a story writer, called Luithprandus,^
■who maketh mention of this Theodora and Pope John X., and saith, Harlots at
moreover, that this Theodora had a daughter, named Marozia, wliich [lUed'aT
Marozia had, by Pope Sergius above-mentioned a son, who was -''' '^"""^•
afterward Pope John XL The same Marozia afterwards chanced
(1) See infrA, vol. viii. p. 292, and Appendix. — Ed.
(2) Liiifliprandus. da Iniperatorihu.'i, lib. ii. cap. 13.
n 9
3G COMPARISON' BETWEEN ALFRED AND EDWARD.
Eccifsiat- to marry 'witli Ouido, marciuis of Tuscany, tlirourjli the means of
afffirs. wliicli Guido auil his tViemls at Rome, slic broviglit to pass that this
Pope John X. was smotheroil with a pillow laid to his mouth, after he
had reigned thirteen years, and so that the aforesaid John XI., her son,
might succeed next after him ; but because the clergy and people of
Rome did not agree to his election. Pope Leo VI. was in his ])lace
set lip ; thus, Pope John, the son of Sergius and Marozia, being
dejected, Po])e Leo reigned seven months. After him, Pope Stei)hen
A.D. 929. VII. or VIII. reigned two years, who, being poisoned, Pope John
Pope XI. above-rehearsed, the son of Scrgius and Marozia, Avas set up
nTs'toreY' 'igfti^ in the papacy, where he reigned nearly the space of five years.
Of the wickedness of Marozia, how she married two brethren, one
after the death of the other, and how she governed all Rome and the
whole church at that time, I let it pass. Although the Latin verses
Avherewith Luithprandus doth inveigh against such women as marry
two brethren, were not unworthy here to be recited, and perhaps might
be furtlier applied than to that Marozia of Rome, yet for shortness
I let them also pass. After John XL followed Pope Leo VII. three
A.D. 939. years and four months ; Pope Stephen VIII. three years and four
months ; Pope Martin III. three years and six months ; and, after
him. Pope Agapetus II. eight years and six months;* about whose
ordo time, or a little before, began first the order of monks, called Ordo
censis be- Cluuiacensis. But now to leave off these monstrous matters of Rome,*
\'d*946 ^^^ t^ return again to our country of England, where we last left off.
EDWARD THE ELDER. ^
A.D. After the reign of the famous King Alfred, his son Edward
901. succeeded, sirnamed the Elder; where first is to be noted, that before
the conquest of the Normans, there were in England three Edwards :
first, this Edward the Elder ; secondly, Edward the Martyr ; thirdly,
Thi-ee Edward the Confessor ; whereof hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall
befdrc the follow in ordcr, as place shall give to be declared. This Edward
Conquest. ]jp„^^^-, ],jg j-gign A.D. 901, autl govcmcd the land right valiantly
and nobly four and twenty years. In knowledge of good letters and
and his learning he was not to be compared to his father ; otherwise, in princely
ward' ' renown, in civil government, and in martial prowess, he was nothing
pa™d inferior, but rather excelled him, through whose valiant acts the
princedom of Wales and kingdom of Scotland, with Constantinc king
thereof, wxre first to him subdued. He adjoined, moreover, to his
dominion, the country of East Anglia, that is, of Norfolk, Suffolk,
and Essex. All Merccland also he recovered, and Northumberland,
out of the hands of the Danes. In all liis wars he never lightly went
without victory. The subjects of his provinces and dominions were
so inured and hardened in continual practice and feats of war, that
when they lieard of any enemies coming (never tarrying for any
(1) On the authority of Moslieini, 6ome obvious errors in the history of the popes of Rome
have been here corrected. — Kd.
(2) Baronius calls the tenth century an "iron age, barren of all goodness; a leaden age, abound-
ing with all wickedness; and a dark age, remarkable above all the rest for the scarcity of writtra
and men of learning." — En.
(.3) Kdition 1563, p. 10. Ed. 1583, p. HG. Ed. 159G, p. 132. Ed. 1681, vol. i. p. 163.— Ed.
REBEn.TON OF C'MTO FTHKLM'OM). 37
bidding from the king or from liis dukes), straightway they encountered Edwaru
with them ; both in number and in knowledge of the order of war, '!!1^^Z.
exeelUng always their adversaries. Malmesbury saith, " So was the ^- ^^
coming and assaulting of their enemies, to the people and common ^^'^'
soldiers but a trifle, to the king but a ridicule."! Among other
adversaries who were busy rather than wise, in assailing this king,
was one called Clito Ethelwold, a young man. King Edward's uncle's ciito
son ; who, first occupying the town of Wimborne, and taking thence ^^^,f "
a nun with him, whom he had already married, fled by night to '■''''^:'s
Northumberland, to unite himself unto the Danes, and was" made kmuT'
chief king and captain over them. Being chased from thence, Clito a.d!'904.
fled over into France, but shortly returning again into England, he
landed in East England, where, with a company of Danes of that
country gathering to him, he destroyed and pillaged much of the
country about Crekinford and Crikeland ; and so passing over the
Thames, after he had spoiled the land there to Bradenstock, returned
again to Norfolk and Suffolk ; where, meeting with an ambushment
of Kentish men, which dragged and taiTied after the main host of
Edward, contrary to his commandment, he inclosed them, and slew
the most part of them. Soon after, the two hosts meeting together,
between the two ditches of St. Edmund's land, after a long fight,
Clito and many of the Danes were slain, and the remnant were con-
strained to seek for peace, which, upon certain conditions, and under a
tribute, was to them granted.
In process, about the twelfth year of his reign, the Danes repent-
ing them of their covenants, and minding to break the same, assem-
bled a host, and met with the king in Staffordshire, at a place
called Tottenhall, and soon after at Wodenfield, at which two places
the king slew two kings, two earls, and many thousands of Danes that
occupied the country of Northumberland.
Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being assuaged, King a.d. 913.
Edward having now some leisure given from wars to other
studies, gave his mind to the building or repairing of cities, towns,
and castles, that by the Danes were rased, shattered, and broken ; as
first, of Chester, which city he enlarged to double that it was before,
compassing the castle within the walls of the same, which before stood
without. That done, the king builded a strong castle at Hereford,
on the edge of Wales. Also, for the-'strengthening of the country,
he made a castle at the mouth of the water of Avon, and another
castle at Buckingham, and the third fast thereby upon the river Ouse.
Moreover, he builded or re-edified the towns of Towcester and Wig-
moor, and destroyed the castle that the Danes had made at Demes-
ford. Likewise upon the river Trent, against the old town of
Nottingham, he builded a new town on the south side, and made a The ne^v
bridge over the river between the said two towns. Also by the river Notting-
Mersey he builded a city or town in the north end of Mercia, and \^l^^^
named it Thilwall ; and after repaired the city of Manchester, that
was sore defaced Avith wars of the Danes.
In this renewing and building of towns and castles, for the more
fortifying of his realm, his sister Elfleda, daughter of King Alfred,
and mai-ried to the did^e of JMcrcia,as is before-mentioned, was no small
(1) " Ita hostes militibus contemptui, legi risui erant."— Guliel Malmesb. de Regib.
38 C'HAllACTEll OF ELFI.KDA.
EJwnrd helper. Of tliis Elflctla, it is firmly of writers affu'iiicd, that she being,
- — — as is said, married to Ethelred, duke of Mercia, after she had once
^•^- assayed the pains of travail, did so much abhor them, that it seemed
" to her, she said, not seemly for a noble Avoman to desire that 'whereof
• so great sorrow and travail should ensue. Yet notwithstanding, the
same ElHeda, Ibr all her delicate tenderness, was so hardy in warlike
dangers, which nature giveth not to women, that, fighting against
^ the Danes, four of her next knights, who were guardians of her
chaiactcr body, wcrc slain fast by her. This Elfleda, among her other noble
ofEiiicda. ^^^^^ whereby she deserved praise, was a great helper and stirrer up of
her brother Edward, who buildcd and newlv rc])aircd many castles and
towns, as Tamworth beside Lichfield, Stafford, Warwick, Shrewsbury,
A\'atrisbury, Eldsbury beside Chester in the forest, noAv destroyed ;
also, in the north end of Mercia, upon the river Mersey, a castle
called Runcorn ; as well as a bridge over the Severn, named Brimmis-
bury bridge.
The laws As touching the laws and statutes of this Edward, as also of his
Alfred father Alfred, made before him, I omit here to record them for length
"Kd'w^d"''' f'f matter and waste of time ; yet, notwithstanding, this admonition
by the way I think good to note, that in the days of those ancient
kings reigning in England, the authority both of confcning bishop-
rics and spiritual promotions, and also of prescribing laws as well
to the churchmen as to the laity, and of ordering and intemieddling
in matters merely spiritual, was then in the hands of kings ruling in
the land, and not only in the hand of the pope, as appeareth by the
laws of Alfred.^
Kinps of By these and other such like constitutions it may appear, how
in°fini"s the governance and direction of the church in those days depended
authority ^ot upou Mousicur Ic Popc of Romc, but upon the kings, who here,
in spiri- j^ their time (under the Lord), did govern the land. To this also
causes, the example of King Edward''s time gives testimony ; which Edward,
Avith Pleimundus above-mentioned, archbishop of Canterbm-y, and
with other bishops, in a synod assembled, assigned and elected seven
bishops, in seven metropolitan churches of the realm ; the first of
whom was Fridelstan, the second Adelstan, the third AVerstan, the
fourth Adeleme, the fifth Edelftis, the sixth Dernegus, the seventh
Kenulphus ; in which election the king''s authority seemed then alone
to be suflScient.
A. p. 92.5. This Edward, as in the beginning was said, reigned twenty-four
of'King" years, Avho had three wives, Egwin, Elfled, and Ethelwid. Of Egwin
ufe^Hder ^^ ^^^^ ^'^^ cldcst son Athclstau, who next succeeded in the kingdom,
and a daughter, mamed after to the duke of Northumberland. Of
Elfled he received two sons, to wit, Ethelwald and Edwin, and six
daughters. Ethelwald was excellently well seen in all knowledge of
learning, much resembling, both in countenance and conditions, his
grandfather Alfred; he died soon after his fiither. Of his six daugh-
ters, two of them, Elfled and Ethelhilda,were made nuns, the other
(1) " Si quis fomicetur cum iixore ahena, &c.
Si quis in qiiadragcsima sanctum \elum in publico vel in Iccto, &c.
Ut Christiani Deum dilij,'ant et paganismo reniuicient, &c.
Si quis Christianitatcm iiiutet, &c
Si quis ordinatus sacris furetur, &c.
Si Presbyter ad rectuin temiinum i-anctum cliri^ma, ic.
Si duo fratrcs vel cogiiati cum uiin aliqua fornicentur, &c."
AWFUL DKATH OF DUKE ELFRED. 39
four were married ; Edgiva to Charles, tlie French king, in her father's Aiheuum
time; Ethilda, by king Athclstan, was married to Hugo, the son of a.U."
Duke Robert ; Edgitha and Algiva were both sent to Henry, prince of <j2.').
Ahnains. Of which two sisters, the former the said Henry married
to his son Otho, who was the first emperor of the Ahnains ; the
other sister, who was Algiva, the aforesaid Henry married to a cer-
tain duke,^ about the borders of the Alps, in France. Of his third
Avife, Ethelwid, he received two sons, Edmund and Edred, who both
reigned after Athelstan ; and two daughters, Edburga, whom he
made a nun, and Eadguina, who was married to Ebles,^ prince of
Aquitaine, in France. These sons and daughters King Edward the The _^^^
Elder thus brought up ; his daughters he set to spinning and to the up of
needle ; his sons he set to the study of learning, " to the end that ^^w^ard's
they, being as first made philosophers, should be the more expert cuudren.
thereby to govern the commonwealth.""^
ATHELSTAN, or ADELSTAN.*
Athelstan, or Adelstan, after the death of Edward his father, a. u .125.
began his reign in England, and Avas crowned at Kingston. He
was a prince of Avorthy memory, valiant and wise in all his acts,
nothing inferior to his father JEdward, in like worldly renown of
civil government, joined Avith much prosperous success in reducing
this realm under the subjection of one monarchy; for he both expelled
the Danes, subdued the Scots, and quieted the Welshmen, as Avell in
North Wales as also in Cornwall. The first enemy against this
Athelstan, Avas one Elfred, Avho, with a faction of seditious persons
conspiring against the said Athelstan at Winchester, incontinently
after the death of his father, Avent about to put out his eyes. Not-
Avithstanding, the king escaping that danger, through the help of God,
Avas at that time delivered. Elfred, upon the same being accused, fled Duke ei-
to Home, there before the pope to purge himself by his oath. When /Jiiiy^ '
being brought to the church of St. Peter, and there swearing, or if^^"^
rather forswearing, himself to be clear, Avho indeed Avas guilty thereof, ^^^^f
suddenly upon his oath fell doAvn ; and so brought to the English perjury.
house in Rome, Avithin three days after departed. The pope sending
Avord to King Athelstan, Avhether he Avould have the said Elfred
buried among"^ Christians or not, at length, through the persuasions of
his friends and kinsfolks, it was concluded that he should be buried
in christian burial. This story although I find in no other Avriters
mentioned, but only in the Chronicles of Malmesbury, yet, forasmuch
as it beareth the Avitness and Avords of the king himself, as testified in
an old deed of gift, given to the monastery of Malmesbury, I thought
the same the more to be of credit. The' words of the king proceed
as folloAv in the note.^
(1) Louis rAveugle, king of Provence. L'Artde Ver. des Dates, Rois de Bourgogiieet Provence.
—Ed.
(2) Not Louis, as Foxe says; who, however, copies Mahnesbury in this paragraph. Ibid.— Ld.
(3) " Ut quasi philosophi ad gubernandam rempublicam non jam rudes procederent."— Gulie).
Malmesb. de Regib.
(4) Edition 1563, p. 10. Ed. 1583, p 147. Ed. 1596, p. 133. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 164.— Ed.
(5) The copy of an old writing of King Athelstan, testifying of the niiraculous death ol Duke
Elfred, suddenly stricken by the hand of God for perjury:—" Sciant sapit-ntes regionis nostra;, non
lias pra-fatas terras me injuste rapuisse, rapinamque Deo dedisse. Sed sic eas accepi, queinaa-
niodum judic.iverunt omnes optimates regui Anglorum, insuper et apostolicus papa Romanx
40
FABULOUS MIRACLES.
A. D.
933.
North-
umbfr-
land and
the Scuts
subdued
to the
king of
England.
FabuloBS
miracles.
A.D. 933.
In the second year of the reign of King Athelstan, for an unity
and a peace to be had between the king and the Danes of North-
umberland, he married to Sitheric* their king his sister, whereof
mention is made before ; but shortly after, within one year, this
Sitheric died, after wliose death King Athelstan seized that province
into his own hand, putting out the son of the aforesaid Sitheric,
called Anlaff, who, with his brother Godfrey, fled, the one into
Ireland, the other to Constantine, king of the Scots ; and, when he
hail thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberland, he shortly
made subject unto him Constantine, king of Scots. But the said
Constantine meeked himself so lowly to the king, that he restored
him to his former dignity, saying, that it was more honour to make
a king than to be a king.
Not long after, the said Constantine, king of Scots, did break
covenant with King Athelstan ; wherefore he assembled his knights,
and made towards Scotland, where he subduing his enemies, and
bringing them again unto due subjection, returned into England with
victory. Here, by the way, in some story writers, who, forgetting
the office of historians, seem to play the poets, is written and
recorded for a marvel, that the said Athelstan, returning out of
Scotland into England, came to York, and so into the church of
St. John of Beverly, to redeem his knife, which before he had left
there for a pledge at his going forth : in the which place he praying
to God and to St. John of Beverly, that he might leave there some
remembrance Avliereby they that came after might know that the
Scots by right should be subdued to the English men, smote with
sword, they say, upon a great hard stone standing near about the
castle of Dunbar, that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut
a large ell deep, with a lie no less deep also than was the stroke in
the stone. But of this poetical or fabulous story, albeit Poly-
chronicon, Fabian, Jornalensis, and others more, constantly accord in
the same, yet in Malmesbury and Huntington no mention is made at
all. But peradvcnture, he that was the inventor first of this tale of the
stone, was disposed to lie for the whetstone ; wherefore in my mind
he is worthy to have it. Of like truth and credit seemeth also
to be this that followeth about the same year and time under the
reign of King Athelstan, being the eighth year of his reign, of one
Bristan, bishop of Winchester, who succeeded Frithstan, in the
same see, and governed that bishopric four years. This Bristan,
being a devout bishop in prayer and contemplation, used much,
among his solitary walks, to frequent late the church-yard, praying
ecclesiae Johannes, Elfredo defuncto, qui nostra; felicitafi et vitae aemulus extitit, nequitiae inimi-
corum nostrorum consenticns, qui me voluerunt (patre meo defuncto) c<Ecare in urbe Wintonia, si
non me Deus sua pietate eripuisset. Sed denudatis eorum machinamentis, remissus est ad
Romanam ecclesiani, ut ibi sc coram Apostolico Johanne jurejurando defenderet. Et hoc fecit coram
altare sancti Petri. Sed facto juramento, cecidit coram aliare, et manibus famulorum suorum
portatus est ad scholam Angloruni, et ibi tertia nocte vitam finivit. Et tunc apostolicus ad nos
remisit, et quid de eo agcretur a nobis consuluit, an cum CcEteris Christianis corpus illius pone-
retur. His peractis et nobis renuooiatis, optimates regionis nostra; cum propmquorum illius
turma cfllapitabant omni humilitate, ut corpus illius per nostram licentiam cum corporibus pone-
retur Christianorum. Nosque flagitationi illorura consentientes Romam remisimus ; et papa
consenliente, positus est ad caeteros Christianos, quamvis indignus. Et sic judicata est mihi tota
possessio ejus in magnis ct in modicis. Sed et hsec apicibus li'.erarum praenotavimus, ne quando
aboleatur, unde mihi prsefata possessio, quam Deo et sancto Petro dedi, donatur. Nee justius
novi, quam Deo et sancto Petro banc possessionem dare, quiacmulum meum in conspectu omnium
cadere feccrnnt, et mihi prospiritatem rcgni largiti sunt." &c.— Guliel. Malmesb. lib. de Reg. in
Vila Ethelstani. fEdit. Francof. p. 52.— Ed.]
(1) See pp. 38, 43.— Ed.
HATTLE OF BUUM AN15RUCH. 41
for the souls there, and all christian souls departed. Upon a time the Atheiiian.
said' Bristan, after his wonted manner proceeding in his devotions, ~X~D~
when he had done, came to " Kequiescant in pace," whereunto 938.
suddenly a great multitude of souls answering together with one voice,
said, " Amen." Of this miracle albeit I have not much to say, hasting
to other matters, yet this question would I ask of some indifferent
papist, who were not wilful, but of ignorance deceived, if this mul-
titude which here answered " Amen," were the souls of them buried
in the church-yard or not ? If yea, then how were they in purgatory,
what time they were heard in that place answering " Amen," except
we should think purgatory to be in the church-yard at Winchester,
where the souls were heard then so many answering and praying
" Amen?" And yet this story is testified by the accord of writers
of that time, Malmesbury, Polychronicon, Hoveden, Jornalensis, and
others more. Much like miracles and prophecies also we read of
Elphege who succeeded him ; but because we haste to other things,
let these fables pass.
Ye heard a little before, how King Athelstan, after the death of
Sithcric, king of Northumberland, seized that land or province into
his own hand, and put out his son Anlaff, who, after flying into
Scotland, married the daughter of Constantine, king of Scots, by
whose stirring and exhortation he gathered a company of Danes, Scots,
and others, and entered the mouth of Humber Avith a strong navy
of six hundred and fifteen ships. Whereof king Althelstan, with
his brother Edmund, having knowledge, prepared his army, and at Battle
length joined in fight with him and his people at a place called a^Bru-
Brimanbruch, or Brimford, where he fighting with them from ™a"-
morning to even, after a terrible slaughter on both sides, as the like a.d. sss.
hath not been seen lightly in England, had the victory. In which
battle were slain five small and under-kings, with Constantine, king
of Scots, and twelve dukes, with the more part of all the strangers Another
which at that time they gathered to them. Here, also, our writers ^jra'^cie^of
put in another miracle in this battle, how King Athelstan's sword ^ing
miraculously fell into his sheath, through the prayer of Odo, then stan's"
arclibishop of Canterbury. ^^°^'^'
Concerning this battle, I find in a certain written Chronicle the odo arch-
underwritten verses, which, because they should not be lost, I thought ^a,',\gP "'
not unworthy here of rehearsal.' buiy-
(I) " Transierat quinos et tres et quatuor annos,
Jure regens cives, subigens virtute tyrannos,
Cum redit ilia lues Europae noxia labes.
Jam cubat in terris fera barbaries aquilonis,
Et jacet in campis pelago pirata relicto.
Illicitas torvasque minas Analavus anhelat.
Bacchant! furije, Scotorum rege volente,
Commodat assensum borealis terra serenum.
Et jam (jrande turaent, jam terrent aera verbis.
Cedunt indigenae, cedit plaga tota superbis.
Nam — quia rex noster, fidens alacrisque juventa,
Emeritus pridem detriverat otia lenta—
nii continuis faedabant omnia praedis,
Urgentes miseros injectis ignibus agros.
Marcuerant totis viridantia gramina campis,
iEgra seges votum deluserat agricolarum.
Tanta fuit peditum, tam barbara vis equitantum,
Innumerabilium concursus quadrupedantum !
Excivit tandem famae querimonia regem,
Ne se cauterio tali pateretur inuri,
Qu6d sua barbaricas cessissent arma securi.
Nee mora, victricis ducentia signa cohortes
42
KTHEI.STAN MUUDKUS HIS UttOTlIliU EDWIX.
"f""-'''""- After tliis victory thus obtained of the Danes and Scots, King
A.D. Atliclstan also subdued, or at least quieted, the North Britons, vhom
938. he conventing together at Hereford, or thereabouts, forced them to
riiiJ grant unto him as a yearly tribute twenty pounds of gold, three hun-
.wisouth '^'"^^ pounds of silver, antl of heads of neat five and twenty hundred,
iJriions with hawks and dogs to a certain number. This done, he went to
tJuibiltc, Exeter, and there likewise subduing the South 13ritons about Exeter
due/"*^ and Cornwall, repaired the walls of Exeter with sufficient strength,
and so returned.
Among these victorious and noble acts of this king, one blot there
is of him written and noted, wherein he is as much worthy to be
reprehended as in the other before to be commended ; that is, the
innocent death and murder of his brother Edwin, the occasion
whereof was this : — King Edward aforenamed, their father, in the
time of his youth, coming by a certain village or grange where he
had been nursed and brought up of a child, thought of courtesy to
go see how liis nurse did, where he, entering into the house, espied a
certain young damsel, beautiful, and right seemly attired, Egwina
by name. This Egwina, before being a poor man''s daughter, had a
vision by night, that of her body sprang such a bright light of the
moon, that the brightness thereof gave light to the realm of England,
by reason whereof she was taken into the aforesaid house, and
daintily brought up instead of their own daughter for hope of some
commodity to ensue thereby, as afterward it came to pass ; for
King Edward, as it is declared, coming into the house, and ravished
"with the beauty of the maiden, had of her this Athelstan. Where-
fore the said Athelslan being thus basely born of Egwina, the
first wife to Edward, as is said, before he was married to her, and
fearing his next brother Edwin, who was rightly born, especially
King being stirred thereunto through the sinister suggestion of his butler,
stan^' did cast such displeasure to the aforesaid Edwin his brother, being
death of^ yet but young, that, notwithstanding his innocent submission and
his own jjurgation made against his accusers, he caused him to be set in an old
rotten boat in the broad sea, only with one esquire with him, without
any tackling or other provision to the same ; where the young and
tender prince being dismayed with the rage of winds and of the
floods, and now -weary of his life, cast himself overboard into the
sea, and so was drowned. The esquire, however, shifting for himself
as he could, and recovering the body of his master, brought it to
Sandwich, where it was buried : which done, the king, afterwards
coming to the remembrance of himself, was stricken with great
repentance the space of seven years together, and at length was
revenged of him that was the accuser of his brother. This accuser,
as is said, was the king's cup-bearer, who, as God the righteous
Judge of all things would have it, upon a certain solemn feast, bearing
the cup unto the king, chanced in the middle of the floor to stumble
Explicat in ventum vexilla ferocia centum.
Juncta viruni virtus, decics bis miliia quina,
Ad stadium belli cumitantur pr<Tvia signa.
Hie strepitiis movit prx'd itorum legiones,
Terruit iiisignis venientum fawa lairoiies,
I't positA proprias i)ra;da petereiit regiones.
At viilgus reliquuni miseranda straj,'e peremptum
Infeeit bibulas tetris nidoribus auras.
I'ugit Analavus de tot inodo millibus unus," &c.
SUPKUSTITIOUS IIKLICS. 43
with one foot, helping and recovering himself with the other, saying a ihehtan
in these words, " Thus one brother, as you see, helpeth another."''' ~^7l7~
These words being thus spoken in the hearing of the king, so moved yii.
his mind, that forthwith he commanded the false-accuser of liis
brother to be had out to execution ; whose just recompense I would
wish to be a warning to all men, what it is to sow discord between
brother and brother.
King Athelstan, besides his seven years' lamentation for this act,
builded the two monasteries of Middleton and of Michelenes for his Tiiecause
brother's sake, or, as the stories say, for his soul : whereby it may Sn^ "b-
appear what was the cause most special in those days of building ^''^^■
monasteries, to wit, for releasing the sins both of them departed, and
them alive ; which cause, how it standeth with the grace and verity
of Christ's gospel, and of his passion, let the christian reader try and
examine with himself. This cruel fact of the king towards Edwin,
caused him afterward to be more tender and careful towards his
other brethren and sisters left in his hands unmarried ; which sisters,
as is partly in the chapter before declared, he richly bestowed in great
marriages, as one to the king of Northumberland, Sitheric ; another he
gave to Louis, king of Provence ; the third to Henry, duke of Almain,
for his son Otho, who was the first emperor of the Germans ; whereby it otho,
is to be understood, that the empire at this time began first to be emperor
translated from France (where it remained about one hundred years °^^^^^
and a half) unto Germany, Avhere it hath ever since continued.
The fourth of his sisters, being a virgin of singular beauty, Hugo,
duke of France,* required to be given to him ; sending to King Jewels
Athelstan precious and sumptuous presents, such as were not before Atheis'ian
seen in England : among the which presents and gifts, besides sundry ^
favours of rare odours and fine spices ; and besides precious and costly king.
gems, namely, emeralds of most refulgent green ; besides also many
fine coursers and palfries richly trapped; especially of one jewel do
writers make mention, which was a certain vase, finely and subtilely
made of the precious stone onyx, so wrought and polished, that in it
corn and vines appeared to be really growing, and men's images walk-
ing. Over and besides was sent also the sword of Constantine the
Great, with his name written in golden letters, and in the haft of the
same, inlaid in gold, was one of the iron nails wherewith our Saviour oneofthe
on the cross was nailed. Of the verity whereof I am not disposed at ^^"jj^'^^
this present much to say what I suspect, but from the ecclesiastical with our
story of Eusebius it is evident, that two of the aforesaid nails of was cru
Christ were spent on the bridle of Constantine, the third he cast into ^'''*'^'
the sea in a raging tempest ; wherefore if Christ were nailed with
four nails, perhaps this nail might be one ; if he were nailed but with
three, I see not how this story can stand with other stories, neither
how this fourth nail can stand with the truth. Among the rest,
moreover, was the spear of Charlemagne, the same (as is reported)
wherewith the side of our Saviour was opened, which also the said
Charlemagne was wont to carry in the field against his enemies : with
a portion likewise of the holy cross enclosed in crystal ; also a part of
the crown of thorns in like manner enclosed.^ Of the which relics,
(1) Alias, Earl of Paris. L'Art de V. des D. Foxe, misled by Malmesbury, calls him " the French
king." One or two errors are corrected in the preceding parai;raph. See supra, p. 39. — Kd.
(2) The above aceouut of Hugo's presents is corrected from the original in Malmesbury. — Ed.
om the
rench
44 A LAW COXCERNIXG TITHES,
Aihehtan. part was gjvcn to Winchester, part to the cliurch of Malmcsbury,
A. D. where King Athclstan was burictl. As this king was endued and
^tl- enlarged by the gift of God (tiie setter-up and disposer of all kings)
with great victories of worldly renown, liaving under liis subjection
both the Scots and Britons, and the whole monarchv of the land ; so
he devised divers good and wholesome laws for tlie government of the
same, as well concerning the state of the orders ecclesiastical, as also
of the secular or lay people.* Whereby it is to be understood, that
the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome did not then extend itself
so largely, nor so proudly derogate from the authority of kings and
Kinps of princes, but that every one in his own dominion had, under God, and
EiiKiand pqj. under the pope, the doing of all matters within the same liis
governors .. -iiii i --i
as well in doniiuion contamed, whetlier they were causes temporal or spiritual,
ecciesias- as by the decrees and constitutions of this king, and also of others
temporal ^^ ^^^^^ bcforc him as after him, may evidently be testified ; as where
he, amongst other laws, thus ordaineth touching the bishop, in the
words that follow undcrwTitten.^
A law The said Athelstan besides prescribed other constitutions also, as
ingtithes. toucliing tithcs-giving, wlicre he saith, and proclaimeth: " I Athelstan,
king, charge and command all my officers through my whole realm,
to give tithes unto God of my proper goods, as well in living cattle
as in the corn and fruits of the ground ; and that my bishops like-
wise, of their proper goods, and mine aldermen, and my officers
and headmen, shall do the same.' Item, this I will, that my bishops
and other headmen do declare the same to such as be under their
subjection, and that to be accomplished at the term of St. John the
Baptist. Let us remember what Jacob said unto the Lord, ' Of all
things that thou givest to me I will offer tithes unto the Lord ;'
(1) See the Acts of the Council of Gratley, a.b. 928, given in Wilkins's Concilia, torn. i. p. 205.
—Ed.
(2) " F.piscopo jure pertinet, omnem rectitudinem promovere, Dei videlicet ac scculi. In priniis,
debet oinnem ordinatum instruere, quid ei sit agendum jure, et quid hominibus secularibus judicara
debeant.
" Debet etiam sedulo pacem et concordiam operaricum seculi judicibus, qui rectum velle diligunt,
et in compellationum allegationem edocere, ne quis alii perperam a^at in jurejurando vtl in ordalio.
" Nee pati debet aliquam circumventionem injustje mensuriE, vel injusti ponderis. Sed convenit
ut per consilium et testimonium ejus omne le;;is rectum, et burgi niensura, et omne pondus, sit
secundum ditionem [alias dictionem] ejus institutum valde rectum; ne quis pro.xinium suum
seducat, pro quo dccidat in pcccatum.
" Et semper debet Christianis providere contra omnia quae predicta sunt, et ideo debet se de
pluribus introniittere, ut sciat quomodo grex agat, quern ad Dei manum custodire suscepit, ne
diabolus eum dilaniet, nee malum aliquod superseminet. Nunquam enim erit populo bene
consultum, nee digne Deo conversabitur, ubi lucrum impium et magis falsum diligitur. Ideo
debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est enervare, etquodjustum est elevare, nee pati ut propter
falsum et pecuniae quaestum homines se forisfaciant erga veresapientem Deuni,cuidisplicetomnis
injustitia.
" Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, ut rectum diligant, et iniqua condemnent, et
saltern sacris ordinibus evecti justum semper crigant, et prava deponant.
" Hinc debent episcopi cum seculi judicibus judicia dictitare, et interesse judiciis, ne permittant
(si possint) ut illinc aliqua pravitatum gramina pullulent. Et sacerdotibus pertinet in sua dioccesi,
ut ad rectum sedulo quemcumque juvent, nee patiantur (si possint) ut Christianus aliquis alii
noceat, non potens impotenti, non summus infimo, non pralatus subditis [miiioribus], non dominus
hominibus suis, servis aut liberis. Et secundum ditionem [alias dictionem] et per mensuram
suam convenit per rectum, ut necessaria servi [servi testamentalcs] operentur super omnem schyram
cui praeest.
" Et rectum est ut non sit aliqua menjurabilis virpa longior quam alia, sed per Episcopi men-
suram omnes in^titulae sint, et exequata» per suam dicccesin [in sua scriftscyra], et omne pondus
constet secundum dictionem ejus, et si aliquid controversiarum intersit, discernat Episcopus
" Uniuscujusque Domini proprium est et necesse, ut servis suis condescendat et compatiatur,
sicut indulgentius poterit : quia Domino Deo viventi sunt jeque chari servus et liber. Et omnes
uno et eodem pretio rcdemit, et omnes sumus Deo necessario servi, et sic judicabit nos, sicut ante
judicavinius eos, in quos potestateni judicii in terris habuimus. Et ideo oi)U8 est ut eis parcamus
qui nobis parere debent, et tunc manutencbimur, in Dei Omnipotentis proprio judicio. Amen." —
Extractum ex legib. Kegis Ethelstani. [The above is found, slightly varied, in Brompton. — Ed.]
(3) " Ego Ethelstanus Rex, consilio Ulfelmi archiepiscopi mei et aliorum episcoporum, niando
praepositis omnibus in regno raeo, in nomine Domini et sanctorum omnium, ut imprimis reddant
de meo proprio decinias Deo, tarn in vivente capitali, quam in mortuis frugibus terrae : et episcopi
mci similiter faciant de suo proprio, ct aldcrmanni mei et propositi mci," &c.
TIIK DIFFERKXCE BKTWKKX MOKKS AXI) I'RIKSTS. 45
also, wliat the Lord saitli in the Gospel of St. Matthew, ' To him Kdmun^-
that hath it sliall be given, and he shall abound.' We must also ~a^^
consider how terribly it is written in books, that ' if we will not offer 941.'
our tenths, from us nine parts shall be taken away, and only the
tenth part shall be left us.'" And, in the same place, after that he
hath assigned the church rights to be paid in the place whereto they
belong, it followeth, " that the king would usurp no man's goods
wrongfully.'"'
Among his other laws and ordinances, to the nmuber of thirty-
five, divers things are comprehended, pertaining as well to the spiri-
tual, as also to the temporal jurisdiction.
Out of the laws of this king first sprang up the attachment of
thieves, that such as stole above twelve pence, and Avere above twelve
years old, should not be spared. Thus much, briefly, concerning the
history of King Athelstan, and things in his time done, who reio-ned
about the space of sixteen years i^ as he died without issue, after him
succeeded his brother Edmund, a.d. 941, who reigned four years
and a half.
EDMUND.'
Edmuxd, the son of Edwurd the Elder by his third wife (as is A.D.
declared) and brother of Athelstan, being of the age of twenty years, ^ ^^ '»
entered upon his reign, who had by his queen Elgina two sons, Edwin, ^'^^•
and Edgar, surnamed Pacificus, who both reigned after him as followeth.
Tliis Echiiund continued his reign four years and a half. By him
were expelled the Danes, Scots, Normans, and all foreign enemies out
of the land. Such cities and towns as before were in the possession
of strangers, as Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Stafford, and Leicester,
he recovered out of their hands. Thus the realm being cleared of
foreign power for a time, the king set his mind upon redressing and
maintaining the state of the church ; which all stood then in build-
ing of monasteries, and furnishing of churches, either with new
possessions, or in restoring the old, which were taken away before.
In the time of this Edmund, this I find in an old written story
borrowed of William Carey, a citizen of London, a Avoithy treasurer
of most worthy monuments of antiquity. The name of the author
I cannot allege, because the book beareth no title, lacking both the
beginning and the latter end, but the words thereof faithfully recited
be these, " In the time of this king, there was a scattering or dis-
persion made of the monks out of the monastery of Evesham, and
canons svibstituted in their place, through the doing of Athelmus
and Ulricus, laymen, and of Osulfus, bishop," &c.'' a.d. 94L
Here, as concerning this matter between monks and others of the The dff-
clergy, first it is to be understood, that in the realm of England here- b^wcea
to fore, before the time of Dunstan, the bishops' sees and cathedral """"^^
'■ and
(1) " Facite etiam ut mihi mea propria capiatis, quae mihi poteritis recte acquirere. Nolo ut P"*^*'^'
aliquid mihi injuste conquiratis. Sed omnia vestra concedo vobis eo tenore, quo mihi mea
similiter exoptetis. Cavete simul et vobis, et els quos admonere debetis, ab ira Dei et trans-
gressione mea." '
(2) Epitaph, in Ethelst. " Sol illustravit bisseno scorpion ortu : cum regem cauda percutit iDc sua "
(3) Edition 1563, p. !1. Ed. 1.583, p. 150. Ed. 1597, p. 135. Ed. 16S4, vol. i. p. 167.— Ed.
(4) " Hujus regis tempore facta est dispersio monachorum Eushmensis cdMiobii, cum substitu-
tione canonicorum per Athelmum et Ulricum laicos, et Osulphum episcopum," &;c.
46 MONASTERY OF FLORTAKE.
Edmund, cluirclics wcie rcplciiisliccl Avitli no monks, but witli priests and canons,
A.D. called tlicn clerks, or men of the clergy. After tliis, beginneth
941 to to rise a difference or a sect between these two parties in strictness of
^40- life, and in habit ; so that they -who lived after a stricter rule of holi-
ness were called monks, and professed chastity; that Avas, to live without
wives, for so was chastity then defined in those blind days ; as though
holy matrimony were not chastity, according as Paphnutius did well
define it in the Council of Nice. The other sort, who were not monks,
but priests, or men of the clergy so called, lived more free from those
monkish rules and observances, and were then commonly, or at
least lawfully, married, and in their life and habit came nearer to
the secular state of other Christians, by reason whereof great disdain
and emulation were among them, insomuch that in many cathedral
churches, where priests were before, there monks were put in ;
and on the contrary, where monks had intruded, there priests and
canons again were placed, and monks thrust out ; whereof more shall
appear hereafter (by the grace of Christ), when we come to the
life of Dunstan. In the mean time something to satisfy the cogita-
tion of the reader, who perad venture either is ignorant, or else would
know of the first coming in of monks into this realm and church
of England in the Saxons' time, this is to be noted, according
as I find in old chronicles, namely, in the Latin history of Malmes-
bury, recorded touching the same.'
About this time of King Edmund, or shortly after, hardness
and strictness of life, joined with superstition, was had in veneration,
and coimted for great holiness : men, therefore, either to win public
fame with men, or merits witb God, gave themselves to lead a
strict life, thinking thereby, the stranger their conversation was,
and the further from the common trade of vulgar people, the more
The mo- perfect to be towards God and man. There was at that time, and
of VrJ^ry. before that, a monastery in France named Fleury,^ after the order
and rule of Benedict ; from which monastery did spring a great
part of our English monks, who being there professed, and after-
ward returning into England, did congregate men daily to their pro-
fession ; and so, partly for strangeness of their rule, partly for outward
holiness of their strict life, partly for the opinion of holiness that many
had of them, were in great admiration, not only with the rude sort,
but with kings and princes, who founded their houses, maintained
their rules, and enlarged tlicm with possessions. Among this order
of monks coming from Flcury especially was one Oswald, first a
monk of Fleury, then bishop of Worcester and York, a great patron
Oswald, and setter up of monkery. Touching this Oswald, Malmesbury,
of Yo7k, w'riting of his history, hath these words : " It was a common custom
pafron of ^^ ^^^^^ ^"^^^ amoug Englishmen, that if any good men were well-
monkery affected or minded toward religion, they went to the monastery of
the blessed St. Benedict in France, and there received the habit of
^♦^ . a monk, whereupon the first orimn of this religion beq-an," &:c. But
origin. , ' . c" o o "
of this Oswald, bishop of York, and Dunstan, bishop of Canterbury,
and Ethelwald, bishop of AVinchester, how they replenished divers
(1) Gulicl. Malmesh de Gestis Pontificum Anglorum, lib. ii.
(2) Founded by Pepin, a.d. 695. — Kd.
DUNSTAN, ARROT OV GLASTOXnURY. 47
monasteries and catlicdral cliurchcs witli monks, and how they dis- Edmund.
charged married priests and canons out of their houses, to plant "aTdT
in monks in their cells, more shall be spoken, by the grace of oil to
Christ, hereafter. "' ^ _J^6.
Let us now return to the matter where we left off, of King
Edmund, who, besides his noble victories against his enemies, and
recovering the cities above expressed into his own hands, did also
subdue the province of Cumberland ; and, after he had put out
the eyes of the two sons of Dunmail, king of Cumberland, he com-
mitted the governance thereof to Malcolm, king of Scots, upon pro-
mise of his trusty service and obedience, when the king should stand
in any need of him. In the time of this king, Dunstan was not yet cunstan,
archbishop of Canterbury, but only abbot of Glastonbury, of whom ciaston-
many fabulous narrations pass among writers, importing more vanity ^""^^^
than verity, whereof this is one of the first. \Vliat time Edgar,
called Pacificus, was bom, Dunstan, being at the same time abbot
of Glastonbury, heard, as the monkish fables dream, a voice in the air
of certain angels singing after this tenor, " Now peace cometh to
the church of England in the time of this child, and of oiu: Dun-
stan," &c. This I thought to recite, that the christian reader might Tiie sons
the better ponder with himself the impudent and abominable fictions Edmund,
of this Romish generation. But of the same mint also they have ^^^g*°j"
forged, how the said Dunstan heard the angels sing the Kyri- vanity
eleson, usually sung at even-song in the church.* \Vliich is as popes'
true as that the harp, hanging in a woman's house played by itself i^Y^lg.
the tune of the anthem, called, " Gaudent in ccelis," &c. What ing false
would not these deceivers feign in matters something likely, who, in
things so absurd and so inconvenient, shame not to lie and to forge
so impudently, and also so manifestly ? Through the motion of this The
Dunstan, King Edmund builded and fiirnished the monastery of ciaston-
Glastonbury, and made the said Dunstan abbot thereof. buifded
Concerning the end and death of this king, sundry opinions there ty King
be. Alfridus and Marianus say, that while this King Edmund
endeavoured himself to save his sewer from the danger of his enemies,
who would have slain him at Pulcher chm-ch, the king, in parting the
fray, was wounded, and died shortly after. But Malmesbury saith,^
" that the king being at a feast at Pulcher church upon the day of
St. Augustine, spied a felon sitting in the hall named Leof, Avhom
he for his felony had exiled ; and leaping over the table did fly
upon him, and plucked the thief by the hair of the head to the
ground ; in which doing, the felon with a knife wounded the king to
the death, and also with the same knife wounded many other of the
king's servants, and at length was hewn down and died forth-
with.
By the laws of King Edmund (ordained and set forth, as well for me laws
the redress of church matters, as also of civil regiment) it would i/d!^,'"^d
appear, that the state of causes both temporal and spiritual, apper- to"ciii"s
tained then to the king's right (the false pretended usurpation of tiiesute
the bishop of Rome notwithstanding), as by these laws is to be asu'm-^
seen : where he, by the advice of his lords and bishops did enact p°"'-
and determine concerning the chastity and pure life of ecclesiastical
(\) Guliel. Malmesb. de Pontif. lib. i. (2) Idem, dc Regib lib. ii.
48 KIXG KnMLKl)"'s LAWS.
Edmund, ministers, and sucli as were in the orders of tlic eluircli, witli tlie
A.D. penalties also for those who transgressed the same.
941 to Item, For tithes to be paid for every christian man, and for the
^^^- church fees, and alms fees, &c.
Item, For defilin<i[ of women professed, whom we call nuns, &c.
Item, For every bishop to see his churches repaired of his own
proper charge ; and boldly to admonish the king, whether the houses
of God were well maintained, Sec.
Item, For flying into the church for sanctuary, &c.
Item, Concerning cases and determinations spousal or matri-
monial, &c.
All which constitutions declare what interest kings had in those
days in matters as well ccclesiiistical as others, within their dominion ;
and that, not only in disposing the ordinances and rites that apper-
tained to the institution of the church, but also in placing and
setting bishops in their sees, &c.
In the time of this Edmund, Ulstan was archbishop of York, and
Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, which Odo, being a Dane bom,
as is before said, was promoted to that see by King Athelstan, for
that, as they say, lie being first bishop of Wilton, and present witli
King Athelstan in the field against Analavus before-mentioned,
Avhat time the said Athelstan had lost his sword, he, through his
intercession uj) to heaven, did sec a sword from heaven come down
into the sheath of the king. Whereof relation being made unto the
king by the aforesaid bishop,' Athelstan upon the same was so
affected towards Odo, tliat not only he accounted him a patron of his
life, but also made liim primate of Canterbury after the decease
of Ulfelm. This Odo was the first from the coming in of the
Saxons, Avho was archbishojj of Canterbury, being no monk ; for all
the others before him were of the ])rofcssion of monks, of whom a
odomade great part had been Italians unto Berctualdus.^ Notwithstanding
Fieury,^ this, Odo, being also a stranger born, after he Avas elected to the
f/!!^''.':.. bishopric, to answer to the old custom of others before him, sailed
bishoi) of over into France, and there, at Fleury, after the usual manner
bury. above-mentioned of Englishmen, received the profession and habit
of monkish religion, as saith Malmesbury.' And, like as the said Odo
first being no monk, was made archbishop of Canterbury, so also
Ulstan, being at the same time bishop of York and f>f AVorcester,
differed from divers of his predecessors before him in profession
and habit ; of whom the beforenamed author thus writeth in his
third book, speaking of Ulstan, " Qui sanctitate discrepabat ct
The dif- liabitu ;" that is, " He differed in sanctimony and in habit.'"' Where-
ofTabu by it is to be collected, that in those days there was a difTercnce in
meni^^ habit and garment, not only between monks and bishops, but also
among between one bishop and another ; albeit what difference it was, I do
tiie not find. But to return again to Odo, v.ho, by the description of
ciiurch. jijg iiijjj^j^ers, might seem not to be the worst wlio occupied that
place, were it not that our Iving histories, feigning flilse miracles
about liini, as they do of others, make him indeed to seem worse
(1) Guliel. ^^almesb. de Pontif. lib. i. Polychron. lib. vi. np G.
(2) Idem, de I'ontif. lil). i.
(3) Idem, lib. iii. de I'oiiiif. Ebor.
stantia-
tion not
PASTORAL LETTER OF ARCHBISHOP ODO. 49
titan he was, as where they imagine that he should see from heaven Edmur.d.
a sword fall into the scabbard of King Athelstan ; also, where he ~X ij ^
should cover and defend the church of Canterbury with his prayers 941 to
from rain ; and where he should turn the bread of the altar (as 940-
the writer termeth it) into lively flesh, and from flesh into bread J^^
again, to confirm the people who before doubted about it. Where tirades
note again, good reader ! that albeit this miracle were true, as no
doubt it is untru?-, yet is it to be noted, that in those days was
a great doubt amongst Englishmen about the popish sacrament, and
that transubstantiation was not received into the christian creed. Transub-
The like judgment is to be given also of that, where our English
■vvi-iters, testifying of the same Odo, say that he prophesied long be- IH^^^
fore that Dunstan would be his successor in the church of Canter-
bury. But to let these phantasies and idle stories pass, this which
we find of his own ^mting is certain, that the said Odo, in the
reign of King Edmund, had a synod commenced of the chief pre-
lates and men of the clergy in his time, to whom he directed this
letter here following : the copy whereof I thought to give, for
the reader to see what zealous care then reigned in archbishops to-
ward the church of the Lord. The words of his epistle proceed
in this tenor : —
The letter or epistle of Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, sent to the
other bishops and men of the clergy.*
By the divine grace of God, I Odo, of the church of our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ archbishopj and meti-opolitan of the city of Dover, to my fellow-
bishops and fellow-planters of the Cathohc faith, and my fellow-brethren in the
spiritual bond of charity, with greeting, wish prosperity in this world present,
and in the world to come fehcity. If it were so, or by any means could be, that
all the riches of this world were laid before mine eyes, so that I being emperor
had all things universally under my subjection, all those things gladly would I
give, yea and myself also I would offer willingly for the health of your souls, aa
who also do desire, and trust likewise myself to be strengthened with the fervency
of your holiness, as appertaining to those things wherein the Lord our God hath
set us to be workmen, &c.
And after a few other words to the like eff'ect, wherein he doth declare
the heavy burden of his office, it followcth after this manner : —
Wherefore most humbl}-, and as one unworthy, but yet a devout fellow-brother
of yours, I beseech and exhort your holiness, that you will not show yourselves
cold and negligent in the cure and regiment of souls, so that in the time of the
fearful judgment, the Lord do not complain of you, saying, " My shepherds did
not feed my flock, but they fed themselves;" and again, " They were princes
of my flock, and I knew not of it." But rather let us take heed and be diligent
over the household of the Lord, over which he hath set us to be the leaders, to give
them meat and true measure of corn in time convenient ; that is to say, whole-
some doctrine. And, although upon mine own merits or worthiness, I do not
presume to comfort or exhort any man, but as one being unworthy and faulty in
transgressions innumerable, I am glad, and stand in need rather, to be strengthened
by your brotherly admonitions ; yet, for the ancient authority of my predecessors,
as of Augustine of happy memory, and also of all other saints, by whose indus-
try the rule of Christianity did first flourish and spring from this metropolitan
see unto all quarters of England, therefore I have thought good to direct unto
(1) " Mirabili cuncti-potentis polorum prcesulis dementia opitulante, ego Odo.ecclesiae salva-
toris Domini nostri Jesu Cliristi archiepiscoims, Doverniensis civitatis metropolitanus, coepis-
copis fulei CatholiccE corapagatoribus, spirituali charitatis vigore meis confratribus, prcesentiuiu
prosperitatem cethereique decoris beatitudinem," &c.
VOL. II. E
60 DUSSTAN THK MONK, ABBOT OF GLASTOXBL'K V ,
Edmund. J'ou tliese my letters to the profit of you all ; especially, for tliat our renowned
and princely king Edmund, witli all his people, doth joy to follow that which
A. U. )je heareth in you and of you ; and also forasmuch as all his subjects, who be
940 to under his imperial dominion, do love and delight to follow most joyfully the
"■'^' same, and report of your sincere conversation, &c.
This Odo continued bishop the space of eifjli teen years. After him
Elsinus was elected and ordained by tlie king to succeed througli
favour and money ; but, in going to Rome for the pope's pall, in his
journey through the Alps, he decayed and died for cold. Hereupon
succeeded Dunstan, as in time and place (by the leave of Christ) fol-
loweth to be declared.
King Edmund gave to St. Edmund the Mart}T before-mentioned,
the town of Brcdrichworth, which is now called St. Edmundsbury,
with great revenues and lands appertaining to the same. But con-
cerning the frivolous miracles Avhich our monkish story-writers here
feign of this good Edmund, by the way, or rather out of the way, I
Children let them pass. And thus much concerning King Edmund, who, after
Edmund. ^^^ had rcignedfourycars and a-half, was slain, as it is said, at Pulcher-
church, and buried at Glastonbury by Dunstan, leaving behind
him two children, Edwin and Edgar, by his wife Elgina. But because
the two aforesaid children were yet young, and under age, therefore
Edred, Edjcd, brother to King Edmund, and uncle to the children, governed
ofthe" as protector about the space of nine years and a half, till Edwin the
a^d"946 eldest son came of age. This Edred, Avith great moderation and fidelity
to 955. to the young children behaved himself, diu-ing the time of his govern-
ment. In his time Dunstan was promoted, tlirough the means of Odo
Dunstan the archbishop, from abbot of Glastonbury to be bishop of Worcester,
bishop of By the counsel of this Dunstan, Edred was much ruled, and too
worces- jjmc}^ thereto addicted ; insomuch that he is reported in stories to
have submitted himself to much fond penance and eastigation, in-
flicted on him by the said Dunstan. Such zealous devotion was then
in princes, and more blind superstition in bishops. And here again is
another miracle as fantastical as the other before, forged by Dunstan,
that when that Edred being sick sent for Dunstan to be his confessor,
by the way Dunstan should hear a voice declaring to him beforehand,
that Edred was already departed ; at the declaring whereof, Dunstan's
horse fell immediately dead under him — with lie and all !
EDWIN, OR EDWY.
A.D. Edwin, the eldest son of King Edmund before-mentioned, after
955 to liis uncle Edred, began his reign about a.d. 955, being crowned at
^^^' Kingston by Odo, the archbishop of Canterbury. Of this Edwin it
is reported by divers writers, that the first day of his coronation, sitting
with his lords, he brake suddenly from them, and entered a secret
chamber, to the company of a certain woman whom he inordinately
retained, being, as some say, another man's wife, whose husband he
had before slain ; as others say, being of his alliance, to the great mis-
liking of his lord?, and especially of the clergy. Dunstan was as yet
but abbot of Glastonbury ; who, following the king into the chamber,
I
Ills ADVANCEMENT TO THE PRIMACY. ol
brought him out by the hand, and accused him to Odo, the arclibisliop, E'lwin.
causing him to be separate from tlie company of the aforesaid party, ^ yy
by the whicli Odo the king was for his fact suspended out of the 955 to
church : by reason whereof the king, being with Dunstan displeased, 959.
banished him his land, and forced him for a season to flee to Flanders, The king
where he was in the monastery of St. Amand. About the same e"i''by't'ue
season the monastical order of 13enedict monks, or black monks, (as •"■c'lbi-
they were called,) began to multiply and increase here in England ;
insomuch that where, beforetime, other priests and canons had been
placed, there monks were in their rooms set in, and the secular priests
(as they then were called) or canons, put out. But King Edwin, Edwin an
for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan, did so vex all the order of ^,'o™^_'"
the said monks, that in Malmesbury, Glastonbury, and other places
more, he thrust out the monks, and set secular priests in their stead.
Notwithstanding, it Avas not long but these priests and canons were
again removed, and the said monks in their stead restored, both in the
aforesaid houses, and in divers other cathedral churches besides, as in
the next story of King Edgar (Christ willing) shall more at large appear.
In fine, King Edwin being hated, by reason of certain his de- His death,
meanours, of all his subjects, especially the Northumbrians and
Mercians, was by them removed from his kingly honour, and his
brother Edgar in his stead received, so that the river of Thames
divided both their kingdoms. Which Edwin, after he had reigned
about the term of four years, departed, leaving no heir of his body,
wherefore the rule of the land fell unto Edgar, his younger brother.
EDGAR, suRNAMED PAOIFIOUS.^
Edgar, the second son of Edmund, and brother to Edwin, being of A. D.
the age of sixteen years, began his reign over the realm of England, 95^-
A.D. 959, but was not crowned till fourteen years after,^ the causes
whereof hereunder follow (Christ willing) to be declared. In the be-
ginning of his reign he called home Dunstan, whom King Edwin had
exiled. Then was Dunstan, who before was abbot of Glastonbury, Dunsian
made bishop of Worcester, and then of London. Not long after this, ^^l^l^ of
Odo, the archbishop of Canterbury, deceaseth, after he had governed Lo"don,
that church twenty-four years. After Avhom, Elsinus,^ bishop ofsemiy
Winchester, [first was elected ; but shortly after died, as above re- bishop of
lated. After him, Brithilinus, bishop of Wells,] was elected ; but S^"'""
because he was thought not sufficient to fumish that room, Dunstan
was ordained archbishop, and the other sent home again to his old
church.* AVhere note by the way, how in those days the donation
and assigning of ecclesiastical dignities remained in the king's hand ;
only they fetched their pall from Rome as a token of the pope's con- Livings
firmation. So Dunstan, being by the king made archbishop, took his ^^^rwl.,
iourney to Rome for his pall of Pope John XII., whicli was about andnotby
. *■ the DOPC.
the beginning of the king''s reign. Thus Dunstan, obtaining his
pall, shortly after his return again from Rome entreateth King Edgar
that Oswald (who, as is said, w'as made monk at Fleury, and was
nephew to Odo, late archbishop of Canterbury) might be promoted
to the bishopric of Worcester, which thing to him was granted ; and,
(1) Edition 1563, p. 10. Ed. 1583, p. 152. Ed. 159G, p. 13". Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 169.— Ed.
(2) See Appendix. (3) Foxe says, erroneously, "Brithilinus:" see pp. 50, 103. — Ed.
W) Kx. Hist. Ro. Hoveden, [whence the above correction of the text is made. — En.]
52 MOKKISH DRKAMS.
Ejiiar. not long after, tlirougli the means of the said Dunstan, Etlielwold,
^ J) wliom stories do feign to be tlie great patron of monkery, first monk
959. at Glastonbury, then abbot of Abingdon, was also made bishop of
Winchester. Of this Etlielwold, Malmcsbury' recordeth, that what
wold, time he was a monk in the house of Glastonbury, the abbot had a
wlnche"'^ vision of him, which was this : how that there appeared to him in his
ter, a slccp a ccrtain great tree, the branches whereof extended throughout
maimain- all the four quarters of the realm, which branches were all covered
monkery "'•'^^ many little monks' cowls ; where in the top of the tree was one
A. 1). 963. great master-eowl, which, in spreading itself over the other cowls,
enclosed all the rest; which master-cowl in the tree-top mine author,
Monkish in the interpretation, applieth to the life of this Etlielwold. Of such
reams, prodigious fantasics our monkish histories be full ; and not only our
histories of England, but also the heathen histories of the Gentiles,
be stuffed with such kind of dreams of much like effect.
Of such a like dream we read of the mother of Athelstan ; how
the moon did spring out of her womb, and gave light to all England!
Also of King Charles the emperor, how he was led by a thread to
see the torments of hell. Likewise of Furceus, the hermit, mentioned
in the third Book of Bede, who saw the joys of heaven, and the four
fires that should destroy the world ; the one of lying, for breaking
our promise made at baptism ; the second fire was of covetousness ;
the third of dissension ; the fourth was the fire of impiety and
wromrful dealinfj. Item, in like sort of the dream of Dunstan, and
of the same Etlielwold, to whom appeared the three bishops, Bristan,
Birin, and Swithin, &c. Item of the dream of the mother of this
Ethelwold, who being great with him, did see a golden eagle fly out
of her mouth, &c.; of the dream likewise, or the vision of King
Edgar, concerning the falling of the two apples ; and of the pots,
one being full, the other empty, of water, &e.; also of King Edward
the Confessor, touching the ruin of the land by the conquest of the
Normans. Wc read also in the History of Astyages, how he dreamed
of Cpus ; and likewise of many other dreams in the books of the monks
and of the ethnic writers ; for what cannot either the idle vanity of
man's head or the deception of the lying spirit work by man, in fore-
showing such earthly events as happen commonly in this present
world .'* But here is a difference to be understood between these
earthly dreams, speaking of earthly things and matters of human super-
stition ; and between other spiritual revelations sent by God touching
spiritual matters of the church, pertaining to man's salvation. But, to
How and our purposc ; by this dream, and by the event which followed after, it
"onksbe- "^^^ appear how, and by what means, the multitude of monks began
gan to first to swarm in the churches of England, that is, in the days of this
liTigiand. Edgar, by the means of these three bishops, Dunstan, Ethelwold, and
Threeset- Oswald. Albeit Duustan was the chiefest ringleader of this race, yet
^"' "P."!' Ethelwold, bein? now bishop of Winchester, and Oswald bislioi) of
amonkisn ' ~ iii-ip i- ni- ••
religion. Worcester, were not much behind for their parts. By the instigation
and counsel of these three aforesaid, King Edgar is recorded in histories
to build either new out of the ground, or to re-edify monasteries de-
cayed by the Danes, more than forty: as the house of Ely, Glastonbury,
Abingdon, Burga by Stamford,^ Thorney, Ramsey,' Wilton, Winton,
(1) Ex. Guliel. Malmcsh. lib. de Gestis Pontificum Anglorum. (2) Peterborough. — En.
(3) Rumsey in Hants was founded by Ed^ar, Ramsey in Hunts re-founded. See Tanner's
Notitia Monastica for confirmation of our author.
PRIESTS COMPKLLKD TO GIVK PLACE TO MONKS. 53
Winchcomb, Tavistock in Devonsliire, ^fith divers other more, in the Edgar.
setting up and building' of the which the aforesaid Ethchvokl was a ^ r^
great doer, and a founder under tlie king. Moreover, through the 964.
motion of this Dunstan and his fellows, king Edgar, in divers great
houses and cathedral churches where prebendaries and priests were
before, displaced the priests, and set in monks. Whereof we read in
the Chronicle of Roger Hoveden, in words and form as followeth : —
" Ethclwold, bishop of Winchester, who was then one of the king's
council, did urge the king chiefly to expel clerks out of monasteries,
and in their rooms to bestow monks and nuns."' Thus the secular
priests being put to their choice, whether to change their habit, or to
leave their rooms, departed out of their houses, giving place for other
better men to come in. Then the houses and monasteries of religious
men through all the realm went up apace.
After the king's mind was thus persuaded and incited by these The i-o-
bishops to advance monkery, then Oswald, bishop of Worcester, and oswaidin
also made archbishop of York after the decease of Oskitel, " Sui voti ^uV'"^
compos effectus,"" as Hoveden writeth, having his see in the cathedral pnests to
church there of St. Peter, began first with fair persuasions to assay the Lonks"
minds of the canons and priests, whether they could be content to a.d. 9G3.
change their profession, and to be made monks or no ; and when he saw
it would not take effect, he practised this policy with them : — near to
the said church of St. Peter, within the church-yard, he erected another
church of our Lady, ^ which when he had replenished with monks, he
continually frequented ; there he kept, there he sat, and was ever there
conversant, by reason whereof the other church was left naked and
desolate, and all the people gathered there, vrhere the bishop was. The
priests seeing themselves so to be left and neglected both by the bishop
and by the people, to w^liom nothing remained but shame and contempt,
were driven by shame either to relinquish the house (such as would not
enter the monkish profession), or else to become monks (such as had
nothing else to depend upon). After the like superstition, although
not after the same subtilty, did Ethelwold also drive out the canons
and priests from the new monastery in Winchester, afterward called
Hyde, and place therein his monks. So in Oxford and in Mildune',
with divers other places, the secular priests, with their wives, were
expelled, to give place to monks. The cause thereof is thus pretended
in certain story-writers, whom I see also Fabian to follow; for that the
priests and clerks were thought slack and negligent in their church
service, and set in vicars in their stead, while they lived in pleasure and
mispent the patrimony of the church after their own lust. Then
King Edgar gave to the vicars the same land which before belonged
to the prebendaries ; who also not long after showed themselves as
negligent as the others. Wherefore King Edgar, as mine authors
write, by the consent of Pope John XHL, voided clearly the priests,
(1) " Hie namque Ethelwoldus regem, cujus eximius erat consiliarius, ad hoc maxime provoca-
vit, ut clericos a monasteriis expelleret, et monachos sanctimonialesque in eis collocaret," &c.
Ro. Hoveden, lib. Contiiiuationum post Bedam. Chro. Jornalens. Guliel. Malmesb. de Gestis Fon-
tif. lib. i. Whereunto accordeth likewise Jornalensis : " Hoc anno Ethehvoldus Wint. et Oswaldus
Wigorniensis, episcopi, jussu Regis Edgari (Clericis de quibusdam majoribus ecclesiis expulsis)
monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis et aliis monachos in eisdera fecerunt." Malmesbury
also, writing of the time of Dunstan, maketh the matter somewhat more plain, where he saith,
" Itaque clerici multarum ecclesiarum data optione, ut aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedi-
cerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes : surgebant itaque in tota insula rcligiosorum mo-
nasteria, cumulahantur mole pretiosi mctalli sanctorum altaria," Src.
(2) Guliel. Malmesb. lib. iii. de Gest. Pont. ; Chron. Jornalen. in Vita Edgari.
(3) Malmesbury.— Ed.
MONKS I\ THE PRIMITIVE CHUECH
Edgar, aiiil ovdaincd tlicrc iiKuiks ; tliouf,di certain of the nobles and some
\ iJ" of the prelates ^vcre therewith not well contented, as in the chapter
966. following may partly appear.
Ecclraias-
tical
But forasmuch as we have entered upon the mention of monks and
aff,iirs. nuns, and of their profession, -which 1 see so greatly in our monkish
stories commended ; lest perhaps the simple reader may be deceived
Thedif- thereby, in hearing the name of monks in all histories of times to be
o*rde"r!alid sucli an aucicut tiling in christian life, even from the primitive
tion'of church after the a])ostles'' time, both commonly recited and well
monks, rcccived : therefore, to help the judgment of the ignorant, and to pre-
vent all error herein, it shall not be unprofitable, in following the
present occasion here given, by way of a little digression, to inter-
meddle somewhat concerning the original institution of monks, Avhat
they were in the old time who were called Monachi ; wherein the
Two monks of the primitive time did differ from the monks of the middle
theprimi- time, and from these our monks now of this latter age ; moreover,
church, wherein all these three do differ fi'om priests, as we call them, and from
men of the clergy. Wherefore, to answer to the superstitious scruple of
those who allege the old antiquity of the name and title of monks,
first, I grant the name and order of monks to be of old continuance,
nearly from the time of three hundred years after Christ ; of whom
divers old authors do discourse, as Augustine, llieronymus, Basilius
Magnus (who was also himself one of the first institutors and com-
menders of that superstition), Chrysostom, Nazianzen, Evagrius, So-
zomen, Dionysius, and divers others. In the number of these
monks, who then were divided into hermits or anchorites, and into
Coenobites, were Antonius, Paulus, and Johannes, with divers other
recluses, among whom were Hieromc, Basil. JVIacharius, Isidore,
Pambns, Nilammon, Simeon, with infinite others, both in Palestine,
Syria, Thebes, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Africa, and Scythia ; insomuch
that Cassianus' maketh mention of a certain monastery at Thebes,
wherein were above 5,000 monks, under the government of one
abbot. And here also in England mention is made before of Bangor,
wherein were 2,200 monks under one man's ruling [a.d. 596] ;
whereby it appcarcth that there were monks then, and two hundred
years before, in the primitive time of the church. But what monks
these were, is to be considered : such as by tyranny of persecution
were driven into solitary and desert places, or else such as not
constrained by any, but of their own voluntary devotion, joined witli
some superstition, for the love they had unto spiritual contemplation,
and for hatred of the Avicked world, withdrew themselves from all
company, either having nothing to themselves proper, or else all thiuLTs
Monks in common with others. Now all these were then notiiing else buL
Hme^were l^ymcu : of wliicli laymcu there were two sundry sorts, one of the
only lay yulgar and common pco])le, who only were partakers of the sacraments ;
u-adinga the otlicrs, tlu-ougli following a monastical kind of life, were called
monks, being nothing but la}Tnen leading a more severe and stricter
trade of life than others.
By the authors quoted in the notc,^ it is evident that monks
<I) Cassian. lib. ii. cap. 4. [Instil. Ccenob. lib. iv. cap. 1, de institutis renuntiantium. — Ed ]
(2) Aupust. lib. du nionbus c-.-clcsia', ca]!. l.l. iti-iii, lib. de operihu.s Monaohonim. Item, Kpis-
tola ad Aurclium. Also by Ilierome ad Heliodorum, writing these words: " Alia monachoriim
>trict life.
NOT RESTRAINED FROM MARRIAGE. 55
in the former age of the church, albeit they lived a solitary life, Edgur.
yet were they no other but laymen, differing from priests and also Ecciesuu-
from the other monks who succeeded them afterwards in the middle „^"/,
age of the church, and that in three points : First, they were tied
and bound to no prescribed form, either of diet or apparel, or any uleprimi-
thing else, as we may see testified by the words of St. Augustine.' "j^^''™"
And Sozomen, speaking of the monks of the same time, who in from ' ^
cities had several mansions separate from others, saith, " Some live ti'e'se- "'
in cities, so behaving themselves, as seeming nothing worth, and they oJ'JSjj'^''
differed nothing from the multitude,''- &c. The second point wherein church,
they were discrepant from the later monks was, that they remained
in no other order but that of laymen, only being of a stricter life than
the rest, and had nothing to do in matters and charges ecclesiastical ;
which was afterward broken by Pope Boniface IV., as followeth (the
Lord willing) to be seen and said. Thirdly, the aforesaid monks of some
that age, albeit the most part of them lived sole and single froniried^M""
wives, yet some of them were married : certes, none of them were ""ra^r".!
forbidden or restrained from maniage. Of such as were married ff"™ '^'■'■•
speaketh Athanasius, who says, " he knew both monks and bishops, "^^*"
as married men, and fathers of children.'"*
The said monks of the old time, though they were better than supersti-
the others who followed them, yet, all that notwithstanding, super- f^\"^^
stition with them, and among them, began then to creep into the mockery.
church through the crafty subtilty of Satan, and all for the ignorance
of our free justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Examples do
declare the vain and prodigious superstition of these monastical sorts
of men ; which examples do not lack, if leisure rather did not lack to igno-
bring them in. But two or three shall suffice for many, which I pur- freT
pose (the Lord willing) here to insert, to the intent the mind of by^christ
the godly reader may the better consider and understand, how the cause
shortly after the time of Christ and his apostles, the doctrine of pereti-^""
christian justification began to be forgotten, true religion turned to "°°"
superstition, and the price of Chiisfs passion to be obscured through
the vain opinion of men's merits, kc. A certain abbot, named Moses,
thus testifieth of himself in the Collations of Cassianus, that he so
afflicted himself with much fasting and watching, that sometimes, for
two or three days together, not only he felt no appetite to eat,
but also had no remembrance of any meat at all, and by reason
thereof was driven also from sleep ; insomuch that he was caused to
pray to God but for some portion of the night to be given him, for
a little refreshing of sleep.^ In the same author mention is made of
est causa, alia clericorum ; clerici pascunt oves, ego pascor," &c. that is, " One thing pertaineth to
monks, another thing unto them of the clergy; they of the clergy feed their flock. I am fed," &c.
Kt ex Dionysio. The same appeareth likewise by the fourth canon of the Council of Chalcedon,
where it is provided, " Ne monachi se ecclesiasticis negotiis immisceant ;" that is, " That monks
should not intermeddle with matters of the church," &c. Et Leo, Epistola 62. vetat Monachos et
Laicos, •' etsi scientiae nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi et concionandi."
(1) " Neque inter ha?c nemo urgetur in aspera, qua; ferre non potest : nulli quod recusat imponitur;
nee ideo contemnitur a cfeteris, quiid in eis imitandis se fatetur invalidum. Jleminerunt enim
quantopere commendata sit in scripturis charitas. Meminerunt omnia munda mundis, &c. ' Non
quod intrat in os coinquinat hominem, sed quod exit.' Itaque non rejiciendis generibus ciborum
quasi pollutis, sed concupiscentice perdoniandte, et dilectioni fratrum retinenda; invigilat omnis in-
dustria." — August, de Institutis Monachorum.
(2) " Alii in turba civitatum conversabantur, sic scipsos gerentes, ut nuUius momenti videren-
tur et a multis nihil differrent," (tc— Lib. iii. cap. 16.
{?) " Se novisse et monachos et episcopos conjuges ct liberorum patres," &c.— In Epistola ad
Dracontium.
(4) Cassian. Collat. 2 cap, 17.
ranee of
justi-
56 MONKS OF THE MIDDl-E AGES.
JCdgar. a certain old man, u liennit, who, because he had conceived in liinisclf
£ccifsias- sucli a puqiosc as never to cat meat without he liad some guest or
affatri. straugcr with him. sometimes was constrained to abstain five days
togetlier until Sunday, when he went to tlie church, and thence
brouglit some stranger or other liome with liim.
Two otlier examples more will I add out of the said Cassianus, to
declare liow the subtilty of Satan, through superstition and false
colour of holiness, blindeth the miserable eyes of those who rather
attend men''s traditions than the word of God. The said author
relates that a certain abbot named Johannes, in the desert of Scythia,
niind sent two of his novices with figs unto one that was sick in the wilder-
supersti- ncss, ciglitccn miles off from the chiu-ch. It chanced that these
*'°"" two young novices, missing the way, wandered so long in the
wild forest or wihlorncss, unable to find the cell, that for emptiness
and weariness they waxed faint and tired ; and yet rather would they
die than taste the figs committed to them to carry, and so they did,
for shortly after they were found dead, their figs lying whole by
them.^
Another story also Cassianus reciteth, of two monastical brethren,
who making their progress in the desert of Thebes, purposed with
themselves to take no sustenance but such as the Lord himself
Anrth-r should minister \mto them. It happened, as they were wandering
desolate in the desert, and fainting almost for penury, that certain
!Maziscs, a kind of people by nature fierce and cruel, notwithstanding
being suddenly altered into a new nature of humanity, came forth, and
of their own accord, offered bread unto them ; which bread, the one
thankfully received as sent of God ; the other, accounting it sent
of man, and not of God, refused it, and so for lack perished.^
Hereunto might I also annex the story of Mucins, who, to declare
his obedience, did not stick, at the commandment of his abbot, to
cast his son into the water, not knowing whether any were appointed
Ajiother. there ready to rescue him from drowning ; so far were the monks in
those days drowned in superstition. What is this, but for man's
traditions and commandments to transgress the commandments of
Monicerj' God, w^ho saith, " Thou shalt do no murder ;" " Thou shalt not
ther of tempt the Lord thy God ?" What man is so blind, that seetli not by
tio?rind these, and infinite examples more, what pernicious superstition had
i>yp'>- begun by reason of this monkery, almost from the beginning, to creep
into the church ? whereat I cannot marvel enough, seeing that
age of the church had in it so many learned and famous doctors,
who not only did approve and allow these monastical sects of life,
but also certain were themselves the authors and institutors of the
sajne, yea, and of men's traditions made the service of God ; in
the number of whom may be reckoned Basilius Magnus, and Nazi-
anzen, mIio, with innnodcrate austerity, did so pluck down themselves,
that when they were called to the office of bishops, they were not
able to sustain the labour thereof.
Monks of After these aforesaid monks of that time, above-recited, followed
(i:eand otlicr uiouks of the middle age of the church, who, as in multitude,
^^^^ so also in superstition increasing, began, by little and little, from
church ^^^^^^ desolate dens in the vast wilderness, to approach more near to
(1) Cassiun. [Instit. Coenob. lib. v.] cap. 40, de Spiritu Gastrimarp.— Ed
(2) See Appendix. (3) Cassian. CoUat. ii. cap. G. — En.
lar-
MOXKS OF THE LATTER AGES OF TIIK CIItTRCH. O
great towns, -where tlicy had solemn monasteries founded by kings Ed^ar.
and queens, and king's daughters, and other rich consuls, as is partly eccUs
before touched upon, and also the causes withal for which they „^™^'^
were first founded.^ All these impious and erroneous titles and ^~~f
causes we find alleged in histories, as in Malmesbury, Jornalensis, theiomut-
Henricus, and others. In those histories I also note, that most of the ll^a'ltcrh^r
monasteries were erected first upon some great murder, either by war n^^e"^"
in the field, or privately committed at home, as shall well appear tending
to them that read their books to whom I have refeiTcd. aeroRa-
But, to return to our monks again, who, as is said, first began to elJris't's
creep from the cold fields into warm towns and cloisters, from towns passion,
then mto cities, and at length from their close cells and cities, into christian
cathedral churches (as here appeareth by this story of King Edgar), ^^^^^'
where, not only did they abound in wealth and riches (especially these
monks of our later time), but much more did they swim in supersti-
tion and Pharisaical hypocrisy, being yoked and tied in all their
doings to certain prescribed rules and formal observances ; in watch-
ing, in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walking, in
talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their
gestures, in their vestures, every man apparelled not as the proper
condition of others would require, nor as the season of the year did
serve, but as the compulsory rules and order of every sect did
enforce.
The number of monkish sects was infinitely divers •- some, after various
St. BasiFs rule, went in white ; some, after Benefs rule, in black ; Monks'.'
some, Cluniacenses, first set up by Otho in the time of this King
Edgar, wore* after the rule of Benet's order ; some, after Hierome''s
rule, were leather-girdled, and coped above their white coat ; some
Gregorians were copper-coloured ; some, ' De valle umbrosa," were
grey monks; some, Grandimontenses, wore a coat of mail upon their
bare bodies, with a black cloak thereupon : some, Cistercians, had
white rochets on a black coat ; some, Celestines, all in blue, both
cloak, cowl and cap ; some, Charter monks, wearing haircloth next
their bodies ; some. Flagellants, going barefoot in long Avhite linen
shirts, with an open place in the back, where they beat themselves
with scourges on the bare skin every day before the people's eyes, till
the blood ran down, saying, that it was revealed to them by an angel,
that in so scourging themselves, within thirty days and twelve hom-s
they should be made as pure from sin as they were when they first
received baptism ; some, Starred monks ; some, Jesuats, with a white
girdle an da russet cowl. Briefly, who can reckon up the innumerable
sects and disguised orders of their fraternities ? some holding of
St. Benet, some of St. Hierome, some of St. Basil, some of St. Ber-
nard, some of St. Bridget, some of St. Bruno, some of St. Lewis ; as
though it were not enough for Christians to hold of Christ only. So
subject were tliey to servile rules, that no part of christian liberty
remained among thorn ; so drowned and sunk in superstition, that not
only they had lostChrisfs religion, but also almost the sense and
nature of men. For where men naturally are and ought to be ruled
(1) "Pro remedio anims meEB," " pro remissione peccatornm menrum," " pro redemptione
peccatorum meorum, Pt pro salute regnorura. quique meo subjacent rejrimini populoruni," " in
honorem gloriosae Virginia. " (2) i.e. Henry of Huntingdon. — Ed.
68 KXGLAND UNITED UNDER ONE MONAUCHV.
r-^gar. by the discreet government of reason in all outward doings wliercin no
Eccicsins- one rule can serve for all men, the circumstance of time, place, person
affairs, ^"d busiucss bciug so sundry and divers ; on the contrary, among
"— these, not rca.son, but only the knock of a bell ruled all their dointrs :
Monks .1 • • ■ 1-1 • 1 • • 1 • • 1 . *?
ruled by their rising, tlieir sleeping, their praying, their eating, their coming
of a'ben.'' •»» their going out, their talking, their silence ; and altogether, like
insensible people, either not having reason to rule themselves, or else
as persons ungrateful to God, neither enjoying the benefit of reason
created in them, nor yet using the grace of Christ's liberty, whercunto
lie redeemed them.
Thus thou seest, gentle reader ! sufficiently declared, what the
monks were in the primitive tunc of the church, and what were the
monks of the middle age, and of these our latter days of the church;
whcrcunto join this witiial, that whereas the monks of elder time, as
is said, were mere laymen, and not spiritual ministers, afterwards
A.D. C06. Boniface IV. made a decree, that monks might use the offices of
preaching, christening, and hearing confessions ; and also, that of
absolving them from their sins : so that monks, who, in the beginning.
Made wcrc but laymcu, and not spiritual ministers, forbidden by the general
min/stcrs couucil of Chalccdou, as is above related, to intermeddle with matters
to'the ae- ecclesiastical, afterwards, in process of time, did so much encroach
crccs and upon tlic officc of Spiritual ministers, that at length the priests were
of the"^ discharged out of their cathedral churches, and monks put in their
places ; because that monks in those days, leading a stricter life, and
professing chastity, had a greater countenance of holiness among the
people than had the priests, who then, in the days of King Edgar,
Priests had wivcs (at least so many as would), no law forbidding them till
the time of Ilildcbrand, now called Gregory VII., whereof more shall
be said (Christ willing) in the book next following.
custom
of the
cluircl)
had
wives
A.D. 567. And thus much, by the way, as touching the order and profession
of monks. Now, to turn in again from whence we digTcssed, that is,
to the matter of King Edgar, who, following the counsel and leading
of Dunstan, and the aforesaid Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester, was
somewhat thereby inclined to superstition ; but, otherwise, of his own
nature, well given to all virtues and princely acts worthy of much
The wor. commendation and famous memory. So excellent was he in justice,
ofKi'lig^ and sharp in correction of vices, as well in his magistrates as other
td^ar. subjects, that never before his days was less felony by robbers, nor less
extortion or bribery by false officers. Such provinces and lordships
as were not yet come under the king's subjection, he united and
F.npiand adjoiucd to his dominion ; and so made one perfect monarchy of the
to'oiTe'* whole realm of England, with all the islands and borders about the
)!erfect gamc. Such as were Avickcd he kept under ; he repressed those that
ciiy. were rebels ; the godly he maintained ; he loved the modest ; he was
devout to God, and beloved of his subjects, whom he governed in
)nuch peace and quietness. And as he was a great seeker of peace,
so God did bless him with much abundance of peace and rest from all
wars, so tluit, as the history recordeth of him, '' he neither tasted of
any privy treason among his subjects, nor of any invasion of foreign
enemies,'" for which he was called Pacificus. So studious he was
of the public profit of his realm, and fruitful in his government,
AVOLVES DRIVEN OUT OF ENGLAND. 59
that, as the said story saitli of him, " no year passed in all the time Edgar.
of his reign, wherein he did not some singidar and necessary com- a.D.
modity for the commonwealth." ' A great maintaincr he was of 970.
rehgion and learning, not forgetting herein the foresteps of King ^^~^
Alfred his predecessor. Among his other princely virtues this chiefly and
is to be regarded, that whereas other princes in much peace and ^nv
quietness are commonly wont to grow into a dissolute negligence ^^^^^'
of life, or oblivion of their charge committed unto them ; this king,
in continuance of peace (that notwithstanding), kept ever with him
such a watch, and a vigilant severity joined with a seemly clemency,
that I cannot but recite here what our historians witness, testifying
of his diligent and great care over the commonwealth, " that he
would suffer no man, of what degi-ee of nobility soever he were, to
evade his laws without condign punishment." ^ And the same
author adds, " in all his time there was neither any privy picker,
nor open thief, but he that in stealing other men's goods Avould
venture, and suffer, as he was sure to do, the loss of his own
life."^
Moreover, as the studious industry of th.is prince was forward in woives
all other points, so his prudent provision did not lack in this also, venomof
in driving out the devouring and ravening wolves throughout all his England,
land, wherein he used this policy, in causing Llewellyn, prince or
king of Wales, to yield him yearly, by way of tribute, SOO wolves ;
by means whereof, within the space of four years after, in England
and Wales, might scarcely be found one "W'olf alive.
This Edgar, among other of his politic deeds, had in readiness The pro-
3600 ships of war to scour the seas in the summer-time, whereof 1200 King" Ed-
kept the east seas ; as many defended the west side ; and again, feepfng
as many were in the south seas to repulse the invasion of foreign ^'^^ «eas.
enemies. Moreover, in the winter season, the use and manner of
this virtuous king was this : during all the time of his life, to ride
over the land in progress, searching and inquiring diligently (to use
the words of mine author), " how the laws and statutes by him or- a notaWe
dained were kept, and that the poor should suffer no prejudice, or fo/^f "^
be oppressed in any manner of way by the mightier,"* &c. Briefly, ^"hfcesto
as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended, so fo""^^'-
this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him, like a phenix,
to fly alone ; that of all his posterity so few there be that seek to
keep him company. And although I have showed more already of
this king than I think will well be followed, yet this more is to be
added to the worthiness of his other acts, that whereas, by the
multitude of the Danes dwelling in divers places of England, much
excessive drinking was used, whereupon ensued drunkenness and Tiie de-
many other vices, to the evil example and hurt of his subjects ; KhV^-
he, therefore, to prevent that evil, ordained certain cups, with pins ^i?eVent
or nails set in them, adding thereunto a law, that what person drank drunk'm-
past the mark at one draught should forfeit a certain penny, whereof "^''*'
(1) " Nullus fere annus in chronicls praeleriit, quo non magnum et necessarium patrioB aliquid
fecerit."
(2) " Ut nullum cujuscunque dignitatis hominem leges eludere impune permitteret.".
(3) " Nemo ejus tempore privatus la'ro, nemo popularis pra'do, nisi qui mallet in fortunas
alienas grassari propria; vitas dispendio," itc. Guliel. Malmesb. de Reg.
(4) " Ouomodo legum jura, et suorum statuta decretorum oljservarentur ; et ne pauperes a
potPntibus praejudicium passi oppii i erentur."
60 VICKS NOTKD IN EDGAK.
jidgar. oHc half slioiilcl fall to tlic accuscr, and the other half to the ruler
A.D. of the borougli or town where the offence was done.
971. It is reported of this Ed<jar, by divers authors, that about the
" thirteenth year of his reign, he being at Chester, eight kings, called
in histories Subreguli, to wit, petty-kings, or under-kings, came and
EiRht did homage to him ; of whom the first was the king of Scots,
hOTflge" called Kenneth, Malcolm of Cumberland, Mackus, or Mascusinus,
Edga'"^ king of Monia,' and of divers other islands ; and all the kings of
Wales, the names of whom were Dufiial or Dunewald, Sifresh,
Hawaii, Jacob, and Vikyll or Juchel. All these kings, after they
hail f;ivcn their fidelity to Edgar, the day following, for a pomp or
royalty, he entered with these aforesaid kings the river Dee ;
where he, sitting in a boat, took the rule of the helm, and caused
these eight kings, every person taking an oar in his hand, to row him
up and down the river, to and from the church of St. John, unto his
palace again, in token that he was master and lord of so many
provinces, whereupon he is reported to have said in this manner :
•' Tunc demum posse successores suos gloriari, se Rcgcs Angli?e esse,
cum tanta pricrogativa honorum frucrentur." But in my mind this
king had done much better, if he had rather said with St. Paul,
" Absit raihi gloriari, nisi in cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi."
Edgar a And thus yc havc heard hitherto, touching the commendation of
tb^"up- King Edgar, such reports as the old monkish writers thought to
mon""*^ bestow upou him, as upon the great patron of their monkish
religion, who had builded as many monasteries for them as there
were Sundays in the year, as some say, or, but forty-eight, as
Edmer reporteth.
Vices Now, on the other side, what vices in him were reigning, let us
likewise consider, according as we find in the said authors described,
who most AVTote to his advancement. The first vice is noted to be
cruelty as well towards others, as especially towards a certain earl,
being of his secret council, called Ethelwold. The story is this :
Ordgar, duke of Devonshire, had a certain daughter, named Elfrida,
Avhose beautv being highly commended to the king, and he being
inflamed therewith, he sent this aforesaid Ethelwold (whom he
especially trusted) to the party, to see and to bring him word again,
and if her beauty were such as was reported, willing him also to
make the match between them. Ethelwold well viewing the party,
and seeing her beauty nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking first
to serve his o^^^l turn, told all things contrary imto the king.
Whereupon the king, withdrawing his mind otherwise, in the end it
came to pass that Ethelwold himself did marry her.
Not long after, the king, understanding further by the complaints
and rumours of certain, how he was ])revcntcd and beguiled, set a foir
face upon the matter before Ethelwold, and merrily jesting with
him, told him how he would come and see his wife ; and indeed
appointed the day when he would be there. Ethelwold, the husband,
perceiving this matter to go hardly with him, made haste to his
wife, declaring to her the coming of the king, and also opening the
Avhole order of the matter how he had done; desiring her of all love,
as she would save his life, to disgi-ace and deform herself with,
garments and such attire as the king might take no delight in her.
(I) That is, "the Isle of Man." Sec Hoffman vv. Mannia, and Monia. — Ed.
noted in
Edgar
HIS CKUELTY AND IMCONTINENCY. Gl
Elfrlda liearing this, what did she, but, contrary to the request of her Edgar.
husband and promise of a Avife, against the king''s coming trim ~Xd
herself at the gL^ss, and deck her in her best array ; whom, when 975.'
the king behekl, he was not so much enamoured with her as in
hatred with her husband, who had so deceived him. Whereupon
the king shortly after, making as though he would go to hunt in
the forest of Harewood, sent for Ethclwold to come to him under His cm-
the pretence of hunting, and there ran him through and slew him. "^"y-
A.fter this the bastard son of Ethelwold coming to him, the kino-
asked him how he liked that hunting 'i who answered, " That which
pleaseth the king ought not to displease me." For the death of
this Ethelwold, Elfrida afterwards builded a monastery of nuns,
for remission of sins.
Another fault which Malmesbury noteth in him, was the coming Great de-
in of strangers into this land, as Saxons, Flemings, and Danes, Avhom toTh^'
he with gi-eat familiarity retained, to the great detriment of the land, ^hl"" |^.
as the aforesaid story of Malmesbury rccordeth, whose words be these: ear.
"whereby it happened that divers strangers, out of foreign countries,
allured by his fame, came into the land, as Saxons, Flemings, and
Danes also, ail whom he retained with great familiarity ; the coming
of which strangers Avi-ought great damage to the realm, and
therefore is Edgar justly blamed in stories,"^ &c. With this
reprehension all the Saxon stories also do agree.
The third vice to him objected was his incontinency and his His in-
lasciviousness of life. He degraded a duke's daughter, being [°f"""^"'
a nun, and a virgin named Wilfrida, or Wilstrud, of which Wilfrida f
was born Editha, a bastard daughter of Edgar. Also a certain
other virgin in the town of Andover, who was privily conveyed into
his chamber by this means : the lascivious king, coming to Andover,
not far from Winchester, and thinking to have his desire of a cer-
tain other duke's daughter, of whose beauty he heard much speaking,
commanded the maid to be brought unto him. The mother of the
virgin, gi-ieving to have her daughter so wronged, secretly, by night,
conveyed to the king's chamber, instead of her daughter, another
maiden of beauty and favour not uncomely, who, in the morning
rising to her work, and so being known by the king who she was, had
granted unto her by the king such liberty and freedom, that of a
servant she was made mistress both to her ,master, and also to her
mistress.*
Among other concubines Edgar had Egelfleda, or Elfleda, called Edward
Candida, the fair daughter of Duke Ordmer," she being also a basurdy
professed nun, of whom he had Edward ; for which he Avas en- Kin"*Ed
joined by Dunstan seven years' penance, which being complete, he card's
took to him as his lawful Avife,* Elfrida, the mother of Edmund and ""
Ethelred, otherAvise called Egelred, whereof more shall be said (the
Lord willing) hereafter.
Over and besides all these vices, noted and objected to King
Edgar, in our monkish story-Avriters, I also obserA^e another no less,
or rather a greater vice than the other before-recited, Avhich was blind
vl) " Unde factum est, ut fkma ejus per ora omnium volitante, alienigena», Saxones, Flandrits,
Ipsi etiam Dani hue frequenter annavigarent, Edgaro fauiiliares elfecti. Quorum adventus
mafpuim provincialibus detrimentum peperit. Inde merito jureque repreliendunt eum literoc," &c
'?; Ex Mattli. Paris, lib. de Regib. (.3) Gulielm. Malmesb. (t) Idcni.
C2 EDGAu's BLIND SLPEKSTITIOX. HIS DEATH.
Rdgar. supcrstition, which brou^'ht iJolatiou^ monkery into the churcli of
A.D. Christ, with the wrongful expelling of lawful married priests out of
975. their houses. Whereupon, what inconveniences ensued in this realm,
j^„jj jy. especially in the house of the Lord, I leave to the consideration of
K*"" se- those who have heard of the detestable enormities of those religious
Du^nstan, votarics: the occasion whereof, first and chiefly, began in this Edgar,
E"hei- through the instigation of Dunstan and his fellows ; who, after they
wold, bi- ]jjj(| inveigled the king, and had brought him over to their purpose,
Winches- caused him to call a council of the clergy, where it was enacted and
^"' decreed that the canons of divers cathedral churches, collegiates,
parsons, vicars, priests and deacons, with their wives and children,
either should give over that kind of life, or else give room to
monks, Sec. For execution of which decree, two principal visitors
were appointed ; Athelwold, or Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester,
and Oswald, bishop of Worcester, as is before mentioned.^
And thus much conceming the history of King Edgar, and of such
tilings as in his tune happened in the church, which Edgar, after he
had entered into the parts of Britany, to subdue the rebellion of the
Welshmen, and there had spoiled the country of Glamorgan, and
Avasted that of Odo, within ten days after, when he had reigned the
H'* space of sixteen years, died, and was buried at Glastonbury, leaving
after him two bastards, to wit, Editha and Edward, and one son
laA\fully begotten, named Ethclred, or otherwise by conniption called
Egclrc'd : for Edmund, the elder son, died before his father.
Ye heard before how King Edgar is noted in all stories to be an
incontinent liver. In consequence of his connexion with Elfled,
mother of Edward, he was stayed and kept back from his coronation
by Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, the space of seven years :
and so the said king, beginning his reign in the sixteenth year of
his age, being a.d. 959, was crowned in the thirty-first year of his age,
A.D. 973, as is by the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester Church to be
proved.^ For the more evident declaration of which matter, concerning
the coronation of the king restrained, and tlie presumptuous behaviour
of Dunstan against the king, and his penance by the said Dunstan
enjoined, ye shall hear both Osberne, Malmesbury, and other authors
speak in their own words, as followeth : " Perpetrate itaque in virgi-
nem velatam peccato,"" he? After Dunstan had understanding of the
king's offence perpetrated with the professed nun, and that the same
was blazed amongst the people, with great ire and passion of mind he
came to the king, who, seeing the archbishop coming, eftsoons of
gentleness arose from his regal scat towards him, to take him by the
Dunstan hand, and to give him place. But Dunstan refusing to take him by
take^the° t^'^ hand, and with stern countenance bending his brows, spake after
king by \\^\^ effect of words, as stories import, unto the king : " You that have
tlie hand. p ^ • • i i i f ro •
not teared to corrupt a virgm made handtast to Christ, presume you
to touch the consecrated hands of a bishop ? You have defiled the
spouse of your Maker, and think you by flattering service to pacify
the friend of the bridegroom ? No, Sir, his friend will not I
be, who hath Christ to his enemy." The king, terrified with these
tJiundering words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward re-
(1) Ex Osbcrno in Vita Dunstnni. fcil. 27; Malmcsbur. de Vit. Pontif. ; Ropr. Iloved. et aliis.
(2) Ex Chronico Saxonico Ecclesice Wi^orniensis. (3) Ex Osbemo in Vita Dunstani.
ERRORS COMMITTED BY HISTORIANS. 63
pentance of his crime perpetrated, fell down with weeping at the feet Edgar.
of Dunstan, wlio, after he had raised him np from the ground again, \ q
began to utter to him the horribleness of his fact ; and finding the 975.
king ready to receive whatsoever satisfaction he would lay upon him,
enjoined him this penance for seven years' space, as followeth : —
" That he should wear no crown all that space ; that he should fast twice in Penance
the week ; that he should distribute his treasure, left to him of his ancestors, (T^vlj",'''*
liberally unto the poor; tliat he should build a monastery of nuns, in order that
as he had robbed God of one virgin through his transgression, so he should restore
to him many again in times to come. Moreover, he should expel clerks of evil Meaning
life out of churches, and place covents of monks in their room : that he should ^^'r^
enact just and godly laws ; and that he should write out portions of the holy had Vivts
Scriptures, to be distributed among the people of his realm." and chil-
It followeth, then, in the story of Osberne, that when the seven years Edgar
of the king's penance were expired, Dunstan, calling together all buf"hree
the peers of the realm, with bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastical >'^^"
degrees of the clergy, in the public sight of all the multitude, set the king.
crown upon the king's head, at Bath, which was the one and thirtieth
year of his age, and fourteenth of his reign ; so that he reigned only
three years crowned king. All the other years besides, Dunstan,
it is likely, ruled the land as he listed. Furthermore, as touching
the son of the said Elfleda, Osberne -wTiteth to this effect, " The child
also which was born of Elfleda, he baptized in the holy fountain of
regeneration, and so giving him the name of Edward, he did adopt
him to be his son."^ By this narration, agreeing also with the story Errors in
of the Saxon book abovcmentioned, there is evinced a double un- bury'^a^nd
truth or error, either negligently overseen, or of purpose dissembled, °''^'^"'
in our later monkish story-writers, as in Malmesbury, Matthew Paris,
Matthew of Westminster, and others ; who, to conceal the fault of
King Edgar, or to square with Dunstan's fact in setting up Edward
for the maintenance of their monkish order, first do falsely aflftrm that
Editha, the daughter of Wilfrida, was bom after Edward, and that
for her this penance was enjoined on King Edgar. This neither is,
nor can be so, as in process hereafter (the Lord willing) shall appear.
Secondly, they are deceived in this, that they affirm King Edgar to
have two wives ; and that Elfleda, the mother of Edward, was not a
professed nun indeed, but dissembled so to be, to avoid the violence
of the king ; whereas, indeed, the truth of the story both giveth her
to be a nun, and her son to be base, and she herself never to be
married unto the king.^
Now, forasmuch as we have hitherto entered mention of
Wilfrida and Editha, and also of Elfleda and Dunstan, here
should not be let pass to speak something of their lying miracles,
ialsely forged, to the great seduction of christian people, by super-
stitious monks, who cared not what fables and lies they brouo-ht
into the church, so that they might have the advantage of poor
men's purses and oblations. And first, here come in the fabulous
miracles wought at the tomb of Elfleda, the king's concubine, which
William of Malmesbury in certain verses expresseth ;^ the English of
(I) " Puerum quoque ex peccatrice quondam prosenitum, sacro fonte regeneratum lavavit, et
aptato lUi nomine Eriwardo in (ilium sibi adoptavit." (2) See Appendix.— Ed.
(') " Nam nonnuUis passa annis morborum molestiam,
Defecatam et excoctam Deo dedit animam.
Functas ergo vita fato bcatas exuvias
lufinitis Clemens signis illustravit Deltas: Inopes
64 FORGED mihacles of dunstak.
EdgftT-^ wliich it is needless liere to recite. Briefly, tlic effect is this : — That
X.U. both the l)lin(l, deaf, lialt, and such as be mad, receive their health
975. again, if thev worsliij) the tomb of this Elflcda. The like feignings and
The idle monstrous nuracles we read also in chronicles of the doting Dunstan,
fantasiej tlrowTicd in all supcrstition, if he were not also a wicked sorcerer.
forged First, how he, being yet a boy, chased away the devil, set about with
S'oun- a great company of dogs, and how the angels did open the church
"^" door for him to enter; then, how the lute or harp, hanging upon the
wall, did sing or play without any finger these words : " The souls of
the saints, who have followed the footsteps of Christ, and who have shed
tlieir blood for his love''s sake, are rejoicing in lieaven ; tlierefore they
Dunst7.n shall rcign with Christ for ever.''' Item, where a certain great beam or
sercr. master-post was loosed out of its place, he, by making the sign (;f a
the'difvu cross, set it in right frame again. Moreover, how the said Dunstan,
by the bciug tempted upon a time by the devil, with impure cogitations,
a hot pair cauglit the dcvil by the nose with a hot pair of tongs, and held him
of tongs. £^gj.^ Item, how heavenly spirits often appeared to liim, and used
to talk with him familiarly. Item, how he prophesied of the birth of
King Edgar, of the death of King Egelred, of the death of Editha,
and of Ethehvald, bishop of Winchester. Also, how our Lady, with
her fellows, appeared visibly to him, singing this song :
" Cantemiis Domino, socire, cantemus honorem ;
Dulcis amor Cliristi personet ore pio."^
Again, how the angels appeared to him, singing the hymn called
" Kyrie Rex splendens," and yet these prodigious fantasies, with
others, are written of him in chronicles, and have been believed in
churches.
A foul Among many other false and lying miracles, forged in this corrupt
mh-aciein time of moukcry, the fabulous, or rather filthy legend of Editha, were
ofEditiia. ^^^ ^^ ^^ overpassed, if for shame and honesty it might well be
recited. But to cast the dirt of these pope-holy monks in their
own face, who so impudently have abused the church of Christ, and
the simplicity of the people, with their vmgracious vanities, let us see
what this miracle is, and how honestly it is told.
Another Certain years after the death of Editha, saith William of Mal-
PunMan. mcsbury, whicli years Capgrave in his new legend rcckoneth to be thir-
teen, the said Editha, and also St. Dennis, holding her by the hand,
appeared to Dunstan in a vision, willing and requiring him that the
body of Editha, in the church of Wilton, should be taken up and
shrined, to the intent it might be honoured here on earth by her ser-
vants, according as it is worshipped by her spouse in heaven. Dunstan,
upon this, coming from Salisbury to Wilton, where Editha was
interred, commanded her body to be taken up witli much honour and
solemnity ; who, there, on opening her tomb (as both Malmesbury
. and Capgrave with shame enough record), found the whole body of
this Editha consumed to earth, save only her thumb, and a few other
Inopes visus et auditus si adorant tumulum,
Sanitati restituti probant sanctae meritum*
Rertum gressum rcfert domuin, qui accessit loripes :
Mente captus rcdit sanus, boni sensus locuples."
(1) " Gaudcnt in cd'lis anima; sanctciruiTi, qui Christi vestigia sunt sequuti, et qui pro ejus amore
fan^inem suum fudcruiit ; ideo cum Christo rcpnabunt in .Tternum."
(21 What marvel, if certain books and epistles be falsely ascribed to the doctors, when the papist!
shame not to ascribe other men's verses also to the Virgin Mary herself?
CONTENTION AMONGST THE LORDS. 65
parts. Whereof the said Editha, expoundhig the meaning, declared E<iuard
that lier thumb remained sound for the much crossing she used with
the same, and that the other parts were uncorrupted for a testimony of
lier abstinence and integrity.'
What Satan hath so envied the true sincerity of christian faith and
doctrine, as to contaminate tlie same with such impudent tales, such
filthy vanities, and such idolatrous fantasies as these ? Such monks,
with their detestable houses, where Christ's people were so abomi-
nably abused, and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and
women, whether they deserved not to be rased and plucked down to
the ground, let all chaste readers judge. But of these matters enough
and too much.
Here foUoweth the Epitaph ^vritten by Henry, archdeacon of
Huntingdon, upon the praise and commendation of King Edgar : —
" Alitor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor liononim, An epi-
Sceptiger Edgarus regna superna petit. menda™*
Hie alter Salomon, legum pater, orbita pacis,: toryof
Quod caruit bellis, claruit inde magis. l^'n?
Tenipla Deo, templis monachos, monachis dedit agros, ^^^'
Neqiiitiae lapsuiii, justitiiEqiie locum.
Novit enim regno verum perquirere falso,
Immensum modico, perpetuumque brevi."
Among his other laws, this king ordained that the Sunday should
be solemnized from Satiu'day at nine o'clock till Monday morning.
EDWARD II., CALLED THE MARTYR.^
After the death of King Edgar no small trouble arose among ^ jy
the k)rds and bishops about the succession of the crown ; the principal 975.
cause whereof arose on this occasion, as by the story of Simon of conten-
Dm-ham, and Roger Hoveden, is declared. Immediately after the amongst
decease of the king, Alferus duke of Mercia, and many other "i^ lords
nobles who held with Egelred, or Ethelred, the only right heir and putting in
lawful son of Edgar, dishking the placing and intruding of monks °^™°"''^-
into churches, and the thrusting of the secular priests, with their wives
and childi-en, out of their ancient possessions, expelled the abbots and
monks, and brought in again the aforesaid priests, with their wives ;
against whom, certain others there were on the contrary part that made
resistance, as Ethelwin, duke of East Angles, Elfwold his brother,
and the Earl Brithnoth, saying, in a council together assembled,
" That they would never suffer the religious monks to be expelled
and driven out of the realm, who held up all religion in the land ; "
and, thereupon, immediately levied an army, wherewith to defend by
force such monasteries as were within the precincts of East Anglia.
In this hurly-burly amongst the lords, about the placing of monks, Also for
and putting out of priests, rose also the contention about the crown, [he k^g.
who should be their king; the bishops and such lords as favoured the
monks, seeking to advance such a king as they knew would incline
(1) Ex Guliel. Malmesb., et Capgravo, in iegenda nova.
(2) Edition 1563, p. 11. Ed. 1583, p. 157. Ed. 1596, p. 142 Ed. 16S1, vol. i. p. 175. Ed.
VOL. II. 1.-
()6 HOWARD THK BASTARD MADE KIXG,
Edu-ard to tliclr siclc ; so that the lords tlius divided, some of tlieni would
Moriyr. liavc Eilward, and some arrrccd upon Egclred, the lawful son.
"^757 Then Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, and Oswald, archbishop
975. of York, with other their fellow-bishops, abbots, and divers other
lords and dukes, assembled tojrether in a council ; into which council
the^Bas- Dunstan coming with his cross in his hand, and bringing Edward
kingl^'and bcforc tlic lords, so persuaded them, that, in the end, Edward, by
the riRht Dunstan's means, was elected, consecrated, and anointed for their king.
bit^k)'" And thus hast thou, good reader, the very truth of this story,
according to the \^Titing of authors of most antiquity who lived nearest
to that age, as Osberne and others ;* which Osberne, living in the days
of William the Conqueror, wrote this story of Dunstan on the motion
of Lanfranc, and allegeth, or rather translateth the same out of such
Saxon stories as were written before his time. Besides this Osberne,
we have also for witness hereof, Nicholas Trivet, in his English
History, ^vritten in French, and also Johannes Paris, in his French
History, written in the Latin tongue, where he plainly calleth Ed-
Avard, " non legitimum filium," that is, "no lawful son.'' Where-
unto add, moreover, the testimony of Vincentius and Antoninus,
who in plain terms likewise report the same.
Editha Now, having laid the foundation for the truth and ground of this
chiid'for r>iatter, let us come to examine how truly our later writers do say,
whomEd- ■who write that Editha, and not Edward, was the child for whom
enjoined Duustan cnjoined the king seven years' penance; and, also, how truly
penai.ce. ^j^^^ report Edward to be'the lawful heir, and Elfleda to be the lawful
wife, to King Edgar. For first touching Editha, this is confessed by
the said writers themselves, that she was of good years at the time
Edgar, her fiither, was enjoined his penance ; after which seven years
of his penance were expired, he lived, at the most, but three years
and a half; Avhich seven years, and three years and a half, do make in
all but tea years and a half. But now the said authors themselves
do grant, that she was made abbess by her father, he being then
alive. And how then can this stand with her legend, which saith,
that she was not less than fifteen years of age .'' By which account it
must needs fall out, that she could not be so little as five years old
before the birth of that child for whom the king did penance. And
thus much touching Editha.
The years Now, in like manner, to consider of the time of Edward. First,
and'Jd-'^ this by all writers is granted, that he was slain in the fifteenth year
ward. of his agc, which age doth well agree to that bastard child which King
Edgar had, and for which he did penance ; for the more evidence
whereof, let us come to the computation of the years in this sort :
first, the penance of the king after the birth of this child lasted
seven years ; then, the king, after the same, lived three years and a
half; after whose death Edward reigned other three years and a half,
which in all make the full sum of fourteen years, about the count
of which age, by their own reckoning, the said Edward, going on in
his fifteenth year, was slain.
Thus have ye, by manifest demonstration, proved by the right
casting u]) of the years, after their own grant and reckoning, that
Editha, daughter of Wilfrida, in no case can be the child that was
(1) Ex Osbern., Nic. Trivet., Johan. Paris., Vincentio, Antonino.
AND THE RIGHT ITEIR DEFEATED. 07
bom after Edward, and for whom the king was enjoined penance ; J^'hvard
but that Edward rather was bom after Editha, and was tlie child for Ma'/tyr.
whom the penance was enjoined, contrary to the opinion commonly . ,.
received in the church, whicli, for ignorance of the story, liath hitlierto 97.'-,.
holden EdAvard to be a holy martyr, and right licir to the cro\Mi.
How this eiTor and opinion first sj)rang up, and by whom, albeit it
pertain not to my story to discuss, yet were it no hard matter to
conjecture.
First, after that Dunstan and Oswald, with other bishops, abbots, Thecause
and certain lords and dukes of that faction, for the maintenance of "!'*y "'i?
^ . . /-v , . story of
monkery, had advanced Edward to be king, against Queen Elfrida, Edward is
mother of Ethelred, and Alferus, duke of Mercia, and certain other corrupted
nobles who held with the contrary side of the priests against the ]"hTis^
monks ; in process of time, the monks that came to write stories, tof'^s.
perceiving Dunstan to be reputed in the church of Rome for a holy
saint, and the said King Edward for a holy martyr, and partly also
to bolster up their own religion of monkery as much as they could,
to the intent that they might save the credit both of Dunstan and
the king, and especially bearing favour to their own religion, and
partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be
stained by opening the truth of this matter, either they did not see, or
would not confess herein what they knew, but rather thought best to
blanch the story, and colourably to hide the simple truth thereof;
making the people falsely believe that Elfleda, the mother of Edward,
was wife to King Edgar, and that Edward was lawfully born, and also
that Editha was born after Edward, and was the child for which the
king was enjoined penance. All which is false, and contrary both to
the order of time above declared, and also to the plain Avords of Mal-
mesbury, who, speaking of King Edgar''s last concubine, saith in plain
words, " Dilexit unice,integram lecto uni deferens fidem, quoad legi-
timam uxorem accepit Elfthridem, filiam Ordgari : " ' that is, " He
had a concubine whom he loved entirely, keeping true faith to her
alone, until the time he married for his lawful wife Elfrida, the
daughter of Duke Ordgar :" whereby we have to understand, that
whatsoever woman this was of whom Malmesbury speaketh, certain it
is, that Edgar lived incontinently till the time he married his lawful
wife. Furthermore, and to conclude : beside these arguments and
allegations above-recited, let this also be appended, how the said Dunstan
Dunstan, with his accomplices, after the killing of King Edward, g^jj^^'^j.
leaving the right heir of the crown, namely, Ethelred, went about (as thato
Capgrave^ in their own legend confesseth) to set up Editha, the other crown
bastard, to possess the crown ; but that she, more wise than her brother rlghlheu-.
Edward, refused the same. Whereby what is to be thought of the
doings of Dunstan, and what could be the cause why he prefen-ed
both Edward and Editha to the crown, rather than the lawful heir, I
leave to all indifferent readers thereof to judge.
After Dunstan and his fellows had thus set up Edward for their
king, they were now where they would be, supposing all to be sure
on their side, and that they had established the kingdom of monkery
for ever, through the help of the young king, and the duke of East
(1) Guliel. Malmesb. in lib. de Regib.
(2) Capgrav. in Vita Sanctae Edithse.
G8 COXTKNTIOX AHOLT MONKS AND PRIESTS.
EJtcard Angles, and certain other nobles whom they had drawn to their part.
Marls/r. Howbcit, tliis mattcr passed not so well with them as they hoped ;
A.D. f"r» shortly after the coronation of this young king, Alferus, duke of
976. Mcrcia, who followed much the deeds of the queen, with other great
men, stoutly standing on the contrary side, drove out the monks from
the cathedral churches, whom King Edgar before had set in, and
Priests restored the priests, as Kamdphus saith, with their co7icuhines ;
wiles'"'" "^iit. in the history of the library of Jornalensis, I find it plainly cx-
restorcd. presscd, with their reives. The very words of the author be these : —
" Alferus, duke of Mercia, with other great men, drove out the monks
from the great monasteries, whom King Edgar had there set in before,
Bishops and restored again the priests with their wives.""' Whereby it doth
prists in evidently appear that priests in those days were married, and had
!ia°? ^^^^'' '^^^^'^^'^ wives. The like before that, in King Ina's time, is plain,
married, that bishops then had wives and children, as appcareth by the words
of the law then set forth, and extant in the history of Jornalensis.^
And thus much, by the wav, for priests' wives and their children.
Now to our purpose again, which is to declare how tiie duke and
nobles of England expelled the monks out of the monasteries after
the death of King Edgar ; whereof let us hear what the monkish
Great stir story of the abbey of Crowland recordeth : — " The monks being
in the . . «
land expelled out of certain monasteries, the clerks again were brought
piadngin "^i ^^^^^ distributed the manors or forms of the said monasteries to
monks, the dukcs and lords of the land, that they being obliged to them,
find uiS" .z o »_f '
placing; should defend them against the monks. And so were the monks
pnebts. Q^ Evesham tlmist out, and the secular clerks placed therein, and
the lands of the church given to the lords ; Avith whom the queen,
the king''s stepmother, holding at the same time, took part also with
the said clerks against the king. On the contrary side stood the
king and the holy bishops, taking part with the monks. Howbeit
the lords and peers of the realm, staying upon the fovour and power
of the queen, triumphed over the monks.""^
Priests' Thus, as there was much ado throudi all quarters of the realm
marriage i.i iiii
noted for about the matter amonar the lords, so arose no less contention
custom in between the priests and monks of England. The priests complaining
England, ^q the king and Dunstan, said for themselves that it was uncomely,
uncharitable, yea, and unnatural, to put out an old known dweller,
for a new unknown ; and that God was not pleased, that that should
be taken from the ancient possessor, which by God was given him ;
neither that it could be of any good man accepted, to suffer any
such injury to be done, lest peradventure the same thing, wherein
he was prejudicial to another, might afterwards revert and redound
upon himself at last.* The monks on the other side said for their
(1) "Alferus princeps Merciorura, caeterique plures, ejectis monachis de magnis monasteriis, quos
Rex Edgarus nuper instituerat, Clericos cum uxoribus reduxerunt." — Historia Jornalensis, in Vita
Edgari. — Idem.
(2) " Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vcl patrinum, sit simile cognationi, et crescat emendatio
secundum Weram ejus regi, sicut cognationi. Si de parentela sit qui occidit eum, tuncexcedat
emendatio patrini, sicut mandata Domini. Si episcopi filiolus sit, sit dimidium hoc," &c.— Idem.
(3) " Monachis dc quibusdam monasteriis ejectis, clerici sunt introducti, qui statim monasteri-
orum maneria ducibus terra; distribuebant, ut sic in suas partes obligati, cos contra monachos
defensarent. Tunc dc Monasterio Eveshamensi monacliis expulsis, clerici fuerunt introducti.
TerTcEque tyranni de terris ccclesirc pr.tmiati sunt, quibus regina novercali neciuitia, stans cum
clericis in regis opprobrium, favebat. Cum monachis autem rex et sancti episcopi persistcbant.
Sed tyranni, fulti rogina; favore et poloiitia, super monachos triumphabant. Multus inde tumultus
in omni angulo Anglia; factus est."— Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crowland.
(4) Gulicl. de Rcgih. lih ii
A COUNCIL AT CALNE. 69
part, that Clirist allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new comer, Edward
nor yet looked upon the person, but whoso would take the cross A/awV
of penance upon him, and follow Christ in virtuous living, should be ^ ^
his disciple. 978.
These and such other were the allegations of the monks ; but
Avhether a monk's cowl, or a wifeless life, make a sufficient title to
enter into other men's possessions or no, I refer it to the judgment Married
of the godly. The troublous cares in marriage, the necessary pro- J"^!^"^^
vision for housekeeping, the virtuous bringing up of children, the ^"'j'JP^'^-*^
daily helping of poverty, and bearing of public charges, with other those of
manifest perturbations and incumbrances daily incident to the state ™°"
of matrimony, might rather appear, to godly Avise men, to come nearer
to the right cross of penance, than the easy and loitering idleness
of monkery. In the end, upon this controversy, was holden a council
of bishops and others of the clergy. First, at Reading, or at Win-
chester, as Malmesbury saith, where the greater part, both of the
nobles and commons, judged the priests to be greatly wronged, and
sought by all means possible to bring them again to their old pos-
sessions and dignities. Jornalensis here maketh rehearsal of an image a.d. 97s.
of the crucifix, or a rood standing upon the frater-wall, where the
council was holden. To this rood Dunstan required them all to a vain
pray, being belike not ignorant of some spiritual provision before- ™Du„'i
hand. In the midst of their prayer the rood (or else some blind ^oo^ j^at
monk behind it in a trunk) through the wall, is reported to speak spake.
these words, " Absit hoc ut fiat ; absit hoc ut fiat : judicastis bene, ^^^^
mutaretis non bene." In remembrance whereof these verses were aThomas
, T) r> , Cromwell
WTitten under the rood s teet : to try out
false jug-
" Humano more crux praesens edidit ore, g'mg-
Coelitus affata, quae perspicis hie subarata;
Absit ut hoc fiat, et czetera tunc memorata."
Of this Dunstanical, or rather Satanical oracle, Henry maketh no
mention, nor Ranulph, nor yet Hoveden, nor Fabian, in their histories.
Malmesbury, in his book De Regibus, reporteth it, but by hearsay, in
these words, saying, " Alise litera? docent," &c. ; wherefore of the less
credit it seemeth to be. Albeit if it were of credible truth, yet it
proveth in this matter nothing else but Dunstan to be a sorcerer,
as Polydore Vkgil also himself seemeth to smell something in this
matter.
Notwithstanding all this the strife ceased not ; insomuch that a council
a new assembly of the clergy and others was appointed afterwards
at a place called the Street of Calne, where the council was kept
in an upper loft. In this council many grievous complaints were
made, as Malmesbury saith, against Dunstan ; but yet he kept his
opinion, and would not remove from that which he had begun to
maintain. And while thev w'cre in m-eat contention and arsfument a sudden
. . fall of the
Avhich way should be admitted and allowed (if that be true which in people at
the stories is written), suddenly the joists of the loft failed, and the ^^ *^'"^"'
people with the nobles fell down, so that certain were slain, and many
hurt.^ But Dunstan, they say, only standing upon a post of the
gallery which remained unbroken, escaped without danger. Which
(1) Henricus, lib. v. ; Malniesb., Ranulph, Jornalensis, Fabian.
70 MIIlDKIl OF KINO KDWAKU.
Edtrard thin?, whctlicr it so lia])))inc(l to portend the ruin of the realm and
^f'ar'iyr. of tlic noljlcs, tis Hcnrj Huntingdon doth expound it, which after
"^ J) ensued by the Danes, or whether it was so wrought by Dunstan's
978. sorccrv, as was not impossible, or whether it were a thing but
feigned of the monkish writers, and not true ; all this I leave
to the readers to think therein what they like. The stories say
further, that upon this, the matter ceased, and Dunstan had all his
will.
These things tluis done at Calne, it happened not long after, that
King Edward, whom writers describe to be a virtuous and a
meek prince, very pitiful and beneficial to the poor, about the fourth
year of his reign came upon a time from hunting in the forest alone,
without a company of his servants, to the place in the west country,
where Queen Elfrida his mother, with her son Egelred, did live.
Thehor- When shc was warned of his coming by her men, anon she calletli
wicked- a Servant of hers, Mho was of her special trust, opening to him all her
quten-^^ couccived couuscl, and showing him all points, how, and what to do,
mother, fj^^ ^he accomplishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing done,
she made towards the king, and received him with all courtesy,
desiring him to tarry that night ; but he, in like courtesy, excused
himself, and for speed desired to see his brother, and to take some
drink upon his horse sitting, which was shortly brought. While
the cup was at his mouth, the servant of the queen, being instigated,
Kinp; Ed- struck him in tlic body with a long two-edged dagger ; after which
Terousfy' strolcc, tlic king took the horse with the spurs, and ran toward the
dered ^''^J "^^^'^^'^ lic cxpcctcd to meet with his company ; but he bled so
A d's^ sore, that with i'aintness he fell from his horse, one foot remaining
in the stirrup, by reason whereof he was dravii by his horse over
fields and lands, till he came to a place named Corfegate, where he
was found dead ; and because neither the manner of his death, nor
Edward yet he liimsclf, to be the king, was known, he was buried unhonourably
not' ' at the town of Wareham, wliere the body remained the space of three
bTkTng!" y^^^s ; after Avhich it was taken up by Duke Alferus beforementioned,
reinter- and with pomp and honour accordingly, was removed to the minster
shattes- of Shaftcsbury, and there bestowed in the place called Edwardstow.
^^^' Many tales run, more perchance than be true, concerning the
finding and taking up of his body, which our most common histories
ascribe to miracles and great wonders wrought about the place where
the king was buried. As first, how a poor woman, bom blind, received
her sight by the means of St. Edward, there where he did lie. Also,
how a ])illar of fire from heaven descended over the place of his
burial. Then, how the aforesaid Queen Elfrida, taking her horse to
go to tlie place, was stopped by the way, so that neither her horse
could be driven by any nicans, nor she herself on foot was able to
approach near to the place where the corpse of St. Edward was.
Twonui - Furthermore, how the said queen, in repentance of her deed, afterward
fou^rdcd buildcd two nunneries, one at Amesbury by Salisbury, the other at
roTdcr. Werewell, where she ke])t herself in continual repentance all the
days of her life. And thus, as ye have heard, was this virtuous
young King Edward murdered, when he had reigned almost four
years, leaving no issue l)chind him, whereby the rule of the land fell
to Egelred, his brother.
ECCLKSIASTICAL AFFAlllS. 'J J
But here by the way is to be noted, upon the name of this Edward, Ecciesi-
that there Avere three Edwards before tlie conquest. The first was "affairl
King Edward the Elder; the second, Kinij Edward the Martyr, v/ho ~ —
o ^ ' o J ' Edwards
was this king; the third was King Edward, called the Confessor, I'eiore the
whereof hereafter shall follow, Christ willing, to be declared. conquebt.
In the order and course of the Roman bishops, mention was made contimi-
last of Agapetus II., after whom next succeeded Pope John XII., \l^°^^J.
of whom Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, received his pall, as in ™ish
the story of King Edgar is before minded. This pope is noted to o^ pope's.
be very wicked and infamous, replete, from his first bringing up, with ^'^' ^*'''
abominable vices ; a whoremaster, an adulterer, incestuous, libidinous,
a gamester, an extortioner, perjured, a fighter, a murderer, cruel and
tyrannous. Of his cardinals, some he put out their eyes, from some
he cut off their tongues, some their fingers, some their noses. In a
general council before the Emperor Otho, the first of that name
(who was the first emperor of the Germans), after the empire was
translated out of France to Germany by Pope Agapetus, as is before
historied, these objections were articulate against him :' — " That he
never said his service ; that in saying his mass he did not communi-
cate ; that he ordained deacons in a stable ; that he committed incest
with two of his sisters ; that playing at dice he called for the devil to
help; that for money he made boys bishops; that he turned the palace
of the Lateran to the vilest of uses ; that he put out the eyes of t
Bishop Benedict ; that he caused houses to be set on fire ; that he
brake open houses ; that he drank to the devil ; that he never crossed
himself,'" &c. For these causes, and worthily, he was deposed by the a.d. 963.
consent of the emperor with the prelates, and Pope Leo was substi- J^X
tuted in his place; but after his departing, through the harlots of ^^^.'•^j'^'^"
Rome and their great promises the said Pope John was restored again and aher-
to his place, and Leo, who had been set up by the emperor, was de- ^stored,
posed. At length, about the tenth year of the popedom of this John,
he being found without the city with another man's wife, was so
wounded of her husband, that within eight days after he died.
After him the Romans elected Pope Benedict V., without the
consent of the Emperor Otho ; whereupon the said emperor, being
not a little displeased for displacing of Leo, whom he had before
promoted, and for the choosing also of Benedict, came with his army a.d. d64.
and laid siege to Rome, and so set up Pope Leo again, the eighth of
that name ; which Leo, to gratify his benefactor again, crowned Otho
for emperor, and entitled him to be called Augustus. Also the
power which Charlemagne had given before to the clergy and people The eke
of Rome, this Leo, by a synodal decree, granted to the emperor and {he"bifiiop
his successors ; that is, touchins: the election of the bishop of Rome, "f ''^""i''
mi ' ' o 1 ffivcil to
1 he emperor again restored to the see of Rome all such donations the em-
and possessions which either Constantine (as they falsely pretend), or ^"""^
which Charlemagne took from the Lombards, and gave to them.
After Pope Leo had reigned a year and three months, succeeded Pope
Pope John XIII., against whom, for holding with the emperor, xin.
Petrus the head captain of the city, with two consuls, twelve aldermen,
and divers other nobles, gathering their power together, laid hands
(1) Luithprandus, lib. vi.
FIRST CIIRISTKXING OF BKLLS.
Ecclesi-
astical
affairs.
The cruel
revenge
of the
pope.
Cliristen-
ing of
bells be-
gun.
Pope
Benedict
VI. slain
in prison
A.D. y73
Two
popes to-
gether.
Pope
John
XIV.
slain.
A.D. 976.
Pope
Boniface
drawn
through
tlie
!-treets of
Home.
A.D. 975.
A.D.988.
Gilbert,
a necro-
mancer
made
arch-
bishop.
Two
popes
again in
lionie.
upon liini in the cliurcli of Latcran, and dapped the pope in prison
cloven months. The cini)cror licaring this, with all speed returned
with his annv attain to Rome; who, after execution done upon the
authors and chief ducrs of that fact, among other committed the
aforesaid Pctrus to the pope's arbitrcment, whom he caused first to
be stripped naked ; then, his beard being shaven, to be lianged by
the liair a whole day together ; after that to be set upon an ass with
his face turned backward, and his hands bound under the ass's tail,
and so to be led through the city, that all men might see him ; that
done, to be scourged with rods, and so banished the city. Thus ye
see how the holy father followelh the injunction of the gospel,
" Diligite inimicos vcstros,"" "Love your enemies." [Luke vi. 35.]
From this pope proceeded first the christening of bells, a.d. 97L
After him, followed Pope Benedict VL, who in like manner was
apprehended by Cinthius,^ a captain of Rome, and cast into prison,
where he was strangled, or, as some say, famished to death.
Then came Pope Donus IL; after whom Boniface VIL was pope,
who likewise seeing the citizens of Rome to conspire against him,
was constrained to hide himself, and seeing no place there for him to
tarry, took the treasure of St. Peter's church, and so privily stole to
Constantinople, in whose stead the Romans set up Pope John XIV.
Not long after, Boniflice, returning again from Constantinople, by his
money and treasure procured a garrison or company to take his part,
by whose means Pope John was taken, his eyes being put out, and
so thrown in prison, Avhere he was, as some say, famished ; some say
he was slain by Fcrrucius ; neither did Boniface reign many days
after, but suddenly died, a.d. 974, whose carcass, after his death,
was drawn by the feet through the streets of Rome after the most
despightful manner, the people shrieking and exclaiming against him.
Next pope after him was Benedict VIL, by the consent of the
Emperor Otlio IL, and reigned nine years. After Benedict, suc-
ceeded in the see of Rome Pope John XV., and died the eighth
month of his papacy ; next to mIioui came John XVL
In ^ the time of this pope, Hugh Capet, the French king, took
Charles, the right heir to the crown, by the treason of the bishop of
Laon; and when he had imprisoned him, he also committed to prison
Arnulph, archbishop of Rheims, and placed in his room Gilbert, a
monk of Fleury, a necromancer, who was schoolmaster to Duke
Robert, the king's son. But this Pope John XVL, calling a council
at Rheims, restored the said Arnulph again, and displaced Gilbert,
who after, by the help of Otho, was made archbishop of Ravenna,
and at length was pope, as in process hereafter (Christ granting)
shall be declared.
After John XVL came Gregory V., a.d. 996. This Gregory,
called before Bruno, was a German born, and therefore the more
maliced of the clergy and people of Rome. Whereupon Crescentius,
with the people and clergy, conventing against the said Gregory, set
up John XVIL; Gregory upon the same sped himself in all convenient
haste to the Emperor Otho III. in Germany, who, hearing the complaint
of Gregory, and understanding his wrongs, set forward with his army
(1) Alias Crescentius. — Ed.
(2) This paragraph in Foxe stands erroneously after Benedict VII. Henault " Abregi Chron." — Ed.
SEVEN ELECTORS ORDAINED. 73
well-appointed to Italy, gat the city, and there took both Cres- Egeired.
ccntius the consul, and .Tolin the pope; M'liich John first having his ^ -q
eyes put out, -was deprived after of liis life. Crescentius, the consul, 973.
was set upon a vile horse, having his nose and cars cut off, and so pZ^ '
was led through the city, his face being turned to the horse's J?''" ^ad
tail, and afterward, having his members cut off, was hanged upon a put out,
jribbet ' ^"'' "'''*
S'""*^'" _ put to
Pope Gregory, thus being restored to his former state, reigned ''^^'•'•
four years in his papacy (although Marianus Scotus, and Martinus,
say, that he sat but two years), during which time he assembled Seven
a council in Rome, where he, to establish the empire in his own onh"^
country, by the consent and counsel of Otho, ordained seven princes pj^^j^^g^
of Germany to be electors of the emperor, which order yet to this i" ^er-
day remaineth.^ What be the names of these seven electors and '"*"''
Avhat is their office, thus 1 find in the verses expressed below.'*
These seven he ordained to be electors : three bishops, three
princes, to wit, the Palatine, the duke of Saxony, and the Marquis
Brandenburgh ; to Avhom was added also the king of Bohemia, to give
the odd voice, if the even voices could not agree. This constitution
being first begun a.d. 997, was after established in Germany by Otho
the emperor, a.d. 1002; and thus much by the way, or rather by
digression, concerning the rages and tumults of the Romish church.
Now to our matter again.
EGELRED, or ETHELRED H.
SURNAMED THE UNREADY.^
King Edward thus being murdered, as is aforesaid, the crown fell A.D.
next to Egeired, his younger brother, and son to King Edgar by the 978.
aforesaid queen Elfrida, as we have declared. This Egeired had a
long reign given by God, which endured thirty and eight years, but
was very unfortunate and full of great miseries ; and he himself, by
the histories, seemeth to have been a prince not of the greatest courage
to govern a commonwealth. Our English historians, writing of him,
report of his reign, that it was ungracious in the beginning, wretched
in the middle, and hateful in the latter end. Of this Egeired we read,
that when Dunstan the aichbishnp should christen him, as he did hold
him over the font, something there happened that pleased not Dunstan,
whereupon he sware, " By the mother of Christ, he will be a prince
untoward and cowardly."* I find in William of Malmesbury,^ that this
Egeired being of the age of ten years, when he heard that his brother
Edward was slain, made such sorrow and weeping for him, that his
mother, falling therewith in a rage, took wax candles, having nothing else
at hand, wherewith she scourged him so sorely (well nigh till he swooned),
(1) Ex Chronico Martini. (2) Mopruntinensis, Treverensis, Coloniensis,
Quilibet imperii fit cancellaiius liorum.
Est I'alatiiuis dayifex. dux portitor eusis,
Marchio praepositus camerEe, pincerna Boliemus. — Ibid.
[Appendix to Marianus Scotus, Ed. Bas. 1559, col. 147.— Ed.]
(3) Edition 15G3, p. 10. Ed. 1583, p. IG3. Ed. 1596, p. 144. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 179.— Ed.
(4) " Pf.- sanctain Mariam. isteignavus hoinoerit." — Cbron. deCrowland. (5) Lib. ii. de Regib.
71
COKOXATION OK KGKLUKD. UKTUUN' OK THli DAKKS.
Egelred.
A. 1).
981.
Tlic coro-
tiaiion of
E^elrcd,
Sunday,
April II.
The pro-
phecy of
Dunstan,
•IS monk-
ish
stories
give it.
The
Danes re-
turn to
England.
London
consum-
ed with
fire. The
kin J wars
against
the bishop
of Ko-
chester.
A.D. 990.
Death of
Dunstan.
May l!)th,
A. U. 9H8.
that afterwards lie could never abide any wax candles to burn before
him. After this, about a.d. 978, the day of his coronation having
been appointed bv the f|ueen-inother and the nobles, Dunstan arch-
bishop of Canterbury (who first refused so to do), and Oswald arch-
bishop of York, were enforced to crown the king, which they did at
Kingston. In doing whereof, the report of stories gocth that Dunstan
said tlius, ])roplicsying unto the king, — " That forasmuch as he came
to the kingdom by the death of his brother, and through the conspiracy
of the wicked conspirators, and other Englishmen, they should not be
without blood-shedding and sword, till there came a people of an
unknown tongue, which should bring them into thraldom ; neither
should that trespass be clean.sed, without long vengeance."'
Not long after the coronation of this king, a cloud was seen through-
out the land, which appeared the one half like blood, and the other half
like fire, and changed afterwards into sundry colours, and vanished at
last in the morning. Shortly after the appearance of this cloud, in the
third year of his reign, the Danes arriving in sundry places of the
land, first spoiled Southampton, either slaying the inhabitants, or lead-
ing them away captive. From thence they went to the Isle of Thanet;
then they invaded Chester,^ from whence they proceeded to Cornwall
and Devonshire, and so to Sussex, where in those coasts they did much
harm, and then withdrew to their ships. Roger Hovedcn writing
hereof, ^ saith that London at the same time, or, as Fabian saith, a
great part of London, was consumed with fire. About this time
happened a variance between the aforesaid Egelred and the bishop
of Rochester, insomuch that he made war against him, and besieged
the city; and, notwithstanding Dunstan required the king, sending him
admonishment, to give over for the sake of St. Andrew, yet continued
he his siege, till the bishop offered him an hundred pounds of gold,
which he received, and so departed. The Danes, seeing the discord
that then was in the realm, and especially the hatred of the subjects
against the kmg, rose again, and did great harm in divers places Oi
England ; insomuch that the king was glad to grant them great sums
of money, for peace to be had. For the assurance of this peace, Ana-
lafFe, captain of the Danes, became a christian man, and so returned
home to his country, and did no more harm. Besides these miseries
before-recited, a sore sickness of the bloody-flux and hot fevers fell
among the people, whereof many died, with a like murrain, also, among
the beasts. Moreover, for lack of justice, many thieves, rioters, and
bribers, were in the land, with much misery and mischief.
About the eleventh year (some say the ninth) of this king's reign
died Dunstan ; after whom succeeded Ethclgar, or, as Jornalensis
writeth, Stilgar. After him Elfric, as aifirmeth Malmesbury ;* but as
Polvdore saith, Siric. After him Elfric came, but Siric according
to IVIalmesbur)', while Polydore saith, Aluric ; then Elphege.
About the same time, a.d. 995, Aldunus, a bishop, translated the
(1) In the Chronicles of Crowl.ind I find these words : — " Quoniam asoendisti ad thronum tuum,
per mortem fratris tui, quern occidit nialur tua, propterea audi verbum Domini : hoc dicit Dominus,
non deliciet gladius de domo tua, sreviens in te omnibus diebus vitae tuse, ct intcrficiens de semine
tuo, et de gente tua, usque dum regnum tuum transferatur in regnum alienum : cujus ritum et
linguam gens tua non novit, nee cxpiabitur nisi longa vindicta, et multa sanguinis eflusione pec-
catum matris iure, et peceatum virorum pessimorum, qui consenserunt consiUo ejus nequam, ut
mitterent manum in Christum Domini, ad effundendum s.inguincm innocentem."
(2) "Caerleon." see p. 5. note (.1).— Ed. (3) Hovedcn, lib. Continuationuni.
(I) Lib. i. de Pontif.
MISKKABLE STATE OP ENGLAND. 75
body of St. Cuthbert, which first had been in a northern island, and Egeired.
then at Chester-le-street, from Chester to Dunhehn, or Durham ; ~a~D~
whereupon the bishop"'s see of Durham first began.' 991.
Not long after the death of Dunstan, the Danes again entered xhe see~
England, in many and sundry places of the land, in such sort, that JJlj^'^e-
the king had to seek to which coast he should go first, to Avithstand his gins,
enemies ; and, in conclusion, for the avoiding of more harm, he was
compelled to appease them with great sums of money. But when that
money was spent, they fell anew to robbmg of the people, and to
assailing the land in divers places, not only about the country of
Northumberland, but they at last besieged the city of London. Being
repulsed, however, by the manhood of the Londoners, they strayed to London
other countries adjoining, as to Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, b^^j^e^*^
burning and killing wheresoever they went, so that for lack of a good Danes,
head or governor, many things in the land perished; for the king
gave himself up to gross vices, and also to the polling of his subjects,
and, disinheriting men of their possessions, caused them to redeem the
same again with great sums of money ; for he paid great tribute to Great tn-
the Danes yearly, which was called Dancgilt, which tribute so increased, ed,' Daniel
that from the first tribute of 10,000/., it was brought at last, in ^''^ ggj
five or six years, to 40,000/., which yearly, till the coming of St.
Edward, and after, was levied of the subjects of this land.
To this soiTow, moreover, were joined hunger and penury among
the commons, insomuch that every one of them was constrained to
pluck and steal from others, so that, what through the pillage of the
Danes, and what by inward thieves and bribers, this land was brought
into great affliction. Albeit the greatest cause of this affliction, as
to me appeareth, is not so much to be imputed to the king, as to the The sor-
dissention among the lords themselves, who then did not agree one a^cUon
with another; but when they assembled in consultation together, ".^ 'tie na-
either they drew divers ways, or if any thing was agreed, upon any
matter of peace between the parties, it was soon broken ; or else, if any -w^at dis-
good thing were devised for the prejudice of the enemy, anon the •-''"^'i ^°^'^^
Danes were warned thereof by some of the same counsel. Of these tiie no-
the chief doers were Edric, duke of Mercia, and Alfrike, the admiral
or captain of the ships, who betrayed the king"'s navy to the Danes ;
wherefore the king apprehended Alfagar, son of the said Alfrike, and
put out his eyes, as did he afterwards to the two sons of duke Edric.
The Danes thus prevailing more and more over the English, grew Tae pride
to such pride and presumption, that when they, by strength, caused nanl^s to-
the husbandmen to ear and sow the land, and to do all other vile labour j^n^'IfsJl^^
belonging to the house, they would sit at home holding the A\ife at
their pleasure, with daughter and servant : and when the husbandman
came home, he could scarcely have of his own, as his servants had ; so
that the Dane had all at his will and fill, faring of the best, when the
owner scarcely had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people
being of them oppressed, were in such fear and dread, that not only
they were constrained to suffer them in their doings, but also glad to
please them, and called every one of them in the house where they
•lad rule, Lord-Dane, which word, afterwards, in process of time, when r.ord-
0) On the 27th May, 1827, the tomb of St. Cuthbert, in Durham Cathedral, was opened, and
he coffin and skeleton found within. See Account of St. Cuthbert, p. 180. By James Raine, M.A.
Durham. 1828.— Ed.
MASSACKE OF TlIK DANES.
J-'p^'irxJ. tlic Danes vcrc got rid of, was, for dcs])ic:lit of the Danes, turned by
A. D. the Eni^lislinien to a name of opprobrium, so that when one En-
1004. fjlisliman would rebuke another, he woukl for the more part call
ihe first li'ii^ " Lnrdane."
between -^^^^^ ^''"^ liitlicrto, tlirougli the assistance of Christ, we have brought
the Nor- tliis liistorv down to the year of our Lord 1000.^ During the continu-
Kngiibii" ancc of these great miseries upon this English nation, the land was
brought into great ruin by the grievous tributes of the Danes, and also
by sustaining manifold villanies and injuries, as well as other oppres-
sions within the realm. In this year Egelred, through the counsel of
certain his familiars about him, in the one and twentieth year of his
reign, began a matter, which was the occasion, either given by the one,
Kins or taken by the other, of a new plague to ensue upon the Saxons, who
married ^^^^ formerly driven out the Britons ; which was, by joining with the
Kmma, Nomiaus in marriage. For the kimj, this vear, for the more strength,
oftire as he thought, both of him and the realm, married Emma, the daughter
Normaii ^f Ricliard, duke of Normandy, which Richard was the third duke
^y- of the Normans, and the first of that name. By reason of this
The marriage. King Egelred was not a little elated ; and, by presumption
slain in thereof, sent secret and strict commissions to the rulers of every town
t\"f f ^^ England, that upon St. Brice"'s day, at an hour appointed, the Danes
England, sliould bc suddculv skiu : and so it was performed, which turned after
Nov. 13th, . , 1 1 "^ '■
A.D.1002. to more trouble.
As soon as tidings came into Denmark of the murder of those Danes,
Swanus, king of Denmark, with a gi-eat host and navy, landed in
Cornwall ; Avhere, by treason of a Norman, named Hugh, who, by
favour of Queen Emma, was made earl of Devonshire, the said Swanus
took Exeter, and beat down the walls. From thence proceeding
fm-ther into the land, they came to Wilton and Sherborne, where
they cruelly spoiled the country, and slew the people. But, anon,
Swanus hearing that the king was coming to him with the power of his
land, took his ships and fetched his course about to Norfolk ; where,
after much wasting of that country, and spoiling the city of Norwich,
and burning the town of Thetford, and destroying the country there-
about, at length duke Uskatel met him and beat him, and slew many
of the Danes. Wherefore Swanus for that year returned to Denmark,
and there made great provision to re-enter the land again the next
year following ; and so he did, landing at Sandwich about the five and
A.D.1003. twentieth year of the reign of King Egelred, and spoiled that country.
And as soon as he heard of any host of Englishmen coming toward
him, he took shipping again, so that when the king's army sought to
meet him on one coast, he would suddenly land on another, and when
the king provided to meet with him upon the sea, either they would
feign to flee, or else they would with gifts blind the admiral of the king'a
Tribute navy. And thus wearied they the Englishmen, and in conclusion
the Danes brouglit them into extreme and uns])eakable misery, insomuch that the
of3o,ooo/. j.jj^^ .^^,,jg ^^^^ ^^ make peace with them, and to give to King Swanus
30,000/., after which peace thus made Swanus returned again to
Denmark.
Eiric, or Xhis pcacc Continued not long, for the year next following. King
duke of Egelred made Edric, above mentioned, duke of Mercia, who was subtle
Mercia.
(1) Henry of Huntingdon, lib. vi.
UETURN OK TIIK DANES. 77
of wit, gloslng and eloquent of speech, untnisty, and flilse to the king F.g,-ircd.
and the reahn ; and soon after this, one Turkil, a prince of the Danes, "aTI)~
landing in Kent with much people, did such harm there that the 1013.
Kentishmen were fain to make peace with great gifts, on which they -j-he ,,er-
departed. But this persecution from the Danes, in one country or other ^^^'"''?'l
in England, never ceased, nor did the king ever give them any notable evu
battle ; for when he was disposed to give them battle, this Edric would a!',""j'a'
always counsel him to the contrary, so that the Danes ever spoiled and ^inR,
robbed, and waxed rich, and the Englishmen ever poor and bare. it doth. "
After this, Swanus being in Denmark, and hearing of the increase The re-
ef his people in England, brake his covenants before made, and with swTtms
a great army and navy, in most defensible manner appointed, landing j^'^^^ '^"""
in Northumberland, proclaimed himself to be king of this land ;
where, when after much vexation he had subdued the people, and
caused the earl with the rulers of the country to swear to him- fealty,
he passed over the river Trent to Gainsborough and to Northwatling-
street, and, subduing the people there, forced them to give him host-
age!^; these he committed with his navy vmto Canute, his son, to
keep, while he went fm-thcr inland, and so, with a great host, came to
Mercia, killing and slaying. He then took by strength Winchester
and Oxford, and did there what he liked. This done, he came toward
London, and hearing the king was there, passed by the river Thames,
and came into Kent, and there besieged Canterbury, where he was canter-
resisted, the space of twenty days. At length, by the treason of a ing^be-^"
deacon, called Almaric, whom the bishop had preserved from death tak^ifknd
before, he Avon it, took the goods of the people, fired the city, and burnt,
tithed the monks of St. Augustine"'s abbey ; that is to say, they slew a c-uei
nine by cruel torment, and the tenth they kept alive as for their slave. ™." he*^
They slew there of religious men to the number of 900 persons; of Danes,
other men, with women and children, they slew above 8,000. And,
finally, when they had kept the bishop Elphege in strait prison the
space of seven months, because he would not condescend to give them
3,000/., after many villanies done unto him, they brought him to
Greenwich, and there stoned him to death.
King Egelred, in the mean time, fearing the end of this persecu-
tion, sent his wife Emma, with his two sons, Alfred and Edward, to
the duke of Normandy, with whom also he sent the bishop of London.
The Danes proceeded still in their fury and rage, and when they had
won a great part of West Saxony, they returned again to London,
whereof the Londoners hearing, sent unto them certain great gifts
and pledges. At last the king, about the five and thirtieth year of his a.d.khs.
reign, was chased unto the Isle of AVight, and, with a secret company, frhen'to
spent there a great part of the winter ; and finally, without cattle or theisieof
comfort, sailed into Normandy, to his wife. Swanus being informed from
thereof, inflamed with pride, levied exceeding impositions upon the Jo"^iIJor.
people, and, among others, required a great sum of money of St. mandy.
Edmund's lands, which the people there, claiming to be free
from king''s tributes, refused to pay. For this, Swanus entered the
territory of St. Edmund, and wasted and spoiled the country, despis-
ing the holy martyr, and menacing also the place of his sepulture. The vir-
Whcrefore the men of that country, fearing his t}Tanny, fell to prayer christian
and tasting, so that shortly after Swanus died suddenly, crying and pjayers.
<» f'AXUTE TAKETII WESSKX.
Egeircd. yclHng amoog his kniglits. Some say that he was stricken with
A.D. tlic sword of St. Edmund, wlicrcof lie died the third (kiy after; in
1016. fear wliereof Canute, liis son, wlio ruled as king after his father,
DMtiToT gi'^mted them the freedom of all their liberties, and, moreover, ditched
Frb*'"(?" ^'^^ ^'^^^^ "^ *^'^^ ^'^'"^ martyr with a deep ditch, and granted to the inha-
A.U.10H. bitants thereof great freedoms, quitting them from all tax or tribute,
ab^ He afterwards builded a church over the place of his sepultm-e, and
St. Ed- ordained there a house of monks, and endowed them vfiih rich posses-
™u'^. "■ sions. And after that time it was the usage of the kings of England,
builded. vJien they were crowned, to send their crowns for an offering to St.
Ednmnd's shrine, and to redeem the same again, afterwards, with a
suitable price.
Egeired When King Egelred heard of the death of Swanus, he made pro-
to En"g^- vision and returned to England, for whose sudden coming Canute,
ciJfute t)cing unprovided, fled to Sandwich, and there, cutting off the noses
cutteth and hands of the hostages whom his father had left with him, sailed
noses and into Denmark, who the next year returned again with a great navy,
hf"''* °^ ^^^^ landed in the south country ; Avherefore the eldest son of King
i)iedges. Egelred, called Edmund Ironside, made provision with the aid of
Edric, duke of ^Icrcia, to meet him. But Edric, feigning himself
sick, came not, but deceived him ; for, as it was after proved, Edric
Taketh had promised his allegiance to Canute. By reason of this, Canute
entered the country of the West Saxons, and forced the people to be
A.D.1016. sworn unto him, and to give him pledges. During this season, King
Egelred being in London, was taken with great sickness, and there
Api. 23d, died and was buried in the north side of Paul's church, behind the quire,
A. .1016. ^^^Qj. jjp jjg^^ reigned unprosperously thirty-eight years ; leaving after
him his said eldest son, Edmund Ironside, and Alfred and Edward^
who were in Normandy, sent thither before, as is above-rehearsed.
This Egelred, although he was miserably assailed and vexed of his
enemies, yet he with his council gave forth wholesome laws, contain-
ing good rules and lessons for all judges and justices to learn and
follow.'^
A \»-icked Of this King Egelred I find noted in the book of Roger Hoveden,
iiosfd by that he deposed and deprivedof his possessions, a certain judge or justice
the king, named Walgeatus, the son of one Leonet, for false judgment and
other proud doings, whom, notwithstanding, he loved above all others.
(1) Laws of King Egelred. — " Omnis judex Justus misericordlam et judicium liberet in omnibus,
ut inprimis per rectam scientiam dieat emendationem secundum culpam, et earn tamen admensuret
propter indulgentiam. Qusedam culpae reputantur a bonis judicibus secundum rectum emen-
danda;, quaedam per Dei misericordiam condonandae. Judicia debent esse sine omni haderunga,
quod non parcatur diviti alicui vel enego, amico vel inimico: jus publicum recitari. Nihil autem
injustius est, quam susceptio munerum pro judicio subvertendo : quia niunera excaecant conla
sapientum, et subvertunt verba justorum. Dominus Jesus dixit : ' in quo judicio judicaveritis, judi-
cabimiiii.' Timeat omnis judex ac diligat Deum judicem suum, ne in die judicii mutus fiat, ut
humiliatus ante oculos judicis cuncta videntis. Qui innocentem opprimit, et dimittit noxiuro pro
pecunia, vel amicitia, vel odio, vel quacunque factione, oppriuictur ab omnipotente judice. Et
iiuUus dominus, nulla potestas, stultos aut improbos judices constituat, quia stultus per ignaviam,
improhus per cupiditatem, vitat quam didicit, veritatem. Gravius enim iacerantur paupercs a
pravis judicibus, quam a cruentis hostibus. Nullus hostis acerbior, nulla pestis efficacior quam
familiaris inimicus. Potest aliquoties homo fuga vel defensione vitare pravos inimicos. Nun
ita possunt judices, quoties adversus subditos mails desideriis inflammantur. Saepe etiam boni
judices habent malos vicarios et ministros nefandos, quorum reatibus ipsi domini constringuntur,
si non eos cotrceant, et a rapacitatc cohibeant. Uuia Dominus et minister saeculorum ait, non
solum male agentes, sed omnes consctiticntes digr.i sunt .xterna morte. Saepe etiam pravi judirts
judicium pervertunt, vel respectaiit, et non finiunt causam, donee voluntas eorum jnnJeatur. Kt
quando judicant, non opera, sed munera considerant. Impii judices, juxta verlium sapientum,
sicut rapaces lupi vespere nil residuant usque mane, id est, de praesenti solum vita cogitant, do
futura nihil considerant. Malorum pra-positorum mos est, ut quicquid possu.it auferant, et vix
liecessariuro pavum quid relinquant sustentatioui. Iracunduii judex non potest attendere rettam
MURDER OF KING EDMUND.
EDMUND IRONSIDE, A SAXON, and CANUTE, A
DANE, KINGS TOGETHER IN ENGLAND. ^
After the death of Egelred, there was variance among the Eng-
hshmcn about the election of their king; for the citizens of London,
ivith certain other lords, named Edmund, the eldest son of Egelred,
a young man of lusty and valiant courage, in martial adventures both
hardy and wise, and who could very ■well endure all pains ; wherefore
he was sirnamed Ironside. But the more part of the lords favoured
Canute, the son of Swanus, especially the abbots, bishops, and men of
the spiritualty, who before had sworn to his father. By means of this,
many gTcat battles were fought between these two martial princes,
first in Dorsetshire, where Canute was compelled to fly the field, and
after that, they fought another battle in Worcestershu-e, so sore that Battles
none could tell who had the .better ; but either for weariness, or for lack Edmun"'
of day, they departed one from the other, and on the morrow fought ^"<'
again, but Canute Avas then compelled to forsake the field. After
this they met in Mercia, and there fought again ; where Edmund, as
stories say, by the treason of that false Edric, duke of Mercia, whom
he before had received to favour, had the worse. Thus there were
I many great conflicts between these two princes, but upon one occasion,
I when the hosts were ready to join, and a certain time of truce had been
taken before battle, a knight, of the party of Edmund, stood up upon
a high place, and said these words : —
" Daily we die, and none hath the victory : and when the knights a witty
be dead on either part, then the dukes, compelled by need, shall "[aybiood
accord, or else they must fight alone, and this kingdom is not sufficient I'et^cen
for two men, which sometimes sufficed seven. But if the covetousness armies,
of lordship in these twain be so great, that neither can be content to
take part and live by the other, nor the one under the other, then let
them fight alone, that will be lords alone. If all men fight, still, at the
last, all men shall be slain, and none left to be under their lordship,
nor able to defend the kms that shall be, as^ainst strange enemies and
nations.
These words were so well approved of by both the hosts and the Two
princes, that all were content to try the quarrel between those two fight
only. Then the place and time were appointed, at which they should hand.'"
both meet in sight of the two hosts, and when either had attacked the
; other with sharp swords and strokes, on the motion of Canute, as some
I WTite, hastily they were both agreed, and kissed each other, to the
I comfort of both hosts ; and, shortly after, they agreed upon a partition
a of the land, and, after that, during their lives they loved as brethren.
\ Soon after, a son of wicked Edric, bv the instigation of his father, as A.p.ioir.
^^ appeared afterwards, espied when King Edmund was at the di-aught, mirderof
,'iii and with a spear, some say with a long knife, gave him a secret thrust, ^^ud.^'
«* ludicii satisfactionem. Nam per furoris exc»cationem, non perspicit rectitudinis claritatem.
" Justum judicium, ubi non persona consideratur. Scriptiim est : non attendas personam hominis in
'^ jjudieio, nee pro aliquo facies. ut a vero declines, et injuste judices. Susceptio muneris est dimissio
. * iveritatis."— Ex Historia Bibliothecaj Jornalensis.
^^ I (1) Edition 15C3, p. 11. Ed. 1583, p. IG2. Ed. 1596, p. HC. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. ISI.— En.
80
CANUTE, SOLE .MONARCH OF ENGLAND.
A.D.
1017.
Ironside
sent out
to be
slain.
infidelity,
and un-
truth, in
English
lords.
Canute, wliercof tlic Said Edmund shortly after died, after that he had reigned
two years. He left behind two sons, Edmund and Edward, whom
Edric, the wicked duke, after the death of their father, took from their
mother, not knowing yet of the death of Edmund her husband, and
presented them to King Canute, saluting him in these words, " Ave
rex solus." Thus Canute, after the death of Edmund Ironside, was
king alone of the whole realm of England, and afterwards, by the
ofEd*""* ^^vice of his council, he sent the aforesaid sons of Edmund Ironside
mund to liis brother Swanus, king of Sweden, to be slain ; who abhorring
that deed, sent them to Salomon, king of Hungary, where Edmund
being married to the king''s daughter, died ; Edward was married to
Agatha, daughter of his brother, the emj^eror, Henry IV. ^
When Canute was established in the kingdom, he called a parliament
in London, where, among other things there debated, it was propounded
to the bishops, barons, and lords of parliament, present, whether,
in the composition made between Edmund and Canute, there was any
special remembrance made of the children or brethren of Edmund, by
Flattery, any partition of any part of the land. Whereunto the English lords,
ftdsely flattering the foreign king, and speaking against their own minds,
as also against their native country, answered, and said, " Nay."
Affirming, moreover, with an oath (for the king's pleasure) that thev, to
the uttermost of their powers, would put oft' the blood of Edmund in
all that they might ; by reason of which answer and promise, many of
them thought to have purchased with the king great favour. But, by
the just retribution of God, it chanced far otherwise ; for many of
them, or the most part (such especially as Canute did perceive to be
sworn before-time to Edmund and his heirs, and also considering
that they were native Englishmen) he mistrusted and disdained ever
after, insomuch that some he exiled, a great number he beheaded,
and some, by God''s punishment, died suddenly, among whom wicked
Edric also, the traitor, although with his sugared words he continued
a while in the king's favour, at length escaped not condign reward for
his deceivable dealing. For, as the liistory of Jornalensis recordeth,
as the king was in his palace beyond the Thames, this Edric, being
probably accused, or else suspected of the king before, and coming
unto him, began to reckon up his benefits and hibours bestowed for
his sake, first, in forsaking and betraying Egelred, then in slaying
Duke King Edmund's son, with many such other deeds, which all, for his
false trai- Sake, hc had done. " Well," saith the king, " thou hast here rightly
'"urXrer J^<^o^d thysclf, and worthily thou shalt die for slaying thy natural
prince, and my sworn brother," and so commanded him to be bound
immediately hand and foot, and to be thrown into the Thames. Some
stories say, that when he had saluted the king with "Ave rex solus,"
and showed him the slaying of Edmund, Canute, promising that he
would make him, therefore, higher than all the lords of the realm, com-
manded his head to be stricken off, and to be set upon London bridge,
and his body to be cast into the town-ditch : and thus with shame
ended he his wretched life ; as all they commonly do, who, with like
dissimulation, seek the destruction of their prince, and of their (
country.
This Canute, shortly after the death of King Edmund, by the
counsel of Edric, exiled Edwy, being brother unto King Edmund, i
of liis
king re
warded
The bro-
ther of
Edmund
Ironside
slain.
(1) See Appendix, respecting the L'.'rors in this statement. — Ed.
CRUELTY OF EAIIL GODWIN'. 8l
called rex rusticoruin, 'the king of churls;"' but afterwards, he was recon- canuu.
ciled again to the king''s favour, and, lastly, slain by certain of the \_ jj/
king's secretaries, or servants. Also, through the counsel of the said 1040.
Edric, and of Emma his wife, he sent the two sons of Edmund Iron-
side, Edmund and Edward, to his brother Swanus, king of Denmark,
to be slain, as is before said.'
In the mean time Swanus, king of Denmark, brother to Canute,
died ; wherefore that land fell to Canute, who soon after sailed thither, <
and took possession of it, and after he had set it in order, he returned kin^of'
to England and married Emma, late wife of Egelred, and by her he marde"'"'
had a son, called Hardeknight, or Hardicanute. Moreover this Canute ^mma,
assembled a parliament at Oxford, where it was agreed that English- Egeired.
men and Danes should hold the laws made by King Edg-ar, because
they were thought so good and reasonable above any other laws. Thus
the Danes being in England began, by little and little, to be Christian
men. Canute went to Rome, and retiuning again to England, go-
verned that land the space of twenty years, leaving after him two sons,
Harold and Hardicanute ; which latter was made king of Denmark
in his fathe/s time. A.D.1035.
Harold I., called Harefoot for his activity and swiftness, son to Harold
Canute by Elgina, his first wife, began his reign over England aulne.^'
A.D. 1036. Of him little is left in memory, save that he banished
his step-mother Emma, and took her goods and jewels from her.
Hardicanute, being king of Denmark, and second son to Clanute by Hardica-
his last wife Emma, Avas next king of England. In the time of these "a"t^of the
Danish kings, there was one Godwin, an earl in Enq-land, who had been :^"s!°:
^ " . ' . ° . Danish
before in gi-eat favour with Canute, for his acts done in Denmark kings
against the Norwegians ; who afterwards married the sister (some say a"d!io39!
the daughter) of Canute. This Godwin was of a cruel and subtle wit,
as is instanced not a little by the sons of King Egelred; for when
those two, whose names were Alfred and Edward, came from Nor-
mandy into England, to visit their mother Emma, and brought with
them a great company of Normans, this Godwin (liaving a daughter
called Godith, whom he thought to marry to Edward, and set him up
Ito be king), to bring his purpose about, used this device, namely, to per-
suade King Hardicanute, and the lords, not to suffer those Normans to
be within the realm for jeopardy, but rather to punish them for example:
ij by which means he obtained authority to order the matter himself,
!| wherefore he met them on Guild down, and there most ^vretchedly p™^''^"'"
murdered, or rather martyred the greater number of the Normans, and win
that -without provocation. For, as Swanus before had tithed the monks ?^he Nor-
of Canterbury, so he, with a cruel company of English soldiers, slew ™^°^-
nine of the said Normans, and saved the tenth. And yet, passing the
fury of Swanus, as not contented with that tyranny, he tithed again
the said tithe, and slew every tenth knight, and that by cruel torment,
as winding their entrails out of their bodies, as -svTiteth Ranulphus.
Among his other deeds, he put out the eyes of the elder brother,
Alfred, and sent him to the abbey of Ely, where he, being fed with son of'
bread and water, endured not long. By some writers it is recorded, rithnieir
that he was there slain with the aforenamed torment, and that Edward 1°^^^.^^
was conveyed by some one to his mother ; who, fearing the treason of torment-,
Godwin, sent him soon over the sea into Normandy again. This cruel death.
(I) Seep. 80, note (1).— Ed.
VOL. II. G
•S2 ABJECT STATE OF ENGLAND.
c<"i"'<-- act of Godwin and liis men against the innocent Normans, wlietherit
A.D. came of himself, or of the king''s setting on, seemeth to me to be the
1041. cause why the justice of God did shortly after revenge the quarrel of
wiiy God these Normans, in conquering and subduing the English nation by
thisXnd ^V^illiaiii the Conqueror, and the Normans Avho came with him. For
to be con- go it was just and right, that as the Normans, coming with a natural
the Nor- English prince, were murdered of Englishmen ; so afterwards, the
*"*"*■ Englishmen should be slain and conquered by the Normans, coming
with a foreign king, not beins of their natural country.
Death of TluMi it followcth iu thc story, that this King Hardicanute, when
Canute, lic had rcigucd two years, being merry at Lambeth, suddenly was
A.D.1041. stricken dumb, and fell down to the ground, and within eight days
died without issue, a. d. 104-1. He was the last that reigned in
England of the blood of the Danes.
Sons of The aforesaid Godwin had, by the daughter of Canute, liis wife,
but one son, who was drowned. By his second w ife he had six sons ;
to wit, Swanus, Harold, Tostius, Wilmot, Sixth or Surth, and Leofric,
with one daughter, called Goditha, who was afterwards married to King
Edward the Confessor.
Concerning the story of this Alfred, I find it somewhat otherwise
reported in our English clironicles, that it should be after the death
of Hardicanute ; forasmuch as the earls and barons after liis death
assembled and made a council, that never after, any of the Danes' blood
should be king of England, for the despite that they had done to
statrof Englishmen. For ever before, if the English and the Danes hap-
the Eng- pencd to meet upon a bridge, the Englishmen were not so hardy as to
move a foot, but stood still till the Danes had passed over. And,
moreover, if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to do
reverence to the Danes, they would have been beaten and defiled.
For these despites and villanies they Avere driven out of the land
after the death of Hardicanute, for they had no lord that might main-
tain them ; and after this manner the Danes so evacuated England,
that tliey never came again.^
Thc earls and barons, by their common assent and council, sent
into Normandy for these two brethren, Alfred and Edward, intend-
ing to crown Alfred, the elder brother, and to make him king of
England ; and to this the earls and barons made their oath. But the
Earl Godwin of West Sax, falsely and traitorously thought to slay
these two bretlu-en, as soon as they came into England, to the intent
that he might make Harold his son king ; which son he had by Lis
wife, Hardicanute's daughter, who Avas a Dane.^ So this Godwin
went privily to Southampton, to meet the two brethren at their
landing; and thus it fell out, that the messengers who went (saitli
mine author) into Normandy, found only Alfred the elder brother,
for Edward his younger brother was gone to Hungary, to speak with
his cousin, the outlaw, who was Edmund Ironside's son.
Alfred or Whcu Alfred had heard these messengers, and perceived their ,
son of ' tidings, he thanked God, and hastening Avith all speed to England,
Kgefred. arrived at Southampton. There Godwin, the false traitor, having
knoAvledge of his coming, Avclcomed and received him with much joy,
( 1 ) Taken out of the Eni^lish story or chronicle compiled by certain English clerks.
(2) See Appendix.
CRUEL MUKDKR OF PIM NCE ALFRED. "gS
pretending to lead him to London, where the barons waited to make Canute.
him king ; and so they together passed forth toward London. But a. I)
when they came to Guikl down, the traitor commanded all his men to 1041.
slay all that were in Alired's company, who came with him from Nor-
mandy, and after that to take Alfred, and to lead him into the isle
of Ely, where they should put out both his eyes, and so they did ; for
they slew all the company that were there, to the number of twelve
gentlemen, who came with Alfred from Normandy, and after that
they took Alfred, and in the isle of Ely they executed their commis-
sion. That done, they opened his body, took out his bowels, and
setting a stake into the ground, fistened an end of his bowels there-
unto, and with needles of iron they pricked his tender body, thereby
causing him to go about the stake, till all his bowels were drawn out.
So died this innocent Alfred or Alured, being the right heir to the
crown, through treason of wicked Godwin. When the lords of Eng-
land heard thereof, and how Alfred, who should have been their king,
was put to death through the false traitor Godwin, they were won-
drous Avroth ; and sware between God and them that he should die a
worse death than did Edric, who betrayed his lord, Edmund Ironside;
and would immediately have put him to death, but that the traitor
fled thence into Denmark, and there remained four years and more,
losing all his lands in England.
Another Latin story I have, bearing no name, Avhich saith that this
coming in of Alfred and the Normans was in the time of Harold,
Canute's son.^ Also how Godwin, after he pretended great amity to
them, suddenly in the night came upon them at Guildford, and after
lie had tithed the Nomians, senfe Alfred to Harold in London ; who
sent liim to the isle of Ely, and caused his eyes to be put out. And
thus much of Canute, and of his sons, Harold and Hardicanute.
Besides these two sons, Canute had also a daughter named Gunilda, Guniia.-i;
man-ied to Henry ni, emperor. Of her some -wiite, that she being nlnrytiic
accused to the emperor of spouse-breach, and having no champion or ™'p^'''"^
knight that would fight for her, after the manner of that coimtry, for
trial of her cause, a certain little dwarf or boy, whom she brought
with her out of England, stirred up of God, fought in her cause against
a mighty big Gennan, of a monstrous greatness ; which silly dwarf,
cutting by chance the sinews of his leg, afterwards struck him to the
ground, and cut off his head, and so saved the life of the queen ;
if tliat be true which Malmesbury and Fabmn report.
Of this Canute it is storied that he, following much the supersti- Canute
tion of Egelnoth, archbishop of Canterbury, went on a pilgrimage to Rome"
Rome, and there foimded an hospital for English pilgrims. He gave fo"unded
the pope precious gifts, and burdened the land with a yearly tribute, thehosp:-
called the Rome-shot. He shrined the body of Berinus, and gave EngMi
oTeat lands and ornaments to the cathedral church of Winchester ; ^1,^™^'
he also builded St. Benefs in Norfolk, which ^was before a hermi- siiot con-
tage ; likewise St. Edmundsbm-y, which King Athclstan before or- i^m^^ ^^
dained for a college of priests, he turned to an abbey of monks of
St. Benefs order.
Henry, archdeacon of Huntingdon,- maketh mention of this Canute,
a-s doth also Polydore,' that he, after his coming from Rome, walking
'1) Ex historia ignoti autlioris. (2) Lib. vi. (3) L;b. vii.
84
END OF THE DANISH LINE IN ENGLAND.
A.D.
1041.
Flatterers
anit claw-
backs
al>out
princes.
Canute
cliarRCth
the sea
to stand
back.
God only,
the King
of kings,
iind Lord
oflords.
The
king's
crown
put on a
rood or
cross.
Kings of
England
liave as
much
right in
causes
spiritual
as tem-
poral
upon a time by tlie ]iort of Soutlminpton (but, as Polydorc saith,
and Fabian affiniuth tlie same, it was by the Tliamcs'' side in London),
when his flatterers coming about him, began to exalt him with high
words, calling him a king of all kings, most mighty, who had under
his subjection both the people, the land, and also the sea : Canute,
revolving this matter in his mind (whether for pride of his heart
exalted, or whether to try and refcl their flattering words), commanded
his chair of state to be brought to the sea side, at what time the tide
should begin to flow. Polydorc saith that no seat was brought; but
sitting ujion his garments, being folded together under him, there
charged and commanded the floods arising and coming towards his feet,
that they should touch neither him nor his clothes. But the water,
keeping its ordinary course, came nearer and nearer, first to his feet,
and so growing higher, began to wash him well-favouredly ; where-
with the king abashed, and partly also afraid, started back, and look-
ing at his lords, " Lo,"" saith he, " ye call me such a mighty king,
and yet I cannot command back this little water to stay at my word,
but it is ready to drown me. Wherefore all earthly kings may know
that all their powers be but vain, and that none isAvorthy to have the
name of a king, but he alone who hath all things subject to the power
and authority of his Avord, who is the Lord of heaven and earth,
the Creator above of all things, the Father of our Christ and Lord,
who with him for ever is to be glorified : him let us Avorship and
extol for our King for ever."" After this, as histories Avitness, he never
suifered the croAvn to come upon his head, but went to Winchester,
or, as some say, to Canterbury ; but both those accounts may be true,
for his going to Canterbury Avas to acknoAvledge that there was a Lord
much higher, and of more poAver than he himself Avas, and thercAvithal
to render up his croAvn for ever. With that, Egclnoth, archbishop of
Canterbury, informed him of the image of the crucifix beforemen-
tioned, Avhich dissolved the matter betAveen married priests and life of
monks, and did many other miracles more, being then at Winchester ;
wliereupon the king, provoked to go to Winchester to the rood, there
resigned his regal croAvn, and made the rood king over all the land.
Here is also to be noted in this Canute, that although, as is said,
he submitted in the beginning of his reign to King Edgar''s laAvs,
yet afterAvards, in process of time, he set forth peculiar laAvs of his
OAvn, among Avhich, divers there be that concern as avcII causes ecclesi-
astical, as also temporal. Whereby it may appear, that the govern-
ment of spiritual matters did not then depend upon the bishop of
Rome, but appertained to the laAvful authority of the temporal prince,
no less than did matters and causes temporal, as by certain ordinances
of the aforesaid Canute may be well perceived.'
And here is an end of the Danish kings. Noav to the English
kings again, Avhose right line cometh in, in EdAvard here folloAving.
(I) Laws of Canute, in matlcrs ecclesiastical. — " Pecunia sepulturae justum est ut aperta terra
reddatur. Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam, pecunia sepulturae," &c.
In English :— " It is meet and riglit, that in funerals money be given for opening the earth.
" If any body, or corse, be carried out of its own parish into another, the money of the burial
shall pertain by the law to its own jjarish church.
" All ordinances and ceremonies of God, let ihem be observed as need in all things requireth.
" Upon the Sunday we forbid all public fairs or markets, all synods or conventicles, huntings,
or any such secular actions to be exercised, unless urgent necessity compel thereunto.
" Let every christian man prepare himself thrice a year, to approach to the receiving of tlic
Lord's body ; so to cat the same, as not to his judgment, but to his wholesome remedy.
"If
PEACEFUL COMMENCEMENT OF KING EDWA11D''s REIGN. 86
Edward
the Con-
fessor.
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.' "TdT
1042.
Forasmuch as God, who is the only maker of heirs, of his mercy
and providence, thought it so good, after the woeful captivity of this
English nation, to grant now some respite of deliverance, in taking
away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them ; who
reigning here in England, kept the English people in miserable subjec-
tion about the space of eight and twenty years, and, from their first
landing in the time of King Briglitric, wasted and vexed this land England
the term of 254 years""^: now their tyranny here coming to an end, by the
the next election and right to the crown fell, as appertained, to f^^y^^^l
Edward, the younger son of King Egelred and Emma, a true-bred
Englishman, who had been now long banished in Normandy, as is
above declared ; a man of gentle and soft spirit, more appliable to other
men's council, than able to trust to his own ; of nature and condition
so given from all war and bloodshed, that, being in his banishment, he
wished rather to continue all his life long in that private estate, than
by war or bloodshed to aspire to any kingdom. This Edward, after
the death of Canute II., or Hardicanute, being sent for by the lords into
Normandy, to take possession of the realm, although he something
mistrusted the inconstant and fickle heads of Englishmen, yet, having
sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandy, came over, accompanied
by a few Normans, and not long after was crowned at Winchester, K'"ff
A.D. 1042, by Edsine, then archbishop of Canterbmy. Not long cro^yned
after that, he married Goditha, or Editha, daughter of Earl Godwin, Afi).io42.
whom he treated after such a sort, that he lived with her as though
she had not been his wife. Whether it were for hate of her kin, as
most likely it was, or for love of chastity, it remaineth uncertain, but
most writers agree that he continued his life in this manner ; for the
which he is highly exalted among our story-writers, and called holy
King Edward. After he had thus taken upon him the government
of the realm, he guided the same with much wisdom and justice for
the space of four and twenty years, lacking two months ; from whom
issued, as out of a fountain, much godliness, mercy, pity, and liberality
toward the poor ; gentleness and justice toward all men ; and, in all
honest life, he gave a virtuous example to his people. He discharged
the Englishmen from the great tribute called Dane-gilt, which before-
time was yeai-ly levied to the gi'cat impoverishing of the people. He
subdued the Scots and the Welshmen, who in theii" borders began to
rebel against him. In much peace he continued his reign, having no
foreign enemy to assault him : albeit, as some chronicles do show,
certain Danes and Norwegians there were, Avho intended to set upon
England, but as they were taking shipping, there was brought to them
first one bowl, then another, of mead^ or methe, to drink for a bofi
" If a minister of the altar do kill any man, or have entangled himself in any notorious crime,
let him be deprived both of his order and his dignity.
" If any married woman, her husband being alive, have committed adultery, and the same
te proved ; to her open shame in the world, let her have her nose and ears cut otf.
" Let every widow, after the death of her husband, remain sole twelve months ; or if she
marry, let her lose her jointure."
(1) Editim 1563, p. 11. Ed. 1583, p. 164. Ed. 15!)f), p. H8. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 1S3.— -l^J.
(2) See p. 5, note (6), and vol. i. p. 378, note (3).
(3) Mtf/ii [metht], in Greek, sigiiifieth drunkenness.
86
ACCUSATION AGAINST THE KING S MOTHEll.
Accu-
sation
against
Km ma,
the king's
mother.
j-aise ac-
cusation
purged
by hot
iron.
A.D.I 052.
Gre.it
snow and
mor-
tality.
V.arl God-
win out-
lawed.
viage. Thus one cup^ coining after another, after drink came
drunkenness, after drunkenness followed jangling, of jangling came
strife, and strife turned unto stripes, whereby many were slain, and
the others returned to their homes again ; and thus, the merciful provi-
dence of the Lord disposed of that journey.
In the time of this Edward, l^nuna his mother was accused of being
familiar with Alwiii, the bishop of Winchester ; upon which accusation,
by counsel of Earl Godwin, he took ft-om her many of her jewels, and
caused her to be kept a deal more strictly in the abbey of Warwel,
and the bishop to be committed to the examination of the clergy.
Polvdore saith they were both in prison at Winchester, where she,
sorrowing the defiime both of herself and the bishop, and trusting
to her conscience, desired justice of them, offering herself as ready to
abide any lawful trial, yea, although it were the sharpest. Then
divers of the bishops made entreaty to the king for them both,
and had obtained the suit, had not Robert, then archbishop of Can-
terbury, stopped it ; who, not well content Avith their labour, said
unto them, " My brethren, how dare you defend her who is so
unworthy the name of a woman '? She hath defamed her own son
tlie king, and hath lowered herself with the bishop. And if it be so,
that the woman will purge the priest, who shall then purge the Avoman,
Avho is accused of consenting to the death of her son Alfred, and who
procured venom to the poisoning of her son Edward ? But, whether
she be guilty or guiltless, if she will go barefoot for herself four steps,
and for the bishop five, continually upon nine ploughshares fire hot,
and escape harmless, he shall be assoiled of this challenge, and
she also." To this she agreed, and the day Avas appointed, on Avhich
the king and a great part of his nobles Avere present, save only
Kobert, the archbishop. This Robert had been a monk of a house
in Normandy, and a helper of the king in his exile, and so by the
sending for of the king, came over and Avas made first bishop of London,
and afterAvards archbishop of Canterbury. Then Avas she led blind-
fold unto the place betAveen tAvo men, Avhere the irons lay burning
hot, and passed the nine shares unhurt. At last, said she, " Good
Lord, Avhen shall I come to the place of my purgation .^'" AVlicn
they then opened her eyes, and she saw that she Avas past the pain,
she kneeled down, giving God thanks. Then the king repented, saith
the story, and restored unto her Avhat he had before taken from her,
and asked her forgiveness ; but the archbishop fled into Normandy.
Near about this time, about the tenth year of this reign, fell passing
great snoAv from the beginning of January, to the seventeenth day of
March. After Avhich ensued a great mortality of men, murrain
of cattle, and by lightning the com Avas wonderftdly blasted and Avasted.
Not long after this, Eustace earl of Boidogne, Avho had married
King EdAvard's sister, came into England, through the occasion of
Avhom, Avhen execution should be done upon the citizens of Dover
for a fiay between them and the earFs men, variance happened
between King EdAvard and Earl GodAvin ; avIio, perceiving that
he could not Avithstand the king's malice, although he gathered
a great company to work therein Avhat he could, fled into Flanders,
and Avas outlawed Avith his five sons. King Edward repudiated
THE DEATH OF EARL GODWIN. 87
his wife, the daughter of the said Godwin ; but the second year after, jj^''"l^jf
by mediators, he was reconciled to the king again, and called from '/,.,.s°r.
banishment, and for his good a-bearing he gave for pledges his son "^757
Wilmot and grandson Hacus, who were sent to the duke of Nor- io52.
mandy, there to be kept.'
During the time of the outlawry of Godwin, William the Bastard, wiiiiam,
duke of Normandy, came with a goodly company into England to see N"ornian-
King Edward, and was honourably received : to whom the king made ^^'^^'^f^
great cheer, and at his return enriched him with great gifts and land,
pleasures ; and there, as some write, made promise to him that, if
he died without issue, the said William should succeed him in the
kingdom of England.
In this king's reign lived Marianus Scotus, the story-writer. 3 As
concerning the end of Earl Godwin, the cruel murderer of Alfred and
of the Normans, although divers histories diversely do vary, yet in
this the most part do agree, that as he sat at the table with King Ed-
ward at Windsor, it happened one of the cup-bearers, one of Earl
Godwin's sons, to stumble and recover again, so that he did shed none
of the drink ; whereat Godwin laughed, and said how the one brother
had sustained the other.2 With which words the king calling to mind
his brother's death, who was slain by Godwin, beheld the earl, saying,
" So should my brother Alfred have holpen me, had not Godwin
been." Godwin then, fearing the king's displeasure to be newly
kindled, after many words in excusing himself, said, " So might I
safely swallow this morsel of bread, as I am guiltless of the deed ;" ^j^^
but as soon as he had received the bread, forthwith he was choked. <^'=^l^°'
Then the king commanded him to be drawn from the table ; and so Godwin.
he was conveyed by Harold his son to Winchester, and there buried, a.d.io.^s.
About the thirteenth year of this king's reign, the said King Ed- Edward
ward sent Aldred, bishop of Worcester, to the emperor Henry IV., law, son
praying him that he would send to the king of Hungary, that his °J^^^^
cousin Edward, son of Edmund Ironside, might come to England, J™^'^^^^
forsomuch as he intended to make him king after him, who was called
Edward the Outlaw ; the which request was fulfilled, so that he came
into England \v'ith his wife Agatha, and with his children, to wit,
Edg-ar Etheling, Margaret, and Christina. But the year after his a.d.iosg.
o O'O' ._•'_ , Death of
return into the realm, this Edward deceased in London, and was Edward,
buried at Westminster, or, as Jornalensis saith, at PauFs church in Edm°und
London. After whose decease, the king then received Edgar Ethel- ironside,
ing his son as his own child, thinking to make him his heir ; but fear-
ing partly the inconstant mutability of the Englishmen, partly the ^j,,,^,^,^
pride and malice of Harold, the son of Godwin, and of others (per- duke of'
ceiving thereby that he could not bring that his purpose well to pass), dy'ladmiu
he directed solemn ambassadors unto William, duke of Normandy, \l\l'^"
his kinsman, admitting and assigning him to be his lawful heir, next crown,
to succeed after him to the crown.
After the death of Godwin, Harold his son waxed so in the king's
favour, that he ruled the most and greatest causes of the realm, and
was lieutenant of the king's army ; who, with his brother Toston or
Tostius, sent by the king against the Welshmen, subdued their
(1) Foxe says, erroneously, "his two sons Biornon and Tostius." See Appendix.
(2) Ex Jornal.; Malmesb. ; Polydor.; Fab. et aliis.
(3) See Appendix.
8S IIAROI.U TAKEN' 15Y THE NOKMAN'S.
Kdwnrd rebellion. IJiit afterward, such envy grew between these two
fetso"' brethren, for that Tostius saw his brother Harold so greatly advanced
J. in the king's favour, that at Hereford Tostius slew all his brother's
105q" men ; whom when he had cut in pieces, he powdered their quarters
~ — ; — and manirlcd parts in barrels of salt, vinegar, wine, and other liquors.
children That douc, lic UKulc a powcr against his brother Harold, being king,
ed^fath'ifr! with the aid of certain Danes and Norwegians, and fought a battle
with him in the North, as after shall follow (God willing) to be seen.
So ungracious were these Avicked children of Earl Godwin, that if
they had seen any fair mansion or manor-place, they would slay the
owner thereof with all his kindred, and enter the possession thereof
themselves.
At length it came in tlic mind of this Harold to sail over the sea,
as Polydorc saith, unto Normandy, to see his brother Wilmot, as also
his cousin Hacus,' whom the king had sent thither to be kept for
pledges, as ye heard before, Polydore saith, " These pledges were
Tostius and Biornan ;" but that cannot be, for Tostius was then in
England. But, as Henry archdeacon of Huntingdon saith, his
journey was into Flanders, as seemeth more like ; for it is not to be
thought that Harold, who was a doer in the cruel murder of Alfred
and of the Normans, would venture into Normandy, and therefore
more like it is, that his sailing was into Flanders, But, as the story
proccedeth, he, being in the course of sailing, was weather-driven by
Harold, tempest into the province of Ponthieu, where he was taken as a pri-
the^Nor^ soner, and sent to Duke William of Normandy ; to whom he was
mans, madc to swcar, that he in time following should marry his daughter,
Duke and that, after the death of King Edward, he should keep the land of
uVmarTy England to his behoof, according to the will and mind of Edward,
'!'s , after some writers, and so to live in great honour and dignitv, next
daughter, . . ' . P . o . '
and to unto him in the realm. This promise ftiithfully made to the duke,
rel^im'for Harold returnoth to England with his cousin' Hacus, the son of his
lloor brother Swanus, delivered unto him ; but Wilmot, brother of Harold,
the duke keepeth still for performance of the covenants. Thus Harold,
I say, returning home, sheweth the king all that he had done in the
aforesaid matters, wherewith the king was well contented. Whereby
it mav be leathered that king Edward was right Avell willing that Duke
William sliould reign after him, and also it seemeth not unlike but
that he had given him his promise thereunto before.
Earl Leo- Amoug all that were true and trusty to King Edward of the Eng-
andfai'th- ^'^h uobilitv, nouc had like commendation as had Leofric, earl of
fui to his Mercia and of Chester. This Leofric purchased many oreat liberties
prince. ^ . ^ * ^ .
for the town of Coventry, and made it free of all manner of things,
except only of horse. Which freedom there was obtained by means
of his wife Godiva, by riding, as the fame goeth, after a strange
bey^f Co- nianner through the town. This Leofric, with his wife Godiva,
wiUdld l^uilded also the abbey of Coventry, and endowed the same with
byLcofric. great lands and riches.
You heard a little before of the coming over of Edward, called
the Outlaw, son of King Ivlmund Ironside, whom King Edward
had purposed to have made king after him ; but soon after his
coming over he deceased in London. This Edward had, by his
(1) " Uacun his nevewe," says Fabian, correctly : but see p. 105, note (2).— Ed.
DEATH OF KING EDWAUD. 89
wife Agatha, a son called Edgar Etlieling, and a dauglitcr Margaret, Jidimta
who, being afterward married to tlie king of Scots, was the mother '/ess""'
of Matilda, or Maud, queen of England, and of David, king of * y.
Scots. ^ 106G.
This virtuous and blessed King Edward, after he had reigned ,1^
three and twenty years and seven months, died, and was buried in <ieath of
the monastery of Westminster, which he had greatly augmented and ward,
repaired ; but afterwards it was more enlarged after the form Avhich ^^^'l:, i^g^
it hath now, by Henry III., the son of King John.
They that write the history of this king, here make mention of a
dream or revelation that should be showed to him in time of his
sickness ;^ how that because the peers and bishops of the realm
were servants, not of God, but of the devil, God wovdd give this
realm to the hand of others. And when the king desired utterance to
be given him, that he might declare the same to the people, Avhereby
they might repent, it was answered again, that they would not
repent ; still, if they did, it should not be given to another people :
but because it is a dream, I let it ])ass.
Divers laws were before in divers countries of this realm used, as
the law first of Dunuallo Molinucius, with the laws of Offii king of
Mercia, called Mercenelega : then the laws of West Saxon kings, as of
Ine, Alfred, &c., which were called West-Saxenelega : the third were
the laws of Canute, and of the Danes, called Danelega. Of all these
laws, which before were diversely in certain particular countries used
and received, this Edward compiled one universal and common law
for all people through the whole realm, called King Edward's laws ;
which, being gathered out of the best and chiefest of the other laws,
Avere so just, so equal, and so serving the public profit and weal of
all estates, that mine authors say, " The people long after did rebel
against their heads and rulers, to have the same law« again (being
1 taken from them), and yet could not obtain them,""
Furthermore, I read and find in Matthew Paris, that when wiUiam
William the Conqueror, at his coming in, did swear to use and queror"
practise the same good laws of Edward, for the common laws of this ^"^'"'"p^
realm ; afterwards being established in his kingdom, he forswore ward's
himself, and placed his own laws in their room, much worse and weut'frmu
obscurer than the others were. ''''^™-
Notwithstanding, among the said laws of Edward, and in the first
chapter and beginning thereof, this I find among • the ancient
records of the Guildhall in London : — " The oflSce of a king, with
such other appurtenances as belong to the realm of Britain," set forth
and described in the Latin style; which I thought here not unmeet
to be expressed in the English tongue, for those who understand no
Latin. The tenor and meaning whereof thus followeth.^
" The king, because he is the vicar of the highest King, is appointed ^^^'Yif;^
of God on
earth.
<1) Ex Malmesb. ; Jornalen. ; Historia Richardi II. jussis composita.
(2) Dc jure ct appendiis regni Brilai>i:ite, et qnod sit ojjichim Regis. — " Rex autem, quia vicarius
summi regis est, ad hoc est constitutus, ut regnum terrenum et populum Domini, et super
omnia sanctam ejus veneretur ecclesiam et regal, et ab injuriosis defendat, et maleScos ab eo
avellat et destruat, et penitus disperdat. Quod nisi fecerit, nomen regis non in eo constabit;
verum, Papa Johanne testante, uonien regis perdit : cui Pipinus et Carohis filius ejus {nee dum
reges, sedprincipes sub rege Francorum stulto) scripserunt, quserentes, si ita permanere debcrent
Francorum reges, solo regio nomine contenti. A quo responsum est, illos decet vocare reges, qui
yigilanter defendunt et regunt ecclesiam Dei et populum ejus, " &c. — Ex Libro Reg. Antiquorum,
in Prtetorio Londlnensi.
90 LIMITS OF THE KINGDOM OF ENGLAND.
Edward for tliis purposc, to rule the earthly kingdom, and the Lord's people,
fetsor. and, above all things, to reverence his holy church, to govern it, and
^ J) to defend it from injuries ; to pluck away wicked doers, and utterly
1066. to destroy thcni : which, unless he do, the name of a king agreeth
not unto him, but he loseth the name of a king, as witnesseth Pope
John ; to the whicli pope, Pepin and Charles his son being not
yet kings, but princes under the French king (not being very wise),
did write, demanding this question, ' Whether the kings of France
ought so to continue, having but only the name of a king?'' Unto
whom Pope John answereth again, that it was convenient to call
them kings, who vigilantly do defend and govern the church of
God and his people, following the saying of King David, the Psalmo-
graph, ' He shall not dwell in my house which worketh pride,' &c.
Moreover, the king, by right and by his office, ought to defend
and conserve fully and wholly, in all amplencss, without diminution,
all the lands, honours, dignities, rights, and liberties, of the crown of
liis kingdom : and, further, to reduce into their pristine state, all such
things as have been dispersed, wasted, and lost, which appertain to his
Limits of kingdom. Also the whole and universal land, with all islands about
dom'^of^ the same in Norway and Denmark, be appertaining to the crown of
England, his kingdom, and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the king,
making one monarchy and one kingdom, which sometime was called
the kingdom of the Britons, and now the kingdom of England ; such
bounds and limits as are beforementioned be appointed and limited
to the name of this kingdom."
Moreover, in the aforesaid laws of this King Edward, it followeth
in the same book, where the said Edward, describing the office
The office of a king, addeth in these words : — " A king," saith he, " ought
described ^^^'^'^ ^^^ things to fear God, to love and to observe his com-
mandments, and cause them to be observed through his whole
kingdom. He ought also to keep, cherish, maintain, and govern
the holy church within his kingdom with all integrity and liberty,
according to the constitutions of his ancestors and predecessors, and
to defend the same against all enemies, so that God, above all things,
be honoured, and ever be before his eyes. He ought also to set up
good laws and customs, such as be Avholesome and approved ; such
as be otherwise, to repeal them, and thrust them out of his kingdom.
Item, He ought to do judgment and justice in his kingdom, by the
counsel of the nobles of his realm. All these things ought a king in
his own person to do, taking his oath upon the evangelists, and the
blessed relics of saints, swearing in the presence of the whole state of
his realm, as well of the temporality as of the spirituality, before he
Three be crowncd of the archbishops and bishops. Three servants the
Tklng ° king ought to have under him as vassals : fleshly lust, avarice, and
have un- ^^^^^^7 dcsirc ; whom if he keep under as his servants and slaves, he
derhis shall rcigu well and honourably in his kingdom. All things are to
tion" be done with good advisement and premeditation; and that properly
belongeth to a king. For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruin,
according to the saying of the gospel, ' Every kingdom divided in
itself shall be desolate.' "
After the duty and office of princes have been thus described,
followeth the institution of subjects, declared in many good an
''I
A.D.
1066.
ANOTHKJl INVASION OF THE DANES. 91
necessary ordinances, very requisite and convenient for public Jicmid
government ; of ■which laws, William the Conqueror was compelled,
through the clamour of the people, to take some, but the most part
he omitted, contrary to his own oath at his coronation, inserting and
placing the most of his own laws in his language, to serve his
purpose, and which as yet, to this present day, in the Norman
language do remain. Now, the Lord willing, let us proceed in the
story as in order followeth.
KING HAROLD IL'
Harold, the second son of Earl Godwin, and last king of the A.D.
Saxons, notwithstanding that divers of the nobles went with Edgar 1066.
Adding, the next heir after Edmund Ironside, yet he, through
force and might contemning the young age of Edgar, and forgetting
also his promise made to Duke William, took upon him to be king
of England, a.d. 1066. When Harold Harefager, son of Canute,
king of Norway and Denmark, heard of the death of King Edward,
he came into England with 300 ships or more, who then joining with
Tostius, brother to the said Harold, king of England, entered into
the north parts, and claimed the land after the death of Edward.
But the lords of the country arose, and gave them battle ; notwith-
standing the Danes had the victory. Therefore Harold, king of
England, repaired towards them in all haste, and gave them another
strong battle, and had the victory, where also Harold the Dane Avas idng°of
slain by the hand of Harold king of England ; and Tostius was also ^f^jg^*^
slain in the battle. After this victory, Harold waxed proud and tius slain.
covetous, and would not divide the prey with his knights who had
deserved it, but kept it to himself, whereby he lost the favour of
many of his knights and people.
In the mean time, William, duke of Normandy, sent an ambas-
sage to Harold, king of England, admonishing him of the covenant
that was agreed between them ; which was, to have kept the land to
his use after the death of Edward. But because the daughter of
Duke William, who had been promised to Harold, was dead,
Harold thought himself thereby discharged, and said, " That
such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden concerning
another"'s land, without the consent of the lords of the same ; and
especially because he was thereunto, for need or for dread, com-
pelled."
Upon these answers received, Duke William, in the mean time. The pope
while the messengers went and came, gathered his knights and banner'to
prepared his navy, and had the assent of the lords of his land to aid ^"l^fa^,
and assist him in his journey. And besides that, sending unto Rome for a boon
to Pope Alexander concerning his title and voyage into England, ]nL Eng-
ilie pope confirmed him as to the same, and sent unto him a banner, '^"'''
willing him to bear it in the ship wherein himself should sail. Thus
Duke A\'illiam, being purveyed of all things concerning his journey,
(1) Edition 15C3, p. 12. Ed. 15S?, p. 16G. Ed. 1596, p. 150. Ed. 16S4, vol. i. p. 186.— En.
92 LAXUIXG or DUKE WILLIAM OF NORMANDY.
iian,id sped liiin to the sea-side, and took shipping at the haven of St.
— A'^alery, where lie tarried a long time ere he might have a convenient
inir ^^'^"'^' ^" which account his soldiers murmured, saving, " It was a
L woodness,' and a thing displeasing God, to desire to have anether
man's kingdom by strength ; and, namely, when God was against it
William by sending contrary wind."" At last the Avind shortly after came
HastTnKs' <d)out, aiul tlicy toolv shipping with a great company, and landed at
sept.29ih. Hastings, in Sussex.
For three causes Duke William entered this land to subdue
Harold. One was, for that it was to him given by King Edward,
liis nephew. The second was to take A\Teak for the cruel murder of
his nephew Alfred, King Edward's brother, and of the Normans,
Avhich deed he ascribed chiefly to Harold. The third was, to
revenge the wrong done to Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, who
Avas exiled by the means and labour of Harold, in the time of
King Edward.
Thus, Avhile Harold was in the north, Duke William made so
great speed, that he came to London before the king ; out of which
he was holden, till he made good surety that he and his people
should pass through the city without tarrying; which promise he
Avell observing, passed the bridge, and went over to Sussex, from
whence he sent a monk unto Harold, and proffered him three
^If. manner of M-ays. First, either to render to him the jwssession of
tions of- the land, and so to take it amin of him under tribute, reirminw under
icrcQ to ' Kj <D
Harold by liim ; sccoudly, Or else to abide and stand to the pope's arbitrement
iUiam. ijgj-wixt them both ; or, thirdly, to defend this quarrel in his own
person against the duke, and they two only to try the matter by
dint of sword, without any other bloodshedding.
But Harold refused all these offers, saying, " It should be tried
by dint of swords, and not by one sword;" and so gathered his
people and joined battle with the Nonnans, in the place where
The fight afterward was builded the Abbey of Battle in Sussex. In the
them'' beginning of this fight, the Englishmen kept them in good array
Oct. 141 . ]jj.j,jy. ^Q vanquish the Normans ; wherefore Duke William caused
his men to give back, as though they fled, whereupon the Englishmen
followed fast, and broke their array. Then the Normans, fiercely
giving a charge upon them, in conclusion obtained the victory
through the just providence of God. On which occasion King
Harold, Avho ))efore had so cruelly murdered Alfred, the true heir of
the crown, with his company of Normans, was now wounded of the
Normans in the left eye with an arrow, and thereof incontinent
died; although Giraldus saith he fled away to Chester, and lived
afler that, a monk in the monastery of St. James. ^ This, however,
King Ha is Hot likely, but rather that he was there slain, after he had
roid slain. j.gjg^(>(^[ iiinc moutlis, and was buried at Waltham, which provetli
that he died not at Chester ; and so was he the last that reigned in
England of the blood of Saxons, which continued, to reckon from
Hengist's first reign in Kent, by the space of 610 years ; and if
it bf; reckoned from the years of the West Saxons, then it endured
the space of 57 1 years.'^
This Duke William and King Edward were by the father's side
(I) Madness.— Ed. (2) See Appendix. (3) See vol. i. pp. 315, 316.— En.
ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY. DKCAY OF THK CHURCH. 93
cousin-gerraans removed'; for Richard, the first of that name, who Eccieiau-
was the thuxl duke of Normandy after RoUo, was father to Duke ajfats.
l^ichard. the second of that name and brother to Emma, mother to consan-
King Edward; which Duke Richard II. was lather to Duke Robert, 1;^;;;;!^,
this Duke William's lather. ward ana"
Albeit in this matter some others may gather otherwise and better wiiiiam
perchance, yet, if I may say what I think, verily I suppose, that queror.""
consanguinity is not so much the cause why God of his unknown
judgments suffered the Normans here to prevail, as was rather the
cruel murder of Alfred and of the innocent Normans, wrought by
the cruel despight of Harold and the Englishmen, as is before Murder
declared, which merciless murder God here justly in this conquest ^^^°"^^
recompensed.
Now it remaineth to these foreign affairs of kings and princes, to 4.0. 1012.
add something concerning the continuation of the archbishops of Arciibi-
Canterbury, beginning where we left off, that is, with Elphege, caXr-^
whom we declared a little before to have been stoned by the Danes '^"'^'•
at Greenwich.^ After Elphege next succeeded Living, and after him
Egelnoth, also abovementioned. Then Robert, a Norman, a great
doer, as is declared, about King Edward, and a faithful counsellor
unto him, but he abode not long. After whom Stigand invaded the A.D.1052.
see, as they report, by simony, being both archbishop of Canterbury,
bishop of Winchester, and also abbot in another place, wherein he
continued a great space, gathering and heaping goods together ; till
at length Duke William put him in prison, and there kept him, A.o.ioro.
placing in his room Lanfranc, a Lombard, of whom more shall follow,
Christ willing, hereafter to be declared.
* Whereupon 3 Cometh the latter age of the church. Here now be- Decay
ginneth the fresh flowering blood of the church to faint, and strength °hulch.
to fail, oppressed with cold humours of worldly pomp, avarice, and
tvranny ; here now cometh in blind superstition, with cloaked hypo-
crisy, armed with rigorous laws, and cruel murdering of saints ; here
cometh in the order and name of cardinals, whose name was not
heard of before the time 1030 years after Christ, growing up in such
excess and riches, that some of them now have two, some three hun-
dred benefices at once. Here cometh in four orders of friars ; here
the supremacy of Rome raged in his ruff, which being once established
in the consciences of men, the power of all other christian princes
did quake and decay, for dread of the pope"'s interdict, suspense, and
excommunication, which they feared no less than Christ's own sentence
from heaven. Thus the Roman bishop, under the title of St- Peter,
doing what he lusted, and princes not daring that which was right ;
in the mean while the people of Christ were miserably governed and
abused, especially here in England and Scotland, as in this history,
Christ so permitting, shall appear. For here then came in tyranny
■\vithout mercy, pomp and ambition Avithout measure, error and blind-
ness without knowledge, articles and canons without number, avarice
without end, impropriations, abalienations, reservations, vowsons, or
(1) First-cousins one remove. — Ed.
(2) See page 77. — Kd.
(.3) This passage in single asterisks is an extract from the edition of Foxe of 1503, p. 10, and
is entitled " The Third Age of the Church."— £d..
94! F.rrr.KsiASTicAL affairs. — popks,
Ecriesiat- expectatloTis of benefices, translations of catlicdral cluirclies, contri-
affllrs. butions, annuities, Petcrshots (as in our old chronicles tlicy are
~ — ;; — termed), preventinns of patronaffc, bulls, indulfjenccs, and cases
Proud ,'.,'. ,11 . '^ 1 1 T P , 1
procL-ed- papal; Avith innumerable other _<,Ticvances and proud proceecungs^ot tlie
thfRo- Romish prelates, wherewith they brought all realms, with their princes,
l^jg^P""^" underneath their girdles; insomuch that the emperors, at length,
could not take their crown but by the pope"'s gi-ace and license : and
if any did otherwise, the pope's ban ' was ready either to depose him,
or to stir up civil war against him. Then began corruption to enter
and increase ; then turned the gold and good metal into dross and
filthiness; then quenched the clear light of the gospel ; the book of
God's word obscured in a dark tongue, which book King Athelstan
before caused to be translated from Hebrew into Englisli, a.d. 930 ;
then shepherds and watchmen became wicked wolves, Christ's friends
changed into enemies. To be short, then came in the time that the
Revelation speaketh of, when Satan, the old seqient, being tied up
for a thousand years, was loosed for a certain space, of the which
space, here, in these books, by the help and supportation of Christ
our Lord, Ave intend something to entreat and speak of, though not
of all things in general done in all places, yet that such things as be
most principal may come to light, the knowledge whereof shall be
necessary for all our countrymen to understand.*
Although the church of Christ and the state of religion, first
founded and grounded by Christ and his apostles, did not altogether
and continually remain in its primitive perfection wherein it was first
instituted, but in process of time began from better to worse, to
Coming decrease and decline into much superstition and inconvenience, partly
iTomct!''' through the coming in of Mahomet, a.d. 612, partly through the
increase of wealth and riches, and partly through the decrease of
knowledge and diligence in such as should be the guides of Christ's
flock ; yet the infection and corruption of that time, though it were
great, did not so abound in such excessive measure as afterwards in
the other later times now following, about the thousand years expired
A.D.iooo. after Christ, whereof we have to treat, Christ so permitting ; about
which time and year came Sylvester II. who next succeeded after
Gregory V. already mentioned, and occupied the see of Rome
about A.D. 1000, lacking one or two.
Pope syi- This Sylvester was a sorcerer, who, after the manner of those who
aft)u[ ' work by familiars, as they call them, and by conjuration, compacted
sorcerer, ^j^jj ^^jg jgyj] ^q |jg made pope ; and so he was, through the
operation of Satan, according to his request, which thing, some
histories say, he did greatly repent before his death ; but for a more
ample declaration hereof, 1 will bring in the words of Johannes Stella,
a Venetian, translated from Latin into English, concerning the said
Sylvester, to the intent that our enchanters and sorcerers now-a-days,
of whom there be too many in England, may the better, through his
example, be admonished. The words of Stella be these, agreeing also
A. D. 099. 'Avith the narration of Bcnno, Platina, and many others.* " Gibert, a
Frenchman, called Sylvester IL, being pope, sat in his papacy four
(1) The pope's ban — a public proclamation : thus, " banns of marriage." It is used more com-
monly in a bad sense, as in Shakspcare, and means to curse, proscrilic, excommunicate. — Ed.
(2) Johannes Stella, Platina, Petrus Prajmonstratensis, Nauclerus, Antoninus, Robertus B.-imus.
Johannes Balcus.
AN ADMONITION FOU SORCERERS. f)5
years, one montli, and eight days. lie entered into his papacy Scchiias-
through wicked and unlawful means, who from his yoiitli being a atinlr^.
monk, and leaving his monastery, gave himself wholly to the devil, to ' '
obtain Mhat he required. And first coming to Seville, a city in
Spain, he there applied to his book, and profited therein so much that
he was made doctor, having amongst his auditors, Otho the emperor''s
son, Robert the French king, Lotharius archbishop of Sens, with
divers others ; by Avhose advancement he was promoted, first to be
bishop of Rheims, thenarchbp.of Ravenna, and at last, through the
operation of Satan, he was exalted to the papacy of Rome, upon this
condition, that after his death he should give himself to the devil, by
whose procurement he came to that promotion. Upon a certain time
he demanded an answer of the devil, how long he should enjoy his
popedom. To whom he answered again, ' Until thou say mass in
Jerusalem thou shalt live."" At length, in the fourth year of his
popedom, saying mass at Lent-time in the temple of the Holy Cross,
of Jerusalem at Rome, he there knew the time was come when he
should die. Whereupon, being struck with repentance, he confessed
his fliult openly before the people, desiring them to cut his body all
in pieces (being so seduced by deceits of the devil) ; and thus, being
he\vn in pieces, that they would lay it upon a cart, and bury it
wheresoever the horses would carry it of their accord. And so the
saying is, that by the providence of God (whereby the wicked may
learn, that there is yet hope of remission with God, so that they will
repent them in their life), the horses of their own accord stayed at the
church of Lateran, and there he was buried : where commonly, by a.d.iocs.
the rattling of his bones within the tomb, is portended the death of
popes, as the common report goeth."^ Thus much out of Johannes
Stella concerning Sylvester, by whom our sorcerers and enchanters, Anadmo-
or magicians, may learn to beware of the deceitful operation of Satan, sorclrer^
who in the end deceiveth and frustrateth all them that have to do
with him, as the end of all such doth declare commonly, who use the
like art or trade. The Lord and God of all mercy, through the
Spii-it of Jesus, our Redeemer, dissolve the works of Satan, and
preserve the hearts of our nobles, and all other Englishmen, from
such infection ! Amen.
After Sylvester succeeded John XIX. by whom was brought in. The feast
as Volateran saith, the feast of All Souls, a.d. 1004, through the soij"
means and instigation of one Odilo, abbot of Clugny, to be cele- jro^gi't
brated next after the feast of All Saints. This monk Odilo, thinking Pope
that purgatory, as he heard, should be in the IMount Etna, cbeamed xix. or
Tipon a time, in the country of Sicily, that he, by his masses, had ^^'"•
delivered divers souls fromx thence : saying moreover, " That he did
hear the voices and lamentations of devils, crying out for that the
souls were taken from them by the masses and funeral dirges.'' ^ Not
long after him, came John XX. and Sergius IV., after whom sue- A.D.1012.
ceeded Benedict VIII., and then John XXL, M'ho being promoted A.u.1024.
by art magic of Theophylact his nephew, Gratian, Rrazutus, and
other sorcerers, brought in first the fast of the even of John Baptist
and St. Lawrence. After him followed Pope Benedict IX., also A.D.1033.
(1) Ex Johanne Stella. (2) Ex Bakenthorpj, in prologo >v. lib. sentenliarum.
96 SIX POPES POISONED IN THIUTEEN VEARS.
■^'"/^"j"*" aspiring to liis papacy by liivc magic, practisinfj enchantments and
agairs. conjurution in woods, after a horrible manner ; who resisted the
Emperor Henry 111. son to Conrad, and placed in his room Peter
the king of Hungary, with this verse — ■
" Pctra dc'dit Romani Pctro, libi Papa coronani.'"
A.U.1044. Afterwards, for frar of Henry prevailing in battle, he was fain to sell
his seat to his successor, Gratian, called Gregory VJ., for 1500/. At
which time there were three popes together in Rome, reigning and
No pope raging one against another, Benedict IX., Sylvester HI., and Gregory
chosen VI. ; for wliicli cause the said Henry, surnamed Niger, the emperor,
coniimia* coming to Rouic, (lisplaccd these three monsters at one time, placing
tionoftiie instead of tliem Clement H., and thereupon enacting that no bishop
emperor ^ - ^ i »" i
of Rome should henceforth be chosen, but by the consent and con-
A.D.1046. firmation of the emperor. This constitution, tliough it was both
agreeable, and also necessary for the public tranquilHty of that city,
the cardinals Avould not suffer long to stand, but did impugn it after-
ward by subtle practice and open violence, as in process, the Lord
permitting, shall appear in the time of Henry IV. and Henry V.
In the time of this Clement, the Romans made an oath to the
emperor concerning the election of the bishops, that they would
themselves intermeddle no further therein, but as the assent of the
emperor should go withal. Howbeit the emperor departing thence
into Germany again, by and by they forgat their oath, and within
nine months after poisoned the bishop, which deed some impute
A.D.I048. to Stephen, his successor, called Hamasus II. Others impute it to
Brazutus, who, as histories record, within thirteen years poisoned
six popes ; that is, Clement II., Damasus II., Leo IX., Victor II.,
Stephen IX., and Nicholas H.
Thus Clement being poisoned, after lam succeeded Damasus II.,
elected neither by consent of the people, nor of the emperor, but by
force and invasion ; who also within twenty-three days being poisoned,
A.D.1049. A.D. 1049, much contention and striving began in Rome about the
papal seat ; whereupon the Romans, through the counsel of the
cardinals, sent to the aforesaid emperor, desiring him to give them a
bishop : and so he did, whose name was Bruno, an Almain, and
bishop of Toul, afterward called Leo IX. This Bruno, being a
simple man and easy to be led with evil counsel, coming from the
emperor towards Rome in his pontifical apparel like a pope, there
nieetcth him by the way the abbot of Clugny, and Hihlebrand a
monk, who seeing him so in his pontificalibus began to rate him,
laying to his charge, that he would so take his authority of the
emperor, and not rather of the clergy of Rome and the people
thereof, as other his predecessors were wont to do ; and so counselled
him to lay down that apparel, and to enter in with his own habit, till
lie had his election by them. Bruno, following their counsel, and
confessing his fault before the clergy of Rome, obtained their favour,
and so was nominated Leo. IX., whereby Hihlebrand was made a
cardinal, and put in high room. Under this Pope Leo were two
councils, one kept at Vercclli, where the doctrine of Berengarius
against the real substance in the sacrament was first condemned,
although Berengarius yet recanted not, which nevertheless was done
THE EMPEROR ACCUSED OF HERESY. 97
after in the Council of Lateran, under Nicholas II. a.d. 1059 ; the EccUsias-
other was kept at Mentz, where, amongst many other decrees, it was affairs.
enacted, That priests should be utterly excluded and debarred from council of
marriage : Item, that no layman might give benefice or bishopric, Memz,
or any spiritual promotion,^ &c.
This Leo IX. being at Worms with the emperor on Christmas-
day, did excommunicate the sub-deacon ; because in reading the
epistle, he did it not in the Roman tunc, he being there present.
The archbishop, moved therewith, departed from the altar (being
then at mass) saying, He would not proceed any further in his
service unless his sub-deacon was restored, whereupon the pope
commanded him to be released, and so they went forward in their
service.
After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poisoned the first year of a.d.ioss.
his popedom, Theophylactus did strive to be pope : - but Hildebrand,
to defeat him, went to the emperor (partly also being sent by the
Romans for fear of the emperor^s displeasure), who assigned another
bishop, a German, called Victor II. This Victor holding a council councUof
at Florence, deposed divers bishops and priests for simony and ^^°'^^"'^'-'-
fornication : for simony, in that they took of secular men their
dignities for money ; for fornication, in that, contrary to their canon,
they were married, &c. The second year of his papacy, and little
more, this pope also followed his predecessors, being poisoned by the A.D.iosr.
aforesaid Brazutus, through the procurement of Hildebrand and his
master.
Here now began the church and clergy of Rome to wring out of
the emperor's hand the election of the pope : electing Stephen IX.
for pope, contrary to their oath, and to the emperor''s assignment. The
Here was the church of Milan first brought to obedience of the jiuan
Romish church by this Stephen IX. bishop of Rome ; Avho also ll^J^^^^.
shamed not to accuse the emperor Henry (of whom mention is made under tiie
before) of heresy, for minishing the authority of the Roman see. So Rome,
this was their heresy at that time, not to maintain the ambitious pro-
ceedings of the Romish prelate ; and simony they called this, to take
and enjoy any spiritual living at a secular man''s hand. Wherefore
Stephen hearing this simony to reign in divers places, namely, in the
churches of Biu'gundy and Italy, sent forth the cardinal Hildebrand
to reform the matter, who was no less earnest in that kind of com-
mission to help the matter forward.
In the mean time, Stephen the pope tasting of Brazutus''s cup fell Hiide-
sick. Hildebrand, hearing that, applieth home, with all speed, ghineth'^'
So being returned to Rome, he assembleth all the companies and '° ^'"^•
orders of the clergy together, making them to swear that they would
admit none to be bishop, but who should be appointed by the public
consent of them altogether. This being done, Hildebrand taketh
his journey into Florence, to fetch the bishop of Florence, to install
him bishop ; the clergy swearing unto him that no bishop should be
ordained before his return again. But the people of Rome, not
suffering the election to stand so long after the death of Stephen, a.d.ioss.
elected one of their own city, called Benedict X. Hildebrand,
(1) Nauclerus.Crantz. (2) Alb. Crantz. Saxo. lib. iv. cap. 45.
vol.. II. II
98 TRANSLTBSTAN'IIATION INTKODUCKD.
EccUsius- hearing of this, Avas not a little ofFended ; wherefore, returning to
affairs. Rouic witli Gerhard, the bishop of Florence, he caused the clergy
to proceed to a new election, saying, '' That Benedict was not
lawfully called, but came in by force and bribing." But the clei-gy,
not daring to attempt any new election at Rome, went to Sienna,
and there elected this Gerhard, bishop of Florence, whom Hildc-
Two brand brought with him. So were two popes in Rome together: but
fo°geUier Gerhard, named Nicholas II., holding a council at Sutri, through
at Rome, ^j^^ jj^j^^ ^^ Godfrid, dukc of Tuscany, and Guibert, the chancellor,
and many Italian bishops, caused the other pope to be deposed.
]{eiiedict Benedict, understanding them to be set against him through the
himself, means of Hildebrand, unpoped himself, and went to Velitri ; living
theie more quietly than he would have done at Rome.
The gloss Here is to be touched by the way the error of the gloss upon the
pope's three and twentieth distinction, which falsely allegeth out of the
rJfuTed. chronicles, that Benedict X., Avho succeeded Stephen, was deposed ;
after whom came Johannes, bishop of Sabine, for monev, and he
again was deposed ; that Benedict was then restored, and afterwards
displaced again, and then Johannes, archpriest of the church of St.
John ' ad portam latinam,' was made pope, and he again deposed
by the emperor; and all in one year: which story neither is found
in any chronicle, nor agreeth to any Benedict, save only that Bene-
dict IX., who was deposed, and then reigned three popes togetiier:
Benedict IX., Sylvester III., and Gregory VI., who before was
called " Johannes ad portam latinam," whom the emperor de-
posed. But that Benedict neither was the tenth, neither did he suc-
ceed Pope Stephen, as the gloss recordeth. Nicholas thus being
set up without the mind both of the emperor and of the people of
Rome, after his fellow-pope was driven away, brake up the synod of
Sutri, and came to Rome, where he assembled another council,
councUof called Concilium Lateranum ; in which council first was promul"rated
A^D.Kisg. the terrible sentence of excommunication mentioned in the decrees,
and that beginneth, " In nomine Domini nostri," &c.^ The effect
Avhereof is this : first, that he, after a subtle practice, as far and as
plainly as he durst speak, undermineth the emperor's jurisdiction,
and transferreth to a few cardinals and certain catholic persons the
full authority of choosing the pope. Secondly, against all such as
do creep into the seat .of Peter by money or favour, without the
full consent of the cardinals, he thundereth with terrible blasts of
A terrible excommunication, accursing them and their children with devils, as
Nicholas, wicked persons, to the anger of Almighty God, giving also authority
and power to cardinals, with the clergy and laity, to depose all such
persons, and call a council-general, wheresoever they will, against
them.
Bcren- Item, in the said Council of Lateran, under Pope Nicholas 11.,
dn>ento Bcrcugarius of Tours, archdeacon of Angers, was driven to the
tfon."'"" recantation of his doctrine, denying the real substance of Christ's
holy body and blood to be in the sacrament, otherwise than sacra-
mentally and in mystery.
Tran,sub. Jj^ the sainc couucil also was hatched and invented the new-found
tion device and term of ' transubstantiation.'
brought
in. (1) Dist. 23 cap. " In nomine," &c.
THK 1'01'E S TUKATMF.NT OF ALUUED. OD
It were too long here to declare the confederation betwixt this Hccksias.
Nicholas and Robert Guiscard, whom this pope (contrary to all right JffulL.
and good law, displacing the right heir) made duke of Apulia, Ca-
labria, Sicily, and captain-general of St. Peter''s lands ; that through
his force of arms and violence he might the better subdue all such as
should rebel, to his obedience ; and so did.' Now let all men, who be
godly wise, judge and understand how this standeth with the doctrine
of Christ, the example of Peter, or the spirit of a christian bishop, by
outward arms and violence to conquer christian men and countries,
under the obedience of a bishop's see.^ Thus Pope Nicholas 11. ,
Avell answering to his Greek name^ by might and force continued
three years and a half; but, at length, he met with Brazutus"'s cup, a.d.ioci.
and so turned up his heels.
At the beginning of this Nicholas, or somewhat before, about
A.D. lOofi, Henry IV., after the decease of Henry III., was made The em-
emperor, being but a child, and reigned fifty years ; but not without >fenry
great molestation and much disquietness, and all through the ungra- ^^•
cious wickedness of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so permitting)
shall be declared.
Here, by the way, cometh to be noted an example, whereby all
princes may learn and understand how the pope is to be handled,
whosoever looketh to have any goodness at his hand. If a man stand
in fear of his ciu'se, he shall be made his slave ; but if he be despised
of you, you shall have him as you list. For the pope's curse may The
well be compared to Domitian's thunder : if a man give ear to the H^f/
noise and crack, it seemeth a terrible thing ; but if you consider the compared
causes and effect thereof, it is a most vain ridicule. tian-s
In the reign of this Nicholas, a.d. 1060, Aldred, bishop of Wor- "'™'"'-
cester, after the decease of Kinsius, his predecessor, was made
archbishop of York ; who, coming to Rome with Tostius, earl of
Northumberland, for his pall, as the manner was, could not obtain it,
but was deprived of all his dignity, for some default (I cannot tell
what) in his answer ; and furthermore, after his return home, was
spoiled of all that he brought with him. Whereupon, he return-
ing again to Rome with Tostius, the aforesaid earl, there made
his complaint, but could not be heard, till Tostius, a man of stout Tostius
courage, taking the matter in hand, told the pope to his face, " That eth u\e^'
(j that curse of his was not to be feared in far countries, which his own p°p^-
neighbours, yea, and most vile vagabonds, derided and despised at
home." Wherefore he required the pope either to restore Aldred
again to his goods lost, or else that it should be known that they were
lost through his means and subtilty. And, furthermore, it would
come to pass that the king of England hearing this would debar him
of St. Peter's tribute, taking it for a great shame to him and his
realm, if Aldred should come from Rome both deprived of dignity,
and spoiled also of his goods, &c. In fine, the pope thus persuaded
by the argument of his purse, was content to send home Aldred with
Ibis pall, according to his request.
(1) Nauclerus, Platina, ^neas Silvius.
(2) " Potentia Papae coactiva" standeth not with the gospel.
(3) N<xo\ao5, compounded of hk.i and Xadt, is e()uivalent to " Conqueror of tl'c p<>o-
I ale. "—Ed.
H 2
100 UNHOLY CONTKNTION FOR ST. PETKn.''s SEAT.
Scciesiai AftCF tlic dcatli of Nicliolas, tlic Ijoin bards being oppressed before
ajalrs. bv Pupe Nicliolas, and brought under fear, were the more desirous,
and thought it gotxl to have a bishop of their company, and so elected
the bisliop of Parma, called Cadalous, to be pope : sending to the
lous, a emperor, and desiring his favour and support therein; for the election
made"'*' of the pope (said they) most properly appertained unto him.
pope by '£\^^^ cmpcror, well pleased and content, givcth his good leave and
emperor, voicc withal. Hildcbrand, no less a wicked necromancer than a stout
maintainer of popish liberties against good eni))erors, hearing this,
sctteth up, by a contrary faction, Anselm, bishop of Lucca, after called
T^vo Alexander II. Cadalous, thus elected by the emperor and the cardi-
betwixt nals, settcth forward to Rome with a sutficient army and strength of
J^r^st"^*^^ men. Alexander also, no less prepared, there received him with
Peter's another army, where they had a gi-eat conflict, and many were slain
on both sides ; but Cadalous, ashe had the better cause, so he had the
worst fortune, who, being repelled, yet repaired himself, and came
again with a greater power ; albeit he prevailed not. The emperor,
seeing this hurly-burly, to take up the matter, sent thither his am-
bassador, Anno, archbishop of Cologne ; who, coming to Rome, begin-
netli sharply to chide the pope for taking so upon him without the
leave or knowledge of the emperor, declaring how the election of that
sec ought chiefly to appertain to the right of the emperor, as it hath
done for the most part in the time of his predecessors. But Hildc-
brand, all set on wickedness and ambition, and also puffed up not a
little with his late victories, not suffering the ambassador to tell his
tale to the end, interrupted him in the middle of it ; afflnning, that if
they should stand to law and custom, the liberty of that election
should rather belong to the clergy than to the emperor. To make
short, Anno the ambassador, bearing more with the clergy than with
the emperor, was content to be persuaded, only requiring, in the
emperor's name, a council to be had, to decide the matter, whereat
Councilor the emperor should be present himself; and so he was. In that
iMiuitua. council, held at Mantua, Alexander was declared pope ; the other had
his pardon granted. In this council, amongst many other considera-
tions, it was concluded, concerning priests, that they should have no
wives ; that such as have concubines should say no mass ; that priests'
children should not be secluded from holy orders ; that no benefices
should be bought for money ; and that Allelujah should be suspended
in time of Lent out of the church. This also was decreed (which
No seeu- made most for Hildebrand's purpose) that no spiritual man whatso-
gK^8*piri° ever should enter into any church, by a secular person, and tliat the
motion"' P^P^ sliould be clccted only by the cardinals. Benno the Cardinal
writeth thus of Alexander, that after he perceived the frauds of Hil-
dcbrand, and of others the emperor's enemies, and understanding that
he was set up and enthronized only for a purpose ; being at his mass,
as he was preaching to the people, told them he would not sit in that
place, unless he had the license of the emperor; which Avhen II il-
Pope debrand heard, he was stricken with such a fury, that scarcely he could
Aiexan- ]^p^>p jjjg j^^nds oflf him till mass was done. After the mass being
knocked finished, by force of soldiers and strength of men, he liad Pope Alex-
pat" by ' ander into a chamber, and there pommelled him all over with his
brand! "^^ts, Kiting and rebuking him because he would seek for favour of
OUATIOX OF KING EDGAR. J 01
the emperor. Thus, Alexander being kept in custody, and being Eccicsias-
stinted to a certain allowance, as about five groats a day, Hildebrand ajahs.
encroaclicth all the whole revenues of the church to himself, procuring
thereby much treasure. At length Alexander, under the miserable
endurance of Hildebrand, died at eventide, after eleven years and a a.d.iots.
half of his popedom. And thus much of Romish matters.
These things thus discoursed concerning the matters of Rome,
now to return to our own country story, and having the order thereof,
would require to enter again into the reign of William the Conqueror,
the next king folloAving in England ; but as a certain oration of king
Edgars, which should have been inserted before, chanced in the mean
time to come to my hands, not unworthy to be read ; I thought by
the Avay, at the end of this Book to insert the same, although out of
order ; yet better I judge it out of order, than out of the book.
THE ORATION OF KING EDGAR TO THE CLERGY.
Because God hath shewed his great mercy to work with us, it is meet, most
reverend Fathers ! that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable
benefits. " For we possess not the land by our own sword, and our own arm
hath not saved us ; but his right hand and his holy ami, because he hath been
delighted in us." (Psal. xliv. 3.) Therefore it is meet that we should submit
both ourselves and our souls to him, that hath subjected all these things vinder
our government ; and we ought stoutly to labour, that they whom he hath made
subject to us, might be subject to his laws. It belongs to me to rule the lay
people with the law of equity, to do just judgment between man and his neigh-
bour, to punish church-robbers, to hold under I'ebels, to deliver the helpless from
the hand of the stronger, the needy also and the jjoor from them that rob them.
It belongs also to my care to provide necessary things to the ministers of the
churches, to the flocks of the monks, to the company of virgins, and to provide
for their peace and quiet. The examining of all whose manners belongeth unto
us ; whether they live chastely, if they behave themselves honestly toward them
that be without, whether they be diligent at God's service, if they be earnest to
teach the people, if they be sober in eating and drinking, if they keep measure
in apparel, and if they be discreet in judgment. If ye had regarded these things
with a trial of them, (O reverend Fathers ! by your leaves I speak,) such
horrible and abominable things of the clerks should not have come imto our
ears. I omit to speak how their crown is not broad, nor their rounding con-
venient : the wantonness in your life, your pride in gesture, the filthiness in
your words, do declare the evil of the inward man.
Furthermore, what negligence is in God's service, when scarce they will
be present at the holy vigils ! And when they come to mass, they seem rather
to be gathered to play and laugh than to sing. I will tell that which good men
be sorry for, and the evil laugh at. I will speak with sorrow (if so be I may
express it) how the}' be riotous in banquetings, in chambering, in dnmkenness,
and in unshamefacedness ; that now clerks' houses may be thought to be resorts
of harlots and covents of players. There be dice, there is dancing and singing,
there is watching to midnight, with crying and shouting. Thus the goods of
kings, the alms of princes, yea, and what is more, the price of that precious
blood, is not esteemed. Have our fathers then spent their treasure for this
purpose ? Have the king's coffers decayed by taking away many revenues,
for this cause ? Hath the king's liberality given lands and possessions to
Christ's churches for this intent, that clerks' paramours should be decked with
the same? that riotous feasts might be dressed? that hounds, and hawks, and
such other to3fs might be gotten ? The soldiers crj' out at these things, the
people gi-udge, minstrels sing and dance ; and yet ye regard it not, ye spare it,
ye dissemble it. Where is the sword of Levi, and the zeal of Simeon, (Gen.
xxxiv. 25,) which killed the Shechemites and the circumcised, who bare the
figure of them that defile Christ's church with filthy deeds, because they abused
102 ORATION OF KING EDGAU.
Ecdesias- Jacob's daughter ? "Wlicre is Moses's spirit, who spared not his own kins-
'"^"' folk tliat worshipi)ed tlic head of the calf? (Exod. xxxii. 27.)
_!!!_!_ Where is Phinehas, the priest's dagger, who pacified God's anger by holy
zeal, when he killed him tliat played the harlot with the Midianite? (Num.
XXV. 8.) Where is Peter's spirit, by whose power covetousness is destroyed, and
simoniacal heresy is condemned ? (Acts iv. 4.) Be earnest, ye priests ! be
earnest to follow the ways of the Lord, and the righteousness of our God.
(Dcut. V. 33.) It is time to do against them that have broken the law of God.
I have Constantine's sword, and ye have Peter's sword in your hands ; let us
join right hands, let us couple sword to sword, that the lepers may be cast out
of the temples, that the holy place of the Lord may be purged, and the sons of
Levi may minister in his temple, who said to his father and mother, " I know
you not," and to his brothers, " I know not you." Go to diligently, I pray you,
lest we repent to have done that we have done, and to have given that we give,
if we shall see that to be spent not in God's service, but on the riotousness of
wicked men, through vile and corrupt liberty of life, for lack of chastisement.
Let the relics of holy saints, which they despise, and the holy altars before which
they play the madmen, move you. Let the great devotion of our ancestors
move you, whose alms the madness of tlie clerks doth abuse. My great great
grandfather, as ye know, gave the tenth part of all his lands to churches and
abbies. My great grandfather, Alfred, of holy memory, thought it not meet to
spare his treasures, his goods, or costs, or rents, that he might enrich the church.
My grandfather, the elder Edward, your fatherhood is not ignorant how great
things lie gave to the churches. It becometh you to remember with what gifts
my father and his brothers did enrich Christ's altars. O father of fathers,
Dunstan ! behold, I pray thee, the eyes of my father looking on thee, from that
bright place of heaven ; hearken to his complaining words sounding in thine
cars, thus pitifully lamenting : " O father Dunstan, thou, thou I say, gavest me
counsel to build abbies and churches, thou wast ni}^ helper and fellow-worker
in all things ; I chose thee as a shepherd and bishop of my soul, and a keeper
of my manners. W^hen did I not obey thee ? What treasures did I prefer in
respect of thy counsels ? What possessions did I not despise, if thou badest me?
If thou thoughtest meet to give any thing to the poor, I was ready. If thou
thoughtest meet to give any thing to churches, I deferred not. If thou com-
plainedst that monks or clerks wanted anj^ thing, I supplied. Thou saidst that
alms lasted for ever, and that there was none more fniitfvd than that which was
given to abbies or clnu'ches ; for with that both God's servants are sustained, and
that which remaineth is given to the poor. O worthy alms ! O worthy price of
the soul! O wholesome remedy for our sins, wlrich now doth stink in the
sweet furs of priests' lemans,' wherewith they adorn their ears and deck their
fingers, apparelling their delicate bodies M'ith silk and pui-ple ! 0 father, is this
the fniit of my alms, is this the effect of my desire, and of thy promise ? What
wilt thou answer to this complaint of my fathers ? I know, I know : when thou
didst see a thief, thou lomnest not with him, neither hast thou put thy portion
with adidterers. Thou hast rebuked, thou hast exhorted, thou hast blamed
them ; ])ut words have been des^iised, now we must come to stripes of correction.
Thou hast here with thee the worshipfid father Ethelwold, bishop of Winches-
ter. Thou hast the reverend prelate, Oswald, bishop of Worcester. I conmiit
this business to you, that both by bishoply correction, and the king's authority,
the filthy livers may be cast out of the churches, and they that live orderly may
be brought in, &c.
isno- In this oration of King Edgar, above prefixed, tlirce things are
super-^"' chiefly to be noted and considered of them that have judgment to
stiti-jii of j^^ark and imdcrstand : to wit, the religious zeal and devotion of kinffs,
the time ^ ■ o o '
(if King both in giving to tlic church, and also in correcting the manners of
^'^^' churchmen. Secondly, the dissolute behaviour and wantonness of the
clergy, in then abusing the great donations and patrimonies of princes
bestowed upon them. Thirdly, the blind ignorance and superstition
(1) " Leivaiis", paramours. — En.
THE DOCTRINE OK JUSTIFICATION. 103
of that time in both states, as Avell ecclesiastical as temporal, in Eccu^ias-
esteeming Christ's religion chiefly to consist in giving to churches, ap^urs.
and in maintaining of monkery ; falsely being persuaded that rem is- .j.,,,. j^^.,
sion of their sins, and remedy of their souls therein, did lie in build- '"-'"eof
ing monasteries, erecting churches and cloisters, and in placing monks tum by'
in the same, and such other alms-deeds and works of devotion. chHst"
Wherein appeareth how ignorant that time was of the true doctrine unknown.
of Christ''s faith, and of the free grace of the gospel, which promiseth
life, remedy, and justification, not by any devout merits of ours, nor
by any works either of the law of God, or of the inventions of man,
but only and freely by our faith in Christ Jesus, the Son of God, in
whom only consist all the promises of God.' Amen.
Now remaineth, as in the fomier Book before, so in this likewise,
to prosecute the order and race of archbishops of Canterbury, as we
have done the race of kings, beginning with Ethelred, who succeeded
next after Celnocke, the seventeenth archbishop of that see, mentioned
where we left before.^
The Names and Order of the Archbishops of Canterbury, from the
time of King Egbert to William the Conqueror.
18. Ethelred Avas archbishop of Canterbury for nineteen years.
19. Pleimund, who was schoolmaster to King Alfred, possessed
the see of Canterbury for twenty-nine years.
20. Athelm was archbishop for twelve years.
£1. Ulfelm for thirteen years.
22. Odo for twenty years. By the prayers of Odo, the monkish
stories say that the sword of King Athelstan was brought again into
his scabbard, as is noted before in that king's time.
23. Elsius or Elsine, first ^ bishop of Winchester, came to the see
of Canterbury, which he occupied one year, by the commandment of
King Edgar, some say by bribes, contrary to the mind of Odo.
Whereupon, on the first day of his consecration, he insulting the
tomb of Odo with despite, shortly after went to Rome for his pall,
where in his journey upon the Alps he died for cold, insomuch that
though his horses were killed, and he put in their warm bellies, yet
could he get no heat.'*
24. Dunstan,^ who was archbishop for twenty years. Of Dunstan
many monkish miracles be feigned, as of the harp^ upon the wall
playing by itself, " Gaudent in coelis,'" &c.'^ Of our Lady -svith her
company appearing to him singing, " Cantemus Domino socise,
cantemus honorem ; dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio." Also of
the angels singing " Kyrie elcison.'" Item, of holding the devil by
the nose witli a pair of tongs, for tempting him with women.' Item,
(1) The reader can hardly fail to observe the sound and scriptural principles of our author here
expressed, and how admirably they harmonize with the received doctrines of the protestant church
of England. Vid. Art XVIIL— Ed.
(2) See the names and order of the archbishops of Canterbury at the close of Vol. I. — En.
(3) "First," i. c. previously. (4) Malmesbury.
(5) Polydore maketh Dunstan to be the twenty-third archbishop. [See infra, p. 717.— Ed.]
(()) " St. Duustan's harp upon the wall
Fast by a pin did hang a.
Without man's help, with lie and all,
And by itself did twang a."
(7) See supr^, pa;;e 64.— Ed. (8) Malmesbury.
104! TlIK ARCHUISIIOI'S OF CANTEUBURV.
Eceieiiai- of sccinn; tlic Holy Ghost at his mass in likeness of a dove. Item,
JffhiL in delivcrinfj tlie soul of Edwin from the devil. Item, in foreseeing
the death of King Edred by the death and falling of his horse.
Item, of his mother being great with Dunstan : when all the candles
of others went out, her only candle remained a-liglit : and many other
like fables.
25. Ethelgar sat for one year.
26. Siric was archbishop for five years, and was the counsellor to
King Egehcd, to redeem peace of the Danes with a great tribute.
27. Elfric' for eleven years.
28. Elphege for six years. Elphege, because he denied to pay to
the Danes a tribute, was stoned to death at Greenwich, and of some
is called a martyr.
29. Livingus for seven years.
30. Egelnoth for seventeen years.
31. Edsius for eleven years.
32. Robert, who sat for two years, caused Godwin and his sons
to be banished, accusing them of treason ; but afterward they being
restored, he went to Rome, and at his return died.
33. Stigand, being an Englishman, in the time of William the
Conqueror, the Norman, after being archbishop for seventeen years,
was, by the craft of the said William, conveyed into Normandy,
where a while with great honour he was entertained. At length,
the said William procured secretly the pope's letters to depose him,
that he might place Lanfranc in his room. This Stigand died at
length in prison.
34. Lanfranc held the see for nineteen years.^
(1) At p. 717, infra, Foxe desires the reader to insert " Alured" after "Siricius ;" he should have
said " Aluric," who is identical with " Elfric"or "^Ifric," whom Foxe here places before "Siricius:"
the transposition, therefore, which has been made of Elfric's name answers Foxe's object. — Ed.
(2) It appears that during the Anglo-Saxon period, or from a.d. 803 to a.d. 1070, nineteen arch-
bishops occupied the chair of Canterbury, giving an average of fourteen years to each. The rapid
succession of popes during nearly the same period presents a striking difference : from A.o. 795 to
A.D. lOfil fifty-nine individuals occupied the papal chair. Of these, a few, either voluntarily or by
constraint, had vacated it ; but the short average of four years and a half, allotted to fifty-nine
popes in succession, leads lis reluctantly to conclude, that as our author records, it was not always
the progress of disease, or the hand of old age, which caused the vacancy in that high and envied
office. See page 96 of this volume.
Subjoined is a table of the names and order of the archbishops of Canterbury, continued from
that in vol. i. p. 385, the dates of their accession being taken from Richardson's Godwin " De
praesulibus," &c.
A.D.
871 18 Ethelred.
891 19 Pleimund
923 20 Athelm.
928 21 Ulfelm.
941 22 Odo.
958 23 Elsine.
959 24 Dunstan.
25 Ethelgar.
996 27 Elfric.
1005 28 Alphage.
1013 29 Livingus.
1020 30 Egelnoth.
1038 31 Edsius.
1050 .32 Robert.
1052 .33 Stigand.
1070 34 Lanfranc.
989 26 Siric. I —Ed.
ENU OF BOOK THE THIRD.
ACTS AND MONUMENTS.
BOOK IV.
CONTAINING
OTHER THREE HUNDRED YEARS,
FROM WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR TO THE TIME OF
JOHN WICKLIFFE.
•WHEREIN IS DESCRIBED THE PROUD AND MISORDERED REIGN OF ANTICHRIST,
BEGINNING TO STIR IN THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.^
William, duke of Normandy, surnamed Conqueror, base son of wnnam
Duke Robert, the sixth duke of Normandy, and' nephew^ unto King quercr'
Edward, after the aforesaid victory against Harold and the English- ^ j^
men obtained, was received king over the realm of England, not so losg]
much by assent, as for fear and necessity of time; for else the Lon-
doners had promised their assistance to Edgar Etheling to the utter-
most of their power. But being weakened and wasted so greatly in
battles before, and the duke coming so fast upon them, fearing not to
make their party good, they submitted themselves. Whereupon the
said William (of a duke made a king) was crowned upon Christmas-
day, A.D. 1066, by the hands of Aldred, archbishop of York ; foras- A.c.iofis
much as at that time Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was absent,
or else durst not, or would not come in the presence of the king.
A little before the coming in of this duke, a terrible blazing star was a Mazing
seen for the space of seven days, which was the same year ; in record "'"^'
whereof, as well of the conquest of the duke, as of the blazing star,
these verses yet remain : —
" Sexagenus erat sextus millesimus annus,
Cum pereunt Angli Stella monstrante cometa.^
Which king, thus being crowned, did reign over the realm of
England the space of one and twenty years and ten"* months, with
great severity and cruelness toward the Englishmen, burdening them
with great tributes and exactions ; which was to pay of every hide of
ground containing twenty acres, six shillings ; by means whereof cer- ^^^^^'
tain parts of the land rebelled, and especially the city of Exeter, but Eari Mar-
at last William overcame them, and won the city, and punished them Karrifd'.'*
grievously. But for that and for other stern deeds of this prince, ^'^'\J^,gi.
divers of the lords departed to Scotland : wherefore he kept the other ing, with
(1) Edition 1563, p. 14. Ed. 1583, p. 171. Ed. 1596, p. 154. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 192.— Ed.
(2) " Nephew " was formerly used very indefinitely : see Nares : it here means " first cousin
one remove." — Ed.
(3) In the copy of these verses, p, 14, Ed. 1563, follows a third line : —
" Dux Normanorum transit mare, vicit Heraldum." — Ed.
(■*) Foxc's text hai " one month :" but see pp. 3, 134. — Ed.
106 TYRANNICAL KNACTMENTS OF WILLIAM.
William lords that tarried tlie straitcr, and exalted the Normans, giving to them
gueror. thc cliicf posscssions of the land ; and forsomuch as he obtained the
J. j^ kingdom by force and dint of sword, he changed the whole state of
10G7. ^^'^ governance of this commonweal, and ordained new laws at his own
~ pleasure, profitable to himself, but grievous and hurtful to the people,
therand abolishing the laws of King Iildward, whcrcunto notwithstanding he
t^rs.^Mar- "'IS swom bcforc, to obscrvc and maintain them. For the which great
chhltrnlf coiiiiiiotions and rebellions remained long after among the people, as
fled into histories record, to have the said laws of King Edward revived again.
Newking, * Here,' by the way, speaking of laws, this is memorable, that
newiawa. evcH in tliis king's time the authority of thc temporal magistrate was
^J"^. distinct from that of the church ; but vet in such sort, that if need
William 11 11111- "i • • 1 11
forsworn rcquiretl, Jic should deal in causes ecclesiastical, and be assistant to
lishing the bishop, whoso jurisdiction, what it was, and how qualified by
Edward's ^'"g ^Villiam now holding the stern of government in his hand, the
lawg. words following do declare.*
William, by the grace of God king of England, to all earls and sheriffs, and
to all French-born and English, who in the bishopric of bishop Remigius have
lands, greeting. Know you all, and thc rest my faithful subjects, who abide
in England, that the episcopal laws which have been not well, nor according to
the precepts of the holy canons, even to my time, in the kingdom of England,
by the common council and counselor mine archbishops, bisiiops, and abbots,
and all the princes of my kingdom, I have judged to be amended. Wherefore
I command, and by my royal authority give in charge, tliat no bishop or arch-
The juris- deacon do hold any more pleas of law by the episcopal laws in the Hundred,
eccle°?as- "°'' b*"'"? any cause which pertaine'h to the cure of soids unto the judgment of
ticaiqiia- secular men : but whosoever shall be troubled about any suit or default under
lifiedand {jjg episcopal laws, shall come to the place which to this end thc bishop shall
scribed in choose and name, and there answer liis cause, and not according to the liun-
King dred, but according to the canons and the episcopal laws, shall do right
time. ""*° ^°'^ ^'^^ '" ''''^ bishop. And if any, puffed up with pride, being called
once, twice, and thrice to the bishop's coiu^t, refuseth to come, and will not so
be drawn to amendment, let him be excomnumicated. And to enforce this, if
need be, let the power and authority of the king or tlie sheriff' be used.
And he who, being called to the bishop's court, will not come, for every such
calling shall be ))Ut to his answer before the bishop, and make amends. And
tliis I defend, and by mine authority forbid, that anv sheriff or provost, or
officer of the king, or any layman, interfere with the episcopal laws; nor that
any layman bring or sue another out of the bishop's court of justice unto
judgment. And as for judgment, let it be given in no place but in the
bishop's see, or in that place which in this behalf the bishop shall appoint.
By this evidence of record it is manifest, as you see, that Duke
AVilliam (now king) having assumed unto himself the absolute
.authority royal, endeavoured to establish a form of government both
in the church and commonwealth answerable to his own mind : how-
beit this is to be noted, that he allowed unto the clergy a kind of
jurisdiction of con venting persons before them, and likewise of exer-
cising such ecclesiastical discipline as the quality of that age and time
did use, whereon we will not stand to debate any thing at large, but
proceed in thc course of our story, as the Spirit of God shall vouchsafe
to direct us.*
(1) This passage in single asterisks is not in the Edition of 1583, but it appears in that of
1596.— Ed.
(2) " Willielmus Gratia Dei Rex Anglorum, comitibus, vicecomitibus, et omnibus Francigeniset
Anglis, qui in Episropatu Rcmigii Episcopi terras habent, salutem. Sciatis," S:c. — Turris Londin.
[Given in the New Edition of Rymer's Frrdera, whence some corrections are made above. — Ed.]
FIVE COXCiUESTS OV KRITAIX. ] 07
Over and besides this, t/ie aforesaid William., as he was a zcam'or, wunam
so he delighting in forts and bidicarks,^ \i\\\\<[Qx\ ^o\w strong castles, *'"'^""-
two at York, one at Nottingham, and anotlier at Lincoln, whirh "
garrisons he furnished with Normans.
About the third year of his reign, Harold and Canute, sons of
Swanus, king of Denmark, entered into the north country. The
Normans -within York, fearing that the Englishmen would aid the
Danes, fired the suburbs of the town ; whereof the flame was so York,
big, and the wind so strong, that it reached the city, and burnt a min'stcr!
great part thereof, Avitli the minster of St. Peter, where no doubt ^"™'"
many worthy Avorks and monimients of books were consumed, in the
time whereof the Danes, by favour of some of the citizens, entered the
city, and slew more than three thousand of the Normans. But not
long after King William chased them out, and di-ove them to their xhenorth
ships, and took such displeasure with the inhabitants of that country, was'te?
that he destroyed the land from York to Durham, so that nine years and^a-^"^
after the province lay waste and unmanured, except only St. John^s ™i"e.
land of Beverly ; and the people thereof were so strictly kept in
penury by the war of the king, that, as our English story saith, they
eat rats, cats, and dogs, and other vermin.
Also, in the fourth year of this king, Malcolm, king of Scots, a.d.io7o.
entered into Northumberland, and destroyed the country, and slew iii','^kk?g
there much of the people, both men, women, and children, after a subdued
lamentable sort, and took some prisoners. But within two years
after. King William made such war upon the Scots, that he forced
Malcolm their king to do him homage.
And thus much concerning the outward calamities of this realm Five con-
under this foreign conquenjr, which is now the fifth time that the ^vhleh
said land with the inhabitants thereof hath been scourged by the ^avebcen
hand of God. First, by the Romans in the time of Julius Caesar ; realm,
then by the Scots and Picts, as hath been showed ; afterward by the
Saxons. Again, the Saxons or Englishmen did not enjoy the posses-
sion of Britain with long quiet, but were brought into as much
subjection themselves under the Danes as they had brought the
Britons before, and even much more, insomuch that through all
England, if an Englishman had met a Dane upon a bridge, he might
not stir one foot before the Lord Dane (otherwise Lurdane) were
past. And then if the Englishman had not given low reverence to
the Dane at his coming by, he was sure to be sharply punished, as
above hath been declared. This subjection continued almost from
the reign of King Ethelwolf till the reign of King Edward, for the
space of two hundred and thirty years ; and yet the indignation of
God then ceased not, but stiiTcd up the Normans against them, who
conquered and altered the whole realm after their own purpose ;
insomuch that besides the innovation of the laws, coins, and posses-
sions, there was almost in no church in England any English bishop,
but only Normans and foreigners placed through all their dioceses.'
To such misery was this land then brought, that not only of all the
English nobility not one house was standing, but also it was thought
reproachful to be called an Englishman. This punishment of God
(11 This passage in italic is not in the Edition of 1583, but is found in that of 1596 —Ed.
(,2) Ex Henr. Huntingdon, lib. vi.
108
COUNCIL AT WINCHESTKll.
William
Uie Con-
queror.
A.D.
1070.
Vision
of Kitif;
Kdward.
English-
men
scourged
for tiieix
unjust
oppres-
sion of the
Britons.
Cmelties
against
the Nor-
mans.
Three
things in
this con-
quest to
be noted.
against tlit' Englisli nation, writers do assign diversely to divers
causes, as })artl y before is touched ; of wliom some assign this to be
the cause as ioUoweth in the words of the story : — " That wliereas
kings anil queens, dukes and prelates, in the prianitive time of the
Englisii church, were ready, for religion, to forsake either liberty or
country, and give themselves to a solitary life, in process of time
they grew to such dissoluteness, that they left no other realm like
unto them in iniquity,"^ kc. Again some, writing of the \ision of
King Edward, a little before the invasion of the Normans, testify
how the king, reporting of his own vision, should hear that for the
great enormity and misbehaviour of the head dukes, bishops, and
abbots of tlie realm, the kingdom should be given to the hand of
their enemies after the decease of him, for the space of one hundred
years and one day ; which space was also seen by William the
Conqueror, to be one hundred and fifty years, and that his progeny
so long should continue. Again, some Avritcrs, treating of this so
great wrath of God upon the English people, declare the cause
thereof as followeth : — '■'■ Like as the Englishmen did subdue the
Britons, Avhom God proposed for their descrvings to exterminate,
and them unjustly did dispossess of their land, so they should lilvc-
wise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution, first by the
Danes, and after by the Normans,"^ &c. Moreover to these injuries
and iniquities done and Avrought by the Englishmen, hitherto recited,
let us add also the cruel villany of this nation, in murdering and
tithing the innocent Normans before, who coming as strangers with
Alfred, the lawful heir of the crown, were despitefully put to death ;
which seemeth to me no little cause why the Lord, whose doings be
always just and right, did suffer the Normans so to prevail. By the
coming in of these Normans, and by their quarrel unto the realm,
three things we may note and learn. First, to consider and leara
the righteous retribution and wrath of God from heaven upon all
iniquity and unrighteous dealing of men. Secondly, we may thereby
note, wliat it is for princes to leave no issue or sure succession behind
them. Thirdly, what dangers often do chance to realms public by
foreign mamage with other princes.
A.n.ioTo,
Council
at W'in-
chester,
Apl. nth.
Pivers
bishops,
abhots,
and
priors,
deposed.
Li the same fourth year of this king, between Easter and Whitsun-
tide, was holden a solemn council at Winchester of the clergy of
England, at the which were present Hermenfrcd, bishop of Sion,
and two cardinals sent from Pope Alexander IL, Peter and John.
In this council, the king being present, were deposed divers bishops,
abbots, and priors, by the means of the king, without any evident,
cause ; to the intent his Normans might be j)refcrred to the rule or
the church, as he had preferred his knights before to the rule of the"
temporalty, thereby to stand in more surety of the land ; amongst'
whom also Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was put down for
three causes against him pretended.
(1) "In primitiva Anglire eoclesia religio clarissime splenduit, ita ut reges et leginjc, duces ed
episcopi, vei nionacliatuni, vcl exilium pro Dei amore appctercnt : processu vero temporis adec
omnis virtus in eis emarcuit, ut geiitem nullam proditione et nequitia sibi parem esse permit
terent," &c.— Ex Histor. Jornalens.
(2) " Nam sicut Angli, Uritones quos Dcus distcrminare proposucrat (peccatis suis exigcntibus)!
humiliaverant, et a terra Aiiglia; minus juste ftigavcrant : sic ipsi duplici persecutione," &'c.
(3) See Iloveden and Wilkins's Concilia, and the Appendix.— Ed.
THE GIVING OF THE PALL, 109
The first was, for tluat he had unlawfully held the bishopric of minam
Winchester together with the archbishopric. g'Lrur.
The second was, for that, while Robert the archbishop above ^ ^
mentioned was living, he sometimes used his pall which he had left joyo*.
at Canterbury when he was unjustly banished from England.
The third cause was, for that he had received a pall of Benedict X.,
bishop of Rome, which Benedict for buying his popedom was de-
posed, as is showed before.'
Then Stigand well proved the benevolence of King William, for A.D.ioro.
whereas before, the king seemed in friendly countenance to make
much of him, and did unto him great reverence, then he changed all his
mildness into sternness, and excused himself by the bishop of Rome's
authority, so that in the end Stigand was deprived of his dignity, and
kept in Winchester as a prisoner during his life. This Stigand is noted
for a man so covetous and sparing, that when he would take nothing of
his own, and would swear that he had not a penny, yet by a key fastened
about his neck was found great treasure of his under the ground.
At the same time was preferred to the arclibisliopric of York,
Thomas, a Norman, and canon of Baieux. At the which time also Lanfranc,
Lanfranc, abbot of St. Stephen's at Caen, a Lombard and Italian born, arch!''^"'
was sent for, and made archbishop of Canterbury, between which two ^'^'^\°p.°^
archbishops, about their consecration, first began a contention for bury.
giving and taking the oath of obedience ; but that contention was, at
that time, appeased by the king, and Thomas was contented to sub-
scribe to the archbishop of Canterbury's obedience.
After this, it followed within short space, that the said Lanfranc, The min-
and Thomas, archbishop of York, who first builded the minster of York
York, and gave possessions thereunto, came to Rome with Reniigius, "■'^^"'"•
bishop of Dorchester, for their palls, as the manner was ; without
which no archbishop nor bishop could be confirmed, although their
election were never so lawful. This pall must be asked nowhere The ^
but of the pope or his assigns, and that within three months ; also it fhe'pfi°
must be asked not faintly, but mightily (Dist. 100, cap. " prisca") ;
Avhich, as it was a chargeable thing to other nations, especially such
as were far from Rome, so it was no small gain to the Romish see,
so as they did order it. For although at the beginning the pall was
given without money, according to the decree Dist. 100,^ or for
little, as was the case in this time of Lanfranc ; yet, in process of
years it grew to such excess, that whereas the bishop of Mentz
Avas wont to give to Rome but ten thousand florins, afterwards it
arose so, that he who asked his confirmation, could not obtain it
without twenty thousand ; and from thence it exceeded to five and
twenty thousand, and at length to seven and twenty thousand florins,
which sum Jacob, archbishop of Mentz, was pressed to pay ; insomuch a.d.isoi.
that the said Jacob at his departing, which was within four years after,
said, that his death did not so much grieve him as to remember his ^^'leas
poor subjects, who should be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for writeth
the pope's pall. Now by this, what did arise to the pope in the whole be^fi/,y^^*
of Germany, containing in it above fifty bishoprics, besides the abbeys, |',^'(1°p''"
may be easily conjectured.* Lanfranc thus coming to Rome, with the many.
(1) See pp. 97, 98 : also the Appendix. (2) Dist. 100, cap. " novit."
(3) Ex lib. Gravaminum Nationis GermanicEe. [See Appendix. — Ec.J
no CONTENTION' KETWKKN THE TWO METROPOLITANS.
miiiam otlier two bishops, he, for the estimation of his learning, obtained of
q'lerlr' Alexander two ])alls, one of honour, the other of love. Item, he ob-
~ . jy taincd for the otlier two bishops also their confirmation. At this time,
1070. ^^'^y Ij^^ii'ir there present before Alexander, the controversy began first
' — to be moved, or rather renewed, for the primacy betwixt the two
metropolitans, that is, betwixt the archbishop of Canterbury and the
archbishop of York, whether of them should have pre-eminence above
the other ; for Canterbury challenged to himself prerogative and the
primacy over the whole of Britain and Ireland. The which con-
tention continued a long season betwixt these two churches, and was
often renewed in the davs of divers kings after this ; as in the reign of
Henry L, betwixt 'J'hurstin of York and Kadulph of Canterbury ; and
again, in the seven and twentieth year of the said king, at his second
coronation, for Radulph would not suffer the first coronation to stand,
because it was done by the bishop of York, without his assent.' Also,
in the reign of Henry II., where Pope Alexander III. made a letter
decretal betwixt these two metropolitans, for bearing the cross, a.d.
1159. Also, another time, in the reign of the said king, betwixt
Richard of Canterbury and Roger of York.^ Again, about a.d. 1 170,
Avhcn Thomas Becket, hearing the king to be crowned of Roger, bishop
of York, complained thereof grievously to Pope Alexander III. Item,
another time, A.D. 1176, betwixt Richard and the said Roger, whether of
them should sit on the right hand of Cardinal Hugo in his council in
London. Moreover, in the beginning of the reign of King Richard,
A.D. 1190, betwixt Baldwin of Canterbury and Godfrid of York.
Now to proceed in the story hereof:' after this question was brought,
as is said, to the pope''s presence, he, not disposed to decide the matter,
sent them home to England, there to have their cause determined.
Whereui)on they, speeding themselves from Rome to England, a.d.
1072, and in the sixth year (as it is said) of this ^Villiam, brought the
matter before the king and the clergy at Windsor. Where Lanfranc,
first alleging for himself brought in, how that from the time of Austin
to the time of Bede (which was about one hundred and forty years)
the bishop of Canterbury had ever the primacy over the whole land of
Britain and Ireland ; how he kept his councils divers times within the
precincts of York ; how he did call and cite the bishops of York thereto,
whereof some he did constitute, some he did excommunicate, and some
he did remove : besides also he alleged divers privileges granted by
princes and prelates to the primacy of that see.
To this Thomas, archbishop of York, replieth again, and first
beginning with the first original of the Britons' church declareth, in
order of time, how the Britons, first possessioncrs of this kingdom of
Britain, which endured from Brutus and Cadwallader two thousand
and seventy-six years under a hundred and two kings, at length
tVeTr't received the christian faith a.d. 180, in the time of Lucius,^ their
i^JiRpf king; when Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, sent Faganus and Da-
christen- miauus prcaclicrs unto them ; at which time, after their conver-
Theonus, Sion, they assigned and ordained in the realm eight and twenty
bi^^ho^oV bishops, with two archbishops, Theonus, the archbishop of London,
London, and Thcodosius, archbishop of York. Under those bishops and
(I) See Appendix. (2) See infri, p. 257. ;
(3) This account is apparently taken from Bromptou, Script, x. p. 970. — Ed. (4) See vol. i. 303. ■
\
CONCERNING THK PRIMACY. Ill
archbishops the church of Britain was governed after tlieir conversion, wuuam
abnost three hundred years, till at length the Saxons, being then /uerlr.'
infidels, with Hengist their king, subdued the Britons by fraudulent ^ j)
murder, and invaded their land, which was about a.u.440.' After this, io72.
the Britons being driven into Cambria, which we now call Wales,
the Saxons overrunning the land, divided themselves into seven
kingdoms ; and so, being infidels and pagans, continued till the time
that Gregory, bishop of Rome, sent Augustine to preach unto them ;
who, coming first to Dover, being then the chief city of Kent (called
in Latin Dorobernia), and there planting himself, converted first the
king of Kent, called Ethelbert, who had then subdued certain other
kings as far as the Humber. By reason of this Augustine was made xi,ig „as
archbishop of Dover, by the appointment of Gregory I., about ^.'"'"' '^^
A.D. 600, who sent him certain palls with his letter from Rome, as after the
before is expressed,^ which letter being recited, Thomas expounding ofThe"
upon the same, beginneth to declare for himself, how the meaning of Faxons.
Gregory in this letter was, to reduce the new church of Saxons or
Englishmen to the order that was in the old time among the Britons ;
that is, to be under two metropolitans, one of London, the other of
York ; for so the church was ordered in the time of the Britons, as
is before declared. Notwithstanding he giveth to Augustine this
prerogative during his lifetime, to have authority and jurisdiction, not
only over his twelve bishops, but upon all other bishops and priests
in England ; and after his decease then these two metropolitans,
London and York, to oversee the Avhole clergy, as in times past
amongst the Britons, whom he joineth together after the death of
Augustine, to constitute bishops, and to oversee the chui"ch. That he
meaneth London to be equal in authority with York, it appeareth by
four argvmients : Fii'st, in that he willeth London to be consecrated
by no bishop, but of his own synod : Secondly, in that he willeth
no distinction of honour to be betwixt London and York, but only
according to that as each one of them is elder in time Thirdly, in
that he matcheth these two together in common counsel and with
one agreement to consent together in doing and disposing such things
as they shall consult upon, in the zeal of Christ Jesus ; and that, in
such sort, that one should not dissent nor discord from the other ;
what meaneth this, but that they should govern together, whom he
would not to dissent together ? Fourthly, in that he Avriteth, that
the bishop of York should not be subject to the bishop of London ;
what meaneth this, but that the bishop of London should be equiva-
lent with the metropolitan of York, or rather superior unto him ?
And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory to be in the
aforesaid letter. To whom Lanfranc again answereth, that he was
not the bishop of London, and that the question pertained not to
London. Thomas replieth, having on his part many favourers, that
this privilege was granted by Gregory to Augustine alone, to have all
otjier bishops subject to him; but after his decease there should be
j equality of honour betwixt London and York, Avithout any distinction
of priority, save only that priority of time should make superiority
l)ctween them. And althoucrh Aurmstine translated the see from
London to Kent, yet Gregory, if his mind had been to give the same
(1) Ex Chron. Sigeberti [read 45G : see vol. i. p. 315.— Ed.] (2) See vol. i- p. 3.35.— Ed.
112 DICXITY OF CANTERBURY CONFIRMEJ).
}yiiiiam prerogative to tlic successors of Augustine, which he gave to him,
qteror. would cxprcssly havc uttered it in the words of his epistle, writing
J. yy thus to Augustine : " That which I give to thee, Augustine, I give also
1072! ^^'^ grant to all tliy successors after thee." But in that he maketh
here no mention of his successors, it appearcth thereby, that it was
not his mind so to do.
To this Lanfranc argucth again, "■ If this authority had been given
to Augustine alone, and not to his successors, it had been but a small
gift, proceeding from the apostolic see, to his special and familiar
friend ; especially seeing also that Augustine in all his life did con-
stitute no bishop of York, neither was there any such bishop to be
Dignity subject to him. Again, we have privileges from the apostolic see,
bury"co"- '^vhich confirm this dignity in the successors of Augustine, in the same
firmed, g^j. ^f ]3over. Morcovcr, all Englishmen think it both right and
reason to fetch the direction of well living from that place, where first
they took the sparkle of right believing. Further, whereas you say
that Gregory might have confii-med with plain words the same thing
to the successors of Augustine, which he gave unto him ; all that I
grant : yet notwithstanding, this is nothing prejudicial to the see of
weu re- Canterbury. For, if you know your logic, that which is true in the
itlafarf^" whole is also true in the part ; and what is true in the more, is also
true in the less. Now the church of Rome is as the whole, to whom
all other churches be as parts thereof; and as 'homo,' i. e. mankind,
is 'genus,' /. e. the general in a certain respect to all his ' indi vidua,'
i. e. to all particular persons, yet in every particular person lieth the
property of the general ; so in like manner the see of Rome in a
certain respect is the general, and the whole to other churches, and
yet in every particular church is contained the whole fulness of the
whole christian faith. As the church of Rome is greater than all
churches, that which is wrought in it ought to work in the less
churches also, so that the authority of every chief head of the church
ought to stand also in them that do succeed, unless there be any
If this precise exception made by name. Wherefore like as the Lord said
sinj'i'- to all bishops of Rome the same thing which he said to Peter, so
tuQ6 were * O '
formed Grcgory in like manner said to all the successors of Augustine, that
syuo^ which he said to Augustine. So thus I conclude — Likewise as the
n'e^ther ^^^hop of Canterbury is subject to Rome, because he had his faith
were the from theucc, SO York ought to be in subjection to Canterbury, which
true ■• and scut the first preachers thither. Now, whereas you allege, that
iiTminlr Crcgory would Augustine to be resident in London, that is utterly
^eT "' uncertain, for how is it to be thought that such a disciple would do
fiUse. contrary to «4ie mind of such a master .^ But grant, as you say, that
Augustine removed to London, what is that to me, who am not I
bishop of London ? Notwithstanding all this controversy ceasing
betwixt us, if it shall please you to come to some peaceable compc
sition with me, all contention set apart, you shall find me not out
of the way, so far as reason and equity shall extend."
AVith these reasons of Lanfranc, Thomas gave over, condescend-
ing that his province should begin at the Humber. AVliereupon it
was then decreed that York from that time should be subject to
Canterbury in all matters appertaining to the rites and regiment
of the catholic church ; so that wheresoever Avithin England Canteiy
f
i
bishops'' seks translated. 113
bury should or would hold his council, the bishop of York should wunam
resort thither with his bishops, and be obedient to his decrees qlcrlV.
canonical. Provided moreover that ■when the bishop of Canter- . ,^
bury should decease, York should repair unto Dover, there to 1072!
consecrate with others the bishop that should be elect. And if ■
York should decease, his successor should resort to Canterbury,
or else where the bishop of Canterbury should appoint, there
to receive his consecration, making his profession there, with
an oath of canonical obedience. Thomas being content withal,
Lanfranc, the Italian, triumpheth with no small joy, and putteth
the matter forthwith in writing, that the memory thereof might
remain to the posterity of his successors. But yet that decree
did not long stand ; for, shortly after, the same scar, so superficially
cured, burst out again, insomuch that in the reign of King Henry I.,
A.D. 1121, Thurstin, aixhbishop of York, could not be compelled
to swear to the archbishop of Canterbury ; and yet, notwithstanding,
by the letters of Calixtus 11. , was consecrated without any profession
made to the said bishop, with much more matter of contention, all
wliich to recite it Avcre too long. But this I thought to commit to
history, to the intent men might see the lamentable decay of true
Christianity amongst the christian bishops, who, inflamed with glorious
ambition, so contended for honour, that without mere forcement
of law, no modesty could take place.
Of such like contentions among prelates of the clergy for superi-
ority, we read of divers in old chronicles, as in the history entitled
Chronicon Hirsfeldense, where is declared a bloody conflict, which
twice happened in the church of Goslar, between Hecelon, bishop of
Hildesheim, and Wederatus, bishop of Fulda, and all for the superior
place, who should sit next to the emperor ; the emperor himself
being there present, and looking on, and yet not able to stay them.
Thus I have described the troublous contention between Lan-
franc and Thomas, metropolitan of York, in the days of Alexander,
jf which controversy, and of the whole discom-se thereof, Lanfranc
ivriteth to Pope Alexander.^
In the story before of King Egelred, was declared, about a.d. 1016, Bishope'
ow the bishopric of Lindisfarne, otherwise named Holy-island, in the
sees
trans-
flood of Tweed, was translated to Durham ; so likewise in the days of '^'«d in
this Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbmy, a.d. 1076, divers bishops' "^*"
sees were altered and removed from townships to greater cities ; as
Jie bishopric of Selsey, to Chichester ; of Cornwall to Exeter ; of
Wells to Bath ; of Sherborne to Salisbury ; of Dorchester to Lin-
'oln ; of Lichfield to Chester ; the bishopric of Chester, Robert
Deing then bishop, being reduced from Chester to Coventry. Like-
vise after that, in the reign of William Rufas, a.d. 1095, Herbert,
)ishop of Thetford, from thence reduced the see to Norwich, &c.
I As concerning Dover and Canterbury, whether the see was like-
'«'ise translated from the town of Dover to the city of Canterbury in
(1) The letter of Lanfranc sent to Pope Alexander begins thus: — " Domino totius Christianae
elij,'ionis sumino speculatori Alex, papse Lancfrancus, sanctas Dorobernensis ecclesiee antistes,
ebitam cum omni servitute obedientiam. In concilio quod Anfxliae per vestram authoritatem
oactum est, ul-i querelas Thoniae Archiepiscopi prolatae et ventilataj sunt, allata est Ecclesiastica
entis Anglorum Historia, quam Eboracensis eeclesia? Presbyter, et Anslorum doctor licda lom-
' osuit;" and so forth, in a long process of words which foUow ; among which, in the middle of the
( pistle, speaking of Dover and Canterbury, he hath these words : " Urbs nanique, quae nunc Can-
larberia nominatur, antiquis temporibus, ab ipsius terrae incolis Dorobernia vocabatur," i:c.
'' ih many other words in the said epistle, which for brevity I here over-pass.
VOL. II. I
]14 DKCREKS OF A COUNCIL IIOI.DKN AT I.OXDOK.
William the time of Theodore, or whether Canterbury in old time Iiad the
•i'utrln name of Dorobcrnia, as tlic letter of Lanfranc to Pope Alexander
abovcmcntioned doth pretend, I find it not in histories expressly
J 072 defined ; save that I read in the words of William, being yet duke of
— Normandy, charging then Harold to make a well of water for the king's
use in the castle of Dorobcrnia, that the said Dorobcrnia then was
taken for that which wc now call Dover ; but whether Dorobcrnia
and the city of Canterbury be both one or divers, the matter is not
great. Notwithstanding this I read in the epistle of Pope Honiface
III. to King Ethelbcrt, as also in one of Boniflice V. to Justus, the
archbishop ; in one of Pope Honorius I. to archljp. Honorius ; in one
of Pope Vitalian to Theodore ; in one of Pope Scrgius I. to kings
Ethelred, Alfred, and Adulphus, and to the bishops of England ; like-
wise in one of Pope Gregory III. to the bishops of England ; of Pope
Leo III. to Athclard, archbishop of Canterbury ; of Formosus to the
bishops of England ; and of Pope .John XII. toDunstan ; that the names
of Dorobcrnia and Canterbury indifferently are taken for one matter.'
Council In this time, and by the procuring of this Lanfranc, the ninth year
London!' of tliis king a council was holden at London, where among the acts
A.D.iors. thereof these were the principal things concluded :^ —
I. For tlieorder of sitting, that the archbishop of York should sit on the riglit
hand and the bishop of London on the left hand/and WinchestL-r next to York ;
or in the absence of York, London should have the right, and Winchester the
left hand of the archbishop of Canterbury sitting in council.
IL That bishops should translate their sees from villages into cities; where-
upon the sees of Sherborn, Selsey, and Lichfield, were translated to Salisbury,
Chichester, and Chester : some others were reserved for the king's decision on
his return from France.'
in. That monks should have nothing in proper; and if any so had, he dying
unconfessed should not be rung for, nor buried in the churchyard, nor iiiass
said for his soul.
IV. That no clerk or monk of any other diocese should be retained as such,
or admitted to orders, without letters commendatory or testimonial.
V. That none should speak in the council except bishops and abbots, with-
out leave of the metropolitan.
VI. That none should marry within the seventh degree, with any cither of
his own kindred, or kindred of his wife's departed.
VII. That none should cither buy or sell holy orders, or any office within
the cliurch pertaining to the cure of souls.
VIII. Tiiat no sorcery or any divination should housed or permitted.
IX. That no bishop or abbot, or any of the clergy, should be at the judgment
of any man's death or dismembering, neither should be any fautor of the
judicants in such causes.
Bisbopg JNIorcovcr in the days of this Lanfranc divers ffood bishops of the
of Fni'- o I
ian<i realm began to take part with priests against the monks, in displacing
inTnk","' these out of tlicir churclics, and to restore the married priests again,
.imi place insomuch that Walkelm, bishop of Winchester, had placed above
their forty canons instead of monks for his part ; but this godly cntcr-
litead. pj.J2g ^,.jjg stopped by stout Lanfranc, the Italian Lombard. This
lusty prelate sat nineteen years, but at his latter end. he was not
so favoured of William Rufus, and died for soitow. Although this
Italian Frank being archbishop had little leisure to write, yet some-
thing he thought to do to set out his famous learning, and wrote
a book against licrcngarius, entitling it " Opus Scintillarum."''' The
(1) Kadmer, W. Malmesb. do pcsfis Pont. — F.d.
(2) See Malmesbury, also Wilkins's Cone. i. .SB."!, 3fi4 ; whence the text is revised. — Ed.
(3) Sec la>t p.ise.— Kd. (I) i. e. of Uie archbishop of Canterbury.— Ed.
USURPATION OF THK POPES. 1 [5
old church of Canterbury he plucked down, and builded u)) ihc "nuam
jjA-yy the Con-
After ^the death of Pope Alexander II., abovementioned, next 'TT)"'
unto him followed Hildebrand, sm-named Gregory VII. This Hil- 1073
dcbrand, as he was a sorcerer, so was he the first and principal cause --
of all this perturbation that is now, and hath been since his time,
in the church ; by reason that through his example all this ambition,
stoutness, and pride, entered first into the church of Rome, and hath
ever since continued. P"'or before Hildebrand came to Rome, Hiide-
Avorking there his feats, setting up and displacing what bishops he Jj[^"J''
listed, corrupting them yviih pernicious counsel, and setting them ofyuh'e
against emperors, under pretence of chastity destroying matrimony, ami'S
and under the title of liberty breaking peace, and resisting authority ; j",''^""
before this, I say, the church of Rome Avas in some order, and
bishops quietly governed under christian emperors, and also Avcre Ti,e obe-
defended by the same ; as IMarcellus, Miltiades, and Sylvester, Avcre djence of
subdued and under obedience to Constantine, a.d. 340 ; Siricius to inan'Sent
Theodosius, a.d. 388 ; Hilary to Justinian, a.d. 528; Gregory to emperors.
Mauritius, A.D. 600 ; Adrian and Leo to Charlemagne, a.d. 801 ;
Paschal and Valentine to Ludovicus Pius, a.d. 820 : Sergius 11.
unto Lothaire, a.d. 845 ; Benedict III. and John VIII. unto Louis,
son of Lothaire, a.d. 856.
Against this obedience and subjection Hildebrand Avas the first
who began to spurn, and by his example taught all other bishops to do
the like ; insomuch that at length they Avrought and brought to pass
that it should be laAvful for a i'ew courtesans and cardinals (contrary
to ancient ordinance and statutes decretal) to choose Avhat pope they
list, AAdthout any consent of the emperor at all. And Avhereas before
it stood in the emperors' gift to give and to grant bishoprics,
archbishoprics, benefices, and other ecclesiastical preferments within
their own limits, to Avhom they list ; noAv the popes, through much
wrestling, Avars, and contention, have extorted all that into their oatu
hands, and to their assigns, yea, have plucked in all the riches and Popes
poAver of the Avhole Avorld ; and not content Avith that, have usurped us^ed
and prevailed so much above emperors, that, as before, no pope """^
might be chosen Avithout the confirmation of the emperor, so noAv no princes,
emperor may be elected Avithout the confirmation of the pope, taking
upon them more than princes to place or displace emperors at their
pleasure for every light cause, and to put doAvn or set up Avhen and
Avhom they listed ; as Frederic I., for holding the left stirrup of the Frederic
pope's saddle, Avas persecuted almost to excommunication ; Avhich holding
cause moveth me to strain more diligence here, in setting out the Jeit's??!"
history, acts, and doings of this Hildebrand, from Avhom, as the first rup, is
patron and founder, sprang all this ambition and contention about cutel
the liberties and dominion of the Roman chm-ch ; to the intent that
such as cannot read the Latin histories may understand in English
the original of evils : how and by Avhat occasion they first began, and
how long they have continued.
And first, hoAv this Hildebrand hitherto had behaA'ed himself
before he Avas pope, I have partly declared. For though he Avas not
yet pope in name, yet he Avas then pope indeed, and ruled the popes
and all their doings as him listed. Item, Avhat Avays and fetches he
(1) See Appendix.— Ed.
i2
IIG TlIK TKAC;i(AI, IllSTORV Ol' CRECOIIY VIT.
miiiam bad attempted ever since his first coming to the court of Rome, to
'it^l': macrnity and maintain false liberty against true authority ; what
■-^-^ practice he wrought by councils, what factions and conspiracies he
1073 made, in stirring up popes against emperors, striving for superiority ;
'- and what wars iv.llowed thereof, I have also expressed. Now let us
see further (by the help of Christ) the worthy virtues of this princely
prelate, after he came to be pope, as they remain in histories of
divers and sundry Avriters described.
The tragical history of Gregory VII., otherwise named Hildebrand.
A.D.107.'. Hitherto' the bishops of Rome have been elected by voices and
suffrages of all sorts and degrees, as well of the priests and the
clergy, as of the nobility, people, and senate, all conventing and
assembling together. And this election I find to stand in force, if
so be it were ratified and confirmed by the consent of the Roman
emperors, who had authority to call these, as well as other bishops,
The state uuto councils as casc required. Moreover, all other prelates whatso-
churcMn cvcr, and the masters of monasteries and religious houses — both in
pasT Germany, France, Italy, and throughout the whole Roman world —
according to tlie ancient usage were appointed by the emperors, with
the advice of their council, and by the suffrages of the chief estates
assembled together, as is declared by Aventine in his account of
Charlemagne. The holy and ancient fathers (like as Christ our Lord
with his disciples and apostles both taught and did) honoured and
esteemed their emperors as the supreme potestate next under God
on earth, as above all other mortal men, and as set up, ordained,
elected, and crowned of God, and called them their lords. To them
Revcr- tlicy yielded tribute, and paid their subsidies, and also prayed every
oi«diei"e day for their life. Such as rebelled against them they took as rebels
pliiitU" ^^"^ rcsisters ag-ainst God's ordinance and christian piety. The name
of the emperor then was of great majesty, and received as given from
The man- God. Then thcsc fiithcrs of the church never intermeddled nor en-
vinue of tangled themselves with politic affairs of the commonAveal ; much
the lore- less occupicd they martial arms and matters of chivalry. Only in
of th" poverty and modesty was all their contention with other christians,
church, ^^ho should be poorest and most modest among them, and the more
humbleness appeared in any, the higher opinion they conceived of
him. The sharp and two-edged sword they took, given to the church
(jf Christ, to save, and not to kill ; to quicken, and not to destroy ;
and called it the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God, the
life and light of men, and revoketh from death to life, making of
men, gods ; of mortal, immortal. Far were they from that, to thrust
out any prince or king (though he were ever so far out of the way,
yea an Arian) from his kingdom, or to curse him, to release his sub-
jects from their oath and their allegiance, to change and translate
kingdoms, to subvert empires, to pollute themselves with christian
blood, or to war with their christian brethren for rule and principality.
This was not their spirit and manner then, but rather they loved and
obeyed their princes. Again, princes loved them also like fathers
^ (1) The words of the Latin History he these :—" Hactcnus Pontificcs Rom. ccmitiis curiatis
lalatii, a sacerdotibus, cfiuitatii, plclc, senatii," 8.C.— Ex Avtnlino. [See Apiieniiix.— tu.j
PiUESTs' MARRIAGE MADE HERESY. 117
and fellow-princes with tliem over the souls of men. Now this Gre-
gory VII., otherwise named Hildebrand, trusting to the Normans,
who then ruffled about Apulia, Calabria, and Campania, trusting also
to the power of Matilda, a stout woman there about Rome, and
partly again bearing himself bold for the discord among the Germans, -
first of all others (contrary to the manner of the elders) contemning bitio^ts"
the authority of the emperor, invaded the cathedral sec of Rome, t''inn"'f'''
vaunting himself as having both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword ^iide-
committed to him by Christ, and that fulness of power was in his
liand, to bind and loose Avhatsoever he listed. Whereupon thus he
presumed to occupy both the regiments, to challenge all the whole
dominion of the West, yea, and to encroach all power to himself
alone, abiding none to be equal, much less superior unto him ; dero-
gating from others, and arrogating to himself their due right and
honour, setting at light Ccsars, kings, and emperors, as who thus
reigned but by his own god-a-mercy.* Bishops and prelates as his
underlings he kept in awe, suspending and cursing, and chopping off
their heads, stirring up strife and wars, sowing of discord, making
flictions, releasing oaths, defeating fidelity and due allegiance of
subjects to their princes. Yea, and if he had offended or injured
the emperor himself, yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared, as he
himself glorieth in a certain epistle, as one that could not err, and
had received of Christ our Saviour, and of Peter, authority to bind
and unbind at his Avill and pleasure. Priests then in those days had pdests"
wives openly and lawfully (no law forbidding to the contrary), as mailed
appearetli by the deeds and writings of the donations, which were Presby-
given to churches and monasteries, wherein their wives also be cited
with them for witness, and are called Presbyterissee.^ Also bishops,
prelates, parsons of churches, governors of the clergy, masters of mo-
nasteries and religious houses — all these were, in those times, in the
emperor''s ordination, to assign by voice or consent to whom he would.
Now these two things this Pope Gregory could not abide ; for which Hiide-
two causes only was all his striving and driving from his first beginning niortti*
to abolish the marriage of priests, and to translate the authority imperial ^"jg'",-'/"
to the clergy ; for to this scope only tended all his labour, practice, and mar-
devices, as appeared before in the council of Lateran under Pope "^^'''*
Nicholas, and also in the council of Mantua under Alexander, making
their marriage heresy, and the other to be simony. And that which a.daoh.
before he went about by others, now he practiseth by himself, to Priests'
condemn ministers that were married for Nicolaitans, and to treat any made^ife^-
spiritual regiment of secular persons as simonv, directing forth his '''^'>.='"'J
1 1 TT 1 S T 1 • spiritual
letters upon tlie same to Henry tlie emperor ; also to dukes, princes, regiment
potestates, tetrarchs ; namely to Berchtold duke of Zeringhen, to Ro- person''s ^"^
dolph duke of Suabia, to Welph duke of Bavaria, Adalberon bishop of g-mony''^
Wurtzburg, and to their wives ; item, to bishops, archbishops, priests,
and to all the people. In the which letters he denounceth them to be
no priests, so many as were married, forbidding men to salute them,
to talk, to eat, to company with them, to pay them tithes, or to obey
them, if they would not be obedient to him. Amongst all other he
directed special letters to Otho, bishop of Constance, concerning this
matter ; but Otho, perceiving tlic ungodly and unreasonable pretence
(I) " Ut precario regnantes."— F,d. (2) Ex Avcntino, qui invenit in instrumentis donationum.
lis IIILUKllllAXu's LETTER TO OTIIO.
n;iii^m of Ilildcbraiul, wonlil ncitlicr separate those who were mamcd from
',/«/r"r." their wives, nor yet forbiil those to marry who were unmarried/'
A I)
1074'. The copy of the Knter of Ilihlebnmd sent to the bishop of Constance,
' against priests' marriages.
(ircpory, bishop, por\-ant of tlic servants of God, to the clergy and laity, botli
more and'li-ss, within tlio diocese of Constance, salutation and benediction. Wc
have directed to our brother Otho, your bishop, our letters exhortatory ; wherein
wc cnjoiiud him, according to the necessity of our duty, by tlie authority
apostohcal, that ho should utterly abolish out of his church thcheresy of simony,
and also siiould cause with all diligence to be preached the chastity of priests.
But he, neither moved with reverence for St. Peter's precept, nor yet witli the
regard of liis duty, neglected to do these things, whereunto we so fatherly
liavc exhorted liim ; incurring thereby a double ofTence, not only of disobe-
dience, but also of rebellion, in that he hath gone and done clean contraiy
otho, to oni- connnandmcnt, yea, rather the commandment of blessed St. Peter, so
nrcon- *hat he hath permitted his clergy, not only such as had wives, not to put them
.stance, away, but also such as had none, to take unto them. "Whereupon we being
cited to tniiy informed thereof, and grieved therewith, have directed to him another
forM-' letter, declaring the motion of our displeasure and indignation. In which
lowing letters also we have cited him up to oiu* council at Rome, there to appear and
Uieir S'^'^ accoimt of his disobedience in the audience of the whole synod. And
lawful now therefore we thought it best to signify this to you (our dear children),
wives. w'hercby in this behalf we might the better provide for your health and
salvation ; for if 3'our bishop shall continue so obstinately to repugn and resist
against our commandment, he is not meet to sit over you. Sec. Wherefore these
shall be to command you, and all those that be obedient to God, and to
The pope blessed St. Peter, by our apostolical authority, that if tliis your bishop shall
rthfor^ persist in his obstinac}', j'ou that be his subjects hereafter give to him no service
(lisobedi- nor obedience ; for the which thing doing, we here discharge you before God
'""'^'^' and your souls. For if your bishop shall seem contrary to the decreements
and injunctions apostolical, we, through the apostolical authoritj' of St. Peter,
discharge and absolve you from the band of yoiu- allegiance to him. So that if
you be sworn to him, so long as he is a rebel against God and the apostolic
seat, we loose you from the peril of your oath, that you shall not need to fear
therein any danger, &c.
Otho, bishop of Constance, thus being cited, whether he did appear
M,irch, personally himself, I do not read. This I read and find, that in the
.\.u.io7i. g^-j^^ council holden at Rome, Hildebrand, with other bishops of
Rome, did then enact, among many others, these three things most
special : — First, that no priest, hereafter, should marry. Secondly,
Here that all such as were married should be divorced. Thirdly, that none
the vow of hereafter should be admitted to the order of priesthood, but should
chMtiiy. s^y(.jjj. perpetual chastity, &c. This council of Rome being ended,
forthwith the act of Hildebrand concerning the single life of priests
was proclaimed and published in all places, and strict commandment
given to bishops to execute the same.
I'he copy of his Bull sent into Italy and Germany.
Gregory, the pope, otherwise Hildebi-and, the servant of the servants of
God, sendeth tl\c apostle's blessing to all those within tlie kingdoms of Italy
and Gennany, who show their tme obedience to St. Peter. If there be any
priests, deacons, and subdeacons, that still will remain in the sin of fornication,
we forbid (hem the clmrch's entrance, by the omnipotent power of God, and
by the autliority of St. Peter, till in time they amend and repent. But, if they
pci-sevcre in tiieir sin, we charge that none of you presume to hear their
service ; for their blessing is turned into cin-sing, and their Drayer into sic, S3
the Loul doth testify to us by his projjhets, " I will turn youi- blessing," S:c.
FRANCE AND GEIIMANY RESIST THE TOVE's DECREES. 119
The bishops of France being called upon daily with the pope's "'i///Vii,i
letters, were compelled to obey the decree of the council ; but the gua-o".'
residue of the clergy, manfully and stoutly withstanding the pope's ^ ^^
decree and enforcement of their bishops, would not agree, but repined 1074,
thereat, and said that the council did manifestly repugn against the —
w^ord of God, and that the pope did take from priests that which both J^^^ ^^
God and nature had given them ; and therefore that that person was Francr-
a heretic, and author of a wicked doctrine, who rided and governed tuii.
not by the Spirit of God, but by Satan. That the decree and act set
forth tended directly against the word of God and the saying of
Christ, — " Non omn'cs capiunt verbum hoc :" " All men have not
the gift and capacity of this word." Also that it was against the
sound doctrine of St. Paul, Avriting these words, — " As concerning
virginity, I have no commandment of the Lord," &c. ; again ; "He
that cannot otherwise live continent, let him maiTy." Also, that it
was against the canons both of the apostles and of the Niccne Council.
Moreover, that it was against the course of nature, which he required,
namely, that men being sequestered from their natural wives and
women, should be coacted to live as angels ; that is, to perform that
w'hich nature doth not give ; and, therefore, that the bishop therein
did open a pernicious window to uncleanness and to fornication. In
sum, giving up their answer, thus they concluded : that they had
rather give up their benefices than forsake their natm-al and lawful
wives, against the word of Christ ; and, finally, if married priests
could not please them, they should call down angels from heaven to
serve the churches. But Hildebrand, nothing moved, neither Avith
honest reason nor with the authority of holy Scripture, nor with the
determination of the Nicene Council, nor any thing else, followeth
up this matter, and calling upon the bishops still, with his letters and
legates, doth solicit their minds, accusing them of negligence and
dastardliness, and threatening them Avith excommunication, unless
they cause their priests to obey his decree enjoined them. Where-
upon a great number of bishops, for fear of the pope's t}Tanny,
laboured the matter with their priests, by all means possible, to bereave
them of their accustomed matrimony.
Amongst others, the archbishop of Mentz, perceiving this act of Bishop of
taking away priests' marriage might breed him no little trouble,
talketh with his clergy gently, admonisheth them of the pope's mind
and decree, and giveth them half a year's respite to deliberate upon
the case ; ^ exhorting them diligently to show themselves obedient to
the pope and to him, and to grant with good will that Avhich at length,
will they, nill they, they must needs be forced unto; and therefore
of their own accord to stand content therewith, lest the pope should
be compelled to attempt ways of sharper severity. The time of deli-
beration expired, the archbishop assembleth his clergy at Erfurdt,
in the month of October, and there willeth them, according to the The
pontifical decree, either to abjure for ever all matrimony, or else to Germany
renounce their benefices and ecclesiastical livings. The clergy again f°^l^^f
defend theniselvcs against the pope's decree with the Scriptm-es, with the pope's
reason, with the acts of general councils, with the examples of their proceed-
ings,
(1) Kx Lambcrlo ScafnaburrensI, in Hist. Germnnortira.
120 MARUIAGK OF PRIESTS DEFENDED.
ir,7/«i« ancestors, by divers strong arguments declaring tlic po])e's decree not
'iuf^^.' to be consonant nor one tliat ought to take effect. But tlic arcli-
bishop said he was comiicllcd so of the pope, and could not otherwise
107.') ^'*'' '"'^ execute tliat was enjoined him.
— Tlic clcrgv seeing that no reason nor prayer, nor disputation would
serve, left the svnod on pretence of consulting among themselves what
was best to be done. Some gave counsel not to return again to the
svnod : some thought it good to return and to thrust out the arch-
bishop from his see, and to give him due punishment of death for his
deserving, that by the example of him other might be warned hereafter
never to attem])t that thing any more, to the pirjudice of the church
and the rightful liberty of ministers. After that it was signified to
the archbishop bv certain spies that were amongst them, what the clergy
intended to do, the archbishop, to prevent and salve the matter, send-
cth to the priests certain messengers, bidding them to compose their
minds and to return again to the synod, and promising that on the
first favourable opportunity he would send to Rome and do his endea-
vour what he could to revoke and turn the mind of the bishop oi
Rome from the rigour of that sentence. So being persuaded, tho
next day they came again to the synod. The next year following, in
A.D.iors. the month of October, the archbishop of Mentz assembled there a coun-
cil, to the which Hildebrand, the soldier of Satan, sendeth his legate,
the bishop of Coire, with letters, wherein the archbishop was directed,
under pain of degradation, again to propose the matter, and com-
mand all his clergy there to abrenounee for ever either their wives or
their cure and ministry. The clergy defended their cause again with
great constancy : but when no defension could take place, but all
went by tyranny and mere extortion, it burst in the end to an uproar
and tumult, where the legate and the archbishop, being in great
danger, hardly escaped with their lives ; and so the council brake
up.' By this schism and tumult it followed, that the churches
alter that, in choosing their priests, would not send them to the
bishops (the enemies and suppressors of matrimony) to be confirmed
and inducted, but did elect them within themselves, and so put them
in their office without all leave or knowledge of bishops ; who then
agreed and were determined to admit no jniests, but such as shoidd
sinpie take an oath of perpetual singleness, never to marry after : and thus
hood, how first came up the oath and profession of single priesthood. Notwith-
it began, .^landing, if other nations had followed the like constancy and concord
of these German ministers, the devilish drift and decree of this Hilde-
brand, or rather ' Hellbrand,'^ had been frustrate and avoided; but
this greediness of livings in weak priests made them to yield up their
Example godly liberty to wicked tyranny. Yet this remaineth in these
amonR Gcruians to be noted, what concord can do in repressing inordinate
Snd mini- requests of evil bishops if they constantly stand to the truth, and
»ter«. hold together. And thus much for banishing of matrimony.^
Now let us proceed to the contentions between wicked Hildebrand
and the godly emperor. But before, by the way of digression, it
shall not be much wide from the purpose to touch a little of the
properties of this pope, as we find them described in certain epistles
of Benno, a cardinal, writing to other cardinals of Rome; which
(I) I.aml)crt ScliatTcnlnirp. Sre Appendix.— En. (2) See Apreiidix. (.'i) Ibid.
niLDEBKAND UKLAWI-ULLV CIIOSEX POPE. 121
Benno lived in the same time of Hildcbrand, and detectctli tlic Jniuam
prodigious acts and doings of tliis monstrous pope. First lie declares q,ieror.
that he was a sorcerer most notable, and a necromancer, an old com- ^ j^
panion of Sylvester, of Laurentius, and Thcophylaet, called other- 1075
wise Benedict IX. Amongst others, Benno the cardinal writeth this
history of him :*
" U]ion a certain time this Gregory, coming from Albano to Rome, had
forgot behind him his familiar book of necromancy, which he was wont
commonly to carry always with him. Whereupon remembering himself, on
entering the port of Luteran, he calleth two of his most trusty familiars to
fetch the book, charging them on no account to look within it. But they
being so restrained, were the more desirous to open it, and to peruse it, and
so did. After they had read a little the secrets of the satanical book, suddenly
there came about them the messengers of Satan, the multitude and terror of
whom made them almost out of their wits. At length, they coming to them-
selves, the spirits were instant upon them to know wherefore they were called
up, wherefore they were vexed ; 'quickly,' said they, 'tell us what ye would us
to do, or else we will fall upon you, if ye retain us longer.' Then spake one of
the young men to them, bidding them go and pluck down yonder walls,
pointing unto certain high walls there nigh to Rome, which they did in a
moment. The young men crossing themselves for fear of the spirits, and
scarcely recovering themselves, at length came to their master."
We read, moreover, in the epistle of the said Benno to the car-
dinals, as followeth :" —
" We have divers eminent persons and colleges of the church of Rome to Pope
mention, which refused to communicate with him ; as Leo, then arch-priest of the "/^Jl^'fo^.
cardinals, Benno, Ugobald, John the cardinal, and Peter, chancellor and cardinal, saken by
who were all instituted before this Hildebrand. These three, who wereconse- ^^^^''^^."^
crated by him, that is to say, Natro, Innocent, and Leo, forsook him, cursing (he finals'."
detestable errors which he held: in like case Theodinus, whom he constituted
archdeacon, and other cardinal-deacons more, John the present archdeacon, and
Crescentius, John the master of the singing school, ^ with all his company, and Peter
the Oblationer, with all his company except one ; and certain others. And now,
when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called
unto him the laymen and made them privy of his design, that he intended to
separate the bishops, that they should have no conference with the cardinals.
After that he called together those bishops, and being guarded with bands of He com-
laymen he enforced the bishops, partly for fear, and partly by his menacing words, peUeth
to' swear unto him, that they should never disagree unto that which he would shops and
have done, that they should never defend the king's quarrel, and that they should priests of
never favour or obey the pope that should in his stead be instituted. Which ^™^,'^,
thing being done, he sent them, by means of the prince of Salerno, into Cam- to him.
pagna; and thus did he separate them from the company of the cardinals, and
from the city of Rome. And not only the bishops, but also the priests of the
city, and clerks of inferior orders, as also the laymen, he bound by their oaths,
that at no time nor for any cause they should condescend unto the king.
"As soon as Pope Alexander was dead, who died somewhat before night, the
same day, contrary to the canons, he was chosen pope of the laymen ; but the
cardinals subscribed not to his election, for the canons prescribe, under pain of Pope Hil-
cursing, that none should be chosen pope before the third day after the burial ^^^J^fJ^^^^
of his predecessor. But he, having thus by sinister means climbed to the see, made
removed the cardinals of the sacred see from being his privy council. With what pope,
persons, however, he consulted night and day, Rome well heard and saw. And he
now, having put the cardinals from his counsels and person, his life, faith, and
doctrine, no man could accuse or bear witness of; whereas in tlie canons, is com- At which
manded, that wheresoever the pope is, there should be with him three cardinal- ^^^°J'^""'''
priests and two deacons.to be his ecclesiastical witnesses, and for the honour of the jooi-, p^n.
(n " Benno, Germanus.eccl. Rom. archi-presbyter et cardinalis 4Clemente III. antipapA, in Gre- '^/^^'^j"'
?orii VII. (senteiitia synoiiali depositi) locum a concilio Brixiensi anno 1080 subrofcato, factus.
Clementis partibus constanlissime adhiesit, Gregorio VII. hostis infensissiinus : quo nomine plenis
conviciorum ac calumniarum plaustris a Baronio aliisque scriptonbus pontilicus obruilur. tave.
_Kd. (2) See Appendix. (3) Ed. 1571 refers to vol. i. p. 114 : add p. 193.— hD.
T22 hiluebraxd's attkmi't o\' Tiiii empehor's life.
William Iriitli.' lie viokntly wrested tlie sacred Scriptures to cover liis falsehood ; which
Mr Con- liiiul of idointry liow great it is, manifestly tinoiigliout all the Scripture appeareth.
1"''''°''- Contrary to the minds and coiuiscl of the cardinals, and heside the order of pro-
A. D. Jioiincin'j,' judjrmcnt determined hy the canons, he rashly did excommunicate
1075' *''<^ emperor, beinj; in no synod canonically accused before, to the which excom-
munication (saith lJenno)'nonc of the cardinals subscribed. As soon as he arose
The em- ^^^^^^ ^f [,j^ ^^^^ papal to excommunicate the emperor, the same seat, being made
wrong- but a little before with the strongest timber, suddenly, by the appointment of
fully ex- God, was rent and shivered in pieces ; that all men might plainly understand,
n°™™j' liow great and terrible schisms that lubber was sowing against the church of
The ' Christ, and against the seat of St. Peter, by that his so perilous and presumptuous
•'."PV* cxcomnmnication, and how cruelly he was breaking in pieces the chair of Christ,
breaks in trampling on the laws of the church, and ruling by might and austerity,
under " In the l)ody of the said exeonnnunication he inserted those very things
rises lo'"' wherein lie himself erred from the catholic faith, viz. how he cut off the emperor
cxcom- bv an unjust excommunication, and the bishops also communicating with him,
niunicatc j„jj t],ose ^yjn, comnmnicated with them ; and thus rending the unity of the
peror. cluirch, did as much as in him lay to make two churches.
The pope '< Also the same bold merchant commanded that the cardinals shoidd fast, to
tlie'unity *^'^ intent that God might reveal whose opinion was better, whether that of the
of the church of Rome, or of Bcrengarius, touching tlie controversy of the Lord's body
iiiurcli. j,^ j]nj sacrament. And hereby he proved himself to be a manifest infidel, for
tliat in the Nicene Council it is written, ' He that doubteth in the faith is an
infidel.'
or this " Further he sought for the sign to establish his faith concerning the article
miracle of the Lord's body, which was vouchsafed to Gregory to confirm a woman's
inVo^ap- ^'''tlij w'hen the consecrated bread was transubstantiated into the form of a
jiroved linger. He also sent two cardinals, Atto and Cuno, to St. Anastasie's, thai with
history. Suppo the arch-priest of the same church they should begin a fast of three
days' space, and that every one of them, every day during those three days,
should say over the Psalter, and sing masses, that Christ migiU show unto them
the aforesaid sign of his body ; wliich thing they could not obtain.
" The emperor was wont oftentimes to go to St. Mary's church, in tlie mount
Aventine, to pray. Hildebrand, when he had by his espials searched out and
knew all the doings of the emperor, caused the place to be marked where the
emperor was accustomed, either standing or prostrate on his face, to pra}', and
The pope I'or money he hired a naughty pack like himself, to gather and lay together a
'"'■^"l""*' heap of great stones on the beams in the vaulted roof of tlie church, directly
emperor, o^'^^' the place where the emperor would stand, that in throwing the same down
upon his bead, he might slay the emperor. About which purpose as the hire-
ling hasted and was busy removing to the jilace a stone of great hugeness and
weight, it broke the plank whereon it lay, and, the hireling standing thereupon,
botii together fell down from the roof to the pavement of the church, and with
the same was dashed all in pieces. After the Romans had understanding of
the handling of this matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feet of this hire-
ling, and caused him to be drawn through the streets of the city three days
together for an example to others. The emperor, notwithstanding, according
to his wonted clemency, caused him to be buried.
Hiide- " John, bishop of Porto, being one of the secret council of Hildebrand, came
brand ,,p {^■^^Q the pul])it of St. Peter, and amonjrst other things, in the hearing both
the sacra- of tho clergy and people, said, ' Hildebrand and we have committed such a deed,
inentof_ and SO horrible, for the whicli we are all worthy to be burned alive,' meaning
body?mo* of the sacrament of the body of Christ ; which sacrament Hildebrand, when he
the lire, thereof required a divine answer against the emperor, and it would not speak,
it'w^o'Td '^^'''^^^' "^'^^ '^"^ ^^^ ^^^ burned it, contrary to the persuasion of tho cardinals
give him ^^''^" were there present, and would have I'esisted the same,
no an- <' On the Monday in the Easlcr-weck, when the cler!i:v and the people were
assembled at St. reter s church to hear mass, after the gospel he went up mto
the pulpit, arrayed in his pontifical attire, and, in the presence of divers bishops
and cardinals, and of a great company of the clergy, and of the senate and
people of Rome, openly preached, among many other words of divination, that
(I) .'<cc Appendix.
I?.) The sentence of which Pxr'ciTiinuiilci.tioi', nf!cr rehearsal of these presents, shall also be
mat.ifcstcd (Christ willing).
«wer.
CUUELTIKS OF POPE lULUEliKAND. 123
king Henry should die, without all peradventurc, before the feast of St. Peter WiiUam.
next ensuing ; or else, at leastwise, that he should be so defected from his
kingdom, that he sliould not be able to muster above the number of six knights.
He also declared from the pulpit with a loud voice to the bishops and cardinals,
and to all that were present, ' Never accept me for pope any more, but pluck
me from the altar, if this prophecy be not fuliilled by the day appointed.'^
About the same time he went about, by help of privy murderers, to kill the ^eeketir
emperor, but God preserved him. And many there were, even at the time, again to
who thought Pope Hildebrand to have been piivy to, nay, the deviser of, the jnurtler
treason, because that just before the attempt was made lie presumed on the ror.'^'"''^"
death of the king, being by him falsely prophesied of before ; which words of
his struck many men's hearts. And so it came to pass that Hildebrand was
openly condemned by his own mouth in the congregation, because, as we have
said, he had adjudged himself to be no pope, neither that he ought be counted for
pope any longer, but a traitor and liar, unless that before the feast of St. Peter,
next coming, the emperor should die, or else should be deprived of all kingly
honour, insomuch that he should not be able to muster above six knights on The pope
his part. And thus by the appointment of God it came to pass, that by his by his
own mouth he was condemned for a heretic. mouth
" Thus saith the Lord, The prophet who of arrogancy will prophesy in my condem-
name those things which I have not commanded him, or else will prophesy in ^'^ [?f ^
the name of other gods, let him be slain. And if thou shalt say with thyself,
How shall I know what thing it is that the Lord hath not commanded to be
spoken ? this token shalt thou have to know it by : whatsoever thing the pro-
phet shall prophesy in the name of the Lord, and the same come not to pass,
that mayest thou be sure the Lord hatli not spoken, but the prophet hath
imagined through the haughtiness of his own mind, and therefore thou shalt
not be afraid of him.'
" ' When the time was expired which Hildebrand in his divination had set, Tlie em-
and yet neither the king was dead, nor the number of his troops impaired ; fear- peror pre-
ing, lest by the words of his own mouth he should be entrapped and condemned, the^ower
subtilely he turned his tale, saying, and persuading the ignorant people, that he of God,
meant not of the body of the king, but of his soul ; as though the soul of the ^"'^ *'^^
king had lost all, saving six, of his knights, or else had been dead during false pro-
that space ; and thus by these sleights he beguiled the ignorant people. Against P'let-
such prophets St. Gregory on Ezekiel saith, ' Between true prophets and
false this diiference there is, that true prophets, if they speak any thing of
their own mind, they be soon rebuked ; but the false prophets both tell lies,
and, not having the spirit of truth, persevere in their falsity.'
'■ Over and besides, the said Hildebrand sentenced to death three men, before Three
they were convicted, or had confessed their crime, without the sentence of any persons
secular judge, and caused them to be hanged upon a pair of gallows, over against d"at'h hv
the church of St. Peter, in a place called Palatiolum, without any delay or Hilde-
advisement, contrary to the laws which command, that even notorious criminals ^^^"'\
should have thirty days' space before they be put to execution ; which thing an law.
even amongst the pagans is in use and observed, as teacheth the authority of
St. Ambrose, and the martyrdom of holy Marcellinus and Marcus.
" He cast Centius the son of Stephen, the pr'ajfect, into prison, being before Centins
his trusty friend ; and, in a vessel thick set with sharp nails, he put him to toi'- tortured
tures worse than a thousand deaths ; who, after he was escaped, apprehended pope'.*^
the said Hildebrand. Of this apprehension, before he was set at liberty, he
openly forgave all the conspirators ; which thing afterwards, contrary to good
faith, he revoked, and in revenge persecuted Centius, to whom he had forgiven
all offences, and nine of his men lie hanged upon the gallows before St.
Peter's porch.
"There was, at the apprehension of Pope Hildebrand, a certain widow's son,
to whom, and to others more, for their penance, he enjoined a year's banish-
ment; which time being run out, the widow, in token of more ample satisfac-
tion, thinking thereby to have appeased the mind of Hildebrand, put a halter
about her son's neck, and drawing him by the rope to the feet of Hildebrand
said, ' My lord pope, at your hands will I receive again my son, who one whole
year hath endured banishment, and other penance, by your iioliness enjoined.'
Then the said Hildebrand, dissembling his wrath for that instant because of
124
KI'ISTLK OF BENXO TO THE CARDINALS.
It'illiam
Ihe Cnn-
querur,
A.D.
1075.
The vil-
Uny of
thr pope
ill kiHinR
a widow's
*on.
Hitde-
brand
setting
the
bishops
against
the em-
peror.
The em-
peror
caused by
Hilde-
brand to
accuse
himself.
The (freat
patience
of the
godly
emperor.
those who were with him in company, delivered her her son very churlishly,
saying, ' Get tlice hence, woman, 1 bid thee, and let nie be at rest.' After this
he sent his olficers, and apprehended the widow's son, and gave commandment
to the judges to put him to death ; who w iih one consent answered and said,
' That' they could no more condemn or meddle with him, for that he had
appealed once to the pope, and abidden the banishment, and done tiie penance
by him enjoined for his crime committed.' Hereupon this glorious Hildebrand,
displeased with the judges, caused the foot of the widow's son to be cut off',
making neither re])entance, nor the laws and ordinances, to be of any estima-
tion with him ; and thus, his foot being cut off, he died within three days after
with the j)ain thereof. Many other wicked deeds did this Hildebrand, upon
whom the blood of the church cricth vengeance, shed by the sword of his
tongue, with miserable treachery; for which things, and that justly, the church
refu.scd to communicate with him."'
Another Epislle of Benno to the Cardinals.
To the venerable fathers of the church of Rome, and to his beloved and ever
to be beloved brethren in Christ, Benno, cardinal of the church of Rome,
wislioth faillifu! service, and health, in the communion of the catholic church :
of tlie communion, and discipline, or power whereof, lie vainly braggeth, who-
ever, presimiing on his authority, shall unjustly bind or loose any manner of
person. And he dolh unjustly bind, whoever curseth any man who is willing
to make satisfaction, and implores a hearing, being unconvicted, and not con-
fessing the crime ; nay rather, by cursing that party in vain he curseth and
condemncth himself, turning his weapon upon his own person to his destruc-
tion. O strange and new-found treacherj', jiroceeding from the sanctuary, nay,
rather from him who, as high-priest, seemed to rule the church, and to be a
judge over the judges !
Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the emperor, that he should deprive
those bisliops who came in by simony. The emperor, thinking, as a zealous
prince, that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God, without delay
obeyed the same, and, forthwith, without any consideration, or judicial order,
depiived certain bishops, and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand
he offered an acceptable sacrifice to God ; not knowing as yet the crafty hand-
ling of the man. But Hildebrand then again replaced those whom the emperor
for simony at his commandment had before deposed, and those whom by that
means he iiad caused to bear a hateful heart to the emperor he attached to him-
self in great familiarity ; and securing their fidelity bj' many and solemn oaths
taken of them, he promoted them above all the rest. And, by these pranks,
the imj)erial house being shortly after troubled and almost destitute of friends,
he, craitil}' purchasing the friendsliip and favour of the greatest princes, the better
to bring his matters to pass, suddenly, without any lawful accusation, without
any canonical citation, without any judicial order, excommunicated the emperor
(always so obedient to him), and set the princes of the empire all against him.
And notwithstanding, as the apostle saith, that no inan ought to circmnvent his
brother in any matter, as much as in him lay he rather mortally wounded him,
than brotherly corrected him. Thus the emperor being many ways circum-
vented, and excomnuinicated against all canonical order, and by the consent
and counsel of Hildebrand spoiled of the greatest part of his imperial honour,
and overcharged with wars and immense slaughter of his faithful adherents, in
vain desired and sued to have a canonical hearing, but was forced against his
will at Canossa, in the presence of Hddebrand, to accuse himself by an extorted
confession.
Say you now, I pray you, all such as love justice, and know not to lean either
to the right hand or to the left in favour of any person, say your minds, whether
such a confession, so extorted, ought to be prejudicial to never so poor a man,
much less to an emperor? and whether he who extorted the same confessicm
is not amenable to the canons, rather than he who, being so perversely judged,
for three days together suffered the injury and violence of his perverse judge,
patiently and publicly, and with lamentable affliction, being barefoot, and
clothed in linsey wolsey,' in an imusually sharp winter, being made .1 spectacle
(1) Haec Deniio Rom Cardinal.
(2) An old penance : see Appendix En.
TIIK pope's designs AGAINST HENRY THE FOURTH. 125
at Canossa both to angels and men, and a mocking-stock to that proud wwiam
Hildebrand ? Never trust me, if thirteen of the more wise and pious car- the Cun-
dinals, the archdeacon himself, and the master of the singing school, besides ''""'''"'■
many others of the clerks of Lateran (to whose judgment by the privilege of a. D.
the holy see the whole world is obedient), weighing and considering his intoie- 1075.
rable apostasy, did not depart from participating and refuse to communicate
with him.
■J'Ihs glorious Hildebrand, and his familiar, Turbanus, by their new authority. Urban ir.
breaking tiie decrees of the Chalcedon Council not only in words but also in
public writings, have agreed, that it is allowable both to baptize and communi-
cate out of the church of God : and how blind these men were, and also what
heretics they were, their own writings do declare. What a mischief is this
(saith Benno) that they presume to judge in the church, who swarm themselves
in all errors : who also convert the truth itself into a lie ; for lest the poisoned
errors both of their words and writings should appear, they have, like sorcerers,
the better to deceive, mixed the honey of truth therewithal : but a lie, saith wiiat a
St. Augustine, is every thing pronounced with the intent of deceiving others, lie is.
It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable Pope Hii-
doings, and diabolical practices of conjurings, charms, and filthy ^.^Jr^e" ot
sorceries, exercised between him, and Laurentius, and Theophylact, ^^^^^^,
otherwise named Pope Benedict IX., whereof a long narration juring.
foUoweth in the aforesaid epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be
seen, to which the reader may repair, whoso hath either leisure to
read or mind to understand more of the abominable parts and devilish
acts of this Hildebrand.
Thus having sufficiently alleged the words and testimonies of
Benno and Aventinus, concerning the acts and facts of this pope ;
now let us proceed, in the order as followeth in his story, to set forth
the miserable vexation which the virtuous and godly emperor sus-
tained by that ungodly person.
About what time Hildebrand was made pope, Henry IV., the Henryiv.
emperor, was encumbered and much vexed with civil dissention in ^™p"'"'-
Germany, by reason of certain grievances of the Saxons against him
and his father, Henry HI. ; whereupon the matter growing to sedi-
tion, sides were taken, and great wars ensued betwixt Otho, duke of
Saxony, and Henry, the emperor. This busy time seemed to
Hildebrand very opportune to work his feats, whose study and drift
was ever from the beginning to advance the dominion of the Romish
seat above all other bishops, and also to press down the authority of
the temporal rulers under the spiritual men of the church. And
although he went about the same long before by subtle trains and
acts set forth concerning simony, yet now he thought more efFec-
tuously to accomplish his purposed intent, after that he was exalted
thither where he would be. And therefore now bearing himself the
bolder, by the authority of St. Peter's throne,^ first he began to
pursue the act set out by his predecessor, as touching simony,
cursing and excommunicating, whosoever they were, that received
any spiritual living or promotion at laymen's hands, as also all such
as were the givers thereof. For this he then called simony, that
under that colour he might defeat the temporal potestates of their
right, and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome.
And forasmuch as the emperor was the head, thinking first to begin
(1) " Much boast is made of Peter's throne,
But his life they let alone."
126 SENTENCE OK TIIK COUNCIL OF WORMS.
iniiiam with liini, lie sciulctli for liini, by letters and legates, to appear in tlie
'i'ufror' council of Lutcrun at Rome. But tlic emperor, busied in_ his wars
^ J) a<,fainst the Saxons, had no leisure to attend to councils. Notwith-
io7G. standing Gregory, the pope, procecdeth in his council, rendering
there the cause and reason before the bishops, why he had excoin-
iierman niunicated divers of the cJergy, as Herman, bishop of Bamberg,
*"°ka- counsellor to the emperor, and other priests more, for simony. And
ted by there, moreover, in the said council he threateneth to excommunicate
"and! likewise the emperor himself, and to depose him from his regal
kingilom, unless he would renounce the heresy of simony, and do
penance. The council being ended, Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna,
persuaded one Ccntius, the Roman prefect's son, whom the pope
had excommunicated, to take the emperors part against the pope,
who, watching his time in the temple of St. Mary, upon Christmas-
uiide- day in the morning, taketh the pope and putteth him fast in a strong
ca^rfna t^wcr. The next day the people of Rome, hearing this, harness
tower, themselves with all expedition to help the bishop, whom when they
A.D.1075! loosed out of prison, they besieged the house of Centius, and
plucked it down to the ground ; his family having their noses cut
off were cast out of the city. Centius himself escaping, fled to the
emperor. Guibert, the archbishop, pretending good-will to the
pope, departed from Rome ; who, likewise, had wrought with Hugo
Candidus, cardinal, and with Theobald, archbishop of Milan, also
with divers other bishops about Italy, to forsake the pope and take
the cmperor*'s part. Gregory the pope, called Hildebrand, hearing
of the conspiracy, layeth the sentence of excommunication upon them
all, and depriveth them of their dignity. The emperor, being moved
not unworthily, with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate,
rouncii called together a council at Worms, in which all the bishops not only
j2) jTik' of Saxony, but of all the Avhole empire of the Germans, agree and
A.D.I07G. conclude upon the deposition of Hildebrand, and that no obedience
hereafter should be given to him. This being detennined in the
council, Rowland, a priest of Parma, was sent to Rome Avith the
sentence, Avho, in the name of the council, should command Gregory
to yield np his seat, and also charge the cardinals to resort to the
emperor, for a new election of another pope. The tenor of the
sentence sent up by Rowland was this : —
A.D.iorc. The sentence of the Council of Worms against Hildebrand.
Forasmuch as thy first ingress and coming in hath hcen so spotted with so
many pcijiiries, and also the church of God hrought into no Httle danger througli
thine abuse and new-fangleness : moreover, because thou hast defamed thine
own Hfe and conversation with so much and great dishonesty, that we see no
little peril or slander to arise thereof; therefore the obedience, which yet we
never promised thee, hereafter we utterly renounce, and never intend to give
thee. And as thou hast never taken us yet for bishops (as thou hast openly
reported of us), so neither will we hereafter take thee to be apostolic. Vale.
The
council of ^^ I . r ^ ^
nome, Gregory the pope, tickled with this sentence, first condemnctli
against '' it iu liis couucil of Latcrau, with excommunication ; secondly, de-
ri'ro™""' priveth Sigifrid, archbishop of Mentz, of his dignities and eccle-
Wcims. siastical livings, with all other bishops, abbots, and priests, as many
SENTENCE OF EXCOMMUNICATION AGAINST IIENKV. ] 27
as took the empcror"'s part ; tliirdl}', lie accusetli the emperor Henry Vi/nam
himself, deprivinf^ him of his kingdom and regal possessions, and 'gL'^or'
releasing all his subjects of their oath of allegiance given unto him, . ,
after this form and manner. 107G.
The tenor of the sentence excommunicatory against Henry the
emperor, by Pope Hildebrand.
O blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles ! bow down thine cars I beseech
thee, and hear me thy servant, whom tliou hast brought up even from mine in-
fancy, and hast dehvercd me unto this day from the liands of the wicked, wlio
hate and persecute me, because of my faith in thee. Thou art my witness, and Markthig,
also the blessed mother of Jesus Christ, and thy brother St. Paul, fellow-partner i'V l';'"
of thy martjTdom, how that I entered this function not willingly, but enforced saj-.^the^
against my will ; not that I take it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascend into this pope tan-
seat, but because that I had rather pass over my life like a pilgrim or private "°' '''"■ '
person, than for any fame or glory to climb up to it. I do acknowledge, and
that worthily, all this to come of thy grace, and not of my merits, that this
charge over christian people, and this power of binding and loosing, are com-
mitted to me. Wherefore, trusting upon this assurance for the dignity and
tuition of holy church in the name of God Omnipotent, the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Ghost, I do here depose Henry, the son of Henry, once the emperor,
from his imperial seat and princely government, who hath so boldly and pre-
sumptuously laid hands upon thy church. And, furthermore, all such as here-
tofore have sworn to be liis subjects, I release them of their oath, whereby all
subjects are bound to the allegiance of their princes ; for it is meet and
convenient, that he should be void of dignity, who secketh to diminish the ma-
jesty of thy church. Moreover, for that he hath contemned my monitions,
tending to liis health and to the wealth of his people, and hath separated
himself from the fellowship of the chvu-ch, which he, through his seditions,'
studieth to destroy, therefore I bind him by virtue of excommunication, trusting
and knowing most certainly, that thou art Peter, on the rock of whom, as on the
true foundation, Christ, our king, hath built his church.^
The emperor, thus assaulted with the pope's censure, scndeth The sax-
abroad his letters through all nations to purge himself, declarhig hoM' thepop^'s
wrongfully, and against all right, he Avas condemned. The princes of r^^^^^^^
Almany, partly fearing the crack of the pope's thunder-clap, partly the em-
again rejoicing that occasion was renewed to rebel against the ^^^°'^'
emperor, assembled a commencement,^ where they did consult and
so conclude ; to elect another emperor, and so fall from Henrv,
unless the pope would come to Aosta,* and he would there be
content to submit himself and obtain his pardon. Wherein is to
be considered the lamentable affections of the Germans in those
days, so to forsake such a valiant emperor, and so much to repute a
vile bishop : but this was the rudeness of the world then, for lack of
better knowledge. The emperor, seeing the chief princes ready to
forsake him, promiseth them with an oath, that if the pope would
repair to Aosta, in Lombardy,* he would there ask forgiveness of him.
Upon this the bishop of Treves was sent up in commission to
Rome, to entreat the pope to come to Aosta.* The pope, at the
instance of the legate and the princes, Avas content. He entered
into Lombardy,'* thinking to come to Aosta. After he was come to
Vercelli, the bishop of that city (being the chancellor of Italy, and
desirous to disturb peace for the old grudge he had to the emperor)
(1) Quis tulerit Gracclios de seditione querentes? — Juven. (2) Ex Platina.
(3) " Colloquium maximum apud Oppenheim faciunt," Nauolerus. Sep.lSth, 1076, Lambert. — E».
(4) Poxe says " Germany," fullownijj Maiiii:i : but See Appendix.— Ed.
12S
SEIIVII.K SUU.MISSIOX OK TlIK K.MPEROIl.
jyniiam
the Coa-
i/UtT jr.
A.D.
1077.
A won-
ilrous
submis-
sion of a
valiant
emperor
to a vilo
pope.
Proud
condi-
tions of
the pope.
Here the
beast of
the Apo-
calyiise
appeareth
in his
colours.
falsely persuaded the pope, that lie was certain the emperor was
coming with a ini^dity great army against him, comiselling hun
■ tlicrelbrc to provide betimes for his own safeguard in some stronger
place; whereby the pope's mind being altered, he retired back to
■ Canusium, or Canossa, a city being subject to Matilda, a countess
of Italy, wjicre he should not need to fear the emperor.
Henrv, understanding the false fear of the pope, and of his retiring
to Canusium, incontinent (coming out of Spires with his wife and
his young son, in the deep and sharp winter) resorteth to Canusium.
All his peers and nobles had left him ibr fear of the pope's curse,
neither did any accompany him. Wherefore the emperor, being not
a little troubled, and laying apart his regal ornaments, came bare-
footed with his wife and child to the gate of Canusium, where he
from morning to night (all the day fasting) most humbly desireth
absolution, craving to be let in, to the speech of the bishop : but no
ingress might be given him once within the gates. Thus, he con-
tinuing three days together in his petition and suit, at length
answer came, that the pope's majesty had yet no leisure to talk with
him. The emperor, nothing moved therewith, that he was not let
into the city, patient and with an humble mind, abideth without the
walls, with no little grievance and painful labour; for it was a sharp
winter, and all frozen with cold. Notwithstanding, yet through his
importunate suit, at length it was granted, through the entreating of
Matilda, the pope's paramour, and of Adelaide, countess of Savoy,
and of the abbot of Clugny, that he should be admitted to the pope's
speech. On the fourth day^ being let in, for a token of his true
repentance, he yieldeth to the pope's hands his crown, with all other
ornaments imperial, and confessed himself unworthy of the empire,
if ever he do against the pope hereafter, as he hath done before,
desiring for that time to be absolved and forgiven. The pope
answereth, he will neither forgive him, nor release the bond of his
excommunication, but upon conditions. First, to promise that he
shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the council, and to
take such penance as he shall enjoin him ; also that he shall be prest
and ready to appear, in what place or time the pope shall appoint
him. Moreover, that he, being content to take the pope as judge
of his cause, shall answer in the said council to all objections and
accusations laid against him, and that he shall never seek any
revengement herein. Item, that he, though he be quit and cleared
therein, shall stand to the pope's mind and pleasure, whether to have
his kingdom restored, or to lose it. Finally, that before the trial of
his cause, he shall use neither his kingly ornaments, sceptres, nor
crown, nor usurp the authority to govern, nor exact any oath of
allegiance upon his subjects, &c. These things being promised to
the bishop by an oath, and put in writing, the emperor is only
released of excommunication.
The form and tenor of the oath, which Henry made to the pope.
I Henry, king, after peace and agreement made to the mind and sentence
of our lord Gregory the Seventli, promise to keep all covenants and bonds
betwixt us, and to provide that the pope go safely wheresoever he will, without
any danger either to him, or to his retinue ; especially in all such places as lie
(1) See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Jitn. 2otli, a.d. 1C"7, says Avcntine.— Ed.
the
pope.
CONSI'IUACY AGAINST THE KMPEROU. 129
subject to our empire. And that I shall not at any time stay or hinder liim, but wiiunm
that he may do what belonjifcth to his function, where and whensoever his plea- '*'^ '-'""■
sure shall be. And these things I bind mysell' with an oath to keep. "' gtwror.
A.D.
Thus, the matter being decided between them after the pope's 1077.
own prescribement, the emperor taketh his journey to Pavia. The
pope, with his cardinals, did vaunt and triumph with no little pride,
that they had so quailed the emperor, and brought him on his knees
to ask them forgiveness. Yet, notwithstanding, mistrusting them- The craf-
selves, and misdoubting time, what might befall them hereafter ifrac^of*""
fortune should turn, and God give the emperor to enjoy a more '^'j'^^'''''-
quiet kingdom ; therefore, to prevent such dangers betimes, they against
study and consult privily with themselves how to displace Henry piror^'
clean from his kingdom, and how that device might safely be con-
veyed. They conclude and determine to divert the empire unto
Rodolph, a man of great nobility amongst the chiefest states of
Germany ; and also to incite and stir up all other princes and Great
subjects, being yet free and discharged from their oaths, against s\fr7ed uj
Henry, and so, by force of arms, to expel the emperor out of his ^^
kingdom. To bring this purpose the better to pass, legates were
sent down from the pope, Sigehard patriarch of i\.quileia, and
Altman bishop of Passau, who should persuade through all
France, that Henry the emperor was rightfully excomnmnicated,
and that they should give to the bishop of Rome their consents in
choosing Rodolph to be emperor. This being done, there was sent
to the said Rodolph, duke of Suabia, a crown from the pope with
this verse : —
" Petra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rodulpho."
''■ The Rock gave the crown to Peter,
Peter giveth it to Rodolph."
Here, by the way of digression, to make a little gloss upon this
barbarous verse, two notable lies are to be noted. One, where he
lieth about Christ, the other, where he lieth about St. Peter. First,
that Christ gave any temporal diadem to Peter, it is a most manifest
lie, and against the Scriptures, whereas he would not take it, being
given to himself, saying, " My kingdom is not of this world." Again,
where he saith that Peter giveth it to Rodolph, here he playeth the The r^pe
poet ; for neither had Peter any such thing to give ; and if he ^^^uut ^
had, yet he would not have given it to Rodolph from the right i'^''-
heir ; neither is it true that Peter did give it, because Hildebrand
gave it. For it is no good argument — Hildebrand did give it, ergo,
Peter did give it ; exce})t ye will say — Hildebrand stirred up great
Avars and bloodshed in Germany, ergo, Peter stirred up great wars in
Germany. So Peter neither could, nor would, nor did, give it to
Rodolph, but only Hildebrand, the pope ; who, after he had so done,
gave commandment to the archbishops of Mentz and of Cologne to
elect this Rodolph for emperor, and to anoint liim king, and also to
defend him with all the force and strength they might. ^
While this conspiracy was in hand, Henry the emperor was
(1) Actum Canns. v. Calend. Februaiii, Indie, xv. [Pagi observes that this date is spurious, as
Henry was absolved Jan 25 — En.]
(2) Rodolph was elected at the diet of Forcheim, March 15th, 1077, consecrated March 26th.— Ed.
VOL. II. K
130 WARS ICXCITtlD HV TllK POPE.
uiiiiam absent, ami tlic pope's ambassadors with liim also. In the mean
f«'rr?r"" spacc Roilolpli was elcctccl emperor, xmknown to Henry. Upon
-— j — this cometli the bishop of Strasburg to the emperor, certifying him
1080 ^'■'^^^^ ^^'^s ^'""'^- ^^' suspecting and seeing the stomach and doings
— of the Sjixons so bent against liim, mustereth his men with expedition,
and mareheth forward to defend his right ; but fii-st sendeth to Konie,
trusting to the league betwixt him and his pope, and requireth the
bishop to proceed with his sentence against Kodolph for the rebellious
The pope invasion of his empire. But the bishop, minding nothing less,
Ihe'em'" scndctli word again, that it was not right to condemn any person,
peror. j^jg causc being not heard ; thus, under pretence of the law, colouring
liis unlawful treachery. Henry, thus disappointed, and forsaken on
every side, with his men about him, attempteth battle against
Rodol|)h ; in which battle there was a marvellous great slaughter on
both sides, but the victory on neither part was certain, so that both
the captains still challenged the empire. After the battle, and great
nmrder on both sides, they both sent to Rome to know of the popc''s
determination, to whether of them two he judged the right title of
the empire to appertain. The bishop commanded them both to
break up their armies, and depart the field, promising that he shortly
would call a council, where this matter should be disputed : in the
mean time they should cease from war. But before the messengers
Aug. 7th, returned, their armies being refreshed, they had another conflict
A. D. 1078. together, but no victory got on either part. Thus both the captains
being wearied in wars, the Romish beast, the bishop, who was the
cause thereof, perceiving whither these cruel wars would tend, to the
great calamity not only of the Germans, but also of other nations,
and trusting to find another way to help Rodolph and his adherents,
sendeth down a commission by Udo, archbishop of Treves, Bernard a
deacon, and Bernard, abbot of Marseilles, to whom he gave in charge
that they should call together a council or sitting in Almany, and
that there it should be defined to which party the empire should
pertain, by most right and public consideration ; promising that what
they should therein detennine, he (looking upon the matter through
the authority of God omnipotent, and of St. Peter and St. Paul)
Avould ratify the same. Moreover, for that no let nor impeachment
should happen to the legates by the way, he giveth them letters to
the princes and nations of Germany, whereof the contents be declared
briefly in Platina, if any list to read them.
But the emperor would not permit the legates to have any council
within Gennany, except they would first deprive Rodolph of his
kingdom. The legates, considering that to be against the drift and
intention of the pope, returned again from whence they came. The
po])e hearing this, and seeing his purpose Avas thus disappointed by
j«n.25ti), the emperor, [the emperor moreover being worsted in a third battle
A.D.io«o. ^yjti, his adversary,]' draweth out another excommunication against him,
and again bereaveth him of his kingdom ; sending about his letters
exconimunicatory throughout all places, thinking thereby to farther
the part of Rodolph the better. Platina hath in his book the whole
effect of the writing, which tendeth after this sort.
(1) See Appendix.
THE EMl'EROK AC;AI\ EXCOMMUNICATED. ISl
•■ pTT'iii 1 • tf'illinm
The copy of the second excommunication oi Jiiidebrand against thfc,.,i.
tlic rjiupcror. _!
A D
Blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, and thou St. Paul also, the teacher -i/^ofi
of the Gentiles, give ear unto me, I beseech you, a little, and gently hear
me, for you are the discijiles and lovers of truth ! The things that I shall say o pesti-
ai-e true. This matter I take in hand for truth's sake, that my brethren, ^^°^^
whose salvation I seek, may the more obsequiously obey me, and better under- crite .'
stand, how that I, trusting upon your defence, next to Christ, and his mother. The pnpe
the immaculate Virgin, resist the wicked, and am ready to help the faithful, gj^'^pejej
I did not enter tliis seat of mine own accord, but much against my will and to dis-
Avith tears, for that I accoimted myself unwortliy to occupy so high a throne. }j?"°F
And this I say, not that I have cliosen you, but you have chosen me, and ^nd s't^
have laid this great burden upon oiu" shoulders. And now, whereas by tliis Peter
your assignment I have ascended up this hill, crying to the people, and showing b""letl»
them their faults, and to the children of the church their iniquities, the ^ honnur
members of Satan have risen up against me, and have laid hands together his king,
to seek my blood. For tlie kings of the earth have risen up against me,' and Crocodili
the princes of this world, with whom also have conspired certain of the clergy, ^"^"
subjects against the Lord, and against us liis anointed, saying, " Let us break scripture
asunder iheir bands, and cast off from us their yoke." This have they done well ap-
against me, to bring me either to death or to banishment ; in the number of ^ "^ '
whom is Henry, whom they call king, the son of Henry the emperor, who pap,s,s
hath lift up so proudly his horns and heel against the church of God, making mark
conspiracy with divers otlier bishops, both Italians, French, and Germans ; l^fg^jjop^
against the pride of whom, liitlierto, your authority hath resisted ; who, rather ness of
being broken than amended, coming to me in Cisalpina, made humble suit t'l^'irl^oly
to me for pardon and absolution. I, thinking nothing else but true repentance
in him, received him again to favour, and did restore him to the communion
only, from which he was excommunicate ; but to his kingdom, from which
in the synod of Rome he was worthily expelled, I did not restore him, nor
to the rents and fruits thereof, that he might return to the faith again ; that I
granted not to him. And tliat I did, for this puqiose, that if he should defer to
fall to agreement with certain of liis neighbours whom he hath always vexed,
and to restore again the goods both of the church and otherwise, then he might
be compelled by tlie censures of the church and force of arms thereunto :
wliereby divers and sundry bishops and princes of Germany (such as he had
long troubled) being helped by this opportunity, elected Rodolph, their duke,
to be king in the place of Henry, whom they for his transgressions had
removed and despatched fi-om his empire. But Rodolph, first in this matter
using a princely modesty and integrity, sent up his messengers to me, declaring
how he is coastraincd (wild he, nild he) to take that regal government upon
him, albeit he was not so desirous thereof, but that he would rather show himself
obedient to us, than to the other that offered him the kingdom ; and, whatsoever
our arbitrement should be therein, he would be under obedience both of God
and of us. And, for more assxu-ance of his obedience, he hath sent his own As if he
children hither for pledges. Upon this Henry began to snuff, and first entreated "et'^p^^y
us to restrain and inliibit Rodoiph, througl: the pain of our curse, from the you,
usurpation of his kingdom. I answered again, 1 woidd see whether of them ""^''^
had more right njid title thereunto, and so send our legates thitlier upon the them,
same, to know the whole state of tlie matter ; and thereupon I would decide
betwixt tliem, whether of them had the truer part. But Henry would not suffer
our legates to come to take up the matter, and slew divers, both secular men,
and of the clergy, spoiling and profaning churches ; and so by this means hath
endangered himself in the bonds of excommunication. I, therefore, trusting
in the judgment and mercy of God, and in the supportation of the blessed
Virgin, also bold upon yom- authority do lay tlie sentence of curse upon the said
Henry and all his adherents ; and here again I take his regal government
from him, charging and forbidding all christian men that liave been sworn unto
him, whom I discharge here of their oatli, that hereafter they obey him in
(1) A figure called uiTificTn/SoX;;, ciijus contrarium verum est. Vim faciuiit scripturis, ut
plenitudlnem accipiant potestatis.
K 2
132 SENTENCE AGAINST THE POPE.
intiiam nothing, but that thej- take Rodolph to their king, who is elected by many
iheCon- princes of tlie province. Tor so rijjlit it is and convenient, tliat as Henry, for
^"'''''"'- his pride and stubbornness, is deprived of his dignity and possession, so Rodolph,
A. D. being grateful to all men, ibr his virtue and devoiion be exalted to the imperial
1080. throne and dominion.
Tiierefore, O you blessed princes of the apostles ! grant to this, and confirm
iobia?nc' with your authority what I iiave said, so that all men may understand, if you
emperorB have power to bind and loose in heaven, you have also power in earth to give
'•o'"i'^7 ""'^ ''^'^'* «'*"■">' c'Tp''"''^' kingdoms, principalities, and whatsoever here in earth
i08»ucy* belongeth to mortal men. For if you have power to judge in suili matters as
*'"> appertain to Ciod, wliat then should we think you have, of these inferior and
'NciTonr- profane things? And if it be in your power to judge the angels, ruling over
imnicn- proud princes, what tlicn shall it beseem you to do upon their servants? There-
'"'"■ fore let the kings understand by this e.xampic, and all other princes of the
this woild, what you be able to do in heaven, and what you are witli God ; that
clause thereby they may fear to contemn the commandment of lioly church. And
his'torV^of "°^^ ^'^ J'"" exercise this judgment quickly upon Henry, whereby all men may
the story see this son of iniquity to fall from his kingdom, not by any chance, but by
('/d'^''^r> -^"'"^ provision and only work. Notwithstanding, tliis I would crave of vou,
hypocrite-! 'hat he, being brought to repentance through your intercession, still in the day
Mar. rth, of judgment may find favour and grace with the Lord. — Actuna Komae, nonis
A.D.1080. Martii, Indictione iii.
Fiirtliermorc, Hildebrand, not yet content witli this, interdictetli
and deposeth also Guibert, archbi-sliop of Kavenna, for taking the
cniperor''s part, commanding all priests to give no manner of obedi-
ence to him, and sendeth thither to Kavenna another archbishop with
full authority,
counciiat Tiic cmpcror, on his part, calleth together a council or assembly
the Tyrol, of divcrs bisliops of Italy, Lombaidy, and German v, at Brixcn, a.d.
A.D.1080. ]080, where he purged himself, and accused the bishop Hildebrand
of divers crimes, to be an usurper, perjured, a necromancer and
sorcerer, a sower of discord ; complaining, moreover, of wrongs and
injuries done by the bishop and church of Rome, in that the church
of Rome preferred the bishop before him, when that his father, being
emperor before him, had enthronized and set in divers and sundry
pontiffs there by his assignment, without all others' election. And
now this pontiff, contrary to his oath and i)romise made, thrust in
liimself without the will and knowledge of him, being their king and
magistrate. For, in the time of his father Henry HI., this Hildebrand,
No bishop with others, bound themselves with a corporal oath, that so long as
ran be ^ t^'c cinpcror and his son, then king of the Romans, should live, they
w*i?hout s^'f'ulJ iieilher themselves presume, nor suffer any other, to aspire to
Tt"t\T ^'"^ ^'^I^^' ^^^^' ^^'t^io^t the assent and approbation of the aforesaid
emperor, cmperois ; which now this Hildebrand, contrary to his corporal oath,
had done. Wiicrefore the aforesaid council, with one agreement,
condemned this Gregory, that he should be deposed ; the tenor of
which condenmation is thus expressed in the abbot Urspergensis.
The sentence of the council of Brixcn against Hildebrand.'
Because it is not unknown that this bishop was not elected of Ciod, but
intruded himself by fraud and money, and hath subverted all ecclesiastical
order, and hath distuibed the government of the christian empire, menacmg
death of body and soul against our catholic and peaceable king, and hath set up
and maintained a perjured king, sowing discord where concord was, causing
debate amongst friends, slanders and ofl'ences amongst brethren, divorcements
('.) Ecition 15C3, p. 29.
DEATH or UODOLl'K. \SS
and separation amongst the married,' and finally disquieting the peaceable state wuiiam
ot all quiet lile : Therefore we, here in the name and auihority of God coiigre- "le c„n-
gated together, with the letters and sign-manual of nineteen bishops assembled ''"'''''"'■
on the day of Pentecost at Mentz, do proceed in canonical judgment against A. U.
Hildebrand, a man most wicked, preaching sacrilege and burning, maintaining losi.
perjury and murders, calling in question the caiholic faith of the body and blood
of the Lord, a fbllavver of divination and dreams, a manifest necromancer, a j,,^?,^^*''^
sorcerer, and infected with a Pythonical spirit, and therefore departed from the and^di,-
true faiih ; and we judge him to be deposed and expelled, and, unless he liearing P"'~''J' ''V
this shall yield and depart the seat, to be perpetually condemned. — Enacted cii.
vii. Calend. Julii, feria v., Indictione iii. [i.e. Thursday, June 25th, a.d. lOSO.]
This being enacted and sent to Rome, they elected Guibert, aich-
bisliop of Ravenna, in the place of Hildebrand, to govern the church
of Roine, named Clement III.
After and upon this, Henry and Rodolph, to try the matter by Fourth
the sword, coped together in battle, not without bloodshed, where iJetwfxt
Henry, by the favour of God, against the judgment of Hildebrand, ^•;|'jy
had the victory. Rodolph there greatly wounded in the conflict, doiph.
was had out of the army, and carried to Merseburg, where he com- a^d.iisd.
manded the bishops and chief doers of his conspiracy to be brought ^^^^^ ^
before him. ^V'hen they came, lie lifted up his right hand in which at i.is
he had taken his deadly w^ound, and said, " This is the hand which pemetif.
gave the oath and sacrament unto Henry my prince, and which, 'x;he pope
through your instigation, so oft hath fought against him in vain : now wa"*
go and perform your first oath and allegiance to your king, for I must oodgir-
to my fathers ;" and so died. Thus the pope gave battle, but God tory. *"
gave the victory.
Henry, after his enemy had been thus subdued, and wars had
ceased in Germany, forgat not the old injuries received of Hildebrand,
by whom he was twice excommunicated, and expelled from his king-
dom, and to whom he was three days making humble suit, yea, and
that in sharp winter, but could fintl no favour with him. Besides
that, he incited moreover, and aided his enemy against him. Where-
fore when Hildebrand neither would give over his hold, nor give
place to Clement, the emperor, gathering an army to send to Italy,
came to Rome to depose Gregory, and to place Clement. But
Hildebrand, sending to Matilda, the countess before mentioned, Thepope
required her, in remission of all her sins, to withstand Henry the succnLr
emperor: and so she did. Notwithstanding, Henry prevailing came ofhispa-
to Rome on Whitsun-eve, where he besieged the city two years, and The iir-t
got it June 2d, a.d. 108o,^ the Romans being compelled to open the to fight "^
gates unto him ; so he coming to the temple of St. Peter, there placeth ^'"^ ^^""^'
sion of
be-
Clcment in his papacy. Hildebrand straight flieth into Adrian's tower >•i"^''«
111 ffsn in
with his adherents, where he, being beset round about, at length send- niide-
eth f jr Robert Guiscard, his friend, a Norman. In the mean time, ^""''"
while Robert collecteth his power, the abbot of Clugny, conferring a.d.ios4,
with Gregory, exhorteth him to crown Henry emperor in Lateran ;
which if he would do, the other promiseth to bring about, that Henry
should depart with his array into Germany; whereunto the people
of Rome also did likewise move him. To whom Gregory answered,
" That he was content so to do, but upon condition that the emperor
would submit himself to ask pardon, to amend his fault, and to promise
(1) For he took away the marriage of priests, as Ulric Mutius witnesseth. [See Appendix!
(2) Sec Appendix.
131 DKATir t)K Wir.I.IA.M THE CONQUEROK.
William obedience." The emperor not agreeing to those conditions, went to
vurroT Sienna, taking Clement, the newly stalled pope, with him.
After the return of the emperor, the aforesaid Robert Guiscard,
H)8" approaching with his soldiers, burst in at one of the gates, and
spoileth the city, and not long alter delivereth Hildebrand out of
a.u.iom: his enemies' iiands, and carried him away to Campagna, where he not
long continuing, afterwards died in exile.'
Antoninus writeth, that Hildebrand, as he did lie a dying, called to
liim one of his chief cardinals, bewailing to him his fault and misordcr
of his spiritual ministry, in stirring up discord, war, and dissension ;
whereupon he desired the cardinal to go to the emperor, and desire
of him forgiveness, absolving from the danger of excommunication
both him and all his partakers, both quick and dead.
Hiide- Thus liast tliou, genllc reader, the full history of Pope Gregory
au'thor"** VII., Called Hildebrand, which I have laid out more at large, and
fronofaii dcsirc thcc to mark, because that from this pope, if thou mark well,
misrule, spriugetli all the occasions of mischief, of pomp, pride, stoutness,
presumption, and tyranny, which since that time have reigned in his
successors hitherto, in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy.
For here came first the subjection of the temporal regiment under
the spiritual jurisdiction ; and emperors, which before were their
masters, now are made their underlings. Also here came in the
suppression of priests' marriage, as is sufficiently declared. Here
came in, moreover, the authority of both the swords spiritual and
secular into spiritual men''s hands ; so that christian magistrates could
do nothing in election, in giving bishoprics or benefices, in calling
councils, in hearing and correcting the excesses of the clergy, but
only the pope must do all. Yea, moreover, no bishop or pastor in
his own parish could excommunicate or exercise any discipline among
his flock, but only the pope challenged that prerogative to himself.
Finally, here came in the first example to persecute emperors and
kings with rebellion and excommunication, as the clergy themselves
hereafter do testify and witness in proceeding against Paschal. Thus,
these notes being well observed, let us, by the grace of Christ, now
repair again to our country history of England.
Thedcath About thc death of Pope Hildebrand, or not long after, followed
ti?e^co,r •^l^e death of King William the Conqueror, a.d. 1087, after he had
queror, rcigucd in England the space of one and twenty years and ten
Sept. 9th, ° , „„ O p 1 • ^ • 1 11 1 • • 1 . 1 il •
A.D.iosr. montlis. 1 he cause or his sickness and deatli is said to be tins :
for that Philip, the French king, npon a time jesting said, that
" King William lay in childbed, and nourished his fiit belly." To
this the aforesaid William, hearing thereof, answered again and said,
" When he should be churched, he would offer a thousand candles
to him in France, wherewithal the king should have little joy."
AVhereupon King William, in the month of July, when the corn,
fruit, and grapes, were most flourishing, entered into France, and set
on fire many cities and towns in tlie west side of France. And
lastly, coming to the city of Mantes,*^ where he, burning a woman being
as a recluse in a wall enclosed (or as some say, two men anchorites
(1) Platina, Nauclerus, Sahellicus, Cranlzius, Heiino, &c.
(2) I'oxc erroneously says Meaux, following Fabian and Grafton, who add " he fired it, and hrent
a part thereof, with thc chiircheof our Lady, wlicreinhe brcnte a woman, being closed in the walle
of the said churche, a« a recluse." Malmesbury says she would not, for devotion, quit " spilceum
•uum," her ceil. — I'd."
CHARACTER OF VVILLIAJI THK CON'aUEROR. 13,5
enclosed) was so fervent and furious about the fire, tliat with the miuam
heat partly of the fire, partly of the time of year, he fclj sick and died. "^//","
By the life and acts of this king it may appear true, as stories ■-
of him report, that he was wise, but guileful ; rich, but covetous ; a j^ J^^^'
fair spealcer, but a great dissembler ; glorious in victory, and strong •
in arms, but rigorous in oppressing those whom he overcame, and in
levying of tasks passing all others ; insomuch that he caused to
be enrolled and numbered in his treasury every hide of land and J^J'"^'",^
owner thereof, what fruit and revenues surmounted of every lord-
ship, of every township, castle, village, field, river, and wood,
within the realm of England. Moreover, how many parish churches,
how many living cattle there were, what and how much every
baron in the realm could dispend, what fees were belonging,
what wages were taken, &c. : the tenor and contents of which
taskment yet remaineth in rolls. After this tasking or numbering, resd-
which was in the year before his death, followed an exceeding murrain Engfajui
of cattle and barrenness of the gi-ound, with much pestilence and hot ^^^'"/"'
fevers among the people, so that such as escaped the fever were con- beasts,
sumed with famine. Moreover, at the same season, among certain London
other cities, a great part of the city of London, with the chmx-h church of
of St. PauFs, was wasted with fire, a.d. 1085. I'mlt!"^'
In hunting and in parks the aforesaid king had such pleasure, that
in the county of Southampton, for the space of thirty miles, he cast
down churches and townships, and there made the New Forest ; loving
his deer so dearly, as though he had been to them a father, making
sharp laws for the increasing thereof, under pain of losing both the
eyes. So hard he was to Englishmen, and so favourable to his
own country, that as there was no English bishop remaining, but only
Wolstan of Worcester, he, being commanded of the king and Lan- j^jTlJ^'^Uj.
franc to resign his staff, partly for inability, partly for lack of the worces-
French tongue, refused to resign it, except to him that gave it, ''"'•
and so went" to the tomb of King Edward, where he thought to
resign it, but was permitted to enjoy it still ; so likewise in his days
there was almost no Englishman that bare office of honour or rule in
the land, insomuch that it Avas half a shame at that time to be called
an Englishman. Notwithstanding he a good deal favoured the city
of London, and granted unto the citizens the first charter that ever
they had, written in the Saxon, sealed with green wax, and contained
in few lines.
Among his other conditions, this in him is noted, that so given England
he was to peace and quiet, that any maiden being laden with gold or fro^nr'"'"
silver, might pass through the whole realm without harm or resistance, "sieves.
This William in his time builded two monasteries, one in England, The ab-
at Battle in Sussex, where he won the field against Harold, called the Battle
abbey of Battle ; another beside, named the abbey of Oaen, in nlmids^ey.
his country of Normandy.
After the life and story of King William, thus briefly described,
with the acts and order of battle between him and King Harold
(although much more might have been wTitten of that matter, if
the book had come sooner to my hands, which afterwards I saw),
now remaineth in the end of this story to describe the names of
such barons and nobles of Normandy, as entered with him into
136
LIST OF THE NORMANS AT
tkf Con
gurror
H-.z/iam tliis land, as wi-11 of tlicm who were embarked with him ; and also
" the slain, as appeareth, in the battle ; as also of those who were planted
and advanced, bv the s;iid eon(iueror, in the lands and possessions of
1087 l'^^"^''i^l> lor'K whom he either expelled, or else beheaded : the
— names of which Normans here follow underwritten.
Out of the Jinuils of Xonnandi/, in French, whereof one very ancient book in
parchment rcmaineth in the custody of the writer.
Til" (lav after the battle, very early in the morning, Odo, bishop of Bayeux,
sune mass for tliose that were departed. The duke, after tliat, desirous to
know tiie state of his battle, and what people he had therein lost and were
slain he caused to come imto him a clerk who had written their names when
thev were embarked at St. Valeries, and conmianded him to call them all by
their names, who called tliein that had been at the battle, and had passed the
seas with Duke William. And hereafter follow their names.
THE NAMES OF THOSE THAT WERE AT THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND.
Odo, bishop of Bayeux.
Robert, conte de Mor-
taign. These two were
bretliren unto Duke
William by their mo-
ther.
Baudwin de Buillon,
Roger, conte de Beau-
mont, surnamed ' With
the Beard,' of whom
descended the line of
Meullent.
Guillaume Malet,
Le sire de Monfort sur
RiUe,
Guillaume de Viexpont,
Neel de S. Sauvcur le vi-
conte,
Le sire de Fougiers,
Henry seigneur de Fe-
rieres,
Le sire Daiibemare,
Guillaume, sire de Rom-
mare,
Le sire de Lithehare,
Le sire de Touque,
Le sire de la Mare,
Le sire de Neauhou,
Le sire de Pirou,
Robert, sire de Beaufou,
Le sire Danou,
Le sire de Soteuille,
Le sire de Margneville,
Le sire de Tancarville,
Eustace Danibleville,
Le sire dc Marngneville,
Le sire de Grantmcsnil,
Guillaume Cres])in,
Le sire de S. Martin,
Guillaume de Moulins,
Le sire de Puis,
Geoffray, sire de Mayenne,
Auffioy de Bohon,
AufTroy ct Mangier de
Cartrait,
Guillaiuiie de Garrennes,
Hue de Gournay, sire de
Bray,
Le conte Hue de Gournay,
Euguemont de I'aigle,
Le viconte do Touars,
Richard Dauvertnchin,
Le sire de Biars,
Le sire de Solligny,
Le bouteiller Daubigny,
Le sire de Maire,
Le sire de Vitry,
Le sire de Lacy,
Le sire du val Dary,
Le sire de Tracy,
Hue, sire de Montfort,
Le sire de Piquegny,
Hamon de Kayeu,
Le sire de Despinay,
Le sire de Port,
Le sire de Torcy,
Le sire de Jort,
Le sire de Rivicrs,
Guillaume Moyonne,
Raoul Tesson de Tingue-
leiz,
Roger Marmion,
Raoul de Guel,
Avenel des Byars,
PaennelduMonstier Hu-
bert,
Robert, Bertran le Tort,
Le sire de Senile,
Le sire de Dorival,
Le sire de Breval,
Le sire de S. Jehan,
Le sire de Bris,
Le sire du Homme,
Le sire de Sauchoy,
Le sire de Cailly,
Le sire de Scmilly,
Le sire de Tilly,
Le sire de RomcUi,
Marq. de Basqueville,
Le sire de Preaidx,
Le sire de Gonis,
Le sire de Sanceaulx,
Le sire de Moulloy,
Le sire de Monceaulx.
The Archers du val du
Ruel, and of Bretheul,
and of many other
places.
Le sire de S. Saen, i. de
S. Sydonio,
Le sire de la Kiviere,
Le sire de Salnarville,
Le sire de Rony,
Eude de Bcaugieu,
Le sire de Oblie,
Le sire de Sacie,
Le sire de Nassie,
Le Visquaius de Chaymes,
Le sire du Sap,
Le sire de Glos,
Le sire dc Mine,
Le sire de Glanvillc,
Le sire de Breen^on,
Le Vidam de Partay,
Raoul de Morimont,
Pierre de Bailleul, sire de
Fiscamp,
Le sire de Beausault,
Le sire de Tillieres,
Le sire de Pacy,
Le seneschal dc Torcy,
Le sire de Gacy,
Le sire de Doully,
Le sire de Sacy,
Le sire de Vacy,
Le sire de Tourneeur,
Le sire de Pracrcs,
Guil. de Coulombieres,
Hue, sire de Bollebec,
Richard sire Dorbeck,
Le sire de Bonneboz,
Le sire de Tresgoz,
Le sire de Montfujuet,
Hue le Bigot de Maletot,
Le sire de la Haye,
Le sire de Mombray,
THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND.
Le sire de Saye,
Le sire de la Ferte,
Boutevillain,
Troussebout,
Guillaume Patric de la
Laimd,
Hue de Mortemer,
Le sire Danvillers,
Le sire Donncbaut,
Le sire de S. Cler.
Rob. le filz Herne3's, diu;
d'Orleans,
Le sire de Harecourt,
Le sire de Crevecoeur,
Le sire de Deyncourt,
Le sire de Brimetot,
Le sire Combray,
Le sire Daunay,
Le sire de Foutenay.
Le conte Deureux,
Le sire de Rebelchil,
Alain Fergant, conte de
Bretaigne,
Le sire de S. Vallery,
Le conte Deu,
Gualtier Clifford, conte de
Longeville,
Le sire Destouteville,
Le conte Thomas Daub-
malle,
Giiill., conte de Hoymcs et
Darqucs,
Le sire de Bereville,
Le sire de Breante,
Le sire de Freanville,
Le sire de Pavilly,
Le sire de Clei"e,
Toustan dii Bee,
Le sire Maiigny,
Roger de Montgomery,
Aniaury de Touars : —
137
Willinm
lie. Con-
queror.
A.l).
1()S7.
Over and besides the great number of knights and esquires that were under
them; in the same battle between the said William the Bastard, duke of Nor-
mandy, on the one part, and King Haj-old, on the other part, there were slain
on King Harold's side, of Englishmen, 66,654; and on Duke William's side,
there were slain 6,013 men, as is to be found in the Chronicle of St. Peter of
Westminster, besides those that were drowned in the river Thames.
^Vhen the abovenamed and many other great lords were so called, some of
them appeared, and others did not, for some of them were slain there in the
field, and others so wounded, that they could not come forth to show them-
selves. Then gave the duke commandment that the dea^l should be buried,
and diose that were sick comforted, and eased the best that might.
Out of the ancietit Chronicles of England., touching the names of other Normans
who seemed to remain alive after the battle, and loho were advanced to the
seigniories of this land.
John de Maundevile,
Adam Undevile,
Bernard de Frevile,
Richard de Rochvile,
Gilbard de Frankvile,
Hugo de Dovile,
Symond de Rotevile,
R. de Evyle,
B. de Knevuile,
Hugo de Morvile,
R. de Colevile,
A. de War- vile,
C. de Karvile,
R. de Rotevnle,
S. de Stotevile,
H. Bonum,
J. Monum,
W. de Vignoum,
K. de Vispount,
W. Bailbeof,
S. de Baleyne,
H. de Marreys,
J. Aguleyne,
G. Agilon,
R. Chamburlayne,
N. de Vendres,
H. de Verdon,
H. de Verto,
C. de VernoUj
H. Hardid,
C. Cappan,
W. de Camvile,
T. de Cameyes,
R. de Rotes,
R. de Boys,
W. de Waren,
T. de Wardboys,
R. de Boys,
W. de Audeley,
K. Dynham,
R. de Vaures,
G. Vargenteyn,
L de Hastings,
G. de Hastank,
L. de Burgee,
R. de Butuileyn,
H. de Malebranche,
S. de Malemain,
G. de Hautevile,
H. Hauteyn,
R. de IMorteyn,
R. de Mortimere,
G. de Kanovile,
E. de Columb,
W. Paynel,
C. Panner,
H. Pontrel,
L de Rivers,
T. Revile,
W. de Bcauchamp,
R. de Beaupale,
E. de Ou,
F. Lovel,
S. de Troys,
I. de Artel,
John de Montebrugg,
H. de Mounteserel,
W. Trussebut,
W. Trussel,
H. Byset,
R. Basset,
R. Molet,
H. Malovile,
G. Bonet,
P. de Bonvile,
S. de Rovile,
N. de Norbec,
L de Corneux,
P. de Coi'bet,
W^. de Mountague,
S. de Mountfychet,
L de Genevyle,
H. GyfFard,
L de Say,
T. GilbFi-d,
R. de Chalons,
S. de Chauward,
H. Feret,
Hugo Pepard,
J. de Harecourt,
H. de Haunsard,
J. de Lamare,
P. de Mautrevers,
G. de Ferron,
R. de Ferrers,
L de Desty,
W. de Werders,
H. de Bornevyle.
J. de Saintenys,
133
TFilliam
the Cmt-
<yeror.
A.D.
1087.
IRST BISHOP OF SAMSBIJUY.
'Ihomas dc Chambernon,
G. dc Dabbevyle,
S. do Montfort,
H. de Appetot,
H. dc IVMiiovaux,
W. de Percy,
W. de Valence,
11. de Lacy,
T. Clarel,
C. de Quincy,
S. dc Clcrvaus,
E. Tracy,
P. de Aubcmarle,
R. de la Souche,
H. dc Saint Arvant,
V. de Somery,
K. de Augaimteys,
L de Saint John,
S. de (Jant,
T. de Saint Gory,
("i. de Malearbe,
P. dc Boyly,
H. iSIaiulut,
Richard de Saint Valcry,
W. Chesun,
P. de Pinkeni,
li. de Chandut,
S. de Pavely,
B. Filzurs,
G. de Monthaut,
B. vicount de Low,
T. de Mountchesy,
G. de Cantemere,
R. de Lyniozy,
T. de Cantlow,
G. de Lucy,
K. Breaunce,
J. de Avtoys,
T. de Broxeboof,
N. de Arty,
S. de Bolcbcc,
P. de Grenvyle,
B. Mol de Boef,
L de Greys,
J. de Muelis,
V. de Cresty,
R. de Brus,
F. de Courcy,
S. dc Brewes,
T. dc Lamar,
J. de Lylle,
H. de Lymastz,
T. de Bellyle,
J. de Monbray,
I. de Watervile,
C. de Morley,
G. de Nevyle,
S. de Gorncy,
R. dc Neuburgh,
R. de Courtcnay,
H. de Burgoyne,
P. de Gourney,
G. de Bourgh,
R. de Cony,
S. de Lymoges,
I. de la Huse,
L. de Lyben,
R. de la Huse,
W. de lielyoun.
V. de Longevyle,
H. de Ilildrebron,
P. Longespye,
R. de Loges,
J. Pouchardon,
S. de Seintlow,
R. de la Pomercy,
I. de Maubank,
J. de Pountz,
P. de Saint Malow,
R. de Pontlargc,
R. de Leoi'erne,
R. Estraungc,
J. de Lovotot,
Thomas Savage.
Hirman
the first
bishop of
Salis-
bury.
Thouse
and order
of Sanim,
how and
when de-
vised.
S. de Scucler,
R. de (Jorgcs,
K. de (ieniere,
W. de Feus
S. de Filberd,
II. de Turberv-ylc,
1{. Troblenuer,
R. de .\ngon,
T. de Morer,
T. de Rotelet,
TL dc Spencer,
E. de Saintquinten,
I. de Saint Martin,
G. de Custan,
Saint Constantin,
Saint Leger ct Saint Med.
M. de Cronu et de St.
Vigor,
S. de Crayel,
R. de Crenker,
N. Meyuell,
L de Bcrncrs,
S. de Chumli,
£. de Charers,
J. de Grey,
W. de Grangers,
S. de Grangers,
S. Baubenyn,
H. Vanigers,
E. Bertram,
R. Bygot,
S. Treoly,
I. Trigos,
G. de Feuos,
H. Filiot,
R. Taperyn,
S. Talbot,
IL Santsaver,
T. de Saniford,
G. de Vandien,
C. de Vautort,
G. de Mountague,
A little above, mention was made of the bishop's see of Sher-
borne, translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of
Salisbury was Hirman, a Norman, who first began the new church
and minster of Salisbury. After him succeeded Osmund, who
finished the work, and replenished the house with great living,
and much good singing. This Osmund first ])cgan the ordinary,
which was called ' Secundum usum Sarum.' an. 1076, the occasion
whereof was this, as I find in an old story-book, entitled ' Eulogium.'''
A great contention chanced at Glastonbury between Thurstan the
abbot, and his convent, in the days of William the Conqueror. This
Thurstan the said William had brought out of Normandy from
the abbey of Caen, and placed him abbot of Glastonbury. The
cause of this contentious b.ittlc was, for that Thurstan, contemning
their choir-service, then called ' The use of St. Gregory,'' compelled
liLs monks to ' The use of William,'' amonkof Fescam, in Normandy.
Whereui)on came strife and contentions amongst them, first in
(1) " Ordlnale ccclesiastUi oflicli secundum usum Sarum." Ex Euloglo Hisfor. lib. iii.
WILLIAM RUFUS BEGINS HIS KEIGX. 139
words, then from words to blows, after blows then to armour. '^^^°;'»
The abbot, with his guard of harnessed men, fell upon the monks, " "''
and drave them to the steps of the high altar, where two were slain, A J).
and eight were wounded with shafts, swords, and pikes. The monks, !:_
then driven to such a strait and narrow shift, were compelled to
defend themselves with forms and candlesticks, Avherewith they did
wound certain of the soldiers. One monk there was, an aged man,
who instead of his shield took an image of the cracifix in his arms
for his defence, which image was wounded in the breast by one of
the bowmen, whereby the monk was saved. My story addeth more,
that the striker, incontinent upon the Same, fell mad, which savoureth
of some monkish addition besides the text. This matter being
brought before the king, the abbot was sent again to Caen, and the
monks, by the commandment of the king, were scattered in far
countries. Thus, by the occasion hereof, Osmund, bishop of Salis-
bury, devised that ordinary, which is called, ' The use of Sarmn,''
and was afterward received in a manner through all England, Ireland,
and Wales. And thus much for this matter, done in the time of
this King William.
This William, after his death, by his Avife Matilda, or Maud, left
three sons, Robert Courtsey, to whom he gave the duchy of Nor-
mandy ; William Rufus, his second son, to whom he gave the
kingdom of England ; and Henry, the third son, to whom he left
and gave treasure, and warned William to be to his people loving
and liberal, Robert to be to his people stern and sturdy.
In the history called ' Jornalensis,' it is reported of a certain Example
great man, who about this time of King William was compassed Judgment
about with mice and rats, and flying to the midst of a river, yet ^P°" ^
when that wovdd not serve, came to the land again, and was of them y'^o be-
devoured. The Germans say that this was a bishop, Avho dwelling merciful
between Cologne and Mentz, in time of famine and dearth, having poo^ was
store of corn and grain, would not help the poverty crying to him ^^ten by
for relief, but rather wished his corn to be eaten up of mice and mice,
rats. Wherefore, being compassed Avith mice and rats, by the just
judgment of God, to avoid the annoyance of them, he built a tower
in the midst of the river Rhine, which yet to this day the Dutchmen
call ' Rat's Tower ;' but all that would not help, for the rats and
mice swam over to him in as great abundance as they did before, of
whom at length he was devoured.
WILLIAM RUFUS.^
William Rufus, the second son of William the Conqueror, a.D.
began his reign a.d. 1087, and reigned thirteen years, being crowned 1087.
at Westminster by Lanfranc ; who, after his coronation, released out
of prison, by the request of his father, divers English lords, who
before had been in custody. It chanced that, at the death of
William the Conqueror, Robert Courtsey, his eldest son, was absent
in Almany, who, hearing of the death of his father, and how William,
his younger brother, had taken upon him the kingdom, was therewith
(I) Edition 1583, p. 184. Ed. 1596, p. 166. Ed. 1084, vol. i. p, 207.— Ed-
140 nKATII OF LANFRANC.
William greatly iiiovcJ ; in.sonuicli that he laid his dukedom to pledge unto
^"^'"" his hrotluT Henry, and with that good gathered ixnto him an army,
A-D- and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to have expelled his brother
^Q'^^- from the kini,'doni. But NV'illiam Kuliis, hearing thereof, sent to him
fair and gentle words, i)romi.sing him dedition and subjeetion, as to
the more worthy and elder brother ; this thing only reipiiring, that
sccinij he was now in place and possession, he might enjoy it during
his life, paving to him yearly three thousand marks, on condition
that which of them overlived the other should enjoy the kingdom.
The occasion of this variance between these brethren wrought a great
dissension between the Norman lords and bishops, both in England
and in Normandy, insomuch that all the Norman bishops Avithin the
realm almost rebelled against the king, taking part with Duke
Robert, except only Lanfranc, and Wolstan, bishop of Worcester,
above-mentioned, an Englishman ; who, for his virtue and constancy,
was so well liked and favoured of his citizens, that emboldened
with his presence and prayer, they stoutly maintained the city of
worces- Worccstcr against the siege of their enemies, and at last vanquished
I'yde-""'" them with utter ruin. But Duke Robert, at length, by the advice
fended, ^f }jjg (.Quncil (hearing the words sent unto him, and wagging his
head thereat, as one conceiving some matter of doubt or doubleness),
was yet content to assent to all that was desired, and so returned
shortly after into Normandy, leaving the bishops, and such others,
in the briars, who were in England, taking his part against the
'I'his Rufus was so ill liked of the Normans, that between him and
his lords was oft dissension ; wherefore well near all the Normans
took part against him, so that he was forced of necessity to draw to
him the Englishmen. Again, so covetous he was, and so immea-
surable in his tasks and takings, in selling benefices, abbies, and
bishoprics, that he was hated of all Englishmen.
Aj).i090. In the third year of this king died Lanfranc, archbishop of Cnn-
Lanfranc, terbury, from whose commendation and worthiness, as I list not to
shop''if detract any thing (being so greatly magnified of Polydore, his
Canter- countryman) so neither do I see any gi-eat cause why to add any
thing thereunto. This I think, unless that man had brought with
him less superstition, and more sincere science into Christ's church,
he might have kept him in his own country still, and have confuted
Bercngarius at home. After the decease of Lanfranc, the see of
Canterbury stood empty four years.
After the council of Lanfranc above mentioned, wherein was
concluded for translating of bishops' sees from villages into head
cities, Remigius, bishop of Dorchester, who, as ye heard, accom-
panied Lanfranc to Rome, removed his bishop's see from Dorchester
rainitcr to Lincoln, where he buildcd the minster, situated upon a hill
buiidcd. ^^.j^iij,^ ^|,p gjjj^i ^Hy ^f Lincoln. The dedication of that church
Robert, archbishop of York, did resist, saying, that it Avas builded
within the ground of his precinct ; but afterwards it had his Romish
gi^^ dedication by Robert Bleuct, next bishop that followed. By the
abbey Same Remi<,Mus, also, was founded the cloister or monastery of
builded. cji c '^
otow, fee.
A.D.I09I. Jn ^]^^. fourth year of this king gi-eat tempests fell in sundry
COMPARISON' BETWEEX HILDEBRANU AND JEROBOAM. 141
places in England, specially at ^Vinchconibe, where tlic steeple Avas ffint-n
burned with lightning-, the church wall burst through, the head and "^"''
right leg of the crucifix, with the image of our Lady on the right side ^- ^■
of the crucifix, thrown down, and such a stench left in the church, ^^^^'
that none might abide it. In London the force of the weather and six lun-
lerapest overturned six hundred houses. In the same tempest the houses
roof of Bow church Avas hurled up in the wind, and by the vehe- ^i^vn"
mency thereof was pitched down a great deepness into the ground. "^V"'
King William, as ye have heard, an exceeding pillager, or ravener Ti.e roof
rather, of church goods, after he had given the bishopric of Lincoln "hureh
to his chancellor, Robert Bleuet, above mentioned, began to cavil ; "^j";,^
avouching the see of Lincoln to belong to the see of York, till the
bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great sum of money, of Bie^t
five thousand marks, &c. ['houslmd
As nothing could come in those days without money from "^^^H^
the king, so Herbert Losinga, paying to the king a piece of money, bishopric,
was made bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a little before to be
abbot of Ramsey ; who, likewise, at the same time, removing his
see from Thetford to the city of Norwich, there erected the cathedral Norwich
church, with the cloister, in the said city of Norwich, where he ™uj|de"
furnished the monks with sufficient living and rents of his own ^y Her-
charges, besides the bishop's lands. Afterward, repenting of his si"ga-°"
open and manifest simony, he Avent to Rome, Avhere he resigned into
the pope's hands his bishopric, but so that immediately he received
it again. This Herbert was the son of an abbot called Robert,
for whom he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester,
whereof run these verses :
" Filius est prsesiil, pater abba, Simon uterque :
Quid non speremus si nummos possideamus ?
Omnia nummus habet, quod vult facit, addit, et aufert.
Res nimis injusta, nummis fit prsesid et abba."
Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrand, after
the time of which Hildebrand the German emperors began to lose
their autliority and right in the pope's election, and in giving of
benefices. For next after this Hildebrand came Pope Victor III.,
by the setting up of Matilda and the duke of Normandy, with the
faction and retinue of Hildebrand, Avho likcAvise shoAved himself stout „
against the emperor. But God gave the shrcAvd coav short horns, '^'ictor
for Victor being poisoned, as some say, in his chalice, sat but one Fn ws"^^
year and a half. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example ^ com-
of Hildebrand continued still in them that folloAved after. And, like par'son
as the kings of Israel folloAved for the most part the steps of Jeroboam, mwe-^"
till the time of their desolation ; so, for the greatest part, all popes Jopfof
folloAved the steps and proceedings of this Hildebrand, their spiritual ^Tf-
Jeroboam, m mamtammg talse Avorship, and cmefly m upholding the isoam,
dignity of the sec, against all rightful authority, and the lawful king- ^Iriei
dom of Sion. In the time of this Victor began the order of the monks The onier
of Charterhouse,^ through the means of one Hugh, bishop of Grenoble, moilkT"
and of Bruno of Cologne, canon of Rheims." ^^san.
Next to Victor sat Urban XL, by Avhom the acts of Hildebrand Avere
confirmed, and also ncAv decrees enacted against Henry the emperor.
(1) Chartreuse.— Ed. (2) See Cave's Hist. I.itt. v. Bruno Carthusianus.— Ed.
142
irilliam
Rm/ui.
A.l).
109.').
Two
pnpet In
Rome.
Ttie order
of Cister-
cian or
white
mnnki
begin.
Council of
Koine.
A.D.1095.
Council
of Cler-
mont.
The voy-
age unto
the Holy
Land.
COMMKNCEMEXT OK THE CRUSAUES.
In this time were two popes at Rome, Urban and Clement III.,
whom the emperor set up. Under Pope Urban came in the white
monks of the Cistercian order, by one Steplicn Harding, a monk of
Sherborne, an Knfjlishman, by whom tliis order had its beginning in the
wilderness of Cileaux, within the province of Burgoin, as witnesseth
Cestrensis, Others write that this Harding was the second abbot of
that place, and that it was first founded by the means of one Robert,
abbot of Molesmc, in Citeaux, a forest in Burgundy, a.d. 1098, per-
suaded perchance by Harding; and afterwards, a.d. 1135, it was
brought into England by a certain man called Espek, who builded an
abbcv of the same order called Rievale.' In this order the monks did
live by the labour of their hands ; they paid no tithes nor offerings ;
they wore no fur nor lining ; they wore red shoes, their cowls white,
and coats black ; they were all shorn save a little circle ; they ate no
flesh but only on their journey. Of this order was Bernard.
This Urban held divers councils ; one at Rome, v/here he excom-
municated all such lay persons as gave investure of any ecclesiastic^
benefice, also all such of the clergy as subjected themselves to be
underlings or servants to lay persons for ecclesiastical benefices, &c.
Another council he held at Clermont^ in France, a.d. 1095, where
among other things, the bishop made an oration to the lords there
present, concerning the voyage and recovery of the Holy Land from
the Turks and Saracens. The cause of this voyage first ai'ose through
one Peter, a monk or liermit, who, being in Jerusalem, and seeing
the great misery of the Christians under the pagans, made tliereof
•declaration to Pope Urban, and was therein a great solicitor to all
christian princes. By reason of this, after the aforesaid oration of Pope
Urban, thirty thousand men, taking on them the sign of the cross for
their cognizance, made preparation for that voyage, whose captains
were Godfrey duke of Lorrain, with liis two brethren, Eustace and
Baldwin, the bishop of le Puy, Bohemund duke of Apulia, and his
nephew Tancred, Raymund earl of St. Gilles, Robert earl of Flan-
ders, and Hugh le Grand, brother of Philip the French king;^
(1) See Appendix.— Ed.
(2) The lirst crusade aruse out of the deliberations of a council held at Placentia, in March,
A.D. 10!ij, and from the one here mentioned held in November following, at Clermont, at which
Pope Urban presided. The origin of these destructive and chimerical andertakings appears to be
this: The infidels in a few years had obtained possessi in of above one half of the empire of the
East I churches and monasteries had been plundered, and priests, monks, and christian laity, cruelly
massacred ; while unoffending pilgrims, who from feelings of real piety, or superstition, were
accustomed to visit the holv city, suflTercd the most cruel oppression, slavery, and death —[See
William, Archb. of Tyre's Hist, of the Holy Wars, book i. c. 'J. a. d. 1095.] Three hundred thou-
sand men from France, Italy, and Germany, commenced their march to the East; but as the object of
their undertaking was toe.\tirpate the enemies of the christian faith, Jews as well as infidels fell a
sacrifice to their fury. At Verdun, Spires, Worms, Cologne, and Mentz, the most horrible atrocities
were committed against those unhappy outcasts, whose only chance of safety consisted in professing
the.Tiselves Christians, and renouncing their religion. — [Bertold. in Chron. ad ann. 1096.] Such
unholy conduct, however, on the part of the cnisaders, induced the inhabitants of the countries
through which they passed, who were continually the victijTis of their plunder, to resent the inju-
ries which they sutTered. So effectual was the opposition which they ofiv-red, that by the 1st of
August in the same year, on the arriv.al of the last aivision of the army under Peter the Hermit
at Constantinople, he was scarcely able to add twenty thousand men to the two divisions which
had alrcidy arrived in an equally enfeebled condition. This army, after committing the most
unjustifiable excesses upon their friends the Greeks, crossed the Hellespont, and in two divisions
were defeated and cut to pieces by the Turks. In A. D. 1099, another better disciplined army
.assembled at Constantinople, which, after crossing the Hellespont, amounted to about five
hundred thou.wnd foot, and one hundred thousand horse. After a most severe, although
victorious campaign, with a very reduced force, Jerusalem was taken by scalade, on Friday,
the 15th July, 1099. Twenty thousand Turks were massacred, and after eight days devoted
to processions and religious ceremonies, Godfrey of liouillon, who was the second to scale the
wall, was unanimously elected king of Jerusalem. Pope Urban II., however, did not live to hear
of these successes ; he died on the 29th day of July in the same year, and the news of the victory
had conssquently not reached R^me ; this was communicated to P.-Lsch;U II. who succeeded
l.ini In the papal chair.— P;d. ci) See Appendix.— Ec
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF JERUSALEM. 143
to whom also was joined Robert Courthoyse, duke of Normandy, wunam
with divers other noblemen, with the aforesaid Peter the Hermit, ^"^"''
who was the chief cause of that voyage. , ' ■
At that time many of the said noblemen put their lands and -
lordships to mortgage, to provide for the aforenamed voyage ; as
Godfrey, duke of Lorrain, who sold the dukedom of Bouillon to the
bishop of Liege for a great sum of money.' Also Robert Court-
hoyse, duke of Normandy, laid his dukedom to pledge to his brother
William, king of England, for ten thousand pounds, &c.
Thus, the Christians, who passed first over the Bosphorus, having a.d.iosg.
for their captain Peter the Hermit, a man perchance more devout
than expert to guide an army, being trapped of their enemies, were
slain and murdered in great numbers among the Bulgarians, and near
to the towa called Civita.
When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constan- xiieacts
tinople, where Alexius Avas emperor, passing over by the Hellespont, ^hds-
goinaf to Jerusalem, they took the cities of Nice, Heraclea, Tarsus, 'i^ns in
oo ^ ' J ... .. . their voy-
and subdued the country of Cilicia, appointing the possession thereof age to
to certain of their captains, Taiem!'"
Antioch was besieged, and in the ninth month of the siege it was AL.tioch
yielded to the Christians, by one Phirouz, about which season were thechri's-
fought many strong battles, to the great slaughter and desolation of t'ans.
the Saracens, and not without loss of many christian men. The
governance of this city was committed to Bohemund, duke of Apulia,
whose martial knighthood was often proved in time of the siege
thereof. And not long after Kerboga, master of the Persian chivalry, a.d.ioos.
was vanquished and slain, with a hundred thousand infidels. In ^au^i^te'
that discomfiture were taken fifteen thousand camels. of the
Jerusalem, on the nine and thirtieth day of the siege, was con- intideis.
quered by the Christians, and Robert, duke of Normandv, was elect Jeru^a-
± ^ J ' ' ^ .' ^ Jem con-
to be king thereof. '-^ Howbeit, he refused it, hearing of the death of quered by
King William Rufus of England ; wherefore he never sped well in tia^ns.
all his affairs after the same. Then Godfrey, captain of the christian
army, was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem. At the taking of
the city there was such a murder of men that blood was congealed in
the streets the thickness of a foot. Then after Godfrey reigned
Baldwin, his brother ; after him Baldwin the second, his nephew.
Then Gaufrid, duke of Gaunt ; and after him Gaufrid, his son, by
whom many great battles were fought there against the Saracens, and
all the country thereabout subdued, save Ascalon, &c. And thus
much hitherto touching the voyage to the Holy Land : now to our
own land agam.
About this time, as Matthew Paris writeth, the king of England The king
favoured not much the see of Rome, because of the impudent and I'and'l^
insatiable exactions which they required ; neither would he suffer ^a"afn^t"'
any of his subjects to go to Rome, alleging these words, " Because the pope,
they follow not the steps of Peter, hunting for rewards; neither have
they the power and authority of him, whose holiness they declare
themselves not to follow."'"' '
(1) -See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Ex Hen. lib. vii.
U) "Quod Petri nu'i mhrercnt vestigiis, ptremiis inhianti-a, non ejus patestatera rctincnt, cujuj
sanctitatem probantur non imitati." — Ex Matt. Paris.
l-t^ DECREES OK POPK URBAN.
u-aiiam By the same Urban, the seven hours, which we call ' septcm horas
'^"^"'- canonicas,' were first instituted in the church.
A. I). licin, By this pope it was decreed, that no bishop should be made
^0'->^- but under the name and title of some certain place.
Decree. Item, 'J'liat matins and hours of the day should every day be said.'
u.b'lT Item, Tiiat every Suturdav should be said the mass of our Lady,
and tiiat all the .Tews' Sabbath should be turned to the service of our
Ladv, as in the council of Tours, to the which service was appointed
tiie anthem, '' Ora pro populo, interveni pro clero, intercede pro
devoto fnemineo sexu.""^
Item, That all such of the clergy as had wives should be deprived
of their order.^
Item, 'J'hat it should be lawful for subjects to break their oath of
allegiance, with all such as were by the pope excommunicated.
Item. That it should not be lawful for liusband and wife to stand
sponsors in baptism to the same child both together ; with many more
matters.*
Example In the sixtli year of this king's reign, Malcolm king of Scots, who
riBhte''ous four tiuics before had made great slaughter of old and young in the
judgment j^^rth parts, as is before showed, burst into Northumberland, Avith
in punish- I' ' ii-i*
ingniur- all the powcr he could make ; and there, by the right judgment of
God, was slain with his son Edward, and also Margaret his wife,
sister to Edgar Etheling, above minded, a virtuous and devout lady,
within three days after.
Tiie same year he gave the archbishopric of Canterbury, after that
he had detained the same in his own hands four years, to Anselm,
abbot of Bee, in Normandy.
This Anselm was an Italian, born in the city of Aosta, and
brought up in the abbey of Bcc, in Normandy ; where he was so
strict a follower of virtue, that, as the story recordeth, he wished
rather to be without sin in hell, than in heaven with sin. Which
saying and wish of his, if it were his, may seem to proceed out of a
mind, neither speaking orderly according to the phrase and under-
standing of the Scripture, nor yet suflficicntly acquainted with the
justification of a christian man.^ Further, they report him to be so
far from singularity,'' that he should say, it was the vice which thrust
the angels first out of heaven, and man out of paradise.
Of this Anselm it is, moreover, reported, that he was so illwilling
to take the archbishopric, that the king had much ado to thrust it
upon him ; and he was so desirous to have him take it, that the city
of Canterbury, which before Lanfranc did hold but at the king's good
will and pleasure, he gave now to Anselm wholly, which was about
A.D. 1093. But as desirous as the king was then to place the said
ronte.r-"^ Anselm, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all manner
tionbc- means to defeat him if he mi<;ht : such strife and contention arose
tween the , , o i i •
khipand between them two tor certam matters, the ground and occasion
,-;^.'^^!'"'' whereof first was this.
ram?r°^ After that Anselm had been thus elected to the see of Canterbury,
bury. before he was fully consecrated, the king communed with him,
(1) Vid. John Stella. (2) Vid. Naiiclerus. (3) Dist. .SI. Kos qui. 15. q. 6 Juratos.
(4) By the Ranic- pope thus many chapters stand written in the canon law, dist. 70. S;inct.irum.
dist. 3^. Kos qui. I. q. I. Si qui. (list. 5G. Presbyteroruni. 11. q. 3. quibus. 15. q. G. Juratos. IC. q.2.
Contrn-itaio. I'J. 2. Suiuinius. 23. q. 8. Tributuiii. 30. q. 4. quod autem. 32. q. 2. de neptis, &:c.
(5) See Appendix.— F.D. (C) " Pcculiarilatis vitiuni." Mainiesb.— Ed.
FIKRCE DISrUTE BETWEEN THE KING AND ANSELM. 145
assaying by all gentle manner of wortls to entreat liim, that such vuuam
lands and possessions of the church of Canterbury as the king had ^^"^"''
given and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfranc, they A.D.
might still enjoy as their own lawful possessions through his grant _ii^_
and permission. But to this Ansclm in no case would agree
Whereupon the king, conceiving great displeasure against him, did
stop his consecration a great season, till at length in long process of
time the king, enforced by the daily complaints and desires of his
people and subjects, for lack of an archbishop to moderate the church,
was constrained to admit and authorize him unto them. Thus Anselm,
with much ado, taking his consecration, and doing his homage to the
king, went to his see of Canterbury ; and not long after the king
sailed over to Normandy.
About this time there w^ere two striving in Rome for the popedom, LTrimn
as is afore-noticed, Urban and Guibert, — divers realms diversely ^^'g'l^f'^"
consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England, taking striving
with their king, was rather inclined to Guibert, called Clemens III. ; p"apaiy.
but Anselm did fully go with Urban, making so his exception with
the king on entering his bishopric. After the king was returned
again from Normandy, the archbishop cometh to him, and asketh
leave to go to Rome to fetch his pall of Pope Urban ; which when
he could not at first obtain, he maketh his appeal from the king to
the pope. "Whereat the king, being justly displeased, chargeth the Anseim
archbishop with breach of his fealty, contrary to his promise made ; ^hargeu
that is, if he, without his license, should appeal either to Urban or to traitor,
any other pope. Anselm answereth again, that it was to be refen-ed
unto some greater council, where it should be disputed whether this
be to break a man's allegiance to a terrene prince, if he appeal to the
vicar of St. Peter. And here much arguing and contending Avas on
both sides. The king's reason proceedeth thus : " The custom," custom
saith he, " from my father's time hath been in England, that no "^^'from
person should appeal to the pope without the king's license. He wiiuam
that breaketh the customs of the realm, violateth the poAver and queroi's
croAvn of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my fo"'a'"ppeai
crown, is a traitor and enemy against me," &c. To this Anselm t" t^e
rcplieth again, " The Lord," saith he, " easily discusseth this Anseim
question, briefly teaching what fidelity and allegiance we ought to give Ipnorar.t-
unto the vicar of St. Peter, where he saith, 'Thou art Peter, and upon }]^/'''j)^"*
this rock will I build my church,' &c. : and, ' To thee I will give the the vicar
keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind in J^er, '
earth, it shall be bound in heaven ; and, whatsoever thou loosest in ^,e"|non
earth, shall be loosed in heaven,' &c. Again, to them all in general law caii-
he saith, ' He that heareth you, heareth me ; and whoso despiseth but the
you, despiseth me.' And in another place, ' He that toucheth you, l^peter!
touchcth the apple of mine eye.' On the other side, Avhat duty we ^J."[^^j![jff''
owe to the king, he showeth also: 'Give,' saith he, 'to the emperoi%
Avhat belongeth to the emperor, and to God, that which to God
belongeth.' Wherefore, in such things as belong to God I Avill yield,
and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to the vicar of
St. Peter, and in such things as belong again to terrene dignity of
my prince, in those I Avill not deny to him my faithftil hclji and
counsel, so far as they can extend."
14G TIIK mslIOPS SIDK WITH THE KING.
Witiiam Thus luivc vc tlic njoumloil nrguiiicnts of tliis prelate to stand so
"''^'"' stiffly at,niinst"hib' prince, ^hereunto peraJvcnture was joined also
A.n. some piece of a stubborn heart. Hut in this conclusion none of his
^^^^- I'l-llow-bishops durst take his part, but were all against him ; namely,
All the William, bishop of Durham, to whom Anselm thus protesteth,
ii.c"c!jm sayinn^, "Whosoever he were that would presume to prove it any
!["„!?," breach of allegiance or fealty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the
•'*'". vicar of St. Peter, he was ready to answer at all times to the con-
An'cim. trary." The bishop of Durham ansAvereth again, " That he who
would not be ruled by reason, must with force be constrained," See.
The king, having on "his i)art the agreement of the bishops, thought
both to deprive the archbishop of his pastoral sec, and to expel him
out of the realm. But he could not perform his purpose; for Anselm,
as he was ready to depart the realm, said, wheresoever he went, he
would take his office and authority with him, though he took nothing
else ; whereupon that matter was deferred till a longer time. In the
mean season the king had sent privily two messengers to Pope
Urban, to entreat him to send his pall to the king, for him to give it
where lie would : which messengers by this time were returned again,
Waller bringing with them from Rome \Valter, bishop of Albano, the pope's
llope's h'g;ite, with the pall to be given unto Anselm. This legate, first
ith'ati; landing at Dover, from thence came privily (unknown to Anselm)
Knt'iaiui. to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urban was received
pope in England, whatsoever the king required to be obtained, he,
by his privilege from the apostolical see, would ratify and confirm the
same, save only, that Avhen the king required of the legate that
Anselm might be removed, the legate thereunto would not agree.
The pope Saying, " that it was impossible to be obtained, that such a man as
thi^s'^^asno lie, being lawfully called, should be expelled without manifest cause.""
fault, for jfj conclusion, so it follow'ed, that although he could not obtain his
a subject ^ o
to resist request of the legate, yet the legate so wrought with the king, that
lib iiig. Uj.|^.j^^ y^,^^ proclaimed lawful pope throughout all the realm.
Then were sent to Anselm certain bishops to move and prove his
mind, declaring what charges and pains the king had been at in his
behalf, to procure the pall for him from Rome, which otherwise
\\T)uld have stood him in a great expense, and that all this the king
had done for his sake, wherefore it were good reason and convenient,
that he, to gratify the king, should somewhat condescend to his
request again. But with all this Anselm, the stout archbishop,
would not be moved. Wherefore the king, seeing no other remedy,
was compelled to grant unto him the full right of his archbishopric.
The man- And SO on tlic day appointed,' when the pall should be brought to
bi''in°ing Canterbury, it being caiTicd with all solemnity in a thing of silver, the
(^urint'o* archbishop, with a great concourse of people, came forth barefoot
Canter- with liis pricstlv vestments, after a most goodly manner, to meet the
bury. •' , o *' '
same; and so being brought in, it was laid upon the altar, while
Anselm, spreading over his shoulders his popish vestments, proceeded
unto his popish mass.
Thus agieement being made between the king and the bishop, so
long as it would hold, it happened, in the year following, that the
king with his anny entered into Wales, to subdue such as there
rebelled against him. After the victory gotten, the king returned
(I) " Dies Dominica, 4 IiSus Jiinii" (Kadmer and Malmisbury), i.e June lOtli, a.d. 1095.— Ed.
ANSELM APPEALS TO I50.MK. 147
home again with triumph ; to whom Anschii tliouglit to have come ivnnam
to congratuhite him on liis prosperous success. But the king pre- ^"■^"'-
vented him by messengers, laying to the bishop''s charge both tlie A.D.
small number and the evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his 1096.
need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Ansclm was dashed, Anoiher
who at the same present had thought to have obtained and done u"c kiilg"^
many great matters with the king touching the state of the church : ^/^'"'.^i
1111 1 1 •• Aiiseim,
but here all turned contrary to his expectation, insomuch that he was wuoap-
charged, against the next court of parliament, to make his answer, ^uomL'
which he avoided by appealing to Rome ; wherefore he made his
suit and friends to the king for license to go to the pope. To that
suit the king answered, that he should not go, neither was there any
cause for him so to do ; for that both he knew him to be of so sound
a life, that he had done no such offence, whereof he needed to crave
absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lack of science and
knowledge, that he needed to borrow any counsel there: " insomuch,"
saith the king, " that I dare say Pope Urban hath rather to give
place to the wisdom of Anselm, than Anselm to have need of Urban.
Wherefore, as he hath no cause to go, so I charge him to tarry. And
if he continue in his stubbornness still, I will assuredly seize upon his
possessions, and convert his archbishopric unto my coffers, for that he
transgresseth and breaketh his fidelity and obeisance, having solemnly
promised before to observe all the customs of my kingdom. Neither
is it the fashion in this realm, that any of my nobles should go to ko pre-
Rome without my sending. And therefore let him swear unto me |fg^]°'„,„
that he will never for any grievance appeal hereafter to the see of Rome, to ro to'
or else let him void my realm." without
Against these words of the king, Anselm thinking not best to tiie king's
o O' o ^ ^ sending.
reply again by any message, but by Avord of mouth, coming himself
personally to the king, placeth himself, after his order, on the right
hand of the prince, where he made his reply unto the message sent
to him by the king.
" Whereas you say, I ought not to go to Rome, either in regard of any Anselm's
trespass, or for any lack of counsel and knowledge in me, albeit I grant (Ue ktnJ"
to neither of them as true, yet what the truth is therein, I refer it to the
judgment of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to keep and observe
your customs ; that I grant, but with a condition, so far to keep them, and such
of them to observe, as were consonant to the laws of God, and ruled with right
and equity. Moreover, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and Note tlie
allegiance, for thai contrary to your customs I appeal to the see apostolic, (my ^"^^ «■=>
reverence and duty to j'om- sovereignty reserved) if another would say it, that AjiseUn.
is untrue. For the fidelity and obeisance that I owe to thee, O king, I have it
of the faith and fidelity of God, whose vicar St. Peter is, to whose seat I do
appeal. Further, whereas, as ye require me to swear that I shall for no cause
hereafter at any time appeal to Rome, I pronounce openly that a christian
prince rcquireth such an oath of his archbishop unjustly, for if -I shoidd forswear
St. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ,
then shall I be content and ready to stand to the satisfaction of my transgres-
sion to you, for asking license to go to Rome. And peradventure, when I am
gone, God will so order, that the goods of the church shall not long serve your
temporal desires and commodities as ye ween for."
At these words of the bishop, the king and his nobles w^re not a
little incensed, they defending again, that in his promise of observing
the king's customs, there was neither condition nor any clause put
L 2
148 ANSF.I.M (iUITS EXGLANl) TOR HOME.
tr,iiiam in, citlior of God or right. " Tlierc was not !" said Anselni. " If so
""^"*' be that in vour cuslonis was ncitlicr mention made of God nov of right,
''^•"- of what w:is there mention then ? For God forbid that any Christian
^"^^- sliould be bound to any customs wliieh go contrary to God and to
rit'ht." Thus on both sides passed much altercation between
tlicm.
The At length the king, after many threatening words, told him he
hJuvc'" •'should carry nothing out of the realm with him. " Well," said the
Andcim bishop, " if I may neither have my horse nor garments with me,
''^""'" then will I walk on foot ;" and so addressed liim toward his jounicy,
all the other bishops forsaking liim, whereof none would take his ])art ;
but if he came to thcni ibr counsel, they said he was Avise enough,
and needed not their counsel, as wlio for his prudence knew best
what was to be done, as also for his holiness was willing and
able to prosecute the same that he did know. As for them, they
neither durst nor would stand against the king, their lord, whose
favour they could not lack, for the peril that might happen both to
Anseim thcmsclves aud their kindred ; but for Imn, because he Ava.s both a
out'ol' stranger, and void of such worldly corruption in him, they Avilled him
Kngiand. {_q ^^ forward as he had begun ; their secret consent he should liave,
Anscim but tlicir opcu voicc they would not give him. Thus Anseim, ro-
bythe" maiuiug at Dover fifteen days, tarrying for wind, at last sped him
officer for toward his passage ; but his packing being secretly known in the court,
'mlT" the king's officer, William Warlwast, prevented his purpose, search-
iMoiicy. ing, by the king''s commandment, all his trusses, coffers, satchels,
sleeves, purse, napkin, and bosom, for letters and for money ; and so
let him pass. Anseim, sailing into France, first rested a while at
Lyons, and from thence came to Rome to complain to Pope Urban,^
according to the tenor and form of a certain epistle of his, wherein,
among many other tilings in the same epistle contained, these words
he ■\\Titetli to Pope Paschal, the third year after his banishment, after
the death of Urban, and a little before the death of the king.
To the Lord and Reverend Father Paschal, high bishop, Anseim,
servant of the church of Canterbury, offereth due subjection from
his heart, and prayers, if they can stand in any st-ead, &c. Scc.^
A frap- I'saw in England many evils, whose correction belongetli to me, and which I
po'rtion'^of ^^"''^ neither amend, nor suffer without mine own fault. The king desired of
a letter, me, that under the name of riglit, I should consent to his pleasures, wliich were
against the law and will of God. For he would not have the pope received nor
appealed unto in England without his conunandment ; neither that I shoidd
send a letter unto him, or receive any from him, or tliat I shoidd obey liis
decrees. He suffered not a council to be kept in his realm now tliese thirteen
years since he was king. In all these tlungs, and such like, if I asked any
counsel, all my suffragan bishops of his realm denied to give me any counsel, but
according to tlie king's pleasure. After that I saw tliese and such other things
that are done against the will and law of God, I asked license of lum to go to
Rome, unto tlie sec apostolical, that I might tliere take counsel for my soid, and
wouldlu)^ ^''^ "'^'^'^ commilted unto inc. 'I'lic king said, that I otlended again'st him for
have the the only asking of license ; and propounded to me, that either 1 sliould make
cc/ve™" ''"'" *'""''"'^'' *"'■ '^'"^' ^'■^'"'^ ^s a trespass, (assuring liim never to ask his license
m>'r ap- "".V '"ofi" *« ai)peal to the pope at any time hereafter,) or else that I shoidd
pc.iled niuckly depart out of his land. Wherefore, choosing rather to go out of tlie
unto in > o o
Kuglaiid. (!) Ex Legenda Anstluii, autorc Kadmero. (2) Ex Eiiist. Anseim. CC, paulo post initiura.
COUNCIL OF BARI. 149
land than agree to so wicked a thing, I came to Rome, as you know, and iFniniii
declared the whole matter to the lord pope. Tiie king, hy and by, as soon as 1 /'"/"»•
went out of England, invaded the whole arcld)isliopric, and turned it to his own « jx""
use, giving the monks only bare meat, drink, and clothing. The king being -iqou
warned and desired of the lord pope to amend this, contemned the saine, and
yet continueth in his purpose still. And now is the third year since I came Anselm
thus out of England, and more. Some men, not understanding, demand why coniplijin-
I do not exconununicate the king. But the wiser sort, and such as have kinK and
understanding, counsel me that I do not this thing ; because it belongeth not "^ his
unto me both to complain and to punish. To conclude, I was forewarned by ^"shops'"
niy^ friends that are imder the king, that my excommunication (if it should be The king
done) would be laughed to scorn and despised," <Src. "^th'th ''^'
pope 8
warning
By these here above prefixed, appcarcth how Ansehn the arch-
bishop, coming unto Rome, made his complaint to Pope Urban of
tlic king ; and how the pope writing unto the hing in belialf of
Anselm, his letters and commandments were despised. And now to
our story. In the mean time, while the pope's letters were sent to the
king, Anselm was bid to wait about the pope to look for answer back,
Avho perceiving, at length, how little the king reputed the pope's
letters, began to be weary of his office, desiring the pope that he
might be discharged thereof; but the pope in no case would thereto
consent, charging him upon his obedience, that wheresoever he Avent.
he should bear with him the name and honour of the archbishop of
Canterbury. Whereunto Anselm again said, his obedience he neither
durst nor would refuse, as who for God's cause -was ready to suffer
whatsoever should happen, yea, though it were death itself, as he
thought no less would follow thereof. " But what should we think,"
saith he, " is there to be done, where justice not only taketh no place,
but is utterly oppressed ? And whereas my suffragans do not only
not help, for dread, the righteous cause, but also for favour do impugn
the same.'*" " Well," saith the pope, " as touching these matters,
we shall sufficiently provide at the next council to be holden at Bari, council
whereat I will you the same time and place to be present.*" Oct. ist.
When the time of the council was come, Anselm, aiuongst others, was Ar.seim
called for, who, first sitting on an outer side of the bishops, afterwards succ^s.*
v/as placed at the right foot of the pope, with these words, " Inclu- *°" °'"
damns hunc in orbe nostro, tanquam alterius orbis papam," Where- bury,
upon the same place after him was appointed to the successors of the fhe'^right
see of Canterbury, in every general council, by the decree of Pope p''o",|J'i,i''®
Urban, to sit at the right foot of the pope. In this said council iiis gene-
great stu* and much reasoning there was against the Grecians, con- cL.
cerning the matter and order of proceeding of the Holy Ghost.
Here is to be noted, that the Greek' church hath of long time dis-
sented from the Latin church in many and sundry points, to the
number of twenty, or almost twenty-nine articles, as I have them Depro
collected out of the register of the church of Hereford ; whereof, as ""("Jl''
occasion hereafter may serve (God willing) for a further and more sancti.
ample tractation to be made ; so here, by the way, partly I mean to
touch some. The first is —
(1) This dispute commenced in the seventh century; suspended for a time, it was revived in
1053. Gregory IX., in 123il, endeavoured to effect a reconciliation, nor was this attempt abandoned
till the death of Urban IV., in 1204. The subject was revived in the fifteenth century at the council
of Basil. Again, in the eighteenth century, the church of Rome attempted to make proselytes from
the Greek church, but without success, and they remain, to this day, separate communions. — Ed.
l/iO ARTICI.KS IX WIIICII TIIK GREEK CHUIUII
"jiufu^ Articles and Opinions ichcrcin the Greek Chtrck differ eth from the
a.d7 ^''^'"-
1098. The articles wherein the Greek cliurch altercth lioni the Latin or
Roniisli cliurcli, are these:' —
The dif- I. nicy are not under the obedience of the church of Rome, because the
firencc cluircli of ConsLantinojilc is not subject, but equal, to tlie same.
t'hi'GrMk 1 1. They \w\A tliat the bisliop of the apostolic see of Rome hath not greater
and the power than the four patriarchs ; and whatsoever the pope doth beside their
churches Knowledfie, or without tlieir npprobation, it is of no validity.
III. Also, they say whatsoever hath been done or concluded, since the second
general council, it is "of no full authority ; because from that time they recount
the Latins to be in error, and to be excluded out of the holy church.
IV. Item, " Dicunt cucharistiam consccratam per Romanam ecclesiam non
esse venuu coqnis Christi." That is, they hold the eueharist consecrated by
tlic church of Rome not to be the veiy body of Christ. Also, where the Romish
chm-ch doth consecrate in unleavened bread, they consecrate in bread leavened.
V. Fiurthcr, they say that the Romish church doth eiT in the words of bap-
tism, for saying, " I baptize thee ;" when they should say, " Let this creature
of God be baptized," &c.
VI. They hold moreover that there is no purgatory, and that the suffrages of
the church do not avail the dead, either to lessen the pain of them that be
destined to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to salvation.
VII. Also, they hold that the souls out of the bodies departed (whether they
have done good or evil) have not their perfect pain or glory, but are reserved
in a certain place till the day of judgment.
VIII. Also, they condemn the church of Rome for mixing cold water in
their sacrifice.
IX. Also, they condemn the church of Rome, for that as well women as
priests anoint children (when they baptize theni) on both shoulders.
X. Item, " Dicunt panem nostrum panagiam." That is, they call our bread
panafi'ia.
XI. Further, they blame the church of Rome for celebrating their mass on
other days beside Sundays and certain other feasts appointed.
XII. Also, in this the Greek church varieth from the Latin ; for they have
neither cream nor oil, nor sacrament of confirmation.
XIII. Neither do they use exti'cme unction, or amioiling after the manner
of the Roman church, expounding the place of St. James of the spiritual infir-
mity, and not coi-poral.
XIV. Also, they enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only that they show
themselves to the priests, anointing them with simple oil in token of remission
of sins.
XV. Also, only on Maunday Thursday they consecrate for the sick, keeping
it for the whole year after, thinking it to be more holy upon that day conse-
crated than upon any other : neither do they fast any Saturday through the
whole year, but only on Easter-even.
XVL Also, they give but only five orders, as of clerks, subdcacons, deacons,
priests, and bishops ; whereas the Roman church giveth nine orders, after the
nine orders of angels.
XVII. Moreover, the Grecians in their orders make no vow of chastity,
alleging for them the fifth canon,^ " Ego, presbyter vcl diaconus, uxorem causa
honestatis non rejiciam," &c. ; that is, " I, N. priest or deacon, will not forsake
iny wife for honesty' sake."
XVIII. Also, every year the Grecians use, on certain days, to excommuni-
cate the church of Rome, and all the Latins as heretics.
XIX. Also further, among the said Grecians they are excommunicated that
beat or strike a priest; neither do their religious men live in such priestly
chastity as the Roman priests do.
(1) " Quod 8unt extra obedientL-im Romanx ecclesia?, pro co quod ccclcsia Constantinopoiitana
non est siilijccia, sed ci aqualis. Dicunt dominum apostolicum non habere majorcm potestatcin,
qii.nm quatuor patriarch.-c. Kt quicquid fit pra-ter srientiam corum per papam, vcl sine corum
npprobationi'.nulliuscatvaloris," &c. — Kx Registro Eccles. Herefordieusis.
(2) My copy here sccmeth to want somewhat. [See Appendix. — Ed.]
Dll'FKRS FROM THE 1>ATIN.
151
XX. Also, tlieir emperor amongst them doth oi-dain patriarchs, bisliops, and William
others of the clergy, and deposeth the same at his pleasure ; also, he giveth Ji"/"'-
benefices to whom he listcth, and retaineth the fruits of the same benefices, as ^ ^y.
pleaseth him. 1098.
XXI. Item, they blame the Latin church because they eat no flesh, eggs, —
and cheese on Fridays, and do eat flesh on Saturdays.'
XXII. Item, they hold against the Latin men for celebrating without the
consecrated church, either in the house or in the field, and for fasting on the
Sabbath-day ; also for permitting menstruous women to enter into the church
before their purifying ; and for sufiering dogs and other beasts to enter into the
church.
XXIII. The Grecians use not to kneel in all their devotions, not even to the
body of Christ, (as the register tenneth it,) but one day in the whole year ; saying
and affirming that the Latins be goats and beasts, for they are always pro-
strating themselves upon the ground in their prayers. _
XXIV. The Grecians, moreover, permit not the Latins to celebrate upon tlieir
altars. And if it chance that any Latin priest do celebrate upon their altar,
by and by they wash tlieir altar, in token of abomination and false sacrifice ,
and diligently they observe, that, whensoever they do celebrate, they do but one
litiu-gy or mass upon one altar or table that day.
XXV. Further, they dissent from the church of Rome touching the order
and manner of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost.
These articles, wherein is declared the difference between the east
and west church, of the Grecians and Romans, as I found them articu-
lated and collected in an ancient and authentic register of the church
of Hereford, so I thought here to insert them, and leave them to the
consideration of the reader. Other four articles more in the same
register be there expressed concerning simony and usury, not with
them forbidden ; and touching also their emperor ; and how they teach
their children to hurt or damnify, by any manner of way, the Latin
priests, &c. ; which articles, for that either they seem not truly
collected out of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the
doctrine of religion, I overpass them. To the purpose now of our
story again.
When certain of these above prefixed were moved in the aforesaid Anscim
*■ ,_ *pi *^ Stout
council to be discussed, namely conccrnmg the assertion ot the pro- thampion
ceeding of the Holy Ghost, and concerning leavened bread in the f^e 'Srl-
ministration of the Lord's supper, Anselm, as is above said, was called "^n**-
for, who, in the tractation of the same articles, so bestirred him in that
council, that he well liked the pope and them about him, as mine
author recordeth. Whereupon, touching the matter of unleavened
bread, how indifferently he seemed there to reason, and what he writeth
to Waltram, or Valerame, bishop of Naumburg, thereof ye shall
hear by a piece of his letter sent to the said bishop, the copy whereof
here ensueth.
Anselm, servant to the church of Canterbury, to AValtram, bishop of
Naumburg.^
As concerning the sacrifice in which the Grecians think not as we do, it
seemeth to many reasonable Catholic men, that which they do not to be against
the christian faith ; for both he that sacrificeth unleavened and leavened, sacri-
ficeth bread. And where it is read of our Lord (when he made his body of
bread) that he took bread and blessed, it is not added unleavened or leavened.
Yet it is certain that he blessed unleavened bread, peradventure not because the
(1) This article seemeth not to be rightly collected out of the Grecians.
(2) Ex Epist. Anselm. 325, post initiuni. [See note in Appentiix on p. 155.— F-n.j
152
Tin; GRECIANS EXCOMMUNICATKD.
William tiling tliat was done required lliat, but because tlie supper in wliicli this was
^"■f"'- done did give that. And wliere in anotlier place he calleth himself and his
A. D. ^'^'*'' bread, because that as man liveth temporally with this bread, so with that
1098. ^'"'■'"^ '"-' liveth ior evir — lie saith not unleavened nor leavened, because both
alike are bread ; lor unleavened and leavened differ not in substance, as some
think: like as a new man before sin, and an old man rooted in the leaven of sin
dilier not in substance. For this cause only, therefore, he might be tliought to
call himself and his flesh bread, and to have made his body of bread, because
Bread in 'I'*'' ^'"^ bread, unleavened or leavened, givetli a transitory life ; and his body
the com- giveth everlasting life, not for that it is either leavened or unleavened. Although
•"•">'"" it be a commandment in the law to eat unleavened bread iji the Passover, where
leavcni-a "'^ things are done in a figure, that it might be declared that Christ, whom they
it not lie- looked for, was pure and clean ; and we that should eat his body were admo-
ce»»ary. njshed to be hkewise pure from all leaven of malice and wickedness : yet now
after we arc come from the old figure to the new truth, and eat the unleavened
flesh of Christ, that old figure in bread, of which we make that flesh, is not
necessary for us. J5ut manifest it is, to be better sacrificed of imlcavened than
of leavened, &c.
To this letter I have also adjoined another epistle of his to the
said Waltrani, appertaining to matters not mueh unlike; wherein the
vtu-icty and divers usages of the sacraments in the church are treated
of; wiiereby such as call and cry so much for uniformity in the church,
may note, pcradvcnture, in the same something for their l)etter under-
standing.
Part of another Letter of Anselm to the said Waltram, Bishop of
Naumburg. '
To the reverend father and his friend Waltram, by the grace of God,
the worshipful bishop of Naumburg, Anselm, the servant of the
church of Canterbury, greeting, &c.
Your worship comjilaineth of the sacraments of the church, that they are not
made every where after one sort, but are handled in divers places after divers
sorts. And truly if they were ministered after one sort, and agreeing through
Diversity the whole church, it were good and laudable. Yet, notwithstanding, because
Tn Uie''''^ ^^'^'■^ ^^ "^^"y <li^'ersities which differ not in the sum of the sacrament, in the
church to strength of it, or in the faith, or else can be gathered into one custom, I think
be^borne that they are rather to be home with in agreement of peace, than to be con-
pcacc. ra- <lpnined with offence : for we have this fi-om the holy fathers, that if the unity
thcr than of charity be kept in the catholic faith, the diversity of customs hurteth nothing.
^1 wfth"" ^"* ^^ ^^ ^'^ demanded whereof this diversity of customs doth spring, I perceive
oiTence. "p other cause thereof but the diversity of men's wits, which, although they
differ not in strength and tnith of the thing, yet they agree not in the fitness
and comeliness of the ministering : for that Avhich one judgeth to be meeter,
oftentimes another thinketh less meet ; wherefore, not to agree in such diversities,
I think it not to swerve from the tnith of the thing, Sec.
Kxconi- Then in the story it followcth, after long debating and discussing
tiondc ot tliese matters m the councd, when they had given forth their
nounccd determination upon the same, and the pope had blasted out liis
""^.s'T "'^"^^^""g excommunications against the Grecians, and all that took
also ' their part, at Icjigth were brought in the complaints and accusa-
edS's, l"»'^ ••'gamst the king of England, upon the hearing whereof, Pope
KinfiWii- Lrl>an, with his adlicrcnts, was ready to proceed in excommunication
against the king ; but Anselm, kneeling before the pope, after he
(1) Kx Epist. Anselm. 327.
VACILLATING CONDUCT OF THE POPE. \')5
liad first accused liis king, then afterwards obtained for liini longer »'iitiitm
time to be given upon fiirtlier trial. nujus.
Thus the council breaking up, the pope returned again to Rome, A. D.
directing down his letters to the king, and commanding him that _^"'^^-
Anselm, with all his partakers, in speedy wise should be revested ^'"^^
again in his archbishopric, and all other possessions thereunto appcr- head, ami
taining. To this the king scndeth answer again by messengers, who, him a*''""
coming to the pope, declared in the king's behalf on this wise. That p'^'^"-'''-
the king, their master, did not a little marvel what came into his
mind to command Anselm to be revested and reseized again into
his former archbishopric ; seeing he told him before plainly, that if
he went out of England without his leave, he would so do unto him.
" Well," saith the pope, " have ye no other matter against Anselm
but only this ?" " No," quoth they. "And have ye taken all this
travail,"" saith the pope, "to come hither so far to tell me this, that the
primate of your country is therefore disseized and dispossessed, because
he hath appealed to the see and judgment apostolical ? Therefore, Aloud
if thou lovest thy lord, speed thee home and tell him, if he Avill not H^^^aJx,
be excommunicated, that he quickly revest Anselm again in all that i*"' "'"^-
lie had before. And lest I make thee to be hanged for thy labour, thutuier-
look to thy term, and see that thou bring me answer again from him ^°"'
into this city against the next council, the third week after Easter."
The messenger, or speaker, being somewhat astonied at the hearing
of this so tragical answer, thinking yet to work something for his
king and master, came secretly to the pope, saying, that he would
confer a certain mystery from his king privately with his holiness, a bribing
between them two. What mystery that was, or what there passed '^H'^'^^
from the king to the pope and the court of Rome, mine author does at Rome.
not show ; but so cunningly that mystery was handled, that, with a
fiJl consent, both of the pope and all the court of Rome, a longer
day was given, fi-om Easter to Michaelmas ; and the pope's choleric
heat so assuaged, that when the council came, which then was holden optimus
at St. Peter's church in Rome, albeit great complaints were then eus" uum-
denounced against the king, yet such favour was found, that he took ^"h^*^^*
no harm ; only the sentence of excommunication was there pro- councUof
nounced against such lay persons as gave investiture of churches, and
them that were so invested ; also, against them that consecrated such,
or which gave themselves in subjection to laymen for ecclesiastical
livings, as is before touched.
This council being finished, the archbishop, seeing the unstedfasincss
of the pope, w^hich pleased him but little, took his journey to L>ons,
where he continued his abode a long time, till the death, first of Pope
Urban, and then of the king.
Of this King AVilliam many things be diversely recorded, some to
his commendation, and some to his discommendation ; whereof this
is one which some will ascribe to liai'diness, but I rather to rash- The imrd-
ness in him. As this king upon a time was in his disport of hunting, 1-athcV'"^
suddenly w^ord came to him that Le Mans, a city in Normandy, " ^'1',',^''
was besieged. The king, without longer tarrying or advisement, '^viii'i"".
took the straight way toward the sea-side, sending to his lords that
they should follow after. They, being come to his presence, advised
him to stay till the time his people were assembled ; but he would
]54 DEATH OF WILLIAM RUFLIS.
jt .//.;». not be stayed, saying, tliat such as liim lovctl, lie knew, would follow
^"■^'"- him shortlV; and so went to take ship. The shipmaster, seeing the
A.D. weather so' dark and cloudy, was afraid, and counselled the king to
1100- tjirry till the wind ditl turn about, and the weather was more favourable.
A saying But tlic king, persisting in his journey, commanded him to make all
wiUiam t^'^ speed he might IVu- his life ; saying, that he never heard that
any kintf yet was ever drowned; and so passed the sea in safety, and
came to Nonnandy.
The thirteenth year of his reign, the said King William, having
tlie same time in his hand three bishoprics — Canterbury, Winchester,
and Sarum, also twelve abbies in farm, as he was in his disport of
Thcrtoath hunting in the New F(n-est, by glancing of an arrow shot by a knight
I'iamKu "«m^"d Walter Tyn ell, was wounded to death, and so, speechless, was
fus. carrieil to Westminster, and there was buried. Here also is to
be noted, that Richard, the cousin-german of King William, and
son to Duke Robert his brother, was likewise slain in the aforesaid
forest. See the just hand of God upon kings usuq)ing wrongfully
upon other men"'s grounds, as did William the Conqueror, their
father, in making this new forest, plucking do^^Tl divers churches and
^/'go"]''^ townsliips for the compass of thirty miles about. Here therefore ap-
revcng- pcarctli, that although men cannot revenge, yet God revengcth, either
fauits'of in them or in their posterity. This king, as he always used con-
fildr^pos- cubines, so left he no issue legitimate behind him. His life was such,
"-'"•>■■ that it is hard for a story that should tell the truth to say whether he
was more to be commended or reproved. Among other vices in him,
especially is to be rebuked in him unmeasurable and unreasonable
coveious- covetousness ; insomuch that he coveted, if he might, to be every
"':''* °l., man's heir. This one example of a liberal and princely nature I
Ham. find in him, that upon a trnie when a certam abbot ot a place was
dead, there came to his court two monks of the same house, who
before had gathered much money, and made their friends to the king,
and offered large offers, both of tliem to be promoted to that dignity.
There was also a third monk of the same place, who of meekness and
humility followed the other two, to the intent that upon him whom
the king had admitted for abbot, he should give attendance, and as
his chaplain with him retm-n. The king called before him the two
monks severally, of whom the one outproffercd the other. As the
king cast his eye aside, he espied the third monk standing by, sup-
posing that his coming had been also for the like cause. Then the
king, calling him, asked what he would do, whether he would give more
than his brethren had offered to be abbot. He answered the king,
and said, that he neither had, nor would (if he might) offer any
penny for it by any such unlawful means. When the king had well
pondered this third monk's answer, he said that he was best worthy
to be abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge : and so gave
imto him that benefice witliout taking any penny.
Urban, Ijishop of Rome, who, as is said, succeeded after Victor,
ruled the church of Rome about the space of eleven years ; and
amongst his other acts he excommunicated the emperor, Henry IV.,
as a man not much devout to that see of Rome. But yet a worthy
and victorious prince he was, in whom, albeit some vice perchance
might be noted, yet none such wherefore any prelate or minister of
KPISTLK OF BISHOP WALTUAM. 155
Christ ought to excite his subjects to rebel against public authority ininam
of God appointed. This emperor Henry IV. was by four popes '""-^"''
severally excommunicate — by Hildebrand, Victor, Urban, and Paschal ; A. D.
which excommunication wrought so in the ignorant and blind hearts ^ ^ ^*^-
of the people, that many, as well of the nobles as of the multitude, iicnryiv.
contrary to their sworn allegiance, rebclliously conspired against their rauni-
king and emperor; in the number of whoni among the rest was one j:^tt<iby
certain earl, named Louis, to whom Waltram, bishop of the church popes.
of Naumburg (a godly and faithfid man, as appeareth) doth write louL
letters of fatherly admonition, exhorting and instructing' him in the '■'^''!'''
office of obedience ; unto the which letters he likewise doth answer t'le em-
again by cavilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather dis- ^*'^°'"
posed to discord, than seeking sincerity of truth. And forasmuch
as in these two letters the argument of christian obedience on both
sides is so debated by proofs and reasons as may be profitable for the
reader to peruse and understand, I thought therefore not to defraud the
English reader of the same, whereof peradvcnture some utility might be
taken. The tenor of the bishop's letter to the earl here followeth.
The Epistle of Waltram, bishop of Naumburg, to Earl Louis, Land-
grave of Thuringia, exhorting to concord and obedience.*
Waltram, by the grace of God being tliat he is, to the most serene prince,
Louis, together with his earnest prayers ofFereth himself in all things his
most devoted servant. To every realm concord is advantageous, and justice
desirable ; for this virtue is the mother of goodness and the preservation of all
honesty. But whoever goeth about sowing civil dissension, and inciteth
others to the shedding of men's blood, he is, in fact, himself a bloody man,
and a partaker with him vAw, thirsting for our blood, continually " walketh
about seeking whom he may devour." Do thou, therefore, most glorious concord
prince, considering how that God is a God of peace and not of dissension, "as and just
much as in you lieth, live peaceably with all men." " God is iove ;" the devil "i^edience
is hatred. On love " hangeth all the law, and the prophets :" but he that in a com-
hateth his brother is a murdei-er, and hath no part in the kingdom of Christ and nion-
of God." These are the sayings, partly of the Truth himself and partly of him ^'^^ ' '
who was the Truth's disciple; who from the breast of his Lord having drimk
deeply of Gospel truth, the more abundantly " gladdeneth the city of God
with the streams of that river." [Psalm xlvi. 4.] But that " chosen vessel,"
who, being " caught up to the third heaven, not by man, but by the revelation
of Jesus Christ," learned his Gospel, he saith, " Let every soul be subject to
the higher powers ; for there is no power but of God. But he that resisteth
the power, resisteth the ordinance of God " [Rom. xiii. 1,2]: as some of our
friends are doing, who dream and teach among seely women^ and the simple mul-
titude, that we are not bound to be subject to kingly power, and that therefore
it is false to assert, that " every soul ought to be subject to the higlier power."
But can the Truth itself lie? or do we seek a proof of him who spake in the
apostle, even Cln-ist? Do we provoke the Lord to jealousy? Be we stron.gL-r
than he? Yet what else doth he, but think himself stronger than the Lord,
who resisteth his ordinance? for " there is no power but of God." Bat what
saith the prophet? — " Confounded be all that fight against thee, O Lord, and Disobe-
themen shall perish who strive with thee." [Is. xli. IL] Rodolph, Hildebrand, 'ii^">«
Egbert, with iniumierable other pj-inces, resisted the ordinance of God in the byCod.
person of Henry the emperor ; and lo ! they are now perished as though they
had never been : and as their end was very evil, so their beginning could not
have been good.
Now, therefore, forsomuch as they who are opposed to us have hitherto
only fenced with us at a distance with their reasonings, let us meet your
(1) W.-iUramus, Dei gratia id quod est, Ludovico, serenissimo principi, cum iustantia oratiomim
seraetipsura ad omnii devotissimum. Orani regno utilis est concordia, desiderabilis est justitia,"
kc. — Ex. [Dodechini] Appendice ad Marianum Scotum. [See the Appendix. — Ed.]
(2) " Mulierculas."— Ed.
]'C) TIIK UAII.ING ANSWER OF EARI. LOUIS.
nuiiam judgment in close encounter, wherever (even in your own judgment) it may be
Iiiifiii. proper, only let it not be " in tlieir own hired lodging" [Acts xxviii. 30], but
. ., lot us use the testimony of Christ and the ancient fathers. And tliat it be not
; ," ' ■ refused, let this be the law of our contest, either that I shall adopt the popular
• opinion, or by my victory gain you to our lord the emperor. Also let that
saving be attended to, " if any man preach any other gospel than that which
is'preacljcd unto you, let him be accursed." [Gal. i. 8.] This curse doth not
proceed from the "hired lodging" of profane novelty, but is thundered from the
tliird heaven. 13ut of them who, " being ignorant of God's righteousness and
"(tin" about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves
unto the righteousness of God" [Ko;n. x. 3], of such I may confidently say, " Let
them curse, but bless thou ; when they arise let them be ashamed ; but let thy
servant rejoice" [Psalm cix. 28] : for (as thou sayest, O Lord) "Without
me ye can do nothing " [John xv. 5] : nor wilt thou condemn the just when
he is judged ; " Who then art thou that judgest another man's servant? to his
own master he standeth or falleth." [Horn. xiv. 4.]
The railing Answer of Earl Louis to the former Letter of Bishop
Waltram.
The Earl Louis to the Lord Waltram, whatever is due to such a name. " As
a good man out of the good treasure of his heart bringeth forth good, so doth an
evil man out of the evil treasure bring forth evil." Whence hath such excessive
arrogancy possessed you, to provoke my indignation with such injurious con-
tumehes? For my lords and spiritual fathers, who strengthen me in the way of
righteousness, you obliquely call bloody men, like unto Satan ; and the whole-
some lessons which they teach, you call dreams for scely women and the rude
vulgar. Hath God any need of your judgment, that you should sj)cak leasings
for him? Iniquity hath taught your mouth, and you imitate the tongue of
blasphemers; so that the prophet rightly saith of you, " He hath left ofT to be
wise and to do good ; he deviseth mischief upon his bed." [Psalm xxxvi. ?>, 4.]
Although, therefore, being froward thou didst speak froward things, yet we
determined " to set a watch upon our mouth, while the ungodly was before
Wellsaid: US." But the word of God exciteth us, saying, "Answer a fool according to
when you his folly, lest he be wise in his own conceit." [Prov. xxvi. 5.] Shall folly cry
amc"to ^^^^< ^"^ wisdom hold her peace ? Shall falsehood speak, and truth keep
witlist.ind silence? Shall "darkness cover the earth, and the Lord not arise and shine?"
Ills wis- Yea^ rather, " the light shineth in darkness, but the darkness comprehendeth it
liimafooi. not." WMiile I was considering hereof " my heart grew hot within me ; and
Note how while I was musing the fire kindled." [Psalm xxxix. 3.] We therefore now
herc^call- speak, yea cry, and (as much as in us lieth) will drive away " the little foxes
eth light which are destroying the Lord's vines" [Cant. ii. 15] ; fearing that threatening
''''d'rt'^^'k' P^'opl'ccy — " Ye have not withstood our adversaries, neither have ye made a
nesslight. bulwark for the defence of the house of Israel, to stand in the battle in the
day of the Lord." [Ezek. xiii. 5.] Hear me, then — not thou " who hast ears
He hath a'ld hcarest not, eyes and seest not ; who hast made the vcrj' light that is in thee
uueri'd darkness;" but — such as are wise, and " ha\e ears to hear" withal ; let such, I
son thair ^"^J' '^^'''^'' '"^^^' profoundly ignorant thou art, or pretendest to be, what ye say
you are and whereof ye afHrm I Thou invitest us to be subject to the Lord Henry,
able ever whom they call the emperor, and (as far as we can understand thee) thou
to answer iiii • ^,. ,- i- • n,- ,i
lo. woulUst lay a necessity upon us oi being subject to him in all things, and that
by an argument seemingly drawn from the apostle, saying, " Let every soul be
subject unto the higher ))owers ; for there is no power but of God ; he therefore
that resisteth, resisteth the ordinance of God." Which sentence of the apostle,
we assert that you do ill understand, and still worse interpret. For if every
WTiether power be of God, as you understand it, what mcaneth this that the Lord
every speaketh of certain by the prophet, "They reigned, but not by me; they were
I's'tTbe '""^^^ princes, and 1 knew tluin not." [Hos. viii. 4.] If every power be of
obeyed God, as you understand it, what meaneth this that the Lord saith, " If thine
or no. eye ofl'eiid thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee?" For what is a power, if
the eye be not? Certainly Augustine, in his exposition of this passage of the
nposlle — "Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers," saith, "But
if the ])ower should command any thing which is contrary to God, there hold
the power in contempt ; yet continuing to fear the power in other respects."*
(1) Sec Ajipendix.— Ed.
THK HAILING ANSWER OF EAIlL I.OITIS. 157
Is there iniquity witli God? Is Christ the minister of sin ? God forbid, wniian,
What do we say, then? Doth the apostle preach contrary to the prophet? Hufus.
Augustine saith, " By no means. One breath filletli many pipes of divers . j^
tones." Therefore let us hear the apostle reconciling and expounding himself, ■, ,',j.^'
and destroying the enemy and avenger. "There is no power," he saith, " but '-
of God." What foUoweth ? Thou sayest — " He therefore that doth resist the if every
power," &c. No such thing— that doth not follow: but what doth follow ? ',',""t"-.
*' But the powers which be, are ordained of God." Truly, tiiat is the very fcndeUi
thing we want. O crafty tongue ! O heart imagining mischief! O breath that!"* *'!''■
goeth forth, but shall not return ! Why hast thou lied to the Holy Ghost? Let be'^cast
thine own conscience accuse thee. Behold, the wicked fleeth when none "'"' ""'"
pursueth ! Why would you suppress the truth, on purpose to deceive ? Why eariVi'/uk'
have you stolen away the marrow and soul of tliis passage ? For if these last- a fair ar-
cited words be taken out of the middle of the apostle's sentence, it will lio e""'<-'"'-
incoherent and lifeless. The word of the Lord is herein fulfilled, " He that
diggeth a pit for his neighbour, shall fall therein himself." [Prov. xxvi. 27.]
Verily, thou canst not avoid either the guilt or the punishment of theft. What,
O unhappy man, what wilt thou answer the Judge when he cometh to take
account of his servants whom he put in trust, seeing thou shalt then be arraigned
and proved a peculator of thy Lord's property ? Why didst thou not fear the How live-
judgment and execution of a traitor, and lest like guilt should be followed by '^ ^^}^^^
like punishment ? The apostle, through the Holy Ghost, did foresee that you, describe
and such heretics as you are, should arise in the church, wlio should call them-
good evil and evil good, and put darkness for light and light for darkness, and the^ro^',"
should take occasion by sentences of truth to bring in error : and therefore, colours!
liaving premised " There is no power but of God," on purpose to prevent any ?^"' P^"'
wrong-headed inference therefrom he addeth, " But the powers which be, are the^mpe-
ordained of God." Give us then an ordained power, and we will not resist ror to be
the same, nay, we will forthwith do homage. ^" ordma-
' J ' o j*y power
But I marvel, that, if there be but a single drop of blood in thee, thou dost when be
not blush to call the Lord Henry "king," or allow him to have order in his appealed
favour. Doth it seem to thee order, to give place to wickedness, and to con- ° ""'
found good and evil, God's laws and man's devices? Doth it seem to thee
order, for a man to sin against his own body, as for example, (O atrocious This is
wickedness !) to make a harlot of his own wife — a villany never before heard of '^,'^'^'^;
since the world began ? Doth it seem to thee order, when the Lord saith, emperor
" Defend the widow," then to go and prostitute widows to shameful defilement, would
even when appealing for equity of justice ? Orestes,' in his madness even, ^vr'i^'^vife
protesteth that he must be out of his senses who would assert such things to a harlot !
be orderly or well done. Until these most wretched times, nature hath always
loved secrecy ; but your king, given up to a reprobate mind, hath thrown aside
the veil and exposed to public gaze that which natural shame would conceal.
To say nothing of innumerable atrocities, such as burning of churches, spoil-
ing, murders, burnings, mutilations, and the like, the number whereof he
knoweth, not we — let us point out those things chiefly wherein the church of God
is aggrieved. Hear, then, things true and not coloured ; hear what are serious
matters, and no jest. Every one that selleth spiritual dignities is a heretic. Evil will
But the Lord Henry, whom they call "king," selleth both bishoprics and "^j'^^^.^.jj^
abbacies ; for assuredly he sold for money the bishoprics of Constance, Bam-
berg, Mentz, and many others ; the bishoprics of Katisbon, Augsburgh, and
Strasburgh, he sold for a sword ; the abbacy of Fulda, for adulterous inter-
course; thebishopric of Munster (shocking both to tell and to hear !) for Sodomitic
indulgence. Which things if you will impudently den)' in the face of heaven
and earth, even the poor silly idiots, taken from the smithy, will conclude, "The
Lord Henr}' then is a heretic." For the which atrocious crimes being excom-
municated by the apostolic see, he cannot now govern his kingdom nor exercise
any power over us who be catholics. And whereas thou chargest us with hatred
of our brethren, understand, that we intend not to hate any from mere dislike,
but from considerations of piety. God forbid, that we sliould allow Henry
worthy to be accounted a christian brother, who, by so often refusing to hear
the reproofs of the church, is become to us as " a heathen man and a publican:"
(1) The writer seems to refer to Orestes, who, having cov.imitted the most fearful murders, is
said to have be«n tormented to madness, by the Furies. yEscbyl. in Eumen. Agam. — Ed.
158 THE nAlLING ANSWER Or EARL LOUIS.
Uii!i„m tlio liatrcd of whom we offer unto God as a great sacrifice, saying with the
Hufuj. psahuist, " Do not I hate iheni that hate thee, O Lord ? and am not I grieved
will) thine enemies? I hate tliem witli perfect liatred, I count them mine
, ■^:' enemies." [Psahn cxxxix. 21, 22.] The Truth himself, commending the
'^""' worthiness of this hatred, doth say, " If any man hate not father and mother,
Azeal.but and brethren and sisters, yea, and his own life also, for my sake, he cannot be
far from ,„y tUgciple." [Luke xiv. 2C.] \\e arc not, therefore, justly upbraided with
kXc hatred, seeing we are commanded to hate even our own life if we wander from
And when God's wav, and to hate father and mother, and every natural affection, which
tlii-y hhdll j,j„(j^,retli us from walking in God's way. Thence is it, that we use our study and
tl'V*"'"" endeavour to guard against the enemies of the church as our own enemies
thinkihey ^jgp ^,,(1 ],atc them ; yet, not as being our enemies, but as being God's enemies.
Kreat*ber- Kurthpr, whereas you urge us "to maintain peace with all men," you should
vice. remember that the apostle premiseth, " If it be possible :" but it is impossible
Yi-a true, that we should maintain peace with those that are contrary to God. But who
if heh.id [^ iiTnorant, that the Lord our Saviour not only commendeth peace, when lie
you't'ofor'- saith, " My peace I give unto you, peace I leave with you ;" but also that he
sake the himself is that peace, as saitli the apostle, " He is our peace, who hath made
iLime of Jjpji^ one." What then doth our Peace himself say, while speaking in com-
which'he mendation of peace? " Think not," saith he, " that I came to send peace on
iieverdid. the earth; I came not to send peace, but a sword." \\ hat meanclh this? Why
doth Peace threaten a sword? or why doth Peace proclaim war? — to destroy,
forsooth, the peace of the devil; for the devil also hath his peace, whereof the
oil, how Lord saith, " When a strong man, armed, kecpeth his palace, his goods are in
7^i'''^ peace." [Luke xi. 21.] Oh how strongly doth tlie devil keep his palace at this
Satavi moment by you his guards ! who, pi'otected by the shield of falsehood and the
he'c helmet of perfidy, so defend him, that you will not allow the arrows of truth
himself to °'" ''^^ darts of faith to pierce him. Nevertheless, ouv Lord being the " stronger
an aiigel man armed, coming upon your strong man, is able to overcome him and take
of light! from him all his armour, wherein he tiusteth." [ibid.] We are not, there-
fore, rightly blamed, if we protest against that peace, more cruel than any
war, which the Truth himself condemncth, weeping over Jerusalem and saying,
" Truly in this day the things which belong to thy peace" [Luke xix. 42] ;
and which the Psalmist envied in the wicked, when he saw the peace of sinners.
Whereas you condemn Pope Gregory, king Kodolph, and the Marquis
Egbert, as men who have died wretched deaths, and count your lord blessed
because he doth outlive them, it plainly appeareth that you arc void of all
spiritual consideration. Is it not more blessed to die well, than to live ill ?
for " blessed are they who suffer persecution for righteousness' sake." You
might as well esteem Nero, Herod, and Pontius Pilate blessed, for that they
severally outlived Peter and Paul, and James the apostle, and the Lord Jesus
Christ — an opinion, than which nothing can be more foolish and absurd.
Wherefore refrain thy babbling tongue from this blasphemy ; unless thou wouldst
})lace thyself among the number of those, who, beholding the end of the
righteous to be glorious, and themselves too late and in vain "repenting, and
groaning for anguish of spirit, shall say, These be they whom we had some-
times in derision, and a proverb of reproach. We fools accounted their life
madness, and their end to be without honour. How arc they numbered among
the children of God, and their lot is among the saints. Therefore have we
erred from the way of truth, and the light of righteousness hath not shincd
unto us, and the Sun of righteousness rose not upon us. What hath pride
profited us, or what good hath riches, with our vaunting, brought us? All
those things are passed away like a shadow." [Wisdom v. 3 — 9.] Which
words we registering in imperishable remembrance, despise every imagination
that shall exalt itself against the truth of God ; and, glorying as we do in tribu-
lations, we may be falsely accused, accursed, banished, yea, and finally slain, but
we cannot yield or be conquered. Moreover (as thou thyself wouldst have felt
once, when a beardless boy and a gay youth, and not yet a tough-hearted old
man) we do rejoice with great exultation in the memory of our fathers, who,
despising the commandments of princes, merited everlasting rewards.
There is a certain chronicle in old English metro, wliich, among
olhcr matters speaking of William Rufus, declarcth him to be so
HENRY SUHNAMKl) IJKAUCI-ERK. 159
sumptuous and excessive in pompous apparel, that lie not beincf con- •"'■'"■j/ '■
tented with a pair of hose^ at a low price, which was tliree shillings, a. I).
caused a pair to be bought at a mark, whereupon his chamberlain, iioo.
procuring a pair much worse than the other before, said,
" That they costen'd a mark, and unneth he them so bought :
Yea, Belamy (quoth the king) these are well bought !"
Whereby is to be noted what difference is to be seen between the
hose of princes then, and the hose of serving-men now.
Appendix Historiw.
After the time of this King William, the name of King ceased in '^"^f?^, .
" *- C6JIS6U ill
the country of Wales among the Britons, since King Ris, in the waies.
reign of this king, a. d. 1093, was slain in Wales. ^
HENRY THE FIRST.'
Henry I., the third son of William the Conqueror, succeeding his A.D.
brother Rufus, began his reign in England a. D. 1100, who, for his 1100.
knowledge and science in the Seven Liberal Arts, was surnamed Henry
Clerk, or Beauclerk. In this prince may well appear how knowledge fjerk,
and learning do greatly conduce to the government and admini- |^"f,°L
stration of any realm or country. At the beginning he reformed the
state and condition of the clergy, released the gTievous payments, and
reduced again King Edward's laws, with emendation thereof; he
reformed the old and untrue measm-es, and made a measure after the ^^jj.^ ™^'*'
length of his arm ; he greatly abhon-ed excess of meats and drinks ; England
many things misused before his time he reformed, and used to after
vanquish more by counsel than by sword. Such persons as were nice of'^^"g'*
and w^anton he secluded from his court. This man, as appeareth, Henry';
little favoured the usurped power of the bishop of Rome. Soon
after he w^as king, he married Matilda, or Maud, daughter of Malcolm,
king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife, daughter of Edward the
Outlaw, as is before specified, being a professed nun at Winchester,
whom, notwithstanding, and without the pope"'s dispensation, he
married by the consent of Anselm, by the wliich Maud he re-
ceived two sons, William and Richard, and two daughters, Matilda
and Mary, which jSIatilda afterwards was mamed to the emperor,
Henry V>
In the second year of his reign, Robert, his elder brother, duke of a.d.uoi.
Normandy, being occupied in the christian wars against the Turks,
and being elected, as you heard, king of Jerusalem, hearing of the
death of Rufus, refused the kingdom thereof; for the which, as is
thought, he never sped well after. Thus the said Robert, leaving Example,
off the Lord's business, and returning into Normandy, made there u, ieave '^
his preparations, and came over into England with a gi-eat host to J'^^'^,
arm.
he
_ _ _ -_ ..ord's
challenge the crown ; but, by mediation of the lords, it was agreed businesB
(1) This anecdote is told with great life and spirit by Malmcsbury. " One morning," says he,
" as he was putting on a pair of new boots, he asked his pentienian of the bedchamber, in waiting,
what they cost ? he was answered ' three shillings.' ' Away, base fellow,' said the king, ' did you
ever hear of a king wearing such pitiful boots as those ? go, bring a pair of a mark of silver.' The
bedchamber-man went and brought a pair much worse, but told his master they cost what he had
ordered. ' Ay,' replied William, ' these are boots fit for a king to wear ;' and so put them
on." — Ed.
(2) Ex continuatione Roger Hoved.
(3) Edition 1 ;(;.3, p. ;?0. Ed. 1583, p. 111. Ed. 159G, p. 17J. Etl. ICSl, vol. i. p. 21G.— Ld.
(4) Ex Mat. I'aris. Flor. Hist.
IGO
THE HOSPITAL OV HARTHOLOMEW FOUNDKl).
u.nryT. tliut Robcrt slioulcl liavc yearly, during his life, three thousand
marks, as were likewise promised him before by King Rufus, his
A. I).
1102.
Duke
llulicrt
taken
prisuiier.
The hos-
pital ut
U.irthu-
lomcw
ruiiiiUcU.
The king
ordains
and in-
vests
bishopa
without
the pope.
Aiisvhn
cruel and
fierce
nxainst
married
I'riesls.
brother ; and that whetlier of tliem outlived the other, should be the
other's heir. On this Robert departed again into Normandy, to the
great discontent of his lords there ; but, in a few years after, the
aforenamed tribute of three thousand marks, through the means of
Queen Matilda, was released to the king his brother. In jn'ocess of
time, variance haj)pening between King Henry and the said Robert
liis brother, at length Robert in his wars was taken prisoner, and
brought over into England, and was put into the castle of Cardiff in
Wales, where he continued as a ])risoner while he lived.
In this time, as about the third year of this king, the hospital of
St. Rartholomew in Smithfield was founded, by means of a minstrel
belonging unto the king, named Rayer, and it was afterwards finished by
Jiieliard Whittington, alderman and mayor of London. This place
of Smithfield was at that day a laystall of all ordure or iilth, and
the place where the felons and other transgressors of the king''s laws
Avere put to execution.
Divers strict laws were by this king provided, especially —
Against thieves and felons, That whoso should be taken in that fault, no
money should save him from lianging.
Item, That whoso should counterfeit false money, should have both his eyes
put out, and the nether parts of his body cut oif.
Item, In the same council was decreed an order for priests to be sequestered
from their wives, which before were not forbidden.'
Item, It was then decreed that monks and priests should bear no rule over
lay persons.
Item, It was decreed concerning broidei-ing of hair, and wearing of gar-
ments.
Item, That a secret contract of marriage between a young lad and a young
maid should not stand : with other things concerning the excommunicaiion of
those guilty of sodomy.
In the story of William Rufus before was declared how Anselm,
the archbishop of Canterbury, departing out of the realm, went to
the pope, who, after the death of King William, was sent for again
by the aforesaid King Henry, and so returned again, and Avas at the
council of the king at Westminster ; where the king, in the presence
of the lords, as well temporal as spiritual, ordained and invested two
bishops, Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Roger bishop of Hereford.
During that parliament or council of the king, Anselm in his convo-
cation deposed and displaced divers abbots and other prelates from
their rooms and dignities, cither for that they lawfully came not by
them, or uprightlv did not administer the same.
After this council and the other before set forth by Anselm,
Herbert, bishop of Norwich, had much ado Avith the priests of his
diocese, for they Avould neither leave their wives, nor yet give over
their benefices. On this he Avrote to Anselm, the archbishop, for
counsel Avhat Avas to be done therein, Avho required him, as he did
others at the same time by Avriting, to persuade the people of Norfolk
and Suffolk, that as they professed Christianity, they should subdue
them as rebels against the church, and utterly drive both them and
(1) The words of mine author are tliese: " Anselmus prohibuit uxores sacerdotil)US Anplorum
ante non prohiliil.is. Quodquibusd.im niundissimum visum est, quibusdam pcriculosum, no dum
mundicias viribus majorcs appcterent, in immundicias borribiles ad Christian! nominis sumraum
dedccus incidcrcnt," &c. — Kx Hen. Hunt. lib. vii. Anselm.
KIKG HENRY JUSTLY OFFENDED WITH ANSELM. 1()1
tlieir wives out of the country, placing monks in their room, as by iiennj i.
the epistles of the said Ansclm doth appear ;' whereof certain parcels ~a~D~
shall hereafter, by the grace of Christ, ensue, for the better evidence iio2.
of this and his other acts above recited.
The like business also had Gerard, the archbishop of York, in
depriving the priests of his province of their wives ; which thing,
with all his excommunications and thunderings, he could hardly bring
about. Upon this ruffling of Anselm with mamed priests, were
rhyming verses made to help the matter withal, when reason could not
serve, which verses, for the folly thereof, I thought here to annex. ^
About the end of the second year of this kins:, which was by com- A.D.iirt?,
f . A strife
putation a.d. 1102, a variance happened between King Henry and between
Anselm, the occasion whereof was this : — Ye heard a little before how J\g"fy
Henry, the aforesaid kinsr, had, of his own authoritv, invested two and An-
bishops, one Roger, who was chancellor, bishop of Salisbury, and arch'
another, bishop of Hereford. Besides them divers also he invested, canufr-°
and divers other like things took he upon him in the ecclesiastical '^^y-
state, which he might lawfully do, God's word allowing well the
same ; but because he was restrained by the bishop of Rome, and
forbidden so to do, this Anselm swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad,
that he would neither consent to it, nor yet confirm them, nor com-
municate nor talk friendly with those whom the king had instituted
and invested ; but opprobriously called them abortives, or children of
destruction, disdainfully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of
religion, and polluter of their holy ceremonies ; as witnesseth Poly-
dore. With this uncomely outrage the king was much displeased, as
he might full well, and required Gerard, the archbishop of York, as
he owed him allegiance, to consecrate them ; who, without delay, did ^i5^°J''''^f
so, well performing the same, saving that one William Gifford, to win-
whom the king had given the bishopric of Winchester, refused to take refused to
his consecration by the hands of the archbishop of York, for which I^^J^j'i'y
cause the king, worthily with him offended, deprived him both of the arch-
bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm. York.
Moreover, the king required of Anselm, the archbishop of Canter-
bury, to do unto him homage, after the manner of his ancestors, as
witnesseth Malmesbury.^ Also it was asked of the said Anselm,
whether he would be with the king in giving investitures, as Lanfranc,
his predecessor, was with his father. To whom Anselm said, that he
promised not at any time that he would enter into this order to
keep the law or custom of his father, as Lanfranc did. Moreover, as Acts
concerning homage to be done to the king, that he refused ; alleging Roman
the censures of the pope's excommunication, who, in his council of !j°g|),"{
Rome a little before.^had given forth open sentence of excommunica- laymen
tion upon all such lay persons, whatsoever they were, that should any spiri-
from henceforth confer or give any spiritual promotions, and also motions"
(1) Ex Epist. Ansel. 17e.
(2) " O male viventes, versus audita sequentes.
Uxores vestras, quas edit summa potestas,
Linquite propter eum, tenuit qui morte trophxum.
Quod si non facitis, inferna claustra petetis.
Christi sponsa juliet, ne Presbyter ille ministret,
Qui tenet uxorem, bomini quia perdit amorem :
Contradicentem fore dicinms insipienteni :
HcBC non ex rancore loquor, potius sed amore."
Versus male feriati, ex Biljliis Ramsay.
(3) Ex Guliel. Malmesb. lib. i. de Gestis Pontif. Anglo. (-1) Seo p. 153.— Ed.
vol.. 11. M
1G2 COREESPONDEXCE BETWEEN KING HEXUY,
Henry I. upon thcui that rocfivecl them at their liands, cither yet should
.^ jj consecrate any such receivers. Moreover, he accursed all them that
1102. for bencfic-es or other ecclesiastical promotions should subject them
selves under the homage or service of any great man, king, prince.
No s^iri- duke, or earl of the laity. For it was unseemly, said tho pope, and
^u^'h<! a thin"- very execrable, that the hands which were converted into so
under ),j^,]| ,^ working as was granted to no angel (that is, to create him
tioii to a with their crosses, who created all, and to offer up the same before
itni^c. the sight of the Father for the salvation of the whole world), should
be brought to such a slavery as to be subject to those filthy hands,
which both day and night are polluted with shameful touchings,
Anseim robbcrics, and bloodshed, &c.' This decree of Pope Urban Anselm
lo'dr"* alleging for himself, denied to subject himself to the king's homage,
iiomage fearing, as he said, the pope's excommunication. Upon this,
king. messengers were sent to Rome on both parts unto the pope, then
Pope Paschal, who, stoutly standing to the steps and determinations
of Urban, his predecessor, would in no case yield to the king's
investing.''*
In the mean time, while there was long disputation on both sides
for investing, the nobles of the realm contended, that investings did
belong to the king's dignity : wherefore the king, calling for Anselm
again, required him either to do homage to him, or else to void his
kingdom. To whom Anselm replying again, required the pope's
letters to be brought forth, and, according to the tenor thereof, so
the matter to be decided ; for now the messengers were rctiu-ned
from Rome, with the pope's answer, altogether siding with Anselm.
The king Then said the king, " What have I to do with the pope's letters .'' I
iMnV'to 'will iiot forego the liberties of my kingdom for any pope." Thus the
fheliope's coiitention continued between them. Anselm saith, he would not
letters, out of thc realm, but depart home to his church, and there see who
would offer him any violence : and so he did. Not long after,
message came from the king to Anselm, requesting him, after a gentle
sort, to repair to the king's presence again, to put an end to the
xiessen- Controversy, whereunto Anselm yielded and came. Then Avere new
fgainlo ambassadors sent again to the pope, that he would something qualify
Rome. ^-^^ moderate, or rather abolish, the strictness of the Roman decree
beforcmentioned. On the part of Anselm went two monks, Baldwin
of Bee and Alexander of Canterbury. On the kinir's behalf were
sent two bishops, Robert, bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert, bishop of
Norwich, with the king's letters written unto the pope, containing in
form as followeth.^
Lcttct To the reverend father Paschal, the cliicf hishop, Henry, by the grace of God
Henr" f '^'"° "^ England, greeting. For this your promotion imto the see of the holy
(I) Ex Jomalensis Bibliothecae Ilistoria.
(l) Ex Matthteo Paris. Ex Guliel. Malmesb. lib. i. de Gestis Pont. An?.
(3) " Patri vciierabili Paschali, summo pontifici, Henricus.Dei gratia rex Anglonim, salutem.
Promotinni vcstn in scdein sancta; Roman<E ccclesiEB plurimiim congaudeo, petens ut amicitia
qux patri meo cum antecessoribus vestris fuit, inter nos quoque illibata permaneat. Unde, ut
dilectio ct benipnitas a me videatur sumere initium, benelicium quod ab antecessoribus meis
beatus Petrus hahuit, vobis mitto : eosque honore-s et e-im obedicntiam quam tempore patris mei
antecessores vcstri in regno Anfrlise habuerunt, tempore meo ut habeatis volo, eo videlicet tenore,
ut dignitatis usus et consucmUines, quas pater mens tempore antecessorum vestrorum in regno
Angli,-e hahuit, ego tempore vcstro in eodem regno meo integre obtineam. Notumque habeat
sanctitas vestra. quod me vivente (Oco auxiliante)dignitates et usus regni Angli.ne non minuentur.
Et si ego (quod .ibsit) in tanta me dejectione ponerem, optimates mei (imo totius Ang!i.-E populus)
id nullo modo psterentur. Hahita igitur (charissime pater) utiliori deliberatione, ita se erga noa
moderetur benignitas vestra, ne quid invitus faciam, et a vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia."
AND THE POPE OF ROME. 163
church of Rome, as I am heartily glad, so my request is to you, that the iriend- iienry I.
ship and amity, which hath been heretofore between my father and your
predecessors in times past, may now also between us in like manner continue ^- ^•
undiminished ; and, that love and gentleness may first begin on my part, here ^^Q^-
I send to you that gift that St. Peter had in former time of my predecessors.
And likewise the same honours and obedience which your predecessors have
had in the realm of England before in the time of my father, I will you to have
the same in my time also : after this form I mean and tenor, that the usage
and manner of dignity, and such customs, as my father hath had in this realm of
England, in the time of your ancestors, I in like ample manner also now, in
your time, may fully enjoy the same in this the said realm of England. Thus, Spokea
therefore, be it known to your hoUness, that dui-ing this life of mine (God l)!^*;,^
Almighty enabling me to the same) these abovenamed dignities, usages, and
customs of this realm of England, shall in no part be lessened. Yea, and if
that I (as God forbid I should) would so much deject myself unto such coward-
ness, yet my nobles, yea, the whole people of England, in no case would suffer
it. Wherefore, dear father, using with yourself a better deHberation in this The king
matter, let your gentleness so moderate itself toward us, lest ye compel me, '* ?' j*
which I shall do against my will, to recede and depart utterly from your leave the
obedience. pope's
obedi-
At the same time, also, he sent another letter or epistle to the ^"'^^'
said pope, craving of him the pall for Gerard, archbishop of York,
the form whereof here also followeth : ^ —
To the reverend and well-beloved father universal. Pope Paschal, Henry, by Another
the grace of God, king of England, greeting. Tlae great love which I bear to ^^}^^ °^
you, and the no less gentleness in you, which not a little beautifieth your Henr>' I.
doings, ministereth to me boldness to write. And whereas I thought to have to the
retained still this Gerard with me, and to have craved your pall for him by P"^^'
letters ; yet, notwithstanding, when his desire covdd not otherwise be satisfied,
but he would needs present himself before your presence, by his own heart to
crave of you the same, I have sent him up unto you, desiring your benign
fatherhood in this behalf, that he, obtaining the pall at your hands, may be sent
home again to me. And thus, requiring the assistance of yom* prayers, I pray
the Lord long to preserve your apostleship.
This second letter of the king in sending for the pall was well
taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author saith) procured
such favour to Gerard, archbishop of York, and bringer thereof, that
no complaint of his adversaries afterwards could hurt him with the
pope. Notwithstanding, he was accused grievously for divers things,
and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselm, arch-
bishop of Canterbury,
Polydore, in his eleventh book of his English history, affirmeth, a place
that Anselm also went up to Rome with Gerard about the same dorev^irgii
cause. But both the premises and sequel of the story argue that to ^°^^^^
be untrue, for what need the two monks to be sent up on Anselm's
side, if he had gone up himself.'*^ Again, how could the pope write
down by the said messengers to Anselm, if he had been present there
himself.'^ for so proceedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury
and others.
After the ambassadors, thus on both sides sent up to Rome, had
laboured their cause with instant suit one against the other, the loatVto ''
pope, glad to gratify the king, yet loath to grant his request, being ^fg^Swn'*
against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to Anselm's side, profit.
(1) " Reverendo et diligendo patri universali papae Paschali Henricus, Dei gratia rex Anglonim,
salutem. Amor quem plurimum erga vos habeo, et benignitas quse nuiUum vestros actus
exornat," &c.
(2) Ex Guliel. Malmesb. lib. viii. de Pont. .\ng.
M 2
164- AX F.NOLISH AMBASSADOR SENT TO ROME.
lunnj I. sendcth down his letters to the said Anselm, signifying that he would
^ ^ not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers for one man s pleasure ;
1103. charging him, moreover, not only not to yield in the cause of invest-
ing, but constantly to ailhere to the aforesaid decreement of Pope
Urban, his predecessor, &c. Besides this letter to Anselm, he
directed also another to the king himself, which, mine author saith,
the king suppressed and did not show, only declaring, by word of
mouth, what tiie ambassadors had said unto him from the pope, which
was, that he permitted unto him the license of investing, upon
condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good
prince, &c. To this, also, the testimony of the three bishops above
minded did accord, which made the matter more probable. But
the two monks on the other side replied, bringing forth the letter of
Anselm to the contrary, &c. To them it was answered, that more
credit was to be given to the degree and testimony of the bishops,
than to theirs ; and that as for monks, they had no suffrage nor
testimony in secular matters, and therefore they might hold their
peace. " But this is no secular matter," said Baldwin, the monk
of Jiec. Whereunto, again, the nobles of the king's part answered,
saying, that he was a good man, and of such demeanour, that they had
nothing to say against liim, neither so would, if they might ; but that
both human and divine reason taught them to yield more credit and
He mean- confidcncc to the testimony of three bishops, than to that of two
the two monks : whereby may well appear, that Anselm at that time went
Gerard!' ^ot with thcm. Then Anselm, seeing how the king and his peers
tii'e7r^d^ were bent, and hearing also the testimony of the three bishops,
' against whom he saw he could not prevail, and also having the pope''s
seal, which he saw to be so evident on the contrary side, made his
answer again, that he would send to Rome for more certainty of
truth : adding, moreover, that he neither would, nor durst give over
his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceed against
the determination of the church of Rome, unless he had a perfect
waiTant of absolution from thence for his discharge. Then was it
agreed by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go
himself to Rome, and much entreaty was made that he would take
that journey himself, in liis o^vn person, to present himself to the
pope for the peace of the church and of his country. And so, at
length, by persuasion, he was content to go to Rome and speak with
the pope. In a short time after followeth also the king's ambassador,
The ora- A\'illiam Warlwast, the newly elected bishop of Exeter, who there
William l)leading on the king's side for the ancient customs of the realm, and
atlhe^" for the king s right of investing, &c., first declared, how England, of
coi'rt' '^ '^"" continuance, had ever been a province peculiar to the church
of Rome, and how it payed duly its yearly tribute unto the same ;
infening, moreover, how the king, as he Avas of nature very liberal,
so also of courage he was a prince stout and valiant. Then what a
shame would he think it to be to him, as it would indeed be, if he,
who in might and dignity far exceeded all his progenitors, should not
defend and maintain the liberties and customs by them procured.
Wherefore he desired the pope to see to the matter, so that it might
stand both with the king's honour, and also with his own profit and
advantage, who, otherwise, no doubt should lose a great piece of
HAUGHTY DEMEANOUR OK THE I'OPE. 165
money out of the realm, unless lie did remit something of the severity Henry i.
of liis canons and laws decretal. A.D.
Witli these and such other like persuasions to the same effect, the 1103.
court of Rome was well contented, agreein<i: that the king's request
ought with all favour to be granted. But the pope and Anselm sat
still marking their doings. The ambassador, supposing their silence
to be half a yielding unto him, added moreover and said; that the
king, no not for the crown of his realm, would lose the authority of
investing or admitting his prelates within his dominion.^ Where-
unto the proud pope answering again, burst out in these words : a proud
" Nor I," said he, " for the price of his head, as thou sayest, will fhe^iope"^
lose the giving of spiritual promotions in England ;" and, confirming
it with an oath, " before God,"" saith he, " I speak it ; know it for a
certainty, * for the whole price of his head, I will not permit it unto
him, neither shall he have it.* ^ Then it followeth in the story of
Malmesbury, that with this word of the pope the minds of the rest
Avere changed, saying, " Benedicta sit cordis tui constantia, bene-
dicta oris tui loquela." The king''s attorney also was therewith
dashed, who, notwithstanding, brought it to pass, that certain of the
king''s customs, used before of his father, were released unto him.
At that time, in the same court, it was decreed, — the king only, who
had invested them, being excepted, — that the others who were invested Excom-
by the king should be excommunicated ; the absolution and satis- uo"n""^^*"
faction of whom were left to Anselm, the archbishop. abused.
Thus Anselm, being dismissed from Rome, took his journey
towards England : but the ambassador, pretending to go to St.
Nicholas, remained behind, to see whether he could win the pope's
mind to the king's purpose ; but when he saw it would not be, he
overtaketh Anselm by the way, at Placentia, and openeth to him
the king's pleasure. " The king," saith he, " giveth to you in
charge and commandment, that if you will come to England, and
there behave yourself to him, as yom* predecessors did to his father,
you should be received and retained in the realm accordingly ; if
not, you are wise enough to know what I mean, and what will
follow."^ And so, with these words parting from him, he returned
again to the king. Anselm remained at Lyons a year and a half,
writing divers letters to the king, after this effect, and in words as
followeth : —
To his reverend Lord, Henry, king of England, Anselm, archbishop
of Canterbury, fliithful service with prayers.^
Although ye understand by Wilham Warlwast what we have done at Rome,
yet I shall shortly show you that which belongeth to nie. When I came to
Rome, I declared the cause wherefore I came to the lord pope. He answered
that he would not swerve from the statutes of his predecessors. Furthei-more,
he commanded me that I should have no fellowship with those who received
investings of churches at your hands, after the knowledge of this prohibition,
unless they would do penance, and forsake that which they had received, without
hope of recoveiT ; and that I should not communicate with the other bishops who
had consecrated such men, except they would present themselves to the judg-
ment of the apostolic see. The aforesaid Wilham can be a witness of all these
(1) Ex Giiliel. JIalmesb. de Gestis Pont. lib. i. Ex. Matth. Pari.s. lib. iii.
(2) These words are inserted from Edition lifi3, p. 31. — Ed.
f3) Ex Radulph. Londinensi. (4) Epist. 22-1
166 KECONCII.IATIOX OK THK KIXG AND AKSELM.
Jlrnry I. things if lie will. Tliis William, when we departed asunder, reckoning ,ip in
your behalf the love and liberality which you have had always towards me,
A.D. warned me as your archbishop, that I should show myself such an one, that if
notj- I would come into Kngland, I might be with you as my predecessor was with
vour father, and ye might treat me with the same honour and liberty that your
'''''« father treated my jjredecessor. 13y which words I undersUnd, that except I
I'trnmic-ss should show myself such an one, you would not have me come into England,
of a pro- For vour love and liberality I thank you; but that I should be with you as my
late in a predecessor was with your father, I cannot do it, for I dare not do homage to
cauTe! vou, nor do 1 dare conununicatc with those who take investings of churches at
your hands, because of the aforesaid inhibiticn made, 1 myself hearing it.
Wheretbre, I desire you to send me youi- pleasure herein, if it please you,
whether I may return into England, as I said, with your peace and the power
of mine office.
In the mean while, great business there ^vas, and much posting
went to and fro between the king, the archbishop, and the pope, but
nothing was done ; for neither Avould the pope agree to the king,
nor would the king condescend to the archbishop. At last the
archbishop, seeing that by no means he could prevail against the
king, thought to revenge himself by excommunication, and so went
about the same. The king, having word thereof by the Countess
Adela, his sister, desireth her to come to him into Normandy, and
bring Anselm with her : whereupon, by the means of the countess,
reconcilement was made, and the archbishop was restored to his
Recoil- former possessions ; only his retm-n into England was deferred,
raa(j^'^be- because he would not communicate with those whom the king had
the kin!'"^ iuvcstcd. So the king took his passage over into England, and
;;nd An- Ansclm made his abode at the abbey of Jiec.
Then were ambassadors again directed unto Rome, namely, Wil-
liam Warlwast, and Baldwin, above named, the monk of Bee ; who,
at length, concluded the long controversy between the king and the
pope upon this agreement : that the king should take homage of the
bishops elect, but should not deal with investing them by staff and
ring. AVhile the ambassadors were thus in their suit at Rome,
divers complaints were daily brought from England to Anselm against
the priests and canons, who, in his absence, contrary to the late
Priests couucil holdcu at London, received their wives into their houses again,
thtk"" and so were permitted by the king, paying him certain money for the
agaTii in samc.' Ansclm, the sore enemy against lawful marriage, grieved
tiie ah- therewith, addresseth his letters unto the kin"-, requirinsj him to
Aiitcim. refrain from any more taking of such exactions, declaring, moreover,
^'iusof '^"*^^ affirming, that the offences of all such ecclesiastical ministers
eccicsi- nmst be corrected at the instance of bishops, and not of laymen,
ministers To this the king answereth gently again by letters, tempering himself ,
none but ^^'^^^ he purjioscd shortly to come over into Normandy, and if he had
JO bisi.ups done any thing amiss, either in these or other things, he would reform
to come!, V 1 1 • 1 1-
quotii it by his obedience.
Anselm. jj^ ^^..^g ^^^^^ j^^^^ after, the messengers being now returned from Rome,
but the king, as lie had promised, sped him into Normandy, where
Thckinr hc, warring against his brother Robert, brought both him and the
Bm"e'l*^th« country of Normandy at last under his subjection. But first, meet-
arrh- incr with Ansclm at the abbey of Bee, he convented and aOTCcd with
bijlinp. * •' ' "
(II Gulic). Malmcsb. lib. i. dc Gestif Tontif.
SYNODAL DECKEES OF ANSELIM. ] 67
liim in all sucli points as the archbishop required. As first, that all Henry t.
his churches, ■which before were made tributary unto King William, . TT'
his brother, now should remain free from all tribute. Item, that he hot.
should take none of the revenues of any of the churches, in the time
of their being vacant.' Moreover, concerning such priests and Lawful
ministers as had given money to the king for their company M'iih }J^o[,y"
their wives, it was agreed that they should surcease from all ecclesias- punished,
tical function for the space of three years, and that the king should
take no more after such manner. Item, that all such goods, fruits,
and possessions, as had been taken away before from the archbishopric,
should be restored at his coming again into England, &c.
This Anselm, the stout champion of popery and superstition, after pnests
this victory gotten upon the king, for the which he so long fought, g"^^^"
with joy and triumph saileth into England, having all his popish from their
requests obtained ; where first he flieth like a lion upon the married
priests, contrary to the word of God, divorcing and punishing that by
man's authority, which the eternal and almighty God had coupled.
Next, he looketh to them who did hold any church by farm under the
king. Against simony likewise, and against them that married within
the seventh degree, he proceedeth with his full pontifical authority.
Shortly after, as King Henry had finished his war in Normand}', A.D.iior.
and with victory had returned again into England, in the seventh
year of his reign, Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, by the permis-
sion of the king, assembled a great council at Westminster, in Lon- Aup. ist.
don, of the clergy and prelates of England, in the which, by the
bishop of Rome's authority, he so Avrought with the king, that at
length, albeit, as the story saith, not without great difficulty, it was
newly confirmed and enacted, that no temporal man after that day
should make investiture with cross or with ring, or with pastoral hook.
In another council, sundry and divers injunctions were given forth
to priests and deacons, as divers other synodal acts also by the same
Anselm had been conckided in other councils before. And because
here falleth in mention of the acts synodal concluded in the time of
this Anselm, I thought good to pack them all in one general heap
together, as I find them in Malraesbury, and in other sundry authors
scatteringly recited.^
The first thing decreed by this Anselm in his synodal councils, was touching
the fault of simony, for which divers, both bisliops and abbots (as is aforesaid)
were at the same time deposed. Laymen, also, were forbidden to confer any
ecclesiastical promotion.
Also, it was decreed, that bishops should not officiate (officium suscipiant) A.D.II02.
in secular pleas, and that such should not go apparelled as the laymen did,
but should have their vestures decent, and meet for religious persons, and that
in all places they should never go without some to bear witness of their conver-
sation.^
Item, That no archdeaconries should be let out to farm.
Item, That no archdeacon should be under tlie degree of a deacon.
Item, That no archdeacon, priest, deacon, or canon, sh.ould from tlienceforth
marry a wife, nor yet keep hei', if he had been married to one before : Item,
That every subdeacon, who is not a canon, after the profession of chastity
marrying a wife, should be subject to the same rule.
They ordained also, that a priest keeping company with a woman, should
'I) Tlie foregoing sentence is corrected from Malmesbury. — Ed.
,2) Ex lib. Guliel. Alalniesb. de Gestis Pontif. lib. i. [Script, post Bedam, p. 228.] Ex [Ead-
njerj,] Jornalensi e! nM;s f Whence the above translation is revised. — Ed.]
U) See vol. i. p. ISS. — Ed.
168 SYNODAL DECREES OF AXSELM.
Henry I. iiot be rcputcd pficst, and that he should say no mass, and if he said mass, he
' — should not be heard.
^- ^' They chargtd tiiat none should be admitted to orders from that time forward,
^^Q2- from tiie dc<rree of a subdeacon and upwards, unless he did profess chastity.
That priest's sons should not claim by heritage the benefices of their
fathers.
How then Item, That no spiritual person should sit in any secular office; or ho pro-
*h* ^r curators or judges of blood.
dinrrhiVd Item, That priests should not resort to taverns or banquets, nor sit drinking
chancel- bv the fire-side.'
Our'cn ^ ''^* ''"^ garments of priests should be of one colour, and that their shoes
M.ir>'» should be decent (ordinata).
time? hem, That monks, or any others of the clergy, if they forsook their order,
either should come back again, or be excommunicated.
Item, That the clergy should wear their crowns broad-shaved (patentes).
Item, That no tithes should be given but to the churches.
Item, That no churches or prebends should be bought.
That no new chapels should be made without consent of the bishop.
That no church should be hallowed, before the necessar}' provision were made
for the priest and for the church to be maintained.
Tiiat abbots should make no knights (milites), and that they must both sleep
and eat in the same house with their monks, unless some great necessity do let.
Item, That monks do enjoin no penance to any man without the consent of
the abbot; and that their abbots give no license therein, but only touching
such persons toward whom they have a cure of souls.
That no monks should be godfathers, or nuns godmothers.
That monks should have no lordships to farm.
Item, Tliat monks should take no churches but by the bishop, neither should
30 spoil of their fruits the churches given unto them, that suflScient be not left
for maintaining the churches and the ofiiciating ministers of the same.
Tiiat privy contracts of marriage between man and woman without witness
should not stand, but be frustrated, if either party do go from the contract.
Item, That such persons as did wear long hair should be so rounded, that
part of their ears appear, and that their eyes be not covered.
Item, That there be no marriage between parties akin to the seventh gene-
ration, and that it do not continue if they be married, but that the marriage be
broken. And that if any one privy to that incest do not detect the same, he to
be held guilty of the same crime.
Item, That no corpses be carried forth to burial out of their own parish, so
that the priest thereof do lose that which to him is due.
Item, That no man, upon any rash desire of novelty, do attribute any opinion
of holiness or pay reverence to dead men's bodies, to fountains, or to any other
thing, as the use hath been in time past, without authority of the bishop.
Item, That the infamous traffic of buying and selling of men like brute
animals, be no longer used in England.
Also, after the restraint of priests' marriage, when unnatural crimes
began to come in consequence thereof, they were forced to make
another act, which was this, passed in this council.
" With a grievous curse we condemn both those that occupy unnatural vice,
and those also that willingly assist them or be wicked doers with them in
the same ; till such time as they may deserve absolution by penance and con-
fession.
" lUit whosoever shall be noised or proved to be of this wickedness, if he be
of a religious order, he shall from thenceforth be promoted to no degree of
honour, and he shall he deposed from any which he hath.
" If he be a lay person, he shall be deprived of his quality within the land,
and be no better than a foreigner.
" And if he be a secular, let none but the bishop presume to absolve him.
" lie it also enacted, that the said curse be published on every Sunday, in
every parish church of England."
(1) " Ut prcsbyteri non eanl ad pntationcs, nee ad pinnas bibanl." See Appendix. — Ei>'
PENALTIES AGAINST MARRIED PRIESTS. 160
But mark in this great matter what followed ; for, as Ranulpluis ii<-nry i.
Cestrensis witnesseth, this grievous general curse was soon called . ■
back again by the suit of certain who persuaded Anselm, that the i los.
publication, or opening of that vice, gave kindlings to the same in the
Jiearts of lewd persons, ministering occasion of more boldness to
them to do the like :' and so, to stop the occasion of this vice, the
publication thereof was taken away ; but the forbidding and restrain-
ment of priests' lawful marriage, which chiefly was the cause thereof,
remained still. And thus, ever since, this horrible crime remained t
among the clergy, both for lack of marriage being more used, and
for lack of publication less punished.
Besides all these synodal acts above comprehended, and given out
by Anselm in his councils before, at another council, held in London
at Whitsuntide in the eighth year of this king [May 24tli, a.d. 1|08],
he also directed other new injunctions to the priests.
First, That the priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should live chastely, and Penalties
retain no woman in their house, unless they were of their next kin. ^".^ 'or-
Jtem, That they who had retained their wives, or taken new ones, against the against
council of London,- should never more meet them in one house, nor should priests
their wives dwell in the church territory. that keep
Item, That such as had dissevered themselves from the society of their wives,
wives, and yet, for some honest cause, had to communicate with them, might
do so if it were without door, and with at least two lawful witnesses.
Item, If any one of them should be accused by two or three witnesses of in the
breaking this statute, and could not purge himself again by six able men of his '^"^'^
own order, if he be a priest, or if he be a deacon by four, or if he be a subdeacon come*'''^"
by two, then he should be judged a transgressor of the statute, deprived of his false
office and benefice, and not be admitted into the quire, but be treated as infamous, l^'^^'lf "^^ "
Item, He that rebelled, and in contempt of this new statute held still his ding inar-
wife, and presumed to say mass, upon the eighth day after, if he made not due "age and
satisfaction, should he solemnly excommunicated. meats °^
Item, All archdeacons and deacons to be strictly sworn not to wink or &c.
dissemble at their meetings, or to bear with them for money. And if they
would not be sworn to this, then to lose their offices without recovery.
Item, Such priests, as forsaking their wives were willing to serve still, and Purifi-
remain in their holy order, first must cease forty days from their ministration, cation of
setting vicars for them in the mean time to serve, and taking such penance upon ?h!u had
them, as by their bishop should be enjoined them. been mar-
ried.
Thus have ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of
Anselm, how superstitious in his religion, how stubborn against his
prince he was, what occasion of war and discord he would have
ministered by his complaints, if they had been taken, what zeal with-
out right knowledge, what fervency without cause he pretended, what
pains without profit he took ; who, if he had bestowed that time and
travel in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in
gadding to Rome, to complain of his country, in my mind, he had
been better occupied. Moreover, what violent and tyrannical in-
junctions he set forth of investing and other things, ye have heard ;
but especially against the lawful and godly marriage of priests. What
a vehement adversary he was, in that respect, may appear by these
minutes or extracts of letters, Avhich we have here annexed ; in form
and effect as followeth : —
1) Ranulph. Cestrensis, lib. vU. (2) See supra, pp. 160, 166.
170 T.F.TTEUS OF PASCHAL AND ARCHBISHOP AXSELM.
Tirvriji. A Letter of Ansclm.
A. D. Anselin, archbishop, to his brethren and dearest sons, the lord prior and
1108. others at Canterbur}-.'
Kinft As concerning priests, of whom the king commanded that thoy shonld have
plnnf'tcd ^"^'' their churches and their women as tliey had in the time of his father, and
priest* to of Liuifranc, archi)isiiop : both because the king Imth revested and reseized the
have iK.th ^vlioU' archbishopric, and because so cursed a marriage was forbidden in a
rimrchej ^.^j^jj^.j! j,j ,]^p ji,„^, „f jjjg father and of the said archbishop : boldly I command,
wives. by tlie authority wliicli I have by my archbishopric, not only within my arch-
bishopric, but also throughouc England, that all priests, who keep wives, shall
be deprived of their churches and ecclesiastical benefices.
A Letter of Pope Paschal to Ansclm.
Pascal, bishop, servant of God's servants, to his reverend brother Anselm,
archbishop of Canterbury, greeting and apostolicid blessing.^
P.^pe We believe your brotherhood is not ignorant what is decreed in the Romish
hath so church concerning priests' children. But because there is so great a midtitude
decreed it of such within the realm of England, that almost the greater and better part of
nt Home. {},(, clerks are reckoned to be on this side, therefore we commit this dispensation
pVies'ts to your care ; for we grant these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the
must need at this time, and for the profit of the church (such as learning and life
v'ives"'* ^^^'' commend among you), so that, yet notwithstanding, the prejudice of the
If profit ecclesiastical decree be taken heed to hereafter, &c.
of the
church
"lay"'"^ Another Letter of Ansclm for Investing.
by priests ~
what hurt To the Reverend Lord and loving Father Paschal, high bishop, Anselm,
then were servant of Canterbury church, due subjection and continual prayers,
church After I returned to my bishopric in England I showed the apostolical decree,
for priests ^yhich I being present heard in the Romish coimcil. 1. That no man should
wives? receive investing of churches at the kings hand, or any lay person's, or should
King become his man for it, and that no man should presume to consecrate him that
Henry dj^ off'end herein. When the king and his nobles, and the bishops themselves, and
nobles others of the lower degree, heard these things, they took them so grievously, that
really to they said, they would in no case agree to the thing, and that they would drive
[h"u^^- '"^ °^^^ ^^ ^^^ kingdom, and forsake the Romish church, rather than keep this
mish thing. ^Mierefore, reverend father, I desire your counsel by your letter, &c.
church.
Another Letter of Anselm.
Ansclm, archbishop, to the Reverend Gudulph, bishop, and to Arnulph, prior,
and to William, archdeacon of Canterbury, and to all in his diocese, greeting.^"
Ajainst Williamj our archdeacon, hath WTitten to me, that some priests that be under
priests re- |^jg custody (taking again their women that were forbidden) have fallen unto the
again "^ uncleanness from the which they were drawn by wholesome counsel and com-
their mandment. When the archdeacon would amend this thing, they utterly
Priests despised, with wicked pride, his warning and worthy commandment to be
excom received. Then he, calling together many religious men and obedient priests,
catt'd for ^^communicated worthily the proud and disobedient, who beastly despised the
receiving curse, and were not afraid to defile the holy ministry, as much as lay in
!iK3in them. &c.
•heir
wives.
Unto these letters above prefixed, I have also adjoined another of
the said Ansclm, touching a great case of conscience, of a monk''s
whipping himself. AVhcrein may appear both the blind and lament-
able superstition of those religious men, and the judgment of this
Ansclm in the same matter.
(1) Ex cpist. Ansel. 7," cl 377. (2) Ex cpist. 3.^. (3) E.\ epist.37
TREATMEN'T OF TWO ARCHBISHOPS OE MENTZ. 171
Anotlier Letter of Anselm. "'""J ^-
' Anselm, archbishop, to Bernard, monk of the abbey of St. Warburg, greet- ''^- D-
ing and prayer.' \w^ .
I heard it said of your lord abbot, that thou judgcst it to be of greater merit, wiicther
wlien a monk either beats himseJi', or desireth himself to be beaten of another than J^eruTor
when he is beaten (not of his own will) in the chapter, by the commandment of the ;i monk to
nrelacv. But it is not as you think, for that iudgment which any man commandeth cause
r, ..'•„. , . , , •' , , • , 1 ,!■ .1 1 1 V ■ ii I, i. • himself 111
to hnnself, is kingly ; but that which he sutiereth by obedience in tne chapter, is ti,e dia])-
monkish. The one is of his own will ; the other is of obedience, and not of his ter to i,c
own will. That which I call kingly, kings and rich proud men commanded to ^'^^j'^'j^}:
be done to themselves ; but that which I call monkish, they take not command- fer obe-
ing, but obeying. The kingly is so much easier, by how much it agreeth to the ^'^"^?>'.
\n\\ of the sufferer ; but the monkish is so much the more grievous, by how pjng'^of '''
much it diflereth from the will of the sufierer. In the kingly judgment, the his abbot,
sufferer is judged to be his own ; in monkish he is proved not to be his own :
for althougli the king, or rich man, when he is beaten, willingly showeth
himself humbly to be a sinner; yet he would not submit himself to this humble-
ness at any other's commandment, but would withstand the commander with all
his strength. But when a monk submitteth himself to the whip humbly in the
chapter at the will of the prelate, the truth judgeth him to be of so much
greater merit, by how much he humbleth himself more and more, and more
truly than the other. For he humbleth himself to God only, because he
kno'weth his sins, but this man humbleth liimself to man for obedience. But he
is more lowly that humbleth himself both to God and man for God's cause,
than he which humbleth himself to God only, and not to God's commandment.
Therefore, if he that humbleth himself shall be extolled, ergo, he that more
humbleth himself, shall be more exalted. And where I said, that when a
monk is whipped, it differeth from his will, you must not so understand it, as
though he would not patiently bear it with an obedient will, but because by a
natural appetite he would not suffer the soitow. But if ye say, I do not so
much fly the open beating for the pains (which I feel also secretly), as for the
shame ; know then that he is stronger that rejoiceth to bear this for obedience'
sake. Therefore be thou sure, that one whipping of a monk by obedience is of jhe judg-
more merit than innumerable whippings taken by his own mind. But ment of
whereas he is such that he always ought to have liis heart ready without mur- on"thJ"
muring obediently to be whipped, we ought to judge him then to be of a great case.
murit, whether he be whipped privily or openly, &c.
And thus much concerning Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury,
whose stout example gave no little courage to Thurstin and Becket,
his successors, and others that followed after, to do the like against
their kings and princes, as in process hereafter by the grace of Christ
shall appear.
About this time, two famous archbishops of Mentz, being right
virtuous and well-disposed prelates, were cruelly and tpannously
dealt withal, and treated by the bishop of Rome. Their names
were Henry and Christian. This Henry, having intelligence that he
was complained of to the pope, sent a learned man, a special friend
of his, to excuse him, named Arnold ; one for whom he had done
much, and whom he had promoted to gi-eat livings and promotions.
But this honest man Arnold, instead of an excuser, became an
accuser, bribing the two chiefest cardinals with good gold ; by which judges
means he obtained of the pope, those two cardinals to be sent ^upted
as inquisitors and only doers in that present case. They, coming to
Germany, summoned the said Henry, and deposed him from his
archbishopric in spite of all he could do either by law or justice,
substituting in his place the aforesaid Arnold, in hope, truly, of the
(1) Exepist. 255.
112 INVKSTITrUE OF A POPE.
lunryi. ccclcslastical iioU. ^V'licrcupon tlmt virtuous and honourable Henry,
^ P as the storv tellcth, spake unto those his perverse judges on this wise
1101*. " I'" I ^h(ml(l appeal unto the apostolic see for this your unjust pro-
cess had ajrainst nie, perhaps the pope would attempt nothing more
therein than ye have, neither should I win any thing by it, but only
toil of body,' loss of goods, affliction of mind, care of heart, and
missinf^ of his favour. Wherefore I do appeal unto the Lord Jesus
Christ, as the most high and just judge, and cite you before his
judgment, there to answer ine before the high Judge ; for neither
justly nor godlv, but by corruption as it pleaseth you, you have
judi^ed."" "\Vhereunto tliey scotiingly answered: " Go you first, and
we "will follow." Not long after, as the story goes, the said Henry
^^amvil^ died, wliercof the said two cardinals having intelligence, said one
for cor- to the other jestingly: " Behold, he is gone before, and we must
judges to follow according to our promise." And verily, they said truer than
beware. ^^^^ were awarc of; for within a while they died both in one day.
For the one, sitting upon a jakes to ease himself, voided out all his
entrails into the draught, and miserably ended his life ; the other gnaw-
ing off the fingers of his hands, and spitting them out of his mouth,
all deformed in devouring himself, died. And in like wise, not
long after the end of these men, the aforesaid Arnold most horribly
in a sedition was slain ; and three days, lying stinking above the
ground unburied, was open to the spoil of every rascal and harlot.
The historiographer^ in declaring hereof crieth upon the cardinals
in this manner : " O ye cardinals, ye are the beginning and authors
hereof. Come hither, draw out now, and bear unto your master the
devil, and together with that money which you have gulped down,
offer him yourselves also."
A.D.iioo. About the same time and year in which King Henry began his
reign. Pope Paschal entered his papacy, succeeding Urban, about
A.D. 1100, nothing swerving from the steps of Hildebrand, his
superior. This Paschal, being elected by the cardinals, after the people
had cried thrice, " St. Peter hath chosen good Rainerus ;" he then
popVs putting on a purple vesture, and a tiara upon his head, was brought
attire, upou a white palfrey into Lateran, where a sceptre was given him, and
a girdle put about him having seven keys, Avith seven seals hanging
lc\\i\A tliPrcupon for a recognisance or token of his sevenfold power, accord-
power of ing to the sevenfold grace of the Holy Ghost, of binding, loosing,
"'"'"''"^\ shutting, opening, sealing, resigning, and judging. After this
Paschal was elected pope, Henry IV., the aforesaid emperor (of
courage most valiant, if the time had served thereto,) thought to
come up to Italy to salute the new pope ; but, understanding
the pope's mind bent against him, he changed his purpose. In the
mean time, Paschal, to show himself inferior to Hildebrand in no
point, began first to depose all such abbots and bishops as the emperor
had set up. Also he banished Albert, Thcodoric, and Maginulph,
striving at the same time for the papacy. I spake before of Guibert,
whom Henry, the emperor, had made pope against Hildebrand.
Paschal made out an army against this Guibert, who, being put to
^^,. flight, not long after departed.
b^IJ^nand ^bout thc siuuc time, A.D. 1101, the bishop of Florence^ began to
m.-inifcst. teach and to preach of antichrist then to be born and to be manifest,
\\) C-jtir^tli Cliroii. MoguiiUacuni. See Appendix. —Kr. (3) Sec vol. iii. p. 103.— Fn.
WAR BETWEEN THE EMPEUOK AND HIS SON. 173
as Sabellicus testifietli; whereupon Paschal assembling a council at Flo- iiemy i.
rence put to silence the said bishop, and condemned his books. In his ~7~~r7~
council at Troyes, priests tliat were married were condemned for Nico- j Jqj'
laitans : Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, all such of what to
degree or estate soever they were (being laymen) who gave any ecclesi- n06.
astical dignities, were condemned of simony : Furthermore, the statute a council
of priests' tithes he there renewed, counting the selling away thereof as a.d!i'io7!
a sin against the Holy Ghost, Concerning the excommunication
and other troubles, that Hildebrand wrought against Henry IV. the
emperor, it is declared sufficiently before. This excomnumication Atragicai
Paschal, the pope, renewed ali-esh against the said Henry ; and not PopePas-
only that, but also conventing the princes of Germany unto a general t|nt''the'"
assembly, he set up his own son against him, causing the bishops of s""".
Men tz, Cologne, and Worms, to deprive him of his imperial crown, and the fa-
to place his son Henry V. in his father's kingdom ; and so they did.' ^^"- ■
Coming to the palace at Ingelheim, first they required from him his
diadem, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the
crown. The emperor demanded the cause, being then excomnumi-
cated and void of friends. They pretended again, I cannot tell what,
— the selling of bishoprics, abbacies, and other ecclesiastical dignities
for money ; also alleging the pope's pleasure and that of other
princes. Then required he first of the bishop of Mentz, and likewise
of the other two, whom he had preferred to their bishoprics before,
asking them in order, if he had received of them any penny for his
promoting them to their dignities. This when they could not deny
to be so, " Well," saith he, " and do you requite me again with this.P""
with divers other words of exhortation, admonishing them to remem-
ber their oath and allegiance to their prince. But the peijured Tiie pre-
prelates, neither reverencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, thJ'son
nor regarding their fidelity, ceased not for all this, but first plucked \lfll!:
from him, sitting on his throne, his crown imperial, and then dis- ther.
vestured him, taking from him his purple and his sceptre. The good
emperor, being left desolate and in confusion, saith to them : " Vi-
deat Deus et judicet :"" that is, " Let God see and judge." Thus
leaving him, they w^ent to his son to confirm him in his kingdom,
and caused him to drive his father out ; who then being chased of his
son, and having but nine persons about him, did flee by way of the
dukedom of Limburgh, where the duke being then hunting, and per-
ceiving and hearing of him, made after to follow him. The emperor
fearing no other than present death, for he had displaced the same
duke before out of his dukedom, submitted himself, craving of him
pardon, and not revenge. The duke, full of compassion, and pitying a prKtefui
his estate, not only remitted all his displeasure, but also received him of a ' ..od
to his castle. Moreover, collecting his soldiers and men of war, he ^"ankfui
brought him to Cologne, and there he was well received. His son '^u^^-
hearing this, besieged that city. But the father, by night escaping,
came to Liege, where resorted to him all such as were men of com-
passion and constant heart, insomuch that his power, being strong
enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his enemies, and so
he did, desiring his friends, that if he had the victory, they would
spare his son. In fine, the battle joined, the father had the victory,
(1) F.x Histona Helmoldi.
174 THE I'Ol'E TAKKN I'UISONER.
Henry I the .soH bciiij,' put to HiLrlit, .iiiJ luany slaiH on both sides. But
~A.lx~ shortly atlcr, the battle being renewed again, the son prevailed, and
1112. the lather was c.vereome and taken; who then, being utterly dis-
possessed of his kingdom, w;is brought to that exigency, that coming
kiJfdncss to Spires, he was feign to crave of the bishop there, whom he had done
p'reiMJ""* niueh for before, to have a prebend in the church : and for that he
had some skill in his book, he desired to serve in our Lady's quire ;
vet could he not obtain so much at his hand, who swore by our Lady,
iie should have notliing there.' Thus the woeful emperor, most
unkindly handled, and repulsed on every side, came to Liege, and
there for sorrow died, after he had reigned forty years ; whose body
Tiie cm- Paschal, after his funeral, caused to be taken up again, and to be
ye^I"**^ brought to Spires, where it remained five years unburicd.^
without After the decease of this emperor Henry IV., his- son Henry V.
reigned the space of twenty years. This prince coming to Rome
to be crowned of the pope, could not obtain it, before he would fully
A.D.iio?. assent to have this ratified, that no emperor should have any thing to
em^^or. do with the election of the Roman bishop, or ^vith other bishoprics.^
Besides that, about the same time, such a stir was made in Rome by
the said bishop, that if the emperor had not defended himself with
his o\vn hands, he had been slain. But as it happened, the emperor
having victory, amongst many other Romans slain or taken in the
The pope same skirmish, taketli also the pope and leadeth him out of the city ;
prib^o'i'ier. where he inlfcn.teth with him upon divers conditions, both of his
coronation, and of recovering again his right and title in the election
of the pope, and of other bishops : whereunto the pope assenting agreed
to all. So the emperor, being crowned by Paschal, returned again
with the pope of Rome.
All the conditions between the emperor and the pope, so long as
the emperor remained at Rome, stood firm and ratified ; but. as
soon as the emperor was returned again to Germany, forthwith the
pope, calling a synod, not only revoked all that he had agreed to
before, but also excommunicated Henry, the emperor, as he had done
^^/ir his father before, reproving the fomier ' privilegium'' for ' pravilegium.'
thepov/ The emperor, returning fi-om Rome to France, there married
Matilda, daughter to King Henry; who then hearing what the pope
had done, (grieved not a little,) with all expedition marched to Rome,
and puttetli the pope to flight, and finally placeth another in his
stead. In the mean time the bishops of Germany, the pope's good
friends, slacked not their business, incensing the Saxons all that they
might against their Ceesar ; insomuch that a great commotion was
stirred up, and it grew at length to a pitched field, which was fought
in the month of February, by the wood called Sylva Catularia.
P,.ape The emperor seeing no end of these conflicts, imless he Avould
bet«^"e'!r^ yield to the pope, was fain to give over, and forego his privilege, fall-
thecm- ing to a composition, not to meddle with matters pertaining to the
the pope, pope's clcction, nor with investing, nor such other things belonging to
the church and churchmen ; and thus was the peace between them
concluded, and proclaimed to the no small rejoicing of both the armies,
then lying by Wonns, near the river Rhine.
(1) Ex Helmoldo, et Gotfrido Viterbionst. (2) Ex Hclmolc'.o,
<3j Ex Cliroiiicu Carionij. lih. iii..
and liis
pai
EXCOMMUNICATIOX OF THK EMPEIIOK. 175
In the time of this Paschal lived Bernard, called Abbot of Clair- Uenryi.
vaux, A.D. 1108, of whom sprang the Bernardino monks. "aTdT
About this time the city of Worcester was almost consmiied with n]9.'
fire.
All this while Henry the emperor had no issue, having to wife dine
Matilda, the daughter of Henry I., king of England, and that by the come^-,,.
just judgment of God, as it may appear ; for as he, having a father, I'^l^"^^^
persecuted him by the pope^s setting on, contrary to the part of a tester ai-
natural son ; so God's providence did not suffer him to be the father eonsumea
of any child, naturally to love him, or to succeed him. ^^^ ^"''■
After the death of Paschal, a.d. 1118, succeeded Pope Gelasius, Lord's
chosen by the cardinals, but without the consent of the emperor, iuUon ""
whereupon rose no little variance in Rome ; and at length another ment!"^^'
pope was set up by the emperor, called Gregory VHI., and Gelasius two^
was driven away into France, and there died. After him came strivinpr
Calixtus II., chosen likewise by a few cardinals, without the voice q{^°s^^''"-
the emperor, wdio, coming up to Rome to enjoy his seat, first sent his The pope
legate into Germany to excommunicate the emperor Henry ; who munu-a:-
then, having divers conflicts wdth his fellow pope Gregory, at length, ^^^^^^^^_
drave him out of Rome. At this time, by this occasion, great dis-
putation and controversy arose between the emperor and the pope's
court, whether of them in dignity should excel the other ; whereof
reasons and arguments on both sides were alleged, which in the
verses below are comprehended.
AUegatio imperatoris contra papam.
Caesar lex viva stat regibus imperativa,
Legeque sub viva sunt omnia jura dativa :
Lex ea castigat, solvit, at ipsa ligat.
Conditor est legis, neque debet lege teneri,
Sed sibi complacuit sub lege libenter haberi :
Quicquid ei placuit, juris adinstar erat.
Qui ligat ac solvit Deus ipsum protulit orbi,
Divisit regnum divina potentia secum,
Astra dedit superis, Ccetera cuncta sibi.
Responsio Romanee curiae contra imperatorem.
Pars quoque papalis sic obviat imperiali.
Sic regnare damns, quod Petro subjiciaris :
Jus etenim nobis Christus utrumque parit.
Spiritus et corpus mihi sunt subjecta potenter,
Corpora ten-ena teneo, coelestia mente,
Unde, tenendo polum, solvo ligoque solum,
^thera pandere, ccelica tangere, papa videtur.
Nam dare, toUere, nectere, solvere cuncta meretur,
Cui dedit om.ne decus lex nova, lexque vetus :
Annulus et baculus,quamvis terrena putentur,
Sunt de jure poli; quae significare videntur,
Respice jura Dei : mens tua cedat ei. &e.
In conclusion, the emperor being overcome so much with the vain
reasons of the pope's side, and fearing the dangerous thunderbolt of
his curse, (talking with princes, and persuaded with his friends,) was
176 ONE pope's treatment of another.
jifnryi. fain to comlcsccnil to the unreasonable conditions of the pope: first,
^ j3 to ratify his election, notwithstanding the other pope (whom the said
110<). emperor had set up) was yet alive, secondly, that he should resign
iiis right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the pope,
and investure of bishops.
This being done and granted, and the writings thereof set up in
the church of Lateran, for a triumph over the emperor thus subdued,
the pope maketli out after Gregory, his fellow-pope, being then in a
Gregory town callcd Sutrium ; which being besieged and taken, Gregory also
brought ^.j^^ taken;' whom, Calixtus the pope, setting him upon a camel,
Rome by with liis facc to the camePs tail, brought him thus through the streets
I'isn^r' of Rome, holding the tail in his hand instead of a britUe ; and after-
cai!id'8 ward, being shorn, he was thrust into a monastery.
<«''■ Amongst many acts done by this glorious pope, first he established
The Em- the dccrccs of the papal see against this emperor. He brought in
by'^whom the four quarter fasts, called Ember days.^
brouTt"^ By the same Calixtus the order of monks, called Praemonstratenses,
in, and was brouglit in.
Further, by him it was decreed to be judged for adultery, if any
ofmonks, pcrson, during his lifetime, had put from him either bishopric or
fuat^n" benefice ; grounding upon this scripture of St. Paul to the Romans,
ses. " 'j^^Ijp ^yifg ig bound to the law of her husband, so long as the hus-
ciorkiy band livcth ; after he is dead she is loosed from the law of her
applied by i , i ii c
the pope. Imsband, 6cc.
^""'^ Item, the same Calixtus, holding a general council at Rheims,
ministers dccrccd that pricsts, deacons, and subdeaeons, should put away their
peiied concubines and wives ; and that whosoever was found to keep his wife,
the'fr*^^ should be deprived of benefice, and all other ecclesiastical livings :
wives, whereupon a certain English writer made these verses following : —
" 0 bone Calixtc, nunc omnis clerus odit te :
Quondam presbyteri poterant uxoribus uti,
Hoc destruxisti, postquam tu papa fiiisti," &c.
That is, word for word, —
" The hatred of the clergy hast thou, good Calixtus,
For sometimes priests might use their wives right ;
But that thou hast rejected, since pope thou wast elected."
A.D.1109. ^^^ thus much of the Roman matters. Now to our country
story again. After the death of Anselm beforeraentioned, who
deceased 1109, after he had been in the see fifteen years, the church
of Canterbury stood void five years ; and the goods of the church
were spent to the king''s use. When he was prayed to help the
church that was so long without a pastor, he in his answer pre-
tended that as his father and brother had been accustomed there to
set the best tried and approved men that might be found, so to the
intent that he might do the same, in choosing those who either should
equal the former exani])lcs of them before, or at least follow their
footsteps as near as they could, he took therein the more time and
leisure. And so with shift of answer he dallied out the time, while
']) i:x I'latiiiii, Viiicenlio, Stella, &c. (2) Dist. 70, cap. Jrjunium.
DISSENSIOXS BETWEEN THE TWO METIIOPOLITAXS. |77
he had filled liis cofFers with the commodities of tliat benefice. Tlic //,.„,,, /.
same year, after tlie death of Anselm, the king converted the abbey ^ -
of Ely to a bishopric, which before was under the bishopric of Lin- ]Y]5"
coin ; placing there Henry, bishop of Bangor, as the first bishop of ^^^^ ^. -
that see. And, as of late years before this, divers wonders were siin!)ric of
seen, as stars falling from heaven so thick that they could not be piln't'.'j'
numbered, at the setting forth of the Christians to the Holy Land;*
a blazing star over Constantinople ; a spring boiling out blood, seen at
Finchamstead, in Berkshire, three weeks together, a. d. 1090.' After
that, the firmament appeared so red, as if it had been all on fire ;
also two full moons appeared together, one in the east, the other in
the west, on ISIaunday Thursday ; with a blazing star, in the same
year, appearing about the taking of Duke Robert, having a white circle
enclosing it ; a. d. 1106.* Also with an eclipse of the sun darkened
after that. So likewise about this present year, a.d. 1110, was seen a.d.iho.
the flood of Trent, about Nottingham, so dried vip from morning to drku up.
three of the clock at afternoon, that men might go over it dry shod.'*
Also in Shrewsbury a great earthquake happened; and after that Ajieartu-
foUowed a sharp winter, great mun-ain of beasts and pestilence of ^"y^'^rain,
men, as Gualter Gisburn recordeth.''' INloreover the same author andpesti-
mentioneth, that about the same year the like vading of water a.d.ihs.
also happened in the flood of Medway ; and in the Thames, between terc^n-
the bridoe and the Tower, and under the bridge, from midnight to ^".??'^'l
• 111- iif. ^^"'''^ '"'^
the next evenmg, was so great an ebb, that an mnumerable sort of
people and children waded over, scarcely knee deep in the water, the
sea withdrawing his tide ten miles from his accustomed course.® In
this year also, as the said authors and Jornalensis do testify, the city
of Worcester by casualty was consumed with fire ; also the city of
Chester, a.d. 1114.' a.d.hh.
The same year (a.d. 1114) Rodolph, bishop of Rochester, an Dissen-
Englishman, was promoted to be archbishop of Canterbury ; and tween^
Thurstin, the king"'s chaplain, was elected archbishop of York ; who, Jf Y^k"'
being content to receive his benediction or consecration of the see of and ro-
Canterbury, yet, because he refused to make his profession of obe- ar"eiibi-
dience to the same see, was by the king deprived of his dignity. cl^me"^
Then Thurstin, by the instigation of certain of his clerks at York, ^ury, for
took his journey to Rome; wdio, there making his complaint to Pope tion.
Paschal, brought with him a letter from the pope to the king, where, a.d.ihs.
among other words was contained as followeth :* " We hear and Theiettcr
understand, that the archbishop elect of the church of York, a cL^To
discreet and industrious man, is sequestered from the church of ^i"s
York ; which standeth against both divine justice and the institu-
tion of the holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of
Canterbury should be impaired, nor again that the church of York
should suffer any prejudice, but that the same constitution, which
1) Jornaleiibis. (2) Gisburn. (3) Jornalensis. (4) Gisburn.
(5) Gisburn. (6) Rog. Hoved, Gisburn, &c. (7) Rog. Hovcd.
(8) " Audivimus electum Eboracencis ecclesise, virum sapientem et strenuum, sine judicio ab
Eboracensi sequestratum ecclesia, quod nimiruni divinse justitis et sanct. patrum institutionibus
adversatur. Nos quidem neque Cant, ecclesiam niinui, neque Eboracensem volumus prcejudiciuni
pati, sedeam constitutionem quae abeato Gregorio, Anplicae pentis Apostolo, inter ea.>-deni cccle-
sias constituta est, tirmam censemus illibatamque servari. Idem ergo electus, ut justitia cxigit,
ad suam ecclesiam omnibus modis revocetur. Si quid autcni quaestionis inter easdem ecclesias
nascitur, presentibus utrisque partibus in vestra pra;sentia pertractotur," S:c. — Ex Gualtero Gis-
buniensi, exGulicl. Malmesb. de Puntif. lib. iv. Kx Roger. Uoved. Fabian. &c.
vol,. II, X
17S ACTS OF Tin: col-ncil or khi.ims.
//<.»ry/. was by blessed Gregory, the apostle of tlic English nation, set and
,^ ,) decreed between those two churches, should remain still in force and
11 IP. effect inviolate. Wherefore, as touching the aforesaid elect, let him
be received ao-ain bv any means, as right and meet it is, into his
church. And if there be any question between the aforesaid churches,
let it be handled and tlecided in your presence, both the two parties
being there present.""
A.D iiifi. Uj)on occasion of this letter there was a solemn assembly appointed
Assembly ,^j. s^^jj^ji^m-y^ about the hearing of this controversy. The variance
nobles at bctwccu thcsc two prclatcs still increased more and more. Rodulph,
archbishop of Canterbury, in no case would yield or condescend to
give imposition of hands unto him, unless he Mould make his profes-
Tiiuntin sion of obcdicnce. Thurstin again said, he would willingly receive
rifuseth j^^i embrace his benediction ; but as touching the profession of his
to proicss o r ^
subjec- subjection, that he would not agi-ee to. Then the king, declaring
thTareh- liis miud therein, signified unto Thurstin, that, without his subjection
canufr-"'' ^^^^ obcdiencc professed to the archbishop of Canterbury, he should
I'ury. not enjov his consecration to be archbishop of York. Whereunto
and to ■'. •" ,. ,. . II- 11-T
renounce 1 hurstm, uothmg Tcplymg agam, renounced his archbisliopric, pro-
ins see. ^jisijjg^ moreover, to make no more claim unto it, nor to molest tliose
who should enjoy it.
A.D.1118. Shortly after' this, it happened that Pope Paschal died; after
whom, as is above-rehearsed, succeeded Pope Gelasius, who lived not
a year, and died in France. Whereupon the cardinals, who then
followed the said Pope Gelasius unto Clugny, created another pope
of their own choosing, whom they called Calixtus II. The other
cardinals who were at Rome did choose another pope, called Gregory,
of whom mention before is made : about which two popes much stir
there was in Christian realms. As this Calixtus was remaining in
France, and there calling a general council at Rheims, as ye heard
before, Thurstin, the archbishop of York, desired license of the
king to go to the coimcil, purposing there to open the cause of his
church ; which eftsoons he obtained : first promising the king that
he would there attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the
Thurstin church of Canterbury. In the mean time the king had sent secret
c?ated word uuto the pope by Rodulph and other procurators, that in no case
shop''of ^'^ would consecrate Thurstin. Yet, notwithstanding the fiiithful
York i)y promise of the pope made to the king, so it fell out, that the said
against _ popc, tlirough the suit of his cardinals, whom Thurstin had won to
inland'"''* him, was inclined to consecrate him, and gave him the pall. For
this deed the king was sorely discontented with Thurstin, and warned
him the entry of this land.
Council j^ ti^jv. council at Rheims, abovementioned, where were gathered
Kheims. 434 prelates, these five principal acts were concluded :
1 . Tliat no man should cither buy or sell any bishopric, abbotship, deanery,
archdeaconship, priestliood, prebendship, altar, or any ecclesiastical promotion
or benefice, orders, consecration, church-hallowing, seat or stall within the
quire, or any office ecclesiastical, under danger of cxcommimication if he did
persist.
2. That no layperson should give investiture of any ecclesiastical possession;
and that no spiritual num slioidd receive any such at any lajnnan's hand, luider
j);un of deprivation.
Li. Tliiit no man slioidd invade, take away, or detain the goods or posse.Bsiona
IIKN'RY THE KMPKROR KXCOMMUNICATED. 179
of the church ; but that they should remain finn and perpetual, under pain of iievry l.
perpetual curse. . .- ~
4. That no bishop or priest should leave any ecclesiastical dignity or benefice ^'^ •
to any by way of inheritance. Adding, moreover, that for baptism, chrism, ^^•^"
annoiling, or burial, no money should be exacted.
5. That all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should be utterly debarred and
sequestered from company of their wives and concubines, under pain of exclusion
from all christian communion.
The acts thus determined were sent at once to Henry, the empe- The acts
ror, to see and try, before the breaking up of the council, whether theVm-
he would agree to the canonical elections, free consecration, and p'^""'-
investing of spiritual persons, and to other acts of the council. The The em-
emperor maketh answer again, that he would lose nothing of that agreeih
ancient custom which his progenitors had given him. Notwithstand- p°j'J.°\'^':
ing, because of the authority of the general council, he was content vesting.
to consent to the residue, save only the investing of ecclesiastical
function to be taken from him, to which he Avould never agree.*
Upon this, at the next return of the pope to the council, the emperor
was appointed to be excommunicated ; which thing, when divers of
the council did not well like, and therefore did separate themselves
from the rest, the pope applying against them the similitude of the
seventy disciples Avho were offended at the Lord, when he taught them
of eating of his flesh and blood, and therefore divided themselves from
him, declaring, moreover, to them, how they who gathered not with
him scattered, and they that were not with him were against him :
by these, and such like persuasions, reduced them again to his side ;
and so, bv that council, Henry the emperor was excommunicated. Henry
It was not long after that the pope came to. (jisors, where
Henry, king of England, resorted to him, desiring, and also obtaining «■ ^
of him, that he would send henceforth no legate, nor permit any to E"gj^a^'^J
be sent from Rome to England, unless the king himself should so n" le'^ga'te
require, by reason of some occasion of strife, which else could not be ^"^^
otherwise decided by his own bishops at home. The cause why the but^tiie
king required this of the pope was, for that certain Roman legates shop of
had been in England a little before ; to wit, one Guide, and another ^^';^^'-
Roman, named Anselm, and another also called Peter, who had f^si^^^^
spoiled the realm of great treasure, as the accustomed manner of the Jhe^popes
proud pope's legates is wont to be.^ Also he required of the pope ^^'"^'•
that he might use and retain all the customs used before by his fore^
fathers in England and in Normandy.
To these petitions the pope did easily consent, requiring again of Aii^th«^
the king that he would license Thurstin, the archbishop above-named, of jhe
to return with favour into his realm. But that the king utterly I^m
denied, unless he would profess subjection to the church of Canter- °'^|^'^;^
bury, as his predecessors had done before ; and excused himself by
his oath which he before had made. To this the pope answered
again, that he, by his authority apostolical, both might, and would also,
easily dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the king said
that he would talk with his council thereof, and so send him an answer
of his mind ; which answer was this. That for the love and request of
the pope, he was content that Thurstin should re-enter his realm, and
quietly enjoy his prelateship, upon tliis condition, that he would (as
(1) Ex Roger. Hoved. (2) Guliel. Malmesb. de Pont. Ub. i. .
XT 9.
the em-
peror ex-
coramu-
icated.
ISO TIII-USTIN HKINSTATKI) IX TUE SEE OF YORK.
iienrgi. liis prcilcccssors dill) profess his sul)jecti(jn to the church of Canter-
'~j^^l)~ bury. Otherwise, saiil lie, so long as he was king, he should never
1120. sit archbishop of tlie church of York. And thus ended that meeting
between the king of England and the pope for that time.
AD.1120. The year following, which was a.d. 1120, the aforesaid pope,
Calixtus, diroctcth his letters for Thurstin to the king, and to
Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury; in which epistles, by his full
power apostolical, he doth interdict both the church of Canterbury
and the church of York, with all the parish churches within the same
cities, from all divine service, from the burial also of the dead, except
only the baptizing of children, and the absolution of those who lie
dying; unless, within a month after the receipt of the same, Thurstin,
without any exaction of subjection made, were received and admitted
The king to the scc of York, and that the king likewise should doubtless be
ueliedto excomnumicated, except he would consent unto the same. AVhere-
receive ni)on Tiiurstiu, for fear of the pope''s curse, was immediately sent for
forftarof and reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his archiepis-
rul'e':'"'' coi)al see of York.
A.D.1122. It followed not long after, within two years, that Rodulph, arch-
Friar?^*^^ bisliop of Canterbury, departed ; in Avhose see succeeded after him
'."^stc^me Gulielmus de Turbine. About this time, in the seven and twentieth
land. " year of the king's reign, the Grey Friars, by the procuring of the king,
^ '■""■■ came first into England, and had their house first at Canterbury.
About the same season, or a little before, the king called a council at
London, where the spiritualty of England, not knowing to what
purpose it was required, condescended to the king to have the
punishment of married priests : by reason of which grant, Avhereof the
Pfjes's spiritualty afterwards much repented, the priests, paying a certain
their fine to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, whereby
The'^'*' the king gathered no small sum of money.^ At this time began the
abbey of flj-gt foundation of the monastery called Gisburn, in Cleveland.
(iisburn .' ' .
buiided. It was abovc touched, how Matilda, or Maud, daughter to Kmg
Henry, was mamed to Henry V. the emperor; who, after the
decease of the said emperor, her husband, returned about this time
with the imperial cro^vn to her father in Normandy, bringing with
James- ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ '^^ ^^* J^"^^^ ; fov joy whcrcof the king builded
hand. the abbey of Reading, where the said hand was reposed. This
ab^i^y"^ Matilda was received by the said council to be next heir to the
founded. 1-ing^ }^(.j. father, in possession of the English crown, for lack of
Henry II. -i if>i .-».t ^ ±
born of i^suc male; and soon after she was sent over to JNormandy, to
tile'em-' '"^I'TV Gcoffrcy Plantagenet, earl of Anjou, of whom came Henry II.,
ad"ii30 ^''^^^' ^^^^^ Stephen, was king of England. About this time also was
liie founded the ])ri()rv of Norton, in the province of Chester, by one
C.r' ^^'illiam Filz-Nigclle.
Threc'tcr ^" ^^^^ storics of Polyclu-onicon, Jornalensis, and Polydorc, is
ribie declared, how King Henry was troubled greatly with three sundry
t'l-e king.' visions appearing unto him by night. The first was of a great mul-
titude of husbandmen of the country, who appeared to fly upon him
with their mattocks and iu'^trumcnts, requiring of him his debt Avhich
he did owe unto thein. Jn the second, he saw a great number of
soldiers and harnessed men coming fiercely upon him. In the third,
(1) F..\ Rifcr. Ilovod. 7; ct Mahnesb, GisluimenB. Hunting, lib. vii.
DREADFUL CONFLAGRATION IN LONDON. ISl
lie saw a company of prelates and churchmen, threatening him witli Henry i.
their bishops' staves, and fiercely approaching upon him ; whereupon ^ ^
being dismayed, in all haste he ran and took his sword to defend 112.-!."
himself, finding there none to strike. Who afterward asking counsel
concerning these visions, was monished by one of his physicians
named Grimbald, by repentance, alms, and amendment of life, to
make some amends to God and to his country, whom he offended.
Which three vows thus being made, the next year after he went to Three
England ; where he, being upon the seas in a great tempest with his ^i^^^'^.^
daughter Matilda, remembered there his three vows ; and so coming a.d.iisi.
to the land, for performance of the same, first released unto the
commons the Dane-gilt which his father and brother before had oane-Mit
renewed. Secondly, he went to St. Edmundsbury, where he showed J''^''^^^'''^''-
great benefits to the churchmen. Thirdly, he procured justice to be
administered more rightly throughout his realm, &c. Also he
ordained and erected a new bishopric at Carlisle.
In the three and thirtieth year of this king's reign (as witnesseth The city
a certain author) a great part of the city of London, with the church cJiurl,'!,'^';,^
of St. Paul, was burned with fire in Whitsun week. London
After Calixtus (whose story and time is before discoursed) sue- nonorius
ceeded Pope Honorius II. ; notwithstanding that the cardinals had i'-
elected another, yet he, by the means of certain citizens, obtained
the papacv, a.d. 1124. About the second year of his induction, as
is to be read in Mat. Paris, there was a certain legate of his, called
John de Crema, sent down to England from the pope for the redress
I cannot well tell whereof; but, indeed, the chief purpose of his
coming, as of all others after him in those days, was to fill their
pouches with English money, as may further appear by their pro-
ceedings. This legate coming then with the pope's letters directed
both into England and Scotland, after he had well refreshed himself
in bishops' houses, and amongst the abbots, at length resorted to
London, where he assembled the whole clergy together, inquiring of ARomish
priests' concubines, otherwise called their Avives, and made thereupon cmlcern-
a statute in the said synod of London, after this tenor •} " To priests, '"? ,
deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do utterly inhibit, by authority wivejami
apostolical, all manner of society and conversation with all kinds of b°nes.
women, except only their mother, sister, or aunt, or such whereof can
rise no suspicion. And whosoever shall be found to violate this
decree, being convict thereof, shall sustain thereby the loss of all that
he hath by his order. Moreover, amongst kindred or such as be Maniaj^e
forbiildeii
joined in affinity, we forbid matrimony unto the seventh generation." [° ^,"^1'
But see how God worketh against such ungodly proceedings. The ^";^|^^''
next night after, it happened the same cardinal, ruffling and revelling
with his concubines, to be apprehended in the same vice whereof he
had so straitly given out precepts the day before, to the no little slander
and shame, as Matthew Paris doth write, of the whole clergy.
Unto A.D. ] 125, lived Henry V. the emperor, after he had reigned
twentv years, dying without issue, as is before mentioned. Next after
Henry, the imperial crown came unto Lothaire, duke of Saxony.
(1) " Presbyteris, diaconibus, subdiaconibus, ct canonicis, uxorum, concubinarnm, et omninm
oranino foeminarum contubernia authoritate apostolica iiihibenius, prater matrem, aut sororcm,
vel amitam, aut cjusmodi mulieres quje oninino careant suspicione. Et qui derreti hujus
violator extiteiit (coiifessus vel convictus^ ruinain ordinis patiatur. Inter ronsanguineos seu
afFinitate propinquos, usque ad septimam geiicratioiiem, tnatrimonia contrahi proliibemus."
iSimeon Dunclni., hoc anno: Wilkins, Cone. Gen. torn i. p. •)()!>. — Eu ]
182
TilE UISTOKV OF ARXULril.
Jlenty I.
A.D.
1128.
The hin-
tory of
Arniilph,
n worlhy
preacher.
Amulph,
a martyr.
A book
called Tri-
partitum,
written
■400 years
ago.
Certain historians,' as Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus, &c., make men-
tion of one Amulph, in tlic time of this Pope Honorius II. Some
say he was archbishop of Lyons. Trithemius saith he was a priest,
whose history, as it is set forth in Trithemius, I will briefly in English
express. About this time, saith he, in the days of Honorius II., one
Arnulph, priest, a man zealous and of great devotion, and a worthy
preacher, came to Rome, wliich Arnulph, in his preaching, rebuked
the di,ssolute and lascivious looseness, incontinency, avarice, and im-
moderate pride of the clergy, provoking all to follow Christ and his
apostles in their poverty rather, and in pureness of life. By reason
whereof this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobility
of Rome for a true disciple of Christ ; but of the cardinals and the
clergy he was no less hated than favoured of the other, insomuch that
privily, in the night season, they took him and destroyed him. This
his martyrdom, saith he, was revealed to him before from God by an
angel, he being in the desert, when he was sent forth to preach at
Rome ; whereupon he said to them publicly with these words : " I
know," saith he, " ye seek my life, and know you will shortly make
me away privily : but why ? Because I preach to you the truth, and
blame your pride, stoutness, avarice, incontinency, with your unmea-
surablc greediness in getting and heaping up riches, therefore be you
displeased with me. I take here heaven and earth to witness, that I
have preached to you that I was commanded of the Lord. But you
contemn me and your Creator, who by his only-begotten Son hath
redeemed you. And no marvel if you seek my death, being a sinful
person, preaching unto you the truth, when as if St. Peter were here
this day and rebuked your vices, which do so multiply above all mea-
sure, you would not spare him neither.*" And having expressed this
with a loud voice, he said moreover : " For my part I am not afraid
to suffer death for the truth's sake ; but this I say to you, that God
will look upon your impurities, and will be revenged ; for you, being
full of all impurity, play the blind guides to the people committed to
you, leading them the way to hell ; but God is a God of vengeance."
Thus the hatred of the clergy being incensed against him for preach-
ing truth, they conspired against him, and so laying privy Avait for
him, took him and drowned him.^ Sabellicus and Platina say they
hanged him.
In the second tome of the General Councils, printed at Cologne,
is mentioned a certain book called " Opusculum Tripartitum," written,
as the collector of the councils supposeth, above four hundred years
ago, cither of this Amulph, or just about the same time. In this
book, the writer complaineth of many enormities and abuses in the
church. First, of the number of holy days, declaring what occasions of
vice grew thereby, according unto the common saying of naughty
women, who say, they vantage more in one holy day than in fifty
other days besides.
Item, he complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches,
whereby many be occasioned to bestow much good time, yea, many
years, about the same, which otherwise they might give to the
learning of better sciences.
(1) This and the next p.ipc are translated from Ulyricus, cols. 1432, 1448. See Appendix.— Ed.
(2) Kx Trithcmio. [Chron. Hirsaiip. Ed. Francof. ICOl, p. 121, an. 1128 : the text has been col«
laled, and some slight corrections introduced. — Ed.]
THE REALM OF FRANCE INTERDICTED. 183
Likewise he complaineth of the rabble and the multitude of Uenry i.
begging friars, and religious men and professed Avomcn, showing ~~\^
what great occasion of idle and uncomely life conieth thereof. Ii;j0.
Also of the inconsiderate promotion of evil prelates, and of their '
great negligence in correcting and reforming the evil demeanour
of the people.
Item, of the great wantonness and lasciviousncss in their servants
and families, concerning their excessive wearing of apparel.
Item, he complaineth also of the outrageous and excessive gains
that prelates and others under them take for their seal, especially of
officials, scribes, and such like ; who give out the seal they care not
hoM", nor wherefore, so they may gain money.
He complaineth in like manner, that prelates be so slack and
ncfrligent in looking' to the residents in their benefices.
Further, he lamcnteth the rash giving of benefices to parsons,
vicars, and curates, not for any godliness or learning in them, but
for favour or friendship, or intercession, or else for hope of some
gain, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the church.
After this, he noteth in prelates, how they Avaste and expend the
goods of the church in superfluities ; or upon their kinsfolks, or
other worse ways, Avhich should rather be spent on the poor.
Next, in the tenth chapter he complaineth, that through the
negligence of men of the church, especially of the church of Rome,
the books and monuments of the old councils, and also of the new,
are not to be found, which should be reserved and kept in all
cathedral churches.
Item, that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties. Also he
reproacheth the unchaste and voluptuous demeanour of ecclesiastical
persons by the example of storks, whose nature is, saith he, that if
any of their company, leaving his own mate, joineth with any
other, all the rest fly upon him, whether it be he or she, beat him,
and pluck his feathers off: " What then," saith he, " ought good
prelates to do to such a person of their company, whose filthiness
and corrupt life both defile so many, and stinketh in the whole
church.'^"
Again, forasmuch as we read in the first book of Esdras (chap, ix.), Amend-
that he, purging Israel of strange women, began first with the priests; ni^first
so now likewise in the purging and correcting of all sorts of men, '"i,''^^fh"
first the purgation ought to begin Avith these, according as it is priests.
written by the prophet Ezekiel, " Begin first with my sanctuary."
Moreover, seeing that in the time of Philip, king of France, the The
whole realm was interdicted, for that the king had a woman for his pranie"'^
wife, who could not be his wife bv law ; and again, seeing in these jJ]'^'':
' •" ^ . ^ . . dieted.
our days the king of Portugal hath been sequestered from his dominion King of
by the authority of the church, being thought not sufficient to govern ; deposed.
— what then ought to be said to the prelate who abuseth other men''s
wives, and virgins and nuns, who also is found unhable and insufficient
to take upon him the charge of souls ?
About A.D. 1128, the order of the knights of the Rhodes, called
Johannites, also the order of Templars, rose up. of the
After Honorius, next in the same usurpation succeeded Pope !|^,j"T/,n.
Innocent II., a.d. 1130. But as it was with his predecessors before ri"s.
1st DKATH OF KING UKURY, SUllKAMED BEAUCLEUK.
funryi. ],i,„^ tliixt at cvcry mutation of new popes, came new perturbations,
^ J) and commonly never a pope was elected but some other was set
\u-i. up a!,Minst liim, sometimes two, sometimes three popes tof,'ether, so
likewise it happened with this Innocent ; for after he was chosen, the
Hurl- Komans elected another pope, named Anacletus. Betwixt these
bu"ri/be- two popes there w;us much ado, and great conflicts, through the
pl^^j" i)artaking of Roger, duke of Sicily, taking Anacletus's part against
Innocent until Lothaire the emperor came ; who, rescuing Inno-
cent, drove Roger out of Italy. Our stories record, that King
Henrv was one of the great helps in setting up and maintaining this
Po])e Innocent against Anacletus.'
Amongst many other things, this pope decreed that whosoever did
strike a priest or clerk, being shaven, he should be excommunicated,
and not be absolved but only by the pope himself,
neithof About the time of doing these things, a.d. 113.5, King Henry,
Heiryi- being in Normandy, as some say, by taking there a fall from his
A.D.1I35. ],Qj.gp^ Q^.^ ag others say, by taking a surfeit in eating lampreys, fell
sick and died, after lie had reigned over the realm of England five
and thirty years and odd months, leaving for his heirs Matilda, the
empress, his daughter, with her young son Henry to succeed him, to
whom all the prelates and nobility of the realm were sworn. But,
contrary to their oath made to Matilda, in the presence of her Itither
before, William, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the nobles of the
realm, crowned Stephen, earl of Boulogne, and sister's son to King
Henry, upon St. Stephen's day, in Christmas week ; which archbishop
the next year after died, being, as it was thought, justly punished for
his perjury. And many other lords, who did accordingly, went not
quit without punishment. In the like justice of punishment is
numbered also Roger, bishop of Salisbury ; who, contrary unto his
oath, being a great doer in the coronation of Stephen, was appre-
hended of the same king, and miserably, but justly, extermined.
A certain written English story ^ I have, which addeth more, and
saith, that King Stephen, having many foes in divers quarters keeping
their holds and castles against him, went to Oxford, and took the
The bishop of Salisbury, and put a rope about his neck, and so led him
ofsarum to the castlc of Vies, that was his, and commanded them to render
coin^'"" "P the castle, or he would slay and hang their bishop. Which castle
takei being given up, the king took the spoil thereof The like also he
■ did unto the bishop of Lincoln, named Alexander ; whom in like
manner he led in a rope to a castlc of that bishop's, that was upon
Trent, and bade them deliver up the castle, or else he would liang
their lord before tlieir gate. Long it was before the castle was given
up ; yet at length the king obtaining it, there entered and took all
the treasure of the bishop, &c. Roger Hoveden' and Fabian
alleging a certain old author, whom I cannot find, refer a great clause
of this perjury unto one Hugh Bigot, sometime steward with King
Henry ; who, immetliately after tlie death of the said Henry, came
into England, and before the said archbishop, and other lords of the
land, took wilf\illy an oath, and swore, that he was present a little
before the kings death, when King Henry admitted for his heir, to
(1) Gishurn. (2) Ex Chroti. Anpli. incerti autoris.
(.3) Roger Hoved. in Vit. Steph. Ex Fab. in Vit. Steph.
CONTENTIONS FOR THE CROWN. 185
be \dr\g after him, Stephen his nepliew, forasmuch as Matilda his ^''-p'""-
daughter had discontented him. Whereunto the archbishop, with a. D.
the other lords, gave too hasty credence. But this Hugh, saith 1135.
he, scaped not unpunished, for he died miserably in a short time
after.' Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wrought not
without the practice of Henry, bishop of Winchester, and other
prelates by his setting on, which Henry was brother to King
Stephen.
STEPHEN.2
Thus, when King Stephen, contrary unto his oath made before a. i).
to Matilda, the empress, had taken upon him the crown, as is above 1135.
said, he swore before the lords at Oxford, that he would not hold
the benefices that were voided, and that he would remit the Dane-
gilt, with many other things, which afterwards he little performed.
Moreover, because he dreaded the coming of the empress, he gave
license to his lords, every one to build upon his own ground strong BuUdins
castles or fortresses, as they liked. All the time of his reign he was "n Eng "
vexed with wars, but especially with David, king of the Scots, with '^"'^•
Avhom he was at length accorded : but yet the Scottish king did him
no homage, because he was sworn to Matilda, the empress. Notwith-
standing this, Henry, the eldest son to King David, did homage tc
King Stephen. But he, after repenting thereof, entered into North- The
umberland with a great host, and burnt and slew the people in most onhe^
cruel wise, neither sparing man, woman, nor child. Such as were scots to-
with child they ripped up ; the children they tossed upon their Enl'iilh-''
spears' points ; and laying the priests upon the altars, they mangled ""''
and cut them all to pieces, after a most terrible manner. But by the
manhood of the English lords and soldiers, and through the means of
Thurstin, archbishop of York, they were met withal, and a great
number of them slain, David their king being constrained to give
up Henry, his son, as hostage for surety of peace. In the mean tune.
King Stephen was occupied in the south countries, besieging divers
castles of divers bishops and other lords, and took them by force, and
fortified them with his knights and servants, with intent to withstand
the empress, whose coming he ever feared.
About the sixth year of his reign, Matilda, the empress, came into A.D.n4n.
England out of Normandy, and by the aid of Robert, earl of e^^r'^ei*',^
Gloucester, and Ranulph, of Chester, made strong war upon King ^?"'?.'"{''
Stephen. In the end the king's party was chased, and himself taken a^Jldntt
prisoner, and sent to Bristol, there "to be kept in sure hold. The sleSe"'
same day when King Stephen should join his battle, it is said in a ^^^^^^ ^Ti-
certain old chronicle before mentioned, that he being at the mass
(which then the bishop of Lincoln said before the king), as he went
to offer up his taper, it brake in two ; and when the mass was done,
(at what time the king should have been houseled) the rope whereby
the pix^ did hang did break, and the pix fell down upon the altar.
(1) Ex Fabian.
(2) Edition 1563, p. 31. Ed. 1583, p. L'nn. Ed. l.inp, p. 182. Ed. I6S4, vol. i. p. 22f.. -Ed.
(.i) The pix is a small box cnntaininp the consecrated wafer, which the papists c:Ul the host, to
which they may be seen paying their adorations — Ed.
186 DTKl-: IIKNIIY INVADES KN'GLAKD.
sin>'><-n. After this battle, the queen, Kingr Stephen's wife, lying then in Kent,
y^ I) made great labour to the empress and her council, to have the king
1143. delivered and put into some house of religion, but could not obtain
it. Also the Londoners made great suit to the said empress, to have
and to use ag:iin St. Edward's laws, and not the laws of her father,
which were more strict and strange unto them than the others. When
they could not obtain this of her and her council, the citizens of
London, being therewith discontented, would have taken the empress;
but she having knowledge thereof, fled privily from London to Ox-
Ibrd. But the Kentish-men and Londoners, taking the king''s part,
joined battle against the empress ; when the aforesaid Robert, earl of
stephpn, Gloucester, and base brother to the empress, was taken, and so, by
heft, 'carl cxcliangc, botli the king and earl Robert were delivered out of prison.
of^Giou- 'f hen Stephen, without delay gathering to him a strong army, straitly
livcred by pursucd tlic aforcsaid Matilda, or Maud, with her friends, besieging
exc laiige ^j^^j^^ jj^ ^j^^ castlc of Oxford, iu the siege whereof fell a great snow
and frost, so hard, that a man well laden might pass over the water ;
upon which occasion, the empress bethinking herself, appointed with
her friends and retinue, clothed in white sheets, and issuing out by a
postern gate, went upon the ice over Thames, and so escaped to
vVallingford.' After this, the king (the castle being gotten), when
he found not the empress, was much displeased, and molested the
country round about divers ways. In conclusion, he pursued the
empress and her company so hard, that he caused them to fly the
realm, which was in the sixth year of his reign.
A.D.1143. The second year after this, which was the eighth year of his reign,
there was a parliament held in London, to which all the bishops of the
realm resorted, and there denounced the king accursed, and all those
with him, who did any hurt to the church, or to any minister thereof.
Whereupon the king began somewhat to amend his conditions for a
certain space, but afterward, as my story saith, was as ill as he was
before; but what the causes were, my author maketh no mention.
The de- To rctum again to the story : the empress, compelled, as is said, to
Gc'^ffcry ^J ^^^^ realm, returned again into Normandy, to Geoffery Plantagenet
I'lanta- her husbaud, who, after he had valiantly won and defended the duchy of
Normandy, against the puissance of King Stephen a long time, ended
his lil'e, leaving Henry, his son, to succeed him in that dukedom. In
the mean while, Robert, earl of Gloucester, and the earl of Chester,
who were strong of people, had divers conflicts with the king, inso-
much that at a battle at Wilton, between them, the king was well
nigh taken, but yet escaped with much difficulty.
Henry, It was uot loug bcforc Eustacc, son to King Stephen, who had
Korman- married the French king's sister, made war on Duke Henry of Nor-
En'g^ianT "i'^"'!}', but prevailed not. Soon after, the said Henry, duke of Nor-
mandy, in the quarrel of his mother Matilda, with a gi-eat puissance
entered England, and at the first won the castle of Malmesbury, then
the Tower of London, and afterward the town of Nottingham, with
other holds and castles, as of Wallingford, and other places. Thus,
between him and the king were fought many battles, to the great
annoyance of the realm. During that time, ]liustacc, the king's son,
departed ; upon which occasion the king caused Theobald, arch-
(1) Ex incertl authoris Chronico.
DEATH OF KTNCi STEl'UKN. 187
bisliop of Canterbury, who succeeded next after William, above men- sirphcn.
tioned, to make overtures to the duke for peace, which was concluded ^^ n
between them upon this condition, — that Stephen, during his lifetime, ] jV^".
should hold the kingdom, and Henry, in the mean time, be proclaimed
heir apparent, in the chief cities throughout the realm. These things Peace
done, Duke Henry taketh his journey into Normandy, King Stephen k^hk ""
and his son William bringing him on his way, where William, the g^^/}',';"^^
king"'s son, taking up his horse before his father, had a fall, and brake Henry,
his leg, and so was had to Canterbury. The same year, about Death of
October, King Stephen, as some say for sorrow, ended his life, after ^j'ephen.
he had reigned nineteen years perjuredly.
As Theobald succeeded William, archbishop of Canterbury, so in
York, after Thurstin, succeeded William, who was called St. William
of York, and was poisoned in his chalice by liis chaplains.
In the time of this king, in the sixteenth year of his reign, Theo-
bald, archbishop of Canterbury, and legate to the pope, did hold
a council in London. In this conned first began new-found appella-
tions from councils to the pope, found out by Henry, bishop of
Winchester ; for, as the words of mine author do record, " In Anglia
namque appellationes in usu non erant, donee eas Henricus Winton-
iensis episcopus, dum legatus esset, malo suo crudeliter intrusit. In
eodem namque concilio ad Romani pontificis audientiam ter appella-
tum est," &c. That is, " for appellations before were not in use in
England, till Henry, bishop of Winchester, being then the pope's
legate, brought them cruelly in, to his own hurt. For in that council
appeal was thrice made to the bishop of Rome.''"' a. d. 1151,
In the time of King Stephen died Gratian, a monk of Bologna, cratian.
who compiled a book of papal decrees, called * Decretum ; ' also his o^X'"
brother, Peter Lombard, bishop of Paris, who is called ' the Master f^^'^^^^
of Sentences,' compiled his four books of the ' Sentences.' These peter"
two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and establishing mas"e?of'
this blind opinion of the sacrament, that only the similitude of bread ^^l^^^-'
and wine remained, but not the substance of them ; and this they call
the spiritual understanding of the mystery, and therefore no marvel
if the sun in those days were seen black and dim.
Some also afliirm, that Petrus Comestor, writer of the Scholastical
History, was the third brother to these above-named.
At the same time, and in the reign of the said King Stephen, was
also Hugo, surnamed " De Sancto Victore ;" about the which time,
as Polychronicon reciteth, lived and died Bernard of Clairvaux.
The author of the history called ' Jornalensis,' maketh also
mention of Hildegard, the nun and prophetess, in Almain, as having
lived in the same age ; concerning whose prophecy against the friars,
hereafter (by the grace of Christ) more shall be said, when we come
to recite the order and number of friars and religious men crept into
the church of Christ.
We read., moreover, of one named Johannes de Temporibus, who,
by the affirmance of most of our old histories, lived three hundred
and sixty-one years, servant once to Charlemagne, and in the reign
of Stephen king of England died.^
In the days also of this king, and by him, was buildcd the abbey
(I) Polychron. lib, vii. Continuator Henr. Hunt. Jornalcnsis in Vita Steph. Nichol. Trivet, &c
1S8
civil- COM.MOTIONS AT ROMK.
A.D.
1154.
The Jews
crucilicd
n child at
Norwich.
The order
of the
Cilher-
lines.
The
Lord's
Prnyer
and the
Creed in
English.
Cursing
with
Stephen, ^f Fevcrslmm, where liis son and lie were burietl. He buildcd the
monastery of Furness, and tliat of Fountains ; also the castle of
Wallinijtord, with a number of other castles more.
During the time of the said King Stephen, a.d. 1144-, the mise-
rable .lews crucified a child in the city of Norwich.'
Much about the same time came up the order of the Gilbertines, by
one Gilbert, son to Jacolinc de Sempringham, a knightof Lincolnshire.
Mention hath been made beibre of certain FiUglish councils liolden
in the time of this king, where, in one of them, imder Theobald the
archbishop of Canterbury, it was decreed that bishops should live
more discreetly ; should teach their flock more diligently ; that reading
of Scriptures should be more usual in abbeys ; that priests should not
be rulers of worldly matters; and that they should learn and teach
the Lord's Prayer and Creed in English.^
Matthew Paris^ writcth, how Stephen, king of England, in these
days reserved to himself the right and authority of bestowing spiritual
livings, and investing prelates. At that time, also, Lothaire, the
emperor, began to do the like, in recovering again the right and pri-
Ailege taken away from Henry, his predecessor, had not Bernard given
him contrary counsel, a.d. 1133.
Here came into the church the manner of cursing with book, bell,
book.heii, and candle, devised in the council of London, holden by William,
and can. ];,ig]^op of Winchester, under Pope Celestine, who succeeded after
Innocent, a.d. 1144,
Also to Lothaire, succeeded in the imperial cro^^■n, Conrad HL,"* the
nephew of Henry V. beforementioncd, who alone, of many cm])erors,
is not found to receive the crown at the pope's hand, a.d, 1138.
In the days of this emperor, wdio reigned fifteen years, were divers
popes, as Celestine IL, Lucius H., Eugene UL, at which time the
Komans Avcnt about to recover their former old nwnner of choosing
their consuls and senators. But the popes, then being in their rnW,
in no case would abide it ; whereupon arose many commotions, with
Pope Lu- mnch civil war amongst them, insomuch that Pope Lucius, sending
for aid to the emperor, who otherwise hindered at that time coidd not
come, armed his soldiers, thinking to invade them, or else to destroy
them in their senate-house. But this coming to their knowledge
beforehand, the people were aJl in array, and much ado was among
them ; Pope Lucius being also among them in the fight, and well
pelted with stones and blows, lived not long after. Ijikewise Pope
Eugene after him, pursuing the Romans for the same matter, first
did curse them Avith excommunication ; and afterwiixds, when he
saw that would not serve, he came with his host, and so compelled
temporal them at length to seek peace, and to take his conditions, which were
warring
against
the sena
tors.
Spiritual
excom-
munica-
tion
abused in
(1) Nichol. Trivet, et alii. (2) Malmesb. P) ^lalth. Paris, lib. Chron. iv.
(4) In the rei}!n of Conrad, in consequence of some .-ulvantages obtained by the Saracens in the
East, Bernard of Clairvaux, a learned and eloquent man, whose lecture to the pope may be seen in
Uupin's Kccles. Hist. cent, xii , bcRan to rouse the minds of the western nations, and directed
their thoughts to the second crusade, a.d. 1M6. Conrad III., the cmiieror of Germany, set forward
with a numerous army to the East; but in November, in the same year, he was unexpectedly
attacked by the sultan of Iconium, and bis .-irmy destroyed. We are told that bis force consisted of
7n,t)00 coats of mail, besides infantry and light-horse. Tl'.e emperor escaped, and joined the 1 lench
king, Louis VJl., at Ephesus. Nor was the latter, who appeared at the bead of a second arma-
ment, more fortunate ; in January, the following year, he too, through an error in the movements
of his troops, was surprised and defeated, in an impetuous attack of the Saracens ; the army was
destroyed, and the king and the emperor retired to Jerusalem. Eugene III. was pope at th.it
time. — Ed.
IIEKRY II. ASCENDS THE THRONE. 189
these: — That they shoukl aboHsh their consuls, and take such •^'•'"•y//.
senators as lie, by his papal authoiity, shoukl assign them. A.dT
Then followed Anastasius IV., and after him Adrian IV., an 1154.
Englishman, by name called Breakspear, belonging once to St. Alban's popc
This Adrian kept great stir, in like manner, with the citizens of Rome, ^Jjg,^",^'!"
for abolishing their consuls and senate, cursing, excommunicating, man.
and warring against them with all the poAver he could make, till in
time he removed the consuls out of their office, and brought them all
under his subjection. The like business and rage he also stirred up
against Apulia, and especially against the empire, blustering and
tlumdering against Frederic, the emperor, as (the Lord granting) you
shall hear anon, after we have prosecuted such matter as necessarily
appertaineth first to the continuation of our English story.
HENRY THE SECOND."
Henry H., the son of Geoffery Plantagenet, and of ^Matilda, tlie A. D,
empress, and daughter of King Henry I., began his reign after King 1154.
Stephen, and continued five and thirty years. The first year of his
reign he subdued Ireland ; and not long after, Thomas Becket was Thomas
made by him lord chancellor of England. This king cast down dl^ncd'-
divers castles erected in the time of King Stephen. He went into '°J^ °^^^^
the north parts, where he subdued William, king of Scotland, who
at that time held a great part of Northumberland, as far as Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, and joined Scotland to his own kingdom, from the south
ocean to the north isles of Orcades. Also he put under his dominion
the kingdom of Wales, and there felled many great woods, and made
the ways plain, so that by his great manhood and policy the seigniory
of England was much augmented with the addition of Scotland, Ire-
land, the Orcades isles, Britanny, Poitou, and Guienne. Also he had
in his rule Normandy, Gascony, Anjou, and Chinon ; also Auvergne
and the city of Tholouse he won, and Avere to him subject. Over and
besides, by the title of his wife Eleanor, daughter to the earl of Poic-
tou, he obtained the mount Pyreneein Spain ; so that we read of none
of his progenitors who had so many countries under his dominion.
In England were seen in the firmament two suns, or (as it is in Chro-
nica Chronicorum) in Italy appeared three suns by the space of three
hours, in the west; the year following, a. d. 1158, appeared three moons,
Avhereof the middle moon had a red cross athwart the face, whereby
was betokened, in the judgment of some, the great schism Avhich
afterwards happened among the cardinals, for the election of the
bishop of Rome ; or else rather the business betAveen Frederic, the cerhar-
emperor, and the popes, Avhcreof partly noAV incidently occasion givetli D^fidnus,
us to discourse after that I have first Avritten of Gerhardus and Dul- pi-^ad'er;
cinus of Novara ; against Avhom it Avas alleged clnetiy, that they did Ami-"
earnestly labour and preach against the church of Rome, defending '^''"^''
and maintaining that prayer was not more holy in one place than
in another ; that the pope Avas Antichrist ; that the clergy and prelates
of Rome Avere reject, and the very Avhore of Babylon prefigured in
the Apocalypse. Perad venture these had received some light of
knoAvledge of the Waldenses, Avho, at length, with a great number of
1,1) Kiiition 1563, p. 35. Ed. 15S3. p. 202. Ed. 15'iG, p. IS3. Ed. ICSl, vol. i. p. 228.— Ed.
190 WARS STIRUKD IP HV THE POPE.
""^mit their followers, were oppressed and slain by the pope.* And although
A.D. some inconvenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assem-
1155. blics be asjainst them alleged by some, yet these times of ours do
teach us sufficiently what credit is to be given to such popish slanders,
forged rather through hatred of true religion, than upon any judgment
of truth. Illyricus, in his book " De testibus,"" referreth the time of
these two to a.d. 1280 ; but, as I find in the story of Robert Gis-
burne, these two, about a. d. 1158, brought thirty with them into
England, who by the king and the prelates were all burnt in the
foreliead, and so driven out of the realm, and afterwards, as Illyricus
writeth, were slain by the pope.
Frederic And HOW, according to my promise premised, the time requireth
ro'saT to proceed to the history of Frederic I., called Barbarossa, successor
emperor, to Conrad in the empire, who marched up to Italy, to subdue there
certain rebels. The pope, hearing that, came with his clergy to meet
him by the way, in a town called Sutrium, thinking by him to find
The pope ^^^ agaiust liis enemies. The emperor, seeing the bishop, lighteth
that'tr*'' from his horse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the prelate on
emperor the left sidc, when he should have held it on the right, whereat the
hold his pope showed himself somewhat aggrieved. The emperor, smiling,
"ikrup. excused himself, by saying, that he was never accustomed to hold
stirrups ; and seeing it was done only of good will, and of no design,
it was the less matter what side of the horse he held. The next day,
to make amends to the bishop, the emperor sending for him, received
him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, and so all the matter
Avas made whole, and he the pope's own Avhite son again.
The After this, as they were come in and sat together, Adrian, the pope,
practke'*^ beginncth to declare to him how his ancestors before him, such as
ill setting sought to the scc of Rome for the crown, were wont always to leave
together behind them some special token or monument of their benevolence
ears!'" ^01" tliB obtaining thereof, as Charlemagne, in subduing the Lom-
bards ; Otho, the Berengarians ; Lothaire, the Normans, &c. ; where-
fore he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the
church of Rome, in restoring again tlie country of Apulia to the
church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he, for his part,
again would do that which appertained unto him to do ; meaning in
giving him the crown, for at that time the popes had brought the
emperors to fetch their crown at their hands, a. d. 1155.
Frederic, with his princes, perceiving that unless he would of his
own proper costs and charges get back Apulia out of Duke William's
liands, he could not speed of the crown, was fain to promise all that
the pope required, and so the next day after he was crowned. This
done, the emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and
his other furnitures, for the subduing of Apulia. In the mean while
Adrian, not thinking to be idle, first giveth forth censures of excom-
munication against William, duke of Apulia ; and, not content with
WarBtir- tliis, hc scudcth also to Emmanuel, emperor of Constantinople, in-
thepopeT ecnsing him to war against the aforesaid William. The duke per-
more ct-'iving tlus, sendoth to the pope for peace, promising to restore to
gainful him whatsoever he would. But the pope, through the malignant
i>e»ce. counsel of his cardinals, would grant no peace, thinking to get more
(1) Ex Hiit. Gisburnensis.
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEX THK POPE AND THE EMPEROK. 191
by war. The duke seeing notliing but war, preparctli liimself witli iienryu.
all expedition to the same. To be brief, collecting an army out of a. D.
all Sicily, he arriveth at Apulia, and there putteth the emperor 1155.
Emmanuel to flight. This done, he proceedeth to the city of Bene-
vento, where the pope and his cardinals were looking for victory. He The pope
planting there his siege, so straitly pressed the city, that the pope treaffor"
and his cardinals were glad to entreat for peace, which they refused p"''"-
before. The duke granted to their peace upon certain conditions, that
is, that neither he should invade such possessions as belonged to Rome,
and that the pope should make him king of both Sicilies. So the
matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop, coming to
Rome, was no less troubled there about their consuls and senators,
insomuch that when his curses and excommunications could not prevail
nor serve, he was fain to leave Rome, and removed to Ariminum.
The emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to con-
sider with himself, how the pope had given Apulia, which of right
belonged to the empire, to duke William, and had extorted from the
emperors, his predecessors, the investing and endowing of prelates ;
how he had pilled and polled all nations by his legates, and also had
been the sower of seditions through all his empery : he began
therefore to require of all the bishops of Germany homage, and oath
of their allegiance ; commanding also the pope's legates, if they came
into Germany without his sending for, not to be received ; charging, The^god-
moreover, all his subjects that none of them should appeal to Rome. ceiJiTngs
Besides this, in his letters he set and prefixed his name before the °l^^''^^^'
pope's name ; whereupon the pope being not a little offended, di- ^"l?^'^"""
rected his letters to the aforesaid Frederic the emperor, after this thepope,
tenor and form as following.
Copies of the Letters between Adrian, the pope, and Frederic,
the emperor.^
Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Frederic, Roman emperor,
heahh and apostolical benediction. The law of God, as it promiseth to them
that honour father and mother long life, so it threateneth the sentence of death
to them that curse fatlier and mother. We are taught by the word of truth,
that every one that exalteth himself shall be brought low. Wherefore, my well-
beloved son in the Lord, we marvel not a little at your wisdom, in that you
seem not to show that reverence to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy church
of Rome, which you ought to show. For why ? In your letters sent to us, you Tlie em
prefer your own name before ours, wherein you incur the note of insolency, peror's
yea rather, to speak it, of avrogancy. What ! should I here recite unto you ^ ™^he"
the oath of your fidelity, which you sware to blessed St. Peter, and to us, and pope's,
how you observe and keep the same ? Seeing you so require homage and alle-
giance of them that be gods, and all the sons of the High God, and presume to
join their holy hands with yours, working contrary to us ; seeing also you ex-
clude, not only out of your churches, but also out of your cities, our cardinals,
whom we direct as legates from our side; what shall I say then unto you?
Amend therefore, I advise you, amend ; for while you go about to obtain of us
your consecration and crown, and to get those things you have not, I fear nmch
your honour will lose the things you have. Thus fare ye well.
The Answer of Frederic the Emperor to the Pope.*
Frederic, by the grace of God, Roman emperor, ever Augustus, unto Adrian,
bishop of the catholic church, wisheth that he may be found to cleave unto
(1) Adrianus Episcopus, servus seTVorum Dei, Frcderico impcratori salutem, et apostolicam
■bc-nediciionem.&c. [Given by Ulyricua from Naurlenis, (Jen. xxxix. — Ed.]
(2) Collated with, and corrected Irom. the original in Nauclerus.— En.
192 EXCOMMUNICATION OF FREDEHIC.
j/enryii. tiioso tilings wliicli Jesus bcgati to do and to teach. The law of justice givcth
to every person iliat which is his. Accordingly we do not derogate from our
-^' ^' parents, of whom, according as we have received this our dignity of the im-
^^5^' periaJ crown and governance, so in the same kingdom of ours we do render
their due and true honour to them again. And forasmuch as the like duty
is to be required in all sorts of men, let us see first in the time of Constantine,
what patrimony or regality Silvester, then bishop of Rome, had of his own, due
to him, that he miglit claim. Did not Constantine, of his liberal benignity,
give liberty, and restore jieace unto the church? and whatsoever regality or
patrimony the sec of your papacy hath, was it not by the donation of princes
given unto them ? When we write to the Roman pontiff, therefore, we prefix
our name, and allow him to do the same in writing to us. Revolve and turn
over the ancient chronicles ; if either you have not read, or neglected, that we
do affirm, there it is to be found. Of those who he gods by adoption, and hold
lordships of us, why may we not justly require their homage, and their sworn
allegiance ? when as He who is both your Master and ours, who holds nothing
of any superior lord, but giveth all good things to all men, paid toll and tribute
for himself and Peter unto Caesar ; giving you therein an example to do the like :
who saith to you and all men, " Learn of me, for I am meek and humble of
heart." Wherefore either render again your lordships and patrimonies which
ye hold of us, or else if ye find them so sweet unto you, then give that which is
due to God, unto God ; and that which is due to Caesar, unto Caesar. As for
your cardin.ils, we shut them out both of churches and cities, for that we see
them not preachers, but prowlers ; not repairers of peace, but rakers for monej';
not ])illars and upholders of the church, but pollers insatiable of the world, and
moylers of money and gold. What time we shall see them to be other men,
such as the church requireth them to be, makers of peace, shining forth like
lights to the people, assisting poor and weak men's causes in the way of equit}',
then shall they find us prest and ready to relieve them with stipends, and all things
necessary. And whereas you put such questions as these, little conducing to
religion, before secular men, you incur thereby no little blemish of your humility,
which is keeper of all virtues, and of your mansuetude. Therefore let your
fatherhood beware and take heed, lest in moving such matters as seem to us
unseemly for you, ye lay a stumbling-block before such as depend on your word,
giving ear to your mouth, as it were to an evening shower ; for we cannot but
reply to that we hear, seeing how the detestable beast of pride doth creep into
the seat of Peter. Fare ye well, so long as ye provide as much as in you lieth
for the peace of the church.
Upon this Adrian the pope directcth out a bull against Frederic,
excommunicating iiim with public and solemn ceremonies. Moreover
conspiring with William, duke of Apulia, he sought all manner of
ways to infest the emperor, and to set all men against him, especially
the clergy. Amongst many others writing to Hillinus, bishop of
Treves, to Arnulph, bishop of Mentz, and to Frederic, bishop of
Cologne, he seeketh first to make tlieni of his side. His epistle to
them soundeth to this effect.
A sfdi- The empire of Rome was transferred from the Greeks to the Almains, so
"r°o"V"^ that the king of Almains could not be called emperor, before he were crowned
letter of of the bishop apostolical. Before his consecration he is a king, afterwards
the pope emperor. Whence hath he his empire then, but of us? By the election of his
bUhlTps of princes he hath the name of a king ; by our consecration he hath the name of the
Germany, emperor, of .Augustus, or of Caesar; ergo, by us he reigneth as emperor. Search
ancient authorities. Pope Zacharias promoted Charlemagne and made him a
great name, that he was made and called emperor; and after that, the king of
Almains was ever named emperor, and advocate to the see apostolical, so that
Apulia, conquered by him, was subdued to the bishop of Rome; which Apulia, with
the city of Rome, is ours, and not the emperor's. Our seat is at Rome ; the seat
of the emperor is at Aix la Chapelle, in Ardenne, which is a forest in France.
Well The emperor, whatsoever he haili, he hath it of us: as Zacharias did translate
bragired, (},(> eni])ire from the Greeks to the Almains, so we may translate it again from
a pope.' '''<^ Almains to the Greeks. Behold it lieth in our power to give it to whom we
PRESUMPTUOUS CONDUCT OF ADRIAN. 193
will, being therefore set up of God above Gentiles and nations, to destroy and Henry II.
pluck up, to build and to plant," &c.' . _^
And yet further to understand the ambitious presumption of this llo7.
proud see of Rome, it so chanced, that this emperor Frederic, at scripture"
his first coming up to Rome, did behold tlicrc, in the palace of ^^^'^^^^^
Lateran, a certain picture brought forth unto him, how Lothairc IL,
the emperor, was crowned of the pope, with the inscription of ccrtam
verses in Latin, declaring how the aforesaid emperor, coming to Rome,
first did swear to the city, after was made the pope's man, and so of
him received the crown. Frederic, offended Avith this picture, desired
the pope it might be abolished, that it shouhl be no cause of any
dissension hereafter. The pope understanding the intent of the
emperor, how loth he was to come under subjection to his see,
devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass ; and first taking his
occasion by the archbishop of Lunden's being then detained in
custody (I cannot tell by whom) sent divers and sharp letters unto
him, and yet not so sharp, as proud and disdainful ; wherein the first
salutation by his legates was this : " Our most blessed father, the
pope, greeteth you, and the universal company of the cardinals ; he,
as your father ; they, as your brethren." ^ Meaning thereby that he See tiie
should understand himself to be subject and underling to the pope, pl^sumi"'
no less than the cardinals were. Moreover, in his letters, objecting ^^°'^^^^
divers things against him, he reciteth how many and great benefits priest,
he had received of the church of Rome, by the which church he had
obtained the fulness of his honour and dignity, &c. The emperor,
with his princes, perceiving whereunto the pope by his legates did
shoot, being a prince of courage, could not abide such intolerable
presumption of a proud message, whereupon much contention fell
between the legates and the princes. "And of whom then,'''' say the
legates, " receiveth Caesar the empire, if he take it not of the pope T""
With that word the German princes were so much offended, that, had
not the emperor stayed them with much ado, they would have used
violence against the legates. But the emperor, not permitting that,
commanded the legates away, straightly charging them to make no
turn by the way to any person or persons, but straight to depart
home. And he, to certify the whole state of the empire, of the truth
of the matter, directeth forth these letters that follow.
The tenor of the Emperors letter sent through all his empire.^
Forasmuch as the Providence of God, whereon dependeth all power both
in heaven and earth, hath committed to us, his anointed, this our regiment and
empire to be governed, and the peace of his churches by our imperial arms to
be protected ; we cannot but lament and complain to you, with great sorrow of
heart, seeing such causes of dissension, the root and fountain of evils, and the
infection of pestiferous corruption thus to arise from the holy church, imprinted
with the seal of peace and love of Christ.
By reason whereof (except God tin-n it away), we fear the whole body of
the church is like to be polluted, the unity thereof to be broken, and scliism
and division to be betwixt the spiritual and temporal regmient. For we being
alale at Besan9on, and there treating busily of matters pertaining as well to tlie
(1) The Latin copy of this letter appears in the edition of 1563, p. 37.— Ed.
(2) "Salutatvos beatissimus pater iioster papa, et universitas cardiiialium, iile ut pater, hi ut
fratres." Kx Radevico, in appendice [ad Oihonem] Frisingensem. [See Appendix.— Ed.]
(3) The Latin copy of this letter is also in the edition of 1563, p. 38.- Ed.
VOL. II. O
194 FinMNESS OF THE EMPEROR.
iirurtjil. honour of our empire, as to the wcahli of the churches, there came ambassadors
of the see apostolical, declaring that they brought a legacy to our majesty of
A. D. great iinjjortance, redounding to the no small commodity of our honour and
^^^^- empire.
who then, the first day of their coming, being brought to our presence, and
received of us (as the manner is) with honour accordingly, audience was given
them to hear what they had to say. They forthwith bursting out of the
mammon of iniquity, haughty pride, stoutness, and arrogancy, out of the
execrable presumption of their swelling heart, did their message with letters
apostolical, whereof the tenor was this: That we should always have before
our eyes, how that our sovereign lord, the pope, gave us the imperial crown,
and that it dotli not repent him, if so be we have received greater benefits at
his hand. And this was the eftect of that so sweet and fatherly legation, which
should nourish j)eace both of the chiu-ch and of the empire, to unite them fast
together in the band of love.
At the hearing of this so false, untrue, and most vain-glorious presumption of
so proud a message, not only the emperor's majesty conceived indignation, but
also all the princes there present were moved witli such anger and rage
thereat, that if our presence and request had not stayed them, they would not
have held their hands from these wicked priests, or else would have proceeded
with sentence of death against them.
Furthermore, because a great number of other letters (partly written already,
partly with seals ready signed, for letters to be written according, as they should
think good, to the churches of Germany) were found about them, whereby to
work their conceived intent of iniquity here in our churches, to spoil the altars,
to carry away the jewels of the church, and to flay off the limbs and plates of
Note here go'<iPii crosses, &c. : to the intent their avaricious meaning should have no
a coura- further power to reign, we gave them commandment to depart the same way
geous ^]jgy canie. And now, seeing our reign and empire standeth upon the election
valiant of princes, from God alone, who in the passion of his Son, subdued the world to
emperor : be governed with two swords necessary ; and, again, seeing Peter, the apostle,
pie formal! ^^^ SO informed the world with this doctrine, " Deum timete, regem honorifi-
princes to cate:" that is, " Fear God, honour your king:" therefore, who-so saith that we
follow. bave and possess our imperial kingdom by the benefit of the lord pope, is
contrary both to the oi'dinance of God, and to the doctrine of Peter, and also
shall be reproved for a liar.
Therefore as our endeavour hath been heretofore to help and to deliver the
servile captivity of church'^s out of the hand, and from the yoke, of the Egyp-
tians, and to maintain the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire you
all with your compassion to lament with us this slanderous ignominy inferred
to us and our kingdom, trusting that your faithful good-will, which hath been
ever trusty to the honour of this empire (never yet blemished from the first
beginning of this city, and of religion,) will provide, that it shall have no hurt
through the strange novelty and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing
rather than it should come to pass, know you this for certain, I had rather
incur the danger of death, than suffer such confusion to happen in our days.
This letter of Caesar fretted tlie pope not a little, who wrote again
to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and Avilling them
to work against him what they could. They answer again with all
obedience to the pope, submitting themselves, and yet excusing the
emperor, and blaming him rather, and exhorted him henceforth to
temper his letters and legacies with more gentleness and modesty ;
which counsel he also followed, perceiving otherwise that he could
not prevail.
Much trouble had good Frederic \nth this pope, but much more
with the other that followed. For this pope continued not very
The order long, the space only of four years and odd months. About his time
mils" rose uj) the order of the hermits, by one William, once duke of
A(|uitaine, and afterwards a friar. This Adrian, walking with his
THE POPK CURSES THli EMPEUOR. 195
cardinals abroad, to a ])]ace called Anagnia, or Arignanum, as Vola- Hcryii.
teran calleth it, chanced to be clicked with a fly getting into his "Xi)"
throat, and so Avas strangled ; who, in the latter time of his papacy, 1159.
was wont to say, that there is no more miserable kind of life in the Ti,ejudg-
earth than to be pope, and to come to the papacy by blood ; that is, ^'^"' of
said he, not to sncceed Peter, but rather Komuliis, who, to reign rian.
alone, did slay his brother. pop^es m-
Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, J.'Jss,,^^"'^,^
one Alexander III., who yet was not elected alone ; for beside him the Ronmius
emperor, with nine cardinals, (albeit Sabellicus saith but with three,) ivtei/
did set up another pope, named Victor IV. Between these two popes
arose a foul schism and gi-eat discord, and long continued, insomuch
that the emperor being required to take up the matter, sent for them
both to appear before him, that in hearing them both he might judge
their cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander, disdaining that
his matter should come in controversy, refused to appear. Hereupon
the emperor, with a full consent of his bishops and clergy about him,
assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand, and so brought
him into the city, there to be received and placed. Alexander flying Aiexan-
into France, accurst them both, sending his letters to all Christendom lH ^',"""
against them, as men to be avoided and cast out of all christian emperor.
company. Also, to get him friends at Rome, by flattery and money
he got on his side the greatest part of the city, both to the favouring
of him, and to the setting up of such consuls as were for his purpose.
After this, Alexander, coming from France to Sicily, and from thence
to Rome, was there received with much favour, through the help of
Philip the French king.
The emperor, hearing this rebellion and conspiracy in Rome, a.d.ii64.
removed with great power into Italy, where he had destroyed divers
great cities. Coming at length to Rome, he required the citizens
that the cause betwixt the two popes might be decided, and that he
who had the best right might be taken. If they would so do, he
would restore again that which he took from them before. Alexander,
mistrusting his part, and doubting the wills of the citizens, and
having ships ready prepared for him, from William, duke of Apulia,
fetched a course about to Venice.
To declare here the difference in histories, between Blondus,
Sabellicus, and the Venetian chroniclers, with other writers, concerning
the order of this matter, I will overpass. In this most do agree,
that the pope being at Venice, and required to be sent by the
Venetians to the emperor, they would not send him. Whereupon
Frederic the emperor sent thither his son Otho, with men and ships
well appointed, charging him not to attempt any thing before his
coming. The young man, more hardy than circumspect, joining with
the Venetians, "was overcome, and so taken, was brought into the
city. Hereby the pope took no small occasion to work his feats.
The father, to help the captivity and misery of his son, was
compelled to submit himself to the pope, and to entreat for peace :
so the emperor coming to Venice, (at St. Mark's church, where the
bishop was, there to take his absolution,) was bid to kneel down at
the pope's feet.
The proud pope, setting his foot upon the emperor's neck, said
o2
19G Till- i.iri; and history of thomas hf.cket.
Henry rr thc vcrsc of llic psalin, " Super aspidcm ct basiliscum ambulabis, et
j^^ conculc-abis k-om-in it ilniconcm :" that is, " Thou shalt walk upon
1164. the atldcr and on thc basilisk, ami shall tread down thc lion and the
^y draf,'on.'' To whom thc cnipcror answering again, said, '' Non tibi
scripture ggj Pctfo f that Is, " Not to tlicc, but to Peter.'" The pope again,
TheT.iIp«; " Et mihi ct Pctro ;" " Both to me and to Peter." The emperor,
treading fearing' to ffivc any occasion of further quarrelling, held his peace,
on 'he O ,,11 iiiii rni i- •
emperor's and SO was absolved, and peace made between them. 1 he conditions
""'^ whereof were these. First, that he should receive Alexander for the
true po])e. Secondly, that he should restore again to the church of
Rome all that he had taken away before. And thus the emperor,
obtaining again his son, departed.
Here as 1 note in divers writers a great diversity and variety
touching the order of this matter, of whom some say that the emperor
encamped in Palestine, before he came to Venice, some say, after ; so
I marvel to see in Volateran, so great a fovourcr of the pope, such a
contradiction, who in his two and twentieth book saith, that Otho,
the emperor's son, was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of
the peace between his father and the pope. And in his three and
twentieth book again saith, that thc emperor himself Avas taken
prisoner in the same battle : and so afterwards, peace concluded,
took his journey to Asia and Palestine. This pope, in the time of
his papacy, which continued two and twenty years, kept sundry
Councilor councils both at Tours and at Lateran, where he confirmed the wicked
Lateral!, proceedings of Hildebrand and others his predecessors, as to bind all
clergy ordcrs of the clergy to the vow of chastity ; which were not greatly
the vow" to be reprehended, if they would define chastity aright. " For whoso
ofchas liveth not a chaste life,'' saith he, "is not fit to be a minister." But
herein lieth an eiTor full of much blindness, and also peril, to think
that matrimony immaculate, as St. Paul calleth it, is not chastity, but
only a single life, that they esteem to be a chaste life.
Now forasmuch as our English pope-holy martvT, called Thomas
Becket, happened also in the same time of this Pope Alexander, let
us somewhat also story of him, so far as the matter shall seem worthy
of knowledge, and to stand with truth : to the end that the truth
thereof being sifted from all flattery and lies of such popish writers as
paint out his story, men may the better judge of him, both what he
was, and also of his cause.
€i}t i^iicitocji of Cfjoma.^ 25ertet.
If thc cause make a martyr, as is said, I see not why we should
esteem Thomas Becket to die a martyr, more than any others whom
the prince's sword doth here temporally punish for their temporal
deserts. To die for the church I grant is a glorious matter. But
the church, as it is a spiritual and not a temporal church, so it standeth
r.-.kptno upon causes spiritual, and upon a heavenly foundation, as upon
martyr. f^\([^^ religion, truc doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience to God's
A.D.i 117. commandments; and not upon things pertaining to this world, as
possessions, liberties, exemptions, privileges, dignities, patrimonies,
and superiorities. If these be given to the church, I pray God
AKCHlilSHOP OF C AN'TKUHUK V. 197
churclimen may use them avcII ; but if they be not given, the chureh iiennjii.
cannot claim them ; or if they be taken away, that standcth in the ^ jj
prince's power. To contend with princes for the same, it is no 1117
matter, in my mind, material to make a martyr, but rather is it a to
rebellion against those to whom w^e owe subjection. Therefore, as I ^^6^-
suppose Thomas Becket to be far from the cause and title of a
martyr, neither can he be excused from the charge of being a plain
rebel against his prince ; yet would I have wished again the law rather
publicly to have found out his fault, than the swords of men, not
bidden nor sent, to have smitten him, having no special command-
ment either of the prince, or of the law so to do. For though the
indignation of the prince, as the wise prince saith, is death, yet it is
not for every private person straightways to revenge the secret indig-
nation of his prince, except he be publicly authorized thereunto ; and
this had been, as I suppose, the better way, namely, for the laws first
to have executed their justice upon him. Certes, it had been the
safest way for the king, as it proved after, who had just matter
enough, if he had prosecuted his cause against him ; and also thereby
his death had been without all suspicion of martyrdom, neither had
there followed that shnning and saluting of him as there did. Albeit
the secret providence of God, ■which governeth all things, did see this
■way, perciisc, to be best and most necessary for those days. And
doubtless, to say liere wliat I think, and yet to speak nothing against
cliarity, if the emperors had done the like to the popes contending
against them, what time they had taken them prisoners ; that is, if
they had used the law of the sword against them, and chopped off
the heads of one or two, according to their traitorous rebellion, they
had broken the neck of much disturbance, which long time after did
trouble the church. But for lack of that, because emperors lia\ing
the SAvord, and the truth on their side, would not use their sword ;
but standing in awe of the pope''s vain curse, and reverencing his seat
for St. Peter's sake, durst not lay hand upon him, though lie were
never so abominable and traitorous a malefactor : the popes, per-
ceivmg that, took upon them, not as much as the Scripture would
give, but as much as the superstitious fear of emperors and kings
would suffer them to take ; ■svliicli was so much, that it past all order,
rule, and measure : and all, because the superior powers either would
not, or durst not, practise the authority given unto them of the Lord,
upon those inferiors, but suffered them to be their masters.
But, as touching Thomas Becket, Avhatsoever is to be thought of
them that did the act, the example thereof yet bringeth this profit
with it, to teach all Romish prelates not to be so stubborn, in-such
matters not pertaining unto them, against their prince, unto Avhom
God hath subjected them.
Now to the story, Avhich if it be true that is set forth in Quad- Thomas
rilogo, by those four,' who took upon them to express the life and deTcrfbcd
process of Thomas Becket, it appcareth by all conjectures, that he
wiis a man of a stout nature, severe, and inflexible. \\'hat persuasion
or opinion he had once conceived, from that he would in nowise be
removed, or very hai-dly. Threatening and flattery were to him both
(I) Herbertus de Boscliam. Joliiin Cluiniot, Alanus, abbot of Tewkesbury \Villiiiiu of Canter-
bury
108 Till. CIlARAnKK OK THOMAS BECKET.
iiriinjU. one; in this point singular, following no iiian''s counsel so much as
"^"^ his own. (ircat hcljis of nature there were in him, if he could have
1117 used them well, rather than of learning; albeit somewhat skilfvd
to he was of the civil law, which he studied at Bologna ; in memory
H61. excellent good, and also well broken in courtly and worldly matters.
Besides tJiis, he was of a chaste and strait life, if the histories be
true ; although in the first part of his life, being yet archdeacon of
Canterbury, and afterwards lord chancellor, he was very civil,
courtlv, and pleasant, given much both to hunting and hawking,
according to the guise of the court ; and highly favoured he was of
his j)rince, who not only had thus promoted him, but also had com-
mitted his son and heir to his institution and goveniance. But in
this his first beginning he was not so well-beloved, l)ut afterwards he
was again as much hated, and deservedly, both of the king, and also
of the most part of his subjects, save only of certain monks and
priests, and such others as were persuaded by them, who magnified
him not a little for upholding the liberties of the church ; that is, the
licentious life and excess of churchmen. Amongst all others, these
vices he had most notable, and to be rebuked ; he was full of devo-
tion, but without any true religion : zealous, but clean without know-
■what ledge. And, therefore, as he was stiff and stubborn of nature, so
of'bUnd {^ blind conscience being joined withal) it turned to plain rebellion,
zeaidcsti- gQ supcrstitious he was to the obedience of the pope, that he forgot
right / his obedience to his natural and most beneficent king : and in main-
icdgc. taining, so contentiously, the vain constitutions ani decrees of men,
he neglected the commandments of God. But herein was he most
of all to be reprehended, that not only, contrary to the king''s know-
ledge, he sought to convey himself out of the realm, being in that
place and calling, but also, being out of the realm, he set matter of
discord between the pope and his king, and also between the French
king and him, contrary to all honesty, good order, natural subjection,
and true Christianity. Whereupon followed no little disquietness
after to the king, and damage to the realm, as here, in process and
order following, by the gi-ace of Christ, we will declare ; first begin-
ning with the first rising up of him, and so consequently prosecuting
in order his story, as followeth : —
Poiydore And first, to omit here the progeny of him and of his mother,
eth the named Rose, whom Poiydore Virgil falsely nameth to be a Saracen,
Bccket.°^ when indeed she came out of the parts bordering near to Normandy ;
to omit also the fabulous vision of his mother, mentioned in Robert
of Cricklade, of a burning torch issuing out of her body, and reaching
up to heaven ; his first preferment was to the chiu"ch of Branfield,
which he had by the gift of St. Alban's.^ After that, he entered into
the service of the archbishop of Canterbury, by whom he was then
preferred to be his archdeacon ; and afterwards, by the said Theobald,
lie was ])ut, as a man meet for his purpose, to King Henry, to bridle
the young king, that he should not be fierce against the clergy ; Avhom
in process of time the king made lord chancellor, and then he left
playing the archdeacon, and began to play the chancellor. He
fashioned his conditions like to the king's both in weighty matters
and trifles ; he wovdd hunt with him, and watch the time when the
(I) Ex Roberto Crikeladcnsi cl ex I'lorilego. [Sec Appendix.]
CAUSES OK HIS VARIANCK WITH THK KIXG. 1.99
king dined and slept. Furthermore, he began to love the merry iienryii.
jestings of the court, to delight himself with the great laud of men, "aTd."
and praise of the people. And, that I may pass over his household nei
stuff, he had his bridle of silver, and the bosses of his bridle were to
worth a great treasure. At his table, and in other expenses, he JJ^ll
passed any earl : so that, on the one side, men judged him little to
consider the office of an archdeacon ; and, on the other side, they
judged him to use wicked doings. He played also the good soldiei
under the king in Gascony, and both won and kept towns. When
the king sent Thomas, then being chancellor, home into England as
ambassador with other nobles, after the death of the archbishop, he
willed Richard Lucy, oneof the chiefest, to commend in his name this
Thomas to the covent of Canterbury, that they might choose him
archbishop ; which thing he did diligently. The monks said, it was
not meet to choose a courtier and a soldier to be head of so holy a
company, for he would spend, said they, all that they had ; others
had this surmise also, because he was in such great favour with the
prince, the king''s son, and was so suddenly discharged of the chan-
cellorship which he had borne five years. In the four and fortieth
year of his age, on Saturday in Whitsun-week, he was made priest,
and the next day consecrated bishop, a.u. 1162.
As touching the priesthood of this man, I find the histories vary : Differ-
for, if he were beneficed, and chaplain to Theobald, and afterwards chronic
archdeacon, as some say, it is not unlikely but that he was priest <=i^*-
before ; and not, as most of our English stories say, made priest one
day, and archbishop the next.
But however this matter passeth, here is, in the mean time, to be
seen, what great benefits the king had done for him, and what great
love had been between them both. Now, after Becket was thus
promoted, what variance and discord happened between them,
remaineth to be shown : the causes of which variance were divers and
sundry.
As first, when, according to the custom, the king's officers gathered The
of every one hide-money through the realm, for the defence of their variance
own country, the king would have taken it to his coffers. But the ^j'teen
bishop said, that which every man gave willingly, he shoidd not count *^ ^^1"^
as his proper rent. arch-
Another cause was, that where a priest was accused of murder, and ^^^ °P'
the king's officers and the friends of the dead accused the priest
earnestly before the bishop of Salisbury, his diocesan, to whom he
was sent, desiring justice to be done on him, the priest was put to his
purgation. But when he was not able to defend himself, the bishop
sent to the archbishop to ask what he should do. The archbishop
commanded he should be deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices, and
shut up in an abbey to do perpetual penance. After the same sort
were divers clerks handled for like causes, but none put to death,
nor lost joint, nor were they burned in the hand, or put to the like
pain.
1'he third cause was, that, where one Bruis, canon of Bedford,
did revile the king's justices, the king was offended with the whole
clergy. For these and such like the archbishop, to pacify the king's
anger, commanded the canon to be whipped and deprived of his
200 OLD LAWS TO WHICH BECKET CON'SENTED.
Henry II. bciioficcs foF ccrtaiii Ycars. liut tlie king Avas not content with this
^ j^ gcnllc puiiishinciit, because it ratlier increased tlieir boldness, and
1164. iherctbrc lie called the archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy, to
assemble at Westminster. When they were assembled together, the
king earnestly commanded that such wicked clerks should have no
privilege of tlieir clergy, but be delivered to the gaolers, because they
passed so little of the spiritual correction; and tliis he said also their
own canons and laws had decreed. The archbishop, counselling with
]iis bishops and learned men, answered probably :' and in the end he
desired heartily the king's gentleness, for the quietness of himself and
liis realm, that under Christ our new king, and under the new law of
Christ, he would bring no new kind of punishment into his realm
upon the new chosen people of the Lord, against the old decrees
of tlie holy fathers; and oft he said, that he neither ought nor could
suflfer it. The king moved therewith (and not without cause) allegeth
again and exacteth the old laws and customs of his grandfather,
observed and agreed upon by archbishops, bishops, prelates, and other
privileged persons; inquiring likewise of him whether he would agree
to the same, or else now in his reign would condemn that which in
the reign of his grandfiither was well allowed.^ To which the archbishop,
consulting too-ethcr with his brethren, giveth answer again, that he was
contented the king's ordinances should be observed; adding tliis withal,
Bccket's Salvo ordi nemo, that is, Saving his order. And so in like manner all
s<nvoor- the other bishops after, being demanded in order, answered with
ainetiio. ^■^^^ sauie addition, Salvo ordine sua. Only Hilary, bishop of Chi-
chester, perceiving the king to be exasperated with that addition,
instead of Salvo ordine, agreed to observe them Bona fide. The king
hearing them not simply to agree unto him, but with an exception,
was mightily offended; who then turning to the archbishop and the
prelates said, that he was not well contented with that clause of
theirs, Salvo siio ordine, which he said was captious and deceitful,
having some manner of venom lurking under ; and therefore re-
quired an absolute grant of them without any exception to agree
to the kind's ordinances. To this the archbishop answered airain,
that they had sworn unto him their fidelity, both life, body, and
earthly honour, Saho ordine suo ; and that in the same earthly
honour also those ordinances were comprehended, and to the ob-
serving of them they would bind themselves after no other form,
but as they had sworn before. The king with this was moved, and
all his nobility, not a little. As for the other bishops, there was no
doubt but they would easilv have relented, had not the stoutness of
the archbishop made them more constant than otherwise they would
have been. The day being well spent, the king, when he could get no
other answer of them, departed in great anger, giving no word of salu-
tation to the bishops ; and likewise the bishops every one to his own
house de))arted. Tiie bishop of Chichester, amongst the rest, was
greatly rebuked of the archbishop for changing the exception, contrary
to the voice of all the others. The next day following, the king took
(1) " I'roliably," " luculeiiter satis et prohabiliter," (. e. well, discreetly. See Appendix. — Ed.
(2) I'dxi' here breaks llie narrative, as given in the Quadrilo^us, by llie premature intrculuction
of ilie stamtes afterwards ))assed at Clarendon (.see i p. liOl, 202 note"(l)), and subsequently con-
demned in part and approved in part by Bccket and ilie pope (see pp.204, 216); also by the inser-
tion of oilier con.itiliitions sent over by Uie king from Normandy (see \k 219, note (1) ). The pas-
sage here omitted will be found infrip. 216, note (1), and p. 219, note (1). Sec Appendix.— Ed.
BECKET S CONTROVERSY WITH [HE KING. 201
from the arclibisliop all such honors and lordships as he had given nennjir.
him before, in the time that he was chancellor ; and in the dead ~a~D~
of the night, unknown to the bishops, removed from London ; whereby wei,
appeared the great displeasure of the king against Becket and the
clergy. Not long after this, the bishop of Lisieux, called Arnulph,
sailing over from Normandy, resorted to the king and (haply,
to recover again his favour which he had lost) gave him counsel
withal to join some of tiie bishops on his side, lest, if all were
against him, perad venture he might be overthrown.' And thus the
greatest number of the bishops were by this means reconciled again to
the king ; only the archbishop, with a few others, remained in their
stoutness still. The king, thinking to try all manner of ways, when The stub-
he saw no fear nor threats could turn him, did assay him with fu["ess'of
gentleness ; it would not serve. Many of the nobles laboured betwixt Becket.
them both, exhorting him to relent to the king ; it would not be.
Likewise the archbishop of York, with divers other bishops and abbots,
especially the bishop of Chichester, did the same. Besides this, his
own household daily called upon him, but no man could persuade him.
At length, understanding partly by them that came to him what danger
might happen, not only to himself, but to all the other clergy, upon
the king's displeasure, and partly considering the old love and kind-
ness of the king towards him in time past, he was content to give
over to the king's request, and came to Oxford to him, reconciling
himself about the addition, which displeased the king so much.
Whereupon the king, being somewhat mitigated, receiveth him with He re-
a more cheerfal countenance, but yet not all so familiarly as before, theTing?
saying, " that he would have his ordinances and proceedings after
the form confirmed in the public audience and open sight of his
bishops and all his nobles." After this the king, being at Cla-
rendon, there called all his peers and prelates before him, requiring
to have that performed which they had promised, in consenting
to the observing of liis grandfather''s ordinances and proceedings. The
archbishop, suspecting 1 cannot tell what in the king''s promise,^ drew
backward, and now Avould not that he would before ; at last, with
much ado, he was enforced to give assent. First came to him the
bishops of Salisbury and Norwich, who, for old matters endangered to
the king long before, came weeping and lamenting to the archbishoj),
desiring him to have some compassion of them, and to remit this
pertinacy to the king, lest if he so continued through his stoutness
to exasperate the king's displeasure, haply it might redound to no
small danger, not only of them who were in jeopardy already, but
also of himself to be imprisoned, and the whole clergy to be endan-
gered. Besides these two bishops, there went to him other two
noble peers of the realm, labouring with him to relent and condescend
to the king's desire ; if not, they should be enforced to use
violence as would not stand with the king's fame, and much less
with his quietness : but yet the stout stomach of the man would not
give over. After this came to him two knights, called Templars ;
one, Richard de Hastings, the grand master of the Temple, the other,
Tostes de St. Omer,' lamenting and bewailing the great peril, which
they declared unto him to hang over his head : yet neither with their
(1) See Appendix. (2) Ihii). (.T) Ibid.
OQ2 HECKET YIELUS, BUT RKPEXTS.
lunryii. tcars, nor with tlicir kncclings, would lie be removed. At length came
. ^ these last messenirers airain from the kinij, signifying unto him wif.i
\{g\. express words, and also with tears, what he should trust to, if he
•would not give over to the king's request.
Becket By reason of which message he either terrified or else persuaded
t'o'the"' was content to submit himself; whereupon the king incontinent
''•"8 assembling the states together, the archbishop first, before all others,
bcginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission unto liis
customs, and that cum Bojia fde, leaving out his former addition
Sahovr- Salvo ovd'nie, mentioned before: instead whereof he promised in
ourirT'* Verbo veritatis to observe and keep the king's customs, and sware to
compo- ^],(. <;;ii|-ie. After liim the other bishops likewise gave the like oath ;
•ition. . . ' , . ,
whereupon the king commanded incontinent certain instruments'
obligatorv to be drawn, of which the king should have one, the arcii-
bishop of Canterbury another, and the archbishop of York the third,
requiring also the said archbishop to set to his hand and seal. To
this the archbishop, though not denying but that he was ready so to
do, yet desired respite in the matter, while that he, being but newly-
come to his bishopric, might better peruse with himself the aforesaid
customs and ordinances of the king. This request, as it seemed but
reasonable, so it was readily granted ; so the day being well spent,
they departed for that season and brake up.
Becket ALiuus, onc of the four writers of the life of this Thomas Becket,
J^f'^hu*"' recordeth, that the archbishop, in his journey toAvards Winchester,
He^d bpgan greatly to repent what he had done before, partly through the
instigation of certain about him, but chiefly of his cross-bearer, who,
going before the archbishop, sharply and earnestly expostulated with
him for giving over to the king's request, against the privilege and
liberties of the church, polluting not only his fame and conscience,
but also giving a pernicious example to those who should come after,
with many like Avords. To make the matter short, the archbishop
was touched upon the same Avith such repentance, that keeping him-
self from all company, lamenting wdth tears and fasting, and Avith
much penance macerating and afflicting himself, he did suspend him-
self from all divine service, and would not receive comfort, before that
(word being sent to his holy grandfather the pope) he should be
assoiled of him ; Avho, tendering the tears of his dear chicken,
directed to him letters again, by the same messenger that Thomas had
sent up to him before, in AA'hich not only he assoiled him from his
trespass, but also Avith Avords of great consolation did encourage him to
be stout in the quan-el he took in hand. The copy of Avhich letters
consolatory, sent from the pope to Bishop Becket, here followeth
underAvritten.
A letter Alexander, bishop, &c. — Your brotherhood is not ignorant that it hath been
of Por,e advertised us, how that upon the occasion of a certain transgression or excess
andcr to °^ yours, you have determined to cease henceforth from saying of mass, and to
Thomas abstain from the consecration of the body and blood of the Lord ; which thing
Becket. jq ^^^ \■^^^^y dangerous it is, especially in such a personage, and also what incon-
venience may rise thereof, I will you advisedly to consider, and discreetly also
to ponder. Your wisdom ought not to forget, wliat difference there is between
tho e Avho advisedly and willingly do offend, and those who through ignorance
and for necessity' sake do offend. For, as you read, so much the greater is wilful
sin, as the same not being voluntary is a lesser sin. Therefore, if you remember
(I) For the instrument here mentioned see infra, p. Slfi, note (I).
HE ATTEMPTS TO QUIT THE HEALM. 203
yourself to have done any thing that your own conscience doth accuse you of, jjenry U.
whatsoever it be, we counsel you, as a prudent and wise prelate, to acknowledge
the same. Which thin^ done, the merciful and ])itii\il God, who hath more A.I).
respect to the heart of the doer than to the thing done, will remit and forgive 1164.
you the same according to his accustomed great mercy. And we, trusting in
the merits of the blessed apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, do absolve you from
the offence committed, and by the authority apostolical we i-elease you unto
yom- fraternity, counselling you and commanding you, that henceforth you
abstain not, for this cause, from the celebration of the mass.
This letter, with others of the like sort, tlic pope then wrote to
him, animating and comforting him in this qnarrel so nearly pertain-
ing to the pope's profit : by the occasion whereof, Becket took no
small heart and consolation ; insomuch that therefrom seemeth to me
to proceed all the occasion that made him so stout and malapert
against his prince, as hereafter foUoweth to be seen by his doings.
What the other letters were that the pope wrote unto him, shortly,
when we come to the appellations made to the pope, shall appear,
God willing. In the mean season, as he sat thus mourning at home,
the king hearing of him, and how he denied to set his seal to those
sanctions, which he condescended to before, took no little displeasure
against him ; insomuch that he, threatening him and his with banish-
ment and death, began to call him to reckonings, and to bm-den him
with payments, that all men might understand that the king's mind
was sore set against him. The archbishop hereupon (whether more Becket
for the love of the pope, or cfread of his prince) thought to make his enterpris-
escape out of the realm, and so went about in the night, with two or against
three with him, stealing out of his house to take the sea privily. Now laws^'ofly
amongst the king's ordinances and sanctions, this was one; that none ""• oJ''^<=
of the prelacy or nobility, without the king's license, or that of his
justices, should depart out of the realm. So Becket twice attempted
the sea, to flee to the see of Rome, but the weather not serving, he
"was driven home again, and his device for that time frustrated. After
his departure began to be known and noised abroad, the king's
officers came to Canterbury to seize upon his goods in the king's
behalf; but as it chanced, the night before their coming, Becket
being returned and found at home, they did not proceed in then-
purpose.
Upon this the archbishop, understanding the king sore bent against Taunted
him, and the seas not to serve him, made haste to the court, lying |;[„*i^^
then at Woodstock, where the king received him, after a certain
manner, but nothing so familiarly as he was wont ; taunting him
jestingly and men-ily, as though one realm Avas not able to hold them
both. Becket, although he was permitted to go and come at his
pleasure to the court, yet could not obtain the favour that he would,
perceiving both in himself, and confessing no less to others, how the
matter would fall out, so that either he should be constrained to give
over with shame, or stoutly stand to that which he had so boldly taken
in hand. The bishop of Evreux in the mean time, going betwixt the
king and the archbishop, laboured to make a peace and love betwixt
them ; but the kin^ in no case would be reconciled, unless the other
would subscribe to his laws. So in the mean while, as neither the
king would otherwise agree, nor yet the archbishop in any wise would
subscribe, there was a foul discord ; where the fault was, let the reader
204 ( RAFTY niSSIMULATIOX OF THE POPE.
^'"'^ ^^- here '}\X(h^Q between them both. The king, for liis regal authority,
A.D. tlionght it nineli that any subject of his sliould stand against liini.
1164. The arehbishoj) again, bearing himself bold upon the authority, and
cspeeiallv upon the letters, of the pope, lately written to him,
tliought himself strong enough against the king and all his reahn.
Again, such was his quarrel for the maintenance of the liberties and
glory of the church, that he could lack no setters on and favourers in
that" behalf, in so sweet a cause amongst the clergy. Wherefore the
archbishop, trusting to these tilings, would give no place ; but, by
virtue of his apostolical authority, gave censure upon these laws and
constitutions of the king, condemning some, and approving others for
good and catholic, as is after' declared. Besides this, there came
also to the king Kotrou, archbishop of Rouen, sent from the pope, to
make peace between the king and Canterbury ; whereunto the king
was well content, so that the pope would agree to ratify his ordi-
nances;'but when that could in nowise be obtained at the pope's
hands, then the king, being stopped and frustrate of his purpose by
reason of Becket''s apostolic legacy (being legatus a latere), thought
good to send up to the pope, and so did, to obtain of him, that the
same authority of the apostolic legacy might be confen-ed on another
after his appointment, who was the archbishop of York ; but the
■xne king popc denied. Notwithstanding, at the request of the king's clergy,
poplf's"'^ the pope was content that the king should be legate himself; whereat
legate, the king took great indignation, as Hoveden Avriteth, so that he
sent the pope his letters again. Here the pope was perplexed on
both sides.
If he should have denied the king, that was too hot for him ; for
the pope useth always to hold in with kings, howsoever the world
speedeth. Again, if he should have forsaken such a churchly chap
lain, the cause being so sweet and so gainful, that would have been
against himself. What did he then ? Here now cometh in the old
practice of popish prelacy, to play with both hands ; privily he con-
Crafiy spirctli with the one, and openly dissemblcth with the other. First,
uximo't he granted to the king's ambassadors their request, to have the legate
the pope, removed, and to place in that office the archbishop of York, after his
own contentation ; and yet, notwithstanding, to tender the cause of
Thomas Becket, he addeth this promise withal, that the said Becket
should receive no harm or damage thereby. Thus the pope craftily
conveying the matter between them both, gladly to further the arch-
bishop for his own advantage, and yet loath to deny the king for
displeasure, writeth to the king openly, and also secretly directeth
another letter to Becket ; the contents whereof here follow.
Alexander the pope, to Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury.*
The Although wo, condescending to the king's request, have granted the gift
rnfuctter °^ °"'' l''?***")' "f'^T liis mind from you, yet let not your mind tliereby be
toBcckct. discomforted, nor brought into sighs of despair. For before that we had granted
that, or given ()\n- consent thereinito, tlie king's ambassadors firmly promised
on tlie word of truth, ofi'ering also to be sworn to the same, if I should so
require, that our letters which they had obtained should never be delivered
to the archbishop of York without our knowledge and consent. This is certain,
,1) See infrA, p. 210, note (1).— En.
ri) Y.\ l{o;;cro Hnveil. pr. parte Historiae continuatoe post Bcdam.
(J) For the Latin of this letter, sec Edition 156;', p. 50.— Ku.
BECKKT CITKD TO NORTIIAMI'TOX. 205
end so persuade yourself boldly without any scruple, doubt, or inis'irust, tliat it Henry U.
was never my mind or purpose, nor ever shall be, God willin";, to subdue you
or your church under the obedience of any person, to be subject to any, save "^- Y'
only to the bishop of Rome. And, therefore, we warn you and charge you, that ' '"'•
if you shall perceive the king to deliver these aforesaid letters, which we trust
he will not attempt without our knowledge to do, forthwith by some trusty
messenger and by your letteis you give us knowledge thereof; so that we
may provide upon the same Loth for your person, your church, and also the
city committed to you, to be clearly exempt by our authority apostolical from
all power and jurisdiction of any legacy.
Upon these letters and snch others, as is said before, Bccket seemed
to take all his boldness to be so stout and stnrdy against his prince,
as he Avas. The pope, beside these, sent secretly a chaplain of his,
and directed another letter also unto the king, gi-anting and per-
mitting at his request, to make the archbishop of York legate
apostolical.
The king, after he had received his letters sent from the pope,
began to put more strength to his piir[30scd proceedings against the More
archbishop, first beginning with the inferiors of the clergy, such as i,'iTj"irt.(i
were offenders against his laws : as felons, robbers, quarrellers, "^""lers
breakers of the peace, and especially such as had committed homicide cicr^'y-
and murders, whereof more than an hundred at that time -were
proved upon the clergy;* urging and constraining them to be an-aigncd
after the order of the law temporal, and justice to be ministered
to them according to their deserts ; as first, to be deprived, and so
to be committed to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to
derogate from the liberties of holy church, that the secular powder
should pass in causes criminal, or sit in judgment against any eccle-
siastical person. This law the roisters^ then of 'the clergy had
picked and forged out of Anacletus and Euaristus, by whose falsely
alleged and pretended authority they have deduced this their consti-
tution from the apostles, which giveth immunity to all ecclesiastical
persons to be free from secular jurisdiction. Becket therefore, like
a valiant champion, fighting for his liberties, and having the pope on
his side, would not permit his clerks defamed, otherwise to be con-
vented, than before ecclesiastical judges, there to be examined and
deprived for their excess, and no secular judge to proceed against
them : so that, after their deprivation, if they should incm- the like
offence again, then the temporal judge to take hold upon them ;
otherv/ise not. This obstinate and stubborn rebellion of the arch-
bisliop stiiTcd up much anger and vexation in the king, and not only
in him, but also in the nobles and all the bishops, for the greater part,
so that he was almost alone, a wonderment to all the realm.
The kirig''s wrath daily increased more and more against him (as no Becket
marvel it was), and caused him to be cited up to appear by a certain N^mh-"
day' at the town of Northampton, there to make answer to such ampto"-
things as should be laid to his charge. Hovcdcn writeth, that the
king being come thither greatly vexed the archbishop by i)lacing
some of his horses and horsemen in the archbishop''s lodging (which
was a house there of canons), wherewith he being ottcndcvl sent
word to the king, that he would not appear unless his lodging
were voided of the king's horses and horsemen. So, Avhen the ^^^^^^^l'
morrow was come, all the peers and nobles, Avith the prelates of the 7tii.]
(1) Guliel. Neuburg. lib. ii. cap. 16. [See the Latin cited infiA, p. 218, note (.3).— En ]
(i) " Roisters," "facinorosi" (Neub.), disorderlies.— En. (3) Oct. 6th. See Appendix.— El).
QOG AN ACCOUNT DK.M A.SDKU Ol- KKCKKT.
iienryii. roaliii, upoii tlic kiiig's proclamation being assembled in the castle of
^ ^ Northampton, great fault was found with the archbishop, for that he,
iKil' having been cited to appear on a certain occasion in tlic king's court
personally, came not himself but sent another for him. Whereu])on,
bv the pul)Iic sentence as well of all the nobles as of the bishops, all his
demncd niovcablcs were adjudged to be confiscate for the king, unless the king's
i" ""-' „ clenienev would remit the penalty. The stubborn archbishop amin,
loss of nil „ , . ■^ 1,. • i ii 1 ^ p o .^ ■ \
move- fur his part, quarrelling against the order and iorm oi the judgment,
''"'"■ complaineth, alleging for himself (seeing he is the primate and
sj)iritual father, not only of all otlicrs in the realm, but also of the king
himself) that it was not convenient that the father should be so
judged of his children, or the pastor of his flock so condemned ;
saying moreover, that the ages to come should know what judgment
was done, &c. But especially he complaineth of liis fellow-bishops,
Avho, when they should rather have taken his part, did sit in judg-
ment against their metropolitan; and this was the first day's action.
Thursday. The ucxt day the king laid an action against him in bcluilf of one
that was his marshal, called John, for certain injm-ies done to him ;
and required of tlie said arclibishop the repaying again of certain
money, Avhich he, as is said, liad lent unto liim being chancellor, the
sum whereof came to five hundred marks. This money the archbishop
denied not but he had received of the king, howbeit, by the way and
title of gift as he took it, though he could bring no probation thereof,
necket AVliereupou the king required him to put in assurance for tlie payment
tol^v'ean thereof; whereat the archbishop making delays (not well contented
account. j,t the uiattcr), was so called upon, that either he should be account-
able to the king for the money, or else he should incur present danger,
the king being so bent against him. The archbishop, being brought
to such a strait, and destitute of his own suffiagans, could here by
no means have escaped, had not five persons, of their own accord,
stepped in, being bound for him, every man for one hundred marks
a piece ; and this was upon the second day concluded.
Friday. The morrow after, which was the third day of the council, it was
propounded unto him in the behalf of the king, that he had had divers
bishoprics and abbacies in his hand which Avere vacant, with the
fruits and revenues thereof due unto the king for certain years, whereof
he had rendered as yet no account to the king ; wherefore it was de-
manded of him to bring in a full and clear reckoning of the same. This,
Avith other such like, declared to all in the council great displeasure to
be in the king and no less danger toAvard the archbishop. Becket,
astonished at this demand, begged leave to consult with his brother
bishops apart, before he made his answer ; Avhich Avas granted. And
so ended that day's action.
Saturday. Qu the morrow,* the archbishop was sitting apart in a certain
conclave Avith his fellow-bishops about him, consulting together,
the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed and
commanded.* Thus Avhile the bishops and prelates Avere in
council, advising and deliberating Avhat Avas to be done, at length
it came to voices, every man to say his mind, and to give
sentence what Averc the best way for their archbishop to
take. First began Henry, bishop of Winchester, Avho then
rit-nry. took part with Becket so much as he durst for fear of the king,
wm'Tic"/- ^^'^'o said, he remembered that the said archbishop, first being
tpr.
(M Po: AiT^ndix. (2) Ibici.
THE ADVICE OK THE BISHOPS. 207
archdeacon, and then lord cliancellor, at what time lie was promoted Heuryii.
to the church of Canterbury, w;is discharged from all bonds and "TIT"'
reckonings of the temporal coui-t, as all the other bishops could not ii'64[
but bear record to the same. ~
Next spake Gilbert, bishop of London, exhorting and motioning Gilbert,
the archbishop, that he should call to mind with himself, from whence ^'^^'^'^p °'"
the king took him, and set him up ; what, and how great things
he had done for him ; also that he should consider with himself the
dangers and perils of the time, and what ruin he might bring u])on
the whole church, and upon them all there present, if he resisted the
king's mind in the things he required. And if it were to render
up his archbishopric, although it were ten times better than it is, yet
he should not stick with the king in the matter. In so doing it might
happen, that the king, seeing that submission and humility in him,
would release him peradventure from all the rest. To this the arch-
bishop answering, " Well, well," saith he, " I perceive well enough, Henry,
my lord, whither you tend, and whereabout you go." Then spake °,^gJter"
Winchester, inferring upon the same, " This form of counsel," saith
he, " seemeth to me very pernicious to the catholic church, tending
to our subversion, and to the confusion of us all. For, if our arch-
bishop and primate of all England do lean to this example, that every
bishop should give over his authority and the charge of the flock-
committed to him, at commandment and threatening of the prince, to
Avhat state shall the chui-ch then be brought, but that all should be
confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement, and nothing stand certain
by any order of law ; and so as the priest is, so shall the people
be?"'
Hilary, the bishop of Chichester, replieth again to this, saymg, " If Hilary,
it were not that the instance and the great perturbation of the time chaster,
did otherwise require and force us, I would think this counsel here
given were good to be followed. But now, seeing the authority
of our canon faileth and cannot serve us, I judge it not best to go so
strictly to work, but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensation
with sufferance may win that which severe correction may destroy.
Wherefore my counsel and reason is, to give place to the king's pur-
pose for a time, lest by over hasty proceeding, we exceed so far, that
both it may redound to our shame, and also we cannot rid ourselves
out again when we would."
Much to the same end spake Robert, the bishop of Lincoln, after Robert, or
this manner : " Seeing," saith he, " it is manifest that the life and ^'"^°^"-
blood of this man is sought, one of these two must needs be chosen ;
that either he must part with his archbishopric, or else ■with his life.
Now what profit he shall take in this matter of his bishopric, his life
being lost, I do not greatly see."
Next followed Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, with his advice, cartimio-
who, inclining his counsel to the state of the time, confirmed their Exeter,
sayings before, affirming how the days were evil and perilous ; and
that if they might so escape the violence of that raging tempest under
the cover of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused ; but
that, he said, could not be, except strict severity should give place to
tractability ; and that the instance and condition of the time then
present required no less, especially seeing that persecution was not
208 beckkt's HKri.v to the bishops.
Henry II. gi-iioml, l)ul pcFsonal aiid particular ; and he thought it more holy
^ J) and convenient tor one head to run into some part of danger, than
llW that the whole church of England should be subject and exposed to
inconvenience inevituhle.
RoKer. ''he answer of Roger, bishop of AV^orcester, was devised in a
•"''(".'P di)ul)lc suspense, neither affirming the one, nor denying the other ;
d-stcr. whose saving was this, — that he would give no answer on either part ;
*■' for if 1," saith he, " should say that the pastoral function and cure
of souls ought to be relincpiished at the king's Avill or threatening,
then my mouth would speak against my conscience, to the condemna-
tion of mine own head. And if I should give, again, contrary counsel,
to resist the king"'s sentence, here be they that would hear it, and
report it to his Grace, and so I should be in danger to be tlinist out
of the synagogue, and for my part to be accounted amongst the
public rebels, with them to be condemned ; wherefore neither do I
sav this, nor counsel that."
Becket ^'''^^ ^^^^^ ^^''^'^ ^^^ consultation of the bishops in that place,
the arch- assembled together by the king*'s commandment. Against these
repiiet'h voiccs and censures of the bishops, Becket, the archbishop, replieth
the'bi-' again, expostulating and checking them with rebukeful words : — " I
shops, perceive," saith he, " and understand ye go about to maintain and
cherish but your own cowardliness, under the colourable shadow of
sufferance ; and, under pretence of dissembling softness, to choke the
liberty of Christ's church. Who hath thus bewitched you, O in-
sensate bishops ? What mean ye ? Why do yc so under the ])rudent
term " dispensation" cloak your manifest iniquity ? Why call ye
that dispensation which is in fact a dispensing altogether with
the church of Christ ? Let terms serve the matter ; and let not
terms as well as the matter itself be perverted from that which is
right. For that ye say we must bear with the iniquity of the time, I
grant with you ; but yet wc must not heap sin to sin. Is not God
able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinful
dissimulation of the teachers of the church ? Certes God is disposed
to tempt you. And tell me, I pray you, whether should the gover-
nors of the chm'ch put themselves to dangers for the church, in time
of tranquillity, or in time of distress ? Ye will be ashamed to deny
the contrary, but in distress. And now then, the church lying in so
great distress and vexation, w^hy should not the good pastor put him-
self into peril there-for ? For neither do I think it a greater act or
merit for the ancient bishops of the old time to lay the foundation
of the then church with their blood, than now for us to shed our
A great blood for the liberties of the same. And to tell you plain, I think
grown it not safe for you to swerve from an example which you have received
church, froni your holy elders." After these things were spoken, they sat all
Wshopr '" silence for a certain space, being locked in together. At length,
may not to find a shift to cause the door to be opened, " I will," saith the
Kings and Jirchbishoj), " spcak with two earls who are about the king," and
pnncts. ii;i„iefi them who they were. They, being called, opened the door
and came in with haste, thinking to hear something which should
a|)))ease the king''s mind. To whom the archbishop spake in this
manner : — " As touching and concerning the matters between the
king and us, we have here conferred together. And forasmuch as we
beckb:t is roiisAKE>j by them. 209
liave them not present with us now, wlio know more in the matter iienryii.
than we do, (whose advice wc would be glad to follow,) therefore we ~~\~q~
crave so much respite as to the next day following, and then to give 1164.
our answer to the king."" With this message two bishops were sent "
10 the king, who were the bishop of London and the bishop of
Rochester. London, to help the matter, and to set quietness, as I
take it, adding something more to the message, said to the king, that
the archbishop craved a little time to prepare such writings and instru-
ments, wherein he should set forth and declare his mind in accom-
plishing the king''s desire, &c. Wherefore two barons A\ere sent to
him from the king, to grant him that respite or stay ; so that he would
ratify that which the messengers had signified to the king. To whom
the archbishop answereth, that he sent no such message as was intimated
in his name ; but only that the next day he would come and give
answer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the convo-
cation of the bishops was dissolved, and they were dismissed home ;
so that the most part of them that came w-ith the archbishop, and
accompanied him before, now, for fear of the king's displeasure,
severed themselves from him. The archbishop, thus forsaken and
destitute, as his story saith, sent about for the poor, the lame, and Becket
the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he and foV
might sooner obtain his victory, than by the others who had so slipped ^^'^^"•
from him.
The next day following, because it was Sunday, nothing was done.
So the day after, which was the second fery,' the archbishop was cited
to appear. But the night before, being taken with a disease called
■passio iliaca, the cholic, all that day he kept his bed, and Avas not Taken
able, as he said, to rise. Every man supposing this to be but a nesswhen
feigned sickness, as it seemed no less, certain of the chief nobles were ^^ ear"'"
sent to try the matter, and to cite him to the court ; namely, Robert,
earl of Leicester, and Reginald, earl of Devonshire, to whom the
archbishop answered, that that day he was so diseased that he could
not come, yea, though he were brought in an horse-litter. So that
day passed over. On the morrow, certain that were about him,
fearing no less but that some danger would happen to him, gave him
counsel in the morning to have a mass in honour of the holy martyr
St. Stephen, to keep him from the hands of his enemies that day. a mass
When the morrow was come, being Tuesday, there came to him the l^elllen
bishops and prelates, counselling and persuading him covertly by to save
insinuation, for apertly they durst not, that he would submit himself, his ene-
with all his goods, as also his archbishopric, to the will of the king, if ™'^*'
peradventure his indignation by that means might assuage. Adding,
moreover, that unless he would so do, peijury would be laid against
him ; for that he being under the oath of fidelity to keep the king"'s
laws and ordinances, now would not observe them. To this Becket,
the archbishop, answereth again, — " Brethren, ye see and perceive Beckefs
M. ' o ' ' •/ 1 Answer
well how the world is set against me, and hoAv the enemy riseth and to the
seeketh my confusion. And although these things be dolorous and '^ °^^'
lamentable, yet the thing that grieveth me most of all is tlijs, — the
sons of mine owm mother be pricks and thorns against me. And
albeit I do hold my peace, yet the posterity to come will know and
(1) " Fery," or feria, a day of the week, in this instance Monday. — Ed.
VOL. II. !•
210 PFCKKT UKAKKTU MASS.
Henry 1 1. ropoH, liow c'ow.irdlv von liave turned your liacks, and have left your
A £) airhhislioj) and niotropoliUin alone in his conflict, and liow you have
U6A. sitten in judunncnt atnunst nie, altliough unguilty of crime, now two
davs toirether ; and not only in the civil and spiritual court, but also
in the temporal court, are ready to do the same. But in general, this
I charge and command, by the virtue of pure obedience, and in peril
of vour oriler, that ye be present personally in judgment against me.
ap^au And that ve shall not fail so to do, I here appeal to our mother, the
Kome. refuge of all such as be oppressed, the church of Rome ; and if any
secular men shall lay hands upon me, as it is rumoured they will, I
straitly enjoin and charge you, in the same virtue of obedience, that
you exercise vour censure ecclesiastical upon them, as it becometh you
to do for a father and an archbishop. And this I do you to under-
stand, that though the world rage, and the enemy be fierce, and the
body trembleth, for the flesh is weak, yet, God so favouring me, I
will neither cowardly shrink, nor yet vilely forsake my flock com-
mitted to my charge," &c.
The But the bishop of London, contrary to this commandment of the
London arclibisliop, did incontinent appeal from him ; and thus the bishops
[■fh from departed from him to tlie court, save only two, Henry of Winchester,
bisho^'^'' ^"*^ Joceline of Salisbury, who returned with him secretly to his
chamber, and comforted him. This done, the archbishop, who yes-
terday was so sore sick that he could not stir out of his bed, now
addresseth himself to his mass of St. Stephen ^^^th all solemnity, as
though it had been a high festival-day, with his metropolitan pall,
which was not used, but upon holidays, to be worn. The office of the
A mass mass began, — " Sederunt principes et adversum me loquebantur ;*"
awayVr- that is, " Priuces sat and spake against me," &e. — the king's servants
secutors. })q\t^„ j^igQ there, and beholding the matter. For this mass, Gilbert,
bishop of London, accused Becket afterwards, both for that it was
done, " Per artem magicam, et in contemptum regis," as the words
of Hoveden purport, that is, " both by art magic, and in contempt
of the king."
faTr^eth '^^^& uiass being ended, the archbishop, putting off his pall and
with him his mitre, in his other robes proceedeth to the king's court ; but yet
^le^sacra. ^^^^ trustiug, peradvcuturc, so greatly to the strength of his mass, to
fhekiug "^^^c the matter more sure, he taketh also the sacrament privily about
him, thinking himself thereby sufficiently defended against all bugs.
In going to the king's chamber, there to attend the king's coming, as
he entered the door, he taketh from Alexander his crosier, the cross
with the cross staff, in the sight of all that stood by, and carrieth it in
himself, the other bishops following him, and saying, " He did other-
wise than became him." Amongst others, Robert, bishop of Hereford,
offered himself to bear his cross, rather than he should so do, for that
it was not comely ; but the archbishop would not suffer him. Then
said the bisliop of London unto him, — " If the king shall see you
come armed into his chamber, perchance he will draw out his sword
against you, which is stronger than yoiu-s, and then what shall this
your annour profit you?"' The archbishop answereth again: " If
the king's sword do cut camally, yet my sword cutteth spiritually,
and striketh do^Ti to hell. But you, my lord, as you have played
(1) Hoveden referrcth not tliis saying to the bishop of London, but to the archbishop of York.
K
and all his
nobles.
IS ACCOUNTED A TRAITOI!. 211
the fool in this matter, so you will not yet leave off your folly for any Hcnryii.
thing I can see ;" and so he came into the chamber. The king ^ ^y
hearing of his coming, and of the manner thereof, tarried not long, iig4.
but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other
bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelates and all the
lords of the temporalty together. That being done, and every one
placed in his seat according to his degree, the king beginneth Avith a
great complaint against the archbishop for his manner of entering into
court, not as, saitli he, a subject into a king''s court, but as a traitor,
showing himself in such sort as hath not been seen before in any
christian king"'s court, professing christian faith. To this all there
present gave witness Avith the king, affirming Becket always to have
been a vain and proud man, and that the shame of his deed did not
only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole
realm. Moreover, they said, that this had so happened to the king, Caiied
for that he had done so much for such a beast, advancing him so uTe' vm ^
highly to such a place and room next under himself. And so alto-
gether with one cry, they called him traitor, on every side, as one that
refused to give terrene honour to the king, in keeping, as he had
sworn, his laws and ordinances, at whose hands also he had received
such honour and great preferments ; and therefore he was well worthy,
said they, to be handled like a perjured traitor and rebel. Upon this,
great doubt and fear was, what should befal him. The archbishop of
York, coming down to his chaplains, said, he could not abide to see
what the archbishop of Canterbury was like to suffer. Likewise, the
tipstaves and other ministers of the assembly coming down with an
outcry against him, all who were in the house crossed themselves to see
his haughty stubbornness and the business there was about him. Certain
there were of his disciples sitting at his feet, comforting him softly, and
bidding him to lay his curse upon them ; others, contrary, bidding
him not to curse, but to pray and to forgive them, and if he lost his
life in the quarrel of the church and the liberty thereof, he should
be happy. Afterwards, one of them, named William Fitz-Stephen,
desired to speak something in his ear, but could not be suffered by
the king's marshal, who forbad that no man should have any talk with
him. Then he, because he could not otherwise speak to him, wTought ]?r"!^g^^'
by signs, making a cross, and looking up with his eyes, and Avagging his proud
lips, meaning that he should pray and manfully stand to the cross. oVthe"^^
In the mean time cometh to him Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, '^''"'^<=''-
desiring him to have regard and compassion of himself, and also of
them, or else they were all like to perish for the hatred of him ; " for
there cometh out," saith he, "• a precept from the king that he shall be AVhoso
taken, and suffer for an open rebel, Avho hereafter taketh your part." seckct's
It Avas said, moreover, that Joceline, bishop of Salisbury, and William, Pq^^J^j
bishop of Norwich, Avere to suffer mutilation for their resisting, Avho a "bei.
consequently for their own sakes implored the archbishop of Canter-
bury. The archbishop, notAvithstanding, looking upon the said
bisiiop of Exeter, " Avoid hence from me," saith he, " thou under-
standest not neither dost savour those things that be of God."
The bishops and prelates then going aside by themselves from the
other nobles, the king so permitting them to do, took counsel together
what Avas to be done. Here the matter stood in a doubtful perplexity,
p2
roil
itemiied
SIS BKCKKT IS CONDEMNED.
Uenryii. for citlicr iiuist tlicv incuF the dangerous indignation of tlie king, or
^ j^ else, with the nobles, they must ])roeeed in condemnation against the
1164. arehl)isho)), for resisting the king's sanctions; which thing they thcm-
selves neitlicr tlid favour. In tliis strict necessity, they, devising wluit
way to take, at length agreed upon this : that they with a common
necket ai'sent should cite tlie archbishop to the see of Rome on perjury ; and
citid to that they should oblige and bind tliemselves to the king with a sure
ui^tt" promise to work their diligence in deposing the archbishop ; upon this
I'trji'o- condition, that the king should promise their safety, and discharge
them from the peril of that judgment which was directed towards
them. So all the bishops, obliging themselves thus to the king, went
forth to the archbishop ; of whom one speaking for the rest, who was
Hilary, bishop of Chichester, had these words : — '" Once you have been
our archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obedience ; but
now, forasmuch as you, once swearing your fidelity to the king, do
resist him, neglecting his injunctions and ordinances, concerning and
Becket appertaining to his terrene honour and dignity, we here pronounce
you perjured ; neither be we bound to give obedience to an arch-
bishop thus being perjured ; but, putting ourselves and all ours under
the pope's protection, we do cite you up to his presence." And upon
the same, they assigned liim his day and time to appear. The arch-
bishop answering again, said he heard liim well enougli ; and upon
this sendeth in all haste to the pope in France, signifying to him by
letters the whole matter, how, and M-herefore, and by whom, he was
cited ; to whom the pope directed again his letters of comfort, as he
had done divers before, the copy whereof here ensueth.
Pope Alexander to Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury.^
' Your brotherly letters, which you directed to us, and such other matters which
your messenger byword of mouth liath signified unto us, we have diligently heard
the reading thereof, and thereby fully understand the grievous vexations and
dolorous griefs wherewith your mind is daily encumbered : by reason whereof,
we, hearing and understanding, are not a little disquieted in our spirit for \our
sake, in whose prosperities we do both gladly rejoice, and no less do sorrow in
your adversities, as for our most dear brother. You, therefore, as a constant
and wise man, remember with yourself that which is written : " The apostles
departed away, rejoicing, from the face of the council," &'c. With like patience
do you also sustain that man's molestations, and let not your spirit be troubled
therein more than needeth, but receive in yourself consolation ; that we also,
together with you, may be comforted in the Lord, who hath preserved you to
the corroboration of his catholic and christian verity, in this distress of necessity ;
and from whom also it hath pleased him to wipe away the blot of those things
which have been imorderly of you committed, and here to punish the same
through sundry afflictions : whereby, in the strict judgment of God, they might
not be called to account hereafter. But, henceforth, let not this much grieve
you, neither let your heart be so deject or timorous in the matter, for that you
are cited up to the apostolic see; which to us is both grateful and accepted.
And this we will you, that if they who have cited you shall chance to come,
draw not you back, but follow the appeal, if you please, and spare not ; all
doubt and delay set apart : for the autliority of the church, tendering this your
constancy, may not do that which may put you in fear or doubt. But oin- dili-
gence sliall be, with all labour and study, to conserve the riglit and pre-emi-
nence (God willing) of that church conmiitted to you, so nuich as in us heth,
(saving our justice and eqiuty), as to one whom, in working for the church, we
find to be both a constant and a vahant champion. Further, this I brotherly
(1) The Latin copy of this is in the Edition of 15G3, p. 52.— Ed.
BECKET APPEALS TO THE POPE.
213
require you, to repair unto the cluirch of Canterbury; and, retaining but a few Henry II.
clerks about you, such only as serve your necessity, make excursions out as little — — —
as you can, in that country. But in this especially I thought to prenionish you, A. D,
that in no case, neither for fear nor any adversity, whatsoever may happen, you >^'^Q^-
be brought to renounce and give up the right and dignity of your church.
Written at Sens, the seventh before the Kalends of November. [October-
2Gth.]
As the archbishop was thus cited before the pope, sitting with his
cross waiting in the court, neither giving place to the king^s request,
nor abashed with the clamour of the whole court against him, calling
him traitor on every side, neither following the advertisement of his
fellow-bishops, at length the king, by certain earls and barons, sent
commandment to him (Robert, earl of Leicester, doing the message), caiied to
that he shoidd without delay come and render a full account of all ^count.
things that he had received, as the profits and revenues of the realm,
in the time he was chancellor, and especially for the thirty thousand
marks, for the which he was accountable to the king.^ To whom the
archbishop answereth again, the king knew how oft he had made his
reckoning of those things "which now were required of him. Further
and besides, Henry, his son and heir of his realm, with all his
barons, and also Richard Lucy, chief justice of England, told him,
that he was free and quit to God and to holy church, from all
receipts and computations, and fi-om all secular exactions on the
king's behalf. And so he, taking thus his discharge at their hands,
entered into his office ; and therefore other account besides this he
would make none. When this word was brought to the king, he Judged to
required his barons to do the law upon him ; who, so doing, judged pnson.
him to be apprehended and laid in prison. This done, the king
sendeth to him Reginald, earl of Cornwall and Devonshire, and
Robert, earl of Leicester, to declare to him what was his judgment.
To whom the archbishop answereth, — " Hear, my son, and good earl,
what I say unto you : how much more precious the soid is than the
body, so much more ought you to obey me in the Lord, rather than
your terrene king; neither doth any law^ or reason permit the
children to judge or condemn their father. Wherefore, to avoid
both the judgment of the king, of you, and of all others, I put myself
only to the arbitrement of the pope, under God alone to be judged
of him, and of no other ; to whose presence, here before you all,
I do appeal, committing the ordering of the church of Canterbury, Appeaieth
iiT' ~ o^^ i*to the
my dignity, with all other things appertammg to the same, under pope.
the protection of God and him. And as for you, my brethren and Thinketh
fellow-bishops, who rather obey man than God, you also I call and protecHon
cite to the audience and judgment of the popo, and so by the "^^^f^^j
authority of the catholic church and of the apostolic see I depart Y-thout
1 n 2 '^^ rope-
hence.
While the barons returned with this answer to the king, the arch-
bishop, passing through the throng, taketh unto him his palfrey,
holding his cross in one hand, and his bridle in the other, the
courtiers following after, and crying, " Traitor ! traitor ! tarry and
hear thv judgment." But he passed on till he came to the ^^^ter- Fiieth ^^^
most gate of "the court, which being fast locked, there he had been court
staid, had not one of his servants, called Peter, siirnamed Demunc-
(1) Ex Rogero Hovedcno. >2) Ex Quadripartita Hist. lib. i. c. 33.
214 DKCKKT KMES THE KINGDOM.
Henry II. torio, findin? tlierc a bundi of keys hanging by, first proved one key,
^ J) then ancjtlicT, till at last, finding the true key, he had opened the
lies', giite, and let him out. The archbishop went straight to the house of
canons, where he did lie, calling unto hiin the poor where they
could l)e I'ounil. When supper was done, making as though lie
would go to bed, which lie caused to be made between two altars,
privily, while the king was at supper, he prepareth his journey
secretly to escape ; and changing his garment and his name, being
riianRcth called Derman, first went to Lincoln, and from thence to Sandwicli,
ai'id?^""^' wlicre he took ship, and sailed into Flanders, and from thence jom-
i>^rman n^vcd into France, as Hoveden saith. Albeit Alanus, differing
something in the order of liis flight, saith, " That he departed not
that night ; but at supper-time came to him the bishops of London
and Chichester, declaring to liim, that if he would surrender up to
tiic king his two manors of Otford and Wingcliam, there were hope
to recover the king''s favour, and to have all remitted.*''' But when
the ai'chbishop would not agree thereunto, forasmuch as those manors
were belonging to the church of Canterbury, the king hearing
thereof, great displeasure was taken, insomuch that the next day
Becket was fain to send to the king two bishops and his chaplain
for leave to depart the realm. To this message tlie king answered,
that he would take pause thereof till the next day, and then he
should have an answer. But Becket, not tarrying his answer, the
same day conveyed himself away secretly, as is aforesaid, to Louis,
the French king ; but before he came to the king, Gilbert,
the bishop of London, and William, the earl of Arundel, sent from
the king of England to France, prevented him ; requiring the said
French king, in the behalf of the king of England, that he would
not receive, nor retain in his dominion, the archbishop of Canterbury :
moreover, that at his instance lie would be a means to the pope, not
to show any familiarity unto him. But the king of England, in this
point, seemed to have more confidence in the French king, than
knowledge of his disposition ; for thinking that the French king
would have been a good neighbour to him, in trusting him too much,
he was deceived. Neither considered he with himself enough the
manner and nature of the Frenchmen at that time against the realm
of England ; who then were glad to seek and take all manner of
occasion to do some act against England.
The And therefore Louis, the French king, vmderstanding the matter,
k[nK"sup- '"'^^ thinking, perchance, thereby to have some vantage against
ucckct ^^^^ ^^'"o ^"^^ realm of England, by the occasion hereof, contrary to
aifaiiist the king's letters and request, not only harboureth and cherisheth
i,(\il^- this Derman, but also, writing to the pope by his almoner and
land. brother, entreateth him, upon all loves, as ever he would have his
favour, to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the
Ambassa- king's ambassadors, repulsed of the French kinij, returned ; at which
dors to the . " , '1 , i , ^ » i i
pope. time lie sent another ambassage, upon the like cause, to Alexander,
the pope, then being at Sens, in France. The ambassadors sent on
this message were Roger, archbishop of York ; Gilbert, bishop of
London ; Henry, bishop of Winchester ; Hilary, bishop of Chi-
chester ; Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter ; with other doctors and
clerks : also ^Villiam, earl of Arundel, with certain more lords and
PROCEEDINGS OF THE POPE"'s COURT AT SENS. 215
barons, who, coming to the pope"'s court, were friendly accepted of Henry ii.
certain of the cardinals ; amongst the which cardinals rose also ^ j)
dissension about the same cause, some judging that the bishop of 1165.
Canterbury, in the defence of the liberties of the church, (as in a good
cause,) was to be maintained ; some thinking again, that he, being a
perturber of peace and unity, was rather to be bridled for his pre-
sumption, than to be fostered and encouraged therein. But the
pope, partly bearing with his cause, which only tended to his
exaltation and magnificence, partly again incensed with the letters
of the French king, did wholly incline to Becket, as no marvel was.
Wherefore the day following, the pope sitting in consistory with his
cardinals, the ambassadors were called for, to the hearing of Bccket''s
matter ; and first beginneth the bishop of London ; next, the arch-
bishop of York ; then Exeter ; and then the other bishops, every
one in his order, began to speak : whose orations being not well
accepted of the pope, and some of them also disdained, the earl of
Arundel, perceiving that, and somewhat to qualify and temper the
matter to the pope''s ears, began after this manner : —
The Oration of the Earl of Arundel to the Pope.
Although to me it is unknown, (saith he,) who am both unlettered and
ignorant, what it is that these bishops here have said, neither am I, in that
tongue, so able to express my mind as they have done : yet being sent and
charged thereunto of my prince, neither can nor ought I but to declare, as well
as I may, what the cause is of our sending hither : not, truly, to contend or
stiive with any person, nor to offer any injury or harm unto any man, especially
in this place, and in the presence here of such an one, unto whose beck and
authority, all the world doth stoop and yield. But for this time is our legacy
hither directed: to present here before you, and in the presence of the whole
church of Rome, the devotion and love of our king and master, which ever he
hath had, and yet hath still, toward you. And, that the same might the better
appear to your excellency, he hath assigned and appointed to the fiirniture of
this legacy, not the least, but the greatest ; not the worst, but the best and
cliiefest of all his subjects ; both archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, with other
potentates more, of such worthiness and parentage, that if he could have found
greater in all his realm, he would have sent them, both for the reverence of
your person, and of the holy church of Rome. Over and besides this, I might
add more, wliicli your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proved already,
namel)-, the tnie and hearty fidelity of this our king and sovereign toward you,
who, in his first entrance to his kingdom, wholly submitted himself, with all
that is his besides, to your will and pleasure. And tmly, to testify of his
majesty how he is disposed to the unity of the catholic faith, we believe there
is none more faithful in Christ than he, nor more devout to God, nor yet more
moderate in keeping the unity of peace whereunto he is called. And as I may
be bold this to protest for our king and master, so neither do I affirm the
archbishop of Canterbury to be a man destitute or unfurnished with gifts and
ornaments in his kind of calling, but to be a man both sage and discreet in
such things as to him appertain, save only that he seemeth to some, more
quick and sharp than needeth. This blot alone if it were not, and if the breach
between our king and him had not so happened, both the regiments together
(of the temporally and spiritualty) might quietly have flourished one with the
other in much peace and concord, both imder a prince so worthy, and a pastor
so virtuous. Wherefore, the case so standing as it doth, our message hither,
and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is, that through your favour
and wisdom, the neck of this dissension may be broken, and that reformation of
imity and love, by some good means, may be sought.
This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softness
and moderation thereof, yet it could not persuade the Romish bishop
216 COXSTITUTIOXS OF CLARENDON CONDEMNED BY THE POPE.
Henry II. to condcsccnd to thcif suit ami request ; which suit was, to have two
A.u. legates or arbiters to be sent trom liis popish side into England, to
llCo! examine and take up the controversy between the king and the
Ti,e pope archbishop. But the pope, incensed, as is said before, would not
ij.it"r"' S™"*- ^''^'''' Pt'tition : forasmuch as it should be (saith he) prejudicial,
ca'isc " and tending to the oppression of the archbishop, to grant it, he being
t'hckhig. not ])resent ; and therefore he willed them to tarry his coming up ;
otherwise he being absent, he would not, he said, in any case proceed
against him. But they alleging the time to be expired appointed
to them of the king, having besides other lets and causes as they
alleged, said that they could not there wait for the coming of Becket,
but must return back, their cause frustrated, without the pope's
Bcckct blessing to the king. Within four days after, Becket cometli to the
et"" of the pope's COU1I, whcrc he, prostrating himself at his feet, brought out of
the^o "e ^'^^ bosom a scroll containing the customs and ordinances of the king,
before mentioned. ^ The pope, receiving the aforesaid scroll, and
reading it in the open hearing of his cardinals, condemned and
accursed the most part of the said decrees of the king, which he
called ' consuetudines avitas, ' that is, ' his grandfather's ordinances.'
Besides this, the pope moreover blameth Becket, for that he so
much yielded to them at the beginning, as he did : yet notwith-
Repent- standing, because he was repentant for his unadvised fact, he was
hu'^teli- content to absolve him for the same, and the rather, because of his
doing. gicaX troubles, Avhich he for the liberties of holy church did sustain;
and so with great favour for that day dismissed him.
(\) A translation of this document, as given in Dr. Brady's Appendi.x, here follows: it is the
" instrument" mentioned supra p. 202.
In the year from our Lord's incarnation 1164, the fourth of pope Alexander, the tenth of the
most illustrious king of the English, Henry IL, in presence of the said king, was made a nmem-
brance and recognition of a certain part of the customs, liberties, and prerogatives of his prede-
cessors, viz. of king Henry, his grandfather, and others, which ought to he observed and maintained
in the realm. And because of the dissensions and disagreements wliich have arisen between
the clergy and the justices of the lord king and the barons of the realm touching customs and
prerogatives, the said recognition was made in presence of the archbishops, bishops, and clergy,
and the earls, barons, and great men of the realm ; and the said customs^ — so recognised by the
archbishops and bisliops, the earls and barons, the great men and ancients of the realm — Thomas
archbishop of Canterbury, Roger archbishop of York, Gilbert bishop of London, &:c., [eleven
other bishops are then named], allowed, and on the word of truth, viva voce, firmly promised they
should be kept and observed to tlie lord king and his heirs, with good faith, and without grudge,
there being present Robert earl of Leicester, kc. (here follow thirty-seven more names),
and many other chief men and nobles of the realm, cleric as well as lay. But of the customs
and prerogatives of the realm so recognised a certain part is contained in the present writing :
of which part the following are the chief heads : —
L If any controversy concerning the advowson and presentation of churches arise between laics,
or between laics and clerics, or between clerics only, it is to be tried and determined in the king's
court. {Condemned by the church of Rome under pope Alexander III.)
U. Churches belonging to the king's fee cannot be granted in perpetuity without his assent and
consent. (A Unwed.)
III. Clerics arraigned and accused of any matter whatsoever, being summoned by the king's
justice, shall come into his court, there to answer on whatever point it shall seem proper to the
king's court to require an answer : provided alway, that the king's justice shall send to the court
of holy church to see in what manner the matter is there to be handled. And in case a cleric is
found or pleads guilty, he is no longer to be screened by the church [i.e. have the benefit of clergy].
(Condemned.)
IV. No archbishops, bishops, or [other ecclesiastical] persons [persons] of the kingdom are
allowed to depart the same without license of the lord king, and if they should have permission of
the lord king to go abroad, tliey shall give security that neitlier in going, staying, or returning,
they will procure any evil or damage to the lord king or the kingdom. (Condemned.)
V. Excommunicated persons shall not be bound to give security or take oath to remain where
they are, but only security and pledge to stand to the judgment of the church in order to their
absolution. {Condemned.)
VI. Laics ought not to be accused but by certain specified and legal accusers and witnesses,
and that in the bishop's presence : yet so, that the archdeacon may not lose his right nor any
advantage which he ought to have from thence : and if the accused parties be such that none
either will or dare accuse them, the eheriflT, being required thereto bv the bishop, shall cause
twelve iHgally-qualified men of the vicinage or town to he sworn before'the bishop, that they will
try out the truth according to their conscience. {Allowed.)
VII. No man who holds of the king in capite, nor any of his chief ministers, is to be excom-
municated, nor the lands of any such laid under interdict, unless the lord king (if he be in the land)
THOMAS I5ECKET APPEARETH BEFORE THE POPE. 217
The next day, Alexander the pope assemblinc: his cardinals iiemyii.
together in his secret chamber, appeareth before them archbishop "XlT"
or (if he be abroad) his justice be first consulted, that he may see justice done upon him ; and so, ^ ^ 6').
that whatever shall pertain to the king's court may be determined there, and that which belonos
to the ecclesiastical court may be remitted to the same, to be there dispatched. (Condemned.) °
VIII. Appeals, when they arise, ought to he made from the archdeacon to the bishop, and from
the bishop to the archbishop ; and if the archbishop shall fail to do justice, recourse is to be had
lastly to the lord king, that by his precept the controversy may be determined in the archbishop's
court, with the understanding that it must not proceed further without leave of the lord kine
(Cundemncd.y, ^
IX. If any difference arise between a cleric and a laic, or between a laic and a cleric, concerning
any tenement which the cleric pretendetli is held by Frank-almohic (eleemosyna), but the laic con-
tends to be a lay- fee, it shall be determined by the verdict of twelve legally-qualified men, according
to the custom of the king's court and in presence of his justice, whether the tenement belongeth to
Frmik-almoine or to the lay-fee. And if it be found to belong to Frank-almnUyne, the plea shall be
held in the ecclesiastical court; but if to the lay-fee, the plea shall be in the king's court, unless
both parties claim to hold of the same bishop or baron. But if such shall claim to hold of the same
bishop or baron, the plea shall be in his court ; yet with this further proviso, that he who was first
seized of the thing in controversy, shall not lose his seizin pending the trial because of the verdict
above-mentioned. [Condemned.)
X. Whosoever is an inhabitant of any city, castle, borough, or any demesne lands of the lord
king, if he shall be cited by the archdeacon or bishop concerning any fault about which he ought
to answer them, and will not obey their citations, it shall be lawful to put him under an interdict;
but he ought not to be excommunicated, before the king's chief oflicer of that town be made
acquainted with the case, so that he may cause him to give satisfaction. And if such officer shall
fail therein, he shall be in tlie mercy of the lord king, and then the bishop may coerce the party
accused by ecclesiastical process. (Condemned.)
XI. Archbishops, bishops, and all other ecclesiastical persons in the kingdom, who hold of the
king in cnpite, enjoy their possessions of our lord the king as a barony, and, for that reason, are
to answer to the kinsj's justices and ministers, and to follow and perform all royal rights and
customs ; and. like other barons, ought to appear at trials in the king's court, till they come to
pronouncing sentence of death or loss of members. (Allowed.)
XII. When an archbishopric, bishopric, abbacy, or priory in the gift of the lord king shall be
vacant, it ought to remain in his hands, and he to receive the rents and issues thereof, as of his
demesnes. And when he pleases to provide for that church, the lord king ought to send for the
chief persons of that church, and the election ought to be made in the king's chapel, with the
assent of the lord king and with the advice of such persons of his realm as he shall call thereto;
and the person elect shall then, betore his consecration, do homage and fealty to the king as his
liegeman of life and members and earthly honour, saving his order. (Condemned.)
XIII. If any of the great men of the kingdom shall refuse to do justice to an archbishop, or a
bishop, or an archdeacon, either for himself or his tenants, the lord king is to adjudicate. And if
perchance any one should refuse the lord king his right, the archbishop, bishops, and archdeacons
are to call him to account, that he may make satisfaction to the lord king. (Allowed.)
XIV. The cliattels of those who are under the king's forfeiture may not be detained in any
church or churchyard against the king's justice, because they are the king's own, whether they
be found within the church and its precinct or without it. (Allowed.)
XV. Pleas concerning debts, which are owing upon troth-plight (fide interposita), or without
troth-plijjht, are to be within the cognizance of the lord king. (Condemned.)
XVI. The sons of peasants (rusticorum) ought not to be ordained without the consent of the lord
on whose land they are known to be born. (Allowed.)
This is a convenient place for preserving a passage omitted at page 200, which in the edition
of 1,583, p. 206, stands as follows:—
[To which laws and customs the said Thomas did partly grant, and partly not grant. The copy
of the which aforesaid laws are contained in the number of xxviii. or xxix. whereof I thought
here to recite certain not unworthy to be known.
The copy of the old laws and customs, whereunto Thomas Becket did grant.
I. That no order should be given to husbandmen's children and bondmen's children, without the jjjg
assent or testimonial of them which be the lords of the country where they were born and brought king's ■
up : and if their sons become clerks, they shall not receive the order of priesthood without license ,.,„tn,ns
of their lords. customs.
II. And if a man of holy church hold any lay fee in his hand, he shall do there-for the king the Out of an
service that belongeth thereto, as upon juries, assize of lands, and judgments ; saving only at English
execution doing of death. Chronicle
III. If any man were the king's traitor, and had taken the church, that It should be lawful to as it ap-
the king and his officers to take him out. peareth,
IV. Alio if any felon's goods were brought to holy church, that there should none such keep drawn
there ; for every felon's goods be the king's. out of
V. That no land should be given to the church or to any house of religion, without the king's French
license. t.y earl
These articles following, Thomas agreed not unto. Rivers
I. If that between a clerk and a laj-man were any striving for church goods, they would the plea lord
should be done in the king's court. Scales.
II. That there should neither bishop nor clerk go out of the land without the king's license, and
then he should swear upon a book, he should procure no hurt against the king, nor none of his.
III. If any man were denounced accursed, and were come again to amendment, the king would
not that he should be sworn, but only find sureties to stand to that that holy church should award.
IV. That no man, that held of the king in chief, or in service, should be accursed without the
king's license.
V. That all the bishoprics and abbeys that were vacant should be in the king's hands, until such
time that he should choose a prelate thereto ; and he should be chosen out of the king's chapels ;
and first, before he were confirmed, he sliould do his homage to the king.
VI. If any plea were to consistory brought, they should appeal from thence to the archdeacon,
and from thence to the bishop's court, and from the bishop's court to the archbishop's, and from
thence to the king, and no further. So that in conclusion, the complaints of holy church must
come before the king, and not the pope.
VII. That
218 THE OUATIOX OF THOMAS BECKET.
y/^nrj,//. liccket, having; this oration to the pope and his popclings, whicli
^ J) here I thmi^ht to set ovit in our vulgar English tongue (translated
1165! out of Latin), to the intent that the posterity hereafter may under-
stand cither the vain superstition or vile slavery of the churchnicn in
those (lavs, who, being not content with their own natural prince and
king given them of God, must seek further to the pope ; thinking no
ecclesiastical living to be given, which is not taken at his hands. The
M-ords of his oration be storied rightly thus.
The Oration of Becket on resigning his Bishopric to the Pope.'
Fathers and lords, I ought not to lie in any place, niucli less before God,
and in your presence here. Wherefore, with much sighing and sorrow of heart,
Becket't I grant and confess, that these perturbations of the cluirch of England be
•f?"- raised througli my miserable fault. For I entered into the fold of Christ, but
*"*"'■ not by tlie door of Christ; for tliat not the canonical election did call me law-
fully thereunto, but terror of public power drove me in. And albeit I against
my will took this burden upon me, yet not the will of God but man's pleasure
induced me hereimto ; and therefore no marvel thougli all things have gone
And why contrary and backward with me. But as for the resigning up again, at the
miRiit ye threats of the king, the privilege of my bishoply authority which I had granted
J5ecket,' to me (so as my fellow-bishops did instantly call upon me to do), had I so done
resicii it (agreeably also to the wishes of the nobles), then had I left a pernicious and
hls^hands dangerous example to the whole catholic church ; by reason whereof I thought
of whom to defer that unto your presence. And now, recognising with myself my in-
jetookit? gress not to have been canonical, and therefore fearing it to have the worse end ;
and again pondering my strength and ability not to be sufficient for such a
charge ; lest I should be found to sustain that room to the ruin of the flock, to
which I was appointed (however improperly) a pastor, I here render up into
your hand the archbishopric of Canterbury.
And so putting off his ring from his finger, and ofForing it to the
pope, he desired a bishop for the cliurch of Canterbury to be pro-
vided, seeing he thought not himself meet to fulfil the same, and so
(with tears, as the story saith) ended his oration.
This done, the archbishop Avas bid to stand apart. The pope
conferring upon this \vith his cardinals about the resignation of
Becket, what was best to be done, some thought it best to take the
occasion offered, thinking thereby the king"'s Avrath might easily be
assuaged, if the church of Canterbury ^vere assigned to some other
person ; and yet the said Becket otherwise to be provided for,
notwithstanding. Contrary, other again thought otherwise, whose
reason was, if he, who for the liberties of the church had ven-
tured not only his goods, dignity, and authority, but also his life,
VII. That all dehts, that were owing through troth-plight, should not be pleaded in spiritual
but in temporal courts.
VIII. '1 hat the Peter pence, which to the pope were gathered, should he taken to the king.
IX. If any clerk f(ir felony were taken and so proved, he should be first disgraded, and then
through judgment to be hanged ; or if he were a traitor, to be drawn.
Other laws and constitutions made at Clarendon, in Normandy, and sent to England, whereunto
Becket and the pope would not agree, he being then (led out of the realm.
{Then follow the constitutions given at p. 219, note (I), " Ex Quadrilogo.")
By these and such other laws and decrees it may appear, that the abolishing of the pope is
no new thing in the realm of England. This only difference there is, that the pope being driven
out then, could not be kept out so long as now he ia. The cause is, that the time was not yet come
that Antichrist should su fully he revealed; neither was his wickedness then so fully ripe in tho«e
days, as it hath been now in our time. Now, these premised, let us return where we left, to the
matter betwixt tlie king and Thomas Becket.
The communication and controversy between the king and Thomas Becket, with hig clergj'.
The king, as is aforesaid, conventing his nobles and clerks together, required to have the punish-
ment of certain misdoers of the clergy; but Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto, the king came
to this point, to know whether he w.mld consent, with his clergy, that the customs then set fortb
in the realm (meaning by the first part of those decrees above .specified) should be observed.]
(I) For this oration in Latin, sec the Edition of I5ii.f, p. 53.— ];d.
DECISION OF THE POPE AKD CAUDIXAI-S. 219
should now at the king's pleasure be deprived, like as it might be a iionryii.
precedent hereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort, if his ~p~Q~
cause were maintained, so contrariwise, if it quailed, it should be an 1165.
example to all other hereafter not to resist his prince in the like J~^.
case ; and so might it redound, not only to the weakening of the suitation
. > J ^ o between
state of the catholic church, but also to the derogation of the pope's the pope
authority. Briefly, this sentence at length prevailed : and so Bccket crrm'n^s
receiveth his pastoral office at the pope's hand again, with com- ^'g^^gj.j
mendation and much favour. But forsomuch as he could not be matter.
well placed in England, in the mean while the pope sendeth him
with a monk's habit into the abbey of Pontigny in France, where
he remained two years ; from thence he removed to Sens, where he
abode four years. So the time of his exile continued six years
in all.
Upon this, the king being certified by his ambassadors of the
pope's answer, how his favour inclined more to Becket than to him,
was moved (and worthily) with wrathful displeasure ; who upon the
same sailing from England into Normandy, directed over certain Becket in
injunctions against the pope and the archbishop of Canterbury, therae"ntsix
contents whereof are recited underneath.* ye&ts., ^
Of these and such other injunctions Becket specific th partly in a
certain letter, writing to a friend of his in this manner : ^
Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to his well-beloved friend, &c. Be it
known to your brotherly goodness, that we, with all ours here, by God's grace
are safe and in good health. Having a good hope and trust in your faithful
amity, I charge you and require you, that either by the bringer hereof, or by
some other whom ye know faithful and trusty to our church of Canterbury
and to us, you write with all speed what is done. As touching the king's
decrees here set out, these they be : That all havens and ports should be
diligently kept, that no letters of interdict be brought in thereat ; and if
a religious man bring them in, he shall have his feet cut off; if he be a priest
or clerk, he shall lose his eyes, &c. ;' if he be a layman, let him be hanged; if
he be a leper, let him be burned. And if any bishop for fear of the pope's inter-
dict will depart the realm, besides bis staff only in his hand let him have nothing
(1) I. If any one shall be found bringing letters of the lord pope, or any mandate of the archbishop
of Canterbury, containing an interdict of Christianity \_i.e. the use of the service, sacraments, and
holy rites] in England, let him be taken and let justice be executed upon him without delay, as a
traitor to the king and the kingdom.
II. Also, no clerk, monk, or other religious person, can be permitted to pass beyond the sea or
return into England, unless he have a passport from the justiciary for his going out, and the king's
letters for his return ; if any one shall be caught doing otherwise, let him be taken and im-
prisoned.
III. Let no man appeal to the pope or to the archbishop.
IV. Let no plea be held by order of the pope or of the archbishop, nor let any communication
(mandatum) of theirs be received in England by any man. If any one shall be found doing other-
wise, let him be taken and imprisoned.
v. Generally, also, it is forbidden, that any one carrying any commmunication (mandatum,)
either of cleric or layman, to the lord pope or to the archbishop; if any one shall be found doing
otherwise, let him be taken and imprisoned.
VI. If any bishops, or clerics, or abbots, or laics, shall comply with any sentence of interdict, let
them without delay be cast out of the land, -with all their kindred ; and let them carry none of
their property with them.
VII. The chattels of all persons favouring the pope or the archbishop, and all their possessions,
and those of all belonging to them, of whatever rank, or sex, or condition they be, shall be taken
and confiscated to the lord king
VIII. All clerics who have rents and estates in England shall be summoned, in whatever
countries they be, to return to them within three months ; and if they do not return by the ap-
pointed time, let their estates be taken to the king's use.
IX. Peter-pence shall no longer be paid over to the pope's apostolic treasury, but be kept dili-
gently in the king's chest, and expended at his direction.
X. The bishops of London and Norwich shall be at the king's mercy, and he summoned by the
sheriffs and beadles before the king's justiciaries, there to do right by the king and his justices,
for that, contrary to the statutes of Clarendon, they laid an iiitenlict by command of the lord pope
on the land of Earl Hugh, and published the lord pope's excommunication against him throiiah-
out their dioceses, without license of the king's justiciaries. [Translated fromtI.eQuadrilogus — Eu.]
(2) For the Latin, see the Edition of 1.563, p. 54.— Ed.
3) " Si clericus, oculos ct genitalia amittat."— Ed.
220 nEcKin's kixdrkd banished.
Henry 11. o\&Q. Also the kinj^'s will is, that all scholars and students beyond the seas
shall rfjKiir home, or else lose their benefices. And if they yet shall remain,
A. D. they shall lose the liberty of ever retimiing. Further, if any such priests shall
IIC6. be ibund, that for the j)()j)e's suspense or interdict will refuse to sing, they shall
be shamefully mutilated.' In fine, all such priests as sliow themselves rebels to
the king, let'them be deprived of their benefices," &c.
A.n.iiGG. Besides these and such like injiinction.s, it was also set forLli bv
the kin^f's proclamation, a.d. 11 66, that all manner of persons, both
men and women, whosoever were found of the kindred of Thomas
]ieckct, should be exiled, Avithout taking any part of their goods
with them, and sent to him where he was ; Avhich was no little vex-
„ ,. .. ation to Becket to behold them. Moreover, forasmuch as he then
kiiHircd was lying with Gwarine, abbot of Pontigny, to whom the pope, as
'"'" "" ' is aforesaid, had commended liim ; therefore the king, writing to the
same abbot, recjuired him not to retain the archbishop of Canterbury
in his house, for if he did, he would drive out of his realm all the
f^'""-""'- monks of his order.^ Whereupon Becket was enforced to remove
iioveden.jfirom thcncc, and went to Louis, the French king, by whom he was
placed at Sens, and there was found of him the space of four years,
as is above mentioned.
In tlic mean time, messengers went daily with letters between the
king and the pope, between the pope again and him, and also between
Becket ^hc arclibisliop and others, whereof, if the reader, pcradvcnture, shall
'0"?- „^ be dcsiroius to see the copies, I have thouoht here to express certain
of his 01 them, to satisfy lus desire; nrst bcguuimg witli the epistle ot
i'lITpope" Becket, complaining of his prince to the pope, in manner and form
as followetli.
The copy of an Epistle sent by Thomas Becket to Pope Alexander.'
To your presence and audience I flee, most holy father, that you, who have
l)ought the liberty of the church with your so great danger, might the rather
attend to the same, either being the only or chief cause of my persecution,
using and follo\ving therein your example. It grieveth me that tlie state of
the church shoidd fall to any decay, and that the liberties thereof should be
infringed through tlie avarice of princes. For the which caiLse I thonglit to
resist betimes that inconvenience beginning so to grow; and the more I thought
myself obliged to the same, my prince, unto whom next under God I am most
cluefly bound, the more boldness I took to me, to withstand his unrightful
attempts, till such as were on the contrary part, my adversaries, jirevailcd,
working my disquietness, and incensing him against me. Whereupon, as the
manner is amongst princes, they raised up against me citations and slanders, to
the occasion of my persecution ; but I had rather be proscribed than subscribe.
Besides this, I was also called to judgment, and cited before the king to make
answer there as a lay person, to secular accoimts, and while they whom I
most trusted did most forsake me ; for I saw my fellow-brethren, the bishops,
through the instigation of some, ready to my condenmation. Whereupon, all
being set against me, and I thus oppressed on every side, I took my refuge to
ap])eal to your goodness, which castcth off none in their extremities, being
ready to make my declaration before you, tliat I ought neither to be judged
Uiere in tlwt place, nor yet of tliem. For what were that, father, but to usui-p
to themselves your right, and to bring the spiritu.'ilty under the temporalty ?
wliich thing, once begun, may breed an example to many. And therof(n-e so
nuich the more stout I thought to be in witlistanding this matter, how much
niore j)ronc and inclined I saw tlie way to hurt, if they might once see us to be
(1) Bee Note 2, p. 21!).— En.
(2) These monks were of the Cisterrian order.
(3) For the Latin, see the Edition of 1563, p. 5-1.— Ed.
HIS LETTER TO THE POPE. 221
faint and weak in the same. But they will say to me here again : "Give to Uenryll.
Cgesar that which belongs to Caesar," &c. But, to answer again thereunto : •
albeit we are bound to obey our king in most things, yet not in such manner of -^-I^.
things, whereby he is made to be no king ; neither were they then things ^1^<^-
belonging to "Ca'sar, but to a tyrant; concerning the which points these
bishops should not for me only, but for themselves, have resisted the king. For .jq i^^.^p
if the extreme judgment be reserved to him who is able to judge both body and under tiie
sold, is it not tben extreme pride for men there to judge, who judge but by jJ^J.'j.^jpg
themselves? If the cause of the bishops and of the clergy, which I maintain, is no
be right, wl^y be they set against me? why do they reprehend me? For if I jausesuf-
appealed to him, before whom either it was not lawful, or else not expedient for iln'.king"
me so to do, what seem they by this, but either to blame me causeless, or else a prince
to distrust your equity ? For me to be convicted before your holiness, it had
been a double contiision. Or wherein have I deserved to be persecuted of
them, for whose cause I have set myself to stand in their behalf? And if they
had willed, I had prevailed ; but it is ill with the head, when it is left of its
members and forsaken ; as if the eyes should take the tongue to speak against
the head. If they had had eyes to have foreseen the matter, they might under-
stand themselves to speak their own destruction, and that the princes did use
their help but to tlieir own servitude. And what so great cause of hatred had
they against me, to procure their own undoing in undoing of me ? So while
they neglected spiritual things for temporal, they have lost them both. What
should I speak more of this, that I repugning them, and appealing to your
audience, they yet durst presume to stand in judgment and condemnation
against me, as children against their father. Yea, and not against me
only, but against the universal church of God, conspiring together with
the prince being with me offended. And this suspicion might also as well
pertain to you, holy father. But to this they will say, that they owe their duty
and service unto the king, as their lord, to whom they are bound upon their jj.
allegiance. To whom I answer, that to him they stand bound bodily, to me mean by
spiritually. But to whom ought they rather to stand bound, than to themselves ? spiritual
And were it not better to sustain the loss of corporal than of spiritual things ? suSf as
But here they will say again ; at this time the prince was not to be provoked, pertain
How subtilly do these men dispute for their own bondage 1 Yea, they *?|.||]^ ^P'"
themselves provoke him by their own excess, ministering wings unto him to part of
fight against them ; for he would have rested if they had resisted. And when ™!"i' I
is constancy more to be required, than in persecution ? Be not a man's chief p^yj J;.
friends most tried in persecution ? If they give over still, how shall they obtain berties be
the victory ? Sometimes they must needs resist. Condescend, therefore, holy "°J(^? ^ ^^
father, to my exile and persecution, and remember that I also once was a great the in-
man, in the time when it was; and now for your sake thus injuriously I am ward or
ti-eated. Use your rigour, and resti-ain them by whose instigation the name ^^^l^ "^^
of this persecution began, and let none of these things be imputed to the king, rather are
who rather is to be accounted the repairer than the author of this business. more^
Besides tliis epistle sent to the pope, he writeth also another, ^g^fp^^j,
sent to the hing, in Latin, the tenor whereof he that is disposed to tion tri-
read may peruse in our former edition,^ with notes adjoined withal, frilnd,"^"''
but every
(1) An Epistle of Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, to King Henry, found only in the edition of cause
1563, at page 55, with the notes, probably of Jolm Foxe, adjoined. —Ed. maketh
Desiderio desideravi videre faciem vestram et loqui vobiscuni.l Non multum quidem propter -nersecu-
me, sed niaxime propter vos : ut visa facie niea reduceretis ad metnoriam servitia, quae, diim }■
agerem in obsequio vestro, exhibui vobis devote et fideliter juxta aiiinii conscientiam (sic me Deus
adjuvet in examine ultimo, quando omnes astabunt ante tribunal Ipsius, recepturi prout gesserunt
in corpore, sive bonum sive malum), et ut moveremini super me pietate, quern oportet mendicando
vivere inter alienos. Licet tamen Dei gratia, cum abundanfia victualia ad sufficientiam habeamus.
Estque nobis consolatio multa, quod dicit apostolus, Omnes qui pie volunt vivere in Christo,
persecutionem patientur: Et propheta, Non vidi justum derelictum, nee semen ejus quaerens
panem. Propter vos : tribus ex causis. Tum quia dominus meus estis : tum quia rex meus e.stis:2
turn quia filius meus spiritualis. Eo quod dominus, debeo vobis et otfero consilium meum et obse-
Certain Notes upon this Latin Epistle.
1. Imo maxime suum agit negotium etiamsi, dissimulat sedulo.
2. Si dominus est, cur te non praebes illi servum? Si rex, cur non subditum ostendis? Porro
quura servus non sui sit juris, sed in possessione sui domini. quo jure ergo servum agis fuuitivum,
ab eo aufugiens, qui jure tui vindicat possessionem atque in te potestatem occupat ? Pra;terea,
si dominum tuum esse agnoscas, falso igitur illi te consilium debere dicis ; in servo enim nan con-
Bilium spectatur, sed obsequium, nisi is consilium exigut.
222
A\OT}!KR I.F.TTFR TO THK POPE.
iienrnii. Bcsidcs which epistle to tlie king in Latin, lie sent also one or two
^_ I) more to the saiil King Henry II., much alter the like rate and sort: one
IIGG. thus beginning, " Loijui ile Deo, libera? mentis est et valde quietae.
Inde est quod loquarad Doininum meum, ct utinam ad omnes pacifi-
quium quodciinque debet episcopus, secundum hotiorem Dei et sanctae ecclesiae, domino : eo quod
rex, teneor rnbia ad reverentiamet commonitionein: eo quod filius, oflicii ratione, ad castigationcm
tencor et rolierrioiicm.3 Corripit enim pater (ilium nunc blaiidis nunc asperis, ut vel sic pro\ ocet
cum ad twncfacicndum. Nosse debetis vos gratia regem esse, Primo quia vos ipsuni regere
dcbeti* vit.'imque vestram optimis inforniare moribus, ut vestri exemplo CcEteri provocentur
ad melius, juxia illud sapientis : Cumponitiir orbis regis ad cxemplum : Secundo, alios hos
demulccndo, alios puniendo potestatis aucioritate quam ab ecclesia recepistis turn sacramento
unctionis, turn gladii officio, quern gestatis ad malefactores ecclesiae conterendos. Inunguntur
enim reges tribus in locis, in capite, in pectore, in bracliiis; quod significat gloriam, scientiam,
ct fortitudinem. Qui antiquis temporibus justilicationes Dti non observabant, et prasvaricati
sunt mandata ejus, his sublata est gloria, scicntia, et fortitudo, et eorum generationi; exem-
plo Pbaraonis, Nebusodonosor, Saulis, Salomonis, alionimque plurium.< Qui vero post delictum
suum cordis contritione liumiliaverunt se Domino, his Dei gratia accessitcum omnibus supradictis
abundantius et perfcctius, sicut David, Ezechiae, aliisque quam pluriinis. Chrislus fundavit matrem
ecclesiam, ejusque comparavits libertatem sanguine proprio, sustinendo flagella, sputa, clavos,
mortis angustias, nobis relinquens exemplum ut sequaraur vestigia ejus. Unde dicit apostolus:
si compatianiur ei, et conregnabimus : si commoriamur, et resurgemus. Ecclesia enim Dei in
duobus constat ordinibus, cicro et populo. In clero sunt apostoli, apostolicique viri, episcopi, et
ca;teri doctores ecclesiae, quibus commissa est cura et regnum ipsius ecclesia, qui traclare habent
nesotia ecclesiastica, ut totura reducant ad salutem animarum. Unde et6 Petro dictum est, et in
Petro aliisrectoribus ecclesiarum, non regibus, non principibus : Tu es Petrus, et super banc petrara
aedilicabo ecclesiam meam, et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus earn. In populo sunt reges,
et principes, duces, coraites, et alii potestates, qui secularia habent tractare negotia, ut totum
reducant ad pacem et unitatem ecclesiae. Et quia certum est reges potestatem suam accipere at)
eccleaia, non ipsam ab illis sed a Christo, ut salva pace vestra loquar, non habetis episcopis?
pra;cipcre absolvere aliquem vel excommunicare, Irahere clericos ad secularia examina, judicare rie
decimis vel ecclesifs, interdicere episcopis ne tractent causas de transgressione tidei vel juramenfi,
et niulta in hunc niodum quae scripta sunt inter consuctudines vestras, quas dicitis avitas. Domi-
nus enim dicit : Leges meas custodite. Et per prophetam : Vae qui condunt leges iniquas et scri-
beiites scripserunt injustitias, ut opprimerent pauperesin judicio, et vim facerent causae humilium
populi Dei. Audiat namque, si placet, dominus mens consilium fidelis sui, commonitionem epi-
scopi sui, castigationcm patris sui** — ne cum schismaticisde ca'tero liabeat aliquam familiaritatem
vel communionem, nee cum eis aliquomodo contrahat focdus vel amicitiara. Notum est enim toti
fere mundo, quam devote, quam honorifice dom. papani receperitis, quantum ecclesiam Romanam
foveritiset bonoraveritis, quan t unique dom. papa etetiam ecclesia Romana personam vestram dilex-
erint, honoraverint, et in quibuscumque secundum Deum potuerint vos exaudierint. Nolile, Do-
mine mi, ergo, si salutem animae vestrae desideraiis, eidem ecclesia; quod suum est aliqua ratione
subtrahere, seu in aliquo ei citra justitiam contraire. Imo eandam ei permitlatis in regno vestro
habere^ libertatem, quam in aliis regnis habere dinoscitur. Memores quoque sitis confessionis
quam fecistis et posuistis scriptam super altare apud Westminster, de servanda ecclesiae libertate,
quando consecrati fuistis ct uncti in regem a praedecessore nostro Theobaldo. Ecclesiam etiara
Cantuariensem, a qua promotionem et consecrationem accepistis, in eum statum restituatis et digni-
tatem, in quibus fuit temporibus prsdccessorum nostrorum;10possessionesetiamadip8am ecclesiam
et ad nos pertincntes, villas, praedia, castella, et omnia quae pro voluntate vesiia distriliuistis,
res et omnes ablatas tarn nostras quam clericorum nostrorum et laicorum, in integrum nobis resti-
tuatis. Perinittatis etiam, si placet, nrs libere et in pace et cum omni securitaie redire in eedem
nostram, officioque nostro libere uti, sicut debemus et ratio exigit. Et nos vobis tanquam domino
charissinio et regi parati sumus fideliter et devote pro viribus servire in quibuscunque potuerimus,
salvo honore Dei et ecclesiaeRomanae et salvo otdine nostro.n Alioqui pro certo sciatis, quia divinam
severitatem et ultionem sentietis.
3. Subditorum est subjici suis principibus non eos subdere : Episcnpi sunt subditi suis princi-
pibus : Ergo male conantur episc. suos sibi principes subjicere. Ad principis spectat ofiicium
legibus animadvertere in sontes : Becketus id non permittit, prohibeiis clericos suos ad supplicia
Tocari : Ergo Becketus non se pr:estat subditum suo regi.
4. Nego argumentum — Deuspunivitmalos principes contra mandata suadelinquentes : Ergo pon-
tifices et episcopi punire reges debent, suadecreta iransgredientes.
5. Fallacia est a falsa definitionelibertatis ecclesiastical. Ea enim libertas quam Christus suo
sanguine comparavit, ad conscientiam duntaxat attinet, non ad terrena privilegia aut corporeas
facultatcs. Cliristus igitur aliam nobis redemit libertatem, Becketus de alia argutatur.
C. Quod Petro dictum est, dictum est tantum rectoribus ecclesiae : Principes non sunt reclores
ecclesiae: Ergo non dictum est principibus. Resp. Neganda est minor: delude inajorem sic intelligo
ex Aug. Quod dictum est Petro, dictum est ecclesiae universae fidelium, quatenus fidem habet in
Christum, super quam fidem aedificatur ecclesia. Unde liquet dictum hoc non magis spectare ad
clcrum quam ad principes fideles, &c.
7. Fallacia est a divisis ad conjuncta. Sunt enim variae in ecclesia Christi functiones, quae vari6
sunt ad alios atque alios refereiidae. Quae vero foris sunt et juris ordinisque externi, et ad casti-
gationcm attinent, propria sunt principuin. Tantum ad clerum spectat dispcnsatio sermonis Dei, et
sacramentorum administratio. Jam hiec omnia quae disjungenda erant, perperam confundit hie
theologus in una persona.
8. Episcopi si probi fuerint dici fortasse patres possunt suorum principum, sed in Christo tamen,
hoc est, non nisi in eis quae ad salutis tantum curani, doctrinae videlicet et sacrainentorum, spcctant.
In ceteris vero principes patres sunt et curam gerunt episcoporum, non illi principum.
9. Iterum hie peccatur in falsa libertatis definitione.
10. Ut facile hie intelligas, lector, suam dignitatem et possessiones quacri ab episcopis, potius
quam gloriam Jesu Christi !
11. Proximus honor secundum Deum debetur regibus in sua cujusque ditione, juxta scripturae
theologiani. quEe dicit : Deum timete, regem honorilicate : at contra hie theologus inverso scripturae
ordine arguit, bonorem Deo jiroximum deberi — primum Romanoe sedi,deinde episcoporum ordiai,
et post ha;c regibus.
AXOTIIER LETTER TO KINO HENRY. 223
cum," &c. Whicli epistle, for that T would not overcharge the volume nenryii.
of these histories witli too much matter superfluous, 1 thought here ~a~iT
to omit. The other he sent afterwards, whereof the words be these: — 1166.
Another Letter of Becket, sent to King Henry II '
To his lord and friend Henry, by the grace of (}od, king of England, duke of
Normandy and Aquitain, eai-1 of Anjou : Thomas, by the same grace, humble
minister of the church of Canterbury, (sometime his temporally, but now more
his in the Lord), health and true repentance v/ith amendment. I have long looked
for that tlie Lord would look upon you, and that you would convert and repent,
departing fi-om your perverse way ; and cut off from you your wicked and
perverse counsellors, by whose instigation, as it is thought, you are fallen into'
that deep, whereof the Psalm speaketh, " A sinner, when he cometh to the
depth of mischiefs, is without all care or fear." And albeit we have hitherto
quietly suffered and borne, considering and earnestly looking if there would
any messenger come that would say : " Your sovereign lord, the king, who now
a long time hath erred and been deceived, and led even to the destruction of
the church, through God's mercy, with abundant humilitj^, doth now again
make speed for the deliverance of the church, and to make satisfaction and
amendment;" Aet notwithstanding we cease not, day by day, continually to call
upon Almighty God with most humble devotion, that that which we have long
desired for you, and by yoii, we may speedily obtain with abundant effect.
And this is one point, that the care of the church of Canterbury, whereunto
God hath presently apjiointed us albeit unworthy, 3'ou being king, doth
specially consti'ain me, in that as yet we are detained in exile, to write unto
your majesty letters commonitory, exhortatory, and of con-ection. But I woidd
to God they were Ixilly able to correct, lest that I be too great a cloaker of
your outrages, if there be any, as indeed there are ; for the which we are not a
little sorry. I mean especiallj' of them which are done by you in every place,
about the church of God and the ecclesiastical persons, without any reverence
either of dignity or person ; and lest also that I appear negligent to the great
danger of my soul ; for without doubt he beareth the offence of him which doth
commit any offence, who neglecteth to correct that which another ought to
amend ; for it is Mnritten, " Not only they which do commit e\'il, but also they
that consent thereunto, are counted partakers of the same." For they verily do
consent, who, when they both might and ought, do not resist, or at the least
reprove ; for the error which is not resisted is allowed, and the tnith, when it is
not defended, is oppressed ; neither doth it lack a privy note of society in him,
who ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief.2 For like as, most noble prince,
a small city doth not diminish the prerogative of so mighty a kingdom as yom-s,
so your royal power ought not to oppress or change the measure of the
religious dispensation ; for it is proWded always by the laws, that all judg-
ments against priests shoidd proceed by the determination of priests ; for
whatsoever bishops they are, albeit that they do err as other men do, not
exceeding in any point contrary to the religion of faith, they ought not, nor
can in any case be judged of the secular power.^ Tnily it is the part of a good
and religious prince to repair the ruinous churches, to build new, to honour
the priests, and with great reverence to defend them, after the example of the
godly prince of most happy memory, Constantine,* who said, when a complaint
Certain Notes or Blenches upon this Epistle.
1. The scope of this epistle is this, to prove that bishops and priests ought not to come under
the covert and controlment of temporal power.
2. This similitude holdeth not. For, though the smallness of a city blemisheth not the prero-
gative of a kingdom, yet the evilness and rebellion of a city do worthOy blemish its own
prerogative.
3. So saith the pope's decree (Dist. 10), but the scripture of God importeth otherwise. Abiathar
the priest was deposed by King Solomon, not for any heresy, but for other causes (1 Kings ii.).
Jonathas took his priesthood of King Alexander; and Simon of Demetrius (1 Maccab. vii. 9;
X. 20). Christ offered tribute to Caesar for himself and for Peter. Also Peter saith, " Be ye sub-
ject to every human creature ;" and it followetb, " whether it be to the king as to the chief," &c.
Also Pope Leo submitted himself to Ludovicus, the emperor, with these words: " And if we do
any thing incompetently, and do swerve from the path of righteousness, we will stand to your
reformation, or of them whom you shall send." (Causa ii. quajst. 7. " Nos.")
4. Notwithstanding, the said Constantine, writing to the bishops congregated at Tjre, first
chideth them, then commandeth them to resort unto his presence, to have their cause judged and
decided. (Trip. Hist. lib. iii. cap, 7.)
224 LETTER TO KING HENKY.
Henry II. of the clcrgv w.is broupht to him, " You," said he, " can be judged by no secular
judge, wlio'are reserved to the only judgment of God." And forsonnich as we
A- p. (h) read tliat tin- holv apostles and tfieir successors, appointed by the testimony of
^1*'*'- Cod, counnauded that no persecution nor troubles ought to be made, nor to
envy those which labour in the field of the Lord, and that the stewards of tJie
Eternal King should not be expelled and put out of their seats; who then
doubteth, but that the jiriests of Christ ought to be called the fathers and masters
of all other faithful princes? Is it not a miserable madness, then, if the son
should <'o about to bring the father under obedience,* or the scholar his master?
and by wicked bonds'' to bring him in subjection, by whom he ought to believe
that he may be bomul and loosed, not only in earth, but also in heaven ? If you
be a <"K)d and a catholic king, and one as we hope, or rather desire 3'ou shoidd
be (be it spoken under your license), you are the child of the church, and not the
ruler of the church. You ought to learn of the priests, and not to teach them ;
you ought to Ibllow the priests in ecclesiastical matters,^ and not to go before
them, having the privilege of your power given you of God to make public
laws, that, by his benefits, you should not be imthankftil against the dispen-
sation of the he.ivenly order, and that 3'ou should usurp notliiiig, but use them
with a wholesome disposition.
Wherefore, in those things which, contrary unto that, you have, through
your malicious counsel, rather than by your own mind wickedly usurped; witli all
humility and satisfaction s])eedily give place, that the hand of the Most Highest
be not stretched out against you, as an arrow against the mark. For the Most
Highest hath bended his bow openly to shoot against him that will not confess
his offences. Be not ashamed, whatsoever wicked men say to you, or that
traitors do whis})er in yoxn- ear, to lunnble yourself under the mighty hand of
God ; for it is he who exalteth the humble, and throweth down the proud ;
who also revengeth himself upon princes ; he is terrible, and who shall resist
him ? You ought not to have let slip out of your memory, in what state God
did find you ; how he hath preferred, honoured, and exalted you ; blessed you
witli children, enlarged your kingdom, and established the same in despite of
your enemies ; insomuch that hitherto, in a manner, all men have said \vith
great admiration, that this is he whom (Jod hath chosen. And how will you
reward, or can you reward him for all these things which he hath done unto
you ? Will you, — at the provocation and instance of those who arc about you,
that persecute the church, and the ecclesiastical ministers,* and always have
according to their power persecuted them, rendering evil for good, bringing
oppressions, tribulations, injuries, and afflictions upon the church and church-
men,— do the like? Are not these they of whom the Lord speaketh : " He that
heareth you, heareth me ; he that dcspiscth you, despiseth me ; and he that
toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye." A'^erily, forsaking iiU that tliou
hast, take up thy ci'oss, that thou mayest follow thy God, our Lord Jesus Christ.
Yet will it scarcely be, or not at all, tliat thou slialt apj)ear a tliankftd recom-
penser of the benefits received at his hand. Search tJie Scriptures A\-itli such
as are learned, and you shall understand that Saul, albeit he was die elect of
the Lord, perished with his whole house, because he departed fi'om the ways of
the Lord. 3
Uzziah also, king of Judah, whose name is spoken of and spread over all,
through the manifold victories given him of God, his heart was so puffed up to
Ills destruction, because the Lord did help and strengthen him in every place,
5. " The father under obedience," &c. If fatherhood go by age, I suppose that King Henry was
older than Recket. If fatherhood consist in authority, I judge the authority of a king to be above
the authority of an archliisliop. If tlie see of Canterbury make the fatherhood, yet had Becket no
cause to claim fatherliood over the king, seeing the son ordained the £atlier; tliat is, seeing the
king made him his archbishop, and he made not him his king.
fi. " By wicked bonds." All is wicked with the papists, that bringeth them in subjection to their
princes.
7 Ecclesia.stical matters be such, as properly belong to doctrine and divine knowledge, for the
institution of the soul, and information of conscience. In which both princes and subjects ought
to follow the pastors, so long as they go truly before them without error or else not. But what
mnketh this for the lands and liberties of churchmen ?
.S. Punishment due to malefactors and rebels is not to be called persecution, but due correction.
■J. Saul l)rake the commandment of God and was rejected. Ozias, contrary to the commandment
of God, took tbeolliceof a priest, and was stricken. Oza, against the express word of the law, put
his hand to the ark, and was punished. But what express word had King Henry, why he should
not correct and punish rebellions bishops, and wicked priests, within !iis own realm ? wherefore
these similitudes accord not. As for Aclias,he was not so much punished for taking the priesfs
office, as for spoiling the temple of the Lord, and oiJering to idols.
ox KXCOMMUNICATIXG sov'p:reigns. 225
that lie, contemning tlie fear and reverence of the Lord, wouhl nsurp unto iiennjii.
liiniself that wliicli was not liis olllee, that is to say, tlie jiriesthood, and offer
incense upon the altar of the Lord, for the which he was stricken with a leprosy, ^- 1-^-
and cast out of the house of the Lord. Many other kings and holy men of ^^G^-
great suhstance, hecause they have walked above their estate in the marvels of
the world, presuming to rebel against (iod in his ministries, have perished, and,
at the last, have found nothing of their substance in their power. Also King
Ahax, because he did usurp the ofiice of priesthood, was likewise stricken with
a leprosy by God.
Oza also, albeit he was not king, yet forasmuch as he touched the ark and
held it, when it would have fallen by the unruliness of the oxen, wiii'ih thing
pertained not unto him, but unto the ministers of the church, was stricken by
the wrath of God, and fell down dead by the ark. O king ! it is a famous proverb,
"That a man, forewarned by another man's misfortune, will take the better
heed unto himself." For every man hath his own business in hand wh -n his
neighbour's house is on fire.
Dearly beloved king, God would have the disposing of those things which
pertain unto the chm-ch, to belong only unto priests, and not unto the SL'ciilar
power. Do not challenge unto tliyself therefore another man's right, neither
strive against him by whom all things are ordained, lest thou seem to strive
against his benefits from wliom thou hast received thy power. For not by the
connnon laws,'" and by the secular power, but by the bishops and ]>riests.
Almighty God would have the clergy of the christian religion to be ordered
and ruled. And christian kings ought to submit all their doings unto ecclesias-
tical rulers, and not to prefer themselves ; for it is written, that none ought to
judge the bisliops but only the church, neither doth it pertain unto man's law
to give sentence upon any such. Christian princes are accustomed to be
obedient unto the statutes and ordinances of the church, and not to prefer their
own power. A prince ought to submit himself unto the bishops, and not to
judge the bisliops ; for there are two things wherewith the world is chiefly
governed, that is to say, the sacred authority of bishops, and royal power," in
the which the bishops' charge is so much the more weighty, in tliat they shall
at the latter judgment render account even of the kings themselves. Truly you
ought to understand, that you depend upon their judgment, and cannot reduce
them unto your own will ; for many bishops liave excommunicated both kings
and emperors. And if you require an especial example thereof. Innocent, the
pope, did excommunicate Arcadius, the emperor, because he did consent that
John Chrysostome should be expulsed from his seat ; and St. Ambrose also did
excommunicate Theodosius, the great emperor,'^ for a fault which seemed not so
weighty unto other priests, and shut him out of the church, who, afterwards,
by condign satisfaction was absolved.
There are many other like examples. For David, when he had committed
adultery and murder, the prophet Nathan was sent unto him by God to reprove
him, and he was soon corrected : and the king (laying aside his sceptre and
diadem, and setting apart all princely majesty) was not ashamed to humble
himself before the face of the prophet, to confess his fault, and to require
forgiveness for his ofience. What will you more? He, being stricken with
repentance, asked mercy, and obtained forgiveness. So likewise you, most
beloved king and reverend lord ! after the example of this good king David,
of whom it is said, " I have found a man after mine own heart," with a contrite
and humble heart turn to tlie Lord your God, and take hold of repentance for
yoiu- transgressions. For you have fallen and erred in many things, which yet
I keep in store still, if (peradventure) God shall inspire you to say with the
10. " Common laws." St. Austin, writLiig to Boniface, saitli thus : " Wliosoever obeyetli not the
laws of llie emperor, being made for the verity of God, procureth to himself great punishment.
For in tlie time of the prophets, all the kings which did not forbid and subvert all such things
as were used of the people agains'. the law of God, are rebuked. And such as did withstand them,
are commended above the rest."
11. Isidorus hath these words : " Let temporal princes know that they must render account to
God for the church, which they have at the hands of God to govern," &c.
12. The cases of Arcadius, Theodosius, David, and of this king, as touching this matter, have no
similitude. In them was murder : this king doth nothing but claim that which is his due. And
though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted, yet it agreeth not therefore that the
persons of those who have the use of the spiritual sword are above tlie persons of those who Iiave
the temporal sword.
VOL. 11. a
226 LKTTLK OK TIIK rOPK TO IClXc; IlKXUV.
Jfenrylf. proplief, " Have iiu-rcy on mv, () (lod, according to thj' great mevcy, for I linvo
sinned much against theo, and done evil in thy sight." Thus nuicli I liave
^* J • thought got)d to' write to you, my dear h>rd, at this present, passing other things
^'^^- ill silence, till I may see "whether my words take place in you, and bring forth
fruits worthy of repentance ; and that I may hear and rejoice with thein that
shall bring ine word and say, " () king! thy son was dead, and is alive agiiii ; was
lost, and is found again.' " 15ut if you will not hear me, look where I was wont
Note tho before the majesty of the body of Clu-ist to pray for you in abundance of tears
Judifmeiit ,j,„i sj.rlis ; there in the same place I will cry against you, and say. Rise up,
a(t;iiii'st Lord,'^m(l judge my cause; forget not the rebukes and injuries which the king
this of Kn(rlaii(l (loth to thee and tliine ; forget not the ignominy of thy clun-ch,
wh^'^w ' which thou hast buildcd in thy blood. Revenge the blood of tliy saints which is
slain .It spilt ; revenge, O Lord, the afHictions of thy servants, of which there is an
his iii.i.s, i„(i|iite number. For the pride of them which hate and persecute thee is gone
the h"t\Y lip so high, that we are not able to bear them anj' longer. Whatsoever your
ofChiist. servants shall do, all those things shall be required at yoiu* hands: for he
seenieth to have done the harm, wlio hath given the cause thereof. Doubtless,
the Son of the Most Highest, except j'ou amend and cease from the oppressing of
the church and clergy, and keep your hand from troubling of them, will come
in the rod of his fury, at the voices of such as cry to him, and at the sighs of them
that be in bands ; when the time shall come for him to judge the unrighteousness
of men in equity and seventy of the Holy Ghost. For he knoweth how to take
away the breath of princes, and is temble among kings of the earth. Your dear
and loving grace, I wish well to fare. Thus fare ye well again and ever.
Besides these letters of the arclibisliop sent to the kini^,' the pope
also, in the same cause, Avritctli to the king:^ the whole tenor of
whose letter I would here express, but for protracting of the time
and for straitness of room, having so many things else in this story
(by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter
tciuleth to this cflcct : to exhort and cliargc the king to show favour
to Thomas Becket ; where, in the process of the epistle, it followeth
to this effect : " Therefore we do desire, admonish, and exhort your
honour, by these our apostolical wi-itings, and also enjoin you upon
the remission of your sins, in the behalf of Almighty God, and
of St. Peter, prince of the apostles, by our authority, that you
receive again the aforesaid archbishop into your favour and grace,
for the honour of God, his church, and of your own realm,'"' &c. Thus
have you heard the pope"'s entreating letter. Now here is anothci
letter sent unto the aforesaid king, wherein he doth menace him,
as in the tenor thereof here followeth.
Bishop Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to Henry, king of
England, health and blessing apostolical.*
How fatherly and gently we have ofttimes entreated and exhorted, both by
legates and letters, your princely honour to be reconciled again with our reve-
rend brother, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbiuy, so that he and his may be
restored again to their churches and other possessions to them appertaining, your
wisdom is not ignorant, seeing it is notified and spread almost throughout all
Christendom. Foi-somuch therefore as hitherto we have not been able to prevail
with you, nor mollify your mind by fair and gentle words, it grieveth us not a
(1) The pope's letter bcginneth after this sort: " Alexander papa ail Ilenricum rcgem. Et
DBiurali ratiune, ct fomia juris dictante, providentiam tuam credimus edoctam fuisse, quod
quatito quis ab aliquo mnjora suscepisse dignoscitur, taiito ei obnoxior et magis obligafus
teiictur," &c.
(2) " Ea propter severitatetn tuain per apostolica scripta roganms, monemtis, et exhortamur in
Domino; necnon in remissioncm peccatorum ex parte Dei omnipotentis, et lioati Petri principis
apostulorum, auctoritate nostra injungimus, ut mcmoratum archiepiscopum pro Deo et ecclesiasua.
et honore tuo, necnon et totius rcpni tui, in Rratiam et favorum tuum recipias," &c.
(3) The Latin copy is in the Edition of 1563, p. 57.— Ed.
AN AKSWEll TO THE TOPE. 2:27
little, so to be frustrated and deceived of the hope and expectation which we had Ucnryli.
conceived of you : especially seeing we love you so dearly, as our own dearly
beloved son in the Lord, and understand such great jeopardy to hang over you. ^' ^•
But forsomuch as it is written, " Cry out, and cease not; lift up thy voice like ^ ^^G-
a trumpet, and declare to my people their wickedness, and their sins to the house
of Jacob;" also forsomuch as it is by Solomon commanded, that the sluggish
person should be stoned with the dung of oxen ; therefore we have thought good
not to forbear or support your stubbornness any longer against justice and
our own salvation, neitlier that tlie mouth of the aforesaid archbishop should be
stopped from henceforth any more, but that he may freely prosecute the charge
of his office and duty, and revenge with the sword of ecclesiastical discipline the
injuries done botli to himself and to the church committed to his charge.
And here I have sent unto you two legates, the prior of IMontdieu, & Bernar-
dus de Corilo, to admonish you of the same. But if ye will neither by us be
advised, nor give ear unto them in obeying, it is to be feared, doubtless, lest
such things- as they shall declare to you from us in our behalf may happen and
fall upon you. — Given at Benevento, the ninth day before the kalends of June.
To answer tliese letters again, there was a certain other writing
drawn out and directed to the pope, made by some of the clergy, as
it seemeth, but not without consent of the king, as by the title may
appear, inveighing and disproving the misbehaviour of the archbishop.
The tenor thereof here followeth, and beginneth thus : —
An Answer to the Pope.'
Time now requireth more to seek help than to make complaints. For so it
is now, that the holy mother church (our sins deserving the same) lieth in a
dangerous case of great decay, which is like to ensue, excejDt the compassion of
the Lord speedily support her.
Such is the wickedness now of schismatics, that the father of fathers, Pope NaJ^ ra-
Alexander, for the defence of his faith and for the love of righteousness is ^^'^^ ^"''
banished out of his country, and is denied the liberty of returning to his own treason
proper see, by reason of the obdurate heart of that Pharaoh, Frederic. against
Further and besides, the church also of Canterbury is miserably impaired and "'^ ^™P«-
blemished, as well in the spiritual as in the temporal estate : much like a ship in prince.
the sea, destitute of her guide, tossed in the floods, end wrestling with the winds. Frederic
The pastor, being absent from his country, is prevented returning thither through compared
the power of the king, and being over wise (to the jeopardy of himself, his church, to Pha-
and us also) hath brought and entangled us with himself in the same partaking ™''4^"'
of his punishments and labours, not considering how we ought gently to entreat to claw
and not to resist superior powers. And also he showeth himself to us ungrate- ^^f P^P^
ful, who with all our affections sympathize with him in his afflictions, not ceas- ^^"^"
ing yet to persecute us who stand in the same condemnation with him. For,
betwixt him and our sovereign pi'ince, the king of England, arose a certain
matter of contention, whereupon they were both agreed, that a day should be
appointed to have the controversy determined according to equity and justice.
The king commanded all the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the
church, to be called against the day aforesaid to a great and solemn frequency :
so that the greater and more general this council was, the more manifest might
be the detection of any fraud and wickedness.
At the day therefore above mentioned, this troubler of the realm and of the
church presenteth himself in the sight of our catholic king ; and, not trusting
the quality and condition of his cause, armeth himself with the standard of the
cross, as though he were about coming into tlie presence of a tyrant. By reason
whereof the king's majesty being somewhat aggrieved, yet, because he would
be delivered from all suspicion, committeth the matter to the hearing of the
bishops. This done, it rested with the bishops to decide and cease this contention,
and to set agreement between them, removing all occasion of dissension.
Which thing they going about, this aforesaid archbishop cometh in, forbidding
and commanding, that no sentence whatever should be passed upon him
before the king.
(1) The Latin copy is in tlie Edition of 1563, p. 57, whence the translation is revised. — Ed.
a
o
i28
HECKKTS LKTTKR TO THE BISIIOI' OF KORWICII.
A.D.
1166.
Ilerkit ■
sltibliurii
trfs-
passrr;
ergo, no
niartyr.
H-i-wyli. 'Iliis being signified in the king's hearing, his mind was grievously provoked
thereby to anger : wliose anger vet notwithstanding liad been easily assuaged, if
the otlier would have submitted himself and acknowledged his default. But he
adding stubbornness to his trespass, such is tlie amount of his excess that he
alone, as the guilty author, ought to bear the brunt of the vengeance of the civil
power, ashamed as he is to crave pardon for his desert at the king's hand;
whose ansrer he feared nut to stir up in such a troublesome time of the perse-
cution of the (bureh, greatly against the profit of the same; augmenting and
increasing thereby the ])ersecution wliich now the church lieth under. .Much
better it iiad been for him to have tempered himself with tlic bridle of mode-
ration, in the high estate of his dignity ; lest in exceeding too far in straining
ambitiou.^ly to attain the sunnuit of affairs, peradventure (as his presumption
descrveth) he should fall the lower. And if tlie detriment of the church wovUd
not move him, yet tlie great preferments of riches and honours bestowed upon
him ought to persuade liim not to be so stubborn against the king. But here our
adversary objecteth, that his standing to tiie king's judgment in this behalf
were })rejudicial against the authority of tiie see apostolical. As though he
did not or might not uiulerstand, that although the dignity of the ehurcii should
suffer a little detriment in that judgment, yet lie might and ought to have dis-
seniLled for the time, for the sake of restoring peace. He objecteth again,
assuming the name of father, that it soniideth like a point of arrogancy for
children to proceed in judgment of the father, and tliat such a thing ought not
to be. But he must understand again, that it was necessary that the obedience
and humility of the children should temper the jiride of the father ; lest,
afterward, the hatred of the father niiglit redound upon the children. Where-
fore, b)^ these premises your fatherhood may understand, that our adversary
ouglit to drop his action as void and of none effect, who onl}' upon the affec-
tion of malice hath proceeded thus against us, having no just cause or reason
to ground his attack upon.
And, forsomuch as the care and charge of all the churches fas ye know) lieth
upon us, it standeth u])on us to provide, by our diligence and circumspection,
concerning the state of the church of Canterbury, that the said church of
Canterbury be not brought to shipwreck through the excess of its pastor.
By tliis epistle it may appear to tltc reader thereof, tliat Bcckct,
being absent from En^yland, went about to work some trouble aj^ainst
eertain of the clergy and the laity, belike in e.xeominunicating such as
he took to be his evil willers.
Now to understand further what his working wn?, or wlio they
were whom he did excommunicate, this letter, sent to William,
bishop of Norwich, shall better declare the matter.
A Letter of Becket, to William, bishop of Norwich, wherein arc con-
tained the names of those whom he did excommunicate.'
lie is clearly liable to the punishment of a ciiminal, who receiving power
and authority of God useth and e.xerciseth not ihe same with due severity in
))unishing vice, but winking and dissemblint; doth minister boldness to
wicked doers, maintaining them in their sin. Fcr the blood of the wicked is
required at the hand of the priest, who is negligent or dissemblelh. And, as the
Scripture saith, "Thorns and brambles grow in the hands of the idle drunkard."
Wherefore, lest through our too much sufitrance and dissembling, we should
become involved in the guilt of manifest evildoers, and be convicted of procuring
the injury of the church through our guilty silence ; we, therefore, follow-
ing the authority of the pope's commandment, have laid our sentence of
curse and excommunication upon the Earl Hugli ; commanding you throughout
all your diocese publicly to denounce the said earl as accursed; so that, according
to the discipline of the church, he be sequestered from the fellowship of all
faithful j)coj)lc. Also, it is not unknown to your brotherhood, how long we have
borne with the transgressions of the bishop of London ; who, amongst his other
(1) For tlie Latin, see Edition 1563, p. 58.— F.d.
AND AXOTIIER TO POPE ALEXANDER. 229
acts, I would to God were not a great doer, and fautour of this ochisii), and n,uijii.
subvcrter of tlic rights and liberties of holy ciiurch. Wherefore we, being snp
ported with the authority of the apostolic see, have also excommunicated him; A.D.
besides also the bishop of Salisbiu-y, because of his disobedience and contempt, 1160.
and others likewise, upon divers and sundry causes, whose names here follow -ph^
subscribed: 'I'honuis Fitz-Bernard ; Rodulpli of lirock; Robert of Brock, a clerk; bisliopof
Hugh of St. Clair, and Letard, cleik of Northfleet; Nigel of Sackville, and ^^^""J'""
Richard, a clerk, brother to William of Hastings, who possesseth my church of muni-
Monkton. We therefore charge and command yon, by the authority aposto- i:3.ie^ ;
lical and ours, and by the virtue of obedience, and by the peril of salvation and ^[' \^^'
of your order, that ye cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate cause he
throughout all your diocese, and command all the faithful to avoid their com- '^^'^ '" "'^
pany. Fare ye well in the Lord,- Let not your heart be troubled, nor fear; for witliout
we stand sure through the assistance of the apostolic see, God being our defence "le li-
against the pretensed shifts of the malignant sort, and against all their appella- htm\e-
tions. F'urthermore, all such as have l)een solemnly cited of us shall sustain in^ then
the like sentence of excommunication, if God will, on Ascension-day, indess •'^yond
meanwhile they satisfy for their offences ; to wit, Geoffrey, archdeacon of Can-
terbury, and Robert his vicar; Richard of Ilchester, Richard of Lucy, William
Giffard, Adam of Cherings, with such oiliers more, who either at the conuiiand-
ment of the king, or upon their proper temerity, have invaded the goods and
possessions either appertaining to us, or to our clerks about us. With these also
we do excommunicate all such as be known, either with their aid or counsel to
have incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of
the church in the exiling and spoiling of the innocent, and such also as be known
to impeach or hinder, by any manner of way, the messengers sent either by the
lord pope or by us, from prosecuting the necessities of the church. Fare you
well again, and ever.
Hitlierto hast thou seen, gentle reader, divers and sundry letters
of Thomas Becket, whereby thou niayest collect a sufficient history
of his doings and demeanour, though nothing else were said further
of him, concerning his lusty and haughty stomach, above that
beseemed either his degree or cause which he took in hand. And
here peradventure I may seem in the story of this one man to
taiTy too long, having to write of so many others better than it :
yet for the weaker sort, who have counted him, and yet do count
him, for a saint, having in themselves little understanding to judge or
discern in the causes of men, I thought to add this letter more,
wherein he complaineth of his king to a foreign power, doing what
in him did lie to stir for his own cause mortal war to the destruction
of many. For suppose wrong had been offered him of his prince,
was it not enough for him to fly "^ What cause had he, for his own
private revenge to set potentates in ptiblic discord .'' Now having
no just cause, but rather offering injury in a false quarrel, so to com-
plain of his prince, what is to be said of this, let every man judge
who seeth this letter.
An Epistle of Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to Pope Alexander.'
To our most loving father and lord, Alexander, by the grace of God supreme A sediti-
pontiff, Thomas, the humble minister of the church of Canterbury, due and p".,^j|^j"f"
devoted obedience. Long enough and too long, most loving father, have I Becket to
forborne, still looking after amendment of the king of England, but no fruit have the pope
I reaped of this my long patience : nay rather, whilst that unwisely I do thus jJfj^'kinfT.
forbear, I augment the detriment and ruin of mine authority, as also of the
liberty of the church of God : for oftentimes have I by religious and suitable
(1) " Amantissimo patri at Dom. Alexandre, Dei pratia summo pont, Thomas, Cant, ecclesiae
humilis minister, debitam et devotam obedientiam," &c. [The whole of this letter in Latin is given
in the Edition of 1563, p. j'J, whence the above translation is revised.— Ed.]
230 kfckkt's i.ktteu to I'oi'ii alkxaxdkr.
Ucnryll. nicssen<:crs invitcdliim to make c()iulii,Mi satisfaction; as also by my letters, the
^ copies wliereof I have sent yon, I have intimated the divine severity and
A.I), vengeance against him, unless he repented. But he, that notwitlistanding,
HCfi- proceedeth from evil to worse, oppressing and ravaging the church and
sanctuary of CJod ; persecuting both me and tliose wlio take part with me,
and doing all his endeavour by threatening words to terrify such as, for God's
cause and mine own, seek any way to relieve and help me. He wrote also
letters unto the abbot of the Cistercian order, ihat, as he favoured the abbies of
that his order which were in his [the king's] power, he should not accept me
into the fellowship tiiereof, nor do any thing else for me. Why should I use
manv words? So njuch hath the rigour and severity, as well of the king as of
his oiiicers, under our patience and sufferance, showed itself, that if a great
immber of men, yea, and that of the most religious sort, should show unto you
the matter as it is indeed, and that upon their oath taken, I partly doubt
whether your holiness would give credit to them or not. With anxiety of
mind, therefore, I considering these things, and beholding as well the jieril
of the king as of ourself, have publicly condemned those pernicious — " customs"
they are not to bo called, so much as — perversities and pravities, whereby
the church of England is disturbed and brought into confusion, as also the
writing whereby they were confirmed; excomnuinicatinggenerall)-, as well the
observers thereof, as also the exactors and patrons of the same, with all their
favourers, counsellors, and coadjutors wiiatsoever they be, whether of the clergy
or laity : absolving also our bishops from their oath, whereby they were so
strictly enjoined to the observation of the same. These are the articles which in
Oddly that writing I have principally condemned : — That it is inhibited to appeal unto
articles tJig gee apostolical for any cause, but by the king's license : That a bishop may
d'ti'iined ^^^ punish any man for perjury, or for breaking of his troth : That a bishop may
byBecket. not excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite, or else interdict
either their lands or offices without tlie king's license : Tiiat clerks and reli-
gious men may be taken from us to secular judgment : That the king or any
other judge may hear and decide the causes of the church and tithes: That
it shall not be lawful for any archbishop or bishop to go out of the realm, and to
come at the pope's call without the king's license : and divers others such aa
these. Ikit I ha\e by name excommunicated John of Oxford, who hath
communicated with the schismatic and excommunicate ])erson, Reginald
of Cologne, .who also, contrary to the commandment of the lord pope and ours,
hath usurj)ed the deanery of the church of Salisbury, and hath, to renew his
schism, taken an oath in the emperor's court. Likewise I have denounced and
excommunicated Richard of lichester, because he is fallen into the same
damnable heresy, and has communicated with that infamous schismatic of
Cologne; devising and forging all mischief possible with the schismatics and
CJermans, to the destruction of the church of (iod and especially of the church
of Rome, by composition made between the king of England and them : also
Richard de Lucy and Jocelin de Baliol, who have been favourers of the king's
tyranny and fabricators of those heretical pravities. Also Ranulph de Rroc, and
Hugo de Sancto Claro, and Thomas Fitz-Rernard, who have usurped the pos-
sessions and goods of the church of Canterbury without our license and consent.
We have also excommunicated all those who, contrary to our will, do stretch
out their hands to the possessions and goods of the church of Canterbury. The
king himself we have not yet excommunicated personally, still waiting for his
amendment: whom, notwithstanding, we will not defer to excommunicate,
unless he cjuickly amend, and be warned by that he hath done. And therefore,
that the authority of the see apostolic and the liberty of the church of God,
which in these parts are almost utterly lost, may by some means be restored, it
is meet and very necessary that what we have herein done, the same be of your
lioliness ratified, and by your letters confirmed. Thus 1 wish your holiness long
to prosper and flourish.
nccVct
ri'pri
By litis epistle, lie that listeth to understand of the doings and
he'nckd quarrels of licckct, iiiav partly iudjie what is to be thought thereof:
for com- i-ii- 1- I'll-'' 1 1 ■ 1
iiiaiiiing wliicli nis tloing;;, aitliou<rli in some part they may be imputed
king* tilher lo ignorance of mind, or blindness of zeal, or human frailty.
LKTTER or THE SUFfllAG ANS Ol' CANTERBUKV. 231
yet, in tills point, so vilely to complain of his natural prince, for tlie irenryu
zeal of the jxiju', lie can in no wise be defended. Bnt sucli Avas the "aTdT
blindness of the prelates in those days, Avho measured and esteemed llGG.
the dignity and liberty of Christ's church by no other thing, than
only by goods and possessions flowing unto and abounding among
the clei'gy ; and who thought no greater point of religion to be in
the church, than to maintain the same. For this cause they did Excom
most abominably abuse Christian discipline and excommunication of tion
the church at that time ; as by this aforesaid epistle may appear, ^^''^s'-"^'
And what marvel if the acts and doings of this archbishop seem now
to us in these days both fond and strange, seeing the suffi-agans of
his own church and clergy, writing to him, could not but reprehend
him, as in this their epistle, translated out of Latin into English,
may be seen.
An effectual and pithy Letter, full of reason and persuasion, sent
from all the suffragans of the church of Canterbury to Thomas
Becket, their archbishop.^
Such troubles and perturbations as happened through the strangeness of
your departure out of the reahii, we hoped by your humility and prudence
should have been reduced again (God's grace working withal) into a peaceable
tranquiUity. And it was no little joy to us, to hear so of you in those parts
where you are conversant, how humbly you there behaved yourself, nothing
vaunting yourself against your prince and king, and that you attempt no risings
or wrestlings against his kingdom, but that you bore with much patience the
burden of poverty, and gave yourself to reading and prayer, and to redeem the
loss of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and tears; and so, being
occupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise up to the perfection of virtue, &c.
But now, through the secret relation of certain, we hear (that we are sorry of)
that you have sent unto him a threatening letter, wherein there is no salvation
premised; in the which also ye pretend no entreating nor prayers for the
obtaining of favour, neither do use any friendly manner in declaring what
you write, but, menacing with much austerity, threaten to interdict him, and
to cut him from the society of the church. Which thing if you shall accomplish
with like severity as in words ye threaten to do, you shall not only put us out
of all hope of any peace, but also put us in fear of hatred and discord without
measure, and without all redress amongst us. But wisdom will consider before
the end of things, labouiing and endeavouring to finish that which she wisely
beginneth. Therefore your discretion shall do well diligently to forecast and
consider whereto ye tend ; what end may ensue thereof, and whereabout ye go.
Certes, we, for our parts, hearing what we do hear, are discouraged from that
we hoped for, who, having before some good comfort of tranquillity to come,
are cast from hope to despair, so that while one is drawn thus against another,
almost there is no hope or place left to make entreaty or supplication. Where-
fore, writing to your fatherhood, we exhort and counsel you by way of charity,
that you add not trouble to trouble, and heap injmy upon injury ; but that you so
behave yourself, that, all menaces set aside, ye rather give yourself to patience
and humility, and yield your cause to the clemency of God, and to tlie mercy of
your prince ; and in so doing you shall heap coals of charity upon the heads
of many. Thus charity shall be kindled, and that which menacings cannot do,
by God's help and good men's counsel, pity, peradventiu"e, and godluiess shall
obtain. Better it were to sustain poverty with praise, than in great promotions
to be a common note to all men. It is right well known unto all men, how
beneficial the king hath been unto you ; from what baseness to what dignity
he hath advanced you ; and also into his own familiarity hath so much preferred
ywx, tliat from the North Ocean to the Mount Pyrinee he hath subdued all
(I) " Quae vestro (pater) in longinquo discefsu inopinata rei ipsius novitate turbata sunt ; vcstris
sperabamus huniilitate," &.c-.
Q"2 l.KTTKU or TIIK STFl-RAGAXS OF CAXTERniUY.
iiriiniJl. tilings to your avitliority : insoimR-h lliat they were amongst all others accounted
for nu'n right fortunate, whosoever could find any favour with you.
A. L). ^,j,| I'mthennore, lest that your estimation should be over matched by any
^ '"*'• nobility, he (against the mind of his mother, and of his realm) hath placed and
ratified you substantially in ecclesiastical dignity, and advanced you to this
lionour wherein ye staiul ; trusting, through your help and counsel, to reign
more safely and j)rospen)Usly. Now, if he shall find disquietncss, wherein he
trusted to have (juietncss, what shall all nu-n say or think of you ? What
recompense or retrilnition shall this be thought to be for so many and great
benefits taken? Therefore, if it shall please you, ye shall do well to favour
and sj)are your fame and estimation, and to overcome your lord and sovereign
with humility and charity ; whereunto if our advertisement cannot move you,
yet the love and fidelity you bear to the bishop and holy church of Rome ought
t.) incline you thereunto, and not to attempt any such thing, whereby the troubles
of the church, our mother, may increase, or whereby her dolour may be
augmented in the loss of those, whose disobedience now she doth bewail : for
what if it so happen through provocation, that the king, whom all his subjects
and kingdoms obey, should relintpiish the pope, whieii Ciod forbid, and sliould
deny all obedience to liim, as he denicth to the king help or aid against you,
what inconvenience would grow thereof? And think you he hath imt great
instigations, supplications, gifts, and many fair pn)mises so to do? Yet he, not-
withst<inding, abidcth finn hitherto in the rock, despising, with a valiant mind,
all that the world can otter. This one thing feareth us, lest his mind whom no
worldly offers can assail, no glory, riches, nor treasure can overturn, only
through indignation of unkindness, be subverted ; which tiling if it chance to
happen through yo\i, then may you sit dow'n and sing the song of the Lamen-
tation of Jeremy, and weep your bellyfid.
Consider therefore, if it please you, and foresee well with yourself, this
pur])ose of yours, if it proceed, how hurtful and perilous it will be, not only to
the pope, and to tlie hol\' church of Rome, but also to voiirsclf most especiallv.
But some, ])er;idventure, about you, of haughty and high-minded stoutness,
more stout perchance than wise, will not suffer you to take this way, but will
give you contrary counsel, to prove rather and declare what ye are able to do
against your lord and ])rince, and to practise against him and all his the utter-
most of your power and authority ; which power and authority of yours, to him
that oflcndeth, is fearfid, and to liim that will not amend; tciTible. Such coun-
sel as this, some, peradventure, will whisper in your car. But to these again
this we say and answer for our king, whom notwithstanding to be without fault
we do not affirm, but yet, that he is always ready to amend and make satisfac-
tion, that we s])cak confidently and protest in his behalf.
The com- 'I'lie king, a])pointed for the Lord's anointed, provideth for the peace of his
t^on of" subjects all that he is able : and therefore, to the intent he may conserve tliis
KinK peace in his churches and anumgst his subjects committed to him, he willeth
i''^"''.' '^^ and recpiireth such ordinances as are due to kings, and have been exhibited
metkncss *« them heforetime, also to be exhibited to him ; wherein if there hath any
and 1110- contradiction sprung up betwixt him and us, he being thereupon convcnted, and
rai.on. .,JnionLshed from the pope by the reverend bishops of London and Hereford,
burst not out into any dehance, but meekly and humbly answered, That wlfc-re
insoever the church or any ecclesiastical person can show himself grieved, he
would therein stiind to the judgment of the church of his kingdom. This
also be Is ready no less to perform indeed, thinking nothing more sweet unto
him than to be admonished of his Ciult, if he have offended the Lord, and to
reform tlie same ; and not only to reform and amend his fault, but also to
satisf\' it to the uttermost, if the law shall so require him. Vv'herefore, seeing he
is so wiliiig to recompense and satisfy the judgment of tlie church in all things
appertaining to tlie church ; reiusing no order that shall he taken, but in all
things submitting his neck to the yoke of ChrLst ; with what right, by what
canon, or reason, can you interdict him, or use excommunication against him ?
It is a thing laiftlable, and a virtue of great commendation in wise men, wisely
to go with judgment and reason, and not to be carried with puffs of hasty
violence. Whereupon, this is the only and common petition of us all, that your
fatherly care will diligently provide i'ur your flock and slice]) committed tt you,
so fliat they miscarry not, or run to any ruin through any inconsiderate or too
BKCKEt"'s reply to his SUrFKAGANS OF CAXTKRBURY. 233
much heady counsel in you; but rather, thro\iji;li yo-ar softness and sufferance, iicnnjll.
tliey may obtain life, peace, and security. It dotli move us all, what we hear '~~~ —
(if lute to be done by you ;\,'^ainst the bishop of Salisbury, and the dean of the •*■ _ •
same chmxh, prosperously, as some men suppose ; against whom you have ^ '" *•
civen out the sentence of excomnumication and condemnation, before any
(juestion of their crime was ; following therein, as seemeth, more the heat of
hastiness than the path of righteousness. This is a new order of judgment,
unheard of yet to this day in our laws and canons, first to condemn a man, and
after to inquire of the fact committed. Which order lest you shoidd hereafter
attempt to exercise in like manner against our sovereign and king, or against
us, and our churches and parishes committed to us, to the detriment of the
])()pe, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little confusion of us all ;
therefore, we lay here against you, for ourselves, the remedy of appellation.
And as before, openly in the public face of the church, with lively voice, we
appealed to the pope for fear of certain perils that might have happened, so
now again, in writing, we appeal to tlie same, assigning as the term of our ap-
pellation the day of the Lord's ascension : most humbly and reverently beseech-
ing your goodness, that you, taking a better way with you in this matter, will
let your cause fall, sparing herein both the labours and charges, as well of
yourself as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to fare, reverend in the
Lord.
The rescript or answer of Thomas Becket to all his suffiugans, not
obeying, but confuting, the counsel sent.^
Your brotherly letters sent, albeit not by the whole assent of your wisdoms
written, as I suppose, I received of late upon a sudden, the contents whereof
seem to contain more sharpness than solace ; and would to God they proceeded
more of sincere zeal of godliness, or afiection of charity, tlian of disobedience
or froward vv^ilfulness ! for charity seeketh not the things that be her own, but
which appertain to Jesus Christ. It had been your duty, if there be truth
in the gospel, as most undoubtedly there is, and if you would faithfully have
accomplished his business whose person you represent, rather to have feared
Him, who can cast both body and soul to hell, than him whose power ex-
tendeth no further than to the body ; rather to have obeyed God than man ;
rather your Father than your master or lord, after the example of him who was
to liis Father obedient unto the death ; who died for us, leaving us an example to
follow his steps. I^et us die therefore with him, and lay down our lives for the
deliverance of his church out of the yoke of bondage, and tribulation of the
oppressor, which church he hath founded, and whose Uberty he hath procured
with his own proper blood; lest, if we shall do otherwise, it may haply scriptures
fall upon us which is written in the gospel, " Whoso loveth his own life more *",^^'°'^''^,
than me, is not worthy of me." Tliis ye ought to know, that if it be right which J^^ed^ ^
your Captain conunandeth, your duty recpiireth to obey his will ; if not, ye but falsely
ought then rather to obey God than men. I den^*^
One thing I will say, if I may be so bold to tell it unto you; I have your mi-
now suffered and abstained a long space, waitnig if the Lord had given you to "t. Mr.
take a better heart unto you, who have turned cowardly your backs in the day
of battle ; or if any of you would have returned again to stand like a wall for
the house of Israel, or at least if he had but showed himself in the field, making
but the countenance of a warrior against those who cease not daily to infest the
Lamb of God. I waited, and none came ; I suffered, and none rose up ; I held
my peace, and none would speak ; I dissembled, and none w'ould stand with
me in like semblance ; wherefore, seeing I see no better towai'dness in you,
this remaineth only, to enter action of complaint against you, and to cry The
against mine enemies; "Rise up, O Lord! and judge my cause; revenge ^''"f'^ "*^
the blood of the church, which is wasted and oppressed. Tlie pride of (.;i„„ot be
tliem which hate his liberty i-iseth up ever, neither is there any that doth good, over-
no, not one." Would to God, bretlu-en beloved! tliere were in you any mind ',jf,°""'
or affection to defend the liberty of the church ; for she is builded upon a sure Becket
rock, so that although slie be shaken, yet she cannot be overthrown. And why °"|^'," ""'
tlien seek ye to confound me ? nay, rather yourselves in me, than me in you 1 sbted.
(1) " Fraternitatis vestrre scriptum (quod tamen prudentia vestrte communi consilionon facile
ciediraus emauasse) nuper ex insperato suscepimus." &c.
Qr,i
HKCKETS REPLY TO
Iltmrfj II.
A.I).
11C6.
Servitude
and liber-
ty of the
church
wr(int;ly
defined.
Tlie
words of
holy
Scriprure
clerkly
aiiplicd.
Turn to
thee .' Nay
turn thou
to the
Lord and
thou shalt
be saved.
The soul
of the
church is
the liber-
ty of the
church,
siiJth
Becket.
Unbe-
seeming;
words of
hij;h pre-
biiinption.
Christ is
not
Judged
Li tli3
pwson of
.iny trai-
tor.
Con-
Kcicnee
inude
where
there ia
none.
nm he
leaveth
out here
the man-
ner of his
coming
to the
court and
the stur-
dinesi of
his be-
haviour.
a man wlio liath taken upon me all the peril, have sustained all the rebukes,
have sustained all the iiijurii-s, have sufTered also lor you all, to very banishment.
And so it was expedit-nt, that one should sutler for that church, that there-
by it niifjlit be released out of servitude. These things discuss you simply with
ymn-selves, and weiudi the matter. Attend, I say, dihgently in your minds, for
your parts, that God, for his part, removing from your eyes all majesty of rule
imd empery, as he is no accepter of persons, may take from your hearts the veil,
that ye may understand and see what ye have done, what ye intend to do, and
what ye ought to do. Tell me which of you all can say, I have taken from
him, since the time of my promotion, either ox or ass. If I have defrauded
him of any penny, if I have misjudged the cause of any man wrongfully, or if,
by the detriment" of any person, I have sought mine own gain, let him com-
plain, and I will restore him fourfold. And, if I have not offended you, what
then is the cause that ye thus leave and forsake me in the cause of God I Why
bend ye so yourselves against me in such a cause, that there is none more
special belonging to the church?
Brethren, seek not to confound yourselves and the church of God (so much
as in you is), but turn to me, and you shall be safe ; for the Lord saith, " I will
not the death of a sinner, but rather he should convert and live." Stand with
me manfully in the war ; take your annoiu- and your shield to defend me.
Take the sword of the word of the mighty God, that we altogether may with-
stand more valiantly the malignant enemies, such as go about to take away the
sold of the church, which is her liberty ; without which liberty she hath no
power against them that seek to encroach to their inheritance, the possession
of God's sanctuary. If ye will hear and follow me, know ye that the Lord will
be with you, and with us all in the defence of the liberty of his church. Other-
wise, if ye will not, the Lord judge betwixt me and you, and require the
confusion of his church at your hands ; which church, whether the world will
or no, standcth fu-mly in the word of the Lord, whereupon she is builded, and
ever shall, till the htmr come that she shall ])ass from this world to the Father ;
for the Lord ever doth support her with his hand.
Wherefore, to return to the matter : Brethren, remember well with your-
selves (which thing ye ought not to forget) what danger I was brought unto,
and the church of God also, while I was in England, at my departing out
of England, and after my departure from thence ; also in what danger it
stuuletli at this present day ; but especially at that time, wluui, at North-
amj)ton, Christ was judged again in my person, before the judgment seat of the
high president. Who ever heard the archbishop of Canterbury, being troubled
for injuries done to him and to his church, and appealing to the pope of Rome,
to be judged, condemned, appealed, and put to his sureties, and that of his own
suffragans ? Where is this law seen, or the authority, nay rather perversity,
of tliis canon heard of? And why yet shame ye not at tliis j'our enormity ?
Why are ye not confounded ? Or why doth not this confiision work in you
repentance, and repentitnce drive you to due satisfaction before God and men ?
For these and such other injuries done to God and to his church, and to me for
God's cause (which with a good conscience I ought to suffer, because that
without danger of soid I ought not to dissemble them), I choose rather to
absent myself for a season, and to dwell quietly in the house of my Lord, than
in the tabernacle of sinners, until the time that (their iniquit\' being complete)
the hearts of the wicked, and the cogitations of the same, shall be opened ; and
these injuries were the cause both of my appeal from the king, and of my
departure from thence, which ye term to be sudden. But if ye will speak the
truth whicli ye know, it ought to be no less than sudden, lest, being fore-
known, it might have been prevented and stopped ; and, as God turned the
matter, it happened for the best, both for the honom* of the king, and better
safety of those who, seeking my hann, should have brought slander on the
kmg. If such troubles followed upon my departing as ye say, let them be
im])uted to him who gave cause ; the fault is in the worker, not in the de-
parter ; in him that piusueth, not in him that avcideth injui-ics. What would
ye more ? I presented myself to the court, declaring both the causes of my
coming and of my appeal, declaring also tlic wrongs and injuries done to me
and to my chiu-ch, and yet could have no answer, neither was there any that
laid any thing against me, before we came to the king. Thus, while wc stood
HIS SUFFRAGANS OF CANTKRHURY. 235
waiting in the court, wlicther any would conic against nic or no, they sent to jr,/iiyif.
my ofiicials ; charging them not to obey me in my temporahties, nor to owe
any service to me or to any of mine. After my appeUatiou made in the court, A. D.
my church was spoiled; we and they about us deprived of our goods, outlawed ^^GG.
both of the clergy and of the laity, men, women, and infants ; the goods of the
church, that is, the patrimony of the cnicifix, confiscated, and part of the money
turned to the king's use, part to your own coffers. Brother bishop of London,
if this be tiiie that we hear of you, and that to the use of your own church ye
convert this money, we charge you and require you forthwith, by virtue of
obedience, that within forty days after the sight of these letters, all delay and
excuse set aside, ye restore again within the time aforesaid, all such goods and
parcels as you have taken away : for itisimmeet and contrary to all law for one
church to be enriched with the spoil of another church. If ye stand upon the
authority that set you to work, you must understand, that in matters concern-
ing the church goods, he can give no lawfid authority, who committeth violent
injury. Sec.
What authority and what Scripture giveth this prerogative to princes upon ik-cket
church goods, which you would attribute to them? What? will they lay for s'^emeth
them the remedy of appeal ? God forbid ! It were evil with the chm-ch of skTrf^^oT
God, if, when the sacrilegious extortioner hath violently invaded other men's his mass-
goods, especially the goods of the church, he should after defend him with the pf tJ^g'*^^^
title of appeal, &c. oook of
Do not, brethren, so confound altogether the right of the chiu-ch and of the ^"^Y
temporal regiment, for these two are very ditferent, one borrowing its authority oUienvUe'
from the other. Read the Scriptures, and you shall find what and how many he might
kings have perished for taking upon them the priestly office. Therefore let '^'"'^ '\"°„
your discretion provide, lest for this your doing, God's punishment light in the <.id
upon you ; which if it come, it will be hard for you very easily to escape, l^w for
Provide also and see to yotn- king, whose favour ye prefer before the deprive"
wealth and profit of the church ; lest it happen, which God forbid, that priests,
he doth perish with all his house, after the example of those who for ^1"^ *°
the like crune were plagued. And if ye cease not otf from that ye begin, -Hhom
with what conscience can I dissemble or forbear, but must needs punish they
you ? Let him dissemble with you who lists, having authority so to do ; truly I Kin^s i'l
will not ; there shall be no dissimulation found in me. And where you write the old
in your letters concerning my promotion, that it was against the voice of tlie '^^^ ^'^_
whole realm, and that the church did exclaim against it, what should I say to meddle
you, but that, which ye know right well, "The lie, which the mouth doth will- "ith the
ingly speak, killeth the soul?" but especially the words of a priest's mouth JJJj^ce'in
ought ever to go with verity. As touching this matter, I appeal to your own tome
conscience whether the form of my election stood not fuUy with the consent of 'j""ss
them all to whom tlie election belonged, having also the assent of thepruiceby fo'rbid-
his son, and of those who were sent thereto. And if there were some that ^en : but
repugned the same, he that was troubled and is guilty, let him speak. ^^^ere^o^^
Ye say, moreover, tliat I was exalted and promoted from a base and low fioers
degree to this dignity by him. I grant that I came of no royal or kingly "'■'}''
blood ; yet, notwithstanding, I would rather be in the nvmiber of those whom {■(intct
virtue of the mind, rather than birth, maketh noble. Peradventure I was born tlam
in a poor cottage, of poor parentage ; and yet, through God's clemency, who thev"did
knoweth how to work mercy with his servants, and who cherishetli the humble amiss.
and low things, to confoimd tJie high and mighty, in this my poor and low ^^y^
estate, before I came to the king's service, I had abundantly and wealthily Adias
to live withal, as ye know, amongst my neighbours and friends. And David, (i'"! Oza
even from the sheepfold, was taken up and made a king; Peter, of a fisher, was oid'^es-
made a prince of the church, who, for his blood being shed for the name of tament,
Christ, deserved to have in heaven a crown, and in earth name and renown ; ^'i'^" ^'^
would to God we could do the Uke ! We be the successors of Peter, and not of minor,
kings and emperors.
And where ye seem to charge me, by insinuation, with the blot of ingrati-
tude, thus I answer: There is no offence capital or infamous, imless it proceed the s-.ic-
from the heart and intention. As, if a man commit a murder unwillingly, cessors
although he be called a murderer, yet he is not thereby punishable : and so, of'^aYp"^
although I owe my duty and sen-ice with reverence to my king, yet, if I have not that '
236
BECKET S KKl'l.V TO
Jliitry n.
A.D.
1166.
hold the
places of
saints,
but that
du the
works of
saints. —
Hieromc.
If the
king had
been an
adulterer,
or tj'rant
airainst
till! new
doctrine
or preach-
inj; of
Christ,
then
might
this rea-
son serve,
and God
more to
be obeyed
than man.
Now
where did
Becket
loam that
the king
in his
temporal
rijjht was
not to be
obeyed ;
Take
heed,
ve mar-
all, if ye
o]>en that
door.
Divers
ways of
exciini-
muuica-
tion.
The
council
s])eaketh
of such
as he
worthily
excom-
muni-
cated.
forborne Iiim as my lord, if I have warned liim, a i.l talked with liini fatherly and
gently as with a son, and in talkintf with him co;ild not bi; heard : if therefore,
I say, being enforced thereunto, and against my will, I do exercise upon him
the censure of due severity, in so doing I suppose I make rather with him than
against him, and rather deserve at his hand thanks for my correction, than note
or suspicion of unkindncss or punislnnent for the fact. Sometimes a man, against
his will, receiveth a benefit, as, when necessity causeth a man to be restrained
from doing that which he ought not to do: he that doth so restrain him, though
he stop him, doth not hurt him, but rather profiteth him for his soul's health.
Another thing that defendeth us from ingratitude, is, our Father and Patron
Christ, who, in tliat he is our Father, to whom we as children owe obedience,
then are we bound, as children, by necessity, to obey his commandraent, in
warning the evildoer, in correcting the disobedient, and in bridling the obsti-
nate : which, if we do not, we nm into danger to have his blood required at our
hands. Ye set forth likewise and show, what loss we thereby may sustain of our
temporalities, but ye speak no word of the loss of our souls.
>Ioreover, as concerning the departure of the king from the homage of the
church of Rome, which in your letters ye seem to pretend, or rather threaten :
God forbid, I say, that the devotion or faith of our king should ever swerve
awaj' from the obedience and reverence of the church of Rome, for any tem-
poi'al commodity or incommodity, which thing to do is very damnable In any
private subject, much more in tlie prince who draweth many others with him ;
therefore, God forbid that ever any faithful man should once think so heinous
a deed. And you, according to your discretion, take heed lest the words of
your mouth infect any person or persons therein, occasioning to them by your
words such dangers and damnable matter, like to the golden cup which is called
the cup of Babylon, which for the outward gold no man will refuse to drink of,
but after they have drunk thereof, they are poisoned.
And where ye lay to my charge for the suspending of the reverend father,
the bishop of Salisbury, and for excommunicating of John,' dean of the same
church, for a schismatic, by knowledge and process had of the matter, to this
I answer, that both these are justly and condignly exconui:unicate ; and if ye
understand perfectly the condition of the matter, and the right order of judg-
ments, ye will say no less. For this standeth with good autliority, as ye know,
that in manifest and notorious crimes, this knowledge and order of proceeding
is not requisite. Perpend with yourselves diligently, what the bishop of
Salisbury did concerning the deanery, after that he was prohibited of the pope
and of us, under pain of excommunication ; and then shall ye better luider-
stand, that upon such manifest disobedience, suspension did rightly follow, as
ye read in the deci-ee of St. Clement, saying, " If they do not obey their prelates,
all manner of persons, of what order soever they be, whether tliey shall be princes
of high or low degree, and all other people, shall not only be infamed, but also
banished from the kingdom of God and the fellowship of the fiiitliful." As
concerning John of Oxford, this we sa}^, that excommunication cometli divers
ways ; some are excommunicate by the law denouncing them excommunicate ;
some by the sentence of the prelate ; some hy communicating with those who
are excommimicate. Now he that hath fallen into this damnable heresy, of
Sarticipating with schismatics whom the pope hath excommunicated, he
raweth to himself the spot and leprosy of like excommimication. "Wherefore,
seeing he, contrary to the pope's express commandment and ours, being cliarged
under pain of excommunication to the contrary, took upon him the deanery of
Salisbury, we have denounced him, and hold him excommimicate, and all his
doings we disannul by the authority of the eighth s}'nod, sapng, " If any man,
either privily or apertly, shall speak, or communicate with him that is excommu-
nicate, he drawetii unto himself the puni.shment of like excommunication."
And now, forasmuch as you, brother, bishop of London, who ought to know
that s.aying of Gregory VII.-, " If any bishop shall consent to the fornication of
])riests, deacons, &-c. within his precinct, for reward, favour, or petition, or doth
not by authority of his office correct the vice, let him be suspended from his office."
And again, that saying of Pope Leo which is this: " If any bishop shall insti-
(1) This John was called a schismatic, because he took part with Reginald, archbishop of
Cologne, and the emperor, against Alexander, the pope.
(2) This Gregory, otherwise cilled Hildebrand, was he that first took away priests' marriage, con-
demning all priests who had wives, of fornication.
HIS SUFFRAGANS OF CANTERBURY. 237
tute or consecrate such a priest as shall be unmeet and unconvenient, if he escape ijmryll.
with the loss of his own proper dignity, yet he shall lose tlie power of insfituting — - —
any more," &c. Therefore forasmuch, I say, as you, knowing this, have double- ' ' "
wise offended against the sentence of these canons, we counnand you, and in _!___._
the virtue of obedience enjoin you, that if it be so, within three months after
the receipt hereof, you will submit and offer yourself to due correction and
satisfaction to the council of our fellow-bishops, for these your so great
excesses, lest others, through your example, run into the like offence, and we
be constrained to proceed against you with severer sentence.
Finally, in the close of your letter, wliere ye bring in for your appellation
against me, a safeguard for you, which ratlier indeed is an hindrance to you,
that we should not proceed against the invaders of the church goods, nor
against the king, in like censiu'e as we have done against the bishop of
Salisbury, as ye say, and his dean ; to this I answer, God forbid that we have,
or else should hereafter proceed or do any tiling against the king or his land,
or against you or your churches, inordinately or otherwise than Is convenient.
But what if you shall exceed in the same or like transgression, as the bishop of
Salisbury hath done ? Think ye then your appellation shall help you from the
discipline of our severity, that ye shall not be suspended ? Mark ye diligently
whether this be a lawftil appeal, and what is the form thereof. We know that
every one that appealeth, either doth it in his own name, or in the name of
anotlier ; if in his own, either it is for some grievance inferred already, or else
for that he feareth after to be inferred against him. Now, concerning the first,
I am sure there is no grievance that you can complain of as yet, God be
thanked, that you have received at my hand, for the which you should appeal
from me ; neither have you, I trust, any cause special against me so to do.
If ye do it for fear of what is to come, lest I should trouble you and your
churches, consider whether this be the fear that ought to happen in constant
men, or whether this be the appeal which ought to suspend or stay our power
and authority that we have upon you and your churches. It is thought, therefore,
by wise men, and we also judge no less, that your appeal is of no force. First,
for that it hath not the right form of a perfect appellation, and also because it
is not consonant to reason, and lacketh order and help of the law.
Furthermore, if your appellation be in another man's name, either it is for The form
the king (as most like it is) or for some other. If it be for the king, then you °^ ']gj[.'^'y
ought first to understand that appellations are wont to be made to repel, and tio„
not to infer injury ; or, to release such as be oppressed, that they should not be
oppressed any more, \yiierefore if any man shall enter any appellation, not
trusting to the surety of his cause, but to delay the time, that sentence be not
given upon him, that appellation is not to be received. For what state will
there be of the church, if the liberty thereof being taken away, the goods of
the chm-ch spoiled, and the bishops driven from their places, or at least not
received with full restitution of their goods, the invaders and spoilers thereof
may defend themselves by appealing, thereby to save themselves from the
penalty of their desert ?
What a iTiin of the church will this be ? See what ye have done, and what ye
say. Are you not the vicars of Christ, representing him on earth ? Is it not
your office to correct and bridle ill-doers, whereby they may cease to persecute
the church ? and is it not enough for them to be fierce and to rage against the
church, but that you should take their part, setting yourselves against us, to the
destruction of the church ? ^Vho ever heard of such monstrous doings ? Thus,
it shall be heard and said of all nations and countries, that the suffi-agans of the
church of Canterbury, who ought to stand with their metropolitan unto death in
defence of the churcli, now go about by the king's command, so much as in
them doth he, to suspend his authority, lest he should exercise his discipline of
correction upon them that rebel against the church. This one thing I know,
that you cannot sustain two sorts of persons at once, both to be the appeal ^''^ per
makers, and to be appealed to yourselves. You be they who have made the „(,( both
appellation; you be they against whom the appellation is made. Are there any be tii
more churches than one, and the body of tlie same ? And how meet were it j^|!J'^'p^
then, that you, being the members of the church, should hold together with tlie and the
head thereof? I am afraid, brethren, lest it may be said of us, these be the v^rty ^
priests who have said, " Where is the Lord?" and having the law, do not know ''f''*^ ■
238 A UKIEF CKNSUKK Ul'ON liliCKETS UKSCIDI'T.
Hrnryll tlic law. Furthermore, this I suppose, you, being discreet men, arc not is^norant
of, that sucli as enter any appellation there, are not wont to be lieard, unless
A..D. ^i,g matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselves, or except special
*^^^- •onnnanduient force them thereunto, or else imless they tike another man's
cause upon them. First, that it belongeth nothing unto you, it is i)lain, foras-
much as the contrary rather pertaincth to your duty ; that is, to muiish and to
correct all such as rebel against the church. And, secondly, it he who sub-
verteth the liberty of the church, and invadeth the goods thereof, converting
them to his own use, be not heard appealing for his own defence, much less is
another to be heard appealing for hmi. Wherefore, as in this case neither he
can appeal for himself, nor yet connnand you so to do; so neither may you
receive the connnandment to appeal for him. Thirdly, as touching the taking
of another man's cause or business upon you: to this I say and affirm, that ye
ought in no maimer of wise so to do, especially seeing the matter pcrtaineth to
the oppression of the church, and whereupon ensueth great damage to the
same.
Wherefore, seeing it neither appertaineth to you, neither ought ye to receive
any such connnandment, nor yet to take upon you any such cause as that is,
your appeal is neither to be heard, nor standcth with any law. Is this the
devotion and consolation of brotherly love wliich you exhibit to your metro-
politan, being for you in exile? God forgive you this clemency! And how
now ? will ye look for your letters and messengers to be gently received here
of us.' Neither do I speak this, as though there were any thing in hand betwixt
your part and ours, or that we have done any thing inordinately against the
person of the king, or against his land, or against the persons of the church, or
ThniiRh intend, by God's mercy, so to do. And therefore, we say briefly, and atiirm
bw'w'ill ^ t^onstantly, that our lord tlie king cannot complain of any wrong or injury to be
not de- done unto him, if he (being often called upon by letters and messengers
[!:"'' to acknowledge his fault, neither will confess his trespass, nor yet come to any
the law satisfaction for the same) have the censure of severity by the pope and us laid
of the upon him: for no man can say that he is unjustly treated, whom the law doth
w'in'aild'' justly punish. And, briefly to conclude : know you this for certain, that extor-
dotli. tioners, invaders, detainers of the church goods, and subverters of the liberties
thereof, neither have any authority of the law to maintain them, nor doth their
appealing defend them.
A brief censure upon the former rescript of Becket to liis suffragans,
witli a general resolution of the reasons therein contained.'
If the king of England had been an idolater, covetous, and adulterer, an
incestuous person, a murderer, with such like ; then the zeal of this archbishop,
threatening the king and such as took his part, had deserved praise in this
epistle, and the Scripture would have borne him out therein. For these and
such causes should bishops prosecute the authority of the gospel against all
persons. But, the matter stiuiding only upon church goods, liberty (or rather
licentiousness) of priests, making of deans, titles of churches, superiority of
crowning the king, with such other matters : to stand so stiff in these, is not to
defend the church, but to rebel against the king. Again, if the principles, which
he here groundetli upon, were true — to wit, that the pope were to be obeyed
before princes, tliat the liberty of the church standeth upon the immunity of
priests exempted from pi-inces' laws, or upon ample possessions of the church ;
or that the pope's law ought to prevail in all foreign countries, and to bind all
f)rinces in their own dominions ; or that the sentence of the pope and his pope-
ings (how or by what affection soever it is pronounced) may stand by the
undoubted sentence of (Jod : then all the arguments of this epistle do proceed
and conclude well. But, if they stand not ratified by God's word, but tottering
upon man's traditions, then, whatsoever he inferreth or concludeth thereupon,
liis assumption being false, cannot be true, according to the school saying :
" One inconveniency being granted in the beginning, innumerable follow there-
upon." So in this epistle it happeneth, as is above noted, that the major of this
man is true, but the minor is clean false, and to be denied.
(1) From tlie style of this censure, it is clearly from the pen of our author, Foxe. — Ed.
A LETTER OF MATILDA, THE EMPKESS. 239
Henry II.
The letter of Matilda, tr=c empress, and mother of the king, to
Thomas Becket.' A. I).
11«7.
My lord the pope hath commanded me, and upon the forgiveness of my sms
enjoined me, that I should be a mediator and means of restoring peace and
concord between my royal sou and you, by reconciling of yourself to him,
whereunto, as you know, you requested me. Wherefore with the more afiection,
as well for the divine honour as for holy church, I have taken the enterprise
upon me. But this by the way I assure yon, that the king, with his barons and
council, feel a great difficulty how far you, whom he entirely loved and honoured,
and made chiefest in all his realm, and raised to the highest dignity in all his
dominions, ought to be trusted for the future, seeing that you (as they assert)
stirred up his people against him ; yea, and further, that, as nuich as in you
lay, you went about to disinherit him, and deprive him of his crown. Where-
fore, I send unto you our trusty and familiar servant. Archdeacon Lawrence,
by whom I pray yim that I may understand your mind herein, and what your
disposition is toward my son, and how you mean to behave yourself, if hajdy
he should be disposed to grant my prayer and petition to his grace in your
behalf. But this one thing I assm-e you of, that without great humility and
moderation most evidently in you appearing, you cannot recover the king's
favour. Herein what you mean to do, I pray you send me word, by your own
letters and messenger.
But to proceed further in the order of the history. After these
letters sent to and fro a.d. 11G6 (which was the twelfth year of
the reig-n of King Henry IL), the king misdoubting and fearing with
himself, that the archbishop would proceed, or exceed rather, in his
excommunication against his own person, to prevent the mischief,
made his appeal to die presence of the pope, requiring to have certain
legates sent down from Rome from the pope's side, to take up the
matter between the archbishop and him ; requiring, moreover, that
they might also be absolved who were interdicted. Whereupon two
cardinals, being sent from Alexander, the pope, with letters to the
king, came to "Normandy, where they appointed the archbishop to
meet them before the king upon St. Martin's day. But the arch-
bishop, neither agreeing with the day nor the place, delayed his
coming till the eighth day after, neither would go any further than to Nov.isth,
Gisors, where the two cardinals and the archbishop, with other bishops, A-ciier.
conventing together, had a certain entreaty of peace and reconcilia-
tion : but it came to no conclusion. The contents of this entreaty
or action, because it is sufficiently contained in the cardinals"' letter,
who were called Gulielmus and Otho, written to the pope, it shall
require no further labour, but to show out the words thereof, where the
sum of the whole may appear : the words of the letter be these.
The copy of the epistle written and sent by two cardinals to the pope,
concerning the matter of the Archbishop Becket.*
William and Otho, cardinals of the church of Rome, to Alexander, the pope,
&c. On reaching the ten-itories of the king of England, we found the contro-
versy betwixt him and the archbishop of Canterbury more vehemently aggra- Beckct
vated than we would ; for the king, and the greater part of those about him, ^"'^,'^'',"
asserted that the archbishop had stirred up the French king grievously against F^endi
him ; and also that he had made the earl of Flanders, his kinsman, who bare no kin?
displeasure to him before, his open adversary, ready to war against him, as he j^^'^l^i'^
thought by divers evidences most certain. Proceeding to Caen, therefore, the of Kng"
first time we were admitted to the king's speech we duly delivered the letters land.
(1) Revised from the Epistolae D.Thoma;, lib. ii. ep. 12.— Ed. (2) Revised. Ibid. ep. 2S.— Ed.
240 LETTER OK TWO CARDINALS TO THE POPE.
Ifenrylf. of your fiilliorliood into liis liaiuls : whicli after he had read tlirough and con-
— siderc'd before tlie council, finding llicm less full, nay somewhat at variance
A.U. ^yj(], otliers which he had before received from you on the same matter, he wiis
'"'• moved and stirred witli no little indignation, and said he had not the least
doubt tliat the archbishop, after our departure from you, had received of you
other letters, by the virtue whereof he was exempted from our judgment, so
that he should not be compelled to answer before us. Moreover, the said king
artirmed, the bishops there present testifying the same, that what had been
intimated to you concerning the ancient customs of I^ngland was for tlie most
part untrue ; otfering further to us, that if any customs had been added in his
time, which seemed i>rejudicial to the statutes of the church, he would willingly
revoke and annul the same. Whereupon we, with tlie archbishops, bishops,
and abbi)ts of his realm, laboured by all the means we might, unwilling to lose
all prospect of j)cace, and in hope of inclining the king toward it, to etlect an
interview with the archbishop and obtain his consent to undergo judgment.
IJy reason whereof we directed our own chaplain3 unto him, with letters, ap-
pointing him a place where safely he might meet us on the feast of St. ^lartin.
Nevertheless he, pretending certain excuses, made his dilatories, driviiiijoff'the
Nov.isth. time from the day of St. Martin to the octaves following, which thing the king
took more deeply to heart than we should have expected.
A com- Still, though we offered to the archbishop a safe conduct, yet he refused to
tinn'be- '""^Pt US within the border of the king of England's territory ; so we, to satisfy
tween Ids mind, condescended to meet him within the territory of the French king, in
and'th' ^ pl'ice where lie himself appointed, that there should be no let in us, whereby
cardinals, 'o stop his profit. After we had entered upon cominunication, we began to
exhort him all tiiat we could, to submit and humble himself to his sovereign
and king, who had heaped upon him such benefits and dignities ; whereby
matter might be given us for the attempt at reconciling them together. He
being thus moved and exhorted by us, departed aside to consult with his fol-
lowers upon the matter. At length, after counsel taken, he proposed, that he
Ik'ckei's should humble himself before the king, " saving the honour of God, and the
I ion. j;jjg^[y qC ^]^g church ; saving also the dignity of his person, and the posses-
sions of his churches ; and moreover, saving the justice of his own cause and
of his followers."' After which enumeration we pressed on him the necessity
of descending to particulars. When as yet he brought nothing in, which was
definite or particular, we then demanded of him whether he would, on all
the counts contained and comprehended in your letters, submit himself to our
judgment, as the king and the bishops had before promised they would do. To
the which he answered ])roniptly, that he had received trom you no command-
ment on that point, but that if first of all he and his were restored fiilly to all
their possessions, then he would so proceed in the matter, according as he should
receive commandment from the see apostolical.
Becket Thus we, breaking off" communication, seeing that he neither would stand to
nehher judgment, nor incline to concord, and that he was determined on no account to
suind to enter into the cause, resolved to report thereof to the king, and so did ; de-
judKincnt claring that which he had expressed to us, yet suppressing a great part, and
modifying the rest. Having finished our speech, the king with his nobles
affirmed that he was absolved from the time the archbishop refused judgment.
After nuich agitation of the king, the archbishops, bishops, and abbots of the
realm of England, and not a few of the clergy, required of us, whether we had
power, by special mandate or by virtue of our legatinc commission, to compel
him to submit; and finding that our authority would not serve thereunto, and fear-
ing lest the aforesaid archbishop, in defiance of judicial order, would work again
disquietness to some noble personages of the realm, and seeing our autiiority
could not extend so far as to help them against him, they came to a unanimous
iVov.iith, resolution to make their appeal to your hearing, prefixing the festival of
A.D.I 168. St. Martin in the winter for the term of their appeal.
And this is tlio epistle of these two cardinals sent to the pope,
wherein may sufficiently appear all the discourse and manner of that
(I) " Salvo honore Dei, et ecclcsis libertate; salvaetiam honesfate personx suse et possessioni-
bns ecck-si.irum : ct amplius, sua et suorum in omnibus salva justitia."
ATTEMPT AT RECOKCILfATION. 211
assembly, althoiigli particularly every tliinof be not expressed, con- iremyir.
ccrniiiq- the talk betwixt the cardinals and the archbishop. When ~\~j7~
William, who of the two cardinals was the more clotjuent, amongst 11G9.
other communication, had reasoned long with him as concerning the
peace of the church, which Bccket said he preferred above all things, Becket
" Well then," saith the cardinal, " seeing all this contention between bTuer his
the king and you riseth upon certain laws and customs to be abro- {'han"!!!!"
gated, and that you regard the peace of the church so much, what ppac" "f
say you ? Will you renounce your bishopric, and the king shall church,
renounce his customs ? The peace of the church now lieth in your gaV'tiik!^
hands, either to retain or to let go ; then what say you ?" To whom he
answereth again, that the pro])ortion was not like. " For I," saith
he, " saving the honour of my church and my person, cannot renounce
my bishopric. On the contrary, it standeth upon the king, for his
souFs health and honour, to renounce these his ordmances and
customs." Which thing he thus proved; because the pope had
condemned those customs, and he, likewise, with the church oi Rome
had done the same.
THE TALK BETWEE>J THE FRENCH KIXG. THE KING OF
ENGLAND, AND BECKET.
After the cardinals were returned, the French king, seeing the
king of England disquieted, and solicitous to have peace, or at least
pretending to set an agi-eemcnt between them, brought the matter
to a communication among them, in which communication the [At Mont-
French king made himself as umpire between them. The king of ™^^^'
England, hearing that the archbishop would commit himself to his a.d.
arbitrement, was the more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon,
many being there present, the archbishop, prostrating himself at the
king's feet, declared unto him, kneeling upon his knees, that he
would commit the whole cause, whereof the dissension arose between
them, unto his own arbitrement ; adding thereunto, as he did before,
"salvo honore Dei;"" that is, "saving the honom- of God." The Becket
king, as is said before, being greatly offended at this word, hearing ^"/j'jfljj^"
and seeinar the stiffness of the man stickinfj so much to this word, ow addi-
" salvo honore Dei," Avas highly therewith displeased, rebuking him saiv'o ho-
w-ith many grievous words, as a man proud and stubborn, and also B°ecke^'''"
charging him with suncby and gi-eat benefits bestowed upon him, as digged
a person unkind, and forgetting what he had so gently done and kindness.
bestowed upon him.
And speaking to the French king there present, " See, sir, if it
please you," saith the king of England, " whatsoever displeaseth this
man, that he saith to be contrary to the honour of God ; and so by
this means he will vindicate and challenge to himself both what is his
and mine also. And yet, notwithstanding, because I will not seem to
do any thing contrary or prejudicial to GocFs honour, this I offer
him : There have been kings in England before, both of greater and T,,e
less puissance than I am; likewise there have been bishops ofj^^^ff'^^
Canterbiu-y many, both great and holy men. What the greatest and Beckot
most holy of all his predecessors, before him, hath done to the least of ritaWo
my progenitors and predecessors, before me, let him do the same to f^_^^J_
me, and I am content." They that stood by, hearing these words of
VOL. II. U
2\:2 DISSIMILATION OK THE l'RE:XCIi KIXC.
Hcnryii. tlic kiiig, ciictl iill witli oiic voifc, " Tlic king hatli debased liimself
^ jj enough to the bishop/"' The arclibisliop staying a little at this in
1161). silcnee; " What!"" saith the French king to him, " my lord arch-
'^^^ bishop, will you be better than those holy men ? Will yc be
words of greater than Peter? What stand you doubting? Here now
French liavc you peace and quietness put in your own hands, if ye will
'""*'■ take it."" To this the archbishop answered ag-ain : " Truth it is,"
saith he, *" that my predecessors before me were both much better
and greater than I, and of them every one for his time, although he
did not extirpate and cut off all, yet something he did pluck up and
correct, which seemed adverse and repugnant against God's honour.
For if they had taken all together away, no such occasion then had
been left for any man to raise up this fire of temptation now against
us, as is here raised to jn'ove us withal, that we, being so proved with
them, might also be crowned with them, being likewise partakers of
praise and reward, as we are of their labour and travail. And though
some of them have been slack, or exceeded their duty, in that we are
not bound to follow their example. Peter, when he denied Christ,
we rebuke ; but Avhen he resisted the rage of Nero, therein we
This ma- commeud him. And therefore, because he could not find in his
had'been conscicuce to couscnt uuto that he ought in no wise to dissemble,
wUhi neither did he ; by reason whereof he lost his life. By such like
good mi- oppressions the church hath always groMu. Our forefathers and
madc'a prcdeccssors, because they would not dissemble the name and honour
Kuraent. of Christ, therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favour
of one man, suffer the honour of Christ to be suppressed ?'' The
nobles standing by, and hearing him thus speak, were greatly
grieved with him, noting in him both arrogancy and wilfulness, in
])erturbing and refusing such an honest offer of agreement. But
especially one among the rest was most grieved, who there openly
protested, that seeing the archbishop so refused the counsel and
request of both the kingdoms, he was not worthy to have the help of
cither of them, but as the kingdom of England had rejected him, so
the realm of France should not receive him.'
Alanus, Herbert, and certain other of his chaplains, who committed
to story the doings of l^ecket, do record, whether truly or not I
cannot say, that the French king, sending for him, as one much
sorrowing and lamenting the words that he had spoken, at the
coming of Becket did prostrate himself at his feet, confessing his
fault in giving coimsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the
honour of God) to relent therein, and to yield to the pleasure of
man ; wherefore, declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolved
thereof Thus, after this, the French king and Becket Avere great
friends together, insomuch that King Henrv, sending to the king to
entreat and desire him that he would not support or nuiintain his
enemy within his realm, the French king utterly denied the king's
request, taking part rather with the archbishop than with him.
Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king and the
arclibisliop above mentioned, there followed yet another, Avhich was
this. Shortly after this communication recited between the king and
Becket, the king of England returning again from Normandy into
(I) Ex Quadrilogo.
CORONATION OK TlIK KING S SOX. 243
England, a.d. 1170, in the sixteenth year of his reign, about iienryii.
Midsummer, kept his court of parliament at Westminster, in the "T",
which parliament he, with the consent both of the clergy and the 1170
lords temporal, caused his son Henry to be crowned king. This
coronation was done by the hands of Roger, archbishop of York, i^^u'itiay,
with the assistance of other bishops ministering to the same, as a.d. ''
Gilbert of London, Jocelin of Salisbury, Hugh of Durham., anc. "'"'^
Walter of Rochester. By reason of this, Becket of Canterbury,
being there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displea-
sure ; and so did Louis, the French king, hearing that Margaret, his
daughter, was not also crowned Avith her husband ; whereupon he,
gathering a great army, forthwith marched into Normandy. ]?ut
the matter was soon composed by the king of England, who,
sending his son unto him in Normandy, entreated there and
concluded peace with him, promising that his son should be crowned
again, and then his daughter should be crowned also. But the
archbishop not ceasing his displeasure and emulation, sent unto the
pope, complaining of these four bishops, especially of the archbishop
of York, who dm-st be so bold in his absence, and without his
knowledge or his license, to intermeddle to crown the king, being a
matter proper and peculiar to his jurisdiction ; at the instance of xhc u-
whom, the pope sent down the sentence of excommunication against Lon'don
the bishop of London. The other three bishops, with the archbishop excom-
of York, he suspended, wdiose sentence and letters thereof, for ed" with
avoiding prolixity, I here omit. bishops'^'
Besides these aforesaid bishops excommunicated, divers other suspena-
clerks also of the court he cited to appear before him, by virtue of
his large commission which he got from the pope, whom they Avere
bound to obey, by reason of their benefices ; and some he com-
manded in virtue of obedience to appear, on pain of forfeiting their
order and benefices; of whom when neither sort would appear, he
cursed them openly. And also some laymen of the court and the
kijig's familiars, as intruders and violent withholders of church goods,
he accursed ; as Richard Lucy, and Jocelin Balliol, and Ralph Brock,
who took the bells and goods that belonged to the church of Can-
terbury ; and Hugh Sentclair, and Thomas Fitz-Bernard, and all
that should hereafter take any church goods without his consent ; so
that almost all the court were accursed either by name, or as partakers.
This being done, the archbishop of York, with the aforesaid
bishops, resorted to the king with a grievous complaint, declaring
how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustained for
fulfilling his commandment. The king, hearing this, Avas highly The
moved, as no marvel w^as. But what remedy .'' the time of the ruin the'idng's
of the pope was not yet come, and what prince then might withstand '^'''l.^-\
the injurious violence of that Romish potestate ? ifecket.
Li the mean season the French king, for his part, his clergy and
courtiers likewise, slacked no occasion to incite and solicit Alexander
the pope against the king of England, to excommunicate him also,
seeking thereby and thinking to have some vantage against the realm
Neither was the king ignorant of this, which made him more ready
to apply for some agreement of reconciliation. At length came
down from the pope two legates, the archbishop of Rouen and the
112
24 1 liKCKKl's KKTL'RN TO KXC.LAXD.
HennjiJ. bishop of NcvcFS, with direction and ftdl commission eitlicr to drive
^ J) the kinj; to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the pope's censures
1170. out of the church. The king, understanding himself to be in greater
straits tlian he could avoid, at length, tlirough the mediation of the
French king, and of otlier prelates and great princes, was content to
[At Freit- vicld to ])eace and reconciliation with the archbishop, whom he both
juiy'22d, received to his favour, and also permitted and granted him free
AD. return to his church again. Concerning his ])ossessions and lands of
the church of Canterbury, although Beckct made great labour
therefor, vet the king, being then in Normandy, would not grant
him them, before he should repair to England, to see how he would
there agree with his subjects.
Thus peace after a sort concluded between the king and him, the
arclibishop, after six years of his banishment, returned to Enirland,
retiirneth wlicrc he was right joyfully received of tlie church of Canterbury ;
nish-^*** albeit of Henry, the young king, he was not so greatly welcomed, in-
"*'-■"'■ somuch that coming up to London to the king, lie was returned back
to Canterbury, and there bid to keep his house. Roger Hovcdcn
maketh mention in his Chronicle, that the archbishop, upon Christma.s-
day, did excommunicate Robeil de Brooke for cutting off the tail
of a certain horse of his the day before. In the mean time the four
bishops before mentioned, whom the archbishop had excommunicated,
sent to him, humbly desiring to be released of their censure ; to
whom when the arclibishop would not grant clearly and simply,
without reservations and exceptions, they went over to the king,
declaring unto him and complaining of their miserable state and
uncourteous handling of the archbishop. Whereupon the king
words of conceived great sorrow in his mind, and displeasure toward the
which"^ party, insomuch that he lamented oft and sundry times to those
were the about him, that, amongst so manv that he had done for, there Avas
cause of i i i i • o\ • ti • p i • i
Beckcfs none tliat would revenge liini ot ins enemy. iJy occasion oi which
words certain that were about the king, to the number of four, who
hearing him thus com])lain and lament, addressed themselves in gi-eat
heat of haste to satisfy the grieved mind and quarrel of their prince,
If the pa- who within four days after the said Christmas-day, sailing over into
needs"''' England, and having a forward and prosperous wind in their journey,
TTieasure being in the deep of winter, came to Canterbury, where Becket was
cess of commanded to keep. After certain advisements and consultations
leLsmis ^ had among themselves, they pressed at length into the palace Avliere
ther'then ^^'^ arclibisliop was sitting with his company about him ; first, to
must assay him with words, to see Avhether he would relent to the king''s
thatre^a- mind, and come to some conformity. They brf)uglit to him, said
demn"thc they. Commandment from the king, which, whether he had rather
cause of opculy tlicrc in presence, or secretly, to be declared to him, they
hisadver- bade him choose. Then the company being bid to retire, as he sat
having alone, they said, " You are commanded from the king beyond the
such for- sen to repair to the kinfr''s son here, and to do your dutv to liim,
wardness ' . ' , . ^L ,.„ , ii*'i-
of wea- swearing to him your ndelity for your baronage and other tilings,
dotnc" and to amend those things wherein you have trespassed against him."
their ftaf. Wliercupon tlic arclibisliop refusing to swear, and perceiving their
between iutcut, Called ill liis company again, and in multiplying of words to
soTdfcre ^"'^ ^^°' ^t length they came to the bishops who were excommuni-
CONFERENCE BETWEEN BECKET AND FOUR SOLDIERS. 245
rated for tlie coronation of the l^ing, whom they comniandcrl in tlic uenryii.
king's name lie should absolve and set free again. The archbishop a ^
answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but 1170.
the pope ; Avherefore, if that were the matter that grieved them, they ^^^T'JJ^
should resort to the pope ; he had nothing to do with the matter. m^s Bee-
Then said Reginald, one of the four, " Although you in your own
person did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation
it was done." To whom the archbishop said again, " And if the
pope," said he, " tendering the injuries done unto me and my
church, wrought this revenge for me, I confess it ofFendeth me
nothing." " Thus then," said they, " it appeareth well by your own
words, that it pleaseth you right well, in contempt and contumely of
the king's majesty, to sequester his bishops from their ministry, who,
at the commandment of the king, did service in the coronation of his
son. And seeing you have so presumed thus to stand against the
exaltation of this our sovereign, our new king, it seemeth likely that
you aspired to take his cro^vn from him, and to be exalted king
yourself" " I aspire not," said he, "to the crown and name of the
king, but rather if I had four crowns to give him more, I would set
them all upon him ; such good-will I do bear him, that, only his
father, the king, excepted, there is none whose honour I more tender
and love. And as concerning the sequestering of those bishops, this
I give you to understand, that nothing was done in that behalf
without the knowledge and assent of the king himself; to whom
when I had made my complaint at the feast of Mary Magdalene, of
the MTong and injury done to me and my church "therein, he gave
me his good leave to obtain at the pope's hand such remedy as I
could, promising, moreover, his help to me in the same." " What
is this," quoth they, " that thou sayest .^ Makest thou the king a
traitor, and a betrayer of the king's own son, that when he had
commanded the bishops to crown his son, he would give thee leave
afterward to suspend them for so doing ? Certes, it lip.d been better
for you not to have accused so the king of this prodition." The
archbishop said to Reginald, that he was there present at that time,
and heard it himself But that Reginald denied, and swore it was
not so. "And think you," said they, " that we, the king's subjects, Avill
or ought to suffer this .'' " And so approaching nearer him, they said
he had spoken enough against his own head, whereupon followed great
exclamation and many threatening Avords. Then said the archbishop,
" I have, since my coming over, sustained many injuries and rebukes,
concerning both myself, my men, my cattle, my wines, and all other
goods ; notwithstanding the king, AVTiting over to his son, required
him that I should live in safety and peace ; and now, beside all
others, you come hither to threaten me." To this Reginald answering
again, said, " If there be any that worketh you any injury otherwise
than right is, the law is open, why do you not complain?" "To whom,"
said Beekct, " should 1 complain .''" " To the young king," said they«
Then said Beekct, " I have complained enough, if that would help,
and have sought for remedy at the king's nands, so long as T could
be suffered to come to his speech ; but now, seeing that I am stopjied
from that, neither can find redress of so great vexations and injuries
as I have and do daily sustain, nor can have the benefits of the law
246 BECKET SLAIN AT CANTERBURY.
Henry 11. OF rcason ; such ri^flit and l;iw as an archbishop may liavo, that will I
^ jj exercise, and let lor no man.'"' At these words one of them, burstinir
1170. out in exclamation, cried, '' He threateneth, lie llireatcnetli ! What '^
will he interdict the whole realm and lis altogether .''"'"' " Nay, tliat
lie shall not," saitli another, "he hath interdicted too many already."
And drawing more near to him, they protested and denounced him
to have spoken words to the jeopardy of his own head. And so
departing in great fury, and with many high words, they rushed out
of the doors ; who, by the way returning to the monks, charged them
in the king's name to keep him forthcoming, that he should not
The stout escape away. " What," tpioth the archbishop, " think ye I will ilce
BeckVt'.'^ away .'* Nay, neither for the king, nor any man alive, will I stir one
foot from you." " No," say they, "• thou shalt not escape though
thou wouldst. " And so they departing with many words, the arch-
bishop foUoweth them out of the chamber door, crying after them,
" Here, here, here shall you find me," laying his hand upon his
crown.
The names of the four soldiers above mentioned were these : the
first, Reginald Bereson ; ' the second, Hugh !Mortevil ; the third,
William Thracy ; and the fourth, Richard Brito ; who, going to
harness themselves, returned the same day again, but finding the
hall-door of the palace of Canterbury shut against them, they went to
an inward back-door leading into the orchard ; there brake they up a
window, and opened the door, and so issued into the place. The
monks, it being about even-song time, had got the archbishop into
the church ; who, being persuaded by them, caused his cross to be
borne before him, and so through the cloister, by a door which was
broken up for him, he proceeded into the choir. The harnessed
men following after, at length came to the church-door, which door
the monks would have shut against them ; but, as the story saith, the
archbishop would not suffer them. So they approacliing into the
chm-ch, and the archbishop meeting them upon the stairs, there he
The death was slain ; every one of the four soldiers striking him with his sword
BMkc""^ into the head ; who afterward flying into the north, and at length with
much ado obtaining their pardon of the pope (by the king's procure-
ment, as some stories record), went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem.^
What is Thus you have heard the life and death of this Thomas Beckct, of
thought whom what is to be judged, let his own acts and facts declare. And,
of Thos*^*^ albeit the Scripture ought to be the only rule for us to judge all
Becket. thiugs by, yct, if any shall require further testimony, partly to
satisfy their minds therein, ye shall hear the judgments of certain
men, in years and times almost as ancient as himself, what they
write and affirm of him.
Whether And first, to bcgiu Avith the testimony of one of his ovai religion,
saini'or"' ^.ud also uot far, as it a])pcareth, from his own time, who, Avriting of
his martpdom and miracles, thus tcstifieth of the judgment and sen-
tence of divers conccming his promotion and behaviour. The
chronicle being written in Latin, and having the name of the author
(1) Hume says, Reginald Fitz-urse, and Sharon Tunier, Fitrwiso. — Ed.
(2) On the eastern wall of the nave of Preston church, in Sussex, some very ancient painfinis,
relics of English art, have lately been discovered ; among them is a very spirited one of the niiiMi r
cf Thomas k Heckct, displaying, with great minuteness and much talent, the parliculais of liis
tragical end. See the ' Archsologia,' vol. xxiii. No. 17. — Ed
notf
OI'INIOXS COXCERXIN'G HECKET. 247
cut out, thus beginncth : " Quoniam vcro imilti," &c. Ami in tlie /A'^t///.
first book and eigiitli chapter it iblloweth in this manner :' — ~A D
" Divers notwithstanding there be, who, as touching his promotion, suppose
the same not to be canonical, for that it was wrought rather by the instance The pro-
of the king (thinking him to be a man ready and incHiiable to his ntihty) tlian niotion of
by the assent eitlier of the clergy, or of the people. Further, it is noted in him jurtVea
for a point of presumption and lack of discretion, for that he, being scarce not ca-
worthy to take the oar in hand and plav the boatswain, would take upon him to "o""'^'*'-
11 1 • J 1 1 • 1 • 1 1 1 1 1 liecket
Sit at helm, and guide the slup; namely, in that church, whei-e the covent, charged
being in gesture and vesture religious, be wont to have their prelate taken out of with pre-
the same profession. Whereas he, scant bearing the habit of a clerk, and going ^"'^3^.^"
in his changes and soft apparel, is more conversant among the delicate ruftlers of discre-
in the court, savouring rather ef worldly things; not refusing, moreover, without *)"",'.,.
any dread, to climb up to the high preferment of such a holy dignity, but noted in
rather wilhngly, of his own accord, to aspire to it. Moses we read did otherwise, Bucket, in
who, being the friend of God, and sent of him to conduct his people Israel out of fusintbut
Egypt, trembled at the message, and said, ' Who am I, Lord, that I should go taking his
to Pnaraoh, and bring thy people Israel out of P^gypt?' And again, ' I pray l'."'"'"-
tliee,' saith he, ' O Lord,' I am nothing eloquent, send him whom thou wilt
send.' Likewise Jeremias also, being sent of the Lord to prophesy against
Jerusalem, was abashed to take the office upon liim, answering again with much
dread of heart, ' A, a, a, Lord, 1 cannot utter my mind, for I am a child.' "
After like manner we read of the saints of the New Testament, Bishops
whereof many were preferred oftentimes to their bishoprics, and fhdr'wiiis
functions of the church, by mere forcement and compulsion of others f^'^"** .
1 • "n < 11 ^ r^ ■ ■ '" their
rather than by their own wills. So Avas blessed Gregory, after his flight wshop-
and going away, brought back again, and placed in the see and chair
of Rome. Likewise St. Ambrose, sore against his mind ; who also, of
purpose accusing and confessing his own defects, because he Avould
be repealed, yet by the commandment of Valentinian, the emperor,
was enforced to take the burden upon him, which he could by no wise
shake off. St. Martin, in like sort, not knowing of any such matter,
was circumvented by a certain godly train and wile of the citizens,
before he could be brought to his consecration ; which he did not so
much take, as he was thrust into it with much pensiveness and sorrow
of heart. By these and such other examples this chancellor likewise
should have rather excused himself as unworthy and unmeet for that
room, showing himself more willing to refuse than to take it : to the
Avhich this archbishop is judged to do clean contrary.^
And, although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age,
being all blinded and corrupted with superstition, yet let us hear
what Neuburgensis,^ an ancient historiographer, saith ; who in the
days of the son of this King Henry IL, prosecuting his history unto
King Richard I., hath these words, writing of Thomas Becket.*
(1) "Normullis tamen idcirco promotionem ejus visum est fuisse minus canonicam, quod ad earn
niagis operataest regis instantia. quam cleri vel populi voto. PiEesumptionis quoque vel indiscrc-
tionis fuisse notatum est, quod qui renium tenere vix idoneus vidcbatur piinium guhernaculi locum
suscepit," See. " Et mox, niagis etiam secularia turn sapiens, tarn sanctum tantae dignitatis fasti-
giumnonhorrenstenuisse, sedullroneus ascendisse creditus," &c. " Alitor Dei amicus Moses," &:c.
(2) Ha;c ex chronico, cui titulus, ' De Passione et Miraculis beati Thomse.'
(3) " Gulielmus, Part'Ms cognomento dictus, Bridlingtoniae natus 1136: ad monasterium Neu-
burgense missus obiit 1208. Scripsit de rebus Anglicis sui temporis libros 5, ab an. 1066 ad an.
1 ly7. CiuEe tradit, aut ipse suis oeulis vidit, aut a viris fide dignis accepit." Cave. — En
(t) " Sane cum plerique soleant in his quos amant et laudant afl'ectu quodam propen.'-iori, scd
prudentia parciori, quicquid ab eis geritur approbare ; plane ego in viro illo venerabili, ea qua; ita
ab ipso acta sunt, quum nulla exinde proveniret utilitas, sed fervor taiitum accenderetur regius,
ex quo tot mala postmodum puUulasse no.scimtur, laudanda nequaquam ccnsuerim, licet ex l.iu-
riabili zelo processerint : sicut nee in beatissimo aposiolorum principe, quod gentes suocxcmplo
j'ldaizare coegit ; in quo eum doctor gentium reprehensibilem dcclarat fuisse, licet cum constct
laudabili hoc pietate fecisse." [Neub. lib. ii. cap. 16, sub fin.— Ed.]
2i8
OPINIONS COXCKllNINC UIX'KET.
Acts of
Becket
dis-
proved.
ilir.njU. " Whereas many bo wont, in tliciu wliom tliey love and praise, judging them
more by aliection than prudence, to allow and ajjprove whatsoever tliey do ; yet
A.u. fj,,. i^^j. tQ juJge ui)on this reverend man, verily I thinic not his doings and
^^1^- acts to be praiseworthy, t'orsomuch as thereof came no utility, but only the
stirring up of the king's anger, whence, afterward, sprung so great mischiefs,
although that which he did proceeded of a certain laudable zeal; like as in the
blessed prince of the apostles I approve not that he taught the Gentiles by his
exami)le to play the Jews ; wherein Paul, the doctor of the Gentiles, did declare
him to be rebukable ; albeit, it cannot be denied, but that he did it of a good
allection."
And in the same author, in another place, it followeth to the like
effect.*
" These letters which were sent before into England for the suspending of
the bishops,^ he followed in ])crson, burning with zeal for righteousness; but
whether according to knowledge, God knoweth. It is not for my rude and
slender wit to judge of the doings of such a person. But yet this I suppose,
that the most blessed Pope Gregory would have acted more gently, considering
that the concord with the king as yet was but soft and tender ; and would have
thought that so far as could be forborne without danger to the christian faith
he should suppress liis feelings for consideration of the time and for the sake of
peace, according to the saying of the propliet (Amos v. 13), 'The prudent shall
keep silence in that time, for it is an evil time.' Wherefore, as the doings of
that reverend prelate 1 judge in that behalf not to be commended, so neither do
I presiuue to discommend them. But this I say, that if that holy man, tln-ough
immoderate violence of zeal, did exceed in a part tlicrein, the same was excocted
again, and ])urged by the fire of his sufiering, which afterward ensued. And so
far holy men are to be loved or praised of us, who know ourselves much inferior
to their virtues ; that in such things wherein they have been men, and also known
to be men, therein we neither hold with them, nor commend them ; but only in
such things wherein without all danger or scruple we ought to imitate them.
For who is al)le to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they do? And
therefore are they not to be esteemed and praised in all things generally, what-
soever they do, but considerately and with advisement, wherein they deserve
praise, so that the only prerogative in this behalf be reserved to God, in whose
praise no man can exceed, how fervent soever he be in his praising," &c.
And hear yet more, what the said author writeth in the same
cause of the king's wrath and Becket's fiiults.^
" More than a hundred murders are said to have been committed by the
clergy under King Henry II., in punishing of whom the king was somewhat
( 1 ) " Literas has in Anftliam ad suspensionem episcoporum praemissas ipse sequebatur, zelo jus-
titi^ fervidus ; verum an plene secundum scientiam novit Deus. Nostra; enim parvitati nequaquam
conceditiir, de tanti viri actibus teraere judicarc. Puto enim quod beatissimus papa Gregorius in
iiiolli adhuc teneraque regis concordia mitius egisset, et ea quae sine (idei Christiana; periculo
tiilerari potuissent, ratione temporis et compensatioue pacis dissimulauda duxisset, juxta illud
proplieticum : Prudens in tempore illo tacebit, quia tenipus malum e^t. Itaque quod a venerabili
pontifice tunc actum est, nee laudandum esse judico, nee vituperare pra;sumo ; sed dico, si vel mo-
dii-e in hujusmodi a sancto viro per zeli immoderatiorem inipetum est excessum, hoc ipsnm esse
sacra;, qua; coiisec-uta noscitur, igne passionis excoctum. Ita quippe sancti viri vel amandi vel
laudandi sunt a nobis, qui nos illis longe impares esse cognoscimus, ut ea, in quibus homines fue-
rurit, vel fuis^e noscuntur, nequaquam vel amemus vel laurtemus : sed ea tantum, in quibus eos
sine scrupulo imitari debemus. Quis enim eos dicat in omnibus, qusabipsis fmnt, esse imitabiles?
Noil igitur in omnibus, qua; faciunt, sed sapienter et caute <lebcnt laudari, ut sua Deo praerogativa
servcfur, in cujus utique laudibus nemo potest esse nimius, quantumcunque laudare conetur."
[Neub. lib. ii. cap. 2.5.— ICd.I (2) See suprA, p. 243. — En.
(.i) " Plusquam centum liomicidia aclericis commissa sub Henrico secundo dicuntur. In quibus
plertendis rex aliquanto vehementior. Sed hujus immoderationis regia; nostri temporis episeopos
tantum respicit culpa, quantum ab eis processit et causa. Cum enim sacri praecipiunt canones,
clericos non solum facinorosos, et gravioribus irretitoscriminibus, verum eti;im leviorum criminum
reos degradari, et tot millia talium, tanquam inuunieras inter pauca grana paleas, ecclesia Anglicana
contineat, tamcn quam paucos a multis retro annis clericos in Anglia contigit oflicio privari ! Nempe
episcopi, dum defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus, quam eoruni vitiis corri-
gendis resecandisque invigilant, arbilrantur obsequium se prastare Deo et ecclesi;e, si facinorosos
clericos, quos pro officii dcbito canonica; vigore ccnsurae coercere vel nolunt vel negligunt, contra
publicam tueantur disciplinam. Unde clerici, qui in sortem Domini vocati. tanquam stellce in
firmamento cccli posita;, vila et verbo lucere debcrent super terram, habentes pro impuiiitate agendi
quodcunque libuerit licentiam et bbertateni, neque Dcum, cujus judicium tardare vidctur. iieque
homines poteslatem habentes reverentur, cum et episcopiilis circa cos solicitudo sit languida, et
eeculari cos jurisdictione sacri eximat ordinis pra;rogativa." [Xcub. lib. ii. cap. IG, sub mcd. — Ed.]
CONTENTION ABOUT BECKEt''s SALVATION. 249
too vehement. But the fault," saith he, " of this immoderate dealing of the king //mryii.
resteth most in the bishops of our time, forasmuch as the cause tiiereof pro-
ceeded of them. For whereas it is decreed and commanded by the canon law, ^^- 1^-
concerning the spiritual men of the clergy, that not only such as be notorious ^^~0-
for heinous crimes, but such as be spotted with lighter crimes, should be de-
graded, whereof we have now so many thousands in the Church of England, as
innumerable chaff among the little good grain ; yet how few do we see, these
many years iu England, deprived of their office ! For why .' The bishops,
while they labour more to maintain the liberties and dignities of churchmen,
than to correct their vices, think they do God and the church great service if
they rescue and defend the enormities of the churchmen against public disci-
pline,whom they either will not or care not to punish by the virtue of tlie censure
ecclesiastical. Whereupon the chm-chmen, such as be sorted peculiarly to the
Lord, and who ought like stars to shine in the earth by word and example,
taking license and liberty to do what they lust, neither reverence God, whose
judgment seemeth to tarry, nor men set in authority ; when both the bishops
are slack in their charge doing, and also the prerogative of their order exempteth
them from the secular jurisdiction."
And thus mucli out of Neuburgensis.
To this matter also pertain the words of Ccesarius/ the monk, in wiiether
his eighth book of Dialogues, and sixty-ninth chapter, written about Becket be
fifty years after the death of Thomas Becket, a.d. 1220: whose words, saved or
in sum, come to this effect :^
" There was a question moved among the masters of Paris, whether Thomas
Becket were saved or damned? To this question answereth Roger, a Norman,
that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate against
God's minister, his king. — Contrary, Peter Cantor, a Parisian, disputed, saying
and affirming, that his miracles were great signs and tokensof salvation, and also
of great holiness in that man ; affirming, moreover, that the cause of the church
did allow and confirm his martyrdom, for the which church he died."
And thus have ye the judgment and censure of the school of
Paris touching this question, for the sainting of Thomas Becket ; in
which judgment, forsomuch as the greatest argument resteth in the
miracles wrought by him after his death, let us therefore pause a little
upon the same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the trial
whereof we shall find one of these two to be true ; either that if
they were true, they were not wrought by God, but by a contrary
spirit, of whom Christ our Lord giveth us warning in his gospel,
saying, " Whose coming shall be with lying signs and wonders, to
deceive, if it were possible, the elect" (Matt, xxiv.), or else we shall
find that no such were ever wrought at all, but feigned and forged
of idle monks and religious bellies, for the exaltation of their churches,
and the profit of their pouches ; which thing indeed seemeth
rather to be true, and no less may appear by the miracles them-
selves, set forth by one of his own monks, and of his own time;^
who, in five solemn books, hath comprehended all the revelations,
virtues, and miracles of the archbishop ; the which books (as yet
remaining in the hands of William Stephenson, citizen of London)
I have seen and perused ; wherein is contained the whole sum of all his
(1) " Cffisarius, Gernianus, anno 1199, coenobii Heisterbacensis in dioecesi Coloniensi monacluis
factus ord. Cisterc, tandem monasterii Vallis St. Petri prope Bonnara prior. Extant de miraculis
et visionibus sui temporis libri seu dialogi 12." Cave. — Ed.
(2) " Quaestio Parisiis inter niagistros ventilata fuit, utrum damnatus an salvatus e.sset ilie
Thomas. Dixerat Ro<;erius tunc Normanus. fuisse ilium morte ac damnatione dignum, quod con-
ttiraax esset in Dei ministrum regem. Protulit contra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis, quod signa
salvationis et magna! sanctitatisessentejus miracula : ctquod m:.rtyrium probasset ecclesia- causa,
pro qua mortem subierat." If God in these latter days giveth no miracles to glorify his own Son,
much less will he give miracles to glorify Thomas Becket.
(3) Liber de Miraculis Beati Thoma-, authore monacho quodam Cantuar.
250 rOXSTUEKATION'S ON THE MIRACLES OF BECKET.
Henry II. luiraclcs, to the nuinbcr of L\vo hunilrcJ and seventy, being so fur off
~X^ from all truth and reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vain,
1170. absurd, some also blaspluMnous, and some so impudont, that not
Miracles onl}' tlicv dcscrve no credit (as altogether savouring of mere forgery),
con""'"'' but also'for very shame will abash an honest pen to write of them.
iicred. l^irst, if miracles serve for necessity and for infidels, what cause or
necessity was there, in a christian realm having the word of God, for
God to" work such miracles after his death, wiio never wrought any in
all his life? Then, to consider the end of these miracles: whither
do they tend, but only to bring men to Cantcrbiu-y, with their vows
and ofierings to enrich the covent ?
Jiesides the number of these miracles — which arc said to be so
many, that they lose their own credit — what disease is there belonging
to uian or woman in the curing whereof some miracle hath not been
wrought by this Bavixarovpyog, as fevers, fistula, the gout, tootJiache,
palsy, consumption, falling-sickness, leprosy, head-ache, broken arms,
maimed legs, swelled throats, the raising up of the dead who have
been two days departed ; with infinite others. And, as all these
have been healed, for the most part, by one kind of salve, as a
Aqua certain panacea, which was with the water only of Canterbury, like
cnris""' as a cunning smith who should open with one key all manner of
locks ; so again in reading of the story of these miracles ye shall find
the matter so conveyed, that the power of this dead saint was never
twice showed upon any one disease, but that every diverse disease had
a diverse miracle.
To recite in order all these prodigious revelations and fantastical
miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop, were
nothing else but to write a legend of lies, and to occupy the people
with trifles : which because it pertaineth rather to the idle profession
of such dreaming monks and cloisterers, that have nothing else to
maintain that religion withal, 1 will not take their profession out of
their hands. Wherefore, to omit all such vain and lying apparitions
and miracles, as how this angry saint, three days after his death,
appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus, commanding the
sitifring choir not to sing, but to say this office of his mass, " Exurge, quarc
maU^or- obdomiis Domiue,*" &c., Avhich vision the author himself of the book
Thomas^ dotli Say hc did see. To omit also the blasphemous lie, how in
)icckct another vision the said archbishop should say, that his blood did cry
iftcr liis i • ' J
"(loath. out of the earth to God, more than the blood of just Abel. Item,
A bias- i,^ another vision it was showed to a monk of Lewes, how St. Thomas
j)ncinous ,i,., ., -i-ii ii 01
lie. had his place in heaven appomted with tlie apostles, above Steplien,
above' Laurence, Vincent, and all other martyrs ; whereof this cause is
the mar- rendered, for that St. Stephen, Laurence, and such others, suffered
heaven, only for their own cause ; but this Thomas suffered for the universal
A i.iace church. Item, how it was showed to a certain young man, Ormus
In'iitNiven by uamc, twelve years before the death of this l:Jcckct, that among
forikcket ^]^^^ aoostlcs and martvrs in heaven there was a vacant i)lace left for
years a ccrtaiii priest, as he said, of England, who was credibly su])])osed
death. "* to be tliis Tliomas Becket. Item, how a certain knight's son, being
two days dead, was revived again as soon as he had the water of
Canterbury put into his mouth, and had by his parents four pieces of
silver bended, to be offered in Canterbury in the child's behalf. All
FALSK MIRACLES ATTRIBUTED TO BECKET. 251
these, I sav, with such others omitted, the number wlicreof comcth Uenruii.
to an infinite variety, only tliis one story, or another that followeth, ^ jj
shall suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all the 1170.
rest.
In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the third An im-
chapter, a miracle is there contained of a certain countryman of anuT'
Bedfordshire, in Kings's Weston, whose name was Eihvard, which ^ll^^l^-^^
Eilward, in his drunkenness, bursting into another man's house who
was his debtor, took out of his house a great whetstone and a pair of
hedging-gloves. The other party, seeing this value not sufficient for
his condemnation, by the counsel of the town clerk, entered an action
of felony against him for other things besides, as for stealing his
wimble, his axe, his net, and his clothes.^ Whereupon Eilwai-d,
being had to the gaol of Bedford, and afterward condemned for the
same, was judged to have both his eyes put out, and otherwise to be
disgi-acefully mutilated. This punishment, by the malice of his
adversary, being executed upon him, he, lying in great danger of
death by bleeding, was counselled to make his prayer to this Thomas
of Canterbury. Which done, (saith the miracle,) there appeared one a was-
to him by night, in white apparel, bidding him to watch and pray, vj-sion?""
and put his trust in God and our Lady, and holy St. Thomas. In
conclusion, the miracle thus fell out : the next day at evening, the
man rubbing his eye-lids, began to feel his eyes to be restored again ;
first, in a little ; after, in a greater measure ; so that one w as of a
grey colour, the other was black : and here was one mii-acle rung.
After this followed another miracle also upon the same person ; for,
going but the space of four miles, when his eyes were restored, he
chanced in like manner to rub the parts where he had been muti- a false
lated, which immediately on the same (to use the words of my pudent"
story) were to him by degrees restored, and this he permitted "liracie.
every one to ascertain, and shamed not to deny ; insomuch that he, +
first coming up to St. Thomas, at London, was received with joy
of the bishop of Oo^rham ; who, then sending to the burghers of
Bedford for the truth of the matter, received from them again
letters testimonial, wherein the citizens there (saith this fabulous
festival) confirmed, first to the bishop, then to the covent of Canter-
bury, the relation of this to be as hath been told. This one miracle,
gentle reader ! so shameless and impudent, I thought here to express,
that by this one thou mightest judge of all the residue of his miracles;
and by the residue thereof mightest judge, moreover, of the filthy
wickedness of all these lying monks and cloisterers, who count it a
light sport so impudently to deceive the simple souls of Christ''s
church with trifling lies and dreaming fables. Wherefore, as I said,
if the holy sainting of Thomas Becket standeth upon no other thing
but upon his miracles, what credit is to be given thereto ? and upon
what a weak ground his shrine so long hath stood, by this may
easily be seen. Furthermore, another fable as notable as this, and
no less worthy of the whetstone, we read in the story of Gervasius ;
namely, that Thomas Becket appearing to a certain priest, named
Thomas, declared to him, that he had so brought to pass, that all the
names of the monks of the church of Canterbury, with the names of
(1) Ex Historia Moiiachi Cant, dc Miraculis Hecketi Tliomae.
2.32 lU.ASl'UK.MOLS ANTIir.M UK THOMAS DliCKKT.
Henry II. tlio ])rii'st.s aiul clcrks, and with tlie fliinilios biloiig'mg to tliat city
A.D. '^"•^1 (.•liuivli of C'aiitcrhurv, were written in tlie liouk of Jjit'c'
1170. ]^ut wliatsocvtT is to bo tlioii^^lit of his miracles, or howsoever the
testimony of the school of Paris, or of these ancient times, went with
Jiim or against him ; certain it is, that this anthem or collect, lately
collected and primered in his praise, is blasphemous, and deroirateth
from the praise of llim, to whom only all praise and honour are due,
where it is said :'^
iihomous " ^'^'' ^^^^ blood of TlioiTias,
.■iiithi-m Wliich lie for thee did spend,
J'^[.[|j''"- Grant us, Christ, to climb
liccket. Where Thomas did ascend : "
wherein is a double lie contained ; fii'st, that he died for Christ ;
secondly, that if he had stj done, yet that his blood coulil purchase
lieaven ; which thing neither Paul nor any of the apostles diu"st ever
challenge to themselves, lor if any man's blood could bring us to
heaven, then the blood of Christ was shed in vain.
And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certain
ancient times concerning the cause of Thomas Becket, in the expli-
ciition of whose history I have now stood the longer (exceeding
peradventurc in over-much prolixity), to the intent that his cause
bemg fully o])ened to the world, and duly weighed on every jiart,
men''s minds thereby, long deceived by ignorance, might come unto
the more perfect certainty of the truth thereof, and thereby judge
more surely what is to be received, and what to be refused, ^^'here.
by the way, is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Crickc-
ladensis, that Avhich in him 1 find ; namely, that the peers and nobles
of this land, near about the king, gave out in straight charge, upon
pain of death, and confiscating of all their goods, that no man should
be so hardy as to name Thomas Becket to be a martyr, or to preach
of his miracles.
After the death of Thomas Becket, the king fearing the ])ope's
wrath and curse to be laid upon him (whereunto Louis, the French
The king king, also helped what he could to set the matter forward), sent to
Rome the archbishop of Rouen, with certain other bishops and arch-
deacons, unto the pope with his excuse, which the pope would in
no wise hear. And afterwards, other messengers being sent, Avhom
some of the cardinals received, it was showed to them that on Good
Friday (being then near at hand) the pope of custom was used to
assoil, or to curse, and that it was noised, how the king of England
with his bishops should be cursed, and his land interdicted, and that
they shoidd be put in prison.' After this, certain of the cardinals
showed the pope, that the messengers had power to swear to the
pope, that the king should obey his piuiishment and jjenance, which
w;is taken both of the king and the archbishop of York ; so that in
the same day the pope cursed the deed-doers, with such as were of
their consent, who cither aided or harboured them. Concerning
these deed-doers, it is touched briefly before, how they fled unto
(1) Ex Gervas. fol. 6.
(2) " Tu per Tlinniae s.inRuineni, quern pto te impendit,
Fac nos Ctiriste (.candere, quo Thomas ascendit.'
(3) Ex Libro Aiinotatioiiuni Histuricaiuin manuscripto, J. Skciiii.
fiuleth
to Home.
PKXANCK KXJOIXKO OX THE KIXG. 2o3
Yorkshire, lying in Knarcsborouirli; who after having in penance to iienryii.
go in linsey-wolsey barefoot (with fasting and prayer) to Jerusalem, . ^
by reason of this hard penance are said to have died a few years after, ini.
The king''s ambassadors lying, as is said, in Rome, could find no ThTpe^
grace nor favour for a long time at the pope's hands. At length, "i^"^^^/
with much ado, it was agreed that two cardinals should be sent down knigius.
to inquire out the matter concerning those who were consenting to
Becket's death. The king, perceiving what was preparing at Rome,
neither being yet certain whereto the intent of the pope and coming
down of the cardinals would tend, in the mean time addressed
himself with a great power to enter into Ireland, giving in charge and
commandment, as Hovedcn writeth, that no bringer of any brief or
letter should come over into England, or pass out of the realm (of
what degree or condition soever he were), without special license
and assurance that he would bring nothing that should be prejudicial
to the realm.
This order being set and ordained, the king, with four hundred Ireland
great ships, taketh his journey to Ireland, where he subdued in short dued^uj'
time the whole land unto him, which at that time was governed under England,
divers kings to the number of five, of whom four submitted them-
selves unto the said King Henry ; the fifth, who w^as the king of
Con naught, denied to be subdued, keeping himself in woods and
marshes.
In the mean season, while the king was thus occupied in Ireland,
the two cardinals who were sent from the pope, namely, Theodine
and Albert, were come to Normandy. Unto them the king the
next year following resorted about the month of October, a.d. 1172. a.d.ii72.
But before this (during the time of the king's being in Ireland), the
bishop of London, and Joceline, bishop of Salisbury, had sent to
Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The king
returning out of Ireland, by Wales, into England, and from thence
to Normandy, there made his purgation before the pope's legates, as
touching the death of the aforesaid Becket ; to the which he sware
he was neither aiding nor consenting, but only that he spake rigorous
words against him, for that his knights would not avenge him against
the said Thomas ; for the which cause this penance was enjoined him
under his oath :
First, That he should send so much into the Holy Land as would Tiie _
find two hundred knights or soldiers for the defence of that land. penance
Item, That from Christmas-day next following, he should set d°eath'of
forth in his own person to fight for the Holy Land, the space of Becket.
three years together, unless he should be otherwise dispensed withal
by the pope.
Item, That if he would make his jom-ney into Spain (as his
present necessity did require), there he should fight against the
Saracens, and as long as he should there abide, so long space might
he take in prolonging his journey toward Jerusalem.
Item, That he should not hinder, nor cause to be hindered, any
appellations made to the pope of Rome.
Item, That neither he nor his son should depart or dissever from
Pope Alexander, or from his catholic successors, so long as they
should account him or his son for kings catholic.
254
DESTRUCTIVK 1-IKE AT CANTKU ULTllY,
J I en ry II. Ittiii, Tluit tljc [Toods aiid posscssioiis taken from the cliurcli of
A. D. Canterbury should he restored ajrain, fully and amply, as they stood
1174. the year before Thomas Bccket departed tiie realm; and that free
" liberty should be granted, to all such as were outlawed for Beckct's
cause, to return acfain.
Item, That the aforesaid eustoms and decrees, by him established
against the church, should be extinct and repealed, (such only cxcej)ted
as concerned his own person, &c.) besides other secret tastings and
alms enjoined him.
All these former conditions the king with his son did both agree unto,
debasing himsell'in such sort of submission before the two cardinals,
by the occasion whereof the cardinals took no little glory, using this
verse of the Psalm : — " Which looketh upon the earth, and makcth
it to tremble ; which toucheth the hills and they smoke.''' More-
over, it is mentioned in histories of the said king, that a little after
William, king of Scots, with his armv had made a rode into
the realm, he, returning out of Normandy into England, came first to
nin?!! Canterbury; who, by the way, as soon as he came to the sight of
poeth or Becket's church, lighting off his horse, and putting off his shoes,
i"e"uh went barefoot to his tomb, whose steps were found bloody through
steps^o ^'^^ roughness of the stones. And not only that, but also he
'^'•'"mas received further penance, by every monk of the cloister a certain
tomb. discipline of a rod. By which so great dejection of the king (if it
were true), thou maycst see the blind and lamentable superstition and
ignorance of those days.^ If it were prctensed (as might so be in
time of war, to get the hearts of the people), yet mayest thou, learned
reader, sec what slavery kings and princes were brought into at that
A.D.iir^. time under the pope's clergy. The same year (as Hoveden writeth),
which was a.d. 1174, the whole city of Canterbury was almost all
consumed with fire, and the said minster-church clean burnt.
The next year ensuing, which was a.d. 1175, a convocation of
bishops was holden at Westminster, by Richard, archbishop of
Canterbury. In that conventicle all the bishops and abbots of the
A.D.1175. province of Cantcrburv and of York being present, determined, as had
vcr"v°^ been done a little before in the days of King Henry I. a.d. 1113,
iKtween about the obedience that York should do to Cantcrburv ; that is,
the S66 ■
of Canter- whether the archbishop of York might bear his cross in the diocese
tbJ'see" of Canterbury or not ? whereof something was touched before in the
ThHatVcr ^^rmcr process of this history. Also about the bishopric of Lincoln,
The city
of Can-
terlmry
almost
con-
sumed
with fire.
mer to
the bi-
shop of
Home.
nppcaieth of Coveutry of Worcester, and of Hereford, whether these churches
were under the jurisdiction of the see of York or not .'' &:c. Upon
these and other like matters rose such controversy between these two
sees, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the bishop
of Rome.
In these and such like causes, how much better had it been if the
supremacy had remained more near in the king's hands at home,
whereby not only much labour and travail had been saved, but also
the great and wasteful expenses bestowed at Rome might, with much
more fruit and thank, have been converted to their cures and flocks
committed unto them, and also, perchance, their cause, not less inilif-
ferently heard, at least more speedilv might have been decided. But
(I) Ex Quadrilogo.
(2) lix Rosoro rioveilcno, Quadiilogo, et aliis.
EN'CJI.ANO DIVIBKD INTO SIX ClUCUITS. LOO
t<.' tlie ])iirposc again. In this controversy divers of the arclibisliop ijn,ryiL
of York's clergy, such as were of Gloucester, belonging to the church ^v D."
of St. Oswald, were excommunicated by the archbishop of Canterbury, J^]75.
because they, being sunmioncd, refused to appear before him, &c. xhe
At length tiie same year, which was a.d. 1175, there was a cardinal "^l^^^l,"^
sent down from Rome by the king's procurement, who studied to warn in
settle a peace between the two archbishops. Whereupon, this way crater ex-
of agreement was taken, by means of the king, at Winchester, that, J,';""t"d."
as touching the church of St. Oswald, at Gloucester, the archbishop of Agree-
Canterbury should cease his claim thereon, molesting the see of York }]^™ een
no more therein ; also, that he should absolve again the clerks thereof, |,'|^,*^jfi'f
whom he had excommunicated before. And, as concerning the canttr-
bearing of the cross and all other matters, it w\as referred to the yjik.*"
archbishop of Rouen, and to other bishops in France, so that for five
years a league or truce was taken betwixt them, till they should have
a full determination of their cause.
The next vear followincr, the aforesaid King Henry IT., dividing a.t).ii7(;.
J "^ -* ^ c ^ ' c J us tires
the realm of England into six parts, ordained upon every part three oiassi-/.e
justices of assize. Tlie circuit or limitation of tliese justices was thus t^^'^^
disposed — The first upon Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Hun- 'ircuUs.
tingdonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire :
The second upon Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Stam-
flirdshire, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire : The
third upon Kent, Surrey, Southamptonshire, Sussex, Berkshire,
Oxfordshire : The fourth upon Herefordshire, Gloucestershire,
Worcestershire, Salopshire : The fifth upon Wiltshire, Dorsetshire,
Somersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall : The sixth upon Everikeshire;^
Richmondshire, Lancaster, Copland, Westmoreland, Northumber-
land, Cumberland.
In the same year Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, made three
archdeacons in his diocese, whereas before there was but one.^
About this time also it was granted by the king to the pope's legate,
that a clerk should not be called before a temporal judge, except
for offence in the forest, or for his lay fee that he holdeth.
Item, that no archbishopric, bishopric, or abbey, should remain in
the king's hands over one year without great cause. It chanced the J^J'^'^"^:^,
same year that this was done, that there was at Canterbury one tention
elected to be abbot in the house of St. Austin, named Albert, who ^heTrch-
made great labour and suit unto the archbishop that he would come ff^°l^
to his church, and there consecrate him abbot of St. Austin ;^ to whom abbot of
the archbishop sent word again, that he was not bound to come to b^""
huu, but rather that the other should repair to the metropolitan
church of Canterbury, there to receive his consecration. Whereupon,
controversy arising between them, the aforesaid newly elect appealed
to the audience of the pope, and so laboured up himself to Rome ;
where he so handled the matter, (by what means I cannot tell, unless
with his golden bottle, wherewith he quenched the pope's thirsty
soul, for abbots never travel lightly without fat purses to Rome,) that
with short dispatch he procured letters from Alexander the pope, to
Roger, bishop of Worcester ; signifying to him, tliat he had given
(0 Ex epitome Matth. Paris, et aliarum ■historiaiuni. _
;21 Where was here the precept of the gospel, " He that will be greatest among you, ict himba
an underling to others T' (3) " Everikeshire," Yorkshire, from Eboracuui.— Kd.
550 A LETTER OF I'OI'K AI-EXAXDER.
Henryii. in cluirgc aiiil coinnianiliiiciit to the archbishop of Cantcrl)iirv, in the
^ j3 behalf of his dear son Albert, that he should consecrate him within
1176. his own monastery, which monastery properly and solely, without
^.,,^. ,^.„„^ mediation, belonged to the jurisdiction of Rome ; and so likewise
"^'•',« should do to his successors after him, Avithout any exaction of obedi-
iTttcr'to ence of them. Which thing, further he said, if the archbishop would
of wor*-'"'' refust- to do within the term appointed, that then he the aforesaid
cester. l,)sho]' of Worccstcr should, by the authority committed unto him,
execute the same, all manner of appellation or other decree, what-
soever shovdd come, notwithstanding. This letter being obtained,
the abbot that would be, returneth home, supposing with himself all
things to be sure. The archbishop understanding the case, and
seeing himself to be so straitly charged, and yet loth to yield and
stoop to the abbot, took to him policy where authority would not
serve ; and both to save himself, and yet to disappoint the abbot, he
watched a time when the abbot was about the business of his house,
and coming the same time to the monastery, as he was commanded
to do, with all things appointed that to such a business appertained,
he called for the abbot, pretending no less than to give him his
consecration. The abbot, being called for, was not at home ; the
archbishop, feigning himself not a little grieved at his labour and good
will so lost, departed, as one in whom no ready diligence was lacking,
if in case that the abbot had been at home. Whereupon the abbot
being thus disappointed, was fain to fill his silver flagons afresh, and
make a new course to Rome to his father, the pope, from Avhom he
received his consecration, and so came home again, with as much wit
as he went forth, but not with so much money, peradventure, as he
went withal.
We have declared a little before, touching the acts and doings of
this Pope Alexander III., how he had brought the emperor's head
under his foot in St. Mark's church at Venice, at which time and
place peace was concluded, and a composition made between the pope
and the said Frederic the emperor ; which pacification Roger
A.D.1177. Hoveden and Walter Gisburn refer to this time, a.d. 117T, bringing
in two several letters sent from the said Pope, to Richard, archbishop
of Canterbury, to Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of
Durham. Out of the said letters, so much as serveth our purj)ose,
I have taken and here inserted.
The Letter of Pope Alexander, sent to Roger, archbishop of York,
and to the bishop of Dm-liam.^
" Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to his reverend brethren, Roger,
archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham, greeting and apostolical
blessing. The obsequy and service of your kind devotion, which hitherto you
are known to have given both devoutly and laudably to us and to the church,
requireth that we shovdd describe to you, as to our special friends, the pro-
sperous success of the church, and let you know, as spiritual children of the
church, what hath happened to the same. For meet it is, convenient, and also
honest, that you, whom we have had so firm and sure in our devotion, should
now be cherished and made joyous in the prosperity of us, and of the cl.urjh."
(1) Tlie Latin of the two extracts here translated hv our author may be found in llie Edition
of 1563, p. 08.— Ed.
CONTENTION BETWEEN THE TWO METROPOLITANS. 257
And about the end of the epistle it followcth thus : — iienniir.
"Tlie next day following, which was the feast of St. James, (the said emperor A. 1).
so requesting), we came to the aforesaid church of St. Mark, there to celebrate 1177.
our solemn mass ; where, as we were coming in the way, the said emperor met ^ ^^^^.^.i^
us without the church, and placing us again on his right hand, brought us so emperor,
into the church. After the mass was done, placing us again on his right hand, ^'"^ ^
he brought us to the church door. And moreover, when we should take our jJopg.
palfrey, he held our stin-up, exhibiting to us such honour and reverence, as his xhe
progenitors were wont to exhibit to our predecessors. Wherefore these shall cmpemr
be to incite your dihgence and study towards us, that you rejoice with us and the'pope's
the church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the stirmp.
same effect of peace to other devout children of the church ; that such as be
touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate and rejoice
also in the Lord for the great working of peace which he hath given. — Given
at Venice, at the Rialto, the 2Gth cf July."
This year the contention revived again, spoken of a little before,
between the two archbishops of York and Canterbury, the occasion
whereof was this ; the manner and practice of the pope is, when he
beginneth to lack money, he sendeth some limiting' cardinal abroad
to fetch his harvest in. So there came this year into England, as
lightly few years were without them, a certain cardinal from Rome,
called Hugo, or, as Hoveden nameth him, Hugezim, who would needs
keep a council at Westminster. To this council resorted a great
confluence, about the middle of Lent, of bishops, abbots, priors,
doctors, and such others of the clergy. As every one was there
placed in his order, and after his degree, first conieth the archbishop
of York, named Roger, who, thinking to prevent the other arch-
bishop, came something sooner, and straightway placed himself on
the right hand of the cardinal. Richard, the archbishop of Canter- conter.-
bury, following shortly after, and seeing the first place taken up, {^""entwo
refuseth to take the second, complaining of the archbishop of York, ^l*^^-
as one prejudicial to his see. So, while the one woidd not rise, and who
the other not sit down, there rose no small contention between sltTn'^tiie
the two. The archbishop of Canterbury claimed the upper seat by J^^^^^ ^^
the pre-eminence of his church ; contrary, the archbishop of York tiie car-
alleged for him the old decree of Gregory, whereof mention is made
before, by which this order was taken between the two metropolitans
of Canterbury and York, that whichever of them two should be fii'st in
election, he should have the pre-eminence in dignity to go before the
other. Thus they, contending to and fio, waxed so warm in words,
that at last they turned to hot blows. How strong the archbishop of
York was in reason and argument, I cannot tell, but the archbishop
of Canterbury was stronger at the arm's end ; whose servants being
more in number, like valiant men, not suffering their master to take
such a foil, so prevailed against York (sitting on the right hand of
the cardinal), that they plucked him down from the hand to the foot
of the cardinal upon the ground, treading and trampling upon him
with their feet, that marvel it was he escaped with life. His casule,
chimer, and rochet,^ were all rent and torn fi-om his back. Here no
reason would take place, no debating would serve, no praying could
(1) Chaucer uses the word ' limitour' to express a friar, who had a license to beg within certain
limits, infra p. 358. See Toc'd's Johnson.— Ed.
(2) For an account of these vestments see the Appendix.— Ed.
VOL. II. .S
2.')8 KNTKXSlvr. DOMINIOXS Ol K\Si. IIKN'IJV II.
jinin/n. ho lioard, siidi clamour and tumult wore there in the house among
^ 1) tliem, mucli like to the tumult which Virgil describeth : —
1177 " Ac vcluti in magno populo, cum svepe coorti est
Scditio, sanit(iue animis i<inobilc vulgus,
JauKiue faces et saxa volant, furor anna ministrat." »
Now, as the first part of this description doth well agree, so some
pcradvonturo will look again, that, according to the latter jiart also of
the same, my loril cardinal, with sagoness and gravity (after the man-
ner of the old Romans standing up), should have ceased and allayed
the disturbance, according to that which foUoweth in the poet : —
" Turn pietate gi-avem meritis si forte vimm quein
Conspcxcre, silent, an-ectisque auribus astjint :
Ille regit mcntes dictis, ct pectora mulcct."^
But what did the noble Roman cardinal ? Like a pretty man of
his hands, but a prettier man of his feet, standing up in the midst,
and seeing the house in such a broil, committed himself to flight,
and, as lloveden writcth, " abscondit se a fjicic illorum.'''' The next
day the archbishop of York bringeth to the cardinal his rochet, to
bear witness what injury and violence he had sustained ; appealing
and citing up the archbishop of Canterbury, Avith certain of his men,
to the bishop of Rome. And thus the holy council, the same day it
was l)egun, brake up and was dissolved.
Theiaiffe Under the reign of this King Henry II., the dominion and crown
of Henry of Jtiugland extended so mr as liatli not been seen in this realm before
him. Histories record that he possessed under his rule and jurisdic-
of'sTor ^'*^"' ^^^''' ^^'"tland, to whom William, king of Scots, with all the
land. lords temporal and spiritual, did homage both for them and for their
successors (the seal whereof remaincth in the king's treasury) ; as also
Ireland, England, Normandy, A quitaine, Guienne, &c. to the Pyre-
ncan mountains, which be in the uttermost parts of the great ocean
in the British Sea ; being also protector of France, to whom Philip
the French king yielded both himself and his realm whollv to his
"o"IJ't"' governance, A. D. 1181. Moreover, he was oflTcred also to "be the
of France. ]^ing of .Jerusalem, by the patriarch and master of the hospital there ;
khi°^Tf ^^'^^"' being then distressed by the soldan, brought him the keys of
jcrusa- their city, desiring his aid against the infidels ; which offer he then
reftisah refused, alleging the great charge which he had at home, and the
"• rebellion of his sons, which might happen in his absence.
And here the old histories find a groat fault with the king for his
ui'be""'' refusal ; declaring that to be the cause of God's plagues, Avhich after
denied ensued npon him bv his children, as the patriarch, in his oration,
to our , ^ * ' L ^ '
neiRh- being oflTondod with the king, prophesied should so happen to liini
the cause f^^ ^lic samc causc ; which story, if it be true, it may be a lesson to
godly. S^^^^ princes, not to deny their necessary help to their distressed
neighbours, especially the cause appertaining unto God.^
(1) Virs. ;En. I. 148.
" As when in tumiilts rise the ijjnoble crowd,
Mad are their motions and llieir ton)jucs are loud:
And stones and lirands in rattling vullies fly,
And all the rustic arms that fury can supply."
(-) " If then some Rrave and pious man appear,
They hush their noise and lend a listening ear:
He soothes with sober words their angry muod,
And quenches their innate desire of blood." — Drydcn.
(3) E\- Polychro. Ex Giraldo Camhrensi.
HIS GllKAT TRKASUKKS. 359
The wisdom, discretion, manliood, and riches of this prince were JUnnyii.
so spread and renowned through all qnarters, that messages came from ^ ^ "
Emmanuel, emperor of Constantinople, Frederic, emperor of Rome, nsi.
and William, archbishop of Treves in Almain, from the duke of
Saxony, and from the earl of Flanders, and also from the French
king, upon determination of great questions and strifes, to ask counsel
and determination thereof of this King Henry, as of one inost wise,
and schoolmaster of all wisdom and justice, to have solution of their
questions and doubts. Moreover, Alphonso, king of Castile, and rienry ir.
Sancho, king of Navarre, being in strife for certain castles and other ari"^,^"
possessions, submitted them, of their free accord, and by their oath, ["ytwo
to abide the award of this King Henry; who made award and pleased
them both ; whereby it is to be presupposed, that this king, to whom
other princes did so resort, as to their arbiter and deciser, did not attend
either to any sloth or vicious living. Wherefore it may seem that
the acts of this prince were not so vicious as some monkish writers
do describe.
Among many other things in this king memorable, this one is to
be noted (follow it who can), that he reigned five and thirty years,
and having such wars with his enemies, yet never upon his subjects
put any tribute or tax, nor yet upon the spiritualty first-fruits and
appropriations of benefices. Belike they were not known, or else
not used. And yet his treasure after his death, weighed by King
Richard, his son, amounted to above nine hundred thousand pounds,
besides jewels, precious stones, and household furniture. Of the xiie tiea-
which substance eleven thousand pounds came to him by the death of kVi?k"
Roger, archbishop of York, who had procured a bull of the pope, ^icnryii.
that if any priest died within his province without testament, then he a covet-
should have all his goods. And shortly after the archbishop died, blsVop. '
and the king had all his goods, which extended, as is said, to eleven
thousand pounds, besides plate, a.d. 1181.
But as there is no felicity or wealth in this mortal M'orld so perfect,
which is not darkened with some cloud of encumbrance and adversity;
so it happened to this king, that among his other princely successes,
this incommodity followed him withal, that his sons rebelled and
stood in armour against him, taking the part of the French king
against their father. First, at the coronation of Henry, his son,
whom the father joined with him as king, he being both father and
king, took upon him (that notwithstanding) as but a steward, and set
down the first dish as sewer unto his son, renouncing the name of a
king. At what time the aforesaid archbishop of York, sitting on the
right hand of the young king, said, "Sir, ye have great cause this day
to joy, for there is no prince in the world that hath such an officer this
day,'' &c. And the young king disdaining his words, said, '' My Pride de-
father is not dishonoured in this doing, for I am a king and a queen's aii"'^ '
son, and so is not he." And not only this, but afterwards he also
persecuted his fiither ; and so, in his youth, when he had reigned but
a few years, died, teaching us what is the price and reward of breaking
the just commandment of God.
After him likewise Richard his son (who M-as called Richard Cceur
de Lion) rebelled against his father; and also John, his youngest son,
did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren ; insomuch
s 2
260 DEATH OK KIXG HENRV II.
iienryii. tliat iliis ftforcsaid Richard, like an unkind child, persecuting and
A rj taking part against his fother, brought him to such distress of body
ilSo! 'inJ mind, tliat for thought of heart he fell into an ague, and within
j7~ four davs departed, a.d. 1189, after he had reigned five and thirty
Hen'ry 11. ycars ; wliosc corpsc as it was carried to be buried, Richard liis son
{*ed'by"iis coiuiug by tlic Way and meeting it, and beginning for compassion to
HiTdcati), weep, the blood brast incontinent out of the nose of the king at the
A.D.iisy. coming of his son, giving thereby a certain demonstration how he
kiiiR, be- was the only author of his death.
bied'auh'e Aftct thc rcign and death of wliich king, his cliildren after him,
cnmiiiB of worthily rewarded for their unnaturalness against their father, lacking
the success wliich their father had, lost all beyond the sea that their
father had got before.
And thus much concerning the reign of Henry II., and the death
of Thomas Becket ; whose death (as is aforesaid) happened in the
days of Pope Alexander III. ; which pope, usurping the keys of
ecclesiastical regiment one and twenty years, or, as Gisburn writeth,
three and twenty years, governed tlie church with much tumult ;
striving and contending with Frederic the emperor ; not shaming,
like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foot upon the neck of the
said emperor, as is above described.
This pope, among many other acts, had certain councils, as is
partly before touched, some in France, some at Rome, in Lateran ;
by whom it was decreed, that no archbishop should receive the pall,
unless he should first swear obedience, a.d. 1179; concerning the
solemnity of which pall, for the order and manner of giving and
taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is contained in their
own words, I thought it good to set it forth unto thee, that thou
mayest well consider and understand their doings therein.
The form and manner, how and by what words, the pope is wont to
give the pall unto the archbishop.'
To the honour* of Ahnighly God, and of blessed Marj', tlie Virgin, and of
blessed St. Peter and St. Paul, and of our lord Pope N. and of the holy church of
Rome, and also of the church of N. committed to your charge, we give to you
the pall taken from the body^ of St. Peter, as a fulness of the office pontifical,
which you may wear within your own church, upon certain days,* which be
expressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by the see apostolic.
NOTES UPON THE SAME.
1. " To the honour," &c. With what confidence durst the pope couple the
honour of Almighty God, and the honour of Mary, of St. Peter, and of the
pope, and of the Romish church all together, if he had not been a pre-
sumptuous Lucifer, equalling himself not only with such saints, but also even
with him who is God alone, to be blessed for ever ?
2. " Taken from the body," &c. If St. Peter's body be not all consumed, let
him show it if he can. If he cannot show it, how then is this pall taken from
the body of St. Peter? or if he mean it to be of St. Peter's own wearing, then
belike St. Peter had a goodly wardrobe of palls, when every archbishop in all
Christendom receiveth from the pope a divers pall.
3. " As a fulness of the office," &c. Rather he might say, the fulness of his
own purse, when archbishops paid so sweetly fur it ; insomuch that Jacobus, the
archbishop of Mentz (as is above touched, p. 109), a little before in the council of
(1) " Ad honorem oratiipotentis Dei, et beatje Mariae Virftinis, et beatorum Petri ct Pauli, et
domini nostri A'. Papae, et sancta; RomanEe ecclesise, nccnon N. ecclesise tibi coramissse, tradimus
tibi pallium de corpore bcali Petri sumptum, plenitudinem pontilicalis officii, ut utaris eo infra
ecclesiani tuam certis diebus, qui c.xprimuntur in privilcfjlis tibi ab apostolica scde concessis."
[Nearly verbatim iu Wilkins's Couc. ii. 199, and Antiq. lirit. an. 1501.— En.]
THE OATH TAKEN BY THE BISHOPS. 261
Basil, where the price was wont to be but ten thousand florins, coiild not obtain iienryii.
it witliout seven and twenty tliousand florins.'
4. " Upon certain days," &c. This difierence there was between tlie pope A.I).
and other archbishops : the pope might wear the pall at all times, and in 1^^^-
all places, at his pleasure ; archbishops might not wear it but upon certain days,
and in their church only, within their province. Moreover this pall should not
be asked but with great instance, and within three months ; without which pall
he is not to be named archbishop, but may be deposed, having it not after three
months ; and the same pall must also be buried with him when he dieth ; and
when it is given, some privilege must be given withal, or the old renewed.
In like manner proceedeth the oath of every bishop swearnig obe-
dience to the pope in words as followeth -J^ —
" I, N., bishop of iV., from this hour henceforth, will be faithful and obedient
to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy apostolic church of Rome, and to my Lord
A'., the pope. I shall be in no council, nor help either wuth my consent or
deed, whereby either of them, or any member of them, may be impaired, or
whereby they may be taken with any evil taking. The council which they
shall commit to me, either by themselves, or by messenger, or by their letters,
wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none to their hindrance and damage. To Tins was
the retaining and maintaining the papacy of Rome, and the regalities of thatmade
St. Peter, I shall be an aider (so mine order be saved) against all persons. Becketto
The legate of the apostolic see, both in going and coming, I shall honourably betonisli-
treat and help in aU necessities. Being called to a synod, I shall be ready to giain.
come, unless I be let by some lawful and canonical impeachment. The palace
of the apostles every third year I shall visit either by myself or my messenger,
except otherw'ise being licensed by the see apostolic. All such possessions as
belong to the table and diet of my bishopric, I shall neither sell, nor give, nor
lay to mortgage, nor lease out, nor remove away by any manner of means,
without the consent and knowledge of the bishop of Rome :* so God help me
and the holy gospels of God.
A NOTE UPON THE SAME.
Hereby thou hast by the way, gentle readei", to note and consider, among
other things which here may be understood, that since the time the oath began
to be laid and thrust upon bishops, all general councils began to lose their
liberty. For, how could any freedom remain for men to speak their knowledge
in redress of things, being by their oath so bound to the pope to speak nothing
but on his side, to maintain the papacy and the church of Rome in all times
and places ? Conjecture by thyself, christian reader, what more is hereby to be
considered.
Besides this, it was also decreed in the said council at Rome of
three hundred and ten bishops, by Pope Alexander, " That no man
should have any spiritual promotion, except he were of lawful age,
and born in w'edlock. That no parish church should be void above
six months. That none in orders should meddle with temporal
business. That priests should have but one benefice, and that the
bishops should be charged to find the priest a living till he be
promoted. That open usiu-ers should not communicate at Easter,
nor be buried within the churchyard. That nothing should be taken
(1) Ex libro gravaminum nationis Germanics!. [See Appendix, and infra vol. iv. p. 12. — Ed.J
(2) "Ego.A'.. Episcopus iV.,abhac horain antea fidelis et obediens erobeato Petro, sanctteque apo-
stolicas PiomanEe ecelesia?,et domino nieo,dom. jV., papee, suisque succcssoribus canonice intrantibus.
Non ere in consilio, sou auxilio, consensu, vel facto, ut vitam perdant aut membrum, seu capian-
tur mala captione. Consilium vero quod mihi credituri sunt, per se aut per nuncium, seu literas
ad eorum damnum, me sciente nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum et regalia S. Petri adjutor eis
ero ad retinendum et del'endendum, salvo meo ordine, contra omnem hominem. Legatum aposto-
liCB sedis in eiindo et redeundo honorifice tractabo, et in suis necessitatibus adjuvabo. Vooatus ad
synodum veniam, nisi prajpeditus fuero canonica pr;epeditione. Apostolorum limina singulis
trienniis visitabo, aut per me, aut per meum nuncium, nisi apostolica absolvar licentia. Posses-
sioiies vero ad mcnsam mei episcopatus pertinentes non vendam, neque donabo, neque oppigno-
rabo, neque de novo infeudabo, nee aliquo modo alienabo inconsulto Rom. pontidce: sic me Deus
adjuvet, et sancta Dei evangelia." [Nearly verbatim in Wilkins's Cone. ii. lyS, an. I "93, and
Autiq. Britannica; ad an. 1501. — Ed.]
(3) And how be not those bishops then perjured, who, at the death of Queen Mary, set and let
out a great part of llieir p'.ssetsions from their successors?
262 PERSECUTION AT TOULOUSE.
Jienryii. nof bc buricd within tlie cliurchyard. That nothing should be taken
A.D. ^^^ ministering saeramcnts or burying. Also, that every cathedral
1189. church should have a master to teach children freely, without taking
' any thing fur the same.""
In this council the vow of chastity was obtruded and laid upon
priests. Thomas Becket, also, and Bernard, were canonized for saints.
During the reign and time of this King Henry IL, the city of
Norwich was destroyed and burnt by the men of Flanders. Also
the towns of Leicester and Nottingham were wasted, and the bur-
gesses slain by the earl of Ferrers. The town of Berwick was de-
stroved by the Scots. The king of Scots was taken in war by the
Engliishmen, a.b. 1174. The to^vn of Himtingdon was taken and
burned. The town of Canterbury, by casualty of fire, was burnt
Avith all the churches, especially the Trinity church, where Becket was
worshipped, in the same year. In a.d 1170, William, king of
Scots, with David, bis brother, and all the barons of the realm, did
homage to the king of England. Ireland was made subject to
England. Decreed in a council in Normandy, that no boys or
children should possess any benefice. A council of Lateran was
holden at Rome, where w'ere three and thirty articles concluded,
A.D. 1179. The French king came in pilgrimage to Thomas Becket,
the king of England meeting him by the way, a.d. 1184. After
the death of Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, who followed after
Baldwin Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwin, who, of a Cistercian monk
shop of being made a bishop, is said never to eat flesh in his life. A certain
oury^^ poor womau, bare and lean, meeting him in the street, desired to
know of him whether it were true that was said of him, that he never
did eat flesh : which thing when he had aftiniied to be true,
" Nay,'' saith she, " that is false, for you have eaten my flesh unto
the bone, for I had but one cow wherewith I was sustained, and that
have your deans taken fi-om me."" *■' True, true," said the bishop,
" and thou shalt have another cow as good as that.""'
Moreover, in the reign of King Henry, about a.d. 1178, I find
in the story of Roger Hovedcn and others, that in the city of
Toulouse there was a great multitude of men and women whom the
pope's commissioners, to wit, Peter, cardinal of St. Chrysogon and
the pope's legate, with the archbishops of Narbonne and Bourges,
Reginald, bishop of Bath, John, bishop of Poictiers, Henry, abbot
ofClairvaux, &c., did persecute and condemn for heretics; of whom
some were scourged naked, some chased away, some compelled to
abjure : concerning whose articles and opinions I have no firm ground
to make any certain relation, forasmuch as I see the papists, many
times so false in their quarrelling accusations, untruly collected mt ii -
sayings, not as they meant, and meaning not as they said, but wrc -i-
ing and depraving simple men's assertions after such a subtle sort
as they list themselves to take them. But this I find, how one of
the said commissioners or inquisitors, Henry the abbot, in a certain
letter of his, wrote thus of them :^ — " After a new opinion he affirmed
(1) Jomalensis.
(2) " Nam ct pancm Ranctutn vitxaetemse, sacerd' tis miristerioin verbo domiiii cor.s:cr;iti.in
non esse corpus Domioi, novo dogmate contendcbat a screrc."
FOUR AllClllTI.r.AllS OF PAPISTKY. 263
that the holy bread of eternal life, consecrated by the ministry of the Henry ii.
priest, was not the body of the Lord," &c. "aHd"
In the time of this Alexander sprang up the doctrine and name of 1189.
those who were then called ' pauperes de Lugduno,"' ' who, fi-oni one ^,y^.
Waldus, a chief senator in Lyons, were named ' Waldenses :' also ^lenses,^eu
. *^ . pauperes
'Leonista'' and 'Insabbatati f- about a.d. 1160, or, as Laziardus de luk-
•i il -11 t^n duiio,Len-
writetn, li lO. nist.e,
Not long before this time, as is expressed above, rose up Gratian, ^^^'^^atati.
master of the decrees, and Peter the Lombard, master of the sen- ^'o"""
tences, both arclipillars of all papistry ; after Avhom followed also two lars of
as evil, or worse than they, Francis and Dominic, maintaining blind p^uy.^'^"
hypocrisy, no less than the other maintained proud prelacy. As these
laboured one way, by superstition and worldly advancement, to cor-
rupt the sincerity of religion, so it pleased Christ, the contrary way,
labouring against these, to raise up therefore the said Waldenses
against the pride and hypocrisy of the others.
Thus we never see any great corruption in the church, but that
some sparkle of the true and clear light of the gospel yet by God's
providence doth remain ; w^hatsoever the Doctors Augustinus, Reine-
rius, Sylvius, and Cranzius, with others in their popish histories, do
write of them, defaming them through misreport, and accusing them
to magistrates as disobedient to orders, rebels to the catholic church,
and contemners of the Virgin !Mary, yet they who carry judgment
indifferent, rather trusting truth than wavering with the times, in
w'eighing their articles, shall find it otherwise, and that they main-
tained nothing else but the same doctrine which is now defended in
the church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as the papists did
(1) Waldenses. — f^ux author has fallen into the very common error of confounding the Waldenses
with the ' Pauperes de Lugduno,' or ' Poor men of Lyons,' and of deriving their origin from
Waldus, or Peter Waldo, of Lyons. The earliest period assigned to Peter Waldo is the year IIGO,
but there is a document of the year 1100, ' La Nobla Leyczon,' which speaks of the Waldenses,
or Vaudois, under the term Vaude*. It is therefore much more probable that Peter Waldo was
named after the community called Vaudes, than that the Waldenses should take their name from
his. Authors who assert the greater antiquity of the Waldenses, Vallenses, or Vaudois, maintain,
1. That the Waldenses are so called from certain secluded Alpine valleys, principally in Pied-
mont, where they have been settled from time immemorial.
2. That the simplest etymology is that which is deduced from a local, and not from a personal
name — ' Vallis,' Latin, ' Valle,' Italian, ' Val,' Provenfal, ' Val,' pi. ' Vaux,' and 'VaUee,' French,
' Val,' Spanish. ' Val,' Celtic, • Wald," 'I'eutonic, 'Valley,' English.
3. That traces are to be found jn eany ecclesiastical history (beginning with the works of
Ambrose and Jerome), of Alpine churches, which held opinions similar to those of the Waldenses
of later times.
4. That the most ancient of the state records of Piedmont, in which the Waldenses are
noticed as a religious community at variance with the church of Rome, call them ' Huomini delle
Valli,' or ' Men of the Valleys.'
5. That the antiquity of 'La Nobla Leyczon,' which presents internal evidence of having been
written in the year 1100, and contains the term Vaudes, and applies it to a religious body, not in
communion with the church of Rome, is proved by Raynouard, in his ' Choix de Poesies des
Troubadours, and by others, whose authority is of importance as to the period and language of that
valuable document.
(3. That surnames were not in use in the twelfth century, and that Peter of Lyons had his
second appellation AValdus, or Waldo, given to him to distinguish him, as one who had adopted the
opinions of the Vaudes, or Waldenses.
7. That the earliest public edicts, which make mention of the Waldenses (such as, ' Statuta
Synodalia Odonis Episcopi Tullensis,' in 1192 — "De hsreticis autem qui vocantur Wadoys —
prsecipimus," and the edict of Ildefonsus, king of Arragon, in 1194), do not give any derivation
of the term Waldenses, hut simply call certain heretics by that name.
■S. That the earliest treatises which profess to give the etjanology of the name Waldenses, derive
it trom a word signifying ' Valley.' — "Thus Bernard of Fontcaud, a.d. 1185 — " Dicti sunt Valden-
sis nimirura a valle densa, eo quod profundis et densis errorum tenebris involvantur ;" and
Ebrard de Bethune, in the year 1200 — "Vallenses se appellant eo quod in valle lachrj-marum
maneant."
9. That the first treatise which pretends to derive the Waldenses from Peter Waldus, of
Lyons, was written after these, namely, ' Petri, Vallis-Sarnen.sis monachi, Historia Albigrnsium,'
12mo, Trecis, 1615. SeeLeger's 'Histoiregeiierale des Eglises Evang^liques de Valtes <le Pifiaiont ;'
AUix's 'Churches of Piedmont;' Gilly's ' Waldeiisian Researches;' Blair's 'History of the
• Waldenses.' — Eb.
(2) " Quoddam scutum in sotularis vel zahhatae parte superior! hi qui perfect! inter eos sunt in
signum deferunt.aquoeti.im 'Inzabbatati dicti sunt.'' Nich. Eymericus, " Inquisitorum Direc-
torium," Rom. 1578, pais 2 qiifest. 13, p. '.!0J, pars 3, p. 294. — Ed.
2G4' HISTORY OK THK WALDKXSJiS.
lunryii. witli tlic articles of Wickliff and Huss, so they did in like manner
. j> with their articles also, in gathering and wresting them otherwise
liso! t^'^" they wore meant.
€t)e fji.stocp Of tlje HDalDenjSc^,
CONCERNING TllKIU OKIGIXAL AND DOCTRINE, WITH THEIR
PERSECUTIONS.'
The first original of these Waldenses, came of one Waldus, a
man both of great substance, and no less calling in the city of Lyons,
the occasion whereof is declared of divers writers thus to come. About
A.D. 1160, it chanced that divers of the best and chiefest heads of
the city of Lyons, talking and walking in a certain place after their
old-accustomed manner, especially in the summer-time, conferred and
consulted together upon matters, either to pass over time, or to
debate things to be done ; amongst whom it chanced one (the
rest Jooking on) to fall down by sudden death. Li the number of
whom this aforesaid Waldus, there being amongst them, was one; who,
beholding the matter more earnestly than the others, and terrified
with so heavy an example, being, as is said, a rich man, and God's
Holy Spirit working withal, was stricken with a deep and inward
repentance, whereupon followed a new alteration, with a careful study
to reform his former life ; insomuch that he began, first, to minister
large alms of his goods to such as needed, secondly, to instruct
and admonish himself and his family, and all that resorted to him bv
any occasion, concerning repentance, and the sincere worship of God,
and true piety. Whereby, partly through his large giving to the poor,
partly through his diligent teaching and wholesome admonitions,
more resort of people daily frequented about him ; whom when he
did see ready and diligent to learn, he began to give out to them
certain rudiments of the Scripture, which he had translated himself
into the French tongue ; for as he was a man wealthy in riches, so
lie was also not unlearned.
Although Laziardus, Volatcranus, and others, note him utterly
unlearned, and charge him with ignorance, as who should procure
others to write and translate for him ; by others, who have seen his
doings yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he
was both able to declare and to translate the books of Scripture, and
also did collect the doctors' mind upon the same.
The true But whatsocver lie was, lettered or unlettered, the bishops and
nature of prelatcs sccinff him so to intermeddle with the Scriptures, and to
Antichrist J ^^ .... , . ,^. ' ,
neither liavc such rcsort about him, albeit it was but m ins own house,
to'further uudcr private conference, could neither abide that the Scriptures
the word, should bc translated and declared by any other, nor Avould thev take
nor suffer . i-i i •' .•' i-i ^i-
othermen tlic paius to do it themsclves. So, being moved with great malice
against the man, they threatened to excommunicate him if he did not
leave off so to do. Waldus, seeing his doing to be but godly, and
their malice stirred up upon no just nor godly cause, neglecting the
threatenings and frettings of the wicked, said, that " God must be obeyed
more than man." To be brief, the more diligent he was in setting
forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of Antichrist, the
(1) Edition I.'iSS, p. 42. This account of the Waldenses is taken from Illyricus (" Cat. Test."
Eilit. Genev^E, IfiOR, cols. 1408— l.')2!l), and from the " Fasciculus" of Orth. Uratius. The text has
been collated with the oriijiiial, and corrected in some instances. — Eo.
ARTICLES OF THE WALDENSES. 265
more maliciously their fierceness increased ; insomuch that when they iienryir.
did see their excommunication to be despised, and would not serve, -^ j^
they ceased not with prison, with banishment, with fire and with nsy,
sword to persecute, till at length they had driven both Waldus, and
all the favourers of his true preaching, out of the city.
AVhereupon came first their name, that they were called ' Walden-
ses,^ or ' Pauperes de Lugduno,' not because they would have all things
common amongst them, or that they, professing any wilful poverty,
would imitate to live as the apostles did, as Sylvius did falsely belie
them, but because they, being thrust out both of country and goods,
M'ere compelled to live poorly, whether they would or no. And thus
much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of
the restoring and maintaining the true doctrine of Christ''s gospel,
against the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning
their articles, which I find in order and in number to be these :' —
The Articles of the Waldenses.
T. Only the holy Scripture is to be believed in matters pertaining to salva-
tion, and no man or man's writing besides.
II. All things which are necessary to salvation are contained in holy Scrip-
ture; and therefore nothing is to be admitted in religion, but only what is com-
manded in the word of God.
III. There is one only Mediator; the saints are in no wise to be made
mediators, or to be invocated.
IV. There is no purgatory ; but all men are either through Christ justified
to life eternal, or, not believing in him, go away to everlasting destruction :
and, besides these two, there is no third or fourth place.
V. There be but two sacraments, baptism and the communion.^
VI. All masses, namely, such as be sung for the dead, are wicked, and ought
to be abrogate.
VII. All human traditions ought to be rejected, at least not to be reputed as
necessary to salvation ; and therefore this singing and chanting in the chancel
is to be left off: constrained and prefixed fasts bound todays and times, super-
fluous holidays, difference of meats, such variety of degrees and orders of
priests, monks, and nuns, so many sundry benedictions and hallowing of
creatures, vows, pilgrimages, and all the rabblement of rites and ceremonies
brought in by man, ought to be abolished.
VIII. The asserted supremacy of the pope above all churches, and especially
his usurped power above all governments, in other words the jurisdiction of both
the swords, is to be utterly denied ; neither are any degrees to be received in
the church, but only the degrees of priests, deacons, and bishops.
IX. The communion under both kinds is godly and necessary, being or-
dained and enjoined by Christ.
X. The chiurch of Rome is the very Babylon spoken of in the Apocalypse ;
and the pope is the fountain of all errors, and the very antichrist.
XI. The pope's pardons and indulgences they reject.^
XII. The marriage of priests they hold to be godly, and also necessary in the
church.
XIII. Such as hear the word of God, and have a right faith, they hold to be
the right church of Christ ; and that to this church the keys of the church are
given to drive away wolves, and to institute true pastors of Christ, who should
preach the word and minister the sacraments.
These be the most principal articles of the Waldenses, albeit some
there be that add more to them ; some, again, divide the same into
more parts : but these be the principal, to which the rest be reduced.
The same Waldenses, at length exiled, were dispersed in divers
(1) " Solissacris Uteris credendum esse in lis, qUcB ad salutem," S:c. (2) Omitted by Foxe.— Ed.
(.'5) This article seemeth to be given of them in Bohemia, long after, for indulsjenees came not
in before Boniface VI IT. [" Tametsi illae infra quariringentos annos, nempe ante 2.iO, primiim A
Bonifacio octavo excogitata; sunt." lUyr. The right of granting tlieni was, liowever, first claimed
rather earlier, in the tweWth century.— Ed]
266 LtlSl'UTE CONCKKNIXG TKANSUBSTANTIATIOX.
iienryii. and suiulry places, of whom many remained long in Bohemia;' who,
^ J) writing to their king, Uladislans, to purge themselves against the
1189. slanderous accusations of one Dr. Austin, gave up their confession
with an apology of their christian profession ; defending, with strong
A.D.150S. and learned arguments, the same which now is received in most
reformed churches, both concerning grace, faith, charity, hope,
repentance, and works of mercy/
Thomas As for purgatory, they say that Thomas Aquinas is the author
iir>tiiiu)- thereot.-'
gLt"!ry'!"^ Concerning the supper of the Lord, their foith was, that it was
ordained to be eaten, not to be showed and worshipped ; for a me-
morial, not for a sacrifice ; to serve for the present ministration, and
not for reservation ; to be received at the table, not to be carried
out of tlie doors ; according to the ancient use of the primitive church,
when they used to coninumicate sitting. And this they said could
be proved both by the old chronicles, as also by that most ancient
Greek father, Origen, writing in these words upon the third book
of Moses, proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be re-
The sa scrvcd : — " Whosoever receiveth this bread of the supper of Christ
breTd'"^' upon the second or third day after, his soul shall not be blessed, but be
ou^ht not polluted. Therefore the Gibeonitcs, because thev brought old bread to
to be \f [it * . . •■ o
or re- the children of Israel, it was enjoined them to carry wood and water,&c."^
piVof Dr- Austin, of whom mention is made before, disputing against
thedis- tliem about this matter of the holv eucharist, ursjeth them with this
between interrogation :^ " Whether it be the same Christ present in the sacra-
tin and Hicut wlio is prcscnt at the right hand of the Father ? If it be not the
dens^es*' saffic Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, ' Nobis est non nisi unus
Adiiem- Deus, unus Dominus Jesus Christus,' — 'One God, one Lord Jesus
is, a cap- Christ ?' If it be the same Christ, then how is he not to be honoured
question, ^ud Worshipped here as well as there ?"
confer- "Pq (_i^jg (^Ijp "Waldenses answer again, and grant that Christ is one
ring on . P . ® .
both sides and the same in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his
Father, having in both cases a natural body, but not after the same
Bwerof iiiof^c of cxistencc : for the existence of his body in heaven is personal
the wai- and local, to be apprehended by the faith and spirit of men. In the
What it is sacrament the existence of his body is not personal or local, to be
lifter^sT- apprehended or received of our bodies after a personal or corporal
cranientai niauucr, but after a sacramental manner ; that is, where our bodies
manner. . ' , . ... ^ ■ ■ -r ^ n r
receive the sign, and our spirit the thing signihed. JNloreover, in
heaven the existence of his body is dimensive and complete, with the
full pro])ortion and quantity of the same body wherewith he ascended.
Here, the existence of his complete body, with the full proportion,
measure, and stature thereof, doth not, neither can, stand in the
sacrament. Briefly, the existence of his body in heaven is natural,
not sacramental, that is, to be seen, and not remembered : here it is
sacramental, not natural, that is, to be remembered, not to be seen.
(1) Tile term Waldenses, which properly describes the religious community of the Alpine rallri/s
of Piedmont, is often (though inaccurately j applied to all those Dissenters from Popery who appeared
in various parts of Europe fmni the bej; lining of tlie eleventh century, thoui:h they did not all agree
in their sentiments. The Taborites in boheniia, however, are -said to have really held the Wal-
dcnsian doctrines. See infra, p. 270, and lllyricus, "Catal. Test." col. 1507. — Ed.
(2) Ex Orthuino Gratio, [who in his " Fasciculus rerum," &c. gives " Professio Cdei fratrum Wal-
densium,"fol. 81, and '• Kcsponsio e.vcusatoria f W.,"fol. 89. UladisJaus was king of Bohemia, a.d.
1471 — 1.516, and Julius II. (ineniioned in the Apology as tlien pope) reigned a.d. 1503 — 1513. — Ed.]
(3) This was not the fact, nor is the above exactly the statement of the apologist. See App.— Ed.
(i) Quicunque hunt panem ccrn.T Cliristi secumla vel tenia die sumpscrit, non bencdicetur
aninia ejus, scd inquinahiiur. Propterca Uabaonita', quia antiqiios panes," i;c. Origen, super
terlium libruiii Mosis. [I'asticulus, fol. SS, A. — Ed.] (5) Fasciculus, fol. 92. — Ed.
an incon-
venient
The an-
DOCTRINES Of THE WALDENSES. 267
This answer being made to the captious proposition of Dr. Austin, iicmyii.
the Waldenses, retorting the like interrogation to him again, demand ^ ^^
of him to answer them in the like objection :' " Whether it be all one nsy.
Christ substantially and naturally, who sittetli in heaven, and who is ^;^_
under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the sacra- '^';;;;{j;'j^
ment ?" If he grant it to be, then they bid him say, seeing Christ diieimiia
is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, and as well in the receiver as u^Zn\>.
in the sacrament, and all one Christ in substance and nature ; why ^^f}^'
tlien is not the same Christ as well in the breast of the receiver to be
Avorshipped, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament,
seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man, than in the
sacrament ? for in the sacrament he is but for a time, and not for the '
sacrament's sake, but ibr the man's cause : in man he is not for the
sacrament's cause, but for his own ; and that not fur a season, but for
ever, as it is written, " Qui manducat hunc panem vivet in seternum ;"
that is, " He that eateth this bread shall live for ever," &c.
Moreover and besides, seeing transubstantiation is the going of one
substance into another, they question again with him, "whether the forms
of bread and wine remaining, the substance thereof be changed into
the whole person of our Lord Christ Jesus, that is, both into his body,
soul, and divinity ; or not into the whole Christ ?" If he grant the
whole ; then, say they, that is impossible, concerning the divinity,
both to nature and to our faith, that any creature can be changed into
the Creator. If he say, the bread is changed into the body and soul
of Christ, not to his divinity, then he separateth the natures in Christ.
If he say, into the body alone, and not the soul, then he separateth
the natures of the true manhood, &c., and so it cannot be the same
Christ that was betrayed for us ; for that he had both body and soul.
To conclude, to what part soever he would answer, this doctrine of
transubstantiation cannot be defended without great inconvenience on
all sides. Over and besides, iEneas Sylvius,^ writing of their doctrine
and assertions (perchance as he found them, perchance making worse
of them than they taught or meant), reporteth them after this manner,
which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin. ^
The English of the Same.
That tlie bishop of Rome is equal with other bishops. That amongst priests
there is no difference of degree. That no dignity of order, but only worthiness
of life, can raise one priest above others.
That the souls of men immediately on departing either enter into everlasting
pain, or everlasting joy. That there is no purgatory of fire to be found. That
to pray for the dead is a vain thing, and invented only for the lucre of priests.
That the images of God (as of the Trinity), and of saints, are to be abolished.
That the hallowing of water and palms is ridiculous. That the religion of
begging friars was invented by the devil. That priests should not encroach
riclies in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with men's devo-
tion.* That the preaching of the word of God is open to any one.
That no deadly sin is to be tolerated, for the sake of avoiding another evil,
how much greater soever. That he who is in deadly sin cannot hold any dignity
he may possess, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and is not to be obeyed.*
That confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction, are not
to be counted among the sacraments of the church. That auricular confession
is but a toy ; and that it suffices for every man to confess himself in his cham-
(1) Fasciculus, fol. 93. — Ed. (2) jEneas Sylvius, Bohemicahistoriade Waldensiumdofjmatibus.
(3) " Komanum praesulem reliquis episcopis parem esse. Inter sacerdotes nullum discrinien.
Presbyterum non dignitatem sed vitce meritura etlicere potiorein." For the original Latin, see
Edition 15G3, p. -14 ; also, ^n. Sylv. Op. Basil. 1571, p. 103, and Illyricus, " Catal. Testium" {Ed.
Ooularti, Genev. 1GU8), col. 1525, whence the following translation is revised —Ed.
(4) " Eleemosyua," voluntary oblations. Sec Todd'.-^ Johnson.— Ed. (5) Omitted by Foxe.— Ed.
268 :manxkrs axd cistoms of thk wai.dkxses.
Henry II. ber to God. Tliat baptism ouglit to be administered only witli pure water,
without any mixture of hallowed oil. That the use of churchyards is vain,
A. D. invented only for lucre's sake : it matters not what ground corpses arc buried
^89. ,„ I '|'i,_^t tijp temple of the great God is the wide world : and that it is like
Th^tenT limiting his majesty to build churches, monasteries, and oratories, as though
pleof iiie his grace were more to be found in one place than in another,
i^"'*!!'!' ha- '^'•''i' priest's apjjarel, ornaments of the high altar, palls, corporas cloths, cha-
bi'tatioii" liccs, patines, and other church plate, serve in no stead. That the priest may
wherein consecrate and minister the body of Christ to those who do require, in any place
prop™!)'' whatever.2 That it is sufticientonly if he pronounce the sacramental words,
dwelloth That the suffrages of saints, reigning with Christ in heaven, are craved in
wo'lkcih ^"'" ; ^^^^y ''eing not able to help us. That the time spent in saying or singing
That'is'' the canonical hours, is but lost. That a man ought to cease from his laboiir no
the mere j^y^ except the Lord's day, as it is now called.
'matTeth Tbat the feasts and festivals of saints ought to be rejected. Item, that such
not the fasts as be coacted and enjoined by the church have no merit in them.
"on on?o'- These assertions of the Walclcnses being thus articled out by .-Eneas
e;ther'°'' Sjlvius, I thought to givc them abroad in English as they are in
uZhll Latin, to the intent that as they are the less to be doubted, being set
out of a pope's pen, so we may both the better know them hereby,
what they were, and also understand how this doctrine, now preached
and taught in the church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both
taught and persecuted almost four hundred years ago. And as I have
spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine, so now we will
briefly somewhat touch of the order of their life and conversation, as
wc find it registered in a certain old written book of inquisition.
MARKERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE WALDENSES.
The whole process cometh to this effect in English. The manner
of the Waldcnses is this'. They kneeling upon their knees, leaning to
some bench or stay, do continue in their prayers with silence, so long
as a man may say tliirty or forty times " Pater noster." And this
they do every day with great reverence, being amongst themselves and
such as be of their own religion, and no strangers with them, both
before dinner and after ; likewise before supper and after ; also what
time they go to bed, and in the morning when they rise ; and at certain
other times also, as well in the day as in the night. Item, they use
no other prayer but the prayer of the Lord, " Pater noster," &c., and
that without any " Ave Maria" and the Creed, which they affirm not
to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by the church of Rome.
Albeit, they have and use the '' seven articles of faith concerning the
divinity,"" and " seven articles concerning the humanity,'" and the " ten
commandments," and " seven works of mercy," which they have com-
piled together in a compendious book, glorying much in the same, and
thereby offi:r themselves ready to answer any man as to their faith.*
Before they go to meat they ask a blessing by saying " Bene-
dicitc," " Kyrie eleyson, Christe eleyson, Kyrie eleyson," and the
Their " Pater noster."' Which being said, then the elder amongst them
of pace beginneth thus, in their own tongue : " God who blessed the five
barley loaves and two fishes in the desert before his disciples, bless
this table, and that is set upon it, or shall be set upon it, in the
name (crossing themselves") of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost. Amen." And likewise again, when they rise from meat, the
(1) Omitted liy Foxe.— Ed. (2) JEn. Sylv. aJds, " quociinque tempore."— Ed.
(3) " Modus autem Valdensium talis est." &:c. Ex inquisitorio quoiiam libeilo, de moribus et con-
suetudine Waldensium [cited by Illyricus " Cat. Test." col. 1523.— Ed.] (4) See Appendix.
(5) " Hless ye tlie Lord," " Lord have merry on us, Christ have mercy on us, Lord have mercy
on us," " Our Father," &c.— Ed. ^G) This parenthesis is omitted hy Fo\c.— Ei>.
before
meat.
THEIR SCATTERING AND DISPERSION. 2G9
senior givetli thanks, sayinf? in their own tongue the words of the iienryti.
Apocalypse, " Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, ^ j^ '
honour, virtue, and strength, to God alone, for ever and ever. Amen." iigg*
And addeth, moreover, " God reward them into their bosoms, and be ^^^z/ "
beneficial to all them, that be beneficial to us:" and, " the God who grace af-
hath given us corporal feeding, grant us spiritual life :" and, " God
be with us, and we always with him." To which the rest answer
again, " Amen." And while thus saying grace, they usually put their
hands together and lift them upward toward heaven. After their
meat and grace thus said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves,
conferring together upon their doctrine, &c.
In their doctrine and teaching they Avere so diligent and painful, Reineri- '
that Reinerius, a writer about that time (an extreme enemy against hu,ui.!itor
them), in a long process,' wherein he describeth their doctrine and '^{^'^jj^f,.
teaching, testifieth that he heard of one who did know the party, ses.
" that a certain heretic," saith he, " only to turn a certain person away
from our faith, and to bring him to his, in the night, and in the
winter time, swam over the river called Ibis, to come to him, and to
teach him." Moreover, so perfect they were then in the Scriptures,
that the said Reinerius saith, he did hear and see a man of the
country unlettered,'' who could recite over the whole book of Job
word by word without book, with divers others, who had the whole
New Testament perfectly by heart.
And although some of them rather merrily than unskilfully ex- Piusvide-
pounded the words of St. John, " Sui non receperunt eum " — in kscr
" Swine did not receive him ;"^ yet were they not so ignorant and dotes^''"^'
void of learning, nor yet so few in number, but that they did mightily
prevail; insomuch that Reinerius hath these words: "There was The
none durst stop them for the power and multitude of their favourers. am| mui,
I have often been at their inquisition and examination, and there ^^^^^f^^^
were numbered forty churches infected with their heresy, and in one ses.
parish of Canimach were ten open schools of them."^
And the said Reinerius, when he hath said all he can in de- wauien-
praving and impugning them, yet is driven to confess this of them, poLTs''
where he doth distinguish their sect from other sects, and hath these o,',""^;^"'
words : " This sect of Leonists hath a great show of holiness, in that iioMins;
they both live justly before men, and believe all things well of God, 'the'"*
and hold all the articles contained in the Creed ; only they blaspheme J|o",7e'' "^
the Romish church, and hate it.""*
Now to touch somewhat their persecutions :^ — After they were
driven out of Lyons, they were scattered into divers and sundry places,
the providence of God so disposing, that the sound of their doctrine
might be heard abroad in the world. Some, as I said, went to
Bohemia ; many did flee into the provinces of France ; some into
Lombardy ; others into other places, &c. But as the cross commonly
followeth the verity and sincere preaching of God's word, so neither
(1) Given by Illyricus, " Cat. Test." col. 1507.— Ed.
(2) Illyricus remarks in his margin, " Pontilicium clerum suum nomine intellexerunt Valdenses"
Reinerius imputes it to their ignorance. — Ed.
(3) " Nou erat qui eos impedire auderet propter potentiam et niultitudinem fautorum suoruni.
Inquisitioni et examinationi saepe interfui, et computatae sunt quauragenae ecclesiae. quse heresi
infects fuerunt, ac in una parochia Cammach fuerunt decern eorum scliolse," &:c. [Illyricus, col.
1508, F.— Ed.]
(4) " Ha;c vero Leonistarum secta magnam habet speciem pietatis, eo quod coram hominibus juste
vivant, et bene omnia de Deo credant, et omnes articulos, qui in symbolo continentur; solara Ko-
manam ecclesiam blasphemant, etoderunt." Ex Orthuino Gratio. [Illyricus, col. 1501), A.— Kd.]
(5) Illyricus, col. 1501, C— Ed.
(0) ■' Uusticuin idiotam," Illyricus; " an unlettered peasant." — Ed.
270 MURDER OK CIIKISt's IIOT.Y MARTYRS.
jienryir. coulil tUcsc bc sufFcrcd to live in rest. There are yet to be seen
"aTdT consultations of the lawyers of Avignon [a.d. 1235], likewise of the
1189. archbishops of Narbonne, Aries, and Aix [a.d. 123.5],' also an ordi-
Thc cross nance of the bishop of Albano [a.d. 124-6],^vliich yet remain in writing,
common- fyj- thc extirpating of these \Valdenscs, written above three hundred
c'ththe* years tofore ;' whereby it appcarcth that there was a great number of
Walden- ^^'^"1 ''^ FraUCC.
scs perse- Bcsidcs, tlicrc was a couHcil hcld in Toulouse about three hundred and
mortnhan fifty-fivcycars ago [a.d.1 22.9], and all against these Waldenses,whoalso
threehun- were condcnincd in another council at Rome before that [a.d. 121.5].
drcu years ^ . .^.
apbyAn- AN^hat grcat persecutions were raised up against them, is apparent
from the before-mentioned consultation of the three French arch-
bishops; whereof I will recite some of their words, which towards
the end be these : " Who is such a stranger that knoweth not the
condemnation of the Waldensian heretics, done and past so many
years ago, so famous, so public, following upon so many and great
labours, expenses, and travail of the faithful, and so boldly sealed
Anti- with so many deaths of the infidels themselves, solemnly condemned
with'' and openly punished ?"* Whereby we may see persecution to be no
whom he ^ tliinfr in the church of Christ, when Antichrist so long ago, even
first bepan o ' • i iir i i
his perse- three hundred years past, began to rage against these Waldenses.
In Bohemia, likewise, after that, the same, called by the name of
Thaborites, as Sylvius recordeth, suffered no little trouble. But
never persecution was stirred up against them or any other people,
more terrible than was in these latter years in France by the French
king, A.D. 154-5, which lamentable story is described in Sleidan, and
hereafter in the process of this work,* as we come to the order of
years, shall be set forth, by the grace of Christ, more at large ; in
Ahorribie the which persecution is declared, in one town, Cabriers, to be slain
ofChrTsfs by the captain of Satan, Minerius, eight hundred persons at once,
iwiy mar- ^Jtliout rcspcct of womeu or children of any age ; of whom forty
women, and most of them great with child, thrust into a barn, and
the windows kept with pikes, and so fire set to them, were all con-
sumed. Besides, in a cave not far from the town Mussium, to the
Minerius number of five and twenty persons, with smoke and fire were at the
perse'clf-'^ sauic time destroyed. At Merindol the same tyrant, seeing all the
""■• rest were fled away, and finding one young man, caused him to be
tied to an olive-tree, and to be destroyed with torments most cruelly ;
with much other persecution, as shall appear hereafter in the history
A siover translated out of Sleidan into English.
m^^jT*^ But to return again to higher times, from whence we digressed.
chTron Bcsidcs that, Reincrius (above mentioned), speak eth of one in the town
Four of Chcron, a glover, who was brought at this time to examination,
and'forty- aud sufFcrcd. There is also an old monument of processes, wherein
bmuphtto appear four hundred and forty-three to be brought to examination in
examina- Pomcrania, Marchia, and places thereabouts, about a.d. 1.j91.*
tion. ' ' r
(1) See Franciscus Pcfrna on Nich. Eymcricus's Direct. Inquisit. p. ii. com. 56. — Ed.
(2) Pierre de CoUemezzo. abp. of Rouen, was made cardinal bp. of Albano in 1244 (Moreri), and
as such convened the council of Bt-ziers. a.d. 124f). See Lnbbe's Cone. torn. xi. col. 687. — Ed.
(3) " Tofore," heretofore, ago. lllyrlcus published his "Cat. Test." first in 15J6.— Ed.
(4) "Quis enim est solus ille peregrinus, qui condemnationem [damnationeni] hsrcticonim [et]
Valdensium ipnoret [nescicril] a lonye retro annis [tarn justissimc] factam, tam famosam, tani
publicam [publicatam, tam pr.-cdicatam], tot et tantis laboribus, expensis et sufloribus lidelium
insecutam, et tot n:ortibus ijisorum inlideiium solenniter damnatorum publiceque punitorum tam
fortiter [tirmiterj sigillatani (' &c. [Labhe, Cone. tom. xi. col. 496, gives the passage with the
variations here noticed. — Ed.]
(5) See inira, vol. iv. pp.501, 502.— Ed. (6) Illyricus, cols. 1506, 1503.- Ed,
ORIGIN OF THE Dll-'KERENT CROSSES. 271
And tlius mucli toiicliing the origin, doctrine, and lamentable per- ^^''""^ ^^-
secutions of tlie W^aldonsos ; who, as is declared, first began about A. D.
the time of tliis King Henry II. ^i^-^-
OTHER IXCIDEXTS HAPPENING IN THE REIGN OF THIS
IIEXRY II.
Concerning the first origin of the Waldenses, springing up in the
days of this king, sufficient is already declared. Now remaineth
in the like order of time to story also such other incidents as chanced
under the reign of the said king, not unworthy to be observed,
keeping the order of the time as near as we may, and as authors
.do give unto us.
Mary, the daughter of King Stephen, being the abbess of Ramsey,
was married in this king''s days to jNIatthew, earl of Boulogne ; which BecUet
marriage Thomas Becket did work against, and did dissolve, by ^ower of
reason whereof he procured himself great displeasure with the said ".'''J-
earl, &c. a.d. 1161.^
The same year a certain child was crucified of the Jews in thexwochii-
town of Gloucester.^ After the same manner the wicked Jews had cined"j
crucified another child before in the city of Norwich, in the days of "^"^ •'''"^•
King Stephen, a.d. 1145.
A collection was gathered through all England and France, of
two pence in every pound, for the succour of the East Christians
against the Turks, a.d. 1167.*
Babylon was taken and destroyed, and never since repaired, by Babylon
Almaric, king of Jerusalem, a.d. 1170.'* EtroyJa!*^'
In the year 1173, almost all England was diseased with the cough/
About this year also William, king of Scots, was taken in battle and
imprisoned in England.
Great war happened in Palestine, wherein the city of Jenisalem, Thehoij-
with the cross and king of the city, and others of the temple, was taken
taken by the Saracens, and the most part of the Christians there chy'^of Je-
were either slain or taken. Cruel murder and slaughter were used rusaiem,
by the Tm-k, who caused all the chief of the Christians to be brought saracens.
forth and beheaded before his face ; insomuch that Pope Urban
III. for sorrow died, and Gregory VIII., the next pope after him,
lived not two months. Then, in the days of Pope Clement III.,
news and son-ow growing daily for the loss of Palestine, and the
destruction of the Christians ; King Plenry of England, and Philip,
the French king, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of Flanders, the
earl of Champagne, with divers other christian princes, with a general ^ ^,^^,g ^
consent, upon St. George's day, took the mark of the cross upon against
them, promising together to take their voyage into the Holy Land. ' '^ "'' ^"
At this time the stories say, the king of England first received the "^^rence
red cross, the French king took the white cross, the earl of Flanders "f the
took the green cross; and so likewise other princes diversly divers lirftTame
colours, thereby to be discerned every one by his proper cross. But '"■
King Henry, after the three years were expired, in Avhich he promised
to perform his voyage, sent to the pope for further delay of his pro-
mise, offering for the same to erect three monasteries ; which thing
(I) Ex chronico bibliothecas Cariensis. (2) Jomalerisis. (3) Ibid.
(4) Ex vetusto maiiuscripto cxcm|ilaii liistoriie Carieiisis. (.i) Kx vetusto chron. Acep!:aIo.
272 THE FUEXCH JCIXg's ril,i;K IM AGE TO CAXTEHBURY.
^'■"'•■'/ 't- lie tlius pcrionncd : in the cliurcli of Waltham he thrust out the
A.D. secular priests, and set in monks instead of them. Secondly, he
1189. repaired Amcsbury, and brought in the nuns again, who before
' were excluded for their incontinent life. And thus performed he his
promise made before to the pope, a.d. 1173.
King of The king of Scots' did his homage and allegiance to the king of
doing ho- England and to his son, and to his chief lords ; promising that all
"('""king '1>^ C'irls and barons of Scotland should do the like with their poste-
of En- rity. Item, all the bishops and abbots of the church of Scotland
promised subjection and submission to the archbishop of York,
A. D. 1175.^
The custom was in this realm, that if any had killed any clerk or
priest, he was not to be punished with the temporal sword, but only
excommunicated and sent to Rome for the pope's grace and abso-
lution ; which custom, in the days of this king, began first to be
altered bv the procurement of Richard, archbishop of Canterbury,
A.D. 1176.'
London London-bridffc first besran to be made of stone by one Peter,
bridge . ° ^ ^
° ' priest of Colcchurch, a. d. 1176.*
St. William of Paris was slain by the Jews on Maundy-Thursday,
for which the Jews were burned, and he counted a saint, a. d. 1177.
ii?bdued Ireland subdued to the crown of England by this king, a.d. 1177.^
to En- About the five and twentieth year of the rcicrn of the said Kins;
I'iigri'm- Henry, Louis the French king, by the yision of Thomas Beckct
Canter- appearing unto him in his dream, and promising to hiiu the recoyery
'"">■ of his son, if he would resort to him at Canterbury, made his iournev
sprang up . ' . . .' " . ..'',•,
from a into England to yisit St. Thomas at Canterbury, with Philip, carl of
vuion. Flanders ; where he offered a rich cup of gold, with other precious
jewels, and one hundred yesscls of wine yearly to be given to the
covent of the church of Canterbury : notwithstanding, the said
Philip in his return from England, taking his journey to Paris to
visit St. Dennis, in the same his pilgrimage was stricken with such
cold, that he fell into a palsy, and was benumbed in the right side of
his body, a.d. 1178."
Stephen, bishop of Rennes, was wont to make many rhjiues
and gaudish prose to delight the ears of the multitude ; to whom a
little before his death this verse was sounded in his ear, " Desine
ludere temere, nitere propere surgere de pulvere :" a. d. 1178.^
Tranaub- The Albigcnscs of the city of Toulouse, denied transubstantiation
tinr-aiji- ^^ ^^^ sacrament of Christ's body and blood ; also that matrimony
said. was a sacrament, &c. a. d. 1178.*
Queen King Hcnry separated himself from his wife Elenor, and held lier
hiw^ many years in prison, as some think, for the love of Rosamond ;
6onc(i. which seemeth to me to be the cause why God afterward stirred up
all his sons to war against him, and to work him much sorrow ;
(1) William, brother of Malconi IV., is the monarch here referred to. He wa.s taken prisoner
before Alnwick, by a stratagem, by Rob. Stutevill and Ralph de Glanville, two of King Henry's
nobility, and was transported to Falaise, in Normandy, where he was compelled to sign a dis-
graceful treaty. He returned to Scotland, and in the year 1175 Henry summoned him to meet him
at York. All the nobility and landholders of Scotland accompanied him thither; the disgraceful
treaty of Falaise was confirmed, and Scotland found herself under the protection of Henry,
deprived of lil)erty and honour. — Ed.
(2) Nicol. Trivet. (3) Ibid.
(4) EiChron. cujus initium: "In diehus sanrtissirai regis Edvardi," kc. Ex BibHcth. Cancns!.
.1) Rx variis Chron. (6) Jornalensis, et alii. (7) Nic. Trivet. (8) Ibid.
THE STORY OF SIBYLLA AND GUIDO. 273
A. D, 1179;^ notwitlistanding, the said Elenor was shortly after //cwry //.
icconciled to him.
St. Frideswide was translated unto Oxford in the same year. n'so.
In the year 1180, there came to the council of Pope Alexander, ^^^^
one Burgundio of Pisa, a man very cunning Iwth in Greek and sitions
fjatin, who brought and presented to the council the homilies of cifrfso^-^
Ciirysostome upon the gospel of St. John, translated out of Greek tiTom
into Latin, and said that he had translated likewise a great part of ^'^'^j'^''''
liis Exposition upon Genesis; saying moreover, that the said ment^.'
C'hrysostome had made expositions in Greek of the whole of the Old
'J'estament, and also of the New.
The monks of Charterhouse first entered into this land, a.d. 1180.
In the year 1181, Richard Pech, bishop of Coventry, before his The
death renounced his bishopric, and became a canon in the church of ^'^'^'"p °^f
St. Thomas by Stafford.^ rJ'nmln-'
About the latter time of this King Henry, one Hugo, whom men btlhopdc.
were wont to call St. Hugh of Lincoln, born in Burgundy, and o,'Li^".fi|'„
prior of the monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the
bishopric of Lincoln, who after his death is said to have done great
iiiiracles, and therefore was counted a saint, a. d. 1186,'
Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury, began the building of his
new house and church of Lambeth ; but by the letters of Pope
Clement III., he was forbidden to proceed in the building tliercof.
A. D. 1187.*
I find likewise in the aforesaid old written chronicle remaining in the King
hunds of one William Cary, citizen of London, that King Henry II. "ft^-'t'J.p
gave to the court and church of Rome for the death of Thomas church of
Bccket, forty thousand marks of silver, and five thousand marks of theT-atii
^yold. A.D. 1187. ofBecket.
Mention was made a little above of Almaric, king of Jerusalem,
who destroyed Babylon, so that it M'as never after to this day restored,
bat lieth waste and desolate; wherein was fulfilled that which by the
prophets, in so many places, was threatened to Babylon before.
This Almaric had a son named Baldwin, and a daughter called
Sibylla. Baldwin, from the beginning of his reign, was a leper, and
liad the falling-sickness, being not able, for feebleness of bodv,
although valiant in heart and stomach, to satisfy that function.
Sibylla, his sister, was first married to one William, marquis of a «oitiiy
Mount Ferrat, by whom she had a son, called also Baldwin. After s'jb^na'
him she was man'ied to another husband, named Guido de Lusignan, ajut
earl of Joppa and of Ascalon. Upon this it befel that the aforesaid
Baldwin the leper, son of Almaric, being thus feeble and infirm, as is
said, called his nobles together, Avith liis mother and the patriarch,
declaring to them his inability, and by their consents committed the
under-government of the city unto Guido, the husband of Sibylla,
liis sister. But he being found insufRcient, or else not lucky in the
government thereof, the office was translated to another, named
Raimund, earl of Tripolis. In the mean Avhile, the soldan with his
Saracens mightily prevailed against the Christians, and overran the
country of Palestine, during which time Baldwin the king departed;
(11 Nic. Trivet. C-) Ex Chronico pervctusto, cui initiura, " In cliehus Sanctis regis " S-c
(3) Flores. Hist. (4) Nic. Trivet.
VOT,. IT. T
274 CHARACTER OF KIXG HKXRV II,
Henry II. wlicrcby tlic kinfjdom fell next to Baldwin (the son of Sibylla, bylicr
~^ D first husband, William), who, being but five years old, was put to
1189. the custody of the above Rainiund. This Baldwin also died in
l»is minority, before he came to his crown, whereby the next suc-
cession by descent fell to Sibylla, the wife of Guido above mentioned.
The peers and nobles, joining- together in council, offered unto the
said Sibylla, as to the lawful heir to the crown, that she should be
their queen, with this condition, that she should sequester from her,
A worthy by solcuin divorcement, the aforesaid Guido, her husband ; but she
of a"t'rue Tcfuscd tlic kingdom offered to her on that condition, till at last
hu^annd''^ the magistrates, with the nobles in general, granted unto her, and by
their oaths confirmed the same, that whomsoever she would choose to
be her husband, all they would take and obey as their king. Also
Guido, her husband, with like petition among the rest, humbly
requested her that the kingdom, for his sake, or for his private loss,
might not be destitute of government. At length, she, with tears
consenting to their entreaty, was contented, and solemnly was
crowned their queen, who, after the custom, again received their
fidelity by their oath ; whereupon Guido, without any hope either
of wife or kingdom, departed home quietly to his own. This done,
the queen, assembling her states and prelates together, entered talk
with them about the choosing of the king, according to that which
they had promised, and sworn unto her, namely, to obey him as their
king, whom she would name to be her husband. Thus, while they
were all in great expectation, Avaiting every man whom she Avould
nominate, the queen, with a loud voice, said to Guido, that stood
amongst them : " Guido, my lord, I choose thcc for my husband,
and yielding myself and my kingdom unto you, openly I protest you
to be the king." At these words all the assembly being amazed,
wondered that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many
wise men ; and worthy was she, no doubt, to be commended and
extolled for her singular virtue, both of faithful chastity and high
prudence; so tempering the matter, that she both obtained to her
luisband the kingdom, and retained to herself again her husband,
whom she so faithfully loved, a. d. 1186.'
As I have hitherto described the public acts of King Henry, so
now I mean to touch something of his private conditions. He was
of mean stature, eloquent and learned, manly and bold in chivalry,
fearful of the mutability and chance of war, more lamenting the
death of his soldiers dead, than loving them alive ; none more
courteous and liberal for the obtaining of his purpose ; in peace and
tranquillity none more rough ; stubborn against the stubborn ;
sometimes merciful to those whom he had vanquished ; straight to his
household servants, but liberal to strangers; publicly, of public
things, liberal, sparing of his own ; whom once he took a displeasure
against, hardly, or never, would he receive again to favour; some-
what lavish of his tongue ; a willing breaker of his promise ; a lover
of his own ease, but an oppressor of his nobility; a severe avenger
and furtherer of justice ; variable of word, and crafty in his talk ; an
0])cn adulterer ; a nourishcr of discord amongst his children ; more-
over, the papists, bearing him for Thomas Beckct's quaiTcl and such
(1) Ex nistoria manuscriiitn ciii iiiitium, " Rex Pictoruin, " ex Biljliothcra Cariensi mutuata.
THK KING ADMONISHED TO KEFORM. 215
like, as may be gathered, no good will, term him an adversary of the Henry ii.
i'aith, the mall and beetle of the cluirch. ' . .,
Also in the chronicle entitled ' Scala Mundi' I find of him, that he ] i so!
followed the steps, manners, and conditions of Henry I. his grand-
father, in every point. He preserved firm peace, and executed strict
justice, through all his dominions. He loved marvellous well his
forests ; and again, those who were transgressors either to his crov>n
or person, he most severely punished.
Moreover, in a certain history entitled ' De Regibus Anglice'' I
find, that this king was sundry times admonished to reform and amend
his life, and first by one who was an old man, in the castle of Cai'dif
in Wales, on the Sunday which is called ' Dominica in albis,' the
eighth day after Easter ; where also, after that he heard mass, and
was going to take his horse, there stood a certain man by him, some-
what yellowish, his hair being rounded, lean, and ill-favoured, having
on a white coat, and being barefoot, who looked upon the king, and
spake in German on this wise — " Good old king ;'' that done, thus
he proceedeth — " Christ and his blessed mother, John Baptist and The kin!?
Peter, salute you, and straitly charge you, that upon the Sundays, nf"hed to
throughout all your dominions, there be no buying and selling, or ^m'-nii
other servile business (those only excepted which appertain to the Sunday
preparation of meat and drink) ; which thing if thou shalt observe, from buy-
whatsoever thou takest in hand, thou shalt happily finish and bring to ^gfi;'^"''
pass." Then spake the king, in French, unto the knight that held
his horse by the bridle : " Ask of this churl whether he dreamed this
or not .''" And in the mean while that the knight should have inter-
preted the king's words in English, he spake in German as before, and
said, " Whether this be a dream or not, mark Avell what day this is ;
for unless thou do these things and amend thy life, such news shalt thou
hear within these twelve months, as will make thee lament and mourn
till thy dying day." And when these words Avere spoken, the man
vanished out of his sight ; and within one year after, Henry, Geffrey,
and Richard, his sons, forsook him, their father, and took part with
the French king. The king of Scots, and the earls of Chester and
Leicester, made an insurrection against the king. Many other premo-
nitions were given also to the king, but all these did he little esteem.
The second who did admonish him, was a certain Irishman, giving him The se-
certain secret signs. And thirdly, a certain knight of Lindesey,^ named ^^l^f, '^'^'.'
Philip de Easterby, sailing with him over into France, declared unto monition
the king, in Normandy, seven articles which he should amend ; which idn ''
thing if he would do, he should reign seven years most honourably,
and should take the holy cross from his enemies ; or else he, in the
fourth year, should die in great ignominy. The three first things
were these, which he at his coronation sware to observe, that is, to
defend the church, to enact good laws, and to condemn no man to
death without judgment ; the fourth was, for the restoring of inheri-
tance wrongfully taken ; the fifth was, in doing justice without reward ; kin
the sixth was, of the due payment of men's wages and stipends ; the
seventh was, of expelling the Jews, leaving them some money to depart '"'};|!.'*','|,.
withal. But the king not amending his life, there rose up against him grimace.
(I) The following anecdote is in Brompton, Script. X. p. 1079, whence several inaccuracies in the
text are corrected. -Eu. (2) One of the three divisions of Lincolnshire.— Ed.
a- ^2.
reform
his life.
victory
falsely
276 PKUSKCUTIOX OF THE JEWS.
uichardi. three stroiig enemies ; that is to say, his three sons, aUing witli the
n^ j3 Freneh king. But, after the king, forsooth, had gone a pilgrimage to
1189. tlie martvr's tomb, barefoot, William, king of Scots, and the earls of
■,.,,^jj3„, Chester and Leicester, were taken at Alnwick.*
mufiiry In the five and tliirticth year of his reign, being in the castle of
July Gth. Cliinon in Normandy, he died ; at whose death those who were present
ADiisy. y.^^^^ gy greedy oF the sj)oil, tliut they left the body of the king naked,
and not so much could be found as a cloth to cover it, till that a page
coming in and seeing the king so ignominiously to lie, threw his cloak
upon his nether parts ; wherein, saith the author, was verified the sur-
name which from Ids youth he bare, being called Henry Court Mantil.
RICHARD THE FIRST.2
A.l). In the year above recited, which was a.d. 1189, King Richard,
1 I8f), the eldest^ son of Henry H., succeeding his father, entered his crown ;
sept'''Y(i ^^ which time Pope Clement sat at Rome, succeeding after Gregory,
who died a little before with sorrow for the loss of the holy cross.'*
No Jew During the time of his coronation, it befel, that notwithstanding
theplface ^^^^ hiug, tlic day before his coronation, by public edict commanded
or cimrrh \f()\\x tlic .Tcws,''' and their wives, not to presume to enter either the
(luring , , I'l ^ ■ \^ i-,- o ^ •
Hiciiards cluircli or his palace, dunng the solemnization 01 his coronation,
lioM."^ amongst his nobles and barons ; yet, while the king was at dinner, the
chief men of the Jews, with divers others of the Jewish affinity and
superstitious sect, against the king's prohibition, together with other
press, entered the court gates. Whereat a Christian man being offended,
struck one of them with his hand or fist, and bade him stand further
from tlie court gate, as the king had given commandment ; whose
example others also following, being displeased with the Jews, offered
them the like contumely. Others also, supposing that the king had
so commanded indeed, as using the authority of the king, fell upon
all the Jews that stood by without the court gate. And first they
beat them with their fists, but afterwards they took up stones and such
other things as they could get, and threw at them, and beat them
therewith. And thus driving them from the court gates, some of
them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead.
A Jew There was amongst this number of the Jews one called 'Benedict,'
iv-arba''- ^ '^'^^^ ^^ York, who was so sorely wounded and beaten with the rest,
tized. that, for fear of his life, he said he would become a Christian, and
was indeed of William, the prior of the church of St. Mary of York,
baptized ; whereby he escaped the great peril of death he was in,
and the persecutors'' hands. In the mean wliile there was a great
rumour spread throughout all the city of London, that tlie king had
commanded to destroy all the Jews. Whereupon, as well the
citizens, as innumerable people more, being assembled to see the
The Jews kiug's corouation, armed themselves and came together. The Jews
slain." " thus bcing for the most part slain, the rest fled into their houses,
where for a time, through the strong and sure building of tliem, they
(1) See Appendix, for an error here. — Ed.
'2) Edition 1.16.1, p. 70. Ed. 158.3, p. 234. Ed. 1597, p. 213. Ed. 1G84, vol. i. p. 26.'i.— Ed.
(3) His Uiird son. though the eldest surviving.— Ed. (4) See Appendix.
^5) The atrocities against the unfortunate Jews here recorded, are fully related in W.ilter
Heraingford, Uale Script, vol. ii. pp. 514—518, and Bronipton.— Ed.
An unad-
vised i
A TRAGICAL SCKNK AT YOUK. 277
were defended. Bat at length their houses were set on fire, and they inciiardi.
destroyed therein. A~D~
These things being declared to the king, whilst he with his nobles 1189.
and barons Avere at dinner, he sendeth immediately Kanulfe do Glan-
vile, the lord high steward of England, with divers other noblemen xhesmaii
to accompany him, that they might stay and restrain these so bold [heTobu
enterprises of the Londoners : but all was in vain, for in this so great '''y '" '"
a tumult none there was that either regarded what the nobility said, insurVcc-
or else any whit reverenced their personages, but rather with stern '"'"'*■
looks and threatening words advised them, and that quickly, to depart.
Whereupon they, with good deliberation, thinking it the best so to do,
departed ; the tumult and insurrection continuing till the next day.
At which time' also the king, sending certain of his officers into the
city, gave them in commandment to apprehend and present some,
sucli as were the chief of the malefactors : of whom three were
condemned to be hanged, and so were ; the one, for that he had robbed
a Christian's house in this tumult ; and the other two, for that they
fired the houses, to the great danger of the city. After this, the king
sent for him who from a Jew was converted to Christianity, and in
the presence of those who saw when he was baptized, the king asked
him whether he was become a Christian or not ? He answering the
king, said. No, but to the intent that he might escape death, he per-
mitted the Christians to do with him what they listed.'' Then the king
asked the archbishop of Canterbury, other archbishops and bishops
beinff present, what were best to be done with him ? Who unad- "ver of
^ . . . an arch-
visedly answering, said, " If he will not be a man of God, let him be Mshop.
a man of the devil :" and so revolted he again to Judaism.
Then the king sent his writs to the sheriffs of every county, to
inquire for the authors and stirrers of this outrage ; of whom three
were hanged, divers were imprisoned. So great was then the hatred
of Englishmen against the Jews, that as soon as they began to be
repulsed in the court, the Londoners taking example thereof fell
upon them, set their houses on fire, and spoiled their goods. The
country again, following the example of the Londoners, scmblably
did the like. And thus the year, which the Jews took to be their
jubilee, was to them a year of confusion ; insomuch that in the city
of York, the Jews obtaining the occupying of a certain castle for
their preservation, and afterwards not being willing to restore it to the
Christians again, when they saw no other remedy, but by force to be
vanquished, first they offered much money for their lives ; when that
would not be taken, by the counsel of an old Jew amongst them, a misera-
every one, with a sharp razor, cut another's throat, whereby a thou- lJe*ser'ved
sand and five hundred of them were at that time destroyed.' Neither ''.''*^™^:
was this plague of theirs undeserved ; for every year commonly then- Jews,
custom was, to get some Christian man's child from the parents, and
on Good Friday to crucify him, in despite of our religion.*
King Richard, after the death of his father, coming unto remem-
brance of himself, and of his rebellion against his father, sought for
absolution of his trespass ; and, in part of satisfaction for the same,
agreed with Philip, the French king, at a certain interview,' to take
(1) " Sequent! die," Brompton. — Ed.
(2) " Permisit a Christianis sibi fieri quod volebant," Id. — Ed.
(3) Next year, Friday, March 16th, 1190. Hovsden. See Appeiuii.x.— Ed.
(4) Ex Chron. Westm. cui initium, " /Eiieas cum Ascaiiio," S-i-.
(.'>) July 22d, 1 ISD. Hoved. Gcrv. Uruiup. See Appeiidi.x. — Ln.
278 i:ka( TioN's for tiik crusades.
Ficiiardi. liis voj'agc 'witli liiiii lor tlic recovery of Christ's patrimony, Avliich
^ j3 they called the Holy Land. Whereupon the said King Kieliard,
1189. immediately after his coronation, to prepare himself the better towards
The cove- ^''s journey, set to sale divers of his manors, whereof Godfrey Lucy,
tousgrce- tjicn bisliop of Winchester, bought a couple for two thousand marks;
bishops" to wit, ^Vcr<l:ravc and Melenge. The abbot of Bury bought another
B"e-r*"^for a thousand marks, called Middlesay, or Mildenhall. Hugh
lordships. Puzas, bisliop of Durham, bought the lordship of Scggesfield or
Sedberga, with the wapentake, and all the appurtenances thereto
belonging: he bought also the earldom of Northumberland, whom
Avhen the king should solemnize after the manner of secular earls,
merrily with a mocking jest, " Lo," said he, " of an old bishop I
have made a young earl." And because the said bishop had pro-
fessed before by a solemn vow to visit the Holy Land, to be released
of his vow, he compounded Avith the pope for a great sum of money
therefor ; and moreover gave to the king a thousand marks to remain
at home, as the chief justice of England. *At that time it appearcth
that these taxes, tolls, exactions, and subsidies, either were not known,
or not so much had in use ; by reason whereof this king was driven
to make other shifts, by selling offices, liberties, and privileges.*'
Sleights Over and besides, the king set out all that he had to sale, woods,
luontV. castles, townships, lordships, earldoms, baronages, * and, as he said
himself, he would have sold London also, if he could have found
any able to buy it ;* ordaining also divers new bishops, and not
without some advantage, as appeared, to his purse; feigning more-
over his old seal to be lost, that they which had lands to hold might
be driven to renew their writings again by the new seal, whereby
A tenth great substance of money was gained. Above all this, by the com-
fimmgh^ mandment of Pope Clement KL, a tenth also was exacted of the
all Eng- whole realm, in such sort as that the Christians should make up for
the king seventy thousand pounds, the Jews sixty thousand pounds.'
Philip the French king, in the time of his parliament at St. Denis,
in the month of November, sent Rotrou, earl of Perche, with certain
carls and barons, to King Richard, desiring him to remember his
promise made for the recovery of Christ's holy patrimony out of the
Philip Saracens' hands ; certifying him how he had bound himself by solemn
ard c^n-''" ^atli, dcposing upon the Evangelists, that he, the next year following,
ciudinsto about the time of Easter, had certainly preBxed to address himself
travel to i i • • • i • i-i • r •! l i
the Holy towards that journey : requiring him likewise not to tail, but to be
ready at the term above limited, appointing also the place where both
the kings should meet together. Unto whom he sent word again,
solemnly swearing on the Evangelists, that he would be ready at the
appointed time and place. Whereupon he applied himself diligently
to prepare ; but especially his care was to make unity and concord
between parties that were at variance, and to set thein together at one.
and fide- Aftcr wliicli tlic king, in the month of December, sailed to France,
twee'^n" wlicrc the Frcucli king and he conferring together, for the more con-
Phiiipii.. tinuance of their iournev assured themselves bv solemn oath, swear-
French mg fidelity one unto the other ; the form of wliose oath was this : —
Kichardi. That either of them should defend and maintain the honour of the
(1) This and the succeeding passage, between single asterisks, are from the Edition of 15G3,
p.'69.— Ed.
(!') Ex Ocrv. fol. 134. [X Script, col. 152!). Stowe's Ann., .\ -a. 1IS8. See Appendix.— Ed.]
DISGRACEFUL BRAWL IN YORK CATHEDRAL. 279
other, and bear true fidelity unto him of life, members, and worldly mchardi.
honour ; and that neither of them should fail one the other in their ^ j)
affairs; but that the French king shovdd aid the king of England udo.
in defending his land and dominions, as he would himself defend his
own city of Paris, if it were besieged ; and that Richard, king of
England, likewise should aid the French king in defending his land
and dominions, no otherwise than he would defend his own city of
Rouen, if it Avere besieged, &c. But how slenderly this oath did
hold between these two kings, and by Avhose chief occasion first it fell
asunder, the sequel of the story (the Lord willing) shall declare here-
after. But because they could not make ready by Easter, according
to the former appointment, they concluded to take a longer day,
proroguing their voyage till after Midsummer. In the mean time, the
king occupying himself in redressing and establishing such things as
further were to be ordered, there determined that Geffrey and John, his
brethren, should not enter into England within three years after his
departure; nevertheless he released that bond afterward to his brother
John.
The next year ensued, which was A.b.1190, in the beginning of a.d.hoo.
which year, upon Twelfth-even, fell a foul northern brawl, which turned frn "brawl
well near to a fray, between the archbishop newly elected of the church ^",5|g';„.j^,
of York and his company, on the one side, and Henry, dean of the cimrchof
said church, with his catholic partakers, on the other side, upon occa- Heno'.
sion as followeth : Gaufi-id, or Geffrey, son of King Henry II. and y"" "and
brother to King Richard, whom the king had elected a little before to Bucard,
the archbishopric of York, upon the even of the Epiphany, which we \4V,m,l'
call Twelfth-day, was disposed to hear evensong with all solemnity in j-^^ueir
the cathedral church, having with him Hamon the precentor, with arch-
' p rni 1 1 ■ 1 • 1 ■ bishop.
divers canons of the church. Ihe archbishop tarrying sometlnng
long, belike in adorning and attiring himself, in the meanwhile Henry
the dean, and Bucard the treasurer, disdaining to tarry his coming,
with a bold courage lustily began their holy evensong, with singing
their psalms, ruffling of descant, and merry piping of organs. Thus,
this catholic evensong, with as much devotion begun, as to God's high
service proceeding, was now almost half complete, when as at length
(they being in the midst of their mirth) cometh in the newly-elect with
his train and gardeviance, all full of wrath and indignation, for that
they durst be so bold, not waiting for him, to begin God's service, and
so eftsoons commanded the quire to stay and hold their peace. The Jif^ f^e^"
precentor likewise, whose name was Hamon, by virtue of his office, surer
comniandeth the same. But the dean and treasurer, on the other cease
side, willed them to proceed ; and so they sung on, and would not at the"""
stint. Thus, the one half crying against the other, the whole quire ^^.'^^-^ ,
was in a roar, their singing was turned to scolding, their chanting to com-
chiding; and if instead of the organs they had had a drum, I doubt mem.
they would have ' sol-fa-ed ' by the ears together.
At last, through the authority of the archbisbop, and of the prse- bishop i)e-
centor, the quire began to surcease and give silence. Then the newly fv""so,',„
elect, not contented Avith what had been sung before, with certain of ^sain.
the quire, began the evensong over again. The treasurer, upon the J,Iit 'pm".
same, * not thinking to take such a foil,* caused, by virtue of his office, tetii out
*all the tapers and* the candles to be put out, * and so their unhappy au-s"""
2S0 CLAIMS OF THE MONKS OF CHUISTCHUKCH.
liichardi. evensong was ceased again.'* For, like as without the light and
~\~Q~ beams of the sun there is nothing but darkness in all the world, even
1190. so you must understand the popc''s eliurch can see to do nothing, *and
,^^ that the popish evensong is blind without candlelight, yea, though
pope's the sun sliould shine in the quire never so clear and bright ; by reason
en" do whereof they went away cvensongless, and so left their God in the
wuhou? church, that night, unserved.* This being so, the archbishop, thus
camiie disa))pointed on every side of his purpose, made a grievous plaint,
The declaring to the clergy and to the people what the dean and treasurer
Yo"rk sus^ bad done ; and so upon the same, suspended both them and the church
pcndid {Yq,^^ .^j] (divine service, till tliey should make to him due satisfaction
service, for tlicir trcspass.
* Where note, by the way, good reader, that either the singing of
the popish service doth little serve to God''s honour, or else how
could this archbishop be so injurious to God, to stop him of his
honour because they had dishonoured him P But to the purpose
again.*
The next day, which was the day of Epiphany, when all the people
of the city were assembled in the cathedral church, as their manner
was (namely, in such feasts), devoutly to hear divine service, as they
call it, of the churcb, there were also present the archbishop and tlie
precentor, with the residue of the clergy, looking when the dean and
treasurer would come and submit themselves, making satisfaction for
Thedcnn their crimc. But they, still continuing in their stoutness, refused so
sufc'r'do ^° ^^' exclaiming and uttering contemptuous words against the arch-
not sub- bishop and his partakers. Which when the people heard, they in a
the arch- grcat ragc would have fallen upon them ; but the archbishop would
The"^' "ot suffer that. The dean then and his fellows, perceiving the stir of
r^e'^cd ^^^ people, for fear, like pretty men, were fain to flee, some to the
against toml) of St. William of York ; some ran unto the dean''s house, and
* '^'"' there shrouded themselves, whom the archbishop then accursed. And
so, for tliat day, the people returned home without any service.^
ronton- At which time the long contention began also to be appeased,
betwixt '^bich so many years had continued between Baldwin, archbishop of
Baldwin, Canterbury, and his monks of Christchurch ; the discourse whereof,
i)ishopof although it be somewhat tedious, to be set forth at large, being
r>s'and'" cnougli to make a whole tragedy, yet to the intent the age now
of nui"t-' P'^'^sent may see what great conflicts and disquietness, upon what
rburch. little trifles, have been stirred up, what little peace and unity hath
been not only in this church, but commonly in all other churches
under the pope's catholic regiment, I thought it not labour ill
bestowed somewhat to intermeddle in opening to the eyes of the
bishops of reader the consideration of this matter ; wherein first is to be under-
ry cmn-" stood, that the archbishops of Canterbury, commonly being set up
we"r"'Hont ^y ^^^^ pope> especially since the time of the Conquest, have put the
to work kings of this land to much sorrow and trouble, as appeared by
oM;ng'-° William Rufus and Lanfranc, and also Ansclm ; by Henry I. and
J^;;;!,^ ATiselm ;' King Stephen and Theobald ; Henry II. and Bccket, &c.
sorrow. For which the kings of this land have used the more care and circum-
(1) For the words between asterisks, see Ed. 1503, p. 70. — Ed.
(2) Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto, qui initium, ' Anno gratiac millesimo,' &c.
(3) " Anselm, who broupht in the conception of our Lady to be liailov.ed, stirred coals in
England against his king, Henry." Ed. 1503, p. 31. — Ed.
Jeremy,
prior of
Canter-
ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTEKBUUY. .281
spection, to liavc such archbishops placed in the sec as cither shoukl Riciuinii.
stand with them, or at the k^ast should not be against them.^ ~a!7)~
Now to the purpose of our matter intended. First, after Lan- 1137
franc, who was archbishop twenty years, the see standing vacant five to
years, succeeded Anselm, and sat fifteen years; after whom, the ^^^^'
see standing vacant five years, succeeded Rodulph, and continued, o^ixieun
eight years ; then followed William, who sat thirteen years, and died reckraf
A.D. 1137; after whom came Theobald, in the time of King Stephen.
This Theobald, being no great favourer of the monkish generation,
fell out with Jeremias, prior of the house of Canterbury, for certain
causes between them ; for which the arclibishop, taking stomach
against the prior, would lay the sentence of interdiction against him.
The prior, seeing that, to save himself, made his appeal to Pope je
Innocent. The archbishop, provoked the more by that, deposed him ^'^^.^^,
from his priorship, and placed one Walter in his room. Jeremias, »'"'■>'• '■>?-
notwithstanding, making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obtained To Pope
letters from the pope to Henry bishop of Winchester, being the ^°"'"^^"*-
pope's legate, by virtue whereof, he, against the heart of the arch-
bishop, was restored, and Walter displaced. Nevertheless, the said
Jeremy, not willing there to continue with displeasure of the arch-
bishop, shortly after, of his own accord, renounced his priory, and
Walter again was received in his stead. Not long after this followed
the general council at Rheims, a.d. 1148. To that council, Theo-
bald, contrary to the commandment of the king, would needs resort,
to show^ his obedience to the pope ; wherefore, at his returning home
again, the king took such displeasure with him, that, within a while
after, the archbishop was driven to void the realm, and fly into
France, where he, by censure of interdiction, suspended divers
churches and religious houses which reftised to come to the council ;
and also, hearing how the king had seized upon all his goods, he
interdicted likewise all the king's land whatsoever, belonffine- to the
111'* Oo
crown : so that the kmg, m conclusion, was fain to compound with
him, and fall to agreement, which was about a.d. 1148.^
After this, a.d. 1151, after the death of Hugh, abbot ofAfrivo-
St. Austin's in Canterbury, Silvester was elected by the covcnt to {," "'veeif^
be their abbot in the reign of King Stephen. When this Silvester Tiieobaw,
came unto Theobald the archbishop, to make his profession of sub- bishop,
jection unto him, and to receive of him consecration, the archbishop Tetxlt
was contented, if that the abbot would come to Christchurch in f^'^l^l
Canterbury, and there make his profession. But to this, Silvester in tin's.
no case would yield to take his consecration there ; but, in any other
church, wheresoever the archbishop would, he was contented. To
this, when the archbishop in nowise would agree, Silvester, making a sihester
great bag of money, went to Rome, where he obtained of the pope fo°Rome.
for money (for what cannot money do at Rome ?) letters that the
archbishop should consecrate the abbot in his own church of
St. Austin, and also not exact of him any profession of canonical
subjection. Hereupon the archbishop was compelled, against his
"will, to come to the abbot's church, and there, at the pope's com-
mandment, to consecrate him simply, and without any further
profession to be required.
(1) F.x Oiron. Gen-as. (2) Ibid.
282 FRIVOLOUS CON'TKXTIOXS AMONG CHURCHMKN.
Rich, nil. Thou ^Valtcr, prior of Cliristcliurcli in Canterbury, .seeing that,
^13 and pereeiving how prejudicial and derogatory the example thereof
1137 would be to the honour and majesty of their church, through counsel
to of his brethren, vent thither ; and, notwithstanding the doors were
nao^ straitly watched and kept, yet, by means, he at last got in ; and as he
I'l's saw the archbishop attired in his pontificalibus, ready to minister
Christ"- consecration to the abbot, he stepped straight to the archbishop, and
asainlt ^^ ^^'-^ appcalctli liiiH up to Home, for the great injury wrought
ni"" k ag-i'ist the church of Canterbury, forbidding him in the name of him
St. Aus- to whom he appealed, to proceed any further. And so this holy
tin
consecration was for the present time staid, for Avhicli Silvester, with
trudRith a new purse of money, was fain to travel and trot again to Rome,
Ro'ine.'" where he, complaining of the archbishop, and accusing him of con-
tempt of the pope, in not executing the commandment sent down,
obtaineth again new letters vni\\ more effectual charge to the aforesaid
archbishop, that he, Avithout any profession, simply should give to
Silvester his consecration in liis own church, " omni occasione et
appellatione remota," " all manner of stay, or let, or appellation to
the contrary notwithstanding."" And so, in conclusion, the abbot,
contrary to whatsoever the archbishop and all the monks of Canter-
ronse^'^'^ bury could do, was, in his own church, made abbot, and had the
crated victory for that time. Notwithstanding, the archbishop left not the
hisow'n matter so, but within five years after obtained of Pope Adrian, that
church. Silvester should make profession of his obedience to the archbishop,
and so he did.^
In a few years after this died King Stephen, a.d. llo-i; and after
him Theobald, the archbishop, a.d. 1161, after he had sat three and
twenty years ; after whom, through the instant procurement of King
Henry II., was placed Thomas Becket, the king's chancellor,
A.D. 1162, of Avhose sturdy rebellion against the king because
sufficient hath been said before, it shall not need to make a double
labour now about the same.
After the death of Becket, much ado tliere was between King
Henry II. and Odo, prior of Canterbury, about the election of a new
archbishop. For the king seeing the realm so oftentimes encumbered
by those popish archbishops, and fearing lest the monks of Canter-
bury should elect such another as would follow the steps of Thomas
Becket, most humbly, with cap in hand, and courtesy of knee, desired
odo, prior C)do the prior, that at his request, and for contentation of his mind,
ofcanter- gudj j^ q-^c might be elected as he would appoint (appointing and
naming a certain bishop, who was a good simple man after the king''s
liking) ; but the prior dissemblingly answering the king again, that he
Richard, neither could nor would, without the consent of his covcnt, give
Dover" ])romise to any man ; in fine, contrary to the king's so humble
arch-*^*^ request, he agreed to the election of another, who was the prior of
cantw"'^ Dover, called Richard, a.d. 1173, and who continued in that see
bury. eleven years.
Another Aud here was renewed again the like variance between this arch-
cont°in"' bisliop, and Roger, abbot of the Austin monks in Canterbury, as
lion was before mentioned between Theobald and Silvester ; for. when
(1) E.x Gcrvas.
A COUNCIL HELD AT LATERAN. 283
the said Roger, after his election to be abbot, must needs take his mdiardf.
consecration at tlie archbishop''s hand, tlie archbishop -would not
grant it unto him, imless lie made profession of obedience, according
to the ancient custom of his predecessors. Then Roger, consulting
■with his monks, at first refused so to do ; but at length was con-
tented, so it might not be done in the archbishop''s church, but in
any other church where he avouM, underwriting this clause withal,
" salvis utriusque ecclesise privilcgiis ;" that is, "■ saving the privileges
of both churches." To this the arclibishop said again, first, that he
should make his due and canonical profession, and that he should not
come to him with writing or underwriting, but should say in his
heart, " salve sancta parens," or " salve festa dies," not " salvis privi-
lcgiis," or any such like thing. Whereunto when the Austin monks
in no case Avould consent, nor the archbishop other^vise would grant
his benediction, Roger the abbot was fain to post to Rome, and
there to bring the archbishop in hatred in the court of Rome, and
made his abbey tributary to Pope Alexander, a.d. 1177.
The pope, well contented with this, not only granteth the abbot ^^ ^^^^^^
his desire, but also, in contumely of the archbishop, dubbeth the abbot
abbot with all such ornaments as to a prelate appertain ; and so, home"^
a.d. 1178, sent home the abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre, Jfu'Jnp],.
and other ensigns of victory, with letters also to the archbishop,
enjoining him, immediately upon the sight thereof, to consecrate the
abijot in his own church, and without making any profession.
Although with these letters the archbishop was shrewdly pressed,
yet, notwithstanding, his stout heart would not stoop for this ; but
he laid his appeal against the same, and so the consecration for that
time was suspended.
Then Roger, for his more defence, getting the king's letters,
travelled up the second time to Rome, where grievously he com-
plained to Pope Alexander of the archbishop. At the same time a
general council was summoned to be kept at Lateran, where Richard f.^^^^^,
the aforesaid archbishop was also looked for amongst other bishops to um Late
be present, who came as far as Paris, but, being there, durst approach sub AJex-
no further, and so retired home again ; whereupon the pope being ^'^^°
oflTended with his contempt, without any more delay, exalted the Roger
abbot with his own consecration, and invested him with all pomp and ^^^^ ^^
glory ; howbeit, providing before that the said consecration should ^°^'^-
redound to no prejudice against the liberties of the mother church of crated!
Canterbury, and so, upon the same, wrote to the archbishop his
letters of certificate, with this addition annexed, " salvo jm-e et
dignitate Cant, ecclesiae :" that is to say, " saving the liberties and
dignities of the church of Canterbury."
The council ended, Roger the abbot returneth home, although
with an empty purse, yet full of victory and triumph. The arch-
bishop, again thinking to work some grievance to the Austin monks,
had procured, in the mean time, letters from Pope Alexander to the
bishop of Durham and the abbot of St. Alban''s, that they should
cause the said Roger, abbot of the Austin monks, to show unto the
archbishop all the old privileges of his house ; which indeed, being
showed, seemed to be rased and new wiitten, with bulls of lead,
not after the manner or style of that age, nor pretending any such
28 1
DIFKll'ULTIKS IN CHOOSING AX AUCHUISHOl'.
A. D.
ii;57
to
1190.
Richard,
the arch-
bishop.
The
Romish
court set
men at
variance
to get
their
money.
Richardi. antiquity as slionUl sccni to reach from tlie time of Austin, but
rallicr ncwlv counterfeit.
All this notwithstanding, the abbot, bearing liim bold upon the
pope's favour, ceased not still to disquiet and overcrow the archbisho))
i)V all wavs he could, in exempting all his priests and laymen belonging
to his jurisdictitjn from the archbishop's obedience ; forbidding also
that any of liis should come to his chapters or synods, or fear any
sentence of his curse or excommunication. Whereupon the arch-
bishop, about the month of November the same year, sailing over to
th"'k-^* Normandy, where the king was, thought to take his journey to tlie
pope to complain of the abbot ; but being stayed by the king, ho
was not suffered to pass any further, the king labouring what he
could to bring them to agreement. Nevertheless the pojie and his
" Romans,'" saith my story, " caring more for gold and silver, than
for justice, still stirred coals of sedition and debate between them."'
In the year ensuing, which was a.d. 1184, died Richard, the
archbishop aforesaid, in the eight and thirtieth year of King
Henry II., after whose decease much trouble happened about the
election of a new archbishop, between the king and the monks of
Monks of Canterbury. And now, to enter here into the story of Baldwin,
bur)' sent .ibove mentioned : first, the king sent to the monks, that they should
Hennii. consider with themselves about the election of their archbishop,
and be ready against the time that he would send for them to the
court. Upon this the covent, gladly assembling together, agreed in
themselves upon one, whom they thouglit chiefly to prefer; yet
naming four more, that if the king should refuse one, the other yet
might stand. Now the practice of the monks was, first, to keep
the election in their own hands only, as much as they could. And
secondly, ever to give the election either to some prior or monk of
their own house, or to some abbot or bishop who sometimes had
been of their company ; whereby, as much inconvenience and blind
superstition was bred in the church of England, so the same disliked
both the king and the bishops not a little.
As this past on. King Henry IT., when he saw his time, willed
the monks of Canterbury to be cited or sent for, to understand what
they had concluded in their election. Whereupon the monks sent
up their prior, called Alanus, with certain other monks, to Reading,
where the king then lay, about the month of August ; who at first
were courteously entertained, but, after the king had intelligence
whom they had nominated and elected, they were sent home again
The king with cold chccr ; the king willing them to pray better, and to advise
v![ui"''^'* more earnestly upon the matter amongst themselves. Alanus, the
Alan, the prior, witli his fellows, thus departed ; who coming home, in conclu-
prior, and . iii i i i ^ ^ -i •
vith the sion, SO concluded amongst themselves, that they would remit no jot
rn'.Inks'of ^^ ^^^^^ liberties to the king, without the pope's consent and know-
ledge. The king understanding hereof, sent his ambassadors likewise
to the pope, for the fortil'ying of his cause, being in the mean time
grievously oflrndcd with the prior, saying, that he was proud, and
would make archbishop whom he listed, and would be the second
pope in England, &c.
ahout
choosing
their
arch-
bishop.
Sent for
to the
king a
second
time.
Canter
bury..
f 1) " Aurum et arponfum magis quam justitiam sitientcs, scditiones inter cos et litigis commo-
vebint." — Ex Historia Gcrvasii.
f
THE POPF/s letter. 28")
Not long after this, as these letters were sent up to Rome, tlie Bicimrdr.
king sent for Alanus, the prior, and more of the monks, to come to ^ ^)
him; whom he entreateth, desiring them in gentle speech that they ii:j7
would show as much gentleness and favour to him being their lord to
and king (as becometh his friends and subjects to do), as to confer ^^'^^-
with the bishops of the realm about this matter, and to take some
better counsel, such as might redound to God's glory, his honour,
and the wealth of the public state, with other like words to the same
effect ; to whom when the prior had answered again, with thanks ^-^^^
and due reverence, according to the king"'s request, the bishops and ofKng-
monks went to confer together about the matter. And first, the daim to
bishops marvelled why the monks should exclude them out of the 't'Jr^est'in
election, seeing they were professed and suffragans to the said church the eiec-
of Canterbury ; " Neither is there any prince," quoth the bishop of theard.-
Bath, " that will refuse our counsel." " There be some counsels," oTcan'ter-
said the monks, " whereat you may be called ; but as touching the ''"^>-
doing of this election, it pertaineth not unto you further than to
publish only, and denounce the party whom we have chosen." The
bishop of London then asked if they had already made an election ?
" No election," said the prior, " as yet, but only we have denomi-
nated the persons." " Then have ye proceeded further," quoth he,
" than ye ought, having commandment from the pope not to proceed
without us." And with that was brought forth the pope''s letter,
commanding that within forty days the bishops of England, and the "^j^Z-s
prior and covent of Canterbury, should elect an able and fit person i'^"'^'-
for their archbishop. About the scanning of these letters was much
ado. The bishops said, they were first named, and therefore ought
to have most interest in this election. The monks said again, that
they also were not excluded, and required to have a transcript of the
letter, whereof much doubt was made.
After long concertation, when they covdd not agree, the king, j^.^
coming between them both, called away the bishops from the monks; Henry ii
supposing, by separating the one from the other, to draw both parties rafe^ththe
to his sentence. But that would not be ; for the monks, stiffly ^oJjj°?f,e
standing to their liberties, would lose no pre-eminence of their church, monks.
still alleging how, by the ancient privileges of the church of Canter- m'j.nks
bury, the covent should choose their pastor and bishop, and the prior ^i" ^"[^
was but to publish and denounce the person. The bishops again eminence
replied, " That it was their right to appoint their archbishop and church,
metropolitan, who were bishops and suffragans ; and namely, the
bishop of London, also being dean of the said church of Canterbuiy."
The king then, as umpire between them, yet favouring rather the
side of the bishops, desired them to agree together in peace. When
that would not prevail, he set the lord steward, and other noblemen,
to entreat the prior to draw to some agreement ; at least to be
contented with this form of election, which was, that the bishop of
London, or some other bishop, should declare the election in these
words : —
" We bishops, and the prior and covent of Christ^s church, in ^ ^_^^^
Canterbury, with the assent of our lord the king, do choose sucli a ofeiection
person to be archbishop," &c. Or else thus, that the prior should ard.bi-
pronounce the election in these words, saying : " The bishops of ^°p-
286
OIM'OSTTIOX OF THE MOXKS TO TllK lilSHOi'S.
Hichardi. Eiiijland, ail 1 I prior, ami the covciit of Canterbury, witli the assent
A.D. "t our hud anil kin<j, do choose such a person," &c.
1137 U j)on this, t!ic prior said he would convent with his covent. The
to latter, with much ado, were content to yield to the lving"'s desire; but
J. •'^- afterward, beiu^^ required to put down the same in writing, that thev
The bi- refused to do ; yet notwithstanding, relented at last to the kin<»-.
shops nnd , , .•' , o i i f i • << ii
monks liut v.lieu tlic bisliops made excuses tor the absence ot their lellow
aKre't- ""' bisliops, tlic matter for that time staid ; and the king, sending home
fo'nn'of''^ the monks again to their house in peace, deferred that business to
election, a further day, which was till the first day of December ; command-
ing the prior with his fellows the same day not to fail, but to be at
tiono'f'^'^ London about the choosing of the archbi.sliop. .x.d. 1184.
bi's'^hop'^de- -'^^ '-^"- ^'^y prefi.xcd came, the prior with his company were also
ferrt-a. present ; who, giving attendance all that dav, and also the day
following, were thus driven off till the third dav after. At length
the lord steward, with other nobles of the realm, were sent to then\
from the king, to declare, that whereas the king before had divided
the bishops from the monks, that they both might have their election
by themselves, after the form of a bill which was put down in writing:
now, the mind of the king was, that the monks, taking another way,
should join with the bishops, and so, having the matter in talk
together, should proceed jointly in the election.
Against this, many things were alleged by the prior and his mates,
complaining much of the bishops, who said, that the bishops had ever
holdcn with the kings, against the liberties of their church and arch-
bishops. As first, they stood against Anselm for King William ;
then against Theobald for King Stephen ; after that against Becket
for King Henry ; and after him, did supplant the election of Richaj-d,
their archbishop ; and now again, went about to practise and work
against this their election present. At last, the prior with his fellows
concluding, desired they might speak with the king himself; who,
presently coming unto them, willed them as good men to be con-
tented, and go talk with the bishops about the election, promising,
that whom they agreed upon, he also would grant his assent unto
the same. To whom, when the prior again had objected the writings
that before were made ; " True it is," said the king, " such writings
were made, but I neither may nor will go against the council
of my realm ; and therefore agree," said he, " with my bishops and
abbots, and remember that the voice of the people is the voice of
God."
The Upon this the prior with his monks, seeing no other remedy, went
cmter- °^ ^^ ^^^^ bisliops to Confer, according to the king's request, about the
''eiud*'™ election ; who then were willed by the bishops to nominate whom
against they would, and the bishops would likewise name theirs. So, when
to'join' * the prior with his accomplices had named three, after their choosing,
i.Vshops! ^^^^ bishops said they would nominate but one ; and so did, who
touching -was the bishop of Worcester ; willinof the imor to ffo home, and
the elec- p-ii- >
tion of to confer with Ins covent about the same, to whom, shortly after,
buhop.'*" the bishops sent certain priests, to signify to the covent, that they, ac-
cording to the pope''s letters, should repair to the bishops concerning
the election of the archbishop ; and to declare, moreover, to thera,
that the persons whom they had named were good men, but that
BALDWIN ELECTED ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 287
he whom they had nominated was a more worthy man, whom they ^'<:'""'''^-
both had nominated, and also would elect. The monks, marvel- A. D.
ling hereat, sent two monks with the archdeacon of Canterbury ^^'-^"^
*^^*'^.^^"-• . 1190.
This done, immediately after the retm-n of the priests, the bishops —
caused all the bells of the city to be rung, and ' Te Deum"' to be sung shops'"
for the archbishop newly elect ; and when the two monks brought J^efr'^eier-
tidings to the covent at Canterbury of what was done at London, they ^^",","'''
were all in a marvellous dump. The king hearing this, and perceiv- monks^of
ing the stiffness of the monks, in all haste sent messengers to Canter- bury"'
bury, with gentle words, to will the prior to come to the king, and
certify him of the purpose of his monks. Unto whom the prior,
soon coming, declareth in the name of the whole covent, that in no ^^^^^^
case he nor the monks would ever, while the world stood, agree to that tions pre-
election of the bishops, unless the king, in his own person, would the uns"
come to Canterbury, and there openly, before the whole covent, ^^n^^ ^f
would protest, by his oami mouth, the aforesaid election to be nought canter-
and void ; and so returning to London again, would likewise openly, the'^mti'f[-
before the clergy and people, repudiate and reject the same : and, the?arch-
furthermore, that the party also elected should openly, in the same bishop ^
place, protest and say, that he neither would nor ought to take that thebi-^
function upon him, unless he entered with the consent of the prior "'"''"'
and covent of Canterbury ; and that all this should be done in
the same place where the bishops had made their election before ;
and so, peradventure, said they, at the king's so earnest suit and
request, they would gratify his will, and ratify the said election with
the voices of their consent. To make the story short, after great
hold between the secular clergy on the one side, and the regular
order on the other side, and after the king's indignation against the
prior, and the swooning of the prior before the king, at length the
king to take up the matter, and to save the prior's life, was hiin
to perform in his o^vn person all those conditions above prescribed
by the monks.^ a.d. 118-i. Baldwin
And thus have ye heard the tragical election of the bishop of wfrcL-^
Worcester, named Baldwin, made archbishop of Canterbury. Now '//p^'^f ^'^
what a troublesome time the said Baldwin had with the monks in shop of
governing the church of Canterbury, here followeth likewise not bu"y"
unworthy to be considered.
THE TROUBLES BETWEEN BALDWIN, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTER-
BURY, AND THE MONKS OF THE SAME CHURCH.
In the first year the archbishop showed himself friendly and loving A. D.
to the monks; the year following he began to appear somewhat 1184
rough unto them. The manner then was of the house of Christ- , ,^^
church, toward the time of the Nativity and of Easter, to receive
certain presents or gifts of their farmers or tenants, which the cellarer
should take and lay up. Those presents the archbishop began first
to intercept from the monks, and to bestow them upon his secular
clerks. After this he took three churches or benefices, which the
1190.
(1) Ex Gcrvas. fol. KO.
to
1190.
288 COXTKNTIOX BETWEEN' THE MONKS AND THEIR ARCHBISHOP.
RichardT. j^ionks claiiuccl as proper to tliemsclves, and placed in them three of
A.D. his chaphiins. After this he cncroacheth to his hands certain tene-
1184 ments, revenues and victuals, belonging before to the monks, as they
said, and eonnnitted the custody thereof to certain of his own clerks
and household servants,
monks of The monks, who had borne so much with the archbishop before,
bury"p- seeing this, could forbear with him no longer, but needs would make
'l*^""" their appeal ainiinst him. The archbishop, not much regarding that,
tlie ])ope '^',1 f> • !• II 111
against waxcd thereby the more tierce agmmst them, msomuch that sucii farms
L'chbi- and tenements as he before had let alone, he now received to his own
K.xoMci- occuj)ying, with many other gi'ievances wherewith he greatly ve ed
liation the monks, so that three abbots were fain to come and reconcile the
the' arch- arclilMsliop and the monks ; which reconciliation was this, that the
Bi?d the nionks should let fall their appeal, and the archbishop should restore
"'""^^•., acrain to them their firms and tenements. But as touchini: the
which did ,~ „ , , , 1 1 • 1 -11 1 1 • 1 •
not hold benchccs and the presents, the archbishop still kept them in Ins
""^' hands for a further trial of their obedience and patience. Neverthe-
less, some there were of the ancient monks Avho in no case would
give over the aforesaid appeal, before the archbisho]) made a full resti-
tution of all together.
The After this agreement, such as it was, between the monks and him,
ti.on^" the archbishop soon after sent up to Rome one of his chaj)lains,
seniieth uuto wlioiii lic had givcn one of the benefices aforementioned, partly
pope. for confirmation of his benefice, partly also to f)btaiu license for the
archbishop to build a church, which he intended to erect, of secular
priests near unto the town of Canterbury. Which being obtained of
Jrchbi- '^''P pf^pc, the archbishop, not a little glad thereof, began now more
KhopRo- .,,jj iDore to wax fierce amiinst the monks, not only in taking from
elh about . '^ . . * . ''
t.) pluck them their churches and oblations, but also in aggravating the whole
pride of' statc of tlicir liousc, which he intended either to subvert or greatly to
jiionks diminish, to pluck down the pride and stubbornness of the monks.
Wherefore, taking with him certain other bishops, who, he knew,
bare no good will to that monkish generation, he went to the king,
declaring how he had a good purpose in his mind to erect a new
and a solemn church, in honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury, o*'
secular priests or canons, and therefore desired of the king to have hie
favourable license to the same. The king, right well perceiving the
])urposc of the archbishop whither it tended, as to the bridling of the
stitl-neeked monks, was the more willing to give assent, if he were
not also the chief worker of that matter himself.
The pur- Tlic intent of the archbishop in planting of that new church, was
the ardi ^0 found thcrc divers prebends, and to make both the king and every
buiiduiL" ^'s^^oP' heing his suffragans, prebendaries thereof, so that every one of
his new tlicm sliould coufcr one prebendship on the same foundation ; mind-
caiiur- ing there to consecrate bishops, to make his chrismatory, to celebrate
''"'■y- his synods, and to administer all other things belonging unto the
function of his see, and the same to be called Hakington church.
I^^^l^^ 'i'he monks, not ignorant how the archbishop privily intended the
aiiepd desolation and subversion of their house and liberties, consultin^^
the ar*^h- upon thc matter, determined at length among themselves to appeal
bishop by ^^ j^Ijp g(,j, pf Home, for these three causes against thc archbishop;"'
monks, namely, first, for spoiling them of their gifts and oblations: secondly,
I
THE MONKS APPRAI. TO ROMF,. 289
for depriving them of tlicir churches and benefices : and tliinlly, for Ricimrdi.
erecting a new foundation of secular canons, to tlic derogation and ^y j)
overthrow of their religious order; giving admonition to the arch- iks4
bishop beforehand by their monks sent to him, of this their appella- to
tion. To whom the archbishop answered, that th.e foundation, which ^ ^ •'^^-
he went about, was to no derogation, but rather to the fortification
and honour of their house. Who answered again, that it was, and
could not otherwise be, but to their subversion. " And what should
let me then," said the archbishop, " but I may build on my own
ground what I will ?" " No,"'"' said they, " no gi-ound of yours, but The
your ground is our ground, as all other things that you have by right ciThi"^ an
are oiu-s, forasmuch as you have them not of yourself, but of the of'jif™'^^
church, and for the church"'s cause. All which things have been arch-
given neither to you nor to the archbishops, but unto the church ThJ"'''
of Christ; and therefore,'" said they, "all such as appertain unto us "ytth^n^.
inwardly and outwardly, with the persons also, and the whole state selves
of our church, we submit under the pope's protection, and now here house in
make our appeal to the see apostolic, assigning also the term when to pJoux-'' *
prosecute the same." t'""-
The archbishop receiving this appellation, and saying that he
would answer to the same either by himself or by his responsal,
"within three days after, which was the sixteenth of December, came
to Canterbury, where the monks, understanding how he was in mind
to place new secular priests in the church of St. Stephen, where the
monks had served before, came to the church, to stop the proceeding
of the archbishop by way of appeal. Whereof the archbishop having
warning beforehand, deferred the matter till the next day, on which
day the monks, again being sent by Honorius, the prior, into the
church, charged the archbishop in the name of Almighty God, and by
virtue of their appeal made to the apostolic see, to surcease those his
doings ; forbidding also the parson of the church in any wise to
suffer those secular clerks to be admitted into the church : all which
yet notwithstanding, the archbishop proceedeth in his business. And xhe prior
first, placing in his clerks, he suspendeth the prior from his adminis- J^[,rf"u7/
tration. Then he abjureth the parters of the gate, upon their oath, reiuied.
to let none of the monks pass out of the house without his license.
The monks likewise he commanded, by virtue of obedience, not to
stray any where abroad without his leave. And furthermore, one of
the aforesaid monks, who served the appeal against him, he utterly
banished from that covent. Upon this, on the day following, Hono-
rius, the prior, trusting, saith the story, on God and St. Thomas, took
his way to Rome, sent in commission by the covent, to prosecute the
appeal against the archbishop.
In the mean season, a new jar began between the said archbishop Another
and the monks, about their rents and revenues, which the arch- uvel-n uic-
bishop would have committed to the receiving and keeping of three """ii-^ .
monks, but the sub-prior Geffery, with the covent, in no case would arcii-
sufferthat: whereabout there was a foul stir. The archbishop craving ^"*''°p-
the aid of the king, first had three bishops sent down to him, namely,
those of Coventry, Norwich, and Worcester, who, being instant with
the monks to submit their cause into the king's hands, like as the
archbishop had done, they utterly refused it ; especially seeing tlicy
VOL. II. "u
'?nO I.KTTKllS BKTWKKK T!IK POPE AND THE A IMIl RISHOP.
HidiardT. had alri'iulv ri'lcrred the whole state of their cause to the tlctcr-
A.D. niinatioii (tf tlie apostolieal see. The king, seeing no other remedy,
^^^^ came liimself witli the arelibishop into the chapter-house; wliere he
1190 t''>'ii'ii:i'i*hMl first tlie doors to be kej)t fast, tliat none should enter but
— - those who by name were called for. Among whom were two bishops,
comeiir* to wit, thosc of Norwich and Durham, and one Peter of Blois, a
ci'iapuTof learned man, whose epistles be yet extant in libraries, a chief worker
cmiter- Jn this matter against the monks. Then was called in GcfFery, the
"'^^" sub-prior, with a few other monks whom he brought with him. The
king then first talking with the archbishop and his company, and
afterwards with the monks, laboured to entreat them that they would
let fall their appeal, and so stand to the arbitrcment of him and of the
bishops, concerning the cause which was between the archbishop and
them in traverse.
T'le To this the monks answered, that these were good words, but
rcfu"e to served not for that time, forasmuch as their cause was already trans-
matter"^ latcd to tlic court of Romc, and now was presently in hearing before
from the tlic pope''s liolincss ; and therefore they neither could nor would do
tlie king's that injury to their lord pope, to refuse him, and to put the matter
hearing, ^j^^q ^j^g judgment of any other. Then was it required of the
monks, that they would put the matter in compromise, in case
the prior would consent thereto ; upon this intent, that if the prior
consented, and the monks not, then should they run in contempt
and disobedience ; or if the monks would consent, and the prior
not, then should the prior be excluded the realm. The wily monks,
Tlic ^ being not unprovided of this subtilty, made their answer, that seeing
excuse they had sent their prior forth in their commission, it stood not with
uiig** ^^v[ honesty to give any determinate consent without the knowledge
and before the return of the said prior, unless the archbishop first
would promise to make full restitution of all that he had wrong-
fully wTcsted from them. When the king could get no other answer
of the monks, neither could move the archbishop to release the sen-
tence of their suspension, unless they would confess and acknowledge
their fault, he, so })arting from them, passed over into France.
The first Not loug after this came a messenger from Rome, bringing letters
PoD^'ur- from Pope Urban to the archbishop, wherein the pope, considering
uaiVwin ^"^ tendering, as he said, the enormous grievances done against the
arch- monks, straitly enjoined and commanded him, within ten days after
cantlfr" the receiving thereof, to release the sentence of his suspension against
'""^*' the prior and others of the said covent, and also to retract and restore
again to the monks whatsoever he had plucked from them, since the
time of their appeal first made. Who, in case he should deny, or
foreslack the doing hereof, commission was given to three abbots,
those of Battle, Fcversham, and St. Austin''s, with ample authority to
perform the same, &c. The archbishop, receiving these letters
brought to him by a monk of the aforesaid house, first made his
The an- excuse that the pope was misinformed. But the monks not contented
Tiie'arch- witli that cxcusc, wlicu tlicv would nccds know what answer he would
Inaketh "^^'^^ ^" ^^^^ ])ope's nuucio, his answer was, that " he had yet ten days
iiis oil given him of the pope." In the mean time the archbishop went to
cream at Tiondou, and tlicrc, in the church of St. Paul, consecrated his holy oil
and cream (making one of the poj^jc's seven sacraments), which was
Loiidun.
PLEADINGS r.KFORK THE I'OI'E. 291
giicvously taken in tlie clmrcli of Canterbury. At last, the ten days mchmdi.
being ended, when the archbishop refused to aeconiplish that whicli was
in the pope's letter enjoined him, the three abbots aforesaid, to execute
the pope''s commandment, came at their day assigned to Canterbury,
and there assoilcd all such as the archbishop before had suspended,
and, in the end, certified Pope Urban by letters what they had
done.
The archbishop, hearing this, within four days after, sent two of his
clerks, who appealed the three abbots aforesaid up to Rome ; and he xiicaich-
liimsclf, in the mean time, prepared busily for the building of his jJew"'"*
church, sending to all churches in England upon rel easement from cUurch
1 • • c 1 1 11 1 o made of
tlien- sms, to conier unto the same ; and to make the more haste, for ^vood.
lack of freestone he made up his building with timber, and such other
stuff as he could get.
The prior Honorius all this while remained still at the court of a letter of
Rome, giving attendance upon the pope, who, having intelligence of urban
tlie archbishop's doings, procured another letter of Pope Urban to thearcu-
tlie whole clergy of England, straitly enjoining them that none I'isiiop.
should confer with the new fraternity of Baldwin, archbishop of
Canterbury. To these letters the archbishop showed such reverence,
tliat whereas before he had planted his chapel of wood and boards,
now he provided the same to be builded of lime and stone.
By this time Peter of Blois, with other messengers of the Tiie arch-
archbishop, seeing Honorius the prior to be gone from the court melt^n-
to France, resorted to the covirt of Rome, bringing with them frthe""'"
letters of credit from the king, from the archbishop, and also from P"p«^'s'
, ■*■ court
other bishops of the realm ; but the pope, reading only the king's Letters of
letters, and the archbishop's, the residue he cast into a window by, fue arch!
saving, he would read them at further leisure. Then the pope efivinof i^'sjiop,
■'t ■ 1 • • 1 1 • f • -n apd ot
audience m his consistory to near their cause, first came m Peter other b!-
of Blois, with the agents of the archbishop, exhibiting their letters, the^pVp^e.
and propounding their requests to the pope, which were, that resti-
tution should be made by the monks to the archbishop, wherein they
had injured him. Secondly, That the things which had been gi-anted
before to the prior in the court, might be called in again. Thirdly,
That the archbishop might have license to proceed in building his Mr.Piiie-
collcge of canons, &c. After this was called in ISIaster Pilleus, the ncyfnui'J
attorney for the monks of Canterbury, who, alleging many great pope's
things against the archbishop, for his contempt and disobedience to the
the pope's precepts, required that he should rather make restitution cai'ter-"
to the monks for the injuries he had done to them ; and also that ''"""J-
his new foundation of secular canons, tending to the overthrow of the
conventual church of Canterbmy, should be utterly rased and thrown
down to the gTOund. Thus between these parties pleaing and
repleaing one against tlic other, much hard hold there was ; but, in
conclusion, for all the king's letters, and for all that the archbishop's
and bishops' could do, the matter went on the monks' side ; so that
there was no remedy, but the pope would needs have the archbishop's
new building to come doAvn, and the monks to be restored again to
their full possessions : the execution whereof was committed to tlie
three abbots aforesaid, to wit, those of Battle, Feversham, and
St. Austin's, Canterbury, and to Geffrey, sub-prior of Canterbury.
u S
292 SECOND LETTEn FROM THE I'OPE.
Richardi. Thcsc tilings bcing thus determined at Rome, Radulpli Granville,
^ J) lord steward of England, writing to the said abbot of Battle, and to
li84 the sub-prior and covent of Canterbury, commandetli tlicm, in the
to king's name, and upon their oath and fealty given unto him, that
^^QQ- ncitlier they nor any of them do proceed in this controversy between
The pope tlic monks and the archbishop of Canterbury, before they come and
to'ti.t-'' talk with him, there to know further of the king's pleasure : and,
monks fxirtbcrmore, char^xiner the covent of Canterbury not to enter further
against '.~^ . ■^ ii-ii
tiie king into any exammations concenimg the archbishop s matters ; and also
Bhops'of citing the sub-prior of the said house to appear before him in London,
tiajeaim. ,^|. ^{^^ ^^^^^ ^j.' gt. Jamcs, the same year, which was a. D. 1187.
pope's Notwithstanding, he excusing himself by sickness, sent two monks
com- in his stead, and so kept himself at home ; to whom commandment
^oun^ ^^'as given, that the monks of Canterbury, within fifteen days, should
proceed g.^Q Qy^r to Nomiandv to the kin<j, and there show the tenor and
the arch cvidcuces of thcir privileges ; and also that such stewards and bailiffs
"'^''^' as they had placed in their farms and lordships, contrary to the will
of the archbishop, should be removed. And likewise the three abbots,
in the king's name, were commanded in no wise to execute the pope's
commandment against the archbishop. Not long after this, the
archbishop took shipping at Dover, and w^ent over to the king,
where he ordained three principal officers over the monks of Christ-
church — the sacrist, the cellarer, and the chamberlain, contrary to the
will of the covent, with other grievances more, whereby the monks
Another were not a little offended, so that upon the same they made a new
\\J\fou\iti appellation to the pope ; whereupon Pope Urban, by the setting on
monks Qf Honorius the prior, who was now come again to the comi, wrote
agamst tip. i ii
the arch- to him auotlicr letter after a sharper and more vehement sort, to the
IS op. Q^^Q^ jjg followeth.
The tenor of Pope Urban's Letters to Baldwin, Archbishop of
Canterbury.'
In that we have borne with yoiu- brotlierhood hitherto, and have not pro-
ceeded in such a grievous manner against you as we might, although being
thereto greatly provoked ; the chiefest cause was this, that we supposed your
heart would have relented from the oppression of the conventual church of
Canterbury, committed unto you ; if not for our reverence, which you seem to
have contemned more than became you, yet at least for fear of God's judgment.
Note how For well we hoped, our conscience persuading us to the same, that after vou
*'"-' P"P" had obtained that high state and dignity in the church of England, you would
m,o„ " have been an example to others of obedience and reverence to be given to the
their see apostohc of all ecclesiastical persons. Wherefore, at the first beginning
honour. |)ot]^ of om- ^jjj ^\^q ^f y^^jj. pi-omotion, we did not spare to advance and honour
you as we have done few others besides, thinking no less than that we had
found a faithful friend of the church for our honour; wherein we perceive now,
which maketh us not a little to marvel, our expectation greatly deceived, and
him whom we well trusted to be a sure stay for the maintenance of our estate,
we now find a persecutor against us in our members.
The pope For whereas we sundry times have written to you in the behalf of our
Jntetlf "" ^r<^thren, and the church committed to your charge, that you should desist from
with disquieting them, and not vex or disturb their liberties, at least for reverence of
]b?'cmi" '^^ ' ^^^' "°' ""'^ '" *^"^' ^^^ '" "^^'^^ things more, as commonly is reported
tem'pTof "^ you in all places, setting at light our letters and appellations made unto the
his see. apostohcal see ; what you have wrought against them after their so manifold
(I) "Urbanus cpiscopus, servus servorum Dei, Baldwino Cantuar. archiepiscopo et apostolic*
sedis legato, salutem ct apostolicam bcncdictionem," &c.
DEATH OF POPE URBAN. 293
appellations laid unto us, and our inhibitions again unto you, we are ashamed Richanii.
to utter. But revolve and consider in your mind, if ye have well done, and
advise in your own conscience what you have done. We, for our part, because we ''^- ^•
neither may nor ought with deaf ears to pass over the clamours of tlie brethren, ^ 1 ^ ^
and sucli contempt of the apostolic see, although our biddings and warnings ^o
given to you seem to be all in vain ; yet, notwithstanding, we send our mandates ^^^^-
again unto your brotherhood, in these apostolical writings, directly and in virtue The arch-
of obedience, commanding you, that whether you be present in your church, or '"'^liop to
absent, all that notwithstanding, whatsoever you have done in building of your ,io™n j^e
chapel, which you to the destruction of the monastery of Canterbury have building
erected, after the time of their appeal made to us, or our inhibition sent to you, J'J^Jj.'^
you fail not of your proper costs and charges to demolish ; undoing again and duircii.of
making void whatsoever ye have begun and innovated, concerning the institution '■'* """
of the canons, and other things belonging to the erection of the said chapel ; ac- '^"^'''"
counting moreover and reputing the place where the chapel was, to be accursed
and profane ; and also that all such, whosoever have celebrated in the same place,
shall stand suspended till the time they appear before cmr presence. Command-
ing, furthenuore, that all those monks whom you lune })resumed to remove xorestore
from tlieir office, or to excommunicate, since the time of their appeal made, the
you shall restore and assoil again, rendering also and restoring all such farms, ™°"'^^,
manors, tenements, and oblations, as you, after their appeal made, have did de-
inveigled from them ; and, finally, that you innovate nothing touching the P"^'e !»nd
state of that monastery, during the time of this controversy depending; before f,f,?°!"''
us : givmg you to understand that m case you shall contmuo m your stubborn- cate.
ness and rebellion upon this present warning, or defer the execution of this J^^ '"■^'''"
precept thirty days after the receiving thereof, we shall appoint others to threaun-
execute the same; enjoining also your suffragans, that as you shall show yourself tdby the
disobedient and rebelling to us, so they all shall refuse likewise to give any ^°^^'
obedience or reverence unto you, &c. — Given at Ferrara, 5th Non. Oct. 1187.
Another letter besides tliis tlie pope also sent to the three abbots rp,jg
aforesaid, for the correction of these enormities. Likewise another '>vriteth u,
letter was sent to King Henry II., wherein the pope enjoineth and bots, ami
requireth hun, upon remission of his sins, not to dissemble and bear king.''
with the archbishop in his oppression of his monks, but to help
those things to be amended, wherein he hath trespassed against
them.
These pontifical letters were -wiitten a.d. 1187, tlie third day of
October; and on the eighth day after, the eleventh of the same month,
the said Pope Urban died. In the which year, and about the which PopeUr-
month, Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, was taken with many noblemen Baid«'i'i!l'
of Saladin the Saracen, and Jerusalem lost, after that it had been in i^ing of
the possession of the Christians and had so continued the space of i'-m, with
eighty-eight years and eighty days, from the time tliat Godfrey of bk",u-"'
Bouillon did first win it from the infidels. km of the
T-, TT • Saracens,
A fter the receiving of those letters of Pope Urban above specified, ^^^ ">«
both the king and archbishop, with all the bishops of the realm, were The
marvellously quailed, glad now to please, and speak fair to the monks, ^"'thl
promising all thinQ:s to be done and restored to them after the best I''*''"
-1 11- 11 11-1 1 • • '■'""'
sort; neither were now the king and the archbishop so submissive, over the
but the monks on the other side were as brag and jocund, being fully shop and
assured that all now was their own: in the narration of which ""^'""°-
history, as it is set forth in Gervasius at large, this we have to note
by the way, in what fear and thraldom kings in those days were The mi-
under the pope, who could not be masters over their own subjects, Ulil-^lc.
but that every pilled monk, or pelting prior, upon virtue of their J^'j|'',"1„
appeal to the court of Rome, and making their house tributary to the the pope.
294 CONTIXL'Iil) DISSEXSIOXS.
Richardi. pope, was al)lc not only to niatdi, but to j,avc checkmate unto the
. best kiii^' christcncil, us not in this story only may appear.
1184 ^^ followeth then in tlic story of these monks, that as they were
to thus in the midst of their joy and jollity, suddenly eometh news of
1190. the death of Pojje Urban, their great caliph,* and also how that
Gref^ory VIII. was placed in his room, who was a special friend and
favourer of the archbishop ; which as it did greatly encourage the
kinu and the archbishop, so the monks, on the other side, were as
much discomforted, so that now all Avas turned upside down. For
whereas, before, the king and the archbishop thought they had lost
all, and were glad to compound with the monks, and to seek their
favour, now were the monks on the contrary side fain to crouch to
the king, and glad to have a good countenance ; who then resorting
to him, and finding him altered both in word and gesture, desired he
would confirm and grant that which of late before he had promised.
The To whom it was answered again by the king, that seeing the arch-
answer bishop had granted to them their sacrist, their chamberlain, and their
''"? t cellarer, they should have no more restored bv him : neither would
caiitcr- he suffer the liberties and privileges of the archbishop to be impaired,
or take any wrong. " As touching the new chapel of St. Thomas,"
said he, " whereabout ye strive so long, with the canonships and
other buildings belonging thereto, the same I receive into my hands,
so that none shall have any thing to do therein but myself," &c. In
like manner from the archbishop such another like answer they
received, and from bishops little better. So the monks, sent away
with a flea in their car, went home again out of Nonnandy unto
their cell.
Now the archbishop having the monks where he would, wrought
Pope Ore- them luuch grievance; but that continued not very long. For
d^etiu'"' "^^'ithin two months after and less died Pope Gregory VIII., about
the sixteenth day of the December following. After him succeeded
Pope He- Pope Clement III., who, following the steps of Urban, bent all his
ment III. p„^^rgf ^r\^^ j-j^g mouks against the archbishop, sending divers precepts
and mandates in the year following, which was a.d. 1188, with an
Letters to-imperious letter, willing and commanding him to desist from his
buhop! oppression of the monks, and to throw down liis new chapel. Here-
upon the archbishop made his appeal, and minded to go to Rome,
but was called back by the king, being ready to sail over. In the
Honorius, samc year Honorius, the prior, died at Rome of the plague, which
orcanur- "^^^s soiuc help and comfort to the archbishop, for whom the arch-
at^Kome^ bishop made Roger Noris, prior, against the wills of the covent.
The After this, about the latter end of the same year. Pope Clement
iHtTrlif sent down his legate, called Radulph, a cardinal, to Canterbury,
mXt t^o*"" ^^ '^^' another letter more sharply written to the same effect unto the
the arch- arclibishop.^
Hcn°ry H. Furthermore, in the year next after, he wrote also the third letter
died.' to him. In the same year also died King Henry II., after whom
"'Sied succeeded King Richard, his son, who joining likewise with the arch-
vriih the bishop, took his part strongly against the said monks. At last, after
bishop.
(1) Caliph is the high priest of the Saracens sitting in Damascus, to whom all the sultans were
subject, as our princes now are to the pope. [Caliph is the title assumed by the successors Of
Maliomet. — Ed.]
(2) Ex Hist. Gervas.
RECONCILIATION BETWEEN BALDWIN AND THE MONKS. 295
much ado on both parts, and after great disturbance, and imprisoning Ruhardi.
divers of the monks. King Ricliard, preparing his voyage towaids ~\~\y~
Jerusalem, and studying first to set peace between them, consulted iisi
and agreed with the bishops and abbots about a final concord in this to
matter, between the archbishop and monks of Canterbury ; which at ^^^^-
length on both parts was made, upon these conventions which
follow : —
P'irst, That Roger Noris should be deposed, whom the archbishop had made
prior against their wills : whom the king then at the request of the archbishop
promoted to be abbot of Evesham.
Item, That the archbishop should pluck down his chapel, which he builded
in the suburbs of Canterbury, against the minds of the monks.
Item, That the aforesaid monks should make profession of their obedience
and subjection to the archbishop, as they had done to his predecessoi's.
Item, As touching all other complaints and injuries (except only the chapel,
and the deposition of Roger Noris, the prior), the monks should stand to the
arbitrement of the king, the archbishop, and the prelates.
Item, That the monks kneeling down before the king in the chapter-house,
should ask the archbishop forgiveness.*
This being done, they went altogether to the church, and sang
Te Deum for this reformation of peace ; the next day, the
archbishop coming into the chapter, restored to the covent their
manors and farms again ; also he discharged the prior whom he
had made before ; desiring them likewise, that if he had offended
them either in word or deed, they would, from their heart, remit
him. This reconciliation having been made between the archbishop
and the covent, the archbishop then going about to dissolve the
building of his new church, though he changed the place, yet
thought not to change his intent, and therefore, making exchange
of lands with the bishop and monks of Rochester, piu-chased of them Arch-
their ground in Lambeth, a.d. 1191. Which done, he came to his cant'er-"
clerks whom he had placed to be canons in his new college of ^^^^pJ',"'^"
Hakington, and also willed them to remove all their goods and land in
furniture to Lambeth, over against Westminster, where he erected to buiid
for them another church, and there placed the said canons. About upo,^.""^^
which college of Lambeth afterwards much trouble likewise ensued,
by the stirring of the said monks of Canterbury, in the time
of Hubert, the archbishop, in the reign of the said King Richard,
A.D. 1196. Furthermore, after the deposing of Roger Noris, prior
of Canterbury aforesaid, Baldwin, the archbishop, being enforced to
grant them another prior by the assent of the king and of the covent,
assigned Osbern to be their prior, who had taken part before Avith
the archbishop ; but the monks not pleased with him, after the
death of Baldwin, the archbishop, removed him again.
And thus have you the tedious discourse of this catholic tragedy Three
between the monks of Canterbury and their archbishop, scarce worth be" b"
the rehearsal ; notwithstanding, this I thought to give the reader to ti^[J's'tory
see, in order, first, to show forth unto the world the stout sturdiness """"'f
of this monkish generation, who, professing profound humility in their
coat, what little humility they had in their heart, what pride and
arrogancy in their conversation, and what hy]iocrisy in their religion, ^J^°\
that one example, among a thousand others, may give some experience monkery
(1) Ex lib. anonynio, et ex Hist. Gcrvasii Monachi Cantuariensls.
296 so UNITY IN THE roric's CHunoir.
liichardi. Secondly, tluit postcrity now may sec Low little kin<js coulil then do
YD in their own realms, for the pope. And thirdly, to the intent it may
1184 more notoriously appear to all readers, what strife and debate, what
to dissension and division, what little unity and concord hath always
^^^Q- followed the pope's catholic church, wheresoever the corrupt rcli<iion
KiiK^ and usurped auil)ition of the pope prevailed. For, not to speak only of
sulcs this monkish house of Canterbury, what church, cathedral, collegiate,
p"pp'""^or conventual; what see, church, monastery, or chapel, was entirely
No con- under the pope's government, but ever there happened sonic variance,
un'iVi'u cither between the king and the archbishop, as between King William
popish r^y^^\ Lanfranc, Kintj Henry I. and Anselm, King Stephen and
CilUTCnCS. _.. ^ CD J / cj i
Theobald, King Henry H. and Bccket, King John and Stephen
Langtjn, King Henry III. and Boniface, &c. ; or else between
archbishop and archbishop, for making profession, for carrying the
cross, for sitting on the right hand of the pope's legate, &c. ; or
else between archbishops and their sutFragans, or between archbishoi)S
and their covents, or between bishops and monks, between dean
and chapter, between monks and secular priests, monks of one sort
against another, friars of one order against another, students against
friars, townsmen against scholars, &c. As for example : — What
■WTiatdis- discord was between the archbishop of Canterbury and Roger,
how'nttil- archbishop of York, between Lanfranc and Archbishop Thomas,
"he")'')*'" ^^tween riieobald, archbishop of Canterbury, and Sylvester, abbot
caiirch. of St. Austin's ; betM-een Walter, of Christchurch, and Sylvester,
abbot aforesaid ; between William, archbishop of Cantcrburv, and
.Teremias, prior of Canterbury, a.d. 1144; between the monks of
Canterbury, and Odo, their prior, for translating the relics of
Dunstan ; between King Stephen, and Roger, bishop of Salisbury ;
between the bishop of Lincoln, and Roger, bishop of Elv, his son,
A.D. 1138; between Pope Innocent and Anacletus, for the space of
seven years ; the cardinals for money (saith Gervasius) sometimes
holding with the one, sometimes with the other ; at last the election
■was determined by a sore battle between Lothaire, the emperor, and
Roger, duke of Apulia, a.d. 1137 ; also between Pope Innocent IV.
and the Emperor Frederic II.; between King Henry III. and William
Rale, bishop of Winchester, when the king bade the gates of Win-
chester town to be shut against him, a.d. 1243; between Boniface,
archbishop of Canterbury, and the canons of St. Paul.' Item,
between the said lionifaee and the monks of St. Bartholomew, A\ho
sat there in harness in his visitation, a.d. 1250; between the abbot
of Westminster and monks of the same house, a.d. 1251. Item,
between the aforesaid William Rale, bishop of A\'inchester, and
Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, for a priest of the hospital in
Southwark, a.d. 1252; between the said Boniface and canons of
Lincoln, after the death of Robert Grosthcad, for giving of prebends,
A.D. 1253; between the monks of Coventry and canons of Lichfield,
for choosing their bishop in the time of King Henry HI.
And what should I speak of the discord which cost so much
money between Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, and the monks
of Rochester, for choosing Richard Wandor to be their bishop,
A.D. 1328; between Robert Grosthcad, bishop of Lincoln, and th?
in Malth. r=iri<i
?
CONTENTION ABOUT OUR LADY. 297
canons of tlie same house, for wliicli both he ami they were driven to Richanii.
travel to Rome, a.d. 1244 ; between Gilbert, bishop of Rochester, "aTdT
delegate to Archbishop Baldwin, and Robert, the pope's legate, for iisi
sitting on the right hand of the legate in his council at Westminster, to
A.D. 1190; between the abbot of Bardney and the said Grosthead, ^^'^^'-
about the visitation of their abbey, a.d. 1242. Item, between the
coven t of Canterbury and the said Robert, bishop of Lincoln,
A.D. 124o ; between Hugo, bishop of Durham, and Hubert, bishop
of Sarum, and GefFery, archbishop of York, a.d. 1189; between
William, bishop of Ely, the king's chancellor, and the canons of
York, for not receiving him with procession, a.d. 1190 ; between
the abbot of Westminster and his covent of Black Monks, whom
King Henry HI. had much ado to still and make to agree, a.d. 1249.
Item, between the aforesaid bishop of Lincoln and the abbot of
Westminster; likewise between Nicholas, bishop of Durham, and
.lohn, abbot of St. Alban's, a.d. 1246 ; also between Hubert, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and the monks there, for the house of Lambeth,
A.D. 1146; and what a stir was between the preaching friars and
the grey friars, mentioned in Matthew Paris, for superiority, a.d. 1243 ;
also between the said grey friars and the prelates and doctors of Paris,
about nine conclusions, condemned of the prelates to be erroneous.
I. Concerning the Divine Essence, that it cannot he seen hy the angels or Conclu-
hy men glorified. sions of
II. Concerning the Essence of the Holy Ghost. condeirn^
III. Touching the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, that, as he is love, he pro- ed for er-
ceedeth from the Father only. b""tl?r'
IV. That our bodies and souls glorified, shall not be "in ccelo empyreo" prelates
witli the angels, but in " coelo aqueo vel crystallino " above the firmament. of Paris.
V. That the evil angel at his first creation was evil, and never good.
VI. That there have been many verities from eternity which were not God.
VII. That an angel in one instant may be in divers places, and even every
where, if he please,
VIII. That the evil angel never had whereby he might stand; no more had
Adana in his state of innoceiicy.
IX. That he whicli liath " meliora naturalia" (that is to say, more perfect
strengtli of nature working in him) shall, of necessity, have more full measure
to obtain grace and glory.
To the which articles the prelates answering, did excommunicate
the same as erroneous, affirming, that grace and glory shall be given
according to that God hath elected and predestinated, &c.^
In like manner between the said Dominic friars and the grey conten-
friars,' what a brawl and tumult there was about the conception of l^"^)'^^'
our Lady, whether she was conceived without original sin or not, in f""''"s
the reign of King Henry VII. and King Henry VIIL, a.d. 1509. con"ep- *
Add moreover to these, the four and twenty heinous schisms, and Lady.'^'""^
not so few, which happened between pope and pope, in the church continual
and see of Rome. I3ut why do I stand to recite the divisions and Inlhc'^
dissensions of the pope's church, which is as much almost as to ^'^^^^^
reckon the sands of the sea ? for what church, chapter, or covent,
was in all that religion, which either had not some variance with
themselves or with others ? Upon which continual strife and variance
among them, the readers hereof may judge of them and tlieir religion
as pleaseth them : in the mean time, my judgment is this ; that
(1) Matt. Paris, [Edit. Lond. \M0, pp.612, 613 : whence the articles are revised —Ed.]
(2) See infri vol. iv. 167—172; and Harl. MSS. Brit. Mus. No. -119, art. -19.- Ed
298 KING kichaud's laws kok his xavy.
Richardi. wlicrc siicli clissciision (hvcllctli, tluTi; (lutllolli not tlic spirit of
1190. 'J'licsc tilings tlius discoursed, toucliing tlic tragical dissension
between lialdwin, the arclibisliop, and tlie monks of Canterbury ;
now let us proceed, by tlic Lord's assistance, in continuation of our
story. Alter King Ricliard had thus, as is declared, set the monks
and the archbishop in sonic agreement, and had composed such things
as were to be redressed within the realm, he sailed (as is above said)
to France.* After which, preparing to set all things in an order
before his going, he committed the whole government of the realm
Thcchicf principally to William, bishop of Ely, his chancellor, and to Hugh,
overMfers |jjg|j^^jp ^^^ Durham, whom he ordained to be the chief justice of all
realm in J^nsflaud in liis absence ; the one to have the custody of the Tower,
absence, with tlic oversight of all other parts of the land on this side of
Humber ; the other, who was the bishop of Durham, to have charge
over all other his dominions beyond Humber, sending, moreover,
unto Pope Clement, in the behalf of the aforesaid William, bishop
of Ely, that he might be made the pope's legate through all England
and Scotland, which also w'as obtained. Thus the bishop being ad-
vanced in high authority, to furnish the king towards his setting
forth, providcth out of every city in England two palfreys, and two
sumpters, and also out of every abbey and royal manor one palfrey
and one sumptcr.
KiriR These things and others set in a stay, the king advanced forward
takethhis his joumey, and came to Chinon. There he appointed the captains
towanije- ^"^ constablcs ovcr his navy, and set laws to be observed in his journey
rusaicm. upon the scas. Furthermore, toucliing the laws and ordinances ap-
pointed by this King Richard for his navy, the form thereof was this: —
I. That wliosoever killed aiij- person on shipboard, sliould be tied with him
who was slain, and thrown into the sea.
II. And if he killed him on the land, he should in like manner be tied with
tiic party slain, and be buried with him in the earth.
III. lie that shall be convicted by lawful witness of drawing out his knife
or weapon, to the intent to strike any man, or that hath stricken any to the
drawing of blood, shall lose his hand.
IV. He that striketh any person with his hand, without effusion of blood,
shall l)e plunged three times in the sea.
V. Whoso speaketh any opprobrious or contumelious words, in reviling or
cursing another, for as often as he hath so reviled, shall pay so many ounces of
silver.
VI. A thief or felon that hath stolen, being lawfully convicted, shall have
his head shorn, and boiling pitch poured upon his head, and feathers or down
strewed upon the same, whereby he may be known; and so at the first landing
place they shall come to, there to be cast up, &c. Witness myself at Chinon,
These things thus set in readiness. King Richard sending his navy
by the Spanish seas, and by the straits of Gibraltar, between Spain and
Africa, to meet him at Marseilles, he himself went to Tours, and after
that to Vczelay, to meet the French king. The two kings from thence
went to Lyons, where the bridge over the flood Rhone with press of
people brake, and many, both men and women, were drowned. By
They rcasou wlicicof, tlic two kings, for the cumbrance of their trains, were
hyml^ constrained to dissever themselves for the time of their journey,
appointing both to meet together in Sicily ; and so Philip, the
(I) The narrative of the brawl in York Cathedral, sup. pp.278— 280, should be introduced here.
—Ed.
THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND AT MESSINA. 299
French king, took his way to Genoa, and King Richard to Mar- incimrdi.
seilles, where he remained eight days, having appointed his navy to ^ j)
meet hun there. 1190.
The seventh day of August, in the year aforesaid, King Richard
departed out of Marseilles, after he had there waited seven days for
his navy, Avhich came not ; and so hiring twenty galleys, and ten
great barks, to ship over his men, he sailed by the sea-coast of Italy,'
to Genoa, where the French king was ; thence he passed forward by
the coast of Italy, and entered the Tiber, not far from Rome, where
meeting with Octavian, the cardinal and bishop of Ostia, he did Richard
complain greatly of the filthy simony of the pope and the pope's court, etiTofThe
for receiving seven hundred marks for consecrating the bishop of Le p^p^^*
Mans ; also a thousand and five hundred marks of William, the bishop
of Ely, for his office legatine ; and likewise an infinite sum of money
of the bishop of Bordeaux, for acquitting him when he should be
deposed for a certain crime laid to his charge by his clergy, &c.
From thence he coasted along, and came to Naples, and, passing
on horseback to Salerno, he came to Calabria ; where, after that he
had heard his ships were arrived at Messina, in Sicily, he made the The
more speed ; and so, on the twenty-third of September, came to sh^ps^r-
Messina, with such a noise of trumpets and shawms, with such a rout ^ll^J;^^^^
and show, that it was the great wonderment and terror both of the
Frenchmen, and of all others that did hear and behold the sight.
To the said town of Messina the French king had come before, Richard
the sixteenth day of the same month of September, and had taken up a" Mes-'''
the palace of Tancred, king of Sicily, for his lodging. To whom "°*-
King Richard, after his arrival, eftsoons resorted ; and when the two
kings had communed together, immediately the same day the French
king took shipping, and entered the seas, thinking to sail toward the
land of Jerusalem ; but after he was out of the haven, the wind
arising contrary against him, returned him back again to Messina.
Then King Richard, whose lodging was prepared in the suburbs
without the city, after he had resorted again, and talked with the
French king, and also had sent to Tancred, king of Sicily, for the
deliverance of Joan, his sister (who had been sometime queen of
Sicily), and had obtained her to be sent unto him, the last day of Richard
September passed over the flood of Faro, and there getting a strong- hil^s'i'ster
hold called De la Bagnara, or Le Bamre, and placing therein his Jo^n.^
sister, with a sufficient retinue and garrison, he returned again to sometime
Messina. On the second of October King Richard won another "o h^lLt.
certain stronghold, called ' Monasterium GrifFonum,"' situated on an'"''™-
island in the midst of the river of Faro, between Messina and Calabria ;
from whence the monks being expelled, he reposed there all his store
and provision of victuals, which came from England or other places.
The citizens of Messina, seeing that the king of England had won Discord
the castle De la Bagnara, and also the island and monastery of the thTciu-
GrifFons, and doubting lest the king would extend his power further ^j"'J,^^
to invade their city and (if he could) the whole isle of Sicily, began and the
to stir against the king's army, and to shut the Englishmen out of the army."
gates, and keep their walls against them. The Englishmen, seeing
(I) Several inaccuracies iu this aiid the r.ext page are corrected from Hoveden. — Ed.
300 IVIKSSIVA TAKEN BY THE KXGLISH.
RichardT. tliat, made to tlic gato=, and by force would have broken tliem open ;
^ y insoinucli that tlic kinji, riding among them with his staff, and brcak-
1190. ing divers of their heads, could not assuage their fierceness ; such was
.7j;7j~ the rage of the Englishmen against the citizens of Messina. The
could not i-jncT seeincr the furv of the people to be such that he could not stay
st<iv the oo» '*_ ^, *'
raucofthe theui, took boat, and went to the palace of King Tancred, to talk of
i>copie. ^jj^ niatter with the French. In which time the matter was so taken
up by the wise handling of the ancient of the city, that both parties,
laying down their armour, went home in peace.
rommu- f^'i the fourth day of October came to King Richard the archbishop
Mm"'"" '^^f Messina, with two other archbishops, also the French king, and
peace. sundry other earls, barons, and bishops, for cntreatance of peace. As
they were together consulting, and had almost concluded upon the
peace, the citizens of Messina issuing out of the town, some went up
upon the mountains, some with open force invaded the mansion or
lodging of Hugh Brun, an English captain. The noise whereof
coming to the ears of the king, he suddenly breaking off talk with the
French king and the rest, departed from them, and coming to his men,
commanded them forthwith to arm themselves ; who then with certain
A skir- of his soldicrs, making up to the top of a mountain, which seemed to
tween'^tiie P^''^^ thcir powcr to climb, there put the citizens to flight, chasing
ritizensof them down the mountain, unto the very gates of the city ; whom also
aiwrthe"' certain of the king's servants pursued within the city ; of whom five
nien'.'*'' Valiant soldiers and twenty of the king's servants were slain, the French
The king looking on, and not once willing to rescue them, contrary to his
khtg"^ oath and league before made with the king of England ; for the French
against king, witli liis men, being there present, rode in the midst of them
the Knp- ^' , ' c? r ' ^
lishmen. Safely and without harm to and fro, and might well have eased the
king's party more than he did, if it had so liked him.
This being known to the English host, how thcir fellows were slain,
and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, and that they were ex-
cluded, and the gates barred against them, being also stopped from
buying of victuals and other things; they in great indignation gathered
Enpiish- themselves in arms, brast open the gates, and scaled the walls, and
uiedTy of SO wiuuiug the city, set up their flags with the English arms upon
Messma. {_],p walls. Wliich wlicu the French king did see, he was mightily
oflTendcd ; requiring the king of England, that the arms of France
might also be set up and joined with his; but King Richard to that
in no case would agree. Notwithstanding, to satisfy his mind, lie was
well contented to take down his arms, and commit the custody of the
city to the Hospitallers and Templars of Jerusalem, till the time that
Tancred, king of Sicily, and he should agree together upon conditions.
The These things being done on the third and fourth days of October,
remw\-d it followcd tlicu upou the eighth day that peace between the kings
Richard ^^'^^ coucludcd. lu wliicli pcacc, first. King Richard and Philip, the
and the Frcncli kiug, renewed again their oath and league before made, con-
kins;, cerning their mutual aid and society, during all the time of that pere-
^niciudcd grinfitifm. Secondly, peace also was concluded between King Richard
between a^d Taucrcd, king of Sicily aforesaid, with this condition, that the
Hichard daughter of Tancred should marrv Arthur, duke of Bretagne, the
cr'ed. ^" king's nephew, and, in case King Richard should die without issue,
ne.\t heir to his crown ; whereof a formal chart was drawn, and letters
THE DEATH OF FREDERIC AND THE SIEGE OF ACRE. 301
were sent thereof to Pope Clement, dutcd tlie eleventh' day of Rhhar,ii.
November. A. I).
In the mean time, as these two kings of France and England were ii'jo.
thus wintering at Messina, the emperor, Frederic 1. (the same on
whose neck Pope Alexander did tread in the church of Venice,
saying the verse of the psalm, " Super aspidem et basiliscura ambu-
labis," &c. Avhereof read before), and his son Conrad, with a mighty
army of Almains and others, were coming up likewise toward the land
of Jerusalem to the siege of Acre ; wliere, by the way, the good em- ,^j[J^^^'^'=^
peror, xlirough a great mischance, falling off his horse into a river called ror
Salef,^ was therein drowned. After whose decease, Conrad, his son, in^g""^!
taking the government of his army, came to the siege of Acre (in l"^^^^''^^
which siege also he died) ; upon whose coming, such a dearth followed Acre.
in the camp, which lasted two months, that a loaf of bread, which,
before their coming, was sold for one penny, was afterwards sold for
three pounds, byreason whereof manyCliristian soldiers did there perish
through famine. The chiefest food which the princes there had to
feed u])on, was horse-flesh. This famine being so miserable, some
good bishops there were in the camp, namely, Hubert, bishop of Salis-
bury, with certain other good bishops, who, making a general collec-
tion through the whole camp for the poor, made such a provision, that
in this penury of all things, yet no man was so destitute and needy, God's pro-
but somewhat he had for his relief; till, within a few days after, by ^^'t^ij^''^ ^f
the merciful providence of God, who is the feeder of all creatures, "e^d.
ships came unto them with abundance of corn, wine, and oil.
The siege of this town of Acre endured a long season, which, as sie-eof
it was mightily oppugned by the Christians, so it was strongly defended clllk lire
by the Saracens, especially by the help of wild-fire, which the Latins ^^Jl^\,
call " Greecus ignis," so that there was great slaughter on both sides, tiie sa.a-
During the time of which siege many noble personages, and also '^™^"
bishops, died, among whom was Conrad, the emperor's son ; Radulph,
earl of Fougeres ; Rotrou, earl of Perche ; Robert, earl of Leicester ;
Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury ; with four archbishops, and divers
other bishops, abbots, earls, and also barons, to the number of four
and thirty, and not so few. All this while King Richard, and King
Philip of France, still kept at Messina in Sicily, from the month of
September till April, for lack, I suppose, of wind or weather, or else
of necessity for repairing their ships. In which mean time King
Richard, hearing of Joachim, abbot of Corazzo,^ a learned man in
Calabria (who was then thought to have the spirit of prophecy, and
told many things of a people that should come), sent for him, with
whom he and his bishops had much conference about the coming and
time of antichrist; * to* whom the said Joachim expounding the
place of St. John's Revelation — '' There be seven kings, of whom
five are fallen, one is no\v, and another is yet to come," &c. — de-
claretli seven persecutors of the church to be thereby signified : Herod,
Nero, Domitian, Maxentius, Mahomet, Turca, and the last, which
(1) Hoveden, Rymer, torn. i. p. 53 (Edit. Nov.)— Ed. (2) Or Cydnus.— Ed.
(3) Afterward he became abbot of Flora, in Calabria. Moreri. — Ed.
(4) This passage, in single asterisks, is republished from the edition of Foxe of 1563, pp. 70, 71.
It slightly differs from the Latin edition of 1559, p. 57; an extract from which is subjoined:
" Reges 7, inquit, septem sunt persecutores : Herodes, Nero, Constantius, Mahumet, Melsemutus,
Saladinus, Antichristus, &c. Ha;c Hovedenus. Annus vero hujus abbatis erat 1290." Joachim
flourished early in the thirteenth century, and the first edition of his propliecics appeared at Venice
in 1517. — Eu.
302 CONVERSATION' HFTWEF.X JOACIITM AXD THE KI.VG.
Richardi. he Said was then to conic, to be Antichrist. And this Antichrist,
j^ j3 he said, was already burn in the city of Konic, and sliould be there
1)90. exalted in the apostolical see; bringing to that purpose the saving of
the apostle, " he is an adversary, and advancetli himself against all
that is called God : and then shall the wicked man be revealed whom
the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with
the brightness of his coming."' " Why," said the king, " I had
thought all this while that antichrist should have been born in Antioch,
or Hahylon, out of the tribe of Dan, and should have ruled in the
Lord's temple at .Terusalem, and should have sojourned in the land
where Christ had sojourned, and borne rule three years and a half in
the same, and disputed against Enoch and Elias, and then put them
to death, and then have died himself; after whose death the Lord
should have given sixty days of repentance, wlierein those that erred
from the truth, and were seduced by the preaching cf antichrist, and
his counterfeit apostles, might repent."
This, and such like talk, had they together; and though the abbot
declared at that time that antichrist was bom at Rome, yet were
there certain prelates, the very members of that wicked head, who in
no wise could abide to hear the tale of truth, but devised somewhat
to reply against it. Among these were Walter, archbishop of
Rouen, the archbishop of Apamea,* and Gerard, archbishop of
Auch, John, bishop of Evreux, and Bernard, bishop of Bayonne ; ^
whose replications and opinions, if they were here put down, they
would appear in that behalf good and substantial gear, I do warrant
you.*
Abbot This Joachim, belike, in his book and revelations uttered some
condemn- things against the see and pride of Rome, for the which he was less
cou'nciuf favoured of the popes, and judged an enemy to their see ; and so he
Lateral), -^vas condemned with his books for a heretic by Pope Innocent IIL
in his idolatrous general coimcil of Lateran, a.d. 1215, as ye may
read in Antoninus.
Henry, After this, Henry king of Almains, son of Frederic the emperor,
FredMic, licaring of the decease of his father, standing now to be emperor, first
emperor, restored to Henry duke of Saxony, and to others, whatsoever his
father before had taken from them. That done, he sent to Clement
and his cardinals, promising in all things to confirm the laws and
dignities of the church of Rome, if they would grant him their assent
to be emperor. AVhcreupon Pope Clement, by advice of the Romans,
assigned him the term of Easter in the next year ensuing, for his
coronation. But before the Easter came, Pope Clement died, after
he had sat three years and about four months ; after whom succeeded
Celcstine HL, of whom more hereafter, God willing.
The time thus passing over, in the month of February, the next
A.D.1191. year following, which was a.d. 1191, King Richard sent over his
galleys to Naples, there to meet his mother Elenor, and Berengaria,
the daughter of Sancho, king of Navarre, whom he was purposed to
marry, who by that time were come to Brundusium, under the
conduct of Philip, earl of Flanders, and so proceeding unto Naples,
there found the king's ships, wherein they sailed to Messina. In this
mean space, King Richard showed himself exceedingly bounteous
(1) 2 Thess. ii. 4, 8.— Ed. (2) Apamea in Syria.— En.
(•3) For thia corrected litt see Uoveden, Ilollinslied, and Ciallia Christiana. — Ed.
TREACHERY OF THE FUEXCH KING. 303
and liberal unto all men. To the French king first lie gave divers luchardi.
ships; upon others likewise he bestowed rich rewards; and of his ^,3
goods and treasure he distributed largely unto his soldiers and ser- IHJi.
vants about him. Of him it was reported that he distributed more Bountiful
in one month, than ever any of his predecessors did in a whole year ; ^'^
bv reason whereof he purchased great love and favour, which not only Richard,
redounded to the advancement of his feme, but also to his singular
use and profit, as the sequel afterwards proved.
To proceed then in the progress of King Richard, it followeth : Honour-
on the first day of jNIarch, he, leaving the city of Messina, Avhere the abk |^n-
French king was, went on unto Catana, a city where Tancred, kmg ment .,f
of Sicily, then lay, Avhere he was honourably received, and there by xan-
remained with King Tancred three days and three nights. On the "ed.
fourth day, Avhen he should depart, Tancred offered him many rich
presents in gold and silver, and precious silks; whereof King Richard
would receive nothing but one little ring for a token of his good will.
For this King Richard again gave him a rich sword. At length,
when King Ri^chard should take his leave, King Tancred would not
so let hini part, but needs would give him four great ships and
fifteen galleys ; and furthermore, he himself would needs accom-
pany him, the space of two days' journey, to a place called Taver-
nium.
Then the next morning, when they should take their leave. Tan- phiiip,
cred declared unto him the message which the French king, a little %l^^^
before, had sent unto him by the duke of Burgundy, the purport J^^i^n&.^_
whereof was this : " That the king of England was a false traitor, ousiy'"
and would never keep the peace that was between them. And if t^e'de'-''
the said Tancred would war against him, or secretly by night invade stmction
him, he, Avith all his power, would assist him, and join with him to Richard,
the destruction of him and all his army." To wdiom Richard the king
protested again, that he was no traitor, and never was ; and, as touch-
ing the peace begun between them, the same should never be broken
through him, neither could he believe that the French king, being
his good lord, and his sworn copartner in that voyage, would utter
any such words of him. Which, when Tancred heard, he bringeili
forth the letters of the French king, brought to him by the duke of
Burgundy; affirming, moreover, that if the duke of Burgundy
would deny the bringing of the said letters, he was ready to try FaithM
with him by any of his dukes. King Richard, receiving the letters, xanc^'d
and musing not a little upon the same, returneth again to Messina ^^^^^^l^
The same day that King Richard departed, the French king cometh
to Tavernium to speak with Tancred, and there abode with him that
night, and on the morrow returned to Messina again.
From that time King Richard, moved in stomach against King pjrst oc-
Philip, never showed any gentle countenance of peace and amity, ^-'^'^"/^
as he before was wont ; whereat the French king greatly marvelling, between
and inquiring earnestly what should be the cause thereof, word was French
sent him again by Phdip, earl of Flanders, what words he had sent ^^^'"^
to the king of Sicily ; and for the testimony thereof, the letters ^i;;'^'''^'^-
■were showed, which "he -wrote by the duke of Burgundy to the king Kichani
of Sicily. AVhen the French king understood this, he first held his ?hf ^""^
peace, as guilty in his conscience, not knowing well what to answer. French
304
HAUGHTY COXnUCT 01" THK I'OrE.
A. 1).
1191.
king with
false-
hood.
(Juarrel
aliout a
marriage.
nuharai. At Icnirtli, tnniin<x lii« t:il<> <-o anotlior matter, lie beg-an to quarrel
witli kinij Kiehanl, preteiuliny: a.s tliougli he souglit causes to break
witli hiin, anil to malign liim, and tlicrefore lie forged these lies (said
lie) upon liim, and all because he by that means would void to
marry with Alice, his sister, according as he hail promised : adding,
moreover, that if he would so do, and would not marry the said Alice
his sister, according to his oath, but Avould marry another, he would
be an enemy to him and his, while ho lived.
To this King Richard said again, that he could by no means
f marrv that woman, forasmuch as his father had had by her a son :
for proof whereof he had there presently to bring forth divers and
Asrce- suudrv witucsscs to the king's face, to testify with him. In conclu-
iween'fhe siou, tlirougli couuscl aud persuasion of divers about the French
king, agreement at last was made, so that King Philip did acquit
King Richard from his bond of marrying his sister ; and King
Richard again should be bound to pay to him every year, for the
space of five years, two thousand marks ; with certain other conditions
besides, not gi'eatly material in this place to be deciphered. Thus,
peace being between them concluded, on Saturday the thirtieth day
of the said month of March the French king launching out of the
haven of Messina, on the two and twentieth day after, in Easter
Api.zoth. week, came with his army to the siege of Acre.
After the departure of the French king from JNlessina (King
Richard, with his army, yet remaining behind). Queen Elenor,
the king's mother, arrived, bringing with her Berengaria, the king of
Navarre's daughter, to be espoused to King Richard. This done,
Elenor, leaving Bcrengai-ia behind her, departed, taking her journey
toward Rome, to entreat the pope for (refFrey, her other son above
mentioned, to be consecrated in the archbishopric of York, he having
been before elected by the procurement of King Richard, his brother,
as ye heard. At this time, as Queen Elenor was travelling toward
Rome, Pope Clement above mentioned died on the tenth day of
April, in whose room succeeded Pope Celestine III., who, the next
day after his consecration, came from Lateran to St. Peter's chiu-cli,
where in the way met him Henry, the emj)eror, and Constantia, his
wife, with a great rout of armed soldiers ; but the Romans, making
fiist their gates, would not suffer them to enter their city. Then
Pope Celestine, standing upon the stairs before ihc church door of
St. Peter, received an oath of the said Henry, king of the Almains
(his army waiting without), that he should defend the church of God,
and all the liberties thereof, and maintain justice; also that he should
restore again the patrimony of St. Peter, full and whole, whatsoever
hath been diminished ilicrcof ; and finally, that he should re-surren-
Tiiepope der to tlic cliurcli of Rome the city of Frascati. Upon these con-
of Home i- ■ ■ "^
i.itiiefuii ditioiis and grants, the pope then took Iwrn to the church, and there
Irridc! "* anointed him for emperor, and his wife for empress ; who, there
^ sitting in his chair pontifical, held the crown of gold between his
Celestine fcct, and SO the emperor, bowing down his head to the pope's feet,
HeiT"/"* received the crown ; and in like manner the empress also. The
rllr wk^" ^'■°^^" *j'^^^ ^^^">- ^^^ "P"" '^'ic emperor's head, the pope, immediately,
his feet. Avith liis foot struck it off again from his head unto the ground,
str'iketi'r declaring thereby, that he had power, to depose him in case he
two
kings,
with the
condi-
tions.
The
French
king
cnineth
Heren-
garia,
or as
some do
call her,
Itcrne-
gara,
(laughter
to the
king of
Navarre,
brought
to be
married
to King
Kichard.
THE ENGLISH FLEET DISPERSED BY A TEMPEST. S05
SO deserved. Tlien the cardinals, taking up ilic crown, set it upon nichardi.
liis head again.' ~\/D~
Not long after the departure of King Philip from Messina, which 1191'.
was in the month of March, King Richard, in April following, about „fr the
the tenth day of the said month sailing from the haven of Messina ':";i',"™''*
with a hundred and fifty great ships and three and fifty great "iii'iiis
galleys well manned and appointed, took journey towards Acre ;
who being upon the seas on Good Friday, about the ninth hour
rose a mighty south wind with a tempest, which dissevered and Richard
scattered all his navy, some to one place and some to an- wUh'l ''"
other. The king with a few ships put into the island of Crete, '^^"JP"^
and afterwards in the haven of Rhodes cast anchor. The ship that Acre,
carried the king's sister, the queen of Sicily, and Berengaria, the
king of Navarre''s daughter, with two other ships, were driven to
the isle of Cyprus. The king, making great moan for the ship his
sister w^as in, and Berengaria, his wife that should be, not knowing
what had become of them, after the tempest was overblown, sent
forth his galleys diligently to search for the rest of his navy dispersed,
but especially for the ship wherein his sister was, and the maiden
whom he should marry ; who at length were found safe and merry
at Port Limisso, in the isle of Cyprus. Notwithstanding the two
other ships, which were in their company before in the same haven,
were drowned, with divers of the king''s servants, and men of wor-
ship ; amongst whom was Master Roger, called ' Mains Catulus,'
the king's vice-chancellor, who was found having the king's seal
hanging about his neck. The king of Cyprus was then Isaac isaac,
(called also the emperor of the Griffons), who took and imprisoned c^uf
all Englishmen Avho by shipwreck were cast upon his land, also a cruel'
inveigling into his hands the goods and prizes of those who were EngUsh-
found drowned about his coasts ; neither would he suffer the ship '"^"'
wherein the two ladies were, to enter within the port.
The tidings of this being brought to King Richard, he, in great Richard
wi-ath, gathering his galleys and ships together, boardeth the land of ™jJ^fo'^
Cyprus, where he first in gentlewise signifieth to King ^Isaac, how ^^'^'^'"s
he with his Englishmen, coming as strangers to the supportation of forhis
the Holy Land, were, by distress of weather, driven upon his bounds ; capUvUy"
and, therefore, with all humble petition besought him, in God's behalf,
and for reverence of the Holy Cross, to let go such prisoners of his
IS he had in captivity, and to restore again the goods of those who
were drowned, which he detained in his hands, to be employed for
:he behoof of their souls. And this the king, once, twice, and thrice,
; iesired of the emperor. But he, proudly answering again, sent the xhe dis-
cing word, that he would neither let the captives go, nor render the answer of
^oods of them that were drowned. Isaac.
When King Richard heard how little the Emperor Isaac made
jf his so humble and honest petition, and how nothing there could
)e gotten without violent force ; immediately he giveth commandment
' hrough all his host, to put themselves in amiour, and to follow him,
n revenge such injuries received of that proud and cruel king
Kx veteri chror.ico manuscripto anoiiymo, de gestis Richardi Regis, cui initium, " Anno
^■," &c. Item ex alio ejusdem vetustatis chronico manuscripto, cui initium, " Mnezs cum
• uiio," &c.
\ OL. II. X
306 THK KI\C, OF CYI'KUS TAKKK PRISONEK.
Richardi. of C^i^nis ; wilHii? tliom to put tlu'ir trust in God, and not to doubt
~A/o7 ^"^ t'''*^^ tl'C Lord would stand with tlicni, and give tlicin the victory.
1191. The cnipcror, in tlie mean time, with his people, stood warding the
sea coasts, wlierc the JMiglishnien should arrive, with swords, bills,
and lances, and such other M'capons as they had, setting boards, stools,
and chests before them instead of a wall. Howbeit but few of them
were harnessed, and for the most part all inexpert and unskiji'ul
nichard in tlic fcats of war. Then King Richard with his soldiers, issuing
upon 'isa- out of their ships, first set his bowmen before, who with their shot
'^'^"'v made away for others to follow. The Englishmen, thus winninjjthe
lit'i'or ol •/ ^ ^ ^ ~
tiR- Grif- land upon them, so fiercely pressed upon the Griffons, that after long
ispuMo" fighting and many blows, at last, the emperor was put to flight ;
fliL'ht. ^vhom King Richard valiantly pursued, and slew many, and divers he
took alive, and had gone near also to have had the emj)eror, had not
the night come on and parted the battle. And thus King Richard,
with much ^nn\ and great victory returning to the port town of Limisso,
which the townsmen had left for fear, found there great abundance
of corn, wine, oil, and victuals.
The same day after the victory, Joan, the king's sister, and Beren-
garia, the maiden, entered the port and town of Limisso, with fifty
great ships, and fourteen galliots ; so that all the Avhole navy there
meeting together, were two hundred and fifty-four tall ships, and
above threescore galliots. Then Isaac the emperor, seeing no way
for himself to escape by the sea, the same night pitched his tents five
miles off from the English army, swearing that the third day after he
would surely give battle to King Richard. But he preventing him
before, suddenly, the same moniing before the day of battle should
The king be, scttcth upou the tents of the Griffons early (they being unawares
agSn^'put ^iid asleep,) and made of them a great slaughter ; insomuch that the
to night. cm])eror was fain naked to run away, leaving his tents and pavilions
to the Englishmen, full of liorses and rich treasure, also with the
imperial standard, the lower part whereof, with a costly streamer, was
King covered and wrought all with gold. King Richard then retuniing
marriJth '^^'itli victory and triumph to his sister and Berengaria, shortly after, in
Ha^inlhe ^^^^ mouth of May following, and the twelfth day of the same month,
isle of married the said Berengaria, daughter of Sancho, king of Navarre,
*^ *■ at Limisso in the isle of C}^rus.
The king of Cyprus, seeing himself overmatched, was driven at
Isaac length to yield himself with conditions : to give King Richard twenty
himself thousand marks in gold, for amends of such spoils as he had gotten of
iiit'hard. them that were drowned ; also to restore all his captives again to the
king; and, furthennore, in his own person, to attend upon the king to
the land of Jerusalem, in God's service and his, with four hundred
horsemen, and five huncked footmen ; in pledge whereof he would
give into his hands his castles, and his only daughter, and would hold
sequent!) ^'•'' l^i'igdoui of him. This done, and the emperor swearing fidelity
breaketh to King Richard, before Guido kinff of Jerusalem, and the iirince
tions. of Antioch (who were come thither to King Richard a little before),]
peace was taken, and Isaac was committed to the Avard of certain
A-ain keepers. Notwithstanding, shortly after, he, breaking from his
sui.init- keepers, was again at defiance with the king. Whereupon King
fdf! m,d Richard, besetting the island of Cyprus round about with ships and
I
CAPTURE OF THE CITY OF ACRE. 807
jifalleys, did in sucli sort ];)revai], that tlic subjects of the land v/cvc RUhardr.
constrained to yield themselves to the king, and at length the ~X~d~
daughter also of the emperor, and at last the emperor himself, whom w.n.
King Richard caused to l)c kept in fetters of silver and gold, and to jT^T^j^T",
be sent to the city of Tripolis. golden
These things thus done, and all set in order touching the posses- lUchards
sion of the isle of Cyprus, the keeping whereof he committed unto to"Acre.
Radulph, son of Godfrey, lord chamberlain, being then the first day
of June ; upon the fifth of the said month, King Richard departed
from the isle of Cy]irus, with his ships and galleys towards the siege
of Acre, and on the morrow came unto Tyre, where, by ])rocure-
ment of the French king, he was constrained by the citizens to enter.
The next day after, which was the seventh day of June, crossing the Saraocns
seas he met with a great bark, fraught with soldiers and men of war thcrescun
to the number of one thousand five hundred ; who, pretending to be °^ ^'"'"P'
Frenchmen, and setting forth their flag with the French arms, were ed on the
indeed Saracens, secretly sent with wild-fire and certain barrels of Khig'^
unknown ser|)ents, to the defence of the town of Acre. This King ^^"^''^"i-
Richard at length perceiving, eftsoons set upon them, and so van-
quished them ; of whom the most were drowned, and some taken
alive ; which being once known in the city of Acre, as it w-as a great
discomfort there, so it was a great help unto the Christians for
winning the city. The next day after, which was the eiglith of
June, King Richard came to Acre, wliich at that time had been
long besieged of the Christians ; after whose coming it was not lonsr
before the pagans within the city seeing their Avails to be undermined
and towers overthrown, were driven by composition to escape with The city
life and limb, to sun-ender the city to the two kings. Another great yLui^d to
help to the Christians in winning the city was this : in the said city jl'ans'^"^"
of Acre there was a secret Christian among the Saracens, Avho, in
time of the siege there, used at sundry times to cast over the walls,
into the camp of the Christians, certain bills written in Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin, wherein he disclosed unto the Christians, from Honest
time to time, the doings and counsels of the enemies, advertising L^cret
them how and in Avhat way they should work, and of what to beware ; [jj^fji^g'""
and always his letters began thus : " In nomine Patris, et Filii, et ^^'7°'"
Spiritus Sancti; Amen;" by reason whereof, the Christians Avere much
advantaged in their proceedings. But this Avas a great heaviness unto
them, that neither would he utter his name, nor, Avhen the city Avas got,
could they ever understand avIio he Avas.^
To make of a long siege a short narration, upon the tAvelfth day of
July in the year aforesaid, a. d. 1191, the princes and captains of
the pagans, upon agreement, resorted to the tent of the Templars, to The form
commune Avith the tAvo kings touching peace and giving up of theii* concrud-
city, the form of AA'hich peace Avas this: That the kings should have t^.een,i,e
the city of Acre freely and fully delivered unto them, AA'ith all that kings,
was Avithin ; and that five hundred captives of the Christians should princes cf
be restored unto them, Avhich were in Acre: also that the holy cross "^""^
should be to them rendered, and a thousand christian captives, Avith
two hundred horsemen, Avhosoever they themselves Avould choose out
Vl) Exchronico manuscripto, de gestis Richard).
30S Tilt TWO KIKC.S DIVIDE THE SPOIL.
luchardi. of till those wliicli wcTc ill tiio powcr of Saladin : over and besides,
^ I) tliev sliould give to the kiiii^'s, two Imndrcd thousand bisants, so that
liyi. they tlieniselves wouUl remain as pledges in the kings' hands for the
j)crfonnanee hereof; that if, in t"i»rty tlays, these aforesaid covenants
were not accomplished, they would abide the kings' mercy touching life
and limb. These covenants being agreed upon, the kings sent their
soldiers and servants into the city, to take one hundred of the richest
and l)est of the city, to close them up in towers under strong keeping,
and the resiilue they committed to be kept in houses and streets,
ministering unto them according to their necessities : to whom not-
withstanding, this they permitted, that as many of them as would be
baptized, and receive the faith of Christ, sliould be free to go whither
Religion they would. Whereupon, many there were of the pagans, who for
tiu'^'t ''* ^^^^ o^ death pretended to be baptized, but who, afterwards, as soon
aiidnot as tlicy could, revolted again to the Saladin ; on which account it was
*''"' * ■ afterwards commanded by the kings, that none of them should be
baptized against their wills.
The two The thirteenth day of July, King Philip of France, and King
Tidrthi' Ricliard, after they had obtained the possession of Acre, divided
city of between them all things therein contained, as well the people, as
auThr* the gold and silver, with all other furniture whatsoever remaining in
ttereof; ^^6 city ; who, in dividing the spoil, were such good carvers unto
between themselvcs, that many knights and barons, with other soldiers, who
selves, had there sustained the whole travail two years together about the
Common- sicgc, Seeing the kings to take all unto themselves, and their part to
wims*o"' ^^ ^^^^ little, retracted themselves without the uttermost trench ; and
taketh thcrc, after consultation had together, sent word to the kings that
pains, they would leave and forsake them, unless they were made partakers
{ol^^'th" also of the g-ains for which they had so long travailed. To whom
least. answer was sent again by the kings, that their wills should be satisfied
howbeit, because of long deferring of their promise, many, constrained
by poverty, departed from them.
King The twentieth day of July, King Richard, speaking with tl
Kiciiard French kina^, desired him that they two with their armies would bind
requiretn , 11 1 • 1 ' -ii • i 1 i r> t 1 i
of the themselves by oath to remain there stili in the land oi Jerusalem the
ki'ng'to space of tliree years, for the Avinning and recovering again of those
thi^'" countries. But he would swear, he said, no such oath : and so the
years ncxt dav. King Richard, with his wife and sister, entcreth into the
army, but city of Acrc, and placed there himself in the king's palace ; the
he^wouid French king remaining in the houses of the Templars, where he con
tinucd till the end of the month. About the beginning of the month
of August, Philip, the French king, after he and King Richard had
made agreement between Guido and Conrad, the marquis, about the
kingdom of Jerusalem, went from Acre to Tyre ; notwithstanding.
King Richard and all the princes of the christian army, with grealj
entreaty, desired him to tarry; showing what a shame it were for him
to come so far, and now to leave undone that for which he came; anq
on the third of August he departed from Tyre, leaving his half pari
of the city of Acre in the hands of the aforesaid Conrad, the marquisB'
After Philij^'s departure, the pagans refused to keep their covenants
who neither would restore the holy cross, nor the money, nor the:
captives, sending word to King Richard, that if he beheaded thJ"
A BRIEF STORY OF WIJ.LIA.M BISHOP OF KI.Y. SO.'j
plerlges left with him at Acre, they wouhl eliop off the heads of such mchnrdT.
captives of the Christians as were in their hands. Shortly after this, ^ ^
Saladin, sending great gifts to king Richard, requested the time 1191.
limited for beheading of the captives to be prorogued, but the king ^
refused to take his gifts, and to grant his request ; whereupon the capther
Sultan caused all the christian captives within his possession forth- the'Vui
with to be beheaded, which was the eighteenth day of August, tan.
Albeit King Richard understood this, yet would not he prevent the
time before limited for the execution of his prisoners, being the
twentieth of August. Upon that day he caused the prisoners of the
Saracens, openly in the sight of the Sultan's army, to lose their
heads ; the number of whom came to two thousand five hundred, saraceu
save only that certain of the principal of them he reserved for pur- sulin^'^y
poses and considerations, especially to make exchange for the holy ^("jf^^j
cross, and certain others of the christian captives.
After this. King Richard purposed to besiege the city of Joppa ;
where, by the way, between Acre and Joppa, near to a town called
Azotus, Saladm with a great multitude of his Saracens came fiercely
against the king's rearward ; but, through God's merciful grace, in
the same battle the king's warriors acquitted them so well, that
Saladin was put to flight (whom the Christians pursued the space of Saiadm
three miles) and lost the same day many of his nobles and captains, iii-ht.
in such sort as it was thought the Saracens had not been put to such AjJ°^^^
confusion for forty years before ; and but one christian captain, called by God's
James d'Avesnes, in that conflict was overthrown. From thence King ^"tten by
Richard proceeding further went to Joppa, and then to Ascalon. ^^l^^_
He found the city of Jojipa forsaken of the Saracens, who durst not
abide the king's coming. Ascalon Saladin had thrown down to
the CTOund, who likewise forsook the whole land of Syria ; through Kins
o ' . •' . y Richard
all which land the king had free passage without resistance, neither in posses-
durst the Saracen prince encounter after that with King Richard. syria°
Of all which his achievements the said King Richard sent his letters
of certificate as well into England, as also to the abbot of Clairvaux in
France ; well hoping that he, God willing, should be able to make
his repair again to them by Easter next.
A BRIEF STOEY OF WILLIAM, THE PROUD BISHOP OF ELY, THE
king's CHAXCELLOR.
And now, to leave King Richard awhile in the field, let us make A.D.
a step into England, and look a little at what is doing at home while ^J^
the king is abroad, and so return to the king again. Ye heard jjgj^
before liow King Richard, at his setting forth, committed the govern- Four
ment of the realm to Hugh, bishop of Durham, and to William, Justices
bishop of Ely, so that to the bishop of Durham was committed the "^^
keeping of the castle of Windsor. The other, who was the bishop appmnt-
of Elv, had the keeping of the Tower of London, about which he seers of
* ^ 1 11*1*1 ' tlic rf'il
caused a great ditch with a rampart to be made, which is yet remain- ;„ „,^.
ing. Furthermore, to these two bishops the king also assigned four ki-.s-
other chief justices, Avho, jointly with them, should have the hearing
and oversight of all causes^ as well to the clergy as to the laity ai)per-
tlie realm
in the
kind's
abseuM.
310 TYRAWY OV THE lilSlIOP OF ELY.
nichardi. taining : to wit, Hufrli Bardolf, William Marshal, Geoffrey Fitz-
^ £3 Piers, and William Briwcre ; but the bishop of Ely was the principal,
1190 or at least he that took most upon liira, who both was the king's chan-
to cellor, and bought with his money to be the pope's legate through
^^^*- England, Ireland, and Scotland, as is before specified. *For* tlie said
Ely, being more ambitious, so practised with the king, that with the
king's ambassadors sending his letters to the pope he obtained there
the authority legantine upon the whole realm of Enghind, as by the
pope's letters^ to him again directed may appear.* Touching the
cxccpsivo pride and ])omp of this bishop, his rutflings outrageous, and
fall most shameful, it would make a long tragedy to relate the whole
circumstances at full ; to demonstrate only certain specialities thereof,
for our present purpose may suffice,
du^ch First, this William, called Longchamp, being thus advanced by the
and bells king to bc his high chancellor, and chief justice of the realm, and also
suspend the pope's legate, to show abroad the authority of his Icgatcship,
caus'l'' the ^^o^^ ^0 suspcnd the canons, clerks, and vicars of the church of
lord le- St. Peter in York, because they received him not with procession :
not'usir-* under which interdiction he held them, till they were fain at last, both
"lif, 'pro. canons, clerks, and vicars, to fall down at his feet, causing all their
cession, bells to be let down out of the steeple. After this cometh Hugh,
bishop of Durham, whom the king sent home out of Normandy with
his letters ; who, meeting with the aforesaid William, bishop of Ely,
in the town of Ely, showed him the king's letters, wherein was
granted to him the keeping of Windsor castle, and to be the king's
justice from the river Humber to the borders of Scotland. To these
letters the chancellor answered, that the king's commandment should
be done, and so brought him with him to Suwel, where he took him
'''Shop and kept him fast, till he was forced at last to surrender to him the
petteth castle of Windsor, and other things which the king had committed to
of'^wind- his custody ; and moreover, he was constrained to leave with the said
t°e bi"™ chancellor, Henry de Puteaco, his own son, and Gilbert Leigh, for
siiop of pledges and hostages of his fidelity, to be true to the king and realm.
And thus the bishop of Durham, being set at libertv, went to his
town of Hoveden ; where, after he had made his abode a few days,
cometh thither Osbert Longchamp, the chancellor's brother, and
AVilliam Stutiville, with a gi'eat company of armed men sent by the
chancellor to apprehend him. But the said bishop of Durham, put-
ting in sureties not to depart that town without license of the king
and of the chancellor, there still remained till he got letters to be
sent to the king, signifying how he was used. Whereupon the king,
wTiting his letters from INlarseilles to the bishop of Ely, set the said
bishop of Durham free, and confirmed to him all the possessions and
gTants that he before had given him.
Je'ssive ^' ^^ almost incredible to think how intemperately this bishop and
pride and chauccllor miscouducted himself, after the king's departure into Syria,
tics'^' in excess of pride, and in cruel exactions and oppressions of the
(1) For this passage, with Pope Clement's letter, see Eklition 15fi3, p. 70.— Ed.
(2) The LHtrr of Pupc CInnnit III. to the Bishop of Ely.—" Clemens Episcopus, &:c. Juxfc,^
commendabile de.sidcriiini charissimi in Domino filii nostri illustrissimi Anglorum regi.s, frater-
nitati tua- licationis ollicium in tota Aiiglia et Wallia, tarn per Cantuariensem quam per Eborai
rcnsem arrhiepistopatum, ct in illis Uybernia; partibus, in quibus nobilis vir Joannes Come
Morctoiiii, trater ipsius regis, potcstatim habet et dominium, autoritate apostolica daximu
conimittendum. Datum nono Junli pontif. nostri anno 3."
HE I'LAYETII liOTH KIN'c; AND PUIKST.
king's subjects. First, his fellow-justices, whom the king joined RUhardi.
with him for government of the realm, he utterly rejected and refused . i)
to hear their counsel, reputing none to be equal with him in all the \\()\\
realm. Neither was he contented with the authority of a prelate,
but played both king and priest in the realm. All castles, lordships, JI"!!)p"!,'f
abbeys, churches, and all other appropriations belonging to the right ^'y-
of the king, he claimed to himself; and, by virtue of his legateship,
when he came to any bishop''s house, abbey, priory, or any other
religious house, he brought with him such a superfluity of men, horses,
dogs, and hawks, that the house was the worse for it three years after ;
for commonly he rode never under fifteen hundred horse, of chap Bishop of
lains, priests, and other serving-men waiting upon him. From the roLlin-'"^
clergy and laity he took away their churches, their advowsons, their ^^^l^f^
livings, and their lands, to bestow upon his nephews and other Avait-
ing chaplains, to serve his vain glory ; or else converted them to his
own use, to maintain his pomp and vanity. In getting and gathering
of treasures he had no measure ; in mis-spending the same he kept no
order ; and that no vice should be wanting where such avarice taketh
root, the money, which he wrongfully got, he committed to the bank
to be increased by usury. What wantonness and lasciviousness were
used in that so riotous life, the stories do shame to declare. All
ruffianly runagates, idle bellies, and light persons, wheresoever he
went, hung upon his court. To increase the vain jollity of this royal
prelate, there was lacking no kind of musical instruments and me-
lodious noise, to refresh belike his wearied senses, too much beaten
and macerated with continual labour and study of Inmting, hawking,
and gaming : of preaching and reading, I should have said.
Briefly, this aforesaid prelate, bearing the authority both of the Piayeih
king and of the pope, kept such a stir in England, that the whole and' '"^
realm was at his beck, with cap and knee, crouching to him ; neither '^™^*"
durst any man, rich or poor, displease him ; yea, there was none in
all the realm so noble or worshipful, but was glad to please him,
accounting himself happy if he might stand in his favour. At his
table, all noblemen''s childi-en did serve and wait upon him, with
whom he coupled in marriage his nieces and kinswomen ; and, when
any one that stood waiting before him, durst once cast up his eyes,
or did not demurely look downward upon the ground, he had a staff
in his hand with a jjrick, wherewith he used to prick him ; learning,
belike, by the carter his father, who used at the plough or cart to
drive his oxen. Fm-thennore, as kings used to have their guard about
them, so he, because he would not also be unguarded, refusing men
of the English nation, had his waiters and warders mostly of French-
men and Flemings.
It happened after this. a.d. 1191, that a great discord arose General
between John, carl of Morton, the king's brother, with other states ?oTh*e^""'
of the realm, and the said William, bishop of Ely ; so that, univer- f^ebis'^op
sally, they all wrote over to the king concerning the misgovernment of Ely.
and enormities of the said bishop. * Richard, understanding the case,
sent from ISIessina into England Walter, archbishop of Rouen, and
William Marshal, earl, unto the bishop of Ely, with letters, com-
manding him that in all his doings he should associate unto him the
archbishop of Rouen, AVilliam Marshal, Geoffrey Fitz-Piers, William
312 ORUKI, TRKATMr.NT OF CKFFREY, AHCniUSIIOP OF VOUK,
Riehardi. Briwcrc, and Hugh Bardolf above mentioned ; vLo, when they came
^ J) into Enfi^land, durst not deliver their letters, dieading the displeasure
119l! of the chancellor, fur ho dc.si)ised all the commandments of the king,
nor woidd suffer any \'A\ow to join uith him in his kingdom.
Hitherto have you heard of the glorious vanity of this lordly legate
and chancellor of the realm ; now ye shall hear of his shameful fall.
Another after his shameless exaltation. For shortly after this followeth an-
sion*"'' other breach between the said Earl John the king''s brother, and him,
between about the besieging of the castle of Lincoln. Concerning that castle
k'inK's '" the said John sent him word, that unless lie raised his siege the sooner
brother, ^^^^^^ thcncc, lie would scud him away by force of sword. The bislio]),
blsi oTf c't'i^r "*^t ^^^^ ^^ make his ])arty good, or not daring to resist, thought
ii:iy- best to fall to some composition with the earl, and so did. In that
composition, he was contented, against his will, by mediation of divers
l)ishoj)s and others, to make surrender, not only of the castle of
Lincoln, but also of Nottingham, Tickhill, Wallingford, and many
more places, which were then committed to the custody of sundry
men of worship and honour. And thus was that controversy settled,
wherein the bishop of "Ely began to be cut a little shorter.
Another It foUowcd then not long after, in the same year, that another like
t\™en the l^^ishiess bcgau to kindle between Geffrey, the archbishop of York,
chancel- tlic king"'s brothcr, and the aforesaid glorious bishop of Ely upon this
GetTrey, occasiou. Yo heard before how the king, at his setting out, left
bishop order that Earl John and Geffrey, his brethren, should not enter
of York, iiito the realm for the space of three years after his departure (liow-
beit his brother John was shortly after released of that bond), and
also after that, how King Richard, being at ^lessina, sent his mother
Elenor to the pope for his brother Geffrey (elected before to the
see of York) to be consecrated archbishop. Whereupon the said
Geffrey being consecrated through license of Pope Celestinc by the
archbishop of Tours ; the said Geffrey, immediately upon his conse-
cration, lost no time, but would needs come into England. Of this
the bishop of Ely having intelligence, sent him word, being at
•AVissland in Flanders, not to presume to adventure into the realm,
contrary to his oath before made to King Richard ; commanding,
moreover, that if he came, he should be apprehended. All wliich
notwithstanding, the archbishop letted not for all that, but needs
would repair to his sec, and so arrived at Dover in the month of
Se])tembor, where the chancellor's men stood on the sea-side to
apprehend him ; but he, by changing his apparel, and by the swift-
ness of his horse, escaped their hands, and came to the monks' house
of Dover; but the chancellor's men, whom he sent to take him,
beset the church of the monks round about, so that in nowise he
could avoid their hands.
The cruel To make the story short : as the archbishop, on a day wlien he had
of Gcf-"''' said mass, was standing at the altar, with his garments yet about him,
[Ii^8ho''po*f' ^•''^ "'f^c soldiers having little good manners, and less devotion, spared
ti.c'hi'sho '^°*' ^'^^'^'y ^'^ ^^^^^ "i'-^ ^^^^ church, and there laid hands upon the arch-
er Ely. _ bishop as he stood ; took him, bound him, and dragged him tlirough
leRa^er'' ^^^^ ^^^^^ "i'>"c (and, as we use to say, througli thick and thin), and so coin-
and Chan- jnittedhiui to Matthew Ic Clcrc.tlie constable of Dover castlctobckent;
ccllor of 1 1 T I ^ I '
England, whcrcat tlic pcoplc greatly disdained, seeing that he was a king's son,
niE BISHOP OF Ely's shameful fall, 813
and the brother of a king, who was so treated. The news whereof, Richardi.
when it came to the cars of Earl John, his brother, he being not a ~a~D~
iittle offended therewith, sent to know of the chanccnor, whether this 1191.
was his doing or not. To whom when tlie chancellor sent answer
again, and stoutly confessed the fact to be his, the earl sent com-
mandinent that his brother should be delivered up, and so he was ; Geffrey
who, then coming to London, made his complaint to the carl, his out o^''''
brother, and to other nobles of the realm, of the injuries done to him ?"«»"•
by the chancellor. On this the earl sent for the aforesaid chancellor,
and appointed a day peremptory for him to appear before the whole
body of the council, to make answer to such injuries as he had done,
both to the archbishop of York, and also to the bishop of Durham
above mentioned ; but the chancellor, driving off the time with
delays, would neither come nor send. Then the earl, with the
bishops about him, made their journey towards London, to have the
matter there handled in a gi-eat audience.
The chancellor, seeing that, withdrew himself from Windsor to the a skir-
city of London, where by the way it happened, that the servants of {^'e|.',^f,;c
the earl and of the chancellor meeting, did skirmish together ; in ^^^^^"'^
which fray one of the earPs family Avas slain, but yet his men had the Wsiiop
better ; and the chancellor with his men were put to flight, and so "nd those
fled to the Tower, where they did hide themselves. The next day, j^jf,^''^
Avhich was about the twelfth day of October, Earl John, the king's
brother, and the archbishop of Rouen, with all the bishops, earls, and
barons, and citizens of London, assembled together in Paul's church,
Avhere many and great accusations were laid against the said chan-
cellor ; so that in fine it was agreed in that assembly, that the said Nobles
chancellor should be deposed, and in his place was substituted the bkd'hi
archbishop of Rouen, accordin"- to the tenor of the kinsf's letters sent co"p<^''
from Messina; Avhich Avas, that certain other persons should be asso- thebisiiop
ciated Avith the chancellor for the government of the realm, by Avhose °q-^^{^„'.,
counsel, if he Avould not be directed, the archbishop of Rouen should of Ely
be set in his place, and he should be deposed. The third day after re^ign^eih
this, the chancellor firmly promised not to depart out of the realm, \ll^^_^'^'
before he had delivered out of his hands all such castles, the keeping
whereof he committed to certain foreigners and strangers ; and, for
assurance thereof, he gave his tAvo brethren and his chamberlain for
pledges, and so Avent to Canterbury, Avliere, he said, he Avould take
the cross of a pilgrim, and leave the cross of his legateship.
NoAv when he was come to the castle of Dover, and there had
remained a fcAv days, contrary to his promise made, his purpose was
to take ship, and to pass over the seas. And because he durst not ciotheth
do it openly, he devised a ncAv kind of disguising, decking himself in ^™^an's"
the apparel of a woman ; and so, gouty as he Avas, he Avcnt to the apparei.
sea- side in his Avoman's Aveeds, having in his hand a measuring yard,
and on his arm a piece of linen cloth. And thus, as he Avas sitting a fisher-
upon a rock, AA'aiting for his ship to come and convey him over, a ™keth
certain fisherman espying him, and supposing him to be a harlot, ^^'^^g''^'""'
came to him, and found him to be, as he Avas indeed, a man, in woman,
likeness of a Avoman ; Avhereat he Avondercd and began to make an f
outcry upon him. But the bishop's servants, being not far off, came
runninc:, and stilled him as avcU as tliev could.
314 THK RisHor ok ki.y's narrow escape.
Riehardi. Tlic fisluriuan tlion going to the next village, and there belike,
^ j^ declaring what he had seen, to try out the matter lurther, came out
1191. certain women; who, seeing the linen cloth hanging on his arm,
begim to ([uestion with him of the price of his cloth, and what he
would take for it ; but to this he would answer never a word, but
smiled upon them. AV^hereat they musing with themselves, and
whis|)ering one with another, at last with their hands were so bold as
n.iiuam'ii to pluck down his umtller, and there his lialaam's mark, or shaven
"'"'^'^' crown, appeared on his head ; and so, witli a loud exclamation, raised
the village upon him, and would have fallen upon him with stones.
The Then came running a great multitude both of men and women ;
ha1t'"d by who, wondering at him, as birds are wont at an owl, laid hands upon
tiie"sea ^' '''"^' '^^^ pluckcd him down to the ground, hauling and tlrawing him
side. by the sleeves and collar of his gown through stones and rocks,
whereby he was shrewdly hurt. His servants once or twice made
out to rescue their old master, or new mistress, but could not for the
Cast into prcss of the people ; who, beating him with their fists, and spitting
ceHar' '"^^ ^"""i ^^^^'' ^'^"^ througli thc wliolc town, and so, with shame enough
Set at at length laid him in a dark cellar instead of a prison, of whom all
joiin ca^rii the couutry about wondered and cried out. In conclusion. Earl
of Mor- John, hearing thereof, within eight days after sent word, that they
should deliver him and let him go.
The bishop then, set at liberty, sailed over as he could to Flanders,
where he had but cold welcoming ; from thence he went to Paris,
where he gave Maurice, their bishop, threescore marks of silver to be
received into the city with procession, and so he was. Then returned
he into Normandy, but the archbishop of Rouen there gave com-
mandment that the church doors should be locked, and no service
Com- said so long as he there remained. The bishop, seeing that, directed
uj^the" his letters and messengers to Pope Celestine, and also to King
tilepope' Richard into Syria, signifying to them how John, earl of Morton,
and his accomplices, had handled him, and expelled him out of the
realm ; requiring that he might be restored again to what was taken
from him, and also olfering himself to be tried by the law for what
he had done ; so that if the king should dislike in any thing what he
had done, he was ready to satisfy the king's eontcntation in all things
wherein justly he could be charged.
Letter Upon tlus, Pope Celestine, inflamed with an apostolical zeal in
ceiesfi^e behalf of the said bishop of Ely, his legate, wrote a sharp and thun-
otthe*"- <iPi"'ng letter to the archbishops, bishops, and prelates of England;
bishop commanding them, by his authority apostolical, that, forasnmch as the
injuries, done to his legate, did redound to the contumely of the
wh(ile mother church of Rome, they should not foil therefore, but
with severe censures of thc church, that is, with book, bell, and
candle, proceed as well against the said John, earl of Morton, as also
against all others, whosoever had, or should attempt any violence or
injury against the said his legate, the bishop of Ely, with no less
severity than if the said injurv should be offered to the person of thc
Tho popr himself, or any other of his brethren, thc cardinals,
bishop 'Y\^. bishop of Ely, the pope''s legate, bearing himself bold upon
upon the the favour aiul letters of the pope, who took his part, writeth to Henry,
i.ivour. bishop of Lincoln, charging and requiring, that he, in virtue of
TROUBLES IN ENGLAND. 815
obedience, should execute the pope's sentence and mandate in ex- Richardi.
communicating all such as were offenders in that behalf, and there ^d
reciteth the names of divers, against Avhom he should proceed, as the 1192.
archbishop of Rouen, the bishop of Winchester, William Marshal, '^y
Geoffrey Fitz-Piers. Briwere and Bardolf, the earl of Salisbury, the ^i"? stood
earl of Mellent, Gilbert Basset, John, archdeacon of Oxford, and thebishop
especially Hugh, bishop of Coventry ; also Master Benet, and Stephen appointed
Ridle, chancellor to Earl John, the king's brother ; to the which earl eommuni-
he reserved a further day of respite before he should be exconimuni- cated.
cate, with a number of other more beside these ; howbeit the said
bishop of Ely could find none to execute this commandment of the
pope. Then they, with a general consent, wrote again to King
Richard, complaining of the intolerable abuses of the said bishop,
his chancellor. In like sort the said chancellor also,, complaining of The
them, wrote his letters to the king, signifying how Earl John, his Eiy'°om-
brother, went about to usurp his kingdom, and would also shortly set piaii't^'h
1 1 ■ 111111 11 of the earl
the crown upon his own liead, unless he made the more speed home- ofMorton,
ward. The king then was busy in repulsing Saladin, and was pre- ther/""
paring to lay siege against Jerusalem, and had got Ascalon, with divers
other towns, from the Saracens, which was in the year a.d. 1192,
having divers conflicts in the mean time with Saladin, and ever put
him to the worse. As the king was thus preparing to lay his siege
against Jerusalem, Saladin, glad to fall to some composition with the
king, sent unto him, that if he would reduce Ascalon to the same
dismantled state in which it was when he took it,^ he would grant to
him, and to all Christians in the land of Jerusalem, truce for three
years, and offered himself thereunto to be sworn. The king, seeing
the duke of Burgundy and the Frenchmen to shrink from him, and
his own men to decay, and also his money and health to diminish ; but
especially for that he understood by the bishop of Ely, his chancellor,
that the French king intended to set up John, his brother, to possess
his kingdom ; being counselled thereto by the Templars, took the
truce offered of the Saracens, and so began to draw homeward.
In this mean while, much grudge and strife increased more and more strife be-
between the bishop of Ely and the archbishop of Rouen above speci- b7s"op^f^
fied, insomuch that the archbishop, being excommunicate, sent up his f^l^^^_
clerks to Pope Celestine to complain of the bishop ; but the pope ever bishop of
stood in his purgation. At last he sent two of his cardinals, to wit,
Octavian, bishop of Ostia, and Jordan de Fossa Nova,^ to break the
strife between the bishop of Ely and the archbishop of Rouen.
After this King Richard being taken, and in the custody of Henry
the emperor, the bishop of Ely, resorting to him, was sent by him into
England to Elenor, his mother, and other nobles ; who then return-
ing into England again, not as chancellor, nor as legate, as he said,
but as a simple plain bishop, so by that means was received.^
But of this vain-glorious prelate enough and too much. Now to
return again to Richard, concerning whose Avorthy acts done abroad
in getting of Cyprus, and Ptolemais or Acre, and in pacifying Joppa,
&c. is partly spoken of before. Many other valiant and famous acts what dis-
were by him and the French king achieved, and more would have been, '^"'^'^ •'''"*•
had not those two kings, falling into discord, dissevered themselves ;
(1) See supra, p. 309, and Appendix. — En.
(2) A Cistercian monastery in Latium, where Thomas Aquinas died. Ilofiman. — Ed.
(3) Ex Matth. Paris. ; et ex aliis inccrti tjominis manuscriptis codicibus.
olG niCHAUI) TAKKS BY THK DL'KE OF AUSTUIA,
Hichartii. by reason whereof Pliilip, the Frcncli king, returned home aifiiiu
. Pj within short space ; wlio, being returned again, eftsoons invaded the
1192! country of Normandy, exciting also John, the brother of King
Philip — Hichard, to take on liim the kingdom of England, in his brother's
murncth absence. ^Vllo then made league upon the same with the French
icstTne* king, and did homage unto him, which was about the fourth year of
A.i).ii92. Kino- Richard; who, then being in Syria, and hearing thereof, made
Kini; peace with the Turks for three years. And not long after, King
JemriR^h Hichard, in October next fullowing,i returned also : who, in his return,
from I'a- (]rivcn bv stress of weather about the parts of Istria, in a tosvn called
Synaca, was there taken by Leopold, duke of the same country, and
so sold to the emperor for sixty thousand marks ; who, for no small joy
thereof, writeth to Pliilip, the French king, the letter inserted below. '•*
King Richard, thus being traitorously taken and sold to the empe-
r(jr by the duke of Austria, was there kept in custody a year and
three months.^ In some stories it is affirmed, th;'t King Richard,
returning out of Asia, came to Italy with a prosperous wind, where he
desired of the pope to be absolved from an oath made against his \yill,
and could not obtain it ; and so setting out from thence towards Eng-
land, passing by the country of Conrad the marquis, whose death (lie
being slain a little before) was falsely imputed by the French king to
the king of England, was there traitorously taken, as is before said,
by Leopold, duke of Austria. Albeit, in another story, I find the
matter more credibly set forth, which saith thus : that King Richard
slew the brother of this Leopold, playing with him at chess in the
(1) Diceto, Hoveden, and William of Newbury date his embarkation at Acre, Oct. 9tli, and
his capture Dec. 20th. See date in next note.— Ed.
(2J The Letter of the Entpentr, to Philip the French King, concerning the taking nf King Hichard —
" Henricus, Dei pratia llomanorum imperator, et semper Augustus, dilecto et spcciali aniico suo
Pliilippo, iliustri Francorum Kefri, salutem, et sinccr;e dilectionis affectum. Quoniam Imperatoria
cel.situdo non dubitat regalem magnificcntiam tuam Uctiorem eflici, de universis, quibus omni-
7H)tciitiaCrcatoris nostri nos ipsos et Roinanum iniperium honoraverit et exaltaverit, nobilitati tuae
tcnore pra'scntium dedarare duximus, quod inimicus imperii nostri, et turbator regni tui, rex
Anplia?, quum esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reversurus, accidit ut ventus, nipta navi
sua in qua ipse erat, induceret eum in partes Histriae, ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam et
Venetias ; ubi rex, Dei pennissione, passus naufragium, cum paucis evasit. Ouidam itaque fidelis
noster comes Mainardus de Gortzc, et populus regionis illius, audito quod in terra erat, et con-
siderato diligentius qualem nonunatus re.x in terra promissionis proditionem et traditionem, et
perditionis sua' cumuluni exercuerat, insecuti sunt, intendentes eum captivare: ipso autem rege in
fugam converse, ceperunt de suis octo milites. Postmodum proccssit rex ad Durgum in archiepis-
copatu Salscburgensi, qui vocatur Frisorum, ubi Fredericus dc Belcsow, rcge cum tribus tantum
versus Austriam properante, noctu sex milites de suis cepit. Dilectus autem consanguineus noster
Leopoldus, dux Austrise, observata strata, sa-pc dictum regem juxta Wenam in villa viciniori in
donio despecta captivavit. Cum itaque in nostra nunc habcatur potestatc, et ipse semper tibi
raolestalionis et turbationis operam praestiterit, ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuse insinuare
curavimus, scientes ea dilectioni tuse beneplacita existere, et anirao tuo uberrimam imporlare
laetitiam. Datum apud Ritheounten, 5. Calendas. Januar.'' [Hoveden. — Ed.]
(3) Thus ended the third Oriental Crusade, a.d. \1'J2. But as, after a fruitlessly victorious career,
the adverse events which accompanied one of the bravest men whom the w orld has produced, cannot
fail to interest the reader, a few words which our history seems to require are added, respecting
the dangers which subsequently befel King Richard. Having arrived at a town, which was
priibably Gorctz, he narrowly escaped detection, in consequence of a generous offer of a splendid
ruby which he made to the chieftain of the province ; av. are of the suspicions which he excited,
and the solicitous inquiries which were made respecting him. Richard thought it prudent to retire
in the night. Still new dangers awaited him; he travelled forward in company with a knight,
and a lad, who understood German, and after three days arrived at Audberg, on the Danube, near
Vienna. Here, soJDurning in a retires! cottage, his lad inadvertently went to market with his prince'*
gloves in his girdle; the sight of these, and the unsatisfactory answers of the lad, induced the local
authorities to examine him by torture; in the extremity of his agony, and under the threat of
rejieafed sufferings, he disclosed the name of his royal master. The result may be anticipated :
the duke of Austria, who unfortunately was in that neighbourhood, immediately surrounded the
cottage, and Richard surrendered himsiclf to the duke in person. He was sold to the Emperor
of Germany, as some say, for sixiy thousand pounds of silver, and England paid the price of the
ransom of her brave monarch. The re.idcr doubtless remembers the romantic tale of the minstrel
commencing a favourite ballad, and the king completing the stanza, which eventually betrayed
the place of liis confinement. Mr. Sharon Turner, to whom the Editor is indebted for the substance
of the above remarks, refers to an interesting and detailed account of the captivity of Richard, in
the '• MS. Chronicle of Johannes de Oxcnedes, monachus St. Benedict! de llulm'o, in the Cotton
Library." — Ed.
AND IS RANSOMED I?Y THE ENGLISH. 317
French king's court ; and that Leopold, taking his advantage, was Richardi.
the more cruel against him, and delivered him, as is said, to the em- » r\
peror: in whose custody he was detained during the time above 1194!
mentioned, namely, a year and three months. During the which ^onfede-
time of the king"'s indurance, the French kinjj in the mean season racyoftiie
• . — . French
stu-red war in Normandy, and Earl John, the king's brother, made king and
stir and invaded England ; but the barons and bishops of the land f^fahilt''"
mightily withstood liini, and besieged him in the castle of Windsor, {[j",^^^^
where they took from him all the castles and munitions which before
he had got. Thus the earl, seeing no hope to prevail in England,
and suspecting the deliverance of the king, his brother, made into
France, and kept with the French king. At length it was so agreed
and concluded with the emperor, that King Richard should be released
for a hundred thousand pounds, of the which money part should
remain to the duke of Austria, the rest should be the emperor's.' The
sum of this money was here slathered and made in England of chalices,
crosses, shrines, candlesticks, and other church plate ; also with public
contribution of friaries, abbeys, and other subjects of the realm.
Whereof part was presently paid, and, for the residue remaining,
hostages and pledges were taken ; which was about the fifth year of
his reign. And then it was obtained of the pope, that priests might A.D.1104.
celebrate with chalices of latin and tin (and so it was granted and
continued long after, which mine author, in his chronicle entitled
' Eulogium,'^ doth testify himself to have seen), at what time this
aforesaid money was paid, and the hostages were given, for the ransom
of the king. I have an old story that saith how the aforesaid duke The just
of Austria, shortly after, was plagued by God with five sundry plagues : men't of
first, with burning of his chief towns; secondly, with the drowning of [||°'^j,"j!°"
ten thousand of his men in a great flood, happening no man could ofAustria.
tell how ; thirdly, by turning all the ears of his corn fields into worms ;
fourthly, by taking away almost all the nobles of his l^and by death ;
fifthly, by breaking his own leg by falling from his horse, which leg he
was compelled to cut off with his own hands, and after died upon the
same ; who is said at his death to have forgiven King Richard fifty
thousand marks, and to have sent home the hostages that were with
him.* The book entitled ' Eulogium,' before mentioned, declareth
thus ; that the said Leopold, duke of Austria, fell into displeasure with
the bishopof Rome, and died excommunicate the year after, a.d. 1195. A.D.ngs.
Thus the said King Richard being ransomed, as hath been declared,
from the covetous captivity of the emperor, was restored again, and
made his repair to England ; at whose return Earl John, his brother, Feb. 20th,
resorting unto him with humble submission, desired to be pardoned -^-^-'i^*-
his transgressions. To whom King Richard answered again, " Would The an-
God," saith he, " this your trespass, as it dieth with me in oblivion, so ^ng°^
it may remain Avith you in remembrance !'"' and so gently forgave him. K-'chard
And after he had again recovered his holds and castles, he caused brother,
himself to be crowned again ; which done, he made his power against Api. i?th,
the French king, and drove him out of Normandy. After that he a-d.H94.
turned his voyage against the Welshmen, and subdued them.
The next year following,^ which was a.d. 1197, Philip, the French
(1) Eulogium, MSS. Cott. Galba E vii. 23 i. "Latin," i.e. retain, pewter. See Appendix. — Ed.
(2) Ex variis chron.
(3) That is, the year following the signing of the peace between Richard and the French king,
wliich took place Jan. 15th, 1196. L'Art de Ver. des Dates.— Ed.
318 uichaud's vicks w ittit.y uepkovki>.
Richardi. kin<T, brake tlic truce made between liiin and Kint; Kicliard ; wliere-
^ J) upon the king was compelled to sail over again to Normandy, to witli-
1 197. Stand the malice of his enemy. About which time my story' recordeth
of one, called Fulco ; some record it of the archbishop of Rouen, called
Walter. This Fulco being then in England, and coming to the
king's presence, said unto him with great courage and boldness,
Three " TJiou liast, O mighty king ! three daughters, very vicious and of
of the evil disposition ; lake good heed of tliem, and betimes provide for
Imfd. them good husbands ; lest, by imtimely bestowing of the same, thou
slialt not only incur great hurt and damage, but also utter ruin and
destruction to thyself."" To whom the king, in a rage, said, " Thou
lying and mocking hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, or
what thou saycst : I think thou art mad, or not well in thy wits ; for
I have never a daughter, as ail the world knoweth ; and, therefore, thou
open liar, get thee out of our presence." To whom Fulco answered,
" No, and like your grace, 1 lie not, but say truth ; for you have
three daughters, who continually frequent your court, and wholly
I possess your person, and such three naughty packs, as never the like
hath been heard of; I mean, mischievous Pride, greedy Covetousness,
and filthy Luxury; and, therefore, again I say, O king! beware of
them, and out of hand provide marriages for them, lest in not so
doing, thou utterly undo both thyself and the whole realm."
These words of Fulco the king took in good part, with correction
of himself, and confession of the same; whereupon incontinently he
called his lords and barons before him, unto whom he declared the
communing and motion of Fulco, who had willed him to beware of
liis three daiigliters — Pride, Avarice, and Luxury, with counsel out
of hand to marry them, lest further discommodity should ensue both
to him and to the whole realm : " whose good counsel, my lords, I
intend to follow, not doubting of all your consents thereunto.
Wherefore, here before you all, I give my daughter, swelling Pride,
to wife unto the proud Templars ; my greedy daughter. Avarice, to
the covetous order of the Cistercian monks ; and, last of all, my
filtliv daughter, Luxury, to the riotous prelates of the church, whom
I think to be very meet men for her ; and so severally well agreeing
to all their natures, that the like matches in this our realm are not to
be found for them." And thus much concerning Fulco.
Not long after this, it befel that a certain noble personage, lord
of Limoges, in Aquitaine, Ademar by name, found a great sub-
stance of treasure, both of gold and silver, hid in the ground, whereof
a great part he sent to King Richard, as chief lord and prince over
He that the whole country; which the king refused, saying, He would have
have"'^'' *^^ ^'' none, for that he was the principal chieftain over the land,
shall all But tlic fiudcr would uot condcsccnd to that; Avherefore the king
laid siege to a castle of his, called Chaluz, thinking the treasure to
lie there. But the keepers and warders of the castle, seeing them-
selves not sufficient to withstand the king, offered to him the castle,
desiring to depart with life and armour. To this the king would in
no wise grant, but bade them to re-enter the castle again, and to defend
Mar.2r.th. it in all the forcible wise they could. It so befel, that as the king, with
A D 1 190 * .
' thecaptain of the Brabantcis,'^ went about the castle, viewing the places
(1) See Ilovcdon, I'olychronicon, Brompton, Knyghton, S-'c. : also Appendix. — En.
(2) See Appendix.
BEATH OF HICHARl) ViT.VR I)E LION. 319
thereof, a soldier witliin, named Bertrand Gordoun, struck tlic king John.
with an arrow in the arm ; whereupon, the iron remaining and fester- a. D.
ing in the wound, the king, Avithin nine days after, died ; who, because 1199.
he was not content with the 'half of the treasure that another man covetous
found, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king, being thus e^^^^''"-
wounded, caused the man that stmck him to be brought unto him, plagued.
and asked him the cause Avliy he so wounded him ? The man an- D^atii of
swered, as the story saith, ' that he thought to kill rather than to ^j'^'^^^j^jf^'"
be killed ; and what punishment soever he should sustain, he was
content, so that he might kill him who had, before, killed his father
and brethren.'' The king, on hearing his words, freely forgave him, Richard
and caused a hundred shillings to be given him ; albeit, as the story him that
addeth, after the death of the king the Brabant captain, after great J'^uy"""'"
torments, caused him to be hanged.^ The story of Gisburn saith, ^/J^"^"'^^'^
that the killer of King Richard, coming to the French king, thinking
to have a great reward, was commanded to be drawn asunder by
horses, and his quarters to be hanged up.~
Another story affii-meth, and Gisburn partly doth testify the same,
that a little before the death of King Richard, three abbots, of the
Cistercian order, came to him, to whom he was confessed : and when
he saw them somewhat stay at his absolution, he spake these words : —
'That he did willingly commit his body to the earth, to be eaten of vainfear
worms, and his soul to the fire of purgatory, there to be tormented till tory"'^^''
the judgment, in the hope of God's mercy.''
About the reign of this king, Jornalensis maketh mention of
Roger, archbishop of York, who put out of his church the monks,
and placed for them secular priests ; saying, ' That he would rather Monks
wish ecclesiastical benefices to be given to wanton priests, than to and sec'u-
abominable monks ; and that Thurstin did sin never worse in all his [Z^-'^^^
life, than in building that house for monks.' Another story I have,
which saith, that this was not the bishop of York, but of Coventry.
The king, not long after, departing without issue, John, his brother,
reigned after him ; in whom, although some vices may worthily be
reprehended, especially his incontinent and too licentious life, yet was
he far from deserving "that, for the which he hath been so ill reported
of divers writers, who, being led more with affection to popery, than
with true judgment and due consideration, depraved his doings more
than the sincere truth of the history will bear. Concerning his his-
tory, after so many miters, we thought also to bestow a little labour ;
although in this matter we cannot be so long as Ave would, and as the
matter requireth.
JOHN.*
After the death of King Richard, called Cceur de Lion, reigned A.D.
his brother, John, Earl of Morton. Afterwards, the archbishop put ll->^-
the crown on his head, and sware him to defend the church and to
(1) Ex Historia Regris Richardi Secundi, cui initium, " De patre istius Bruti," &c. Ex Biblio-
theca Cariensi.
(2) Ex Gualtero Hemingford, monacho Gisburn.
(3) Ex Jomalens. Gisburn. et aliis.
(4) Edition 1563, p. 71. Ed. 1583, p. 249. Ed. 159C, p. 22G. Ed. Ifi84, vol. i. .p. 2R1. -Fd
S20 TIIF. FRENCH KINT. DRIVEN OUT OF NORMANDY.
■^'"''"- maintain tlic same in licr good laws, and to destroy the evil ; and
A.I). I'Xt'i'pt. lie tIlon;,dit in his mind to do this, the are]d)isli()j) eliarged
1199. him not to presnme to take on him thi.^ dignity. On !St. John J5ap-
tist''s day next following. King John sailed into Normandy and came
to lloucn, where he was royally received, and truce concluded between
him and the French king for a time. And thither came to him the
earl of Flanders, and all the other lords of France that were of King
Richard's band and friendsliip, and were sworn unto him.
Arthur of_ Not long after this, Philip, the French king, made Arthur knight,
HretaKiK". ,^j^j ^^^^^^, j.j^ liomagc for ^s^orniandy, Brctagne, and all other his
possessions beyond the sea, and promised him lielp against King
John. After this. King John and the Frcncli king talked together
■with tlieir lords about one hour''s space ; and the French king asked
so much land for himself and Knight Arthur, that King John would
grant him none ; and so he dej)artcd in ■wrath.
The same year a legate came into France, and commanded the
king, on pain of interdiction, to deliver one Peter out of prison, who
was elected to a bishopric ; and thereupon he was delivered.
After that the legate came into England, and commanded King
John, under pain of interdiction, to deliver the archbishop whom he
had kept as prisoner two years ; which the king refused to do, till he
had paid him six thousand marks, because he took him in harness in
a field against him, and swore him, upon his deliverance, that he
should never wear harness against any christian man.
At this time divorce was made between King John and his wife,
daughter of the carl of Gloucester, because they ■were in the third
Marriage dcgiTc of kiudrcd ; and afterwards, by the counsel of the French
thini (le- king. King John wedded Isabella, daughter of the carl of Angouleme;
bldde^nViy ^^^ tlicn Arthur of Bretagne did homage to King John, for Bretagne
the pope, and others.
A.D.1200. At this time arose strife between King John, and Geffi-ey the
archbishop of York, for divers causes : first, because he would not
suffer and permit the sheriff of York, in such affairs as he had to do
for the king Avithin his diocese. Secondly, because he did also
excommunicate the said sheriff. Thirdly, because he would not sail
with him into Normandy, to make the man-iage between Louis, the
French king''s son, and his niece, &c.
A.D.1202. After this, a.d. 1202,' Philip, the French king, in a communi-
cation between King John and him, required that the said King
John should part with all his lands in Normandy and Poictou which
he had beyond the sea, unto Arthur, his nephew, and that incon-
tinent, or else he would war against him ; and so he did. For when
King John denied that request, the next day following, the French
king, with the said Arthur, set upon certain of his towns and castles
Frt^nch ^^ Normandy, and put him to much disquietncss.- But he (the
kiiiK Lord so providing, who is the giver of all victory) had such repulse
firivenout ^^ ^j^^ Englishmen's hands, that they pursuing the Frenchmen in
<nandy. \]^f.\j^ flight, did SO follow thcm in their hold, and so pressed upon
Arthw ^''^"^' ^^^^^ ""^ ^^h' ^^'<^y took the said Arthur prisoner, with many
taken. othcrs of tlic Frenchmen, but also gave such an overthrow to the
(1) In A.D. 1202, the fourth Oriental Crusade set out from Venice, and Constantinople war. taXin
by the French and Venetians. — Er.
(2) Nat. Parctti in Vita Johanni» Regis.
MYSTEIUOUS END OF rillNCK AUTllUR. 321
rest, that none was left to bear tidings home. This Artliur was •'''■'"'•
nephew to King John, and son to Geffrey, who was the elder brother to "aTdT
John ; for King Henry II. (to make the matter more evident) had I2(i5.
eight children : one was William, who died in his childliood ; the
second, Henry, who died also. Iiis father being yet alive ; the third,
.Richard Coeur de Lion, king ; the fourth, Geffrey, earl of Bretagne,
who likewise deceased in his father's days, leaving behind him two
children, Arthur and Brecca ; the fifth, John, now reigning ; and
tliree other daughters besides. The same Arthur, being thus taken
in war, was brought before the king, at the castle of Falaise, in
Normandy ; who, being exhorted with many gentle words to leave
the French king, and to incline to his uncle, answered again stoutly,
and with great indignation ; requiring the kingdom of England, -with
all the other dominions thereto belonging, to be restored to him, as
to the lawful heir of the crown. By reason whereof, he, provoking
the king's displeasure against him, was sent to the tower of Rouen, Myste-
where at length (whether by leaping into the ditch, thinking to make "f'prince
his escape, or whether by some privy hand, or by what chance else, Arthur,
it is not yet agreed upon in stories) he finished his life ; by occasion
whereof, the aforesaid King John was had, after, in great suspicion,
whether justly or unjustly, the Lord knoweth.
The year following, historiographers write, that King John, for ^.d 1203
hick of rescue, lost all his holds and possessions in Normandy,
through the force of the French king. After these losses came dy°iosr"
other troubles upon him, with other as great or greater enemies andgot-
(that is, with the pope and his popelings), by occasion of choosing French,
of the archbishop of Canterbury ; as in this liistory following, by
Christ's grace, is to be declared.
In the year of our Lord 1205, about the month of July, Hubert, A.D.i2n5.
the archbishop of Canterbury, deceased ; whose decease, after it was striving
known in Canterbury to the monks, and before his body was yet "lection
committed to the earth, the younger sort of the monks tlicre gathered ll^^l^
themselves together at midnight, and elected their superior, Reginald, ^»^^"v "f
and, without the king's license, or yet knowledge, privily placed b^y.
him in the metropolitan seat, singing ' Te Deum' at midnight. And
because the king should not make their election void, they charged
him, by virtue of his oath, to keep all secret by the way, and to
show nothing that was done before he came to the pope ; but he,
contrary to his oath, as soon as he came into Flanders, opened all
abroad the matter, and uttered their counsel : whereupon the monks,
being not a little grieved with him, sent him privily unto the court
of Rome, out of hand. The next day, the elder monks sent to the
king, desiring him, of his gracious license, canonically to choose their
archbishop. The king most gently and favourably granted their
petition, requiring them instantly, and desiring them for his sake,
to show favour to John Gray, then bishop of Norwich ; as they did
indeed, erecting him into that seat of their high primacy. Moreover,
because the authority of kings and princes was then but small in
their own dominion, without the pope's consent and confirmation to
the same, he sent also to Rome, of his own charges, to have the
aforesaid election ratified by the pope. The suffragans of Canter-
bury then, being not a little offended at these two elections, sent
VOL. II. Y
322 BRAWLING MATTERS OF THE MONKS AT CAKTERiiUKY.
John, speedily to Rome to have them both stopped, because they had not
\D been of counsel with them ; and licreujjon at last grew a most
li'O,"). prodii^ious tumult.
*'ln this year the clergy grew so unruly, that they neglected tlieir
charge, and thereby incensed the king's displeasure so sorely against
them, that he took order about the goods of such as in that case were
faulty ; as shall appear more manifestly by that which followeth.
A Letter of King John, touching the Lands and Goods of such
Clerks as refuse to celebrate Divine Service.^
The king to all clerks and lay people within the bishopric of Lincoln,
greeting : Know ye that from Monday next before the feast of Easter,* we
have committed to William of Cornhill, archdeacon of Huntingdon, and to
Joselin of Canvil, all the lajids and goods of the abbots and priors, and of all
the religious persons ; and also of all clerks within the bishopric of Lincoln,
which will not from that time celebrate divine service. And we command you,
that from thence you assist them as our bailiffs ; and believe them in those
things which they shall tell you privately on our behalf. Witness oui-self at
A.D.120S. Clarendon, the eighteenth day of March, in the ninth year of our reign.
Prelates The like "was written to all within the bishopric of Ely. So that
"hu!ch liereby we see the dissoluteness and wilfulness of those popish church-
iiad then men, whom conscience of discharging their duty did so little move,
"nouKh.itas that they thought upon nothing less, till the king was driven to
tiiat"they usc such austcrity and sharpness against them. But to proceed in
j;"^''' . this troublesome election : you shall understand,* that the next year
at Koine after, the suffragans of the province of Canterbury on the one side,
t'heiT' and the monks of Canterbury on the other side, came before the
lvh?ch' V^V^ ^ith their brawling matter. First the monks, presenting
thing Reginald, their superior, desired that their election might be con-
ihe^* firmed. The suffragans likewise complained that the monks would
Vt^T^ presume to choose the archbishop without their consent, and there-
wards to fore desired, by divers reasons, the first election to be of none effect.
Inean's to The popc, deciding the matter between both, pronounced with the
short.'*'" monks ; charging the suffragans and bishops to meddle no more with
A D.I207. that election, but to let the monks alone. The monks of Canter-^
Dissen- bury, now having the whole election in their own hands, fell also at
inonR the squarc among themselves, the younger sort with the elder. The
Canter-"^ youugcr sort, who had chosen Reginald their superior, would have
abo^tthe ^^'^^ election to stand. The elder sort of the monks replied again,
election of saying, that the first election was done by stealth, and by night, and
bi'shoi)! ' by the younger part ; also without the counsel of other monks.
Over and besides, it was done without the king's license or appoint-
ment, and without the due solemnity thereunto belonging.
And as concerning our election, said they, it was done in the
clear light of the day, by which it had authority in presence of our
liege lord the king, and his council being willing to the same.
This allegation thus proponed, the suffragans' proctor or man of
law stood forth, and proved the former election to be good, and this
latter to be void and of no value, after this sort. " Whether the
(1) This passage is not found in the Edition of 1583, but appears in that of 1596. — Ed.
(2) " Rex omnibus de cpiscopatu Lincolniae clericis et laicis, salutem. Sciatis quod a die lunie
froxime ante Floridum paschatis rommisimus," &c. — Turris Lnnd.
(3) Some think that 'Floridum paschatis' is Palm Sunday; but Easter is rather thought to be
meant thereby, sith the Spaniards, at this day, call the same Florida.
LANGTON MADE AKCHBISHOP OF CANTEKBURY. 323
first election," saith he, " were just or unjust, ye ought first by tlie John.
law to have condemned it before ye sliould have presumed to the . ,.
second; but thus ye did not : therefore is this your latter doing no 1207!
election at all, and the first therefore is rather to be ratified than
yours." When they had tluis multiplied talk on both sides, with
many frivolous allegations a long time, and could not agree upon one
person. Pope Innocent condemned both their elections, commanding
them to choose Stephen Langton, then cardinal of St. Chrysogon,
for their archbishop. The monks then answered, that they durst not
so do without consent of their king, and for that it was prejudicial to
their ancient liberties. The pope by and by (saith the text), as one
in a fury, taking the words out of their mouths, said thus unto them: xhepriae
" We will ye to know, that we have full power and authority r^nny Or
over the church of Canterbury ; neither are we wont to tany the "'^ i*"!"^-
consent of princes, therefore we command you, on pain of ovu- gi-eat
curse, that ye choose him only whom we have appointed."
The monks, at these words abashed and terrified, though they
much murmured in their hearts, yet consented they all in one, and
thereupon sang Te Deum ; only Dr. Elias Brantfield withdrew
himself from that election, whom the king had sent for the admission
of the bishop of Norwich.
Thus was Stephen Langton, in the high church of Viterbo, by Stephen
the pope's hand made archbishop of Canterbury. made"""
*'This election thus passed with the pope's grace and favour, ^[^^'^ ^^
the said Stephen had in England, among others that solicited his canter-
cause to the king, a brother named Master Simon Langton, who ^^^'
also in course of time became archbishop of York, as appeareth
in the course of this story, in the reign of Henry IIL a.d. 1228.
In this behalf the king seemed tractable, so he might have his
sovereignty entire ; against which, because the said Stephen had
vowed to oppose himself, and the king misliked such demeanour, he
sent abroad his letters certificatory about the realm ; therein giving
intimation to all people of proud Stephen Langton's countenance.
The form of the said letters followeth.
Letters certificatory of King John, touching the contumacy of
Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbur}-, by the Pope's
Election.^
The king to all men, &c. Know ye that Master Simon Langton came to
us at Winchester, on the Wednesday next before Mid-lent, and, in presence of
our bishops, besouglit us that we would receive his brother, Master Stephen
Langton, to be archbishop of Canterbury. And when we spake imto him
touching the resen'ation and saving of our dignity unto us, he told us that he
would do no such thing for us, unless we would wholly rely ourselves uj)on his
courtesy and gentleness. This therefore we command, that you know evil and
wrong to be done imto lis in this behalf: and we charge you, that you believe
those things which Reginald of Cornhill shall tell you on our part, touching the
aforesaid deed between us and the bishops above-named, &rc. — Witness the
king at Winchester, the fourteenth day of March, in the ninth year of his
reign.* [A.D. 1208.]
(1) This passage is not in any edition previous to that of 1590. See Appendix. — Ed.
(2) " Rex omnibus hominibus, &c. Sciatis quod magister Simon de Langton veuit ad nci% apud
Vinton die Mercurii proxime ante niediam quadragesimae," &c. — Turris Loud.
y 2
324 MONKS 01-' CANTKKliURY liAXISHED,
■^o*"- Now, albeit the king took iiulignution at this proceeding in the
A. D. election of Stephen, '' yet, from tiiencoforth," saith Matthew Paris,
1208. " the pope could do no less than mightily defend him from all
vexation and danger; considering that he was his own dear darling,
and a ehild of his own creation."
Furthermore, upon this occasion King John conceived an extreme
displeasure against the clergy and monks of Canterbury, as he had
gootl cause, they doing so many evils against his princely prerogative.
Without his license they elected their archbishop, and put by the
bishop of Norwich, whom he had appointed. They wasted a gi-eat
part of his treasure for the wars ; and, to bring all to the devil, they
made Stephen Langton their high metropolitan, whom he took for a
grievous enemy to the whole realm, being always so familiar with the
Monks of French kintj : wherefore, in his ansfcr, he banished them out of the
bury ba- land, to tlic number of threescore and four, for this their contumacy,
and contempt of his regal power.
The king The mouks of Canterbury thus being expulsed, the king forthwith
fJ'P'''''", sendeth messengers to the pope with his letters, wherein he doth
laiLbWiin - t7 I'll n 1
the pope sharply and expressly expostulate with the pope, for that so uncour-
secr^a'thig tcously hc Tcpulscd the election of the bishop of Norwich, and set
Langton "P *^"^ Stephen Langton, a man unknown to him and brought up
arch- ' amongst his enemies a long time in the kingdom of France, conse-
Caiiter- Crating him archbishop of Canterbury, and letting the other go ; and for
""'"^■- that, notwithstanding the monks of Canterbury had not before made
him privy and obtained his consent (who should so have done), yet he
rashly presumed to promote and prefer the said Stephen ; all which
greatly redounded to the subversion and derogation of the liberties
appertaining to his crown. Wherefore he cannot marvel, he saith,
enough, that neither the said pope, nor the court of Rome, doth con-
sider and revolve with themselves, how necessary his love and favour
bath been always hitherto to the see of Rome ; and that they consider
not what great profit and revenues have proceeded hitherto to them out
of the realm of England ; the like whereof hath not been received out
of any other country besides on this side the Alps. He addeth more-
over, and saith, that for his liberties he will stand, if need be, unto
death, neither can he be so removed and shaken otF from the election
of the bishop of Norwich, which he seeth to be so commodious to
Hia-boid him and profitable. Finally, he thus concludeth, saying, that in
threaten- ^^^^ -^^ j.|^jg |^jg Tcqucst he be uot licard, hc will so provide by the
seas that there shall be no such gadding and coursing any more over
to Rome, suffering the riches of the land no more to be transported
over, whereby he should be himself the less able to resist his enemies
And, seeing he hath of his own at home, archbishops, bishops, and othet
prelates of the church, both of Englishmen and of others, sufficiently
provided and instructed in all kind of knowledge, therefore, he shah
not need greatly to seek for judgment and justice further abroad.
When these things came to the pope's knowledge, he directeth
this letter again to the king in these words : —
The Pope's Letter to King John.
Innocent, pope, servant of the servants of God, to our well-beloved son in
Clirist, the king of England, hcaltli, and apostolical blessing. Whei'eas we
UNJUST PRETENSIONS OF THE TOPE. 325
have written to you heretofore, exhorting and entreating you after an humble, John
diHgent, and gentle sort (concerning the church of Canterbury), you have
written to us again after a threatening sort and upbraiding manner, both spite- ^■^'■
fully and also frowardly. And whereas we have borne and given to you more ^•-^^-
and above what our right and duty re<pured ; you again, for your part, have it is pity
given to us not so mucli as by right" and duty you are bound to do. And though ''J^'^g"''*
your devotion, as you say, hath been to us very necessary, yet consider again ^i^id be
that ours also is not a little opportune and expedient for you. And whereas honoured
we, in such like cases, have not showed at any time the like honour to any ^[j^'"''''*
prince as we have unto you ; you again have so much derogated our honour, princes,
as no prince else hath presumed to do besides ; pretending certain frivolous
causes and occasions, I cannot tell what, why you would not condescend to the
election of Stephen Langton, cardinal of St. Chrysogon, chosen by the monks
of Canterbury ; for that the said Steplien (as you say) hath been conversant
and brought up amongst your enemies, and his person is to you unknown. But
you know what is the proverb of Solomon : — " The net is cast, but in vain, in
the sight of the flying birds," &c.
With much other matter in the same epistle, wherein he falleth a pitiful
into the commendation of Stcplien Langton his cardinal, declaring atlnfj''^
how learned he was in the liberal arts and in divinity, insomuch that l^™^l
he was prebendated at Paris; also that he was come of an honest tute^au
stock, and was an Englishman born, and not unknown to the king, bishop
seeino' the king had written his letters thrice to hmi before. Declaring, own""'"^
moreover, in the said letter, how the messengers of the king had t<^^'™-
specified to him another cause ; which was, that the monks of Can-
terbury, who had to do in the election, came not to him before for
his consent. Declaring, moreover, in the said letter, how the said
messengers of the king entreated in the king's behalf, that forasmuch
as the pope's letters (wherein the king was commanded to send his
proctors to Rome, for the same matter) came not to the king's
hand, neither did the monks direct any such letters or message to the
king to have his consent ; therefore the pope, considering the same,
would grant so much for the regard of the king's honour, that the
monks of Canterbury should not proceed without the king's assent
therein. And forasmuch as that hath not been done as yet, therefore
they desired some delay therein to be given, sufficient for the doing
thereof. Whereunto he said, that he had granted and fulfilled their
request, in sending his letters and messengers once or twice to the
kino- for the same purpose, although he said it was not the manner of
the see apostolic (which had the fulness of power over the church of
Canterbury) to wait for princes' consents in such elections, who then
could not be suffered to do that which they came for. Wherefore, in
knitting up his letter, he thus concludeth in these words : —
" And therefore, seeing the matter so standeth, we see no cause why we ^ jj,o_
should require or tarry for the king's favour or consent any more therein, but rious
intend so to proceed in this matter, neither inchning to the right hand nor to ^'^^""^^^
the left, according as the canonical ordinances of the holy fathers shall direct pope.
us ; that is, (all impediments and delays set aside) so to provide, that the church
of Canterbury be not any longer destitute of her pastor. AVherefore, be it
known to your discretion or kingly prudence, that forasmuch as this election of
Stephen Langton hath orderly and in concord thus proceeded without fraud or
deceit, upon a person meet for the same ; therefore we will not, for man's
pleasure, neither may we, without danger of fame and of conscience, defer or
protract any longer the consummation of the said election. Wherefore, my
well-beloved son, seeing we have had respect to your honour, above what our
right and duty.reciuii'tth, study to honour us so much as your duty requireth
326 Tin: kkalm of England interdicted.
John, again, so that you may the more plentifully deserve favour, both at God's hani!
and ours ; lost that by doing the contrary, you bring yourself into such a peck
■^- ^- of troubles, as afterwards you shall scarce rid yourself of again. For this know
1208. .for jj certainty, in the end it nuist needs fall out, that he shall have the better,
Note the unto whom every knee (of heavenly, earthly, and infernal creatures) doth bow,
proceed- whose tuni I serve in earth, though I be luiworthy. Therefore settle not
ihUarn- yourself to obey their persuasions, who always desire your unquietness,
bitiouB whereby they nuiy fish the better in the water when it is troubled ; but commit
l'op<^' ydurself to our pleasure, which undoubtedly shall turn to your praise, glory,
and honour. For it should not be much for your safety in this cause to resist
God and the church ; in whose quarrel that blessed martyr, and glorious
bishop, Thomas [Bccket] hath of late shed his blood; especially seeing your
father ami your brother of famous memory, then kings of England, did givo
Princes over those three wicked customs into the hands of the legates of the see
must be apostolic. Eut, if you yield yourself humbly into our hands, we will look that
subject to j.pj^j jjj^j^ yours shall be sufficiently provided for, that no prejudice may arise
hereupon to you-ward. — Given at Latcran the tenth year of our popedom."
Thus hast thou, gentle reader, the glorious letter of the proud
pope ; I beseech thee mark it well. Now to the story.
After this letter was sent out, not long after proccedeth a charge
and commandment sent into England, unto certain bishops there,
requiring them, by authority apostolical, that if the said king would
not receive the prior of Canterbury and his monks, then they should
interdict him throughout all his realm. For the executing of this,
Three bi- three bishops were appointed by the usurped power of the pope's
potnted.^ bulls ; namely, William, bishop of London, Eustace, bisliop of
to int.r- Ely, and Mauger, bishop of Worcester. Which said three bishops
n'aim."^ wcut uuto the king, and showed him their commission from the
pope, as is above said, willing him to consent thereto ; but the
said king refused the same, and would by no means grant to their
request. Whereupon they, departing from his grace, went the
morrow after the Annunciation of our Lady, and pronounced
the .said general interdiction throughout all England, so that the
church-doors were shut up with keys and other fastenings, and
with walls, &c.
Now when the king heard of this, he began to be moved against
them, and took all the possessions of the said bishops into his hands,
appointing certain men to keep the livings of the clergy throughout
Disci- the realm, and that they should enjoy no part thereof. This being
the"^° done, the bishops, seeing the same, cursed all them that kept, or
abused should uicddlc with church goods, against the will of them that
forpri-' owned them: and understanding, for all that, that the kin<; nothinsf
vcnge. regarded their doings, they went over sea to the bishop of Canter-
bury, and informed him what had happened : who hearing the same,
willed them again to return to Canterbury, and he would come
thither to them, or else send certain persons thither in his stead,
that should do as much as if he were there himself. Then when the
bishops heard this, they returned again to England, to Canterbury ;
on which tidings came shortly to the king, that they were come again
thither. And because he might not himself travel to them, he sent
thither bishops, carls, and abbots, to entreat them that the Archbishop
Stephen, whom he had chosen, might be admitted ; promising the
prior and all the monks of Canterbury in his behalf, that he should
never take any thing of the church goods against the will of them
that owned them, but would make amends to them from whom he had
STEPHEN LANGTOn's OPPOSITION TO THE KING. 32 T
taken any such goods, and that the church shouhl have all her franchises J«hn.
in as ample manner as she had in St. Edward the Confessor's time. "ajdT
When the form of agreement was thus concluded, it was engrossed 120a.
in a pair of indentures, and the afore-mentioned bishops to the one ^J^TilT"
part thereof, set their seals ; and the other part the said bishops, '':^^f^'^'
carls, and abbots, carried to show the king. When the king saw the stoutness
order thereof, he liked it well, saving he would not agree to make I'atc^"'"^
restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the said bishops t,fg"j^?*
again that they should put out that point of restitution. But they
answered stoutly, that they would not put out one word. Then the
king sent word to the archbishop, by the said bishops, that he should
come to Canterbury to speak with him, and for his safe conduct to
come and go again at his will, he sent his justices as pledges, Gilbert
Peitewin, William de la Briwere, and John Letfitz. This done, the
Archbishop Stephen came to Canterbury, and the king, hearing
thereof, came to Chilham ; from whence he sent his treasurer, the stcpiion
bishop of Winchester, to him, to have the king's name put out of ^j^^^f "
the indentures in the clause of restitution aforesaid : who refusing to aKainst
alter any word of the same, moved the king in such sort, that imme- '^ '"^
diately it was proclaimed throughout England, at the king's com-
mandment, that all those that had any church-livings, and were over
the sea, should come again into England by a certain day, or else
lose their livings for evermore. And further in that proclamation,
he charged all sheriffs within the realm, to inquire if any bishops, ^j^^ ^j^^^
abbots, priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) moved
received any commandment that came from the pope, and that they him.
should take his or their body and bring it before him ; and also that they
should take into their hands, for the king's use, all the church lands
that were given to any man through the Archbishop Stephen, or by
the prior of Canterbury, from the time of the election of the arch-
bishop : and further charged that all the woods that were the arch-
bishop's should be cut down and sold.
When tidings came to the pope that the king had thus done, xwo ic-
being moved thereby with fiery wrath, he sent to the king two f/o,^*^,^,^*
legates, the one called Pandulph, and the other Durant, to warn lihn, poi.e.
in the pope's name, that he should cease his doings to holy church,
and amend the wrong he had done to the archbishop of Canterbury,
to the prior and monks of Canterbury, and to all the clergy of Eng-
land. And further, that he should restore the goods again that he
had taken of them against their will, or else they should curse the king
by name ; and to do this, the pope gave them his letters in bulls
patent. These two legates, coming into England, resorted to the
king to Northampton, where he held his parliament, and, saluting
him, said, they came from the pope of Rome, to reform the peace of
holy church. And first, said they, " we admonish you in the pope's Rcstitu-
behalf, that ye make full restitution of the goods, and of the lands, liuilc'rof
that ye have ravished from holy church ; and that ye receive Stephen, ""= '''"e-
the archbishop of Canterbury, into his dignity ; and the prior of Can-
terbury and his monks ; and that ye yield again unto the archbishop
all his" lands and rents without any withholding; and, sir, yet more-
over, that ye shall make such restitution to them as the church shall
think sufficient."
328
PAXDULI'II SENT TO CURSE THE KINC;.
John. Then answered the king, as toucliing tlie prior and his monks of
Xd. Canterbury, "All that yc have said I would gladly do, and all things
1210. else that you would ordain ; but as touching the archbishop, I shall
Fierce ^^^^ vou as it lictli in my heart. Let the archbishop leave his
f^nhe ^'sl^'^pric ; and if the pope thca shall entreat for him, pcradventurc I
tvret-n the niav Hkc to givc him some other bishopric in England ; and upon this
Pan"-"" condition 1 will receive and admit him.'"
duiph. Then said l*andulpli to the king, " Holy church was wont never to
degrade archl)isliop without cause reasonable ; but she was ever wont
to correct princes that were disobedient to her."
" What ? How now," quoth the king; " threaten ye me r " Nay "
said Pandulph, " but ye have now openly told us as it standcth in
your heart ; and now we will tell you what is the pope"'s will ; and
thus it standcth : he hath wholly interdicted and cursed you, for the
vTongs you have done unto holy church, and unto the clergy. And,
forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice, and Avill come to no
amendment, you shall understand, that from this time forward the
sentences upon you given have force and strength. And all those
that with you have communed before this time, whether that they be
earls, barons, or knights, or any other, whatsoever they be, we assoil
them safely from their sins unto this day : but from this time forward,
gate curs- of what Condition soever they be, we accurse them openly, and
who^com- specially by this our sentence, that do commune with you. And
mune y^Q assoil, morcovcr, carls, barons, knights, and all other manner of
witli tll6 ^ , ' O '
king. men, of their homages, services, and fealties, that they shoidd do unto
you. And this thing to confirm, Ave give plain power unto the bishop
of Winchester, and to the bishop of Norwich ; and the same power
we give against Scotland unto the bishop of Rochester, and of Salis-
bury ; and in AVales we give the same power to the bishops of
St. David, and of LandafF, and of St. Asaph,''''
Iutiwr"of " -^^so? si^ l^'fig/' quoth Pandulph, " all the kings, princes, and the
rebellion grcat dukcs cliristcncd, have laboured to the pope to have license to
obedience cross tliemselvcs, and to war against thee, as upon God''s great enemy,
j'e'^c'ts'to- ^^^ ^^ ^^''" ^^y l^i^d, and to make king whom it pleaseth the pope,
wards And wc hcrc now assoil all those of their sins that will rise against
prince, thcc hcrc in thine own land.''''
Then the king, hearing this, answered : " What shame may ye
do more to mc than this V
Pandulph again : " We say to you in the name of God, that nei-
ther you, nor any heir that you have, after this day shall be crowned.''''
So the king said, " By him that is Almighty God, if I had known
of this thing before ye came into this land, and that ye had brought me
such news, I should have made you tarry out these twelve months."
Then answered Pandul])h, " Full well Ave thought, at our first
coming, that ye would have been obedient to God and to holy
church, and have fulfilled the pope''s commandment, which we have
showed and pronounced to vou, as we were charged therewith. And
now ye say, that if ye had wist the cause of our coming, ye would
have made us tarry out a whole year; who might as well say, that ye
Like would have taken a whole year"'s respite without the pope^s leave ;
iTke man. ^ut for to suffcr what dcatli ye can ordain, we shall not spare to tell
all the pope's message and will, that he gave us in charge."
THE rOPK S GUEAT CUUSE.
In another chronicle I find the words between the king and Pan- John.
dulph something otherwise described, as though the king shoukl first ^ j)
threaten hini with hanging, if he had foreknown of his coming. To 1211.
Avhom Pandulph again should answer, that he looked for nothing else '
at his hand, but to suffer for the churclfs right. Whereupon the
king, being mightily incensed, departed. The king, the same time,
being at Northampton, willed the sheriffs and bailiffs to bring forth
all the prisoners there, that such as had deserved, should be put to
death ; to the intent, as some think, to make Pandulph afraid.
Among them was a certain clerk, who, for counterfeiting the king's
coin, was also condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered ; and,
moreover, the king commanded (thereby to anger Pandulph the
more, as may be thought) that this clerk should be hanged up
highest, above the rest. Pandulph, hearing thereof, notwithstanding panduiph
he somewhat began to fear lest he should be hanged himself; yet, "J-^^fa
with such courage as he had, he went to the church to set out t'lauiiurt.
book, bell, and candle, charging that no man, under pain of accursing,
should lay hands upon the clerk. Upon this the king and the
cardinal departed in no little anger, and Pandulph went to Rome,
and reported to the pope and the cardinals what had been
done.
Then the pope summoned all the bishops, abbots, and clerks of Eng-
land, to come and repair to Rome, to consult Avhat was to be done
therein. This council began the first day of October. It was therein
decreed, by the pope and his assembly, tliat John, king of England,
should be accursed, with all such as held with him, every day so long
as that council endured ; albeit this was not yet granted, that the
people should be crossed to fight against him, because as yet he had
shed no blood. But afterwards the said Pope Innocent, seeing that The pope
King John would by no means stoop under his subjection, nor under ^''Ju'*^
the rule of his popish see, sent unto the French king, upon remission French
of all his sins, and those of all that went with him, that with all iilvaVe"
the power they might, they should take with them the livery and ^"s'and.
badge of the cross, to invade the realm of England, and revenge
him of the manifold injuries done to the universal church, by that
cursed Turk or Pagan, King John.
This occasion given. Pope Innocent yet once again commanded. The
on pain of his great curse, that no man should obey King John, ^°'^^^
neither yet keep company with him : he forbade all persons to eat =""6.
and drink with him, or talk with him, to commune or counsel with
him ; yea, his o^vn familiar household to do him any kind of service
either at bed or at board, in church, hall, or stable. And wLat
followed thereof ? The greater part of them, who after such sort fled The just
from him, by the ordinance of God, of divers and sundry diseases the nJenfir
same year died ; and between both nations, English and French, j^f,,"',^';",
fell, for that year, great amity ; but secret, subtile, and false, to the em sub-
bitter betraying of England. Neither was the pope content only ■''"'^ ""
with this, but, moreover, the said Pope Innocent gave sentence de-
finitive, by counsel of his cardinals, that King John should be put from
his seat regal and deposed, and another put in his room. To the
speedy execution of this he appointed the French king, Philip ; pro-
mising to give him full remission of all his sins, and the clear
830 PETER THE FALSE I'ROPIIET,
John, possession of all the realm of England, to him and iiis lieirs, if he
^ J) did either kill him or expel him.
1212. The next year the Frcneh king began liis attempt, in hope of the
The pope CTovm of England ; being well manned with bishops, monks, prelates,
^°md " priests, and their servants, to maintain the same ; bragging of the
letters which they had received from the great men there. But
behold the work of God : the English navy took three hunibed of
French thc French king's ships, well loaden with wheat, wine, meal, flesh,
taken by aniiour, aiul such other stores, meet for the war ; and one hundred
LMgiish. ships they burnt within the haven, taking the spoils with them. In
the mean time the priests in England had provided them a certain
rt-ter the f^jge counterfeit prophet, called Peter Wakefield, of Poiz, who was
I'hct. an idle gadder about, and a prattling merchant. This Peter tliey
made to prophesy lies, rumouring his prophecies abroad, to bring the
king out of all credit with his people. They noised it daily among
the commons of the realm, that Christ had twice appeared to this
prophet of theirs in shape of a child between the priest's hands, once
at York, another time at Pomfret ; and that he had breathed on him
thrice, saying, "Peace! peace! peace!"" and teaching many things
which he anon after declared to the bishops ; and bade the people
amend their naughty living. Being rapt also in spirit, they said he
beheld the joys of heaven, and the sorrows of hell. For scant were
there three, saith the chronicle, among a thousand that lived chris-
tianly. This counterfeit soothsayer prophesied of King John that
he should reign no longer than the Ascension Day, A.n. 1213, which
was the fourteenth year from his coronation ; and this, he said, he
had by revelation. Then was it of him demanded, whether the king
should be slain, or expelled, or should of himself give over the crown?
Hi« seal- He answered. That he could not tell ; but of this he was sure, he said,
practices, that Hcitlicr he, nor any of his stock or lineage, should reign, that day
once finished. The king, hearing of this, laughed much at it, anil
made but a scoff thereof. " Tush," saith he, " it is but an idiot
knave, and such a one as lackcth his right wits." But when this
foolish prophet had so escaped the danger of the king's displeasure,
and that he made no more of it, he gat him abroad, and prated
Peter is tlicrcof at large, as he was a very idle vagabond, ami used to tattle
into^° and talk more than enough ; so that they who loved the king
prison, caused him anon after to be apprehended as a malefactor, and to
be thrown into prison, the king not yet knowing thereof.
The fame of this fantastical prophet soon went all the realm over,
and his name was known every where, as foolishness is much regarded
of people, where wisdom is not in place ; especially because he was
then imprisoned for the matter, the rumour was the larger, their
wonderings were the wantoner, their practising the foolisher, their
busy talks, and other idle occupyings, the greater. Continually from
thence, as the rude manner of people is, old gossips' tales went
abroad, new talcs were invented, fables were added to fables, and
lies grew upon lies ; so that every day new slanders were raised on
the king, and not one of them true : nmiours arose, blasphemies
were spread, the enemies rejoiced, and treasons by the priests were
maintained, and what in like manner was sunnised, or whatever
subtlety was practised, all was then fathered upon this foolish
HANGED, WITH HIS SON. 331
hc
prophet : as, " Thus saith Peter Wakefield," " Thus liatli he propl
siecl,'' and, " This shall come to pass ;" yea, many times when nc ^ j)
thought nothing less. AVhen the Ascension Day was come, which 1213.
wa.s prophesied of before, King John commanded his regal tent to ^he raise
be spread abroad in the open field, passing that day with his noble pfopi'^t
council, and men of honour, in gi-eater solemnity than ever he did liar by "
before, solacing himself with musical instruments and songs, most jo'hn.
in sight, amongst his trusty friends. When that day was passed
in all prosperity and mirth, his enemies being confused, turned all
to an allegorical understanding, to make the prophecy good, and said,
" He is no longer king, for the pope reigneth, and not he ;" yet
reigned he still, and his son after him, to prove that prophet a
liar. Then was tlie king by his council persuaded that this false
prophet had troubled all the realm, perverted the hearts of the
people, and raised the commons against him ; for his words went
over the sea by the help of his prelates, and came to the French
king''s ear, and gave him great encouragement to invade the land: he
had not else done* it so suddenly; but he was most foully deceived,
as all they are, and shall be, that put their trust in such dark, drowsy The false
dreams of hypocrites. The king therefore commanded that he should hinged'
be drawn and hanged like a traitor, and his son with him, lest any
more false prophets should arise of that race.
After the popish prelates, monks, canons, priests, &c. saw this
their crafty juggling by their feigned prophet would not speed,
notwithstanding they had done no little harm thereby, to help the
matter more forward, they began to travail and practise Avith Pope
Innocent on the one side, and also Avith the French king on the
other ; besides subtle treasons which they wrought within the realm,
and by their confessions in the ear, whereby they both blinded the
nobility and commons. The king thus compassed about on every
side with enemies, and fearing the sequel thereof, knowing the King
conspiracies that were in working against him, as well by the pope, m^u"eth'*^
in all that ever he might, as also by Philip, the French king, by his ^^'^^^^^
procurement ; and moreover his own people, especially his lords and pope.
barons, being rebelliously incited against him ; as by the pope"'s
curses and interdictions against such as took his part ; and also by
his absolutions and dispensations Avith all those that Avoidd rebel
against him, commanding them to detain from him such homage,
service, duties, debts, and all other allegiance, as godly subjects owe and
are bound to yield and give to their liege lord and prince : all Avhich
things considered, the king, in the thirteenth year of his reign, because
the French king began to make sharp inA^asion upon him Avitliin
his own realm, sent speedy ambassadors to the pope, as to the foun-
tain of all this his mischief, pretended to Avork and entreat his peace Entreat-
and reconciliation with him, promising to do Avhatsoever the pope p^a/r
should Avill and command him in the reformation of himself, and ""i'^ '^a
restitution of all Avrongs done to holy church, and to make due satis-
faction there-for unto all men that could complain.
Then sent the pope again into England his legate Pandulph, Avith
other ambassadors : the king also at Canterbury (by letters, as it
should seem, certified from his OAvn ambassadors) Avaited their
coming; where, the thirteenth day of May, the king received
332
KING JOHN SIHMITJ^ TO THE POl'E.
A.D.
1213.
them, makinij unto thoiii an oath, That of and for all things
therein he stood accursed, he would make ample restitution and
Siitisfactiou. Unto vhoni also all the lords and barons of England,
as many as there were with the king attending the legates'' coming,
sware in like manner, That if the king would not accomplish in
cverv thing the oath whicli he had taken, then they would cause him
to hold and confirm the same, whether he would or not, or " by
strength," to use the author's words.
*'The king, seeing the great danger that was like to follow, and
himself to be brought to such a strait, that no other way could be found
to avoid the present destruction both of his person and the realm also,
but utterly to be subverted ; and especially fearing the French king ;
was enforced to submit himself to that execrable monster and antichrist
of Rome, converting his land into patrimony of St. Peter, as many
others had done before him, and so became a sorry subject of the
sinful seat of Rome, thinking thereby to avoid all imminent dangers ;
for of this he was sure, not without shame, that being under his pro-
tection, no foreign potentate throughout the whole empire was able
to subdue hun.*
Then submitted the king himself unto the court of Rome, and to
the pope ; and, resigning, gave up his dom.inions and realms in
Submit-
telli him-
self, and
reMgncth ]Oiwr]aj^(^ n^■^y^\ Ireland for him and for his heirs for evermore that
his
crown.
should come of him : with this condition, that the king and his
heirs should take again these two dominions of the pope to farm,
paying yearly for them to the court of Rome one thousand marks of
silver. Then took the king the crown from his head, in the presence
of all his lords and barons of England, kneeling upon his knees to
Pandulph, the pope's chief legate, saying in this wise, " Here I resign
the crown of the realm of England into the pope's hands. Inno-
cent III., and put me wholly in his mercy and ordinance." Then
took Pandulph the crown of King John, and kept it five days as a
possession and seizin-taking of these two realms of England and
Ireland, confirming also all things promised by his charter obligatory
as foUoweth : —
Christ
was
offered a
kingdom
and
vi'ould
none of it.
The Copy of the Letter Obligatory that King John made to the
Pope, concerning the yielding up of the crown and realm of
England into the Pope's hands, and a certain sum of money
yearly to be paid.
To all christian people throughout the world dwelling, John, by the grace
of God, king of England, gi-ceting : to your university known be it, that, for
as much as we have grieved and offended God, and our mother, the chm-eh of
Rome, and forasmuch as we have need of the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ,
and we may notliing so worthy ofler, and competent satisfaction make to God
and to holy church, even if it were our own body, as with our realms of England
and of Ireland ; then, by the grace of the Holy Ghost, we desire to meek us for
the love of him, that meeked him to the death upon the cross. And through
covuisel of the nobles, earls, and barons, we ofler, and freely grant to God, and
to the apostles St. Peter and Paul, and to our mother church of Rome, and to
our holy father Pope Innocent III., and to all the popes that come after him, all
the realm, patronages of churches of England and of Ireland, with all the appur-
tenances, for remission of sins, and help and health of our kings' soul, and of
(1) From the Edition 1563, p. C5.— Ed.
CONDTTIOXS IMl'OSED ON KING JOHN.
all christian souls. So that from this time afterwards, we will receive and hold John.
of our mother, the cluu'ch of Rome, as in farm, doing fealty to our holy father
the pope. Innocent III., and to all the popes that come after him, in the manner ^- ^'
above said. And in the presence of the wise man, Pandulph, the pope's sub- ^■^^^'
deacon, we make liege homage, as if it were in the pope's presence, and we King
before him were, and as if he himself should have done all manner of things JfJ'"
above said ; and thereto we bind us, and all that come after us, and our heirs toVarm'
for evermore, without any gainsaying, to the pope, and eke the ward of tlie his realm
church vacant. And, in token of this thing ever for to last, we will, confirm, "^'g^
and ordain, that he be our special renter of the aforesaid realms (saving
St. Peter pence) in all things, to the mother church of Rome, paying by the
year one thousand marks of silver at two times of the year, for all manner of The rent
customs that we should do for the said realms ; that is to say, at Michaelmas *" ^''^^^
and at Easter : that is, for England seven hundred marks, and three hundred
marks for Ireland ; saving to us and to our heirs, our justices, and our other
franchises. And all these things, that have before been said, we will that they
be firm and stable, without end : and to that obligation we, and all our succes-
sors, and our heirs, in this manner are bound. That if we, or any of our heirs,
through any presumption, fail in any point again of these things above said,
and he having been warned, will not right amend him, he shall then release the
aforesaid realms for evermore : and this charter of obligation, and our warrant
for evennore, shall be firm and stable without gainsaying. We shall from this
day afterward be true to God, and to the mother chuixh of Rome, and to thee.
Innocent III., and to all that come after thee ; and in the realms of England
and of Ireland we shall maintain true faith, in all manner of points, against
all manner of men, by our power through God's help.
Upon this obligation the king was discharged, on the second day
of July, from that tyrannical interdiction under which he had con-
tinued six years and three months. But, before the releasement
thereof, first, he was miserably compelled, as hath been declared, to
give over both his crown and sceptre to that antichrist of Rome for
the space of five days ; and, as his client, vassal, feudary, and tenant,
to receive it again of him at the hands of another cardinal ; being
bound obligatory, both for himself and for his successors, to pay
yearly for acknowledgment thereof, one thousand marks for Eng-
land and Ireland. Then came they thither from all parts of the The
realm, so many as had their consciences wounded for obeying their
liege king, as blind idiots, and there they were absolved, every one thecierjjy
by his own bishop, except the spiritual fathers and ecclesiastical th
soldiers, for they were compelled to seek to Rome, as captives
reserved to the pope's own fatherhood. In this new ruffling the king
easily granted that abbots, deans, and curates, should be elected freely
every where, so that the laws of the reabii were truly observed ; but
against that were the bishops, alleging their canonical decrees and
rules synodal, determining the king therein to have nothing to do,
but only to give his consent after they had once elected. But among
this shaven rabble, some there were who consented not to this wicked
eiTor ; a sort also there were of the prelates at that time, who were
not pleased that the land''s interdiction should cease, till the king had
paid all tliat which their clergy in all quarters of the realm had
demanded, without reason ; vea, what every saucy Sir Jolm for his
part demanded, even to the very breaking of their hedges, the stealing
of their apples, and their other occasional damages, which grew to an
incredible sum, and impossible to be answered. Such was the out-
rageous cruel noise of that mischievous progeny of antichrist, against
their natural kinff.
un-
reasona-
bleness of
natural
prince.
^.^t CKAFTINESS OF THE POPE.
jonn. Nohvithstandinor that wliicli is uttered afore concerning: the
^y^ D , bitter malice of tJic clergy against their i)rincc, yet did the pope's
1215. legate, Nicholas, cardinal of Frascati, much favour his doings, and
allow of his proceedings ; wherel'orc they reported of him that he was
exceedingly partial, and regarded not their matters ecclesiastical, as
lie should have done. For, leaving the account of their restitutions,
lie went with the king's officers, as the king's ])leasurc was, to the
cathetlral minsters, abbeys, priories, deaneries, and great churches
vacant ; and there, for the next incumbent, he always apjiointed two,
cue for the king, another for the ])arties. l'>ut u])()n him only Avhom
the king nominated he com])e]led most commonly the election to
pass, which vexed them wonderfully. Upon this, therefore, they
raised a new conspiracy against the king's person, by help of their
bishops, seditious ])relates, and such noblemen as they had drawn to
Great tlicir jxirties. " We beheld," saith Hoveden, " about the same time
ofopinion many noble houses and assemblies divided in many places. The
[ng^^he lathers and the aged men stood upon the king's ])art, but the yoimger
^^"S- sort contrary ; and some there were that for the love of their kindred,
and in other sundry res])ects, forsook the king again." " Yea, the
fame went that time," saith he, " that they were confederated with
Alexander, the Scottish king, and Llewellyn, the prince of Wales, to
work him an utter mischief." A council at Oxford the archbishop
called, whereat some Avould not tarry, considering the confusion
thereof; the other sort, having very obstinate liearts, reviled the king
most spitefully behind liis back, and said, that from thencclbrth he
ought to be taken for no governor of theiis. Their outrageous and
frantic clamour so much prevailed in those days, that it grew to a
grievous tumult, and a most ])erilous commotion.
In the year of our Lord 1215, as witnesseth Paulus ^'milius, and
other historians. Pope Innocent III. held a general s}iiod at Rome,
Councilor called the Council of Lateran. The chief causes of that council were
iioiden" these : — In the days of this Innocent, liercsy (as he calleth the truth
iPMwnt. tjf Ciod, or the doctrine that rebuketh sin) began to rise up very high,
and to spread forth its branches abroad, by reason Avhercof many princes
Averc excommunicate; as Otho, the em})cror; John the king of Eng-
land ; Peter, king of Aragon ; Raimund, the earl of Toulouse; and a
great sort more : and many lands were interdicted, as England, Ireland,
Provence, Toulouse, Aquitaine, Sataloni, and such other like, as is
said afore : so that it could be no otherwise, saitli Hoveden, but with the
sharp axe of the gospel (so called the pope his excommunications) they
ought of necessity to have been cut off from the church. Therefore was
thiscouncil provided and proclaimed, and prelates from all nations there-
unto called. And, to colour those mischiefs which he then went about,
Craft and lic causcd it by liis legates and cardinals (very crafty merchants) to be
of u!e"*' "oised abroad, that his intent therein was only to have the church uni-
pope. versally reformed, and the Holy Land from the Turks' hands recovered.
But all this was craft and falsehood, as the sequel thereof hath manifestly
declared; for his ))ur])()se therebv was, to siibdue all princes, and to
make liimself rich and wealthy. For there he made this antichristian
The pope act, and estal)lislicd it bv public decree, that the pope should have,
jurisdk- from thcnccibrtli, the correction of all christian princes; and that no
churches' cmpcror should be admitted, except he were sworn before, and were
also crowned of him. He ordained moreover, that wliosoever he
TRANSUUSTANTIATION FIRST INTRODUCED. SS')
were that should speak evil of the pope, he should be punished in /"'<»•
hell with eternal damnation.^ He provided confession to help these ^ q
matters ; he allowed their bread a pix to cover it, and a bell when it 1215.
goeth abroad, and made the mass equal with Christ's gospel. '
In this council was first invented, and brought in, transubstantiation ; Transuh-
of which Johannes Scotus, whom we call Duns, makctli mention in tionn'rst
his fourth booh, writing in these words : — " The words of the Scrip- broi'g'it
ture might be expounded more eai^ily and more plainly without
transubstantiation ; but the church did choose this sense, which is
more hard ; being moved thereunto, as it seemeth, chiefly, because
that of the sacraments men ought to hold, as the lioly church of
Rome holdeth," &c. And in the same place he maketh mention of
Innocent III.
Moreover, in the said council was established and ratified the Mar-
wretched and impious act, compelling priests to abjure lawful matri- \!rWsu°
mony. Whereupon these metres or verses Avere made the same time '^'idden
against him, which here follow underwritten, in English thus:^ —
" Nocent, not innocent, he is that seeketh to deface
By word the thing, that he by deed, liath taught men to embrace ;
Who being now a bishop old, doth study to destroy
,The tiling, whicli he, a young man once, did covet to enjoy.
Priest Zachary both had a wife, and had a child also,
By means of whom, there did to him great praise and honour grow.
For he did baptize him, who was the Saviour of mankind :
,111 him befal, that holdeth this new error in his mind.
Into the higher heavens, good Paul was lifted from below.
And many secret hidden things, lie learned there to know :
Returned at length from thence to us, and teaching rules of life.
He said, Let each man have his own, and only wedded wife.
For this and other documents, of them that learned be,
Much better and more comely eke, it seemetli unto me.
That each should have his own alone, and not his neighbour's wife,
Lest with his neighbour, he do fall in hate and wrathful strife.
Thy neighbour's daughters or their wives, or nieces to defile,
Unlawfiil is ; therefore beware, do not thy self beguile.
Have thou thine own tnie wedded wife, delight in her alway.
With safer mind that thou mayst look, to see the latter day."
Now let us return to king John again, and mark how the priests
and their adherents were plagued for their homely handling of
his majesty. In the aforesaid council of Lateran, and the same
(1) Conradus Urspergensis, Hieronymus Mariiis.
(2) " Non est innocentius, imo nocens vere,
Qui, quod facto docuit, verbo vult delere:
Et quod olim juvenis voluit habere,
Modi) vetus pontiiex studet prohibere.
^Zacliarias habuit prolcm ct uxorem,
Per virum quem genuit adeptus honorem ;
Baptizavit etenini muiidi Salvatorem :
Pert' at qui teneat novum huuc errorem.
Paulus cffilos rapitur ad superiores,
Ubi multas didicit res secretiores ;
Ad iios tandem rediens instruensque mores,
Suas, inquit, habeant. quilibet uxores.
Propter hsec et alia dogmata doctoruni,
Reor esse melius et magis decorum,
Quisque suam habeat et non proximorum,
iie incurrat odium vel iram eorum.
Proximorum fa-minas, lilins, tt ncptes
Violare nefas est, quare nil deceptes,
"Vere tuam habeas, et in hac delectes,
Diem ut sic idtimum tutius expectes."
336 STKPHKN T.ANGTOX SUSPENDED.
John, year, was Stoplicn Lan<:ton, ardibisliop of Canterbury, cxcoramuni-
^13 catcd by Pope Iiuioeciit, with all those bishops, prelates, priests,
1215. barons, anil commons, who had been of counsel with liim in the
former rebellion. And when the said archbishop had made instant
suit to him to be absolved, anon he made him this answer with great
indignation : " J-Jrother mine, I swear by St. Peter, thou shalt not so
soon at my liand obtain the benefit of absolution : for why ? thou
hast not <jnly done harm to the king of England, but also thou hast
in a great many things injured the church of Home lierc ; and there-
fore thou shalt tarry my leisure." The archbishop was also at that
Stephen time suspended out of the church, and commanded to say no mass at
8u,"''''°" all, neither yet to exercise any other ecclesiastical office ; because he
pcnded. -^yould not, at time convenient, execute the pope's curse upon the
rebellious barons. With them the said pope had been so deeply
offended and angered a little before, that the great charter of the
liberties of England, with great indignation and countenance most
terrible, he rent and destroyed, by sentence definitive, condemning it
for ever ; and, by and by thereupon, cursed all the other rebels, with
book, bell, and candle. The greater captains of them, with the
citizens of London, for that assay w^ere pronounced cxcomnmnicate
by name, and remained still interdicted. They appealed then to the
council general.
Appeal In the same year, a.d. 1215, "were those great men also summoned
gene'rai to appear at Rome in that general synod, who w^ould not consent
council, iq their king''s expulsion, nor yet tyrannical deposing. Though they
were called, they said, thereunto by the archbishop of Canterbury and
others, and required by oath to subscribe unto the same, yet could
they not of their conscience do it, because he had humbled himself,
and also granted to keep peace with all men. Thus was the ivhole
realm miserably then divided into two factions, through the malice of
the clergy, so that strifes increased in the land every where ; yet were
there of the lords and gentlemen a great number at that time, who
The (lis- followed the kinij and alloAved his doinsfs.' But they who were on
cord be- ^ o ./
tween the tlic otlicr Side, uot a little suspecting the state that they were in, fled
."nli'the speedily to the French king, Pliilip, desiring him that he would grant
''"'s- - them his eldest son Louis, and they would elect him, to be their king,
and that without much tarriance. They besought him, moreover,
that he would send with him a strong and mighty power, such as
"were able to subdue him utterly, that they might, they said, be
delivered from such a wicked tyrant. Such was the report that those
most wicked papists gave their christian governor, appointed over them
by God, whom they ought to have obeyed, though he had been evil,
even for very conscience"" sake. [Rom. xiii. 7 ] And as certain of the
lords and barons were busy to choose the said Louis for their
Gimio, king, the pope sent thither one Gualo, the cardinal of St. Martin, to
s'onV'inti stay those rash and cruel attempts ; charging the French king, upon
England, jjjg allegiance, that he, with all power possible, should favour, maintain,
(1 1 Sfowe, spcakinR of these times, confirms the account which our author gives of these internal
commotions which unhappily prevailed in England, but especially of the revolting assaults to
which the Jews were subjected, so frequently referred to by our author. " I read, that in the year
1215, the sixteenth of King John, the barons entering the city by Ealdgate (Aldgate), first took
assurance of the citizens ; then brake into the Jews' houses, searched their colfers to fill their own
purses ; and after, with great diligence, repaired the walls and gates of the city, with stones taken
from the Jews' broken houses."— Sec Stowe's Hist, of Lond. p. 7. — Ed.
CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE KING. 337
and defend King John of England, his feudary or tenant. The French John.
kina: thereto made answer, as one not content with that arroeant
-AD
precept : " The realm of England," said he, " was never yet any 121.5.
part of St. Peter's patrimony, neither is it now, nor yet, at any time,
shall be hereafter." Thus spake he, for that he was in hope to obtain
it for his son, by treason of the barons.
" No prince or potentate," said Philip, the French king, " may The
pledge or give away his kingdom, which is (beside the realm) the k[,tg'and
government of his whole commonwealth, without the lawful consent ^''* *"'"
of his barons, who are bound to defend the same. If the pope shall about
introduce or set up such a precedent in Christianity, he shall, at his "^'''" '
pleasure, bring all christian kings and their kingdoms to nought. I
like not this example in these days begun. I cannot therefore allow
this act of King John of England : though he be my utter adversary,
yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realm, and hath
brought that noble ground, and queen of provinces, under miserable
tribute." The chief lords and men of his nobility standing by, when
he uttered these words, being, as it were, in a fury, cried with one
voice, " By the blood of God, by which we trust to be saved, Ave will
stick to this article to the losing of our heads. Let the kins' of
England do therein what him liketh : no king may put his land under
tribute, and so make his nobility captive servants." With that came
in Louis, the king's eldest son, and said unto them all there present,
" I beseech you, hinder not my purposed journey : the barons of
England have elected me for their lord and king, and I will not surely
lose my right, but I will fight for it even to the very death, yea, so
long as heart shall stir within my breast ; and I doubt not but I shall
Avell obtain it, for I have friends among them." His father, the king,
stood still as if he had been in a dump, and answered never a word,
but fared as though he had dissembled the matter. Belike he mis-
trusted something therein, as he might well enough ; for all was pro-
cured by the priests, that they might live licentiously, in all wealth,
and in freedom from the king's yoke.
About the same time, were such treasons and conspiracies wrought Prelates
by the bishops, priests, and monks, throughout all the realm, that the pj^g^ts
kinof knew not where to so, or find trusty friends ; he was then com- «"? ;
pelled, by the uncertainty of his subjects, to travel from place to against
place, but not without a great army of men, looking, every day, when * ^ '"^'
his barons and their confederates would cruelly set upon him. At
last he came to Dover, and there looked for aid from other quarters,
which loved him better than did his own people. And thither
resorted to him from Flanders, Brabant, and Holland, on one side,
and from Guienne, Gascony, and Poictou, on the other side, and
from other countries besides, a w^onderful number of men. The
report then went, that the pope had written unto those countries
mightily to assist him, for divers considerations : one was, for that
King John had both submitted himself and his dominions, to his protec-
tion ; another was, because he had taken upon him, a little before, the
livery of the Cross, to win again Jerusalem ; the third was, because
the pope had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland,
and feared to lose both, if he should chance to decay. For the
space of three months the king remained in the Isle of Wight, abroad
VOL. IT. 7,
8S8 THE HU;\( :i KINu's SON fUKSED.
•^o*"- in tlie air, to quiet liiiiisrlf, for a time, from all manner of tiiniults,
A.D. and led there a solitary life among rivers and watermen, rather covet-
1216. ing to die than to live, being so traitorously handled of his bishops
' and barons, and not knowing how to be justly avenged of them.
Upon the Purification day of our Lady, therefore, he took upon him
the Cross, or voyage against the Turks, for recovery of Jerusalem ;
moved thereto rather for the doubts which he had of his people, than
for anv other devotion else. And thus he said to his familiar ser-
vants : '■ Since I submitted myself and my lands, England and Ire-
land, to the church of Rome (sorrow come to it !) never a thing hath
prosj)ered with mc, but all hath gone against me.""
In the same year, a.d. 1215, was Simon Langton chosen arch-
bishop of York ; but that election soon after was dissolved ; for
information was given to the pope, that the said Simon was brother
to Stephen Langton, the archbishop of Canterbury, who had been the
occasion of all the tumults which were at that time in England. The
pope had the more hate unto him, for that he had brought him up
from nought, and did find him, at that time, so stubborn ; wherefore
he placed in his brother's place Walter Gray, the bishop of Wor-
cester.
Guaio, In the next year Gualo, the pope''s legate, renewed his great curse
ieKa^e^' upon Louis, the French king"'s son, for usurping upon King John;
n'ir'^Lt li^^cwise upon Simon Langton, and Gcrvais Hobruge, for provoking
curse him to tlic sauic, and that with a wonderful solemnity ; for in doing
rveiK^h that, he made all the bells to be rung, the candles to be lighted, th.e
»dn°' doors to be opened, and the book of excommunications or interdic-
tions publicly to be read, committing them wholly to the devil, for
their contumacy and contempt. He also commanded the bishops and
curates to publish it abroad over all the whole realm, to the terror of
T»>e all his subiects. The said Simon and Gervais laughed him to scorn,
pope S <^ O '
curse and derided much his doings in that behalf, saying, that for the just
to"sconi. title of Louis, they had appealed to the general council at Rome.'
The magistrates and citizens of London did, likewise, vilipend and
disdainfully mock all that the pope had there commanded and done ;
and, in spite both of him and his legate, they kept company with
them that were excommunicated, both at table and at church ; showing
themselves, thereby, as open contemners both of him and his laws.
Louis, at London, taking himself for king, constituted Simon Langton
for his high chancellor, and Gervais Hobruge for his chief preacher ;
by whose daily preachings (as well the barons as the citizens them-
selves being excommunicated) he caused all the clnirch doors to be
opened, and the service to be sung, and the said Louis was in all
Pan- points fit for their hands. About this time Pandulph, the cardinal,
tht po'pes was collecting the Pctcr-pence, that old pillage of the pope, taking
ra^e'"' great pains therein ; and for his great labours in those affairs of holy
Miiiop of church, and fttr other great miracles besides, he was then made bishop
of Norwich, to the augmenting of his dignity and expenses.
It chanced, about this time, that the viscount of Melun, a very
noble man of the realm of France, who came thither with Prince
Louis, fell deadly sick in London, and being moved, in conscience, to
(1) Radulijhus Niger, cap. 4S, 44.
THE I'ERI'I.KXITY OF THE BARONS. 339
call certain of the English barons unto him, such as were there John.
appointed to the custody of that city, said unto them : " 1 lament ~a~i7~
your sorrowful case, and pity, with my heart, the destruction that is 12I6!
coming towards you and your country.' The dangerous snares, which xi,e great
are prepared for your utter confusion, are hidden from you; you do i;™'^';^^
not .behold them ; but take you heed of them in time. Prince Louis oodfor
hath sworn a great oath, and sixteen of his carls and noblemen are of ofEng?
counsel with him, that, if he obtain the crown of England, he will -^"'^•
banish all them from service, and deprive them of lands and goods,
as many as he findeth now to go against their liege king, and are
traitors to his noble person. And, because you shall not take this
tale for a fable, I assure you on my i'uith, lying now at the mercy of
God, that I was one of those who were sworn to the same. I have
great conscience thereof, and, therefore, I give you this warning. I
pity poor England, which hath been so noble a region, that now it is
come to such extreme misery.'''' And when he, with tears, had lamented
it a space, he turned again unto them and said : " My friends, I
counsel you earnestly to look to yourselves, and to provide the remedy
in time, lest it come upon you unawares : your king for a season hath
kept you under, but if Louis prevail, he will deprive you of all ; of
two extreme evils, choose the more easy, and keep that secret which I
have told you of good will." With that he gave over, and departed
this life.
When this was once noised among the barons, they were in great Perpiex-
heaviness, for they saw themselves entrapped every way, and to be in d^tros^s
exceeding great danger. And this daily augmented that fear which ^^f^^^^
then came upon them ; they were extremely hated of the pope and
his legates, and every week, came upon them new excommunications.
Daily detriments they had besides in their possessions and goods, in
their lands and houses, corn and cattle, wives and children, so that
some of them Avere driven to such need, that they were enforced to
seek preys and booties for sustaining their miserable lives. For look,
whatsoever Prince Louis obtained by his wars, either territories or
castles, he gave them all to his Frenchmen, in spite of their heads,
and said that they Avere but traitors, like as they had warning before ;
and this grieved them worst of all. At last, perceiving that in seeking
to avoid one mischief, they Avere ready to fall into another much
worse, they began to lay their heads together, consenting to submit
themselves wholly, with all humility, unto the mercy of their late
sovereign and natural liege lord. King John ; and, as they were some-
what in doubt of their lives for the treason before committed, many
of the friends of those who were of most credit with him, made suit
for them ; so that a great number of them Avere pardoned, after
instant and great suit made for them. I here omit his recovery of
Rochester castle and city, Avith many other dangerous adventures
against the aforesaid Louis, both at London, York, Lincoln, Win-
chester, NorAvich, and other places, as things not pertaining to my
purpose. And noAv I return to my matter again.
Into Suffolk and Norfolk he consequently journeyed, Avith a A'ery
strong army of men, and there, Avith great mischief, he afflicted them,
because they had given place and Avere sAvorn to his enemies. After
(1) Matth. Paris; Radul. Niger, cap. 47
z 2
S-tO KINi; JOIIX POISONED HV A MONK.
John, that, lie despoiled the abbeys of Poteiborou^li ami C'rnwland, for the
^ J) great treasons whieh they also had wrought against him ; and so he
121 G. departed from thence into Lincolnshire.
Popein" 1" this year, a.d. 1216, about the seventeenth day of July, died
nocmi Pope Innocent HI., and was buried in a city called Perugia, in Italy ;
whitlicr he had travclictl to make a peace between the (jenoese and
Pisans, for his own conimodity and advantage. After him, anon,
succeeded one Centius, otherwise called lionorius III., a man of
very great age ; vet lived he, in the papacy, ten years and a half,
and more. AVhcn this was once known in England, all those greatly
rejoiced who were King John's enemies, especially the priests ; yet
had they small cause, as will appear hereafter. They noised it all
the realm over, that this new po])e would set up a new order, and not
rule all things as the other pope did ; thinking, thereby, that he would
have done all things to their commodity, but they found it otherwise.
For he made all those who were excommunicated, pay double and
treble, ere they could be restored again to their former livings.
King And, in the self-same year, as King John was come to Swineshcad
poisoned abbcy, not far from Boston, he rested there two days ; w here, as
monk most wHtcrs testify, he was most traitorously poisoned by a monk of
that abbey, of the sect of the Cistercians, or St. Bernard's brethren,
called Simon of Swineshcad. As concerning the noble personage of
this prince, this witness giveth Roger Hoveden thereon : " Doubt-
less, ' saith he, " King .Tohn was a mighty prince, but not so fortunate
as many were ; not altogether unlike to Marius, the noble Roman,
he tasted of fortune both ways ; bountiful in mercy ; in wars sometime
he won, sometime again he lost." " He was also very bounteous
and liberal unto strangers, but of his own people, for their daily
treason's sake, he was a great oppressor, so that he trusted more to
foreigners than to them."'
Among other divers and sundry conditions belonging to this king,
one there was, which is not in him to be reprehended, but commended
rather ; for that, being far from the superstition which kings at that
time were commonly subject to, he regarded not the popish mass, as
in certain chronicles writing of him may be collected ; for this I find
testified of him by Matthew Paris : that the king, once upon a time,
in his hunting, coming where a very fat stag was cut up and opened
King (or how the hunters term it, I cannot tell), the king beholding tlie
rideth fiitucss and tlic liking of the stag : " See," saith he, ^ how easilv and
the mass, happily hc hath lived, and yet for all that, he never heard any mass."
It is recorded and foimd in the chronicle of William Caxton,
called " Fructus temporum," and in the seventh book, that the
aforesaid monk Simon, being much ofFended with certain talk that the
king had at his table, concerning Louis, the French king's son, who
then had entered and usurped upon him, did cast, in his wicked heart,
how he most speedily might bring him to his end. And, first of all,
he counselled with his abbot, showing him the whole matter, and
w,. iK-to "what he was minded to do. He alleged for himself the prophecy of
caiigdmi t'aiaphas (John xi.), saying, " It is better that one man die, than
evi!' "dod ^^^ ^'^^ people should perish." " I am well contented," saith he,
" to lose my life, and so become a mart}T, that I may utterly destroy
(1) Ex chronico cui titulus " Eulogiuni. "
Ol'IXlON'S IIESI'KCTIXG HIS DEATH. 341
this tyrant." With that the abbot did weep for ghidness, and iniieh J<^^i"i-
commended his fervent zeal, as lie took it. The monk, then, being-
absolved beforehand of his abbot for doing this act, -went secretly
into the backside of the garden, and finding tliere a most venoinons
toad, he so pricked him and pressed him witli his peidcnife, that he ^''^"''."j
made him vomit all tlie poison that was within hii-ii. This doric, he I'v ii.s'
conveyed it into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and flattering poi^^onin"-
countenance he said thus to the king : " If it shall like your princely ^''* "^'"s-
majesty, here is such a cup of wine as ye never drank better before,
in all your lifetime ; I trust this wassail shall make all England
glad;" and, with that, he drank a gi-eat draught thereof, the king
pledging him. The monk anon after went to the farmary, and there nictii of
died, his entrails gushing out of his body, and had continually from pi-,""'"
thenceforth three monks to sing mass for his soul, confirmed by their
general chapter. What became, after that, of King John, ye shall
know right well in the process following. I would ye did mark well
the wholesome proceedings of these holy votaries, how virtuously they
obey their king, whom God hath appointed, and how religiously they
bestow their confessions, absolutions, and masses.
The king, within a short space after, feeling great grief in his body,
asked for Simon, the monk ; and answer was made that he was
departed this life. '' Then God have mercy upon me," said he, "■ I
suspected as much, after he had said that all England should thereof
be glad; he meant, now I perceive, those of his own generation."
With that he commanded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not
able to ride. So went he from thence to Sleaford castle, and from Death of
thence to Newark-on-Trent, and there, within less than three days, j^*,"^
he died. Upon his death-bed he much repented his former life, and
forgave all them, with a pitiful heart, that had done him injury ;
desiring that his elder son, Henry, might be admonished by his a prince
example, and learn by his misfortunes to be natural, favourable, J°^V^^
gentle, and loving to his native people. When his body w^as to \\\t
embalmed and spiced, as the manner is of kings, his bowels or "" ^'^'^""
entrails were buried at Croxton abbey, which vt-as held by the sect
of Premonstratenses, or canons of St. Norbert. His hired soldiers, Kiiii?
both Englishmen and strangers, were still about him, and followed J"','i",i
his corpse triumphantly in their armour, till they came to the cathedral ^t w <>i-
church of Worcester, and there honourably was he buried by Silvester,
the bishop, betwixt St. Oswald and St. Wolstan, two bishops of that
clim-ch. He died a.d. 1216, the nineteenth day of October, after
he had reigned in such calamity, by the subtile contrivance of his
clergy, eighteen years and six months and odd days. Now, as soon
as King John was dead and buried (as is said before), the princes,
lords, and barons, as many as were of his part, as well of strangers as
of them that were born here, bv coiinsel of the lejjate (iualo, oathered
themselves together, and all with one consent proclaimed Henry, his
son, for their king. Of him more shall follow (the Lord willing)
hereafter.
Many opinions are among the chroniclers of the death of King comr^-
John. Some of them do wTite that he died of sorrow and heaviness „phi'i!7ns
of heart, as Polydore ; some of surfeiting in the night, as Railulphus [ll^'^i-]'
Niger ; some of a bloody flux, as Roger Hovcden ; some of a ';"'J.
342 THE FIRST MAYOR OF LONDON.
John, burning ague, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of
ji^ Y) eating' pears, some of plums, &c.
121(3. Thus you see what variety is among the writers concerning the
death of this King John. Of which writers, although the most agree
in this, that lie was poisoned by the monk above named, yet Matthew
Paris,' something differing from the others, writeth thus concernino-
his death : that he, going from Lynn to Lincolnshire, and there hcarinf
of the loss of his carriage and of his treasures u])on the washes, gave
way to great heaviness of mind, insomuch that lie fell thereby into a
fervent fever, being at the abbey of Swineshead. This ague he also
increased, through evil surfeiting and naughty diet, by eating peaches
and drinking new ciser, or, as we call it, cider. Thus, being sick, he
was carried from thence to the castle of Sleaford, and from thence to
the castle of Newark ; where, calling for Henry, his son, he gave to
him the succession of his crown and kingdom, writing to "all his
lords and nobles to receive him for their king. Shortly after,
in the night following St. Luke's day, he departed this life, and was
buried at Worcester.
Another In Gisbum I find otherwise, who, dissenting from others, saith,
of K^ng that he was poisoned with a dish of pears, which the monk had
joiin's prepared for the king, therewith to poison him ; who, asking the king
wliether he would taste of his fruit, and being bid to bring them in,
according to the king''s bidding, so he did. At the bringing in
whereof (saith the storv) the precious stones about the king began to
sweat ; insomuch that the king misdoubting some poison, demanded,
of the monk, what he had brought. He said, of his fruit, and that
very good ; the best that ever he did taste, " Eat," said the king.
And he took one of the pears, which he did know, and did eat. Also,
being bid to take another, he did eat that likewise, savourily, and so
likewise the third. Then the king, refraining no longer, took one of
the poisoned pears, and was therewith poisoned, as is before narrated.^
The first In the reign of this King Jolm, the citizens of London first
Sfiidon'^ obtained of the king to choose yearly a mayor. In this reign also
the bridge of London was first builded of stone, which before was of
wood.^
HENRY THE THIRD.*
A. D. After King John had reigned, as some say, seventeen years, or
^216. .jg others say, though falsely, nineteen years, he was, as is above
stated, poisoned, and died. This king left behind him four sons and
three daughters ; the first, Henry ; the second, Richard, who was earl
of Cornwall ; the third, William of Yalentia ; the fourth, Guy de
Lusignan; he had also another son, who afterwards was made bishop.
Of his daughters, the first was Isabella, man-ied afterward to Frederic,
the emperor; the second, named Elenor, was married to William,
earl marshal ; the third, to Mountfort, the earl of Leicester, Sec.
Another story saith, that he had but two daughters, Isabella and
(1) Matth. Paris, in Vita Johannis Regis. (2) Ex Hist. Gualt. Gisbum. (3) Rastal.
(4) Edition 1563, p. 72. Ed. I5S:!, p. 257. Ed. I.-iae, p. 231. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 290.— Ed
HENRY III. CROWNED AT GLOUCESTER. 343
Elenor, or, as another calleth her, Joan, who was afterwards queen of Henry
Scotland.^ "'■
This King John being deceased, who had many enemies both of A. D.
earls and barons, and especially of the popish clergy, Henry, tlie ^■^^^-
eldest son, was then of the age of nine years, at which time, most of
the lords of England did adhere to Ludovic, or Louis, the French
king's son, whom they had sent for before, in displeasiu-e of King
John, to be their king, and had sworn to him their allegiance. Then
William, earl Mai'shal, a nobleman, and of gTcat authority, and a
grave and sound counsellor, friendly and quietly called unto him
divers earls and barons, and taking this Henry, the young prince,
son of King John, setteth him before them, using these words :
" Behold," saith he, " right honourable and well-beloved, although saying
we have persecuted the father of this young prince^ for his evil MaTshai.
demeanour, and worthily ; yet this young child, whom here ye see
l)efore you, as he is in years tender, so is he pure and innocent from
these his father's doings : wherefore, inasmuch as every man is charged
only with the burden of his OAvn works and transgressions, neither
shall the child, as the scripture teacheth us, bear the iniquity of his
father; Ave ought, therefore, of duty and conscience, to pardon this
young and tender prince, and take compassion of his age, as ye see.
And now, forasmuch as he is the king's natural and eldest son, and
must be our sovereign and king, and successor of this kingdom, come,
and let us appoint him our king and governor, and let us remove
from us this Louis, the French king's son, and suppress his people,
which is a confusion and a shame to our nation ; and the yoke of our
servitude let us cast off from our shoulders." To these words spake
and answered the carl of Chester: "And by what reason or right,"
said he, " can we so do, seeing we have called him hither, and have
sworn to him our fealty V
Whereunto the earl Marshal inferred again, and said : " Good
right and reason we have, and ought of duty to do no less ; for that
he, contrary to our mind and calling, hath abused our affiance and
fealties. Truth it is we called him, and meant to prefer him to be
our chieftain and governor ; but he, eftsoons, surprised in pride, hath
contemned and despised us : and, if we shall so suffer him, he will
subvert and overthrow both us and our nation, and so shall we remain
a spectacle of shame to all men, and be as outcasts to all the world."
At these words all they, as inspired from above, cried all together
with one voice, " Be it so, he shall be our king." And so the day
Avas appointed for his coronation, Avliich Avas the day of Simon and
Jude, A. D. 1216. This coronation Avas kept, not at Westminster, King
forasmuch as Westminster the same time Avas holden of the French- j^j'j"''^
men, but at Gloucester, the safest place (as w.vs thought) at that time crowned.
in the realm,^ by Gualo, the pope's legate, through counsel of all
the lords and barons that held with liis father. King John ; to
Avit, the bishop of Winchester, the bishop of Bath, the bishop of
Chester,* and the bishop of Worcester, Ranulpli, earl of Chester,
William Mareschall, earl-marshal and earl of Pembroke, William, earl
(1) Ex Chronico vetusto Angliae. [See Appendix.]
(2) Truly said, that you persecuted him, for persecutors ye were of a true man, ana your own
natural king. But well miglit England crv out upon your blind guides and setters on.
(S) Ex Chron. Gisbuin. (■!) i.e. of Lichfield and Coventry : see pp. 385, 386, 643.— Ed.
Sit THE POrK''s LFCATE IXTERDTCTS WALES.
Henry FcFrcts, Williaiii de Briwcrc, and Savaiic de Malo-leone [Mauleon].
'. These were at tlic crowning of the king at Cilouccstcr. Many other
A. D. lords and barons tliere were, who as yet held with Louis, the French
_lll^ king's son, to whom they had done their homage before. *'For
tliis cause only, and not by testament, Avas King John buried at
Worcester ; because that place of the realm, in those days, appeared
most sure and safe, where they, who were friends to the crown,
might best deliberate with themselves what was bc>^t to be done
in that matter. So went they from thence to tlic town of Glou-
cester, with \Villiam Marshal, earl of Pembroke, and there was he
anointed and cntwned king by the legate Gualo, assisted by Peter,
bishop of Winchester, and Jocelin, the bishop of Bath, with others
who were then in the realm, and called Henry III. ; and this
was done on the feastful day of St, Simon and St. Jude. The court
of Rome, at that time, not being too slack in these affairs, sent hither
with all speed, commanding them that they should mightily stand by
the young king, then being not fully ten years of age, and to defend
England with armour, and his thundering curses, as holy churclfs
patrimony, against Louis and his accomplices; and then the new pope,
Honorius III., not only confirmed his legate Gualo, but also com-
mitted to his discretion all that appertained to that office of his, no
appellations to the contrary admitted. The legate, being emboldened
by this authority, compelled the prelates of England to be sworn
true to the young king ; and those that refused to take the oath, to
be punished very sore. And Peter, tlie bishop of Winchester, was not
at all behind in that commission for his part, but brought a grievous
tallage upon the beneficed men and priests of his diocese, to help the
king in his wars against Louis ; which was not at all amiss. Such as
were great beneficed priests, and might well pay, the said Gualo
reserved to his own authority, and, for great sums of money, at the
latter, dispensed with them. Some there were obstinate and froward,
■whom he degraded ; some he excommunicated, and sent to Rome for
their absolutions; not leaving one priest unpunished, who had taken
part with Louis, having, every where, his searchers and spies to find
them out.*
Lnmediately after the crowning of this king, he held a council at
Bristol, at St. Martin's feast ; where were assembled eleven bishops
of England and Wales, with divers earls, barons, and knights of
England, all of whom did SAvear fealty to the king. After homage
thus d(me to the king, the legate Gualo interdicted Wales, because
they held with the aforesaid Louis ; and also the barons and all
others, as many as gave help or counsel to Louis ; or any others
that moved or stirred any war against King Henry, the new king,
he accursed them. All which notwithstanding, the said Louis did
not cease, but first laid siege to the castle of Dover fifteen davs.
Berkham- ^^''fi^ 1'^ could not prevail there, he took the castle of Berkhani-
iicrtfoM'' ^^^^^-i ^^^^^ ''^^" ^^^ castle of Hertford, doing much harm in the
taken by couutics, by Spoiling and robbing the people, where he Avcnt: by
^"'*' reason whereof, the lords and commons, who held with the king,
assembled themselves together to drive Louis and his men out of
the land. But some of tlic barons, with the Frenchmen, in tlic mean
(I) Tliis paragraph is from the Editionof 1563 p. 60, • I. v.— Ed.
THE TRENCH DRIVEN OUT OF ENGLAND 345
season went to Lincoln and took tlic city, and held it for the use of Henry
Louis. This being known, eftsoons a great power on the king's part ^'^'
made thither, as Kanulph, earl of Chester, William Mareschall, earl of A.D.
Pembroke, William de Briwere, and the earl Ferrers, with many ^^'<"
other lords, and gave battle unto Louis and his party ; so that in conclu- Lincoln
sion Louis lost the field, and of his side was slain' the earl of Perche; tiken,
Saer de Quincy, earl of Winchester, Henry de la Bohun, earl of Here- t^'i'^'
lord, and Sir Robert le Fitz- Walter, with divers other more, were taken ^"' ''^
prisoners. Whereupon Louis for succour fled to London, causing the
gates there to be shut and kept, waiting there for more succour out of
i''rance. As soon as the king had knowledge of this, immediately
he sent to the mayor and burgesses of the city, willing them to
surrender them and their city to him, as their chief lord and king ;
promising to grant to them again all their franchises and liberties, as
in times past, and to confirm the same by his great charter and seal.
In the mean time, on Bartholomew eve, Eustace, a French monk,
accompanied with many other lords and nobles of France, came with
a grand power, to the number of one hundred ships, to aid and assist
the said Louis ; who, before they arrived, were encountered upon the
seas by Richard, King John''s bastard son ; who, having no more but a noble
eighteen ships to keep the cinque ports, set eagerly upon them, and, Jy^^ods
through God's grace, overcame them, where presently he smote off sf-'''^'' ^
the head of Eustace : the rest of the French lords, to the number of King "
ten, he brought with him to the land, where he imprisoned them in son"''
the castle of Dover, and slew almost all the men that came with
them, and sunk their ships in the sea ; only fifteen ships, say some
of my stories, escaped away. Ludovic, or Louis, hearing of this loss
of his ships and men, and misdoubting his own life for the great
mischief he had done to the realm, sought means by Gualo, and
the archbishop of Canterbury, and by other lords, to be at accord
with the king. With whom, at length, it was so concluded and
agi-eed, that, for his costs and expenses, he should have a thousand
pounds of silver given. Matthew Paris speaketh of five thousand
pounds, which he borrowed of the Londoners, that he should depart
the realm, never to return into England again, neither he nor any
of his.^
This being done, he, with all the other barons that took his part, Louis, the
was assoiled of Gualo, the legate ; and thus peace being confirmed at lH^^l^
Merton, Louis took his leave, and being brouorht honourably to the 5™-
o>-> * driven
sea with the bishop of Canterbury, and other bishops, earls and out of
barons, he returned home into France. "° '"" '
And here, saith Gisburn, that Avas truly verified which was before
spoken of the French king, the father of Louis. At the time the said
Louis was in England, his father, the French king, demanded of his
messengers coming into France, where his son was. They replied,
'' at Stamford." And, on his asking again, whether his son had got
the castle of Dover, they said, " No."" Then the fixther swearing
by the arm of St. James : " My son," quoth he, " hath not one foot
in England;" as, afterwards, well proved true.^
But the chief help that repelled Louis and the Frenchmen out of
the realm, and that most preferred King John's son to the crown,
(1) Ex Matth. Paris. (2) Ex Gualtcr. Gisbuin.
346 DEATH OF POPK INNOCENT J I I.
Henry was tlic singular working ot" Goers hand, M'hereof mention was made
before : Mhich was tlirough the confession of a certain gentleman of
A.D. the French host (as Florilegus doth testify), who, lying sore sick
— }1l. at the point of death, and seeing no hope to escape, was touched in
conscience for danger of his soid's health, openly to confess and utter,
to the barons of England, what was the purpose of the Frenchmen to
do ; who had conspired and sworn together among themselves, with
a privv compaction, that so soon as they subdued the land, they
should thrust all the chiefs and nobles thereof into perpetual exile out
Anadmo- (,f the realm, whereout they should never return again. This, comm^
iiition to , f. 1 1 • ■ 1 ii , • 1 . ?
KiiK'iish- to tlie ears ot the barons, as is said, gave them to consider more with
tlJT.im'it themselves, whereby many of them were the more willing to leave
micro's" Louis, and apply to their natural king and prince ; which, no less,
into the may also be an admonition to all times and ages for Englishmen to
take heed, and n(jt to admit or to place foreign rulers in the realm,
lest, perhaps, it follow that they be displaced themselves.
A bad After the happy departure of Louis and his Frenchmen out of the
bioweth*' land, A.D. 1217, whcrcby the state of this realm, long vexed before,
no man ^yjis now somcwliat luore quieted ; immediately Gualo, the legate,
looking to his harvest, directeth forth inquisitors through every shire
to search out all such bishops, abbots, priors, canons, and secular
priests, of what order or degree soever they were, who, with any
succour or counsel, did either help, or else consent unto Louis ; for all
these were exempted out of the charter of pardon and absolution
made before, between the king and Louis. By reason of this, no
small gain grew to the pope and the cardinal, for all such were either
put out of their livings and sent up to the pope, or else were fiin to
"sfo' f ^"^ sAveetly for them. Among whom (besides a great number of
Lincoln, othcr clcrks, both religious and secular) was Hugh, bishop of Lincoln,
eth'iiT '^^lio> for the recovery of his bishopric, disbursed one thousand marks
fir'o'lfe™ ^^ ^'^^ popp^ arifl oiic hundred marks to the aforesaid Gualo, the
thousand legate, who now (as Paris recordeth) by this time had gathered in a
fair crop of that which he did never sow.*
Death of About this scasou, or not much before, died Pope Innocent IIL,
nocent" "^ the nineteenth year of his popedom, to whose custody Frederic,
'^'- the nephew of Frederic Barbarossa, being yet young, Avas committed
by the empress his mother, of whom more shall follow (the Lord
willing) hereafter. After this Innocent succeeded Pope Ilonorius III.,
who, writing to young King Henry in a special letter, exhorteth him
to the love of virtue, and to the fear of God ; namely, to be circum-
spect with what familiars and resort he acquainted himself; but
principally, above all other things, he admonishcth him to reverence
the church, which is the spouse of Christ, and to honour the minis-
ters thereof, in whom Christ himself, saith he, is both honoured or
despised. — And this seemcth the chiefest article of that his writing
to 1
um
tlieo""^* Of this Pope Ilonorius the abbot of Urspeig (who lived in the
Pope Ho- same time) rcportcth a strange wonder, more strange peradvcnture
it"be'true. than Credible ; which is this : Ilonorius being priest in Rome (whose
name Avas then Centius) and procurator to Jacinth, a cardinal, so
it befel, that his master sent him abroad about Rome, to borrow and
(1) E\ Matth. Pario. in Vita Reg. Hcnr. III. (2) Ex Mattli. Paris.
KING HENRY CONFIRMS MAGNA CHAilTA. 347
])roc'ure money for him against liis journey into Sj)ain ; for Pope fienry
III.
Clement then intended to send this Jacinth, as his legate, into Spain.
As this Centius was walking by himself, all sad and solicitous to speed A. 1).
his master's message, there cometh to him a certain aged and reverend J^l?j_
father, and asketh him, what cause he had to walk so heavily and
carefully ? To whom he answered again, and signified the occasion
of the business that he then had to do. Then the old father said
to him, "• Go and return home again, for thy master,''' saith he,
"■ shall not, at this time, go to Spain." " How so," quoth the other;
" how, is that true .'*'''' " As true," saith he, " as it is certain that
the pope shall die, and thy master shall be pope after him." Centius,
thinking that to be unlikely, said, " He could not believe that to be
true." To whom the other inferrcth again, '" So know this," said
he, " to be as certain, as it is true that the city of Jerusalem, this
day, is taken of the Saracens, and shall not be recovered again from
them before the time of thy papacy." And thus speaking, he vaded
suddenly away.' All this, saith the same author, came afterwards to
pass, and was testified of the same Honorius, being pope afterwards,
in his public sermons at Rome. All which I grant may be ; and yet,
notwithstanding, this fabulous narration may be a piece of the pope's
old practices, subtilely invented, to drive men forth to Jerusalem to
fight. Again, after Honorius (when he had governed ten years)
followed Gregory IX., which two popes Avere in the time of this King
Henry HI. and of FredericH. the emperor; of whom we mind (Christ
willing) further to touch, after that we shall have prosecuted more
concerning the history of King Henry, and matters of England.
After that, it so pleased the merciful providence of Almighty God
to work this great mercy upon the stock of King John (notwith-
standing the unkind prelates, with their false prophets, had declared
before, that never any of them should succeed in the throne after
that king), and also unto the whole commonwealth of the realm, in
delivering them from the dangerous service of Louis, and the afore-
said Frenchmen. After their departure, the following year, a.d. 1218,
which was the second of this king's reign, the Archbishop Stephen
Langton, and the bishops, earls, and barons, resorted to London
unto the king at the Michaelmas next following, and there held a
gTeat parliament, wherein were confirmed and granted by the king, all King
the francliises which were made and given by King John, his father, J^p^h^n,
at Runnemede, and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter; tiieiiber-
which, long time after (saith mine author) unto his days did con- granted
tinue, and were holden in England. For this cause, by the nobles joim!"°
and commons, were given and granted again unto the king two
shillings for every plough-land throughout England. At this time
Hubert de Burgh was made chief justice of England, of whose troubles
more is to be said hereafter. This was the third year of King
Henry,and the forty-ninth year after the death of Thomas Becket :
wherefore the said Becket, in the year following, was taken up and Thomas
shrined for a new saint made of an old rebel. Thither came sucli siuhied.
resort of people of England and of France, that the country of Kent
■was not sufficient to sustain them."-^ About the same time, Isabella,
the king's mother, was married to the earl of March ; and William
(0 Ex Abbate Ursperg. in Cluonico. (2* Ex Historia D. Scales.
348 ALIENS HANMSIIEO FROM THK l.AVl).
jr^nrg Marslial, tlic good carl, wlio was the governor of tlie king and the
'— realm, died, not withont great lamentation of the people of England.
A- 1)- Then was the king committed to the government of Peter, bishop
of Winchester. 'I'liis noble earl left behind him five sons and five
daughters. *'This year, which was 1218 from C'lirisfs incarnation,
Guah) made a general in(]uisiti()n, nearly all the realm over, for them
who did not observe the interdiction published for rebels, in the first
vear of this voung king; for whose transgression, both to ])ricsts and
monks, he appointed divers and many penalties grievous ; some he
suspended from their offices, and some he deprived of their benefices;
so that, as well the guiltless as the guilty were compelled largely to
])ay.*
A.n.i2!D. In the next year, a.d. 1219, it was ordained and ])roclaimed
Aioiis throuLih all the land, that all aliens and foreifrners should depart the
com o ' f5 I
iiianrtci realm, and not rettmi to the same again ; such onlv excepted as used
Ki'igbnd. traffic or trade of merchandise under the king"'s safe conduct. This
proclamation was thought chiefly to be set forth for this cause, to rid
th? land of Foukes de Breant, Philip de Marks, Engelard de Ci-
conia, William earl of Albemarle, Robert de Vipount, Brian de Tlsle,
Hugh de Bailluel, Roger de Gaugi, with divers other strangers, wiio
kept castles and holds of the king's, against his will. Of these, the
Kebeis bcforenamcd Foukes, was the principal, who fortified and held the
Kin"*' castle of Bedford, which he had by the gift of King John, with
Henry, might and strength against the king and his ])ower, nearly the space
of three months. Moreover, lie went about to apprehend the king''s
justices, at Dmistablc ; but they, being warned thereof, escaped, all
except Henry Braybroke, whom he imprisoned in the said castle.
The king, hearing hereof, and consulting with his clergy and nobles,
made his power against the same ; which, after long siege and some
slaughter, at length he obtained, and. hanged almost all that were
Avithin, to the number of ninety-seven; which was, as Paris writcth,
about the seventh or eighth year of his reign. Foukes, at that time,
Avas in Wales ; who, hearing of the taking of the castle, convevcd
himself to the church of Coventry. At length, submitting himself
to the king''s mercy, upon consideration of his service done before to
the king"'s fiither, he was committed, to the custody of Eustace,
bishop of London ; and afterwards, being deprived of all his goods,
possessions, and tenements, within the realm, was forced to perpetual
banishment, never to return to England again.
Here, by the Avay, I find it noted in Matthew Paris, that aft'.r
this aforesaid Foukes had spoiled and rased the church of 8t. Paul
in Bedford, for the building up of his castle, the al)bcssof llelvestue,^
hearing thereof, caused the sword to be taken from the image of
St. Paul standing in the church, so long as Foukes remained
unpunislied. Afterwards, hearing that he was committed to the
custody of St. Paul in London, she caused the sword to be put into
the hands of the image again.'
A.D 1220 About this vcar the vounir kin": was crowned the second time at
crow^i'ed Wcstmiustcr, about which period began the new building of our
""^?"^: Tjadv church at Westminster. Shortlv after Gualo, the legate, was
at Wcst-
minslcr. ") For this passage see Edition ISC", p. 70 • I. v. — En.
(2) Now called lastow.— Ed. (.'!) Mutth. Paris, in Vita Ilcn. III.
DECREKS OF POPE INNOCENT III. 349
called home again to Rome ; for tlic holy father (as Matthew Paris iinny
reportcth) being sick of a spiritual dropsy, thought this Gualo -JJJ- _
(having such large occupying in England, and for so long a time) A.D.
would be able somewhat to cure his disease. *'For that legate, rr._
by that time, had well flivouredly unladen the purses of the bene-
ficed fathers and cloisterers.* And so this Gualo returned with
all his bags well stuffed, leaving Pandulph behind him to supply
that bailiwick of his great grandfather, the pope. *Hugh Wells,
then bishop of Lincoln, not long before, paid a thousand marks for
the recovery of his office, and a hundred marks to the legate for his
favour also in that case : other holy bishops and prelates, likewise, ueat, or
were taught, by his good example, to qualify that great heat, or dry oP't,^'"'^'*^
thirst of the pope ; Robert Curson at that time being a priest cardinal pope,
in Rome.*
The life and acts of Pope Innocent III. are partly described Deeds
before, how he intruded Stephen Langton, against the king's will, into cries of
the archbishopric of Canterbury, stimng up also sixty-four monks ^o^lnt"'
of the same church of Canterbury privily to work against the king, m-
Moreover, how he did excommunicate the said king as a public
enemy of the church, so long as the said king withstood his tyran-
nical doings, putting him and his whole kingdom under interdiction
for the space of six years and three months, and at length deposing
and depriving him of his sceptre, and keeping it in his own hands
for five days. How he absolved his subjects from their due obe-
dience and subjection unto him. How he gave away his kingdoms
and possessions to Louis, the French king's son. commanding the
said Louis to spoil him both of lands and life. Whereupon the king,
being forsaken of his nobles, prelates, and commons, was forced,
against his will, to submit himself, and swear obedience to the
pope, paying him a yearly tribute of one thousand marks, for
receiving of his kingdom again ; whereby both he, and his successors
after him, were vassals afterwards unto the pope. These were the
apostolical acts of this holy vicar in the realm of England. More-
over, he condemned Almcric, a worthy learned man and a bishop, Aimeric
for a heretic, for teachinof and holding against images. Also he^J^f'-^"^"
. ~ . ~ ~ ^ cnim con-
condemned the doctrine of Joachim the abbot, of whom we spake demned.
before, for heretical. This pope brought first into the chm-ch the tiUiTs "^
paying of private tithes ; he ordained the receiving once a year at j'^^oug^'
Easter ; unto the papal decretals he added the decree, " Omnes
utriusque sexus," &c. ; also the reservation of the sacrament, and the Beii and
going with the bell and light before the sacrament was by him xTe'canon
appointed. In the said council of Lateran he also ordained that the of the
canon of the mass should be received with equal authority as though thoHsed.
it had proceeded from the apostles themselves. He brought in tran- ^Sia-''
substantiation.^ t'on-
Item, the said Innocent III. ordained that none should marry Marriage
in the third degree, but only in the fourth degree, and so under. tMnrc'e-
The said pope stirred up Otho against Philip, the emperor, jJi'^den."^"
because the said Philip was elected emperor against his will ; upon
the occasion whereof followed much war and slaughter in Germany.
;l) For this, and the sentence next but one, see Edition 1563, p. 70, * I. v. — Kb.
'>) See the decretals, titulo, I. " De Summa Trinit. et fide Catholica," cap. "(irmitcr credimus."
SoO MARTYRDOMS IN ALSACE.
nf«ry And afterwards, against the said Otlio, whom he had made emperor,
'^'- lie set up FrediTic, king of Sicily, and caused the archbishop of
A. I). Mayencc to pronounce him excommunicate in all his titles, and to be
^—0- deposed of his emj^irc ; for the which cause the princes of Germany
The pope did invade his domains, spoiling and burning his possessions. The
k'ings and causc why the pope so did accurse and depose him, was that the said
emperors qj_Jjq ^jj ^akc and occupy cities, towns, and castles, which the pope
by' the said appertained to him.
'■■'"■ Item, the said pope ordained, that if any princes offended one
another, the correction should appertain unto the pope. In the
Council f,„„.tli council of Lateran, a. D. 1215, were archbishops and primates
teran. sixty-onc, bisliops four hundred, abbots twelve, priors and con-
ventuals eight hundred, besides other ambassadors, legates, and doc-
tors ; and of lawyers an innumerable sort, &c.
Mart)T9 In the history of Huldricus Mutius, we read how, a. d. 1212, in
"luxe'"'' this pope's time divers noblemen, and others in the country of Alsace,
.Tmie" contrary to the tradition of the Romish popes, did hold that every
hundred jj^y ^.jjg fi-ee for eating of flesh, so it be done soberly ; also that cxccs-
one day!" sivc eating of fish was as bad as excessive eating of flesh ; also that
they did wickedly, who restrained priests and ministers from their
lawful wives ; for which cause (as is in the aforesaid author) through the
means of this Pope Innocent III. and his bishops, a hundred of them
in one day were burned and martyred by the archbishop of Strasburg.
coiiec- Nauclerus, another historian, recordeth, that the authors of the
tions sent gjj^jjj doctriuc dwclt at Milan, and that the aforesaid saints of Alsv.ce
from the 1 1 •
brethren uscd yearly to send ttieni a collection.
tothlnr In the chronicle of Walter Hemingford, otherwise called Gisbum-
ot Milan, eji^ig^ it is rccordcd, that in the days of this King John and Pope Inno-
vant cent, began the two sects, or orders of friars, one called ' the preachers*'
gau" '"^ order, and black friars of St. Dominic ;' the other called ' the mi-
norites of St. Francis."* The preachers of the black friars'* order began
from one Dominic, a Spaniard, about the parts of Toulouse, who,
after he had laboured ten years in preaching against the Albigenses,^
and such others as did hold against the church of Rome, afterward
coming up to the council of Lateran with Fulco, bishop of Toulouse,
desired of the aforesaid Innocent III. to have his order of preaching
friars confirmed, which the pope a great Avhile refused to grant. At
length he had a dream, that the church of Lateran was ready to fall ;
which when he beheld, fearing and much sorrowing thereat, cometh in
this Dominic, who, with his shoulders, under-propped the church, and
so preserved the building thereof from falling. And right well this
upholders ^^rcam may seem verified, for the friars have always been the chief
of the pillars and upholders of the pope''s church. Upon this, the pope,
chmcii. waking out of his dream, called Dominic to him, and granted his
(1) It may be proved from the writings of Romish ecclesiastics, and from the canons
of councils, for two hundred years before the preaching of Dominic, that religious doctrines,
in opposition to the corruptions of the Latin church, prevailed very generally in the south
of France, particularly in Languedoc. and in that part of it which was called Albigensium, or
Pays d'Albigtois. But the name Albigenses, as applied to designate the religious body opposed
to the authority of the pope, does not occur in any document before the end of the twelfth or
the beginning of the thirteenth century. A letter of Innocent III., to Simon de Montfort, in
1215, is one of the earliest authentic records, which gives the appellation Albigenses to the
unhappy people, against whom pajjal vengeance was directed until they were exterminated.
Peter of Vaux Semay, who had put forth his work against the Albigenses in 1218, states, that Uie
heretics of Languedoc were usually called the heretics of Toulouse and Provence, until the
strangers who assumed the Cross .ind took up arms agiiinst them in the year 1068, styled them
generally Albigenses ; Uie diocese of Albi being the centre of the heretical population. See
•' Vaissctte, Histoire Cien6rale de Languedoc," vol. iii. p. 553. " Note surl'origine du nom d'Abi-
gcois." — Ed,
DIFFKRENT SECTS OF FRAXCISC A KS. 351
III.
A. D.
1220.
petition : and so c^nic up this wolfish order of the Dominies. I eall 'ie,iry
it 'wolfish/ for his mother, when she was great with this Dominic,
dreamed that she had within her a wolf, that had a burning torch in
its mouth. This dream the preachers of that order do greatly ad-
vance, and expound to their order's glory, as well as they can ; never-
theless, howsoever they expound it, they can make a wolf but a wolf,
and this, a wolfish order. The rule which they follow scemeth to be
taken out of St. Augustine, as who should say, that Christ's rule were
not enough to make a christian man. Their profession standeth
upon three principal points, as thus described : " Having charity,
holding humility, and possessing wilful poverty.''' Their habit and
clothing is black.
The order of the minors or minorite friars descended from one ^'.m^rite
Francis, an Italian of the city of Assisi. This Assisian ass, who descend-
I suppose was some simple and rude idiot, hearing, upon a time, how gt/"""
Christ sent forth his disciples to preach, thought to imitate the same Francig.
in himself and his disciples, and so left off his shoes : he had but one
coat, and that of coarse cloth. Instead of a latchet to his shoe, and
of a girdle, he took about him a hempen cord, and so he apparelled
his disciples ; teaching them to fulfil (for so lie speaketh) the perfec-
tion of the gospel, to apprehend poverty, and to walk in the way of
holy simplicity. He left in wi-iting, to his disciples and followers, his
rule, which he called " Regulam Evangelicam," the rule of the
gospel. As though the gospel of Christ were not a sufficient rule to
all christian men, but it must take its perfection of frantic Francis.
And yet, for all that great presumption of this Francis, and not^vith-
standing this his rule, sounding to the derogation of Christ's gospel,
he was confirmed by this Pope Innocent. Yea, and such fools this
Francis found abroad, that, not only he had followers of his doltish
religion, both of the nobles and unnobles of Rome, but also some
there were, who builded mansions for him and his friars. This
Francis, as he was superstitious in casting all things from him, as his
girdle, girding a cord about him ; so, in outward chastising of him-
self, so strait he was to his flesh, leaving the ordinary remedy
appointed by God, that in the winter season he covered his body
with ice and snow. He called poverty his Lady ; he kept nothing over-
night. So desirous he was of martyrdom, that he went to Syria to the
Sultan, who received him honourably ; whereby it may be thought,
that surely he told not the truth, as St. John Baptist did in Herod's
house, for truth is seldom welcome in courts, and in the world. But
it is hard to make a martyr of him who is no true confessor. I Avill
here pass over the fable, how Christ and his saints did mark him with
five wounds. These Franciscan or begging friars, although they were J^h-erf
all under one rule and clothing of St. Francis, yet they be divided f''^ ' °
into many sects and orders; some go on treen shoes or pattens, some '^
barefooted ; some are regular Franciscans or observants, some minors
or minorites, others be called ' minimi,' others of the gospel, others
' de caputio.' They all differ in many things, but accord in super-
stition and hypocrisy. And forasmuch as we have here entered into
the matter of these two orders of friars, by the occasion hereof, I
thought a little, by the way, to digress from our story, in reciting the
(1) " Charitatem habsntes, humilitateni servantcs, et paupcrtatem voluntariam possidentes."
rancis-
ans.
852 THK NAMES OF TIIK URLIGIOUS ORDERS.
ifennj whole catalogue or rabbliiiicnt of monks, friars, and luinp, of all sects,
L_ rules and orders, set up and confirmed by tlie pope. The names of
A.l). whom here in order of ihe alphabet follow.
1220.
The Kabblement of Religious Orders.
A.D. A.D,
Augiistinians, the first order. Joseph's order.
Ambrosians, two sorts . . . 490 Jacobites' sect.
Antony's Hereniites .... 324 James's Brethren order.
Austin's Ilereniites .... 498 James's Brethren witli the Sword.
Austin's Observants .... 490 Indians' order.
Armenians' sect.
Ammonites and Moabites. Katharine of Sienna's order. . 1455
Keyedmonks, Kniglits ot" Kliodes.
Basihus' order 384
Bcnct's order 524 Lazarites, or Mary Magdalenes,
Bernardus' order 1120 our Lady Brethren .... 1034
Barefooted Friars 1222 Lords of Hungary.
Bridget's order 1370
Begliearts, or White Spirits . . 1399 Minorites, which be divided into
Brethren of Jerusalem . . . 1103 Conventuales,
Brethren of St. John de civitate, Observantes,
Black Friars 1220 Reformate,
Brethren of wilful Poverty. CoUectane,
De Caputio,
Cluniacensis order .... 913 De Evangelic,
Canons of St. Augustine ... 1 OSO Amedes,
Charterhouse order .... 1086 Clarini, and others.
Cisterciensis order 1098 Minoi-s, or Minorites .... 1224
Crossbearers, or Crossed Friars . 1210 Marj^'s Servants 1304
Carmehtes or White Friars . .1212 Monks of Mount Olivet . . . lOlG
Clara's order 1225 Marovinies sect.
Cclestine's order 1297 Minorites' sect.
Camaldulensis order .... 950 Monachi and Monachse.
Cross-starred Brethren. Morbonei and Meresti.
Constantinopolitanish order. Menelaish and Jasonish sect.
Crossbearers.
Chapter Monks. New Canons of St. Austin . . 1430
Nestorini.
Dutch order 1216 Nalheart Brethren.
Dominic Black Friars . . . 1220 New Order of our Lady.
Nazaraei.
Franciscans 1224
Paul's Heremites 345
Grandmontensis order . . . 1076 Prtemonstratensis order . . . 1119
Gregorian order 594 Preacher order, or Black Friars.
George's order 1407 Peter the Apostle's order . . 1409
Guhelmites 1246 Purgatory Bretlrren.
Genuidinensis order.
Galilei, or Galileans. Rechabites.
Heremites. Sarrabites.
Helen's brethren. Humiliati . 11G6 Sambonitcs 1199
Hospitiil Brethren. Scourgers, the first sect . . . 1266
Holy Ghost order. Soldiers of Jesus Christ . . . 1323
Scopenites, or St. Salvator's order, 1367
Jerom's orders, two sorts . . 1412 Specularii, or the Glass order.
John's Hercnutes. Sepulchre's order.
Justin's order 1432 Sheer order.
John'sorder, Joannites, or Knights Swerd's order.
of the Rhodes . . . 380, 1308 Starred Monks.
Injesuati 1365 Starred Friars.
Jerome's Heremites .... 490 Sclavony order.
THE PROPHECY OF HII-UEGAKD. 353
A. I).
A. D. Henry
Scourgers, the second sect, called The Vale of Josaphat's order. ■'^^•
Ninevites.
Stool Brethren. Vallis Umbrosre 1400 ViyE:
Scotland Brethren order. Waldensis' sect.i _ . _
Sicarii. Wentzelaus' order.
St. Sophy's order. Wilhelmcr order.
AVhite Monks of Mount Olivet 1406
Templar Lords 1110
Templar Knights 1120 Zelotes' order.
Thus hast thou, if thou please, gentle reader, the means of know-
ing what orders and what sects of religion have been set up by the
pope ; the catalogue and number of them all, so far as we could
search them out, not only in books printed of late in Germany,
namely, by the reverend father Martin Luther ; but also conferred
with another English book which came to our hands, containing the
same like notes of ancient antiquity, the number of which rabblenient
of religious persons came to a hundred and one. Now as I have reck-
oned up the names and varieties of these prodigious sects, it cometli to
mind consequently to refer to the prophecy of Hildegard, as well against
the whole rout of Romish prelates, and the fall of that church, as
especially against the begging friars and such other unprofitable
bellies of the church. This Hildegard is holden, of the papists
themselves, to be a great prophetess, whose prophecy proceedcth in
tliis manner ; first, against the priests and prelates of the Romish
church, as folio weth.
THE PROPHECY OF HILDEGARD OF THE RUIN OF ROME, AND
AGAINST THE BEGGING FRIARS.'
Hildegard, a nun, and, as many judged, a prophetess, lived a. d.
1146. In her prophecies she doth most grievously reprehend, not onlv
the wicked and abominable life of the spiritual papists, but also the
contempt of the ecclesiastical office, and the horrible destruction of the
church of Rome. In a certain place she hath these words : " And
now is the law neglected among the spiritual people, who neglect to
teach and to do good things; the masters likewise, and the prelates
do sleep, despising justice and laying it aside." In a certain vision
the church appeai-cd to her in the shape of a woman, complaining
that the priests had bcAvrayed her face with dust, and rent her coat,
&c., and that they did not shine over the people, either in doctrine
or in example of life ; but rather the contrary, and that they have
driven the innocent lamb from them. She said moreover, " That all
(1) The reader may be surprised at seeing " Waldensis' sect " placed by Foxe among the " rabble-
ment of reliRious orders." But the fact is, that in the year 12(i7 at a public disputation held at
Pamiers aeainst the Waldenses, a Waldensian named Durand, of Osca or Huesca in Aragon, Pb-
jured his Waldensian profession, and obtained a license from Pope Innocent III., dated December
l-8th of that year, for the establishment of a fraternity to be called " the Order or Society of Poor
Catholics." Duraiid established his sect in Aragon, and also propagated it with great industry in
Languedoc ; where he became, however, suspected of a leaning towards his old opinions, and he
was compUined of to the pope by the bishops of those parts. His sect seems to have dwindled
away. Gulielmus de Podio Laurentii, cap 8, in "Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la
France," vol. xix. p. 200 ; and Vaissette " Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, " vol. iii. p. 147. Binius, in
a note in Labbe's Cone. Gen. torn. x. col. ISS.'?, seems to refer to this sect. " Waldensis' sect,"
therefore, means " Durand's fraternity of Poor Catholics," a monastic body quite distinct from the
Waldenses, though founded by a Waldensian. — This is not the only sect in this list which needs
such an explanation. The " Injesuati" or " Jesuati," mentioned p. 352, are not to be confounded
with the followers of Ignatius Loyola : see infra, p. 775, note (1). — Ed.
(2) This version of Hildegard's Prophecy has been collated with that in the Edition of 1503, p. 72 ;
and some words introduced from thence. — Ed.
VOL. II. A A
354 TlIK I'HOl'HKCY AGAINST THE IlLIN ()!• ROME
n,„nj ecclesiastical order clid, every day, become worse and worse, and that
'''' priests did not teach, but destroy the law of God ; and for these
A.D. horrible crimes and impieties, she thrcateneth and prophesietli unto
^^^^- them God's most heavy w^rath and displeasure, and doleful punish-
ments.''' There is no cause why the spiritual papists should flatter
themselves upon this, that she promised again to the ministers of the
church those good things to follow, like as Johannes de Rupe scissa
doth, and other such like prophets \ for they say, it will come to
pass, that they must repent before the times be amended. By which
thine;-, undoubtedly, they mean the godly ministers in the reformed
churclies, who, for the most part, were of the spiritual number, and
vet did forsake the dishonest life and those wicked idolatries. Now,
whereas the priests and monks, that is, the whole rabble and spi-
ritualty, do account Hildcgard for a true prophetess, they ought
to consider that by her they are more severely accused, not as by a
woman, but as by God himself. And I pray you, what abomination,
impiety, and idolatry have not been committed, since that time, by
the spiritualty ? I will note here a certain prophecy of hers, taken
out of the " Common Places" of Henry Token, because we see it
manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophesieth of the reformation
of religion, and saitli that it shall be most godly.
A pro- " Then shall the crown of apostolical honour be divided, because
thedecay there shall be found no religion among the apostolical order, and
ifora?sh ^^^ ^^^^^ cause shall they despise the dignity of that name, and shall set
churcii. over them other men and other archbishops ; insomuch, that the apo-
stolic see of that time (by the diminution of his honour) shall scarce
have Rome, and a few other countries thereabout, under his crown.
And these things shall partly come to pass by incursion of wars, and.
partly, also, by a common council and consent of the spiritual and
secular persons. Then shall justice flourish, so that, in those days,
men shall honestly apply themselves to the ancient customs and dis-
cipline of ancient men, and shall observe them as the ancient men
did." The gloss agreeth therewith.
These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophecy of
the aforesaid Hildegard, concerning the begging friars above men-
tioned, reciting her words, not only as they are in a book printed
lately in Germany, but also, as myself have seen and read, and still
have the same to show written in old parchment leaves, agreeing to
the same book word for word, in such sort, as the thing itself most
evidently deelareth a great iniquity of time. The words of her
prophecy be these : —
liilde- In those days shall arise a senseless people, proud, greedy, without faith, and
phesyin"g subtle, that shall eat the sins of the people; holding a certain order of foolish
of friars devotion under the dissimulated cloak of beggary, preferring themselves above
nioiiks ^^^ others by their feigned devotion ; arrogant in imdcrstanding, and pretending
lioliness, walking without blushing or the fear of (Jod, in inventing many new
mischiefs strong and sturdy. But tliis order shall be accursed of all wise men,
and Christ's faithful. They shall cease from all labour, and give themselves
over unto idleness, choosing rather to live through flattery and begging. More-
over they shall altogether study how they may perversely resist the teachers
of the truth, and, with the mighty, kill them ; how to seduce and deceive
AND THE BEGGING FRIARS. 355
tlie nobility, for the necessity of their living, and pleasures of this world: Jienry
for the devil will graft in them four principal vices ; that is to say, flattery ^^^-
envy, hypocrisy, and backbiting. Flattery, that they may have large gifts ^ |j
given them. Envy, when they see gifts given to others, and not to them, j 99Q'
Hypocrisy, that by ftilse dissinudation they may please men. Backbiting, that — ""
they may extol and commend themselves, and dispraise others, for the praise
of men, and seducing of the simple. Also they shall instantly preach, but
without devotion or example of the martyrs; and shall report evil of secular
princes, taking away the sacraments of the churcli from the true pastors,
receiving alms of the poor, diseased, and miserable ; and also associating
themselves with the common people, having familiarity with women, instruct-
ing them how they may deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery
and deceitful words, and rob their husbands to give it unto them, for they will
take all these stolen and evil-gotten goods, and say, " Give it unto us, and we
will pray for you;" so that they, being curious to hide other men's faults, do
utterly forget their own. And alas, they will receive all things of rovers,
pickers, spoilers, thieves, and robbers ; sacrilegious persons, usurers, and
adulterers ; heretics, schismatics, apostates,' noblemen, perjurers, merchants,
false judges, soldiers, tjTants, princes living contrary to the law, and of many
perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion of the devil, the sweetness
of sin, a delicate and transitory life, and satiety even unto eternal damnation.
All these things shall manifestly appear in them unto aU people, and they,
day by day, shall wax more wicked and hard-hearted : and when their wicked-
ness and deceits shall be found out, then shall their gifts cease, and they shall
go about their houses hungry, and as mad dogs looking down upon the earth,
and drawing in their necks as doves,^ that they might be satisfied with bread.
Then shall the people cry out upon them : " Woe be unto you, ye miserable
children of sorrow ! the world hath seduced you, and the devil hath snaffled
yom- mouths ; your flesh is frail, and your hearts without savoiu-; your minds
have been unstedfast, and your eyes delighted in much vanity and folly ; your
dainty bellies desire delicate meats ; your feet are swift to run unto mischief.
Remember when you were apparently blessed, yet envious ; poor in sight, but
rich; simple to see to, but mighty flatterers, unfaithful betrayers, perverse
detractors, holy hypocrites, subverters of the tiiith, overmuch upright, proud,
shameless, unstedfast teachers, deUcate martyrs, confessors for gain ; meek,
but slanderers ; religious, but covetous ; humble, but proud ; pitifid, but hard-
hearted liars; pleasant flatterers, peacemakers, persecutors, oppressors of the
poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of yourselves ; merciful thought,
but found wicked ; lovers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefices,
improfitable orators,^ seditious conspirators, drunkards, desirers of honours,
maintainers of mischief,* robbers of the world, unsatiable preachers, men-
pleascrs, seducers of women, and sowers of discord; of whom Moses, the
glorious propliet, spake very well in his song, " A people without counsel or
understanding : would to God they did know and understand, and foresee the
latter end to come." You have biulded up on high; and when you could
ascend no higlier, then did you fall, even as Simon Magus, whom God over-
threw, and did strike with a cruel plague ; so you, likewise, through your false
doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions and wickedness, are come to rain. And
the people shall say unto them, " Go, ye teachers of wickedness, subverters of
the tmth, brethren of the Shunamite, fathers of heretical pravity,^ false apostles,
which have feigned yourselves to follow the life of the apostles, and yet ye have
not followed their steps, not in the least : ye sons of iniqmty, we will not follow
the knowledge of your ways ; for pride and presumption hath deceived you,
and insatiable concupiscence hath subverted your erroneous hearts." And when
you would ascend higher than was meet or comely for you, by the just judg-
ment of God, you are fallen back into perpetual opprobrium and shame
This Hildegard, whose prophecy we have mentioned, lived about
A.D. 1146, as we read in Chronico Martini.
\\) A cuarse epithet is here omitted; in Latin, " scnrta et lenae." — Ed.
(2) '-Doves"— "Turtles," Edition 1563.— Ed. ^ (3) " Orators," "makers of prayer," Ident.
(4) " Maintainers," &c. " curious in men's faults," Idem,
(j) " Heretical pravity," " Heresies," Idem.
A A 'I
S66 ERRONEOUS OPINIONS UKSI'ECTING THE ALBIGENSEi,,
Henry About tlic time that these Franciscans and Dominic Friars, above
mentioned, began, sprang up also the Cross-bearers,' or Crutched
A.D. Friars, taking their original and occasion from Innocent III.; which
^-^^- Innocent raisctl up an army (signed with a cross on their breast)
^"s?- to tight against the Albigenses, whom the pope and his sect
ttil^^ accounted fur heretics, about the parts of Toulouse. What these
Albigenses were, it cannot be well gathered by the old popish his-
tories : for if there were any who did hold, teach, or maintain against
the pope, or his papal pride, or withstand and gainsay his beggarly
traditions, rites, and religions, &c. the historians of that time, in
writing of them, do, for the most part, so deprave and misreport them
(suppressing the truth of their articles), that they make them and
paint them forth to be worse than Turks and infidels. This, as
1 suppose, caused Matthew Paris, and others of that sort, to write so
of them as they did : otherwise it is to be thought (and so I find in
some records) that the opinions of the said Albigenses were sound
I'nough, holding and professing nothing else, but against the wanton
wealth, pride, and tyranny of the prelates, denying the pope's autho-
rity to have ground of the Scriptures : neither could they awav with
their ceremonies and traditions, as images, pardons, purgatory of the
Romish church, calling them, as some say, blasphemous occupvings,
&c. Of these Albigenses were slain, at times, and burned a great
multitude, by the means of the pope and Simon Ecclesiasticus with
others more. It seemcth that these Albigenses were chiefly abhorred
of the pope, because they set up a contrary pope against him about the
coasts of Bulgaria : for tlic which cause Conrad, bishop of Porto, being
the pope's legate in those quarters, writeth to the archbishop of Rouen
and other bishops, as hereunder written.^
(1) The Albigenses have been represented by some authors under the most revolting colours,
and have been accused of every crime against religion, morality, and social order. But It is a
singular testimony in their favour, that after the people, desifrnated by this name, had continued
to attract public notice by their opposition to the church of Home, for many years, and when Pope
Innocent 111. first resolved to put them down by fire and sword, by stirring up a crusade against
them, he denounced them as enemies to the orthodox faith, and inveterate heretics, but made no
allusion whatever to their moral turpitude ; on the contrary, he spoke of their professed rectitude
and virtue. Innocent was elected pope in the beginning of the year 1198. In the April of that
year he addressed a letter to the archbishop of Auch, inviting him to pursue the heretics of Gas-
cony and the neighbouring regions with the temporal sword — " et etiam si necesse fuerit per
principes et populum eosdem facias virtute materialis gladii coerceri," — but not a word against
their moral conduct. In the same month and year Innocent sent another letter to the archbishop
of Aix, and letters also to all the bishops and archbishops of the south of France, to awaken their
zeal against the innumerable adversaries of the Romish church ("innumeros populos") who
peopled their dioceses. In these we have the following description of the objects of his displeasure :
" Qui, iniquitatem suam justitiae specie palliantes, ut salutentur in foro, et vocentur ab hominibu.s
Rabbi, et soli recta sapere ac just6 vivere videantur, magisterium ecclesiae Roioanae refugiunt," &c.
See Kecueil des Hist, des Gaules, vol. xix. p. 330; and Epist. Inaocentii. III. lib. i. £p. 81,
94.— Ed.
(2) A Leller of the Bishop of Porto concerning the Albigenses. — " Venerabilibus patribus, Dei
(^atia Rothomagensi archiepiscopo et ejus suffraganeisepiscopis, salutem in Domino Jesu Christo.
Dum pro sponsa veri Crucitixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare, potius compdlimur lacerari
singultibus et plorare. Ecce quod vidimus loquimur, et quod scimus testilicamur. I He homo
perditus, qui extollitur super orane quod colitur, aut dicitur Ueus, jam habet perlidii sU£e praeam-
bulum haircsiarcham, quem heeretici Albigenses papam suum nominant, habiiantem in finibus
Bulgarorum et Croatis et Dalmatiae, juxta Hungarorum nationem. Ad eum confluunt haeretici
Albigenses, ut ad eorum consulta respondeat. Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius anti-
papae gerens Bartholoma;us, ha;reticorum cpiscopus, funestam ei exhibendo reverentiam sedem
et locum concessit in villa qua; Porlos appellatur, et seipsum transtulit in partes Tholosanas. Iste
Bartholoma»u8, in literarum suarum undique discurrentium tenore, se in primo salutationis
alloquio intitulat in hunc modura: Uartholomajus, servus servorum sanctae iidei, M. salutem.
Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat episcopos, et ecclesias perfide ordinare contendit. Roga-
mui igitur altentius et per aspersionem sanguinis Jesu Christi, et propensius obsecramur, authori-
tate domini papa; qu.i fungimur in hac parte districte pra;cipientes, quateiius veniatis Senonas in
octavis apostolorum Petri et Pauli proxime futuris, ubi et alii praelati Francia favente Domino
congregabuntur, parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto, et cum aliis qui ibidem aderunt provi-
dere super negotio Albigensi. Alloqui inobedieiitiam vestram domino pap£ cuiabimus sigui&cari.
Datum ipud Plauvium, G nonas Julii."
A TKKATI&K OF GEOFFEKY CHAUCER. 357
Forasmuch as mention is here made of these superstitious sects of Henry
friars, and such other beggarly religions, it might seem not alto- "^'
gether impertinent, being moved by the occasion hereof, as I have A.D.
done in Hildcgard before, so now to annex also to the same, a certain ^^^^-
other ancient treatise compiled by GeofFcry Chaucer, by the way of a
dialogue or questions, moved in the person of a certain uplandish and
simple ploughman of the country. That treatise, for the same, the
author entitled Jack Upland, wherein is to be seen and noted, to all
the world, the blind ignorance and variable discord of these irreligious The blind
religions, how rude and unskilful they are in matters and principles of ^oi'ui^T
our christian institution, as by the contents of this present dialogue <i«s«^ri''e<i.
appeareth; the words whereof in the same old English wherein
first it Avas set forth, in this wise do proceed. Wherein also thou
mayest see, that it is no new thing, that their blasphemous doings have
by divers good men, in old time been detected, as there are many and
divers other old books to show.
A Treatise of GeofFcry Chawccr, intituled, Jacke Upland.
I, Jacke Upland, make my mone to very God and to all tiiie in Christ, that The fruits
antichrist and his disciples (by colour of holines) walking and deceauing Christes °'' ^."''-
church by many false figures, were through (by antechrist and hys) many ver-
tues bene transposed to vices.
But the fellest folke that euer antechrist found, bene last brought into the Anti-
chiu-ch and in a wonder wise, for they bene of diuers sectes of antechrist, sowne v'^"^i *
of diuers countreys and kindreds. And all men knowne well, that they be not
obedient to byshops, ne Uege men to kinges : neyther they tyllen, ne sowne,
weden, ne repen, woode, corne, ne grasse, neither nothing that man should
helpe : but onely themselues their lyues to sustayne. And these men han all
maner power of God as they seyn in heuyn and in yerth, to sell heuyn and
hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches wete neuer where to bene
themselfes.
And therefore (frere) if thine oi-der and rules bene grounded on Goddys law, Patience
tell thou me, Jacke Upland, that I aske of thee, and if thou be, or thinkest to proveth
be, on Christes side, keepe thy paciens. trkr"^"^
Saint Paule teacheth, that all our deedes should be do in charite, and els it is The friar
nought worth, but displeasing to God and harme to oiu- owne soules. And for ™"^'
that freres challenge to be greatest clerkes of the churche, and next followingaccordi'iig
Christ in lining : men should for charite axe them some questions, and praye them '" ^iod's
to grounde theyr aunsweres in reason and in holy write, for els their aunswere " "'^'^'
woulde nought bee worth, be it florished neuer so fayre : and as methinke men
might skilfully axe thus of a frere : —
1. Frere, how many orders be in erth, and which is the perfitest order? Of Friars
what order art thou ? who made thyne order? What is thy nde ? Is there any "^>' '^'^'"
perfecter nde then Christ himselfe made ? If Christes rule be most perfite, why cod'^s Uw
rulest thou thee not therafter ? Without more why, shall a frere be more than
punished if he breke the n
that God hymselfe made ?
2. Approueth Christ any more religions then one, that S. James speaketh There is
of? If he approueth no more, why hast thou left his rule and takest an other? reiig'ion
Why is a frere apostata that leuytli his order and taketh an other sect, sitli there
is but one religion of Christ ?
3. Wliy be ye wedded faster to yoiu: habites then a man is to hys wife ? ^ore^'^'^
For a man may leaue his wife for a yeare or two as many men done : and if bound to
youleue your abite a quarter of a yeare, ye should beholden apostatase. his habit
4. Makith your habite you men of religion or no ? If it do, then euer as it man to
wereth, your religion wereth, and after that yoiu: habite is better, your religion his wife.
is better, and when ye haue liggin it beside, then lig ye your religion beside bu'make
358
JACKE UPLANDS I'lTlIY DEMANDS, AND
Hrvry
III.
A.I).
1220.
the friar
reliirious,
as his
•i.iliit
woareth,
so iloth
his reli-
gion.
Holiness
of all hy-
pocrites
consist-
eth in
clothinp,
and out-
warit ap-
jinarance.
All friars
t'lund
liars.
Friirs be
dead men
and quick
Ijeggars.
Graves
heconie
di-ad men,
and not
courtly
houses.
Friars not
the king's
liefjcmcn.
Friars
need on
men's
jjrayers.
Friars
great er
and better
than God.
O unclia-
ritabie
friars !
Friars
steal
men's
children.
Shrift and
burials
■were
more
painful
than the
minister-
in); of the
kacra-
mcnts.
you, and b}!! ye aj)osUitase : wliy bye ye you so precious clotbcs ? sith no man
seekilli such but for vayne glory, as S. Gregory saytli.
\Vhat bi'tokoiietli your great hoo;l, your scaplery, your knotted girdle, and
your wide cope?
5. Wliy use yc all one colour, more then other christen men do ? "What
betokenet'li that ye bene clothed all in one maner of clothing ?
If ye say, it betokeiiith louc and charitc, certes then ye be oft hipocrites,
when' any of you hatetli other, and in that ye woole be sayd holy by your
clothing.
Why may not a frere weare doathing of an other sect offreres, sith holiness
stondeth not in the clothes ?
G. Why hold ye .silence in one house more then an other, sith men ought
oner all to speke the good and leaue the euil ?
Why eate you flesh in one house more then in an other? if your rule and your
order be perflte, and the patron that made it ?
7. Why gcte ye your dispensations to haue it more esy ? Certes, other it
seemeth that ye be unperhte, or he that made it so hard, that ye may not hold
it; And seker, if ye holde not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her freres,
and so ye lye upon your seines.
8. Why make ye you as dede men when ye be professed, and yet ye be not
dede, but more quicke beggers then ye were before ? And it seemeth euil a
dede man to goe about and begge.
9. Why will ye not suffer your no\iiccs heare your coimcels in your chapter
house ere that they haue bene professed, if your counsels bjTi true and after
Gods law ?
10. Why make ye you "so costly houses to dwell in? sith Christ did not so,
and dede men shoidd haue but graues, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye
haue more coiu'tcs then many lordes of England : for ye mowe wenden through
the realme, and each night well nigh lyg in your owne courts, and so mow but
right few lordes do.
1 1 . Why byre ye to ferme your limitors, geuing therefore cch yeare a cer-
tayne rent, and will not suffer one in an others limitation, right as ye were
your selfes lordes of coimtrcys ?
Why be ye not under your bishops visitations, and liege men to our king ?
Why axe ye no letters of brether beds of other mens prayers, as ye desire
that other men shoidde aske letters of you ?
If your letters be good, why graunt ye them not generally to all maner of
men for the more charitie ?
12. Mow ye make any man more perfite brother for your prayers then God
hath by our beleeue ? By our baptisme and his own graunt ? If \q mow,
certes then ye be aboue God.
Why make ye men beleue that 3'our golden trentall song of you, to take
therefore ten shillings, or at the least five shillings, wole bring soules out of hel,
or out of purgatory ? If this be soth, certes ye might bring al soules out of
payne, and that \\adl ye nought, and then ye be out of charitie.
13. W'hy make ye men beleue that he that is buiyed in your habite shall
neuer come in hell, and ye wyte not of your selfe whether ye shall to hell or
no ? and if this were sothe, ye shuld sell your hye houses to make many habites
for to saue many mens soules.
11. Why steale ye mens children for to make hem of your sect, sith that theft
is against Gods hestes, and sith your sect is not perfite ? yc know not whether
the rule that ye bynde hym to, be best for him or worst.
1.5. Why miderneme ye not your brethren for their trespas after the law of
the gospell, sith that underneming is the best that may be ? But ye put them
in prison oft when they do after God's law, and by Saint Augustines rule, if
anye did amisse and would not amend him, ye shoiild put hym from you.
IG. Why couete ye shrifte and burjang of other mens parishens, and none
other sacrament that falleth to christen folke ?
Why bussy yee not to here to shrift of pore folk as wel as of rich lords and
ladyes ? sith they mowe haue more plenty of shrift fathers then poore folke
mow.
Why say ye not the gospell in bowses of bcdedred men, as ye do in riche
mens that mow go to churche and heare the gospell ?
A.U.
1220.
UUESTIOXS, ADDRESSED TO THE EUIARS. Hioii
Why coucte you not to bury poore folke among you? sitli that they bene Ifevnj
most lioly (as ye f'ayne tliat yec beene for your pouerty.) ^H-
17. Why will ye not be at her diriges as ye have bene at ricli mens? sithe
God prayseth him nujre tlien he dotli other men.
What is thy prayer wortli ? sithe thou wilt take therefore, for of all chapmen
ye nede to be most wise for dread of simonie. Poor men
What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gospell, as God sayth soJis""
that thou shouldst? sith it is the best lore and also our beleue. saith my
Why be ye evil apayd that secidar ])riests shuld preach the gospell? sith f^H^"'"
God himselfe hath hodden hem. Th'/se be
18. Why hate ye the gosj)eIl to be preached, sithe ye be so much hold they that
therto? For ye wjn more by yere with ' In Principio,' then with all the niles ente""'
that euer your patrons made, and in this minstrels bene better then ye, for they them-
contrarien not to the mirthis that they maken, but ye contrarien the gospell ^'^^"^^
both in word and deede. ^ ^ Z:^^ln
19. Frere, when thou receuest a pcny for to say a Masse, whether sellest thou tl'^t
Gods body for that j)eny, or thy prayer, or else thy trauell ? If thou sayest xhe'triar
thou wolt not trauell for to say the mass, but for the peny, that ccrtes if this be getteth
soth, then thou louest to little mede for tliy soule, and if thou sellest Gods ^^/j^?
body, other thy prayer, then it is very simonie, and art become a chapman pio,' and
worse then Judas that solde it for thirty pence. yethateth
20. Why writest thou her names in thy tables that yeueth the mony ? sith 'o®,
God knoweth all thing : for it seemeth by thy writing, that God would not Judas,'
reward him, but thou write in thy tables ; God wold els forgetten it. *'""■ 'liirty
Why bearist thou God in honde and sclaundrest hym that he begged for hys the"^priest
meet? sithe he was Lorde ouer all, for then had he bene unwyse to haue begged, and friar
and haue no neede thereto ? ^°'' ^°'^'^'
Frere, after what law rulest thou thee ? Where findest thou in Gods law selleth
that thou shouldest thus beg ? Christ.
21. What maner men needeth for to beg? wrile'^"
For whom OAveth such men to beg? because
Why beggest thou so for thy brethren ? ^eueth '
If thou sayest, for they haue neede, then thou doest it for the more perfec-
tion, or els for the lest, or els for the meane. If it be the most perfection of all,
then should al thy brethren do so, and then no man needed to beg but for liim-
selfe, for so should no man beg but him neded. And if it be the lest perfection,
why louest thou then other men more then thy self? For so thou art not wel
in charitie, sith thou shouldst seeke the more perfection after thy power, lining
thy selfe most after God. And thus leaning that imperfection thou shouldest „
not so beg for them. And if it is a good meane thus to beg as thou doest, then labour
should no man do so, but they bene in this good meane, and yet suche a meane and give,
graunted to you may neuer be grounded on Gods law ; for then both lerid and lo'^er and
lewd that bene in meane degre of this world, shoulde goe about and beg as ye beg, Mas-
do. And if all shoulde doe so, certes well nigh all the world should goe about ^'^'^ Friar,
and beg as ye done, and so should there be ten beggers against one yeuer.
Why procurest thou men to yeue thee their almes, and sayest it is so neede-
full, and thou wilt not thyselfe wynne thee that mede ?
22. Why wilt not thou beg for poore bedred men that bene poorer then any
of youe sect ? That liggen and mow not goe about to helpe himselfes, sith we be
all brethren in God, and that brethei'hed passeth any other that ye or any man
coulde make, and where most neede were, there were most perfection, either
els ye hold them not your pure brethren, but worse, but then j'e be unperfit
in your begging.
Why make ye so many maysters among you ? sithe it is agaynst tlie teaching
of Christ and his apostle ?
23. Whose bene all your rich courtcs that ye han, and all your rich juells ?
sithe ye seyne that ye han nought ne in proper ne in common. If ye sayne
tliey bene the popes ? why gethcr ye then of poore men and lords so much out
of the kinges hand to make your pope riche? x\nd sithe ye sayne that it is Friars
great perfection to have nougl-.t in proper ne in commen ? why be ye so fast a};*',,,', „
about to make the pope that is your father rich, and put on him imperfection ? to nK>ke
sitlien ye sayne that your goodes bene all hys, and he should by reason be the ".'M'»i'>^
most pcrlite man, it seemeth ojierdich that ye ben cursed cliildren so to
360 PITHY DKMANli.N AXD QIKSTIONS
Henry sclaundcr your father and make liym imperfect. And if ye sayne that the
^^^- goodes be yours, then do vc ayenst your rule, and if it be not ayenst your nile,
. p. then might ye hauc both plough and cart, and labour as other good men done,
\oo(\ ""'^ ""^ *" ^° ^^'P ^y losengery, and idle as ye done. If ye say that it is more
!_■_ perfection to beg, tlicn to trauell or to worch with your hand, why ])reach yc
If it be not ojjcnly and teach all men to doc so? sitlie it is the best and most perfite
t!on*to*be ^'*'-' ^° '''^' ^^^h"^' °' ''^^'''' joules, as ye make children to beg that might haue
rich, why bene riche heyres.
do the Why make ye not your festes to poore men and yeueth hem yeftes, as ye
sireW'* done to the rich? sith poore men ban more nede then the rich.
make the \\\\a.i betokcueth that ye go tweyne and tweyne together? If ye be out of
feX?'*'''^ charitie, ye accord not in soule.
Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more then other priestes? sith he that
most taketh, most charge hath.
If Fran- 24. Why hold ye not S. Frauncis rule and his testament ? sith Frauncis sayth,
cis' onlcr (j^^^ Q^^ shewed him this lining and this rule : and certes if it were (lods will,
trar>- to ^''"^ pope might not fordoe it ; or els Frauncis was a Iyer that sayd on this wise.
Christ's And but this testament that he made accorde with Gods will, or else erred he
*"'"" is a Iyer tliat were out of charitie : and as the law saith, he is cursed that
then is lefteth the rightfuU last will of a dead man. And this testament is the last will
Francis ^f Fraunces that is a dead man ; it seemeth therefore that all his freres bene
accursed. ,
cursed.
He that 25. Why will you not touch no coyned mony with the crosse, ne with the
is more lyings hed, as ye done other juels both of gold and siluer? Certes if ye despise
hand than the crosse or the kinges hed, then ye be worthy to be despised of God and the
in heart, king ; and sith ye will receiue mony in your harts, and not with your handes,
to clnf ^* seemeth that ye holde more holines in your hands then in your hartes, aiul
then be false to God.
A subject 2G. Why haue ye exempt you from our kinges lawes and visiting of our
to exempt ^,yg]jyp3 j^jQj-e t]jg,^ other cnristen men that liuen in this realm, if ye be not
from the gil^y of traitory to our realme, or trespassers to our byshops ? But ye will haue
laws of the kinges lawes for the trespasse do to you, and ye wyll haue power of other
smelletli^ byshops more then other priestes, and also haue leaue to prison your brethren,
oftrea- as lordcs in your courtes, more then other folkes han, that bene the kinges
son. liege men.
Friars are 27. A\'hy shall some sect of yom* freres pay eche a yeare a certayne to her
to'be'' generall prouinciall or minister, or els to her souereignes ? but if he steale a
thieves, certayne number of children (as some men sayne) and certes if this be sothe,
then ye be constreined upon a certayne payne to do theft agaynst Gods
commandment, " Non furtum facies."
Works of 28. Why be ye so hai'dy to graunt by letters of fratemitie to men and women,
superero- ^j^-jt they shall haue part and merite of all your good dedes, and ye witten
neucr whether God be apayd with your dedes because of your sinne? Also ye
witten neuer whether that man or woman be in state to be saued or damned,
then shall he haue no merite in hcuyn for hys owne dedes ne for none other
God is the mans. And all were it so, that he should haue part of yoiu" good dedes: yet
meelf and shuld he haue no more then God woulde gene Inm after that he were worthy,
reward, and SO mich shall ech man haue of Gods ycft without your limitation. But if
fh'^f""' y^ ^^''^^ s^y ^'^^t ye bene Gods fellowes, and that he may not doe without your
assent, then be ye blasphemers to God.
Friars 29. What betokeneth that ye haue ordeyned, that when such one as ye haue
pr8y"but "^^de your brother or sister, and hath a letter of your scale, that letter mought
lor tiiem be brought in your holy chapter and there be rad, or els ye will not praye for
that be of him. And but ye willen praye especially for all other that were not made your
ternlty"!* brethren or sistren, then were ye not in right charitie, for that ought to be
com.mcn, and namely in ghostly thinges.
30. P'rere, what charitie is this, to ouercharge the people by mighty begging
under color of preaching or praying, or masses singing ? sith holy write biddeth
not thus, but euen the contrary : for all such ghostly dedes shuld be done freely,
as God yeueth them freely ?
31. Frerc, what charitie is this to beguile children or they commen to discre-
tion, ajul bynde hym to yom- orders that byn not grounded in Gods law against
her frendcs will ? sithen by this folly bene many apostataes, both in wil and dcde.
ADDRESSED TO THE FRIARS. 361
and many bene apostataes in her will during al her lyfe, that would gladly be iiennj
discharged if they wist how, and so many bene apostataes that shoulden in other ^^^-
states haue byn true men. ^ j^
32. Frere, what charitie is this, to make so many freres m euery country to j 220'
the charge of the people, sith persons and vicares alone, ye secular priests "^—i-
alone, ye monks and chanons alone, with bishops aboue them, were inough to Friars do
the church to doe priestes office. And to adde moe then inough is a foule "p^^^J^^tg^
error, and great charge to the people, and this openly agaynst Gods will that TlR-num-
ordayned all thingcs to be done in weight, number, and measiu'e. And Christ jper of
himselfe was apayd with twelve apostles and a few disciples, to preach and to peiHuous,
doe priestes office to all the whole worlde, then was it better do then is now and as
at tills tyme by a thousand dele. And right so as foure fingers with a thumbe g^'je^f^'^''
in a mans hand helpeth a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one lingers on
hand should let hym more, and so the more number that there were passing the ""e ''and.
measure of Gods ordinaunce, the more were a man letted toworke : Right so (as
it seemeth) it is of these new orders that ben added to the church without
grouiade of holy write and Gods ordinaunce.
33. Frere, what charitie is this to the people, to lye and say that ye follow Sec how
Christ in pouerty more then other men done, and yet in curious and costly f^j^j f„i.
bowsing, and fine and precious clothing, and delicious and liking feeding, and lowetli
in treasure and iewels, and rich ornamentes, freres passen lordes and other rich ijl^'^'J'o.*"
worldly men, and soonest they should hryng her cause about (be it neuer so vtrty.
costly) though Gods la w be put abacke.
34. Frere, what charitie is this, to gather up the books of holy write, and Friars are
put hem in treasory, and so emprison them from secular priestes and curates, ^^^^5 of
and by this cautel let hem to preach the gospell freely to the people without jireaching
worldly mede, and also to defame good priestes of heresie, and lyen on hem t^egos-
openly for to let hem to shew Gods law by the holy gospell to the christen
people ?
35. Frere, what charitie is thys, to fayne so much holines in your bodely What ho-
clothing (that ye clepe your habite) that many blynd fooles desiren to die therein |'"ess is
more than in another : and also that a frere, that leuith his habite late founden coat.
of men, maj' not be assoyled till he take it agayne, but is apostata as ye seyn, and
cursed of God and man both : The frere beleueth truth, and patience, chastitie,
meeknes and sobriety, yet for the more part of his life he may soone be assoyled
of his prior, and if he bring home to his house mich goad by the yeare (be it
neuer so falsly begged and pilled of the poore and nedy people in countries
about) he shal be hold a noble frere. O Lord whether this be charitie ?
36. Frere, what charitie is this, to prease upon a riclie man, and to entice him to ^^Tiy
be buryed among you from hys parish church, and to such riche men geue letters n^'ucU^"
of fraternitie confinned by your generale scale, and thereby to beare him in hand desire to
that he shall haue part of all your masses, mattens, preachinges, fastinges, havericii
wakinges, and all other good dedes done by your brethren of your order (both buried
whiles he liueth, and after that he is dead) and yet ye wytten neuer whether in tlieir
your dedes be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be '''''"'^^•
able by good lining to receiue any parte of your deedes, and yet a poore man (that
ye wyte well or supposen in certaine to haue no good of) ye ne geuen to such
letters, though he be a better man to God than such a rich man : neuerthelesse, Friars'
this poore man doth not retche thereof. For as men supposen suche letters and 3fy*f^{5„
many other that freres behotten to men, be full false deceites of fryers, out of deceits."
all reason, and Gods law and christen mens fayth.
37. Frere, what charitie is this, to be confessours of lordes and ladies, and to Friars de-
other mighty men, and not amend hem in her lining, but rather as it seemeth, f''^';"'^'^
to be the bolder to pill her poore tenauntes, and to hue in lechery, and there to jadjes'
dwell in your office of confessour for wynning of worldly goodes, and to be confes-
holde great by colour of suchc ghostly offices ; this seemith rather pride of freres, ^°^^'
than charitie of God.
38. Frere, what charity is this to sayne, that who so liueth after your order,
liueth most perfitely, and next followeth the state of apostles in pouertic and
penaunce, and yet the wisest and greatest clerkes of you wend or sed, or ^^^^ y^^^_
procure to the court of Rome to be made cardinals or bishops of the popes risces say
chaplaines, and to be assoyled of the vowe of pouertic and obedience to your ^"|j ^""^
ministers, in the which (as ye sayne) standeth most perfection and merites of another.
362
JAIKE Ul'LANDS tOMl'LAINT AGAINST
Henry
III.
A.D.
1220,
Which is
the best
order of
iriars ?
Friars ne-
ver aRree
one with
another.
The friar
thinkcth
his rule
jierfecter
than
Christ's,
because
heleaveth
the one
and fol-
Inweth
the other.
Dilemma.
Friars
would sit
in heaven,
above the
cpoatles.
your orders, and thus yc farcn as I'hariseis that sayen one and do an other to
the contrarj'.
Wliy name ye more the patronc of your order in yotu- Confiteor when ye
bejjinne masse, then other sayntcs, apostles, or martyrs, tliat holy churche hold
more fjlorious then hem, and clepc hem your patrons and your auowries.
Frcrc, whether was S. Frauncis in making of hys rule that hec set thine order
in, a foolc and a Iyer, or else wyse and true? If ye sayne that he was not a
foole, hut wise ; ne a Iyer but true : why shewe ye contrary b\' your doyng ?
whan by your suggestion to the pope ye sayde that your rule that Fraunces
made was so harde that ye might not Hue to hold it without declaration and
dispensation of the pope. And so, by your deede ne lete your patrone a foole
that made a rule so harde that no man may well kcepe, and eke your dede
proueth him a Iyer, where he saith in his rule, That he tooke and learned it of
the Holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the pope undoe that the
Holy Crhost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardnes of your
order ?
Frere, whiche of the foure orders of freres is best to a man that knoweth not
which is the best, but would fayne enter into the best, and none other ? If thou
sayst that thine is the best, then sayst thou that none of the other is as good as
thine ; and in this ech frere in the three other orders wolle say that thou lyest,
for in the selfe maner eche other freere wolle say that hys order is best. And thus
to eche of the four orders bene the other three contrarj' in this poynt : in the
which if anje sayth sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the best
of foure. So followeth it that if each of these orders aunswered to this question
as thou doest, three were false, and but one tnie, and yet no man should wyte
who that were. And thus it seemeth, that the most part of freeres byn or
tihould be lyers in this poynt, and they should aunswere thereto. If you say
that an other order of the freres is better tlian thine, or as good ; why tooke
ye nat rather therto as to the better, when thou miglitst haue chose at the
beginning. And eke whj- shouldest thou be an apostata to leaue thine order
and take thee to that is better, and so why goest thou not from thine order into
that?
Frere, is there any perficter rule of religion than Christ Gods sonne gaue m
liis gospell to his brethren ? Or then that religion that Sainct James in his
epistle maketh mention of? If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ (that
is the wisdome of God, the Father) unkunning, impower, or euil will : for than
he could not make his rule so good as an other did his. And so he had unkun-
ning, that he might not so make his rule so good as an other man might, and
so were he uinnighty, and not God, as he would not make his rule so perfite
as an other did his, and so he had bene euil willed, namely to himsclfe.
For if he might, and could, and would, haue made a rule perfite without
default, and did not, he was not Gods Sonne Almighty. For if any other nile
be perfiter then Christes, then must Christes rule lack of that perfection by as
much as the other weren more perfiter, and so were default, and Christ had
fayled in making of his rule : but to put any default or failing in God is blas-
phemie. If thou say thatChrists rule, and that religion of that S. James maketli
mention of, is the perfitest ; why boldest thou not thilke rule without more. And
why clepest thou the rather of S. Francis or S. Dominickes rule or religion or
order, then of Christes rule or Christes order ?
Frere, canst thou any default assigne in Christs rule of the gospell (with
the which he taught al men sekerly to be saued) if they kept it to her ending ?
If thou say it was to hard, then sayest thou Christ lyed; for he sayd of his rule:
" My yoke is soft, and my burthen light." If thou say Christes rule was to
light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If
thou sayest that there is no default in Christes rule of the gospell, sith Christ
himselfe saith it is light and easy: what neede was it to patrons of freres to adde
more thereto ? and so to make an hardar religion to saue fryers, then was the
religion of Clu-istes apostles and his disciples helden and were saued by. But
if they wolden tliat her freres saten aboue the apostles in heauen for the harder
religion that the kcpen here, so wold they sitten in heauen aboue Christ him-
selfe, for they mo and straight observaunces, then so should they bee better then
Girist himsclfe with mischaunce.
Go now forth and frayne your clerkes, and ground ye you m {}od's law, and
THE FKIAIIS. THE COVETOUSNESS OF THE 1'01'E. 363
gyf Jack an aunswere, and when ye han assoilcd me that I haue sayd sadly iiennj
in truth, I shall soile thee of thine orders, and sane thee to heauen. •^^^•
If freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these questions asked of hem, it . y.
seemeth that they be horrible gilty against God, and her euen chrisen. For yioc)
which giltes and defaidtes it were worthy that the order that they call theyr ^
order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustayne hem or suffer hem
lyue in such maner. For holy writ biddeth, that "Thou doe well to the meke,
and geue not to the wicked, but forbed to giue hem bread, least they be made
thereby mightier through you."
After these digressions, now to return to the course of our story
again. As this King Henry succeeded King John, his father, so
after Innocent, the pope, came Honorius III, a.d. 1216, then Gre-
gory IX., A.D. 1227. And after Otho IV., the emperor (whom the otho, the
pope had once set up, and after deprived again), succeeded Frederic g^mfan^
II. A.D. 1212, as is partly before touched. In the days of these kings, deposed
popes, and emperors, it were too long to recite all that happened the pope.
in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt popes Honorius
and Gregory and Frederic, the emperor ; the horrible tragedy
whereof were enough to fill a whole book by itself. But yet we
mean (God willing) somewhat to touch concerning these ecclesiastical
matters, first beginning with this realm of England.
After the kingdom of England had been subjected by King John,
as hath been said, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish
church, it is incredible how the insatiable avarice and greediness of
the Romans did oppress and ^vring the commons and all estates
and degrees of the realm, especially beneficed men, and such
as had any thing of the church; who, what for their domestical
charges within the realm, what for the pope, what for the legates, what
for contributing to the Holy Land, what for relaxations, and other
subtle sleights to get away their money, were brought into such slavery,
captivity, and penury ; that whereas the king neither durst, nor might
remedy their exclamations by himself: yet notwithstanding, by
his advice Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, with other noble-
men, not forgetting what great grievances and distresses the realm
was brought into by the Romans, thought to work some way how to
bridle and restrain the insatiable ravening of" these greedy wolves.
WTierefore they devised their letter, giving strait commandment
to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to farm, that
henceforth they should not answer the Romans on account of such
farms and rents any more, but should pay the said farms or rents
unto their own proctors appointed for the same purpose ; as by their
writings sent abroad to bishops or chapters, and other ecclesiastical
houses, may appear, in this form and effect as followeth.
A Complaint of the Nobles of England against the intolerable
Covetousness of the Pope and Prelates of Rome.^
To such and such a bishop, and such a chapter, all the university and A.D. 1229.
company of them, that had rather die than be confounded of the Romans,
wisheth health. How the Romans and their legates have hitherto behaved
themselves toward you and other ecclesiastical persons of this realm of England,
it is not unknown to your discretions, in disposing and giving away the
(1) The Latin copy of this complaint of the nobles of England is at p. 72, in the Edition of l5fiS.
-Ed.
364.
INSOI.KN'T CLAIMS MADK BY THE I'OI'K.
j{e„rs benefices of tlic realm after tlicir own lust, to the intolerable prejudice and
///. grievance both of you and all other Englishmen. For whereas, the collation of
~T~jT benefices should and doth properly belong to you and other your fellow-bishops
j ■ ■ (ecclesiastical persons), they, thundering against you the sentence of cxconi-
!_ munication, ordain that you should not bestow them upon any person of this
realm, until in every diocese and cathedral-church within the realm, five
Romans (such as the pope shall name) be provided for, to the value of, every
man, an hundred ])ounds a year. Besides these, many other grievances the
said itonianists do inflict and infer, both to the laity and nobles of the realm, for
the patronages and alms bestowed by them and their ancestors, for the susten-
tation of the poor of the realm, and also to the clergy and ecclesiastical persons
of the realm, touching their livings and benefices. And yet the said Romanists,
not contented with the premises, do also take from the clergy of this realm the
benefices which they have, to bestow them on men of their own country, &c.
Wherefore, we, considering the rigorous austerity of these aforesaid Roman-
jots, who, once coming in but as strangers hither, now take upon them not
only to judge, but also to condemn us, laying upon us importable burdens,
whereunto they will not put one of their own fingers to move ; and laying our
heads together upon a general and full advice had among ourselves concern-
ing the same ; have thought good (although very late) to resist or withstand
them, rather than to be subject to their intolerable oppressions, and to the still
greater slavery hereafter to be looked for. For which cause we straitly charge
and command you, as your friends going about to deliver you, the church, the
king, and the kingdom, from that miserable yoke of servitude, that you do not
intermeddle or take any part concerning such exactions or rents to be required
or given to the said Romans. Letting you to understand for truth, that in case
you shall (which God forbid) be found culpable herein, not only your goods
and possessions shall be in danger of burning, but you, also, in your persons
shall incur the same peril and punishment as shall the said Romish oppressors
themselves. Thus fare ye well.
Example TliiLS much I thought here to insert and notify concerning this
ukepart matter, not only that the foul and avaricious greediness of the
?K*'i"f,L Romish church mi<dit the more evidently unto all Englishmen
the king o / o
with fo- appear ; but that they may learn by this example how Avorthy they
power, be so to bc served and plagued with their owTi rod, who, before, would
take no part with their natural king against foreign power, by which
now they are scourged.
To make the story more plain ; in the reign of this Henry III.
(who succeeding, as is said. King John his father, reigned fifty-six
ooi'ole^- y^^^'s)? came divers legates from Rome to England. First, Cardinal
gate. Otho, sent from the pope with letters to the king, like as other
letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money.
The king opening the letters, and perceiving the contents, answered,
that he alone could say nothing in the matter, which concerned all
the clergy and commons of the whole realm. Not long after a
council was called at Westminster, where the letters being opened,
a*d'. ' the form was this : ' " We require to be given unto us, first, of all
'^'-'"'•^ cathedral churches two prebends, one for the bishops'' part, the other
Kqun^?h f<>r the chapter : and likewise of monasteries, where be divers portions,
twopre- one f„j. t)j(. abbot, another for the covcnt : of the covent, so much as
ships in appcrtainctli to one monk, the portion of the goods being proportion-
thedra?^ ally divided ; of the abbot likewise as much." The cause why he
church, required these prebends was this: " It hath been," saith he, " an old
(I)" Petimusimpriinis ah omnibus ecclesiis cathedralibus duas nobis prsebendas exhiberi.unam
fe portione cpiscoiji, ct alteram dt capitulo : et similiter de ccenobiis ubi diversae sunt pnrtiones
ahltatiset conventus; aronventibus quantum pertinct ad unum monachum, sequali facta distri-
butioue bonorum suorum, ct ab abbatc tantumiem."
A COUNCIL HELD AT LONDON. §65
slander, and a great complaint against the churcli of Rome, that it iienry
hath been charged with insatiable covetousness, which, as ye know, is '^'' .
the root of all mischief, and all by reason that causes be wont com- A.D.
monly not to be handled, nor to proceed in the church of Rome, ^^^"'
without great gifts and expense of money. Whereof seeing the Note the
poverty of the church is the cause, and the only reason why it is so the p'ope^
slandered and evil spoken of, it is therefore convenient that you, as ',^[1"?:
natural children, should succour your mother. For unless Ave should crave
receive of you and of other good men as you are, we should tlien ^IT/ °
lack necessaries for our life, which were a great dishonour to our ^■""""■"•'*-
dignity," &c.
When those petitions and causes of the legate were propounded in
the aforesaid assembly at Westminster on the pope's behalf (the
bishops and prelates of the realm being present), answer was made
by the mouth of Master John Houghton, archdeacon of Bedford, on
this wise : ' that the matter there proponed by the lord legate in
especial concerned the king of England, but in general it touched
all the archbishops, with their suffragans the bishops, and all the
prelates of the realm. Wherefore, seeing both the king by reason
of his sickness was absent, and the archbishop of Canterbury with
divers other bishops also were not there, therefore in the absence of
them they had nothing to say in the matter, neither could they so do
without prejudice of them which were lacking.' — And so the assembly
for that time brake up.
Eleven years after, the said Otho, Cardinal of St. Nicholas de car- a counci)
cereTuUiano, coming again from Rome with full authority and power, ca»edf""
indicted another council at London, and caused all prelates, arch- [Nov.
bishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and other of the clergy to be warned ad.'
unto the same council, to be held in the church of St. PauFs at London ''^^■■'
the morrow after the octaves of St. Martin. The pretence of which
council was for redress of matters concerning benefices and religion ;
but the chief and principal intent was to hunt for money : for putting
them in fear and in hope, some to lose some to obtain spiritual promo-
tions at his hand, he thought gain would rise thereby, and so it did, for
in the mean time (as Matthew Paris, in his life of Henry HL, writeth)
divers precious rewards were offered him in palfreys, in rich plate and
jewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coin, in
victuals, * 'and such like things of value well w^orthy of acceptation ;
"wherein one endeavoured to go beyond another in munificence, not
considering, by means of the servility wherewith they were oppressed
of those popish shavelings and shameless shifters, that all was mere
pillage and extortion.* Insomuch that the bishop of Winchester,
(as the story reporteth), on only hearing that he would winter in
London, sent him fifty fat oxen, a hundred coombs of pure wheat, Great
and eight tun of chosen wine, toward his housekeeping. Likewise "^"'■'''
other bishops also for their part offered unto the cardinal's box after ^
their ability.
The time of the council drawing nigh, the cardinal commanded, at
the west end of PauFs church, an high and solemn throne to be
prepared, rising up with a glorious scaffold upon mighty and sub-
stantial stages strongly builded, and of great height. Thus, against
(1) These words are not in the editions of Fo.\e previous to 1596.— Ed.
given to
the cardi-
^OG THE SERMON OK OTIIO THE CARDINAL.
//'"iry the (iay assifrned, came the said arclibishops, bisliops, abbots, and
'. otlier ot" the ])rclacv, both far and near throuirliout all England,
wearied and vexed with the winter's journey, bringing their letters
procuratory ; who being together assembled, the cardinal beginneth
his sermon. But before wc come to the sermon, there happened
a great discord between the two archbishops of Canterbury and
York, about sitting at the right hand and the left hand of the
glorious cardinal, for the which the one appealed against the other.
The cardinal, to pacify the strife between them both, so that he
woidd not derogate from either of them, brought forth a certain
v2u\ ^'' ^^'^ °^ ^^^^ l-^^P^ • ^^ ^^^ midst of which bull was pictured the
sundcth figure of the cross. On the right side of the cross stood the
riKht^ image of St. Paul, and on the left side that of St. Peter : " Lo,"
tife poL's ^'"^^^ ^^^^ cardinal (holding open the bull with the cross), " here you
cross. see St. Peter on the left hand of the cross, and St. Paul on the
Why the ...
archbi- right sidc, and yet is there between these two no contention, for
cantcT- ^oth are of equal glory. And yet St. Peter, for the prerogative of
t'he^ri'' ht^ his keys, and for the pre-eminence of his apostleship and cathedral
hand, and dignity, scemetli most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet
bis^bopV because St. Paul believed on Christ when he saw him not, therefore
i^ft ^ ^^^ ^^^^^ 1^^ the right hand of the cross : for blessed be they (saith Christ)
w-ho believe and see not," &c. From that time forth the archbishop
of Canterbury enjoyed the right hand, and the archbishop of York
the left ; wherein, however, this cardinal is more to be commended
than the other Cardinal Hugo mentioned a little before, who, in a
like contention between these archbishops, ran away.
Thus, the controversy having ceased and been composed between
these two, Otho the cardinal, sitting aloft between these two arch-
bishops, beginneth his sermon, taking this theme of the prophet ;
Note the " I^ the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the seat, were
fhe"ro°^ four beasts full of eyes before and behind," &c. Upon this theme
phctap- the cardinal proceeded in his sermon, sitting like a god in the
G^,' how midst. He compared those about him to the four beasts about
na! appli"- ^^^^ ^^^^i declaring how they ought to have eyes both before and
ethitto behind; that is, that they must be provident in disposintj ofsccu-
himself. 1.1. 1 . •' ■ •^- 1 ^ . ° . .
lar tnmgs, and circumspect m spiritual matters, continuing and
Scripture joining wiscly things past with things to come ; and this was the
applied, greatest effect of this clerkly sermon. That done, he giveth forth
certain statutes for ordering of churches, as for the dedication of
temples, for the seven sacraments, for the giving of orders, for
the flvrming of benefices, for collations and resignations of bene-
fices and vicarages, priests' apparel, and single life, for eating of
flesh in religious houses, and for archdeacons, bishops, proctors,
and other like matters. But the chief intent of all his proceed-
ing was this, that they should be vigilant, provident, and circum-
spect, with all their eyes (both before and behind), to fill the
pope's pouch, as appeared not only by this, but all their other
travails besides ; insomuch that the king, dreading the displeasure
of his commons for the doings of the legate, willed him to repair
home to Rome again, but yet could not so be rid of him, for he,
receiving new commandments from the ])ope, a]i])lied his harvest,
still gleaning and raking whatsoever he might scrape ; writing and
ROMISH PKKLATKS I'llOWLlNO FOR MONKV. SGI
sending to bishops and archdeacons in the form and tenor hereunder /w^,
expressed.'
And moreover, note again the wicked and cursed trains of these A^- !>•
Romish rakehells, who, to pick simple men's purses, first send out _i"'^^- .
their friars and preachers to stir up, in- all places and countries, men Note^f'^
to go fight against the Turks : whom when they have once bound with J'^'"^a«H'^of
a vow, and signed them with the cross, then send they their bulls to preiausto
release them both of their labour and their vow, for money, as by their ^Znly°'
own style of writing is hereunder to be seen.^
The cause Avhy the pope was so greedy and needy of money, was
this : because he had mortal hatred and waged continual battle the
same time against the good emperor, Frederic II., who had to wife
King John's daughter, sister to King Henry III., whose name was
Isabella. And therefore, because the pope's war could not be sus-
tained without charges, that made the pope the more importunate to
take money in all places, but especially in England ; insomuch that he
shamed not to require the fifth part of every ecclesiastical man's living, pifih p^rt
as Matthew Paris writeth. And not only that, but also the said Pope ll^^\^^l^
Gregory, conventing with the citizens of Rome, so agreed with them, man's liv-
that, if they would join with him in vanquishing the aforesaid Frederic, to the ' '
he would (and so did) grant unto them, that all the benefices in Eng ''"P'"-
land which were or should be vacant (namely, pertaining to religious
houses), should be bestowed at their own will and commandment on
their children and kinsfolks. Whereupon it followeth in the afore- Three
named history,^ that " the pope sent in commandment to the arch- ^I'^^H'li
bishop of Canterbury, and four other bishops, that provision should be P^^'^,';^^j."
made for three hundred Romans in the chiefest and best benefices in benefices
all England at the next voidance, so that the aforesaid archbishop and il^^'
bishops should be suspended in the mean time from all collation or
gift of benefices, until the aforesaid three hundred were provided for;"
whereupon, the archbishop the same time, seeing the unreasonable op-
pression of the church of England, left the realm and went into France.
Again, mark another as much or more easy sleight of the pope in a Romish
procuring money. He sent one Petrus Rubens the same time with ,t""pope*^
a new device, which was this : not to work any thing openly, but privily ^^^fj^^^^^
to go betwixt bishop and bishop, abbot and abbot, &c., telling in their money,
ears, such a bishop, such an abbot, hath given so much and so much
unto the pope's holiness, " trusting that you also will not be behind
<\) A Letter of the Cardinal to Bishops and Archdeacons, in which the censure of the Church is well
applied. — "Otto miseratione diviiia, &c. Discreto viro itf^. episcopo vel iV. arcliidiacono salutem.
Cum necesse habeamus de mandato summi pontificis moram trahere in Anglia longiorem, nee
possimus piopriis stipendiis militate, discretionem vestram qua fungimur autoritate rogamus, ut
procurationes vobis debitas in episeopatu, vel archidiaconatu vestro colligi facialis nostro nomine
diligenter, eas quam citius poteritis nobis transmissuri, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam
compescendo. Proviso, quod quaelibet procuratio summam 4. marcarum aliquatenus non excedat, et
ubi una ecclesia non sufliciet ad procurationem hujusmodi habendam, duas pariterunara solvant."
(2) "N. episcopus dilectis in Christo filiis omnibus arcbdiaconis per diocesira suam constitutis,
saiutem. Literas domini legati suscepimus in haec verba ; Otto miseratione divina, &c. Cum
sicut intellexiraus noiinulli cruce signati regni Anglis, qui sunt inhabiles ad pugnandum, ad
sedem apostolicam accedant, ut ibidem a voto crucis absolvi valeant, et nos nuper recepimus a
suramo pontifice in mandatis, ut tales non solum absolvere, verum etiam ad redimenda vota sua
[note the style of Rome] compellere debeamus, volentes eorum parcere laboribus et expensis, fra-
ternitatem vestram qua fungimur autoritate monemus, quatenus potestatem pradictam a sumnio
pontitice nobis concessam facialis in nostris diocesibus sine mora qualibet publicari, ut prefati
cruce-signati ad nos accedere valeant, beneficium [immo maleficium et naufragium pecunite,] super
his juxta formam nobis traditam accepturi." [This and the preceding letter are in M. Paris, Ed.
Lond. 1640, p. 524 ; both dated "Londini l.i Kal. Mart, anno Ponf. D. (Jregorii Papas 13." — Ed.]
(3) " Unde infra paucos dies misit Doni. Papa sacra prscepta sua domino Cant. Archiep. Eliensi
et Lined, et Salisb. episcopis, ut trecentis Romanis in primis beneficiis vacantibus providerent,
scientes se suspensos a beneliciorum collatione donee tot conipetentcr provideretur." [M. Paris,
p. 532, with the omission of " Eliensi et" : see infra, p. 427.— Eo]
SS'i THF. PRELATES DEMUR AT THE POPe's EXACTIONS.
Nenry oil vour part,'" &c. By the means whereof it is incredible to think
what a inass of money was made out of the realm unto the pope.
A. D. At len^'th' the abbots, feeling their own smart, came to the king,
^'-^^- whose father before they did resist, with their humble suit, lamentably
complaining of the immeasurable exactions of the pope, and espe-
cially against Petrus Kubeus and his fellow, Otto the legate ; desiring
the king to prohibit such extortion : who, notwithstanding, received
them with frowns, and even offered the legate one of his castles to
imprison them. The bishops, warned by the ill success of the abbots,
assembled at Northampton, and answered the legate, that, seeing the
matter touched not themselves alone, but the whole ehureh, and seeing
the valuation of churches was known better to their archdeacons than
to themselves, therefore they desired a general calling and talk to be
liad in the matter. The octaves of St. John the Baptist were assigned
IS the time when they should deliver their final answer ; on which day
.he prelates of England, conventing together, durst not give any
lirect denial of that contribution, but after a modest sort did insinuate
jcrtain exceptions against the same.
Excep- I. Theysay, that foisomuch as the contribution is demanded to war against him,
leccd1"or ^^^^" ^^ '^^ joined in matrimony with their prince, tliey were not bound to comply,
not con- 11. Tiiat the said contribution tended to the shedding of christian blood ; for
triimting t]ie form of the pope's bill stated it to be, " ad impcratorcm debellandum."
p(,pi._ III. They refuse, because it was against the liberty of the cluirch ; for so it is
in the pope's bill, that they who would not contribute, should be excommunicated.
IV. Because that when of late they gave the tenth part of their goods, it was
with this protestation, that no similar exaction should be laid on them hereafter,
much less of a fifth, as in the present case.
V. Because they had contributed before; and if they should now contribute
again, it were to be feared lest an action twice done should grow into a custom,
as is in the law, " Lege nemo," &c.
\'I. Forsomuch as they shall have continually to seek to Rome through the
emperor's land, to prosecute divers causes, it were to be feared lest the said
emperor by the way should work their annoyance.
VII. Because the king hath many enemies and expecteth to want much money
for his wars, it is not safe that the wealth of the realm should be alienated out
of the realm, which is already much impoverished through the nobles taking
on them the cross and going abroad.
VIII. Because it might turn to the prejudice of the patrons of tlie churches,
and that they do not know whether the patrons would agree unto tlie same.
IX. Lastly, because they hear say, that the general state of the church is in
danger, for which there ought to be, and (as they understand) there is to be
shortly, a general council, wherein sitch matters shall be determined : and,
therefore, if they should contribute now, it should be to the hinderance and
damage of the church.
The legate and his fellow hearing these allegations, seeing their
own confusion, were the less importunate.
Five years after this, followed a general council at Lyons, called
by Pope Innocent IV., in which council the English nation did ex-
hibit certain articles of their grievances^ not unworthy to be known ;
but with what effect will appear from the following
Mar.isth, Articlcs exhibited in the Council of London, the next year after the
(M.Paris.) general Council of Lyons : the grievances sustained i'rom the Pope.
I. The kingdom of England is aggrieved that the pope, being not contented
with his Peter-pence, cxtorteth from the clergy of England great exactions (and
more is likely), both without the consent of the king, and against the customs,
(1) Tliis and Itie next two pages are revised and corrected from M. Paris, pp. 534, £99— '701, 708,
r09.— Ed. (2) Sec them stated infr;^, p. 132.— lln.
THE KIKg's letter TO THE BISHOPS. 369
liberties, and rights of the rcahn, and in s]ntc of tlieir appeal and remonstrance iicnnj
on the subject made by their proctors in the lute general council. ^^f-
II. The church and kingdom of England is aggrieved, that the patrons of tlie ^ j^
churches cannot present fit persons to the same, though tlie ])opc by his letters j.J j^.'
agreed they should ; but the churches are given to Romans, who are quite igno- — Z — L
rant of the native tongue, to the great peril of souls ; besides that they, carrying
away the money out of the realm, exceedingly impoverish the same.
III. It is aggrieved in the requiring of pensions and provisions, for that affer
the pope had promised by his late letters, that in the realm of England he would
give away only twelve benefices more, now, contrary to the tenor thereof, many
more benefices and provisions have been bestowed by him.
IV. The realm is aggrieved, that in the benefices in England one Italian
succeedeth another as a matter of course, while Englishmen are compelled, for
the securing of their induction, to seek to Rome, contrary both to the customs of
the realm, and also to the privileges granted by the pope's predecessors to tlie
king and kingdom of England.
V. The fifth grievance" is, for the oft arrival of that infamous nuncio " Non
Obstante," whereby both the sacred obligation of an oath, the ancient customs
of the realm, and the authority of old grants, statute laws, and privileges, are
embezzled and abrogated ;' whereby an infinite number in England be grievously
afflicted and oppressed. The pope, in thus resuming the plenitude of his power,
does not act with that attention to law and moderation which he promised our
proctors, with his own mouth, he would observe.
VI. The said realm is also aggrieved by general tallages, collections, and
assessments, made without the king's consent; the appeal and remonstrance of
the king's and the nation's proctors, to the contrary, notwithstanding.
VII. The aforesaid realm complaineth and is aggrieved, that in the benefices
given to Italians, neither the old ordinances, nor relief of the poor, nor hospi-
tality, nor any preaching of God's word, nor care of men's souls, nor service in The Ra-
the church, n'or yet the walls of the churches, be kept up and maintained, as |!^p°j\!-'y
decency and the manner of the same realm requireth. Over and above these and sia-
aforesaid grievances, there came, moreover, from the pope, other fresh letters, y.^''^ °*'
charging and commanding the prelates of England to find of their proper costs uiuferUie
and charges, for one whole year, some ten armed soldiers, some five, some pope,
fifteen, to be ready at the pope's commandment where he should appoint.
After these and other grievances and enormities of Rome, the
states of England, consulting together, direct their letters to the pope,
for reformation thereof. First, the bishops and suffragans ; then, tlie
abbots and priors ; afterwards the nobles and barons ; last of all, the
kin<j himself But as the proverb is, " Venter non habet aures,"'-^ Mar.28th.
, , T 1 , 1 A 1 • (M Paris.)
SO the pope s purse had no cars to hear. And, as our common saymg
goeth, " As good never a whit, as never the better," so went it with
the pope, who not long after the same sent for new tallages and
exactions to be collected ;^ which thing when it came to the king's
ear, he, being moved and disturbed vehemently withal, writcth in this
wise to the bishops severally, to every one in his diocese.
The Letter of King Henry III. to the Bishops.
Henry III., by the grace of God, &c., to the reverend in Christ, the bishop of jy"?
N., health. Whereas we have heretofore written unto you, once, twice, thrice, as in"[.f,m-
well, under our privy seal as by our letters patent, that you should not exact for mandeth
the pope's or any one else's behalf any tallage or aid of our subjects, either of the f_lj'^\,„"
religious orders, or of the clergy, or of the laity, for that no such tallage or aid tallage be
either can or is used to be exacted in our realm without great prejudice to our sent '«
royal dignity, which we neither can nor will endure : yet you contemning and '^^ ^^'
vilipending our commandment, and contrary to the provision made in our last
council at London, granted and agreed upon by our prelates, earls, and barons,
have, that notwithstanding, proceeded in collecting the said your taxes and
tallages. Whereupon, we do greatly marvel and are moved, especially seeing
( 1 ) " Debilitantur et evanescunt :" ' embezzled,' i.e. imbeciled, or weakened. Todd's Johnson. — Ed.
(2) Tlie French say, " Ventre affame n'a point d'oreilles." — Ed.
(3) This was for 6,000 marks. Walter, bishop of Norwich, was authorised to collect it : his letter
to St. Alban's is in M. Paris, dated Mar. 24, and one of the king's, forbidding it, dated April 1. — Ed.
VOL. II. E B
870 EXORBITANT DEMANDS OF TlIK POPe's LEGATE.
Henry vou ave not ashamed to run counter to your own act and deed ; whereas you and
^^^- otlier prelates at the said council in this did all agree and grant, that you would
• ,^ levy no more such exactions until the return of our and your ambassadors, with
\ ^,f' those of the nobles and of the whole realm, from the court of Rome, who were
I '— sent thither jnirposel}', as you know, to provide redress against these opj)rcs-
sions. Wherefore we straitly will and command you, that you no further
proceed in collecting and exacting such tallages or aids, as you desire to enjoy
your baronies, and such possessions of yours as within this our kingdom you
have and hold ; and if you have already taken any thing on this account, that
)ou suffer not the same to be transported out of our realm, but cause it to be
kept in safe custody, till the return of the said ambassadors ; and be assured tiiat,
in case you disobey, we sliall extend our hand upon your possessions, further
than you may be inclined to believe. Moreover, we will and charge you that you
communicate this our inhibition to your archdeacons and officials, which we here
have set forth for the liberties of the clergy and of the people, as God knoweth, &:c.
At length, the ambassadors who were at Rome came home about
the seventh day of July, brhiging word that the pope, hearing what
was done in the council of London* by tiie king, was greatly dis-
iTie i)lcased with him and the realm, saying, " Rex Anglorum, qui jam
pope's rccalcitrat et frederisat, suum habct consilium ; ego vero et meum
.TKainst liabeo, quod ct sequar," &c. Whereupon, when the ambassadors began
Henry, to spcalv in the king's behalf, from that time they were half counted
for schismatics, and could no more be heard in the court of Rome.
Henry Thc king, hearing this, was marvellously incensed therewith, com-
MrahieTh maudiug, by general proclamation throughout all his realm, that no
taxJ^s"'"' "* '"^'^ should hereafter consent to any tax or subsidy of money for the
The pope court of Romc. When this came to the pope's oar, upon a cruel rage
aKainst""' ^'"^ directed his letters to the prelates of England, charging that under
the king, pain of suspcusc Or interdiction, they should provide thc same sum of
money to be collected against the feast of Assumption, thc charge
being given to the bishop of Worcester, to be executor of the said
The king cursc. The king, who lately intended to stand to the liberties of the
toRi^^e"'^'^ church and kingdom, now, for fear of the pope, and partly for the
over to menaces of his brother, carl Richard,* and of the said bishop of Wor-
cester and other prelates, durst not stand to them, but gave over.
Moreover, the greedy gulf of the Romish avarice waxed so immea-
surable, that at length the pope shamed not, upon the censure of his
curse, to ask the third part of the church goods, and the yearly fruit
The pope of all vacant benefices. The chief doers and legates in England,
fheulird ^^'^^*^ Otho, Stephen the pope's chaplain, Pctrus Rubcus, the nuncio,
pariofthe Mag. Martin, and Mag. Marinus, and Johannes Anglicus, bishop of
church o ' o ' o ' i
goods, Sabino ; of whom to speak further (for that I have much more to
write), I think best for the present to defer, lest in opening all the
detestable doings and pestilent workings of those men, I might, per-
haps, not only molest good cars, but also infect the air. Yet one
thing concerning thc said Otho I cannot well overpass.
A story of Tliis Otlio, as hc left no place imsought, where any vantage might
oihoaf ^^ R"'' • S'^> -tniongst all others, hc came to Oxford, where lying in
Oxford, the house of Osncy, he was received Avith great honour ; thc scholars
presenting him honourably with such dishes and rewards as they had,
thinking to gratify the cardinal after the best manner. This being
done before dinner, and the dinner ended, they came reverently to
see and welcome him, sujjposing that they also should again, of him,
with like courtesy be entertained. As they came to thc gate, the
(1) Foxe says " Winchester," whereas it was the council of Winchester which was assembled
Juiy. rth, to hear this report of the ambassadors. M. Paris, p. 70!). — Ed. (2) M. Paris, p. 709. — Ed.
AFFRAY WITH THE OXFORD SCHOLARS. 371
porter, being an Italian, witli a loud voice, asketh what they would iin>r,j
have ? They said, they came to see the lord legate. But Cerberus, ^
the porter, holding the door half open, with proud and contumelious '"^-D.
lanofuaije thrust them out, and would not suffer them to enter. The ^238.
scholars, seeing that, by force thrust open the gate and came in ; ^^'™;'*''
whom when the Romans, who were within, would have repelled with tiie sdio-
their fists, and such staves as they had in their hands, they fell to oxfo'[d
alarum and by the ears together, with much heaving and shoving, ""''""■,,
and many blows on both sides. In the mean time, while some of men.
the scholars ran home for their weapons, there chanced a poor scholar,
an Irishman, to stand at the gate waiting for his alms, whom when the
master-cook saw at the gate, he, taking hot scalding water out of the
pan where the meat was sodden, did cast it in his face. One of the
scholars, a Welshman, who came with his bow and shafts, seeing that,
letteth drive an arrow, and shooteth this Nabuzardan (that master of
cooks) clean through the body, and slayeth him out of hand. The
cook falling dead, there was a mighty broil and a great clamour
throughout all the house. The cardinal, hearing the tumult and The
great noise about him, like a valiant Roman, runneth as fast as he runneth
could into the steeple, and there locketh the doors fast unto him, *^"•^•
where he remained till midnight. The scholars, in the mean while,
not yet at all pacified, sought all corners about for the legate,
exclaiming and crying out, " Where is that usurer, that simoniac,
that piller and poller of our livings, that prowler and extortioner of
our money, who perverteth our king, and subverteth his kingdom,
enriching aliens with our spoils .?" All this heard the cardinal, and
held his peace. When the night approaching had broken up the
field, the cardinal coming out of his fort, and taking his horse, in the
silence of the night, was privily conveyed over the river towards the
king, conveying himself away as fast as he could. After the king
heard this, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliver
the Romans who were there hidden for fear of the scholars. Then Tiurty
was Master Otho, a lawyer, with thirty other scholars, apprehended, taken and
and carried to Wallingford castle, and from thence had in carts to I'^^djo
London, where, at length, through much entreaty of the bishops,
they, being brought barefoot to the legate's door, had their pardon, ^'.u.jass!
and the university was released from interdiction. Thus much con-
cerning the pope's legate in England.
Thus partly you have heard, and do understand the miserable
thraldom and captivity of this realm of England and the clergy of
the same, who before refused to take part with King John their
natiiral prince against the foreign power of the pope, and now how
miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope; whose
insatiable extortion and rapacity did so exceed in pilling and polling
of this realm long after this, that neither the king now could help xhrcc-
them, nor could the pope with any reasonable measure be content ; uumsand
insomuch that writers record, that in the days of Sudbury, archbishop f^^^_
of Canterbury, a.d. 1360, the pope by his proctors gat from the j^'^'J'^^^ '»
clergy, in less than one year, more than sixty thousand florins, of jiron"''"'
mere contribution ; besides his other avails and common revenues \'^-'J- ^y
out of benefices, prebendaries, first-fruits, tributes, Peter-pence, colla- cien;y.
tions, reservations, relaxations, and such merchandize, &c.
B B 2
senses.
372 TOUI-OUSK BKSlF.GEn. TlIK HKSIEGERS REPULSED.
ntnry *And yet the state of this realm of England, although most mise-
^^'' rable, was not so lamentable, but that the case of Gcnnany and of the
A. D. Emperor Frederic II. was then as much or more pitiful, who in the
^--Q- same time of King Henry III. was so persecuted and disturbed by
popes Innocent, Honorius, Gregory, Celestine, and Innocent IV.,
that not only with their curses and excommunications most wretchedly
thev did infame, impugn, and assault him, but also in open field con-
tinually did thev war against him, and all with Englishmen's money.
Albeit, concerning the troubles of this emperor, being a foreign story
and pertaining to other countries, I have not much to do nor to write
therein, having enough already to story at home. Yet I cannot but
lament and marvel to see the ambitious presumption and tragical
fury of those popes against the emperor.**
Mention was made a little before of the Albigenses keeping about
the city of Toulouse. These Albigenses, because they began to
smell the pope, and to control the inordinate proceedings and disci-
pline of the see of Rome, the pope therefore recounting them as
a people heretical, excited and stirred up about this present time
Louis.the and year, a.d. 1220, Louis, the French king's- son, through the
kTngVson, instance of Philip II., his father, to lay siege against the said city of
lighteth Toulouse to expugn and extinguish these Albigenses, his enemies ;
the Aibi- Avhcreupon Louis, according to his father's commandment, reared a
puissant and mighty army to compass about and beset that city, and
so did. Here were the men of Toulouse in great danger ; but see
Besiegeth how tlic mighty protection of God fighteth for his people against the
The hand might of uiau : for after that Louis, as Matthew Paris testifieth,^ had
fighteth long wearied himself and his men in waste, and could do no good
for his ^ith all their engines and artillery against the city, there fell, more-
over, upon the French host, by the hand of God, such famine and
pestilence both of men and horses, besides the other daily slaughter
of the soldiers, that Louis was forced to retire, and, with such as were
left, to return again home to France, from Avhence he came. In the
slaughter of his soldiers, besides many others, was earl Simon Mont-
fort, general of the army, to whom the lands of the earl of Toulouse
were given by the pope ; he was slain before the gate of the city
The siege with a stouc ; and so was also the brother of the said Simon, at the
the Altai- Same time, while besieging a castle near Toulouse, slain with a stone
genses j^ iji-g manner. And thus was the siege of the Frenchmen against
broken rri i i i 3 "
up. 1 oulouse broken up.
While the siege of these Frenchmen could do no good against the
city of Toulouse, it happened at that time that the Christians, march-
ing towards the Holy Land, had better success in laying their siege
to a certain tower or castle in Egypt, near to the city Damietta, that
seemed by nature, for the situation and difficulty of the place, inex-
pugnable : wliich, being situate in the midst of the great flood Nilus,
hard by the city called Damietta, could neither be come to by land,
nor be undermined for the water, nor by famine subdued, for the
nearness of the city ; yet, notwithstanding, through the help of God
and the policy of man, erecting scaffolds and castles upon tops of
(1) This paragraph m single asterisks is from the Edition of 1563, p. 73, and is followed by a
Bhort abstract of the ecclesiastical and civil history of this country to the time of Wickliff, given
more fully in later Editions. — Ed.
(2) Ex Matth. Paris, in Vita Hen III. (3) E.\ Matth. Paris.
THK STORY OF ST. ELIZABETH. 373
masts, the Christians at last conquered it, and after that also the city neury
Damietta, albeit not without great loss of christian people, (a.u.
1219.) In the expugnation of this city or fort, among others that A. I),
there died was the landgrave of Thuring, named Tjouis, the husband ^•^"^'
of Elizabeth, whom we use to call St. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth, Damietta
as my story recordeth, was the daughter of the king of Hungary, and lue chrL
married in Alniain, where she lived with the aforenamed Louis, land- Iih"'''tor
grave of Thuring, whom she, through her persuasions, provoked and or st. eu-
incensed to take that voyage to fight for the Holy Land, where he ^^ "
in the same voyage Avas slain. After his death, Elizabeth, remaining
a widow, entered the profession of cloistcrly religion, and made her-
self a nun ; so growing and increasing from virtue to virtue, that
after her death all Almain did sound with the fame of her worthy
doings. Matthew Paris addeth this also, that she was the daughter
of that queen, who, being accused to be naughty with a certain arch- The mo-
bishop, w\is therefore condemned with this sentence pronounced against Eii2a°be'th
her ;' although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in accused of
Latin, — " To kill the queen will ye not to fear, that is good ; and if
all men consent thereunto, not I myself do stand against it."" Which
sentence being brought to Pope Innocent, thus in pointing the sen-
tence, which otherwise seemeth to have a double understanding, he The
saved the queen; thus interpreting and pointing the same, " Regi- s^vedby
nam interficere nolite, timere bonum est, et si omnes consenserint, awehuer-
non ego, contradico." That is, " To kill the queen will ye not, to pretation
fear, that is good : and if all do consent thereto, yet not I, I myself doui.ie
do stand against it," and so escaped she the danger. This queen was EUzabefii
the mother, as is said, of Elizabeth the nun, who, for her holy nun- canonized
nishness, was canonized of the pope's church for a saint in Almain, Aimain
about A.D. 1220.^
And this by the way. Now to proceed further in the years and A.D.1221.
life of tliis King Henry. The next year following, which was a.d.
1221, the king went to Oxford, where he had something to do with
William, earl of Albemarle, who had taken the castle of Biham : but
at last, for his good service he had done in the realm before, he was
released by the king, with all his men, at the intercession of Walter,
archbishop of York, and of Pandulph, the legate.^ About that year The Grey
entered first the Friars Minorite, or Grey friars, into England, and e^n'^er''"'
had their first house at Canterbury, whose first patron was Francis, England.
who died a.d. 1 127. His order was confirmed by Pope Honorius III., Jo'Jv"'^''"
A.D. 1224. «™^'J-
About the first coming of these Dominic and Grey friars Franciscan
into the realm (as is in Nicolas Trivet testified), many Englishmen at
that time entered into their orders, among whom was Johannes de
Sancto Egidio, a man famously expert in the science of physic and
astronomy, and Alexander de Hales, both Englishmen and great
divines. This Johannes making his sermon "ad clerum," in the house
of the Dominic friars, exhorted his auditory with gi-eat persuasions
unto wilful poverty, and to confirm his words the more by his own
example, in the midst of his sermon he came down from the pulpit
and put on his friar"'s habit ; and so, returning into the pulpit again,
( 1 ) " Reginam intenicere nolite timere bonum est, et si omnes consenserint non ego coiitradico."
I-'; Ex Matth. Taris. n) Ex tabula pensili in aede divi Pauli. (4) See InfrA, p. 528.— Ed.
Henry
III.
A. D.
1221.
Charter-
liou-e
sionks
founded.
Two con-
demned
at a coun-
cil in
Oxford.
Dissen-
sion be-
tween the
citizens of
London
and West-
minster.
Whole-
some
counsel
of the
mayor of
London.
DIS.SKNSION BKIWEKN LONDON AND WESTMINSTER.
made an end of his sermon. Likewise Alexander Hales entered the
order of the Franciscans, of whom remaineth vet tiie book entitled
'' De Summa Thcologia-," in old libraries.
Moreover, not long after, by William Longspey, who was the
bastard son of King Henry H. and earl of Salisbury, was first
founded the house of the Carthusian monks at Hethorp, a.d. 1222.
After whose death his wife Ela translated them to the house of Hen-
ton, in Somersetshire, a.d. 1227; which Ela also founded the house
of nuns at Lacocks, and there continued herself abbess of the place.
The bishop of London, named William, the same time gave over ids
bishopric, after whom succeeded Eustace in that see.'
In the town of Oxford, where the king then kept his court, Stephen
Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, held a council, where was con-
demned and burned a certain deacon, as Nicholas Trivet saith, for
apostasy ; also another rude countryman, who had crucified himself,
and superstitiously bare about the wounds in his feet and hands, was
condemned to be closed up perpetually within walls.^ About the
same year also, Alexander, king of Scots, married Joan, sister to King
Henry.
Not long after began the new building of the minster of Salisbury,
whereof Pandulph, the pope's legate, laid the first five stones ; one
for the pope (such was the fortune of that church to have the pope''s
stone in its foundation) ; the second, for the young King Henry ; the
third, for the good earl of Salisbury ; the fourth, for the countess ;
the fifth, for the bishop of Salisbury ; which was about the same year
above mentioned, a.d. 1221.'
In the same year, about St. James's tide, arose a dissension between
the citizens of London and the men of Westminster, the occasion
whereof was this : — A certain match between these two parties was
appointed, to try which party, in wrestling, could overcome the other.
Thus, in striving for mastery, each party contending against the other,
as the manner is in such pastime, it happened that the Londoners got
the victory, and the other side was put to foil, but especially the
steward of the abbot of Westminster ; who, being not a little con-
founded therewith, began to forethink in his mind how to be revenged
again of the Londoners. W^hereupon, another day was set, which
was at Lammas, that the Londoners should come again to wrestle ;
and whoso had the victory should have the bell-wether,* which was the
price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in
their play, the steward suddenly bringeth upon the Londoners,
unawares, a company of harnessed men prepared for the same before-
hand, and letteth drive at the Londoners ; who, at length, being
wounded and grievously hurt, after much bloodshed were driven back
again into the city. This contumely thus being received, the citizens,
eagerly struck with ire and impatience, ran to the common bell, and
by ringing thereof assembled their commons together, to consult with
themselves what was to be done in that case so contumelious ; wherein,
when divers sentences were given diversely, Scrle, at that time mayor
of London (a wise and discreet man), gave this counsel, that the
abbot of Westminster should be talked withal, who if he would rectify
(1) Flor. Histori,T. (2) Nicholas Trivet.
(4) Usually, the best sheep in the flock. — Ed.
(3) Ex Chron. de Sal.
CONTKNl'IOX AMONG CIIUKCHMKN. ^75
the injury done, and satisfy for the harm received, it should be to ii<nry
t])cm suffioicnt. But contrary, one Constaiitine, a great man then in 1_
the city of London, in much heat exciting the people, gave this A. D.
sentence, that all the houses of the abbot of Westminster, but espe- ^"---
cially the house of the steward, should be cast down to the OTound. f''"*?',''
•^ . , *^ by wild
In fine, that which he so imadvisedly counselled, was as madly per- heads,
formed, for the furious people, according to his counsel, did. This
tumultuous outrage, as it could not be privy, coming to the know-
ledge of Hubert de Burgh, lord cliief justice of England, above
mentioned, he coming with a sufficient strength of armed soldiers to
the city of London, sent to the mayor and aldermen of the city to
will them to come unto him ; -who so obeying his commandment, he
required of them the principal beginners of the riot. To whom Con-
stantine, there being present, answered, that he would waiTant that
which was done ; sorrowing, moreover, that they had not done more constan-
tlian they did in the matter. The justice, upon this his confession, dlted at'
commanded him, with two others, without any further timiult, to be ^°'"|u"
taken ; and so, along with the same two, he Avas hanged, he offering
for his life fifteen thousand marks.
The said Hubert, earl of Kent, and lord chief justice, although he
w^as a faithful and trusty officer to his prince, and had the whole
guiding of the realm in his own hands, the king, as yet, being in his
minority, yet afterwards, what indignation he sustained for this his
severity and other things, both of the nobles and of the commons,
and how sharply he was tossed and trounced of his prince, it is a
wonder to see, as in its due place and time (by tbe Lord's leave)
hereafter shall appear.'
As mention hath been made of the wrangling between the com- Di^cord
moners of London and Westminster, both time and occasion bring Mention""
me in remembrance something to speak likewise of the ecclesiastical p,™°ch-
conflicts among churchmen ; nothing inferior in my mind, nor less men.
worthy to be noted than the other. For so I read in Matthew Paris,
and in the Flowers of History, that at what time this wrestling was
among the citizens for the sheep, the like contention kindled and
inflamed between Eustace, bishop of London, and the chapter of
Paul's, on the one side, and the abbot of Westminster, with his
covent, on the other, about spiritual jurisdiction and subjection ; to
wit, whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the
subjection and jurisdiction of the bishop of London or not. This
controversy at last coming to a compromise, was committed to the
arbitrement of Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, Peter, bishop of
Winchester, Thomas, prior of Merton, and Richard, prior of Dun-
stable ; and at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of West-
minster should be utterly exempted from the jurisdiction of the bishop
of London, and that Staines, with the appurtenances thereto belonging,
should appertain to the monastery of Westminster, Also, that the
manor of Sunbury should be due and proper to the church of St.
Paul, and also that the church of St. Margaret, with all the lands
belonging to the same, should be exempted from all other jurisdiction,
but of the bishop of Rome only : and so was this matter decided.
A.D. 1222.*
(1) Ex Matth. Paris. (2) Ibid.; ex Flor. Ilistoriaiuni
376 HORRIHLE TEMPEST IN ENGLAND.
jienry Tlic samc year, .as writeth Matthew Paris, hori'ible tempests, with
'. thundering and liglitning and whirlwinds, went throughout all the
A-l>. land, so that much liann was done; churches, steeples, towers, houses,
^""^' and divers trees, with the violence of the Avinds, were blown up liy the
Horrible roots. In Warwickshire, a certain wife, and eisfht others in her house,
teiiipt'st ' ' c? '
in Eng- were slain. In Grantham, the church was set on fire by lightning most
^ ■ terrible, with such a stink left behind, that no man could, for a long
time after, abide it. The author addeth, that manifest marks of the
tempest did remain long after in that monastery to be seen. Some
also write that fiery dragons and spirits were seen then flying in
the air.
A. D. 1223. A.D. 1223, Philip, the French king, died, after whom his son
kfnTof Louis succeeded to the crown ; to whom King Henry, sending his
^ise^to nicssage, and desiring him to remember his promise and covenant
his pro- made of renderinsj atjain the lands lost in Normandy, could obtain
nothing at his hands. Whereupon Richard, earl of Cornwall, also
William, the king"'s uncle, earl of Salisbury, with divers other nobles,
made over into France, where they recovered Poictou, and kept
Gascony imder the king's obedience.^
A.D.1224. In the same year, or as Fabian giveth it, the next year followin'r.
Wardship •■ . , t r>/-> i i • n • t '• i
arst which Avas a.d. 1224, by virtue ot a certain parliament, it was granted
fo^thl^*^ ^f the lords and barony of the land, that the king and his heirs should
«>ne- have the Avard and marriage of their heirs, which then Avas called, and
afterAvards proved to be, ' initium malorum,'' the beginning of harms.
In the same year, according to Gisbum and other WTiters, the said
king, holding another parliament at Oxford, by the advice of his
council and his clergy, did grant and confirm, under his great seal,
tAvo charts of the old liberties and customs of this realm, for ever to
be kept and observed, the one called ' Magna Charta,' the other
' Cliarta de Foresta ;' the contents whereof fully in the beforenamed
author be expressed. For this cause was granted agnin by the whole
parliament, a fifteenth of all his subjects, as well of laymen as also
of the clergy.
Here is to be noted, that these liberties were afterwards broken,
and confirmed again by the said king, a.d. 1236.
A. D. 12:^6* died Louis VIII,, the perjured French king, at
the siege of Avignon, Avhom the pope now the second or third
time had set up to fight against Reimund, the good earl of
Toulouse, and the heretic Albigenses of that country ; for so the
pope calleth all those Avho hold not in all points Avith his glorious
pride, usurped power, and ungodly proceedings. The origin whereof
was this, as in Matthew Paris appeareth. In the days of Philip,
the French king, this Reimund, earl of Toulouse, Avas disdained by
the pope for holding Avith the Albigenses ; and therefore, by the
instigation of the pope, the lands of the carl Avcre taken from him,
and given to Simon Montfort, and instruments Avere made upon the
same ; but Avhen the said earl Reimund Avould not be removed from
the right of his possessions by unrighteous dealing, the pope setteth
Philip II., the French king, to make open war against him. Where-
(1) Ex Matth. Paris.; Nich. Trivet. Flor. Hist.
(2> For two lines of text omitted here, see infri, p. 3S3.— Ed.
THE pope's malice AGAINST EARI, REIMUND. 377
upon Louis, the French king''s son,^ was sent with a great power, as Henry
is above declared, to besiege the city of Toulouse ; but being repulsed
from thence by the marvellous hand of God fighting for his people, A.D.
he could not prevail, and so returned home, after he had lost the most ^^"^-
part of his army by pestilence and other calamity, as hath been before ^he pope
described. Thus continued the good carl still in quiet possession till \Yar.
this present time, a.d. 1226 ; in the which year the pope, not for- a.d.122c.
getting his old malice against the carl, and no less inflamed with pope's
insatiable avarice, directeth down his legate, Master Romanus, to the niaUce
parts of France, for two several purposes ; one to extirpate the earl, against
Z\ ,^ . 1 1 • r r ' r _ 'the clins-
the other to enlarge his own revenues. 1 hus the legate, bemg entered tian eari
into France, beginneth to summon a council, willing the French king, °ouIr."'
with the archbishops, bishops, and clergy of France, to appear before
him at Bourges ; to whom eftsoons repaired six archbishops, with the
bishops and suflfragans of nine provinces, to the number of a hundred,
besides the abbots, priors, and proctors of all the covents of France,
to hear the ])ope's will and commandment. But because there was a Mark,
discord feared to rise, saith Matthew Paris, about pre-eminence of [^^"^^^j^j^j
sitting, for that the archbishop of Lyons challenged the superior place nature of
above the archbishop of Sens, also the archbishop of Rouen above striving "
the archbishops of Bourges, Aix, and Narbonne, and their suf- c'hief^^
fragans ; therefore the session was holden there not in manner ?'*<=«•
and form of a council, but of a certain parley or consultation. Thus The pope
the meek and holy council being set, and the pope's majesty's letters fight''po''s!
read and declared, appeareth before them Reimund, earl of Toulouse, ^^^^^lon
of the one part, and Simon Montfort, on the other part. This Simon from the
required to be restored unto him the lands and possessions of the °""^'^*-
said Reimund, which the pope and Philip, the French king, had
given to him and to his father before, having good evidences to show
for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope and of the king;
adding moreover, that the earl Reimund was deprived and disin-
herited in the general council at Rome for heresy, which is called the
heresy of the Albigenses. At least, if he might not have the whole
yielded unto him, yet the most part of his lordships he required lo
be granted him.
To this the earl Reimund answered again, oflTering himself ready Reimund
to all duty and office both toward the French king and to the church eari^of"
of Rome, whatsoever to him did duly appertain. And moreover, 'l°^l°^T
touching the heresy wherewith he was there charged ; he did not cth for
only there offer himself, in that council, before the legate, but most
humbly did crave of him, that he would take the pains to come into
every citv within his precinct, to inquire of every person there the
articles of his belief ; and if he found any person or persons holding Aibigen-
that which was not catholic, he would see the same to be corrected suspecTia
and amended, according to the censure of holy church, to the utter- «f I'eresy.
most. Or if he should find any city rebelling against him, he, to the
uttermost of his might with the inhabitants thereof, would compel
them to do satisfaction there-for. And as touching himself, if he
had committed or erred in any thing (which he remembereth not
(1) This Louis (afterwards Louis VIII. of France) was the eldest son of Philip II. To him the
barons of England offered the crown, in the miserable days of King John. John died a.d. 1216,
and Louis was doftated on the 20th of May in the following,' year, by the Lord Protector Pembroke,
and compelled to evacuate the kingdom.— Kd.
378 DKLIHKllATIOXS CONCKRXI NO EAKL UEIMUND.
Henry that lie had done), he offered there full satisfaction to God and
///.
the church, as became any faithful cliristian man to do ; requiring,
A. D. moreover, there, before the lesrate, to be examined of his feith.
^-"^- Hut all this, saith Matthew Paris, the legate despised ; neither
could the catholic earl, saith he, there find any grace, unless he
would depart from his heritage, both for himself, and for his heirs
for ever. In fine, when it was required, on the contrary part, that
he should stand to the arbitrament of twelve peers of France, Rei-
mund answered, that if the French king would receive his homage,
which he was ready at all times to exhibit, he was contented there-
with. For, otherwise, they would not, said he, take him as one
of their peers.
After much altercation on both sides about the matter, the legate
willeth every archbishop to call aside his suffragans to deliberate with
them upon the cause, and to give up in writing what was concluded.
This being done accordingly, the legate denounceth excommunica-
tion on all such as did reveal any piece of that which was there
concluded, before the pope and the king had intelligence thereof.
These things, thus in hudder mutter among themselves, concluded,
the legate gave leave to all proctors of covents and chapters to return
home, only retaining with him the archbishops, bishops, and abbots,
and certain simple prelates, such as he might be more bold withal, to
open, and of them to obtain, the other part of his commission ; which
■was, indeed, to obtain of every cathedral church two prebendships, —
one of the bishop, the other of the chapter. In monasteries also,
after the like sort, where the abbot and covent had divers and several
portions, to require two churches ; one of the abbot, the other
of the covent ; keeping this proportion, that how much should
suffice for the living of one monk, so much the whole covent should
find for their part, and as much the abbot likewise for his. And,
forasmuch as he would not seem to demand this without some colour
of cause, his reason was this : that because the court of Rome had
long been blotted with the note of avarice, who is mother of all
evil, for that no man could come to Rome for any business, but he
must pay for the expedition of the same ; therefore, for the removing
away of the occasion of that slander, the pul.'lic help of the church
must necessarily be required.
Mark, The proctors and parties thus sent home by the legates, marvelling
the''"ac- ^^'^^^ themselves why the bishops and abbots should be staid, and
ticcof they sent home, and suspecting no less than as the matter was
for thy'' indeed, confcned their counsels together, and devised with them-
jeaming. ggjygg ^^ ggj,(j certain unto him in the behalf of all the cathedral
and conventual churches in France ; and sent to the said legate
this message, to signify to him, that they were credibly informed he
came with special letters from the court of Rome for the obtaining
of certain prebendaries in every cathedi^al and conventual church ;
which being so, they much marvelled that he wovdd not in the
The public council make manifest to them those letters which specially
Fran^c"*^ concemcd them, as much as the others. Wherefore, their request
answer- ^^s to him in the Lord, that no such oflfensive matter mi'dit arise
ing to the , , . . 1 i-i 11 1 • 1 • 1 11- 1
•egate. by hun m the r rench church ; knowmg tins, that the tlnng he
entcrprised could not be brought to effect without great offence
THE FRENCH CLEUGY OBJECT TO PAPAL EXACTIONS. 379
taken, and inestimable damage to the church of France. " For iienry
gi-ant," said they, "• that certain ■will assent unto you, yet their ^ '
assent standeth in no elFect concerning such matters as toucli the A.l).
■whole ; especially seeing both the states of the realm, with all the _L^r!!L
inferior subjects, yea, and the king himself, they are sure, will with-
stand the same, to the venture, not only of their honour, but of
their life also ; considering the case to be such, as upon the offence
whereof standeth the subversion both of the realm public, and of the
whole church in general." Declaring, moreover, the cause of this
fear to arise hereof, for that in other realms such communication hath
been with bishops and prelates for the procuring of such prebend-
ships, whereas neither the prince nor the subjects were made any
thing privy thereto.
In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the lesrate, inferiors
n... f>i-r>- • • 1 1 ." evermore
the objections ot the mierior parties against tlie cruel exaction were bold to
these in brief effect, as in Matthew Paris are noted. than^he
First, They alleged their great damages and expenses which they q^^^,.
were like to sustain thereby, by reason of the continual procurators tions of
of the pope, who, in every diocese, must not live of their own, but ckrgy of
be sustained by the charges of the cathedral churches, and other fJa"„7t
churches also ; and many times they, being but procurators, will be '^'^ 1^"?^'^
lound as legates.
Item, By that means, they said, great perturbations might ensue
to the covents and chapters of cathedral churches in their elections ;
forasmuch as the pope's agents and factors being in every cathedral
church and chapter-house, perhaps the pope would command the
agent or factor in person to be present at their elections, and so
might trouble the same in delaying, and deferring, till it might fill
to the court of Rome to give ; and so there should be placed more
of the pope's clientels in the churches of France, than of the proper
inhabitants of the land.
Item, By this means they affirmed, that all they in the court of
Rome should be richer, and should receive more for their propor-
tion than the king of the realm : by reason of which abundance of
riches, it was like to come to pass, that as the worm of rich men is
pride, so, by the means of this their riches, the court of Rome would
delay and drive off great suits, and would scarcely take any pains with
small causes ; the experiment whereof is evident, for that now also
they use to delay their matters, when they come with their gifts, and
being in assurance to receive. And thus should justice stand aside,
and poor suitors die at the gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing
and triumphing in full abundance of all treasure and riches.
Item, Forasmuch as it is meet and convenient to have friends in
the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes ; therefore
they thought to keep them needy, whereby their gifts may be the
sweeter, and their causes sooner despatched.
Item, As it is impossible to stop the fountain of gi-eedy desire, it
Avas to be feared, either that they would do that by others, which they
were wont to do by themselves, or else, that they should be forced to
give greater rewards than before ; for small gifts, in the sight of great
rich men, are not looked upon.
Item, Where he alleged the removing away of the slander whicJi
sso
THE CAHDIXAI, DKKKATED IX FRANCE.
lien ry
III
A. IX
122*).
God
grant,
say we.
Thec.ir-
dinal
repulsed
and
defeated
ill France.
Tlie pope
raiseth
war
against
tJie earl
and
jieople of
Toulouse.
Testi-
mony of
the
author for
the clear-
ing of
Reimund
and of the
Alhigen-
iPK.
gocth on tlic court of Rome : by thi.s means rather the contrary
wore to be feared, uherein they alleged the sentence of the verse,
tliat great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mind contented
with a little :
" Quod virtus reddit, non copia, siifficientcm ;
Et noil paupertas, sed mentis hiatus, cgentem."
l-'iirthcr, they alleged that great riches would make the Romans
mad, and so might kindle among them sides and parts-taking ; so
that, by great possessions, sedition might follow to the ruin and
destruction of the city, whereof some experiment they had already.
Item, They added, that although they would condescend and oblige
themselves to that contribution, yet their successors would not be so
bound, nor yet ratify that bond of theirs.
Tjastly, They conclude the matter by desiring that the zeal of the
universal church, and of the church of Rome, would move him : for,
if this oppression of the church should be universal, it were to be
doubted lest an universal departing might follow from the cluu-ch of
Rome, which God forbid, say they, should happen.
The legate hearing these words, being therewith something moved,
as seemed, excused himself, that he, being in the court, never agreed
to this exaction ; and that the letters, hereof, came not to him before
he was in France, whereat he said he was greatly sorry : adding
this withal, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning
in them, thus to be understood and taken, " so far forth as the empire
and other realms would agree unto the same \ and as for him, he
would stir no more in the matter, before it were proved what other
countries would say and do therein.
And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commis-
sion of this legate, touching his exaction of prebendships in every
cathedral and conventual church ; wherein, as ye hear, he was
repulsed.'
Now to return to the first part of his commission again, which
was concerning Reimund, the godly earl of Toulouse, — thus the
story proceedeth : that while the legate was in hand with this matter
of the pope''s money, in the mean season, certain preaching friars
were directed by the said Romanus, the pope's legate, into all France,
to incite and stir up the Frenchmen to take the cross upon them,
and to war against the earl of Toulouse, and the people thereof,
whom they accounted for heretics. At their ])rcaching, a great
number of prelates and laymen signed themselves with the cross, to
fight against the people of Toulouse, being thereto induced, as the
story saith, more for fear of the French king, Louis VIII., or favour
of the legate, than for any true zeal of justice. For so it followeth
in the words of Matthew Paris :^ " For to many," saith he, " it
seemed an abuse to move war against a faitliful christian man,
especially, seeing in the council of Bourges, before all men, he
entreated the legate, with great instance, that he would come into
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, p. C2.
(2) " Videbatur enini niultis abusio, lit hominem fidelcm Christianum infcstarent, praecipue cuiu
constaret ounctis, euni, in concilio nuper Hituricnsi. multi.s preribus per.siiasisse legato, ut veniret
ail i>ingula.s terric sux civitatcs, inquirens a singulis articulos lldci: ct si quempi.-mi cuii'ra I'ulepj
invcnirel," S:c.
CAMPAIGX AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF TOULOUSE. 381
every city within his dominions, and there inquire of every person Jrenry
the articles of his faith ; where, if he found any man to hold any "^'
tiling contrary to the catholic faith, he promised a full satisfaction to A. D.
be had thereof, according to the censure of the church, to the utter- ^-^^-
most/'
Yet all this notwithstanding, the proud legate, contemning this so jheun-
honest and reasonable purgation of the earl Reimund, ceased not by ^^te"""
all manner of means to prosecute the pope's fury against him and his tyrannyof
subjects, stirring up the king and the Frenchmen, under pain of againsr
excommunication, to war against them. Louis, the French king, IfTm,"^''^
thus bemg enforced by the legate, answered again, that he, for his io"»e.
own safety, would not achieve that expedition, or adventure against
the earl, unless it were first obtained of the pope to write to the king
of England ; commanding him, that, during the time of that expe-
dition, he should invade and molest no part of his lands and posses-
sions which he at that time did hold, whether by right or by wrong,
or howsoever they were holden, while the time of the said war
against the heretics (as they were then termed) did endure, but
rather should aid and assist hun with counsel and money in that
enterprise. All this being done and accomplished, the French king
and the legate (crossing themselves to the field) appointed a day
peremptory for the French army to meet together at Lyons, under Excom-
pain of the pope's excommunication, and, with horse and harness, to umi""^''
set upon the people of Toulouse, namely the Ascension day next ^'^^^'^^
ensuing.
When the Ascension day was come, which was the day peremp- louIs, the
torily appointed, the French king, having prepared at Lyons all IJ,^"'''^^^
things necessary for his army, marcheth forward with a gi-eat and R-oma-
mighty host ; after whom also cometh the legate, with his bishops pope's'^
and prelates. The number of fighting men in his araiy, besides J^l^^^;
the victuallers and waggoners, was fifty thousand men. The legate, against
by the way, openly excommunicated the earl of Toulouse, and all genses."
that took his part ; and, furthennore, interdicted his whole land. Toulouse
Thus the king marched forward till he came into the province of '^'''^o?^-
Toidouse ; and the first city which he came unto there of the earFs cated.
was Avignon, which city they thought first to besiege, and so in
order afterwards, as they went to destroy and waste all the whole
province belonging to the earl. And first the king demanded of
them to have his passage through their city ; feigning himself in
peaceable wnse, but for the expedition of his journey, to pass through
the same. The citizens, consulting with themselves what was to be
done, at length gave answer, that they mistrusted their coming, and
supposed that, in deceit, they required the entrance of their city, and
for no necessity of their journey.
The king, hcreat being much offended, swore an oath, that he city of
would not depart thence till he had taken the city ; and immediately, besieged.
in those places Avhere he thought most meet, he began to make sharp
attacks, Avith all manner of saultable engines ; the citizens again
within manfidly defended themselves, and ctisting stone for stone,
and shooting shot for shot, slew and wounded many of the French-
men. Thus, when they had long besieged the city, and could not
win the same, at length victuals in the French camp l)egan to fail,
382 THK DKATH OF LOUIS VIII.
S'nni and niaiiy of thoni died for hunger ; for tlie carl of Toulouse, as a
wise man of war, hearing bei'ore of their coming, took into the town
A- D- all the provision that was abroad, and left nothing, without, to serve
for their defence and succour; he ploughed up the fields, that there
should no stover' be found to serve their horses ; he put out of the
town all the old ])eoplc and young children, lest they should want
victuals that kcj)t the town, and before their coming sent them far
away, so that within the town they had plenty, and without, they died
for famine. And, besides, in seeking far for their forage, many fell into
the hands of them that kept the city, who secretly lay in wait for
them abroad, and slew many of them ; besides that, a great number
Famine of Cattle and horses died for want of forage ; and also poor soldiers,
"ence in" ^'lio had uo gTcat storc of money, died for want of victuals. By the
Fr!-nrh '^lortality and the stench, both of men and cattle, grew great infection
camp. and pestilence among them ; insomuch that the king himself, and
also the legate, were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no little
shame, as well to the realm of France, as also to Rome, that they
should so depart and break up their siege. Thus again thought the
soldiers, that much better it were for them to end their lives by
battle, than thus to starve and die like dogs ; wherefore, with one
consent, they purposed to give a new assault at the bridge that goeth
over the Rhone into the town, to which place they came in such
numbers, that cither by the debility of the bridge, or by the subtlety
The of the soldiers that kept the town, three thousand of them, with
JjidieJs bridge and all, fell anned into the violent stream, and were drowned.
arthe"^^*^ What was there, then, but joy and gladness on the citizen's part,
siege of and much lamentation and heaviness on the other part ? Shortly
^iK'ion. j^fjgj. ^jijg^ j.]jg citizens of Avignon (when they saw a convenient time,
whilst their enemies were eating meat) came suddenly upon them
out of the town, and slew of them two thousand, and took to the
town again with safety. But the legate, with his company of ])relates,
like good men of war, practised no other martial feats, butall-lo be-
Louis, the cursed the carl of Toulouse, his cities, and his people. Louis VIII.
ki'^t^p,'^ ' the king, to avoid the pestilence that was in the camp, went into an
the'siege •''^bey not fiir off; where, shortly after, he died. Of his death
"1' . there are sundry opinions ; some saying, that he was poisoned ;
Mgnon. gQj^^g^ ^^^^^ j^g jj^^ ^^ ^ bloody-flux, A. D. 1226; whose death,
notwithstanding, the legate thought to keep secret and conceal, till
the town might be siuTendcred and given up : for he thought himself
shamed for ever if he should depart before the town were won.
Thefaise Wherefore, after he had encouraged the soldiers ai'resh, and yet
the popt^s ^ft<^r many sharp assaults could not prevail, he bethought him how
i^^traying ^^ falschood he might betray them, and sent unto them certain
the cityof heralds, to will them that they should among themselves consult
'gnon. ^jpjij^ articles of peace, and bring the same to their camp, whose safe
conduct they faithfully promised and warranted, both of coming, and
going. Wlien they had given their pledges for the same, the
messengers from the citizens talked with the legate, who promised
them, if they would deliver up their city, they should have their lives,
goods, and possessions in as ample manner as now they enjoyed the
(1) " stover," fodiler.— Ed.
PERJURY OF THE PAPISTS. ,'3iS3
same. But the citizens and soldiers refused to be under the servi- //'-wrjr
tude of the Frencli king, neither Avould so deliver up their city to ^'^'
those of ^vhose insolent pride they had so good experiment. After A.D.
much talk on both sides, and none likely to take effect, the legate ^^^"-
requested them, and friendly desired, that he and his prelates who
were about him, might come into their city to examine what faith
and belief they were of, and that he neither sought nor meant any
other thing thereby, but their own safeties, as well of body as soul,
which thing he fiiithfully swore unto : " For," saith he, " the rumour
of your great infidelity hath come to the lord pope's ear, and therefore
desired he to make true certificate thereof." Hereupon the citizens, perjuryof
not mistrusting his faithful oath and promise made unto them, granted ^^.^ p^-
entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with tliem no cUy'of^'"
weapon into the town. The soldiers of the camp, as it was agreed ^keT''
before, made themselves ready, so that at the entrance of the prelates
in at the gate, nothing regarding their oath and fidelity, the others
suddenly Avere ready, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter
and warders, and, at length, won the city and destroyed the same,
and slew many of them that were ^vithin. When by falsehood and
policy they had thus gotten this noble city, they carried the king's
corpse to Paris, where they buried the same. Of the whole number
of the French soldiers who in this siege were destroyed by famine,
pestilence, and drowning, be recounted more than two and twenty
thousand : " AVhereby,"' saith Matthew- Paris, " it may evidently
appear that the war was unjustly taken in hand."
After these things finished, and after the funeral of the king cele-
brated at Paris, it followeth more in the said history of Matthew Paris,
that the said legate, Romanus, was vehemently suspected and griev-
ously infamed as having abused himself with Blanche, the king's "Sed im-
mother: " But it is ungodly," saith he, " to suspect any such thing pJ^J"^^^**-
of him because his enemies so rumoured the same abroad; but a dere, quia
gentle mind expoundeth things doubtful in the better part." ^us^hoc
To pass further to the year next following, which was a.d. 1227, first ^ave™m-
is to be noted, that in this year' died Pope Honorius III., a great adver- benipnus'
sary against Frederic the emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory IX., anim™s
more grievous than his predecessor. In this year also King Henry, be- meHus'i!,-
ginning to shoot up unto the twentieth year of his age, came from Read- «er.pretu-
ing to London, where he began to charge the citizens of London for old
reckonings; namely, for giving or lending five thousand marks to Louis,
the French king, at his departing out of the realm, to the great pre-
judice of him and of his kingdom ; for the recompense w^hereof they
were constrained to yield to the king the full sum of the like money.
That done, he removed to Oxford, where he assembled a great The king
council, there denouncing and protesting before them all, that he tobTfreed
was come to sufficient age no more to be under tutors and governors, ^»°'" ^°-
■1,,. '-' .. ir>-io vernors,
but to be nis o-vvn man, requirmg to be freed firom the custody of and to be
others. This being protested against and resisted, forthwith he, bv ^" "^'^
the counsel of Hubert the chief justice, Avhom he then made earl of
Kent, removed from his company the bishop of Winchester, and
others, under whom he was moderated ; and immediately, in the
same council, by the sinister persuasion of some, he doth annihilate
and make void the charters and liberties, before by him granted,
(1) The next two lines, to " this year also," are brought from p. 376.— Kd.
ov»n
mas.
384 so IKACK IN THK I'OPk's CHUKCH.
^u'P prc'^cndinc: t'lis colour, for that they had been granted and scaled
'■ — in the time of his minority, at a time when he had the nile neither
A.D. of himself nor of his seal; whereupon much muttering and mur-
muring was among the multitude, who did all impute the cause to
nevokeih Hubert, the justice. Moreover, it was at the same time proclaimed,
ii« which that whosoever had any charter or gift sealed in the time of the
piMcd. ^^'"k's minority, should come and renew the same again under the
new seal of the king, knowing otherwise, that the thing should stand
in no effect. And finally, for renewing of their seals, they were
taxed not according to their ability, but according as it pleased the
justice and others to lew upon them.
Moreover, besides a general subsidy of the fifteenth granted to
the king through the whole realm, and besides also the contribution
of the Londoners, divers other parcels and payments he gathered
through several places ; as, of the burgesses of Peterborough and
Northampton he required an aid of twelve hundred pounds, and
so of others likewise. All this preparation of money was made
toward the furnishing of his voyage to recover Normandy. And yet,
because he would gratify the city of London again with some
Citizens pleasure, he granted that the citizens thereof should pass toll-
ofLomion free, saitli Fabiau, throughout all England ; and if, of any city,
treed from ' ' » . » , ' . ' i •
toll. borough, or town, they were constramed at any tunc to pay their
A.D.1228. toll, then the sheriffs of London were to attach every man coming
to London of the said city, borough, or town, and him with his
goods to withhold, till the Londoners were again restored of all such
money paid for the said toll, with all costs and damages sustained for
tlie same.'
I declared before, how after the death of Honorius succeeded Pope
Gregory IX., between whom and the people of Rome this year arose
a great sedition, insomuch that about the feast of Easter they thrust
the pope out of the city, pursuing him unto his castle at Viterbo,
where also they invaded him so valiantly, that they chased him to
Perugia. Then having no other remedy wherewith to revenge his
persecutors, fiercely he did excommunicate them.^
The Here, by the way, is to be observed and considered, christian
ciXch reader, not only by this sedition, but by so many other schisms, divi-
\id"odb sions, tumults, fightings, brawls, and contentions in the church of
thei'rais- Rome from the first beginning of the pope's usurped power, and
Inli'""" that not only within the city of Rome, but universally almost in all
schisms. pQpigij nionasterics, colleges, churches, and covents under the pope
in the subjected, continually reigning amongst them, what is to be thought
church, of tiicir religion and "holiness, having so little peace, so great discjuiet-
ncss, dissensions, and wrangling amongst them, as in stories manifest
it is both to behold, and wondi-ous to consider.
Dissen- Forasmucli as I have here entered into the mention of this schis-
twcen'thc i»«itical couimotiou between the pope and his citizens, it followeth more-
priorand „vcr, iu tlic History of IMatthew Paris, who maketli relation of a like
Duriiam brawling matter, which befell the same year and time, a.d. 1228,
MnV^ between the prior and covcnt of Durham, and this King Henry HL,
upon this occasion. After the death of Richard, bishop of Durham,
the prior and chapter of the said church came to the king, to obtain
(1) Ex I-abiano, par. 7. (2) Ex Matth. Paris, p. 09
DEATH OK STEPHEN' I.AN'GTOK. 38.T
license for the electing of their bishop. The king offered them one ti^iu^
Lucus, a chaplain of his, requiring them instantly to elect him for
their bishop. To this the monks answered, that they would receive A. I).
no man, but by their order of canonical election ; meaning, belike, _i?^
by their canonical election, Avhen they either elect some monk out of
their own company, or else some monkish priest after their own
liking. Contrary, the king again sendcth word unto them, and
bound it with an oath, that they should tarry seven years without a
bishop, unless they would admit the aforesaid Lucas to that place of
dignity. All which notwithstanding, the monks, proceeding in their
election, refused the said Lucas; and preferred another clerk of
theirs, named William, archdeacon of Worcester, and him they
presented to the king : but the king, bringing in exceptions and
causes against that party, would not admit him. Then the monks, in Tiie^ ^^
all hasty speed, sent up to Rome certain of their covent, to have Durham
their election ratified by the authority apostolical. On the other ^^1:^1''
side, the king likewise hearing sendcth also to Rome against the ^^^^^
monks the bishop of Chester' and the prior of Lanthony on his behalf, jdng.
to withstand the purpose of the monks. And so the matter, being
traversed with great altercation on both sides, did hang in suspense,
saith mine autlior ; till at length thus it was concluded between
both, that neither Master William nor yet Lucas should be taken,
but that Richard, bishop of Sarum, should be translated to Durham,
and be bishop there, a.d. 1228.*
The like stir also happened, both the same year, and for a like matter,
between the monks of Coventry and the canons of Lichfield, about
choosing their bishop, which of them should have the superior voice
in the election of their prelate. After much ado, the cause, at
length being hoisted up to Rome, had this determination ; that
the^ monks of Coventry, and the church of Lichfield, should choose
their bishop by course, each party taking turn, the one after the
other : provided, notwithstanding, that the prior of Coventry should
always have the first voice in every election ; whereas the old custom
was, "saith mine author, that the covent with the prior of Coventry
was wont to have the whole election of the bishop without the canons.
This was A.D. 1228.^
In that year died Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, Thectiap
bv whom, as is recorded by Nicholas Trivet, the chapters of the BTbie'fi'rst
Bible, in that order and number as we now use them, were first dis- ^^^^
tinguished. The said Langton also made postils* upon the whole tyjste-
Bible. The same prelate, moreover, budded the new hall, in the LTgton.
palace of Canterbury.
After the death of this Langton ensued another variance about the nissen-
election of the archbishop of Canterbury, between the monks oft'^eentha
Canterbury and the king ; the perturbation whereof as it was no less ™;;^jf^.°^
seditious, so the determination of the same was much more costly. i)»j>^a^d
After the death of Langton, the monks of Canterbury, obtaining
license of the king to proceed in the election of a new archbisho}),
did choose one of their own society, named Master Walter Heme-
sham ; whom, when the monks had presented unto the lung, he, after
long deliberation, began to object against that election, saying, first,
(1) See p. 343, note (4).-En. (2) Ex Matth. Paris. (3) Ibid. fol. CS.
(4) " Postils," see Appendix.— Ed.
VOT.. TI. C C
386 WALTER ELECTED AUCIIBISHOP OF CAXTKIIBURY.
ifsnry that thc iHoiiks had elected such a one as was neither profitable to
"^' 'lim, nor his kingdom. Secondly, he objected against the party elect,
^•^^- that his lather was convicted of felony, and hanged for the same.
■'^^" Thirdly, that he stood in causes against his father. King John, in the
time of the interdict. Moreover, the bishops, his suffragans, charged
t the party elect, that by a certain nun he had had children ; adding
further, that the election of the archbishop was without their presence,
which ought not to be. But the archbishop, stoutly standing to
the election, appealed up to Rome, and eftsoons taking with him
certain monks, ])resented himself to the pope's own proper person,
there to sue his appeal, instantly entreating that his election might
stand confirmed by his authority pontifical ; but the pope, under-
standing that the said election was resisted by the king and the
bishops, deferred the matter until he did hear further of the certainty
thereof. The king and the bishops, having intelligence that the
archbishop with his monks were gone to Home, thought good to
articulate the aforesaid objections above alleged, in writing ; and,
Kii's sealing the same with thc seals both of the king and of the bishops,
seiideth to exhibit them to the bishop of Rome. The messengers of these
Jfppe* letters were the bishops of Rochester and Chester,' and Master
John Houghton, archdeacon of Bedford, who, coming to Rome and
exhibiting their message with their letters unto the pope (considera-
tion being had upon the same), were commanded to wait attendance
against the next day after Ash Wednesday, .then to have a resolute
answer concerning the cause, which was the second day of March the
Tithe of year following ; that is, a.d. 1229. In the mean season, the king's
abiegoods proctors ccascd not with all instance to labour the pope and his
in Kng- cardinals to be favourable to the kin'r^s side : but finding them somc-
lajid and iiii--i -i- o ^
Ireland wliat hard and strict in tlie matter, as is the guise oi that court, they
\l°iuc^ began to misdoubt their speeding. Wherefore, consulting together
pope- -with themselves upon the premises, they came to the pope, promising
in the king's behalf, to be given and granted to liim out of the realms
both of England and Ireland, the tithe or tenth part of all thc goods
within thc said realms moveable, to sustain his wars against the
emperor, so that he would incline favourably to the king's suit and
petition herein. " But the pope," saith Matthew Paris, " who
boiled with desire above all measure to have the emperor, his enemy.
It is pity cast down, being cheered with such gi-cat promises," (O auri sacra
i^iiuke fames!) " granted his consent to them;"^ who, sitting then in his
no bribes, consistory, had these words which here follow.
The Pope's Answer to the Election of Walter, Archbishop of
Canterbury.
Tliere hath come, of late, to our intelligence, the election of a certain monk
named Walter, to be archbishop of Canterbury ; whereupon, after that we
heard and advised, as well those things which the said monk hath said for
liimself and for his election ; as also, on the contrarj' side, the objections and
No, but exceptions of tlu- bishops of EnL'lnnd, nllesrin? aL^^inst him and against his
when election, namely, of the bishop of Chester and the bishop of Rochester, and John,
Hn^Th^s. arclideacon of Bedford: we, upon the same, committed tlie examination toucliing
Bceket the person of the man unto our reverend brethren the lord bishop of Albano,
(1) See p. 385, note (1) —En.
(2) " Ad dominus p:ipa, qui rebcllem imperatorem super omnia xstuabat dejicere, tantis prcniis-
sionlbns exiiilaratus, trahitur ad consensum."
THK I'OI'K DISSOLVES THE ELECTION. 887
and Thomas, lord bishop of Sabino, and Master Peter, cardinals. And when the iienry
aforesaid elect, coming before them, was asked of them, Jirst concerning the ^''-
Lord's descending into hell, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, ^ j)
he answered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of 1229
Christ on the altar, he answered, likewise, not soundly. Being asked, moreover, '—
how Rachel wept for her children, she being dead before, he answered not ^,^"'f' ''£.
11 Ti. t, ■ 11 -1 n ■ • 1 waslieard
well. Item, benig asked concerning the sentence 01 excommunication de- witiiout
nounccd against the order of law, he answered not well. Again, being required suchcom-
of matrimony, if one of the married parties be an infidel, and do depart, he tioi"''^''
answered thereto not well. Upon these articles, he was (as is said) diligently The elcc--
examined of the cardinals ; to the which we say he answ'cred not only not well, t'?" of
but also very ill. Forasmuch, therefore, as the church of Canterburj" is a noble ^zk\1-^'
church, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discreet and modest, and such as bishop of
ought to be taken out of the bosom of the church of Rome ; and forasmuch as b*"!*^ j" .
this new elect (whom not only here we pronounce to be unworthy, but also solved by
shoidd say more of him, if we would ])roceed with him by the rigour of the "^e pore,
law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a room : we do kj^/Js^
utterly infringe, annihilate, and evacuate his election, always reserving to money.
ourselves the provision of the said church. 1
Thus, tlie election of Walter being frustrated and dissolved, the
lung's procurators, bringing forth the letters of the king and of the
suffragans of the church of Canterbury, presented the same unto the
pope for the ratification of Richard, chancellor of Lincoln, to be
appointed archbishop of Canterbury; whom they, •with gi-eat commen-
dation of words, did set forth to be a man of profound learning and
knowledge, of an honest conversation, and, w^hich was greatest of all,
that he was a man much for the profit of the church of Rome, as also
for the realm of England. The said Richard being thus commended
to the pope by the letters procuratory of the king and of the bishops,
had the consent of the pope and of the cardinals, and so was made
bishop of Canterbury before he was elected. Whereupon the said
Pope Gregory, in his behalf, directeth down his letters to all and
singular the suffi-agans of the church of Canterbury, declaring thus, The effect
and beginning first with a lie, that ' forasmuch as, by the fulness of pope'l
ecclesiastical power, the charge of pastoral office is committed to him {^"^'^y"
in general upon all churches, he, therefore, for the solicitude he g^ns of '
beareth, as well to all other churches in general, as in an especial bun'!"^
manner to the metropolitan church of Canterbmy, repudiating and wln^^e^tu
disannulling the foraier election of Walter, the monk, upon just ^"'^aii'^-
causes, hath provided for that see a man, as in all other good gifts
perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him, so, for
tliat function very fit and commodious ; and willeth and com-
mandeth them, and all others, by his authority apostolical, with
aJl devout reverence to receive him^ and humbly to obey him.
A.D. 1229.''
These things thus finished at Rome, the pope, not forgetting the This was
sweet promises made of the English silver which he so greedily gaped ardi"''
for, omitting neither time nor diligence, in all speedywise sendeth bishop of
unto the king of England Master Stephen, his own chaplain and bury,
trusty legate, to requii-e and collect the aforesaid tithes of all the \sm^*'
moveable goods both of England, Ireland, and Wales, Avhich were pf'^n''"'*
promised to him before ; therewith to maintain his war against England.
Frederic, the emperor. And, to the intent he might inflame all
christian realms with the like hatred which he bare against Frederic,
(1) Hkc ex Matth. Parisicnsi ad vosbum. (2) K: Jfi'.tii Taris.
c c 2
388 KXTOKTION OK THK POPE.
Henry thc cmpcror, he scndeth also with the said Stephen special letters, full
of manifold complaints and grievous accusations against the said
A.D. emperor, whereof more (Christ granting) shall be showed hereafter.
J229^ Upon the coming of this Stephen, thc legate, the king assembled all
his earls and barons, witii the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors,
templars, hospitallers, parsons, vicars, and others, such as held of
^ him in capite, to a])pear before him at Westminster, to hear and to
TTie pope ^ r. \ ■ ^ iil'i i i
ruquin-th comuiunc of tlic matter ; in tlic assembly ot wliom the pope s patent
of au"i!l;* letters were brought forth and read ; wherein he required the tenths
"IT"' of all the moveables in En<dand, Wales, and Ireland, as well of the
ablcs 111 S . •, . ... -IP
Kngiand, clergy as of the laity, to maintain his expedition against the aforesaid
and Ire- Frcdcric, tlic cmpcror. As he pretended to achieve and to take in
'"'"'■ hand this expedition for the cause of the universal church, and
False haj)pily had begun the matter already; and forasmuch as the riches
oflhe"'^'' ^^ ^^^^ apostolic see did not suffice for the accomplishing of so gi-eat
pope, an enterprise : he therefore, enforced by mere necessity, did implore
uameof the aid and help of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the
church, church of Komc, lest the members thereof, together with the head,
wreaking should bc Subverted. These letters of the pope, to this effect, being
cankered opculv rccitcd and explained by the pope''s chaplain, which he, with
Ilia ice. j^^j^jcjj lY^ore allegation and persuasion of words, did amplify to his
uttermost, the king, saith mine author, in whom all men did hope for
help to their defence, became then as a staff of reed ; for, much as he
"^^^ had obliged himself to the same before for the election of his arch-
mouth bishop, now could he say nothing against it, but held his peace. The
" °^^''' ■ earls, barons, and all the laity utterly refused so to bind their baronies
to the church of Rome : but the bishops, abbots, priors, with other
prelates of the church, first, requiring space and respite to deliberate
for three or four days ; at length, for fear of the pope''s curse
(although they durst not utterly withstand) had brought to pass to
have concluded for a sum of money much less, had not Stephen
Segrave, one of the king's counsellors, craftily convented with the
legate, and by subtle means brought it so to pass, that the whole
tenths were gathered and paid, to the inestimable damage, saith
Matthew Paris, both of the ecclesiastical and temporal state ; the
means whereof, saith the author, were these : the legate showing to
the prelates his procuratory letters, to collect and gather up all the
aforesaid tenths in thc name and authority of the pope, declared,
Kxcom- nioreover, thc full authority to him granted by the virtue of his com-
miinica niission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdict their churches,
" ■■*",.. 1 • 1 11 ■
bused, whosoever did gainstand or go contrary to the said collection.
Whereupon, by the said virtue legantine, he sendeth to every shire
1^'=, his proctors, to gather the pope''s money, or else to excommunicate
extortion, them who rcfuscd to pay. And, forasmuch as the present need of the
pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreover to
the bishops and prelates of the realm, on pain of interdiction, forth-
with to procure and send to him either of their own. or by loan
or usance, or by what means soever, so much money, in all post
speed, for the present use of the pope ; and after, to take up again
the said money of the tenths of every single person, by the right
taxing of their goods. Upon this, the prelates, to avoid the danger,
han'ng no other remedy, were driven to sell their chalices, cruets,
USURKKS imOUGHT INTO KNGLANI). 389
copes, jewels, and other cluircli plate, and some to lay to mortgage Henry
such things as they had, some also to borrow upon usance, to make '^^'
the money Avhich was requh-ed. Moreover the said Stephen, the A.D.
pope's chaplain, as reportcth Matthew Paris, brought with him into ^-^9.
P]ngland, for the same purpose, such bankers and usurers ; who, lend- Usurers
ing out their money upon great usury, did unreasonably pinch the hX^nf-
h^nglish people, which merchant usurers were then called Caursini. uie'VXe-
l^riefly, such strait exaction was then upon the poor Englishmen,
that not only their present goods were valued and taxed, but also the
corn yet growing in the field against the next harvest was tithed, com
Only the earl of Chester, named Ranulph, stood stoutly against the "JXnd"^
pope, suffering none within his dominion, cither layman or clerk, titi'e<i t«
to yield any tenths to the pope's proctors.' And this" was the end of a. o'l^au!
the strife between the monks of Canterbury and the king for the
election of their archbishop, which was about a. d. 1229 ; in which
year was finished the new church of Coventry by Alexander, bishop
of the said city, and partly by the help of the king, which church
iiichard, a former bishop of Coventry, had begun.
The Frenchmen about this time again prepared themselves The
towards Provence, to war against the aforesaid Keimund, earl of p°p]^^^'
Toulouse, and to drive him out of his possessions; and, hearing that army,
he was in the castle of Soretze they marched thither all their power, lo'dcstlw
thinking there to enclose and compass him about ; but the earl, being |s"l' ""'^'
privy to their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing stroycci
certain ambushments in woods, not so secretly as strongly, there to way.
wait and receive the coming of the Frenchmen, and to give them
their welcome. Thus when the French were entered the wood, the
carl, with his train of well armed and able warriors, suddenly did fly
upon them unawares, and gave them a bitter meeting, so that, in that
conflict, five hundred of the French soldiers were taken and manv
slain. Of their servitors, to the number of two thousand men witli
their armom* were tal^en, of whom some lost their eyes, some
their noses, some their ears, some their legs, and so were sent home ;
the rest were carried away prisoners into the castle. " And to be
l)rief," saith the history, " thrice in the same summer were the
Frenchmen discomfited, put to flight, and taken and imprisoned by the
aforesaid Reimund the godly earl.^ Wherein is to be seen and to
be praised the gracious protection of the Lord our God against the
i'urious papists, who is glorious always in his saints.^
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 74. (2) Ibid. p. 69.
(3) We must conclude that our author extols rather the goodness of God in giving the victory,
than the cruel manner in which earl Reimund improved it. But while we shrink with disgust at
tliese excesses inflicted upon the French soldiery, it must be remembered that Reimund, the
seventh earl, was influenced more by political motives, than by the force of that love, which is taught
in the pure doctrines of the gospel of Christ. Without this holy principle, we cannot be surprised
that the atrocious severities which his predecessor suflered, and which he saw inflicted upon his
ftwn people by the papal power, fostered within him a spirit of unrelenting rigour, which might in
time become the dominant principle of his nature. Let us for a moment glance at some of the
hideous scenes to which a most bitter persecution had familiarised his mind, and then let any candid
reader judge whether the papists have not more cause to blush at the name of pope Inno-
cent III., the founder of the Inquisition, than the Albigenses have at the name of the earls
Reimund. " The subjects of Raymund [Vlth] earl of Toulouse, and of some other great per.sonages
in his neighbourhood, so generally professed the Waldensian doctrines, that they became the peculiar
objects of papal vengeance. The inhabitants of Toulouse, Carcassone, Beziers, Narbonne,
Avignon, and many other cities, who were commonly called the Albigenses, were exjiosed to a
persecution more cruel and atrocious than any recorded in history."— (Milner, Ch. Hist. vol. iii.
])■ -184.) The first victims of the destructive and insidious machinations of the Inquisition,
iustituted about this period (a. d. 12n(i), were tlic people of the earl Reimund. " The beginning;
ol the thirteenth century" (continues the above author), "saw thousands of personr l.aicgod or
390
INCONSTANCY OF ROYAL FAVOUR.
Henry
111.
A.D.
1229.
Incon-
stancy of
princes
towards
those that
be chief
about
tliem.
The same year, the king, being at Portsmouth, had assembled
togetlicr all his nubility, earls, barons, and knights of England, with
siit'h an army of horsemen and footmen, as hath not been lightly seen,
thinking to recover again the countries of Normandy, and other
possessions wliich King John, his father, before, had lost; but
■when the captains and marshals of tiie held would take shipping,
there were not half ships enough to receive the host. Hereupon the
king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault on
Hubert, the lord chief justice, who, under the king, had all the
government of the realm, calling him ' old traitor,' charging him that
he would be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when he took of
the French queen five thousand marks to stay the king's journey into
Normundv. In so much was the rage of the king kindled against
him, that, drawing his sword, he made at him to run him through, had
not Ranulph, the earl of Chester, stopped the king. Hubert withdrew
himself away till the king's rage was past. This was about Michael-
mas, at which time arrived Peter, earl of Bretagne, in the haven of
Portsmouth, in the month of October ; who should have conducted
bumed by these diabolical devices, whose sole crime was, that they tnistcd only to Jesus Christ for
salvation, and renounced all the vain hopes of self-righteous idolatry and superstition." We will
not relate details too terrible and disgusting to peruse; they may be found elsewhere : but a brief
extract from Stockdale's History of the Inquisition (p. lyi) will give the reader some idea of the
horrors of this ordeal. " When the accused was condemned to the torture, they conducted him to
the place destined for its application, which v.as called The Place of Torment. It was a subter-
raneous vault, the descent to which was by an infinite number of w^inding passages, in order that
the shrieks of the unhappy sufferers should not be heard. In this place there were no seats but
such as were destined for the inquisitors, who were always present at the infliction of the torture.
It was lighted only by two ^'loomy lamps, whose dim and mournful light served but to show to the
criminal, the instruments of his torment : one or more executioners atteiuled, as the case required.
Tliese executioners were clothed nearly in the same manner in which penitcntj are dressed, — in a
lart;e robe of black buckram ; their heads and faces concealed under a cowl of the same colour, with
holes for the eyes, the nose, and the mouth. This spectre-like figure seized the criminal, and
stripped him of his clothes," &c. The same author (p. 47) observes, in reference to the persecutions
of the Albigenses, "The siege of Beziers commenced: it was urged by all the fury of persecution,
and sustained » ith all the energy of despair. The contest was too unequal : upon the jJ2d of July,
120y, a day ever memorable in the annals of Europe, the ramparts were forced, and the crusaders
entered the city, lileeding humanity attempts in vain to discredit the sad story of the scene which
followed. Men, women, children, old and young, were murdered, without mercy and without
distinction. Not even the temples of the Almighty were respected ; the unhappy victims were
slaughtered upon the very altars to which they had fled for refuge ; and when the troops were
wearied with massacre, they fastened the doors of the churches, wherein thousands were immured,
and setting fire to the buildings, the conflagration completed the destruction of those whom the
sword had spared." — " After this, we need not be astonished to hear, that upwards of sixty thou-
sand victims perished on that day." Nor are these cruelties to be attributed to the spirit of an
uncultivated age, for the reader may now be referred to one of the enemies of the Albigenses, who
defends the enormities here described : we mean the Right Kev. John Milner, D. U. In the Seventh
Edition of his " Letters to a Prebendary," p. 72, this Romish writ-er, in speakingof the Albigenses,
observes, — " It was against these pests of society and human nature, that tires were first lighted
in the West, &c. ; and it was to repress and rout out these, &c. that the crusade of nur Simon de
Montfort and the Inquisition were set on foot, and that the canons, &c. were passed." And in the
next page, this writer (who assures us that persecution is no tenet of the Romish church,) speaks
of the " much lamented persecution of the Albigenses, to which, however, we are indebted for the
continuance of society and the human race,"&c. — "Three hundred thousand pilgrims. Induced
by the united motives of avarice and superstition, filled the country of the Albigenses v,ith carnage
and confusion for a number of years." " The castle of Menerbe, on the frontiers of Spain, for want
of water, was reduced to the necessity of surrendering to the pope's legate. A certain abbot under-
took to preach to those who were found in the castle, and to exhort them to acknowledge the pope :
hut tliey interrupted his discourse, declaring that his labour was to no purpose. Earl Simon
(Montfort) and the legate then caused a great fire to be kindled : and they burned a hundred and
forty persons of both sexes. These martyrs died in triumph, praising God that he had counted
them worthy to sufl'er for the sake of Christ." — (Milner's Church History, vol. iii. p. iii'l.) The
sixth earl Keimund, after a life of sufiering and persecution, died in peace, a.d. 1222. His succes-
sor, the subject of the present historj', pressed on all sides by the enemies of the trutli and " the
sinful seat of Rome," was constrained, a.d. 1229, to purchase an ignominious peace, by sacrificing
a portion of his possessions to Louis IX., the French king, and making the accustomed peace
offering to Pope Gregory IX. W'e come then to this conclusion: Our author, who, only on a
foreign shore could escape the sanguinary rage of the papists in Queen Mary's reign, praises God
for tiieir defeat, and attaches to them the epithet " furious," in his recollections of wrongs and
injuries suflcred by his fellow-protestants. Reimund, the victim of papal cruelty, insult, and
rage, in the flush of victory, surrounded by an infuriated soldiery, permitted the barbarities here
related, against his prisoners. The church of Rome, in the written decrees of her councils— in the
calm deliberations other primates — in the mournful dungeons of the Inquisition— in cold blood— in
linmoditattMl crime, has made herself "drunk with the blood" of innocent millions, whose
*' witncf* is in heaven, and whose record is on high.'' — Ed.
JEALOUSIES AGAIXST HUBERT. SO]
the king, upon his allegiance and oatli, into Normandy, but he, with ^^yj'-»
others of the king's ai-my, counselled the king not to take that —
voyage towards winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter following ; ^^J^-
wherewith the king was stayed and well contented, and pacified again — - — L
with Hubert, the justice, &c.'
Fabian recordeth this year the liberties and franchises of the city of
London to be confirmed by the king ; and to each of the sheriffs
to be granted two clerks, and two officers, without any more.-
Thcn followed a. d. 1230, in which, upon the day of the conver-
sion of St. Paul, as saith INIatthew Paris, as a great multitude of
people for the solemnity of the day were congregate in the temple of
St. Paul, the bishop then being at his mass, a sudden darkness with
such thickness of clouds fell in the air, that scarcely one man might
see another in the church. After that followed cracks of thunder ^ sudden
and liditninof so terrible, leaving such a scent in the church, that the *<^''''"'' »-
people, looking for doomsday, thought no less but that the steeple people in
and whole church would have fallen upon their heads ; insomuch that c'hurdiby
running out of the church, the people fell down together by thou- 3^'^"''*^'^
sands, as men amazed, not knowing for the time where they were ; lightning.
only the bishop and his deacon stood still at their mass, holding fast
by the altar.'
Of the death of Stephen Langton, and of the troublesome election A.D.1231.
of the next archbishop, also of the costly and chargeable bringing in
of Richard to succeed in his room, which did cost the whole realm
of Engbnd the tenths of all their moveables, sufficient hath been
declared before. This Richard, being now confirmed in his seat, com-
came to the kijig, complaining of Hubert, the lord chief justice, oft ^^^jj^"/
mentioned before, for withholding from him the castle and town of arch-
Tunbridge, with the appurtenances to the same belonging, and other cantM-'^
lands of the earl of Clare, late deceased, which lands appertain to the against
right of his see, and to the chmxh of Canterbury ; for which the said Hubert,
earl with liis ancestors were bound to do homage to him and to justice.
his predecessors : and, therefore, he required the keeping of the
aforesaid castle, with the domains thereof, to be restored to him. To
this the king answered again, that the said earl did hold of him incapite,
and that the castles of earls and barons during their vacancy, and the
wardship of heirs till the lawful age of the said heirs, did belong to
his crown. The archbishop, when he could get no other answer of the
king, did excommunicate all such as invaded the aforesaid possessions, j;.^pp^.
with all others that took their part, the king only excepted. Which done, miuiica-
eftsoons he speedeth himself to Rome, there to prosecute his suit abu-cd.
before the pope. The king hearing thereof, not long after sendeth
up master Roger Cantelu, with certain other messengers, unto Rome
against the archbishop.
Thus Richard the archbishop, coming before the pope's presence,
beginneth first to complain of his king, for that he committed all the
affairs of his realm to the disposition and government of Hubert, his
justice, using only his counsel, all his other nobles despised.
Against the said justice, moreover, he complained, laying to his
charge : first, that he had married a wife, being the kinswoman of
her whom he liad married before ; also that the said Hubert, the
l\) Ex Matth. Pr.ris. (2) Ex Fabiano. (3) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 75.
392 IIIK I'Ol'K, A UKSl'KC TKll OK I'EKsONS.
itenry justicc, did iiivadc, liolil, and wronirfully detain such possessions
as belon^fcd to tlic sec and church of Canterbury.
A.D. As touching: the wife of this Hubert, here is to be noted, that he
'-•^^- married the ckk^r sister of the king of Scots : which, as it secnieth,
could be of no great kin to her whom he married before.
h'urther, he coni])]ained of certain bishops, his suffragans, who,
negk'cting tlieir ])astoral function, did sit on exchequer matters
bch)ngingto tlie king, and exercised sessions and judgments of blood.
Over and besides, he complaineth of beneficed persons, and clerks
in (irilers, for having many benefices joined with cure of soul : and
that they also, taking example of the bishops, did intermeddle in
secular matters, and in judgments of laymen.
Of these and such other defaults he required redress to be had.
The pope, weighing the cause of the archbishop, and considering it to
stand upon right and reason, at leastwise seeming so to his ])urpose,
commanded incontinent his petitions and requests to be despatched
according to justice.
Against these complaints of the archbishop, the king''s attorneys
alleged and defended as much in favour of the king as they might,
Resi)ect but could do no good : such favour found the archbishop in the
ofpersons p^p^'g gjght, being, as the story reporteth, of a comely personage,
"VtMhe "^ ^^ ^^ eloquent tongue, that he obtained whatsoever he asked.
])ope. Thus the archbishop, with all favourable sj)ced being despatched from
Rome after his own will and desire, returned homeward ; who, in his
journey, within three da}s of his setting forth, departed in the house
of Grey friars at St. Gemmes, and so his cause departed with him :
who, winning his suit, lost his life ; for whom it had been better, I
suppose, to have taiTied at home. And here of him an end, with all
his complaints also.*
After the death of this Richard, the monks of Canterbury, accord-
ing to the manner, address themselves to a new election, at which
was chosen Radulph Nevil, bishop of Chichester, who was the king's
chancellor, much commended in stories as a man faithful, upright,
and constant, who from the way of justice declined neither to the
right hand nor to the left, but was upright and sincere both in word
and decd.'^, This Radulph, thus chosen of the monks, was presented
unto the king to be their archbishop, wherewith the king was right
well contented, and glad also of this election, and forthwith invested
A rare ex- him for archbishop of the church of Canterbury. But this investing
Hood"^ of the king Avas not enough, unless he should also be confirmed
bisho ^^y ^^^^ ])opc. Wherefore the monks, ready to take their journey
unto Rome, came to the new archbishop, requiring his help for their
expenses by the way, and to know what service he would command
them to the court of Rome. But he, fearing in his mind the same
not to be without some scruple of simony and ambition, said, he
would not give a halfpenny, and, holding up his hands to heaven,
thus ]>rayed, saying, " O Lord God, if I shall be thought worthy to
be called, although indeed unworthy, to the seat and office of this
church, so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if, otherwise, in this
troublesome office of chancerv, and this my inferior ministery, where-
unto I have been assigned, I shall seem more necessary for this
(1) Ex Matth. Paris. '2t Ibid.
TWO ELECTIONS REFUSED BY THE I'OPE.
thy kingdom and people, I refuse not my hiboiir ; tliy will be iioiry.
done I" '
The monks, beholding the constancy of the man, notwithstanding A. I).
they had of him no money, yet refused not their travail and journey ^ ^'^ ^ •
to Rome, to have their election confirmed by the pope's authority. si,n(,u
The pope inquiring of Simon Langton^ (brother of Stephen Langton, ';p,\']"'"'
archbishop of Canterbury, before mentioned) respecting the person bishop
of this man, it was reported to him by the said Simon (maliciously malicious^
depraving the good man behind his back), declaring to the pope, that of'^i'^ajpl,''^
he was a courtier, unlearned, hasty and fervent in his doings, and one "<;•'-
who, if he should be promoted to that dignity, would go about, with elect?'
the help of the king ahd of the whole realm, to remove and bring the
realm of England from under the yoke of the pope and the church of
Rome, and so to bereave the see of Rome of the tribute, to which
King John had once subjected himself and his realm, at the time he
yielded his crown to the hands of Pandulph, the legate. With these
and such other words Simon Langton falsely and maliciously depraved
the godly bishop. The pope hearing with one car, and crediting iiash
Avhat he heard, without further inquisition made of the other party 1"'^ ™®"'
accused, sendeth immediately to the monks of Canterbury to proceed i'"i '^■
in a new election, and to choose them another archbishop, such
as was an wholesome pastor of souls, profitable unto the church
of England, and devoted to the church of Rome : and thus was the
lawful election of this good archbishop made frustrate ; too good,
peradventiu"e, to serve in that place whereunto he was elected.
After the repulse of this Radulph, the Canterbury monks, enter- Two eiec-
ing on a new election, agreed for John, their prior, to be their }J,°"^ "^^y
metropolitan, who, going up to Rome to have his election confirmed '^e pope,
by the pope, was for three days together examined of the cardinals ;
and when they could find no insufficiency in him, touching those
things wherein they tried him, yet, notwithstanding, the pope,
finding fault with his age (he peradventure being more aged himself),
repealed him, for that he said he was too old and simple to sustain
that dignity.^ What was the age of this person, I find not in the
author expressed ; yet it is to be supposed, that he, who was able to
take that journey to Rome and home again, was not so gi-eatly to be
complained of for his age, but that he was able sufficiently to take
pains in keeping the chair of Canterbury.
In the former parts of the preceding story partly, before, hath been ^^^
declared, partly, hereafter, shall further appear (Christ willing) how pope's
the church of England and the commons of the same were grieved abictx-
and miserably afflicted by the intolerable oppressions of the pope, E,'g"an]"
who, through his violent extortion, had procured the best benefices to
be given to his Romans, and the chief fruits of them to be reserved
to his own coffers. What complaints thereof have been made, ye have
heard before ; but yet no redress could be had. Such was the insati-
able avarice of these Roman rake-hells, prolling, and polling, whereso-
ever they came, ■with their provisions and exactions out of measure, and
never satisfied ; insomuch that here in England, whosoever lacked,
theii' barns Avere always full of corn ; and what penury soever pinched
t!ie people, they were sure to have enough. And these importunate
(1) See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Ex Mattli. Pari*.
394 DKVICE TO STOP THE rOPE"'s PLUNDER,
iienru cxactioTis and contributions of tlicsc Italian harpies, besides the Peter-
pence, besides the common tribute, daily more and more increased,
^•D. to the cjeat ijrievance of the realm, insomuch that the Avealth of this
^^•'^^- land was almost clean sucked up, and translated to the court of Rome,
Neither was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter.
Wherefore it was devised by some of the nobles, as appeareth in the
story of Matthew Paris,* this aforesaid year, a. D. 1231, that certain
letters, under the pretensed colour of the king's authority, should be
sent abroad, willing and commanding, that such corn and grain, with
other revenues, as were taken up for the pope, should be staid
and forthcoming by a certain day in the said Ictt^crs appointed ;
Hubert, which letters are thought to proceed chiefly by the means of Hubert,
justic'e'l'a lord chief justice of England, Avho then, next under the king, ruled
r/^'/f most of the aflTairs of the realm. The words and contents of the
jams
the pope. letters be these : —
Copy of a Letter, written under the King's authority, to restrain the
Benefices of the Romans within the Realm.
In consequence of sundry griefs and oppressions wliich this realm, as you
know, hath sustained by the Romanists, and yet doth, as well to the prejudice
of the king himself, as also of the nobility of the same, concerning the advow-
sons of their churches, and about their tithes : who also go about to take from
the clerks and s])iritual men their benefices, and to bestow them upon their own
nation and countrymen, to the spoil and confusion both of us and our realm :
we, therefore, by our common consents, have thought good (although very late)
now, rather than any longer to suffer their intolerable oppressions and extortions,
to resist and withstand the same ; and, by the taking from them tlieir benefices
through all England, in like manner to cut short and bridle them, as they had
thought to have kept under and bridled others : whereby they may desist any
longer to molest the realm. Wherefore, we straitly charge and command you,
as touching the farming of their churches, or else the rents belonging to them,
wliich either you liave presently in your hands, or else do owe imto the said
Romanists, that, from henceforth, you be no more accountable to them, or pay
to them from lienceforth the same ; but that you have the said your rents and
revenues ready by March 3rd, to pay and deliver unto our procurators thereunto
by our letters assigned ; and that all abbots and priors have the same in readi-
ness at the time appointed, in tlicir own monasteries : and that all other priests,
clerks, and laymen, at the churches of the Romanists, be there ready to pay.
And further, know ye for certainty, that if ye refuse thus to do, all that you
have besides shall be by us burned and spoiled. And besides, look, what danger
we purpose shall fall upon tliem, the same shall light upon your necks, if you
refuse thus to do. Farewell.
When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certain
soldiers thereunto appointed, "to the which letters they had devised a
new seal with two swords engraved, and between the swords was
written in Latin, '• Eece gladii duo," " Behold two swords," implying
their determination to take vengeance of all those that should with-
stand the form and order in these letters contained.
A.D.1232. At that time, the sixteenth day before the kalends of January,
Jri^j;;"^" about the beginning of the year a.d. 1282, there was held at
canon of gt^ Albau's a great consistory of abbots, priors, and archdeacons, witl
Paurs,
taken knd divcrs both of the nobility and clergy, by the pope's commandment,
s^f/.'fr.s'!^ for the celebration of a divorce between the countess of Essex and her
Imsband. At the breaking up of which consistory, when every man
(1) El Matth.Pi.ri5, fol. 79.
AND TO DISTRIBUTE IT TO THE TOOIl. 3.05
was about to depart tlience, there was a certain clerk, whose name //^nry
was Cincius, a Roman, and also a canon of PauFs in London, taken '—
by some of the said university' not far off from St. Alban's, and was -A-.D.
carried away from his company by the soldiers. But Master John, "^ •
archdeacon of Norwich, a Florentine, hardly escaping from that
company, got to London, where he hid himself, and durst not be
seen. Cincius, after five weeks, when they had Avell emptied liis
bags, was safely sent again without any more hurt to London.
Not long after this, about the beginning of January, the barns of Bams of
a certain beneficed man, a Roman, and parson of Wingham, being paKo'ii'"'
full of corn, were broken up by a like company of armed soldiers, J'^'^aiJJj
and the corn brought out to be sold, and given away to the poor t'.ie corn
people. The farmer, seeing this, and not able to resist, complaincth butcd to
to the sheriff of the sliire of this injury done to his master, and of the ""^ p^""^*
breaking of the king's peace : whereupon the sheriff sent certain of
his men to see what was done. Who, coming to the empty barns,
and there finding the aforesaid soldiers, to them unknown, who had
sold away the most part of the corn at an easy price, and some for
charity had given to the poverty of the country about, required of
them what they were, who so durst presume to break the king's peace.
Whom the others then called secretly apart, and showed them the
king's letters patent (pretending at least the king's name and seal),
wherein was forbidden that any man should presume to stop or hinder
them in that purpose. Of this the sherifTs servants being certified,
quietly returned from whence they came.
This coming to the knowledge of Roger, bishop of London, he,
with the assistance of other bishops, proceedeth in solemn excommu-
nication, first against them that robbed Cincius, the Roman ; then of
them who spoiled the barns of the parson of Wingham, another
Roman ; thirdly, he excommunicated them that forged the letters
and seal of the king above specified.
Neither yet, for all this, did that cease, but the same year, about General
the Easter following, all the barns in England which were in the t'he'uo'-
hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corn f^^lf,^'
sold to the best commodity of the poor commons ; of the which, great England.
alms were distributed, and many times money also, together with
com, was dispersed for the needy people to gather up ; neither was
there any that would or durst stand against them. As for the
Romans and Italians themselves, they were stricken in such fear, that
they hid themselves in monasteries and cells, not daring to complain
of their injuries received ; but held it better rather to lose their
goods, than to lose their lives. The authors and workers of this feat
were, to the number of fourscore, armed soldiers, of whom the prin-
cipal captain was one naming himself William Withers, surnamed
Twing.
This coming to the pope's knowledge, he was not a little stirred xhc _
therewith, and scndeth his letters immediately to the king upon the 1,',"^,^.,'.
same, with shai-p thrcatenings, and imperious commandments, charging ^ f^^^.^,,
him for suffering such villany within his realm, straitly enjoining him, ^^^'[j^"''"
under pain of excommunication, to search out the doers hereof with curist.
all diligence, and so to punish them that all others by them may take
example. LikeAvise he sendeth the same charge to Peter, bishop of
(1) Probably meaning the combination under Hubert, mentioned p. 394 : see Appendixi— F.r.
2'.)G TWING, CALLKD TO ACCOUNT
jirnry Winclicstcr, and to the abbot of St. Edmund, to inquire in the south
'- — parts. Also to the archbishop of York, and to the bishop of Durham,
A-D. and to Master Jolni, canon of York, a Roman, to inquire in the
north parts for the said malefactors, and, after diligent inquisition
made, to send them up to Rome, there to appear before him.
iiKjuisi- Thus, after earnest inquisition made of all parties, and witnesses
tion made , . , * x- i i i i • i n
for the sworn anil exammed, many were lound culpable m the matter, of
of ui'e'*'' ^^honi some were factors, some consenters, some bishops and chap-
popes laijjs iQ i]^Q king, some archdeacons and deans, Avith others who were
corn. ^
soldiers and laymen. Among them were certain sheriffs and under-
sheriffs, Avho, with their servitors under them, were apprehended and
cast into prison by the king. Many for fear fled and escaped awav,
who, being sought for, could not be found ; but the principal of this
number aforesaid, was supposed to be Hubert, the lord chief justice ;
who, both with the king's letters and his own, fortified the doers
Hobert thereof, that no man durst interrupt them. Moreover, in the society
•polled of of those who were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing
fiMilfthe above mentioned, a comely young man and a valiant knight; who,
Romans, of his own Voluntary accord, with five other servitors whom he took
with him abroad to work that feat, came unto the king, openly })ro-
testing himself to be the author of that deed-doing ; and said he did
it for hatred of the pope and the Romans, because that by the
sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumvention of the
Italians, he was bereaved of the patronage of his benefice, having no
more to give up than one ; wherefore, to be revenged of that injury,
he enterprised that which was done ; preferring rather justly to be
excommunicated for a season, than to be spoiled of his benefice for
ever. Then the king, and other executors of the pope's command-
ment, gave him counsel, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of
the pope's sentence, he should offer himself to the pope to be absolved
of him ag-ain, and there to make his declaration unto him, that he,
justly and canonically, was possessed of that church. The king,
moreover, with him sent his letters testimonial unto the pope, witness-
ing Avith the said knight, and instantly desiring the pope in his behalf,
that he might with iavour be heard ; at the request whereof, Pope
Gregory afterwards both released him fi-om the sentence, and restored
unto him his patronage, writing unto the archbishop of York, that he
might again enjoy the right of his benefice, in as ample a manner as
he did, before it was taken fi-om him.
The Hubert de Burgh, lord chief justice, being one of those who held
go aijoiit against the Romish priests, as is before signified, was there-for not a
Hubert little noted of the bishops ; who, to requite him with the like despite
I""' "f , again, after their accustomed manner of practice, went about by
Ine Kings ^ . . ' . •'
favour, subtle Working to shake him out of the king's favour. And first
Cometh Peter, bishop of Winchester, to the king, grievously com-
plaining of certain about the king; but especially of the aforesaid
Hubert, the king's justice : insomuch that he caused him to be
objec- removed from his office, notwithstanding he had the kind's seal and
tions laid \vriting for the perpetuity of the same, and procured Stephen Segrave
Hubert to be pUiccd in his function. And after a fev.- days, the king, more
kLig.'^ and more incensed ag-ainst him, called him to give account of all the
tieasure for which he was accountable by his exchequer office: Also,
OBJECTIONS AGAINST HUBERT. S97
of all such debts by him due, from the time of ids father till his time : Henry
Also of all the lordships of which he had been in possession since the ^"'
death of William, earl of Pembroke, chief justice before him: Item, A.I),
of the liberties which he did hold at that time in forests, warrens, _2"''^^-
shires, and other places, how they were kept, or how they were made
away with : Of fines likewise, also of losses committed through his
negligence, and of wastes made contrary to the king's profit ; of his
liberties, how he did use them : Item, of injuries and damages
wrought against the clerks of Rome and other Italians, and the pope's
legates ; for the redress whereof he would never adjoin his counsel,
according as pertained to his office, being then chief justice of England:
Also of scutages, gifts, presents, scapes of prisoners : Item, of mari-
tages which King John committed to his keeping at the day of his
death, and which were also in his time committed unto him. To Note.that
these Hubert answered, that he had King John's own hand to show "'^^"i-
for his discharge, who so approved his fidelity, that he never called the king's
him to any, but clearly discharged him from all such counts. Where- nolonger
unto answered again the bishop of Winchester, saying, " The charter jj"/""''
of Kmg .Tohn hath no force after his death, but that ye mav now ^'h'lst he
be called to a reckoning of this king for the same."
Over and besides these, other greater objections were laid to his other
charge by the king; as, for sending and writing unto the duke of ^[^'.'"^5^^^
Austria (to the prejudice of the king and of the realm), dissuading toHubert
that he should not give his daughter in marriage to the king : Item,
for counselling the king not to enter into Normandy with his
army, which he had prepared for the recovery of lands there be-
longing to his right, whereby great treasure was there consumed in
vain : Item, for corrupting the daughter of the king of Scots, whom
King John, his father, committed unto his wardship for him to marry:
Item, for stealing from him a precious stone, which had a virtue to
make him victorious in war, and for sending the same unto Lewellyn,
prince of Wales ; and that by his letters sent to the said Lewellvn,
William Briwere, a noble man, was caused there traitorously to be
hanged. These, with other crimes, wlielher true or false, were
suggested to the king against the said Hubert by his adversaries ;
whereunto he was required to answer by order of law. Hubert then,
seeing himself in such a strait, refused to answer presently, but
required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which
the king objected to him : which was granted to him till the fourteenth
day of September ; but, in the mean time, Hubert, being in fear of
the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. " And thus
Hubert, who before, for the love of the king, and the defence of the
realm," saith mine author, " had got the hatred of all the nobles of
England, now being out of the king's favour, was destitute of comfort
on every side ; save only that Lucas, archbishop of Dublin, with
instant prayers and tears laboured to the king for him." By this Princes'
example, and many like, is to be seen, how unstable and variable a !rot7Jr?.o
thing the favour of mortal and mutable princes is : to teach all such lasted
as have to do about princes, how to repose and plant their trust, not
in man, but in their Lord God, by him to find help in Christ, the
true prince of all princes, who never faileth. A like example was
Clito, servant of King Alexander; also Joab, of King David;
•iOS I'EOCEEDINGS AGAINST HUBEllT.
jiniry Bclisarius, of Justinian ; IIarpa<fus, of Astya<jcs ; Cromwell, of
'■ — Kin<( Henry, with innumerable more, who in histories are to be
A.D. lound.
^'•^'^"' When the clay was come that this Hubert should answer, kee})ing
^^.^ among the canons of Merton, he durst not appear. Then was it
disi)iea- signified unto him from the king, that he should come up and appear
agatnst in the court, there to answer to his charge. ^Vhereunto he answered
JiubiTt. Qorain, that he misdoubted the king's anger, and therefore he did fly
to the church, as the uttermost refuge for all such as sutfer wrong ;
from whence he would not stir, till he heard tlie king"'s wrath to be
J'f"'' mitigated towards him. With this the king, moved and sorely
M<
mayor of dispfcascd, directed his letters, in all liaste, to the mayor of London,
commanding him, at the sight thereof, to muster and take up all the
citizens that could bear harness in the city, and to bring to him by
force of arms the aforesaid Hubert, either quick or dead, out of
Merton. Whereupon, the mayor immediately causing the great bell
to be ning, assembled together the people of London, and opening
before them the king"'s letters, commanded them to prepare and arm
themselves in all readiness for the executing of the king's will and
message.
uia The citizens, hearing this, were therewith right glad and ready, for
bornfln thcy all had gTcat hatred to Hubert, because of the execution of
mind. Coustautiue, their citizen, before mentioned. Notwithstanding,
Swce of ceitain of the citizens, namely, Andrew Buckerell, John Travers, and
discreet otlicrs, mcn of morc u-rave and saye discretion, Aviselv pondering with
themselves, what inconvenience might rise hereof, Avent in haste to
the bishop of Winchester, lying then in Southwark, and, Avaking him
out of his sleep, desired his counsel in that so sudden and dangerous
distress ; declaring unto him what peril might thereby ensue, as well
to the church of Merton, as also to the city, by the fury of the
inordinate and fierce nudtitude, which would hardly be bridled from
CruL'i robbing and spoiling, neither would spare shedding of blood. Unto
of"vter, Avliom again, the bloody bishop gave this bloody counsel, saith Mat-
winche°s*^ tlicw Paris : " Dangerous it is," quoth he, " both here and there ; but
i'--r- yet see that you obey and execute the precept of the king ; I counsel
you plainly." At this counsel of the bishop, they, being amazed, went
with an evil will about th.e business enjoined ; but the people, inflamed
with hatred, gladly coveted to be revenged, and to shed the blood of
Hubert.
Causes of The causc why Peter, bishop of Winchestei', was so cruelly set
sure'be" ^tJ'iinst the justice, was partly for the damages he had done to the
Hubert ^^"^"^''^^ pricsts, as before is touched ; partly, also, for the old grudge,
and the bccausc the king coming to his lawful age before (through the counsel
winchei- of this Hubert) loosed himself from the government of the said
*"• bishop, who had him then in custody. And thus rose up the grudge
and displeasure of this bishop towards him.
On the morrow, the Londoners, issuing out of the city, to the
numl)er of twenty thousand, set forth toward the abbey of JNIcrtcn,
where Hubert was lying prostrate before the high altar, commending
himself to God.
In the mean season, while the citizens were on their journey, raging
agr.inst the poor earl of Kent, it was suggested to the king by
PKOVIDEXTfAL DEHVEKANCE IN TIME Or DANGEK. 399
Radulpli, bishop of Cliiclicstcr, and lord chancellor, that it was ii'i>>ry
dano-crous to excite the vulgar and unruly multitude, for fear of
sedition ; lest, peradventure, the rude and heady people, being stirred A. D.
up, will not so soon be brought down again, when the king would _i.^-_
have them. Moreover, what shall be said, quoth he, among the sage
Frenchmen and other nations, which of great things love to make ';°"",'^1^,,
greater, and of evil things to make them worse than they are ? but "^ ti'tT'"
thus jestingly and mockingly : " Sec what a kind bird is" the young juxta
king of England, who seeketh to devour his old nurse, under whose Hl^"^'^;^
wings he had been brought up and nourished in his youth." And ^tory,
thus the king, by this persuasion, changing his counsel, sent in all aiafails
liasty -vvise after the army again, willing them to retract their journey, fongTas?
and to retire. And thus the Londoners, although mucli against their »^'-"^-
wills, returned home, missing their purpose,' Herein is to be observed xiie mar
another notable example of God's working providence ; for M'hen the uolk^ng
king, saith the history, had sent by two messengers or pursuivants to ^old^s
revoke and call back again the army of the Londoners, going with help in
gi-eedy minds to shed the blood of the innocent justice: one of need."
the messengers, posting with all speed possible with the king's letters,
overtook the army ; and coming to the fore-ward Avhere the captains
were, by virtue of the king's letters stayed their course and bloody
purpose, whereby they could proceed no further. But the other
messenger, crafty and malicious, bearing hatred to the said LIubert,
and rather wishing him to be slain than to be delivered, lingered
by the way on purpose, although commanded to make haste ; and
when he came, went only to the middle sort; more like a messenger
meet to serve a dead man's errand, than to serve the turn of those
Avho be alive. And so in like manner, by the just hand of God
it fell upon him ; for this messenger stumbling with his horse, riding a notable
but at a soft or foot pace, and rather walking than riding, fell down p? ^q^?'-''
backwards from his horse's back, and there brake his neck and died, just
This merciful message of the king was (as is said) sent by the insti- me'nt! '
gation of Radulph, bishop of Chichester, lord chancellor, a virtuous
and a faithful man, and one that could skill to have compassion
on the miseries of men ; of whom it Avas declared before, that he,
being elected archbishop of Canterbury, would not give one halfpenny
to their expenses by the way, to get his election confirmed by the
pope ; and who afterwards by the said pope was defeated and frus-
trated of his election, as relation was made before. Thus, through God's
providence, by the means of the king's letters, the army returned,
and Hubert's life (contrary to this expectation) was preserved.
After this, the archbishop of Dublin with much labour and great The arch-
suit entreated and obtained of the king to grant unto the said duw^"^
Hubert respite, till the thirteenth day of January, to provide himself afrain ma-
with his answer to such things as were commenced against him. tiTcLlioa
Then Hubert, trusting to enjoy some safety, by the king's permis-
sion to him granted, to breathe himself a little, and to walk abroad,
took his journey towards St. Edmundsbury, where his wife was;
and, passing through the county of Essex, was inned there in a
certain town belonging to the bishop of Norwich. Of this when
the king was certified, fearing lest he would raise up some commotion
(1) Ex additamentis Matlh. Paris, fol. 81.
for Hu-
bert.
400
IUHKUT COMMITTED TO TIIK TOWElt.
1232.
JIubert
flicth to
:h<-
Violently
<lrawii
out of the
church,
and cast
into the
tower of
Iiondon.
Henry '\w thc rcaliii, lic scndctli in liasty anger after liim Sir Godfrey
'"' Craucombc, knight, witii three liundrcd men ; commanding, under
A.D. pain of hanging, that they should apprehend him, and bring liim to
thc tower of Ijondon : which commandment to accomplish, tliere
lacked no haste. Hubert, having intelligence of their coming (rising
out of his l)ed, naked as he was) ran unto the chapel standing near
Kf'ry°^ unto the inn, where he holdeth with the one hand the cross, with the
other hand the sacrament of the Lord's body. Then Godfrey, with
his aioresaid armed soldiers, entering into the chapel, willed him to
come out. ^Vhen he would not do this, with violent hands he drew
him out of the chapel, and taking the cross and the sacrament out of
his hands, fast bound him with fetters and gives under a horse's belly,
and brought him, as they were commanded, to the tower. And so,
certifying the king what they had done (who then tarried up waking
for them), he rejoiced not a little thereat, and went merrily to
liis bed.
On the morrow, Roger, bishop of London, having knowledge how,
and in what order, he Avas taken violently out of the chapel, cometh
unto the king, blaming him boldly, for violating the peace of holy
church, and protesting, that, \uiless the party wTre loosed again, and
sent to the chapel from whence he was drawn, he would enter sentence
of excommunication against all the deed doers.
The king, as he did not deny his transgression herein, so he
sendeth him, albeit against his will, out of the tower, unto the said
chapel again, and by the same soldiers who brought him out before.
This done, he giveth straight charge and commandment, under pain
of hanging, to the sheriffs of Hertford and Essex, that thev, in their
own persons, with the strength of both shires, should watch and com-
pass about the chapel, anil see that the said Hubert might no wavs
escape ; wliich commandment of the king was accomplished with all
diligence. I^ut Hubert took all this patiently, and continued in
the chapel praying both night and day, and commending his cause
unto the Lord ; whom he desired so to deliver him from that instant
danger, as he always sought the king''s honour by his faithful and
trusty service. And, as he continued in his prayer, so the king,
continuing in his rage, commanded that no man should entreat for
him, or make any mention of him in his presence. Notwithstanding
this, Lucas, archbishop of Dublin, his true, and almost only friend,
ceased not to pray and weep to the king for liim, desiring the king
at least to intimate to him, Avhat he purposed should be done with
Hubert. Whereunto the king answering, said, That of these tliree
things, one he should choose : Whether he would abjure the realm of
England for ever, or be condemned unto perpetual prison, or else,
confess himself openly to be a traitor.'* But llubert hereunto said,
That he would choose none of these articles, as one wdio knew him-
self neither guilty nor worthy of any such confusion : but, to satisfy
somewhat the mind of the king, he would be contented to depart
the realm for a season ; but to abjure the realm, he would not
so do.
In this mean time it befel that K;;nulph, earl of Chester and
Lincoln, one of his sorest enemies, died. Hubert all this while
remained in the chanel, enclosed and guarded about with thc power,
The king
com-
pelled to
send Hu-
bert again
to his
sanc-
tuary.
Kxample
it a con-
slant
friend in
time of
need.
Three
tilings
put to
Hubert.
BEREl'T OF AM, 11 IS TKEA.SUKKS. 401
as is said, of two shires, and so coiitinued, till at length, by the com- n-„ry
mandment of the king, his two servitors, who ministered unto him '^''
within the chapel, were taken from luni. Then Hubert, seeing no A. I).
other remedy but there to starve for famine, offered himself of his ^^■^--
own accord to the sheriffs, saying, that he would rather put hmiself ""^crt
in the king's mercy, tlian there desperately perish for hunger. And IgainVo
so was he taken, and being fast bound in fetters, was brought again, **'^"'"*^''-
and clapped, by the king's commandment, in the tower of London.
Not long after this, word was brought unto the king by certain,
that the said Hubert had much treasure lying in the house of the
new Templars in London. AMiereupon, the king, to try out the trath
thereof, sendeth for the prior or master of the house ; who, not dai'ing
to deny, confessed that there was indeed treasure brought into the
house, but the quantity and number thereof he could not tell. The
king, desirous to seize upon the treasure, required and chaa-ged the
master with his brethren, with threatening words, to bring forth the
treasure to him, saying, that it was taken and stolen out of liis trea-
sury. But they answered again, that the treasure was committed
^vith trust and fliith unto their hands, and therefore they neither
would, nor ought, to let it go out of their hands, being trusted
Avithal, without the assent of him who committed the same imto
them. When the king could get no other answer at their hands,
neither durst show any fiu'ther violence against them, he sendeth
unto Hubert in the tower, requiring of him the aforesaid treasures.
To whom he, answering again mildly, yielded both himself, his
treasures, and all that ever he had, unto the king's will and plea-
sure ; and so, sending word unto the master and bretluen of the
temple, willeth them to take all the keys, and deliver the goods, with
all that there was, unto the king, who, receiving the same, and
taking an inventory of that which was received, caused it to be Bereft of
brought to his treasmy, whereof the number both of the plate, ?^easures.
of the coin, and of the jewels, was of price unknown. The enemies
of Hubert, supposing thereby to take advantage against him to bring
him to his end, came with open complaint unto the Mng, crying out
against Hubert, that he was a thief, a traitor, and a robber of the
king's treasure, and, therefore, by right was worthy to be hanged :
and thus cried his accusers daily in the king's ear. " But the hearts God
of kings," saith the wise man, " are in the hands of the Lord," to be he;^s Vr^
luled, not after man's will, but as it pleaseth God to direct them, "^"'s^'
And so this king, having now his will and fill upon poor Hubert, and
somewhat coming more unto himself, answered again in thiswise: "That
there was no such need to deal so straitly with him, who from the time The
of his youth first served mine uncle, King Richard, then my father, swc?1n"
King John, in whose service (as I heard sav) bevond the seas, he „'!'"'! °^
1 • 1-1 111 • '•'it Hubert.
was driven to eat his horsey and who, m my time, hath stood so
constantly in defence of the realm against foreign nations ; who kept
the castle of Dover against King Louis, and vanquished the French-
men upon the seas ; also at Bedford and at Lincoln he hath done
such service. And if against me he hath dealt any thins: untruly, ,
!_•! • '11 1 Tin 11 A worthy
which yet is not evidently proved, yet he shall never be put by me word of
to so villanous a death. I had rather be counted a king: foolish and ^ '°^'
<!) Matth. Paris, fcl. Si,
VOL. II. D n
402 Tin: king hiu.kxts towards iiirnF.RT.
uenry siiiiplc, than bc judged a t}Tant or a seeker of blood, especially of such
'"' as have served nic and mine ancestors, in many perils so dangerously,
A. D. weighinn- more the few evils which yet bc not proved, than so many
Jj232^ o-ood deserts of iiis evident and manifest service, done both to me
and to the whole realm." Tims the king, somewhat relenting to poor
Hubert, his old servant, granted unto him all such lands as he had
had ffiven him by King John, his ftithcr, and whatsoever else he had
by his own ])urchase.
The ' Thus Hubert, after long trouble, a little cheered with some piece
mh^i're- of comfort, set La\vrence, his trusty friend that never left him, one
leiiteth ^j^jj^ b(>ion"-ed to St. Alban's, to be his steward and overseer of those
Hubert, posscssious granted to him by the king. Shortly upon the same,
after the king's mind was seen thus something to relent, the envy
also of the nobles, being now partly satisfied, began to turn to mercy;
insomuch that four earls, to wit. Earl Richard, the king's brother ;
William, earl of Warren ; Richard, earl Marshal ; and William,
earl Ferrers, became sureties to the king for him ; upon whose
luit'fn the surety he was transferred to the castle of Devizes, where he was
castle of under the keeping of four soldiers by them appointed, having the
liberty of the castle. But the bishop of Winchester, who always
hunted after the life of Hubert, craftily cometh to the king, and
desireth the custody of that castle, making no mention of Hubert, to
the intent, that by the keeping thereof he might the sooner despatch
A.D.1233. him. Hubert having thereof some inkling, breaketh the m.atter to
two of his servants ; who, with compassion tendering his misery,
watched their time, the keepers being asleep, and conveyed him
by night upon their backs, fettered as he was, into the parish church
Conveyed of the town, and there remained w4th him. The keepers, when
parVh^ they missed their prisoner, were in great perplexity, and, after
church, diligent search, finding him at length where he was in the church,
Brought with violent force drew him from thence to the castle again ; for
thecalue. ^^lucli injury to the church, the bishop of Sarum, understanding the
order of the matter, cometh to the castle where the keepers were,
and required that Hubert should be brought again into the church
from whence he was taken. Which when the keepers refused to do,
saying, they would rather he should hang than they, the bishop gave
sentence of excommunication against them. This done, he, with the
bishop of London, and other bishops, goeth immediately to the king,
complaining of the injury done to Hubert, and especially of the con-
tumely against holy church ; neither would they leave the king
before they had obtained that he should bc brought back again into
the church, and so he was. Not long after, the kmg, in great
displeasure, sendeth to the sheriff of the shire to keep him well
watched in the church, till he either came forth, or there perished
with famine.
Pciivercd It bcfel, in the mean season, that great dissension arose between the
s"n °Ind' ^^'"n '"^"^^ ^hc noblcs of the realm, by reason whereof Hubert was taken
carried and Carried away by Richard, earl Marshal, into Wales, and there re-
waies mained until the king at length was reconciled with his nobles, and so
received, along with the rest, the said Hubert again into his favour.'
Of this dissension more shall be showed (Christ willing) hereafter.
;!) Ex Matth. Paris., et ex Floribu8 Historiarum
THE POPK, THE MASTER OF USUKEUS. 403
As tlie beginning of this trouble of Hubert's first sprang out of tJenry
vexing the pope''s bai-ns, so likewise Roger, bishop of London,
suspected for the sjune cause, was forced to travel up to Rome, A.D.
there to purge himself before the pope ; where, after mucli money ^^'^'^'
consumed, and being robbed also by the way, he got nothintf else, ^opr,
but lost his labour, and so came home again. There, doing the part of London,
a good bishop, after his return from Rome, he attempted to expel and Kon!etj
exclude out of his diocese all those Italian usurers, called, as is before {'"'K'^.^
said, Caursmi. 1 hese Caursinites coming with the pope s legates ii^fore the
into England, and lending their money to religious houses, colleges, ^^^^'
and churches, had their- debtors bound unto them in such sort as Avas
of much advantage to them, and much injury to the others, as in the
form of their obligations in the story of ^latthew Paris is largely
expressed.^ Against these Caursinites the bishop of London being usurers
worthily inflamed with zeal of justice, first, with loving admonition, f^„°{^"
■went about to reclaim them for the wealth of their souls, and after- cated and
■wards -with sharp ■svords he began to charge them. But they, by uie'^
disregarding cluistian counsel, and despising the bishop"'s threatenings, London"^
would not leave the sweetness of their occupation ; wherefore the
bishop, proceeding to the sentence of excommunication, precisely
and strictly charged them to depart his diocese. But they, again,
being confident and emboldened upon the pope's defence, not only
set at light his excommunication, but also wrought such ■nays ■with
the pope that they caused the said bishop of London, being both
aged and sickly, to be cited peremptorily to appear beyond the seas,
there to answer to such objections as they should infer against him.
And thus, the bishop, minding rather to cover than to open the faults
of the church, and partly being let with infirmity and age, Avas com-
pelled to let the cause fall.
And thus much of the pope's merchants here in England, who ■were
not so busy here for their part, but the pope, the great master of
these merchant usurers, ■was as busy for his. And although his barns
here in England Avere destroyed, and his bank something decayed,
yet he thought to Avin it up in another way, for he proclaimed, the sam.c
year, a general visitation through all the religious houses, exempt or General
not exempt, universally pertaining to his jurisdiction ; Avhere, by the ^f^
cruel dealing of the visitors, many Avere compelled to appeal and to P"pe ^
travel up to Rome, to the great expenditure of their money, and the aii reii-
fiUing of the pope's coffers. But as touching this visitation, to make f/ou'ses.
short, saith the story, it tended not to any reformation so much as to
the defomiation of the universal order : ^ " While all those Avho before, ^J^^^^^^ .
through all parts of the world, foUoAved only the rule of Benedict, among
now, through nevv- dcAased constitutions, are found in all places so orders""
divided and divers, that of all monasteries, and other churches of
religion, scarce may two be found Avhich do agree in one rule and
institution of life."
All the Avhile that Hubert, above mentioned, was secluded from
the king, Peter, bishop of Winchester, bare all the rule, and above
all other alone ■was accepted. This bishop being in such principal
(1) Matth. Paris, fol. 65.
,(2) " Dum omnes, qui in diversis orbis partihus unicam Benedict! secuti fuerant resrulam, per
novas constitution es ita inveniantur ubique discordes, quod ex omnibus ccenobiis, vel aliis religio-
sorum ecclesiis vix duo habeantux in norma vivendi Concordes." — Ex Parisiensi.
D I) 2
itation
the
404
WICKEU COUSSELLOKS ABOUT THE KING.
Henry
III.
A.D.
1233.
Old ser-
vitors of
the king
put out
■luil dis-
charged.
Tlu- UiuK
for<.nkcth
Ins iioliles
and stick-
eth to
strangers.
Hicliard,
earl mar-
shal, ad-
inunish
eth the
king.
risdain-
ful an-
swer of
the
bishop.
favour witli tlic kiiifj, as by whose counsel all thins^s were ailnii-
nisteivd, reinovoil the natural servitors wlio were Eni>lislimeii, out of
their oiFiees, and plaeeil otlicr straniicrs, namely, of Poictou, and of
other countries, in their room. Amonu^ those who were thrust out,
was William. under-mar.slial, who suj)])lied the room of Richard,
lonl _t,'reat Marslial of En<,dand ; I'or which cause the said Lord Richard
was mii,ditily oflended. Also Walter, treasurer of the king\s house,
was not only expelled, but also amerced in a hundred pounds, and
put from all his holds and munitions, which he had by the king's
patent granted to him.
Moreover, by the counsel of the said bishoj) of Winchester, all the
old counsellors, as well bishops, as other earls and barons, and all the
nobles, were rejected from the king in such sort, that he would hear
and follow no man's counsel, but only the said Peter, bishop of
Winchester, and his cousin, Peter de Rivaulx ; whereby it came to pass,
that all the greatest holds and nnmitions in the realm were taken
from the old keepers, and committed to the custody of the said Peter.
Then the bishop of Winchester, to plant and pitch himself more
strongly in the king's favour, adjoined to his fellowship Stephen
Segrave, succeeding in the place of Hubert, the justice : also Robert
]'*asselew, who liad the keeping of the treasure under the aforesaid
Peter Rivaulx. So bv these three all tiie atljiirs of the realm were
ordered. Moreover, to make their party more sure, by them was
provided, that soldiers and servitors from beyond the sea, as Poicte-
vins and Bretons, were sent for, to the number of two thousand, who
were placed partly about tlie king, partly were set in castles and holds
within the realm, and had the oversight and government of shires and
baronies, who then oppressed the nobles of the land, accusing llliem
to the king for traitors ; whom the simple king did easily believe,
committing to them the custody of his treasures, the sitting in judg-
ments, and the doing in all things. When the nobles, thus oppressed,
came to complain of their injuries to the king, by the means of the
bishop of Winchester, their cause was nothing regarded ; insomuch
that the said Winchester, moreover, accused certain bishops also to
the king, so tliat he did flee and shun them as open traitors and
rebels.
These things standing thus out of order, Richard, the noble
^Marshal of England, with others of the nobles joining Avith him,
seeing these oppressions and injuries daily growing, contrary to the
laws and wealth of the realm, came to the king, and blamed him for
retaining such pcrvei-se council about him of the Poictevins and other
foreigners, to the great prejudice of his natural subjects, and of the
liberties of the realm ; humbly desiring and beseeching him, that he,
with as much speed as might be, would reform and redress such
excesses, whereby the whole realm seemed to lie in danger of sub-
version. Otherwise, if he refused to see correction thereof, he, with
other peers and nobles, would withdraw themselves from his council,
so long as he maintained the society of those foreigners and strangers
about him.
To this Peter Winchester, answering again, said, that the king
right well might call unto him wliat foreigners and strangers him
listed, for the defence both of his kuigdom, and of his crown ; and
THE K1X(; WARNED OK HIS 1)AN(;KK. 40."
what number of thcni lie would, as by whom he might be able to ffenri>
bridle his proud and rebellious subjects, and so to keep them in awe
and good order. — When the earl and the nobles could get no other A- 1^-
answer of him, in great perturbation they departed, promising among ^'^■^'^
themselves, that in this cause, which so touched the state of the whole "f ^^'"'-
cliestcr
realm, they would with constancy join together, to the parting with
their lives.
After this, the aforesaid Peter, bishop of Winchester, with his Pctms de
accomplices, ceased not by all means to inflame the king's heart to "Xlp of
hatred and contempt of his natural people, whom they so vehemently ^Ji'ic'i'^s-
perverted, that he, accounting them no other than his enemies, sought, verier of
by all diligence, the utter destruction of them, sending daily for byVicked
more garrisons of the Poictevins, till in short space they replenished <'°""''s'-
well near the whole land, whose defence the king only trusted unto :
neither was any thing disposed in the realm, but through the guiding
of this Peter, and of the Poictevins.
The king, thus guarded and strengthened with these foreign aliens
and strangers, proclaimed a parliament to be holden at Oxford,
where the nobles were warned to be present. They, considering the
indignation of the king conceived, would not appear. Again, they were
required the first, second, and third time to present themselves.
The assembly proceeded, but they came not for whom the king
looked. In this assembly or parliament, it was plainly told the king,
by a Dominic friar preaching before him, that unless he removed
from him the bishop of Winchester, and Peter Rivaulx his kinsman,
he should not, neitlier could, long enjoy peace in his kingdom. Tlus
although it was bluntly spoken by the friar against the bishop, yet
this remedy he had ; the friar had nothing to lose. Yet was there
another chaplain of the court, who perceiving the king somewhat
mitigated by the former preaching, and after a courtlike dexterity
handling his matter, being a pleasant conceited man, thus merrily
came to the king, asking a question, " What is the thing most per- Merry
nicious and dangerous of all other things to them that travel by the or the''^'"
seas ?" " That,'' said the king, " is best known to such as travel l^'/^^^^^
in that kind of traffic." " Nay," saith he, " this is easy to be told." " ""^ *'"'
The king demanding what it was, " Forsooth," quoth he, " stones and
rocks ;" alluding merrily, but yet truly, to the bishop of Winchester,
whose name and surname was Petrus de Rupibus, for ' Petrse' in Latin
signifieth stones, and ' Rupes,' rocks. Notwithstanding, the king, either
not perceiving the meaning, or not amending the fault, again sendeth
to lii^ nobles, to have them come and speak with him at West-
minster. But they, fearing some train to be laid for them, refused
to appear, sending plain words to the king by solemn message, that Message
his grace, without all delay, should seclude from him Peter, bishop of biesTo"""
Winchester, and other aliens of Poictou, or, if he would not, they, ""''""=■
with the common assent of the realm, would displace him with his
wicked counsellors from his kingdom, and have, within themselves,
tractation for choosing a new king.
The king, at the hearing of this message, being mightily moved, war
partly to fear, partly to indignation, especially having the late "'hi^n
example of King John, his father, before his eyes, was cast into ^sfi^^
great perplexity, doubting what was best to be done. But Winchester, wes.
406 WAR rKTWKF.X THE KING AND THK BARONS.
Heyiry witli lils wickcd counsel, so wrought with the kinij, that jic pro-
^" cecdcd with all severity against them ; insoniueh that, in a short
A.D. time, tlie sparkles of poisoned counsel kindling more and more,
1233. grpw to a sliarj) battle between the king and Richard, earl Marsha],
with other nobles, to the great disquietness of the whole realm.
Great Tliis War was presignified by terrible thundering and lightning,
ami"k)"fs heard all England over in the month of March, with such abundance
in Kng- of j-ain and floods accompanying tlie same, as cast down mills,
overcovcred the fields, threw down houses, and did much harm
through the whole realm.
To prosecute here, at large, the whole discourse of this war between
the king and the earl marshal, which continued near the space of two
years ; to declare all the parts and circumstances thereof ; what
troubles it brought, what damages it wrought unto the whole realm,
what trains were laid, what slaughter of men, what waste of whole
countries ensued fi-om Wales unto Shrewsbury, how the marshal joined
himself with Llewellyn, or Leoline, prince of Wales,how the Poictcvins
were almost all slain and destroyed, how the king was distressed,
what forgery wily Winchester wrought by the king's letters to entrap
the Marshal, and to betray him to the Irishmen, amongst whom he
was at length slain : for all this I refer to other authors, who at large
do treat of the same, as INIatthcw Paris, Florilcgus, and others.*
This is to be noted and observed (which rather pcrtaincth to our
ecclesiastical historv'), to see what sedition and continual disquietness
there was in those days among almost all christian people, being
under the pope's catholic obedience ; but especially, to mark the
comipt doctrine then reigning, it is to be marvelled, or rather
lamented, to sec the king and the people then so blinded in the
principal point and article of their salvation, as we find in stories,
Avhich, making mention of a house or monastery of converts builded
the same year by the king at London, do express in plain words,
•WTiy mo- that he then did it " for the redemption of his soul, of the soul of
were ^ K^'"© •^^^^^■i his father, and for the souls of all his ancestors f^
builded. ■\v]icreby may be understood in what palpable darkness of blind
ignorance the silly souls redeemed by Clirist were then enwrapped,
Avlio did not know, nor yet were taught, the right doctrine and first
principles of their redemption.
MMmpox ^Mention was made a little before of dissolving the election of
Canter- .Tohu, prior of Canterbury, who was chosen by the monks to be
elected arclibishop of the said church of Canterbury, but by the pope was
cbapt'er, flt'fcatcd. Aftcr him one John l^lund was electeci who, travelling up
uneiected to Romc tliis ycar, A.D. 1233, to be confirmed of the pope, was also
i.ope. repealed and uneiected again, for that it was thought in England,
(1) A brief abstract of fift)' years of these melancholy times will serve to recal, to the recollection
of the reader, the events to which our author here alludes. The king, at an early ape, came to the
throne, a.h. 12l(i. Excess and extravagance pervaded the court. The people were oppressed— the
rlerpy suffered the most disgraceful extortion from Pope Gregory IX.— violence and rapine
troubled the realm— the baronial aristocracy seconded the ambitious designs of the earl of
Leicester, a.d. 12.')8 — they usurped the power of the throne — a civil war, accompanied with its
usual horrors, succeeded — the king and his brother Richard were defeated and taken prisoners, at
Lewes, on the 14th May, a.d. 126-1 — in the following year the earl of Li'ltester called a parlianieut,
distinguished as the one to which deputies fiom the boroughs were first summoned— and on the
4th of August that nobleman fell in the battle of Evesham, tighting ag.iinst I'rince Edward (aftcr-
wardn Kd\vHr<l I ), upon vliich King Henry was restored to the throne. — En.
(2) " ProredeniptioneanimaEsutcel Re^s Johannis patris sui.et omnium antccessorum suorum.'
—Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 86.
FAITHFUL COUNSEL OK THE BISHOPS. 401
and so complained of to the pope, tlitit lie had received of Peter, ifennj
bishop of Winchester, a thousand morks, and had another thousand
promised him of the said Winchester, who by his money thout^dit to A.D.
make him on his side, and also wrote to the emperor to help forward ~'^'^-
his promotion in the court of Rome. Notwithstanding, both he, [;^"'^'''
"with his giving, and the other, with his taking of bribes, were both bribes,
detected and disappointed of their purpose. For the pope, hating
then the emperor, for the same cause, admitted not the election ;
pretending as the cause, that he was proved to hold two benefices
without his dispensation. After him, by the commandment of the
pope, one Edmund, canon of Salisbury, was ordained archbishop,
and had his pall sent to him from the pope. This Edmund, for his
virtues, was afterwards canonized by the popish monks there for a
saint, and called St. Edmund. About this time, also, Robert Grost-
head w^as made bishop of Lincoln.
This Edmimd, accompanied w4th other bishops, during this
trouble between the king and his nobles, being in council at
Westminster, in the year next ensuing (a.d. 1234), came, uttering A.D.1234.
their minds boldly, in the name of the lords, and declaring unto the
king, as became his faithful servants, that the counsel, which he then
followed, was not sound or safe, but cruel and dangerous, both to
him, and to the state of the realm ; meaning the counsel of Peter
W^in Chester and Peter Rivaulx, with other adherents.
Faithful Counsel of the Bishops given to the King.
1. For that they hate and contemn the Englisli nation, calling them
traitors and rebels, and turning the king's heart from the love of his natiu-al
subjects, and the hearts of them from him, as appeareth by tlie eai'l marshal
and others, sowing discord among them.
2. Item, By the said coimsel, to wit, by the aforesaid bishop and his fellows,
King John, the king's father, lost first tlie hearts of his barons, after tliat lost
Normandy, and afterwards, other lands also, and in the end wasted all liis
treasure, so that since that time the regiment of England had never any quiet
after.
3. Item, By the said counsel also, in their time and memory, the kingdom
of England had been troubled and suspended, and in conclusion, she that was
before the prince of provinces, became tributary ; and so, war ensuing upon the
same, tlie said King John, his father, incurred great danger of death, and at
last was extinguished, after lacking both peace of his kingdom and of his own
heart.
4. Item, By the said counsel the castle of Bedford was kept a long time
against e king, to the great loss both of men and treasure, beside the loss of
Rochelle, to the shame of the realm of England.
5. Item, Through their wicked counsel, at this present, great perturbation
seemed to hang over the whole realm ; for else, if it had not been for their
counsel, and if tnie justice and judgment might have been ministered unto the
king's subjects, these tumults had never been stirred, and tlie king might have
had his land luiwasted, and his treasure iinconsumed.
6. Item, In that faith and allegiance, wherewith they were obliged unto him,
they protested "unto him, that his said council was not a council of peace, but
of division and disquietness, to the end that Uiey who otherwise, by peace, couJd
not aspire, by disturbing and disheriting others, might be exalted.
7. Item, For that ail the castles, forts, munitions, also all the officers of the
exchequer, with all other the greatest escheats of the realm, were in their hands,
of the which if the king would demand account, he should prove how true
they were.
8. Item, For that iieither by the king's seal nor comniambnent, except it
408
THK KlXr, Tinn-.ATF.NI'.I) Willi KXCOMMUNICATIOX.
III.
A.D.
1234.
Excoiii-
municii-
tion de-
nounced
by the
bishops
against
tlie king.
His an-
swer.
TliP pity
of t)ie
kinpc to-
ward the
wife of
Hubert.
Edmund
conse-
crated
arch-
bishop of
Canter-
bury, af-
terwards
canonized
by Pope
Innocent
IV.
Excotn-
ninnica-
tion
riphtly
practised.
bore \vit])al the seal of Peter Rival, almost any business of any weight could be J
despatched in the realm, as though they counted tlieir king for no king. \
9. Furthermore, by the aforesaid counsel, the natural subjects and nobles of
the realm were banished the court, which it was to be feared would grow to
some inconvenience both to the king and to the realm ; forasmuch as the king
seemed to be more on tlieir side, than they on his, as by many evident con-
jectures may apj)ear.
10. Item, It was not well to be taken and liked, the said council standing of
strangers and aliens, that they should have in their power both the king's sister,
and many other noblemen's daughters, and other women marriageable, with |
the king's wards and marriages, which they bestowed and divided among them- i
selves iind men of their alKnity.
11. Item, The said council, regarding neither the laws nor the liberties of
the realm, confirmed and corroborated by excommunication, did confoimd and
pervert all justice : wherefore it was to be feared, that they woidd nm under
excommunication, and the king also, in communicating with them.
12. Item, Because they kept neither promise, nor faith, nor oath with any
person, neither did observe any instrument made, never so formal, by law, nor
3'et did fear any excommunication ; wherefore they were to be left for people
desperate, as who were departed from all truth and honesty.
" These things," said the bishops, " we, as your faithfid subjects before
God and men, do tell and advertise your grace, desiring and beseeching you,
that you will remo\e and seclude from you such counsel : and as the custom is
of all other kingdoms to do, that you will so govern in like manner your
kingdom by your own natural liege people, and such as be sworn unto you of
your own realm. For thus," said they, " in verity we denounce imto you,
that unless in short time you will see these things reformed, we, accorduig to
our duty, will proceed by the censure of the church against you and all others
that gainstand the same, tarrying no other thing, but only the consecration of
this our reverend archbishop."
These words of tlie bishops thus said and finished, the king re-
quired a little time of respite, wherein to advise with himself about
the matter, saying, that he could not, on such a sudden, remove
fi*om him his council, before he had entered with them account of
his treasure committed to them ; and so that assembly brake up.
It followed then, after this communication so broken up, that the
king resorted to the parts of Norfolk, where, coming by St. Edmunds-
bury, where the Avife of Hubert, the justice, was, he being moved
with zeal of pity toward the woman, who very humbly behaved
herself to the king, did grant her eight manors,' wliich her husband
before with his money had purchased, being then in the custody and
possession of Robert Passclew, one of the king's new counsellors above
specified. It was not long after this, that Edmund, the archbishop,
was invested and consecrated in the church of Cantcrburv ; who,
shortly after his consecration, about the month of April, coming with
his suffi-agans to the place of council, where the king with his earls
and barons were assembled, opened to him the cause and pui-pose of
his coming, and of the other prelates, which was, to put him in
remembrance of then- fonner talk had with him at Westminster ;
denouncing, moreover, to him expressly, that luiless with speed he
would take a better way, and fall to a peaceable and godly agreement
with the true and faithful nobles of his realm, he immediately, with
the other prelates there present, would j^ass the sentence of excom-
munication against him, and against all them that would be enemies
to the same peace, and maintainers of discord.
The Icing, after he heard the meanirg of the bishops, with humble
(1) " Manor places."— Old editions.— Ed.
RICHARD, EARL MARSHAL, FRAUDULENTLY SLAIN. 409
and gentle languaj^e answered them, promising to condescend to tlicm neyinj
in all things. Wliercupon within few days after, the king, coming L_
to some better remembrance of himself, commanded the aforenamed A. U.
bishop of Winchester to leave the com-t, and to return home to his •
bishopric, there to attend unto the spiritual charge and care of his
flock committed to him. Moreover, he commanded Peter Rivaulx, the peter
bishop's cousin, some stories say his son, who had then the disposing ^g'^^^''^
of all the affairs of the realm, to render unto him his castles, and to acoount
give account of all his treasures whereof he had the keeping, and so king's
to void the realm ; swearing, moreover, unto him, tliat if he had not "'=a*"res
been beneficed, and within orders of the church, he would have caused
both his eyes to be plucked out of his head.
Henry likewise expelled the Poictevras out of the court, and from poicte-
the custody of his munitions, sending them home into their country, JtJlfngel's
and bidding them no more see his face. Thus the king, wisely senthomc;
despatching his wicked counsellors, first did send Edmund, the king.
archbishop, with the bishops of Chester^ and of Rochester, into
Wales to Llewellyn, and to Richard, earl Marshal, and others, to
treat with them of peace. Also he received back to his service men
of his natural country, to attend about him, offering himself willing
to be ruled by the counsel of the archbishop and the bishops, by
whose prudence he trusted his realm should be reduced again to a
better quietness.
But in the mean time, while these things were doing in England, Richard,
the aforesaid Richard, carl INIarshal, by the falsehood of the bishop of sh!,' jf^'',^:
Winchester, and Peter Rivaulx, forging the king's letters to the Irish- ^,'^'j^^"|Jy
men against him, and partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Marisco, Ireland.
being circumvented by the Irishmen in war, and there taken and
wounded, was by them, through the means of his surgeon, slain.
Great slaughter at the same time there was of them who were catini,
called Catini, about the parts of Almain. These Catini were ^jfjjjj
esteemed of Pope Gregory and the papists to be heretics, but what Aimain,
their opinions were, I find it not expressed in Matthew Paris. the pa-
in like sort the Albigenses before mentioned, accounted also by ^'exlxs^l.
the pope's flock to be heretics, with their bishops, and a great number Aibigen-
and company of them, were slain by commandment of Pope Gre- i^svai'n.
gory IX., at the same time, in a certain plain in Spain.^
How tlie archbishop of Canterbury, with two other bishops, was
sent into Wales for entreaty of peace, ye heard before ; at whose
return, after the time of Easter, the king going toward Gloucester to
meet them by the way, as he was in his journey at Woodstock, there
came messengers from Ireland, declaring to the king the death of
Richard, earl Marshal, and the order thereof, through the forged
letters of Winchester, and others; whereat the king made great
lamentation and mourning, to the gi-eat admiration of all them that
were by, saying and complaining, that he left not his like in all the
realm again.
After this, the king proceeding in his jom-ney, came to Gloucester, The say-
where the archbishop, with the other bishops, coming to the king, i"2weii>n
declared to him the form and condition of peace, which they had !j^,';'«J""
concluded with Llewellyn, which was this : — If the king would bo
0) See p. 58e, note(l).— Ed. (2) Ex Matth. Puris, fol. 87. [Ed. I'aris. IGH,i'-271J
410 HUBERT UESTORED TO THE UOYAI, FAVOUR.
Henry rcconcilcJ bcforc wiih the other nobles with whom he was eonfetlerate,
such as the kint' had banishcil out of his reahii, to the end that the
A-D. concord mis^lit be the more firm between them: thus, said they,
^^•^^- was Llewellyn contented, although with much ado and great difficulty,
to receive the league of peace, saying and protesting tliis unto them,
that he feared more the king's alms than all tlu; puissance both of
him and of all his clergy in England.
Peace This ilone, the king, there remaining with the bishops, directed his
concluded letters to all the exiles and banished lords, and to all his nobles, that
between . i-i ii-- o t
the kintr they should repair to him about the beginning of June, at Gloucester,
nobles* promising to tliem his full favour, and reconcilement to them and to
their heirs ; and, that they might suspect no fraud therein, they should
Huiiert, have their safe conduct by the archbishop and bishops. Whereupon,
Kent,' re- througli tlic mediation of the said archbishop and the bishops, first
t'lc'^k'^ng-s Cometh to the king Hubert, earl of Kent, otiering himself to the
favour, king's good will and favour, whom the king, w'ith chcerl'ul counte-
nance, received and embraced, restoring him not only to his favour,
but also to his household and counsel, with his livings and possessions,
tiiank^ from which he had been disseized before. Then Hubert, lifting uj)
to God. his eyes to heaven, gave praise and glory to God, by whose gracious
providence he, being so marvellously preserved through so great dis-
tresses and tribulations, Avas again so happily reconciled to the king
and to his faithful friends. After him, in like sort, came in Gilbert
Basset, a nobleman ; Richard Suard ; also Gilbert, the brother of
Richard carl Marshal, who was slain ; which Gilbert recovered again
his whole inheritance, as well in England as in Ireland, doing his homage
to the king, and his service due for the same ; to whom also was
granted the office of the high niarshal court, belonging before to his
brother Richard.
Paishoort In the same council or communication, continuing then at GIou-
derc"m-' ccstcr, thc Said Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, bringing the
Ki'n°s"' forged letters, wherein was betrayed the life of Richard, earl Marshal,
™uiy sealed with the king's seal, and sent to the great men of Ireland, read
times
abused by the samo openly, in the presence of the king and all the nobles. At
counsel. ^^^^ hearing whereof, thc king, greatly son-owing and weeping, con-
fessed there in truth, that being forced by the bishop of "NVinchester
and Peter Rivaulx, he commanded his seal to be set to certain letters
presented unto him, but thc tenor thereof he said and sware he never
heard ; whereunto the archbishop answering, desired the king to searcli
well his conscience, and said, that all they who were procurers, or had
knowledge of those letters, were guilty of thc death of the earl Mar-
shal, no less than if they had mm-dercd him Avith their own hands,
nishop of Then the king, calling a council, sent his letters for the bishop of
wir,c|us- Winchester, for Peter Rivaulx, Stephen Segrave, and Robert Passelew,
"'I'w ^^ -ippcar and yield account for his treasures unto them committed,
w'lswer." ^"^1 ffr liis seal by them abused. But thc bishop and Rivaulx, kcepino-
themselves in the sanctuary of the minster church of Winchester,
neitlier durst nor would appear. Stephen Segrave, who succeeded
after Hubert, thc justice, and was of the clergy before, after became
a layiiian, and noAv, hiding himself in St. Mary's church, in the abbey
of Leicester, was tunied to a clerk again. Robert Passelew covertly
hid him:sclf in a certain cellar of the New Temple, so secretly, that
VARIANCE BETWEEN THE I'OPE AND THE CITIZENS. 411
none could tell where he was, but thought he was gone to Rome. At iie„ry
length, through the aforesaid Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, ^"'
means was made that a dilatory day was granted by the king, for A. D.
them to answer. At which day, first appeared Peter Rivaulx, then J^^
Stephen Segrave, after him Robert Passelew, each of them severally one
after another, showed themselves ; but, not able to answer for them-
selves, like traitors were reproved, and like villains were sent away.
VARIANCE BETWEEN POPE GREGORY IX. AND THE CITIZENS
OF ROME.'
While peace thus between the king and the nobles was reconciled
in England, dissension and variance the same time and year began in
Rome between the pope and the citizens of Rome. The cause was,
for that the citizens claimed by old custom and law, that the bishop
of Rome might not excommunicate any citizen of the city, nor sus-
pend the said city with any interdiction, ft)r any manner excess.
To this the pope answered again, " Quod minor Deo est, sed
quolibet homine major" (to use the very words of mine author);
" Ergo, major quolibet cive, nse, etiam rege vel imperatore :" that is,
" That he is less than God, but greater than any man : ergo, greater
than any citizen, yea also, greater than king or emperor." And for
so much as he is their spiritual father, he both ought, and lawfully
may, chastise his children when they offend, as being subjected to him
in the faith of Christ, and reduce them into the way again, when they
stray out of course.
Moreover, thecitizens allege again for themselves, that thepotestates The pope
of the city and the senators do receive of the church of Rome yearly p°y"'o''^
tribute, which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay unto them, i^"""^
both by new, and also ancient laws. Of the which yearly tribute tdbuL
they have been ever in possession up to the time of this Pope
Gregory IX.
Hereunto the pope answered, and said, that although the church
of Rome in time of persecution, for her own defence and for the
sake of peace, was wont to aid the head rulers of the city with gentle
rewards,^ yet ought not that now to be taken for a custom ; for that
custom only ought to stand, which consisteth not upon examples, but
upon right and reason.
Further, a thing unheard of and never before done, the citizens
wanted, at the commandment of the Senator,^ to appropriate their
country within new and larger limits, and to subject the same, being
so enlarged, to new assessments.
To this the pope again made answer, that certain lordships, and
even cities and castles, of his own be contained within the compass
of the said limits, as the city of Viterbo and the town of Montalto,
which they presume to appropriate within their precinct ; but, to
asciibe to themselves and usurp that which pertaineth to others, is
against right and justice.
For these and such other controversies rising between the pope and Fiieth the
the Romans,, sucli dissension was kindled, that the pope with his uoml ,
cardinals, leaving the city of Rome, removed to Perugia, as partly
before is recited, thinking there to remain and to plant themselves ;
(I) Ex Matth. Paris. f.)l. 01. [Edit. 1G40, p. 408] (2) " Donis gratuitis." Lat.— Ed.
(3) The title of the chief magistrate of Rome : see Ducange in vocem.— Ed.
412 DEGEXKRACy OK TlIK CHUIUII OF HOME.
Jienry but tlic Roiiians, prcvailinif against liira, overthrew divers of liis
^'^' houses in the city, lor the which he did excommunicate them. The
ujaiiist
mans.
A.D. Romans then, flyinij to the emperor, desired his aid and succour;
^"■^Q- but he, belike to pleasure the poj)e, gathering an army, went rather
Warrcth agaiust tlic Kouians. 'I'licn the pope's army, whose captains were the
•''ic'Ko- carl of Toulouse (to purchase the pope's favour) and Peter the afore-
said bishop of Winchester (whom the pope for the same end had sent
for from England, partly for his treasure, partly for his practice and
skill in feats of war), and the emperor's host joined together, and
cast down the villages belonging to the citizens in the suburbs
bordering about the city of Rome, to the number of eighteen, and
destroyed the vineyards. Whereat the Romans, being not a little
offended, brast out of the city with more heat than order, to the
number of one hundred thousand (as the story reporteth), to
destroy Viterbo, the pope's city, with sword and fire. But the
multitude, being unordered and out of battle-array, and unprovided
for jeopardies Avhich by the way might happen, fell into the hands
of their enemies, who were in wait for tliem, and of them de-
stroyed a great number; so that altogether' were slain to the
number of thirty thousand ; but the most part was of the citizens.
And this dissension thus begun was not soon ended, but continued
long after.*
Church of By thcse, and such other stories, who seeth not how far the church
K^'ncrai'e"d 0^ Rouic hatU dcgcncrated from the true image of the right church
iromtiic of Christ, which, by the rule and example of the gospel, ou'dit to be
inia^'i-of Tin 1 i- 1 1 o I ' ^
the true a daughter ot peace, not a mother or debate ; not a revenger or
^ ^'^^' herself, nor a seeker of wars, but a forgiver of injuries, humbly and
patiently referring all revenge to the Lord ; not a raker for riches, but
a winner of souls ; not contending for worldly mastership, but hum-
bling themselves as servants ; and not vicars of the Lord, but jointly
like brethren serving together, bishops with bishops, ministers with
ministers, deacons with deacons, and not as masters, separating them-
Differ- sclvcs by Superiority one from another ; and briefly communicating
uveenthe together in doctrine and counsel, one particular church with another;
church of j-jq^ Qg ^ mother one over another, but rather as a sister church one
that was, with auotlicr, seeking together the glory of Christ, and not their own.
urciTof And such was the church of Rome first in the old ancient beginning
of her primitive state, especially while the cross of persecution yet kept
the bishops and ministers under, in humility of heart and fervent
calling upon the Lord for help ; so that happy was that Christian then,
who with liberty of conscience only might hold his life, how barely
soever he lived. And as for the pride and pomp of the world, striving
for patrimonies, buying of bishoprics, gaping for benefices, so far was
this off from them, that then they had little leisure, and less list, so
much as once to think upon them. Neither did the bishops, then,
of Rome, fight to be consuls of the city, but sought how to bring the
consuls unto Christ, being glad if the consuls would permit them to
dwell by them in the city. Neither did they then presume so high,
to bring the emperors' necks under their girdles, but were glad to
save their necks in any corner from the sword of the emperors.
Then lacked they outward peace, but abounded in inward consolation,
(1) " nine indc," hetwcen both parties. — Kd.
(2) Ex M. I'aris. fol. 'J2, [p. 408, wliencc (he text )ias bcci' in several instances corrected. — Ed. J
Koine
that is.
nX'PTURE AND SCHISM OF TIIK CHUKCir. 413
God"'s Holy Spirit miglitily working in tlieir hearts. Then was one Ji<iry
in.
catholic unity of truth and doctrine amongst all churches, against
errors and sects ; neither did the east and west, nor distance of place, -^- 1^-
divide the church, but both the east church and the west church, the "'
Greeks and the Latins, made all one church. And, albeit there were ^^^l^^^
then five patriarchal sees appointed for order sake, differing in regions, west
and peradventure also in some rites one from another ; yet all these
consenting together in one unity of catholic doctrine, having one God,
one Christ, one faith, one baptism, one spirit, one head, and linked
together in one bond of charity, and in one equality of honour ; they
made altogether one body, one church, one communion, called one
catholic, universal, and apostolic church. And so long as this knot catholic
. , . - ~ 1 church.
of charity and equality did join them in unity together, so long the
church of Christ flourished and increased, one being ready to help
and harbour another, in time of distress, as Agapetus and Vigilius,
flying to Constantinople, were there aided bv the patriarch ; so that,
all this while, neither foreign enemy, neither Saracen, nor soldan or
sultan, nor caliph, nor Chorasmian, nor Turk, had any power greatly
to harm it.
But through the malice of the enemy, this catholic unity did not schism
long continue, and all by reason of the bishop of Rome, who, not the^c'relk
contented to be like his brethren, began to extend himself, and to ^jJH^he
claim superiority above the other four patriarchal sees, and all other church of
• • Romp
churches in the world. And thus, as equality amongst christian Equality,
bishops was by pride and singularity oppressed, so unity began, by ™",cord."^
little and little, to be dissolved, and the Lord''s coat, which the soldiers
left whole, to be divided. Which coat of christian unity, albeit of long
time it hath been now seam-ript before, by the occasion aforesaid, yet
notwithstanding, in some sort it held together in some mean agree-
ment, in subjection to the see of Rome, till the time of this Pope
Gregory IX., a.d. 1230, at which time this rupture and schism of
the church brake out into a plain division, utterly dissevering the east
church from the west church, upon this occasion.
There was a certain archbishop elected to an archbishopric among The cause
the Greeks, who, coming to Rome to be confirmed, could not be sfon why'
admitted unless he promised a very great sum of money. Which when ^^ ^J^^^
he refused to do, and detested the execrable simony of the court of utterly
Rome, he made his repair home again to his own country, uncon- fronAhe
firmed, declaring there to the whole nobility of that land, the case Ro™a"»-
how it stood. For the further confirmation of this, there were also
others, who, coming lately from Rome, where they had proved the
same, or worse, came in and gave testimony to his saying. Where-
upon all the churches of the Greeks, at the same time hearing this,
departed utterly aAvay from the church of Rome, which was in the
days of this Pope Gregory IX., insomuch that the archbishop of Aiioreece
Constantinople, coming afterwards to the general council at Lyons, fCoi™"-
there openly declared, that whereas before-time he had under him ^h^frchiT
above thirty bishoprics and suffragans, now he had not three ; adding, R«"»=-
moreover, that all the Greeks, and certain others, with Antioch, and
the whole empire of Romania, even to the gates, almost, of Constan-
tinople, were gone from the obedience of the church of Rome, Scc.^
(I) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 112, &c. fol. 180.
4U
SUBSTANCE OF A I.F.TTKR OF THE PATRIARCH
Henry
HI.
A. D.
Germ.v
nus, pa-
triarch of
Constan-
tinople,
writeth to
Pope Gre-
gory IX.
The pope
setteth
the west
church
to fight
against
the east
church.
By the occasion of the aforesaid separation of the Greeks from
Pope (xregorv, it happened sliortly after (a.d. 1232), that Gemianus,
archbisliop and patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to the said Pope
Greii;ory IX., hiunhly desiring him to study and seek some means of
unitv, liow the seamless coat of the Lord Jesus thus lamentably rent,
not with hands of soldiers, but by discord of prelates, may be healed
a^ain ; offering this, moreover, that if he will take the pains to stir
out, he, for his part, notwithstanding his old age and feeble body,
would not refuse to meet him in the mid way, to the intent that the
truth on both sides being debated by the Scriptures, the wrong part
may be reduced, the slander stopped, and unity re-formed between
them.
This request of the patriarch, as it was both godly and reasonable,
so it had been the bishop's part again, with lil;c humility, to have
condescended to the same, and to have been glad with all his might
to help forward the reformation of christian unity in the church of
Christ, and so to have showed himself the son of peace : but the
proud bishop of Rome, more like the son of discord and dissension,
standing still upon his majesty, refused thus to do ; but wrote again
in answer to his letters with great disdain, seeking nothing else but
how to advance his see above all other churches ; and not only that,
but, also, shortly after, he sent forth his preaching friars, to move all
Christians to take the sign of the cross, and to fight against the Greeks,
no otherwise than against the Turks and Saracens ; insomuch that, in
the Isle of C}i:)rus, many good men and martyrs were slain for the
same, as by the letters of the said Germanus, patrituxh of Constan-
tinople, is to be seen.'
The patriarch's letter to the pope, and the pope's answer thereto,
being long and tedious to read, are omitted here, but are extant in
the history of Matthew Paris ;"^ the summary effect whereof, notwith-
standing, I thought here briefly to notify, for the simple and unlearned
multitude, who, not understanding the Latin, may hereby perceive
the favdt of this schism not so much to rest in the Greek church, as
in the church of Rome, as by the contents of this letter may appear.
The in-
conveni-'
ence of
discord.
SUBSTANCE OF A LETTER OF GERMANUS, THE PATRIARCH OF
CONSTANTINOPLE, TO POPE GREGORY IX., A.D. 1232,
In this letter the said Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople,
writing to Pope Gregory, fijst after his reverend salutation and pre-
amble following upon the same, entering then upon the matter,
showeth the occasion of his writing, which was by five observant
friars repairing thither, whom he, gently receiving into his house, had
conference with them touching this discord between the two churches,
liow it might be reduced again to unity ; and afterwards, perceiving the
said friars to make their journey towards Rome, he thought, therefore,
by them to write his letters, wherein fij-st lamenting this division in
the house of God, and reciting the inconveniences which come there-
of, by the example of Judah and Israel, Jcrusdem and Samaria, Cain
and Abel, Esau and Jacob, also of other such like, both private and
public societies, where brother fighteth against brother, like as among
(I) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 112. (2) Ibid. fol. 3, et 111.
OF COXSTAXTIXOPLK TO POPE C.RECORY IX. 4K
flslics tlie greater devourcth the lesser; he proceedcth then further Henry
gently to exhort Pope Gregory to the study of unity.
And forasmuch as the pope had accursed, belike, those churches A.I).
of the Greeks before, he therefore, taking his ground upon the words _li^^
of St. Paul, [Gal. i.] -where he accurseth every such person and
persons, whatsoever they be, either man or angel of heaven, that
shall preach any other gospel than hath been preached, willeth the
pope to stand with him u]Jon the same ground of the apostle's curse ;
so that if the stroke of that curse have lighted upon him or his
churches, he desireth him to show the wound, and to help to wipe
away the blood, to minister some spiritual plaster, to bind up the
sore, and to save his brethren from perishing who lay in danger,
according to the saying of the wise man, " A brotherly friend is tried
in adversity."
" But if we (saith hej, of the Greek church be free from the stripe of this Whether
curse of the apostle, and you Italians, and of the Latin church, be stricken '.|'^,r(.ii
therewith and lie thereby in danger of destniction, I trust that you, through or the
ignorance and wilful obstinacy, will not so suffer yourselves to be separated tifetks
from the Lord, but rather will suffer a thousand deaths before, if it were pope's
possible for a man so often to die." church
And as touchine: this great discord between us, if either contrariety of '"'*'' ™°''®
1 . • <. 1 • T • n • • 1 ,. under the
doctrme, or swerving irom the ancient canons, or diversity oi rites received of danfier of
our forefathers, be any cause thereof, we here take heaven and earth to witness, <^od's
that we for our parts are ready, and desire also, upon due trial of profound
tiiith of God's word, and invocation of the Holy Ghost, to join hands with you,
or you to join with us. But, to say the very truth, and to tell you plainl}', this
we suppose, that many mighty and noble potentates would sooner incline to q^ gi.
your obedience, were it not that they feared your imjust oppressions, your afraid of
insatiable exactions, and inordinate provisions wherewith you wring your "^'^ pope's
subjects, by reason whereof have risen amongst us cruel wars, one fighting su'ns*.^
against another, desolation of cities, bulls and interdictions set upon church- The pa-
doors, division of brethren, and churches of the Grecians left without service, '''''■^'^^'' "^
where God should be praised. So that now only one thing lacketh, which I believe tinopie
to be predefined and appointed from above long before to us Grecians, the time pjophe-
1 mean of martyrdom, which also now hasteneth fast upon us, that the tribunal tj,^ ^lar-
of tyrants should be opened, and the seats of torments be set, that the blood of tyrdom of
martyrs should be spilled, and we brought to the stage of martyrdom, to fitrht ".'^ ^''^'
tor the crown ot glory.
" This that I do speak, and wherefore I speak it, the noble island of Cyprus The
doth already know and feel, which hath made many new martjTs, and hath pope's
seen valiant soldiers of Christ, who of long time before, passing through water {^o'j^'i',,''
and tears of soitow, now at last have also passed through fire, and so entered tiie isle of
into the heavenly rest. How say you, be these good and seemly, O holy pope ! '-"JPrus-
the successor of St. Peter, the apostle ? Is this the bidding of that good Peter, The ty-
the meek and humble disciple of Christ ? Doth he thus instruct the seniors and ran"y
elders in his epistle, where he writeth in thiswise? " The elders which are rice of tlie
among you, I beseech, which am also a fellow-elder with them, and witness of popecims-
the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shall be opened : !|:""'','*^,
feed the flock of God which is amongst you, having care and sight over it, of St.
not of coaction, as compelled against your wills, but willingly, of your own l^^ter.
accord ; not for filthy lucre' sake, but freely and heartily ; neither as bearing
dominion and lordship over the church, but showing yourselves as an example to
the flock : and when the chief Pastor shall appear, you shall receive an incor-
ruptible crown of eternal glory." [1 Pet. v. 1, 4.] And this is the doctrine of
Peter, as they shall see who do not obey it. As for us, tlie other part of the said
epistle is sufficient: wherein he willeth them to rejoice which are in heaviness
through manifold temptations, tliat the trial of their faith being much more
precious than gold that perisheth, and is tried in fire, maybe their laud, honour,
and glory, at the appearing of the Lord Jesus. [1 Pet. i. / .] But bear with me,
416 AXOTilKK KMSTI.E OK GERMANUS.
Jli-nry I pray you, O holy father, and of all your predecessors most meek, and suffer
^^'- my words though tliey be something sharj), for they be sighings of a sorrowful
A.I), licart.'
\o[\o *' Wherefore, gird about your loins with fortitude, and light up the candle of
— "^-^-^^^ your discretion, and seek the groat that is lost, of the unity, I mean, of faith,
liorteith "A"^ ^'-' ^^"'1' "''^'' ^^"''^' ^^^^ compassion join with your holiness, and I will not
the pope spare this weak body of mine, in pret-nding any excuse either of age or the
to come length of the way : for the more laborious the travail is, the more crowns
witii'hhu, it bringeth. And St. Paul saith, ' Every man shall receive reward according
that they to his travail.' "
coiifer to- " Neither are we ignorant, if it please yoiu- hohness, that like as we Grecians,
Ret her for our parts, do labour in all respects to keep and observe the sincerity of true
about the fjiitij ^xiA. doctrine, not to err, nor swerve in any part or point from the statutes
faith." of the blessed apostles and ancient fathers, so the church, likewise, of old
Rome doth, for her part, labour also, we know well, to follow the sincere verity
CJri'ck of christian doctrine, and thinketh herself to eiT in nothing, nor to need any
church remedy or reformation. And this we know is tlie judgment and sayings of both
amUin- ^'^^ churches, as well of the Greeks as of the Latins. For no man can see any
cere in spot in his own face, without he stoop down to the glass, or else be admonished
dociriue. i,y gome other, whether his face be blotted or no. Even so have w-e many
great and fair glasses set before us : first, the clear gospel of Christ, the epistles
He ex- of the apostles, and divinity books of ancient writers. Let us therefore
iiorteth look into them well ; they will show every man's mind and judgment, whether
church of he go right or w'l'ong. The God of peace tread down Satan speedily under our
Rome to feet. The Author of peace confound the sower of discord. He that is the
face i'n '^ caiise of all goodness destroy the hater of all that which is good, and which
Goi's giveth cause of offence and slander. And he who is God of all joy and peace,
plass ; ggj^j ^is^ ^y]jo are shepherds of his sheep reasonable, the angel of peace, and the
try their messenger of great glad tidings, as he did in the Nativity of Christ to the
doctrine shepherds of brute slieep and unreasonable ; and make us worthy to sing that
word" * j*'}'^^^^ song of God's praise, " Glorj' to God in the highest ; on earth peace ;
good-will to men ;" and to receive one another with an holj"^ kiss. The grace
of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the peace of God the Father, and the communion
of the Holy Spirit, be with you always. Amen."*
SUBSTANCE OF ANOTHER EPISTLE OF GERMANUS, PATRIARCH OF
CONSTANTINOPLE, AND PRIMATE OF THE GREEK CHURCH,
TO THE CARDINALS OF ROME.
Another letter the said Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople,
wrote also the same time to the popc^s cardinals, wherein he first
commendeth them for their wisdom and comisel, and then, showing
what utility cometh by giving good counsel, he saith :
" Forsomuch as God, man)' times, that which he hideth from one, inspireth
to another, so that that good thing which by the Almighty God is sunderly
dispensed to divers, through common counsel and conference spreadeth to the
public utility of many," &c.
After this, eftsoons, he beginneth to exhort them, that they, like
charitable ministers and discreet counsellors, should take in hand the
spiritual armour of God, to cast down the stop and partition wall of
the old discord between the Greek and Latin church, and that they
should be a means to the bishop of Rome, that they who so long have
been dissevered by dissension, may now be conjoined in unity of peace,
in brotherly charity and communion of faith.
" Concerning which matter, I have (saith he) already written to his holiness.
And now, I beseech the King of heaven, who took the shape of a servant to
help his miserable servants, and was exalted upon the cross to raise them up
(I) Ex libro Matth. Paris manuscripto, ff. 3 et 1 1 1.
TO THE CARDINALS OF ROME. 417
wlio were fallen into the profundity of desolation, that he will vouchsafe to put iienni
from your hearts all elation of mind, extolling itself over and above the unity of ^"
your brethren and fellow-servants, and to enlighten your consciences with tlie ^_ ^
true light of understanding, that we may altogether agree in one, and that there 1232.
be no schism amongst us. Let us, therefore, as we are instructed, so abide in 1
one mind, that it be not said of us, as it was of the Corinthians before us, ' I hold
of Paul, I of Apollos, I of Cephas, and I of Christ;' [1 Cor. i. 12;] but that all
we, as we hold the name of Christ, and are called Christians, so may also abide
in that wherein we are instructed, in one mind ; that is, to follow love and
charity in Christ Jesus, having always in our hearts the words of the apostle,
saying, ' One Lord, one faith, one baptism.'"
" And now to be plain with you in that I have to say, I ghall desire you not to
be offended with me in uttering the truth as a friend unto you. ' The words,'
saith Solomon, ' of a wise man' telling tmth, be like to nails which be driven in
deep:' and truth for the most part breedeth enemies; and, therefore, though
I am partly afraid, yet Avill I simply confess the truth unto you. Certes, this The ty-
division of christian unity amongst us, proceedeth of no other cause but only of "'"'J^*"*^
the tyranny, oppression, and exacticms of the church of Rome, who of a mother sionoithe
is become a stepdame, and hath put her children from her whom long time she ciiiuch of
nourished (after the manner of a ravening bird, which driveth her young from the raly
her) ; which children, how much the more humble and obedient they are to her, cause of
the less she esteemeth them, and treadeth them underfoot, not regarding the ^^'^jjy'j^f.
sajang of the gospel, 'Whoso humbleth himself shall be exalted.'" [Luke tweenthe
xviii. 14.] Greek
" Let modesty, therefore, somethingtemper you, and let the avarice of the com-t ^^^^he
of Rome, although that cannot well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone, Latin,
yet surcease a while, and let us together condescend to the ti-ial of the tnith ;
which tmth being found out on "both sides, let us constantly embrace the
same."
" For why ? we have been altogether sometimes, both Italians and Greciaas, in Th« old
one faith, and imder the same canons, having peace with each other, and ^""p'^^"*^
defending one another, and confounding the enemies of the church. At what between
time, many flying out of the west parts (while the t3Tanny of the heretics en- the east
diu-ed) made then- concourse to us, and were received ; and part fled unto you, ^l^^'^j'g
that is, old Rome, as to a sti-ong tower of refuge, and so received they comfort west.
in both places, and one brother was thus received into the bosom of another, by
mutual love for their defence."
" 'Dien, afterwards, when Rome had been often distressed by the barbarous
and heathen nations, the Grecians were ever ready to rescue and deliver them.
Did not Agapetus and Vigilius flee unto Constantinople by reason of the dissen- Apapetus
sions then at Rome, and being honourably received, were here defended under a^d VMpi-
our protection? although the like kindness was never yet showed on your part to Con-
to us again in our hke necessities. Notwithstanding, we ought to do good to stantino-
them also that be ungrateful; for so doth the sea participate her smooth and f^J^l^^
calm tides even unto the pirates, and so ' God causeth the sun to shine upon the
just and unjust.' But, alas for sorrow, what bitter division is this, that hath thus
sequestered us asunder ? One of us detracteth another, shunning the company
one of anotlier, as the damnation of his soul. What a mortal hatred is this
that is come among us ? If you think we are faUen, then do you help to lift us
up, and be not to us a stumbling-block to our bodily ruin, but helpers unto the
spiritual resm-rection of our souls ; so shall we acknowledge ourselves bound
unto you to give you condign thanks accordingly."
" But if the blame and first origin of all this oftence proceedeth from Rome, and
the successors of Peter, the apostle ; then read ye the words of St. Paul to the
Galatians, saying, ' When Peter came to Antioch I withstood him to the face, Paul re-
because he was to be rebuked.' [Gal. ii. 11.] Howbeit this resistance was no i^'^^^^^^h
cause of any discord, or breach between them, but the cause rather of further
search and profoimder disputations, provoking temporal agreement ; for they
were fast joined together in tlie bond of charity in Christ, agreeing^ in faitli
and conformity of doctrine, separated by no ambition or avarice, in which
points, would God we also were like vmto them ! This to us, in our minds,
gendereth a gi-eat offence, that you gaping so greedily after terrene possessions.
scrape together all that you can scratch and rake. You heap up gold and
VOL. II. E E
418 ^VAR PROCLAIMED AGAIXST THE GREEK CHURCH.
Iffnry silvcr, and yet pretend that you be the disciples of Him who said, ' Gold and
■'■"■ silver I have none,' &-c. [Actsiii.fi.] You make whole kingdoms tributary
. yT to you, and kinps and princes your vassals. You augment your money by usury,
\o'>o ^"^ ''y ^^^^^ cf merchandise. You unteach by your deeds that wliich you
— "'- teach in words."
lie mean- " Moderate yourselves, therefore, witli more temperance, that you may be an
fill of the example to us and to all the world. You see how good a thing it is for one
of'ifn "-" brother to help another. Only God alone necdeth no help or counsel, but men
land, and need to be hol])cn one of another. And were it not that I do reverence tho
°'r* h blessed apostle I'eter, the chief of Christ's apostles, the rock of our faith ; I
were Would here put you in remembrance how greatly this rock was shaken a:i(l
made fri- removed from tlie foundation at the sight of a silly woman ; and Christ of his
ti'ic'tee oi secret puqiose permitted the same, who, by the crowing of the cock, brought
Rome. him again to remembrance of that which was foretold him, and raised him from
Tiie im- j]jj> slmuber of desperation. Then he, being thus waked, wa.shed his face with
avarice cf tears, confessing himself, before God and all the world, to be a true pattern
the court of repentance, who before bare the keys of the kingdom, saying tlius unto us,
0 ome. < ^jay not }je which falleth, rise again? Oh you which are fallen, rise up and
faith behold me, and hearken unto me, ti'avelling towards Paradise ; the gates where-
shaken, of to open I have received power.' "
" And thus do I write vmto you, not for any instniction, but only to put you in
remembrance : for I know how God hath endued you with all wisdom and
Peter an knowledge; as Solomon saith, ' Give only occasion to the wise, and he will
ofreptnt- Isarn wisdom : teach the just man, and he will be glad to take instruction.' "
ance. " This one thing more I will say, and so make an end : There be great and
Christian mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with us. First, the Ethiopians,
countries ^^jj^ inhabit the chief part of the east. After that the Sp-iai^s, and others
tions in besides, of greater number than they, and more disposed to virtue, as the Hiberi,
the cast Alani, Gothi, Chazari, with innumerable people of Russia, and the kingdom of
not'unlicr great victor)-, that of the Bulgarians. All these are obedient unto us as their
the bishop mother church, persisting hitherto constantly in the ancient and true orthodo.v
of Home, fjjjti, immoveable."
Christ the " The God of all holiness, who for our sakcs became man, and who onlj- is the
only head head of his church and congregation, vouchsafe to gather us again together in
cliurch ""'*■>' '^"'^ grant that the Grecian church, together with her sister church of old
Rome, may glorify the same Christ, the Prince of Peace, by the unity of faith, to
the restitution of sound and wholesome doctrine, wherein many yeai's agone
tliey have agreed and were united. God grant unto you brotherly charity, and
the hand of the most mighty God govern you all. holy cardinals, till that ye
jo)-fully arrive in the haven of everlasting tranquillity. The grace of God be
with you all. Amen." ^
Tiie pope Shortly after the sending of these letters, pope Gregory prepared
Hr^^aT to send men of war, signed with the cross, to fight against the
Y"'"*' k G^^'^i^i'is ; 'whereupon the archbishop of Antioch, Avith the said Gcr-
church. nianus, solemnly excommunicated the pope, after he first had exconv
bishopTof niunicatcd tliem.^ In the mean time, by the tenor of these letters of
^Ii Con- t^'^ patriarch sent to the pope and to the cardinals, it is evident to all
stantino- mcn who havc eyes in their heads to see : First, how the whole
ccnimu- universal church of Christ, fi-om the east parts to the west, in ancient
po'i^'*"** times, was altogether united in one consent of doctrine, and linked
j-iye together in brotherly charity, one church brotherly to help another, both
be con- with temporal aid and spiritual counsel, as the cn.se rcquii-ed. Neither
sidered. .^^j^g ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ mother-cliurcli above other churches, but the whole
universal church was the mother-church, and spouse of the Lord, to
every laithl'ul Ijclievcr; under which universal cliurch, in general, were
comprehended all other particular churches in special, as sister churches
together ; not one greater than another, but all in like equality, as
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 111. (2; Ibid. ti.l. US.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH DEFINED. 419
God gave his gifts, so serving one anotlicr, ever holding together the /Wy
unity of faith and sisterly love. And so long was it, and rightly L^
might so be called, the catholic church, having in it true unity, uni- A. D.
versality, and free consent. Unity in doctrine, universality in com- — L^_
municating and joining together of voices, consent in spirit and The true
judgment. For whatsoever was taught at Rome, touching faith and church?
salvation, it was no other than was taught at Antioch, Syria, &c. Zl"l^i
Secondly, how in process of time, through occasion of the tyranny what.
and violent oppression of the bishops of Rome, this ring of equality, universa-
being broken, all flew in pieces, the east church from the west, the I'^J^;^^-^^^
Greek from the Latin ; and that wliich was one before, now was made ti« ^^^
two ; unity turned to division, universality to singularity, and free hath her
. , -I- • name of ■
consent to dissension. catholic,
Thirdly, here is also to be noted, after this pitiful breach of equa- ^^^'^^^^
lity, how many and what great nations departed from the communion
of the church of Rome, and especially about this time above specified
of pope Gregory IX., a.d. 1230 ; so that both before and after that
time, many councils were holden, and many things concluded in the
west church, whereunto the one half of Christendom, lying in the east
parts, did never agree ; and contrary, many councils holden by them,
which in the Latin church Avere not received ; so that the church now,
as she lost the benefit of universal consent, so also she lost the name of
' Catholic.'' Whereupon this question is to be asked, namely, whether, whether
when the council of Lateran, under pope Lmocent IIL, ordained the trine of
doctrine of transubstantiation and auricular confession, here, in the ^^l^^^;
west church, without the free consent of the east church, the same tion.made
doctrine is to be counted catholic or not ? the &ee
Foiu-thly, in tlie departing of these chm-ches from the bishop of thf/^^t"^
Rome, here also is to be noted, that the same churches of the Greeks, ^^"^^^^^^j^^^^-
notwithstanding they sequestered themselves, and fell out with the uc or no?
church of Rome, and that justly, yet they kept their unity still with
their God, and retained still the true ' 6jo0oSo^tav,' that is, the true
and sincere doctrine of faith ; ready to debate and try the truth of their
religion by the Scriptures, as they here, in their own writings, desire
to have the truth examined, according as ye have heard. AVherefore
the chm-ch of Rome hath done them open wrong, which being offered
so gently to try, and to be tried, by the truth of God's word, not only
■would stand to no trial, nor abide conference, but also hath excom-
municated those as heretics, who appear here to be more orthodox
Christians than themselves.
Fifthly, these things thus standing, then have we to conclude that the The
church of Rome flilsely pretendeth itself to be catholic : for if the name ^f r^L
of 'catholic' must needs import an universal consent of the whole, how proved
i _ J , not to be
can that be catholic where the consent of so many iamous and true catholic.
christian churches hath been lacking; and, furthermore, where the
consent that hath been amongst themselves, hath rather been coacted ^^^ pr^
than any true or free consent .'' Which is easy to be proved ; for let of Rome
these fires and faggots cease, let kings and princes leave to press their ^''""'
subjects with the pope's obedience, let the Scripture and the bishops fr-j^e
alone, every one in his own diocese, govern their flock after the are co
rule of God's word, and how few be there in this west end of the ^"^ *■ "
world, trow you, tlmt would not do the same that these Grecians,
K E 2
tarid
pen no
con-
but
oduetis.
420 THE pope's unreasonable gatherings.
Menry Ethiopians, and Spians, have done before us ? — ^And thus much of
^"' this patriarcirs letters, sent to pope Gregory, conccrniug the Greek
A.D. church.
l^^-''- ^Vhcn I consider tlie doings of these Grecians, as I cannot but com-
Themise- nicnd their Avis(U)m, and judge their state liappy and blessed, in
of the*'* shaking otl from their ncci<s tlie misera))le yoke of the pope's tyranny;
TfTh'ru-* so, on the other hand, considering with myself the wretched thraldom
tendom ^f thcsc our churclics here in the west part of the world, under the
pop" * bishop of Rome; I cannot tell whether more to marvel at, or to lament,
Excom- their pitiful state, who were brought into such oppression and slavery
tlo"n"'"ke under him, that neither could they abide him, nor yet durst cast him
J *^°°^r off. So intolerable were his exactions, so terrible was his tyranny,
The false his suspcnsious and excommunications so much like a madman's
lilToi dagger, drawn at every trifle, that no christian patience could suffer
the pope's \^^ jj^jj. natiou abide it. Again, so deeply did he sit in their con-
ey, cause sciences, they falsely believing him to have the authority of St. Peter,
trT\c-h^ that for conscience"' sake neither king nor Ceesar durst withstand him,
much less poor subjects once mute against him. And although his
takings and spoilings, namely, in this realm of England, were such,
that neither the laity nor spiritualty could bear them, yet was there
no remedy ; but bear them tliey must, or else the pope's sentence
was upon them, to curse them as black as pitch.
In reading the histories of these times, any good heart would
lament and rue to see the miserable captivity of the people ; what
they suffered under this thraldom of the bishop of Rome, whereof
part hath been showed before ; more, God willing, shall follow here-
after, and some part here presently I express.
A BRIEF table OR DECLARATION OF THE POPe's UNREASON-
ABLE GATHERINGS, EXACTIONS, AND OPPRESSIONS, IN THE
REALM OF ENGLAND, IN THE DAYS OF KING HENRY III.'
And first, to begin with the elections of the bishops, abbots, deans,
and priors within this realm : it cannot be told what mass of money
grew to the pope's coffers thereby, especially in this king's days ; for-
asmuch as in his time scarcely any election happened, either of arch-
bishop, bishop, abbot, or any room of dignity, but, when the covent
or chapter had chosen one to their mind, the king, who had mamed
a stranger, and sought therefore to prefer strangers, would set up
another. By reason of this, when the other part was fain to appeal
to Rome, and there to plead the case, no small rivers of English
money, besides expenses and travel by the way, went flowing to the
pope's see. And tliough the election went never so clear, yet the
newly elect nuist needs respect the holy father with some gentle
reward, and further, by his oath was bound every three years, either
in his own person, or by another, to visit ' limina apostolorum.'
So in the house of St. Alban's, when John Hertford was elected
abbot, their public election was not enough, but for the confirmation
of the same, the monies were &in to send Rcinold, tlie physician,
(1) The substance of the facts here recorded appear to be contained in theHarl. MSS. Brit. Mus.
No. 419, Art. 9: " Concerning the wicked and unreasonable demeanour of divers popes, against
christian princes, th'- f<niiKl,-Ui<in of divers orders, bcpinning of new ceremonies, and some othei
historical oUiiervations," with a note: " Written probably by Matthew Paiis."— £d.
UNPRINCIPLED PAPAL EXACTIONS. 421
and Nicholas, a monlc, to Rome, with a sufficient bag of money, /^«»<-9
through the mediation whereof the election might stand, and the new ^^^'
abbot was sworn every third year, by himself or another, to visit the A. D.
dorsels' of the apostles. ^"2.27.
Another such contention happened between the king and the
monks of Winchester, about the election of William Rale, whom the
monks had chosen, but the king refused, willing to place a stranger,
and therefore sent to Rome his messengers, namely, Theobald, a
monk of Westminster, and Master Alexander, a lawyer, Avith no small
sum of money, to evacuate the election of the aforesaid William Rale ;
commanding, moreover, that the gates of Winchester should be shut Eight
against him, and that no man should be so hardy, there, as to receive "'arTs"'*
him into his house. Whereupon the said William, being excluded, &>"«"
after he had laid his curse upon the whole city of Winchester, made wshopric*
his repair to Rome, where, for eight thousand marks promised to the cLYt«"to
pope, his bishopric (spite of the king's heart) Avas confirmed, and he ^^^ p*^*-
received.* a.d. 1243.
After the death of Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, ye
heard before how the monks had elected Walter, a monk of Canter-
bury. But the king, to stop that election, sent up his proctors,
Alexander Savensby, bp. of Coventry, and Henry Sanford, bp. of
Rochester, to the pope, to evacuate that election, and to place Richard
chancellor of Lincoln. Which proctors perceiving at first how hard
and unwilling the pope and cardinals were thereunto, and considering Tenth
how all things might be bought for money, rather than the king should p^^tof au
fail of his purpose, they promised on the king's behalf to the pope, i^'^Eng-'^
for maintaining his wars against Frederic, the emperor, a disme, or irefa^^
tenth part of all the moveables in the realm of England and Ireland. ^^^"^ '"
At the contemplation of this money, the pope, eftsoons, thinking to ^°^^
pass with the king, began to pick quarrels with the aforesaid Walter,
for not answering rightly to his questions about Christ's descending
to hell, the making of Christ's body on the altar, the weeping of
Rachel for her children, she being dead before ; also about the sen-
tence of excommunication, and certain causes of matrimony ; his
answers whereunto, when they were not to the pope's mind, he was
put back, and the king's man preferred, which cost the whole realm
of England and Ireland the tenth part of their moveable goods, by
reason whereof, what money was raised to the pope's Gazophylacium,*
I leave to the . estimation of the reader.* a.d. 1229. And yet, for Money
all this, the said Richard, the costly archbishop of Canterbury, within dL
less than two years after, falling out with the king about the castle ^Tn^'ana''
^nd lordship of Tunbridge, went and complained of him to the pope ; H'^ =^'^''-
in the traverse whereof it cost the king a great piece of money, and c!«t?r-''*'
yet missed he his purpose. In that journey the said archbishop, ''"^^•
returning homeward, by the way, departed, a.d. 1231.
Of the like dissension ye heard before, between the king and the Tiie costly
covent of Dm-ham, for not choosing Master Lucas, the king's chap- ofwS.
lain, whom the king offered to be their bishop ; about the suit whereof,
(1) " The dorsels of the apostles." "Limina apostoloruni." The arrival of the aI)bot, every third
year, to visit, with a full purse, the seats of the apostles, was both agreeable and advaiitageuua
to the pope.— Ed.
(2) Ex Matth. Paris, fols. 164, 240. '(3) The ecclesiastical treasury.— Ed.
(4) Ex Matth. Paris. M. 71^|
422 EXPENSES OF ECCLESIASTICAL LITIGATION'S.
Hepiy when mucli money was bestowed on botli sides well-fiivonrcdlv, tiie
'- — pope, defeating them both, admitted neither Master William nor
A- IX blaster Lucas, but ordained the bishop of Sarum to be their bishop,
ii^ A.I,. 1228.' .
Money Between the monks of Coventry and the canons of Lichfield, arose
thTpo'^e'' •'^'^other like quarrel, which of them should have the superior voice in
for the choosing; their bishop ; in which suit, after much money bestowed in the
thebisho"p court ot" Ronic, the pope, to requalify each party with some retribution
uj°anA ^*^'' their money received, took this order inditferently between them,
Lichfield, that each party by course should have the choosing of their bishop.
A.D. 1228.'
Edmund, What busincss arose likewise between Edmund, archbishop of
bishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Rochester, about the election of
bury.Ton- Richard AVcndour, to be their bishop ; and what was the end thereof.''
demiRd First, the archbishop was fain to travel himself to the pope, and so
at Rome i-ii i ii i iiii-i
In 3 thou- did the covent also send their proctors, who, probably being better
marks, movcd. Weighed do^vn the cause, so that the good archbishop in
that affair against the monks, and partly in another cause against
the earl of Arundel, was condemned of the pope in a thousand
marks, whereof the greatest part, no doubt, redounded to the pope"'s
coffers. A.D. 1238.='
The fifih After the return of the said Edmund, archbishop of Cantcrbur}',
Boodfof *" froi"^^ Rome, it chanced that the monks of Canterbury had elected
the clergy \\^q\t[ m\ox without his asscut ; for which he did excommunicate the
granted to , ^ , i ■ i • x-^ i p i • i i
the pope, monks, and evacuate their election. JNot long after this, the popes
exactors went about to extort from the churchmen the fifth part of
their goods to the pope's use, fighting then against the emperor. This
cmel exaction being for a great while resisted by the prelates and
clergy, at length the aforesaid archbishop, thinking thereby to get the
victory against the monks, was contented to yield to the said exaction ;
adding, moreover, of his own, for an overplus, eight hundred marks,
Avhcreupon the rest of the clergy were fain to follow after, and con-
tribute to the pope's exactors, a.d. 1240.*
Great ex- In the church of Lincoln (which see, before the Conquest, was at
money°m Dorchcstcr, and afterwards by William Rufus translated from thence
of^iiome ^^ Lincoln) rose a grievous contention between Robert Grosthead,
between then bishop, and the canons of the cathedral church, about their visi-
bishopof tation, whether the bishop should visit them, or the dean; which
andThe matter being put to arbitrators, could not be composed before the
church^^' bishop and the chapter, after then- appeal made imto the pope, had
both gone to Rome, Avhere, after they had well wasted their purses,
they received at length their answer, but paid full sweetly for it.
A.D. 1239.'
At what time the canons of Chichester had elected Robert Pas-
selew to be their bishop, at the king's request, the archbishop with
certain other bishops, taking part against the king's chaplain, repelled
him, and set up Richard Witch. Upon this, what sending and
going there was unto Rome, and what money bestowed about the
matter, as well on the king's part as on the bishop's, read the story
thereof in Matthew Paris.®
(1) Ex Matth. Paris. (2) \h\A. fol. KS. (.1) Ibid. foi. 114.
(4) Ibid. fol. 132. b. (.->) Ibid. fo). II'J. ((i) Ibid. fols. 182, 184, 186.
I'KIIVKUSION' OF JirsTlCK.
423
Rome.
The
san-
Robcrt Grostlicad, bisliop of Lincoln (of whom vclution was maile Ji^'x^y
l)cforc), having- a great care liow to bring the privileged orders of '. —
religious houses within his precinct under liis subjection and dis- A- j)
cipline, went unto Rome, and there, with great labour and much A't'^
cfiiision of money, as the storj' saith, procured of the pope a mandate,
whereby all such religious orders were commanded to be under his
power and obedience. Not long after, the monks, who could soon
weigh down the bishop with money, uot abiding that, sent their
factors to the pope, who, with their golden eloquence so ]:)ersuaded
him, and stirred his affections in such sort, that soon they purchased
to themselves freedom from their ordinary bishop. Robert Grost-
head having intelligence of this, made up to Rome, and there com-
plaining to the pope, declared how he was disappointed and confounded
in his purpose, contrary to promises and assurance made to him
before ; to whom Pope Innocent, looking with a stern countenance, ho-.v
made this answer : " Brother," said he, "what is that to thee ? Thou {';;f J,^^^
hast delivered and discharged thine own soul. It hath pleased us to cim taXe
in 1 T 1 • M f 1 T 1 '11 with both
silow favour unto them. Is thine eye evil, ior that i am good .'' iiands.
And thus was the bishop sent away with a flea in his ear, murmuring
Avith himself, yet not so softly, but that the pope heard him say these
words : " O money ! money ! w-hat canst not thou do in the court of ,^1°""^
Rome .''" Wherewith the pope beiiig somewhat pinched, gave this much at
answer again : " O ye Englishmen ! Englishmen! of all men most
wretched ; for all your seeking is how ye may consume and devour p°^^j.'
one another.''''^ a.d. 1250. iiobert
It happened moreover the same year that the said Robert Grost- head,
head excommunicated and deprived one Ranulph, a beneficed person
in his diocese, being accused of incontinency ; who, after the tenn of
forty days, refusing to submit liimself, the bishop wrote to the sheriff
of Rutland to apprehend him as one contumacious. The sheriff, be-
cause he deferred or refused so to do (bearing favour to the party),
and being there-for solemnly excommunicated by the bishop, uttered
his complaint to the king. Whereat the king taking great displea-
sure with the bishop for excommunicating his sheriff, and not first
making his complaint to him, sendeth forth a substantial messenger,
Master ^loncta, such as he Avas sure would speed, unto Pope Inno-
cent ; by virtue of whose words, the pope, easy to be entreated, sendeth Justice
down a proviso to the abbot of Westminster, charging that no 'ly'the'^
])relate or bishop in the realm of England should molest or enter [',"J,\'^ty^'
action against any of the king's bailiffs or officers, in such matters for
as to the king's jurisdiction appertained. And thus was the strife "'°"'^^*
ended, not without some help and heap of English money ; so that
no wund of any controversy here stirred in England, were it never so
small, but it blew some profit for the pope's advantage.^ a.d. 1250.
In like manner no little treasure grew to the pope's coffers by the Money
election of Boniface, the queen's uncle, a Frenchman, to be arch- !hc"iiope,
l)ishop of Canterbury, a.d. 1243, and of Ethelmare, the ouccn's |,'|>gp||^^
brother, to be bishop of AVinclicster, against the wills of the prior and "f »^\o
covent there, a.d. 1250, besides many such other escheats, which i-oth"
made England poor, and the pope rich. strangers.
(1) Lx JIaUli. Paris. f;)l. 230. (2) Ibid. fol. 231.
424* EVILS CAUSED BY THE rOPE''s DISPENSATIOXS,
//<"ry I conic now sonictliing likc^vi.se to toiicli hriefly of the popc''s dis-
'- — pcnsations, provisions, exactions, contributions, and extortions in
A. D. Eni,dan(l in this kinL;''s days, for to discourse all, it is not one book
^-■'^^- will hold it.
with"'** Simon Montfort, carl of Leicester, had married Elenor, the kinn^'s
Eienor sistcr, and daughter of King John, who by report of stories had taken
si'9't(^'."a* the mantle and ring; wherefore the king, and his brother Richard,
nuTi,niade ^arl of Exctcr, wcrc greatly offended with the marriage. The earl
tiiepope Simon seeing this, made a hand of money, and posting over to Rome,
money. H^cr hc had talked a few words in Pope Innocent's ear, the marriage
was good enough ; and letters were sent to Otlio, the pope's legate
here, to give sentence solemnly with the carl. Not^vithstanding, the
Dominic friars, and others of the like religious fi-aternity, withstood
that sentence of the pope stoutly, saying, that the pope's holiness
was therein deceived, and souls were in danger; that Christ was
jealous over his wife ; and that it could not be in anywise possible
that a woman who had vowed maniage ■with Christ, could afterwards
maiTy with another, &c. a,d. 1238.^
•WTiatin- As tlicrc was nothing so hard in the wide world, wherewith the
encecom- pope would not dispcusc for money, so, by the said dispensations,
fhe poll's '^''^i^"li mischief was wrought abroad; for, by reason thereof, the people
disi)cnsa- rclyiug upon the pope's dispensation, little regarded what they did,
what they promised, or what they swore. This well appeared in
the case of this King Henry III. ; who, being as gieat an exactor of
the poor commons as ever was any king before him or since, and
thinking thereby to win the people sooner to his devotion, most faitli-
fuUy promised them once or twice, and thereto bound himself with a
solemn oath, both before the clergy and laity, to grant unto them the
old liberties and customs as well of Magna Cliarta, as of Charta de
Foresta, perpetually to be observed ; whereupon, a fifteenth was
granted to the king. But, after the payment Avas sure, the king
trusting, by the pope's dispensation, for a little money, to be dis-
cliargcd of his oath and covenant, went fironi what he had before
promised and sworn.
In like manner, the said king, another time, being in need of money,
signed himself with the cross, pretending and swearing deeply in the
fiice of the whole pai-liament, that he would himself personally fight
Wilful in the Holy Land against the Saraccn.s. But, as soon as the money
niain-^^ "was tdvcu, suiall card was had for performance of his oath, it being
\hei^,yJs P'^^ ""''^^ ^"^ ^^^^^ ^y certain about him, that he needed not to regard
tioM*^^' ^^^^^ P^'J^'^T' forasmuch as the pope, for one or two htindicd pounds,
would (piickly discharge him thcreof.-
Enarmi- Out of the same coiTupt spring of these popish dispensations, have
Spring '*''' proceeded also many other foul absurdities, for there were many
from young men in those days who enjoyed benefices, and yet were not
priests ; and when, by the procurement of Robert Grosthead, bishop
of Lincoln, the said young men should be forced, whether they would
or not, to enter orders, they, laying their purses together, sent to
Rome, and obtained of the pope a dispensation to remain still as they
Avcre ; that is, to have the fi-uits of benefices to find them at school or
university, and yet being themselves neither ministers to take charge,
(1) Ex Matth. Parii. fcL 114. (2) Ibid. fol. 273
INTOLERABLE EXACTIONS OF THE POPE. 425
nor yielding any service for their profits taken.* Besides innumeraLle ni-'x-y
heaps of enormities more, proceeding from tlic pope's dispensations, :
as dispensing one man to have sundry bishoprics, encroach on phi- A.I).
raUtics of benefices, making children parsons, legitimatizing bastards, Jilili.
with other such things, the particulars -whereof, for brevity'' sake, I do
omit till fiirthcr opportunity.
THE INTOLERABLE OPPRESSION OF THE REALM OF ENGLAND
BY THE pope's EXACTIONS AND CONTRIBUTIONS, AND OTHER
SLEIGHTS, USED IN THE TIME OF KING HENRY III.
Although these emoluments, thus rising daily to the pope's purse
by simony and bribery, by elections and dispensations, might seem
sufficient to satisfy his greedy appetite ; yet so insatiiible was the
avarice of that see, that he, not yet contented herewith, over and
besides all this, sent almost every year some legate or other into
this realm to take for his advantage. Insomuch, that during all this
king's time, the realm was never long without some of the pope's
leaguers, with all violence exacting and extorting continual provisions,
contributions, and sums of money to be levied out of cells, abbeys,
priories, fruits of benefices, and bishoprics, and also laymen's purses,
to the miserable impoverishing both of the clergy and temporalty, as
hereunder followeth.
First, after Pandulph, was sent into this realm Cardinal Otho, The re-
procured by the king, without the assent of his nobles, to assist him of otho
in certain affairs he had to do. At receiving of this legate, gi-eat J;^4?e'"" *
preparation was made ; many rich and precious gifts in scarlet, in '"'« 'i^^
plate, in jewels, in money, and in palfreys, were given him ; whom
the king also himself went as hx as the sea-side to receive, bowing
down his head in low courtesy to the cardinal's knees ; to whom also
the bishop of Winchester for his part gave, towards keeping his house,
fifty fat oxen, an hundred semes of wheat, and eight great vessels of
pure wine. This legate, at his first coming, beginneth first to bestow
such benefices as he found vacant upon those whom he brought with him,
without respect to whether they were meet or unmeet.^ a.d. 1237.
After this, the pope, hearing how the nobles and commons of the
realm began to stomach the cardinal for his excessive procurations
and exactions, sent for him home ; but the king, because he stood in
fear of his nobles, and thought to have a stay by the cardinal against
all occurrents, entreated him to stay while he wrote to the pope to
obtain frirther license for him to tarry ; and so he did, not without
some English money, ye may be sure.
In this mean time of vacation, Otho, thinking to lose no time, but otho
to gather also some crumbs in Scotland, made as though he would tot'o^ne
set things there in order, which were in the church of Scotland, to be |^'^^ ^''°^-
reformed ; and so cometh to the Icing of Scots,^ being then in York
with King Henry, to have leave to enter. Unto him the king thus The king
made answer, that he never saw to his remembrance, any pope's legate answer
in his land, neither was there any such need (God be praised) for ^'' ^^^
such to be sent for. Matters there were well enough, and needed no scntinnd
help of his. And as he could never learn either in the days of his ucv'eV'°
fl) Ei Matth. Paris, fol. 256. (2) Ibid. fol. 103. (3) Alexander II.— Ed.
42G OITRKSSIONS OI CAUDIXAI. OTIIO.
Henry father, or any liis predecessors, tliat any sucli entrance to any legate
_ Avas gi-anted ; so lie, for liis part, would not now begin. " But yet,
A-I^- notwitlist;inding, fomsniucli as I hear," said he, " that you are a good
^^'^^- man, this I tell you before, that if you will needs adventure in, do it
troubled warily, and take liccd to yourself, lest it happen to you otherwise than
popt-s I would wish ; for they be a savage and unruly people, given much
legate. ^^ niurdcr, and shedding blood, whom I myself am scarcely able to
bridle ; so that if they fall upon you, I shall not be able to help you ;
for how thev also invaded me, and sought to expel mc from my
Icingdom, vc heard of late. Antl therefore I warn you before, take
o"'" liced betime what you think best to do." After the cardinal heard
from* the king speak these words, he plucked in his horns, and durst
scotian"d.° procccd no further, but kept him still by the side of King Henry.
Notwithstanding, shortly after, the same legate coming to the borders
of Scotland, there called the bishops to him, and so, when he had well
filled his bags, came back again. ^
It w^is not long before license came from Pope Gregory to liis
legate Otho, for his longer abode here in the realm (as welcome a3
water in the ship), with new authority also to proceed in the pope"'s
Oppres- affairs ; who, first showing the bishops and the clergy his letters of
the car- longer tarrying, required of them, forasmuch as no man, said he,
dinai. -vvarreth of his own charges, to be supported with new procurations ;
wliich was, to have, of every able church, four marks ; and Avhere one
church was not able to reach thereto, that other churches should join
withal to make up the said money. Notwithstanding, the bishops a
great while stood in the denial thereof.^
A.D.1238, Besides he assembled together all the black monks of St. Benedict's
order, giving to them strict orders, which shortly after, for money, he
released to them again.'
Moreover, by the said Otho, and the pope^s other exactor?, with
special bulls directed doA\Ti for the same, the collaticm of benefices
being taken out of the hands of the patrons, they were given to light
and vile runagates, coming from Italy and other places, such as it
pleased the pope and his legate to bestow them upon ; to the great
prejudice of the ancient liberty and right of the true patrons thereof.
Nobles of Whereupon the earls, and barons, and nobles of the realm, addressed
■ivTite to letters unto Pope Gregory IX. by Sir Robert Twing, knight, for
fof c^oiia- redress of such wrongs and injuries ; who otherwise should be forced,
tkm of they said, to invocate the succour of their king, who both was able,
wrested and was no less willing, according to his duty, they trusted, to reform
their such euormitics, and to defend the liberties of his realm. The tenor
hands, of ti^g letters is to be read in Matthew Paris."*
Peter Not loug after, A. D. 1240, came a new precept from Pope
the pope's Cr^egory, by Peter Rubeus, the pope''s mmcio, to the aforesaid Otho,
carrier, ^j^^t j^]} ^Ije beneficed clergy, as well in England as in France, should
ficed men' pay to the pope the fifth part of their revenues. Whereupon when
i"nd"coni- ^^'^ elergy made their complaint to the king, seeking to be relieved
peiied to by him, the kinjr answered them, that he neither would, nor durst
ifive the "^ ' ^ o "
jifthpart stand against the pope in any case; and so without all hope of
"' """"^ succour he sent them away.* Then were the archbishops, bishops,
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fols. 106, 123.b. (2) Ibid. fols. 12.3, 128, 132. (3) Ibid. fols. 116, 119.
(4) Ibid. fol. 128. a. (5) I'jiri. fol. 132.
ENGLISH BENEFICES BESTOWED ON UOJIANS. 427
abbots, and prelates of the cliurch commanded to assemble together iienry
at Reading, there to hoar tlie pope's pleasure and commandment
concerning the payment of this fifth part, where, in the end, the A.I),
matter concluded thus : the prelates desired a further time to be ^-^^Q-
given them to advise upon the matter, and for that season the revenues
assembly brake up.^ Many excuses and exceptions were alleged by pope.
the clergy ; first, that whereas the money was gathered to fight against A.D.1240.
the emperor, they ought not to contribute their money contrary to ofThT^*
the liberties of the church. Item, that forasmuch as they had paid '^^!^^f\[
a tenth not long before unto the pope, upon condition that no more would not
such payments should be required of them, much less now the fifth ^ute to
part should be exacted of them, because an action twice done, maketh *^^ p°p®-
a custom. Item, that seeing they had oftentimes to repair unto the
court of Rome, if they should give this money against the emperor,
it would turn to their danger when going through his knd. Item,
tliiit seeing their king had many enemies, against whom they must
needs relieve the king with their money, they could not so do if the
realm were thus impoverished. All these excuses, with divei-s others,
notwithstanding, they were compelled at length to conform themselves
to the pope's good pleasure, through the example given by Edmund,
arcJibishop of Canterbury, who, to obtain his purpose against the
monks of Canterbury, with whom he was then at strife, began first to
yield to the legates eight hundred marks for his part, whereby the
rest also were fain to follow after.^
Furthermore, the same year, the pope agreed with the people of Tbree
Rome, that if they would aid him against Frederic the emperor, cM(Jen
whatever benefices were to be given in England, the same should be pfa^e°™n
at their arbitrement to be bestowed upon their children. Where- benefices
upon commandment was sent to the aforesaid Edmund, archbishop, land.
and to the bishops of Lincoln and Sarum, that all the collations of
benefices within the realm should be suspended, till provision were arc™""' '
made for three hundred children of the citizens of Rome to be first ^f^canter-
served. Upon this so miserable request, the said Edmund, arch- ^^^y, .
bishop of Canterbury, for sorrow to see the church so oppressed, exile,
departed the realm, and so continuing in France, died at Pontigny.^ ^^^t&%
This Edmund was afterwards made a saint, and canonized by pope ?^n«n-
Innocent IV.
This done, Peter Rubeus, the pope's nuncio, and Ruffinus, went
into Scotland, from whence they brought with them three thousand
pounds for the pope's use about All-hallow-tide the same year. At Twenty
that time, moreover, cometh another harpy from the pope to Romans
England, named ^lumelius, bringing with him three and twenty ^"'^,f^:
Romans here into the realm to be beneficed. Thus, what by the jj'JJ^'^^;^^^*'
king on the one side, and what by the Cardinal Otho, Peter Rubeus,
Ruffijnus, and Mumelius, on the other side, poor England was in a
wretched case.^
Another pretty practice of the pope to prowl for money, was this :
the aforesaid Peter Rubeus, coming into religious houses and into
their chapters, caused them to contribute to the pope's holiness, by
the example of this bishop and that abbot, pretending tliat he and he,
of their own voluntary devotion, had given so much and so much,
(1) Matth. Paris, fol. 122. (2) Ibid. fols. 132, 136. (3) Ibid. fol. 13J.b. (i) Ibid. fol. 137,
428 TllKATMKNT Ot THE ABliOT OF PETERBOROUGH.
Henry and SO scduccd thcni.' Also the pope craftily suborned certain Sriars,
'. authorized with full indulij:cncc, that whosoever had vowed to fight in
A.D. the Holy Lund, and was disposed to be released of his vow, needed
^"^^- not to repair to Kome for absolution, but paying so much money as
The pope ]|is cliurucs would comc to in goin^- thither, he, resortin^: to the said
for money ... ^ i i -i i . i t r^ < rv ®
rcicaseth iruirs, might be assoiled at liome. a.d. 1210.
uans of *No\v all tlicsc troublcs laid together, were enough to vex the
their meekest prince in the world, besides which, by way of access to the
king's molestation, he had much ado with the prelates and clergy of
his realm, who were always tampering with his title, especially in their
assemblies and councils ; to whom the king, to restrain them from
that presumption, did both send and write, as appeareth by the
evidence of record, commencing, " Rex misit Galfridum de Langley," ^
&c. That is, the king sent GcofFry Langley to the archbishop of
York and to other bishops purposed to meet at Oxford, to appeal for
him, lest, in the said council there called, they should presume to
ordain something against his crown and dignity. This was done
A.D. 1241.^* In the same year came a commandment apostolical to
the house of Peterborough, that they, at the pope's contemplation,
must needs grant him some benefice lying in theii- donation, the fruits
whereof were worth at least an hundred pounds, and if it were more
it should be the better welcome ; so that they should be as the
farmers, and he to receive the profits. In fine, the covent excused
themselves by thq abbot being then not at home. The abbot, when
he came home, excused himself by the king being the patron and
founder of the house. The king being grieved with the unreasonable
ravening of these Romanists, utterly forbade any such example to be
ofPetcr- given.'* Rut what happened .'' The abbot, being for this accused to
thrusfout ^^'^ pope by one of the legates, and coming up about four years after,
of the in the time of Pope Innocent, to the council of Lyons, was so rated
?oSrt! and reviled, and so shamefully thrust out of the pope's court, that for
sorrow he fell sick upon the same, and there died.^
The Ob- In the time of this council of Lyons, pope Innocent IV., foras-
ofkVng much as the instrument or obligation, whereby the realm of England
tribute to ^'^^^^ tributary to the pope, was thought to be burned in the pope's
the pope chamber a little before, brought forth either the same, or another
"^"■^ ■ chart like unto it ; whereunto he straitly charged and commanded
every English bishop there present at the council, severally to set liis
hand and seal. This unreasonable petition of the pope, albeit it
went sore against the hearts of the bishops, yet (see in what miserable
subjection the pope had all the bishops under him) none of them
The durst otherwise do, but accomplish the pope's request therein, both
KngiTn<r to their own shame, and with prejudice to the public freedom of the
Cnd'f "^ realm. Amongst which bishops, the longest that held out, and last
and seals that put to his Seal, was the bishop of London. This act, when the
pope's king and the nobility understood, they were mightily and worthily
"^ therewithal offended.' a.d. 1245.
After tlrnt time Cardinal Otho was sent for by pope Gregory in
all haste to come to the general council ; two others in liis room
(1) Matth. Paris, p. 1,'!4. (o) jurris T.ond.
(3) The pa.>;sage in asterislcs is not found in the lulitions previous to 159B.
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 1 13. (5) Ibid. fol. 184. (6) Ibid. fol. 192.
CRAFTY POLICY OF THF POPE. 409
liere remained, -whose names were Peter Rubeus and Petnis de Sii- Henry
pine. Of whom the former, bearing himself for tlie pope's kinsman, ^^''
brought out his bills and bulls under the pope's authority, to such an A. I).
abbot, or to such a prior, or to such and such a bishop, and so Jr-'JL
extorted from them a great quantity of gold and silver. The other, a ti.ou-
to wit, Petrus de Supino, sailed to Ireland, from whence he brought immUcd
with him a thousand and five hundred marks for the pope's use, 'u'^^m
A.D. 1241.' All which money notwithstanding, gotten by both the °^l^ll^
collectors, in the carriage of it up to Rome, about the death of pope for u'e
Gregory, fell into the hands of Frederic, the emperor ; who caused it ^''^^'
to be restored, as nearly as he could, to those from whom it was taken.^
After these came in Master Martin, a new merchant from the ^not'.er
new pope Innocent IV. (a. d. 1244) armed with full power to "'^-^sen-
suspend all prelates in England from giving benefices, till the fhejope's
pope's kinsmen were first preferred; neither would he take the A.D.n^4.
fruits of any benefice, unless it were above the value of thirty
marks. At his first coming, he required prelates, and especially
religious houses, to furnish him with horses and palfreys, such as
were convenient for the pope's especial chaplain and legate to sit
upon ; also with plate, raiment, provision for his kitchen and cellar,
&c. ; and such as refused, or made excuses, he suspended, as the
abbot of Malmesbury, and the prior of Merton. All prebends that His ex-
were void he sought out and reserved for the pope's behoof; among upm""iie
which was the golden prebend of Sarum, belonging to the prEecentor Ei'i'^and
of the choir, whom he preferred to the bishopric of Bath, and so
seized upon the prebend, being void, against the wills both of the
bishop and the chapter.^ Moreover, he brought with him blanks in
paper and parchment, signed in the pope's chamber with his stamp
and seal ; wherein he might afterward write to whom, and what he
.would,* requiring, furthcnnore, of the king, in the pope's behalf, to contriim-
help his holiness with a contribution to be taxed amongst his clergy, HX^nnT
of at least ten thousand marks ; * and, to the end that the pope m«ks tor
might win the king sooner to his devotion, he writeth in the king s xhe^pTpe
behalf to the nobles and cominons of the realm, that they should not "ouie'th
fail, upon pain of his great curse, to confer such subsidy of money to ^^ll^^\^^
the assistance of the king, as, .he then had demanded of them ; "but tb"*king
they stood stiff in not granting it him. . how'lith
While the insatiable avarice of the pope thus made no end in ^™-
gathering riches and goods together in England ; the nobles and tiongivcu
barons, with the community as well of the clergy as the laity, kinj^
weighing the miserable state of the realm, and particularly of tlie |°j^i{j^J',°
church, the clergy of which now neither had liberty left them to portawe'"
choose their own ministers, nor yet could enjoy their ovra. livings, sKthe
laid their heads together, and so exhibited an earnest intimation to ^^g'™ ''^
the king ; beseeching him to consider the pitiful affliction and
oppression of his subjects under the pope's extortion, living in more
thraldom than ever did the people of Israel under Pharaoh. Where-
upon, the king beginning at last to look up, and to consider the
injuries and wrongs received in his realm, through the avarice of the
court of Rome, directeth to pope Innocent IV. "the following letter.
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 247 ,b. (2) Ibid. fol. 151. (3; Ibid. fols. 107, ISO.
(4) Ibid. fol. 178. b. (3} Ibid.
430
KIKG HKNRY RKMOXSTRATES WITH THE TOVT..
"uT' King Henry's Letter to Pope Innocent IV.*
To tlic most lioly father in Christ, and lord Innocent, by the grace of God,
chief bislu)]) : Henry, by tlie same grace, king of England, &c., greeting and
kissings of his bUssed feet. The more devout and obsequious the son sliowcth
liiniself in obeying the fatlier's will, the more favour and supportation doth he
deserve to iind again at his fatlier's liands. This therefore I write, for that
whereas both we and our realm have ever and in all things been, hitherto, at the
devotion and conunandment of your fatherhood ; and that, although in some
certain affairs of ours and of our kingdom, we have found your fatherly favour
and grace sometimes pro])itious unto us, yet in some things again, as in pro-
visions given and granted to your clerks of foreign nations, both we and our
kingdom have felt no small detriment; by reason of Mhich provisions, the
church of England is so sore charged and burdened, that not only the patrons
of churches, to whom the donations thereof do appertain, are defrauded of their
right, but also many other good works of charity thereby do decay, for that
such benefices as have been mercifully bestowed upon religious houses to their
sustentation, are now wasted and consumed, by your provisions.
\\'hcrefore, forasmuch as your sec ajjostolic ought to be favourable to all that
be petitioners to the same, so that no person be wronged in that which is his
right, Ave thought therefore to be suitors to your fatherhood, most humbly
beseeching your holiness, that 3'ou will desist and surcease for a time from such
provisions to be exacted. In the mean season, may it please your fatherhood,
we beseech you, that our laws and liberties (which you may rightly repute none
other but your own) you will receive to your tuition, to be preserved whole and
sound, nor to suffer the same, by any sinister suggestion in your court, to be
violated and infringed. Neither let your holiness be any whit moved there-for
with us, if, in some such cases as these be, we do or shall hereafter resist the tenor
of your commandments ; forasmuch as the complaints of those who daily call
upon us, do necessarily enforce us thercimto ; who ought, by the charge of this
our olKce and kingly dignity committed to us of Almight)* God, to foresee that
no man, in that which is his right, be injured, but tndy to minister justice to
every one, in that which duly to him appertaineth. — Tliis letter was sent the
eight and twentieth year of the king's reign.*
A man Avonld think that this so gentle and obedient letter of tlie
Idng to the pope, ■would have wrought some good effect in his apo-
stolical breast, to withdraw his provisions, and to have tendered the
king's so reasonable and honest request : but, how little all this
prevailed to stop his insatiable gi'eediness and intolerable extortions
and oppressions, the sequel well declarcth. For, besides that shortly
after the pope sent Master ]\Iartin witli bhmks, being bulled for con-
tribution of ten thousand marks, in all haste to be paid also, even
immediately upon the receiving of this letter — ' it followeth in mine
author, that the said pope Innocent IV., after all this great sub-
mission of the king, and such manifold benefits and payments yearly
out of this realm received, was not ashamed to take of David, prince
of North Wales, five hundred marks a year, to set him against the
king of England, exempting him from his fealty and obedience due
to his own liege lord and king, to whom both he and all other
Welshmen had sworn subjection before, as by the seals and obliga-
'itTng tions as well of that David himself, as of other Welsh lords, in this
hind"^ behalf doth appear.*
In the meanwhile Master Martin did not let sleep his business, in
making up his market for the pope's money of ten thousand marks,
but was still calling upon the prelates and clergy, wlio, first excusing
(1) "Sanotissimo in Christo patri, ac Domino Innoccntio, Dei gratia summo pontifici: Henricus
eailcm cratia rex AnRlim, &c., salutem et pcdr.ni osrula bfatorum,' &c.
(2) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 172. (.t) Ibid. {i) Ibid.
The pope
setteth
Welsh-
men
against
WEALTH ABSTRACTED BY THE POPE AND FOREION PRIESTS, 431
tliemselves by the absence of the kiiig and tlic archbishop of Canter- iff»ry
bury, afterwards being called again by new letters, made their answer ^'''
by the dean of PauTs, their prolocutor : — A. D.
First, That the poverty of the realm would not suffer them to ~'^'^'
consent thereto.
Item, Whereas they had given before a contribution to cardinal Excuses
Otho, for paying the pope's debts, and knew the said money to be sons'^''''
employed to no such end as it \ras demanded for, more cause they against
had now to misdoubt, lest this contribution in his hands, who was tions.
a much inferior messenger than the cardinal, would come to the same
or a worse effect.
Item, If they should now agree to a new contribution, they feared
lest it would grow to a custom, seeing that one action twice done
maketh a custom.
Item, Forasmuch as a general council is shortly looked for, where
every prelate of the realm must needs bestow both his travel and
expenses, and also his presence, to the pope, if the prelates now
should be bound to this tax, they would not be able to abide this
burden.
Item, Seeing it is alleged, that the mother church of Rome is so
far in debt, reason and right it were, that the mother so oppressed
should be sustained by all her devout childi-en meeting together in
the general council ; as by help of many, more relief might come
than by one nation alone.
Lastly, They alleged, that for fear of the emperor and his threat-
enings, they durst not consent to the said contribution.
While these things were thus in talk between the pope's priests
and the clergy of England, cometh in John Mariscal and other
messengers from the king, commanding, in the king's name, that no
bishop, that held his baronage of the king, should infief his lay fee
to the court of Rome, which they owed only to him.'
Not long after this (a.d. 1245), the whole nobility of the realm. An in
by general consent, and not without the king's knowledge also, caused iakf "n"
an injunction to be laid on all the ports by the sea-side, that no ^f^j.^""^'^
messenger Avith the pope's letters and bulls from Rome, should be land, to
permitted to enter the realm ; whereupon, some were taken at Dover, po^ifo's^*^
and there stayed. Notwithstanding, when complaint thereof was Jfj,"",';'
brought to the king by Master Martin, the pope's legate, there was would not
no remedy but the king must needs cause these letters to be restored
again, and executed to the full effect.^
Then the king, upon advice, caused a view to be taken through sixty
every shii-e in England, to what sum the whole revenues of the n,ai"kt"*
Romans and Italians amounted, which, by the pope's authority, ^oin'J„„t
went out of England : the whole sum whereof was found yearly to of Eng-
be threescore thousand marks, to the Avhich sum the revenues of the the pope
whole croAvn of England did not extend.' uaUa.r
The nobles, then, understanding the miserable oppression ofciwts.
the realm, and being assembled together at Dunstable for certain
causes, sent one Fulco, in the name of the whole nobility, unto
Master Martin, the pope's merchant, with this message : That he,
without delay, upon the same warning, should prepare lumself to be
(I) Mattli. Paris, foi 139. (2) Ibid. fol. 1£3 (8) Ibid. fol. 185. a.
432 A SUPPLICATION' ADDRESSED TO THE POPE,
Jifnty nronc out of tlic realm, under pain of being cut all to pieces. At which
///.
o( Kii
niessaire the leiratc being sore aghast, went straight to the hing, to
'^oii ^^n*'^^' whether his consent was to the same or not. Of whom when
— ^^-^-^ lie found little better comfort, he took his leave of the king, who
batle him adieu in the devil's name, saith Matthew Paris, and thus
was the realm rid of Master JNIartin.* a.d. 1245.
As soon as pope Innocent IV. had hereof intelligence by the
coni])laint of his legate, he was in a mighty rage; and furthermore,
roniembcring how the French king and the king of Arragon, not
Theproud long bcforc, had denied him entrance into their land, and being,
thTpope therefore, in displeasure with them likewise, he began in great anger
aB;uu»t to kuit liis brows, and said, " It is best that we fall in agreement
French witli our priucc, whcrcby we may the sooner bring under these little
t^il" kill's^ petty kings (istos rcgulos), and so the great dragon being pacified,
these little serpents we shall handle at our own pleasure as Ave
list."
Immediately after this followed the general council of Lyons, to
which the lords and states of the realm, with the consent of the
commonalty, sent two bills ; one containing a general supplication
to the pope and the council ; the other, with tlie articles of such
grievances as they desired to be recbessed, whereof relation is made
sufficiently before. The other bill of the supplication, because it is
not before expressed, I thought here to exhibit for two causes : First,
that men, now in these days, may see the pitiful blindness of those
ignorant days, wherein oiu: English nation here did so blindly humble
themselves and stand on courtesy to the pope, Avhom rather they
should have shaken off, as the Grecians did. Secondly, that the pride
of the pope might the better appear in its true colours, who so dis^
dainfully rejected the humble suit of our lords and nobles, when they
had much more cause rather to disdain and stamp him under their
feet. The tenor of the supplication was this.
The Copy of the Supplication written in the names of all the Nobles
and Commons of England, to Pope Innocent IV. in the General
Council at Lyons, a.d. 1245.
To the reverend father in Christ, Pope Innocent, chief bishop ; the nobles,
with the whole commonalty of the reahn of England, send commendation,
with kissing of his blessed feet.
Om- mother, the chm-ch of Rome, we love with all our hearts, as our duty
is, and covet the increase of her honoui- with as much aficction as we may, as
to whom we ought always to fly for refuge, whereby the grief lying upon the
^ child, may find comfort at the mother's hand; which succour the mother is
bound so much the rather to impart to her child, how much more kind and
beneficial she findcth him in relieving her necessity. Neither is it to the said
our mother unknown, how beneficial and bountiful a giver the realm of England
hath been now of long time for the more amplifying of her exaltation, as
anpeai-ed by our yearly subsidy, which we term by the name of Peter-pence.
Now the said church, not contented with tliis yearly subsidy, hadi sent divers
legates for otlicr contributions, at divers and sundry times, to be taxed and
levied out of the same realm : all which contributions and taxes, notwith-
Rtitloiis standijig, have been lovingly and liberally granted.
fouadiiig Eurthennore, neither is it imknown to your fatherhood, how our forefathers,
ofinonas- jjj^g good cathohcs, both loving and fearing their Maker, for the soul's health
Kjitiajid. as well of themselves, as of their progenitors and successors also, have founded
'!) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 1S5. b.
COMPLAINT OF THE DEALINGS OF THE rGI'E''s LEGATE. 433
monasteries, and largely have endowed the same, both with their own proper iienry
lan:ls, and also with patronages of benefices, whereby such religious persons, m
professing the first and chiefest perfection of lioly religion in their monasteries, . ..
might with more peace and tranquillity occupy themselves devoutly in God's , r,', ^ '
service, as to the order appertained : and also the clerks, presented by them to "
their benefices, might susUiin the other exterior labours for them in that second
order of religion, and so discharge and defend them from all hazards : so that
the said religious monasteries cannot be defrauded of those their patronages and
collations of benefices, but the same must touch us also very near, and work
intolerable grief unto our hearts.
And now see, we beseech you, which is lamentable to behold, what injuries Injuries
we sustain by you and your predecessors, who, not considering those our sub- received
sidies and contributions above remembered, do suffer also your Italians and pope.''
foreigners, who be out of number, to be possessed of our churches and benefices Benefices
in England, pertaining to the right and patronage of those monasteries afore- wickedly
said : which foreigners, neither defending the said religious persons whom they fj^ay to
ought to see to, nor yet having the language, whereby they may instruct the Italians,
flock, take no regard of their souls, but utterly leave them of wild wolves to be
devoured. Wherefore, it may tnUy be said of them, that they are not good
shepherds, whereas they neither know their sheep, nor do the sheep know the
voice of their shepherds ; neither do they keep any hospitality, but only take
up the rents of those benefices, carrying them out of the realm, wherewith our
brethren, our nephews, and our kinsfolks, might be sustained, who could and
would dwell upon them, and employ such exercises of mercy and hospitality as
their duty required, of whom a great number now for mere necessity are lay-
men, and fain to fly out of the realm.
And now, to the intent more fully to certify you of the truth, ye shall under- Three-
stand that the said Italians and strangers, receiving of yearly rents out of ^'^''re
England not so little as threescore thousand marks a year, besides other avails nwrks"
and excises deducted, do reap in the said our kingdom of England more emolu- yearly
ments of mere rents than doth the king himself, being both tutor of the church, f j^*^" '°
and governor of the land. out of the
Furthermore, whereas at the first creation of your papacy we were in good church ot
hope, and yet are, that by means of your fatherly goodness we should enjoy our "^.^°
franchises and free collation of our benefices and donatives, to be reduced again received
to the fomier state ; now cometh another grievance which we cannot but signify more in
unto you, pressing us above measure, which we receive by Master Martin, gf^g^"
who, entering late into our land without leave of our king, with greater power rents,
than ever was seen before in any legate, although he beareth not the state and ">^" '1''',
• • the kiniT s
show of a legate, yet he hath doubled the doings of a legate, charging us every crown.
day with new mandates, and so most extremely hath oppressed us : First, in Detest-
bestowing and giving away our benefices, if any were above thirty marks, as able deal-
soon as they were vacant, to Italian persons. Secondly, after the decease of the {hf pope's
said Italians, unknown to the patrons, he hath intruded other Italians therein, legate in
whereby the true patrons have been spoiled and defrauded of their right. England.
Thirdly, the said Master Martinus yet also ceaseth not to assign and confer such
benefices still to the like persons ; and some he reserveth to the donation of the
apostolic see ; and extorteth, moreover, from religious houses, immoderate
pensions, excommimicating and interdicting whosoever dare gain-stand him.
Wherefore, forasmuch as the said Master Martin hath so far extended his Com-
jurisdiction, to the great perturbation of the whole realm, and no less derogation t'lJe'Dopl^s
to our king's privilege, to whom it hath been fiilly granted, by the see apostolic, legate,
that no legate should have to do in his land, but such as he by special letters
did send for : with most humble devotion we beseech you, that as a good father
will always be ready to support his child, so your fatherhood will reach forth
your hand of compassion to relieve us, your humble children, from these grievous
oppressions.
And, although our lord and king, being a catholic prince, and wholly given
to his devotions, and to the sernce of Christ Jesus our Lord, so that he respecteth
not the health of his own body, will fear and reverence the see apostolic ;
and, as a devout son of the church of Rome, desireth nothing more than to
advance the estate and honour of the same : yet, we who travail in his afljiirs,
bearing the heat and burden of the day, and whose duty, together with him, is
VOL. ir. F F
434 henry's chakge tu tuk irklates of England.
Henry to tender tlie preservation of the public wealth, neither can patiently suffer such
''^ oppressions, so detestable to God and man, and grievances intolerable, neither
A. D. ^y (»od's prace will suffer them, through the means of your godly remedy.
121.'). wbich we well hope juid trust of you speedily to obtain. And thus may it
please your fatherhood, we beseech vou to accept this our supplication, who in
words of ^° doing shall worthily deserve of all the lords and nobles, with the whole com-
the lords monalty of the reidm of England, condign and special thanks accordingly.
•"'*•* A.D. 1215.'
pope.
This siiy)plication being sent by the hands of Sir R. Bygot, Knight,
and W. dc Powick, Esquire, Henry de la Mare, with other knights
and gentlemen, after it was there opened and read, pope Innocent,
first keeping silence, deferred to make answer thereunto, making
haste to proceed in his detestable excommunication and curse against
the good emperor Frederic. Which curse being done, and the Eng-
lish ambassadors Availing still for their answer, the pope told them
flatly they should not have their request fulfilled. At this the
Englishmen, departing in gi-eat anger, swore, with terrible oaths,
that they would never more suffer any tribute, or fraits of any
benefices (speaking of those whereof the noblemen were patrons)
to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court of Rome, worthy to
be detested in all worlds.'
The pope The popc, hearing these words, albeit making them no answer,
with Eng- thought to watch his time, and did. First, incontinently upon the
The" same, during the said council, he caused every bishop of England to
bishops put, his hand and seal to the obligation made by king John for the
land set popc's tribute, as is above specified ; threatening, moreover, and
seals to saying, that if he had once brought down the emperor Frederic,
tribute'^* he would bridle the insolent jjridc of England well enough.
*M}ut here, on occasion of this council at Lyons, that the reader
may see upon what slippery uncertainty and variableness the state of
the king did depend ; it is material to interlace the form of a letter,
sent by Henry HI. to the prelates of his land, before they were
transported over sea to Lyons ; wherein may be gathered, that the
king doubted they would be shoving and heaving at his royalty, and,
therefore, directed these letters unto them, otherwise to prepare their
affections, — the tenor wliercof folio weth.
Charge to the Prelates of England about to assemble in the Council
at Lyons, that they should ordain nothing to their King''s preju-
dice.
The king to the archbishops, bishops, and to all other prelates of his land
of England, appointed to meet at a council at Lyons, greeting : you are, as you
know, bound unto us by oath, whereby you ought to keep all the fealty that you
can unto us, in all things concerning our royal dignity and crown. Wherefore
we command you, upon the fealty and allegiance wherein you are firmly bound
unto us, enjoining that you do your uttermost endeavour, as well to get as to
kcej), and also to defend the right of us and our kingdom ; and that neither to
the prejudice of us, nor of the same kingdom, nor yet against us or our rights,
which our predecessors and we, by ancient and approved custom, have used,
you presume to procure or attempt any thing in your council at Lyons : nor
(I) Ex Mafth. Paris, fol. 188. (2) Ibid. fol. 193.
(3) This passage in single asterisks is not found in the editions which were published previous to
4. i>. 1S96.
(•1) " Rex archiepiscopis, episcopis, et omnibus aliis prselatis terrae sua Anglia, conventuria ad
concilium Lugduncnse, salutcm. Vinculo jxuamenti nobis (ut nostisl adstricti," Sjc.
EXACTION OF BONIFACE, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 435
tliat you give assent to any that shall procure or ordain ought in this case, upon iicnrii
your oath aforesaid, and the loss of your temporalities, which you hold of us. ^'^•
AVherefore, in this behalf, so behave yourselves, that for your good dealing and » r\
virtue of thankfulness, we may ratlier specially commend you, than for the lo'.if:
contrary by you attempted, which God forbid, reprove your imthankfulness, ' ^
and reserve vengeance for you in due time. Witness ourself, &c. the nine and
twentieth year of our reign."
In like sort wrote he to the archbishops and bishops, &c. of Ire-
land and Gascony.*
After this council ended, about the feast of St. Andrew [Nov. SOtli] The pope
pope Innocent came to Clugny, where was then appointed a secret upToVis
meeting or colloquy between the pope and Louis, the French king *pj.g„p,,
(who was then preparing his voyage to Jerusalem), in which colloquy king
the pope sought all means to persuade the French king, in revenge- thekfng
ment of his injury, to war 'contra rcgulum,'' as he termed it ; that is, \l^^^^'
against the weak and feeble king of England ; either to drive him
utterly from his kingdom, or else so damnify him, that he should be
constrained, Avhether he would or no, to stoop to the pope''s will and
obedience ; w^herein he also would assist him with all the authority
he was able. Nevertheless, the French king to this would not agree;
first for the consanguinity that was between them, for their two queens
Avere sisters; secondly, for the truce that they had taken ; thirdly, for
fear of the emperor, lest he should take his part ; fourthly, for that
it could not be without the spilling of much christian blood ; and,
lastly, because he was preparing his voyage to the Holy Land, where
his coming was already looked for. And thus the French king,
denying the pope''s bloody request, refused not only to enter upon
a war with the king and the realm of England, but also, shortly after,
concluded with hmi longer truce, a. d. 1246.'
Straight upon the neck of this followed the exaction of Boniface, First
archbishop of Canterbm-y, that he had bought of the pope ; which seven "'^
was, to have the first year's fruits of all benefices and spiritual livings ^a^^ered
in England for the space of seven years together, until the sum for the
should come to ten thousand marks ; whereat the king at first was bishop ot
greatly grieved, but in conclusion, he was fain at last to agree with b^f'"
the archbishop, and so the money was gathered.^
Over and besides all other exactions, wherewith the pope miserably Prelates
oppressed the church of England, this also is not to be silenced ; \l^l^'
how the pope, sending down his letters from the see apostolic, '^^^f^
charged and commanded the prelates to find him, some five, some horse and
ten, and some fifteen, able men, well furnished wath horse and foTthe"
harness, for one whole year, to fight in the pope''s wars. And, lest \°^f^
the king should have knowledge thereof, it was enjoined them, under
pain of excommunication, that they should reveal it to none, but to
keep it secret to themselves for half a year.'
The pope still, notwithstanding, partly being belaboured by suitors. The
partly of his own mind thinking it good to give someAvhat to the [Jaft^aia
king and people of England, as fathers are wont to give something *■<"■ """^^
to their babes to play Avithal to keep them still, sent dowm this
releasement to the king, that hereafter, whensoever any of the
pope's nephews or cardinals were to be beneficed in any church of
(1) Ex Matth. Pari!., foi. 196 (2) Ibid. ioV 59?. (3) Ibid, foi 200.
FF 2
436 Tin-: miskuaui.i: tkoiulks of Christendom.
Henry Eiiglund, citluT lio or till' cnrcliiials should first make the king privy
thereto, and instantly cnivo his good will in obtaining the prucura-
A. D. tion, or else the same to stand as of no cfFeet.* llowbeit, all this
^'-^'^- seemed to be done but of l><>liey, to get the king's favour, whereby
he might be suffered more freely to pass with greater exactions, as
Anew afterwards apj)eared. For when the aforesaid pope. Innocent IV.,
law of the ]^ ^jj knowledire, about that time, of ccrUiin rich clerks leavin" CTcat
pout; to O' ^.i« .
seize substance of money, who died intestate, as of one Robert Hailes,
t'hc""omis archdeacon of fjincoln, who died, leaving thousands of marks, and
wilo'^iife*^ much plate behind hiin, all which, because no will was made, came
uitestate. to temporal men's hands ; also of Master Almarike, archdeacon of
Bedft)ril, who was found worth a great substance when he died ; and
likewise of another, one John Hotosp, archdeacon of Northampton,
who died suddenly intestate, leaving beliind him five thousand marks,
and thirty standing pieces of plate, with other infinite jewels besides :
he sent forth upon the same a statute to be proclaimed in England,
that whatsoever ecclesijistical person henceforth should decease in
England intestate, that is, without making his will, all his goods
should redound to the pope's use.^
Six thou- Furthermore, the pope, not yet satisfied with all this, addresseiii
marks to ncw letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to Walter, bishop of
thered of Norwicli, for gathering up, amongst the clergy and religious houses
*fV'"^ in Englaml, six thousand marks to the behoof of the holy mother
land t'br church, witliout any excuse or delay, by ^^rtue of obedience. This
e pope. j.j^]j,^(^g being greatly grudged by the clergy, when it came to the
king's ear, he eftsoons directeth contrary letters to all the pre-
lates, commanding them, on pain of forfeiting their tempomlities to
the king, that no such subsidy-money should be gathered or trans-
The pope ported out of the realm. But the pope apiin, hearing hereof, in
'" '*'''"''^^- great anger writeth to the prelates of England, that this collection of
money, upon pain of excommunication and suspension, should be
provided, and brought to the new Temple, in London, by the
feast of the Assumption next ensuing.
And furthermore, forasmuch as he perceived the king to go about
to withstand his proceedings, taking tlieroat great disdain, he was, at
the same time, about to interdict the whole land; to whom then one
of his cardinals, called Johannes Anglicits, an Englishman born,
speaking for the realm of England, desired his fiitherhood for God's
sake to mitigate his moody ire, and with the bridle of temperance to
assuage the passion of his mind : " which,"" said he, " to tell you
plain, is here stirred up too much ■\rithout cause. Your fetherhood,""'
•Hie mi- quoth he, "may consider tliat these days be evil. First, the Holy
tr<mi)ie!. Land lieth in great perils to be lost. All the Greek church is
eMaom"' (Ippfirted from us. Frederic, the emperor, is against us, the
mightiest prince this day in all Christendom. Botli you and we
who arc the peers of the church, are banished from the papal see,
thrust out of Rome, yea, excluded out of all Italy. Hungary, with
all coasts bordering about it, looketh for nothing but utter subver-
sion by the Tartarians. Germany is wasted and afflicted with inward
wars and tumults. Spain is fierce and cruel against us, even to the
VD Matth. Paris, foi. 202. (2) Ibid. fol. 203.
BKIiAClI BETWEEM THE LATIN AND GKEEK CHUUCHKS. 437
cutting out of the bishops' tongues.' France by us is so inipuvcr- //.«'//
ished, that it is brought to beggary ; whicli also conspireth against us.
Miserable EngLand, being so often plagued by our manifold injuries, A.D.
even much like to Balaam's ass beaten and bounced with spurs and ^'"^^-
staves, beginneth at length to speak and complain of her intolerable
griefs and burdens, being so wearied and damnified, that she may seem
past all recovery ; and we, after the manner of Ishmael, hating all
men, provoke all men to hate us."
For all these words of Johannes Anglicus, his cardinal, the pope's Power
choleric passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith he scndeth fhe\,'islmp
commandment, Avith full authority, to the bishop of Worcester, that "gj^."';,
in case the king would not speedily surcease his rebellion against his interdut
apostolical proceedings, he would interdict his land ; so that in con- TheUnK
elusion the king, for all his stout enterprise, was fliin to relent at last, re'i"nj",o
and the pope had his money, a. d. 1246.^ thei'ope.
Ye heard before of the Greek churches, under the empire of
Constantinople, how they sequestered themselves from the company
of the Romish church, insomuch that Germanus II., the patriarch of
Constantinople, and the archbishop of Antioch, did excommunicate
the bishop of Rome:^ and after the said Germanus, another bishop
of Constantinople * at the council of Lyons protested, that whereas
before there were thirty suffragans belonging to that province, now
there were not three that held with the church of Rome. This
breach, albeit it chiefly brast out in the time of Pope Gregory IX.
(a.d. 1230) to open war and bloodshed, yet the same had begun,
and so continued, long before, in such sort as in the time of pope
Innocent III. if any priest had said mass in their churches, they The ore-
would wash the altar afterwards ; as appeareth by the acts of the "^eaio
Lateran Council.* Wherefore pope Innocent IV. now (as his other ^'^^^^.^
])redecessors had done before) bearing an old grudge against those altars, if
churches of the Greeks, and neither willing by conference to try with mass hall
them, nor able by learning to match with them, thought by force of l^^'^^J'^-^'*^
arms to subdue them, and sent to the provincial of the Grey Friars, tiic"-
with other his associates of the same order, in England, his precept
authentical, containing in it these articles : —
I. That the said provincial, or his friars, should inquire about all usurers
actually living, and of all such men's evil-gotten goods gained " per usuriaui
pravitatem " sliould make attachment, for the use and preparation for this war
against the Greeks ; excommunicating all them by district^ censures of the
church, who repugned against it.
II. That all they who took the badge of the cross, for the recovery of the said
empire of the Greeks, or who with their goods and cattle' would help sufii-
ciently unto the same, should be absolved of all their sins.
III. That all the goods left in the testaments of them that were departed
which had been gotten by usury, should be taken up to the subsidy of the empire
aforesaid ; all repugners and rebellers against the same to be excommunicated.
IV. That such goods as in the testaments of the dead were left, or which
should be left the next three years to come, for restitution of such goods as the
dead had evil gotten, they should take up for the subsidy of the empire aforesaid;
excommunicating, &c.
V. That such goods as were left to be distributed in pious uses after the
( I ) Of Spain, he meaneth, because the king of Arrapon a little before had cut off the tongue of a
oeitain bishop that did reprehend him. (2) Ex Matth. Paris fol. 207. [Edit. 1640, p 715.]
(3) Supra, p. 413 — 118. — Ed. (4) Nicolas de Plaisaiice, Latin Patriarch. — Ed.
(5) Ex acti.s cnncilii Lateranensis, cap. 4. [Labbe, toni. xi. col. 152.]
(fi) " District," from the Latin " districtus," severe, sharp : " per censuram ecclesiasticam,"
M. Paris.— Ei). (7) " De suis catallis," Lat., chattelU.— Ed.
l;JvS UNRKASONABI.K KXACTIONS OF THK POPK.
I/eiiry iirbitreinoiit of tlie executors of the wills of the dead, or were not in their wills
^^^- deputed to any certain places or persons named, nor were of right due to any, nor
. Pj were yet bestowed hv tlie said executors to the aforesaid uses, they shoidd collect
j .,',.,■ to the use and subsidy aforesaid, and <,Mve certificate to the sec apostolic of the
__1 L quantity thereof; excoinniunicating all rcpugners and rebf Hers against the same.
VI. That they should diligently inquire of goods evil gotten or evil come
by, of such men as were alive, and them they should attaeli for the subsidy afore-
said, in case the parties, who ought to be satisfied for those goods evil gotten,
could not be found ; giving certificate thereof, and excommunicating, &c.
VII. That the said provincial, or his friars, should have full power to absolve
those that were excomnnniicated, who wittingly had done any fraud touching
the collection aforesaid, so that the said persons did make due satisfaction to
the deputies aforesaid.'
What man, having eyes, is so blind, which sccth not these exe-
crable dealings of the pope to be such as would cause any nation in
the world to do as the wise Grecians did, and perpetually to ab-
renouncc the pope, and well to consider the usurped authority of that
see not to be of God ? But such was the rude dulncss then of mise-
rable England, for lack of learning and godly knowledge, that they,
feeling what burdens were laid upon tlicni, yet would play still the
ass of Balaam, or else the horse of ^'Esop, which, receiving the bridle
once in its mouth, could afterward neither abide its own misery, nor
yet recover liberty. And so it fared with England, under the pope^s
thraldom : as partly by these stories above hath been declared, partly
by other in like case following is to be seen.
Anuiirea- For SO it followctli in the history of Matthew Paris, how the pope
taction taking more courage by his former abused boldness, and perceiving
what a tame ass he had to ride upon, ceased not thus, but directed a
new precept the same year (a.d. 1246) to the prelates of England,
commanding by the authority apostolic, that all beneficed men in the
realm of England, who were resident upon their benefices, should
yield to the pope the third part of their goods, and that they who
were not resident should give the one half of their goods, and that
for the space of three years together ; with terrible comminations
against all them that did resist ; and ever with this clause withal, " non
obstante," which was like a key that opened all locks. Which sum
Three- cast together was found to amount to sixty thousand marks ; which
thou^sand ^^^"^ ^^ uioncy could scarcely be found in all England to pay for King
pounds Richard's ransom.^ The execution of this precept was committed to
the cierg>' the bisliop of London, who, conferring about the matter with his
Xe."' brethren in the church of Paul's, as they were busily consulting toge-
ther and bewailing the importable burden of this contribution, which
it was impossible for them to sustain, suddenly come in certain
messengers from the king, — Sir John Lexinton, Knt., and Lawrence
Martin, the king''s chaplain, — straitly, in the king's name, forbidding
theni in any case to consent to this contribution, which should be
greatly to the prejudice and desolation of the whole realm.^
This being done on the first day of December, in the
year aforesaid, shortly after, in the beginning of the next year
A pallia- (a.d. 1247), February 3d, the king called a parliament, where
by common advice it was agreed that certain ambassadors should
be sent to Rome, to make manifest to the court of Rome the
exceeding grievances of the realm, delivering, moreover, this letter to
(1) Ex Mallh. t'aiis. fol.205. fEilit. IiHO. p. 710.] (2) See .Appendix, andeupra, p.3ir.— Ed
(3) Ibid. fol. 207. [Edit. 1610, pp. 710. 717.]
of the
pope
CORRESrONJDKNCE BETWKEN THE POl'E AND THE ENGLISH. 439
tlie pope in the name both of the temporalty and also of the clergy, ih-nry
III.
A.D.
1247.
as here followeth.
Another Letter sent to Pope Innocent IV., in the names of the
whole Clergy and Commonalty of England, a. d. 1247.^
To the most holy father in Christ, and lord Innocent, by God's providence
chief bishop ; the whole commonalty, both of the clergy and laity within the
province of Canterbury, send devout kissings of his blessed feet. Like as the
church of England, since she hatli first received the catholic faith, hath always
showed herself faithful and devout in adhering to God, and to our holy mother
the church of Rome, studying with all kind of service to please and to serve
the same, and thinking never otherwise to do, but rather to continue and
increase as she hath begun : even so now, the same church, most humbly pro- Moje
strate before the feet of your holiness, entirely beseecheth your clemency to foolsyou,
accept her petition, in sparing this imposition of money, which so manifold ways J" j^'J '"^
for the subversion of other nations, by the commandment of your holiness, is church so
laid upon us; considering that not only it is importable, but also impossible much.
which is enjoined us. For although our country sometimes yieldeth forth fruit
for the necessary sustentation of the inhabitants, yet it bringeth forth neither
gold nor silver, neither were able to bring forth, of long time, so nmcli as now-
a-days is requii-ed ; which also being burdened and overcharged of late days
with another such like imposition, but not so great as this, is not able any whit
to answer imto that which is exacted.
Furthermore, besides this commandment of your holiness, there is required
of the clergy a subsidy for our temporal king, whose necessities neither possibly
we can, nor honestly we ought, to forsake ; whereby he may both withstand the
invasion of the enemy, and maintain the right of his patrimony, and also recover
again that which hath been lost; in consideration whereof, we have directed the
bearers hereof to the presence of your holiness with our humble supplication, to
explain to you the dangers and inconveniences which are like to ensue upon the
premises, which by no means we are able to sustain, although notwithstanding
we know ourselves by all bonds of charity to be obliged to yoiu* devotion and
obedience. And, because our general community hath no seal proper, we have
signed therefore these presents with the public seal of the city of London.^
The like letters were sent also unto the cardinals to the same effect.
The pope understanding these things, and perceiving that there was
no striving against such a general consent, and yet loth to forego his
sweet harvest, which he was wont to reap in England, craftily devised
to send this answer again unto the king, much like to the same which
he sent before, which was, that although the pope in time past, upon The
his own will and pleasure, to the importable grievance of the realm of p^p^jJ""'
England, hath every where, and without respect, through the whole the kin;;
land, made his provisions in giving their benefices unto his Italians, und'.'^
yet now, the Lord be praised, that tempest, said he, is overblown :
so that hereafter, if the pope shall grant his provision for any of his
nephews or cardinals, they shall come first and make their instant
suit unto the king, without all enforcement, so that it shall stand
wholly in the king^s free arbitrement to do herein what he thinketh
good, &c/
This answer of the pope, albeit it was but a subtle shift for The pope
the time, yet neither did he long stand to what he had thus promised h\t\, °
to the king ; for shortly after, and within few days of the same, and
ro-
mlBe.
(1) " Sanctissimo patri in Christo ac domino Innoceiitio, Dei providcntia sumnio pontifici, uni-
versitas cleri et populi per provinciam Cant, constituti devota pedum oscula beatorum. Cura
Anglicanaecclesia," &c.
V2) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 209. (3) Ibid. b.
!■<' SL'BTLE I'RACTICES OF THE POPE TO GET MONEY.
in the time also of the snid parliament holden at London, the pope
sent two English friars into the realm, whose names were John
and Ah xander, with full authority, after the largest sort, for new
contrihutions ; who, first pretending lowly submission to tlie king,
while they had leave granted to range about the realm, but after-
wards eoming to the bishops and rieh abbots, showed themselves
forth in their fufl authority, in such sort as they became rather tyrants
than extortioners.
Among others, coming to Robert, bishop of Lincoln, who of all
others bare special mind to the order of " Observants,"" these two
friars, as proud as Lucifer, bringing forth the terrible mandate with the
pope's built:, rocpiired and eke commanded, uniler the p()j)e's mighty
curse, to have the gathering in his diocese of six thousand marks.
Likewise of the abbot of St. AUian's they recjuircd four hundred
marks, under great penalty, and that in short time to be paid.
The The bishop, although well liking, before, that order of friars, yet
r-TncX°I seeing the impudent behaviour, and more impudent request of those
rhefrTars" '"crchauts, thus answered to them again, ' that this exaction, saving,"*
saith he, ' the pope"'s authority, was never heard of before, and neither
was honest, nor yet possible to be performed ; and, moreover, was
such as did not only concern him, but the whole public state of the
clergy, and of the whole realm in general ; and therefore it should be
absurdly and rashly done of him to give tliem answer herein, before
the king and the rest of the council, with others to whom the matter
generally did appertain, were made privy thereunto,"' Sec, and so for
that time he shook them off.*
The abbot Furthermore, as touching the abbot of St. Alban's, when he also
bin's '^" :ilh',iJrcd the same causes, he pretended, moreover, that he would
maketh a])peal, and so did, to the pope and his cardinals. Whereupon
foThe*"' immediately was sent down from pope Linocent as his legate John
fhTfour ''"^ English friar before-mentioned ; who, bringing down a new
hundred special prcccpt to the aforesaid abbot, cited him either to appear
th'Ithe at London the morrow after St. GikVs day, or to disburse to the
•houid ygg (jf j^ijg p^jpg ^^g aforesaid four hundred marks. By reason
whereof the abbot was driven to send his proctors again, with a new
su))plication, to the pope at Lyons ; who in the end, through great
instance of monied friends, agreed with the abbot for two hundred
marks, besides his other charges borne ; and so was that matter com-
pounded, little to the abbot"'s profit.^
To recite all damages and grievances received from the bishop of
Rome in this realm of England, neither is any history sufficiently
able to comprehend, nor if it were, scarcely is there any that would
believe it. Notwithstanding, to those above declared, this one I
thought to commit likewise to memory, to the intent that they who
now live in this age may behold and wonder, in themselves, to see
into what miserable slavery, passing all measure, not only the
subjects, but kings also of this realm were brought, under the intoler-
able yoke of the pope"'s tyranny, which in those days neither durst any
man c;isi ofF, nor yet was able to abide, as by tliis example ensuing,
with infinite others like to the same, may appear.
After pope Innocent IV. had taken such order in the realm, that
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 210. (.2j Ibid. fol. 213.
ITALIANS EXCLUDK THE ENGLISH FROM BENEFIOES. 441
all prelates of the church were suspended from collation of any bene- iimry
fice, before the pope's kinsfolks and clerks of Italy had been pro-
vided for; it liappened a. D. 1248, that the abbot of Abingdon had A.D.
a commandment from the pope, to bestow some benefice of his ^-^'^-
church in all haste on a certain priest of Rome, which the abbot, Ji||w tim
as an obedient child unto his father, the pope, was pressed and ready Kniiiana
to accomplish acc<n-dingly. But the Roman priest, not contented ," tsse'i hy
with such as fell next to hand, would tarry his time, to have such as ""-' i'"i"=
Avere the principal and for his own appetite, having a special eye
to the benefice of the church of St. Helen in Abingdon, Avhicli Avas
then esteemed worth a hundred marks a year, besides other vails'
and commodities belonging to the same, the collation whereof the
priest required by the authority apostolical to be granted unto him.
As this passed on, the incumbent chanced at last to die and the
benefice to be empty ; which eftsoons being knoAvn, the same day
Cometh a commandment, with great charge from the king to the
abbot, to give the benefice to one Ethelmare, the king's brother by
the mother's side, who at the same time was possessed of so many
benefices, that the number and value thereof was unknoAvn. The
abbot, here, being in great perplexity, and not knoAving Avhat to do,
Avhether to gratify his king or to obey the pope, took counsel Avith his
friends ; Avho, Avell advising of the matter, gave him counsel to prefer
the brother of his prince and patron, so that the king aa^ouUI under-
take to stand in his defence against the pope, rather than the Romish
priest, Avhom ahvays he should have lying there as a spy and Avatcher
of him, and like a thorn ever in his eye ; and so the king assuring
the abbot of his undoubted protection and indemnity against all
harms, the benefice Avas conferred forthwith on the king's brother.
The Roman priest, not a little aggrieved thereat, speedeth himself in The abbot
all haste to the bishop of Rome, certifying him Avhat A\'as done, and doifcon?
partly also (as the manner is of men) making it Avorse than it Avas ; demned
upon Avhose complaint the pope directly, in great anger, cited up the marks for
abbot personally to appear before him, to ansAver to the crime of dis- anEng^
obedience. The abbot trusting to the king's promise and pro- [1^^ uTiho
tection (Avho neither could help him in that case, neither durst oppose pipe's
himself against the pope), being both aged and sickly, A\\as driven "^^
to travel up to the court of Rome, in great heaviness and bitterness
of mind. Where, in conclusion, after much vexation and bitter
rebukes, besides great expenses, he Avas fain to satisfy the pope after
his own Avill, compounding to give him yearly fifty marks in part
of making amends for his trespass of disobedience.'^
To this also may be added another like fact of the pope, as out- a detest-
rageous as this, against the house of Binham. For Avhen the foruo'^if nf
benefice of Westle, in the diocese of Ely, Avas void by the death [J^p,f"''^
of the incumbent, avIio Avas an Italian, and one of the pope's chamber, a^'aiiist
. . ^ . tlic i>ri(>ry
the donation of Avhich benefice belonged to the priory of Binham ; or uin-
another Italian, Avho Avas a bastard and unlearned, born in the city of xortbik.
Genoa, called Heriggetto de Malachana de Volta, brought doAvn the
pope's letters to I3erardo de Nympha, the pope's agent here in
England, Avith strict charge and full authority, commanding him
to see the said benefice conferred in any case on Henggctto. Yea,
0) " A'ails," additional pinfits.-ED. (2) Ex Matth. Taris. fol. 222.
442 MISKRIES CAUSKl) 15Y THK POl'E AND CHURril 01- KOME,
iienr,, aiul tliougli tlic bcncficc liail been f^ivcn already, yet, notwithstanding,
'" the j)osse.ssor thereof should be displaced, and the said Hcrifrgetto
A.D. preferred : yea, also, "non obstante," that the said pope himself had
^"'*" before given his grant to the king and realm of England, that one
Italian should not succeed another in any benefice there, yet, for all
tliat, the said Heriggetto, upon pain of excommunication, was to be
placed therein.'
Tiic Grc- And thus much hitherto of these matters, through the occasion of
ciaiis ex- tJic cust churclics aud the Grecians, to the intent all men that read
vuscaHiid , . , ii- PI- 1-1
imrt-'eii in tjicsc stoHos, and scc tlic douigs 01 tliis wcstcm bishop, may consider
from'the wliat just causc tlicsc Grcciaus had to seclude themselves from his
Kome*' °*^ subjection and communion ; for what christian communion is to be
joined with liim who, so contrary to Christ and his gospel, seeketh
for worldly dominion, so cruelly pcrsccutcth his brethren, is so given
to avarice, sogi'eedy in geXting, so injurious in oppressing, so insatiable
The mi- in liis cxactions, so malicious in revenging; stirring up wars, depriv-
EngiaMd '"o J^i^oS, dcposiug cuipcrors, playing 'rex' in the church of Christ,
through go erroneous in doctrine, so abominably abusing excommunication, so
tioiitothe false of promise, so corrupt in life, so void of God''s fear ; and, brieflv,
Rome. ° so far fiom all the parts of a true evangelical bishop ? For what
seemeth he to care for the souls of men, who settcth in benefices
boys and outlandish Italians; and furtlicr, one Italian to succeed
another, who neither did know the language of the flock, nor would
once abide to see their flices ? And who can blame the Grecians then
iVir dissevering themselves from such an oppressor and giant against
Christ ?
England Wliosc Avisc cxamplc if tliis realm had then followed, as they might,
byThe** ccrtes our predecessors had been rid of an infinite number of troubles,
w°he^n it ^j^^^''^'^? opprcssions, wars, commotions, gi-eat travails and charges,
needed bcsidcs thc Saving of innumerable thousands of pounds, which the
said bishop full falsely had raked and tiansported out of this realm
ofonrs. ]3ut, not to exceed thc bounds of my history, because my
purpose is not to stand upon declamations, nor to dilate common
places, I will pass this over, leaving thc judgment thereof to the
further examination of the reader. For else, if I listed to prosecute
this argument so far as matter would lead nic, and truth peradvcnture
would require me to say, I durst not only say, but could well prove
thc })ope and court of Rome to be thc only fountain and principal
cause, I say, not only of much misery here in England, but of
all the public calamities and notorious nvischicfs Avhich have happened
these many years throughout all these west parts of Christendom,
Thepopc ^"^ especially of all the lamentable ruin of the church, which not
ami court only wc, but the Grecians also, this day do suffer by the Turks
of Ivome * _ ' »' •
the prin- and Saracens. Whosoever well considcreth by reading of histories
cairseof thc course of times, and viewcth Avithal the doings and acts passed by
mlbHo ^''^ ^^^^^ bishop of Rome, together with the blind leading of his
•.aiami- doctrinc, shall see good cause not onlv to think, but also to witness
through- the same. Only one narration touching this argument, and yet not
tcudom'' transgressing the office of my history, I mind (thc Lord willing) to
set before the reader's eyes, which happened even about a. d. 1244,
in the time of this king Henry's reign.
(1) Ex MaUh. Talis, ful. 210.
SICKNESS AMD RECOVERY OF THE FUENCII KIN'G.
44,'J
In that year it chanced, that St. Louis, the French king, son to Henry
queen Blanche, fell very sorely sick, lying in a swoon or trance for '. —
certain days, in such sort that few tliought he would have lived, and A. D.
some said he was gone already. Among others, there was with him his " '•
mother, who, sorrowing bitterly for her son, and given somewhat, as "^^^ ^'jF''-
commcnly tlie manner of women is, to superstition, went and brought ^ouis tiie
forth a piece of the holy cross, with the crown and the spear ; which king.
piece of the holy cross Baldwin, emperor of Constantinople, whom the pe'j.stitToM
Grecians had deposed a little before for holding with the bishop of of the
Rome, had sold to the French king for a great sum of money, and mother,
blessing him with the same, also laid the crown and the spear on his
body, making a vow withal in the person of her son, that if the Lord
would visit him with health, and release him of that infinnity, he
should be croised or marked -svith the cross, to visit his sepulchre,
and there solemnly to render thanks in the land which Christ had
sanctified with his blood. Thus as she, with the bishop of Paris,
and others there present, was praying, behold the king, who was
supposed by some to be dead, began with a sigh to pluck to his arms The king
and legs, and so stretching himself began to speak, giving thanks to e'ttr^'^
God who, from on high, had visited him, and called him from the danger
of death. As the king*'s mother with others there took this to be
a great mii-acle wrought by the virtue of the holy cross ; so the king The peo-
amending more and more, as soon as he was well recovered, received Fr!ince
solemnly the badge of the cross, vowing for a freewill sacrifice unto ^^^^''^
God, that he, if the council of his realm would suffer him, would, in false mi-
his own person, visit the Holy Land : forgetting belike the rule The" vain
of true Christianity, where Christ teacheth us otherwise in the gospel, ^ui^.'the
sayinjT, that "neither in this mount, nor in Samaria, nor at Jerusalem, F^"ch
the Lord will be worshipped, but seeketh true worshippers, who shall
worsliip 1dm in truth and verity." a. d. 1244.*
After this was great prey)aration and much ado in France toward Great pre-
tlie setting forth to the Holy Land. For after the king fii'st began In France
to be croised, the most part of the nobles of France, with divers '."'!^.lg \^
archbishops and bishops, with earls, and barons, and gentlemen, to atheHoiy
mighty number, received also the cross upon their sleeves. Amongst
whom was the earl of Artois, the king''s brother, the duke of Bur-
gundy, the duke of Brabant, the countess of Flanders, with her two
sons, the carl of Bretagne, with his son, the earl of 15ar-sur-Seine, the
earl of Soissons, the earl of St. Pol, the carl of Dreux, the earl of
Retel, with many noble persons besides. Neither lacked here what-
soever the pope covdd do, to set forward this holy business, in sending
his legates and friars into France, to stir the people to follow the
king, and to contribute to his journey. Whereupon it was granted
to the king to gather of the universal church of France, by the pope's
authority, the tenth part of all their goods for three years'" s}>ace
together, upon this condition, that the king likewise Avould grant to
the pope the twentieth part for so many years after, to be rathercd
of the said church of France. This was agreed to a.d. 124d."^
Shortly after this, a.d, 1247, followed a parliament in France,
where the king with his nobles being present, there was declared how
the king of the Tartars, or Turks, hearing of the voyage of the French
U) Malth. Paris, fol. i82. (2) Ibid. fol. 204, b.
i.aiiu.
Ht FIRM DKTKK.MIXA TION OF THE FRENCH KING.
ii'iiry kin^, liad written :i Utter to liim, requiring that he should become his
■;ul)ject. In tliat parliament the time was })retixed for taking their
■^•I^- journey, wliieli shoulil be after the feast of St. John Baptist, the very
^"^^' next year ensuing. Also they that were croised were sworn to persist
Time of jj^ their purpose, and the sentence of the pope"'s great curse was
vcjaKc denoiinccd on all them that went from the same.' Furthermore, for
ippoiiit ^j,j,^pj. ^^^^.^.^[ jn liig journey, the king through all his reabn caused it
to be proclaimed, that if any merchant or other person had been
injured at any time by the king^s exactors, either by oppression, or
borrowing of money, let liiin bring forth his bill, showing how or
wherein, and he should be recompensed. At this time Williwn
Longspath, a worthy wan-ior, with the bishop of Worcester and
certain other great men in the realm of England, moved by the
example of the Frenchmen, prepared themselves likewise to the sanie
journey.
Persia- Thc ncxt ycar after, a.d. 1248, the French king yet still remaining
^°"n to '" ^'is purposed journey, lady Blanch, his motlier, also the bishop of
'!"= , Paris, his brother, witli the lords of liis council, and other nobles,
kiiiB to and his special friends, advertised him with great persuasions to alter
vo)"age.' liis mind touching tliat so adventurous and dangerous a journey, foi
that his vow, said they, was unadvisedly made, and in time of his
sickness, when his mind was not perfectly established : and what
jeopardies miglit happen at home it was uncertain ; the king of
England being on thc one side, the emperor on the other side, and
the Poictcvins in the midst, so fugitive and unstable: and as con-
cerning his vow, the pope should friend.ly dispense with him, consider-
ing thc necessity of his realm, and the weakness of his body. Besides
all this, his mother, upon her blessing required him, and his brethren,
of all love, desired him to stay at home, and not in his person to
adventure ; others might be sent in his room, with no less furniture
to achieve that cnter[irisc, and to discliarge liim of his vow, especially
seeing at the making thereof that his senses were feeble, liis body
weak, and reason, through sickness and very death, almost decayed.
The To whom the king again said, " forasmuch as you say, that for
kind's feebleness of my senses I took this vow upon me : lo, therefore, as
answer to -ii t i i i it i i"> a i
his lords, you here will me, 1 lay down tlic cross that 1 took. And puttmg
down'^and liis liaud to his shoulder, he tore off the badge of the cross, saying
taking 111) to the bisliop, "■ Here, Sir, I resign to you the cross wherewith 1 was
Illh cross ^ I' '' O •' -ti * * * nni
again. sigucd ;" at thc sight whereof there was no small rejoicing of all that
A.i).i24f<. ^y^.j.^^ there present. To whom thc king then, both alterin"; his
countenance and his speech, thus spake: "My iiicnds,'''' said he,
^ whatsoever I was then in my sickness, now I thank God I am of
perfect sense, and reason sound, and now I retpiire my cross airain to
be restored unto me :" saying, moreover, that no bread shoultt come
into his mouth before he were recognised again with the same cross, as
he was before. At thc hearing of tliis, all there present were astonied,
supposing that God had some great matter to work, and so moved no
more questions unto him.
setteth Upon this drew nigh the feast of .Tolin Ba])tist, which was thc time
m.'h'is fixed for the setting forth. And now being in readiness, the king, in
journey. .^ p^>^^. ^\^y^ alUr, Avas entering his journey ; but yet one thing lacked,
(1) Matlli. Paris, fol. 211.
THE pope's unchristian CONDUCT TO THE EMPEROR, 445
for the king, perceiving the mortal variance between tlie pope and I'enry
good Frederic, the emperor, tliouglit best first, before liis going, to _
have that matter appeased, whereby his way botli might be safer A.J),
through tlie emperor's countries, and also less jeopardy at home after J^i.
his departure ; and therefore, upon the same, he took first his way to
Lyons, where the pope was, partly to take his leave, but most espe-
cially to make reconcilement between the emperor and the pope.
Where is to be noted by the way, that as touching the good emperor
tliere was no let nor stay ; who rather sought all means how to
compass the pope's favour, and never could obtain it ; insomuch that
before he should be excommunicated in the council of Lyons, he not
only answered sufficiently by Thadeus, his attorney, discharging
himself against whatsoever crimes or objections could be brought
against him, but so far humbled himself to the pope and the council,
that for all detriments, damages, losses, or wrongs done on his part,
what amends soever the pope could or would require, he would
recompense it to the uttermost. This would not be taken.
Furthermore, if the pope, he said, could not abide his tarrying in
his own dominions and empire, he Avould go fight against the Saracens
and Turks, never to return into Europe again ; offering there to
recover whatsoever lands and kingdoms did, at any time, belong to
Christendom, so that the pope only would be contented that Henry,
his son, who was nephew to Henry, then king here in England, should
be emperor after him. Neither could this be admitted.
Then he offered, for truth of his promise, to put in the French The
king and the king of England to be his sureties, or else for trial of ."I'-'reuT
his cause, to stand to their award and arbitrement. Neither would 'jl'^^^^^^^
that be granted. At least he desired, that he might come himself kins and
and answer before the council ; but the proud pope in no case would Knsiand
abide that, saying, that he did not yet find himself so ready and meet ^uf^'e'ties!
for martyrdom to have him to come thither to the council ; for if he
did, he would depart himself.'
This obstinate rancour and devilish malice of pope Innocent and
his predecessor against that valiant emperor and against the Grecians,
what disturbance and mischief it wrought to the whole church, what
strength it gave to the Saracens and Tartars, how it impaired
christian concord, and weakened all christian lands, not only the host
of the French king did find shortly after, but Christendom, even to
tliis day, may and doth feel and rue. Neither can in stories be found
any greater cause, which first made the Turks so strong, to get so
much ground over Christendom as they have, than the pestilent
working of this pope, in deposing and excommunicating this worthy
emperor. For, as there was never no emperor of long time who more Begin-
victoriously prevailed in bridling and keeping under these enemies of "heTurk.s
Christ, or would have done more against them, than the said Frederic, ^1.^^'°""
if he might have been suffered : so, after the deposing and excommu- [j^^j^j^"'"'
nicating of him, when the French king neither would abide at home,
as he was counselled, neither was yet able, without the help of others,
to withstand the force and multitude of the said Saracens and Tar-
tars being now joined together, neither yet could the emperor be
suffered by the pope to rescue the king, it followed thereof, that the
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 187.
44G
CONTESTS BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND SARACKNS.
jienry ^ood king bciiig taken prisoner, and all his army destroyed, tlic Turks
^'' tliereupon got such a hand and such a courage against the Christians,
A.D. that ever since thcv liavc brast in further upon us, and now have pre-
Pope
Innocent
IV. would
not be re-
conciled
with the
emperor.
The
French
army re-
lieved
by the
for tlie
emperor.
Death of
certain
of the
French
captains.
1219. vailed so far, as neither the power of the pope nor of all Christendom
is able to drive ihem out ; as hereafter by the sequel of my story is
further to be declared.
In the mean time, to return to where before we left, when the
French king, coming thus unto the pope at Lyons to entreat for the
emperor, could find no favour, he took his leave, and with great
heaviness departed, setting forward on his journey to Marseilles, and
so sailed to the isle of Cyprus, where he remained all that winter,
and there falling into penury and lack of victual, he was fain to send
to Venice, and other islands by, for help of provision. The Venetians
gently sent unto him six great ships laden with corn, wine, and other
victuals requisite, besides the relief of other islands more. But
emperor especially Frederic, the emperor, understanding of their want, so fur-
ThV™' nished the French camp with all plenty of necessaries, that it had
kfng'^*' abundance. Whereupon the French king, moved with the kindness of
again en- thc cmpcror, wrotc special letters to the pope in the emperor's behalf;
the pope but the hard heart of thc pope would not relent. Blanch, the king's
mother, hearing in France what the cmpcror had done to her son, sent
him most hearty thanks, with presents and rewards manifold.'
The French army lost many distinguished men on its way to Egypt.
Particularly, the bishop of Noyon, who was earl Palatine and one of
the twelve peers of France, died on board ship near Cyprus, The
earl of St. Pol and Blois was accidentally killed with a stone at
Avignon, before the embarkation : he had under him fifty bannerets,
■who were dispersed after liis death. John carl of Dreux, a young
officer of great promise, died at Cyprus, w ith many noble personages
of both sexes, who fell sick from change of air and diet.'
In this mean time, about the beginning of June a.d. 1249, the
,in"by Frenchmen got Damietta, being the principal fort or hold of the
Saracens in all Egypt. After the winning of Damietta, the prince and
June 5th. people of the Saracens, being astonished at the loss thereof, offered to
the Christians great ground and possessions more than ever belonged
to Christendom before, so that they might have Damietta restored to
them again. But the pride of the earl of Artois, the king's brother,
would in no case accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both
Damietta and Alexandria, tlie chief metropolitan city of all Egypt, to
be delivered unto them. The Saracens, seeing the pride and greedi-
ness of the Frenchmen, in no case could abide it : whicli turned after-
wards to the great detriment of our Christians, as in the end it proved.-*
The next year ensuing, whicli was a.d. 1250, on Ash Wednes-
day, the Frenchmen, issuing out of their tents by the city of Damietta,
flew upon the Saracens who besieged them, and so after a great num-
saraceng, bcr of the enemy slain, with victory and great spoils returned to
their tents again. Now, within thc city of Damietta Avas the queen
with her ladies, and the pope's legate and bishops, with a garrison
of horsemen and footmen for the defence of the city strongly
ap))ointcd. Thc next day, the Frenchmen supposing to have the
like hand of thc Saracens, as they had thc day before, gave a fresh
as.sault u))on them; but in that conflict the Saracens had so strongly
(1) Matth. Paris, fol. 226. (2) Ibid. fo. 229. [M. Par., p. 771. See Appendix.— Ed.] (3) Ibid.
Trench
men
A.D.1250.
V ictory
of the
French
over the
French
discom-
fited by
the Para
cens.
SUFFERINGS OF THK FLKXCII AUMV. 447
appointed themselves, that the Frenchmen lost ten times more tlian iienry
they got the day before, and so, after a great slaughter of their men, 1_
retired unto their tents again. Whereupon, the Saracens began to take A. D.
great heart and courage against our men, stopping also the passages ^'^•'^-
round about the city of Damietta, that no victuals could pass unto
them. In like manner the Soldan also, gathering the galleys about
Alexandria and all the land of Egypt, so enclosed the seas, that no
intercourse should be to them by water.
At length, after long talk and consultation between them on both The
sides, the Soldan advised them betimes to resign unto him the city of m'e'il"^''
Damietta, with the furniture which they foimd therein, and they ^§^["7^"
should have all the country about Jerusalem, with all the captives of by the
the Christians, in a friendly manner restored unto them : wherewith
the Christians, said he, ought to be contented, and to seek no further,
but only to have the land of Jerusalem ; which being granted to
them, they should not encroach into other lands and kingdoms, to
which they had no right. This form of peace, as it liked well the xhe eari
meaner sort of the poor soldiers, and divers others of the said council aJ^^tl^J"
and nobility ; so the proud earl of Artois, the king's brother, in no pope's
case would assent thereto, but still required the city of Alexandria to agTin" re-
be yielded to them ; to which the Egyptians would by no means form 'of"
^O^^^- offered
From that time the French army, being compassed about by sea The
and land, began every day more and more to be distressed for lack me*ii'eat
of victuals and with famine, being driven to such misery that they 5,^^^^^°","
•were fain to eat their own horses in Lent-time, Avhich should have Lent-
served them for other uses ; neither could any Christian, nor Frede- '™^'
ric, being deposed by the pope, send them any succour. Further-
more, the more misery the Christians were in, the more fiercely did
the Saracens press upon them on every side, detesting their forward
wilfulness, insomuch that divers of the christian soldiers, not able to
abide the affliction, privily conveyed themselves, as they could, out of
the camp to the Saracens, who were gladly received and relieved; some
were suffered still to keep their faith, and some married Anves amongst
them, and for hope of honour did apostate to their law, and so
wrought no little harm to the Christians. The Soldan, being per-TheSoi-
fectly instructed by these fugitives of all things belonging to the ^^"ssase
king's army, sent him word in derision, asking where were all his J^j^^''^''^
mattocks, forks, and rakes, his scythes, ploughs, and harrows, which French-
he brought over with him, or why he did not use them, but let ™'^"'
them lie by him to rust and canker ? All this, and much more,
the king with his Frenchmen were fain to take well in worth. It J^^ so'
happened, shortly after, that this Soldan died, being poisoned by a Avorse
1 • '^^ J \,- \ i xl r^l, • i- r "I'followeth.
his own servants, which was to the Christians an aggravation ot
their miseries; for, albeit the said Soldan had been a cruel tpant
to the Christians, yet was he hated of his own people, whereby his
strength was the less. After him succeeded another much more
cruel ; who, as he was better loved, so he became much stronger,
by a general confederacy of all the Saracens who were in the east
parts, joining now together ; so that when the Christians desired rtie
now to have the form of peace before proffered, he flatly denied deshe'^
them. And so the French host, which at first began to be feared, ag^^iutho
448 MLu.Miuixr.s and atostasv of the christians.
Henry hy tlifir pridc rind f»vor-grcedincss growing more and more into
: contt nipt amongst their enemies, now were utterly despised.
A.I). Tlio Christians, thus seeing all things to go backward with them,
^ -''^'- and how the infidel Saracens daily did prevail, began to murmur
i>taie against God, and some also, who were well settled before, to stagger
u-fo'r'c. in their relicfion, casting out these words of infidel itv: " How is this,""
nm have'' said they, "'-that the Lord hath left us in whose cause we figlit.?
"■ How often within the time of remembrance have we been con-
{ounde<l by these Saracens and infidels, who, with shedding of our
blood, have enjoyed great spoils and victories.'' First, this city
of Damietta, which we Christians had gotten dearly, with effusion
of so much christian blood, afterwards we were constrained for
Victories nought to rcsigu again. After that, the army of the Templars,
Trmpiars fighting for the holy temple against the Saracens, near to Antioch,
k"c ers ^^'"^^ vanquished, and the standard-bearer slain in tlie fields. Again,
of jorii- within these few years, our Frenchmen, fighting in like manner
against the Saracens at the city of Gaza, were put to the worst,
and many afterwards out of captivity ransomed by Richard, duke
of Exeter, brother to Henry III., king of England. Then came
in theChorosmians, sent by the Soldan of Babylon, who, by a wile,
invaded the Christians in the city of Jerusalem, where almost all the
christian army in the Holy Land were destroyed And now here,
our most christian king, together with the whole nobility, is like to
be in danger utterly to be overthrown. And how is it that the Lord
tlius standeth against us, and fighteth with them ? Hath he more
regard of tliem than of us.^"^ Such nuirmuring words of an unstable
faith many there began to cast out, as taking displeasure on account
of their suflTerings : but not conr«idering, on the other side, what
idolaters they were, what pride and discord was amongst them, what
cruelty and murder they had showed at home in persecuting the poor
Why the Albigenses, what superstition they first brought out with them, with
not pro- what idolatry they proceeded, putting their trust in masses, in the
niris'-"^^ pope's indulgences, in worshipping of images, and in praying to
fi'"ht*in saints. And what helps then could they look for at God's hand,
against who had iniagcs in their temples, to fight against them who had
tens. "* none ? or what marvel if the Lord of hosts went not with their arniy,
committing such idolatry every day in their pavilions to their sacra-
mental bread and wine as they did, and fighting with the strength of
their own merits, and not by the power of their faith in Christ alone,
which is the only victory that overcometh the world .'' [1 Jolm v. 4.]
Finally, having in their camp the legate of him whom the Lord
takcth to be his enemy : as by example of Frederic, the emperor,
may be well perceived ; who, after he was accursed by pope Gregory
a little before, coming the same time to war against the Saracens in
Palestine, God's blessing wrought so mightily with him, that without
any bloodshed he recovered Jerusalem, and set all the country
about it in great quietness, till at last the popish Templars, who at
the pope's setting on, went about to betray him to the Soldan of
Babylon, lost all again by their own malicious mischief, which the
emperor before had gotten.^
ll) Ex Matlh. Paris, fol 23!. l2) Ei Mitth. Paris.
GRUDGE UETWEEX Tilt PBEXCH AND ESCMSH SOLDIERS. 44D
But let US proceed further in tliis holy progress. The French ucnry
. III.
lere to
king with his army seeing himself distressed, and no good tl
be done against the Soldan of Egypt, after he had sufficiently fortified |\;.^-
the city of Damictta with an able garrison left witli the duke of "^
Burgundy, he removed his tents from thence to go eastward. In his
army also followed William Longspath (of whom mention was made
before), accompanied with a picked number of English warriors, q^^^„^
retained unto him : but such was the disdain of the Frenchmen bet^vee.l
against this William Longspath and the Englishmen, that they i-rench
could not abide them, but flouted them in opprobrious manner, with Engnsu
" English tails," insomuch that the good king himself had much ado s'jW'e^.
to keep peace between them.
The original cause of this grudge between them began thus : Rooty
there was, not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or castle, fhe Eng-'
replenished with great ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens ; this ^^^^l"'
hold it chanced the said William Longspath, with his company of about
English soldiers, to get, more by good luck and politic dexterity, dria.
than by open force of arms; whereby he and his retinue were greatly
enriched. When the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof, they, being
not made privv thereto, began to conceive a heart-burning against
the English soldiers, and could not speak well of them after that. It
happened, not long after, that the said William had intelligence of a ventu-
company of rich merchants among the Saracens, going to a certain o? wiT-'
fair about the parts of Alexandria ; having their camels, asses, and ^^™^
mules, richly laden Avith silks, precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, spaui
with cart-loads of other wares, besides victuals and furniture, whereof
the soldiers then stood in great need. He, having secret knowledge
hereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen unto him that he could,
and so, bv night, falling upon the merchants, some he slew with their
guides and conductors, some he took, some he put to flight. The Emiciicd
carts with the drivers and the oxen, and the camels, asses, and mules, cLs"^
with the whole carriage and victuals, he look, and brought with him, soods.
losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and eight of his servitors ;
some of whom, notwithstanding, he brought home wounded to be
cured.
This being kno-\m in the camp, forth came the Frenchmen, who ^^^^^^^
all this while loitered in their pavilions, and meeting their carriage by French,
the way, took all the aforesaid prey wholly unto themselves, rating
the said William and the Englishmen, for so adventuring and issuing
out of the camp without leave or knowledge of their general, contrary
to the discipline of war. William said again, he had done nothing
but what he would answer to, whose purpose was to have the spoil
divided to the behoof of the whole army. When this would not
serve, he being sore grieved in his mind, so cowardly to be spoiled of
that for which he had so adventurously travailed, went to the king to
complain. But when no reason or complaint would serve, by reason Depart-
of the proud earl of Artois, the king''s brother, who, upon despite and ^^^6°
disdain, stood against him, he, bidding the king farewell, said he Despite
would serve him no longer. And so William de Longspath with onh"'
the rest of his company, breaking from the French host, went to l;^"'],'^
Acre. Upon whose departure, the carl of Artois said, " Now is the •"•p^inst
army of Frenchmen well rid of these tailed people." Which words, ush. '
VOL. TT. G G
450 DAMIKTIA TAKKK BY THE CHRISTIAXS.
Henry spokcii in gnat (.kspitc, wore evil taken of many good men tliat
L_ heard him.'
A_D. Before tlie arrival of the French army in the land of Egypt, the
L^^ Soldan of lial^ylon, liaving beforehand intelligence of their coming,
connnitted the custody of Damietta to a certain prince of his whom
he specially trusted, committing also to his brother the keeping of
Cairo and Babylon. It followed now after the taking of Damietto,
that the Soldan of Babylon accused the prince who had the custody
thereof, before his nobles, of treason, as giving the city unto the
Christians ; who, notwithstanding, in judgment did sufficiently clear
himself, declaring how he was certified that the king would land at
Alexandria, and therefore bent all his power to prevent the king"'s
arrival there ; but, by stress of weather, he missing his purpose,
Damietta and the king landing about Damietta, by reason thereof the city was
theairL taken unprovided, he, notwithstanding, with his company resisting
tians. as Well as they might, till they could no longer, and so departed,
cursing (said he) Mahomet and his law. At these words, the Soldan,
The keep- being ofFeudcd, commanded him to be had away as a traitor and
bune'" blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged
wrong- himself by the judgment of the court. His brother, mIio was the
to death, keeper of Cairo and Babylon, being therewith not a little grieved,
and bearing a good mind to the christian religion, devised, in himself,
how to give the said city of Cairo with Babylon to the French king ;
and so, in most secret wise, he sent to the king, showing his full
purpose and what had happened : and, furthermore, instructing the
The tri- king in all things how and what he should do ; and, moreover,
Cairo de- requiring the sacrament of baptism, meaning indeed good faith,
sireth to and Sending also away all the christian captives which he had with
eiied. him in prison. The king, being glad hereof, sent in all haste for
i^one-"* William Longspath, promising a full redress of all injuries past,
spathsent wlio upon liopc of some good luck, came at tlie king^s request, and
comeih. SO joiued again with the French power.
THE LAMENTABLE OVERTHROW AND SLAUGHTER OF THE
FRENCH ARMY FIGHTING AGAINST THE INFIDELS, THROUGH
THE SINISTER COUNSEL OF THE POPE^S LEGATE.
To make the story short, the king, setting forward from Damietta,
directed his jouniey towards Cairo, slaying by the way such Saracens
as were set there to stop the victuals from Damietta. The Soldan,
in the mean time, hearing of the courageous coming of the French
host, as being in gi'eat hope to conquer all, sent unto the king by
certain that were ne.\t about him, offering to the Christians the quiet
and full possession of the Holy Land, with all the kingdom of Jeru-
salem, and more ; besides other infinite treasure of gold and silver, or
what else might pleasure them, only upon this condition, that they
would restore again Damietta, with the captives there, and so would
join together in mutual peace and amity. Also they should have all
Fair offers their christian captives delivered up, and so both countries should
dantothe frccly pass ouc to another with their wares and traffic, such as they
French, (jhosc to adveuturo. Furthermore, it was firmly affirmed and spoken,
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 233, 231.
VICTOKV OF THE CHRISTIAN'S OVEU THE SARACENS. 451
that the Soldan, Avitli most of liis nobles, was minded no less than to Hemi,
leave the filtliy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of Christ, so that '"
they might quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. The same day A.I).
great quietness would have entered, no doubt, into all Christendom, _li^-_
with the end of much bloodshed and misery, had it not been for the The
pope's legate, who (Laving commandment fi-om the pope, that if any gafe^ ^
such offers should come, he should not take them) stoutly '■'■ et frontose thiTmu"
contradicens^' (as the words be of the story) in nowise would receive '''"'^'"•
the conditions offered.'
Thus, while the Christians unprofitably lingered the time in
debating this matter, the Soldan, mean while, got intelligence of
the compact between the tribune of Cairo and the French king;
whereupon he sent in all haste to their city to apprehend the tribune
till the truth were fully tried, which seemed to him more apparent,
for that the christian prisoners were already delivered. Hereupon Thechns-
the Soldan being in some better hope and less fear, refused that f'u^ing^
which before he had offered to the Christians ; albeit, thev Avith ereat T°^ "^^
' , *^ , c> lers, couJu
mstance afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obtain it. Then not have
the Soldan, being wholly bent to try the matter by the sword, sent wh^
to the east parts for an infinite multitude of soldiers, giving out by ^^o*^^(j
proclamation, that Avhosoever could bring in any christian man's head, cruei pro-
should have ten talents, besides his standing wages. And whosoever ofUie sa-
brought his right hand should have five. He that brouQ-ht his foot '■^'^®."*
should have two talents, for his reward. thechris-
After these things thus prepared on both sides to the necessity of j^g^g^^i
war, the king- cometh to the great river Nile, having gotten together of Artoi.s,
many boats, thinking by them to pass over, as upon a sure bridge, third part
On the other side the Soldan pitched himself to withstand his coming christian
Gvei. In the mean time happened a certain feast amongst the army
Saracens, in which the Soldan Avas absent, leaving his tents by the over the
water-side. This being foreseen by a certain Saracen, lately conA'erted ^''^'
to Christ, serving Avith earl Robert, the king's brother, and showing
them AA'ithal a certain shalloAv ford in the river Nile, where they
might more easily pass over ; the said earl Robert, and the master of
the Temple, Avith a great power, amounting to the third part of the
army, passed over the river, after Avhom also folloAved William Long-
spath, AA'ith his band of English soldiers. These, being together
joined on the other side the Avater, encountered the same day victory of
Avith the Saracens remaining in the tents, and put them to the !^^ *^''"^'
. ^ . . ~. -_ - '^ r. tians
Avorse. After this victory, the r rencli earl, surprised Avith pride against
and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, Avould cens.'"
needs advance, dividing himself from the main host, thinking to Avin
the spurs alone ; to whom certain sage men of the Temple giving Good
contrary counsel, advised him not so to do, but rather to return and <=°"nsei
take their Avhole company Avith them, and so should they be more not s'oi-
sure against all deceits and dangers, Avhich there might be laid privily
for them. The manner of that people (they said) they better kncAv,
and had more experience thereof than he ; alleging, moreover, their
Avearied bodies, their tired horses, their famished soldiers, and the
insufficiency also of their number, A\diich Avas not able to withstand
the multitude of the enemies, especially at this present brunt; in
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 233.
GC 2
4.')2 THE KARI. Oi- AinoiS \M1.1. KOT BE ADVISED.
iimry wliicli the adversaries ilid well see the whole state of their dominion
^- now to consist either in winning all, or losing all ; witli other such
A.I), like words of persuasion. AN'licn the proud earl did hear this, being
'^*'' inflamed with no less arrogancy than ignorance, with opprobrious
Mohukcs taunts lie reviled them, called them cowardly dastards, and betravcrs
of carl Pill i-i.' 11 "o
Hobert,toot the whole country; objecting unto them the common report of
gavThim niany, who said, that the land of the holy cross might be won to
Kood Christendom, were it not for the rebellious Templars, with the
counsel. TT • 11 1 .1 • ^ 11
Hospitallers and tlicu: lellows.
To these contumelious rebukes the master of the Temple
answered again for himself and his fellows, bidding him display his
ensign when he would, and where he durst, for they were as rcadv
to follow him, as he to go before them. Then began William de
Longspath, the worthy knight, to speak : desiring the earl to give ear
to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those
countries and people than he had, commending also their counsel to
be discreet and wholesome, and so turning to the master of the
Temple began with gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The
knight had not half ended his talk, when the earl, taking the words
out of his mouth, began to fume and swear, crying out on these
cowardly Englishmen with tails. " ^^'hat a pure army," said he,
" should we have here, if these tails, and tailed people were purged
from it V With other like words of great villany and much disdain.
•Worthy Whcrcunto the English knight answering again, "Well, earl Robert,"
fhe tng- ^^id he, " wheresoever you dare set your foot, my step shall go as
1**^ . , far as yours: and, as I believe, we go this dav where vou shall not
knipht to J ' ' -1 n 1 11 • • 1 •
liiin. dare to come near the tail or my horse : as in the event proved
tnie.'
Anum- In the mean time the French king, intending to set forward his
Frencii army, thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked
►oidiers armour unto Damietta, bv boats. The Soldan, hearing thereof,
sent to ' » ' O '
Demi prepared a great number of boats to be carried, by wain and cart,
drowned to the watcr-sldc ; who, meeting them by the way, drowned and
by the'" ^^Pstroycd by wildfire every one, so that of all that company of our
way. Christians, of whom some were burned, some slain, some drowned,
not one escaped alive, save only one Englishman, named Alexander
GifFard ; who, although he was sore wounded in the chace in five
places in his body, yet escaped to the French camp, bringing word
unto the king what was done. And this was upon the water.
Mansor Now upon the land : seeing earl Robert would needs set for^vard,
by^thi"'" ^^'^P^iing to get all the glory unto himself before the coming of the
tiench. host, they invaded first a little village or castle wliich was not far
off, called ^lansor. The country boors and pagans in the villages
by, seeing the Christians come, ran out with such a main cry and
shout, that it came to the Soldan"'s hearing, who was nearer than our
men did think. In the mean while the Christians, invading and
entering into the munition uncircumspectly, were pelted and pashed^
with stones by them that stood above ; whereby a great nimiber of
our men were lost, and the army sore maimed, and almost in despair.
Then, immediately upon the same, cometh tlie Soldan with all his
main power ; who, seeing the Christians'' armv to be divided, and the
(1) Ex Malth. Paris fol. 2."6. (2) " Pashod," ntnirk.— Ed.
LOLIS IX., THK FRENCH KING, TAKEN PRISONER. 453
nne brother separated from the other, had that which he long wislied ^^yj'^y
i'or, and thus enclosing them round about so that none should escape,
had with them a cruel fight. Then the earl began to repent him of •^■/^•
his beady rashness, but it was too late ; who, then seeing William J^'ii_
the English knight doughtily fighting in the chief brunt of the ^^^^.^"'
enemies, cried unto him most cowardly to fly, " seeing God," said anny en-
he, " doth fight against us." To whom the knight, answering again, the'*soidi'n
" God forbid," saith he, " that my father's son should run away from "on^"^^"
the face of a Saracen." The carl then, turning his horse, fled away, Eaii Re-
thinking to escape by its swiftness, and so taking the river of Thafnis, ardi/fly"
oppressed wuth harness, there sunk and Mas drowned. Thus the i"^row^^'
earl being gone, the Frenchmen began to despair and scatter. Then ed.
William de Longspath, bearing all the force of the enemies, stood jF.'co"a'e
against them as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a and death
Saracen, until at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, liam
he could no longer stand ; who yet notwithstanding, as he was down, ^p"4
mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till
at the last after many blows and wounds, being stoned of the Sara-
cens, he yielded his life. After the death of him, the Saracens
setting upon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed
on every side, devoured and destroyed them all, insomuch, that
scarce one man escaped alive, saving two Templars, one Hospitaller,
and one poor rascal soldier, who brought tidings hereof to the king.
These things being known, in the French camp, to the king and his sorrows
soldiers; first of their drowning Mho M-ere sent to Damietta, then of l"^'^*'^
the ruin and slaughter of the army, M'ith the king's brother, near the camp for
tov/n of INIansor, there Mas no little sorroM^ and heaviness on every thdr**
side, M'ith great fear and doubt in themselves Mliat it Mas best to do. ^'■<^'^^«"-
At last, Mhen they saM' no remedy, but they must stand manfully to
revenge the blood of their brethren, the king, M-ith his host, passed
over the flood of the Nile, and coming to the place where the battle
had been, there they beheld their felloM-s and brethren, pitifully lying Heads
M'ith their heads and hands cut off. For the Saracens, for the rcMard p"?}||f"''''
before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, unto them that could bring chrisiiar.i
the head or hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, *^"' "^'
leaving their bodies to the Mild beasts. Thus, as they M'ere sorrowing
and lamenting the rueful case of their cluistian felloAvs, suddenly
appeareth the coming of the Soldan, with a midtitude of innumerable
thousands, against M'hom the Frenchmen eftsoons prepare themselves
to encounter, and so the battle being struck up, the armies began to
join. But, alack for pity ! what coidd the Frenchmen here do, their
number at first so maimed, their hearts M'ounded already M'ith fear
and sorrow, their bodies consumed with penury and famine, their
horses for feebleness not able to serve them ? In conclusion, the Pitiful
Frenchmen M'ere overthroM'n, slain, and despatched ; and, seeing ofTife'"^'^
there M-as no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself. In French.
this miserable conflict, the king, M-ith his tM'o brethren, and a few that The king
clave unto him, were taken captives, to the confusion of all christian J^vo'' '"*
realms, and presented to the Soldan. All the residue Avcre put to the ''{^'.',','^"
sword, or else stood at the mercy of the Saracens, whether to be slain i;y tii.
or to remain in Moeful captivity. And this Mas the end of that
sorroM'ful battle, M'herein almo'st all the nobility of France Mere slain,
45i DAMIKTTA KESIGNED.
nn,r,j ami in wliidi tluiv was liaidly out- man of all that multitude who
escaped tree, tliey being either slain or taken prisoners. Fvirtlierniore,
A.l). they that were slain or left half alive, had every one his head and
_^'-'^^- hand cut off upon the Sohhin's juoclaniation above mentioned.
The Soldan or Sultan, afler tiie taking of the French king, fraudu-
lently suborning an army of Saracens to the number of the P'reneh
army, with the amis and ensigns of them that were slain, made
towards Damietta, Avhere the duke of Burgundy, Avith the French
queen, and Olho, the ])ope's legate, and other bishops and their gar-
risons were remaining ; supposing, under the show of Frenchmen, to
be let in : but the captains, mistrusting their hasty coming, and mis-
doubting their visages, not like those of the Frenchmen, shut the
gates against them, and so returned they, frustrated in their intent.
The purpose of the Soldan was, if he might have gotten Damietta, tf»
send the French king up higher into the east countries to the Caliph,'
the chief pope of Damascus, to increase the titles of Mahomet, and
to be a spectacle or gazing-stock to all those quarters of the world.
The manner of Calipli Avas, never to let any christian prisoner come
out, whosoever came once in his hand. But forasmuch as the Soldan
missed his purpose, he thought, by advice of council, to use the king"'s
life for his OAvn advantage in recovering the city of Damietta, as in
the end it came to pass. For although the king at fiist Avas greatly
unAvillinG:, and had rather die than surrender Damietta arain to the
Saracens, yet the conclusion fell out, that the king Avas put to his
Danuctta ransoui, and the city of Damietta Avas also resigned ; Avhich citv, being
to the^ tAvice Avon and tAvice lost by the Christians, the Soldan or Sultan aftt-r-
saracens. •\vards causcd it utterly to be razed down to the ground. The ransom
thekin^''s of the king, upon condition that the Soldan should see him safely con-
NumSr ducted to Acrc (Avhich I take to be Cesarea), came to a hundred thou-
of the ^.iwiA marks. The number of Frenchmen and others avIio miscarried
slain. in that Avar, by Avater and by land, came to eighty thousand persons.^
And thus have ye the brief narration of this lamentable pcregi'ina-
tion of Louis, the French king •, in Avhich, Avhen the Frenchmen Avere
once or tAvice avcU offered by the Soldan, to have all the kingdom of
Jerusalem, and much more, in free possession ; they, not contented
Avith that Avhich Avas reasonable and sufficient, for greediness to have
all, lost all ; having at length no more than their naked bodies could
cover, lying dead upon the ground, and all through the original cause
of the pope, and Otho, his legate. By their sinister means and
pestilent pride, not only the lives of so many Christians Avere then
lost, but also to the said pope is to be imputed ail the loss of other
cities and christian regions bordering in the same quarters : forasmuch
as, by the occasion hereof, the hearts of the Saracens, on the one side,
were so encouraged, and the courage of the Christians, on the other, so
much discomfited, that in a short space after, both the dominion of
Antioch and that of Acre, Avith all other possessions belonging to
the Christians, Avcre lost, to the great diminishing of Christ's church.
The. two During the time of this good king lying at Acre, or Cesarea,
vaifa^nce Almighty God sent such discord betwixt the Soldan of Halaphia and
French''^ the Soldan of Babylon, for letting the king so escape, that the said
king. Soldan or Sultan of Babylon, to Avin the king unto his side, entered
(1) Sec Note I. P. snt,— El). (2) Hsec Mattli. Paris, fol. 287, 23S.
THE pope's tyranny AGAINST FUEDKRIC II. 455
league with liim (whom both his brethren, and all his nobles almost, t'enry
at home had forsaken), and remitted his ransom, and also restored 1-
unto him such prisoners as were in the said battle found to be alive.' A. D.
Thus the Lord workcth, where man commonly forsaketh.* \2b0.
Another cause, moreover, why the ruin of this French army may
worthily be imputed to the pope, is this : for that when Louis, the
French king, perceiving what a necessary friend and helper Frederic, How pre-
the emperor, might be to him in these hisaifairs against the Saracens, emiKw
was an earnest suitor for him to the pope to have liim released, neither jj'j^'^'^
he, nor the king of England, by any means could obtain it. And, si-ned in
although the emperor himself offered to pope Innocent, with all again^'t"'
humble submission, to make satisfaction in the council of Lyons, pro- ^l^ns^ b"t
mising, also, to expufjn all the dominions of the Saracens, and never t'>e pope
. ^ ^ . M'ould not
to return into Europe again, and there to recover whatsoever the suiTer
Christians had lost, so that the pope would only grant his son Henry '"™"
to be emperor after him ; yet the proud pope would not be mollified,
but w-ould needs proceed against him with both swords ; that is, first,
with the spiritual sword, to aecurse him, and then with the temporal
sword, to depose him from his imperial throne. Through the occasion Tyranny
whereof, not only the French king's power went to wreck, but also such uif,nis-'
a fire of mischief was kindled aa:ainst all Christendom, as yet to this ciiiefof
o 'J the pops
day cannot be quenched ; for, after this overthrow of the French king against
and his army, the Christians of Antioch and of other christian regions peroT."
thereabouts, being utterly discouraged, gave over their holds and
cities ; whereupon the Saracens, and after them the Turks, got such
a hand over Christendom, as, to this day, we all have good cause to
rue and lament. Besides this, where divers Christians were crossed
to go over and help the French king, the pope for money dispensed
with them to tarry still at home.
But as I said, the greatest cause was, that the emperor, who coidd
have done most, was deposed by the pope's tyranny, whereby all
those churches in Asia were left desolate : as touching the which em-
peror Frederic, because we have divers and sundry times made mention
of him before, and for that his story is strange, his acts wondrous,
and his conflicts tragical, which he sustained against four or five popes,
one after another, 1 thought not out of story in a whole narration
to set forth the same, for the reader to consider what is to be judged
of this cathedral see of Rome, which hath wrought such abominable
mischief in the M'orld, as in the sequel of the story following, faith-
fully translated out of Latin into English, is to be seen.
* Forsomuch as the story of Frederic is incident in the same time
of this king Henry HL, and containeth matter much worthy of
memory, considering the utility thereof, after the tractation of our
English stories I could not but also insert the whole narration of this
tragical history of the said Frederic, which I have caused faithfully
and amply to be collected and translated out of the Latin book of
Nicholas Cisnerus, containing as followeth."**
THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERIC II., EMPEROR.
Frederic IL came out of the ancient house of the Beblins or A. D.
Ghibellines ; which Ghibellines came of the most famous stock of 1194
the French kings and emperors. He had Frederic Barbarossa to his
to
1250.
fl) This was the seventh and last principa'i crussde. — Ep. {2) Matth. Paris, fol.
(3) This passage between asterisks is from the edition of 1570. Ste A]iiiendix. — Ku.
4~>6 I£ARI,Y IIISTOUY OF FRKUKRIC II.
//M^-ryo/ arandfallicr, whose son, Henry VI., was emperor after liiin ; wlio of
Fredcnc (^^nstantla, the daughter (or, as some write, the niece) of Roger I.,
^^ror. i-i^p ^jf si^,;]^,^ bp^j ^l,jg Frederic II.
A.I). This Constantia was fifty years of age^ before she was conceived
1194. with him; wliom the emperor Henry VI., to avoid all doubt and
surmise that of iier conception and childing might be thought, and to
the peril of the empire ensue, caused liis regal tent to be pitched
abroad in a place where every man might resort ; and, when the time
of his queen's travail approached, Constantia, in presence of divers
Frederic jadics, luatrons, and other gentlewomen of the empire, a great number,
De'c"26th, was brouglit to bed and delivered of this Frederic, the seventh day
AD.11U4. i^eforc the kalends of January, a.d. 11.94, who by inheritance was
king of Naples, Ajmlia, Calabria, and Sicily.
Henry, his father, shortly after he was born obtained of the princes-
electors by their oath to him given, that they would choose his son
Frederic for their emperor after his decease ; and so tliey did, and
immediately called him Caesar,^ being yet but in his cradle.
sepi.28th, This Henry wlien he died, which was shortly after the birth of
A.D.ii97. Pi-gfjei-icj committed the protection of him to Constantia, his wife, to
I'hilip, his brother, chief governor of Etruria, and to the bishop of
Rome, A.D. 1197.
Constantia, not long after the death of Henry, her husband, being
sickly and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to govern
the troubled and unquiet state of the empire, resigned ; and willed by
her testament the safety both of her son Frederic, and silso of his
dominions, to the protection and government of Innocent III., think-
ing thereby safely to have provided,
cnnspira- This popc Inuoccnt, as soon as he had the protection of the young
pope"' emperor and his seigniories, became, instead of a patron and protector
i''rh"t"' ^^ ^''"^ ^^^ ^''^ dominions, both an enemy and a conspirator. The
Frederic exainplcs are many : one is, he persuaded Sibylla, the widow oi
i.u n.fno- Tancred, whom Henry put from the kingdom of Sicily, to endeavour
"'>• to recover the same again, and that she should thereunto ask aid of
Philip, tlie French king. Whereupon, with king Philip's counsel,
co-operation and aid, one Walter (who was sprung from the earls of
Brenno, an ancient and illustrious house in the Terra di Bari, and
who had married Alteria, king Tancred's eldest daughter) in hope of
obtaining the kingdom invaded Campania and A])ulia. At which
time, also, the same worthy protector. Innocent III., sent liis legates
with letters of excommunication against all those that would not admit
and take the said Walter for tlieir king.
Another example is, that whereas the princes-electors and other
nobles (as before is said) had promised by their oath to Henry, that
they would make Frederic, his son, emperor after his decease, the
pope, seeing them to put their endeavour thereunto to bring it to
pass, absolved them all from the oath which they had taken and given
for the election of Frederic, the emperor, as one not content he should
obtain the same. And further, he raised slanders and defamations
against Philip, whom the electors had chosen to govern the empire
during the minority of Frederic his nephew. He wrote an epistle,
which is yet extant, to Barthold duke of Zaringhen, inviting him to
be emperor; and when the latter gave place to Philip, he went about
to procure that Otho, the son of Henry Leo, should be made emperor,
(I) See Aprmflix. (2) Rather, ' King of tlic Romans,' that is, htir-apparent.— Ed.
THE POPK S CONSPIRACIES AGAIKST FREDERIC. 457
and that the princes-electors and lords of Germany should crown him mstoryof
forthwith (after the manner) at Aix-la-Chapelle,' and he deprived all such ^''"f^^''
bishops as he knew to favour Philip as emperor, in the defence of his ^'"p^"''-
nephew's right ; but Philip, \vhose cause was better, his skill in martial a.D.
affiiirs greater, and who in power and strength was mightier, after divers 1212.
and great conflicts, to the marvellous disturbance and vastation of the
whole empire, by God's help put the other to the worse. All these
calamities and mischiefs Conrad de Lichtenau,^ at that time living, in
his Annals most pitifully complaineth of, and accuseth the bishop of
Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors and devisers of this
great and lamentable mischief, as such that, for to make themselves
rich by the spoil thereof, sought by all means and desired the same.
Not long after, a peace was concluded between Philip and Otho,
and Philip reconciled again to the pope ; Avhich Philip, within a Phiiip
while after, was murdered in his chamber and slain by Otho de 5une'22d,
Wittlespach. After this event Otho was raised by the nobles of ^i^'-'os'
Germany to the imperial seat, and consecrated at Rome for emperor
by this Innocent III., his friend and patron ; and so continued till a
great variance and discord chanced to arise between the said Otho variance
and the pope ; whereupon Innocent sought by all means, how against oth"o'a''na
Otho, likewise, he might work mischief, and bring him to his end. «'>«p°P'=-
The occasion of this sudden change and alteration my author makcth
no mention of, but that Otho (now being of great power) not only
invaded and ravaged Flaminia, Picenum, Umbria, and Etruria, but
also occupied most part of Campania and Apulia, which properly
appertained to the inheritance of Frederic, a.d. 1211.
Thus you see, first, how by the counsel and consent of Pope
Innocent and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies, this
good Frederic and his dominions were hurt and damaged ; then,
again, through his default what damage the said Frederic sustained
by Otho, who was made so strong as he was by the pope and his
means, notwithstanding the great trust he was put in, for the protec-
tion both of Frederic and his dominions.
At this time Frederic was come unto theeighteenth year of his age;' Frederic's
who in his youth, by the provision of Constantia, his mother, was so an^J"'"°
well instructed in letters and with virtuous principles so imbued, }^"o^-
that at these years there appeared and did shine in him excellent gifts
both of wisdom and knowledge. He was excellently well seen in
Latin and Greek learning, which was just then beginning to emerge
from the barbarism under which it had been long buried. He
also acquired the German, the Italian, and the Saracen languages.
He had also cultivated those virtues which nature had implanted in
him by the precepts of piety, wisdom, justice, and fortitude, and by
habitual practice. Insomuch that he might well be compared with the
worthiest and most redoubted emperors and kings that have ever lived.
Being now called to the empire by a deputation from the German
princes, he immediately quitted Sicily and set out for Germany. On
his way thither he stopped at Rome, where, according to Fazellus,^
he was honourably entertained by Innocent ; who, nevertheless, would suspected
make him no promises, for that he mistrusted the name of Frederic, ^gn,','
from recollection of the grandfather. ^^^r*
(1) See infra, pp. 458, 663.— Ed. (2) See supra, vol. i. p. 136, note (3;.— Eo. (3) See Appendix.
(4) Fazellus flourished in tlie sixteenth century : lie wrote " De rebus siculis, ' fulio, Panormi,
1558; traiiblaled into Italian by M. Remigio, 4to. Venez, 1571.— Ed.
458 FRKUERIC GUANTS Tllfc; CAKON OF I'ROSC K U'lION'.
iiiMioryof FrccUric then, quitting Home, set forward for (lerniany. On
"ir"^ reaching 'IVcnt, lie k>arnt that the more easy and direct road was
Emperor, prcoccupicd bv thc cncniv : lie therefore with much painful travel
A. D. crossed the Rhretian Alps, and pushed along thc tract of thc
Vl-O. Rhine, thc cities all the way submitting to him. Olho, who had
hastened out of Italy into Germany, intending to meet him at thc
Rhine and stoj) his passage, was thus disappointed of his object, and
Frederic was crowned, first at Mentz, and afterwards (as the manner
is) at Aix-la-Chapelle.^ Having subsequently held several diets, and
Death of Otlio dviug, he settled thc empire and succeeded in appeasing almost
"uy'lotii, tlic whole of Germany. And then, accompanied by all his nobles
A.D.1218. 3pj j>rinces, he returned to Rome, and of Honorius III. was with
great solemnity consecrated and called Augustus, Nov. 22d, a.d.
Consecra- 1220. AVhicli Honorius succeeded^ Innocent III. in the ])apal see,
Frederic ^""-l ^^'''^^ a grcat liclp to Frcdcric (although he loved him not) in this
the em- behalf, to rcvenffc himself upon Otho.
After his consecration, Frederic gave many grcat and liberal
gifts, as well to the bishop of Rome himself, as also to the court of
Rome besides. Also he gave and assured by his charter to thc church
of Rome the principality of Fondi ; for by the insatiable covctous-
ncss of thc Romish bishops this wicked use and custom grew, that
unless the emperors, elect and crowned, would give them such-like
great and large gifts, they could not obtain of them their consecration
or confirmation, which for that intent they devised.
Furthermore, Frederic, the emperor, willing to show himself more
bountiful and liberal to the church, neither yet to restrain any privi-
lege that might benefit the same, gave and admitted those constitutions
which thc pope himself would desire, and which are yet extant in the
Frederic civil law ; by wliicli liis doings he delivered to their hands a sword (as
thro^uRh it w'cre) to cut his own throat : for the bishops of Rome, now having
his libe- gygjj what they listed, and all in their own hands, might by the pain
sword to of proscription bring what emperor or king under " coram nobis," that
them listed, and keep them by their own laws, as if it were bound in
own
throat, certain bands, out of the which they might not start. For whatsoever
Canon of he wcrc, wlio for the diminution of the liberties of the church was ex-
probcnp- communicate and so continued a year's space, he should be within
and"con- ^^^^ danger of this proscription, and should not be released before he had
nrniedby madc Satisfaction, and were admitted by the pope to the church and
congregation of good men again. Whereby it came to pass, that
whatsoever emperor, in thc government of his dominions, should in
any point displease or do contrary to the lust of thc bishop of Rome,
he then as enemy to the church was excommunicate ; and, unless within
a year he were reconciled to them again, by this their principal law
he was in the proscription ; and often it chanced that princes, to avoid
thc pain of this proscription, were ready to do whatsoever thc pope
would have them, and commanded them, to do.
After the consecration of Frederic was with great solemnity
finished, and that the pope and church of Rome in all ample man-
ner (as is partly described) w^erc gratified, and yet larger constitu-
tions to them confirmed, he departed from Rome and went to Italy,
there to set things in order and receive the homage of thc cities and
great towns which belonged to the imj)erial jurisdiction ; and from
(1) Dec. 6th. A.D. Vni. and July 25th, \.D. 1216. L'.Vrt de V. des D. Scf Aiijicndix.— Ed.
(2) Crowned pope July 21th, UMC— Fd.
DISPUTES BETWEEN' THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE. 459
thence into his own provinces and dominions, where he heard o^ mitoryof
certain, who began to raise and make new factions against him ; "'ii!'"
amongst others Thomas and Richard, brothers of Innocent III. and ^"'f_"!Zl
earls of Anagni, who held certain castles in the kingdom of Naples: A. D.
these he discovered to have conspired with Otho, when he invaded that ^226.
kingdom, in the hope of obtaining it for themselves. He therefore
seized their castles, and all he found therein. Richard he took, and
sent as a prisoner into Sicily ; but Thomas escaped, and came speedily
to Rome ; whither also repaired certain bishops and others who were
conspirators against Frederic ; as also such others as the fear of the
emperor''s laws and their own guilty consciences caused to fly : all of xheiibe-
whom Avere (that notwithstanding) by this bishop of Rome, Honorius Frederic
III., to gi-atify again the liberality of the emperor bestowed upon him, ^J^"/®'
under his nose succoured, maintained, and defended. Which thing pensedof
when Frederic understood, he began to expostulate with the pope, in"""""
considering the unseemliness of that his fact ; against whom the pope, fxpostu-
on the other side, was so chafed and vexed, that he immediately, lateth;
without further delay, thundereth out against him, like a tyrant, his curset'h.^
curses and excommunications.
Thomas Fazellus declareth the origin of this misunderstanding
between them, somewhat otherwise. There were (saitli he) amongst
those who were found traitors to the emperor certain bishops, who,
fleeing to the pope, requested his aid : whereupon the pope sent his
legates to the emperor, and requested him, that he would admit and
receive to favour those bishops whom he had banished and put from
their offices ; and that he Avould not intermeddle with any ecclesias-
tical charge wherewith he had not to do : and said further, that the
correction and punishment of such matters pertained to the bishop of
Rome, and not to him ; and, moreover, that the oversight of those
churches in that kingdom, from the which he had expelled the bishops,
pertained and belonged unto him.
Whereunto Frederic thus replieth, " that forasmuch as now, for The em-
four hundred years and more, from the time of Charlemagne, all em- puJth'io
perors and kings in their dominions might lawfully commit to apt I'l^i'opr's
1 o ^ o ./ 1 demand
and fit men for the same, such ecclesiastical functions and charges as
within their territories and kingdoms fell, he looked to have the like
privilege and authority also, that other his predecessors before him
had." And he further said, " that he had the same and like authority
in the empire that his father Henry, and Frederic his grandfather,
and other his predecessors before them had ; neither had he so de-
served at the hands of the church of Rome, neither of Honorius
himself, to be deprived of those privileges which his ancestors before
him had, and kept." And further, Frederic being chafed and moved
with these demands of the pope, breaketh forth and saith, " How long
will the bishop of Rome abuse my patience ? When will his covet-
ous heart be satisfied ? Whereunto will this his ambitious desire
grow ? with such-like words more, repeating certain injuries and con- strife be-
spiracies, both against him and his dominions, as well by Honorius pope and"
as by Innocent III. his predecessor; as also other like injuries of"'eempe-
popes to his ancestors practised. '' What man," saith he, " is able election
to suffer and bear this so incredible boldness, and intolerable insolency .v"fion'^,f'"
of so proud a bishop ? " *' Go," saith he unto the legates, " and tell bisiiops.
460 DECREES OF GBATIAN APPEALED TO.
Hutoryof Honorius, that I will lay down the insignia of my empire and the
'^//""^ crown of my kingdom, rather than I will suffer him thus to diminish
■^"'^'•''"'•- the authority of our majesty/''
A. D. Now, because much disquietness and controversy hath arisen, for
1226. the most part throughout all Christendom, in every kingdom and
realm severally, for and about the authority of choosing and depriving
of bishops (as may be seen by the example of this Frederic), which
the pope only and arrogantly challengeth to himself, and not to apper-
tain to any other, I thought good not with silence to overpass, but
somewhat to say, and to prove the authority of christian kings and
princes, in this behalf, to be both sufficient and good.
And first, by the holy Scriptures, and by decrees of councils, as
also by the ancient custom of the primitive church, it may easily be
proved, that in the first age of the church the chief care and power of
distributing ecclesiastical offices were vested in the christian people,
regard, however, being had to the counsels of the administrators of
ecclesiastical concerns. Whereunto appertain certain places collected
and gathered out of the ' Decretum' of Gratian, and specially in
these canons, the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth,
twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh, and thirty-fourth, of the sixty-third
Distinction.
Eiecrion Furthermore, when kings and princes began to embrace Christ's
t'ob^'i'n^' religion, both for honour and order's sake it was granted, that when
and th*eir ^^^^ people dcsircd such ministers as were by them thought meet, the
iubjects. princes should either confirm such as were so nominated, or else them-
selves should place fit men over the churches ; who should then be
presented for consecration to those who were chiefest in the ecclesias-
tical function and authority. So did the emperors of Constantinople
(receiving the order and manner from Constantine the Great) use the
right of bestowing ecclesiastical functions with the consent both of
the people and of ecclesiastical persons ; and long so retained they
the same, as appears in the rescript of Honorius, the emperor, to
Boniface,'^ also, in the examples of Pelagius and Gregory the Great,
of whom one was appointed Ijishop of the church of Rome in the reign
of Justinian, the emperor,^ when Totila was governing Italv ; and
the other in the time of Maurice, the emperor, when the Lombards
possessed Italy.*
And whereas Gratian in the beginning of the ninety-sixth and
ninety-seventh Distinctions doth declare, that the rescript of Honorius,
the emperor, is void and of none effect, for that in determining the
election of the bishop of Rome he acted contrary to the authority of
the holy canons, and because there can nowhere be read of any license
given to the civil magistrate to meddle at all with ecclesiastical matters,
still less with sacred orders — each man may plainly discern his great
folly and want of understanding in so saying: as though at that time
any holy canons existed which should debar emperors from the consti-
tuting of ecclesiastical ministers; or as though it were doubtful whether
the emperors, at that time, had passed any laws touching matters of
ecclesiastical discipline, or whether such laws were really in use; when
the contrary most manifestly, both by the laws and histories of that age
(1) Tliomas Fazellus, lib. 8. (2) Can. 8. dist. 79. et ran. 2. dist. 97.
(3) Justinian flourished frnm a. p. .527 to 5C5 ; Mauritius, from a.il iS2 to 602. — Kd.
(4) Dist. 63. ran. 15, 10, 24.
THE POPE BREAKS THE LATERAN DECREE. 461
and time, as well of the clmrch as of the empire, may appear. And not Histuryof
to seek far for the mutter, this thing is sufficiently proved by reference ^"^j"'
to these titles, ' De sacro-sanctis ecclesiis,' ' Episcopis,' ' Clericis,' ^'"Z"''"'""-
besides other ecclesiastical chapters touching religion, which are to be a. 1).
seen in the books of the principal and chief constitutions, collected 122G.
and set forth by Justinian ; in which many of the chapters are attri-
buted to Honorius and Theodosius : so, in like case, the twenty-first
canon of the sixty-third Distinction doth declare, that the Grecian
emperors, who next ensued after Justinian, did observe that manner
of ordaining and electing the bishops of Rome, although at that time
" Interpellatum erat," they somewhat spurned at it. The emperor of
whom mention is made in that canon is Constantine IV., sumamed
Pogonatus.^
Charlemagne, in like manner, followed their steps in this particular ; xiie ciec-
for (as in the twenty-second canon of the same Distinction is de- cree/hy
clared) at a synodal council in Lateran (Adrian I. being pontiff), ciehun-
where were assembled one hundred and fifty-three other bishops, fifty-t'iiree
it was decreed, that the right of electing and ordering the bishop the^^J'un"
of Rome and all other prelates should be in Charlemasrne, as well '^'' ""^ ^^
' ^ tcrsn to
in Italy as other his dominions and provinces ; and that whoso- be in tiie
ever M'as not promoted and allowed by him should not be conse- '^™'"''^"'"
crated of any one ; and that those who repugned and disobeyed
this decree should be under anathema, and except they repented
should incur the most severe punishment of proscription and confis-
cation of all their goods. A most striking example of this is to be
seen in a rescript, extant in the eighteenth canon of the same sixtv-
third Distinction. Yet notwithstanding, Stephen IV., the author of
that rescript, in spite of the said decree, without the emperor's consent
was made bishop of Rome ; who, to the intent he might elude the
punishment in that case decreed, went into France to Louis the Pious,
son of Charlemagne, to excuse himself, and at Rheims crowned he
him with the imperial diadem, (a. d. 81 6.) Neither could this
bishop here stay himself, but, spying the great lenity of the emperor,
essayed to make frustrate the aforesaid constitution. For his purpose
was, and so he brought to pass (as in the twenty-eighth canon of the
same Distinction appeareth), that it should be lawful for the ecclesi-
astical order, with the senate and people of Rome, without the authority
of the emperor, to choose the bishop of Rome; reserving, that he should
not be consecrated without the Avill and consent of the emperor.
Thus is it manifest, that the bishops of Rome themselves, not regard- Rome''ti!e
ing but despising the strait penalty and sanction of the aforesaid ''reakerof
decree of the Lateran council, were not only the first that brake the cree of
same, but also by contrary rescripts and constitutions laboured and cI'l '^°""'
endeavoured to extol and set up themselves above all others.
After this, Lothaire, the grandson of Charlemagne, being emperor, Lotbaire
and coming into Italy, there to dissolve the conspiracy and confederacy [^"^3/^?
of Leo IV. about the translation of the empire, renewed and esta- '^^" •*^-
blished again the synodal decree of Lateran, touching the jurisdiction eiertionof
of the emperor for the election of the bishop of Rome and other eccle- '"*''°'"'"
siastical persons ; and hereof it came, that those epistles were written
by Leo, which are extant in the sixteenth and seventeenth canons of
(1) Constantine Pogonatus, a.d. CfiS to C85 ; CViarlemapne, a.d. TSfi to 8H. — Ed.
1G:2 THK i:.mim:kor"s right to klkct thk pope.
iiiitoryof the same Distinction ; who also (as appcarcth in the nintli canon of tnc
' tl" tenth Distinction) made a profession, that he would always maintain
Emperor, ^.j^g same imperial precepts. This Leo, when he was reproved of
A. D. treason and other evils, pleaded his cause before Louis IL, emperor
1 226. of Rome, and son of Lothaire above recited.'
But after this, as time grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing
rclin(]uishing their ambitious desires, Otho, the first emperor of that
name, deprived and put from the see of Home that most filthy and
wicked bishop, .lolm XIL, both for divers and sundry wicked and
lieinous acts by him committed, as also for his gi-eat treasons and
conspiracies against his royal person, and did substitute in his place
Leo Vin. ; who, calling a synod at Lateran, in the same temple and
place where the other before was kept, did promulgate a new consti-
tution with consent of the senate and people of Rome concerning the
Theeicc cmpcror's jurisdiction, which is contained in the twenty-third canon
agrin"i- ^^ ^''^ sixty-third Distinction, whereby the old right and power of the
tided to emperor in the election of the bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical
be in the '. ... ' . , . r ^ i
.mperor's prelates was agam, with even a more weighty sanction, conhrmcd and
tlon*'*"^' ratified. By Otho IIL again this right was re-asscrted ; by whom
John XVIIL (whom Crescentius the Roman, usurping the sovereign
power, had made pontiff with the consent of the people of Rome and
the ecclesiastical order), having his nose cut off and his eyes put
out, was hurled from the Capitol.^ But when, notwithstanding, the
bishops of Rome wovdd not alter their old accustomed disposition,
but with all their industry endeavoured to abrogate that jurisdiction
of the emperor over the bishop of Rome (as people loath to be under
subjection), Henry IIL (Leo IX. being then bishop of Rome) did
once again ratify the same, and caused that bishop, who extolled him-
self at the council of Mentz (a.d. 1049) before all his fellow-bishops,
to stoop and give place to the archbishop of Mentz.
So after the death of the aforesaid emperor Henry IIL, Nicholas
II. , although in his decree (which in the first canon of the twenty-
third Distinction is recited) he gave the cardinals the primacy, in
respect of other ecclesiastics and of the people of Rome, in the elec-
tion of the Roman pontiff; yet he willed that his proper prerogative
therein should be reserved to Henry IV., to whom the empire had
devolved, but who was then a mere child.
The eke- But after tliis, when Hildebrand, who was called Gregory VIL,
th'Jrio'in ^^'as clcctcd popc (a.d. 1073), this prerogative of the emperors in the
theempe- election, whicli the time before (in the creation of Alexander IL) had
mrs, be- ^ , , '
pinnethto bccu neglcctcd and broken, the bishop of Rome now not only did seek
ucbrind'. to diminish the authority thereof, but also to evacuate and quite undo
the same ; for he not only aspired to that dignity without the consent
and appointment of the emperor, but also made restraint that no
emperor, king, duke, marquis, earl, or any other civil magistrate,
should assign and appoint to any man any ecclesiastical function and
charge ; and that no one should be so hardy as to take such prefer-
ment at any of their hands : as in Cause sixteen, Question seven,
{v"J^ain canons twelve and thirteen, may be seen.
ciiaieiig- Yet notwithstandinij, after that this horrible monster Hildebrand was
election, proscribcd and tlinist out of the papal seat, and Clement III. put in
(1) [Causa] 2. Qin.;.!. 7. can. -11. (2) See Appendix.
ELECTION OK POPE, IlKST WRESTED FKOM THE EMPEUOR. 403
]iis stead, Henry again cliallonged his imperial prerogative of election, insioryof
But when the bishops who succeeded this Hildebrand, led on by '^//"'^
his example, began to derogate from the imperial prerogative of ^-'"p^'""''-
election, and Henry, on the other side, by all the means possible A.D.
sought to defend and maintain the same ; by the subtle fraud and ^--'J-
mischievous policy of the bishops, who set the son against the father
and found means to steal from him the hearts of his nobles and
subjects and to set them all against him, and especially the princes
of Germany, he was deposed and disappointed of his purpose.
And although Henry V., coming to Rome, brought Pascal U.
(a.d. 1111) to that point, that he both in a public discourse, and in
writing sealed and by oath confirmed, restored again to the emperors
the prerogative of election and of giving ecclesiastical dignities ;
yet notwithstanding, after that Henry, the emperor, was gone from
Rome, Pascal, the pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he
had done (in allowing and confirming through fear the privileges of
the emperors touching the giving and disposing of ecclesiastical
functions), excommunicated the emperor, and in a synodal council at
Lateran ordained and decreed, that he should be had and accounted aceiir.-ed
a wicked enemy, who would take any ecclesiastical function or prefer- a^ij'iJei'.e.
ment at the hands of a civil magistrate; whereupon were made these 'ic^attiie
deci'ees, Cause sixteen, Question seven, chapters sixteen, seventeen, layman,
eighteen, and nineteen.
Therefore, when these decrees touching the designation of bishops
in spite and contempt of the emperor were practised and put in use,
and when that now (especially by the means and procurement of the
bishops) intestine and civil wars began to rise in the empire, the
imperial jurisdiction in this matter was not only weakened and much
debilitated, but also in a manner utterly broken and lost. For when
Henry V., the emperor, was sharply of Lothaire and his vassals, the
bishops, beset and laid unto by the provocation of the pope, and was
mightily by the bishops that took his part on the other side requested
and entreated (in hope of public peace and tranquillity), that he
would condescend and somewhat yield to the pope's demands ; he at
length (the more was the pity), that he might be reconciled and have
peace with Pope Calixtus II., in the city of Worms resigned that his Henry r.
prerogative or jurisdiction of giving ecclesiastical preferments to the hh'lrero-
pope and his prelates (a.d. 1122), which had been now more than gativeof
three hundred years (from the time of Charlemagne) in the hands of
the emperors of Rome, and until this time with great fortitude and
princely courage conserved and kept ; which resignation turned to
no small detriment both of the church of Christ and the christian
commonwealth.
Then first, and never before, the bishop of Rome obtained and The eier-
quietly enjoyed that prerogative of election and bestowing of bene- |e'J,",o°he
fices, which he so long before with such great policies, now secretly, bishops of
now openly and with force, had sought for. For the canons by
which Gratian would prove, that before this time the city of Rome
enjoyed the prerogative of electing the pope without the emperor's
consent (as canons twenty-nine and thirty of the said sixty-third
Distinction, and the ' Palea ' added to the latter, and canon thirty- _^[qJ'^"
three), are plainly forged, and were introduced by Gratian himself, to of canons.
'iGi CHATIAX FORGES THE CANOXS.
y^ij/oryo/ flatter the papacy; as both Carolus Molinaeus sufficiently in divers
II. places hath noted, and by the observation of dates may by any oneordi-
^'"i"'^'"'- narily conversant with the French and German histories soon be spied
A. I), and discerned. For, First, five bishops, one after another, succeeded
^'^-G- that Gregory IV. upon whom the said twenty-ninth canon is entitled
or fathered, before you come to Adrian II. mentioned in the canon,
who certainly was made pope, the people having by force taken
the election into their own hands ; whereas Gregory (especially to
be noted) would not take on him the papacy before that the empe-
ror had consented to his election. Secondly, Molinoeus opposeth
the authority of Raphael Volateran to the thirtieth canon, which is
to be suspected for this reason, that when Eugenius was pope, the
successor of that Pascal I. with whom Louis the Pious is stated in
the canon to have made a compact, the same Louis with his son Lo-
thaire (in the capacity of king of the Romans) made laws at Rome,
both for all the subjects of the empire, and also for the Romans
themselves ; to say nothing of Lothaire's renewal of the decree of the
Lateran synod, lately mentioned.' Then again, how could Leo IV.
write to Lothaire and Louis, the emperors, that ' Palea' (or counterfeit
or forged decree)'-^ beginning with ' Constitutio,' &:c., when in the
same mention is made of Henry the Fowler and of Otho I., who did
not come to the empire till more than threescore years after them and
How Leo IV. Thirdly, with what face dare this fond fellow Gratian make
fnalra"' Otho I. to be the author of the thirty-third canon, when Otho deprived
c"a^ian ^ ^^^^ XII. of tlic papacv, and not only subtracted nothing from the
is.inforg- imperial jurisdiction over the city of Rome, or over the bishop of Rome,
decrees, oi" o^cr any other bishops subject to the Roman empire, but added
somewhat more thereunto, as was said before. And yet notwith-
standing, so shameless and senseless was this Gratian, that he durst in
the compiling of his " Decretum " obtrude and lay before the reader
such manifest fraud and evident legerdemain, feigned and made of his
own brains (being so necessary, as he thought, for the dominion and
primacy of the Roman bishops), in the stead of good and true laws ;
not considering that the same must be detected by posterity, and that
to his own great discredit. Where ^ also by the way is to be noted,
that as this graceless Gratian, to please these holy fathers, and to erect
their kingdom, would give so impudent an attempt to the blinding
and deceiving of all posterities, inserting for grounded truths and holv
decrees such loud lies and detestable doctrine, what may be thought
of the rabble of the rest of writers in those days ? what attempts
might hope of gain cause them to work, by whom and such-like is to
be feared the falsifying of divers other good works now extant, in
those perilous times written ?
TTie Thus, when the bishops had once wrested this authority out of the
election , ■. , , ,' p-f>i 1 11 1 11-
wrestcri emperor s hands, they then so iortifaed and armed themselves and their
em^eron dominion, that although afterwards Frederic I. and his grandson this
good emperor Frederic II., as also Louis of Bavaria, and Henry of
Luxemburg (as men most studious and careful for tlie dignities of
the empire, unfeigned lovers and maintainers of the utility of the
commonweal, and most desirous of the preservation and prosperity of
(1) Supra, p. 461.— Kr.
(2) See I)u aiige and Hoflfnanon the term ' Paira,' prefixed to certain chapters of tlit Canon
Law. — Ed. (3) This sentence is not in Cisner. — En.
OVERTHROW OF THE CHRISTIANS IN EGYl'T. 465
the church) did all their endeavours, with singular wisdom and energy, insuryof
as much as in them lay, to recover again this lost authority of the ^"n""
imperial jurisdiction from the bishops of Rome/ most cruelly and ^">p^^°'--
wickedly abusing their power to the destruction of the empire, the A.D.
undoing of the commonwealth, and the utter subversion of the church ^22G.
of God ; yet could they not bring the same to pass in those dark and Not with-
shadowed times of perverse doctrine and errors of the people, and causl°de-
most miserable servitude of civil magistrates. tomuzzfi'
The same and like privilege also in the election of their bishops the people
and prelates and disposing of ecclesiastical offices as the emperor of ran'fe.'^
Rome had, every prince and king in their several dominions had ^-vry
the like. For by the decree of the council of Toledo, which in prince in
the twenty-fifth canon of the sixty-third Distinction is mentioned, verla^'^"
the authority of creating and choosincr bishops and prelates in ^}^^' , ,
* o Oil doms lind
Spain was in tlie king of Spain. In like manner by the histories also thi
of Clovis, Charlemagne, Louis IX., Philip Augustus, Philip the IheVre"?^
Fair, Charles V., Charles VI., and Charles VII., kings of France, 1^^^^^°^
it is apparent and well known, that all these kings had the chief
charge and government of the French church, and not the bishops
of Rome.
And by our English histories also, as you have heard, it is mani-
fest, that the authority of choosing ecclesiastical ministers and bishops
was always in the kings of England, till the reign of king Henry I.,
who by the labour and procurement of Anselm, archbishop of Can-
terbury, Avas deprived of the same by Pascal 11.
Also, how the princes of Germany and electors of the emperor, till
the time of Henry V., had all (every prince severally in his own
province) the same jurisdiction and prerogative, to give and dispose
ecclesiastical functions at their pleasure ; and how after that, it
appertained to the people and prelates together ; and how at length,
in the reign of Frederic, the prelates got unto themselves alone this
immunity — John Aventine, in the seventh book of his " Annales
Boiorum," doth describe.
Also it is probable, that the kings of Sicily had the same faculty
in giving and disposing of their ecclesiastical promotions and charge
of churches;' and because Frederic defended himself against the
tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therefore (as Fazellus saith) he was
excommunicated by Honorius. That Platina and Blondus allege
other causes wherefore he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am
not ignorant : howbeit, he who will compare their writings with those
of others who were contemporary with Honorius and him shall
easily find, that they more sought the favour of the Roman bishops
than truth. But now again to the history of Frederic.
Nicolas Cisner affirmeth, that whilst Frederic the emperor was Death or
in Sicily, his wife Constantia died at Catania. In the mean time tia','w?fe
the Christians, who with a great navy had sailed into Egypt and ^1,.*"'^''^'
taken the city formerly called Pelusium or Heliopolis, now com-
monly called Damietta, and were in good hope to drive the Sultan Great
out of Egypt, had a great and marvellous overthrow by the ofThe™"
conveyinof of the water of the Nile (which then overflowed into fl^ris-
tlieir camp), and were fain to accord an unprofitable truce with Etopt-
(1) What Rome catcheth, that she keepeth. (2) Andreas delsthmia ail prim, const. Neap. nu.l2.
VOL. II. H H
466 UKCOXCU.IATIOX I!F.T\V£1;N FREDERIC AND TlIK I'OFE.
jiisioryof ilic Sultau luF ccrtaiu years, and to deliver the city again ; and so
Frederic jj^pj^j-^jj^g q^j ^f Egypt, they were fain to come to Acre and Tyre,
^•"P'l-or. {^Q j],g jj(j small detriment and shame of the christian commonweal.
A.D. Whereupon John, surnamed de Brienne, king of Jerusalem, arrived
1227. in Italv, and prayed aid against his enemies of the emperor, in M'hom
he had great hope to find a remedy for the evils and calamities before
declared ; and from thence he went to Rome to the pope, declaring
unto him the great discomfit and overthrow past, as also the present
peril and calamity that they were in, desiring also his aid therein. By
Frederic mcans of this king John (as Cisner saith) the emperor and the
"'o'lf""' l>ope were again made friends together : that king also gave the em-
luade pcror in marriage lole, his daughter by the daughter of Conrad, king
of Jerusalem and marquis of Montferrat, with whom he had for
dowry the kingdom of Jerusalem, she being right heir thereunto by
her mother (whence those who afterwards obtained the kingdom of
Naples and Sicily used the title of king of Jerusalem) : after which
he promised that as soon as possible he would make an expedition
for the recovery of Jerusalem, and be there himself in person ; which
thing to do for that upon divers occasions he deferred (whereof some
think one thing, some another), pope Honorius, unto whom he was
lately reconciled, purposed to make against him some great and
serious attempt, had he not been by death prevented ; upon whom
were made these verses : —
" O pater Honoii, multorum nate dolori,
Est tihi dedecori vivere, vade mori."
Gregory After wliom succccdcd Gregory IX. a.d. 1227, as great an enemy
piiaran ^^ Frcdcric as was Honorius ; which Gregory came of the race whom
eiu-iny to the cmpcror, as before ye heard, condemned of treason which they
as Ho'no- wTouglit against him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his papacy,
""'■ when that he threatened Frederic, and that greatly, with excommuni-
cation, unless he would prepare himself to go into Asia, according to
his promise (as ye heard before) to king John of Jerusalem ; and what
Frederic the cause was why the pope so hastened the journey of Frederic into
to'^Hri^nto Asia, you shall hear hereafter. In effect, he could not well bring that
Asia at ^q pjjgs whicli iu his mischievous mind he had devised, unless the em-
tne pope s ' nip i • -v • i t n i • • i i i
biddiiiK. pcror were lurther irom him. JNotwithstandmg, 1-iredcric, it sliould
The pope ^qq^xx, smclliug a rat, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might),
alleged divers causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honorius.
The cause Fazellus saitli, that the special cause of the emperor's stay was, for
stayoaiie the Oath of truth and peace during certain years, which was made
Jo™mey'^ bctwccn the Saracens and Christians (as you heard), which time was
into Asia, not yct expired.
The same Fazellus also writeth thus of king John of Jerusalem,
that when his daughter was brought to Rome, the emperor and the
pope were reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to cele-
brate the marriage, pope Gregory, as the manner of those proud prelates
is, offered his right foot unto the emperor to kiss. But the emperor,
not stooping so low, scarcely with his lip touched the upper part of
his knee, and would not kiss his foot ; which thing the pope took in
very evil part, and was therewith marvellously offended. But for that
no opportunity at that time served to revenge his conceived grudge
and old malice, he dissembled the same as he might for that time,
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR AGAINST THK TURKS. 407
thinking to recompense at the full, as time would serve and fall out nhioryo<
there-for. ""''I'r
After this, the emperor hearing how the Christians Avcre oppressed ^■''"i>^'i-'^>:
by the Sultan in Syria, and that by his instigation Arsacidas' had sent a. D.
persons into Europe to assassinate the Christian kings, and that the 1227.
French king had received letters warning him of the plot, he made
the more haste, and was the more desirous to set forward his jour-
ney into Asia. Wherefore, assembling the nobility of the empire
at Ravenna and Cremona, he gave in commandment to Henry, Prcpara-
his son, whom not long before he had caused to be created Cfesar, voyage of
that he should excite the nobles and princes of the empire : who all ^nj 's7ay
engaged to be ready to put their helping hands, in furthering this thereof,
his journey and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus ; howbeit, some
others affirm that these things Avere done in the time of Honorius. But
howsoever the matter is, this thing is manifest; that Frederic, to
satisfy the pope's desire, who never would lin,' but by all means sought
to provoke him forward, gave him at length his promise, that by a
certain time he would prepare an army, and fight himself against those
who kept from him the city of Jerusalem (which thing he also con-
fesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired and obtained of
the peers and nobility of the empire their aid thereunto) ; and he also
appointed a convenient time when they should be at Brundusium.'
In the mean season, he with all his endeavour made speedy pre-
paration for the Avar. He rigged and manned a puissant navy ; he
made a levy of soldiers through the whole kingdom, and made war-
like provision and furniture for every thing that to such a voyage and
expedition appertained. Neither was the matter slacked, but at the
time appointed great bands both of German soldiers and others
had, under the command of Louis, landgrave of Thuringia, and Sigi-
bert, bishop of Augsburg, assembled and mustered at Brundusium ;'
where they for a long time lying and waiting for the emperor's coming,
who was let by infirmity and sickness, great pestilence and sundry
diseases molested them, by reason of the great heat and intemperance oreat
of that country, and many a soldier there lost his life, among Avhom also f^'^\lll^'^
died the landgrave of Thuringia, one of the generals. The emperor, emperor's
when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his navy launched ^^^'^'
out, and set forward from Brundusium. And when he came to the
straits betAveen Peloponnesus and the island of Crete, and there for
lack of convenient Avind Avas stayed, suddenly the emperor (his diseases
groAving upon him again) fell sick ; and sending forward all or the
most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, promising them
most assuredly to folloAv them so soon as he might recover, he himself
Avith a few ships returned and came to Brundusium, and from thence
Avent into Apulia,
When tidings hereof came to the pope^s ear, he sent out his thun- The poj.t
dering curses and ncAv excommunications against the emperor.* The n'^u,"|"'
causes Avhereof I find thus noted and mentioned in his oAvn letters; that ^j^'^'^jj^'^
is, for that, he had robbed and taken at Brundusium the deceased for stay-
landgrave of Thuringia's horses, his money, and very valuable baggage, voya't'e.
(1) Prince of a curious fanatical tribe near Damascus, sometimes called the Old Man of tlio
Mountain. See Appendix. — Ed. (2) " Lin," to give over. — Ed.
(3) Frederic in his letters says Hydruntum, i.e. Otranto: the same remark applies to the other
instances in this and the next page, where Brundusium is mentioned. — En.
ll) Sept. 29th, A.D. 1227. L'Art de A'erifier des Dates.— Eu.
H II 2
4CS FREDERIC EEPELS THE CHARGES BROUGHT AGAIKST HIM.
jihioryof and had then sailed for Asia, not for the intent to make war against the
"ir" Turk, but to conceal and convey away his prey that he had taken at
^"'P"'"'- Brundusiuni ; and that, neglecting his oath and promise which he had
A. D. made, and feigning himself to be sick, he came home again ; and that
1228. ijy ],is (K-fauit also Damietta was lost, and the host of the Christians
sore afflicted. I'\izellus, besides these causes spoken of before, doth
write that the pope alleged these also ; that he seduced a certain
damsel who was in the queen's nursery, and then whipped and put to
death in prison his wife lolc, for declaring this mischievous act to her
father king John. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself,
declare, that this lole died after the publication of the proscript and
excommunication ; ' wherefore the pope could not allege as the cause
thereof the death of lole : the settled belief is, that she, of her son
The era- Courad, died in childbed. Then Frederic, to refel and avoid the
purt'eth aforesaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of Brundusium and other ambas-
of'c'rlmes sadors to Romc ; whom the pope would not suffer to come to his
^*'i^'=]i'^'.|j^ presence, neither yet to the council of the cardinals, to make his pur-
agaiiist gation. Wherefore the emperor, to purge himself of the crimes which
ilirieturs the pope did so falsely accuse him of, both to all christian kings, and
fo air"^*^ especially to the princes of Germany and all the nobles of the empire,
christian ■\vriteth liis letter (which is to be seen), that those things are both
princes. ^^^^^ _^^j ^^^ ^^ ^j^^ pope''s own head feigned and invented ; and
showeth, how that his ambassadors with his purgation could not be
suffered to come to the pope''s presence ; also doth largely intreat,
liow unthankful and ungrateful the bishops of Rome were towards
him for the great benefits which both he and also his predecessors
liad bestowed upon them and the Roman church ; which letter, for
that it is over-tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the
history is somewhat long, the sum of the purgation is this : —
He protestcth and declareth universally, that he had always great
care for the christian commonwealth, and that he had determined even
from his youth to fight against the Turks and Saracens ; that he made
a vow and promise on his coronation at Aix-la-Chapelle, that he
would take the war upon him ; and that afterwards he had renewed his
promise at Rome, when he was consecrated of Honorius : since
which he had married the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, who
was heir to the same ; so that it was become a matter of personal
interest to him, that that kingdom should be defended from the in-
juries of enemies: accordingly, he had prepared a huge navy, and
gathered a strong army, neither had he neglected any thing that be-
longed to the furniture of war: but when the time was come, and his
band was gathered together, his sickness would not suffer him to be
there ; and afterwards, when he had recovered from the same and had
come to Brundusium, and from thence without injuring any one had
forthwith put to sea, he fell into the same sickness again, by the
Avhich he was let of his purpose, which thing (saith he) he is able to
prove by sufficient testimony : that the pope, moreover, laid the
losing of Damietta, and other things which prospered not well, to
his charge unjustly ; whereas he had made great provision for that
journey, both of soldiers and of other necessary things. But he that
will understand those things more plainly, among other epistles of
(1) A.D. 122S. L'Art de Ver. des D.— Ed.
Frederic's lktteii to the king of exgiand. 469
Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Frederic, let him read Hutoryof
those especially which begin thus: "In admirationem,"" " Ut jus- ^''fj"'^
titiam, et innocentiam," and " Lcvate oculos." And truly, even as ^"'p^''"''-
Frederic the emperor declareth in his letters concerning this matter, A. D.
all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same. 1-28.
Matthew Paris ^ also brieHy collcctcth the effect of another letter
which he wrote to the king of England, complaining unto him of
the excommunication of the pope against him, whose words arc
these : —
And amongst other catholic princes (saith he) he also wrote his letters unto ^ letter
the king of England, einbuUed with gold; declaring in the same, that the oitheem-
church of Rome was so inflamed with tlie fire of avarice and manifest concn- h''™k-'°
piscence, that she was not contented with the goods of the churcii, but also of Eng-
shamed not to disherit emperors, kings, and princes, and bring them under 'anil-
tribute and subjection to herself; and that the king of England himself had
experience thereof, whose father (that is to say, king John) she so long held
excommunicate, till she had brought both him and his dominions under oi)li-
gation to pay her tribute ; also, that all men had example of the same by the Many
earl of Toulouse and divers other princes, whose persons and lands she so long kin-fdoms
held under interdict, till she brought them also into like servitude. " I pass perjent^"
by " (saith he) " the simonies and sundry sorts of exactions (the like whereof was of tlie
never yet heard of) which daily are used toward ecclesiastical persons, to notice P"!"^'?
their gross usury, so cloaked indeed hitherto to the simple sort, that therewithal
they infect the whole world; also the fair speeches, sweeter than honey and
smoother than oil, of these insatiable horse-leeches, saying, that the court of
Rome is the church, our mother and nurse, whereas it is indeed the most
polling court in the whole world, the root and origin of all mischief, using and The
exercising the doings not of a mother but of a wicked step-dame, making suf- cliurch of
ficient proof thereof by her manifest fruits to all the world apparent. Let the moUicr of
noble barons of England consider these things, whom, fortified by his bulls. Pope mischief.
Innocent encouraged to rise and rebel against king John, as an obstinate enemy
to the church. But, after that the aforesaid king had monstrously humbled King
himself, and, like an effeminate person, had enslaved both himself and his g^J^^'-^
kingdom to the church of Rome ; then the aforesaid pope, setting aside all sion to
shame of the world and fear of the Lord, trampled on those very barons when they '''<' Pope
were exposed to death and miserable confiscation, whom he had before main- tjJ'")',^
tained and stirred up, in order that, after the Roman manner, he might, alas ! draw emperor,
the fatness unto his own greedy, gaping jaws ; by whose greedy avarice it came to
pass, that England, the prince of provinces, was brought under miserable subjec-
tion and tribute. Behold the manners of our Roman bishops; behold the snares
wlierewith these prelates do seek to entangle us, one and all, to wring our
money from us, to make slaves of freemen, to disquiet such as would live in
peace, being clothed with sheep's clothing when inwardly they be but ravening
wolves, sending their legates hither and thither with power to excommunicate,
suspend, and punish whom they list, not that they may sow seed, that is the Who be
word of God, to fructify, but that they may extort and gather money, and reap *.'^^,i^f,^
that which they never did sow. Thus cometh it to pass, that they spoil the wohcsin
holy churches of God, which should be a refuge for the poor, and the mansion- slieci>'s
houses of saints; which our devout and simple parents for that purpose founded °'
that they might be for the refection of poor men and pilgrims, and for the sus-
tentation of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate
varlets, whose own letters alone prove them to be mad, do strive and gape to be
both kings and emperors.
" Doubtless the primitive church was builded and laid in poverty and sim- Christ s
plicity of life, and then as a fruitful mother begat she those her holy children, buiid'c^in
wliom the catalogue of saints now maketii mention of; and verily no other humility,
foundation can be laid of any church, than that which is laid by Jesus Christ.
But this church, as it swimmeth and walloweth in all superfluity of riches, and
doth build and raise the frame in all superfluous wealth and glory, so is it to
he feared lest the walls thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walls be
fl) The extract from M. Paris is not in Cisner. — Ed.
no I'KACK hktwekv thi: ciiimstians and sakackao.
ithtoryoj down, Utter ruin and subversion follow after. He who is the Searcher of all
Frederic Jjearts kiioweth how furiously these men raj^e against ourselves, saying, that
Emperor. I did not choose to cross the seas as I had promised at the term prefixed ;
whereas many unavoidable and arduous matters, pertaining to the pope himself,
A. D. as well as to tlic church ot' God, and also to the empire, besides the annoyance
1229. of mine infirmity and sickness, did detain me at home, but especially the
ZT insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For we did not think it sound policy as
pope's to our empire, nor expedient for the christian state, that we should take our
church 19 journey into Asia, leaving behind us at home an intestine and civil war; no
fluiiy^*^' more than for a surgeon to lay a healing plaister to a wound in which the
ergo, the weapon is still slicking." In conclusion, he addeth an admonition to all the
W*-"'^ princes of the world to beware of like peril and danger to themselves from
is not such avarice and iniquity, because that, as the proverb is, " It behoveth him
Christ's to look about, that seeth his neighbour's house on fire."'
church.
But now, tliat Frederic the emperor might in very deed stop the
slanders of tlie cruel pope, who did jiersist and go forward still in his
excommunication against him ; and that he might declare to the whole
jo"niey world, how that the last year he foreslowed^ not his journey l>y his
emperor ^^^ Voluntary will, but by necessity ; Avhen he had devised and prc-
10 Jcru- pared all tilings meet for the war, and had again gathered a large
army and refitted his fleet, he departed from Brundusium, com-
mitting the government of his kingdom to the son of Kcginald,
duke of Spoleto, and to Anselm, baron of Justingcn, and came by
sea to Cyprus, with his host.
From Cyprus the emperor with liis whole navy sailed to Joppa,
which city he fortified : but, for that the passages by land were stopped
and kept of the enemies, and by sea might he not pass nor travel
by reason of the tcmpestuousness of the weather, thereby it came
to pass, that within short space they lacked victuals, and were sorely
peror'^op^ alfljctcd witli famine. Then fell they to prayer, and made their
fam^n^e"'^ humble supplicatiou to God ; with whose tears his wrath being
and by appcascd, ilic loug-continued foul and tempestuous weather ceased,
niTracu- wlicrcby (thc seas now being calm) they had both victual in great
reiiel^ed. plcuty and all other necessary things for their need brought unto
them ; whereby immediately it came to pass, that both the emperor
and his army, as also the inhabitants of Joppa, were greatly refreshed
and animated, and on the other side their enemies, being disap-
pointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged ; insomuch that
thc sultan of Egypt, who with a great power, accompanied by
Scarapho, his brother, prince of Gaza, and the prince of Damascus,
their nephew, with many other dukes and nobles, had encamped
themselves within one day's journey of Joppa, thinking to besiege
the same, were contented, upon the coming of the emperor*'s heralds
to them, to treat of a peace ; whereupon ambassadors were sent unto
them with the emperor's demands, right profitable to the christian
Veacc commonweal. The Saracens, immediately consulting upon the
during ' •' or
ten ye.ir3, samc, granted thereunto ; so that a peace lor ten years was con-
theTurks cludcd, and confirmed by solemn oath on the behalf of both princes,'
f "L^"*"*" according to their several usages and manner : the form and conditions
of which peace, briefly collected, are these : —
I. That Frederic, thc emperor, should be anointed king of Jerusalem, accord-
ing to thc manner of the kings of Jerusalem before him.
(1) Matth. Paris, p. 69. [" Tunc tua res agitur, paries ciim proximus ardet." — Ed.]
(2; '• Foreslowed," delayed.— Ed. (3) February 18th, a.d. 1229. L'Art dc Ver. dcs D.- Ed
tiaiis.
THE EMPEIIOR CROWNED KING OF JEUUSAI-EM. 471
II. That Jerusalem itself, and all the lands and possessions which were situate History r,f
betwixt it and Ptolemais, and consequently the greatest part of Palestine, and i'"^<ric
the cities of Tyre and Sidon in Syria, and all other territories which Baldwin 1 V. £„,p,,Vor.
at any time had held, should be dehvered unto him, only a few castles
reserved. A. D.
III. That he might fortify what cities and towns, fortresses and castles, he 1--!^-
thought good, in all Syria and Palestine.
IV. That all the prisoners should be set at liberty without paying any
ransom. And, on the other hand, that the Saracens might have leave, unarmed,
to come into the church of the Lord's sepulchre outside the city, aiul for par-
poses of devotion even into the Temple itself; and that they should hold and
keep still Chrath,^ and the King's Mount.
Frederic now, for that he tliouglit the conclusion of this peace to be
so necessary and also profitable for all Christians, and had also gotten
as much thereby as if the wars had continued, sent his ambassadors Letters
with letters into the West, to all christian kings, princes, and poten- rfc^t.rt^he
tates, as also to the bishop of Rome, declaring unto them the circum- p"''cc3
, , „ , . i \ Till ^"" P^P^
stance and success ot his journey and wars, as partly ye have heard ; of his
requiring them that they also would praise and give God thanks for ^"'^'^'"'^•
his good success and profitable peace concluded : and desircth the
pope, that forasmuch as he had now accomplished his promise, neither
was there now any cause wherefore he should be with him displeased,
that he might be reconciled and obtain his favour.
In the mean season, the emperor with all his army marcheth to
Jerusalem, where upon Easter-day^ a.d. 1229 he was, with great The em-
triumph and comfort, of all his nobles and also of the magistrates of crowned
that kingdom (only the patriarch of Jerusalem, the clergy, the king J^^e "^
of Oyprus's ambassador, and Oliver,^ the grand-master of the Temple, lem.
with his knights, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned
king.
After this, he re-edifieth the city and walls thereof, which by the
Saracens were beaten down and battered. After that, he furnisheth
it with munition, he buildeth up the churches and temples that were
ruinous, and fortifieth Nazareth and Joppa with strong garrisons,
victual, and all other things necessary.
Now see and behold, I pray you, whilst that Frederic was thus
occupied in the kingdom of Jerusalem, what practices the pope had
in Italy ; not, I warrant you, any whit at all careful in the affairs of
the christian commonwealth, but studying and labouring what mis-
chief and spite he might work against the emperor, whom of a set
purpose ye may be sure (partly for hate, and partly to enrich him-
self), he had so occupied in Asia and Jerusalem, so far out of Italy.
First, he caused the soldiers which the emperor sent for out of Ger- The first
many to the maintenance of the holy wars to be stayed as they pj^^^lppoc
passed through Italy, hindering them of their journey, and taking p^p^ |iT^"-
from them and spoiling them of all such provision as they had. And
not only this, but he sent secretly also his letters into Asia to those
that were of his own faction, that is, to the patriarch of Jerusalem,
and to the knights Templars and Hospitallers, enticing and inciting
(1) " Chrath prtpsidium, quod Arabiam speetat." Fazellus. — Ed.
(2) So says Fazellus. Easter-day, 1229, fell on April 15th. But Aventine and others with more
probahility say. that he arrived at Jerusalem 16 cal. Aprilis, i.e. Saturday March 17, and wore
the insignia of royalty the next day. — Ed.
(3) According to the list given in L'Art de Ver. des Dates, we should read " Peter" instead of
" Oliver,'' for which, however, Cisner had i'\izellus'8 authority. — Ed.
472 SKCRET TRKASONS OF THE POPE AGAINST FREDERIC.
ifisioryof tlicm to Tcbcl agfiiiist the emperor, which thing Blondus himself,
"^ir'" that popish parasite or liistoriographer, dissembleth not. Furthcr-
^"'P'-^""- more, he dissuailcil the princes of the Saracens that they should
A. D. make no league nor take any truce with Frederic, neither deliver
1229. up unto liim the crown and kingdom of Jerusalem. Which letters,
as thev were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards
him whom God had instituted and made his liege lord and sovereign,
and the mightiest potentate upon earth ; so was it His will that he
should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should
fall into his hands. And Frederic, in his epistle to the christian
princes just mentioned, declareth that he considered his discovery
of the letters quite providential, and that he kept them for the more
credible testimony thereof.
The cm- Neither were the pope"'s letters written to that leavened and flictious
with- sect in vain ; for the patriarch of Jerusalem, and his allies the knights
the's'lfcret Tcuiplars,' did mightily contend against Frederic. They raised a
whkh"the '''^•'^''^^It i^^ Ptolemais against him ; they accused him and his ambas-
i>ope had sadors openly of treason ; and did malapertly and boldly withstand
agahilt' the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But as
ruwiem.^ God would, by the help of the Pisans and the Genoese, and of the
knights of the Teutonic order, both their false accusations were
refelled, and also their seditious purpose and tumult repressed. And
for the same cause when all other men testified unbounded respect
and gladness at the inauiruration of Frederic, these were makinsf
complaints as of an iniquitous compromise, and detracting from his
praise.
These- The pope, when through perfidy he had laid these snares for
Bonof the Fredcric, and had betrayed the christian emperor to the public enemy,
pope could not, so soon as he had committed so great a crime, rest satisfied
"i-rederic. with onc piccc of wickcduess, but must contrive another against him.
For, by reason of those slanders (which a little before I mentioned) of
the death and slaughter of his wife lole, he incited John de Bricnne,
his father-in-law, to make war against him, who caused the subjects of
his empire to withdraw from him their allegiance, as also the inhabi-
tants of Picenum, and those of Lombardy. And thus, joining
themselves together, they craved further aid of the French king,
whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their
Tiie host into two armies, invading with the one the empire, and Mith the
l>"pe s 1.1 •• ^ T • 11 • i-i-
nenerais ouicr tlic propcr temtorics and ditions belongmg to the mlientance
ers'^c'ri'ifs' ^^ Frederic ; John de Bricnne and Pandulph Savellanus leading tlic
host. one into Campania and the kingdom of Naples ; the other with John
Columna, cardinal and legate, and Thomas, before convicted of
treason, Gregory sendcth into Picenum.
Of this treason of the pope against Frederic during his wars in
Asia doth also Matthew Paris make mention, " who," saith he,
" purposed to have deposed him, and to have placed any other, he
cared not whom (so that he were the child of peace and obedience),
in his stead.'' ^ And for the more certainty thereof, the said Matthew
Paris' repeateth the letter which a certain earl sent unto him in Syria
(1) FazcUus adds the Venetians.— En.
(2) " Alium quemlilict filium pacis et ohedicntife loco ejus subropare." Matth. Paris.
(3) Ibid. fol. 71. [The foUoising translation is revised from the original.— Ed.
LETTER OF THE EAIU. OV ACKIUIA TO FUEDEUIC. 473
concerning the same, which letter hereunder ensueth word for insinryo/
1 Frederic
word. II.
Emperor.
To his most excellent lord, Frederic, by the grace of God emperor of the
Romans, and ever Augustus, and most puissant king of Sicily, Tiiomas, earl of v^']r'
Acerra, his faithful and devoted subject in all things, healtli and victory over •
his enemies. After your departure, most excellent prince, Gregory, the bishop
of Rome and the public enemy of your magnificence, gathering together a great
host by John de Brienne, late king of Jerusalem, and other stout captains,
whom he hath made generals of the same his host, in hostile mariner invading
your dominions and the possessions of your subjects, aimeth against the law of
Christianity to subdue you with the material sword, whom he cannot master
with the spiritual sword, as he saith. For the aforesaid John de Brienne, gather-
ing out of France and other countries adjoining a considerable army, in hope (if
he can but master you) of getting the empire himself, is supplied with the money
to pay his troops from the papal treasury. And furthermore, the same John and
others, the captains of the apostolic see, invading your land, burn and destroy all
as they go, and carry off for booty as well cattle as other things ; and such as they
take prisoners, they constrain, by afflicting them with grievous tortures, to ransom
themselves for great sums of money ; neither spare they man, woman, nor child,
except such as may have taken sanctuary in the churches and churchyards ; they
take your towns and castles, having no regard to the fact that you be engaged
in the service of Jesus Christ; and if any make mention of your majesty unto
him, the aforesaid John saith, there is none other emperor but himself. Your
friends and subjects, most excellentprince, and especially the clergy of the empire,
do much marvel hereupon with what conscience or upon what consideration
the bishop of Rome can do such things, making such bloody wcrs upon chris-
tian men ; especially seeing that Christ commanded Peter, when he struck with
the material sword, to put up the same into the scabbard, saying, " All that
strike with the sword, shall perish with the sword:" equally do they marvel,
by what right he almost daily excommunicateth pirates, incendiaries, and
torturers of christians, and separateth them from the unity of the church, when
he is the patron and maintainer of such himself. Wherefore, most mighty
emperor, I beseech you to provide for your own safety, for that the said John
de Brienne, your enemy, hath placed in all the seaport;: this side the sea
armed scouts in great number ; that if (not knowing thereof) your grace should
happen to arrive in any of them, he might apprehend and take you prisoner ;
which thing to chance, God forfend.
Whilst the host of this hostile enemy the pope was thus encamped what
in the dominions of Frederic, he received the letters which Frederic J^e^"o"e
by his ambassadors sent into Europe, as you heard, whereby he i»ad to
understood the good success he had in Asia ; who not only took no deri'c tJ^
delectation at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbation against
therewith. Whereby manifestly it may appear, what was the cause '''^ '^'"'^''■
and meaning of the pope, that he was so solicitous and urgent to
have Frederic, the emperor, make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless
even the same that Pelias had, when by his instigation he procured
Jason, with all the chosen youth and flower of Greece, to sail into
Colchis to fetch away the golden fleece ; viz., that by the opportunity
of his absence he might use, or rather abuse, his power and tyrannv ;
and that F'rederic might either be long afflicted and molested in the
Asiatic war, or that he might perish and lose his life therein, was that
he sought, and all that he desired.
And when he saw that fortune neither favoured his fetches, nor The pope
served his longins; lust, he was as a man bereft of his wits, specially =*'^''^'''
at these tidmgs ol the prosperous success oi the emperor. He threw tetii at
his letters on the ground, and with all opprobrious Avords rebuked p'-rou's"*'
and reviled the ambassadors for the emperor their master's sake; of'i"^"*
which thing also Blondus himself denieth not, thoufjh he writeth emperor
471' BLONDUS REPROVED.
7/M^oryo/altogetlicr in favour of the pope. And to the intent that he might
' il"^ cover this his rage and unbridled fury with some cloak and colour
^■"•P"-'"'- of reasonable dolour, he feigned liimsclf therefore so much to
A. I), mislike the j)eace, as though the emperor therein had only respected
1 229. liis own private commodity, not regarding the utility of the Christians ;
for that the Saracens had license, although without armour and
weapon, to have repair unto the sepulchre of Christ, and had left for
them somewhat near the same a hosiery or lodging place ; for which
cause, saith Blondus, the pope reviled the emperor to his ambas-
Biondus sadors as a perfidious traitor. Now go to, friend Blondus ; by what
whowrote strong arguments prove you and your lord pope, either that the peace
fnfhr"^ which the emperor had concluded was against the christian common-
pope's -wealth, or that the emperor Avas a traitor.'' But who is it that seeth
not these things, either by reading of old and ancient writers, or else
partly by me who have gathered and collected the same out of divers
monuments and histories, — I mean, the conspiracies and treasons of
vour good lord the pope, so notable and filthy, as also his manifest
baseness and infamy .'' What ? there be divers that write how the
pope commanded these ambassadors of Frederic to be made secretly
out of the way, and also how he commanded divers soldiers, return-
ing out of Asia, to be slain ; to the intent that none should hear the
report of those good news which were in Asia, nor any go thither to
tell the fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of
no more than of those things which all the writers, with most consent,
agree upon. This is most certain, that the pope caused a rumour to
be spread of the capture and death of the emperor, with the design
of craftilv obtaining the submission of those cities in the kingdom of
Naples, which yet kept their allegiance unto Frederic, of whom they
should now hope no longer for refuge. And of that doth the
emperor, in his epistle entitled ' Levate oculos,' greatly against him
complain.
The third Great are these injuries of the pope against Frederic, and most
popVc're- wicked wcrc these treasons. But herewith could not his cruel and
gory. tyrannical mind be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied, but it so far
exceeded, as scarcely is credible that it could : for he presumed not
only to set variance between Henry (whom Frederic his father had
setteth caused to be made king of Germany) and him, but also by his tillure-
again"" mcnts hc caused him to become an enemy to him. To whom when
*'"' ^^- his father had assigned Louis, duke of Bavaria, to be his overseer and
ther, as a / • i * i i ii i • p r^
good fa- counsellor (neither knew lie amongst all the princes ot Germany a
man more faithful to him in his oince and duty, or else more
virtuous, or else more grave and apt to be in authority), Henry,
iicnr>, fearing lest, if he should come to know of these secret counsels which
It'tiiT''^' lie with the conspirators had in hand against his father, he would
pope's either utter the same to his father, or else would go about to dis-
entice- "^
mcntput- suade him from what he was purposed to do, dismissed him from the
'rim' his™ court and from the senate. And this was the fetch of all their policy,
'ouns^ei- ^^^^ together and at one instant, but in divers and sundry places far
!""• one from another, sharp and cruel war might be made against the
emperor ; so that his power being distracted by having several contests
on his hands at once, he might be the more cosily overwhelmed.
When the emperor now understood what stir the pope kept in all
his dominions in his absence, having set every thing in order in his
ther of
peace
THE PROSPEllITY OF FREDERIC. 475
kingdom of Jerusalem, and feeling that not a moment must be lost History/
in defeating the pope's purpose and confirming in llieir friendship '"^'/"'^
those who in his absence had been steady to their allegiance, he left in ^"'P'"'"''-
Asia Reynaldus ' in charge of certain garrisons, and, ordering the rest A.D.
of the army to follow, he himself came with all speed in two galleys to 12.30.
Calabria. He tarried twenty days at Berletta, waiting for his army The em-
from beyond sea : during which time he assembled his friends and [■urnetu'
mustered what forces he could. Here he was joined by the duke of *<='^'^^''y
Spoleto ; and at length moving thence, he came with all his host Asia.
into Apulia, and removed John de Brienne, his father-in-law, from
the siege of Calatia, and within short time by God's help recovered
again all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going
into Campania he winneth Benevento, and as many other towns and God pros-
holds as the pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so, after F^delic
that, Umbria and Picenum. But even now, although the emperor aff^jsl"*
had obtained the means of an immediate entrance upon the pope's
dominions, whereby he might have taken revenge of all the injuries
done to him (being moved thereunto upon good occasion and
upon the pope's worthy desert) ; yet notwithstanding, because he pre-
ferred nothing before the tranquillity of Christendom, for the
love of which he restrained his Avrath so vehemently urged and
kindled, lie sendeth unto him ambassadors to entreat a peace, de-
claring unto him, that if he had no other conceived grudge towards
him than that which he pretended, he promiseth that he would make
to him a voluntary account of all things that ever he had done in his
life, and that he would submit himself unto the church ; and also that
for this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and observance.
Furthermore, with a view to the entreating of this peace and investi-
gating the causes of the controversies between himself and the pope,
he sent to Rome the noblest and chiefest about him, as Barthold,
the patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho,^ prince of Dalmatia
and Istria, Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, Sifrid, bishop of
Ratisbon, Sibot, bishop of Augsburg, Leopold, duke of Austria and
Styria, and Bernard, duke of Carinthia.
But yet so great was the insolency and pride of that stubborn
pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence he of those princes could
be brought that year to the profitable concord of the church ana
Christian commonweal. O worthy head ! that challcngeth all au- The pope
thority to himself in the church of Christ, and in respect of his own [,eace^
wilful revenge setteth nothing bv the health and utility of all Chris- ''^'*'' ^^^
o _- ^ '' . '. emperor,
tendom ! When, therefore, nothing could be done in the matter
for that time, the most part of these noblemen departed from Rome.
At length, in the following year, peace was made between them by
the interposition and management of Leopold of Austria, Herman,
master of the Teutonic order, and the archbishop of Messina. The
pope then absolving the emperor Frederic of his excommunication,'
took of him there-for one hundred and twenty thousand ounces of
gold, restoring to him again the titles both of his empire, and also of J/'f,,^''"''
his kingdoms. Now, considering the uncourteous dealing of the empcmrb
pope with Frederic the emperor herein, who can sufficiently muse tion.
(1) " Raynaldum Bavarum, magistrum equitum." Fazellus: others call him "Richard Fe-
lingher." — Ed. (2) Called also " duke of Merania." See L'Art de V. des D. v. Meraiiic.— Ed.
(3) August 28th, A.D. 1230. L'Art de Ver. des D.— Ed.
476 tup: pope's favour hard to be won.
jiisioryof and marvel at the unslianiefustness of Blondus, wlio liath the face
'^ii'"'^ to write, that the pope, notwitlistanding, had dealt more gently and
^"•P'""^- courteously with Frederic than was meet, or beseemed him to do ?
A.D. Who is itthat doth not see his manifest flattery, coloured neither
^230. ^vitli reason, nor secret dissimulation ? But much more truly and
better writeth Cuspinian concerning this matter, who saith, that the
pope doth occupy very profitable merchandise, who for so much
money selleth that he received freely, paying nothing there-for, if he
had received it of Christ indeed, as he saith he had.
And yet, although this peace which the emperor concluded with
the pope was so unprofitable for himself, yet he performed those things
that were agreed upon fiithfully and diligently. But the pope, who
thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the
conditions of the peace he made. For by the way, to pass over
other things, neither had he restored, as he promised, his rights in
the kingdom of Sicily, neither yet the city Castellana, which he before
the peace concluded between them did occupy and enjoy. And that
doth both Frederic in his epistles testify, and also Fazellus in the
eighth book of his ' de rebus Siculis."' Yet that notwithstanding,
Frederic, for the quietness and utility of the commonwealth, purposed
with himself to bear and suffer all these injuries, and further studied
What be- in all he might, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to have the ])ope
the'em" to be to him a trusty friend. As, when the Romans and other of the
usMh 10 ecclesiastical number made war against the pope for certain posses-
haye the sious which hc kcpt of thcirs, he, coming to him at Reati, offered his
friend- own SOU as a hostage for his fidelity to the church of Rome, and as
whfchhe *^"e tliat tendered the unity of the church, and thinking to help the
shaii^ pope in these matters, at his earnest request sent his ambassadors
' unto them, willing them to lay down their armour which against the
pope they bare. And when that would not serve, at the popc''s
further request and desire he levied an army against them at his own
charge, and drave them from the siege of Viterbo ; with other such-
like assured tokens of amity and friendship which he showed him :
who, notwithstanding, as soon as the emperor was departed with a
small company which he took with him into Sicily, leaving with him
the greater and most part of his army for the maintenance of his wars,
A-jreiire- concluded a peace with the Romans unknown to the emperor, whom
t-a t'ood he had procured to travau and labour tiierem with great expenses ;
the"pope affirming, that Avithout his will and commandment the emperor had
em'e'ror ^xpcllcd them, and driven them out of the territories of Viterbo.
And hereof doth Frederic also himself make mention in his second
and third epistles, where hc complaineth of the injuries of the pope
towards him. Therefore greater commendation had Blondus deserved,
if he had acknowledged these treacheries of the pope, instead of
asserting as he does — both contrary to the tenor of his own narrative
(forgetting himself, as unto liars it often chanceth), and contrary to
tiie truth of Frederic's history — that the Romans were incited to
these tumults by his enticing and setting on. As though men of
common understanding could not gather the contrary, both by the
offering of his son as a hostage, by his great preparation for the war,
and by the event especially of the thing itself. But too, too impu-
dent, will Blondus needs show himself.
THE EMPEUOU'S SON KEBELS AGAINST HIAI. 477
Whilst tlmt these things were passing in Italy and Sicily, great Hutoryof
rebellions were moved in Germany against the emperor, Henry the ' u.
Caesar, his own son, and Frederic duke of Austria, being the chief ^"'i""''"'-
authors thereof. For Henry, as ye heard, had been alienated from his a. D.
father and perverted by the lord pope and those of his faction, and was 1235.
secretly aiming at the empire. And for that cause, as before is said, xhe em-
he put from him Louis, whom he knew to be unto the emperor, his son°rebeis
father, so loving and assured a friend ; who as willingly (perceiving ^fj'j.^^'',^^.^
and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court, and went
to Bavaria ; who had not been there much above a year, when, as he
Avalked abroad at Kelheim, he was wounded with a mortal blow, and wicked
presently died, his servants being not far from him ; of whose death Henry,',{',e
divers diversely write. Notwithstanding::, the sequel doth show them ca;sar,ior
to write truliest, who aiiirm tlie assassin to be suborned by Henry faithful
tlie CfEsar, who coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered ^'^'^^"^*-
unto him certain letters, which he feigned to be sent from the empe-
ror ; and whilst Louis was reading the same, he stabbed him witli a
dagger, and gave him his mortal wound, and with speed fled upon
the same. After whose death succeeded in that dukedom his son
Otho, who, when' solemnly according to the manner of the Bavarians
he should have been created, was also let by the same Henry the Caesar,
who forbade the assembly of the magistrates and citizens of the same, his
They notwithstanding, neglecting his unjust restraint, created him ; ^^-fJi^
wherefore he first besieged Ratisbon, and with another company t^e empe-
sacked, burnt, and wasted Bavaria ; with many more such great father,
outrages and rebellions.
When intelligence was brought of these things to the emperor, he
sent his ambassadors, and commanded that both the Caesar, his son, and
the other princes of Germany who had assembled their armies should
break up and disperse the same ; and because he saw and perceived
now manifestly that his son made such open rebellion against him,
and fearing greater insurrections to ensue in Germany, he thought
good to prevent the same with all expedition ; wherefore he deter-
mined to go in all haste into Germany with his army, from whence he
had been absent now fourteen years, and hereunto he maketh the pope xhe em-
privy. The pope promised the emperor hereupon, that he would write ^^l,°l^^,,
his fetters in his behalf to all the princes of Germany ; but persuaded y^''^^^""'
him to the uttermost of his power, that he should in no case go into many.
Germany himself. For why ? his conscience accused him that he The pope
had written to the nobles of Germany, even from the beginning of thirhL
his papacy (for the hate and grudge he had against the emperor), ^J^^^Z\^
that they should not suffer him neither any of his heirs to enjoy the [P^^^^^y^^
empire ; and, further, had stirred them all up to rebel against him, and ro'r.
had moved Henry, the emperor's son, by his bribes and fair promises,
to conspire against his father ; and to conclude, he was the author and
procurer of the conspu-acy which the Lombards made then against him ;
and fearing lest these things should come now to the emperor's ear, ^^^^^^
he was gi-eatly troubled and careful. But the emperor not thinking ^^^^^j-^^'^^^^:
it good at so needful a time to be absent, he (all doubt set apart) c.loftrca-
wit'h his second son Conrad went speedily into Germany. Assembling ^^^^^^"^
there a council in the city of Mentz,* Henry the Caesar, his son, after his rruon.
(1) August, 1235. L'Art de Verif. des D.— Ed.
478 riir; popk's malice against the empeuoii.
iiisioryof conspiracy was manifestly detected, which he had in practice with the
'^//"^^ Lombards (whereof the pope was chief autlior), was bv judgment and
^'"P""^- sentence of seventy princes condemned of high treason, and being
A.D. commanded by his flither to be bound, was as prisoner brought to
1235. Apulia, where, eight years after (a.d. 1242) he died in prison ; in
whose stead he ordained Conrad, his second son, Caesar, bv consent of
Frederic all tlic pccrs untl priuccs. Furthermore, he proscribed Frederic of
proclaim* Austria, for refusing obedience to his commands, and caused him to
enem^ro" ^^ proclaiuicd for an enemy to the public Aveal. And further, when he
hiscoun- saw that punishment would neither cause him to remember himself,
disin- nor to acknowledge his offences, the emperor, with a great army, accom-
henied. pjj^icd by divcrs of the noblemen of Germany, took from him all Austria
and Styria, and brought them under his own obedience and fidelity.
The em- The Same year the emperor married his third wife, named Isabella,
Seth the daughter of King .John of England. Then, when he had set Ger-
j^ohn'8 '^^''^riy i'^ ^ stay and quietness, he left there Conrad the Caesar, liis son,
dauijiiter and with his host returneth again into Italy, there to punish such as Avith
i*and"^ Henry, his eldest son, had conspired against him ; whose treasons were
all detected at the condemnation of Henry Cscsar, his son, chiefly set
on by the pope. When the pope had understanding that the emperor
with M-arlike furniture marched toward Italy, although he feigned him-
self reconciled and to be a friend to Frederic, yet was he, notwith-
standing, to him a most secret and infestive enemy ; and, understand-
Thepope ing that he brought with him such a power both of horsemen and foot-
^nnetMo ^icn to do exccutiou of such as he understood to have been conspirators
p'a?t.'''' fig'ii'ist him in the late tumult and rebellion, those who were faulty
herein and guilty, and all other who took their parts, he admonished to
join themselves together, and that they should furnish strongly their
cities with garrisons, that they should send for aid to their friends, and
that, with all the force they were able, they should prepare them for the
war. The rest of the cities also in Italy, whether they were the emperor's
or his own, he endeavoureth to make them all his, and proper to himself.
Furthermore, unto the emperor the pope sendeth his legates : to
wliom he gave secret commandment that they should prohibit his
coming with an army within the borders of Italy, under pretence of
preserving the peace which he had some time since proclaimed to be
observed throughout Christendom in order to hel)) the holy war ; and
also to say, not by way of entreaty, but commandingly, that what
cause of controversy he had with the Lombards, the same he should
commit to him, and stand to his arbitrement. Whereunto the empe-
ror replying maketh his legate this answer: —
" The very day,"" saith he, " the peace was made between the
pope and me, he called me for a chief defence both of the church
and himself against the Romans who made war with him ; and at his
request, with mine own proper charge I maintained that his war, and
gave his enemies the overthrow," He thence argued that the pope
would not now do well, through the pretence of peace, to be a hin-
drance to him from that which both by law and right he might and
ought to do ; viz. from putting himself in a condition with force to
restrain and expel those who gathered themselves together as rebels,
and to subdue and punish as they deserved those who had renounced
tiicir allegiance to him and his government, and had hindered soldiers
FUEDERIC MARCHKTH INTO ITALY. 479
and others whom he had sent for on the public service from getting to iiist„ryof
him, and had in many ways wickedly plotted his destruction. And ^"f"'"
touching that wliich the pope demanded of him, that he should commit ^"^p"""^-
and defer so great a cause, whereon the well-being and safety of the A.D.
empire depended, to his arbitrement, by him to be determined, with- 1239.
out any limitation of time or any condition annexed, or any saving
clause in favour of his imperial dignity or the rights of the empire, he
could not (he said) but marvel, seeing that neither it appertained to
his calling and faculty, nor to the benefit and commodity of the
empire. To this effect writeth Frederic himself in his last epistle.
And in the same his letter he showeth, that when the emperor at a secret
certain time had been Avith the pope, at his going away he requested, cy"ot'u,e"
that when he came again, he would come into Italy only with his v^v^
household-band and family; for that if he should come as before the em-
he did accustom with his army, he should terrify them overmuch ; ^'^™'^'
" amongst whom," saith he, " you may assure yourself to be in great
safety, and find all things in rest and quiet ;" when quite contrary,
as the emperor for a certainty found, he had there all things ready
and prepared for his destruction ; so that when he pretended unto
him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The
certain time when the pope had this exercise in hand against the
emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles easily
found out, as they generally bear no date.
The emperor then, as he had determined, prosecuted his purpose The
and marched into Italy, where he broufjlit under his subiection those ^^peror
Cities that against him rebelled, as Mantua, Verona, Treviso, Padua, intoitaiy,
and others. And then he afterwards set upon the great host of the st°andins
Milanese, the Brescliians, the Piacenzans, and other confederators, Jor'^ui-"' "
unto whom the pope's legate, Gregory Longomontanus, had joined <i'"s;'
himself; of whom he partly took prisoners, partly slew, ten thousand
persons, and among the former their general, being the Podesta, or
chief magistrate, of the city of Milan, named Petro Tiepolo, the son
of the doge of Venice, and took their Caroccio^ with all their
ensigns. And in this campaign, especially at the recovering of the
March of Treviso, he used the friendly aid of Actiolinus,^ a.d.
1239.
The pope, now somewhat dismayed at this overthrow of his con-
federates and mates, though not much, began yet somewhat to fear
the emperor ; and whereas before, that which he did he wrought
secretly and by others, now he goeth to work with might and main
to subdue and deprive the emperor. But, although the emperor The em-
saw and perceived what inward hate and mortal malice he bare towards fji?rea"k'*
him, not only by that he so apertly stood with his conspirators against ""-' p^''"^'^-
him, but also that on every side he heard and from all ])arts was
brought him certain word how greatly he laboured against him, with
opprobrious words, and naughty reports and slanders, to the intent
to pull from him the hearts and fidelity of his subjects, and make
those that were his friends his enemies, neither that he meant at any
time to take up and cease from such evil and wicked practices ; yet
(1) See Appendix.
(2) An eminent Ghibeliii captain of that period, called also Ezzelin, Eeclin, and Irelin. See
Moreri. — Eu.
480 EDICT AGAINST THE EMPEUOU.
y/.j/or^o/notwitlistanding, for tliut there should be no default in him found for
^"f"''' the breach of the league and peace between them a little before con-
E'^p'Tor. (,]m|(.(i^ i,c scndelh four ambassadors to the bishop of Rome, the
A. D. archbishops of Palermo and Florence, the bishop of Reggio, and
1239. Thaddeus de Suessa, -who should answer unto and refute those
criminous objections which he laid unto him, as also make him privy
to his inirpose, and what he meant to do, thereby to declare liis
innocencv towards him in such causes, and his simplicity.
The pope ^I'lie popc, whcu lic uudcrstood these ambassadors to be not far off
t.fspe.nk from Rome, and knew the cause of their coming, thinking with him-
with ihc jp , 1 . J hearinir the excuse and reasonable answer of the emperor,
aniiiassa- perhaps lic might be provoked to desist irom Ins purpose, and so
degenerate from the example of his predecessors, refuseth to speak
with them ; and at the day appointed pronounccth the sentence of
proscription against hiin, depriving him of all his dignities, lionours,
titles, prerogatives, kingdoms, and whole empire. And, that the
j)ope had no occasion hereunto, beside Pandolpho Colenuccio the
emperor's own letters plainly shew ; in short he seems to have been
bent on Frederic's ruin. Looking about for suitable instruments,
lie cast his eye on Jacomo Tiepolo, doge of Venice, whom, for
the displeasure he must have conceived at the emperor's imprison-
ing of his son, he doubted not to win over to his schemes : Blon-
dus in fact asserts that this was the pope's chief reliance amidst
the troubles which surrounded him. He therefore wrote him a
highly complimentary letter, in which he styles liim lord of the fourth
part of Croatia and Dalmatia, and of half the Roman empire, and
solicits his aid against Frederic. Further, inviting the Venetians
and Genoese, who were at variance touching some naval interests, to
Hireth refer their dispute to him, he made peace between them, and covc-
Su^the" nantcd with them upon this condition, that at their joint charges
coasts of ^i,py sliould rig and man five-and-twcnty galleys, which should spoil
Mcewpe- ^^^j. ^^^^^ ^jj ahng the sea-coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of
Frederic.
T.iWet Further, when the pope saw the good will and fidelity which the
the'em- Gcrniaus bare unto the emperor, and saw also what aid the emperor
^"'"■" had of them, and that he was not likely to win them to his ])urpose,
then had he recourse again to his old crafty practices and subtleties.
Above all he resolved to sow dissension, if possible, among the Ger-
man nobility. To this end, lie devised to put forth an edict at^
Rome, addressed to the christian world at large, the beginning whereof
is, " Ascendit de mari bellica bestia ;''^ wherein he declareth the causes
wherefore he curseth and givcth the emperor to the devil of hell, and
dejected him from all his princely dignity. He in the same accuseth
him of so many and so huge a heap of mischiefs, as to nominate
them my heart detesteth. For besides that he denies to his sovereign
lord, the emperor, the very name of a man, he slandereth him of
treason, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kind, and all impiety ;
he accuseth him for a heretic, a schismatic, and a miscreant ; and to
be brief, what mischief soever the pope can devise, with that doth he
charge him and burden him. "All this doth he," saith the pope,
" that when he hath brought our holiness and all the ecclesiastical
(1) Labb6, Cone. Gen. torn. xi. cul 310.— Ed.
DIVEUS PRINCES OF GERMANY FORSAKE HIM. 481
estate to beggary, he might scoff at, and deride the religion of Christ." Jiistoryof
This edict he sendeth by the hands of divers his creatures into Ger- '"'^"'^
many. And now, for that the pope had a great and special trust in one •^'"^''''"'"-
Albert Beham,' dean of the cathedral at Passau (a man of good family, A. ]).
but as crafty an apostle as the best), as one whom he saw ready to lean 1239.
to his lust, to him the pope delivered, besides the aforesaid edict, also
two mandates in separate letters, in which he commanded all bishops,
prelates, and other of the clergy, that they should solemnly recite the
said edict in their churches instead of their sermon, showing how
he had excomnmnicate Frederic out of the fellowship of christian
men, and had put him from the procuration or government of the
empire, and that he had released all his subjects from their allegi-
ance and fidelity towards him ; and furthermore chargeth them and
all other christian men, under pain of cursing and damnation, that etu to
neither they should succour the emperor, nor yet so much as wish those that
him well. Thus he, being the pope's special and trusty servitor, J^'the"'^''
and made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusion and chaos emperor,
of public quietness, as shall hereafter appear.
Amongst all other noblemen of Germany at that time was Otho,
the palatine of the Rhine and duke of Bavaria, both towards the
emperor most serviceable, and also a prince of great honour, riches,
and estimation. This prince, both with fair promises and also rewards, Divers
Albert seduced from him ; for that he was made by him to believe, P"°ce3 of
that Louis, his father, of whom we spake before,^ was by the emperor by the
murdered and slain. And the same Otho again caused three other mJ'ans.
princes to revolt from the emperor to the pope, who were his neigh- ["i"*^,
bours and intimate friends, viz. Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, Bela, peror.
king of Hungary, and Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia. To
Avhom came also Frederic, ex-duke of Austria, who, because he was
proscribed or outlawed by the emperor and had his dukedom taken
away from him, as you heard,' was easily won to the pope. These
resolved to translate the empire unto the son of the king of Denmark,
and requested of the pope to send his legates to an assembly which
they would convene for that purpose.
The emperor was at Padua when news was brought to him of what
the pope had done at Rome. He therefore commanded Peter de
Vineis, liis secretary, on Easter-day to make an oration to the
people of his great and liberal munificence to the bishops and church
of Rome, and, again, of the injuries done by them towards him in
recompense thereof ; of his innocency also in that whereof he had
been accused, and of the unseemliness of such treatment; of the
right use of the ecclesiastical censure ; and of the errors and abuses
of the church of Rome. By which oration of his he so removed what
from many men's hearts the cloud of blind superstition, and the oratlo'n of
conceived opinion of holiness of the church of Rome and bishops of ^^'^^c^^
the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion, did for
that they both plainly saw and perceived the vices and filthiness of peror.
the church of Rome and of the bishops of that see, as also their
fraudulent deceits and flagitious doings, most vehemently lamenting
(1) " Albertus Behamus (ipse Boiemum nominat)." Cisner.— Kd.
(2) See supra, p. 477.— Ed. (3) See supra, p. 478.— Ed.
vor,. II. I I
482
THE POPE IS ANTICHRIST, AND
12;j9.
'^"'"'■i'y and complaining of the same. Albcric maketli mention of certain
i^- verses which were sent and written between the bishop of Kome and
.mperor.^ ^^^^ cHiperor, wliicli vcrscs in the latter end of this present history of
A. D. Frederic vou sliall find.
The emperor, moreover, both by his letters and ambassadors,
giveth intelligence unto all christian kings, to the princes of his own
empire, to the college of cardinals, and to the people of Rome, as
well of the feigned crimes wherewith he was cliarged, as also of the
cruelty of the bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which
letter or epistle here followcth.
Tlie em-
perors
letter to
all pre-
lates, to
liridle the
pope and
restrain
him of his
v.ill.
Man be-
in;; made
(if two
parts
hat II two
several
regi-
ments,
God's
word, and
the lua-
terial
sword.
Apology
of the
ginnmg
" Asceu-
ditde
mari,"&c.
Aiiti-
rlirist
long ago
descried
to the
world hy
the em-
peror.
Confes-
sion of
the em-
peror's
faith,
whereof
he was
accused
by the
pope.
The Emperor to the Prelates of the World.'
In the beginning and creation of the world, the wise and ineffable providence
of God (who asketh counsel of none) placed in the firmament of heaven two
lights, a greater and a less, the greater to govern the day, and the less to govern
the night, which two are so allotted to their proper offices and duties in the
2odiac, that although oftentimes the one move obliquely to the other, yet the
one does not run against the other ; nay the superior doth communicate his
light to the inferior. Even so, the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed
upon the earth two regiments, that is to say priesthood and kingly power ; the
one for knowledge and wisdom, the other for defence ; that man, who in his
two component parts had too long run riot, might have two reins to govern and
bridle him withal, and so peace thereby and love might dwell upon the face of
the earth, all excesses being restrained. But, alas ! the bishop of Rome of our
time, sitting in the chair of perverse doctrine, that pharisee anointed with the
oil of iniquity above his fellows, is endeavouring to set aside the fact that he is
but an inferior imitation of the celestial order, and fancies perhaps that he is to
correspond in all particulars with those heavenly bodies on high which are
impelled by their nature not by will. Accordingly, he purposeth to bring
under an eclipse the brightness of our majesty, whilst that (substituting
fable for truth) he sends his papal letters, stuffed with lies, into sundry parts of
the world ; out of his own ill temper, and upon no reasonable cause, discrediting
the purity of our religious character. For this — pope in name only — hath
declared us to be " the beast rising out of the sea full of names of blasphemy
and spotted like a leopard."- But we say, that he is himself that beast of whom
we thus read : " And there went forth another horse tliat was red out of the
sea, and he that sat on him took peace away out of the earth, that the dwellers
upon the earth should destroy one another."^ For since the time of his
promotion, he, acting as a father not of mercies but of discord, and as a
promoter of desolation instead of consolation, hath excited all the world to
commit offence. And, to take his own allusions in their right sense and
interpretation, he is that " great dragon that deceived the whole world ;" he is
that Antichrist, of whom he hath called us the forerunner ; he is another
Balaam, hired for money to curse us ; the chief among those princes of
darkness, who have abused prophecies : he is that angel leaping out of the sea,
having the vials filled with bitterness, that he may hurt both the sea and the
land. For this counterfeit vicar of Christ hath inserted among his other fables
that we do not rightly believe in the Christian faith, and that we have said that
the world is deceived by three impostors. But God forbid that such a thing
should have escaped our lips ; seeing that we openly confess the only
Son of God, coeternal and coequal with the Father and the Holy Ghost,
our Lord Jesus Cln-ist, begotten from the beginning and before the worlds, and
in process of time sent down upon the earth for the succour of mankind ; not
by delegated, but by his own, power; who was born of the glorious Virgin
Mary, and after that suffered and died as touching the flesh ; and that,
by virtue of his godhead, the other nature which he assumed in the womb of
his mother rose from death the third day. But we have learned that the body
(1) Corrected and revised from the original in " Petri de Vineis Frederici II. Epistolje," lib. i.
ep. 31.— Ed. (2) Rev. xiii. 1, 2.— Ec. (3) lb. chap. vi. 4.— Ed.
AN OFFERER OF DISSENTIOUS SACRIFICE, 48S
of Mahomet hangeth in the air beset by devils, and that his soul is in lUsioryuf
hell-torments; whose works were contrary to the law of the Most Ili^h. Frederic
We hold also, being tanght by the page of truth, that Moses was the familiar Emperor.
friend of God, and that he talked with God in Mount Sinai ; unto whom the — '■
Lord appeared at the burning bush (Exod. iii. 4), by whom also he wrought A.D.
signs and wonders in Egypt, and delivered the law to the Hebrew nation ; and 1239.
that afterwards he showed him in glory with the elect. In regard of these ^he pope,
and other things our enemy and envier of our state, bringing a scandal on a under
true son of Mother Church, hath written against us vcncmous and lying Pf^j^j'^"'^^
slander, and hath sent the same to the whole world. But if he had rightly fol- holiness,
lowed the Apostle's mind,* and had not preferred passion, which beareth such deceiveth
sway with him, before reason, he would not have written such things, at the go'ui's and
suggestion of men who call light darkness and evil good, and who suspect honey ignorant
to be gall; and all for the opinion they have conceived of a place in the ™*"-
prophecies of scripture,^ which indeed is both weak and infirm for their purpose,
since by opinion truth may be converted into falsehood and vice versa. But
surely men ought not to be splitting opinions, which may be true or false and
cannot be made matters of faith, at the very door (as it were) of the pope's
conscience.
Seeing all these things, we are compelled not a little to marvel, and it doth
also much disquiet our minds, when we perceive that you, who are the founda-
tions of the church, the pillars of righteousness, the assessors of Peter, the
senators of the great city, and the hinges of the world, have not qualified the
motion of so fierce a judge ; as do the planets of heaven in their kind, which to
mitigate the passing swift course of a great orb draw a contrary way by their
opposite movangs. In very deed, imperial fehcity hath always from the
beginning been "spurned at by papal envy. As Simonides, being demanded
why ha had no enemies and enviers of his estate, answered and said, " because jhean-
I have had no good success in any thing that ever I took in hand ;" so, for swer of
ly tlimg
that we have had prosperous success in all our enterprises by the blessing of ,?J™"p.
God (especially in the overthrow unto death of our rebellious enemies the pUed.
Lombards, to whom in their good quarrel he had promised life), this is the
cause wherefore this apostolical bishop mourneth, and now goeth about with
the aid of your counsels to impugn this our felicity. But perhaps he vaunteth
himself in his power of binding and loosing. Wherever virtue, however, is wanting
to power, there presently doth abuse take place : this we see exemplified in him
who was so mighty a king and so eminent a prophet, and yet had to crave the
restitution of God's Holy Spirit, when he had polluted the dignity of his office.
But as things which ought not to be loosed are not to be loosed, so things that
ought not to be bound are not to be bound : which thing is manifestly proved from
that passage of holy scripture, " they slay the souls that should not die, and save xhe em-
the souls aUve that should not live."^ Therefore God is able to humble and bring peror pro-
do^vn those that are unworthy of power, as much as him pleaseth and when him P,^j^g'''
pleaseth, for God can do all things. Doubtless, if this bishop of Rome were a popes
true pontiff' indeed, he would keep himself " harmless, undefiled, and separate fall.
from sinners :" he would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a
peacable offerer of love and charity; and he would cense, not with the incense
of grief and hatred, but with the sweet-smelling incense of concord and unity ;
neither yet would he alter " suum pontificium in maleficium," that is, make of
a sanctified ofl[ice an execrable abuse. If he were a true pontiff, he \yould not
wrest the preaching of the word to produce contention. Nor %vill we be
accused of being an enemy to mother church in so saying, which mother
church is holv in herself, whom with all reverence we worship and with
honour we embrace, so beautified and adorned with God's holy sacraments.
Some individuals notwithstanding, who are slaves of corruption though they
have gone out from the midst of her, we utterly reject. And forsomuch as the Utterly
injuries wherewith our majesty is continually molested are not transitory, and [^^^'^p^^
that we cannot quietly abide them, nor ought we in very deed to relax our and
authority, therefore we are enforced to take revenge upon them. You, there- ^j?'^''^"^^^
fore, that are men of better counsels, and have the excellent gift of wisdom and
understanding, restrain you that roaring enemy of ours from these his pro-
CD 2 Peter i. 20, 21, is probably referred to.— Ed.
(2) Rev. xiii. 1,2.— Ed. (3) Ezek. xiii. 19.— Eo.
I I 2
48t BISHOPS OF C.F.RMANV KRIKXni.Y TO THE EMPEROR.
Ifi'iory nf cccd\ng<>, wliosc beginnings arc so wicked and detestable; wisely forecasting
Frfitcrtc j.^^^^ preceding cases tlic consequences wliich must follow in the present
F.mprrnr. instance. Otherwise you that are under our subjection, as well in the empire
as in cur other donuniiins, shall feel and perceive what revenge by sword
'^■}^- Augn-lus shall take, botli of his chief enemy and persecutor, and also of the
* ^•^•*' princes that are his fautors and adherents.
caiittiia Tliis done, lie commands, by proclamation, a solemn parliament or
mcn"or coiMicil of all tlic pnnccs, and other nobility of tlie empire, to
<;"""'''"' assemble at .-I'^i^ra ; whither came Conrad the C?esar, the archbisho])
tiicpn1>c'« of Mentz, the iSaxon dukes, the lords of Brandenburgh, Misnia, and
maiicf. 'I'lmriiigi;,^ and the representatives of all the nobles of Brabant, to
aid the emperor. But Wenccslaus and Otho refusinjr to attend, and
offering through their ambassadors to mediate between the contend-
ing parties (in which offer the Austrians likewise joined), the council
became divided in opinion, and separated without doing anvthing fur
the emperor. Then Frederic of Austria (whom the emperor had
deprived, as ye heard) by the aid of the Bavarians and Bohemians
recovered again the dukedoms of Austria and Styria, putting to
flight and discomfiting the emperor's bands and garrisons wliich he
had there.
But though the pope's agents (especially that honest man, Albert
Beliam, the Bohemian) had allured to the pope Otho the duke of
Bavaria, as ye heard, and divers other noblemen of Germany ; yet
Rishnps notwithstanding, certain prelates in Bavaria, as Evcrhard, archbishop
many'^are ^^ Saitzburg, and Sifrid, bishop of Ratisbon, being at that time
ohe.iieiit the emperor's chancellor, Rudigcr, bishop of Passau, Conrad, bishop
prince, of Frisinglicn, and the heads of the religious houses, forsook not the
emperor. All which the aforesaid Albert not only did excom-
municate, but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome
before the pope, giving commandment to their collegioners and
cloisterers, that they should deprive them of their offices, and choose
such others in their stead as would obey the pope. All which things
the pope (understanding by Albert of their fidelity to the em-
peror) corroborated and confirmed, commanding their inferiors to
choose other bishops and prelates in their stead. But the bishops
and prelates with one consent contemning the pope's mandates and
writs, and also the curses and threatcnings of Albert, accused,
reproved, and greatly blamed his temerity, and the tyranny which he
practised against the churches of Germany, and especially against the
good emperor ; that he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches
committed to the emperor's government without his consent,
against the old and ancient customs ; that he had excommuni-
cated the emperor without just cause; and that he had condemned
the emperor''s faithful subjects as enemies to the church, for standing
with their liege and sovereign prince (which allegiance thev might
not violate without horrible iniquity), and had sought to disquiet
them likewise in their charges and administrations ; and they
Bishops solemnly appealed to the emperor for redress. They also accused
nyc'xcora- '"^^'^ Condemned Albert himself for a most impudent impostor and
uie poping ^^'''^'^ct' variet, and they devoted him to the devil, as a most pestiferous
Kxaie. botch anil sore of the christian commonweal, and as a ruinous
WARS BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE TOPE. 485
enemy, us well of the church, as of his own natural country ; and Histnryof
further declared their opinion, that he and all the rest of the "/""
pope's pursuivants ought to be driven out of Germany, as being •^'"^""'"''
most wicked devisers of all kinds of mischief. A. D.
This done, they make relation hereof to the emperor by their 1239.
letters ; and farther, they advertise all the princes of Germany
(especially those who were of the pope's faction or rebellion, and
Avere the favourers of Albert), that they should take heed, and beware
in any case of his subtle deceits and pernicious deceivable allurements,
and that they should not assist the pope, for all his words, against
the emperor. And doubtless (chiefly by the counsel and persuasion xhearch-
of the archbishop of Saltzburg, primate of Bavaria) Frederic of saitzTurg
Austria was again reconciled to the emperor ; from whose friendship 5^"="^^ ^^
and alliance he would never after that be detached by any promises, hisprince.
threatenings, bribes, or pains, no, nor for the execrable curses of the
pope's own holy mouth. But Albert prosecuteth still his purposed
mischief, alluring and inciting by all means possible friends to the
pope, and enemies to the emperor, and that not amongst the lowest
but the highest classes of his subjects, the nobility and gentry.
Unto some he gave the tithes to fight against the emperor, to other The
some he gave the glebe-lands of benefices, and to other some he gave ^l^^s
the spoil of such colleges and monasteries as took not part with the ^^^^ ">
1 111 1 11 1 • niaiiitam
pope ; and to some other also he gave the colleges and monasteries the war
themselves. And Aventine* actually names the individuals to whom hl^'iora
the ecclesiastical tithes were given tiiat they might espouse the pope''s ^^^^^^
cause, and the colleges and monasteries pillaged and sequestrated, and
the glebe-lands seized, and the doers therein. Hereby was there a
window opened to do what they listed, every man according to his
ravening and detestable lust, and all things lay open unto their greedy
and insatiable desires. Who listeth to hear more hereof, let him
read Aventine, who largely treateth of the same in his book before
noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew thereby to the
whole state of Germany, but specially in Bavaria.
While these things were thus working in Germany, Frederic,
leaving in Lombardy Actiolinus with a great part of his host, and
passing with the rest by the Apennines, came to Etruria and set the
same in a stay, after that he had allayed certain insurrections there ;
and from thence to Pisa, where he was with great amity and honour
received and welcomed. This city was always steady and faithful to
the emperors of Germany. The pope, understanding of the empe-
ror's coming into Etruria, and knowing what a large part of his troops Besiegeth
he had left in Lombardy, with a great army besieged the city of ^''^"^'■^•
Ferrara, that always loved the emperor full well ; which city when
the pope's legate had assaulted sharply the space of five months, and
could not win the same, he devised with himself to send for Saling-
werra out of the town by way of a parley, pledging his faith and truth
to him for his safe return ; who by the persuasion of Hugo Kam-
bartus, that said he might do the same without peril (it being but by
way of parley), came to the legate ; who, intercepting his return, of"|fapj^(s
took him prisoner, contrary to good faith and justice. And thus j^^^^f^^^
gat he Ferrara, and delivered the keeping thereof to Azo, marquis of examiJie.
(1) Lib. 7. Annaliuni Boioruiu.
486 ORIGIN OK THE GHIBELLINES AND GUELPHS.
^i-'ld^n"^ Este. And that the pope's legate thus falsified his truth, and circum-
//. vented the captain and old man Salingwerra, the same is confessed of
^- '"''"'"'■ the historians friontlly to the pope, yea, commended of them as a
A. D. stroke of warlike policy. But to return again. About the same
^-^0- time also the Venetian navy, at Monte Gargano, chased twelve galleys
of the emperor's, which were appointed to the keeping of that
coast, ;uul spoiled, burned, and wasted all the region ; and, further,
i.i'rorT took one of the em])cror's great ships, being driven by tcmpes-
ukenby t"0"s wcatlicr iuto the haven of Siponto, fraught with men and
the pope, munition.
Frederic again, getting on his side the cities of Lucca, Volterra,
Sienna, and Arczzo, and most of the cities of P]truria, to help his own
dominions came from Pisa to Viterbo, which took part with him. Blon-
dus and Platina and some others say, that the names and factions of
bc'uii^es'" Crhibcllincs and Guclphs sprang from Frederic at this time ; for that
and having sent his spies through all the towns and cities of Italy, to ascer-
Gueiphs. jj^jj^ which took part with and favoured the pope, and which the empe-
ror, he called the one by the name of Ghibellines, and the other by the
name of Guelphs. But, for that they bring no sufficient proof thereof
but only slender conjecture, I rather cleave to the opinion of Nau-
clerus, Herman Contract, Antoninus of Florence, Castiglioni, and
others, who say, that these names had their first beginning in Italy,
when Conrad, uncle of Frederic I., was emperor; and that those who
were devoted to tlie pope were called Guelphs from Guelpli, young-
est brother of Henry the Proud, while the emperor's partisans were
called Ghibellines from Vaiblingcn, the native place of Conrad or his
son. But to our purpose.
The pope The popc, whcu he understood that Frederic was come to Viterbo,
the^erape- ^as uiuch alarmed, for that he feared he would come still nearer to
SuuT' I^ome, the good will of which city the pope much mistrusted. He
Italy. therefore ordered litanies, and caused the heads of Peter and Paul (if
we are to believe them genuine) to be carried round in procession ;
and having in a sharp and abusive oration attacked the emperor, he
promised everlasting life, and gave the badge of the cross, to as many
as would take up arms against the emperor, as a most wicked enemy
of God and his church. Now when the emperor, drawing near to
Rome gates, beheld those, whom the pope by liis goodly spectacle
of St. Peter and St. Paul and by his promises had stirred up against
him, coming to meet him with the badge of the cross; disdaining
to be accounted for an enemy of the church, when he had been
thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them he soon
The cm- dispersed them ; and as many as lie took prisoners he put to
tortureth excruciatiug torture by burning or cutting the mark of the cross
crowe'd ^" ^^'^'*" ficsh. From thence marching into Campania and his
soldiers, own kingdoms, he levied a great mass of money, and mustered
new bands, and augmented his army; and in "these bands he
The sar^a-** ^P*""^'"^'^ ^^^^ Saraccus also. And to the intent lie might find the
rcnsin Saraccus the more trusty to him, he appointed them a eitv named
I-^'in^ Luceria to dwell in. "^For which thing although the papistical
the pope, writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Frederic, yet
notwithstanding, Nicholas Machiavelli doth write, that for this
cause he retained them, — lest, through the pope's execrable curses,
FREDERIC WRITES TO THE PRINCES OF GERMANY. 487
he should be quite destitute of soldiers, as was Frederic Barbarossa, /nstonjnf
his grandfather, a little before, when of pope Alexander I IT. he was '^//'"^
excommunicated, as ye have heard.' Emperor.
After this, when the emperor had severely punished the pope's A.D.
ecclesiastical consorts, such as conspired with the pope against him, ^240.
and had wasted and destroyed Bcnevento, Monte Cassino, and Sora
(because they took part with the pope against him), and had founded
the new city of Aquila, he marched forth with a great host both of
horsemen and footmen to Piccnum, that he might vanquish his ene-
mies in Italy, and besieged Ascoli, a fortified city belonging to the
adverse faction. He there, having understanding of what the pope's
emissaries had done with the princes-electors, and other princes of
Germany, especially with Wenceslaus, king of l^oliemia, and Otho
the Palatine, writeth his letters unto them. In these he first showed, The effect
how those contumelies and s]Mtcful words, which the ])ope blustered senVby""^
out against him, applied rather to himself ; and how the bishops of ""'^ '^™p''-
"r> 1 1 1 1 r> 1 11 r> i ^ ror to the
Kome had taken to tliem ot late such heart ot grace and were become princes of
so lofty, that they not only sought to bring emperors, kings, and "'^^"^'
princes under their obedience, but also to be honoured as gods ; and
impudently affirmed that they cannot err, neither yet be subject to or
bound by any obligation however sacred ; and that it was lawful for
them to do all things what they list ; neither that any account was to
be sought or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them
to any : and further, that they imperiously commanded (and that
under pain of damnation), that men believe every thing they say,
how great a lie soever it be ; insomuch that, by reason of this inor- Noenemy
dinate ambition of theirs, all things were going backward, and the hlfrmj to
whole state of the Christian commonweal was subverted, neither could ^^^ ^ ^
1 1P1 1P1 •! Ill church of
there any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the church of ood than
God than they. He wrote unto them, furthermore, that he (to whom The'TiT-
the greatest charge and dignity in the whole commonweal was ap- l^J°.l^^ {„
pointed and committed), seeing and perceiving their good hearts, remove
wills, and practices towards him in his great peril, would with all the and put'
power and ability that God had given him do his endeavour, that he more"*''*"^
■who in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, and the servant of "^^'^^^^ ^
Christ, and chief prelate in the church, showed himself so very a
■wolf, persecutor, and tyrant, might be removed from that place, and
that a true and faithful shepherd of God's flock might be appointed
in the church. Wherefore he exhorted them, that if they desired
the safety and preservation both of the empire and of Christendom in
general, they should be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his
purpose and proceedings ; lest, otherwise, they also should happen to
fall under the same yoke of servitude to the bishop of Rome. And
further, he gave them to know, that if the pope should attain to that
he sought for (that is, to be an emperor and king over kings), yet
would that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but he would be as
greedy and ravenous as now he is ; therefore, if they were wise, they
would withstand him betimes, lest hereafter, when they would, it
would be too late, neither should they be able to withstand his
tyranny. — The effect of this epistle I took out of Aventine, who also
Avriteth, that the emperor's legates, when they delivered it, enlarged
on the same subject in a speech.
(I) SuprA, p. 195.— Ed.
488 OTHO AND THE I'OPK AGAINST FREDERIC.
jiiitoryof Wenceslaus, somcwliat relenting at this letter, promiscth to aecom-
Fre^enc ^jj^j^ ^j^^ cmpcror's biddings and precepts, and forthwith guthcreth
^'"i>"">f- an asscmblv of princes and nobles at yEgra ; -where, by common
A. D. consent, they think to renovate with the emperor a new league and
1240. covenant. And furthermore, they decree Otho of Bavaria, the author
wcnccs- of this defection (who was absent, and would not be at this their
lemeth at asscmblv), to be an enemy to the commonweal. Otho then, seeing
ihecmpe- binisclf not ablc to stand against the Ca?sar and the other princes with
letter. whoHi lic was associatcd, desiring aid of the pope by his letters, came
ui'e popj* with all speed to Wenceslaus, his kinsman, and entreated ]iim not
ngainst ^^ dcscrt thc ))artv, but could not prevail : he obtaineth, notwith-
the empe- ' - i • i i i i i
"■Of- standing, thus much at their hands, that the league and covenant
which they were in hand to make with the emperor should for a time
be deferred, and that another assembly should be called, whereat he
also would be, and join himself with them. In the mean season, the
pope sent his rescript unto Wenceslaus and to Otho, tending to
this effect ; that in no case they should either forsake him or else
the church, to take the emperor's part. And so much prevailed he
by thc means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (who were the chief of
the senate regal, and whom by his fair promises and bribes he had
previously gained to his interest), that a day was appointed for a new
assembly to be held at Lebus,' for the express purpose of electing a
new emperor, in contempt and defiance of Frederic, the true empe-
ror, and his son and heir Conrad. And whilst that this was thus in
hand, Conrad the Caesar casteth Landshuta, the wife of Otho (then
absent), in the teeth, for the great benefits and possessions which her
husband had and possessed by his ancestors ; and threatcncth that
unless her husband took a better way with himself, and showed his
obedience to thc emperor, his father, he should not enjoy one foot of
Hy what that land which now he had by his ancestors. The preferments and
Otho at- dignities which Otho had by the ancestors of Conrad the Ca?sar came
g^'eat'^pos- thus : Fredcric Barbarossa, at a parliament holden at Wurtzburg'
ruieem '^'^^' 1^^^' condcnmcd Henry Leo of high treason, and deprived him
perorand of lus dominions of Bavaria and Saxony, and gave Bavaria to Otho
tors*"*^"" of Wittlcspach, because he had done him so faithful service in his
Italian wars. After that, Louis, the son of that Otho, obtained of
this emperor Frederic IL, in recompense of his assured and trusty
fidelity, the palatinate of the Rhine in reversion ; also Agnes, the
daughter of Henry, the living earl-palatine, to be given to Otho
his son in marriage. But this Henry was the son of Henry Leo,
the traitor; nnto whom Henry VI. (the father of Frederic II.).
having given him in marriage his niece Clcmcntia, the daughter of
his brother Conrad, Palatine of the Rhine, gave him also the pala-
tinate itself on precarious tenure.^ And as touching the government
of Bavaria, that had also formerly been held by thc ancestors o*"
Otho of Wittlcspach. But to our purpose again.
The arch- At the samc time, the archbishop of Cologne revolted to thc
coft'e^ P^P^ ' "'^"^ ^^^ '°".? ^^'^^^^ i" a skirmish with the earl of Brabant, was
revoiteth vanquished and taken prisoner. But Frederic of Austria, after he
pope. was received into iavour again with the emperor keeping most con-
(1) " Libyssa," a town of BrandenburR, in the Middle Mark, two miles from Frankfort on ths
Oder, and abishnp's see : HofTman. Vide iiifra, p. W2, and vol. iii. pp. 438, 160.— Kd.
, (2) See Appendix, (3) See Ducange, in v. Prccaria.— Ed.
HE MAKETH MONEY OF LEATHER. 481)
stantly liis promise and fidelity renewed, durinfj this time made sharp nistoryof
war upon the Bohemians and Hungarians, who took part with tlie '^z/!^'"
pope, and greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in ^"'^'^'""-
Germany, the emperor, when he liad gotten Ascoli and led his host A.D.
into Flaminia, having taken Ravenna, from thence came to Faenza, 124J.
which city never loved the emperor (the circuit of whose walls is five
miles in compass), and pitched his camp round about it. And
although the siege was much hindered by the severity of the weather
(it being in the very depth of winter), still notwithstanding, through
the great fortitude and incredible exertions of the 'soldiers, to whom
he represented that it would be no little disgrace for them to retire
from the enterprise unsuccessful, he surmounted all difficulties. And
therefore, when now the winter (so extremely cold and hard) was
well near ended, and the spring-time now hard at hand, and when by
long battery he had made the walls in divers places assaultable, the
citizens (being greatly discouraged, and in despair of maintaining
the defence thereof) sent ambassadors to the emperor, craving pardon
for their offence, and that he would grant them their lives, and so
yielded themselves to his mercy.
The emperor, having against them good and sufficient cause of The em-
revenge, yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best greafle-
reveno;e that might be, to pardon the offi^nce of vanquished men, "i'^^"''
.'. . clcmcncv*
considered it better to grant them their requests, and to save the
city and citizens with innumerable people, than by arms to make
the same his soldiers' prey, to the destruction both of the city and
great number of people therein. So doth this good emperor in one
of his epistles, " Adaucta nobis," confess himself. Which epistle,
to declare the lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince (if
with great and marvellous provocations and \\Tongs he had not been
incited), I would in the midst of the history here have placed, but
that I have kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same.
In this siege the emperor, having spent and consumed almost all
his treasure, both gold and silver, caused other money to be made of The em-
leather, which on the one side had his image, and on the other side }?"°Jj[ ^^
the spread eagle (the arms of the empire), and made a proclamation, m-ike
that the same should pass from man to man for all necessaries instead leather,
of other money ; and therewithal promised, that whosoever brought
the same money unto his exchequer when the wars were ended, he
would give them gold for the same, according to the value of every
coin limited ; which thing afterwards truly and faithfully he performed,
as all the historiographers do accord.
When the pope had thus, as before is said, stopped his ears and The pope
would not hear the emperor's ambassadors who came to entreat for fo"fo-
peace, but rejected and despised his most courteous and equitable a^'jlsp";.
demands, and yet found that he, Avith his confederates, could not vented.
jDrevail against him in open warfare, although he had left no means
untried ; he, by his legates, inviteth to a council to be held at Rome
all such prelates out of Ralv, France, and England, as he thought to
favour him and his proceedings ; that hereby, as his last shift and
only refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederic of his empire,
as an utter enemy to God and to the church. All which things
Frederic having understanding of, and knowing that these persons
were about to assemble under the pope''s influence for his ruin, he de-
490
FREDKHIC I'REVAILS AGAINST THE I'OI'K.
History of
Frederic
II.
Emperor.
A.D.
1241.
The em-
piTor riR-
Kfili forth
u iiavy.
A great
victory
at sea
a|;ainst
tlie pope's
conlede-
tates.
Another
victory by
land at
Pavia.
termincd to hinder tlicir passage to Rome, as well by sea as by lami,
in all that ever he might. Accordingly, having preoccupied all
the passages by land, he commanded his son Henry,' king of Sar-
dinia (whom the Italians call Kncio), to take some galleys with him
and go to l*isa, and with the Pisans (whom he had likewise ordered to
equip a fleet) to meet and intercept (if j)ossible) the ])opc"s partisans on
their wav to Home. The pope's partisans, understanding that they
could not safely repair to Rome by land, procured I'orty galleys, witli
the Genoese navy''' under the conmiand of Guliclmus Hraccius for
their convov ; thinking that hereby, if they should fortune to meet
-wilh any of the emperor"'s galleys which might lie in wait for them,
thcv should be able to make their part good, and give them also the
repulse. For the emperor, in like manner, Encio and Hugolinus
(the commodore of the Pisan fleet) launched forth to sea with
forty galleys ; and within the isles of Giglio and IVIonte Christo,
which lie between Leghorn and Corsica, they met vith the Genoese
navy and straightways attacked it ; and when Gulielinus the admi-
ral, contrary to the wish of the ecclesiastics, who were for flight,
attem})tcd to resist the attack, three of his ships having been
boulged and sunk, the rest (twenty-two in number) with all that they
contained fell into the emperor's hands. In these were taken three
legates of the popeX viz. lacomo Colonna, cardinal-bishop of Pales-
trine, Otho, of the noble house of the marquisses of Montferrat,
cardinal of St. Nicholas, and Gregory de Romania, all cruel enemies
against the emperor ; and many prelates were taken with them, besides
a great number of delegates and proctors of cities, with a countless
rabble of priests and monks, besides also more than four thousand
Genoese soldiers, with the officers of the navy, and the admiral him-
self who was of patrician rank.
Pandolpho Colenuccio,' in describing the circumstances of the
great loss and misfortune of these partisans of the pope by sea,
amongst the resl dcclareth, that besides the great prey and booty
which the takers had from them, they also found many writings and
letters against Frederic, which much helped them in the defence of
that cause wherein the others laboured against him. Another like
mischance, also, about the same time happened on the pope''s side,
by the emperor's soldiers who lay in the garrison at Pavia, thus :
There went forth upon a time out of Pavia into the borders of the
Genoese certain bands, to give them alarums in the country ;
which bands the scurriers of Milan (where lay a great garrison of
the pope's) descrying, told the captain of the town, that now there
was a very opportune and fit time to give an assault to Pavia ;
" since,'"' say they, " the greatest part are now gone foraging.*"
Whereupon they immediately calling together the captains and such
as had charge, set their soldiers in array, and marched forward to
Pavia. And now, when they were come almost thither, the Pavian
banils (whom they thought to have been far off foraging) returned
and met with them, and fiercely gave a full charge upon them : who,
being dismayed at the suddenness of the matter, fought not long,
but gave over and fled. In which skirmish were taken, besides those
(1) An illegitimate son of Frederic. — Ed.
(2) Tliis appears, from what follows, to be the navy of 25 ships meniioned supri, p. 480. — Ed.
(3) lie wrote " Compendio dell' Istoria del regno di Napoli ;" 8vo. Venez. 1541: translated into
Ijtin by Slupanus, 4to. BosiL 1572. — Ed.
THE TARTARS INVADE CHRISTENDOM.
4J)1
;li;it were slain, three hundred and fifty captains, who were brought
prisoners into Pavia with all their ensigns.
News hereof was brought to the emperor not long after, who
then was on his march from Faenza to the city of Bologna,
thinking to destroy the same. But upon the hearing of this
li;ippy success, he altereth his purpose, and, thinking by a decisive
Mow to end the contest, leadeth his army towards Rome; and
in the way he admitted to terms the city of Pesaro. But Fano,
because the townsmen shut their gates and would not suffer the
eniperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. For the
emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet
by his lawful excusation, he could do any good with him, thought
that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril immi-
nent, he might be brought to reasonable terms, and caused to leave
off his accustomed pertinacity. And although the emperor was too
strong for him, yet, for that he regarded nothing more than the public
tranquillity of the empire, and that he might then take the Tartarian
wars in hand if he could by any means conclude a peace, he refused
not so to treat with him, as though he had been both in force and
fortune much the pope*'s inferior.
Whilst that this ruffle was betwixt the emperor and the pope,
Ochodarius, son and successor of Ghcngis the first emperor of
the Tartars, sent a large and well-appointed army to invade the
neighbouring countries, and bring them into subjection to him. AVho,
almost without opposition, subdued the Russians, Podolians, Molda-
vians, Wallachians, Poles, and Prussians, laid waste the fields, and
plundered, burnt, ruined, and destroyed cities, towns, villages, and
buildings of every description ; killing man, woman, and child, and
sparing none of any sex or age. (a.d. 1235.) At whose sudden in-
vasion the people were in such fear and perplexity, that not a single
band, garrison town, or even walled city, dared to resist ; but all
hastened to leave all they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and
flee to marshes and mountains, or wheresoever else any succour did
offer itself to them. They had now come as far as Brcslau, when
Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia, went forth with an army to meet
them ; who, for the inequality of the number of his forces, had soon an
overthrow, and almost all his army being destroyed, he himself was
t-aken and slain with aii axe. From thence they came to Moravia, and
from thence to the kingdom of Bohemia, which countries, while the
king kept himself in strong defenced forts and durst not come abroad,
they invaded, and destroyed all Hungary ; putting to flight and van-
quishing Colman, the brother of Bela IV. king of Hungary, also
making great spoil in both the Pannonias, both the Moesias, Bulgaria,
and Servia. When Bela, king of Hungary, had gotten to Pola (which
is a city of Istria) unto Otho, the duke of Dalmatia and Istria,^ he
sent ambassadors to Frederic, the emperor ; promising that if he would
send him aid, so that the Tartars might be expelled, Hungary should
ever after be under the jurisdiction of the emperor ; which thing if
he should refuse to do, that then Hungary would be in great danger
of being subjected to the Tartars, to the no little peril of the whole
empire : and said further, that the cause wherefore he with more
instance required the same, was, that so many christian men and
(1) Sec p. 475, note (2).— Ed.
History of
Frederic
n.
Emperor
A.D.
1241.
The em-
peror
tliinkcth
to make
the pope
afraid.
y
The
Tartar _
invadeth
Christen-
dom with
a great
and migh-
ty power.
Unmer-
ciful
slaughter
of the
Chris-
tians.
The king
of Hun-
gary crav-
eth aid of
the empe-
ror.
492 Tiiv: rone's scbtlk i'uactices.
ifi»/oryo/ coimtrics made siuli ])itiriil lamentation in tliis their great calamity
Fredfr,c ,^^ j j^^jg^j.^.^ jj^j ^|,jj(_ ^],p,.e ^^g „one able to help them ; " which,"
Emperor, gj^j^j^ |jp^ 41 jg j^g ^^rcat sliauic as possible to the whole christian com-
A. D. monwcal;" and also said, that it the malice of this barbarous people
r24l. were not suj)prcssed, then he thought they would make invasion u])on
the empire itself and the provinces of the same.
The enii)eror, although he thought it very requisite that with all
convenient speed this mischief should be remedied and prevented,
yet notwithstanding, his great enemy the pope, with his confederates,
was the only let and hindrance thereof. When, therefore, he per-
ceived that he himself could do no good, and only laboured in vain
in seeking peace with the pope, he gave commandment to Wen-
ccslaus and Otho of Bavaria to entreat and persuade with him, that,
considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil
dissension to the whole state of Christendom, he Mould take up and
conclude a peace, and mitigate somewhat his fierce and wrathful
mood. When, however, he saw further, that neither by that means
of entreaty, nor any other, the pope would desist from his stubborn
malicious and froward purpose, he writeth back to the king of Hun-
gary that he was right sorry, and greatly lamented their miserable
state, and that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity that
Tiie, he and all the rest stood in. But, as the cause why he could not
pope s •
fauitthat redress the same nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly
tar is "not '•I'C bisliop of Romc ; who refusing all entreaty of peace, he (the
resisted, ompcror) could not without great peril to himself depart out of
Italy, lest that, when he should come to tfie aid of him, by the pope's
mischievous imaginations he should be in peril of losing all at home.
Notwithstanding, he sent orders to Conrad the Caesar, to the king of
Bohemia, and to other princes more of Germany, to go and meet the
enemy • and a great number of those who had taken the cross in
Germany were offering their services against the Tartars, when they
received orders from Albert, the pope's factor, to stay at home, until
Hadra- tlicy should be called out by him against the emperor. To conclude,
against ' sucli was the loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherents
ror than^ '"^ ^'''^ time of Calamity towards the christian state and common-
j'sainsi Wealth, that he had rather bend his force and revenge his malice
tar. upon the christian and good emperor, than either himself withstand
the Tartar, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace
that this most bloody and cruel enemy should be let and restrained
from such havoc, spoil, and slaughter of the christian men : and yet,
forsooth, these men will seem to have the greatest regard of all other
to the preservation of Christendom, and think to have the supremacy
given therein ! What thing else is this, than manifest mockery and
deceiving of the people .'' One good effect, however, came of this
sj)oil and havoc of Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary, viz. that the con-
spirators did not meet at Lebus (as had been determined') about
Thecm-^. ^'"^ deposing of the emperor and the creation of another,
peroraiid But uow notwithstanding the provident foresight and wise policy
cessors 01 inc em))cror (as you lieard bciorc) in restrammg tlie passages both
oHhe "*'^y sea and huul, who gave most strict charge and had special regard
Bubiie thereunto, that none should pass without privy search and examination,
practices, as oHc having sufficient trial, as well in his own person as by the
<I) 'See supra, p. 488.— Ed.
THE FRENCH KING S LETTER. 493
example of his predecessors, Avhat great mischief and dissension by Huioryoj
their legates every way sent out the popes had procured both to the ''y/""
imperial state and dignity and to the whole country of Germany ; yet ^'"i"^"'^-
found they such means and wrought such policies, that they had not A. D.
only secret passage and rcpassagc with their letters and spies into all ^241;
(Christendom where they listed, but also so laboured the matter and
litindlcd the same, that the long-continued league of amity between
the French king and the emperor, whose predecessors, as also they
themselves, had many years reverently observed it in christian con-
cord and unity, was by this seditious prelate and arrogant vicar of
Satan now either utterly infringed, or else in variable suspense; as
by their letters to each other, and hereunder ensuing, is to be read
and seen ; which, for the more probability of this history of Frederic
(not being long or greatly tedious), I thought meet here to intext
and place.
The Epistle of the French King to Frederic the Emperor, touching
the Imprisonment of certain Cardinals of France.'
Hitherto, noble emperor, hath our confidence been maintained unshaken, Long con-
that, owing to the mutual afiection which has subsisted for a long course of time ."."""^'^
between the empire and our realm, no matter could arise to hatch hatred and tween the
offence between us. Especially seeing that all the kings of France, our prede- empire
cessors of blessed memory, have even to our own times taken a warm interest rtllm of"^"
in the honour and dignity of your empire; and also that we, whom God hath France.,
placed to reign in succession after them, have been no otherwise minded. None
otherwise also, on their part, have the ancient as well as the more recent empe-
rors of the Romans esteemed their empire and the kingdom of France as one,
and have preserved the unity of peace and concord; insomuch that there hath
not chanced between them so much as one spark of dissension. We therefore The king,
cannot but greatly marvel, and not without good cause are troubled, that, yit'io"'
without any cause or ground of offence given on our part, you have caused Furement
prelates of our realm to be apprehended at sea, making their repair to the "f tlie
apostolic see (to the which as well by their faith as by their allegiance tliey stood \°Q^{^\ ,int
bomid, neither could they refuse its mandates), and that you do still detain the so have
same in your custody: whereat (we do your highness to wit) we are more hurt Y'"^" '"
than perhaps you may imagine. For by their own letters we understand that ror.^ ^^
they had contemplated nothing prejudicial to your imperial highness, although
the pope should have prosecuted therein further tlian became him to do.
Wherefore, seeing that there is no cause in them why you should detain them,
it becometh your higluiess to set at liberty the said prelates of our realm ;
whereby also you shall appease our grudge, who account the injury you do to them
as done to ourselves. For why? It were a great dishonour to our noble realm,
if we should wink hereat and overpass the same with silence. If you will not
attend to the above considerations, it will perhaps weigh with you, that when
the cardinal-bishop of Palestrine and other legates of the church came imploring
our aid to your prejudice, we gave them a flat refusal ; neither could they,
obtain in our kingdom any thing at all which seemed to be against or prejudicial
to your majesty. Let therefore your imperial providence ponder in the balance
of judgment those things which we write imto you, neither let our lawful
request unto you be frustrated or made in vain. For our kingdom of France
is not so weak as that it will allow itself to be trampled under your feet. Fare
ye well.
The Rescript of the Emperor to the same letter of the King of
France.*
Our imperial excellency hath perused the letters of your royal serenity, French
wherein if we had not found manifest self-contradiction, they might peradventure \l"f° '
kind's let-
con-
(1) Petri lie Vineis Epist. Fred. II., lib. i..ep. 12.— Ed.
(2) Ibid. Epist. 13. Both this and the preceding are revised from the Latin. — Ed.
494 nEscRiPT OF fkkderic the empehou.
//ii<oryo/liave obtained at our liands all that they required. But even as witli a little
Frederic leaven a whole lump of dough is soured, so a single particular falsely alleged
Emperor, destroyeth tlie whole argument of your letter. For it is apparent that your
grace's letter wanteth the virtue of the middle part in the conclusion of the
A. D. same, as we will evidently prove to you from facts wjiith are notorious to all.
12-11. It is notorious then, and to all the world revealed, in what sort the apostolic
trar7to~ '^"l'"^''" ''■'*''' attacked our iniiocencj', as well with the one sword as with the
tliem- other ; for whilst we, at his commandment, took our journey beyond the seas,
selves. i],p same our adversary and enemy invaded our kingdom of Sicilj-, and wasted
aposuiii- the same, not in one place or two but in divers and sundry parts thereof,
cal father After this, when with great entreaty and by the mediation of the princes of
Two'^ " Almain on our return from Asia we had concluded a peace with him, and he
lianded had iigain accepted our proflered devotion ; although valuable services were
sword. actually rendered him, yet the said apostolic father, that notwithstanding,
<ired and ^I'l^'i since that time rather aggravated his displeasure towards us ; and further,
twenty hath devised all he could to our deprivation and subversion, no cause in all the
Roi"raa°^ world given of us to provoke the same ; and further, he hath pronuilgated, as
beforeyou Well by his letters as legates, the sentence of excommunication against us unto
heard. all nations, to our great defamation and shame. Lastly, aspiring to supplant
our imperial state, that he might raise a tower of Babel against David (God's
anointed) he hath called unto a privy council for that purpose all the prelates he
could get, as one that mcanetli to set all the whole world together by the ears.
But the marvellous providence of God by whom we live and reign, beholding
The craf- the wicked purpose he went about, confounding the crafty in their craftiness
iLfsed" in ^''^''^ given into our hands cardinals and prelates, as well of your realm
their craf- of France, as of other regions and provinces; all whom we imprison and
tiness. detain as our enemies and adversaries. For where there wanted not a perse-
cutor, there ought not to want a defender also; especially seeing that the
imperial majesty transcendeth all mankind, and that every animal shuddereth
if it behold but the print of the lion's foot. Let not therefore your kingly high-
ness marvel, if Augustus detaineth " in angusto " your French prelates, who have
themselves endeavoured to drive us " in angustias." Fare ye well.
When Frederic now saw there was none other remedy, and that
in vain he laboured to have peace with the pope, he prosecuteth his
war to the uttermost. Todi opened its gates to him, and was
admitted to terms, but he destroyed the towns of St. Gemini and
Narni, and gave the spoil of them to his soldiers : he well treated
Tivoli, which surrendered to him, but wasted all the country about
Death of Rome. The pope overwhelmed by so great misfortunes, and troubled
IX. that the council which he had called at Rome was prevented, and his
A.D.124I. ^icsigns against the emperor not succeeding to his wish, being in
despair of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought,
August 21st, A.D. 1241.
What opinion the prelates of Germany at that time had of this
Gregory is to be seen by the oration (yet extant) of Everhard, archbishop
of Saltzburg, which he made to the nobility of liavaria in the par-
liament at Ratisbon, written by John Avcntine in his seventh
book. Doubtless he not only brought great and ruinous calamities
to the whole christian commonwealth and also the empire, whilst he
sought thus to depress and bridle the emperor and advance his papal
see and dignity, but he also brought into the church of God much
horrible impiety, blasphemy, and wickedness, whereof both Blondus,
Platina, Bale, and others make mention ; and, amongst others, that
most detestable cantilcne ' Salve Regina !', in the which he attributeth
the honour and worship only due to Jesus Christ \nito the Virgin,
his mother. This is he in whose name the book of the Decretals was
set out, which (to omit the opinion of divers other learned men) John
Bale calleth 'the sink or puddle of foolishness and impiety.'''
A SHARP LETTER OF FREDERIC. 495
Doubtless Oarolus Molinreus (a man of singular jutlgment both in the HiHoryof
civil and canon law) hath taught us what to think of that work when '^//"'^
he saith in his ' Annotations on Platina's life of Raymond Pcnna- ^'"p"''"'"-
fort, the collector of the Decretals of Gregory IX.' — " Doubtless divers a.D.
chapters in the same book of Decretals be mutilated and curtailed, on 1241
purpose to conceal offensive matter.*"' For as the popes, when once camius
the ambitious desire of reigning like kings took them, studied nothing Sp'jJn'fh"'
else but how to enlarge their dominion by weakening other kingdoms J^-^p^'g'^
and by successive encroachments on the imperial prerogatives, so they Gregory
kept the same end in view in their constitutions ; examples whereof
Molinreus giveth from sundry cases of French and English kings ; but
many more may be gathered from the history of the emperors and of
the princes and the various orders of the empire, whereof to speak
more convenient place shall serve hereafter.
In the stead of this Gregory was placed Celestine IV. (Geoffry de
Castiglioni, a Milanese) ; who, as Blondus declareth, by feigned
promises offered a league with Frederic, and the eighteenth day after
he was created pope died.
When the author of all this conspiracy was thus gone, Frederic The em-
now thinking himself free from those dangers on the side of Italy, for paretu'wi
fear of which he had not dared to leave Italy, with all his endeavour fig^t'^th
levieth an army, and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the Tar-
the delivery of the Christians, so mightily oppressed, as ye heard,
by the Tartars. Who, hearing of the coming of the emperor and of
the death of their own emperor, departed through Hungary, the
w'ay which they came, and returned by the river Danube to the
Crimea, and so along the shore of the sea of Azof, and across the river
Don, into Asiatic Tartary. When the cardinals had now a long
time delayed the creation of the pope, and would not agree upon the
same, the emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and
blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more
careful for the christian commonwealth. Two epistles of his touching
this matter are extant ; whereby appeareth, that only for the care
and desire of peace he had to the christian unity and state he did
the same, and for that, peradventure, the cardinals refused to
make peace with him before they had created a new pope. The
one, for more brevity, I have omitted, and have here inserted the
other.
An Epistle invective of the Emperor unto the Cardinals, because they
could not agree upon the creation of the Pope.*
This word is to you, O ye children of Ejjhraim ! who ill have bent your
bows, and still worse have shot your arrows, basely turning your backs in the
day of battle : this word is to you, O ye children of Belial, the so-called
assessors of the great judge, but (as being without a head) more like " scattered
sheep which have no shepherd !" this word is to you, O ye dissentious cardinals,
whom the world doth hate ; this word, I say, is to you, whom the whole world
with open mouth speaketh ill of. Doubtless, I cannot speak unto you but to your
detraction, because though im-mund lam yet nnuidane; and being of the world,
I must think and act with the world, as the part with its whole, which cannot write
discordantly or contrarily to itself. Attend ye, therefore, to my rude and unskil-
(1) " Certum est, multa capita in iis mutila et decurtata esse ut invidiosura argumentiim
lateret," &c. Carolus Molinaeus upon the Decretals of Gregory IX. [in prlncipio : Mohn. Opera,
Par. 1658, torn. iv. p. 68.— Ed.]
(2) Revised and corrected from Pet. de Vineis Epist. Frederici II., lib. i. ep. 18.— Ed.
496 RELEASE OF THE CAliDlNAI.S.
Hisioryof fill cpistlc, Wanting tlic dignity of an exordium. For my provoked tongue, ac
Frederic cclcrated by its own velocity, brasteth forili into words, before my conceiving spirit
Emperor. ^^^'^ commissioned t!ie same, and so, not waiting for the command of its superior,
hastenetli to express tilings not fully conceived or premeditate ; for a troubled
A. D. mind oftentimes doth beget unordered and unseasonable talk. This, therefore,
1243. is the common opinion in men's minds, and the conmion topic of their discourse,
that not the Mediator between (iod and man, Jesus Christ, wiio came from the
highest heaven to make peace upon the earth, the Master and Lord of the apostles
— not he. but Satan, is in the midst of you, ministering to you; that blustering
prince, who is divicied against himself; that persuader of discord, that murderer,
that father of lies, and spirit of darkness ; who hath divided your tongues,
and rent asunder your unity. You do not consult for your own good, nor yet
the good of the world, which is brought by you into so perilous a state ; and the
Peter's poor ship of Peter, which is tossed upon the sea by the vehement winds, wiih-
ship, by out oars or rowers, you no longer regard ; which ship, though it doth not indeed
sens'ion ^°^ itself fear foundering, yet suffereth it many perilous tempests and ship-
of the wrecks of her company. Doubtless, if ye diligently considered liow the nations
cardinals, j,„(j people whom ye are wont to judge, in scorn shake their heads at you, every
a/l'licted. one of you would turn pale. Nor could any argument be found sufficient to
screen you from universal execration and opprobrium ; for whilst every one of
you aspireth to the chair, no one consenteth to his fellow ; and whilst not one
of you can consent to another, none is promoted ; and whilst none is promoted,
the dignity of the see vanisheth. And thus by your discord the concord of
the church is confounded, and the perfection of the faith, wherein is your life,
perisheth. And surely, through your lack of a head it cometh to pass, that
whereas nature hath given you senses, yet you are reputed as a sort of monster
Peter's with deformed limbs, and defective in all your senses. And no marvel, for
shrill yom- vision seems obscured, your hearing is impaired, and that sound of your
turned moutli which shrilly was heard to tJie ends of the earth, is utterly dumb, or
into a become a self- mocking echo. For why? the thunderings of Peter and Paul
echo""^ are now no more heard, the preachers are become dumb dogs, and are enjoined
silence. Perliaps jou have hands ready to receive, but there be no gifts ; for
why? ihose that were wont to come from Saba, bringing gold with them, now
come no more, for they cannot find the Lord in the manger, the celestial star
refusing to be their guide. Moreover, ye want feet to walk withal, for until
a gift forceth you, you will not move six paces for any man's entreaty. Fie,
shameless people ! the least reptile may learn you wisdom, for the birds have
their captain, and ihe silly bees their king; but you toss about on the waves
without a pilot to steer you, exposing motlier church to the rude chance of
whatever may fortune.
The em- The cmperor yet after tins, at the request of Baldwin the emperor
reielseth of Constantinople, who came to Frederic at Parma, released the
nah7ro''ra Cardinals out of prison, thinking not only to gratify the emperor Bald-
prison, win, but also thinking that thereby things would the better grow to
public tranquillity on every side. When the cardinals were all
assembled at Anagni, they made Siiiibald, a Genoese, pope, whom
by a contrary name (for that he had determined, as I suppose, to be
A.D.1243. hurtful to the commonwealth) they called Innocent IV. Of which
election when Frederic understood, he was well pleased therewith ;
and for that he had in all this troublous time been his friend, the
emperor well hoped that the christian commonwealth should by him
liave been brought to much peace and concord. Wherefore he sent
Rejoiceth both liis ambassadors and letters gratulatory unlo him, letting him to
pop,?s understand how well it contented and pleased him that he was made
election. j)ope ; and what peace and quietness thereby he promiseth (as it were)
to himself, he maketh full relation thereof; offering again unto him
observance, helj) and aid in all things, and commending to his fatherly
protection both himself and his empire.
lie also wrote his letters to Otho, duke of Bavaria, who a little
THE pope's subtle DISSIMULATION. 497
before was reconciled to the emperor, that he who was elected pope ntstoryof
was a good man, a lover of peace, and studious as well for tlie "//''"■
tranquillity of the christian commonwealth, as of the empire. Emperor.
The ambassadors of Frederic, also, with the furtherance of Baldwin, a. D.
laboured very diligently with the pope for peace ; and all men were 1243.
most fully expecting the pacification of Christendom. But far
otherwise fell the matter out and contrary to all their expectations,
for the pope, set on and encouraged by the cardinals and other
against Frederic, secretly, and amongst themselves, wrought con-
trary to that they openly pretended, and not a little disappointed
both Frederic and others of their expectation and good opinion they xiie pope
had of the pope's holiness. For, whilst the emperor's ambassadors ylil^^^
awaited his answer to their proposals of peace, Rainerus, the cardinal, ^^i^'ie the
went secretly to Viterbo with a certain number of soldiers and took hopedT.r
the town, which before was on the emperor's part. p*'"^^'
The emperor having understanding hereof, mustereth his bands,
and with a sufficient power entereth the pope's dition, again to
recover Viterbo : but yet (taking this war so in hand, as not thinking
thereby to expel all chance of peace) at the request of certain of the
cardinals he was contented to leave Viterbo, and, having fortified
the town of Falari and furnished it with necessaries, came to Acqua-
pendente. From thence he sent again other ambassadors to Rome,
and with them also the emperor of Constantinople, with the earl of
Toulouse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in
the prosecuting of peace. But although at the time of Easter the Dissimn-
raatter seemed to have been got through, and peace concluded, {he°"btie
for that the emperor's ambassadors had sworn by his command and in p^p** I"-
his name that he would submit himself to the pope, and for that, on the iv.
other hand, the cardinals and others commonly called and named him
' Frederic, the christian Prince,' yet all this was no more but for a fetch,
not that they meant indeed to conclude any peace with him, or to
go through therewithal, but that through this dissimulation and like-
lihood of peace, which they understood the emperor much desired,
he should set free and open the passages, which he straitly kept, that
no man could pass and come to Rome, whither a great multitude had
been wont daily to resort for religion's sake. But when all came to
all, and that the ambassadors perceived that no conclusion of peace was
simply purposed on their behalf, they began to despair of the matter,
letting the emperor so to understand. The emperor, yet notwith-
standing, doubted not, but if he might himself speak with the pope,
he upon reasonable conditions should well enough accord with him ;
wherefore he by his ambassadors and letters desired him to appoint a
time and place when and where the emperor might resort to him. The
pope seemed to be contented here withal, and appointed a day at Cas-
tellana when they should talk together, and promised that he would
be there before him, and await the emperor's coming. But the pope The pope
in this while had made a confederacy with the French king against {hre^mpl-
Frederic ; and, having previously arranged with the Genoese that ror, ami
some galleys should be waiting in readiness for him at Civita-Vecchia, Lyons,
secretly in the night, with his company, hastening thither in post proscri- *
speed, he took ship, and first came to Genoa, and from thence to bethinm.
Lyons in France ; where he, calling a council, with a loud voice
VOL. II. K K
-i:9fi THE EMPKROR DEPRIVED OF HIS IMPERIAL DIGNITY.
Hui'.ryof summoned Frederic, and, appointing him a day, commanded him
"iH" there personally to plead his cause.
^'"P^""- And yet, although he understood that the sudden departing of the
A.D. pope out of Italy made plain demonstration of no conclusion or
1245. meaning of a peace ; and although it was plain that a council so
called bv the pope, in which he Avas to be both plaintiff and judge,
and which was to be packed with his own creatures, could only be
meant for the emperor's destruction — notwithstanding these and
other such evident demonstrations of the pope's hateful heart towards
him, yet the most modest emperor, relying on the innocency and up-
rightness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and christian
concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, who lately was come out of
Syria, the archbishop of Palermo, and Thaddeus of Suessa, the
president of his court, a most skilful and prudent civilian, to the
council at Lyons ; Avho signified unto them that the emperor would
be there for the defence of his own cause ; but as the day was very
short, he required a time more convenient for him thither to repair.
The em- The cmperoi", also, being onward on his way, and come as far as Turin,
Cometh to scut bcfore other ambassadors,- as the master of the Teutonic order
make his ^^^ Peter dc Vineis, to give them understanding of his coming, and
appear- " o o ^ ^ o" _
ance be- to cutrcat that they would prorogue the day of hearing, till he might
pope. conveniently travel thither. But for any thing that could be either
said or done, or upon how just cause soever required, the pope would
not give so much as three days'" space, in the which time the ambas-
sadors assured them of the emperor's presence ; as though there had
been no common proviso for every man, in that case, by the law to
liave used upon any reasonable let ! When the day by them ap-
pointed was come, the pope with his confederates (whose support he
had secured by money and promises) — against God's law, against
christian doctrine, against the prescript of the law both of nature and
of reason, against the rule of equity, against the order of law appointed,
against the constitutions of emperors and also the decrees of the em-
pire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days,
without probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded
unto or heard what might be answered therein — the pope, taking
upon him to be both adversary and judge, condemned the emperor
being absent, and in his full heat of fury and malice denounced
him accursed, and moreover deprived him of his imperial dignity,
charging him with the heinous crimes of perjury and sacrilege, writing
also letters and libels of defamation to all kings, princes, and poten-
tates. AVhat more wicked sentence was ever pronounced ? What
more crueller flict, considering the person, might be committed ? Or
what thing more brutish and beastly could have been imagined or
devised ? And yet hercat were these bishops nothing ashamed ; but,
meaning to leave their doings in WTiting, as an impudent testimony
to their posterity, established the same for a law to continue.
anc"e^faii- ^^^ uiark what vengeance God took upon this wicked judge. The
ethonthe liistoriaus of the time record, that when Frederic, the emperor, and
^°^^' Conrad his son, the Caesar, were both dead, the pope gaping for the
inheritance of Naples and Sicily, and thinking by force to subdue
the same, came to Naples with a great host of men ; where was heard
in the pope's court manifestly pronounced this voice, " Veni miser
ins I.ETIKR TO THE FRENCH K I N'G IN CONSEQUENCK, 499
.1(1 judicium Dei." " Thou wretch, come to receive thy judifnicnt."'''f''^"'/'r^
And the next day after, the pope was fountl dead in his bed, all "/. "^
black and blue, as thougli he had been beaten with bats ; as here- ^"'p"'"*-
after, in our history of bishop Grosthead, is declared,' A. D.
When the emperor had understanding of this cruel and tyrannical ti^45.
sentence of the pope passed and pronounced against him, considering
his furious purpose and mind therein, he thought good by his letters
to let all christian princes and potentates understand, as well what
injuries and manifold displeasures he had sustained by all the four
popes in their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this pope in
pronouncing the sentence of judgment and condemnation against him,
passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason ; which letter,
as he wrote the same, hereunder followeth to be seen.
The Letter of the Emperor to the French King and other Princes,
in consequence of the Sentence given against him in the Council
of Lyons by the Pope and Cardinals.^
Althoiigli we suppose not tlie contrary, but that information of the real
merits of our cause hath reached your serene highness by common rumour and
the testimony of many true witnesses ; yet for that
" Segniixs irritant animos demissa per aures,
Quam qu£e sunt ocuhs subjecta fidelibus" —
that is, " more credit is commonly given to what the ej'e seeth, than to what
the ear receiveth," — we thought good to lay before you the simple and naked
truth, to wit, the processes which sundry popes have carried on against us.
For the full and attentive perusal whereof, I beseech your gentleness, out of
the much time and the many days devoted to your own affairs, to indulge us
with some fit and convenient time. And if you will condescend to attend to
our royal counsel, consider, I pray you, carefully the following points : —
Whether our predecessors have been destitute or not of zeal for righteousness :
whether we may not lawfully I'ight ourselves in regard to so many and great
injui-ies as have been wrought against us : whether Christ's vicar hath performed
Christ's will ; and whether Peter's successors have imitated Peter's example.
Consider, also, what right that pi-ocess, which hath been caiTied on against us,
hath to be deemed a valid process, and by what term it is to be called ; and
whether that may be said to be a sentence, which is delivered by an incompe-
tent judge. For although we acknowledge widiout reserve, that the Lord
hath given plenary power in spiritual things to the bishop of the holy Roman
church, so that, however great a sinner he may be (which God forbid), yet what-
soever he bindeth upon earth is bound in heaven, and whatsoever he looseth is
loosed ; still, we nowhere read of power being given him, either by divine or
human law, to translate empire at his pleasure, or that he may give judgment
to punish kings and princes temporally, by depriving them of their kingdoms.
For although our consecration belongeth unto liim by ancient right and custom,
yet our deposition and deprival doth no more belong to him than to any other
prelates of other realms, who do customably consecrate and anoint their
respective sovereigns. Or be it so (barring any prejudice to ourselves), that
he hath such power ; is it that by the mere plenitude of that power, without
observing any order of law, he may inflict a sentence on any persons whom he
may assert to be subject to his jurisdiction? For he hath proceeded of late
against us (as we have said), but not by the order of accusation, forsomuch as
neither any sufficient accuser did appear, neither went there any bill of indict-
ment previously ; neither did he proceed by way of denunciation, forsomuch as
there wanted a lawful denouncer ; neither yet by the way of inquisition, for that
there went before no formal impeachment by a clerk of arraigns, and for that
no copy of articles of inquiry was furnished us, whereas some such are wont
to be publicly adduced by the judge in such case, as preliminary to an inqui-
0) See infra, pp. 532, 533.— Ed.
(2) Pet. de Vineis EpUt. Fred. II., lib. i. ep. 3, whence the above translation is revised. — Eo
K K 2
500 GERMANY A PHEY TO CIVIL DISSENSIONS.
Historyof sition. He asscrtcth, indeed, that all the things which he layeth against us were
Frederic notorious ; but that wo flatly deny, neither have they been proved to be noto-
rious by the lepal number of witnesses. In this way any judge, by merely
affirming what he listeth to ])e notorious, setting aside all order of law, may of
himself condemn whom he listeth. 'Tis true, there arose against us in the council
certain false witnesses, though not many, of whom the bishop of Carinola was
one ; who, on account of his brother and nephew having been by us lawfully
condemned for treason to be hanged, may reasonably be supposed to have u
grudge against us, and therefore may well be rejected as a witness in the
cause.
to such-like effect prosecuting tlie rest of liis epistle, which for
brevity's sake I omit.
After this, Frederic had retired for a little repose to Grosseto, a
town on the coast near Sienna ; where he discovered a conspiracy
against his life, -which he defeated by putting to death the chief persons
engaged in it : they confessed at their death that they had been set
on by the pope. The pope then contrived to form a considerable
party against him in Germany : Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, he
persuaded that his brother had been treacherously slain by Frederic
at Brundusium,' and he consented to be named Ccesar : but he died
William, the next year. The pope then induced the rebels to take up William,
Holland ^^'"^ °^ Hollaud, who was accordingly named Caesar in opposition to
made Conrad.
the Ro- This policy the pope used, to vex and disturb both the country of
the'pope. Germany and the whole empire ; and not so only, but also utterly to
destroy and subvert the same, by the ruinous decay whereof, the pope
and his prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whilst
Germany that Germany was now newly again divided, some taking part with
fn'mr/iy" Frederic the emperor, and his son Conrad the Caesar, and other nobles
fhrou h ^^^ princes of the empire ; some, with those who should, by the pope's
the pope's procurement, be the electors of the new emperor ; other some, with
md^icious jipjjjjgj. Qf both, as men not minding nor tending the public utility,
but to serve their own purposes, armed themselves ; and thus was the
public peace and quiet broken and disturbed, and altogether in tumult
and hurly-burly. For whilst the one part laboured by all force to
retain the dominion by public and common consent first to him com-
mitted, the other part in like sort endeavoured themselves, with all
their force and power, to use and occupy the same, according to the
decree of the bishop of Rome, and to take it from Frederic. And
thus great conflicts grew on all parts,
spoiiedby By thcsc civil wars, Germany suffered no little calamity ; in every
seniion pl'icc was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns
through _ and villages set on fire and burnt, the churches and temples
practices wlierciu the husbandmen had put their goods and substance, violated
fhe'empe- ^^^ robbcd : houses were pulled down, the goods divided, and every
man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoil and con-
tention of deposing one and choosing another emperor, this quarrel of
princes, this license of a state of warfare of hurting and sinning
with impunity, the impudent boldness of divers private soldiers,
and especially of the horsemen (then comited the better sort of
soldiers), was so great, and their unbridled and unsatiable desire
in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, catching and snatching
all that came to hand, was such, that nothing could be sure and in
(1) Seesupri, p. 4G7, note (3).— Eb.
ror
OTHO EXCOMMUNICATED FOR SIDING WITH THE EMPEROR. 501
safety that any good man enjoyed. Wherefore, a little before the nhtoryoj
death of William, king of the Romans (a.d. 1256), threescore cities ^''"j"'"
and towns joined themselves in a league with Louis, palatine of the ^"'p""'--
Rhine and duke of Bavaria (Otho's son), and other princes, of whose A.D.
names Aventine in the seventh book of his " Annales Boiorum"'' 1246.
maketh mention, for the expelling of these rebels, and repressing of Robbers
their so great injurious rapine and slaughter of men ; of which army chlLed'^'''
the said Louis being captain, he chased and drave the whole rout of^^tof
them to the uttermost parts of Germany, and pulled down and over- "^^^^^'
threw their castles and fortresses, and every other place where they
bad intrenched themselves.
Meantime Otho, duke of Bavaria, most constantly keepeth his Fidelity
promise and faith made before to the emperor Frederic and Conrad, "he^cm '-
his son ; whereupon Philip, archbishop of Saltzburg, Albert, bishop wr.
of Ratisbon, Conrad, bishop of Frisingcn, and their confederates,
calling a council at Meldorf by the pope's commandment sent
for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the pope's pleasure
and commandment. To all which Otho answered : " I cannot His an-
marvel at some of you enough, that whereas heretofore you per- tiTeL-"
suaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop e^'*^^-
of Rome, whom you yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist, and that
I should take part with the emperor and his son, now you yourselves
will not keep your fidelity and promise made unto those good princes:"
and he said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity
in their thoughts, words, and deeds, who now call that wicked,
unjust, and violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just,
and right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures,
corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes, gaping for honour and
estimation ; and that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor
their duty and office, but studied how to make dissension and com-
motions, and longed after war and bloody battle. He said further,
that for his part he would obey God and his prince, to whom he
had sworn fidelity ; and that he nought regarded the pretended curses
of the pontiffs. He said he believed in Christ, and would trust in
his mercy ; and that he believed how those whom they cursed and
gave to the devil, were in greatest favour with God. Howbeit, and
notwithstanding those prelates seemed to take in good part this Excom-
expostulation of Otho, and to bear no malice or grudge for what he Tedfcr^"
had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity ; yet, not long after, ["J/^ "L
Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as was pope to
the best ^^^^ ""^
mc ucsl. emperors
But the aforesaid Albert, bishop of Ratisbon, not only played p*"'
rex amongst the citizens, but also bethought him of a mischievous
device against Conrad the Csesar, the emperor's son. When by
fraud and subtilty he had apprehended many of the rich burgesses
and citizens of Ratisbon who bare the emperor good will, and had sent
them prisoners to Stadt-am-Hof,' Conrad, joining with other noble-
men of the empire, after he had spoiled and wasted much of his
lands and those of his companions, drave him so near, that upon
certain conditions he released the aforesaid citizens. Soon after,
Conrad, going with an army to Ratisbon, and having been according
(1) " Staffum" (Cisner), most likely Stadt-am-Hof, a town separated from Ratisbon only by a
bridge over the Danube, where probably there was a prison. Buschicg's Geography.— Ec.
tliese tu-
nuills.
602" MARTIAL AFFAIIIS OF FREDERIC THE EMPEROR.
Hhtoryof to aiicicnt custom received as a guest at the monastery of St. Emeran,
Frederic j^]]^f,j.^^ y.■^^\^ certain of his confederates, by the help of Ulric, the abbot,
E'xperor. cauic In tlic dcad time of the night into the chamber, wlicre he
A. I), hnew tliat the Ccxsar with a few servants were lodged, and falling upon
1216. them, some they took and other some they slew ; and finding no other
c.T»ar in pcrson in the chamber, they thought that the Caesar had been slain
ilbor" "^ amongst the rest. But he, hearing the noise, had left his bed and
hidden himself under a bench, and so escaped their hands. The next
day he outlawed or proscribed the bishop and his mates, and also the
abbot, for treason, and seized upon all the goods of the house.
But, at the suit of the guiltless monks, he released all to them again,
taking by way of fine one hundred pounds. Ulric lost his office, and
AiLcrt, by Albert, for punishment, was forced to take upon him the habit of
punish ^ monk. One Conrad of Hochcnfcls, who was the murderer of
ment, tlicsc uicn, altliough he escaped the punishment of man's hand, yet
thf order the vcngcance of God for the fact he escaped not. For as he rode in
of^moiik- ^|j^ ^^y ^-j^g abroad, he was suddenly stricken with a thunderbolt
and died.
During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered
that Frederic, the emperor, lay not still, but had his hands full : who.
Therm- notwithstanding, by God's help overcoming and suppressing these or
preslcui'' the greater part of these rebellious popish tumults, and having done
strait execution on those especially who had conspired against his person,
called a council, and setting in some stay the troublesome affairs of his
kingdom, and having committed a certain number of troops to his son,
prince Frederic of Antioch, governor of Etruria,' Richard, earl of
Umbria and governor of Flaminia, and Encio, king of Sardinia, his
lieutenant in Lombardy, retired to Cremona. Thither he assembled
round him the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men that there
were, sending for them out of every part, thinking with them to have
gone himself to Lyons to the pope, and there to have with him com-
munication, as well concerning the sentence definitive, as also about the
conclusion of any peace, if by any means he might. And when all
things were prepared and ready, he took the journey in hand, and came
to Turin, having with him both a great army of soldiers, and also a
great company of legates and ambassadors. From thence sending his
carriages before, within three days' journey of Lyons he was certified
that a band of refugees in the pope's interest, from Breschia and
Tk""" Piacenza and other Ghibelline cities, had, with the assistance of the
kept by pope''s Icgatc, seized Parma. Which when he understood and that the
wpJiT"^^ pope herein was the only and chief doer, he saw manifestly it should
wends*^" little prevail to attempt any further the thing he went about ; and
of his. then, at length, when he saw none other remedy, putting from him
all hope of peace, he determined himself to the wars with all his force
and might. Thus altering his purpose and journey, he took the
The em- straiglitcst way into Lombardy, and, with an army of sixty thousand
ferethliis "icu, bcsicgcd Pamia. And to the intent he might more aptly and
I'ro'mL^ near the town plant his siege and battery without disturbance, first
oMsto lie intrenched his camp, and fortified the same about with bulwarks
''™*' and other defensible munition. After that, he caused divers victual-
ling-houses and taverns in his camp to be slightly builded of timber ;
fll The correct desipnation of this prince was, " Frederic of Antioch, count of Albano, Ce'iano,
and Lorctto." See Struvius's Germanic Hiitorv. -Ed.
HIS DISCOMFITURE BEFORE PARMA. 503
he also marked out certain spots for public markets, •\vliitlicr buyers ntsioryoj
and sellers might resort ; and embclli»licd the place with handsome '//'^"^
dwelling-houses and a^ temple ; and altogether it had more the -^"'p'''""'"-
appearance of a wooden city than a camp. All which things when A.l).
he had finished, which Avas not long in doing, for a happy omen ^247.
and in confidence of a prosperous issue he named it Victoria, and
fondly hoped that the same would take the place of the city
of Parma, which when taken, he purposed to level with the
ground. And at first, both there and elsewhere, all things pros-
pered well with Frederic, and had good success ; for he sharply
attacked and hard pressed those who defended the city of Parma ;
and further, Robert de Castiglioni, who was the emperor's
lieutenant in Picenum, near unto Osimo discomfited the pope's iiie
army, and slew of them more than four thousand, and took many !,'r,^,y^(ii,.
such as were of the confederate cities prisoners. Also, when the [j""'"^'-''^
factions of the Ghibellines and Guelphs in Florence were at contro- emperors
versy, and the emperor's son Frederic, prefect of Etruria, came to nant!
the relief of the Ghibellines (who had sent to him for aid), the
Guelphs therewith dismayed fled from thence to Bologna, whose
goods and substance came all to the emperor's coffers, and Florence
also itself to the emperor's obedience. But this good success and
prosperous fortune lasted not long, for as once on a time Frederic,
to recreate himself (who seldom had his health), rode about the
fields with certain of his horsemen to hawk and hunt, the greater
part of his soldiers, thinking of nothing less than of any enterprize Negii-
to be attempted of the poor starvelings within the town Parma, fite^or-*^
wandered and ranged unarmed out of their city Victoria about ^f ""''
the fields. The soldiers in Parma, having this occasion oiFered, occasion
with all force and speed possible entered the emperor's camp or
town Victoria, at a part which was less strongly fortified than the
rest, and where one of the gates chanced to be left open. The sudden
strangeness of the matter much abashed the soldiers, and they rang
out their larum-bell. Against the first assault, however, the mar-
quis of Malaspina made a brave stand ; whom when the emperor,
returning in all haste, found to be hard beset, he had thought to have
rescued him ; but when that was perceived of the enemy, they bent
all tlieir force together on that side, insomuch that the emperor was
forced to take to the trench, lest he should have been of the enemy Discomfi
environed. And from thence he retired into the city or camp, where emperor'"
he had thought to have gathered further aid ; but the enemy, not giving at yic-
him sufficient time there-for, with all force entered the city Victoria.
The emperor, seeing them in the very heart of his city, fled and
came to St. Domino: the enemy, when they had killed and slain a great
number of the emperor's soldiers, and had burnt and destroyed the
said city of Victoria, returned to Parma. The emperor then sus-
pecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had
understanding as well of the emperor's absence as also of the negli-
gence of his soldiers, imprisoned certain of the chicfcst about him, imprison-
amongst whom also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet, whilst he was at St. of'',,'|s^"^
Domino, endeavouring to rally the remains of his broken army, Encio captains,
getteth a great victory of the Mantuans, who coming to the rescue of
Parma lost fifty of their ships, and all that they had in them. After
to the
enemy.
504 ui:atii of tuk empekoe,
uhioryof this also, Ricliard, in another conflict in Picenum, discomfited the
"r" pope's sokliers and slew their captain Hugolinus, besides two thou-
^'"P"^'"'- sand others slain and taken prisoners.
A.D. When now Frederic had gathered again and new mustered his
1250. bands at St. Domino, he marched forth to Cremona; and, notwith-
standing that there he understood of the good success and victory
that Encio had at Reggio, yet for that he perceived the defection
and backsliding of all or most part of Lombardy from him, lie
determined to take his journey into Apulia, purposing, when he
had there levied a strong and sufficient power, to make his
speedy return again into Lombardy. Therefore, in his journey
caprese tlirougli Etruria into Apulia, he joined with his son Frederic
the'em-* wlio was bcsicging Caprese, and took the same, and led with him
peror. divcrs of the chiefest captains prisoners ; and after that, subduing
St. Miniato de Tedesco unto the obedience of the empire, he came
into Apulia.
When news was brought liim thither, that Encio his son (in going
to aid the Modenates against the Bolognese) was taken prisoner two
miles off from Modena, and that in his absence the pope's captains
with their bands and garrisons were ninning about Lombardy,
Emilia, Flaminia, and Etruria, to stir and procure the cities to
revolt from the obedience of the emperor, and not without success,
partly by subtle policies, and partly by force and sinister means,
bringing them to his purpose ; he determined with himself, with all
the force and power he might by any means procure and make, to
begin afresh, and prosecute this Avar to the uttermost. Neither was
The em- it to be doubtcd (as Pandolpho Colcnuccio writeth) but that he would
poseth to '^^^'^ wrought some marvellous exploit and great attempt, but that he
niiike was of this his purpose (whereunto he was both willing and bent)
great prevented by unlooked-for death. For when he fell into a fever,
attempt. ]J^.[^^„ ^t a Certain castle of his in Apulia, called Castel Fiorcntino, and
saw by the extremity thereof his time to be but short, he remembered
that which was once showed him, how he should die at Florence ;
whereupon he made his last will and testament ; wherein he devised
Prevent- an immense sum of money to pious uses (as they are called), and
deafh, appointed Conrad and his other sons his heirs and successors in the
A.D. 1250. empire and in his other dominions, giving to each according to his
age. Having done this, he departed this wretched and miserable
world, December 13th, a.d. 1250.
Pandolpho writeth, that Frederic was very willing to die, and that
they who were present at his death felt satisfied that his soul on
departing was translated to heavenly joy and felicity. The same
Frederic thing also Guliclmus Puteanus, Andreas Pandalus the Venetian, and
one of Manardus bishop of Imola, being Italian writers, do all affirm ; of
ei^t* whom this last writeth, that he assuredly believeth Frederic to be
one of the number of God's elect.
Sundry The writcis, notwithstanding, are of sundry judgments and opinions
of "the"' touching this good emperor's death. Some write that lie was traitor-
F^erlc ously poisoncd by his cup-bearer, being hired thereunto by the pope,
iheempe- Most Say that lie was strangled with a pillow by Manfred, his natural
son. liut Pandolpho, as good a writer as tlie best, maketh no
}nention of any poison that was given him, but only that he died of
HIS I'RAISIS AND DISPKAISE. /JOS
a fever. The last opinion, toucliing Manfred, he manifestly refutcth, mnnryof
and showeth that there is no manner of likelihood of the same ; and ^'''j'/"'-'
further, that the contrary is affirmed by divers other writers who ^"'P"'"'--
were of that time. He died a. d. 1250, the thirteenth day of a. D.
December, in the six and fiftieth year of his age, and six and thirtieth 1250.
year of his reign, whose corpse was brought to Palermo, and there
entombed.
Frederic had three wives, the first was Constantia, the daughter of The issue
the king of Arragon, of whom he begat Henry, the duke of Suabia, and rfc^hJ'^"
king of the Romans : the second, lole, the daughter of John dc Bricnne '^'npe™"-.
king of Jerusalem, whence the kings of Sicily and Naples to this day
insert Jerusalem in their style ; of whom he begat Conrad, duke of
Suabia, king of Jerusalem and Naples, and Csesar: the third Isabella,
the daughter of John king of England, by whom he had a son named
Henry, who is said to have died in his childhood. This Frederic Frederica
had not his peer in martial affairs and warlike policies to be compared "Jj'jfj „j
unto him, amongst all the princes of that age : a wise and skilful prince,
soldier he was, a great endurer of painful labours and travails,
boldest in greatest perils, prudent in foresight, industrious in all his
doings, prompt and nimble about that he took in hand, and in adver-
sity most stout and courageous. But as in this corruption of nature
none there be that attain perfection, neither yet is there any one
of such self-government and godly institution both in life and
doctrine as is required of them, so neither was this Frederic Not with-
without his fault and besetting sin ; for the writers impute to "^uiu*
him some fault of concupiscence, wherewith he was stained and
spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all clear thereof, foras-
much as by sundry concubines he had sundry bastard children ; as
Encio, king of Sardinia, Manfred, prince of Taranto, and prince
Frederic of Antioch.^ These particulars I find in the description
of Frederic by Colenuccio, which he affirmeth that he gathered
out of good and probable authors. But as touching the heinous acts
and flagitious deeds which the pope burdeneth him withal, and in his
sentence against him maketh mention of, not only Frederic purgeth
himself thereof, but also most historians (as well Italian writers as
German) affirm the same to be false, and of the pope's own brains,
to do him skath and teen withal, invented.' I have thought good
to translate from the Italian what Colenuccio saith on this subject, in
the passage following his commendation of Frederic ; whose words
be these :
" Albeit the emperor Frederic was endued with many goodly gifts Pan-
and virtues, yet notwithstanding was he accounted an enemy of the fo^idung
church and a persecutor of the same : of which both Innocent IV. in i^'s pyaise
!• 11 11-M 11 1 ^'"^ "'""
his sentence hath pronounced him guilty, and the same sentence have praise,
other popes registered in the Sixth book of Decretals, and esta-
blished the same for a law : so that, it seems, he ought to be taken
for no less. Therefore, perad venture, it should not become me to
falsify or call in question that which others have confirmed, or even to
dispute and argue much of that matter. Yet notwithstanding, so
far as his acts and deeds declare, and the books of the best authors
(1) See 8upra, p. .502, note (I).— Ed.
(2) " Skath, or skare," and " teen," injury and sorrow. Todd's Johnnon.— Ed.
black and
vliilf
506 TIIF. I'Ol'l.'s CHUKCH NOT THAT OF CHIIIST.
7/ii/oryo/ affirm, us nlso liis own epistles do testify, I am inclined to think that
^"f"'" the bishops of Konic counted him an enemy to the church, cither
F.mperor. f^j. ^\^^^ ],g ^^..^g sonicwliat too bold in speaking and telling them but
A. D. the truth, and roimning the ecclesiastical order of their great abuses ;
1250. or else, for that he would have had them go somewhat more near the
conditions and lives of the ancient fathers of the primitive church and
disciples of Christ ; or else, for that he contended and stood with
them for the prerogative and dignities belonging to the empire ; or
else, for that they stood in fear and awe of the great power he was of
in Italy, which thing indeed Gregory IX. in a certain epistle of his
confcsseth : but of these things let them judge and discern, who shall
The read the monuments and histories of Frederic. Truly," saith he,
chiKc'ii. " when I consider with myself that Christ (whose vicars the Roman
compared bJshops boast tlicmselvcs to be) said unto his disciples, that they
Christ's should follow him, and also imitate his example, as of their master
are"i[kt- and teacher ; and commanded them, furthermore, how they should not
draw the sword, but put up the same into the scabbard ; and further
gave them in precept, that they should not only forgive injuries
seven times, but seventy-times seven times, to those that offended
them ; and when I now compare the lives of the bishops of Rome
with these precepts, and consider so many and great conspiracies,
treasons, rebellions, disloyalties, lyings-in-wait, and treacherous
devices, so many legates of the popes, being ecclesiastical persons,
who will needs be called the shepherds of Christ's flock, to be such
warriors and captains of soldiers in all parts of Italy, Campania,
Apulia, Calabria (being the emperor's dominions), in Picenum,
yEmilia, Flaminia, and Lombardy, to be sent out against him ; and
also when with myself I meditate the destruction of so many
great and famous cities, the subversion of such commonweals, the
slaughter of so many men, and the effusion of so much christian
blood ; and lastly, when I behold so victorious, prosperous, and
fortunate emperors to be, and so many miserable, unfortunate, and
vanquished popes put to flight, — I am persuaded with myself to
think and believe, that the judgments of God are secret and marvel-
lous, and that to be true, which /Eneas Sylvius in his history of
Austria writeth, that there is no great and marvellous injury, no
notorious and special calamity, that hath happened either to the
public weal or else to the church of God, of the which the bishops of
Rome have not been the authors. Nicholas Machiavelli also saith,
' That all the ruinous calamities and miserable chances, that the
whole christian commonweal and also Italy hath suffered, have been
brought in mainly by the popes and bishops of Rome."' "
" Many epistles of Frederic there be, which he wrote unto the
bishops of Rome, to the cardinals, and to divers other christian
princes, all which I have read ; and in them is to be seen nothing
contrary unto christian doctrine, nothing wicked and ungodly, nothing
injurious to the church of God, nothing contumelious or arrogantly
written of Frederic. But indeed I deny not that they be fraught
and full both of pitiful complaints and lamentations, touching the
avarice and ambition of the ecclesiastical persons, and pertinacity of
the bishops of Rome, and that they would receive and take no
satisfaction nor yet excuse, nor tolerate his defence of the rights and
THE EPISTLES OF FREDERIC THE EMPEROU. 507
privileges of the empire ; also touching their manifold conspiracies, iihiorynf
which they practised both secretly and openly against him ; they are "li^^"
also full of his admonitions which he gave to the whole multitude ^"'P'"'"^-
and order ecclesiastical, to attend upon and discharge their functions A.D.
and charges. And those who are still further desirous to know and 1250.
understand the truth, and who covet to search out the renowned
virtues of magnificent princes, let them read the epistle of Frederic, Deserved
addressed to all christian princes, which thus beginneth, ' College- da^i.m'"'"
runt principes, pontificcs, ct Pharisroi concilium :' and another,' "Pfjticsof
wherein he exhortcth the college of cardinals to take up the dissension Frederic.
between the emperor and the pope, which beginneth, ' In exordio
nascentis mundi ;' and also another which thus beginneth, ' Infallibilis
veritatis testem ;' besides yet another, ' Ad Reges et principes orbis
Christiani f with divers others more, wherein may well be seen the
princely virtues of this worthy emperor ; all which epistles collected
together in the Latin tongue the learned sort I wish to read, where-
out they may pick no little benefit and commodity to themselves.
In his epistle last recited these are his words :' — ' Think ye not that Frederic
we so earnestly desire or crave this peace at your hands, as though S"[h ufe
our majesty were terrified with the pope's sentence of deprivation ; ^^^^^ta of
when as God, the judge of our conscience, whom we trust in and to reform
invocate, is our witness, that when we went about to reform the church of
ecclesiastical state, but especially the ringleaders of the same, and ^°™^-
would restrain their power, and extirpate their great tyranny, and
reduce the same to the state and condition of the primitive church,
we looked for no less at their hands.' — For these causes peradventure,
those who held the places of chief dignity in the church decreed and
pronounced Frederic to be an enemy to the church : which (as I have
said) I leave to others to judge thereof." Hitherto Pandolpho
Colenuccio.
And doubtless examples to the contrary do appear, that Frederic sheweth
was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that he both gave large n^n^emy
and great gifts thereunto, and also franchised the same Avith great ^"' ^
privileges and immunities; which things by his own constitutions, to the
statutes, and customs, may be perceived and imderstood. But it Rome^°^
would appear, on the other hand, that the bishops of Rome most
filthily recompensed again the same his great liberality and princely
benevolence, which he gave and bestowed upon the same, as partly in
the discourse of this history you have heard; who notwithstanding
they so molested and tired him with such and so many injuries as
you have seen, he nevertheless, forgiving and pardoning all the same,
for the great zeal he had to the christian commonwealth, whereof he
more forced than else of any other thing, sought by all the means
he might for to have peace, although it were to his own great hin-
drance. Therefore, seeing he was of necessity by the bishops of
Rome provoked to that war, if he did them any skath in revenge of seif do
his imperial dignity, let them thank their own selves, who might other- the'^prol*'
wise have remedied the same. Notwithstanding, divers both Italian '•'^^^ ^^•
(1) The translation of it is ^ven siipril, p. 482.— Ed.
(2) " Nou existimetis id me a vobis ideo contendere, ac si ex sententia pontificia privationis
majestas nostra sit jierculsa. Cum eiiim nobis sit recta; vohmtatis conscientia cumque Deum
nohiscum habeamus, eundem teslera invocamus id nos spectasse, ut cum totum ordiiiem ecclesi-
asticum, turn presertim priinorcs, nervis potential dominationisque eorum succisis extirpatisque
tyrannidis radiribus, ad primitiva; ecclcsice conditionem et staluni revocarcnius."
508 VERSES THAT PASSED BETWEEN
Hutoryoj and Gemian writers, both of those and of subsequent times, even down
^"ff^"' to our own age, who sought for fat benefices and studied in their
Emperor^ writini^ bv flatlcrv rather to obtain from the pope that which they
A. D. hunted for, than to bear true and faithful testimony of things as tliey
1250. were indeed, liave taken great occasion hence to shinder this good em-
Hopeof peror. But let us pass over these parasites, and return to those who,
Sureth although thcy themselves were of that calling, I mean of the ecclcsias-
many to tical ortlcr. yet notwithstanding, for that they were more swayed by love
and'write of truth and respect for worth, than by the authority of the pope and a
untruths, j^^g^ (lisj)osition to flatter, have greatly extolled and commended this
good emperor Frederic. So did Nicolas of Cusa, a cardinal, in his
writings affirm this emperor to be another Charlemagne, both for his
wisdom and also diligent regard to the commonweal. So also writeth
Gilles, archbishop of Bourges, in his book ' Dc Regimine Princi-
pum,'* which he Avrote for the French kings, exhorting them and all
others to take pattern of this most worthy and excellent prince : in
commendation of whose worthy praise and virtue these verses are
written on his tomb : —
Si probitas, sensus, virtutum gratia, census,
Nobilitas ortus, possent resistere morti,
Non foret cxtinctus Fredericus, qui jacet intus.
Wherefore, inasmuch as it appeareth by the approved writers of
whom I have made mention, who and what manner of prince this
emperor Frederic was, and that because he diligently laboured, as
well in the preservation of the christian commonweal, as in the con-
servation of the imperial dignity, he procured to himself the great
hatred and displeasure of the Roman bishops (who have been to all
the good emperors for the most part utter foes and enemies), and with
what wicked slanders and other injuries both by them, and by their
ministers he was continually molested — this lesson ought to be ours,
that having the same in our memory, we imitate and follow his virtues,
hating and detesting the wicked and flagitious doings of those holy
fathers that will so be called, the bishops of Rome : desiring God
that he will so guide the hearts of all kings and princes, that they
may, by his grace, advance and set forth his glory, and reform the
corrupt and vicious manner and order of the church to all sincerity
and purity both of life and doctrine.
These verses which here ensue were sent and written between the
emperor and pope Innocent IV., which, because to the learned they
arc both commodious and profitable, at the end of this history I
thought good to place.
Fredericus Imper. Innocent IV. PapcB.
Fata monent, stellajque decent, aviumque volatus,
Totius subito malleus orbis ero :
Roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta
Corruet, et mundi desinet esse caput.
Innocent. Papa Frederico Imper.
Fata silent, stellaeque tacent, nil prsedicat ales,
Solius est proprium nosse futura Dei :
Niteris incassum navem submergere Petri :
Fluctuat, at nunquam mergitur ilia ratis.
(1) Gilles Colonnc was archbp. of Bourges, a.d. 1294—131(5. Gallia Christiana. See Cave's Hist,
lyitt. His work " Oe Hegimine Principiini" was translated into English by Thomas Oclevc, one
of our old English poets. See Tanner's BiWioth. and Wharton's llist. of English Puetry. See
p. 714, infrA. — Lu.
THE POVE AND THE EMPEROR. 509
Fama refert, scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur, iiyinryof
Qu6d tibi vitabrevis, poena perennis erit. Frederic
Quod divina maims potuit, sensit Julianus ; Emperor.
Tu succedis ei, te tenet ira Dei.
Fre. freniit in mundo, de. deprimit alta profundo, A. D.
Ri. mala rimatur, cus. cuspide cuncta minatur. \2b0.
Fredericus Innoceniio.
Fata monent, stelloeque docent, aviumque volatus,
Lapsurum te mox ad stjgis antra nigrse.
Cymba Petri non est, sed Christi, qure natat undis :
Fluctuat, atnunquam mergitur ilia ratis.
Fama refert, tua scripta docent, peccata nefanda
Interitum ostendunt, exitiunique tuum.
Strangulat Adrianuni musca ; annon ira Tonantis
Cogitat et de te sumere supplicium ?
Carcere siispendit sese Benedictus, et alter,
In stupro captus, saiicius ense peril :
Sylvestruni extinguit Satanas sceleratior ipse :
Ergo tuis factis proemia digna feres.
Innocuum te voce notas, cum sis nociturus
Orbi terrarum christianoque gregi.
Fredericus Innocentio de integro.
Esses si membrum, non te caput orbis et urbis
Jactai-es, cum sis orbis et urbis onus.
Nunc membrum non es, sed putre cadaver et ulcus,
Ense reddendum, ridiculumque caput.
A Daniele /3SeXvy/Lia, nefasque caputque malorum,
Diceris, a Paulo filius exitii.
Nos solum Christum nostrum caput esse : malorum
Totius orbis te caput esse facis.
Et caput est unum, quod Paulus dicit ubique ;
Tu, vecors balatro, die mihi quale caput ?
Corporis ergo caput monstrosi, monstra parisque,
Monstra paris monachos, scorta nefanda foves.
Est tua religio stuprum, ira, superbia, caedes,
Error, deliciae, fulmina, turpe lucrum.
Ex his ergo liquet Christum te spernere : Christo
Hostem esse invisum, dedecorique Deo.
Rex tandem veniet coelo delapsus ab alto,
Tunc non defendent te sacra, missa, cruces ;
Non in sublimi surgentes vertice cristas,
Non diploma potens, non tua sacra cohors ;
Nee diadema triplex, nee sedes sanguine parta,
Nullus honos solii, purpura nulla, tui.
Triginta argenteis Christum vendebat ludas,
Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui.
Corpora tu vendis Christi parvo sere, polumque,
Ccelestes genios, sidera, jura, Deos.
As ye have heard of the iniquity and raging pride of the popish certain
church against their lawful emperor, so now shall ye hear (Christ fusuabu!
willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of
that whorish church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry
countries ; as in the country of Suabia about the time of this
emperor (a.d. 1240), or near upon the same, where were many
preachers mentioned in the Paraleipomena of Urspcrgensis, and also
in Crantzius,^ who preached freely against the pope. These preachers
(as Crantzius saith) ringing the bells, and calling the barons together
at Halle in Suabia, there preached that the pope was a heretic, and
that his bishops and prelates were Sinioniacs and heretics ; and that
(1) [" SaxoniiE,"] lib. viii. cap. 16 et ['• Metropolis," lib. viii. cap.] 18, [cited by lilyricus " fat.
Test." col. 1651, from the Par. tJrsperg. ; whence a few corrections are made in the text. — Ed.J
510 nESISTERS OF THE POPe's USURPED POWER.
jfenry tlic inferior priests and prelates had no authority to bind and loose,
but were all seducers : Item, that no pope, bishop, or priest, could
A.D. restrain men from their duty of serving and worshipping God,
^-^Q- and therefore such cities or countries as were under the pope's curse
might, notwithstanding, lawfully resort to the receiving of sacraments
as well as before : Item, that friars, Dominic and Franciscan, did
pervert the church with their preaching. And that, as the indul-
gence of the pope and his popelings was of no regard, so that remis-
Regisi- sion which they themselves did prcaoh unto men, they preached it
eai'nst the ^'^^ ^'"'^"^ ^''^ popc> but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought
vope no here to recite, whereby it may appear how the resisting of the pope's
inchrists usurped power and corrupt doctrine is no new thing in these days in
church. j^jjg ^.j^yj.^.|j ^f Qjjj.igt_
Arnold And uot loug after these aforesaid rose up Arnold de Villa Nova,
KoJacon- ^ i?paniard, and a man famously learned and a great divine (a.d.
ofhercs' 1~^0) ' ^'I'om the popc "with his spiritualty condemned among
heretics for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the
popish church. His teaching was that Satan had seduced all the
world from the truth of Christ Jesus : Item, that the faith Avhicli
then christian men were commonly taught, was such a faith as the
devils had ; meaning belike (as we now affirm) that the papists do
teach only the historical faith, which is the faith ' Historise, non
fiducia) f Item, that christian people (meaning belike, for the most
part) are led by the pope into hell : Item, that all cloisterers are
beyond mercy and damned : Item, that all men do falsify the doc-
trine of Christ : Item, that the divines do evil in mixing philosophy
with divinity : Item, that masses are not to be celebrated : Item,
that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certain erroneous
opinions there arc, likewise, which the slanderous sects of monks
and friars do attribute unto him ; but rather (as they are wont to do)
by enviously taking, than of any just cause given. ^
Johannes And " as this Amold was condemned, so also at the same time
thrfTiots- Johannes Semeca, the gloss-writer on Gratian's " Decretum,"" and
the pop°e^8 pi'O^'ost of Halbcrstat, was excommunicated and deprived of his pro-
decrees, vostship for resisting popc Clement IV. exacting the tenths through-
municat- out Germany ; and therefore he appealed from the pope to a general
***• council, and had many great men on his side, when behold, both the
pope and he died.
Guiiei- Consequently in this order and number foUoweth the worthy and
Amore.^' Valiant champion of Christ, and adversary of Antichrist, Gulielmus de
Sancto Amore, a doctor of Paris, canon of the church of Beauvais.
This Gulielmus in his time had no small ado in writing against the
friars and their hy])ocrisy, but especially against the begging friars,
both condemning their whole order, and also accusing them, as those
that did disturb and trouble all the churches of Christ by their preaching
in churches against the will of the ordinary pastors, by their hearing
of confessions, and executing the charges of curates and pastors. All
the testimonies of Scripture that describe Antichrist and his ministers,
he applieth to the pope's spiritualty. The same Gulielmus is
thought to be the author of the book,^ which is attributed to the school of
(1) Vide librum [Ulyrici] " de teslibus veritatis." [Ed. 1608, col. 1647, whence some corrections
are made in the text. — Ed.]
(2) From hence to the middle of the next page is from Ulyricus, col. 1648..— Ed.
(3) The following signs of a false prophet, pp. .'ill— 520, are from the " He periculis ecclesice,"
chap, xiv., and will be found in Browne's Appendix to the " Fasciculus." See Appendix.— Ed.
HOW TO KNOW A FALSK PROPHET. ol 1
Paris, and entitled, ' De periculis Ecclesiae ; "■ wherein he provctli by ii<-nry
nine and thirty arguments, that the begging friars be false apostles.
Moreover, he doth well expound this saying of Christ, '' If thou A. D.
wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me,'"' ^^^^-
declaring there, poverty to be enjoined us of Christ, ' non actualem, xhe piac«
sed habitualem ;' not in such sort as standeth in outward action, gospel ex-
when no need requireth, but in inward affection of heart when need pounded,
shall require. As though the meaning and precept of our Lord were seiiaiiand
not, that we should cast away actually all tliat we have ; but that, io"n,e"J'
when the confession of the name of God and the glory of Christ shall
so require, then we be ready to leave and relinquish what things
soever for the sake of him, &:c. As when he requireth of us, after
the like phrase, the hatred of fother and mother, and of our own
lives, he biddeth us not to dishonour father or mother, much less to
hate them ; but that then, when case shall require, we set all things
behind the love of Christ. Many other worthy works he compiled,
wherein albeit he uttered nothing but what was truth, yet, notwith-
standing, he was by Antichrist and his rabble condemned for a
heretic, exiled, and his books burnt ; whose heretical arguments,
as they called them, that thou mayest better judge thereof, hereunder
I thought good to place. Against false prophets, with signs to know
them by, these his words do follow : —
For because these seducers (saith he) name themselves to be apostles, and
say that they are sent of God to preach, to absolve and dispense with the
souls of men, by means of their ministry, read the saying of the apostle :
[2 Cor. xi. 11.] " For such apostles are subtle and crafty workmen, disguising
themselves to belike the apostles of Christ." Therefore, we mean to show some
certain infallible and probable tokens, by the which false apostles may be
discerned from the tnie preachers and apostles of Christ.
The first sign or mark is, that such as be true preachers do not enter into First sign
simple women's houses laden with sin, and take them as it were captive, as ^n^ io]s.en
many of the false preachers do ; as in the second epistle of St. Paul to Timothy, °^{^^ p^o,
the third chapter, is manifest, saying, " Of those sorts are they, which enter phet by.
into women's houses," &c. Therefore those preachers who come into women's
houses, to the intent they may take them captive, be not true preachers, but
false apostles.
The second sign and token is, that those that be true preachers do not second
deceive simple men with painted and flattering words, whereby they prefer sign,
their own trash and tradition, as all fidse prophets do, as in the last chapter preachers
to the Romans appeareth, saying, "By their pleasant and sugared talk, do not de-
and by their blessing and crossing, they deceive and beguile the hearts of '^^'^''^*'"^'
innocent men and women." ^ Glossa : — ■ " With gay glorious words they extol with
and set forth their traditions, whereby they deceive simple men." Very greatly painted
do they deceive the souls of simple men, who cause them to enter into their J^"rij,g^''
sect, which they term religion. And they who before led a naughty life, by words,
reason of their ignorance or simplicity, after their entrance, become subtle and
false deceiving hypocrites, entering together with the rest into poor men's
houses ; yea, and oftentimes they become worse than the others. "Whereupon,
[St. Matthew xxii. 15,] " Woe be unto you Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites,
which go about," &rc. Therefore they who do this, are no true messengers,
but false apostles.
The third sign is, that the true apostles, if they be reproved, suffer the same Ti,e third
patiently, saying, " The tokens of my apostleship are accomplished among you, sipn is,
in all patience and sufferance ;" [2 Cor. xii. 12,] meaning that patience which {ate""*
pertaineth to the manners of the preachers. Therefore they, who suffer not in good
correction or punishment, be no true apostles, but rather show themselves to be V^^ "h''"
no Christians at all ; " No man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the Holy reproved.
(1) " By good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple." Rom. xvi. IS. — Ed.
."ilS A TUUK DIFFKllENTK BKTWKKK
Jinny C.liost." [1 Cor. xii. 3.] Glossa:— " It is meet that Christians bhould be hum-
lil- bled, to the intent tliat they may suffer tlicnisclves to be reproved, and not to
, be holden up with yea and nav. " And also sueh men do show themselves to be
^'r.: carnal, and not spiritual at all, although they feign themselves to be spiritual.
" Therefore am I become an enemy unto you." [Gal. iv. IG.] Notwithstand-
ing the Glossa saith: — " No carnal man will be reproved, although he err."
Avlierefore, those preachers who sufier not correction, seem not to be tioie
apostles, but false prophets.
Tiie The fourth sign is, that true apostles commend not themselves [2 Cor. x. 12].
fourth. ,, p^j. ^^.^, ^.|j.p jjyf jyjjj ourselves, nor yet compare ourselves unto others
roi';inieiid which commend and boast of many of their acts, when God alloweth none of
not them- tl,e,n at all." Also true preachers, although they be indeed praiseworthy for
*"'''■*'• tjjeir good deserts, in the consciences of men are they praiseworthy, and not
to the outward show alone; " We conunend ourselves," saith the apostle, " to
the consciences of all men." [2 Cor. iv. 2.] Then they do not commend them-
selves in comparison of others. Wherefore the Glossa saith, upon the same
place, " Those that deserve no commendation, but in comparison of others, do
challenge to themselves other men's deserts and praise." Wherefore it is said,
" Even as our well-beloved brother Paul, according to the wisdom that God
hath given unto him, hath written unto you." [2 Peter iii. 15.] Glossary:
" The chiefest of the apostles hath here forgotten his papal authority, and also
his keys that were delivered unto him ; for he is astonied as it were at the
great wisdom given unto his brother Paul." For indeed it is the manner of tlie
elect children of God, to be more in love with the virtues of other nien, tJian
with their own. Wherefore it is written, " Let those that are superiors esteem
of themselves in all humility." [Phil. ii. 2.] They therefore that do tlie con-
trary, saying, 'That their state or doings be belter tlian other men's,' although
they be preachers, yet are they no true apostles indeed, but false prophets.
The fifth, The fifth sign is, that true apostles need no letters of commendation ; nor yet
they need j^sire to have themselves praised by men, as saith the apostle, " We need not
commen" the letters of connnendation of any man," [2 Cor. iii. 1,] that is to say, of false
datory. prophets.
The The sixth sign is, that true apostles do not preach unless they be sent, as " How
^l^'l^' shall they preach, imless they be sent ?" [Rom. x. 15.] Glossa : — " Tliere be no
preach true ajjostles, but those that" be sent : for they have no need of signs who are
not ex- true witness-bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach are false prophets."
be^sent'^^ The seventh sign is, forasmuch as false prophets have their authority in their
The own names ; wherefore it is written, " For we dare not boast of ourselves, or
seventh, make comparison." [2 Cor. x. 12.] Glossa: — " That is to say, with those that
t"h**t" be false prophets, not taking their authority from (Jod, but Ui,in-ping the same,
mse desirous to bear rule, claiming in their own name their authority." And,
prophets therefore, although peradventure by presumption, they say that they are sent
tharwere of (^od, as all heretics will say ; yet, notwithstanding, imless they shall prove
never their sending either by spiritual prophecy, as John the Baptist did, saying, " I
''^"'- am the voice of a crier in the desert;" as out of the prophet Isaiah, in John's
gospel is alleged [chap. i. 23], or else by miracles, as Moses did, who tiu-ned
his rod into a serpent, and again, from a serpent to a rod [Exod. vii. 10, 12],
they ought to be excommunicated, till such time as they cease from preaching.
Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a suthcient testimony of their
sending, forasmuch as they be done oftentimes, and that of evil and wicked
men, (1 Qu;est. 1.) we may perceive towards the end. But miracles ought to
be suspected, forasmuch as our Saviour saith, " Then shall false prophets
arise," &c. [Matth. xxiv. 11.] Therefore they who do challenge authority in
their own name, forasmuch as they have not their authority from God, are not
true apostles, but false preachers.
The The eighth sign is, that false prophets, pretending great wisdom and holiness
that'uie • *" ^*^ "' superstition, have named their own traditions to be religion, which are
pretend^^ rather to be counted sacrilege or church robbery, and do usin-p unto themselves,
great for due deserts of other men, by boasting and bragging among strange and un-
in's^per- known people. Wherefore the apostle speaking of false prophets [Col. ii. 8J,
•tition. saith, " According to the precepts of men, which having a face of wisdom con-
sist in superstition, interlaced with humility." Glossa : — " That is to say,
mingled with feigned religion, tliat it might "be called religion, when in very
FALSE APOSTLES AND TRUE. O 1 3
deed it is nothing else but sacrilege, because it is contrary to all authoritj';" Hetirn
that is, contrary to God himself; that any man should desire fo have govern- ^^'•
inent of a nudtitude without public connnaudment, as [Deut. xxiii. 24], "77)^
" Thou hast entered into thy neighbour's vineyard." Glossa: — " That is to i.^rn
say, into the church of another bishop." Maj^ a man warn and admonish "
others, or else coiTect that congregation which is not lawful for him to govern,
nor yet to take so great a charge upon him? No. And that it is not lawful to
enter into another bishop's diocese, it is apparent, because it is not lawful for
the archbishop so to do. To this effect appertaineth that which is read
[6 Quaest. 3.] And also it is written [9 Quasst. 2] throughout. Therefore those
preachers, who, against God and his divine Scriptures, do call their own tra-
ditions religion, are not apostles, but false prophets.
The ninth sign is, by the authority which they have : for although they be That
no preachers of the gospel or ministers of the sacraments, yet they will live by jy''f " .
the gospel, and not by the labour of their own hands, contrary to the text, ther
[2 Thess. iii. 8.] " Neither have we eaten any man's bread for nought, or of preach
free cost." Glossa: — "Then those false prophets ought much more to live "?[,"""^.j.t
by their labour, who have not that authority which we ought to have ; that is tliey live
to say, to live by the gospel." And St. Augustine speaketh of this more "'I""
expressly, in his book De opere Mouachorum, in these words : " Those our nien's la-
brethren do claim to themselves (very rashly as me thiiiketh) that they have Ijoit-
any such authoritj', to live by the gospel. If they be preachers of the gospel, I
grant that indeed they have such authority ; if they be ministers of the altar,
if they be disposers of the sacraments, they cainiot well but take to themselves
this authority, as also manifestly to challenge the same; if, at least, they have
not wherewithal to sustain this present life, without labour of their hands." As
though he would have said, if they be not such manner of men, then have
they no authority to live by the gospel. Therefore those preachers who have
not authority to live by the gospel, or minister the sacraments, because they
have no congregation whereby to take charge of souls, and yet, for all that, will
needs live upon the gospel ; they be no true apostles, but fcilse prophets.
The tenth sign is, that false teachers rejoice more to be commended them- xhatthev
selves, than that the word of God shoidd have the commendation and praise, take that
But they that are true preachers and apostles are far otherwise minded, " Not t" ti'^m-
seeking the praise of men," &c. [1 Thess. ii. 4.] And herein he toucheth whicii'
those false prophets, who desire rather to be commended themselves, than that pertain-
the word of God which they preach should have the commendation : but he is word'ot' "^
an apostle, who not seeking the glory of tliis present world, but for the glory God.
to come, doth abase himself, to the intent that the preaching and word of God
might be commended and exalted. They, therefore, who desire to have jiraise
and to be commended of others, rather than that the word of God shoidd have
tlie praise, be not true apostles, but false prophets.
The eleventh sign is, that true apostles preach only for God's cause, and for xhev
the health of souls, and for no temporal gain, as St. Paul saith, [2 Cor. ii. 5,] preaVii
" We preach not ourselves," &c. Glossa: — " Our preaching tendeth not to *<"'/'''"'■
our glory and gam, but only to the glory of Chnst. But the preachmg of for cod's
Clurist, by those that are false prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Whereupon cause,
it is said, [PhiL i. 18,] " Whether it be imon occasion given, or else for tlie
Verity's sake, let Christ be preached," &c. Glossa: — " False prophets do
preach the gospel upon some occasion, as either by seeking some commodity
at the hands of men, or else because of getting goods, honour, or praise among
men." Notwithstanding, however, that they be ready and willing, as it shouhl
seem, to bear and sustain injuries, yet they seek not so much the health of him
to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their own commodity and gain.
Whereupon St. Paul saith, [2 Cor. .xii. 14,] " Because I seek not the things
that be yours." Glossa:— "That is to say, not your treasure, as gold and
silver, but only you yourselves." For, otherwise, it could by no means be
gathered that they should understand him to speak or mean of tlieir subst;uice,
because he more esteemeth them than their money, to the intent that they
might understand his great good will towards them. Tlierefiure these evil and
naughty preachers who preach for worldly gain or honour, or else for the ju-aise
and commendation of men, be no true apostles, but false prophets. But it may
be asked, how shall men understand when these good fellows preach for tlieir
VOL. II. L L
51 t A TRUE nil FERENCE BETWEEN
Henry own vaiii-plory's sake? It may be answered thus, when they preach before
^^^- they be called [2 Cor. x. 17], " Whosoever boastetli, let lum boast and rejoice
. _. in the Lord." Giossa:— " Which thing he cannot by any means do that hath
jVco' ""* 'i'** authoritv from God." For if any such prophet preach, he sceketh his
own glory, and that may easily be perceived. Because lie is not called of
God, he hath no such authority of him; that is to say, of liis church or congre-
gation, as [Heb. v. 4], " No man taketh to himself any dignity, but he tliat is
called of God, as Aaron was." Giossa: — " He is called of God, that is,
lawfully chosen of the congregation."
They The twelfth sign or token of a false prophet is, because such prophets do
counter- counterfeit themselves to have greater care and love to men's souls, than they
f*^'.' '" liave that be their very governors and pastors, although they have no charge at
where all of them; against whom the apostle speaketh [1 Thess. ii. 7], " We are
they bate, become meek and loving towards you, even as the nurse which givetli her
child suck." Giossa; — " A woman nurseth other men's children for wages,
and not for love alone; but she giveth her own suck of very love without
respect of money." Therefore those preachers who feign themselves to have a
greater love and affection to the soids of men, than they that have the charge
over them, seem not to be true apostles. The apostles study neither for
eloquence, nor for the curious placing of their words, but false prophets do
both, as [1 Cor. xiv. 23], " If the simple and ineloquent man," Sec. Giossa : —
" The apostles were not eloquent, but false prophets are full of curious
eloquence." Also upon the same subject another gloss: "The Corinthians
were led away from the gospel by over nice eloquence." [2 Cor. vi. 4.] " Let
us show ourselves before all men as the ministers of God." Giossa: — " The
ministers of God do not flatter as false prophets do." And for this occasion
those that be true apostles have not their abiding in princes' courts and noble-
men's houses, knowing this saying of Christ [Matt. xi. 8], " Behold, those
that are clothed with silks dwell in kings' courts." Giossa : — " And there-
fore true apostles are not conversant in princes' courts, and noblemen's houses."
Hard and strait life with the preaching of the gospel loveth not to come near
princes' palaces, and noblemen's houses. Oftentimes it cometh to pass tliat
courtiers are foimd great flatterers ; therefore those preachers that have their
abode in princes' courts, or that in any other place are used to flatter, are not
true apostles, but false prophets.
They cir- The thirteenth sign is, that true apostles or messengers do not circumvent
cumvent or subtlely go about to deceive men, that they should give unto them their
hTv"' their S^o^^' either in their lifetime, or else at the time of their death, as [2 Cor. vii. 2],
goods, ' " We have falsely deceived no man." Giossa: — " By the subtle and deceittul
and care getting away of your substance, as false prophets do, who get away from you
thh"g° t^ose things that be yours under pretence of great friendship." Also
else. [Matt, xxiii. 14], " W^oe be unto you. Scribes and Pharisees, you hypocrites,
which spoil mdows' houses by yoiu* long prayers;" who mean nothing else by
your superstition, but that you may spoil and rob the people. [Luke xx.
47], " Which devour widows' houses by dissembling of your long prayer."
Giossa : — *' Who make over-long pravers, to the intent they may seem more
devout, and that they may get both money and great conunendation of all such
as be sick and troubled with the burden of their sins ; whose prayers be turned
into sin, which neither are profitable for themselves nor any other, but rather
shall have for making those prayers greater damnation, forasmuch as by the
same they deceive others." For by this, that they receive and take both gold
and silver, it appeareth that they preach not for souls' health sake, but only for
filthy lucre and gain sake. [Matt. x. 9], " Be ye possessors neither of gold
nor silver." Giossa: — " If Uiey then have these things, they cannot seem or
be thought to preach for the health of the soul, but for lucre's sake." And so
saith Jerome upon the prophet Malachi, " Because some prophets took money,
their prophecy became divination;" that is to say, their prophecy appeared not
to be prophecy, but divination, or enchantment : that is, that such prophecy pro-
ceedeth not from God, but from the devil. And this appeareth in [1 Quaest. 1.]
having tliis beginning, " Nunquam Divinatio," Src. Therefore those preachers
who circumvent and beguile men, to the intent that they should give them
their goods, either in their lifetime, or after their death, are not true apostles,
but false prophets.
I'ALSE APOSTLES AND lUUK. ;"> 1 5
The fourteenth sign is, that false propliets, wlien any verity is preaclied, with iieuri/
which for the most part tliey are not acquainted, or tliat toucheth them, tlien ^^'•
begin they to chase and bark against the same. Whereupon the apostle . .v
[Phil. iii. 2], saith, " Behold the dogs," &c. Glossa: — " Understand you that i.,'-q'
they are not dogs by nature, but by their usage and conditions, barking against
the truth, which they were never acquainted with." And so he compareth Thcyran-
them right well to dogs, because dogs follow rather custom than reason ; so "^ h^vc ^
false apostles do keep the custom of the law, and do bite and bark against the the truth
truth, as though they were without the gift of reason. Also [2 Tim. iv. 3], preached.
"They get them instructors according to their own desires." Glossa: —
" Which may teach them what things they themselves are willing to hear,
because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant unto them." Therefore those
preachers who bark against the late revealed truth, which toucheth them very
near, and therefore cause the same to be hidden and kept under, are not true
apostles, but false prophets.
The fifteenth sign is, that the true apostles do not force any to receive or False
hear them who be unwilling, but send them away rather, lest they should seem prophets
to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. [Matt. x. 14], " Whosoever ti,osg t,^
will not receive you, get you out of that city, and shake the dust ft-om off your hear who
feet," &c. Glossa : — " That you may thereby show tliat the desire of earthly ^^,,"",'
things hath no power in yoiu" Therefore those preachers who strive and
Avrestle, as it were, to the intent they would be received and heard, arc not
true apostles, forasmuch as the apostle saith [1 Cor. xi. 10], " If any man
appear among you to be over-contentious or full of strife, such custom have we
none, nor yet the congregation of Christ."
The sixteenth sign is, that the apostles did not procure the indignation of They
those princes, by whom they were esteemed and regarded, against such persons •^'''}"*''
as would not receive them and hear them ; as we read in the lives of Simon hate aiid
and Jude, the apostles. The chief ruler, being very angiy, commanded a very punish
great fire to be made, that the bishops might be cast into the same, and all ''^"01""
others who went about to defame the doctrine of the apostles of Christ. But hear
the apostles fell down before the emperor, saying, " We beseech you, sir, let '^"^"i-
not us be the authors or causers of this destruction or calamity ; nor let us who
are sent to be the preservation of men, and to revive those that are dead through
sin, be killers of those that be alive." Therefore those preachers who seek to
stir up the displeasure of princes, against those whose favours now they enjoy,
who will not receive and hear them, or rather, whom they themselves hate, are
not true apostles, but false prophets.
The seventeenth sign is, that the apostles of Christ have not only the know- False
ledge of those things which God hath ah-eady done, but also of those things P™''|jj'^'''
which he will hereafter do, as in the Apocalj'pse [chap. iv. 6.], " The beasts jj^nw
were full of eyes both behind and before." Glossa : — " Obtaining the know- either
ledge of those things which God had done, as also what he would do, hereafter, ^^^^ ^"'^
in the end of the world." Therefore those that say they know not the perils done, or
of the church in the latter time which are prophesied before, or that they care yet will
not for them, or else, if they know them, have not eyes behind and before, t^e^pro-
are no true apostles ; therefore when they call themselves apostles, they are phets do.
false prophets.
The eighteenth sign is, that true apostles do not desire the riches and goods "^'^^^.j^'j^^
of them to whom they preach, whereby they are discerned from wolves, that is J^pney, "'
to say, from false prophets. [Acts xx. 8.] " I have desired no man's gold nor and are
silver." Glossa : — " By this are wolves discerned, for tbey desire such things." JJf5p'°,|fj
And again in the same place ; " For those things which I have need of, and from
those which were with me, these hands have ministered." Glossa: — " This wohes.
example also of labouring is a spectacle for bishops whereby they are discerned
from wolves." For such as ask or beg of those to whom they preach, or set
any other to ask or beg in their names, do seem to commit simony, like Gehazi,
of whom it is read [2 Kings v. 2o], that he craved certain apparel of Naaman,
the Syrian, to whom his master Elisha had restored the benefit of health, not-
withstanding he had gotten those garments unwitting to his master. Whereupon
Gregory Nazianzen saith, [1 Quc-est. 1] " Qui isti debetur." But some num
perhaps will say, cannot the preacher ask money, or money's worth, of those to
whom he preacheth ? Or at the least, mav not he beg ? To this may be
T T <*
L> I. <v
516
A XnrF. DlFFEREyCF. HETWEEN
Henry
III.
Tnie
apostles
do not
render
evil for
good, as
false do.
True
apustles
are not
so well
enter-
tained as
false pro-
phets be.
True
preachers
build not
upon any
other
man's
founda-
tion.
Authority
loveth
them tliat
refuse
her, and
yet abhor
her not.
True pro-
phets are
not proud
and vain-
glorious,
as false
prophets
be.
False pro-
phets al-
ways are
men-plca-
sers.
answered ; if tlie j)naclur by antlioiity preach and feed his flock as a true
pastor with the food of CJod's word, lie may take money or money's worth;
but then it is not bej,'j:in.<j; or craving, but it is by autliority, as [2 Tim. ii. 6],
" It is meet that tlie husbandman that tilleth tlie ground, shoukl first and after
others, receive tlie commodity of his increase." Glossa: — " He putteth the
virtuous i)reacher out of doubt, not preaching for the intent to make merchan-
dise of the gospel, and giveth him to imderstand, that it is lawful for him to
lake of them whom he feedeth as his flock what things soever he hath need of,
and doth it not in begging or craving, but by good authority." It is manifest
that it cannot in any place of the holy Scripture be found, that the preacher
ought to beg. But begging is forbidden of all the apostles of Christ, and is
abhorred by Solomon and by St. Augustine, and reproved by divers other holy
men. Therefore it is manifest that the true apostles do not desire the temporal
goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg nor crave the same.
They, therefore, that require any thing of them to whom they preach, or else
set any other man to ask for them, or in their names, do not seem to be true
apostles, but false preachers.
The nineteenth sign is, that true apostles are patient in tribulation, neither
do they render evil for good. [Matt. x. 16.] " Behold, I send you as sheep
among wolves." Glossa: — " They, that occupy the place of preaching, ought
not to procure any evil toward their brethren, as the example of Christ
teacheth " [1 Pet. ii. 23], " Who, when he was reviled, reviled not again, but
did submit himself to him that judgeth justly." They therefore that suffer not
injury, but rather do Avrong themselves, are not true apostles, but false apostles.
The twentieth sign is, that true apostles at their first coming are evil enter-
tained, as the Lord saith [Matt. xxiv. 9], *' Ye shall be hated of all men for my
name's sake." But at length such get the victory, according to that saying*
[1 John v. 4,] " Every thing that is of God overcometh the world." They,
therefore, that in the beginning rejoice and are well entertained, but in the end
are rejected, seem not to be true apostles, but false.
The twenty-first sign is, that true preachers go not to preach unto those who
have preachers appointed unto them, because they have not to rejoice of a
company belonging to another man's charge; as [Rom. xv. 20], " I have
preached the gospel where Christ was not before preached, lest I should build
upon another man's foundation." And again St. Paul saith [2 Cor. x. 15],
" We are not boasters, nor busy in other men's matters." Glossa : — " Where
another man had laid the foundation." Likewise in the same chapter [16],
" Not having pleasure to boast of other men's labours," that is to say, of those
whicli he committed to the government of another man. Likewise Augustine
saith ; " Honour ought to seek thee, and not thou honour." Also Chrj'sostom ;
" Authority is in love with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorretli her
not." They therefore that procure and have a desire to preach unto tlie
people committed to another man's charge, which is an office of honour, espe-
cially in councils, synods, and great assemblies, also in kings' and princes'
courts, and prelates' palaces, are not tnie apostles, but false teachers.
The twenty-second sign is, that true apostles, when they know themselves
to do much good in the clnuch and congregation of God, yet, notwithstanding,
are not puffed up with pride [Ezck. iii. 9] ; " O son of man, I have made thy
face as an adamant stone." The adamant stone, when it draweth iron unto
it, is not thereby either lifted up or altered. Likewise a true preacher, when
he draweth unto him, by his preaching, sinners whose hearts are as hard as
iron, is never the more lifted up or higher minded therefore. But as in Luke
[chap. xvii. 10], " When ye have done all that ye can, and as well as ye can,
yet say that you are unprofitable servants ; " and in Psalm xcv. " Not unto us,
Lord, not unto us, but to thy name be given the glory." They therefore that
do arrogantly boast themselves of their fruit, and of the benefit they have done
in the church of God, saying, " We have given light to the universal church,
which was blind before our time, and we have put out the flame of sin in
the church of God " (when perhaps they have more furthered hypocrisy
than either truth or verity), they are not true prophets, but false, of whom it
is spoken in the Psalms, " The mouth of them that speak proud things," Src.
The twenty-third sign is, that true apostles do not seek the favour of the
world, nor yet how to please men, as [Gal. i. 10], " If I should please men, "
FALSE APOSTLES AND TKUE. 517
iliat is to say, "if I had a desire to please men, I slumld not be the servant of God." iienrg
VVHiereupon the apostle says to the Colossians [chap. iii. 22], " Not ;m men- ^t^-
pleasers." Glossa: — " Seeking to please, because we have not the pleasing . ,.
Spirit." Therefore those preachers that seek the favour of the world, and do i.jrf^'
labour to this intent that they might i)lease men, are not tnie apostles, but false.
The twenty-fourth sign is, that true apostles, when they have meat and drink, -^^^^
they are contented, neither do they desire over-dainty fare, according to the piiets eat
saying in Luke [chap. x. 8], " Eating and drinking those things that are ^ll^^^^^
set before you." Glossa: — " The gospel condenmeth not altogether costly thumUnd
and delicate fare, yet it so alloweth the same, that if we have meat and drink, five God
we ought not to grudge, but to be therewith content." Therefore those ",'1^^^'
preachers, who, although they neither be sent, nor have authority to preach, false pro-
are yet offended when they have not fine and delicate fare, are not true P'*'-'''*-
apostles, but false preachers.
The twenty-fifth sign is, that tnie apostles do love more the law of God than False pro
their own estimation amongst their neighbours; accoriling to that in the l>'>ets love
Proverbs [chap. vii. 2, 3], " Keep my law as the apple of thine eye, and ^°J^ o„^,
bind the siune upon thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy heart." estima-
Whereupon also the Psalmist [Psalm cxix. 72], " The law of thy mouth is ^j^'-A'"'"
dearer unto me than thousands of gold and silver." Glossa: — " Charity doth word of
more love the law of God, than the desire of gold and silver a thousand fold." (^id
He, therefore, that seeth the gospel of Christ trodden under foot, which is the j'^j^'",'*^ '*'
eternal glad tidings, to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and taught.
contemn the same, or else, peradventiu-e, consenteth unto the same to the
outward appearance of the world ; and yet, because he will keep his tempond
dignity and estimation, refuseth not to stir up strife and contention about the
same, and so to be evil spoken of, seemeth not to be an apostle of Christ, but
rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher.
The twenty-sixth sign is, that true apostles seek not after such fine lodgings They are
and wealthy habitations, where they may have all things at their command- "^nt™"'
ments ; but rather such honest resting places where they may have necessary with ne-
things for themselves, with their good wills of whom they have them. And <^<^sary
tliey take nothing of such whom they see to be so ready and liberal in giving, but"fook
nor think that they do him more pleasure in receiving the gift, than the others do after su-
in giving them the same ; according to that in Matthew [chap. x. 11], where P<^"l"o"s-
it is said, " Into what city or town soever ye shall enter, inquire out those that
be of good report iji the same, and abide you with them so long as you tarry
in the same city or town." Globsa : — ■ " Your host, with whom ye lodge, ought
to be chosen by the good report of neighboin-s, lest your preaching be evil
spoken of, by reason of his infamy ; neither ought such men to run from house
to house." But whom shall we call " worthy of good i-eport?" Glossary:
" Him who knoweth better to do other men good, than to receive a good tm-n
of another;" and this is he which giveth willingly, for Christ's cause, and not
in respect of any commodity. Also true apostles receive nothing of such men
as lie weltering in their sins, but rather of those that are washed and cleansed
from their sins; whereupon that saying [2 Cor. viii. 5], " They have given them-
selves first to the Lord." Glossa: — " Because they now, amending theii- old
errors and vicious manners, have vowed themselves inito the Lord, and after-
wards gave of that which tliey had to their brethren ; for otherwise they ought
not to have taken any thing of them, because gifts do blind the eyes ; but those
that give, where there is no cause of reproof in their doings, have no just cause
to give." Therefore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, and
do receive bribes and rewards of naughty men that have this world at will, to
the intent that those preachers may cover and hide their faults, and who get of
others what they can by subtlety, or who give indeed to remove the shameless
nnportunity of the craver, or else for avoiding of present shame, rather than
for any love they have to God, are not tnie apostles, l)ut false prophets; accord-
ing to that in the Corinthians [2 Cor. ix. 7], " The Lord doth love a willing
giver." Glossa: — " He that giveth for present shame, or else that he may be
fi"ee from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth lose liis substiuu-e and
merit : wherefore he that hath respect to these things, doth not seek the fruit
and profit of the giver, but the gift itself, as saith tlie apostle [Phil. iv. 17],
" Seek not the gift, but the fruit or benefit of the giver."
P18 A TUUK DJFFKKKNCK BETWEEN
Henry Thc twciity-scvinth sign is, that true apostles do not endeavour tlicnisehcs
^''- to seek and enjoy the fruit of other men's labours tliat they may be fed therc-
. Pj by, because that'tlie belly is such men's god, according to those words [2Thess.
19-n' i"- -]» " ^^'^ h^yi^ heard of some amongst you which wdk inordinately, not
•^ labouring at all, but living delicately, or idly." Glossa: — " On other men's
Those be labovirs;" and deserve they to be fed? The discipline of the Lord cannot away
false pro- ^^.j(|j jj^.^j ,j„i„o- ; for the belly is their god, which provide to have more than
whose necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers who so do, are not true
'^'".y '« apostles," but false.
theirgod. jj^^ twenty-eighth sign is, that true apostles do not rejoice only on accoinit
phct^'r™ of the miracles or other excellent works whicli the Lord doth by them, but they
joice not rather rejoice for the salvation which they look for from the Lord, than that by
cler,"ar doing those miracles they desire any honour; according to that which is written
false pro- in Luke [chap. x. 20], saying, " Rejoice ye not for that the spirits be subject
phetsdo. ^ujj^^ ^.jjjj^ i^^jj^ because your names are registered in heaven." They therefore
that boast of their own miracles, orof any that belong unto them, for this cause,
that they are saved by the doing of them, as many do say, seem not to be true
apostles, but false.
Tnie pro- The twenty-ninth sign is, that the true apostles do never seek their own
phetsseck glory in this life, but the glory of Christ. " He that spcaketh of himself doth
own""''' ^^^^ '">* °^^" S^^^ '■> ^"* '^^ ^^^^ sceketh the glory of him which sent him," that
glorv. is, of whom he is sent, " is a true apostle." [John vii. 18.] Therefore those
who seek the things that pertain to the glory of this world, of the which one is
^o be assistant to tliose that bear rule and authority, or according to the saying
of Boetius, ' De consolatione;' " Those that do desire to be extolled," either
they reign and bear rule themselves, or else do desire to be near about them that
have such dominion. Another is, they desire to have the fame and victory of
that for which they have nothing at all deserved before God ; whereupon is
written that saying of the apostle [Gal. v. 26], " Let not us become desirous
of vain-glory." Glossa: — > " To be desirous of vain-gloi-y, is to have victory
witliout any merit or desert;" and those, I say, that do such things, seem not to
True rro- ^^ ^^^^^ apostles, but false.
phets do The thirtietli sign is, that true apostles care not for the solemnities of men,
not forie neither for their salutations, nor feastings, nor any other benefit of theirs. They
solemn"' therefore who love and seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings,
Nalvita- and other their commodities, do not seem to be true apostles, but false,
tioiis of '|']jg Qijg jjj^^ thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not commonly resort to
raise pro- other men's tables, lest they shoidd, for a meal's meat, become flatterers
phets re- ^2 Thess. Hi. 9], " That we should give an example to follow us." Glossa :. —
other" " He that cometh oftentimes to another man's table, being given to idleness,
mens cannot choose but flatter him that feedeth him." But Christ's religion calleth
*'*'d'fl\t "^''" '° liberty and to no such bondage; they therefore that resort oftentimes,
for a^ ^^ and that of their own minds, to other men's tables, living idly, are not true
meal's apostles, but false.
True'' pro- '^^^'^ '^"''^ ^^^^ thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not hate their enemies,
phetsdo and such as hate them ; which doctrine the Lord taught [Matt. v. 44], saying,
"oj.*'*'^ " i'Ove your enemies, do well to them which hate you;" but false prophets do
niies. ^ hurt and defame their neighbours, as saith Jeremiah [chap. xii. 10, 11], " Thc
prophets of Jerusalem have defiled the whole earth." Glossa: — " They are
not contented to hurt their neighbours only, but also whom they before this
time have hated, they defame and speak evil of in every place tliey come to."
Therefore those preachers who hate them whom they think are their enemies,
and that defame them, are not tnic apostles, but false preachers.
True pro- i'Jic thirty-third sign is, that false prophets, when they are examined and
phei» (Id proved whether they be tme apostles or liars, take that very grievously, and
cuie''nTen" Persecute all those that can prove them to be so, and also do stir xip and pro-
' voke others to persecute the same men; who also join themselves together by
secular power, even as certain false prophets did in the primitive church against
the bishop of Ephesus, to whom the Lord said [Rev. ii. 2, 3], " I know," that
is to say, I do allow, "thy works and thy labour;" that is, thy tribulation,
" because thou canst not away with those that be evil men." Glossa : — " But that
thou hast a desire to amend them, or else to expel them — "and hast examined
those which say that they are apostles, and are but liars, and also hast suf-
FALSE APOSTLES AKD TliUE. 519
ferecl this patiently." Cilossa: — "The evils which these false prophets, joined Henry
together hy secular power, do bring in, are not the doings of true apostles, but ^^^■
false prophets." ^ j^
The thirty-fourth sign is, that true apostles go not to preach to those who yyr^Q
are converted already by other men, but rather do convert those who are not
yet converted, lest that they sho\ild build upon another man's foundation ; as "^ ''"'' '"^°'
St. Paul [Rom. xv. 20] saitli; " I have laboured so, that from Jerusalem to preach to
lUyricimi,! have replenished the gospel in every place." Glossa: — "That is, those wiio
I have preached the same abundantly, in whom tlie great virtue of the Holy (.o„"e',P*
Gliost appeareth, because so many nations (that is, the Gentiles), have received ed.
the gospel by my preaching." " But I have preached the gospel there where
Clirist was not preached before, lest I should build upon another man's founda-
tion." Glossa : — " I shoidd not preach to those that were converted by another
man." Also [2 Cor. x. 15], " We are not such as boast and glory in other men's
labours." Glossa : — " Where another man laid the foundation, for tliat should
be to boast inordinately." Also in the same place, " not thinking to boast where
another man hath government, but in those things which are put in experience."
Glossa: — " Of other preachers;" because the apostle did preach to those to
whom the gospel was never preached, that he might get praise by his own
proper labour. Therefore, those preachers who go not to that people who
have need to be converted, but to those who arc converted already, who have
apostles of their own, that is to say, bishops and priests, and yet do boast over
another man's flock, are not tnie apostles, but false prophets.
The thirty-fifth sign is, because true apostles, when they are sent, go to their True pro>.
own diocese, and not to another man's diocese, even as Paul being sent, went i'l>ets
to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach [Acts xiii. 2], " Separate Paul and preach in
Barnabas for the business which I have chosen them unto." Glossa : — " Ac- their own
cording to the appointment and decree of James, Cephas, and John, went he 'lio'^ese,
forth to be a teacher unto the Gentiles." But those preachers that stand ujion i„ other
their feet, that is to say, those preachers which have but small worldly sub- men's,
stance, for which cause they are more ready to go which way soever it shall
please the Lord to send them, I say the Lord hath sent them to preach, not to
those that be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels; as we read in
Ezekiel [chap. ii. 2, 3], " After that, the Spirit of the Lord set Ezekiel upon
his feet," In qiiam spem situs unus tangitur, " and he said unto him, O son
of man, behold I send thee to the nations which have start back fi-om their
profession, which have gone from me;" that is, to the Jewish heretics, and to
those nations that sometimes have been Cliristians, as the Egj'ptians, the Baby-
lonians, and all those that observe the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go
to those that are already instructed, having both apostles, bishops, and priests
of their own ; they go not into their own diocese, but into another man's diocese,
and are not true apostles, but false preachers. And it is gi-eatly to be feared,
lest the chm'ch be in hazard and danger by such, unless they be thrust out
of the same betimes ; even as Jonas, when he was sent to Nineveh, by the
Lord, which is interpreted, large or -wide, and leadeth to the hill, that is, to the
infidels we spake of before. They go not to those infidels according to the
commandment of tlie Lord, but they turn another way, and take their joiu-ney
into Tarshish, which is interpreted, seeking after joy and pleasure ; that is, they
go unto those who receive them with joy and gladness, and do well provide for
them, that is to say, to godly and devout Christians ; and, therefore, it is to be
feared lest the ship in which they be (that is, the church) be in great peril,
unless they be thrown forth. And therefore the apostle spake of such false
prophets not without good cause [2 Tim. ii. 10], " And shun thou those." Glos-
sa:— " That is, such men as those be."
Tlic thirty-sixth sign is, because true apostles do not boast, neither do they False
attribute unto themselves any thing, but that God hatli wrought the same by !T,'|.\'|','f{g
them. Paul [Rom. xv. 18], saith, " I dare not say any thing but that which tothcm-
Christ hath WTought and accomplished by me." Glossa: — " That is, I speak s'lves
only those things which by me (that is, by my ministry) Christ hath wrought." ^'i^jrh
They therefore that boast of many things, and do attribute much unto them- they
selves which they never did, arc not true apostles, but false proplu>ts. never did.
Tlie thirty-seventh sign is, that true apostles do not apply themselves, or They
lean to 'ogical or philosophical reasons. Therefore those preachers who docka\cto
.'20 HESISTANCE AGAINST THE POPE
llfMry endeavour tlicniselvts to such kind of reasons, are not true apostles, but fidsc
'''■ proplu'ts.
A.D. "'^' fliirty-ei'ilith sijin is, tliat true apostles do not love carnally, or after the
1250 'l^'^l'- hut liate what tiling soever doth resist them in the service of (iod. "He
— - — '— that (lotii not hate his father and mother, his son and sister, and also himself,
loKioal, „(. cannot be my disciple." Luke xiv. 2C. Glossa: — " That is, he that doth
They love ""t hate whatsoever doth resist or let him in the service of God, is not worthy
ciirnally, to be a disciple, neither can he abide in that office." Therefore forasmuch as
tuftl*y.'" '■""*^' preachers are the true disciples of the Lord, it must needs follow that the
])reacliers who do jjromote their nephews and kinsfolk (how unworthy soever
they be) to ecclesiastical promotions and livings, contrary to the will of God,
or do any other thing that letteth or hiudereth them in the service of God, are
not true apostles, but false prophets.
Tlicy The thirty-ninth sign is, that true apostles do not Inmt for the friendship of
*•""'' this world, for he that is the friend of tliis world is the enemy of God; there-
fricml.siHp ^'o^e those preachers, who purchase the friendship of this world, are not true
.if this apostles, but false prophets ; and forasmuch as the Scripture is infallible, saying
world. [Matt. xxiv. 35], " Heaven and earth shall perish, but my words shall endure
for ever;" and the Holy Ghost, which spake by the apostles, cannot lie; (for pro-
phecy, for the most part, is not spoken by the will of man, but holy men of God
spake by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, as it is read in Peter) [2 Pet. i. 21],
it remaiueth, that all men who are bound to defend the church, may rise up in
the defence of the same, according to that in the Proverbs [chap. xxiv. 11 |,
" Deliver those that are led to death, and cease thou not to rescue those who
are drawn to destniction." Neither may he allege vain accusations, because it
is said in the same place, " If he say he is not able or strong enough, he that
Whatso- beholdeth the thoughts of men's hearts, shall know it,"&c. "Whatsoever perish-
l>erish in* ^'^'^ '" *'''" church of God for want of preachers, all that shall be demanded of
the 'hem at the day of judgiuent ; as Jacob confesscth to Laban, whose sheep he
church ot fed [Gen. xxxi. 39], " I did restore all thy loss, and that which was stolen I
want of n^'ide answer for." " I will demand his blood at thy hands." Ezek. iii. 24.
preachers This is Said to the pastor or prelate. But if the other things, which we have
required. ^P"'^''" of before, could not move the prelates and cardinals, this at least should
move them ; because that then the spiritual power which doth consist, for the
most part, in the exercise of preaching, in hearing confessions, and in enjoining
of penance, shall be taken away from them by little and little (for by piece-
meal doth the wolf devour the poor and needy man) [3 Qua-st. 1], w^hen
the authority ecclesiastical, therefore, shall be qiute taken from them and dis-
posed to others, such as either by their order, or apostohcal grant do challenge
to have the same; then doubtless shall neither the jm-isdiction of civil causes
and pleadings, nor any authority that such j)relates have yet remaining, neither
yet the possessions of the temporal goods of the church any longer remain
amongst them. Shall such have the temporal goods of the church who minister
not the spiritual treasure thereof? [1 Cor. ix. 13], " Know ye not that they
which kill the sacrifice ought to eat of the sacrifice.' and they that serve at the
altar are partakers of the aJtar ?" For as the body without the soul cannot
stand ; so corjioral things without spiritual things cannot continue [1 Quast. 1]
if any shall take away the same.
Adcicsta- 'IMms have you liad the thirty-nine arfjuments, for whicli the said
hie book ^-i i- i i , i i • i i i -i t , • i
of ihefri Uiilielnius was condemned, and his books burned. In his days there
■^EVang^ ^^'=i« '^ ."^"^t tletestable and bhtsphcmous book set forth by the friars
lium ' '' 1-1. »»> .V ,.,, .. -
.Ttcr-
iium.'
(mentioned also in Matthew Paris), whicli they called ' Evangelium
retcrnum,' or ' Evangelium Spiritus Sancti ;' that is, 'The everlastint,'
gospcV or 'The gospel of the Holy Ghost.'' In which book many
abominable errors of the fritu's were contained, so that the gospel of
Jesus C'iirist was utterly defaced, which, this book said, was not to be
rom])are(l with this everlasting gospel, no more than the shell is to be
coni])ared with the kernel, or than darkness to light. Moreover, that the
gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer than to a.d. 1260, and that
(1) See the ApiRiidix f(.r inrurniatioii respecting thib book.— Ed.
XO NEW THING. 521
then this 'everlasting gospel' should rule tlie church. Item, that iienry
whatsoever was in the whole Bible, was in the said ' gospel ' contained. '^''
At length this friar's 'gospeF was accused to the pope, and so six A. D.
persons chosen of the whole university to peruse and judge of the ^ ^^^*-
book, viz. Christianus, canon of Beauvais, Odo of Douay, Nicolas de Thceter-
Bar-sur-Aubc, Johannes de Sicca-Villa,' an Englishman, Johannes spirftuai
Belin, a Frenchman, together with this Gulielmus, Avho mightily fhefria"/
impugned this pestiferous and devilish book. These six, after the ^T^T"'
perusing of the book, were sent up to Rome ; the friars likewise sent muchado,
their messengers withal. Where they were refuted, and the errors of pope!*"
the book condemned ; but so, that the pope, with the cardinals, com-
manded the said book to be burned, not publicly but in secret wise
(tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most
chief champions), and the following year the same pope ordered the
books of the aforesaid Gulielmus to be burnt withal.^
Besides other his books, two sermons we have of his yet remain-
ing, one upon the parable in St. Luke of the Pharisee and the Pub-
lican, being the gospel for the day; the other preached on May-day:
where in the first, he resembleth the Pharisees to our monks, and
that he proveth by all the properties of the Pharisees described in the
gospel : the Publican he resembleth to the laity, such as, for because they
are the sooner reduced to acknowledge their sins, the more hope have
they of mercy : the other, because they stand confident in their own
righteousness, are therefore further from their justification . In the latter
sermon he setteth forth and declareth, what perils and dangers are like
to fall upon the church by these religious orders of monks and friars,
for that they Avere ministers of Antichrist and perverters of the people.^
Among the other besides of that age who withstood the bishops of Laurence,
Rome and his antichristian errors was one Laurence, an Englishman, f'V^"*^'
,.. -r-»- 1 T-» Ti .". lisniiian,
a divme of Paris ; another was Petrus Johannes, a mmorite. Of co'niemn-
wliom the aforesaid Laurence was about a.d. 1260, who in his teach- popcV^
ing, preaching, and writing, did stoutly defend the part of the afore-
said Gulielmus, and the rest of his side, against the friars. Against
the which friars he wrote two books, one in the defence of Gulielmus
afore-mentioned, the other upon this argument and title, ' To beware
of false prophets,"* &c. Certain other things also he wrote, wherein
by divers proofs and testimonies he argued and proved, that Anti-
christ was not far oiF to come. The other, Petrus Johannes, was
about A.D. 1290, who taught and maintained many things against the The pope,
pope, proving that he was Antichrist, and that the synagogue of Rome ^Mst.
was great Babylon. He wrote upon Matthew, upon the Epistles, and The syna-
npon the Apocalypse. Mention of this Petrus Johannes is made in Rome.
Nicolas Eyniericus, in his book of the Inquisition ; who saith, more- bj^on." '
over, that from him Michael Cesenas (of whom, Christ willing, shall Petrus
follow hereafter) derived his opinions ; and because the pope could burned*^"
not burn him alive, after his death he caused his bones to be taken ^J^H^^^
up and burned.*
To these and with these above specified is to be added Robcrtus Rohcnus
Gallus,^ who being born of a right noble parentage, for devotion"'s propht
sake was made a Dominic friar, about the same year (a.d. 1290). ^i'^"^-
(1) See an account of this individual in Tanner's Bibliotheca, v. Drifonus — Ed.
(2) M. Paris, ad aun. 1250 (Edit. Lund. I(i40, p. D.IO), whence the text is revised.— F.D.
(3) Jllyricus, " Cat. Test." (edit. 10(18, dd. I(i4;>): lUtae two sermons are in Urowue's Appendix
to the " Fasciculus." See Appendix. — Ed.
(^) lllyricus, cols. 1650, MTl. See infra, p. 610, note— Ed. (5) Illyricus, rols. 1662, 1663.— Eu
,')'22 VISIONS OF KOBKUTUS GAT-I.US.
jieiiry 'I'his 111011, US a])j)carrtli by liis writings, had divers and sundry visions,
^"' whereof a part is printed w ith the visions and prophecy of Hildegard.
A.D. His visions all tend against the spiritualty of Rome ; where, in the
^'-^^Q- fitlii chapter he plainly callcth the pope an idol, wlio having ears
The pope hcarctli not tlie loud wailings of them that go down to hell, though
louder than a trumpet and the roaring thunder; and having eyes
seeth not neither listcth to see the abominations of his people, and
their excessive voluptuousness, except he may thence heap up treasure
for himself; and having a moutli speaketh not, but saith, ' 1 liave set
good teachers over them, and it is sufficient, whether I do them good
bv mvself or bv another.' And it followeth in the same chapter,
"■ Woe to that idol ! woe to the mighty and proud ! who in all the
earth shall be equalled to that idol ? He hath exalted up his name
in the earth, saving. Who shall bring me under? Is my house com-
])ared with those of the mighty ones of the earth ? I am far more
daintv than they in my feasts ; prancing knights are my servitors; and
that honour which my fathers before me had not, that is done to me.
My house is paved with silver, and ornamented with gold and jewels.""
Again, in the twelfth chapter, and also in the first, under the name
of a serpent he painteth out the pope, whom he declareth to extol
}iimself above measure, and to oppress the few that be godly, and to
liavc many false prophets about him ; whose charge it is, neglecting
the name of God and of Christ, to preach and extol him only, obscu-
ring the name of Christ. The church of Rome and the pope he
The describcth in these words : " I was praying," saith he, " on my knees,
KcX'rtus looking upward toward heaven, on the right side of the altar of St.
oaiius. James in Paris, and saw in the air before me the body of a certain
high bishop, all clothed in white silk ; who, turning his back on the
east, lifted up his hand towards the west, as the priests are wont to
sfateof stand in celebrating their mass, but his head was not visible. And as
church of I ^^^s Considering advisedly, whether he had any head or no, I per-
•criited'* ceived a head all dry and withered, as though it had been of wood.
And the Spirit of the Lord said to me, ' This signifieth the state of
the church of Rome.'"
Moreover, the same author describcth by an apt similitude shewn
iuenand him in a vision the manner of the monks and school sophists and
friVoious sorbonists, in this wise : " Another day, as I was in like contempla-
doscribcd ^'"" ^^ before, I beheld in spirit ; and behold, I saw a man apparelled
like to the other before, who went about having fine bread and excellent
wine on his shoulders and hanging down on both sides of him ; and
the same, having in his hand an oblong and very hard flint-stone, was
gnawing upon the same as a famishing person is wont to do upon a loaf
of bread ; out of the which stone came out two serpents' heads ; and
the Spirit of the Lord instructed me, saying, ' This stone purporteth
the frivolous and curious questions, wherein the famishing people do
weary themselves, leaving the substantial food of their souls.' And
I asked what those two heads did mean ? And he said, ' The name
of the one is Vain-glory, the name of the other is ]Mar-religion.'"
Rcf.irma- Also, conccming the reformation of the church, this vision he de-
iiie clareth : " It happened, as I was (saith he) in the same city in the
'lup/igni- l'<'"se of a certain nobleman of Bretagne, and was there speaking with
jiid. certain, 1 saw a cross f)f silver very bright, mucli like to the cross of the
earl of Toulouse. But the twelve apples, which did hang beside on the
arms of the cross, were very vile, like to the apples which the sea is wont
THE STOKY OK KOBKKT GKOSTHKAll. 523
to cast, up. And I said, ' Wluit is this. Lord Jesu ?' And the "fp^y
Spirit answered mc, 'This cross which thou seest is tlie church.
which shall be clear and bright in purcness of life, and shall be ^^^^•
heard all over the world through the shrill voice of the preaching of — 1—
sincere verity.' Then, being troubled with the apples, I asked what
these apples so vile did signify ? And he said, * It is the humiliation
of the church.' "
This godly man did forewarn (as in a certain chronicle is declared) simony
how God would punish the simony and avarice of the clergy, with Hceof fhe
such a plague, that rivers should run with blood. It is said, that ^ij^^^l^;^"*
there is remaining a great volume of his visions which are not yet nished.
abroad ; for these that be abroad, are but a brief extract out of his
visions and revelations.
After that we have thus long strayed in these foreign stories of
Frederic, and in the tractation of other matters pertaining to other
countries, it is time that we return to oiu* own country again.
THE STORY OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD, BISHOP OF LINCOLN.
Following the continuation of time and course of the church, we
■\nll now join to these good fathers and writers, the history of the
learned bishop of Lincoln, named Robert Grosthead,^ a man famously
learned, as that time served, in the three tongues, both Latin, Greek,
and Hebrew, also in all liberal sciences ; whose works and sermons
even to this day are extant, which I have seen in the library of the
queen's majesty at Westminster, wherein is one special sermon
written and exhibited in four sundry scrolls addressed to the pope,
and to other four cardinals, beginning " Dominus noster Jesus
Christus." Nicholas Trivet, in his Chronicle, Avriting of this
bishop, affirmed that he was bom in Suffolk, in the diocese of J|"^"'
Norfolk : who giving him the praise of being a man of excellent head, a
Avisdom, of profound doctrine, and an example of all virtue, wit- ^^^°]^'
nesseth that he being master of arts, wrote first a commentary
on the latter books of Aristotle ; also that he wrote tractations
concerning the spheres, and the art of computations, and that he
set forth divers books concerning philosophy. Afterwards, being
doctor in divinity, and expertly seen in all the three tongues, he
drew sundry treatises out of the Hebrew glosses, also translated iHs books
divers works out of the Greek, as the testament of the twelve ^vorus.
patriarchs, and the books of Dionysius, commenting upon the new
translation with his own gloss.^
This godly and learned bishop, after divers conflicts and agonies
sustained against the bishop of Rome, after the example of Frederic,
of Gulielmus de Sancto amore, of Nicholaus Gallus, and others after
named, at length, after great labours and travails of life, finished
his course, and departed at Bugden in the month of October, peafb if
A.D. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Matthew Paris,' "Out of"'""
(I) Robert Grosthead or Grossteste was born at Stradbrook in Suffolk about a.d. 1175, was made
bishop in 1235, and died 1253.— Ed.
(2) Many other works and volumes were written by the said Grosthead, as " De oruln Morali,
" De dotihus," " De cessatione legalium," " Parvus Cato," " Annot.itioncs in Suulam,' " In I5o.'-
tium," " De potestate Pastoral!," " F.xpositiones in Gen. et in Lucam," with a number more, hesidei
divers epistle's, sermons, and invcctions se\it to the pope for his immeasurable exactions, wlierfv
with he overcharged and oppressed the church of England.
■ 3) Matth. Paris, fol. 278.
Grosr-
head.
524
TIIK rOI'E S l.KTTKK FOR AN ITALIAN I!OV.
"I'l'i^ t-lic prison ;in(l iKuiisliniciit of ihis world (wliich lie never loved) was
Uikeii the holy bishop of liincoln, Robert, at his manor of Bugden,
A.I), in tlio evening of St. Denis's day; who was an open reprover of the
^^^^- puj)c and of the king, a rebukcr of the prelates, a correetor of the
monks, a director of the priests, an instructor of the clerks, a fautor
of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of the incontinent,
a diligent searcher of the Scriptures, a mall to the Romans, and a
contemner of their doings." Wiiat a mall he was to the Romans,
in the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall appear. The story is
this: — It so befcl, among other daily and intolerable exactions
wherein pope Innocent IV^. was grievous and injurious nianifold
Six years' ways to tlic realm of England, he had a certain cousin or nephew
of GroNt- (so popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederic, being yet
thrt'"p^^ young and under years, whom the said Innocent the pope would
A.D.1253. needs prefer to be a canon and prebendary in the church of Lincoln,
in this time of Robert, bishop of the said churcli; and upon the same,
the pope directed down a letter to certain of his factors here in Eng-
land, for the execution thereof; a copy of which letter by chance —
yet not by chance but by the opportune sending of God — came to
my hands as I was penning this present story, written in the end of
an old parchment book, and otherwise rare (I suppose) to be found ; '
which aforesaid letter is thus in English.
The Pope's unreasonable Letter to his Factors in England.
Unto our well-beloved sons, the archdeacon of Canterbury, and to Master
Innocent our scribe abiding in England, greeting and apostolical benediction.
Forsomuch as our well-beloved son G., deacon-cardinal of S. Eustace, upon our
(!) " Dilectis filiis archdiacono Cant, et Magistro Innocent, scriptori nostro in Anglia conimo-
ranti, salutcm et apostnlicam l>enedict. Cum dileetus filius noster G., Sancti Eu-stadiii diaconu.s
rardiiialis, dilt-cto (ilio [recte dictum fortassis filio !] Frederico de Lavania, clerico, nepoti nostro
lie speciali mandato nostro canonicatiim I.incoliiiens. rum plcnitudine juris canonici duxi-rit confe-
rendum, ipsum per suum annulum corporaliter et pra;sentialiter investiens de eodeni, ut ex tunc
canonicus Lincolniensis existat, et plenum nomenet jus canonici conscquatur ibidem; ac pra^ben-
dani. si qua vacaverit in ecclcsia Lincol. a tempore quo dudum litera nostra super receptione ac
provisione facienda sibi in eccles. eadem de praemissis venerab. fratri nostro episcopo Lincoln,
prssentata- fuerunt ; alioqui, post vacaturam conferendani sibi donationi apostolica; reservarit •
decernendo irritura et inane, si quid de pr^benda hujusmodi a quoquam fuerit attentatum, nee
non et in roiitradictores et rebelles cxcomniunicationis sententiara ubique promulgando, pro'ut in
Uteris ejusdem exinde de constitutis [confectis] plenius continetur : —
" Nos ipsius Frederici devotis supplicationibus inclinati, quod abeodem card inale factum est super
hoc et ratum et gratum habentes, idem authoritate apostolica duximus confirnianduni. Quocirra
discretioni vestrje per apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus eundem Fredericum, vel procura-
toreui suum ejus nomine, in corporalem possessionem pr<edictoruni canonicatus et pra^benda;
authoritate nostra inducatis, et defendatis inductum, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam
appellatione postposila compescendo. Non obstantibus aliquibus consuetudinibus vel statutis, jura-
mentis vel confirmationibus sedis apostolica-, sen quacunciue alia infirroitate roboratis — vel' quod
dictus Fredericus praesens non fuerit ad pra'standum juramentum de observandis consuetudinibus
ejusdem eccles. consuetis; sive si pradicto episcopo vel capitulo ipsius ecclesis comniuniter vel
singulatim, sen aliis quibuscunque personis, a dicta sede indultum existat, quod ad receptionem vel
provisionem alicujus compelli nequeant, sive quod nullus alius in eoruni ecclcsia nemiiii providere
valeat; vel qu5d interdici, suspendi, aut cxcommunicari non possint per literas apostol. sub qua-
C'lnque forma verborum obtentas, vel obtinendas; etianisi totus tenor iiidulgentiarum hujusmodi
de verbo in verbum in iisdem Uteris .sit insertus — sive quibus aliis indulgentiis, quibuscunque
personis, dignitati, vel loco, subquacunque forma verborum, concessis a sede apost. vel eliamconce-
dendis, per quas elfectus hujusmodi provisionis posset impediri aliquatenus vel differri ; tamen
volumus ea de certa scientia, quantum ad provisionem factam et facicndam Frederico pra;dicto m
ecclcsia Lincoln., viribus omnino carcre. Ca;terum, si aliqui pra^dicto Frederico vel procuratori
super prreniissis, vel aliq\io pnemissorum, aliquatenus duxerint opponendum; illos ex p^rte
nostra citari curctis, ut percmptorie infra duorum mensium spatium post citationem vestrani
personalltercompareant coram nobis, eidem Frederico super pra-niissis legitime responsuri. Non
obstantibus priviU-giis sive quibuslibet indulgentiis, personis regni Anglia- generaliter, vel cuivis
alii persona;, vel dignitati, vel loco specialiter, a pra-dicta sede subquacunque forma verborum con-
cessis, quiid non possunt ultra mare, seu extra civitatem vel diocesin suam in judicium evocari per
literas apost. sub quacunque forma verborum obtentas ; quod privilegium et indulgentias eisdem
personis de certa scientia iiullatcnus volumus suffragari : et constitutione editade duabus dutis in
concilio generali non obstante. Diem autcm citationis et fomiam nobis vestris literis tenoreni
pra-scntiuin coniincntihus, tideliter intimetis. Quod si non ambo liis exequcndis inteicsse pote-
rllis. alter vtslrum nihilominus exequatur."— Datum Terus. 7. Cal. F'cbr. ponlificat. nostri anno
derimo.
TO BE CANON AND PREBENDARY OF LINCOLN. 525
special commaiulment hath given and granted to our wcll-hclovcd son Frederic iienry
de Lavania, a c-lork and our nepliew, a canonry in tlie church of Lincoln, witii ^'^•
lull power and grant of tlie same, investing him tlierein corporally and pre- ~a r)~
sently witli his own ring, to be from thenceforth canon of Lincoln, and to have I'j'co'
full right and title to the said canonry in that church ; also a prebend in the — —'—L.
same church of Lincoln, if any shall have fallen vacant since our letters con- Well said
cerning this reception and provision to be given him in the said cliurch were \"j^ JJ^"'
presented to our right-reverend brother, the bishop of Lincoln ; but if not, hath our son."
reserved to our apostolic donation the next that shall fall vacant, to be con-
ferred on our said nephew, niakinc; void and frustrate anything which may be Excom-
attempted concerning the said prebend by any one else, and also denouncing (ion
the sentence of exconnnunication against all that shall rebel and gainsay the abused,
same, as in the letters of the said cardinal is more fully contained : —
We, therefore, condescending to the devout supplications of the said Frederic,
ratifying and approving that which hath been done by the said cardinal in the
premises, have thought good by our apostolic authority to confirm the same.
Wherefore, by these our letters apostolic we desire your wisdom to induct by
our authority the said Frederic (or his proctor in his behalf) into corporal pos-
session of the said canonry and prebend, and also to defend him when so in-
ducted, denouncing the sentence of excommunication (without power of appeal)
against all such as shall gainsay the same: Notwithstanding ' — any customs or
statutes to the contrary, corroborated by the oaths or confirmations of the apo-
stolic see; or any flaw in the case whatsoever, as, that the said Frederic was not
personally present to take the oath for observing the usual customs of the said
church ; or, that an indulgence hath been granted by the said see to the aforesaid
bishop, or to the chapter of the said church, jointly or severally, or to any other
persons whatsoever, as that they shall not be forced to admit or make provision
for any man against their will, or, that they may not be interdicted, suspended, or
excommunicated by letters apostolic, obtained or to be obtained hereafter, under
whatever form of words, yea, although the wliole tenour of such indulgences
be inserted word for word in the said letters : Notwithstanding, also, any other
indulgences granted, or to be hereafter granted, by the apostolic see to what
persons soever, of what estate, dignity, or place soever, under whatever form
of words, by the which indulgences the effect of this provision might be in any
way hindered or deferred; nay, we deliberately will, that they lose all their
force in regard to the provision made, or to be made, for the said Frederic in
the said church of Lincoln. And if any shall presume to oppose the aforesaid
Frederic (or liis proctor) touching the premises or any of them, we will that
you cause them to be cited peremptorily in our behalf to appear before us in
person within the space of two months from your citation, to make answer to
the said Frederic touching the premises according to law : Notwithstanding any
privileges and indidgences whatsoever to the contrary, granted by the aforesaid
see, either generally to persons of the kingdom of England, or specially to any
person, or dignity, or place whatsoever, under whatever form of words ; as,
that they are never to be cited up to trial beyond sea or beyond their own
city or diocese by letters apostolic, under whatever form of words obtained; all
which privileges and indulgences we deliberately will to be of no avail what-
ever to the said parties : Notwithstanding, also, the constitution made in the
last general council allowing citations to the distance of two days' journey.^
Moreover, the day and form of the citation we will you faithfully to intimate
unto us by your letters containing the tenour thereof; and if botli of you
cannot be present at the execution hereof, yet we will, notwithstanding, that
one of you do execute the same without fail. Given at Perugia, vii. Cal. Feb.
in the tenth year of our popedom. [Jan. 26th, a.d. 1253.]
As there is no man ^vho hath any eyes to see, but may easily un-
derstand in reading this letter of the pope, how unreasonable his
request is, how impudently he commandeth, how proudly he threat-
eneth, how wickedly he oppresseth and racketh the church of God, in
(1) " Non obstante." — Ed.
(2) See the constitution " De duabus diaetis,"cap. 37 of the acts of the council of Lateran, 1215,
hi Labbe torn. xi. col. 188, and Corpus Juris Can. Decret. Greg. IX. lib. i. tit. iii. cap. 28.
" NonnulU." See also the bull of Martin V., infril vol, iii. p. 566. — Ed.
Grost-
heid
52G THE ANSWER OF BISHOP GROSTHEAD.
iifnry j)laciiig bovs and slrani,aTS in the ministry and cure of souls, and also
L_ in making tlicm his provisors, to raven up the clmrch goods ; so is it
A. p. no great marvel, if this godly bishop, Robert Grosthead, was offended
^•^'^^- thercwitli ; who, in my mind, deserveth herein a double commenda-
commen- tiou, not only that he so wisely did discern error from sincerity and
ationof tr,j[|, . but also that he was so hardy and constant to stand to the
defence thereof against the pope, according as in this his answer to
the pope again may appear, as followcth.
The Answer of Bishop Grosthead to the Pope.
Salutem. May it please your prudence to understand, that I devoutly and
reverently, and with filial affection, obey apostolic precepts, but am also an
iittor enemy to all such as contradict the character of apostolic precepts, as a
child jealous of his father's honour. And truly, I am bound by the command-
ment of God to do no less. For apostolic precepts neither are nor can be
other than consonant and conformed to the doctrine of the apostles and of our
Lord Jesus Christ, who is the master and lord of the apostles, and whose type
and person the lord pope seemeth especially to bear in the hierarchy of the
church : for our Lord Jesus Christ saith, " Whosoever is not with me, the same
is against me ;" therefore, the most divine sanctity of the apostolic see neither
is nor can be against him. To apply this: the character of your present
letter is not consonant to apostolic sanctity, but utterly dissonant and at
variance with the same. First, for that the clause " non obstante," which
comes over and over again in this and many other of your letters, introduced
upon no necessity of any natural law to be observed, must be an endless source
of uncertainty, boldness, licentiousness, impudency, lying, and deceiving, and
of mutual mistrust between man and man ; and not only of these, but also of
innumerable other mischiefs which follow upon the same; unsettUng and dis-
turbing the purity of the christian religion, as also the public tranquillity of
society. Moreover, next after the sin of Lucifer, which shall be in the latter
time, (to wit, of Antichrist, that " son of perdition, whom the Lord will destroy
with the breath of his mouth"), there is not, nor can be, any kind of sin so re-
pugnant and contrary to the doctrine of the apostles and to holy Scripture, and
so hateful, detestable, and abominable to our Lord Jesus Christ himself, as to
destroy and kill men's souls, by defrauding them of the benefit of the pastoral
office and ministrj'. And yet it is plain, by most evident testimonies of Scrip-
ture, that those persons arc guilty of this sin, who, being invested with the charge
of the pastoral ministry, secure to themselves the stipend of the pastoral office and
ministry from the milk and wool of the sheep of Christ, who are to be quickened
and saved by their means, and yet do not discharge its duties ; for the mere non-
administration of the pastoral ministry is, by the testimony of the Scripture,
equivalent to the slaughter and destruction of the sheep.' Two enormous evils
are in this way committed, which (although after a differing way) far exceed
all other kind of wickedness, for that they are directly contrary'to two things
which (although not equally or similarly) are, and are said to be, most excel-
lent; for " pessimum est, quod optimo contrarium," i.e. " that which is con-
trary to the best is the worst." As much then as lieth in the said oflTenders,
they sin, in one respect, directly against the Deity, who of himself is essentially
and supernaturally most excellent; in another, against the image and likeness
of God in man, which, as produced by the gracious participation of the divine ray,
is essentially and naturally most excellent. And because, as in things that are
good the cause of good is better than its effect, so again in evil things the cause
of evil is worse than its effect ; hereby it is manifest, that the introducers into
the church of God of such wicked destroyers of God's image and likeness in
the sheep of Christ are worse than the worst of those destroyers, and approxi-
mate nearer than they to Lucifer and Antichrist, and are so much the more
pre-eminent in this gradation of wickedness, for that they in consequence of
their larger and more god-like power, given them for edification not for
destruction, were the more bound to exclude and extirpate such wicked
destroyers out of the church of God.
11) Ezck. xxxiv.— Ed.
THE pope's GUEAT FURY AND llAGE. 527
It is impossible, therefore, that the most holy apostolic see, to whom by tlie ti,-nr,j
most holy Lord Jesus Christ all power hath been committed for edification ^j'^;
not for destruction, can command, bid, or in any way attempt anything tending ^ ^
toward so great wickedness, so odious, detestable, and abominable to the Lord y^yx
Jesus Christ, and also so pernicious to mankind. For this should be a great — :Ui:_
waste, corruption, and abuse of his most holy and plenary power, and an utter P"""
separation of him from the glorious throne of our Lord Jesus Christ, to be nilnlitcrs
co-assessor with the two aforesaid princes of darkness in the chair of pcsti- to ediiica-
lence amid the pains of hell. Neither can any man who is subject and faithful ','0",°"}*';
to the said see, and not cut off by schism from the body of Christ and from stniction.
the said holy see, with a sincere and unspotted conscience obey such instruc- Twoiirin-
tions and precepts, or favour such attempts as these, from whatever quarter "^'P^'
emanating, yea, though it were from the highest archangels, but rather ought of of '"ark-
necessity with all their might to withstand and rebel against the same. Where- ness, Lu-
fore, my reverend lord, upon my bounden duty of obedience and fidelity ^j^"^^/""'
which I owe to both the parents * of the most holy apostolic see, and for the christ.
love of union with her in the body of Christ, I must regard the instructions con-
tained in your aforesaid letter as more honoured in the breach than the observ-
ance, and I hereby refuse and utterly resist them ; and especially because they
tend (as is before touched) to such manifest wickedness, so abominable to the
Lord Jesus Christ, so repugnant to the holiness of the apostolic see, and so
contrary to the one only catholic faith. Neither for this cause can your dis-
cretion take any harsh step toward me, because all my doing and gainsaying in
this matter is no resistance nor rebellion, but a filial honour due by the divine
precept both to my Father and to you.- Briefly recapitulating, therefore, I assert
that the sanctity of the apostolic see cannot do any thing but to edification, and
nothing at all to destruction : for this is the fulness of power, to be able to
do all things to edification. But these provisions (as they are called) be not to
edification, but to most manifest destrtiction. The blessed apostolic see, there-
fore, neither can nor ought to attempt any such thing, because flesh and blood,
which cannot enter into the kingdom of God, hath revealed the same, and not
the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ who is in heaven.'
Then followeth it in the story both of Matthew Paris, and of
Florilegus, that when this epistle came to the knowledge of the pope,
he, fuming and fretting with anger and indignation, answered with a
fierce look and proud mind, saying, " What frantic old dotard is
this, who so boldly and rashly judgeth of my doings .'' By St. weii
Peter and St. Paul, were it not for our innate generosity and good ^7as"r
nature, I would throw him into such confusion, as should make him p"!""
a bye-word, an astonishment, an example, and a prodigy to all the
world. For is not the king of England our vassal .'' nay, more, our
manciple"* (to use the very words of mine author), " who only needs
a nod from us, to imprison him and put him to utter disgrace .'^"
When the pope, in his great fury and rage, had uttered this amongst
his brethren the cardinals, who were scarcely able to appease the
furious violence of the pope, with mild moderation of words they
said unto him, that it would not be expedient to proceed against the
bishop in a rigorous manner. " For," said they, " to confess the
truth to your holiness, it is but very truth that he affirmeth. We
cannot condemn him. He is a catholic man, yea, and a most
holy man ; more religious and more holy than ourselves ; a man of oiies, a
a more excellent spirit and more excellent life ; so that it is believed defendei'h
he has not his superior or even his equal among all the prelates. ^l^^\„
Both the French and English clergy are well aware of this, neither the pope.
(1) He meaneth either Christ and the church, or Peter and Paul.
(2) That is, both to Christ and his church.
(.3) M. Paris, edit. Lond. 1C40, p. 870.
(\) "Maucipium." M.Paris. — Ed.
')2S DKATll-HKD OF ROnERT C'.ROSTHEAD.
Henry would it bc of aiiv aviiil for us to contradict it. Tlie statements,
1- moreover, of tliis Iiis epistle perhaps arc known by many to bc true,
A- '^- and, were he tobc harshly treated, might stir up many against us : for
~'' he hath the name of being a great philosopher, and is singularly
seen both in Latin and Greek learning, zealous in the cause of
justice, a reader of divinity in the schools, a preacher amongst the
people, a lover of chastity, and a persecutor of simony." These
words spake Giles, a Spanish cardinal, and others besides, moved by
their own conscience to speak. And this counsel they gave to the
pope, that he should dissemble and wink at these things, as one not
seeing or regarding them, lest otherwise perhaps some tumult might
rise and spring thereupon ; especially seeing there was a manifest con-
viction among all men, that at last there must needs come a defection
and secession from the church of Rome.'
Thepodiy Not loug after this, the canicular days being past,* this reverend
(frost*- and godly Robert, bishop of Lincoln, lying at his manor place at
llis'sick- liiickden, fell grievously sick. Whereupon, he sent for a certain
iKss. friar of the Preaching order, named Master John of St. Giles," a man
expert and cunning both in physic and divinity, partly to receive of
him some comfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in
spiritual matters. One day, the bishop conferring with the aforesaid
Master John, and reciting to him the doings and proceedings of the
pope, did grievously rebuke and reprehend his fellows, the Preaching
friars, not sparing either the other order of the Minorites ; that,
whereas their orders were planted in wilful poverty, viz. poverty of
spirit, on purpose that they might with the more freedom carp at and
reprove the vices of the mighty, and not flatter or spare them, but
severely censure and gravely reprehend the same ; the said friars,
contrary to their profession, did not boldly cry out and inveigh
against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did
uncover or detect their faults and wickedness ; and " therefore,"
said the bishop, " I judge you to be no better than manifest heretics."
" For what is heresy ?" added the bishop, demanding of Master John
that he should give him the true definition thereof. Whereat when
the friar did stay and pause, not remembering any approved definition
of that matter, the bishop thereupon inferrcth, giving a definition
Definition in Latin by a faithful interpretation of the Greek : " Hscresis est
leresy. spj^jj^ptia liumano scnsu electa, scripturse sacrsc contraria, palam
edocta, pertinaciter defensa: hseresis cnim Graece, electioest Latine."
" Heresy is a sentence taken and chosen of man''s own brain, contrary to
holy Scripture, openly maintained, and stiffly defended." And this
definition given, consequently he inferred (sharply reprehending the
prelates, but especially those of Rome, who committed the charge of
souls unto their kinsfolks, being both in age unqualified, and in
learning insufficient) thus : — "To give," saith he, " the charge of souls
unto a boy, is a sentence of a certain prelate chosen and taken of the
man's own head, only for some carnal and earthly respect ; and also
it is contrary to holy Scripture, which forbiddeth any such to be
made shepherds, as are not able to drive away the wolves; it
is also openly maintained, because an instrument commanding the
(1) M. Paris, p. S72.— Ed. (n) See stipra, p. .373.— Ed.
12) " Canicular days," the dog days. M. Paris, p. 87<.— Eu.
THE POPE ACCUSED OF EN0R:MITIKS BY BISHOP GROSTHEAD, 529
same, sealed with wax, oi imbullcd with lead, is openly produced ; irennj
and finally, it is stiffly defended, for if any man shall presume ^^''
to withstand the same, he is suspended and excommunicated, A. 1).
and a holy war proclaimed against him. Now that person to }'^'^^_
whom the entire definition of a heretic doth apply, he certainly is
a heretic. But every faithful christian man ought to set himself
against a heretic as much as he may. Wherefore, he that can resist
him and doth not, he sinncth, and seemcth to be a favourer of sucli,
according to the saying of (iregory ; ' He is not without conscience saying of
of secret partnership, Mho forbeareth to resist open iniquity." But ^'^"^'"y-
the friars, both the IVIinorites and Preachers, are specially bound
to withstand such, seeing both of them have the gift of preaching
committed to them by their office, and are more at liberty to do it bv
reason of their poverty ; and therefore they do not only offend in
not resisting such, but also are to be counted maintainers of the same,
according to the saying of the apostle to the Romans, ' Not only
they which commit such things, but also they that consent, are worthy
of death.' Wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the pope, The pope
unless he cease from this vice, as also the said friars, unless they show ^^resj'^'' "^
themselves more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are alike
worthy of death, I mean, eternal death. Nay, the Decretum itself
saith, ' That upon such a vice as this of heresy, the pope himself
both may and ought to be accused.' "^
After this, because the nights were getting longer, and that the
bishop felt his weakness and infirmity to grow upon him, the third
night before the feast of St. Dionisius he willed certain of his clergy
to be called to him, thereby to be refreshed with some conference or
communication. Unto whom the bishop, mourning and lamenting
for the loss of souls through the avarice of the pope's court, sighing,
said on this wise, as by certain aphorisms.
Certain Aphorisms or Articles of Robert Grosthead against the
Bishop of Rome.
1. Christ came into the world to win souls ; ergo, he that feareth not to
destroy souls, may he not justly be called Antichrist ?
2. The Lord created the universe in six days, but in restoring lost man he
laboured more than thirty years ; is not therefore a destroyer of souls justly to
be counted the enemy of God, and Antichrist?
3. The pope is not ashamed impudently to disannul, by the obstacle " non The pope
obstante," privileges granted by the holy Roman pontiffs, his predecessors ; ^J'""*'^''
which is not done without their manifest injur}- and prejudice, for in so doing wicked
he doth reject and desti'oy that which so many great and holy men had builded clause,
before. And what a contemner, then, must he be of the saints ! but he that j,^!,"" "''*
contemneth shall justly be contemned, according to the saying of Isaiah,
" Woe to thee who despisest, shalt not thou thyself be despised?" Who, in
time to come, will respect privileges of his granting?
4. The pope, indeed, in answer to this defendeth his error by saying, " No And foi
one hath power over his equal : therefore, no former pope can bind me, who :"^''"f-''*'-
11 1 ,, T, 1 • , T 1 ,, ¥ 1 ^ , "IK more
am a pope as well as he. lo which I reply, " Jt does not appear tome, that than his
he who is yet sailing on the perilous sea of this world and he who is arrived ^^^ ■ ^"'^
safe in the haven are equals ; for grant that some particular pope is saved (far be no°\o be
it from us to say the contrary) ; yet our Savioiir saith, " He that is least in the equal, hut
kingdom of heaven is greater than John the Baptist, a greater than whom did ''l'^^'''"^'"
(1) Decretl Dist 83, cap. 3 : Dist. 86, cap. 3 : Causa 23, Quest. 3, cap. 8.— Ed. cessors.
(2) Uecreti, Dist. 40, cap. C— Ed.
V OL. II. .M M
530 TIIF. CRAFTY PIIACTICF. OF USURERS.
Hrnry ncvcr arisc among tliose born of women." Is not tliereforc tlie said pope, as
"f- a piver and confinner of privileges, greater tlian tlic living pope? truly, mc-
, Pj thinks, he is greater, and therefore hath power over his inferior ; who, consc-
,.j.o" (picntly. ought not to despise his predecessors.
""*' ■ ' Doth not the po])e, speaking of most of his predecessors, say, " Such or
Accused such au one, our predecessor, of pious memory;" and frequently, "We, follow-
rnK "he "'S '" ''"" '*^*-'P^ of our holy predecessor?" and why then do later popes destroy
acts of his the foundations which their predecessors had laid?
predeces- p Many apostolic men have afterward confirmed a particular privilege
The pope piously granted by their predecessors: and are not, then, many bishops who
alive is are alrtadv saved by the grace of God to be counted greater and better than
io hl7pre- one who is yet mUitant ?
decessors, 7. Again, our ancient apostolic fathers take the precedency of others who
therefore ^y^ subsequent in time, and those whom the estimation of antiquity doth extol
thority to w<^ •i''^ bound to esteem venerable. This principle the holy Hcnedict, a man
infringe himself replete with the spirit of the saints and venerable for his virtue, had
their pri- respect to in his rule, wherein he gives the preference to the first acceders,
Menniore whatever they were, before others who might afterwards become members of
ancient j^j^ society, how worthy soever they might be, and directeth that the former
ought"to should have precedence and veneration. Whence, therefore, cometh this
be had in intolerable rashness of revoking and cancelling the privileges granted by many
virence'.''" ancient saints ?
8. Moreover, though many other popes have afflicted the church, yet this
pope hath more grievously enslaved it than others, and hath multiplied the
The pope inconveniences : for example ; the Caursini are notorious usurers ; and our holy
accused of fathers and doctors, whom we have ourselves seen and heard (namely, the
rnKusurv It^amcd Master Fulco,* the famous preacher in France ; also Eustace, abbot of
Flay, of the Cistercian order ; Master Jacobus de Viteri ; Master Stephen,
archbiidiop of Canterbury, when in exile; and Master Robert de Curcon), expelled
them by their remonstrances from the parts of France : but the present pope
hath brought them into England, where the pest was before unknown, and
there protected them ; and if any one presume to open his mouth against them,
he immediately becomes obnoxious to trouble and damage, witness Roger,
late bishop of l^ondon.^
Against 9. Every body knows, that usury is counted a detestable thing in both the
usury. Testaments, and is forbidden of God. But now the pope's usurers or exchangers,
to the disgust even of the .lews, are openly allowed to exercise their usury in
London to the great damage and oppression of all ecclesiastics, but especially
the religious, compelling the needy to tell falsehoods and to put their signature
to lying documents, which is no less than to commit idolatry by renouncing
The truth, that is, God himself. For instance, I borrow one hundred marks •' for a
"^fy year for one hundred pounds ; and I am compelled to draw and sign a writing
fisuii-rs." in which I acknowledge that I have boi-rowed and received one hundred pounds
The to be repaid at the year's end : but if it shall chance me within a month after, or
I'i'pe's a few days only, to acquire the principal, and 1 wish to repay it to the pope's
worsr* usurer, he will, nevertheless, accept notliing short of his full hundred pounds ;
than (he which outrageous usury is far worse than the Jewish; for whenever you bring
Jews. ti^g principal to a Jew,' he will kindly take it, requiring only such interest with
Crafty it, as is proportioned to the time you have had his money.
oMhe'^ 10. Moreover, we have known the pope instruct and command the friars
pojie to Preachers and Minorites to inquire diligently after dying persons, and to go to
net nio- them and use every means to persuade them to make their wills for the benefit
"^^' and relief of the Holy Land ; so that when they recover, they may wring some-
Men, thing from them for a dispensation, or if they die, they may receive or force it
the iioiv from their executors.
Land.soid 11. He also sells men that have taken the cross to laymen,* just as formerly
for money sheen and oxen were sold in the temple. We have actually seen, too, an instru-
like sheep ' „ , . . , . , . . ' , , , , , " • i r »i
by the ment of his in which it was inserted, that they who devised money tor the
pope. benefit and relief of the Holy Land, or took the cross, should receive indulgence
sion'oi propf)rtioned to the sum they gave.
sins sold 12. Over and besides all this, the pope in many of his letters hath com-
for mo-
ney- (I) Sec mention made of this Fiiico, siipri, p. 318. (2) See Appendix.
(3) A mark was thirteen shillings and fourpunce. — Ed. (4) See Appendix.
THE POPE ACCUSED OF UNLAWFUL DISPENSATIOXS. 531
manded prelates to provide in some ecclesiastical benefice, such as the party iimty
himself should choose to accept, some alien, though absent, and wholly dis- m-
quahfied as being both illiterate and ignorant of the language of the parishion- ^ j^
ers, and therefore unable to preach, or to hear confessions, or so much as Keep 1953'
residence to refresh the poor and liarbour travellei-s.
13. We also know that the pope actually wrote to the abbot of St. Alban's, ?'he pope
... , , 1 ^ n Tii/^ \ 111 injurious
to provnle ni some competent benefice one John de Lamezana, whom ne nau toi;imrch-
never seen. Shortly after, provision was made for the party in a rectory worth es in his
upwards of forty marks by the year : but he, not being therewith contented, !^n'j'J.""J[.t
complained to the pope, who writing to the aforesaid abbot commanded him to vations.
provide better for the aforesaid clerk, reserving to himself, however, the Also to
presentation to the nrst bcnchce. of St. Ai-
14. Again, not many days after, there came to the abbey two despicable bans.
fellows bringing with them letters from the pope, in the tenour whereof the J^'p^fJ'J'^'
abbot was commanded, incontinently upon the sight tliereof to give " these of violent
noble persons " ten marks in hand, without denuir, for the expedition and extonion.
despatch of their business ; and the men blustered and threatened him so, that
he was fain to make up the matter with them as well as ho could.
15. Again, of those holy and learned men, who for the better serving and or trou-
imitation of God had left the world by a course which was never to be retraced, ^|,"J|;^t"''
the pope appointeth his tolners,^ to cajole men out of their money ; which jng learn-
charge sore against their wills they undertake, only lest they should seem dis- ed men of
obedient; and thus they become more worldly than ever they were, and their tualtv'""
homely chimmers and scapillers prove a complete imposture,^ while under the with 'his
garb of poverty there lurketh the spirit of pride and elation. Again, wliercas 3^^^;'^°"^'''
a legate ought never to come into England unless the king himself desire it, the
pope evadeth this by a quirk, and sendeth many legates, not robed indeed in
purple, but armed with mighty powers ; neither would it be difficult to produce
an instance, nay, so frequently do these concealed emissaries come, and so
numerous are they, that it would be tedious to hear their names recited.
16. Lastly (what is quite a novelty^), the pope, for some worldly respect, will The pope
grant a man a bishopric without his ever being consecrated, but only an elect f^^yfjl,\^..
ftom year to year ; which is as much as to say, that he is to have the milk and fui dis-
•wool of the sheep, not driving away the wolves, but only receiving the stated pensa-
revenues of the bishopric.
And -when this godly bishop had thus expressed his detestation of
such practices, and of many other enormities which prevailed in the
court of Rome ; as, all kinds of avarice, usury, simony, and extor-
tion, all kinds of filthiness, fleshly lust, gluttony, and sumptuous
apparel ; insomuch that the proverb concerning the said court is truly
verified —
' Ejus avaritiae totus non sufficit orbis.
Ejus luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis ; '
' All the world cannot suffice, their greedy covetous mind,
Nor all the drabs and naughty packs, their filthy lusting kindj' —
afterwards he went about further to prosecute, how the aforesaid court,
opening its jaws so wide, that the flood of Jordan might run into its
mouth, aspired to usurp the goods of them that died intestate, and
legacies bequeathed without due form of law ; and how, in order
that they might practise this with the greater freedom, they would
associate the king as sharer and partaker with them in their rapine.
" Neither," saith he, " shall the church ever be delivered from this
(1) " Telonaiios," M. Paris, collectors —En.
(2) " Tragulorum vilitas mentitur." "Chimmers and Scapillers." " Simarre" in French is a
long gown or robe. A " scapulary " was a friar's vest, part of which covered the shoulders.— Ed.
(3) Alluding to Ethelmar, elect of Winchester, the king's h.^lfbrother.- En.
M M 2
532
DEATH OF nOBERT GROSTHEAD.
Henry Egyptian scrvltudc, but with the edge of the bloody sword. Albeit,"
saith he, "these be as yet but light matters ; yet, shortlv, Mithin the
A. D. next three years, more grievous things than these shall come to pass/
^^•'^'^- At the end of this his prophetic speech, which he scarcely could
Death of utter for sighing, sobbing, and weeping, his tongue faltered, and his
Grost- breath began to fail, and so, the organ of his voice being stopped, he
hrslfopof i"a(le an end both of his speech and life.'
Lincoln. And, forasmuch as mention hath been made before of the insa-
tiable avarice of the pope's court by his inordinate provisions and
reservations, it is testified by Matthew Paris, that the aforesaid
Robert Grosthead, being bishop of Lincoln, caused to be viewed and
considered diligently by his clerks, what the revenues of foreigners
and strangers within England, set in by the pope, came to by the
year; and it was found and evidently tried, that this pope now
present, Innocent IV., did impoverish the universal church through-
yeariy'*"^ out Christendom more than all his predecessors from the time the
revenues popc first began, SO that the revenues of foreigners and clerks, placed
clerks by him here in England, mounted unto the sum of threescore and ten
Kngiand tliousand marks and above, whereas the mere revenues of the crown
came to. came not to a third of that sum.^
Of this Robert Grosthead writeth Cestrensis (lib. vii.), that partly
for that it grieved him to see the intolerable exactions of the pope in
this realm ; and, partly, because he refused to admit a certain young
nephew of the po})e to be canon of his church (as hath been before
recited), he, therefore, writing unto the pope, and signifying that he
could not admit any such persons into his church, who neither knew
themselves, nor the tongue of the people, nor the charges committed
imto them, was called up to Rome, and there excommunicated ; who,
Jtrfcker ^^^^" appealing from the pope, shortly after departed, a.d, 1253. It
with the chanced, within two years after his decease, that the said pope Inno-
Gr<«t-^ ^^^^ being asleep, a certain bishop, apparelled bishop-like, appeared
wjilo of ^"^^ ^''"'' ^^^'^ striking him with his staff on the left side, said,
Lincoln. " Surgc miscr, veni in judicium :" that is, ^ Rise, wretch ! and come
to thy judgment." The next day, the pope was found amazed, as a
man stricken on the side with the stroke of a staff. This Robert,
though he was greatly commended for his sanctity and (as Cestrensis
saith) for his miracles, yet was he not permitted in the court of Rome
to be inscribed in the catalogue of saints. And thus much out of
Cestren.sis concerning this matter.
Matthew Paris, and the author of Flores Hi.storiarum, prosecuting
this story more at large, add this unto it, and say that pope Inno-
A.D.I254 cent the year following (which was a.d. 1254), being passing
angry, contrary to the mind of his brethren the cardinals willed to
have the bones of this bishop of Lincoln cast out of the church,
and, to bring him into disgrace with the people, that he should be
counted an ethnic, a rebel, and a disobedient person, throughout
the whole world ; and thereupon caused he a letter to that effect to
be written and transmitted to the king of England, knowing that the
king would gladly serve him therein, to have" the spoil of the bishop
( 1) Ex Matth. I'aris. [pp. 8?-l— 876.— Ed.] (2) Id. p. 859, ad aim. 1252.— Eo.
THE POPK STHICKEN ON ONE SIDE. 533
and of liis churcli. But, in tlie night following, the said bishop of uen,y
Lincoln appeared unto him arrayed in his pontificalibus,* and ap- '^^'
proaching him as he lay restless on his bed spake to him with a A.D.
severe countenance, stern look, and terrible voice, at the same time ^'^^^'
striking him a violent blow on the side with the point of his pastoral
staff, and thus said, " Sinibald, thou most wretched pope ! hast The
thou purposed to cast my bones out of the church to the shame of il'!'^^!'^,,^
me and of the church of Lincoln ? Whence could such rashness ',y^;;,f^'''
come into thy head ? It were more meet for thee, advanced and uro^t-
honoured by God as thou art, to make much of the zealous servants h'sho'p of
of God, although departed. The Lord, however, will not suffer ^"i'^'''"-
thee henceforth to have any power over me. I wrote unto thee in
the spirit of humility and love, that thou shouldst correct thy mani-
fold errors ; but thou, with a proud eye and disdainful heart, hast
despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest,
shalt not thou also be despised ?"
And so, bishop Robert retiring left the pope half dead, groaning
with the anguish of the wound which (as was said) he had received
in his side, which was just as if he had been pierced with a lance,
and sighing and crying out lamentably. The gentlemen of his bed-
chamber, hearing these things, asked him in astonishment what all
this meant. He replied with groans and sighs, " The terrors of the The pope
night have much disturbed me, and I shall never recover, so as to be ed hihu
myself again. Oh ! my side, how it pains me! I have been- struck """^•
with a lance by a spirit." Neither did the pope eat or drink all that
day, pretending to be ill of a high fever. And yet, even so, the
wrath and vengeance of God had not done with him. For after Gods re
this, the pope not regarding these wholesome admonitions given to poprin*^
liim by God through his servant, but giving liis mind wholly no'^^nt.
unto military and secular affairs, yet, with all his labours, counsels,
and expenses bestowed upon them, never prospered after that day in
what he went about ; for the pope at that time having war with the The
Apulians, his army fighting under the command of the pope's nephew armytan-
was routed, and to the number of four thousand slain, including their ^,"^'con.
commander; whose lamentable slaughter all the country of the Romans founded.
did much bewail. The pope, afterwards, directeth his journey
towards Naples, although sorely pained in his side, like a man sick
of a pleurisy, or rather smitten with a spear; neither could cardinal
Albus, his physician, relieve him ; " for Robert of Lincoln," saith the
story, " did not spare Sinibald of Genoa ; who, for that he would not
hear the other's gentle reproofs being alive, did feel his stripes when
he was dead ; so that he never after that enjoyed one good day or
night." And so continued he until his death, which shortly after J)^^^■^^
ensued, he being at Naples, a.d. 1255, or as Nicholas Trivet J'^^pJ'J^'^j
rccordeth, 1254. And thus have ye the whole discourse between iv.
Robert Grosthead and pope Innocent.^
In this story is to be noted, gentle reader, that although in
Cestrensis, Matthew Paris, and Flores Historiarum, it is expressly
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, [p. 883.] Ex Flor. Hist.
(2) The foregoing account of bishop Grosthead has been collated with the original in M. Paris,
and considerably revised and corrected. — Ed.
534 Till". jKws cju'cirY a child at Lincoln.
nn,ry tcstificil aiiil ri'portfd, that the i)opc was smitten witli the staff of
Robert, the aforesaid bishoj) of Lincoln, yet tliou must -wisely
A.I), uiulcrstanil, that, howsoever God's hand dealcth here in this
^-^^- worhl in punishing his enemies, or howsoever tlie ima<,^es of things
A note not gcen but iantasied offer themselves to the secret cogitation
ingihe of man (his senses being asleep), by the operation or permission
oflua""^ ol' ^'"^1 working after some spiritual influence in our imaginations,
men. certain it is, that no dead man materially can ever rise again
or appear before the judgment-day to any man, with his staff or
without his staff, to work any feat, after he have once departed
this life.
Di8«en- After the death of this Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, there
iw'ecn^ was great dissension between lioniface, the archbishop of Canterbury,
i'bi"rof '^"^^ ^^^ canons of the said church of Lincoln, about the right of
canttT- giving prcbcndships, and about the revenues of the said clnirch, the
the'''" bishop's sec being then vacant ; which right and j^owcr the archbishop
Lincoili?'^ claimed to himself, but the canons of that church, maintaining the
Excom- contrary side, stood against him ; and, for the same, were excommu-
"'"""^"' nicated of the archbishop. Among whom, one Master Wolfe, resist-
aimsid. ii^rr the arclibisho]) to the face, in the name of all the other canons,
made up his apjieal to Rome, where much money on both sides was
spent. At length, after this Grosthead, Henry Lcxinton was elected
to the see of Lincoln.
A riiiui About this time the wicked Jews at Lincoln had cruelly crucified,
hy"ih'r'' whipped, and tormented a certain child, named Hugo, of nine years
Jews at of age, A.n. 1255, in the month of August,* At length the child
Lincoln. . i
being sought and found by the mother, being cast into a pit, two
and thirty of those abominable Jews were put to execution. Of this
A child Matthew Paris recitcth a long story. The same or like fact was aiso
cised'hy intoudcd by the Jews at Norwicli, twenty years before, upon a certain
am/k^p't' t'l'il'^ whom they had first circumcised, and detained a whole year in
a whole custody, intending to crucify hiin ; for which the Jews were sent up
cruciijed. to the Tower of London, of whom eighteen were hanged, and the rest
remained long in prison.* Of this wicked Jewish people I find also
in the book Flores Historiarum, that about this year they began
The Jews first to bc cxpcllcd out of Francc, by the commandment of the French
m.t'of'^'* l-^i^g' ^^ being then in Palestine, warring against the Turks ; on the
France, occasiou of its bciug objccted by the Turk, against him and other
christian princes, that they retained the Jews among them, who did
crucify our Saviour, and warred against those who did not crucify
him.' Of the Jews here, moreover, king Henry the same year
exacted to be given unto him eight thousand marks, on pain of
hanging ; who, being much grieved therewith, and complaining that
the king went about their destruction, desired leave to be given them
by the king, that they might depart the realm, never again to return.
•"rioave' ^^"^ '■^'^ '''"^'"' committed the doing of that matter unto carl Richard,
tod.part his brother, to enforce them to ])ay the money whether thcv would
nf'i'nB-"' "•■ "<^t. Moreover, mention is made in the story entitled ' Kulo-
laiid. gium ' of the Jews at Northampton, who had among themselves
(I) Ex Gualt. Gisbiirn. (On tliese and other matters relating to the Jews in English history,
sec n'Blossier'i " Arplia Judaira."— Ed.]
12) Kx Nich. Trivet. (3) Ex I'lor Uistor. Ex Ctslrcnsi, lib. vii. cap. 31.
JEWS BURNED AT NORTHAMPTON' 535
prepared wildfire, to bum tlic city of London ; for which divers of Jienry
them were taken, and burned in the time of Lent, in the said town
of Northampton. This was two years before, or about a. D. 1253. And A.U.
forasmucli as mention here is made of the Jews, I cannot omit ^'-^'^-
what some En<dish stories write of a certain Jew, who not long after Jc*^" , ^
~ . Yp, , , Durneaat
this time (about a.d. 1257), fell into a privy at iewkesbury upon a North-
sabbath day ; who, for the great reverence he had to his holy sabbath, ^^p'""-
would not suffer himself to be plucked out. And so lord Richard,
earl of Gloucester, hearing thereof, woidd not suffer him to be drawn
out on Sunday for reverence of the holy day. And thus the Avretched
superstitious Jew, remaining there till Monday, was found dead.
Further, to note the blind superstition of that tinie, not only super-
among the Jews, but also among the Christians ; to omit divers jasu°^^
other stories, as of Walter Gray, archbishop of York, who coming !^^^[J.;"
up to the parliament at London, a.d. 1255, with inordinate fasting arch-
did so overcharge nature, and pined himself, and (as the story men- York? °
tioneth) did so dry up his brain, that he, losing thereby all appetite
of stomach, going to Fulliam, there, within three days, died, as by
the compiler of Flores Historiarum is both storied and reprehended ;
let this only be added, which, by the aforenamed author, and in the
same year, is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who, dying
in France, a.d. 1255, left by bequest in his testament six hundred supersti-
marks for lands to be purchased to the house of Merton, for God to seeking
be served there perpetually, " Pro anima ejus et omnium fidelium ;" by^!^on"
that is, " For his souFs health, and all faithful souls." As one who means. "
would say, christian faith were not the ordinary means sufficient to
salvation of faithful souls, without the choir service of the monks of
Merton.
Ye have heard it often complained of before, how the usurped THe pope
power of the pope hath violently and presumptuously encroached to ui'e""*
upon the church of England, in giving and conferring benefices and En"gia,',d.^
prebends to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruin
of Christ's flock in manifold ways. This violent injury and oppression
of the pope, as by no lawful and gentle means it could be reformed,
so, by occasion and means inordinate, about this time it began
somewhat to be bridled. The matter whereof was this, as it is by
the collector of Flores Historiarum recited under the forty-fourth
year of the reign of this king Henry HL The late bishop of London,
named Fulco, had given a certain prebend in the church of St. Paul to The same
one Master Rustand, the pope's nuncio here in England; who entering Thipo"'*'
into the profession of the Grey friars, and shortly after dying on the g-^f„*"j^y^
other side of the Alps, the pope immediately conferred the said the pope
prebend to one of his specials, a like stranger, as the other was before, king at
About the same instant it befel, that the bishop of London deceased, t" two™^
whereby the bishopric, now vacant, fell into the king's hands, who, '''""''^^^'^'
hearing of the death of the aforenamed Rustand, gave the said
prebendship, given of the pope before, to one John Crakehale,
his treasurer ; who with all solemnity took his installation, un-
knowing as yet that it was bestowed by the pope before. Not long
after, as time grew, this being noised at Rome, forthwith cometh
down a certain proctor, named John Gras, with the pope's cmbullcd
letters, to receive the collation of the benefice, by his commission
Mav
536 A 11L1N()'.:S .Ml-KLER.
}ir<,nj jirocuratory <iivtn by the ])opc, wherein .lohn Crakehalc had been
'"' already installed, as is aforesaid, by the kinij's donation. Th^'s
A. D. matter coming in traverse before Uonifacc, archbishop of Canterbury,
^^^^- he, after inquirinfj and searchinf; -which donation was the first, and
■•''>«. finding the ])ope's grant to be the former, gave sentence with liim
naiTon " against the king ; so that, in conclusion, the Roman clerk had the
hcToriMhc advantage of the benefice, although the other had long enjoyed the
king's, possession thereof before. Thus the pope's man being preferred,
and thi- l\iiglislinian excluded, after the jiarty had been invested and
stalled after the iisc and manner, he thinking to be in sure possession
of his place, attempted to enter the house belonging to his ])rcbend,
but was not permitted so to do; whereupon the pope's clerk, giving
place to force and number, went to the archbishop to complain. This
l)ecoming known to those inside the house, they pursued him ; and he
Two being so compassed about, one in the thickness of the throng, being
Unman ncvcr after known, suddenly rushing upon him, a little above his eyes
ins to so pareth off his head that he fell down dead; the same also was
arrJiaTn"' douc to auotlicr of his fcllows in fleeing away. This heinous murder
••^ ""^ being famed abroad, strait inquiry thereof was made, but the deed-
doer could not be known ; and although great suspicion was laid
upon Crakehalc, the king's treasurer, yet no ])roof could be brought.
But most men thought that bloody fact to be done by ccrt*iin
ruffians or other light persons about the city or the court ; disdaining
])erhaps that the Romans were so enriched with Englishmen's livings,
i)y whom neither came relief to any Englishman, nor any godly
instnietion to the flock of Christ. And, therefore, because they saAV
the church and realm of England in such subjection, and so much to
be trodden down by the Romans and the pope's messengers, they
thought thereby something to bridle, as with a snaffle, the pope's
messengers from their intemperate ranging into this land.'
The ftory Hcrc, by the Avay, is to be noted, that until the death of this
ofMatth. aforesaid Fulco, bishop of liondon, continueth the history of Mat-
reasetii. thcw Paris, mouk of St. Alban's, which was to the year of grace
1259. 'J'hc residue was continued by another monk of the same
house, but not with such like commendation, worthy to make any
authentic story ; as 1 have seen it noted in a written book.
It were too curious and tedious to prosecute in order what liap-
pened in every year, through this king's reign ; as how it was
provided by the king, that whosoever could expend fifteen poimds
from land by the year, should be bound to find the king a soldier ;
that watch should be kept every night in cities ; that whosoever Avas
robbed, or otherwise damnified in any part of the country, he thnt
had the custody thereof should be compelled to make up the loss
again, or else to pui-sue the malefactor.^ (a.d. 1253). Item, how
the king making his voyage into Gascony, his expenses were reckoned
to amount to tAvo hundred and seventy thousand marks, beside
thirty thousand marks bestoAved upon his brethren by the mother's
side, and besides other great gifts given abroad. Ih' reason of this,
great tiixes, and tolonies, and tenths Avcre required of his subjects ;
especially of the ehurehmen, avIio, being Avont to receive tithes of
others, uoav Avere constrained to give tithes to the laity.^ (a.d, 1254.)
(1) Ex Flor. Hist. (2) Ibid. (3) H)id. [See Appendix.J
THE POPe''s army SLAIN. o37
Item, how in the year following, the Londoners, offering one hundred •'^^"'•i/
]>ounds for a gift to the king, with a precious cup of gold, at his '-
return out of France, were shortly after compelled by the king to -'^•^■
pay three thousand marks for the escape of a certain prisoner, being i!^—
a ch-rk condemned ; which clerk being granted by the king to the
bishop, and lie having no prison sufficient for him, bon-owed of the
Tiondoners the prison of Newgate, to have him kept therein ; who
escaping, there was demanded of them, as it is said, this recompense.
(a.d. 1255.) Item, how the king, greatly complaining of his debts
tlie same year, required the whole tenths which should be gathered
in three years, to be taken up all at once ; at whose request the
nobles and commons agreed to strain themselves, so that the charter
of their liberties and customs might be ratified, and fully by him
confirmed ; and so for that year they were.' Item, how pope Alex- Pope
ander IV., to destroy the city Nuchera, with king Manfred, the son der n"'
of Frederic the emperor, sent forth the same year Octavian, his "'^'"^'h
cardmal, with a puissant army ; who, coming to the city with his
siege, through the counsel of the marquis of Hoemburgh, one of the
chief captains, discharged a great part of his host ; whereby the most The
of the pope"'s army was slain and destroyed, almost all, save only the army'*
family of the marquis,' a. d. 1255. *'^'"-
Many other things during the time of this king might be heaped The king
together, as the rising of Llewellyn, king of Wales, and of the "va^th*
Welshmen against Henry III., and wasting the land unto the toAvn ^,°g'^?'
of Chester, who destroyed divers of the English horsemen taken in of Eng-
the marsh ; with whom at length they came to agreement by means of ^" '
Octobonus, that his successors should only be called princes of Wales,
and should do the king homage, and that Henry should receive of
him three thousand marks. And this being established in writing, A.D.1257
was confirmed by the pope's seal, a.d. 1257.^
About the same time such famine and lack of victuals oppressed
the land, that a somme* of corn was then sold for six and twenty
shillings ; insomuch that the poorer sort were forced to eat nettle-
roots, thistle-roots, and whatsoever they could get.' Some authors,
however, refer this to a.d. 1262.
Hereunto, moreover, might be added, how pope Alexander, Pope
abusing and mocking the king''s simplicity, made him believe that der, to get
he would make his son Edmund, king of Apulia, so that he would J^a^efh
sustain the charges and cost thereof, to maintain the war which the king
thereto should appertain ; whereby the king, cast in a sudden hope, his son
caused his son incontinently to be proclaimed king of Apulia ; and ^'ing'of"'
upon the same sent up to the pope all the riches he could well ^JJ""*-
procure in his realm. And thus was the realm, in manifold ways, king's
miserably impoverished to enrich the pope.^ About this season, ZIaI^^
Richard, earl of Exeter, the king's brother, was made king ofj^yj^'^^
Almain by the electors.
Here might be showed, moreover, and added to the stories above,
how the next year (a.d. 1259), as Nicholas Trivet writeth, the king
entering into France, required the restitution of such lands in Nor-
mandy and Anjou as of old right were due to him, and wrongfully
(1) Fx Flor. Hist. (2) Ex Flor Hist.,et Matth. Paris. (3) Ex Polychron. \T.
(^) A bessi'b load.— Ed. (5) Ex Authore Eulogii. «G) Ex FJor. Hiat,
538 BROir BETWEKN THK WELSH AND THE MEN OF OXFORD.
jifnr,j withlioldcn from liim. But the French king again alleged, saying,
''^' that the country of Normandy, in old time, was not given away from
A.D. the crown of France, but was usurped, and by force extorted,
^257. \jy Rollo, Js:c. In conclusion, the king, fearing and suspecting the
What hearts of his nobles, and looking for nothing but rebellion at home,
coVd''"" durst not try with them, but was compelled to agree with them upon
worki-th. such conditions of jieace as he could get ; which were these : that
tion^tiie he should havc of the French king three Hundred thousand small
of Nor™ Tours pounds, with so much lands else in Gascony, as came to
inanely ^|,p yaluc of twcuty thousaud pounds in yearly rent ; so should he
.'ind All
jou. resifm fully and purely to the hands of the French king, all such
lands and possessions as he had in France. Whereby the king
•living over his style and titles which he had in those parts, ceased
then to be called duke of Normandy, or earl of Anjou.
Albeit, if it be true that Gisburn writeth, the king, afterward
repenting of his deed, did never receive the money all his life,
neither did he cease during his life to entitle himself in his letters duke
of Normandy ; but after him, his son and successor Edward in his
letters left out the title to be called duke of Normandy.'
Conflict Besides many other matters omitted, here I ovei-pass also the sore
miiifbo-' ''-lid vehement conflict, not between the frogs and the mice of which
k^)'r'the'm ^^'^"^'^'' ^^'"tctli, but the mighty pitched field, fought a.d. ]259,
Welsh- between the young students and scholars of the university of Oxford,
theScTuth- having no other occasion, as 1 read in Matthew Paris, but only the
atoxford ^'vcrsity of the country where they were born ; for the Northern
men joining with the Welshmen, to try their manhood against the
Southern, fell together in such a broil, with their ensigns and warlike
array, that in conclusion divers on both sides were slain. This heavy
and bloody conflict during and increasing among them, the end Avas
this : that the Northern lads with the Welsh had the victory. After
that fury and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victors
bethinking at length with themselves, partly what they had done,
partly how it would be taken of the higher powers, and fearing due
punishment would fall upon them, especially seeing the brother of
LlcAvellyn, prince of Wales, and son of Griffin, was newly dead in
prison ; drawing their counsel and helps together, they offered to
king Henry four thousand marks, to Edward, his son, tlu-ee hundred,
and to the queen tAvo hundred, to be released of their trespass. But
the king ansAvered them again, that he, setting more price on the life
of one true subject, than on all Avhich by them Avas offered, Avould in
no Avise receive their money. And so the students without hope of
peace Avent home Avitli small triumph, learning what the common
proverb meaneth, " Dulce bellum inexpertis." NotAvithstanding,
the king being then occupied in great affairs and Avars, partly Avith
Llewellyn and the Welshmen, partly inAvrapped Avitli discord at
home Avith his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the coiTCction of
Variance tlicsc univcrsity mcu.'-^ LikcAvise, concerning the dissension folloAving
OkTu" in the next year (a.d. 1260) in the univcrsity of Paris, between the
(i.i.ta and studcuts tlicrc and the friars, the number of Avhom then did so much
the friars . , ' i i i • 1 • i.
ill I'aris. mcrease, that the commons Avere scarcely able to sustam them Avith
the'uni" *^^'^^'' ^^'"s. Also, bctwccn the universities both of Oxford and
(1) Ex Gisburncusi. (2) Ex Matth. Paris.
COMMOTION BETWEEN THE KING AND HIS NOBLES, -')39
Cambridge, for a certain prisoner taken out of prison by strength, and iff^nj
brought into sanctuary the same; year, as is testified in Matthew ■._
Paris, (a.u. 1259.) In like manner toueliing the variance between -^•_^?
the archbishop of Canterbury, and the cliaptcr of Lincohi. Again, -irJL^-^"_
between the said archbishop of Canterbury, and the chapter and oroxlurc!
bishop of London ; and how the said bishop at his consecration »">' cam-
would not make his profession to the arclibisliop but Avitli tliis Bc'tween
exception, " Salvis jure et libertate ccclcsia! Londincnsis, qute \^ro j'.'^ ="■'■'>-
posse meo defendam in omnibus," he.} All which Avranglings and canter-
dissensions, with innumerable others reigning daily in the church in tii'J^chap''-
those days, if I had leisure enough to prosecute them as I find them ^oj^"*^^'""
in stories remaining, might sulficicntly induce us to understand what Between
small peace and agreement were then j(jined with the doctrine and b^^^i,op*^of
religion of those days, during the state and reign of Antichrist. canter-
These, Avith many such other matters, which here might be dis- the'^chap-
coursed and storied at large, being more foreign than ecclesiastical, lJuJoh.
for brevity I do purposely contract and omit, cutting off all such LUtie
superfluities as may seem more curious to write upon, than necessary thi'^fope's
to be known. church.
This that followcth, concerning the pitiful and turbulent com- Histories
motion between the king and the nobles, which lasted a long season ; '■o^ex^-'''^'
because it is lamentable and containeth much fruitful example both ^""i''*^
for princes and subjects to behold and look upon, to see what
mischief and inconvenience groweth in commonweals, where study of
mutual concord lacketh, that is, where the prince regardcth not the
offending of his subjects, and where the subjects forget the office of
christian patience in suffering their prince's injuries by God's wrath
inflicted for their sins : therefore, in explaining the order and story
thereof, I thought it not unprofitable to occupy the reader with a
little more tarriance in perusing the full discourse of this so lament-
able a matter, and so pernicious to the public weal.
And first, to declare the occasions and first beginning of this occasion
tumult, here is to be understood, that Avhich before was signified, ^m^^n
Iiow king Henrv married with Elenor, daughter of the earl of Pro- i"t«een
''^ • ^ ^ VT-io/-* i the king
vence, a stranger, which was about a.d. 12o0 ; whereupon a great and his
door was opened for strangers, not only to enter the land, but also to "" "^'^
replenish the court, to whom the king seemed more to incline his
favour, advancing them to more preferment than his own natural
English lords ; which thing to them was no little grievance. JNIore-
over, before was declared how the king, by Isabel, his mother, who
was a stranger, had divers brethren, whom he nourished up with great
livings and possessions, and large pensions of money ; which was
another heart-sore to divers, and also an hindrance. Over and besides
hath also been declared, what unreasonable collections of money from
time to time, as qiiindecims, subsidies, tenths, amercements, fines,
payments, loans, and taxes, have been levied by the king, as well on
the spirituality, as on the lay sort, partly for maintaining the king's
wars against Wales, Scotland, and France, and to recover Nor-
mandy; partly for helping the king's debts, voyages, and other
expenses ; partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which Avas promised
the king's son by the pope ; partly for moneying and supporting the
(1 )Floi-. Hi-^l.
54:0 Al'PKAl- OK THE NOBLES TO THE KING.
fieiry pope in liis wars ajjiiinst the emperor: by reason of all wliicli sundry
'— and importable collections, the coninionwcaltli of the realm was
'\- ^- utterly excoriate, to the <,neat impoverishment of poor Englishmen ;
^'-^^' neither did it a little vex the people, to see the kin<T call in so manv
legates from Home every year, who did nothing else but transport
the English money into the pope's coffers. Besides all this, what
variance and altercation have been between the king and his subjects
about the liberties of Magna Charta and De Foresta, granted by
king John, and after confirmed by this king in the former council
holdcn at Oxford, hath been before declared.
Perhaps this might be also some piece of a cause, that the king,
considering and bearing in mind the old injuries done of the lords
and barons to his father king John before him, did bear some grudge
there-for, or some privy hatred unto the nobility, to revenge his father's
quarrel ; but of things uncertain I have nothing certainly to affirm.
This is certain by truth of history, that the year of our Lord 1260,
A.D.iiuo. thus writeth Nicholas Trivet : That the king's justices, called
Itinerarii,* being sent to Hereford to execute their office, were from
thence repelled : the cause being alleged by those who were against
the king, that they were proceeding and enterprising against the form of
the provisions enacted and established a little before at Oxford.
h'^'fTi"^ It befel, moreover, in the same time above other times, as Walter
the Hemingford writeth,^ that a great number of aliens coming out of
the realm Francc and other countries resorted to England, and had here the
j^ini""'* doing of all principal matters of the realm under the king; unto
whom the wardships and reliefs and other emoluments of the land did
most chiefly redound. Which thing to see, did not a little trouble
and vex the nobility and baronage of England, insomuch that Simon
Montfort, earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liberties
and wealth of the realm, conferred together with other lords and barons
Theap- upon the matter ; who then coming to the king after an humble sort
pcd) of tlie » .
iioiiies to of petition declared to him, how all the doings of his realm and his
[Aprii"^' ^^^^ affairs were altogether disposed by the hands and after the wills
A d'i2.5s "^ strangers, neither profitably unto him nor to the weal public, forso-
Kymer.] much as liis trcasurcs being wasted and consumed he was in great
debt, neither was able to satisfy the provision of his own house, but
Avas driven to tally for his own cates, to no small dishonour unto
his own state. " And now, therefore," said they, " pleaseth your
highness to be informed by our advice, and to commit your liouse
to the guiding and government of your own faithful and natural
subjects, and we will take upon us to discharge your whole debt
within one year of our own proper goods and revenues, so that Ave
within five years may clear ourselves again. Neither will wc diminish
your family, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue ; pro-
viding so for the safety, and seeing to the custody, of your royal
jjcrson, as your highness shall find and understand our diligence most
trusty and faithful unto you in the end."
The king To tlicsc words, SO lovingly declared, so humbly pretended, so
^"his" licartily and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended,
^"^'- assigning imto them both day and place where to confer and to deli-
berate further upon the matter, which should be at Oxford, one
(1) " Juilkcs in Eyre." See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Ex Gualt. Gisburneiisi.
THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD. 541
montli after Pentecost [Jane lltli]. At wliicli day and place all ti'^^ry
the states and lords, with tlie bishops of the realm, were summoned to '.
appear at the said town of Oxford, for the behalf of the king and the A.D.
realm convented together ; where, first of the king himself, then of ^^•^^-
the lords, an oath was taken, that what decrees or laws in the said ^ pariia-
assembly should be provided to the profit of the king and of the Oxford.
realm, the same universally should be kept and observed to the \l°^l\
honour of God, the utility of his church, and the wealth of the laws
realm. Besides these lords and the king were also nine bishops, there.
who swearing to the same did excommunicate all such as should Tiie king
gainstand the said provisions there made, the king holding a unto
burning taper in his hand, and the lords openly protesting to rise ""'™'
with all their force' against all them that should stand against the
same.
There were at that present in the realm four brethren of the king's The
(most part of them by the mother's side) who would in no case agree bJetfiren
hereunto, but in anger departed privily unto Winchester. The against
nobles hearing thereof, in all speedy wise pursued them, fearing lest provi-
they should take the city of Winchester, and forcibly keep the same. *'°"*'
Wherefore the lords preventing their purpose, and seeing them stiffly
to persist in their stubborn sentence, wrought no other violence
against them, but, returning to Oxford again, prescribed to them these
conditions : That they, departing the realm, should repair to their
own lands and possessions which they had beyond the sea ; and that
forthwith they should put this injunction in execution. Notwith-
standing that the king made for them great intercession, yet it took
no place. And because this should seem to proceed of no special
displeasure against them, they enacted, moreover, that all strangers
and aliens, of what state or condition soever, should forthwith avoid
the realm on pain of death. Divers other provisions the same time
were ordained and established ; that if any did hold of the king in
whole or in part, and should chance him to depart, his heir being under
age, the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly
before been specified.
Moreover, it was there decreed, that the wool of England should be wrought God grant
only within the realm, neither should it be transported out to strangers. i his law
Item, That no man should wear any cloth, but which was wrought and made pia^e ^
only within the realm. again.
Item, That garments too sumptuous should not be brought in nor worn. And this.
Item, That all excessive and prodigal expenses, wasted upon pleasure and ^^^^^ ^f
superfluity, should be eschewed of all persons. the realm.
Many other laws and decrees, saith the author,* in this assembly Divers in
were ordained, wherein they continued the space of fifteen days ; and c'Vln^po"!
many of them were impoisoned, of whom was the abbot of Westminster, s""'^''-
a man in that order much commended. Also William, brother to
the earl of Gloucester: also the earl himself, being impoisoned, hardly
escaped with life, his hair and nails falling off his body ; whereof
the author not long after was taken, and duly executed at Winchester.
In the mean time, the nobles considering those dangers and jeopar-
dies, were constrained to break off for that time, appointing the
(1) " Velut accipitres in corvum," Hemingford — Ed. (2) Ex Hist. Gualt. Gisburnensis.
542 TiiK Kis'o auroia'ed of his oath nv the pope.
iT'^nry tliirtooiUli (liy of Octobcr next following to convent togetlicr at
^"' _ London with weapon and harness, to prosecute and finish the residue
A. D. that was in the said council to be concluded. All which, at the
y-C>^- time and place appointed, was fully accomplished, and the acts
thereof in order of writing promulgated, and so committed to
execution.
Thekinp After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased
ofhVs"'"' the kin<r, and it began to repent him cf his oath. But because he
oaih. could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissembled for a
A n.i2ci. season. Thus, time passing on, three years after (a.d. 1261) the
kinrf, seeing himself more and more to grow in debt and not to be
relieved according to promise made, but especially being egged (as
may be thought) by his brethren, taking it to stomach, sent up to the
Thekinn popc, botli for him and his son Edward to be released of their oath
the'pope ni'idc before at Oxford. The benefit of which absolution being
to release easily obtained or rather bought at the pope's hand, the king,
his oath, stepping back from all that was before concluded, calleth a parlia-
'^^^ . ment at Winchester, where he before the lords and nobles declared,
pope s ' ^ .
absoiu- },ow in the late council of Oxford they had agreed among themselves
abused, for the common utility of the realm and of the king, as they pre-
tended, for the increasing of his treasure, and his debt to be dimi-
nished ; and thereupon bound themselves with an oath, causing also
[June liimsclf and his son Edward to be bound unto the same. But now,
by experience proving and trying the matter to be otherwise than
their promise was, and that they, contrary to their covenant made,
sought not so much the profit of him and of the realm, as their own,
taking- him not as their lord, but going about to bring him under
their subjection as an underling; and for that, moreover, his treasure
greatly decreasing, his debts increased, and his princely liberality was
cut short and trodden under foot — they should not marvel therefore,
if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would
provide himself with some other remedy, such as he might. And
moreover, as touching the oath wherewith he and his son stood bound
unto them, he had sent already to Rome, and had obtained absolu-
tion and dispensation of the same, both for him and his son Edward also,
and for all others that would take his part. And therefore he required
of them to be restored again to that state and condition he had
enjoyed in times past.
The I'o this again gave answer the state of nobility on the other side,
the^lobIeg bciug iu the same place present ; in the number of whom was Simon
ti^e king. Montfort, earl of Leicester, Richard of Clare, earl of Gloucester, Hum-
phrey de Bohun, and the earl Ferrers, with a great number of barons,
as lord John Fitz-.Tohn, lord Hastings, lord Gcffcry Lucy, lord .Tohn
Vcscy, lord William Segrave, Hugh leDcspencer, lord Robert Vipount,
with divers and many more ; whose answer to the king again was this :
That the provisions made at the council of Oxford, whereunto they
were sworn, they Avould hold, defend, and maintain to their lives'' end ;
forsomnch as they did sound, and also were agreed upon, both to
the honour of God, to the profit of the prince, and the stable wealth
of the realm. And thus both sides discording betwixt themselves
would so have departed, had not certain of the bishops, coming
between both, laboured to make up the matter. By whose means
A UNIVERSITY ESTABLISHED AT NORTHAMPTON. 54$
(saitli Walter Gisburn) and procurement tlic clctcrmination of the cause Henry
was brought in compromise and referred to Louis, the French hinq-, "^'
to judge betwixt them, who, hearing both the allegations (saith he), like A. I),
no equal judge but a partial friend, inclined wholly and fully to the ^-^^'-
king's sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores The
Historiarum saith, that by the mediation of certain discreet men, two versy^be-
•\verc chosen, one for one side, the other for the other, to whom a k^l';^ af.'^
third also was annexed, who hearing, as well what was brought of the "'eno''''^s
king's part, as also what was answered of the other, should define compro-
betwecn them bol^i ; and so peace was between them concluded till "'""■
the coming of Edward. All this while the pope's absolution for the
king, although it was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not
brought down in solemn writing, neither was prince Edward as yet
returned out of France into England.
*'In this year it pleased the king, after suit to him made, to license
a university or academical school to be planted in the town of North-
ampton ; and of a special favour which he pretended to bear (and
like enough did indeed) unto the scholars that went there to seat
themselves, and to prosecute the exercise of studies, he wrote his
letters mandatory unto the chief officers and others of the said
borough in the said students' behalf; the tenor whereof followeth
agreeing with the record :
The King's Letter to the Mayor, Bailiffs, and others the Inhabitants
of Northampton, in the behalf of certain Scholars minded to plant
themselves there, as in a University.^
The king to his beloved and trusty the mayor, baihffs, and other honest
men, his subjects of Northampton, greeting : Whereas certain masters and
other scholars do purpose to tarry in your town corporate, there to exercise
scholarly discipline, as we hear : we, regarding the glory of God, and the great
profit of our kingdom hei'eby, take in good part the coming thither of the said
scholars, and liking well their abode there, do will and grant that the said
scholars may safely and securely abide in the said town corporate, under our
protection and defence, and there exercise and do such things, as to such
scholars appertain. And therefore we command you and straitly charge you,
that when the said scholars shall come unto you, to tarry in your said corporate
town, you receive them courteously, and treat them as becometh the state of
scholars, not doing or s>iffering to be done unto them an_v impediment, molesta-
tion, or grievance. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters patent
to be made. Witness the king, at Windsor, the first day of Febniar}-, in the
five and fortieth year of his reign. [1261.] *
At length, the writing of the king's absolution being brought from Tiie pope
Rome, the king eftsoons commanded the same to be published through- [hlTkinK'
out the realm, and sendeth to the French king and other strangers '■^'^^^
for help ; moreover, he seizeth all his castles into his own hand,
rejecting the counsel of the lords, to whose custody thcv were before
committed ; also removing the former officers, as the justices and the
chancellor, with others placed before by the lords, he appointed new
in their stead.
To this aforesaid absolution procured from Rome for the king and
(1) This passaffe in asterisks is not in the Editions published previous to the year IS9G. — Er>.
(2) " Rex dilectis et lidelihus suis majori, hallivis, et ca-teris probis honiinihus suis de Northnmp-
tnn. salutem. Cum quidaai mafjistri et alii schnlarcs proponant," Src.^Turris Lond. [The above
tnmslatioii is revised from the Latin original printed in Kymer. — EiJ.l
bU
THE KINGS LETTER TO HIS PROCTORS AT ROME.
III.'
A.D.
1262.
Wicked
make-
baits.
Ordi
nances
in a
provincial
council at
London
against
the king's
right.
Against
the pro-
ceedings
in the
court of
Rome
tending
to the
hurt and
prejudice
of the
king.
liis son, Edward, returninfj out of France at that time, did not give
Ids consent, but held with the lords ; who then puttin<; themselves
in arms, with a fjreat power repaired to London, keepincf there in
the suhurl)s and places about, while the king kept within the tower,
causing the city gates to be watched and locked, and all within the
said citv, being above the age of twelve years, to be sworn unto him.
But, at length, through the means of certain coming between, this
tumultuous perturbation being somewhat appeased, at least some
hope of peace appeared ; so that the matter was taken up for that
time without war or bloodshed. Notwithstanding, some false ])re-
tensed dissemblers there were, who secretly disclosing all the counsels
and doings of the lords unto the king, did all they could to hinder
concord, and to kindle debate ; by the means of whom the purpose
of the lords came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might.'
*^In this year the archbishop of Canterbury, with his suffragans
(after their wonted manner), standing against the king, had made
their appeal to Rome : whereupon the king was fain to answer by
proxy, as appeareth by this brief note, drawn out of record : — " Rex
constituit Johannem Hemingford proeuratorem suum in causa appella-
tionis," &c. " The king hath appointed and made John Heming-
ford his proctor in a cause of appeal which is moved in the court of
Rome, between the king on the one part, and the archbishop of
Canterbury vith his suffragans on the other, about certain ordinances,
constitutions, and decrees lately in a council provincial at London by
them published, to the prejudice of the king's right, his dignity
royal, the liberties, laws, and customs of his kingdom.'''''
This matter no doubt was laboured very diligently by the said
John Hemingford, who was to that end authorized by the king to make
his abode at Rome, during the time that any manner of process was
held and maintained against him to the impeaching of his royalty ;
whereof the king had a special regard, perceiving the waywardness of
his own clergy, or rather rebelliousness in daring to decree and ordain
laws against him, and therefore he was the more careful to have all
matters depending in the court of Rome conceraing him and his to
be earnestly followed, insomuch that he joined to the aforesaid
Hemingford, in the charge of procuration, one Roger Level : unto
Avhich two, residing at Rome, the king sent his letters, charging them
so to manage his affiiirs, as that nothing might pass to the derog-ation
of his royal title. The copy of the said letter followeth, agreeing
with the prototype or original.
A Letter of the King sent to his Proctors at Rome, concerning
a Case of his in the said Court depending.*
Tlie king to Master John of Hemingford, and Roger Lovel, his proctors,
pleading in the court of Rome, greeting : Forasmuch as upon you, our tnisty
and vowed servants, the defence of our right and honour doth lie ; and, as we
hear, certain of our realm, pleading in the court of Rome, do move divers
matters to the prejudice of our right and honour, presmiiing and intending to
prevail against us, we command you, and straitly charge you, that on our
behalf you straitly forbid all and every of them, that they presume not any-
further to undertake such things as tend to the hurt of our majesty, and the
(1) Ex Flor. Hist. (2) In no Edition before that of I59().— Ed. (.■?) Ex Flor. Hist.
(4) " Rcxmagistris Johannide Hemingford et Kogero Lovel procuratoribussuis, in curia Unmai'a
agentibus, salutem, etc. Cum vobis tanquam fidelibus nostris," etc.— Tunis Loud. [May 27th.]
THE REBKLLION OF THE WELSHMEN. 545
derogation of our honour, but wholly forbear so to do, as they will avoid our iienry
indignation, and the peril of them and theirs. This inhibition also we will by ^f^-
you all and every of you (so often as you shall see needful) to be made known, . .^
and thereupon by you or some of you to be certified of the contemners of the i.i'rjo'
same. Witness tlie king at Westminster, the six-and-twentieth of March, in —
the six-and-fortieth year of his reign."*
In this present year also (as afliii-moth tlie forenamed author') it Bishops
was rumoured abroad that all the bishops of England went about to i^jjolft to
recover aijain out of the hands of religious men all such churches and f'^'^"^'«r
benefices, which were to them impropriated or appropriated ; and that ^ippro-
they, for the expedition of the same, liad sent up to Rome both by'rlu-
messengers and money, nothing misdoubting to obtain their purpose, houses
But as little good fruit in those days used to spring out of that see,
so I do not find that godly suit and labour of the bishops to take any
fraitful effect.
The same year died pope Alexander, after whom succeeded pope
Urban IV. Of the which pope Urban, the next year, the king also a.d.1262.
obtained (or rather revived) a new releasement from his oath made to iea"eo/'^"
the provisions and statutes of Oxford ; which being granted, lie com- o'^ti,''}"^^*
mandeth incontinently all the aforesaid laws and provisions through Rome.
England to be dissolved and broken.^ This done, the king with the
queen taketh his voyage into France, where he fell into great infirmity [juiy nii,
of sickness, and the most part of his family were taken with the ^°^^,
quartan fever, of which many died ; m the number of whom was
Baldwin, earl of Devonshire. About the same time died in Kent
Richard, the worthy earl of Gloucester and Hertford, after whom suc-
ceeded Gilbert Clare, his son.*
The Welshmen this year (a.d. 1262), breaking into the borders The
of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Morti- ^bei!'
mer, but mightily again by him were expelled, not without great ^"^j^JJ^" ,
slaughter of the invaders. About which time, the king, through Oxford
some discreet counsel about him, inclined to peace and concord with gf^n^ed
his nobles, granting, of his mere voluntary will, the constitutions and ^1^^']"'
provisions of Oxford to take place in the realm, directing his com-
mandment to every shire. Albeit, the realm yet was not altogether
pacified for all that.
In the latter end of this year, the king's palace at Westminster Paiace at
was burnt, and for the most part was all consumed with fire, which ste^bm-ni
seemed to many an evil prognostication against the king. '* ''■'"^' *''■''•
In some English chronicles it is also recorded, that the same year usury
five hundred Jews at London were slain for taking usury more than p""'*'^ •
two pence a week for twenty shillings, being before forbidden by the
king to take above that rate by the week.
After this followeth the year 1263, in which the barons of England, a.d.i2C3.
confederating themselves together for maintaining the statutes and The
laws of Oxford, and partly moved with old grudge conceived against "^"^j"^
the strangers (maintained by the king and the queen, and Edward agaiii.>t
their son, in the realm of England), joined powers in all forcible wise, stran-ers,
and first invaded the said strangers, namely, those who were about the tifj',!,',';,,.
king. Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they t""''^.'^',"^
(1) Ex Flor. Historiarum. [i.e. Matthew of Westmin.s'.er.— En.]
(2) The pope's bull is in R> mer, dated Feb 25th, a.d. 1202, also the king'.s proclamation on the
rereint of it, dated May 2d. — Ed.
(.J) From M. We.stminster, who adds that he was buried at Tewkesbury, with this epitaph :
" Uic piidor Hippoliti, Paridis gena, seiisus Ulyssis ;
.EneiB pittas, Ileotoris ira jncel." (4) Ex. Flor. Hist.
vol.. 11. N N
)46
ACRKEMKNT BETWEEN' THE KING AKD THE EAUOKS.
A. D.
1263.
Poter, a
UuTKun-
(lian, a
rich Kng-
li>h
bishop.
John
Maiinsel
a rich
priest.
Uenrij were pcrsoiis ecdcsiaslical or temporal ; among whom, besides others,
L_ was Peter a Burgundian, bisliop of Hereford, a rich prelate, with all
his treasure api)rclicndcd and spoiled : also his countrymen, whom he
iiad placed to be canons of the same church. With like order of
liandling, other aliens also, to whom was committed the custody
of divers castles, as Gloucester, Worcester, and Bridgenorth, were
spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoever he was in
all the land that could not utter the English tongue, was of every
rascal disdained, and happy if he might so escape ; by reason whereot
it so came to pass, that a great number as well of other foreigners,
as especially religious men, and rich priests (who here had gathered
much substance), were urged to that extremity, that they were glad
to flee the land ; in the catalogue of whom was one most principal,
named .John Maunsel,' a priest notoriously grown in riches and trea-
sures not to be tc^ld, having in his hand so many and rich benefices,
that ne"'er no bishop of this realm might compare with him in
riches : who, notwithstanding he kept with the king at London, yet
was compelled privily to void the realm, and was pursued by Henry,
the son of Richard king of Almain. Certain other strangers there
were, to tiie number of two hundred and more, who, having the
castle at Windsor, there immured and entrenched themselves, to
whom at length prince Edward also adjoined himself.
In the mean time, while this stir was abroad, the king keeping then
in the tower, and seeing the greatest part of his nobles and common
with the Londoners to be set against him, agreed to the peace of the
barons, and was contented to assent again to the ordinances and pro-
visions of Oxford;^ albeit the queen, by all means possible, went
about to persuade the king not to assent thereto ; who, as it seemed,
was a great worker in kindling this fire of discord between the king
and the barons : insonuich that, when the said queen Elenor should
pass by barge from the Tower to Windsor, the liondoncrs standing
upon the bridge, with their exclamations, cursing and throwing of
stones and dirt at her, interrupted her course, causing her to return to
the Tower again. Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued between
the nobles and the king, the form whereof was this : First, that
Henry, the son of Richard king of the Romans, should be delivered
up by the king and queen : secondly, that the castles again should
be committed to the custody of Englishmen, not of strangers :
thirdly, that the provisions and statutes decreed at Oxford should
as well by the king, as by all others, inviolably be observed : fourthly,
that the realm henceforth should be ruled and governed not by
foreigners, but by personages born within the land : fifthly, that all
aliens and strangers should void the land, not to return again ; except
only such, whose abode should bv the common assent of the king's
trusty subjects be admitted and allowed.
Thus the king and the nobles, joining together after this form of
peace above prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared,
put themselves in arms, with all their power to recover the castle of
Windsor out of the strangers' hands. But Edward, in the mid-way
between London and the castle meeting with his father and the
barons, entered communication upon the matter; which being finished
and he thinking to return into the castle again, by the policy of the
-rnrl of Leicester, and Walter,* bishop of Worcester, was not per-
(1) See AppeiKiix. (2) July 10th. Rj-rrnr.— Ed.
(3; Foxc, miiltd by Hemingford, jays William: see Gciiv.in "_de Procsiilibus, &c."— Ld.
The kins
a;;aiii
a^'rectli
with the
nobles.
The
queen a
great
cause of
this de-
bate.
Form of
the peace
concluded
between
the kiiij'
and the
nobles.
WAR BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BAKONS. 547
initted to re-enter : v/liercupon the strangers within the Iiold (des- Henry
titute of ail hope to withstand the great force approaching) rendered - ^'^' ■
the castle unto the king and the barons, upon this convention : that -^- ^
with horse and harness tliey niiglit be sutFered safely to depart the ^^^^'
land, not to return any more. This being granted, certain of the c^s"5e°re-
barons conduet(;d them in their journey towards the sea side, and wvered
there they left them. handH'r
In the same year, about the beginning of October, the king and ^"'''"sers.
queen made over to France, with Simon Montfort and other nobles,
to hear and stand to the arbitrement of Louis, the French king, con-
cerning the controversy between the states of England ; and all
through the procurement of Elenor, the queen. For she, not for-
getting the old contumely of the Londoners, exclaiming against her
upon the bridge, ^vTought always what revenge she could against
them.
" Manot alta mente reposfum
Judicium Paridis.'"'
Concerning the arbitrement of this matter referred to the French
king, part hath been said before, and more shall be said (Christ
willing) hereafter. Some stories do add, moreover, that the king
continuing long in France, word was sent to him out of England,
that unless he returned again to the realm, they would elect a new
king ; whereupon the king, returning out of France to Dover, would
have entered the castle, but was stopped. Wherefore the king, in
fierce anger and great indignation, prepared his power towards
London, where Simon Montfort, the worthy earl of Leicester, through
a subtle train, was almost betrayed and circumvented in Southwark, by
) the sudden pursuing of the king"'s army, had not the Londoners, with
more speed, breaking bars and chains, made way to rescue him ; by
the means of whom the earl at that time escaped the danger.
Now to come to the sentence of the French king : Forasmuch as the sentence
arbitrement of this matter was committed to him, as hath before been French
specified, he, mth a great assemblage both of French and English ^'"- ?'//'
persons about him, considering and poising the cause on both sides, of Eng-"
between the king and the nobles, clearly and solemnly pronounced a'^JIinst
on the king's side against the barons; ordaining that the king ofj^^p^j^
England all this Avhile had suffered Avrong, and that he should be
restored again to his pristine state, notwithstanding the provisions
made at Oxford, which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated.^
The sentence of the French king thus av/arded, as it gave to the War be-
king of England with his retinue no little encouragement, so it king and
Avrought in the nobles'* hearts great indignation; who, notwithstanding ^Jj^^'be.
that partial decreement of the French king, sped themselves home giimeth.
out of France to defend themselves with all their strength and power.
And not long after followeth also the king, by whose train Simon
Montfort, earl of Leicester, as is above recited, was well nigh cir-
cumvented in Southwark. Then the king calling his council together The uni-
at Oxford (from whence he excluded the university of students for a Jtu^ent"*^
season, who were then at Northampton, as you heard before) there removed
consulted, confemng with his friends and counsellors, what way was nom
best to be taken. And hearing that the barons were assembled in s^^h-
ampton.
(1) Vrrg. iEneid. i. 2G. (2) Ex Flor. Historiarum, Gisliiirn. et nJiis.
N N
O
.'548 THE TAKING OK NORT ilAMTOW
uenry great iiuiubcis at the town of Xortliam])ton, lie went thither with his
^ host and with his banners displayed, accompanied by Richard, king of
A-l>- Ahiiain, and ^Villiam de Valence, his brothers, also by Edward, his
- ^"^'*- son, John Coniyn of Scotland, with many other Scots, John de Balliol,
lord of Galh)way, Robert de Bruce, lord of Annandale, Roger de
Clifford, Philip deMannion, John deVaux, Roger de Ley burne, Henry
Percy, Philip Basset, Roger de Mortimer, and many others. There-
fore the king commanded the barons that were within, to yield unto
him presently the city and the pledges, or else he would immedi-
ately destroy them. But they, counselling with the younger Simon
de Montlorl, who, by his father's commandment, had got the
residue thither to take counsel together (for his father and the carl
of Gloucester were not yet come), boldly and w itli one mind answered,
that they would not obey the king's -will, but would rather defend
themselves and the city, if need were, even to the death. The
noblemen of the king's part hearing this, sent word again, that at
least they should come to the wall of the city to speak to the king,
if, by any means, peace might be made. They, suspecting no deceit,
followed their counsel, and leaving their holds, came to the wall
towards the meadow, for there lay the king and his strong host hard
Taking of by. But, in the mean space, whilst divers matters were reasoned
ampton ^^^ treated of bctAveen the king and the lords, the lord Philip Basset,
by the ^lio before was appointed to work that feat, with mattocks and other
instruments of iron, and with men prepared for the onset, near to
the monastery of St. Andrew, did undermine the wall of the city ;
and by this means the wall soon fell down, and there was made a
great plain, so that in one forefront there might have gone together
on a row forty horsemen. Of this subtlety the alien monks that
were there Avcrc thought to be the workers, because they made way
and entrance for them that came in ; but when they that passed by
saw this, and that the king's banners were erected ready to enter in,
there was a great howling made, and the noise of the people came to
the ears of the barons, and they made speed to resist them ; but it
was all in vain, because they were already prevented by a great com-
simon pany of their enemies. But Simon Montfort the younger, after he
fort^Vhe ^^^^ valiantly fought a while in the midst of his enemies, with Peter
ta''ken'^^' ^^^utfort, and a few that were with him, when Edward the king's
prisoner. SOU cauie, was by his commandment taken and led away prisoner.
The But the clerks of the university of Oxford (which uniyersity by the
of Oxford king's commandment was translated thither) did work against the
''""* king's men more hurt than the other barons, with their slinks, lon<?
uie king, bows and cross bows ; for they had a banner by themselves, and that
was set up on high against the king. Wherewithal the king being
greatly moved, sware at his entering in, that they should all be
hanged ; which when they heard, many of them shaved their crowns,
and they that were able ran away as fast as they could, and when the
king entered the city, many fled in their armour into the castle,
others left their horse and harness, and ran into chmches, and a few
were slain, and those were of the common people ; but there was
not much bloodshed, because all things were done as upon the sudden.
When the city was at length set in quiet, the king commanded his
oath to be executed upon the clerks. But his counsellors said unto
ROCHtSTtR BKSlEGEn BY 'HIE BAKONS. 549
Kim, " This be far tj-uiu tlice, O king ! for tlie sons of tliy nobles, and Hcnry
of other great men of thy kingdom were there gathered together into ' _
the university; Avhom if thou wouklst cause to be hanged or slain, •^•'>-
even they that now take thy part would rise up against thee, not '-'''•
suffering, to the uttcnnost of their powers, the blood of their sons The sm-
and kinsfolks to be shed.'"" And so the king was pacified, and his oTflfrd'
wrath against the clerks was staid. spared.
In the same day, after little more than an hour, the king's host
assaulted the castle, and the new hold-keepers were afraid, for that
they had not victuals and other things necessary for their resistance ;
therefore they sent immediately messengers unto the king, and yielded
themselves to the king's mercy. There were taken that day these The inr.ii
knights and barons under written : William earl Ferrers, lord xonh*
Peter Montfort, companion of the said Simon de Montfort the -"■'i''""-
younger, lord Baldwin de Wake, lord Adam de Newmarch, lord
Roger Bertram ; lord Simon Fitz-Simon, a valiant warrior, who
first erected his banner against the king ; lord Bcrengarius de Water-
vile, lord Hugh Gubion, lord Thomas Maunsel, lord Roger Boutevi-
lein, Nicholas Wake, lord Robert de Newton, lord Philip de Dribv,
and Grimbald de Pauncefoot. All these aforehand did the king take
prisoners, and many more, of whom he committed some to the lord
Nicholas of Haversham, to be kept in the same castle well defended ;
some he led away with him ; and some he sent to divers castles ; and
appointed Simon Montfort to be cast into Windsor Castle. And all
these things, as touching the taking of Northampton, were done on the
Saturday before Passion Week, being the fifth of April, a.d. 1264 :
and the king went forward even to Nottingham, burning and wasting
the manors of the lords and others his enemies ; and there he gathered
together his nobles, and greatly increased his number.
When this ill luck was told, of them that were run away,
to the earl Simon, who was coming towards Northampton with a great
host, he was in a gi'cat rage, and yet was not discouraged ; but imme- simon
diatcly going to London, he caused a chariot to be made after the fonfeisn-
manner of litters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were ^th him-
sick ; for he feigned .himself to be feeble and weak, whereas he M-as
indeed a stout and valiant warrior ; and thei-e gathered to him other
noblemen that were confederate with him, earls and barons, every one
bringing with them their several arms, and preparing their engines
of wood, they went to besiege Rochester ; for the earl of Warren, Eoches-
in the king's behalf, kept both the town and castle. Wlien they had sieged b;
gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and |^'^^^^^^
compelled to retire ; and there that valiant knight, Roger de la
Bourn, was wounded, and very ill handled. Whilst they continued
siege there awhile, it was told them that the king was coming towai-ds
London with a mighty host ; and they said one to another, " If the
king at his coming should take London, we shall be shut in as it
were in a strait corner; let us, therefore, return unto London, that
we may keep in safety both the place and the people." Therefore,
appointing certain persons to keep the siege, they returned to London.
At length when the king came, they went forth with the citizens to
meet him, not with flowers and palms in their hands, but with sword?
«ik1 spears. The king shunned them, and after he had seized the castle of
i)50 LETTERS BETWEEN THE BARONS AND THE KING.
Henry Kingstoii, wliifli wos thc earl of Gloucester's, he went from thence to
'— Rochester ; where, after he had killed a few, he brake the siege, and
A-I>- from thence the king went to Tunbridge, and the town and castle
^^' now being given 14-) to him, he took there the countess of Gloucester,
The kinj; .jp,) p^^ j^.^ i,,^,, .(^ abbcv, not to be kept in hold, but to so at liberty
i.uudon. whither she would. And he left for the custody of the castle and
city a great part of his host, to thc number of above twenty picked out
bannerets, for that it was commonly said that the earl of Gloucester
would come out of hand to assault them. Which being done, he con-
tinued on his journey to Wiuchelsea, where he received to peace the
seamen of the Cinque ports. And three days after, upon the Satur-
day following, he came to the town of Lewes, and was received into
the abbey, and his son Edward into the castle. Then the barons sent
letters to the king the twelfth day of May, the tenor whereof fol-
io we th.
Letter of the Lords to the King.
To their most excellent Lord Henrj', by the grace of God king of England,
lord of Ireland, and dukeof Aquitaine, his barons and others his faithful subjects,
being willing to keep their oath and fidelity to God and him, send greeting and
due obedience with honour and reverence. Whereas by many experiments it
is manifest, that some of your grace's assistants have reported to your majestj'
many lies of us, working mischief, as much as in them lieth, not only against
us, but against you also, and your whole realm : Be it known to your highness,
that we have been always willing to defend tlie health and safeguard of yom-
person, with all our power and fealty due to your grace, purposing to vex to the
uttermost of our power and estate, not only our ill-willers, but also yom- enemies,
and the enemies of your whole realm. If it be your good pleasure, give no
credit to them ; we shall be always found your faithful subjects. And we, the
earl of Leicester, and Gilbert of Clare, at the request of the others, for us and
them have put to our seals.
These letters being read and heard, there was a council called, and
the Iving wrote back to them, and especially to the two carls of Lei-
cester and Gloucester, in manner and form following : —
The Answer of the King to the Lords.
Henry, by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aqui-
taine, &c., to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and tlieu- confederates.
Forasmuch as by the war, and general disquietness by your means raised up in
our whole realm, and also the burnings and other hurtful enonnities, it appear-
eth manifestly, that you keep not your fidelity to us ward, nor care any thing for
our health and safety ; and for that ye have unorderly grieved our nobles, and
others our faithful subjects sticking faithfully and constantly to us, as you have
certified us ; we, accounting their losses as our own, and their enemies as ours,
and seeing these my aforesaid faithful subjects, for the keeping of their fidelity,
do assist us manfidfy and faitlifully against your unfaithfidness : we therefore
care not for your fidelity or love, but defy you as our and their enemies. Wit-
ness myself, at Lewes, the day and year aforesaid.
Also Richard, king of Almain, and lord Edward, the son of king
Henry, wrote to the barons in this wise : —
A Letter of Richard, King of Almain, and Prince Edward, to the
Barons.
Richard, by thc grace of God, king of the Romans, always Augustus, and
Edward, eldest son of the king of England, and all the other barons and nobles
constantly and faithfully in heart and deed cleaving to the aforesaid king of
THE BATTLE OF LEWES. ^5\
England : to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and to all and singular y/fi.ry
others tlijir adherents in their conspiracy. By your letters which you sent to our ^"-
lord, the noble king of England, wc have understanding that you defy us ; although j^ j)
before any such word, your defiance towards us was apparent enough by your yn\\
cmel persecution, in burning our ])Ossessions and spoiling our goods. We
therefore give you to wit, that we all and every one of us, as your enemies, do
defy you all. And further, that we will not cease, wheresoever it shall lie
in our power, to the uttermost of our force and might, to subvert your persons
and all that you have. As touching what you lay to our charge, that wo give
neitlier f dthful nor good counsel to our lord the king, you say not the truth.
And if your lord Simon Montfort or Gilbert de Clare, will affirm the same in
our lord the king's court, we are ready to get safe conduct for you to come to
the said court, to try and declare the truth of our innocency, and the falsehood
of you both, as foresworn traitors, by some man equal with you in nobility and
stock. All we are contained with the seals of the aforesaid lords, the lord
Jlichard and the lord Edward. Dated the day aforesaid.
Both -which letters being read, they drew near to the king ; for they nattie of
were not far distant from Lewes. And because there was wanted to blVwixt
the king's store, provision for their horses, it was commanded them, I'jfrt'j!!^^
on the Tuesday, to go forth to seek for hay and provender ; wlio, barons.
when they were gone forth, were prevented by their enemies, and
most of them killed ; but the residue returning, saw their enemies
coming, very early on the Wednesday morning, and making outcries,
stirred up the king and his host to arm themselves. Then the barons,
coming to the full plain, descended there, and girding and trimming
their horses, made fit their harness to them. And there the earl Simon
made the earl of Gloucester, and Robert de Vere, and many others
new knights. Which being done, he divided and distiiicted his host
into four several battels, and he appointed noblemen to guide and govern
every battel ; and over the first battel were ordained captains Henry
Montfort, the eldest son of the earl Simon, and Guido, his brother,
lord .John de Burgh the younger, and lord Humfrey de Bohun ;
over the second battel lord Gilbert of Clare, earl of Gloucester, lord
John Fitz-John, and lord William of Montchensi ; and over the
third, in which the Londoners were, at their request the lord
Nicholas Segrave Avas assigned, who required also very instantly that
they might have the first stroke in the battel, at the adventure, come
what would ; but over the fourth battel the earl himself was cap-
tain, with the lord Thomas of Pilveston. In the mean season came
forth the king's host, preparing themselves to the field in three
battels ; of which Edward, the king''s son, led the first, with the
earl of Warren, and Yalence the king's brother; and the second
the king of Almain guided, with his son Henry ; but the king,
with his nobles, guided the third ; and the fourth legion the king
appointed not, by reason that he had left many of his bannerets behind
him, to keep the castle and town of Tunbridge against the earl of
Gloucester ; there also were most of the young men of the king's
army, for the king thought not that his barons had been come so nigh
to hand. Their armies being on both sides set in array and order, they
exhorted one another on either part to fight valiantly ; and after they
had buckled together, the battle was great, and many horsemen were
overthrown, even in a moment. But by and by Edward, the king's
son, wiih his band, as a fierce young gentleman and Aaliant knight,
fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to recoil
OXJ rnE BATTLE OF LEWE9
iu„ry biick a great wav, su that the hindmost (thinking by reason of their
'"' _ giving back, that tlie foremost were slain), ran many of tliem away ;
\.l>. and takintr water to pass over, almost threescore soldiers were drowned,
^-^^- and a few of them being slain, all the rest fled. Straightway the Lon-
doners, who had asked the first fight, knowing not how the battle wen*.,
took to their heels, whom Edward pursued with liis band, killing the
hindmost of them, for the space of two or three miles ; for he hated
them because they had rebelled against his ilither, and disgraced his
mother when she was carried by barge upon the Thames, from the
Tower to Windsor, as is belbre recorded.
AV^hilst prince Edward was thus in chase of the Londoners, who
liad the vanguard of the barons'" battle ; in the mean time, the main
battle of the barons set upon the king''s main battle, of which the
king of Alniain, the brother of king Henry, had the leading ; M'ho
beinfif soon discomfited, and he with his son Henry, Robert de Bruce,
and John Comyn,with divers other captains taken prisoners, the rear-
nichard, ward, wherein the king himself fought, being immediately so hardly
Ai'matn bcsct, and he, seeing his knights and soldiers on every side about him
with his beaten down and slain, and divers others of his soldiers to forsake
prisoners, tlic field and shift for themselves, thought good to take again to
The main the town ; and so retired into the abbey from whence he came,
ducom- shutting and Tampering up the gates, and caused the same to be
fhe'^ufn'^ stronglv warded with st)ldiers. To be brief, the barons thus getting
fain to the field, after long fight, and many men on either side slain, entered
theabbey. also the towii of Lcwcs, puisuing in chase such soldiers as thither fled
for succour.
Prince In the mean time, prince Edward returning from the chase of the
retu/ning Loudoucrs, as yc heard, who desired to give the first onset, and
fir°s?^ "'^ espving the chariot of the earl Simon (which he caused purposely to
chase. be made for him), and the horses in the same, without either waggoner,
to"pelher or auv otlicr to govern the same, fell immediately upon the chariot,
'""■ and brake it all in pieces, and slew two burgesses that were within the
same. But when he came near to the place where the bloody battle
had been fought, and saw the great discomfiture and overthrow, which,
in his absence, with great mortality and slaughter, had happened, his
heart was much dismayed, and his countenance altered. Yet not-
withstanding, comforting and encouraging his knights and soldiers, of
whom he had a valiant company, in battle an-ay, he marched toward
The the town, against whom came the barons again with all their power ;
fi"htah and thus was begun betwixt them a fresh field and a new battle, and
^ "^^ many men were slain on either side. At length the earl de Warren,
Avith the king's two brothers, forsook the field and fled ; after whom
went more than seven himdred chosen soldiers, who were of their
house and fomilv, who the same day came to Pevensey, and there
took shipping over the sea. Also Hugh Bigot, with divers others,
fled, and left the valiant prince fighting in the field ; which thing he
He also is also pcrcciving, took to the town ; and Avhen he found not the king
worsund his father, at the castle, he went from thence to the abbey where he
ttkVto ^as. In the mean season, the town was in complete confusion, both
the town, parties fighting, spoiling, and getting of booties, while scarcely one
of them could know and discern another, whether he was friend or
cncmv. But when, within a while, the barons had assembled some
BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. 553
company, they gave an assault upon the castle, tliinking to liave Henry
rescued John Gitford and others, whom the king's sokliers had taken
prisoners, and put therein. But the sohliers within manfully defended A. D.
the same, and in throwing out balls of wild-fire, which for the defence _li^-_
thereof they had, they also fired part of the town. Then tlie barons Tiiecastio
retired and left the castle, and purposed to have set upon the abbey, besieged.
where the king and prince Edward, his son, were, which also was set
on fire by the assault given to the castle; but yet it was shortly
recovered and quenched. Then Edward, the king's son, perceiving
the bold enterprise of the barons, prepared with the courageous
knights and soldiers yet remaining and within the abbey, to issue out,
and to give a new charge upon them. But the barons, perceiving
that, sent unto the king messengers to entreat a truce for that day,
and on the morrow to talk of and conclude a further peace between
them. This battle was fought upon the fourteenth day of May.
The next day, which was Thursday, there were sent on either side Peace be-
two preaching friars, between the king and the barons, with certain kYii"""^
articles and demands of peace, so that with certain others, these con- ^^^
ditions were agreed on : that on the morrow, being Friday, the
prince should give himself as hostage for the king, his father, and xhe two
others of his partv, and that Henry, the king's son of Almain, should pf'"'^'^^
also give himself in like manner for his father ; that those things which hostages.
should be concluded upon for the benefit and commodity of the
realm, and peaceable quietness thereof might be perfonned, and that
all such prisoners as were taken on either side, should be freely
ransomed and sent home.
The next day, which was Saturday, the king discharged all his
soldiers, and others that were with him in the abbey, licensing them
to depart whither they listed. And furthermore, by the advice of
his son and the barons, he gave commandment to those w'hom he had
appointed to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they should make no The
attempt to the prejudice or hurt of the barons ; but in hope of the soiale^rs
peace which was noAv on the point of being concluded, they also {," J"""
should depart every man to his house and habitation. But they, giving after '
no credit thereunto, w'cnt with their furniture to Bristol, where they theLon-
kept themselves in garrison, until the escaping of Edward the king's croydoi^
son, out of prison. But first, before that, when they heard at Tun- ^^^v. '"
bridge that the king was vanquished in battle, and that the Londoners at Bristol,
in the fore- ward were put to flight by prince Edward (by a messenger
that escaped from the same), and that also the same Londoners were
at Croydon, they set upon them in the evening tide, and taking from
them much spoil, slew also many of them.
But when thus Mortimer's part began to decrease, and Simon the Eari
earl's part on the other side to increase, the earl bare himself more 3'™°",!,-,
stout, for that both the king and all that was his did depend upon his beareth
good will and favour ; and he led with him the king and the king's so"stoiit,
son to such holds and castles as he thought to be most strong, till [mprjlon-
almost all of them were in his hands ; and he kept the hostages eiti the
more straitly than was usual, insomuch that when it was blown of the
abroad that the king's son was kept as prisoner, divers that were his ^"'^'
friends counselled him, that he should desire to disport himself at
the barriers, that the people might have a sight of him. But he,
554 Ancmusiiop boxifack in disgrace.
'ii-riry bciiig nuiTowly guarded as be knew, and fearing some tuniulL to arise,
'. — tliouglit good to refuse their counsel, and so did.
A.D. In this troublesome year, which was a.u. ]20'4, as the Loiuhmcrs
JL_._ R'ith the nobles were thus occupied in war and dissension, the malig-
nant Jews, thinking to take vantage of that time, with privy treason
conspired against the whole city and state of the nobles ; who being
taken with the manner, Mere almost all slain that dwelt in the citv of
London. * ' In this year also, Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury," the
son of Peter, earl of Savoy, and a stranger, having been certain years
beyond the seas in disgrace with the king of England, upon occasion
of some misdemeanour belike (for he was, as Matthew Parker writeth
of him, " Ut moribus gestisquc peregrinus, sic nomine ipso et appclla-
tione caetcris archiepiscopis dissimilis'"'), howbeit the king being of a re-
lenting nature, and bearing much witli clergymen's insolencics, which
for a while he might perhaps gainstand, but at last bare with them as
supported by the court of Rome, did consult with his nobles about the
return of the said Boniface into England conditionally, as followeth.
Acts passed in the King's Council, touching the Archbisliop of Can-
terbury's return into England, under certain conditions.^
In the year of our Lord 12G4, in the month of March, it was enactea in the
presence of the renowned king of Engkmd, by the counsel of the peers and
states of the said reahn, that the reverend fatlier Boniface, by the grace of God
archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, should return into England,
and abide in the realm peaceably, upon the conditions inider-written : —
First, therefore, it is enacted, that the archbishop at his return, do without
any diitic\ilty release in form of law his sentences of exconununication, publislied
against all persons whatsoever, on occasion of the late troubles in tlie realm of
England ; but yet so, that they who should be found excommunicate be ready
to make satisfaction for their excesses, and for tlie same receive the canonical
commandments of tlie arclibishoj', in form hereunder in the next article con-
tained.
Secondl}', it is enacted, tliat in making amends for excesses done to the
churches and churchmen within such places as are immediately subject unto
liisjurisdiction, the arclibisliop do arbitrate according to the counsel of all his
suffragans, or the greater and sounder part; and of weighty affairs belonging
to the church and realm of England, do in time to come after his return order
and dispose likewise by their counsel, and the counsel of other discreet men of
the realm.
Thirdly, it is enacted, that he bring with him Master Henry Mortimer,^
archdeacon of Canterbury, and Pont Sabler, his familiar clerks or household
chaplains ; and tliat these be the only clerks, being strangers born, whom he
shall keep and retain of his council and household.
Fourthly, it is enacted, that any other clerks whatsoever, beneficed in the
church of England, wihing to return with the archbishop, may safely return and
abide on their benefices, and shall expend the church goods within the realm as
they are bound ; carrying or sending nothing out of the realm, unless necessary
occasion, allowed of the king's council, do so require.
Fifthly, it is enacted, that the archbishop or the clerks coming with him,
shall bring nothing with them in letters, message, or connnandment, nor shall
procure any thing else, during their abode in this realm, either by themselves,
or b)' others, whereby any damage, danger, or prejudice, ma}' redound to the
king, or to any of his realm. And for memory of the premises, the seal of the
said renowned king of England is hanged unto these presents. — By the whole
council.
(1) This passafie is not in the Editions previous to 159G.— Ed.
(2) " Anno Domini 1J64, mense Martio, in prxsentia iUustris regis Angliae, de concilio procerum
et magnatum ejusdem rcsni actum est," &c.— Turris Lond. n'ne translation is revised from the
Latin in Ryiner.— Ed ] (.■?) Ilciiricus lie mortuo mari. [Si-e ^\iipenili.x.]
ORDERED TO RETURN TO ENGLAND. 565
Notwithstanding this conclusion, the archbishop did not presently nennj
return, but continued in Provence and elsewhere, behaving himself ^^^
imperiously as a prelate of the right Romish stamp. In the mean A.D.
time many matters incident to this place, were omitted and neglected, ^^'^'^-
which personally by him should have been executed ; but by reason
of his absence the same were despatched by deputation, and the
same ordered likewise according to his own fancy, which he pre-
fen-ed before the king's authority and commandment. The copy of
a letter describing the contumacy of the said Boniface doth suffi-
ciently testify this to be true, the same being set down agreeable to
the prototype.
A Letter of the King to I3oniface, Archbishop of Canterbury,
charging him to leturn into England, there personally to discharge
his archiepiscopal function.'
The king to Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, Against
gi-eeting. Altliough hitherto by patience we have suffered oftentimes bishops t*}" arch-
elect, abbots, and other prelates in our realm, for the benefit of their confirma- canter-°
tion to be obtained, to pass over beyond sea unto you, we thought not to receive bur)-, abi-
at yom- hands any such reward, as that against the right and custom of our '''"Kji ^
realm (to the which we mean not by this our patience, that prejudice shall any country,
way be procured or bred), you should attempt tliis to be followed. We do
marvel therefore, and are moved that you, at the request of us, have refused to
commit the examination of the election of our well-beloved in Christ, Master
Walter Gifford, late of Bath and Wells bishop elect, and the confirmation of
the same election, unto some discreet persons of our realm; we having detained,
and as yet detaining, the same Gifford against his will, tliat he might not repair
personally unto you: whereunto common right and the very custom of the
realm ought to have led you unrequested, whilst you abide out of the realm.
Lest, therefore, our too much patience might breed in you a contempt, we wiU
you to understand, that henceforward we mean to bear less with such deaUng,
especially in these days, wherein there is no safe passage for Englishmen unto
you through the parts of France, as it is reported. Wherefore we thought good
to desire your fatherhood, and also to admonish you, giving you, moreover, in
charge and commandment, and upon the fealty Avherein j^ou are bound unto us,
finnly enjoining, that in respect of the aforesaid election and other ceremonies,
you come personally into England, to execute your office and charge, or send
some other in your room; or at least procm-e and cause some discreet persons
of our realm, whom you shall repute more meet for this matter, to serve the
turn for you in this behalf: lest, if with contumacy you refuse to hear our
requests and commandments the second time, which ycu are by dutj' bound to
obey, we be compelled to take indignation against you, as a contemner of the
rights, the libeities and the customs of our kingdom, and so to proceed against
you more sharply by way of revenge : neither will we suffer, if you shoiud do
otherwise, that the revenues of your said archbishopric shall henceforth be
conveyed unto you out of our reahn ; but as you refuse the burden, so will we
in like sort do what we can to withdraw, hereafter, the profits and commodities
from you during your abode out of our land. Finally, we, if need shall be, are
ready to give you a sm-e and safe conduct. Witness the king at St. Paul's of
London, the twenty-fifth of June, and the forty-eighth year of our reign.
Now after all this ado, we read that at last Boniface returned, and
becoming more holy towards his end, he went with other bishops to
the king, requesting him, that being mindful of the decay of his The ad-
kingdom, by ecclesiastical livings bestowed upon strangers, he would Jj^i'linuc
hereafter prefer learned and godly men of his ow^n nation. To whom {'.'"^^y^^'t^
the king answered that he would willingly do it. " Wherefore," said himscn.
(1) "Rex Bonifacio Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, totius Anglire," &c. — Turris Lond.
55G POPE CLEMENT A MARRIED MAS'.
Henry lic, " I tliiiik it iiiect that vou, who are a stran-rer and unlearned,
"^ and also mv brotla-r Etlidnior, bishop of Winchester, whom I have
A.D. preferred to such dij^nities i)nly for kindred's sake, shoidd first give
^205. examples to others, Tind forsake your churches, and I will provide
Boniface other learned men to serve in them." This answer of the king so
i^iTo? ])ierccd this Bonitace, that he always after lived a wearisome life in
buh'pr'ic i'^ngland ; wherefore, perceiving lumsclf to be misliked of the king
is hated, ' ji,^ J jiic people, hc dcsircd to return into his country, and thereupon,
anddieth. ^^^^ f^.iii,j^, .j^d selling the woods, letting out the archbishopric, taking
great lines of his tenants, and making a great mass of money of the
cler£rv of his province, he went, with the curse of all men into Savoy ;
wheR\ in the castle of St. Helens, after he had misgoverned the see
six and twenty years, six months, and sixteen days from his conse-
cration, being nine and twenty years from his first election, he died
the fifteenth of the kalends of August. And so ceased the troubles
between the king and the said bishop, whose contumacy, with that of
others of the like brood, doth largely appear in this book.
Deaui Jiut to Icavc Bonifacc now dead, note ye this,* tliat in this year, died
Urban' popc Urban IV., after whom succeeded (a.d. 12U.5) pope Clement
nienuv" ^^ •'•' ^^''''c^' Clement, as affirmeth Nicholas Trivet, was first a married
Pope man, and had a wife and children, and was the solicitor and counsellor
JiJ^;";"' to the French king ; then, after the death of his wife, was bishop of
married Le Puy, after that archbishop of Narbonne, and at last made cardi-
"wlfc'" nal ; w'ho being sent of pope Urban in legacy for reformation of
d?en?"" peace in England, in his absence was elected pope by the cardinals.
Aquinas About tliis time flourished Thomas Aquinas, reader at Paris among
venture' ^^^^ Domiuic friars, and IJonavcnture among the Franciscan friars.'
readers at *2 ^y^v, after all the aforesaid tumults and broils of the king and
his barons, to the vexation of the whole land, it was thought meet
and necessary that all parties at variance should be reconciled ; where-
upon, it was concluded amongst them as foUoweth.
A Fomi of Peace between the King and his Barons.^
This is the fonn of peace allowed by the king our lord, by the lord Edward
his son, by all the prelates and peers, and by the whole commonalty of tlie
realm of England, with common consent and agreement : To wit, that a certain
ordinance or decree made in a parliament holden at London about tlie feast of
the nativity of St. John Baptist last past, for the maintaining and keeping of
the peace of the realm, shall continue all the days of the said king our sovereign
lord, and the time of tlie lord Edward, after he shall be received as king, even
till tlie end and term that shall be thouglit meet and convenient. The said
ordinance or decree is this :
For the redressing of the state of the realm of England, let there be chosen
or named three discreet and trusty persons of the realm, who may have autho-
rity and power from the lord theking to choose or name, in tlie king's behalf,
nine counsellors; of which nine, three at least, by course or turns, may always
be present in the court. And let the lord the king, by the counsel of the said
nine, order and dispose of the keeping of castles, and the managing of all the
affairs in his realm. Let the lord the king also, by the advice of the aforesaid
nine, appoint justices, chancellors, treasurers, and other officers, greater and
lesser, in those matters that pertain to government of his court and realm.
(1) Ex NIch. Trivet.
(2) Tlie next few pages, are not in the Editions previous to 1590— Ed.
<3) " Haec est fonna p^is a domino rege, et domino Edwardo (ilio suo, pr.-platis et proceribus
nmnibUB, et communitatc tota regni Ani,'lix communiter ct concorditer approbata," &'c.— Turris
Lend.
A FORM OF PEACE. 557
The choosers or namcrs shall swear first, that according to conscience they iinnry
will choose or name such counsellors as they verily believe wnll be profitable •^^■^•
and trusty in respect of God's honour, the chiu'ch, the lord the king, and his a rj
realm. The counsellors likewise, and all the officers greater and lesser in their \oaA
creation sliall swear, tliat to the uttermost of their power they will faithf\dly 1-
execute their offices to the honour of God and of the church, and to the profit
of the lord the king, and his realm, without bribe or gift; meat and drink,
which are commonly wont to be set upon the table, excepted. And if so be
that the aforesaid counsellors, or some or any of them, in the charge to them
committed (whether they be he or she), have behaved themselves ill, or that
npon some other occasion such officers are to be changed; the lord the king,
by the counsel of the three former choosers or namcrs, may remove such as he
shall see meet to be removed ; and in their rooms by the same men's advice
may appoint and place other persons trusty and serviceable.
And if so be that either the greater officers, or the lesser, do disorderly
demean themselves in their offices, the lord the king, by the counsel of the
aforesaid nine, may displace them, and without delay by the same advice set
others in their room. And if so be that the three first or chief choosers or
namers, in the choice or naming of counsellors, or perhaps the counsellors in
the creating of officers, or in other affairs of the lord the king and the realm to
be ordered or done, shall be at disagreement, then, whatsoever by consent of
two parts shall be concluded or decreed, let the same be finnly kept and
observed; so that of those two parts, one be a prelate of the church in the
business belongmg to the church : and if it so happen, that two parts of the
said nine in some matter disagree, then shall they for their variance stand to
the ordinance of the three first choosers or namers or the greater part of them.
And if so be it seem expedient to all the prelates and barons, by consent, that
some or one, in place of some or one of the three first namers be put and
appointed, then let the lord the king, by the counsel of all the prelates and
barons, ordain some others, or one other. And let the lord the king do all the
premises by the advice of the said nine in manner above mentioned, or let them
do it in the lord the king's behalf and by his autliority, by this present ordi-
nance to continue and hold out till such time as this agreement, made and
afterwards sealed by the parties, be perfected by consent, or some other proviso
be had, which the parties by consent shall judge allowable.
This ordinance was made at London, by the consent, will and commandment
of the lord the king, and also of the prelates and barons, with the commonalty
then and there present. In witness whereof R. Bishop of Lincoln, and H.
Bishop of Ely, R. Earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, Robert de Vere,
Earl of Oxford, Himiphrey de Bohune, William de Montchensi, and the mayor
of London, to this writing have set their seals. Acted in the parliament at
London in the month of June a.d. 1264.
It is also ordained, that the state of the English church shall be reformed Reforma-
into a state meet and convenient. dmrch'^^
It is also ordained, that the three choosers above named and counsellors, of j^^ stran-
whom mention is made in the said ordinance at London, and the keepers of gers to be
castles and others the king's bailiffs be homebred. And as for strangers born, ''j!E"*
let them come, tarrj', and depart peaceably, as well laymen willing to dwell king's'
upon their possessions, as clergymen residing upon their benefices. castles.
]Merchants also, and all others, to further and see to their affairs, shall come
freely, and taiTy peaceably ; but yet conditionally, so they come without armour
and a suspected multitude. And that none of them be received in any sort
into any office or bailiwick in the realm, or otherwise in the king's house and
service be entertained. As for the charters of general liberties and forests
granted unto the homebred of late by the king, and the statutes made upon
revoking of grievances, which the lord the king, the third year past, in everj'
shire by his letters patent hath caused to be published, with the commendable
customs of his realm, and a long time allowed, let them be for ever observed :
and that it might be provided how they may be better and more soundlj
observ'cd, it is also provided, tliat the lord the king, and the lord Edward, the
barons and those that stand with them, let go all injury and rancour, so that
they neither grieve, nor suffer to be grieved by any of theirs, any one of theni
by occasion of things done in the hurly-burly past, and also cause all theii-
A.I).
]264.
558 ACTS FOR SKTTl.IXG THE I'K.^CK OK TIIK IIEAI.M.
u,„ry bailiffs at the undertaking of their bailiwicks, that they shall grieve none by
'1^- the occasion aforesaid, but shall do justice and right to everybody with equality.
And let there be good security provided how all these things may be tinnly
observed.
When tills aqrccmcnt was despatched, to set the realm in some
quietness, a little leisure was allowed to look into the losses and
damnLres of the church, whereupon it was provided as followeth.
Of the repairing of Trespasses committed against the Church.
It is provided by common assent of the king, of tlie prelates, earls, and
barons of the land, that the trespasses which are committed against the church
of Eno-land, bv reason of the tumults and wars that have been in this realm of
Knchind, sliall be rcfonned and amended in this manner.
There sliall be chosen by the earls and great estates of the land, with the
likin"- and assent of the prelates, three bishops authorized and having full
power to establish and provide for such reasonable amends, as are to be made
for the aforesaid trespass committed against holy church, so far forth as shall be
fit and convenient.
Those that shall be found excommunicated, shall be absolved in form of right
by such as have power and authority so to do.
* Tlie a\ithority of the prelates shall be established in this manner : First, it
shall be faithfully undertaken by the earls, justices, and the other laymen of
the king's coiuic'il, and other great barons of the realm, that all those things
which tiie prelates that shall be chosen shall reasonably ordain and appoint by
wav of reformation, they themselves shall observe and fulfil, and shall do their
endeavour faithfully to cause the same to be observed by others, and thereof
thev shall deliver their letters patent.
IVIoreover, unto the prelates, after they shall be chosen, full power shall be
granted by the king, and the commonalty, the earls, barons, and great men of
the land, to ordain those things which are needful and profitable to the full
reformation of the estate of holy church, to the honour due to the fealty of oin-
lord the king, and to the profit of the realm. And that the promise made by
the king, and by the earls and barons aforesaid, and by the other great men of
the land, may appear to be made in good faith, they shall thereof make their
letters patent, to wit of things that have been done a year past befoie the last
Easter.
If any be found that will not stand to the ordinance and appointment of the
prelates in the causes, and according to the form aforesaid, he shall be compelled
thereunto by doom of holy church ; yea, if need be, he shall be thereunto forced
by the secular power. And that it may the better be done, the justice shall
have a hundred or more of choice men at arms, or seijeants, soldiers elect, to
distrain the malefactors when by the said prelates he shall be required. Those
soldiers to be sustained of the common goods of holy church, dui'ing the time
they shall be employed in that business. And this ordinance shall continue for
a year or two, till such time as matters be quieted, and that the pro\-isions of
the prelates, and the peace of the land be well observed.
Provided always, that the profits of benefices of holy chiu-ch belonging to
aliens, and others that have been enemies to the land, shall be collected and
safely kept in the hands of the prelates, until siicli time as order be taken by
conunon advice what is to be done therewithal. And for the more assurance
and further testimony hereof, the king and the high est^itcs of the land have
imto this writing set their seals.
Besides all this it was considered, that non-residency being a default
blameworthy, deserved reformation. To this the king having special
regard, wrote his mind to the bishop of Hereford for the redress of
the same ; whose letter, because it is memorable, and convenient
matter is therein contained for non-residents of our time, we have
here introduced according to the record.
AXn llEFORMATIOX OF THE CHUKCII. 559
A Letter of King Henry III., directed to the Bisliop of Hereford, ^^'^''^'J
concerning his Non-residence.' ^—
The king to tlie bishop of Hereford sendeth greeting. Pastors or shepherds ^- ^■
are set over flocks, that by exercising tliemselves in watching over them day ^^^^^
and night, they may know their own cattle by their look, bring the hunger- Against
starved sheep into the meadows of fniitfnlness, and the straying ones into one non-resi-
fold by the word of salvation, and the rod of correction ; and to do their endea- pjeia^Js
vour that unity indissolubly may be kept. But some there be who, damnably
despising this doctrine, and not knowing to discern their own cattle from others,
do take away the milk and the wool, not caring how the Lord's flock may be
nourished ; they catch up the temporal goods, and who perisheth in their parish
with famishment, or miscarrieth in manners they regard not ; which men
deserve not to be called pastors, but rather hirelings. And that even we, in
these days, remo\ing ourselves into the borders of Wales to take order for
the disposing of the garrisons of our realm, have found this default in your
church of Hereford, we report it witli grief; for that we have found there a
church destitiite of a pastor's comfort, as having neither bishop nor ofHcial,
vicar nor dean, who may exercise any spiritual function and duty in the same.
But the chiu:ch itself (which in time past was wont to flow in delight, and had
canons that tended upon days' and nights' service, and that ought to exercise
the works of charity), at their forsaking the church, and leading their lives in
counti-ies far hence, has put off" her stole or robe of pleasure, and fallen to
the ground, bewailing the loss of her widowhood, and none among all
her friends and lovers will comfort her. Verily while we beheld this, and
considered it diligently, the prick of pity did move our bowels, and the sword
of compassion did inwardly woimd our heart very sorely, that we could no
longer dissemble so great an injury done to our mother the church, nor pass
the same over uncorrected.
Wherefore we command and sti'aitly charge yon, that all occasions set aside. The
you endeavour to remove yom'selves with all possible speed unto your said bishop
church, and there personaUy to execute the pastoral charge committed unto charged
you in the same. Otherwise we will you to know for certainty that if you have to be per-
not a care to do this, we will wholly take into om- own hands all the temporal ^''"^'i-^
goods, and whatsoever else doth belong unto the barony of the same church, bent and
which goods, for spiritual exercise' sake therein, it is certain our progenitors of abiding
a godly devotion have bestowed thereupon. And such goods and dues as we "^°"
have commanded hitherto to be gathered and safely kept and turned to the
profit and commodity of the same church, the cause now ceasing we will seize
upon, iuid suffer no longer that he shall reap temporal things, who feareth
not irreverently to withdi-aw and keep back spiritual things, whereunto bj' office
and duty he is boimd ; or that he shall receive any profits who refuseth to
undergo and bear the burdens of the same. Witness the king at Hereford, the
first of June, in the forty-eighth year of our reign, [a.d. 1264.]
About this time (as appeareth by course of record, and thereby An as-
may well be gathered) a redress of certain sects was intended ; among m!dis^ °
which one by name especially occurreth, and called the Assembly of p^^^^'p^^"
Harlots; a kind of people of a lewd disposition and uncivil. Of their failed ^
manners and life the king having been informed, addressed his letters whereby
to the sheriff of Oxfordshire, a place which they haunted, and wherein ^atLred
they practised their evil conversation ; whose letter here followeth. c/entness
of that
A Letter of King Henry HL to the Sheriff of Oxfordshire, concern- "^"^''•
ing the Banishment of an unlawful assembly called Harlots, out of
that Country.^
The king to the sheriff of Oxfordshire sendeth greeting. Because we under-
stand that there be certain vagrant persons who call themselves Harlots, main-
(1) "Rex episcopo Hereford, salutem. Pastores gregibus praponuntur ut die! noetisque vigilias
exercendo," &c. — Turris Lend.
(2) "Rex vie. Oxon. salutem. Quia intelleximus quod quidam, qui se harlotos appellant, vagi ct
otium foventes, in diversis partibus regni nostri, corgregatioiies et conventicula, necnon contractus
iUicitos," &c. Turris Lend.
360 THE POMl' Ol- POPISH PRELACY.
Urnry tainiiig idlt'iicss in divers parts of our realm, most shamelessly making their
m- meetings, assemblies, and unlawful matches against the honesty of the church
A. D. and good maimers, which abuse we will not, neither ought we to suffer ; we
yH\\, charge thee that on our belialf thou forbid the said Harlots hencefortli in the
— said countries to make any more such meetings, conventicle, or contracts ; or
to presiune according to their lewd manner and wonted fashion to rogue about
our realm ; and hereto thou shalt (if need be) bind them, as by law may be
done, wiierein so behave thyself in this behalf, as we may commend thy
dili<^ence. Witness the king at Reading the twenty-third of November, in the
forty-eighth year of our reign, [a.d. 12G3.]
What manner of persons these were, or wliat their conversation
was, it doth not further appear ; nevertheless by the premises it may
seem to be some pretended order of religion. And it is most pro-
bable that the reproachful name of harlot had its beginning from
hence.
To conclude witli special matters of the church, wherein we have
made somewhat the longer delay, by occasion of such necessary
records as came to hand, and brought with them their necessary use,
this one remembrance, notwitlistanding, remaineth, no less worthy of
note than the rest, and falling within the revolution of the forty-eighth
year of this king"'s reign, a year of great trouble, as by the premises
may be gathered.
You are therefore to note that at this time the prelates of England
stood upon their pantofles, and jolly fellows (I tell you) they would
be known to be. For in an inquisition made after the death of one
Alfred of Lincoln, being, as is supposed, a baron of this realm, there
is foimd, among other things, as followeth •} " The beforenamed
Alfred held a certain piece of the park of Dunctish and Tiley of the
abbot of Cerne, by service of holding his stirrup when the abbot
should take horseback, and to give him place in the shire at such
time as he should be present."" The circumstances hereof being
considered, together Avith the time when it was done, give probable
cause to conjecture that the occasion of this matter came by this
means : viz. That whereas the said Alfred was desirous to enlarge
liis park, and could not so do but by purchasing part of some other
ground next adjoining, whereof the said abbot was owner, ne was
therefore constrained either to lack that he liked, or to admit such
conditions as pleased my lord abbot ; who, like a lord, as you sec,
was content to let him have his land, reserving such service as is
above said. Wherein should be noted the pomp of prelates in those
days, and how near they drew in imitation to the pope, in whose foot-
steps they trod.
But leaving these affairs of the church and churchmen, into which
we have gone somewdiat largely, we will now enter into other troubles
of the temporal state. You heard before of a pacification concluded
between the king and his barons, a.d. 1264- ; the same having been
admitted by mutual and common consent of the temporalty and
clergy. Nevertheless, as a sore not well searched and tented, but
superficially and overly skinned, doth break out into a more danger-
ous botch, so it came to pass among the lords and barons ; betwixt
(I) "Quod praedictus Alluredus tenuit qiiandam particulam parcse de Dunetish et Tilei de abbate
(.e Cemc, per servicium tenendi stropem suum, "quando abbas debet ascendere equura luum, et
dare el locum in comifatu quando prwsens fuerit."
lUUNCR EDWARD ESCAPES FKOM CUSTODY. 561
■whom no such firm reconciliation was made as was likely long to last ; Hmry
whereupon ensued, after secret grudge and privy hatred, open arms 'l'l_
and conflicts.* A. D.
For in this year,' the sons of Simon the carl, to wit, Henry, Simon, _li^'_
and Guido, being all puffed up, and with the pride of their success
elevated, did things which nothing contented the earl of Gloucester ;
insomuch that he challenged Henry the eldest son of the earl Simon
Montfort at the barriers to be tried at Northampton. But that
challenge was taken up, lest some further inconvenience might have Dissen-
risen thereof. But the earl of Gloucester, being moved therewith in tweelr'
his mind, sent unto his fother the carl, that he should deliver him such ean si-
prisoners being noblemen, as he had captured with his own hands at "he ear" of
the battle of Lewes ; amongst whom the king of Almain was named ^r"""'"
first. But he by countermand answered him and said, that it might
content and satisfy him, that he had saved and preserved to him liis
lands, that day the battle was fought at Lewes. ^ The earl Simon,
therefore, would not send him such prisoners as he demanded, but
himself kept the more noble in the castle of Dover. Among them
was Philip Basset, who undermined and brast down the Avails of
Northampton at that conflict, as is said before and specified.^
The earl of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soon as he The eari
heard this answer, sent incontinently to the lord Roger Mortimer, cL^erand
who had always taken the king's part, desiring that they two miirht talk ^""''r
, •;. ,- ?i ^^ oil ITT Mortjmer
together touchmg the benefit and commodity of the kmg. Who, conspire
doubting some deceit, desired sureties and pledges for his safe return, Lgallis"
and he would come and talk with him. When they met, and had a ^^^a^'
while talked familiarly, the earl of Gloucester showed him all that he was
purposed to do, and that further, he lamented he had so much and so
greatly offended the king ; and that he would with all his power and
ability make amends for that offence, in the restitution of the king again
to his kingly dignity, as much as he possibly might. Therefore they
Bent secretly to Thomas,* the brother of the earl of Gloucester, who
was near about the earl Simon, and, informing him of this coalition,
begged him to watch some opportunity and procure the escape of the
king's son. Roger Mortimer, also, sent to the king's son a horse
excelling all others in footmanship, unto which he might be sure to
trust, when he saw convenient time thereunto. After which things
thus contrived, prince Edward desired leave of the earl to prove the
coursers against such time as he should ride at the tilt, as they had
sometime wished him to do.^ As soon as he had got leave, and that
with galloping and ranging the field he had wearied divers of their
horses, at the last getting up upon the horse which for that purpose was
sent, and spying a servant on horseback coming towards him with two
swords, he turned about to his keeper, whose name was Robert de
Ros, and to others his attendants that were with him, saying, " My Prince
loving lords, thus long have I kept you company, and have been in ^tlllt\^
your custodies ; and now not purposing to use your companies any p^jj^/"'
longer, I bid you adieu !" And quickly turning his horse about, put custody of
to the spurs, and away went he. The others pricked after apace, but mon'by a
yet came far enough behind, and overtake him they could not. -At *™"'
lust, when they saw Roger Mortimer coming from his castle of Wig-
(1) The following pages, to p. 567, are probably all from Scala Mundi ; most of the matter, how-
ever, IS ui Hemingford and Knvghton, whence the text is revised.— Ed.
(2) See Appendix. ' (3) See suprA. p. ."i^S.
(4) See Appendix. (5) See supia, p. .V>;).— Kd.
vol.. ir. o o
562 PRIXCF. KDWARI) GATIIIlUS HIS HOST.
fffnry moTC, accoinpanicd with many ariiictl men, to meet him, as before
it was appointctl, they returned liome again as wise as they eame
A. D. forth. And when this the prince's eseape was divulgated, nuuli
^ ^^•''- people came forth unto him out of every quarter, with great joy thereof;
amongst whom, the first was the earl of Gloucester, and then other
partisans of the king, who had long now lain at Bristol and there-
abouts ; and within a short space he had a great and a mighty host.
Earl Which thincr when the earl Simon understood, he much doubted
selXth and mistrusted himself; and sending into Wales, he got from thence
fn""}""'* a great many men, and augmented his power as strongly as he might
haste froni cverv part of England, He sent also Simon, his son, to the
a powiT. noblemen of the north parts, that with all possible speed he might
bring them with liim ; who with a great company came with him, and
at Kenilworth awhile they staid, and there pitched their tents. But
leaving Kenilworth for a certain time, they went to Winchester, and
spoiled the same, and then returned again to Kenilworth. And when
this was by a certain spiall declared to ICdward the king's son, who was
then at Worcester (which place, as well as Gloucester, he had won a
little before), he prepared himself with his soldiers that very night to
The first go to tlic placc whcrc the spy should bring him, which was into a deep
of'pJiiice'' valley, near unto the place where Simon and his company had pitched.
Edward And whcn in the morning they were very early about to arm themselves
escape, bj and prepare their horses, they heard a great noise of their enemies
oftTpy."* coming towards them. Then, thinking that the latter had prepared
themselves against their coming and so had themselves been be-
trayed, they set forth in battle array, marching forwards, till they
met certain large baggage-wagons of their enemies going a foraging,
and to procure victuals : which they took, and with the fresh horses
new horsed their own soldiers who had their horses tired with long
travel, and so marching forward came very early in the morning upon
their enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping ; and laying
lustily about them, they slew divers, some they took, the rest they put
to flight, and fifteen of their chiefest bannerets they took, Avith many
rich spoils. But young Simon himself had lodged that night in the
castle, and so with a few escaped being made prisoners. And this was
the fourth day before the nones of August, a.d. 1265. Prince
Edward immediately returned to Worcester.
Thedis- But whcn Edward heard that earl Simon was coming toward
ofVhl Kenilworth, to join with his son's battel, he marched forward and met
batti"' ^'""^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^y ^ftcr at Evesham, whcrc he divided his host into
Mrisf ^'^'■cc battels, he himself having the leading of one, the earl of
tnon Gloucester of the second, and Roger Mortimer of the third, which
EvMham. took tlicm in the rear. The king's son Edward came from the north-
ward, as though he were coming from Kenilworth to Evesham ; and
because he would not be descried, he caused his own standards and
ensigns to be taken down, and young Simon's, which he had taken
before, to be advanced. The earl Simon's scurier, whose name was
Nicholas,' showed the earl that such bands and companies were march-
ing towards him, and thought the same to be his son Simon's power,
not knowing of the overthrow which he had just had. The earl thought
the same, but advised caution ; wherefore the said Nicholas, the
better to descry them, went up the abbey steeple of Evesham, whence
he might plainly discern them all and their standards. By this time
(1) The king's barber, very clever at distin^ishing accoutrements. Hemingford.— Ed.
BATTLE OF EVESHAM.
563
they were mounted the hill, wliicli they had made a pusli to attain, ti^'ny
thinking to have that vantage wlicn tliey slioukl give their charge as they — — —
had purposed ; and Edward had advanced again his own standards, and A. I),
liad pulled down Simon's, whereby they were the more easily descried .li^ii:..
and known. Then the aforesaid Nicholas cried aloud to tlie earl jjjj'^,^^^.g
Simon, and said, " We are all but dead men ; for it is not your son, h<,st de-
as you suppose, that conieth, but it is Edward the king's son that wuerekt
Cometh from one part, and the earl of Gloucester from another |^'^,fup^,'
part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part/' Tlien said the earl, abashed.
" The Lord be merciful unto our souls, forsomuch as our bodies and
lives are now in their hands ;" and so saying, he commanded that every
man should confess, and prepare for battle, who was willing to die for
the laws and in a just quarrel ; and such as would depart, he gave
leave to go their ways, that they should be no discomfiture to the rest.
Then^ came unto him his eldest son Henry and comforted him,
desiring him to have no despair nor yet mistrust in the good
success of this battle, with other such cheerful words. " No, my
son," saith he, " I despair not ; but yet, it is thy presumption and The
the pride of the rest of thy brethren that hath brought me to this ea^'^lif^
end vou see ; notwithstanding yet, I trust I shall die to God, and in J^V'"^,"
a righteous quarrel."" After words of comfort given to all his host,
and the oration made as is the manner, they all armed themselves.
The king also, whom the earl ahvays kept with him, he armed in an
armour of his own ; and then dividing their battels, they marched
towards their enemies. But before they joined, the Welshmen ran
their ways, and thinking to escape over the river Dee, were there,
some drowned, and some slain. Then when the battels joined and
came to handy strokes, within short space many of the earFs part
fell and were slain ; and the king himself being struck at cried with King
a loud voice to them, saying, " Kill me not, I am Henry your king.'"' aimoTt
And with these the king's words, the lord Adam de Montalt knew him, t}fjbanie,
and saved him. At whose voice and cry came also prince Edward his at i«nstii
son, and delivered him to the guard and custody of certain knights, bis voice,
In the mean season the earl Simon was hard bestead and beaten down, eueVby
and also slain before Edward the prince came at him. Howbeit, '"» ^o"-
before he fell, when as he fought for life, and Henry his son and
other noblemen on his part were about him, he brake out into these
words unto his enemies, saying, " What, is there no mercy and com-
passion with you 'i " Who again answered, " What compassion should
there be showed to traitors ?" Then said he, "• The Lord be merciful
unto our souls, our bodies are in your hands." And as soon as these
words were spoken, they slaughtered him,^ and mutilated his members,
and cut off his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent unto his wife.
But after the battle was ended and done, certain of them that loved
the earl, upon an old ladder gathered up such parts of his body as
remained, and covering the same with an old gown, brought it to
Evesham, where they, putting the same in a fair linen cloth, buried it
in the church. But not long after, such as thought themselves not
sufficiently revenged by his death, to wreak them of the dead corpse, ^^^^^^y^
took up the same and threw it into another place, saying, that he who carcase
was both accursed, and a traitor, was not worthy ot christian burial, edand
(1) The next six pages (taken from " ScalaMundi" and " Eulogium") have been revised and
somewhat re-arran^ed according to the best authorities. See Heniinjford, M.Westm., Wikes, and
theWaverley Annals.— Ed. (2) " Martyrizaverunt," liemingford and Knygliton.— Ed
oo 2
Simon's
)UII, .111(1
in.iiiy
more
564 xr.w AssKMni.Y of thk barons.
Hr„ry And not fnr off from liim al>o were slain Henry, his eldest son, the
'"■ lord Hugh le ])cspcnscr, the lord Ralph Basset, the lord Thomas de
AD. Astlcy, die lord William Mandcvilie, the lord John de Beauchamp,
'•■^fitj- the lord Guy de Bardolf, Sir Uogcr de Rowele, knt., and many other
cast forth noble men besides, with a great multitude of people, the Lord knoweth
t'ian""" how many. This battle was fought on the fourth of August, and
'.'!'",''' continued from one o'clock till it was niglit; in the which was not so
much as one man on the earl's part of any estimation, fortitude, and
courage, but in that battle lost his life, more than the lord John/
who by tlie great grace of God escaped death. Neither is this to be
larlns" fort^ottcn, that the same day, being Tuesday, at that very hour when
atlhis . the" battle began, which was at one o'clock in the afternoon, there was
Evilhain siich a darkncss over all, such thunder and tempest, that the like before
that time was never seen, being very calm and fair weather both imme-
diately before and after ; which seemed (saith mine author) to give a
plain demonstration of that which afterwards chanced and followed.
Apariia- Aftcr tliis great slaughter and overthrow there was a parliament
rimraon- summoned at Winchcst'cr by the earl of Gloucester, and others of
ea'at °" liis part. Here, by the way, is to be considered, that the king, although
terrking hc was in the canip of the earl of Leicester, being then in custody,
^^^,7 and his son Edward with the earl of Gloucester, yet the king was on
restored {\yQX sidc agaiust his will, and therefore in the said parliament the
gaihy.'^" king was restored to his kingly dignity, which was before that time
f^icrTtcs under the custody of the barons. In this parliament the king dis-
o? Simon inherited all those that took part with the earl Simon, and all their
fo'rTwllh children.' After this the king kept a ])arliamcnt at Northampton :
dren di's-" ^l'^'''e iilso the pope's legate, Octobdnus, held a convocation, and
inherited excoiumunicated all such bishops as had taken any part with Simon
K^nd against the king ; of whom divers he afterward sent u]) to Home, to
"urat- be absolved of the pope ;' and further, the said legate caused to be
ed by tiie proclaimed certain decrees which he himself had made, and idso the
fegTte. new grant of pope Clement to the king and queen, of all the tenths
'^amed fo^" s^^'*^" y^^^^ ^'^ come. And shortly after, the Norwich valuation
bl-The was made : to the making whereof Walter, the bishop of Norwich,
pope to • i J 4
the king was appouited.
y^ears."'" I" tlic meanwhile, the barons who were yet remaining had gathered
Assembly thcmsclves together again in the isle of Axholm ;* amongst whom
tK^ns at John d'Eyvile (being a subtle and stout man of war) began to have
Axholm. ^ name, and was well esteemed amongst them ; who, altogether, did
what mischief thev might.
The next year (a.d.1266) died Walter Cantilupe, bishop of Wor-
cester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Ely, the king s chancellor.*'
The Jews At tliis time also the barons again assembled with John d'Eyvile,
Ind silin ^^^ ^^ proceeded till they came to Lincoln, which they also took,
at Lin- and spoiled the Jews, and slew many of them ; and entering their
th'e"ba- synagogue, tare and rent the book of their law, and burnt the same,
are dil''" ^"^^ ^'^ *^*'^'^'" writings and obligations which they could come by.
comnted. Which thing when the king heard, he sent thither his son prince
(1) Simon de Montfort and others escaped, and Guy de Montfort, Henry de Hastings, Humphrey
de Hohun, jun., Peter de Vesri, Peter de Montfort, jun., and Nicholas de Scgrave, with others,
were taken prisoners, besides lord John Filz-John. The list of the slain, a little above, has been
verilieil by Dugdale's IJaronapc. See Appendix. — En.
(2) This parliament met Sept. 8th: M. Paris; see also Pat. Rot. 49 H. HI. m. 8 dorso,
cited by Tyrrell.— Ed.
(.S) See Wilkins's Concilia, and Appendix.— El>. (0 See Appendix.
(6) The barons entered Axholm (in Lincolnshire) St. Clement's day (Nov. 23d), and surren-
dered Uec. 27lh. Ann. Wavcrl. T. Wikts, M. Paris. Sec Appendix.— Ed. (G) See Appendix.
THE KENILWORTII DECRKE. 565
Edward ; but as soon as tliey heard tliat, they fled. This was in //^'rv
III.
the month of April;' and in the month of May they assembled at
Chesterfield, under the said John D'Eyvile and the carl Ferrers, upon A. D.
whom the king's soldiers coming suddenly in the night, took them ^^^^'
sleeping and slew many of them. Then the said John D'Eyvile New as-
quickly arming himself came forth, thinking with more defence botli ^f^™*''^"^
to save himself and to escape, who, in the way, struck the lord barons at
Gilbert Haunsard such a blow with his demi-lance, that he felled field,
both him and his horse to the ground, and so fled with a few more u'^"tia<i
after him. And thus, while the poor soldiers fought and were slain, J{J''°^''''-
the barons fled away and saved themselves. Also the earl Ferrers
fled, and hid himself in a church ; but being betrayed by a woman,
he was taken forth, and led away prisoner.*
The same year, the king perceiving that unless tlie castle of Kenil-
worth were recovered, and the boldness of them restrained who kept
the same, many evils and inconveniences might ensue thereupon, to
the prejudice of his kingdom, for that the number increased every
day more and more, wasting and spoiling the country all about, there-
fore he gathered an army and came down to Warwick ; where he
awhile tarried, expecting the meeting and assembling of his mar-
(juisses and lords, with ensigns and other saultable munition. When Kenii-
their bands were furnished and mustered, and all things ready, the *a"tieht-
morrow after Midsummer-day he displayed his banner, and began his tjf/^'l,;^
viage, marching towards Kenilworth, and besieged the same. During
which siege the barons assembled with the aforesaid John D'Eyvile riie
in the isle of Ely, and fortified the same with bulwarks as strongly fj^/t'^Jythe
as they might, at every entrance into the same.^ Shortly after, by island of
the advice and counsel of the king, the pope's legate, and other ^'
noblemen, twelve persons were chosen, who should have the dis-
posing of those things that pertained to the state of the realm, and
of those that had lost their lands and inheritances : who amongst
other things made and established this one proviso, that was com-
monly called the Kenilworth decree, that all those who had lost their Kenii-
lands by attainder (although not yet attainted) should fine therc-for ""■""'
at the "king's pleasure, and take their lands of him again ; paying ^f'^'^^K
Br ' , o ? 1 ^ S, the riisin-
sorae two years , some three years , and some tour years revenues oi herited.
the same, according to the quality of the crime and offence com-
mitted. All which provisos were established and confirmed as well
by the corporal oath, as by signment of the same with the hands and
seals, of all the prelates and clergy of England, there assembled for
that purpose by the pope's legate, upon the feast of All Saints. When
these things were thus finished, messengers were sent on the king's
behalf, as well to those that kept the castle of Kenilworth, as also to
those that were assembled in the isle of Ely ; willing them to come
jnder the protection of the king's peace, and yield to the aforesaid
provisos established by the twelve commissioners ; who altogether
answered and said, that they would in nowise condescend thereunto,
both for that it was done without their consents, not being called J^^^",;';,,^
unto it, and also for that the said decree was over-strait and intoler- creegain-
„ n • ^ L•^ \ ^ saved by
able. Within short space after, great famine and pestilence clianced divers.
(1) The rescue of Lincoln took place about Tuesday, April 27th (Annales Waver].): which (by
Nicholas's Tables) gives the year 12r)6. — Ed.
(2) The affair at Chestertield happened on the Ides of May, on Whitsun-eve (Ann.Waverl.), which
(by Nicholas's Tables) pivos Saturday, May 15th, 121)6.— En.
(3) On the eve of St. Laurence (Aug. 9th). M. Paris.— Ed.
worth de-
cree
.166 KKNILWOUTH YIELDED TO THE KING.
iirnry amonjj:st tliosc who kept the castle, insomuch that they were without
"^ all liope of keeping the same ; wherefore soon after, the kin"; sending
A^ !>• again to them to vield tlie castle and take their pardons, they, eon-
-__ suiting to<,a'tlier of their own. estate, thus answered the king's mes-
sengers : *' If it i)lease the king and his council to permit us to send
our messengers to the lord Simon Montfort, who is beyond the sea,
that he may come by a certain day to the defence of this his garrison
and fort, and that in the mean space we be not disturbed by the
king's army that hath environed us, till the return of our messengers ;
if, by the day appointed, he come not, wc will yield up the same,
so that we may be pardoned of life, limb, and moveables."
When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king
their answer, he, consulting with his nobles about the matter, agreed
unto their petitions, and caused the truce to be proclaimed through-
out all his camp, after that sufficient hostages were on either side given
ior the performance of the same ; whereupon they set forward their
messengers, as before was said they would. But after that, many of
them within the castle being very grievously vexed with the bloody-
flux and other diseases, insomuch that the whole men might not abide
the corruption and annoyance of those that were diseased, they delivered
Kenii- up tlic castlc before the return of the messengers again, and Mere
yielded permitted to go whither they would to refresh themselves, as men
kfng°i)e^ molested with great vexations and miseries. King Henry besieged
fore the the castlc of Kcuilworth from the seventh day before the first day of
the mes- July Until the thirteenth of December ;' whither came Octobonus,
mu^oV the popc''s legate, by whose entreaty the same was delivered unto the
France, j^j^g \^y Hcury Hastings, who stoutly had defended the same and re-
sisted the king, having pardon granted both for him and his, of his
life, lands, goods and chattels. After the rendering up of the castle,
the king committed the custody thereof to his son Edmund, and so
with his host departing from the siege, he came upon Christmas-
even's even to Osney ; where with great solemnity and triumph he
kept his Christmas during seven days.
The same year pope Clement IV. promoted Master Walter
GifFord, bishop of Bath, to be archbishop of York.'^
'ihe In this year also the church of England (the regulars as well as the
uranted scculars) bcgau to pay the tenths of all her revenues to the king, to
kinR^y continue for three years' space ; and this was done by the authority
authority apOstolical.'
caL In the beginning of the next year, which was a.d. 1267, the
king with his host came to Windsor, from whence after a few days
he marched towards Ely ; in which island he besieged those who
were disinherited, and sharply also assaulted them ; upon which
John D'Eyvile and several other of the barons fled to London^
where of the Londoners they were well entertained. After this.
The king both tlic king and Edward his son came to London with a great
of un" power, but yet were kept out of the city by the barons and citizens
days!°''^ for the space of forty days. And Octobonus the legate (who for
fear had fled into the Tower) they narrowly laid for, that he should
not escape. At length, by the entreaty of the earl of Gloucester
and other carls that were his friends, both the barons and the citizens
(1) " The Ides of December," says Hemingford : " Tlie feast of St. Lucy," say tlie Waverley
Annals; cither of wliicli means Dec. 13th. — Kd.
Ui Sec Appendix.— liD. (3) Ibid.
PKACE BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. 567
were pardoned, and admitted to the lving"'s favour.' After this, ii'i»y
Edward, the king's son, returned to besiege again the rest which were
in the isle of Ely ; who, when he came thitlicr, for tlie great abund- _-^-
ance of waters in tlie same couhl by no means enter tlie island, till at —"^
length, by the counsel of the inhabitants of that province, he caused 0/'!!-,"'*
with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, assaulted
somewhat to convey away the water ; and so long used he their teredby
counsel in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at the last £dwa"d.
they entered the island ; who as soon as they were entered, the rest
which were in the island yielded themselves ; amongst whom were the
lord Wake, Simon the younger, and Pcchcs, saving their lives and
members.^ Meanwhile, four bishops and eight other noblemen had
been chosen, such as were at Coventry first nominated, that they
should order and dispose all matters between the king and such as
had lost their inheritance, as also the form of their peace and ransonr ; pg^^g
and a proclamation was made, upon the feast of All Saints, of perfect ^""^g"'*"
peace and concord through all the realm. twcenthe
In the year of our Lord above recited, eight days after the feast of and "ue
St. Martin in the fifty-second year of this king Henry's reign, he '^"'^•
held a parliament at Marlborough, where, by the advice of wise and of Maru
discreet men, and with all the consents of the nobles, he ordained and ^?,™"^j^
enacted divers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and A.D.i2cr.
bettering of the state of the realm and execution of common justice,
which are called ' the statutes of Marlborough.'
The next year (a.d. 1268), upon St. Gregory's day, Octobonus, convoca-
the legate, called a council at London, where were five archbishops, en"/"'^'^'
and a gi-eat number of bishops, abbots, and other prelates ; which j^°^<*"
council also within three days brake up again. ^ legate.
The same year, upon St. John the Baptist's day,* Edward the xhe
kin2;''s son, and divers other noblemen of England, took upon them ^^s^-ie's
the cross by the legate''s hands at Northampton, to the relief of the out of
Holy Land and the subversion of the enemies of the cross of Christ. °^^" ■
Which done, the legate the same year went out of England,^ not pur-
posing after that to return again. This holy legate (saith mine valuation
author), who might well be resembled to a lynx, that monstrous churches
beast whose quick sight penetratetli every thing, enrolled to perpe- bonuf tiie
tual memory the valuation of all the churches in the realm of England pfnsfo„5
so narrowly as by any means possible he might inquire the certainty out of
thereof.'' The same Avas he that made all the cathedral and con- and con',
ventual churches to pay pensions; so that those churches which gave churrhL
not the vacancy of their benefices to their clerks and strangers, should v^yei to
T . 1 -i-ii PI t"*^ pope 8
pay unto them a certain yearly pension, during the vacancy 01 the clerks.
benefices which they should have.
The same year died pope Clement IV., after whose death the Nov.29th.
church of Rome was two years and nine months vacant ; and then ^
Avas chosen the archdeacon of Licgc, whose name was Thcardus or
Thibaud, while he was with prince Edward in the Holy Land ; and
they called him Gregory X.'
Then also did Edmund, earl of Lancaster and Leicester, and second Marriase
of Ed-
(1) June 15th, according to Rot. Pat. 51, H. lii. m. 10, N iO, cited by Brady.— Ed. inundear
(2) On the feast of St. James (July 25th). T. AVikts. See Appeiidi.x.— lio.
(3) E.iw Scala Mundi. [Holinshead says that this council met on St. George's day : Wikes says it
met on the Quindene of Easter, i.e. (by Nicholas's Tables) April 22d ; that beinjj a Sunday, they pro-
bably proceeded to business the next day, April 23d, which is St. George's day. See Appeni!i.\. — liu.J
(4) AVhich Wikes rightly obstrvcs fell on a Sunday this year, 1208.— En.
(j) July 20th. Wikes. (6) See Appendix. (?) Ibid.
568
DlSPUTKi) KLKCTIOX OF ARCHBISHOl'.
Henry
HI.
A.D.
1271.
of Lancas-
ter.
[JulvlOth,
A.I).126».
Dugd.
Bar.]
King E<I-
muiid the
Confessor
■ litined.
[Oot.ntli.
T.Wikes.]
TteMh of
Boniface,
arch-
bishop of
Canter-
bury,
[July
18th.]
Adam
Chelin-
don elect-
ed in his
stead.
Appella-
tion from
the king
to the
pope by
the
monks of
Canter-
bury.
Chelin-
doii poeth
up to
Home.
Variance
between
tile olhci-
al of Can-
terbury,
and the
prior of
Dover.
Appella
lion to
Home.
(Jan. 3d,
A.U.1271.
Godwin,
Eu.IUch.]
Bishop ol
Sarum
elected
but not
conse-
crated.
son of king Henry, take to wife the earl of Albemarle"'s daughter, and
the niece of the earl of Gloucester ; at which marriage were the king
and queen, and all the nobility of England.
The same year was the body of St. Edward, the king and confessor,
by Walter Giironl, aichbi.shop of York, and other bishops entombed
in a new and rich shrine of gold and silver, beset with precious stones,
in the presence of Henry, king of England. In which year also fell
great rain and inundation of waters, such as liatli not lightly been
seen, which increased and continued the space of forty days, and more.
During this king's reign, there was made a great and general ex-
pedition of sundry and divers christian princes to Jerusalem, taking
upon them the Lord''s character, that is, the cross, among whom (as
is said) was also Edward the king''s son one ; to the which expedition
was granted him a subsidy throughout all the realm ; and in the month
of May, A.D. 1270, he set forward on his journey.'
About the time when prince Edward was preparing his journey
toward Asia, Boniface of whom ye heard before, the archbishop of
Canterbury, ended his life in the country of Savoy, going belike to
Rome, or coming thence. After whose death the monks of Canter-
bury, proceeding to a new election granted by the king, agreed upon
the prior of their house, named Adam Chelindon. But the king
and his son, prince Edward, consenting and speaking in the
behalf of Robert Burnell, the princess chaplain, and afterwards
chancellor,^ did solicit the matter with the monks, partly entreating,
])artly threatening them, to choose the said Robert to be arch-
bishop. Notwithstanding, the monks being stout would neither
relent to their courteous request, nor yet bow to their bois-
terous threats, but constantly persisting in their former election,
appealed from the king and prince to the pope. Prince Edward being
now on his journey, and seeing himself thus frustrated of the monks,
writcth back to the king, his father, devoutly praying and beseeching
him in no wise to admit the election of the aforesaid monks. And
so passing to Dover with Henry, the son of Richard his uncle (king
of the Romans), with their wives, they took their passage in the
month of August. After this the prior thus elected (as is foretold),
but not admitted by the king, to be archbishop, went up to Rome.
In the mean time the monks, in the absence of their elect, ordained
one Geffrey Pomenall to be their official ; who, seeing himself ad-
vanced to that dignity, and bearing belike some old grudge against
the prior of Dover, caused him to be cited up to appear in the chapter-
house of Canterbury. The prior of Dover seeing this citation to be
prejudicial to him and to the church of Dover, and knowing the monks
of Canterbury to have no such jurisdiction, the see of Canterbury being
vacant, but that all things appertaining to that church ought to be reserved
whole till the consecration of the new archbishop, therefore, for the
state both of him and of his church, he appealed up also unto Rome.
The next year died Walter de la Wyle, bishop of Sarum, the third
day before the nones of January; after whom succeeded Master
Robert of W ikhampton, the dean of the same church ; and because
the see of Canterbury Avas then vacant, he was confirmed by the
chapter of Canterbury, which -chapter had always the jurisdiction in
spiritual causes during the vacancy of that see, in as ample manner
as the bishop himself had bemg alive. After this, the bishop elect
(1) This was the last attempt at recovering the Holy Land. (2) See Appcnii*-
LAST ClUTSADE TO TIIK HOLY LAXD. 560
coming thither, thinking to have had liis consecration, was, noiwith- fienry
standing, put hack for two causes ; one was, for that there was present _ ^^''
then no more than one bishop ; the other was, for that all tlic other AD.
bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their pre- ^'^'^-
judice, that is, by the authority of the chapter of Canterbury, saying,
that they would not be under the obedience of the monks. After
this, when solemn messengers were for this cause sent to the cardi-
nals of Rome, for that then the see of Rome was vacant, they
received answer, that, during the vacation of that see, the confirmation
antl consecration of the bishop elect pertained to the aforesaid chapter
of Canterbury. But to return to the archbishop again.
The next year after, Adam Chelindon, the aforesaid archbishop cheiin-
elect, remaining all this while at Rome, at last resigned up his dec- fj"" J,*",^ to
tion to the pope's hand (being Gregory X.), who then gave the |)'« i'"p^'-
same to Robert Kilwardby. Who then coming to Dover, restored Kiiward-
again the prior of that house, being before excluded upon certain [Juhop of
causes (as ye heard). By these contentions judge, good reader, of ^||['^""
the religion of these men, and of these times. a.d.'i272.
About which time came out the great concordance by an English xhe f^reat
friar, called John Derlington.* ^~-
And now to return to our former story. It was above declared
how a general viage being proclaimed to war against the Turks, and
a subsidy being collected in England on the same, prince Edward
with others was appointed to take their viage, and werenoAv onward in
their journey. Who at Michaelmas following with his company
came to Aiguesmortes, which is from Marseilles eight leagues west-
ward, and there taking ship again, having a merry wind and prosperous,
within ten days arrived at Tunis, where he was with great joy wel-
comed and entertained of the christian princes, who were to this
purpose assembled, as, of Philip the French king (whose father Louis
died a little before), of Charles the king of Sicily, and of the Aug.25th.
two kings of Navarre and Arragon. And as this lord Edward Death of
came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also J-y^Vki"
Henry, the son of the king of Almain, for his father ; who, at his ^^^^^'^^
return from the viage, was slain in a chapel at Viterbo, hearing main's
mass, by the lords Simon and Guido, the sons of the lord Simon vuerbo,
Montfort, earl of Leicester.'' _ KVIl
When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was
to be done, they answered him again and said, " The prince of this
city (said they) and of the province adjoining to the same, hath been
accustomed to pay tribute unto the king of Sicily every year. And
now for that the same hath been for the space of seven years unpaid
and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion upon him.
But the king, knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded,
hath now, according to our own desires, satisfied for the time past,
and even paid his tribute before-hand.
Then said he, " My lords ! what is this to the purpose ? Are we Kxpedi-
not here all assembled, and have taken upon us the Lord's character, i,',°'ade
to fight against the infidels and enemies of Christ ? What mean ^l'^^Z\!ci
you then to conclude a peace with them ? God forbid we shoidd do by peace,
so, for now the land is plain and hard, so that we may march straight
to the holy city .Tcrusalem.'' Then said they, " Now have we made a
(1) Ex Kulosio. [See Appendix.]
(2) Confiimed by the king ol Sicily's Utter in Kymcr, dated March 23d.— tD.
')70 A CKKAT TK^rr-KST.
iiirnry loaguc witli tliciii ; neither is it lawful for us to break the same ; but
let us return af;:ain to Sicily, and when the winter is past wcmay well
A.D. take sliip|)inc: to Acre." But this counsel nothing at all liked him.
^-^^- neither did he show himself well pleased therewith ; but after he had
The jrrcat made them a princely banquet, he went into his closet or privy
Frtncii "^ chamber from amongst them, neither would he be partaker of any
agafnst "^ ^^^^^ wickcd uiouey which they had taken. They, notwithstanding,
them continuing their purpose, at the next merry wind took shipping, but
into a for Want of more ships left two hundred of their men ashore, crying
matter, out and piteously lamenting for the peril and hazard of death they
Clemency were in ; wherewith prince Edward being somewhat moved with com-
Edwirrto passion, came back again to the land, and received and stowed them
loMirrs"^ in his own ships, being the last that went aboard. AVithin seven days
[Oct.2f.th. after, they arrived in the kingdom of Sicily, over against the city
iicminf.] 'j'lapani, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea,
for that their ships were of great burthen, and thoroughly fraught ; and
from the haven of the city they sent out barges and boats to receive
and bring such of the nobility to land as would ; but their horses for
Great the most part, and all their armour, they kept within board. At length,
wreck of towards evening, the sea began to be rough, and increased to a great
tiMs^near ^^mpest and a mighty, insomuch that their ships were beaten one
Trapani. against another's sides ; and sunk there were of them at that tem-
evii"got, pest, lying at anchor, more than a hundred and twenty,' with all their
fosr'' horses and munition, with innumerable souls besides; and that wicked
••Non money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was
eventus drowncd. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince
prffida" Edward's, who had in number thirteen, nor yet had he one man lost
Pr?nce' thereby ; for that (as it may be presupposed) he consented not to the
Edward wicked counscl of the rest. AVhen in the morning the princes and
from tern- kings camc to the sea-side, and saw all their ships sunk, and saw
Hu'in- ^''^'^ "^^" ^^^ horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they
tcgrity had full heavy hearts, as well they might. For of all their ships and
of God. mariners, who were in number fifteen hundred, besides the common
soldiers, there were no more saved than the mariners of one only ship,
and they in this wise : there was in that ship a good and wise matron
(a countess or an earl's wife), who perceiving the tempest to grow, and
fearing for herself, called to her the master of the ship, and asked
whether, in attempting the shore, it were not possible to save them-
selves ? Who answered, that to save the ship it was impossible ;
howbeit, to save the men that were therein, by God's help, lie doubted
not. Then said the countess, " For the ship care no whit ; save the
souls therein, and I will give thee double the value of thy ship." AVho
immediately hoisting the sails with all force ran the ship aground, so
near the shore as possible was. Thus, with the vehemency of the
weather and force he came withal he brast the ship, but saved all that
was within the same, as the master had showed and said before.^
Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so
great a shipwreck) returned home again every one unto their own
lands ; only Edward the king's son remained behind with his men and
ships, which the Lord had saved and preserved. Then prince Edward
(renovating his purpose) took shipping again, and within fifteen
;l) "Centum x\," Knvfrhton ; " xx," Ilemingford.— En.
(2) Ex Scal.i Mundi. V.\ Oualt. Gisburn. E\ Klor. Hist. [Whence several corrections aie
made in the fuicgoing [jaiagtajjli. The same authorities supply the rest of this rtigu. — Ed.J
PRINCE KDWARd"'s SUCCESS. 571
tiays after Easter, aiTived at Acre, and went on shore, taking with Hmrt,
him a tliousand of the best and most expert soldiers, aiul tarried 1_
there a month, refrcshin<>- both, iiis men and horses, so that in this A.D.
space he might learn and know the secrets of the land. After this ^^^^-
he took witii him six or seven thousand soldiers, and marched forward ^I'j^j^^
twenty miles from Acre, and took Nazareth ; and those that he there taketh '
found he slew% and afterwards returned again to Acre. But their ^'^'"^ '"
enemies following after them, thinking to have set u])on them at some
strait or other advantage, they were by the prince premonished thereof,
and returning again upon them, gave a charge, and slew many of
them, and the rest they put to flight. After this, about Midsummer,
when the prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gather
at Cackhow, which was forty miles from Acre, he, marching thither,
set upon them very early in the morning, and slew of them more than
a thousand ; the rest he put to flight, and took rich spoils, marching
forward till they came to a castle named Castrum Pcregrinorum,
situated upon the sea-coast, and tarried there that night, and the next
day they returned towards Acre. In the mean season the king of
Jerusalem sent unto the noblemen of Cyprus, desiring them Avith
speed that they would come and aid the Christians ; but they would
not come, saying, they would keep their own land, and go no further.
Then princeEdward sent unto them, desiring that at his request they
would come and join in aid Avith him, who immediately thereupon The
came unto him with great preparation and furniture for the war, "yprus"
saying, that at his command they were bound to do no less, for that his ^^°7^
predecessors Avere sometime governors of their land, and that they fidelity
ought always to show their fidelity to the kings of England. Then king of
the Christians being herewith animated, about the feast of St. Peter ad i^"s'an'i
Vmcula [Aug. 1st] made a third viage or rode, and when they
had slain certain, not finding any to make resistance against them, they
retired from whence they came, about St. George's day [Aug. 27th].
When thus the fame of prince EdAvard grew amongst his enemies, ^"'Jefui
and they began to stand in fear of him ; they devised among them- the^sarV
selves, how by some policy they might circumvent and betray him.^ tised^"*^
Hereupon the great prince and admiral of Joppa sent to him, feigning a^fijij^t
himself, under great deceit, to become a Christian, and that he Avould Edward.
draAv Avith him a great number besides, so that they might be honour-
ably entertained and used of the Christians. This talk pleased the
prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing he had so Avell begun,
by Avriting again ; who also by the same messenger sent and A\Tote back
unto him divers times about the same matter, Avhereby no mistrust
should spring. This messenger, saith mine author, was one ' ex cote
nutritus,"' one of the stony-hearted, Avho neither feared God nor
dreaded death. The fifth time when this messenger came, and was
of the prince's servants searched, according to the manner and cus-
tom, to discover Avhat weapon and armour he had about him, as also
his piu-se, and when not so much as a knife could be found about him,
he Avas had up into the prince's chamber, and after his reverence
done, he pulled out certain letters, Avhich he delivered to the prince
from his lord, as he had done others before. This Avas about eight
days after Whitsuntide, upon a Tuesday, somcAvhat before night ; at
(1) Ex Gisburn. et Scala Mundi.
inessen
ger.
572 pRixcF. inwAUD wouxded by an assassin.
JUnry wliicli tiiiic tlio jMinco was laid upon his bed, barc-licadcti, in his
! — jt-'rkin, tiir the i^Tcat heat and intcmi)crature of tlic weather.
'\'P' ^Vlion tlic prince liad road tlic letters, it appeared by them, that
' upon the Saturday i'ollowinfi:, his lord would be there readv to acconi-
|)lish all that he had written and promised. The report of this neAvs,
by the prince to the standers-by, liked them well, drawing somewhat
back to consult thereof amongst themselves. In the mean time the
messenger, kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince, who was
questioning further with him, put his hand to the belt, as thouirh he
would have pulled out some secret letters, and suddenly he pulled
out an envenomed knife, thinking to have stricken it into tlie prince's
belly as he lay; but Edward, lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was
r.dward stricken a great wound in the arm ; and the messenger being about
wiih"a''n'' '^o ^•^'tch another stroke at him, the prince \f\i\\ his foot took him such
nomed ^ '^^^'^^^ ^^^^^ '^*^ fcUcd him to the ground. With that the prince gat
knife him by the hand, and with such violence ^Tested the knife from him,
Turks' that he hurt himself therewith in the forehead, and immediately
thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and
slew him. The prince's servants being in the next chamber not far
off, hearing the bustling, came with great haste running in. And
finding the messenger lying dead on the floor, one of t)iem took up
a stool and beat out his brains ; whereat the prince was wroth, for
that he struck a dead man, and one that was killed before. The
nmiour hereof, as it was strange, so it soon went throughout all the
court, and from thence amongst the common peo])lc ; wherefore they
were very lieavy and greatly discouraged. To him came also the
captain of the temple, and brought him a costly and precious drink
against poison, lest the venom of the knife should penetrate the
lively blood, and in blamingwise said unto him, ^ Did I not show
your grace before, of the deceit and subtlety of this people .'* Not-
in peril withstanding," saith he, " let your grace take a good heart ; you
by na^on ^^^^^^ "^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^'"s wound, my life for yours." But straightway the
°^J^'8.^ surgeons and physicians were sent for, and the prince was dressed,
comforted aiul witluu a few days after the wound began to putrefv, and the
|',[,y^^ flesh to look dead and black ; whereupon those who were" about the
ciaus. prince began to mutter amongst themselves, and were very sad and
heavy. Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto them, " Why
mutter you thus amongst yourselves .'* What see you in me, can I
not be healed ? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid." Whereupon
one said to him, " Your grace, you may be healed, we mistrust it
not ; but yet it will be very painful for you to suffer." " May suf-
fering," said he again, "restore health.?" " Yea," saith the other,
" on pain of losing my head." " Then," said the prince, " I commit
myself unto you, do with me what you think good." Then said one
ot his physicians, " Is there any of your nobles in whom your grace
reposeth special trust.?" To whom the prince answered "yea,"
naming certain of the noblemen that stood about him. Then said
the physician unto the two whom the prince first named, the lord
Edmund and the lord John Voisie : " And do you also faithfully
love your lord and prince?" Who answered both, " Yea, undoubt-
edly. " Then." saith he, " take you away this gentlewoman and
lady," meaning his wife, " and let her not see her lord and husband
RKCOVERS, AND RETURNS TO ENGLAND. 573
until such time as I will you to let her;" whereupon they took her Hcnry
out of the prince's presence, crying out and wringing her hands. '^'
Then said they unto her, " Be ye contented, good lady and madam, A.I),
it is better thiit one woman should weep a little while, than that all the ^'^'^-
realm of England should weep a groat season." Then, on the morrow,
they cut out all the dead envenomed flesh out of the prince''s arm, and
threw it from them, and said unto him, *•' How cheereth your grace '^
We promise you within these fifteen days you shall show yourself
abroad (if God permit) on horseback, whole and well as ever you
were." And according to the promise he made the prince, it came
to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. The
When the gi-eat Soldan heard of it, and that the prince was yet alive, stored to'
he would scarcely believe the same ; and sending unto him three of \^^f^^ll
his nobles and princes, he excused himself by them, calling his gods dan for-
to witness, that the same was done neither by him, nor his consent. hTmsdf.
The princes and messengers standing aloof off from the king''s son,
worshipping him fell flat upon the ground. " You," saith the prince,
" do reverence me, but yet you love me not." But they understood
him not, because he spake in English unto them, speaking by an
interpreter. Nevertheless he treated them honourably, and sent
them away in peace.
Thus, Avhen prince Edward had been eighteen months in Acre, he The
took shipping about the Assumption of Our Lady, as we call it, furne^r'
returning homeward; and, after seven weeks, he arrived in Sicilv, at to Eng-
Trapani, and from thence travelling through Palestrina and Metmes,
and so through the midst of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he
was of the pope honourably entertained ; from thence he came into
France, whose fame and noble prowess was there much noised about
among the common people, and envied of the nobility, especially of
the earl of Chalons, who sent unto him, and required him that he
might break a staff with him at the tilt in his country. This the
prince, because he would not diminish his honour and fame, willingly
consented to do, although he might have well alleged a sufficient
excuse by means of his travail. It was therefore proclaimed, that
prince Edward, by such a day, with those that were with him, had a day of
challenged all comers at the tilt and barriers. Hereupon great which
assemblies were made in the country all about ; and divers, as well gooTear"
horsemen as footmen, had confederated among themselves, and con- "est.
spired against the Englishmen, selling their horses and armour before-
hand, and drinking one to another in ' boon viage,'' of the spoil of them
whom they would take as their prisoners. Prince Edward, in the
mean time, sent into England for divers earls and barons, who came
unto him. When the day appointed was come, the prince had with
him more than one thousand horsemen, who were knights, besides his
footmen ; but yet there were as many more, on the other side, both in
horsemen and footmen. When the parties mot, the French footmen, conspi-
who had before conspired, began both to spoil, rifle, and kill. The fh7 "'
Englishmen resisted and defended themselves, both with bows and '""■^f^'^"^''"
slings ; many of the Frenchmen they slew, and drove them to the against
gates of their city ; the others they chased over a river, where many Hshn
(1) "Drinking one to another in boon viage ;" a common expression in old authors , in ctlicr
words, " Drinking one another good success in the spoiling of those whom they had destine^ for
their prisoners." — Ed.
the EnfT-
limen.
-,71-
PIUXCF, KPWAUDS VAMAN'TNKSS.
Henry
in.
A.I).
1272.
Exercise
of battle,
instead of
liarriers
.111(1 tour-
ney.
Victory
of the
English
against
the earl
(Ic Cha-
lons.
Prince
Kdward
in Gasco-
nv at his
father's
death.
A.D.12f.8.
Pope Cle-
ment IV.
dlcft.
of tlicm wero drowneil. Tn tlic mean while the carl, with fifty of
his knii^lits who ioilowcd him, came forth and joined together, so
many for so many, and a long- time together they tried with it
their swords, laying one on another. At last the earl, perceiving
liimself not able to match Avith the prince at arms' length, closed with
him, and taking him about the neck, held him with his arms very
straight. " What mean you, my lord," saith the prince, "think you to
have my horse .^" " Yea, maiTy," quoth the earl, "I mean to have
both thee and thy horse." Hereat prince Edward, being indignant,
lifte<l uj) himself, and gave him such a blow, that therewithal he,
forsaking his horse, hung still about the prince's neck, till that he
shook him off to the gi-ound. Herewith the prince, being somewhat
in a heat, left the press to take the air, thereby to refresh himself.
But when he saw the injury of the Frenchmen towards his men, and
how they had slain many of them, he then said unto them that they
used rather the exercise of battle than oi' tourney. " Sparc ye not,
therefore," saith he, " from henceforth, any of them all, but give them
ag-ain as good as they bring." Then they essayed to kill each other
freely on either part, and let their swords walk. By this time the
English footmen were again returned, and seeing the conflicts
of horsemen, and many other Englishmen overthrown, they put
themselves amidst the press ; some paunching the horses, and some
cutting a.9under the girths of the Frenchmen's saddles, they over-
tln-ew the riders, and gave them holy bread. When the aforesaid
carl had been horsed again by some of his men, and had got amongst
the throng, prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest, and
coped again with him, to whom he often spake and cried, that he
should yield liimself as vanquished ; but that the earl would not do.
NotAvithstanding, when the earl's strength began to fail him, he was
fain to yield himself unto a simple knight, according as prince
Edward bade him, and all the rest of his horsemen and knights
fled and saved themselves ; howbeit, many of them in that place
were slain ; and so our men returned, having the victory. But
when, after this, they thought to be quiet and at rest, they were
killed by the citizens by twos and threes at once, as they walked
in the streets. When the prince heard this, he sent for the mayor
and burgesses, commanding them to see the same redressed, and that
immediately ; for otherwise, of his knighthood he assured them, that
upon the morrow he would fire the city, and make it level with the
ground. On this they went their ways, and set watchmen in divers
places of the same to keep peace, by which means the prince and his
men were in safety and quiet. Thus, in this pastime of tourneying
and barriers much blood was spilled, whereupon the name of the
place was changed ; so that it is not called ' Torniamcntum de Cha-
lons,' but ' Parvum Bellum de Chalons.'
From thence the prince came to Paris, and was of the French
king honoiu-ably entertained ; and after certain days he went from
thence into Gascony, where he tarried till he heard of the death of
the king his father.
In the year of our Lord 1268, died pope Clement IV. : after
whom succeeded pope Gregory X. ; who, in the year AoD. 1274,
called a general council at Lyons, about the controversy between
OCCITRRENCES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES. 575
ihc Greek churcli and tlic L.atin church, and for tlie vacancy of the Henry
see apostolical. '^''
A.D.
1216
CERTAIN NOTES OF OTHER OCCURRENCES CHANCED IN FOREIGN jO
COUNTRIES ARROAD, WITHIN THE COMPASS OF THE YEARS 1272,
AND REIGN OF THE AFORESAID KING HENRY III.
Having thus completed the life and history of king Henry HI., with
such ac<.'idents as happened Avithin this realm, I thought good to
adjoin unto the same, some other foreign matters not unworthy of
note, incident in other countries during the time of the said king :
namely, from a.d. 1216 unto this year, 1272. These I thought the
rather not to be omitted, for that even from and about the beginning
of this king''s reim, sprang up the very well-springs of all mischief',
the sects of monkish religions and other swarms of popish orders,
which, with their gross and horrible superstitions, have encumbered
the church of Cluist ever since.
First, to omit the repetition of pope Innocent HI,, the great
great grandsire of that foul monster transubstantiation and auricular
confession, friars Dominic and Franciscan friars, Thomas Aquinas,
Jacobus de Voragine, and Vincentius, with pope Honorius III.
coiner of the canon law, and the cardinal of Ostia, as also Bona-
ventui-e, Albertus Magnus, with pope Urban IV., the first founder
of the feast of Corpus Christi, and the prociurer of the adoration of
the body of Christ in the sacrament, besides Durandus and many
more : it foUoweth further to be noted, that the Tartars, about The Tar-
A.D. 1240, issuing out of Muscovy into the parts of Poland, made '"a™^®
great waste in Christendom, and this so much the rather, because the spoil in
princes about Poland, being at variance amongst themselves, used no dom.
other remedy for their defence but heaps of masses, the invocation of
the dead, and the worshipping of images, which indeed did not at all
relieve them, but rather increased their trouble.
In the year following, the whole nation of the Tartars, mustering The
like locusts, invaded the parts of Europe with two mighty armies, in'^^ar
whereof the one, entering on Poland, made great havoc, and carried 1^^^°''^
away many Christians "fram thence captives ; the other overrunning locusts.
Hungary, made no less spoil there. .Add hereunto another fresh
army of Tartars, to the number of five millions,' who at the very
same time joining themselves together, entered Muscovy and Cracow,
and made most horrible slaughter, sparing neither sex nor age, neither
noble nor ignoble within the land. From thence passing to Lower
Sclavonia, they made great spoil there also, and thinking there to win
the castle, were, by the miraculous working of the Lord, at the
instance and prayers of good people, discomfited beyond all expec-
tation of man, by thunder and lightning felling upon them from
heaven in a most terrible manner.
The same year, immediately after Easter, another army of Tartars
was gathered against Lignitz, drawing near to Germany; by the
i"umour whereof, the Germans, being put in great fears, were alto-
gether dismayed, but yet not able to help themselves, because they
lacked a good guide and governor amongst them. All this came
(1) Ex Annalibus Sileslx.
576
DKATH OF KING HENRY.
Htnty
III.
A.I).
1216
to
l'-'72.
Heno of
Poland
slain, and
his army
van-
qiii.shcd.
Nine
sacks full
of tile ears
of I'liris-
tians
slain.
Richard
king of
Almain
dies.
Variance
between
the
monks
and the
citizens
of Nor-
wich.
Execu
lion at
Norwich
by the
coni-
m.inU of
king
Henry
III.
Adam,
prior of
Canter-
bury re-
fuseth to
be arch-
bishop of
that see.
Robert
Kilward-
by, arch-
bishop of
Canter-
bury.
Death of
kinp
Henrv
111.
to pass, especially 1)V the mischievous practice of the Roman
])opcs, niisini,' variance and discord among theiii. Notwithstaiidinjj^
Henrv, prince of Poland and Silesia, gathering a power as veil as he
could, did encounter witli him ; but in the end his whole army was
vanquished, and the king himself slain. Notwithstanding this over-
throw of Christians, it pleased God to strike such a fear into the
hearts of the Tartars, that they durst not approach any further or
nearer into Germany, but retired for that time into their country
again ; who, recounting their victory by taking each man but one
ear of every one of the Christians that were slain, found the
slaughter so great, that they filled nine great sacks full of ears.
Nevertheless, after this (.\.D. 1260), the same Tartars, having the
Muscovites for their guides, returned again into Poland and Cracow ;
where, in the space of three months, they overran the land with fire
and sword to the coasts of Silesia, and had not the princes of Ger-
many put to their helping hand in this lamentable case, they had
utterly wasted the Avhole land of Poland, and tlie coasts thereabout.
This year also, in the month of April, Richard, king of Almain,
died at the castle of Berkhamstead, and was buried at the abbey of
Hailes, which he built from the gi'ound. The same year also, at
Norwich, there arose a great controversy between the monks and thc
citizens, about certain tallages and liberties. At last, after much alter-
cation and wrangling words, the furious rage of the citizens so much
increased and prevailed, and so little was the fear of God before their
eyes, that altogether they set upon the abbey and priory, and burned
both the church and bishop"'s palace. AVhen this thing was heard abroad,
the people were very sorry to hear of so bold and naughty an enter-
prise, and much discommended the same. At last, king Henry,
calling for certain of his lords and barons, sent them to the city of
Norwich, that they might punish and see execution done on the
chief malefactors ; insomuch that some of them were condemned and
burnt, some of them hanged, and some were drawn by the heels with
horses throughout the streets of the citv, and afterwards in much
misery they ended their wretched lives. The same year Adam, the
prior of Canterbury, and bishop elect, in the presence of Pope Gre-
gory X. refused to be archbishop, although he was elected ; wherefore
the pope gave the archbishopric to friar Robert Kilwardby, the provost
of the preaching friars, a man of good life and great learning. He
was consecrated at Canterbury, on the fourth day of March, by six-
bishops of the same province. The same vear also, at Michaelmas,
the lord Edmund, the son of Richard king of Almain, married the
sister of Gilbert, earl of Gloucester. Also in this year, a.u. 1272,
on the sixteenth day before the kalends of December, being the day
of 'St. Edmund archbishop and confessor, died king Henry, in the
fifty-seventh year of his reign, and was buried at Westminster,
leaving behind him two sons and two daughters ; to wit, Edward, the
prince, and Edmund, earl of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and
Margaret ; which Margaret was married to the king of Scots. This
king Henry, in his lifetime, began the building of the church and
steeple of Westminster, but did not thoroughly finish the same before
his death.
KiNc kdwaed's miraculous preseevation. 577
EDWARD THE FIRST/
In the time of the death of king Henry, Edward, his eldest son, Edwardi.
was absent in Gascony, as a little before you heard ; yet notwith- "^TdT
standing, by Robert Kilwarby, archbishop of Canterbury, and other 1272.
bishops and nobles, he was ordained heir and successor to his flxther ; ~
on hearing of whose death, he returned home to his country, and was
crowned a. d. 1274. On that occasion he laid down his crown, saying,
he would no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the
lands appertaining to the same. This Edward, who had always
before been a loving and natural child to his flithcr, whom he had
delivered out of prison and captivity ; hearing afterwards of the death
of his son, and of that of his father, both together, wept and lamented
much more for his father, than for his son, saying to the French
king, who asked the cause thereof, that the loss of his child was but
light ; for children might afterwards increase and be multiplied, but
the loss of his parent was gi-eater, which could not be recovered.''^ So
Almighty God, for his piety shown to his father, rewarded him again Piety to
with great success, felicity, and long reign, insomuch that he being fewa"(ied
young, as he was playing at chess with a certain soldier of his, °^^°^-
suddenly having occasion given, rose up and went his way ; who had a miracle
only just voided the place, when incontinent fell down a mighty stone piesen-"*
from the vault above, directly upon the place where he had sat, able ^^l^l^l
to have quashed him in pieces, if he had tarried ever so little more ;
in whose preservation, as I see present the hand and mighty pro-
vidence of the living God, so, in the king's order again, I note a False
fault or error worthy of reprehension, in that he, after receiving such ^^^k-^
a lively benefit at the hand of the living Lord, and going therefore ^^^^^^^'
on pilgrimage to Walsingham, gave thanks not only to our Lord, but giveththe
rather to a rotten block.^ and a '
Of the gentle nature of this coui-ageous prince, sufficient proof is
dumb
stock
given by this one example. One day being in his disport of ha\vking, ''atu^the
he chanced sharply to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen,
for what fault I cannot tell, about his hawk : the gentleman, being
on the other side of the river, hearing his menacing words, was glad,
as he said, that the river was between them. With this answer the
courageous blood of this prince being moved, upon present heat he
leaped straight into the flood, being both of a swift stream and of a
dangerous deepness, and no less hard in getting out. Notwith-
standing, either forgetting his own life, or neglecting the danger pre-
sent, and having a good horse, he ventureth his own death, to have
the death of his man. At length, with much difficulty recovering the ^/pJlnce
bank, with his sword drawn he pursueth his provoker, who having not Jy^^^'^-. ^^
so good a horse, and seeing himself in danger of being taken, reineth be lean.
up his horse, and returning back bareheaded unto the prince, sub- kings and
mitteth his neck under his hand to strike. The prince, whose fervent p"°'=^*-
(1) Edition 15C.i, p. 74. Ed. 158:!, p. 339. Ed. 159C, p. 310. Ed. I68J, vol. i. p. 386.
(2) Rob. Avesbury. Also from the Chronicles of Ihonias Walsingham. p. 44. (3) Ibid.
VOL. n. p P
r,78
WALKS SUBDUED.
A.D.
1272.
Wales
.siibducil.
The
k inn's
eldest .HOI)
prince of
Wales.
Vain pro-
phecies
not to be
sought tu.
Punish-
ment for
bakers
and mil-
lers.
The sta-
tute of
mortmain
first
enacted.
A.D.1279
Black-
friars by
Ludgate
built.
Boston
blemish-
ed with
(ire.
Westmin-
ster
church
finished.
stomacli tlic water of tlio whole river could not quench, a little sub-
niis.sion of hi.s man did .so cool, that the quarrel dropped, his anger
ceased, and his sword was put uj) without any stroke given. x\nd so
both returned to tlieir gjune, good friends again.'
In the beginning of his reign, the king had much ado in Wales,
where lie had divers conflicts with the Welshmen, whom he at last
subdued, and cut down their woods, suppressed rebellions, and van-
quishing their kings Llewelyn and his brother, ordained his eldest son
Kdward, born in the same country, to be prince of Wales. This Llew-
elvii, captain of the Welshmen here mentioned, rebelling against king
Milward, asked counsel byway of conjuration, what event should come
upon his attempt ; to whom it was told, that he should go forward boldlv,
for doubtless he should ride through Cheapside in London, with a
crown on his head. Which so came to pass ; for, being slain, his
head with a crown of silver was carried through Cheap to London
Bridge. By this, men may learn not to seek or stick to these vain
prophecies, which though they fidl true, yet are they but the trains of
the devil to deceive men.
About this time there was a great earthquake, and such a rot, that
it consumed a great multitude of sheep in the land, through the
occasion, as they say, of one scabbed sheep that came out of Spain.
The king returning from Wales to England, ordered certain new
laws for the wealth of the realm. Among many others, this was one :
authority w^as given to all mayors, bailiffs, and other officers to see
execution and punishment with the pillory on all bakers making
bread under the assize ; and with the tumbrel, on millers stealing
corn. See. ^Vithin two years after this, the statute of mortmain was
first enacted, which is as much as to say, that no man should give
unto the church any lands or rents, Avithout special license of the
About this time, being the seventh year of king Edward"'s reign
(a.d. 1279), Jews, for money-clipping, were brought to execution,
and in the same year began the foundation of the Black-friars by
Ludgate. The town of Boston was greatly wasted this year Avitli
fire. The halfpenny and farthing began first to be coined about the
same time, which Avas the eighth year of this king's reign. 'J'hc
fourth year after this, the gi'cat conduit in Cheap began to be made.
A.D. 1284. In the year following, the new work of the church of
Westminster (begun as is before premised in the third )'ear of
Henry III.) was finished, which was sixty-six years in edifying. The
Jews were utterly banished tliis realm of England at the same time,
for which the commons gave to the king a fifteenth,^ &c.
After that, the country of Wales was brought in a full order and
quiet by the hewing down of their woods, and casting down their old
holds, and building of new ; which all was brought to a perfect end,
about the twenty-fourth year of this king's reign.
Under^ the same king, about the beginning of his reign, the year was
so hot and dry, that from the month of May till near the month of Sep-
tember, there fell no rain ; insomuch that many died for heat, and the
vulgar people, in their reckoning of years, did count the time from the
(I ) Rob. Avcsbury, Nich. Trivet, and Tho.Walsingham. (2) Tho.Walsingham and Walt.Gisbiirn.
(S) The next four pages are placed by Foxe after tlie history of the dispute between Boniface VllI
iejvl Philip the Fair, at p. 600, and arc brought back hither, lo suit the chronological order.— Ed
CLERGY EXKMPTKD FKOM TUIUUTK. 579
said dry year long after. In tlic reign of this king, Walter Merton, Edwardi.
bishop of Rochester, built Merton CoUegc, Oxford. ~a1)~
About this time; in the days of king Edward, the chureh of Rome 1296.
began daily more and more to rise up, and swell so high in pride and ^^^.^^^
worldly dominion, that no king almost in his own country could do coiiege
any thing but as the pope pleased, who both had and ruled all, in all oxVord*.
countries, but chiefly here in England ; as partly by his intolerable a-°>27<.
tallage and pillage, bel'ore signified, may appear, partly by his injunc-
tions and commandments sent down, also by his donations and
reservations of benefices and church livings, also in deposing and The
disposing such as him listed, in place and office to bear rule : inso- ekcuon
much, that when the king and the church of Canterbury, in their ^^^^^^
election, had chosen one Robert Burnell, bishop of Bath and Wells realm
and chancellor, to be archbishop of Canterbury, pope Nicholas III. /^ecU
of his own singular presumptuous authority ruling the matter after ham made
his pleasure, frustrated their election, and thrust in another, named bishop of
John Peckham : for among all others, this hath always been one ^uri^'""
practice of the court of Rome, ever to have the archbishop of their a.d.i278.
own setting, or such one as thev might be sure of on their side, to a point of
•1 -ii- 11 11111 practice
weigh agamst the king and others, whatsoever need should happen, in the
By this John Peckham was ordained, that no spiritual minister Rome"
should have any more benefices than one, which also was decreed by
the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the pope's legates formerly
in England. Also, in the parliament he resisted the king in the right
of certain liberties pertaining to the crown, touching patronages and
such church matters.
About the beginning of this king's reign, after the decease of a.d.i2;9.
Walter, archbishop of York, William Wicewanger succeeding in that
see, and minding to go on visitation, came to Durham to visit the
church and chapter there ; but the clergy and the people of the city variance
shut the gates against him, and kept him out, whereupon rose no small the arch-
disturbance. The archbishop let fly his curse of excommunication york''aI',d
and interdiction against them. The bishop of Durham again, with the cler^'y
,., I'liii- • 1- 1 1 °,of Dur-
his clergy, despised all his cursings, grounding themselves upon the ham.
constitution of Innocent IV. ' De censibus et exactionibus \ and so
they appealed to Rome, saying. That he ought not to be received
there, before he had first begun to visit his own chapter and diocese,
which he had not done; for so say the words of the constitution — " We
ordain and decree, that every archbishop that will visit his province,
first must procure to visit his own church, city, and diocese.""'
After the death of John Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, above ^I^^J^'^,
mentioned, succeeded Robert Winch elsey. To this Robert Winchelsey sey, arch-
pope Boniface VIII. directed down a solemn bull from Rome, as also cantM.-*^
unto all other quarters of the universal church, in the which bull was con- ^^"JJ;,294.
tained and decreed, directly against the rule of Scripture and christian Ecdesias-
obedience, that no church or ecclesiastical person should henceforth ^j;"^ p^^
yield to his king or temporal magistrate either any giving, or lending, emp^ed
or promising of tribute, or subsidy, or portion whatsoever, of the goods pope from
and possessions to him belonging; but should be clearly exempted [;1>™,^j3
and discharged from all such subjection of tallage or subvention to be ^*',^^'^J;|;;.
exacted of them in the behoof of the prince and his affairs. Which proceed-
decree manifestly rebelleth against the commanded ordinance of God, against
the mani-
(1) Sexti Decret. lib. iii. tit. 20.— Ed
580 VARI.WC'R BKTWKF.X TUK KIN'G AND HIS CLERGY.
F.dwardi. and tlic apostolic canon of St. Peter, and all other examples of holy
• Scriptnrc. For ns there is no word in the Scripture that excludeth
1297. spiritual men more than temporal from obedience and subjection to
r^^ princes, so if it chance the prince in his exacting to be too rigorous
in'sJIl'i'nK or cruel in oppression, that is no cause for the clergy to be exempted,
flee'frnm but to bear the common burden of obedience, and to pray to God
JhekinK's ^jj ^^jj.^ j^,^ J „,Qve jl^c priucc's mind, and so, with prayer and patience,
not with pride and disobedience, to help and amend that which is
amiss. Concerning the bull of Boniface, if any there be who do not
credit the same so "to contam, or would for his mind see and read the
same, the words thereof are given below.'
This bull being directed, as it is said, from Rome to the archbishop
of Canterbury, and likewise through the whole universal church, under
the pope's authority, it chanced, not long after, that the king held
liis parliament at St. Edmundsbury, where was granted to him of all
cities and boroughs an eighth, and of the commons a twelfth of their
The cier- goods ; ouly the clergy by virtue of this bull stood stout, denying to
i^Tiuogive F^ fi"y ^I'i"? to the" king. This answer not well pleasing the king,
tribute to hewilleth them to deliberate better with themselves upon the matter,
the king. ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ advisement so to give him answer thereof against the
next parliament, which should be holden the morrow after St. Hilary
[Jan. 14th], at London.
The In conclusion, the parliament came ; the clergy persisted still in
seSed denial of their subsidy, alleging the pope's bull for their warrant and
SJ*"^ discharge ; whereupon the king likewise secludeth them from under
protec. liis protection and safeguard of his laws. And as concerning the
(1) The Copy of the Pope's Bull, wherein theClergij arc exempted from giving Tribute to Kings and
Princes.—" Bonifacius, &c. Ad sempiternam reiniemoriam. Clericis laicosinfestos oppido iradit
antiquitas. Quod et prseseiitium experimciita temporum manifeste declarant, dum suis finibus
non content! nituntur in vetitum et ad illicita sua frena relaxant, nee prudenter attendant quo-
niodo sit cis in clericos ecclesiasticasve personas et bona interdicta potesias. Cluinimo erclesiarum
pralatis, ecdesiis, ecclesiasticisque personis regularibus ct setularibus, imponuntur onera pravia,
ipsosque talliant, et eis coUectas impoiiunt, ct ab ipsis suorum proventuum vel bonorum liimi-
diam, deciniam, seu viresimam, vel quamvis aliam portionem aut quotam cxigunt et extorquent,
eosqiie moliuntur multifarie subjicere servituti, suajque subdere ditioni. Jit (quod dultnter
referimus) nonnuUi ecclesiarum praelati, ccclesiasticEeque personae, trepidantes ubi trepidanduin
uon est, transitoriam pacem quairentes, plus timentes majestatem temporalem otTendere quam
jeternam, taliura abusibus non tam temerarie quam improvide acquiescunt, sedis apostolicae
aulhoritate non obtenta. Nos igitur talibus actibus obviare volentes, de fratrum nostrorum
consilio apostolica aulhoritate statuimus— quod quicunque pra^lati. ecclcsiasticicve personae,
religiosse vel seculares. quorumcunque ordinuni, conditionis, scu status, collectas vel tallias,
dimidiam, decimam, vicesimam, seu centesimam suorum et ecclesiarum suarum proventuum vel
bonorum laicis solverint, vel promiseriiit, vel se soluturos concesscrint, aut quamvis aliam quan-
titalem, portionem, aut quotam ipsorum proventuum, vel bonorum aestimationis, vel valoris
ipsorum, sub adjutorii niutui, subventionis, subsidii.vel doni nomine, seu quovis alio titulo, vel modo.
•vel qu3»sito colore, absque autoritate sedis ejusdem ; necnon imperatores, reges, seu principes,
duces, comites, vel barones, potestates, capitanei, olliciales vel rectores, quocunque nomine cens«-
aiitur, civitatum, castroruni, seu quorumunque locorum constitutorum ubilibet, et quivis alius
i cujuscunque praeeminentia;, conditionis, et status, qui talia imposuerint, exegerint, vel receperint,
aut apud aedes sacras deposita ecclesiarum vel ecclesiasticarum personarum ubilibet arrestaverint,
saysierint, seu occupare prEESumpserint, vel arrestari, saysiri, aut occupari mandavcrint, aut
occupata, saysita, seu arrestata receperint; necnon omnes qui scienter in prsedictis dederint con-
silium, auxilium, vel favorem, publice vel occulte ; co ipso sententiam excommunicationis
incurrant. Universitates quoque qua in his culpabiles fuerint ccclesiastico supponimus inter-
dicto: praelatis et personis ecclesiasticis supradictis, in virtute obedieiitia-et subpuna dopositionis,
digtricte mandantes, ut talibus absque licentia expressa dictie sedis nullatenus acqiiicscant ;
quodque praetextu cujuscunque ohligationis, promissionis, et concessionis factarum hactenus vel
faciendarum in antea, priusquam hiijusmodi constitutio, prohibitio, seu pra^ceptum ad notitiaiu
ipsorum pervenerit, nihil solvaiit, nee supra-dicti s.xculares qunquo modo recipiant. Ei si solverint
vel prxdicli receperint, in sententiam excommunicationis incidant ipso facto. A supradictis autem
excommunicationis et interdict! scntentiis nullus absolvi valeat, pr.Tterquam in mortis articulo,
absque sedisapostolicocauthoritateetliceiilia special!, cum nostrEeintentionisexistattam horrendum
sxcularium potestatum abusum nullatenus sub dissimulatione transire. Non obstantibus quibus-
cunque privilegiis sub quibuscunque tenoribus, seu formis, seu modis, aut verborum conceptione
concessis imperatoribus, regibus, et aliis supradictis; qu£E contra prsemissa in nullo volumus alicui
vel aliquibus suffragari. Nulli igitur hominum liceat banc paginam nostra; constitutionis, pro-
hibitionis, seu prsEccpti infriugere seu ausu tcmerario conlraire. Datum Komie ad sanctum Petrum,
VI. Kal. Marlii, pontificatus nostri anno .secundo." [Feb. 2Jth, a.d. 129C.]— Ex Chron. Rob. Gis-
burnensis. (Collated with the copy in Knighton, and in the Corp. Juris. Canonici, and corrected.
Dr. Brady gives a translation of it. — Ed.]
VARIANCE liETWEKN THE KING AND HIS SUBJECTS. 581
archbishop of Canterbury, above mentioned, because he was found Edwardi.
more stubborn than the rest, and was the inciter to the other, he ^ ^
seized upon all his goods, and caused an inventory of the same to be 1297.
enrolled in the exchequer. Notwithstanding, divers of the other ^^^^7^^.
bishops relented soon after to the king, and contributed the fifth of iJisiiopof
their goods unto him, and were received again to favour. bury's
In the life of this king's father it was declared before, how the said fiscafed*"'
kinff Henry III., after divers wars and commotions had with his ["■■ stub-
barons, had granted certain liberties and freedoms written and con-
tained in ' Magna Charta,' and in ' Charta de Foresta.' Concerning '
which matter, much business happened in this king's days also in the Variance
realm, between the king and his barons and commons. The occasion kin^'Ed-
was this : A sack of wool which before paid bnt a mark to the king, J*?"'' »'"'
was now by this king raised up to forty shillings. After this, the and com-
king having a journey to make into Flanders, sent to his barons and """*■
divers other to give their attendance and service in the same, which
they refused and denied to do. The king, notwithstanding, persisting
in his purpose, Avith such a power as he had prepared toward his
journey. To whom being in his way at Winchelsca the aforesaid earls,
barons, and commons, sent certain petitions contained in writing, under Petitions
the name of the arclibishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, earls and "oi'J'a.l'rt*'
barons, with the whole commonalty of the realm. In which writing, commons
first lamenting and complaining of their afflicted state and misery, king,
after humble manner they desired their lord the king to redress and
amend certain grievances among them.
And first, they declared in the name of the wliole community of the land,
that the premunitions or writs directed to them for their attendance upon his
grace into Flanders, were not sufficient; for that there was no certain place in
the said writs specilied unto them, wliither to come for making their provision,
and preparing money and other things according to the same.
And if the place" had been to them signified, yet, because none of their
ancestors ever served the king over into Flanders before, the commons there-
fore thought themselves not bound to any service in that country.
And aliaeit ihey had been so bound thereunto, yet they were not able to do it,
beino- so heavily oppressed with so many tallages, taxes, tolls, customs, and
such prices of corn, oats, tin, wool, leather, oxen, kine, flesh, fish, &c. : and
besides all this, having no penny of wages given them to relieve their charges.
Wherefore, they were not able to render service, seeing that poverty like a
heavy burden did for the aforesaid reasons miserably oppress them, insomuch that
some of them had not enough to support themselves withal, and many of them
were not able to till their own ground.
They alleged, moreover, that they were not now handled after the old laws
and customs of the land, as their ancestors were wont. Many also found them-
selves ao-p-rieved in that they were not used according to the articles contained
in ' Magna Charta;' and again that the ' Charta de Foresta' was not observed Mapna
nor kept, as it was wont to be. Wherefore, most humbly they beseeched the [,{j^5;|iJ|,
king, both for his own honour and for the wealth of his people, that of these j.-or^st'a. ^
things they might find redress.
For the'custom, moreover, of wool, the whole commons bewailed to the king Custom
their grief, in that for every sack of wool there was fined to the king forty for wool
shillings, and for every sack of tosed wool ' seven marks ; the which wool of
England, as it doth rise to the value of half the realm, so the tollage of the
same surmounteth to the fifth part of the valuation of the whole land.
And because the connnons wished the honour and preservation of their king
(as they were bound to do), they thought it not good for his grace to sail over
to Flanders, unless he had better assurance of the fidelity of the Flemings,
especially at this time^ when the Scots were so busy ; who, if they began to rebel
he being at home in his land, much more were they like to stir he being nbroad
(1 ) To ' tose,' the same as ' teaze,' i. e. to comb. Todd's Johnson.— Er.
(2) For the explanation of this allusion, see infrJ, p. 584.- En.
,'582 ARTici.Ks y\i)i)r.n to magna chauta.
Edtrardl. out of the land. And that, not only for the Scots, but also for that the lik
- — - — peril was to be doubted of other foreign nations and kingdoms, which as ye
A. U. were in no firm peace with England.
'— To these petitions, the king said that he could as yet make no
kil.K's rcsohite answer, for that some of his council were gone over already
t'he*eii'" ^^ Flanders, some were yet at London. Notwithstanding, at his
tions of return again from P'landcrs (which he trusted should be speedily) they
xZuom- should tlicn hear his answer, and know more of his mind concerning
'"°"''- the same. In the mean time, this he required of them, to keep good
rule at home while he was forth. What answer the king had minded
to make them at his return, it is uncertain, which pcradvcnture had
turned to a bloody answer, but occasion served otherwise, and turned
all to agreement ; for the Scots with their captain AVilliam Wallace,
(sccinfri, hereafter specified, in the mean time (the king being absent) invaded
v-^^*i the realm with such violence, that prince Edward, the king's son, who
was left to rule in his father's stead, was forced to assemble a parlia-
(sept.3o,j ment, and to call for the earl of Norfolk, high marshal of England, and
the earl of Hereford and Essex, high constable, with other earls, barons,
knights, and esquires, to entreat peace and concord between his father
and them. Who coming np to London, with fifteen hundred well-
armed soldiers, and obtaining the gates of the city with their own men,
fell at length to agreement with the prince, upon composition to have
the articles of ' Magna Charta,' and of ' Charta de Foresta,' confirmed ;
and that, by his means and mediation, they might be assured of the king's
displeasure to be removed from them. To the which aforesaid articles
of ' Magna Charta' certain other articles were adjoined withal, which
here follow.
Art'f'" First, No tallage or subsidy by the king or his heirs to be imposed or levied
Magna*" liereafter within tlie realm of England, without the common assent of the arch-
charta. bishops, bishops, and other prelates, earls, barons, knights, burgesses, and com-
mons of the realm.
Item, No taker or servitor of the king, or of his heirs, henceforth, within this
realm, to take grain, wool, leather, or any other goods of any man, without the
will and consent of the owner.
Item, No taking to be hereafter, under the name of tribute, for any sack of wool.
Item, To be granted by the king and his heirs after him, both to the clergv
and laity of this realm, to have and to enjoy all their laws, liberties, and free
customs, in as ample manner as they were wont at any time heretofore.
Item, If any decrees or statutes have been made and set forth by the king or
his predecessors contrary to these aforesaid articles, the same to stand void and
of no effect for ever.
Aprcc- Besides these articles, also in the same composition was contained,
concluded that all grudge and displeasure between the king and barons for not
befweei'f'^ going to FLindcrs ceasing, the earls and barons might be assured to
the king be rcceivcd again into the king's favour.
Kirons. These things thus agreed upon, and by mediation of the prince
uerltT"' "^^^ c(»nfirmed and sealed with the king his father's seal, so was all
and good tlic Variance pacified, to the great comfort of the people, and no less
kuig'Li- strength of the realm against their enemies ; and most chicfiy to the
ward. conmicndation of the gentle and wise nature of the king, who, as he
was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his subjects, so no less
constant was he, in keeping that which he had promised.
In this meanwhile there happened another broil, as great or greater,
with Scotland, to the great disquiet of the king and the realm of
England for many years. This trouble first began by the death of
Alexander, king of Scots, who died without issue left alive behind
JOHN I!AI-IOL .MADK KING OF SCOTLAND. 583
liim : althougli Fabian in the seventh book of his Chronicles affirmeth Edwardi.
that he left three daughters, the eldest married to Sir John Baliol, ^ ^
the second to Robert Bruce, the third to one Hastings. But this in 1292.
Fabian is to be corrected, as which neither standeth not with itself,
but is clearly convicted by the witness and history of Robert Aves-
bury and also of Gisburn.
For first, if king Alexander had left his eldest daughter married
to Sir John Baliol, then what controversy might rise among the lords
about succession, needing so diligent and anxious deciding by the
king of England ? Secondly, what claim or title could the king of
Norway have to the crown of Scotland, who was one of the challengers,
claiming the said crown in the behalf of Margaret, the niece' of the
aforesaid king Alexander, her grandfather, if the eldest daughter of the
father had been left alive ? Thirdly, what can be more plain, when Lack of
by the affirmance of the aforesaid story it is testified, that king Alex- s"o^,l^fwi.at
ander had two wives, of the second whereof he had no issue? Of aifce"it
the first he had two children, Alexander, who died before his ftither, worketu
and Margaret married to the king of Norway, who died also before "eatm.
her fjither, of whom came Margaret the niece* of Alexander, and
daughter to the king of Norway before mentioned ; and she also died
in the journey between Norway and Scotland, the fourth year after
the decease of her grandfather. Wherefore, as this matter standeth
most clear, so let us now, returning from whence we digressed, prose-
cute the rest that followeth. After that Alexander thus, as is said,
departed without issue, and also Margaret his niece in Norway was
deceased, the matter came to a great doubt among the nobles of
Scotland (especially twelve by name), to whom the right of the crown
should next pertain. After much variance among parties, at length
the election and determination of the matter was committed to the
judgment of king Edward of England. Who, after sufficient proof The king
made to the Scots, and firm evidence brought out of all the ancient und"^'
histories both of England and Scotland, testifying from time to time p™^;^^ "x
that he was chief head and sovereign of the realm of Scotland, first, ^jj^^'^s^^^^
by necessity of the law, and by all their consents, took full possession ot \ot^
of the same ; and, that done, adjudged the right of the crown to John '^"0:1292.
Baliol,^ who descended of the eldest daughter of David, earl of Hun-
tingdon, brother to William I., king of Scotland in the days of king
Henry H. This earl David had three daughters, Margaret, married
to Alan earl of Galloway; Isabel, to Robert Bruce; and Ada, to
Henry lord Hastings. Alan earl of Galloway had Dorvagile, married
to John Baliol, father to this John Baliol, king of Scots ; and Helen,
married to Roger Quincy, earl of Winchester, constable of Scotland.
When these things were thus finished in Scotland, and Sir John sir joi.n
Baliol, as most rightful inheritor, had received the crown of Scotland ^'itde
at the hands of king Edward thankfully, and for the same in the ^-ns of^
presence of the barony of England and of Scotland did unto the said by kmg
king Edward his homatje, and sware to him fealty ;' the Scots, with Kin^-nf
thefr new king, returned into Scotland, and king Edward removed j;^;^'^,^""'
again to England, a.d. 1292. ^';^J^„f
" But not long after, the falseness of this Scottish kmg soon appeared, England,
who, repenting him of his homage done, untruly forsook his former
CI) See note (2), vol. i. p. 8').- Kd. (2) The whole process is given in Kymer.— Ed.
(3) At Newcastle, Dec. 2fith, a. d. I2;i2. Kymer.— Ed.
5s4' Tiib: scors nisz, asu auk agaix sUBUCEn.
EdwardJ. oath aiul piuniisc, and made war against king Edward, through the
^ D counsel of the abbot of iMclros. Wherefore the king with a great
129n.' host sped him into Scotland, and in process laid siege to the town of
f,,i,,„,,^ Berwick, which the Scots did eagerly defend, not only to the discom-
of the fiture, but also to the derision, of the king and his English host. But
k^ng!'"*" in conclusion, the Englishmen prevailed and won the town, where
Townnnd ^ycrc slaiu of the Scots to the number of five and twenty thousand.
iTerwick ^V'hile the king was there busied in winning other holds about the
EnK- same, he sent part of his host to Dunbar, where the Englishmen again
"""• had the victory, and slew of the Scots twenty thousand, Gisburn saith
lu^st'iy""' Ij'it, ten thousand ; so that very few were lost of the English company.
punisned. '^'jj^, |.jj^o.^ y.^^]^ ^ great number of prisoners returning into his realm,
Aug. 22d, shortly after sped him over unto Flanders (as is above touched'), where
*""'"^' he sustained great trouble by the French king, till truce for certain
space was between them concluded. But, in the mean while that
king Edward was thus occui)ied beyond the seas, the French king,
resorting to his old-practised manner, set the Scots secretly against
The Scots the Englishmen to keep the king at home ; which Scots, making them-
asaln. sclvcs a Captain named ^Villiam ^V\1llace, warred upon the borders of
Northumberland, where they did much liurt. At length the king, re-
second turning from Bordeaux into England, shortly upon the same took his
of king journey into Scotland, where meeting at York with the host, he marches
i^'t^s'c^ot- '"*^" '•I'c realm of Scotland, winning, as he went, towns and castles,
'a"d- till at length coming to the town of Falkirk on Mary Magdalen's day,
Notable he met with the power of Scotland, and had with them a sore fight,
asl\n?t but, through God's providence, the victory fell to the right cause of
jliiv 2°2.i' Englishmen : so that of the Scots were slain in the field, as it is of divers
A.D.r2U8. writers affirmed, above the number of thirty and two thousand, and of
Englishmen but barely twenty-eight persons.^ Whereupon the king,
again taking possession and fealty of the whole land, returned hoine.
A.n.i2!)9. And yet the false untruth of the Scots would not thus be ruled,
swornTo'* ^^^^ ^'"^^ ^P '" '''• "*^^^' ^^''^^^ ' ^^ ^^'^^ ^^^^ 1^'"" ^^^^ cuforccd to make
the king's his powcr again the year following into Scotland, where he so suppressed
ance. the rebellion of the lords and of the commons, that they, swearing to
the king's allegiance, presented themselves by great companies, and
put themselves wholly at the king's grace and mercy : so that the king,
thinking himself to be in peaceable possession, and in a great surety
of the land, caused to be sworn unto him the rulers of the boroughs,
cities, and towns, with other officers of the land, and so returned unto
Berwick, and so into England, and lastly to Westminster.
These martial affairs between England and Scotland, although they
appertain not greatly to the purpose of our story ecclesiastical, yet so
much, by the Avay, 1 thought briefly to touch, whereby the better it
might be understanded by these premises, that which followcth in the
sequel iiereof.' As the Scots were thus warring and raging against
the king, and saw they could not make their party good, they sent
j)rivily to pope Boniface VIII. for his aid and counsel : who imme-
The diately sendeth down his precept to the king, to this effect, that he
llle8sa^'p should hereafter surcease to disquiet or molest the Scots, for that they
kiily^ were a people exempt, and properly pertaining to his chapel ; and
therefore it could not otherwise be, but that the city of Jerusalem
must needs defend its own citizens, and, as the Mount Sion, maintain
(I) Supra, pp. .')81, 582.— E». (5) Ex Fabiano. (3) E.\ Chron. Tho. Walsinghara et Avcsbuiy
TllK I'OPk's challenge AND THE KINg's AX.SWl.K. 585
such as trust in the Lord, &c. Whercunto the king briefly niakcth ndwardi
answer again, swearing with an oath, that he would to his uttermost a. D.
keep and defend that wliich was his right, and known as such to all 1301.
the world. Thus the Scots, bearing themselves bold upon the pope's '^^
message, and also confederating themselves with the Frenchmen, ^^^'^
passed over that year. The next year after that (which was the twenty-
eighth year of the king's reign), the said pope Boniface directeth
his letters again to the king,' wherein he doth vindicate the kingdom The pope
of Scotland to be proper to tlie church of Rome, and not subject to the ^fh gt"?."
king of England ; showing, therefore, that it was against God, against 'and <" i^e
. ,^ o^^o free from
Justice, and also prejudicial to the church of Rome, for him to have or the do-
hold any dominion upon the same; which he proved by these reasons:^ — England!
First, that when khig Henry, the father of this king, requested aid of Alex-
ander, king of Scots, his son in hivv, in liis wars against Simon Mountfort, he
recognised and acknowledged by his letters patent, that he received the same
of king Alexander, not of any subjection or duty, but only of special favour.
Item, that when the said king Alexander attended the coronation of this
king Edward, he did it as a favour, not as a duty, as Edward confessed by his
letters patent.
Item, that when the said king Alexander did homage to the said king Edward,
he did it not as king of Scotland, but only for certain lands of Tindal and Pen-
rith, lying in England.
Item, that when the said king Alexander left behind him Margaret his heir,
being niece to the king of England, and yet under age ; yet the wardship of
the said Margaret was committed not to the king of England, as her superior
lord, but to certain lords of Scotland, deputed to the same.
Moreover, when any legation was directed down from Rome to the realms of
England and Scotland, for collecting of tenths or other causes, the said lega-
tion took no place in the realm of Scotland, and might well be resisted (as it was
in king Alexander's^ days) in virtue of a special privilege granted to the Scots
by the holy see, except another special commission touching the realm of
Scotland were joined withal. Whereby it appeareth, that these be two several
dominions, and not subject under one.
Adding, furthermore, that the kingdom of Scotland first was converted by
the relics of the blessed apostle St. Peter,* through the divine operation of God,
to the unity of the catholic faith.
Wherefore, upon these causes and reasons, pope Boniface, in his letters to
the king, required him to give over his claim, and cease his wars against the
Scottish nation, and to release all such, both of the spiritualty and the laity, as
lie had of them prisoners. Also, to call home again his officers and deputies,
which he had there placed and ordained to the grievance of that nation, to the
slander of all faithful people, and no less prejudice to the church of Rome.
And if he would claim any right or title to the said realm, or any part thereof,
he should send up his proctors specially to the same appointed, with all that he
could for himself allege, unto the see apostolic, there to receive what reason
and right would require."
The king, after he had received these letters of the pope, assembled a.d.isol
a council or parliament at Lincoln, by the advice of Avhich council and repiiethro
parliament, he addressed other letters respousal' to the pope again ; "^^ p"?"-
wherein first, in all reverend manner, he desireth him not to give
light ear to the sinister suggestions of false reporters, and imaginers of
mischief. Then he declareth out of old records and histories, that
" From the first time of the Britons the realm of Scotland hath always, from Scotland
time to time, been all one with England, beginning first with Brutus in the time all one
of Eli and Samuel the prophet : which Brutus, coming from Troy to this isle, |"J,j "^'
(1) Given at length in Rymer, dated Anajrni, 5 Cal. July, 5th year of the pontificate, i.e. June
27th, A.D. 1300. — Ed. (2) Corrected and amplified from VValsingham and Rymer. — Kd.
(3) •' When the cardinal of St. Adrian (afterward pope Adrian, my intimate friend) wa-s legate
there." VValsingham and Rymer. — Ed. (4) " St. Andrew." Rymer.— Ed.
(5) Given at length in Rynxcr, dated Keinisey, 11th May, a.o. 1301. — Ed.
586 TIIK TITI.K OK SCOri.ANU PROPER TO EXGLAXD.
Jidicardl. called then Albion, after called by him Britannia, had three sons ; Locrinus,
— to whom he gave that part of the land, called then of him Lcegria, now Anglia;
^- ^' Alhanactus, his second son, to whom he gave Albania, now called Scotia ; and
^301- l,is third son, Camber, to whom he gave Cambria, now called Wales.
" And thus much concerning the first division of this isle, as in ancient
histories is found recorded. In which matter, passing over the drowning of
king Humbcr, the acts of Donald, king of these realms, the division of them
between his sons Belyn and Brenne, and the victories of king Arthur, we will
resort," saith the king, " to more near limes, testified and witnessed by sufficient
authors, as Marianus Scotus, William Malmesbury, Roger Hovedeu, Henry
Huntingdon, Ralph de Diceto, and others, all of whom make special declara-
tion and give manifest evidence of the execution of this our right," saith he,
" and title of superiority ever continued and preserved hitherto.
" And first to begin with Edward the Elder, before the conquest, son to
Alured (or Alfred), king of England, about a.d. 901, it is plain and manifest,
that he had under his dominion and obedience the king of Scots : and here is
to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, that Marian the
Scot, writing that story in those days, granteth, confesseth, and testifieth the
same : and this dominion continued in that state twenty-four years. At that
time, Athelstan succeeded to the crown of England, and having by battle coii-
([uered Scotland, he made one Constantine, king of that parly, to rule and govern
ilie country of Scotland under him ; adding this princely word, that it was more
honour to him to make a king, than to be a king.
" Twenty-two years after that, which was a.d. 947, Edred the king, our pro-
genitor, Athelstan 's brother, took homage of Yric, then king of Scots.
" Twenty-six years after that, which was a.d. 973, king Edgar, our prede-
cessor, took homage of Kenneth, king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in
England by the death of St. Edward, king and martyr, destroyed by the deceit
of his mother-in-law, but yet the Scots did not rebel.
'• Forty-four years after the homage done by Kenneth to king Edgar, that is
to say, A.D. 1017, Malcolm, the king of Scots, did homage to Canute our prede-
cessor. After this homage done, the Scots uttered some piece of their natural
disposition, whereupon (by war made by our progenitor St. Edward the Con-
fessor, thirty and nine years after that homage done, that is to say, a.d. \ObQ),
Macbeth, king of Scots, was vanquished, and the realm of Scotland given to
Malcolm, son of the king of Cumberland, by our said progenitor St. Edward,
unto whom the said Malcolm did homage and fealty.
" Within ten years after that, William the Bastard entered this realm, whereof
he accounted no conquest perfect until he had likewise subdued the Scots; and,
therefore, in the sixth year of his reign (which was a.d. 1071) Malcolm, king of
Scots, rebelling, was forced to do homage to the said William as to his superior.
" Sixteen years after that, which was a.d. 1087, the said Malcolm did homage
and fealty to William Rufus, son to the said William the Bastard ; and after
that, being slain in the third year of his reign, his son Duncan was substituted
in his place, who likewise was treacherously slain ; and therefore was ordained
in that estate by the said William Rufus Edgar, brother to the last Duncan, and
son to Malcolm aforesaid, who did iiis homage and fealty accordingly, a.d. lOOfi.
" Eleven years after that, which was a.d. 1107, the said Edgar, king of the
Scots, died ; when his brother Alexander was substituted in his place by Henryl.,
our progenitor.
" Twenty-nine years after that, David king of Scots did homage to Matilda,
the enipcratrice, as daughter and heir to Henry I., a.d. 113G. Wherefore
being afterwards required by Stephen, then obtaining possession of tlie realm,
to make his homage, he refused so to do, because he had before made it to the
said Matilda, and thereupon forbore. Notwithstanding, Henry, the eldest sou
of the said David, did homage to the said king Stephen.
" In the sixteenth year of the reign of Henry II., which was a.d. 1170,
William, king of Scots, and David his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland,
did homage to the son of Henry II., with areservalion of their duty to his father.
" Four years after that, which was a.d. 1174, William, king of Scotland,
after much rebellion and resistance according to their natiu-al inclination (king
Henry H. then being in Normandy), acknowledged finally his error, and made
his peace and composition, confirmed with his great seal, and tiie seals of the
nobility of Scotland, doing therewith his homage and fealty.
LETTER OV PAIU-IAMENT TO THE POI'K. 587
" Within fifteen years after that, which was a.d. 1189, tlie said William, king KJuardl.
of Scots, came to our city of Canterbury, in the month of December, and there
did homage to our noble progenitor king Richard I. '^- ^•
" Eleven years after that, the said William did homage to our progenitor J;.^^^'
king John, upon a hill beside Lincoln, making his oath upon the cross of
Hubert, then archbishop of Canterbury, and there present, and a marvellous
multitude assembled for that purpose, a.d. 1200.
" Fifty-one years after that, which was a.d. 1251, Alexander, king of Scots,
married Margaret, the eldest daughter of our progenitor Henry III., at our
city of York, at the feast of Christmas : at which tune the said Alexander did
his homage to our said progenitor, who reigned in this realm fifty-six years.
And, therefore, between the homage made by the said Alexander, king of
Scotland, and the homage done by the same Alexander, king of Scots, to us
at our coronation at Westminster, there was twenty-three years. At that time,
the said Alexander, king of Scots, repaired to the feast of our coronation, and
there did he his duty as is aforesaid." '
Besides these letters of the king, the lords temporal also, in the
name of the whole community and parliament, wrote another letter
to the pope answering to that, whereas tlie pope arrogated to him to
be judge for the title to the realm of Scotland, which the king of
England claimed to himself; which letter I also thought here to
annex, containing as in the words of the same here foUoweth to be
read and seen.
The Lords Temporal, and the whole Barony of England, to the
Pope.
The holy mother church of Rome, by whose ministry the catholic faith is A letter o/"
governed, proceedeth in her acts (as we firmly believe and hold) with that ripe- JemiMrl^
ness in judgment, that she would prejudice none, but, like a fond mother, would to the
have every one else's rights preserved unimpaired as well as her own. Whereas P°P*-
therefore in a general parliament convoked at Lincoln by our most serene lord
Edward, by the grace of God the illustrious king of England, the same our lord
caused certain apostolic letters which he had received from you, about certain
matters touching the condition and state of the realm of Scotland, to be openly
exhibited and read to us seriatim : having heard and diligently considered the
same, we perceived that they contained things which amazed us, and such as
were hitherto unheard of. For we know, most holy father, and it is notorious
in the parts of England, and not unknown in some quarters besides, that ever
since England first became a kingdom, as well in the times of the Britons as of
tlie English, its kings had the supreme and direct dominion over the realm of Scot-
land, and have been in possession of the said dominion without interruption in
all successive periods ; nor did the said realm at any time belong, nor does it by
any sort of right belong, to the aforesaid church : nay, the same realm of Scot-
land of old time was in fee to the kings of England, ancestors of our aforesaid
lord, as well as to himself. Furthermore, the kings and the realm of the Scots
were never subject to, nor wont to be subject to, any other than the kings of
England; nor have the kings of England ever answered, nor ought they to
answer, for their rights in the aforesaid realm, or for any other their temporali-
ties, before any judge ecclesiastical or secular, by reason of the free pre-eminence
of the state of their royal dignity and custom, kept without breach at all times
Wherefore, after treaty had, and diligent deliberation on the contents of your
aforesaid letters, it was and is the common, agreeing, and unanimous feeling of
one and all, and shall be so immoveably in time to come, by God's grace — that
our aforesaid lord the king ought by no means to answer, judicially, touching
any of his rights in the realm of Scotland, or any other his temporalties, before
you, nor undergo your judgment by any means, nor should bring his aforesaid
( 1 ) The foregoing historical summary is in Avcsbury and Walsingham : it is also given by Rynier,
from the Records, who also gives a precept of the king (dated Sept. 26, a.d. 1300) to divers chapters
and monasteries, and Oxford lawyers, to produce all the information they could discover touching
the question, by the octaves of St. Hilary. A similar historical epitome is also given by Rymer,
«..D. 12;)2, much more resembling this. From Avesbury and Rymtr Foxe's text is corrected.— £i>.
■J88 ANOTHF.ll COITISH ia:BKLLU)N SUPPRESSED.
Edwardl. rii,'lits info question, nor ou-ht to send any proctors or messengers to your
presence for tliat pu pose : especially seeing that the premises would manifestly
A. D. go to the disinheriting of the right of the crown of England, and the plain
1306. overthrow of the state of the said realm, and also to the prejudice of the liber-
ties, customs, and laws of our fathers; to the keeping and defence of which we
are 'hound bv the duty of our oath made ; add which wc will maintain with all
our power, "and defend, by God's help, with all our might. And further,
we neither do nor will (neither can we nor ought we to) suffer our aforesaid lord
the kin" by any means to do or to attempt the premises, being so unusual,
impropt^r, prejudicial, and hitherto unheard of. Wherefore, we reverently and
humbly beseech your holiness, that ye would kindly allow the same our lord
the king (who among other princes of the world, showeth himself catholic and
devout to the Komish church) peaceably to enjoy his rights, liberties, customs,
and laws, without diminution or molestation, and to let them continue untouched.
In witness whereof we have set our seals to these presents, as well for our-
selves as for the whole community of the aforesaid realm of England. Given
at Lincoln, on the twelfth day of February, in the year of our Lord 1301, and
in the twenty-ninth year of Edward J.'
A.D.1302. I'lie vcar next following (a.d. 1302), tlie said pope Boniface, the
l\Uh^ eiglith (if that name, taking displeasure with Philip the French king,
i''"? excited king Edward of England to war against him, promising him
k^ng"'' great aid thereunto. But he (as mine author saith), little trusting
the pope's false unstable aifection toward him well proved before, put
hiui off with delays.2 Whereupon, the French king, fearing the
power of king Edward, whom the pope set against his friendship,
[May 20, restored unto him again Gascony, which he wrongfidly had in his
iivml-r']'' hands detained. Concerning this variance here mentioned between
tlie pope and the French king, how it began first, and to what end it
tell out, the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall declare, after I have
finished the discourse begun between England and Scotland.
.Another Ncxt year the aforesaid William Wallace, who had done so many
n-MuL <lispleasures to the king before, continuing still in his rebellion,
Mippr^s- gathered great multitudes of the Scots to withstand the king, till at
"^' length in the year following he was taken, and sent up to London,
[Aug.23d, and there executed for the same. After which things done, the king
fa,,^-] then held his parliament at Westminster, whither came out of Scot-
[Sei.t.15.1 land the bishop of St. Andrews, Robert Bruce, grandson of Robert
Bruce above mentioned, the earl of Uunbar, the earl of Athol, and
sir .Tolm Comming,^ with divers others, who voluntarily were sworn to
The pope be true to the kiiig of England, and to keep the land of Scotland to
wiXduf his use against all persons. l^ut shortly after the said Robert Bruce,
obedience forgetting liis oath before made unto the king, by the counsel of the
ofsubjects abbot of Scone and the bishop of St. Andrews sent up unto pope
their"'" Clement V. for a dispensation of his oath made, insinuating to him,
'"'"'•■^" that king Edward vexed and grieved the realm of Scotland wrongfully ;
whereupon the pope wrote unto the king to leave off such doings. Not-
The withstanding this inhibition of the po])e, the king, prosecuting his own
mrhi'tion 1-ight, after he had understanding of the doings of the Scots and of the
"n'^En^f mischief of Robert Bruce, who liad slain with his own hands sirJolm
land. Comming, for not consenting with him and other lords at his parlia-
Another mcut, arraved his power and strength of men, preparing himself
ofthe"" toward Scotland ; where, joining with the said sir Robert and all his
Scots. power of Scotland in a plain, near unto St. John's Town,* he put
him to flight, and so chased the Scots, that of them were slain to the
(I) Corrected from the originai. printed in Uj-mer.— En. (21 F.x Rob. Avesbury.
a) " Comminn." or Comyn.— I'.i>. (4) Al Melhven neni Veitli, June 2^th, l:i06.— Ei».
rriAUACTKU OF POPF, EOXIFACE VIII. 589
immber of seven thousaiitl. In tlie wliicli victory, such bisliops and Euwardi
abbots as were taken he sent to the pope ; the tenijioral lords and other ^^ q
Scots he sent to London, &c. Sir Robert Bruce, after this disconi- i;307.
fiture, when lie had thus lost both the field and his chief friends, ^"~
seeing himself not able to make his party good, fled into Norway, suijdiied.
where he kept his abode during the time while king Edward lived.
When this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots, he yielded
thanks to God for his victorv, and so setting the land in a quiet and
an order, he returned unto London ; which was in the thirty-fifth and
last year of his reign, a.d. 1307.
Now returning to that which I promised before, touching the vari-
ance and grievous dissension between Philip the French king and
pope Boniface VIII. After the bishopric of Rome had been long
void through the dissension of the cardinals, for the space of two Pore ni-
years and three months ; at length pope Celestine was chosen sue- po^g^o^,'
cessor to pope Nicholas IV. Which Celestine, in his first consistory, vacant
began to reform the clergy of Rome, thinking to make it an example p^p^^^
to all other churches ; wherefore he procured to himself such hatred CeicstK
among his clergv, that this Boniface (then called Benedict) speaking
through a reed by his chamber wall, nightly admonished him, as it
had been a voice from heaven, that he should give over his papacy,
as being a burden bigger than he could wield.
This pope Celestine, after he had sat six months, by the treacliery Crafty
and falsehood of this Boniface was induced to give up and resign his i",fong^
bishopric, partly for the voice spoken of before, partly for fear ; being [^''J'^fijgijf
told by certain craftily suborned in his chamber, that if he did not
resign he would lose his life ; who then, after his resignation, going
to live in some solitary desert, being a simple man, was vilely taken
and thrust into perpetual prison by pope Boniface, craftily pretending
that he did it not for any hatred to Celestine, but that seditious
persons might not have him as their head to raise up some stir in the
church ; and so he was brought to his death. Wherefore this Boniface Tiie
was worthily called the eighth Nero ; of whom it was rightly said, he nSfo.
came in like a fox, reigned like a lion, and died like a dog.'
This pope Boniface succeeding (a.d. 1294), or rather invading Pop,
after Celestine, behaved himself so imperiously, that he put down "
princes, and excommunicated kings, such as did not take their con- Mischief
firmation at his hand. Divers of his cardinals he drove away for fear ; p°pe b^„.
some of them as schismatics he deposed and spoiled of all their sub- Jj^'^^^j.-,^^^
stance. Philip, the French king, he excommunicated, for not suffer-
ing his money to go out of the realm ; and therefore cursed both
him and his to the fourth generation. Albert, the emperor, not once
or twice, but thrice sought at his hands to be confirmed, and yet was
rejected, neither could obtain, unless he would promise to drive the
French king out of his realm. In the factious discord in Italy be-
tween the Guelphs and Ghibellines, which the part of a good cuciphs
bishop had been to extinguish, so little he helped to quench the beiiines,
smoke, that he of all others was the chiefest firebrand to increase the [J*„",s'^^,"
flame ; insomuch that upon Ash Wednesday, when Porchetus,' an Rome.
(1) Ex Massaeo.
(2) Vossius (de Script. I.at.) telli. this story of Jacobus de Vira;.'ine, archbishop of Genoa, citing
Blondus and Philippus Hcryomensis for liis authorities.— Ed.
Boniface
VIII.
".90
VAUIA>;CK BKTWEF.X THE HIF.KCII KINC, AW BONIFACE VIII.
French
I/isturif.
A.D.
i;50i.
Juliilcc
first be-
KUii in
Rome.
The pope
clainieth
and ))raf-
tisetli the
power of
iKjth
i words.
P.)pe Bo-
niface
VIII. au-
thor of
the Sixth
Book
of Decre-
tals.
A griev-
ous vari-
auce be-
tween
I'hilip
and Bo-
niface.
Letter of
pope Bo-
niface to
Philip,
kiujj of
Fr.iuce.
arclibisliop, came and kneeled down before liini to receive liis ashes,
pope lionii'acc looking upon him, and perceiving that he was one of
the Ghibollines' party, cast his handful of ashes in his eyes, saying,
" Memento, homo, (juod Gibellinus es," &c. That is, " Remember,
man, that a Gliibclline thou art, and to ashes thou shalt go." This
pope, moreover, ordained first the jubilee at Rome ; in the solemnizing
whereof, the first day he showed himself in his Pontificalibiis, and
gave free remission of sins to as many as came to Rome out of all
parts of the world ; the second day (being arrayed with imperial
ensigns) lie commanded a naked sword to be carried before him, and
said with a loud voice ; " Eccc potestatem utriusque gladii,"" that is,
" Lo ! here the power and authority of both the swords."
From that very year, as most stories do record, the Turks do begin
the first count of their Turkish emperors, whereof the first was Otto-
man, as you shall hear discoursed hereafter by God's grace in the
liistory of the Turks.
By this said pope Boniface, divers constitutions extravagant
of his predecessors Avcrc collected together, with many of his own
newly added thereto, and so made the book called " Sextus decre-
talium." &c. By him also first sprang up pardons and indulgences
from Rome.
These things thus premised of Boniface the pope, now will I come
to the occasion of the strife between him and the French king.* Con-
cerning which matter, first I find in the history of Nicholas Trivet, that,
A.u. 1301, the bishop of Pamiers, being accused for a conspiracy
against Philip the French king, was brought up to his court, and so
committed to prison. The pope, liearing this, scndetli word to the
king by his legate to set him at liberty. At the same time he
sendeth the king a bull beginning " Ausculta fili,'' ^ wherein he
revoketli all the graces and privileges granted either by him or his
predecessors before to the kingdom of P^ ranee, and threateneth to
thunder out the sentence of his curse against him, and, moreover,
citetli all the prelates and divines of France, and the lawyers both
civil and canon, to appear personally before him at Rome on a certain
day, which was the first of November in the following year. Over
and besides, Philip had offended the pope by giving and bestowing
prebends and benefices and other ecclesiastical livings, contrary to
the pope*'s profit ; for the which cause the pope writeth also to the
king by the aforesaid legate, in form and effect as followeth : —
Boniface, bishop, and servant to God's servants, to Philip, king of the French.
Fear God, and observe his commandments. We will thee to imderstand, that
thou art subject to us both in spiritual things and temporal, and that the giving
of benefices or prebends belongeth not to thee : and if thou have the keeping
of any being vacant, thou must reserve the fruits thereof for the successors ; but
if thou have given away any, we judge the gift to be void, and revoke, so far
as thou hast proceeded. And whosoever belioveth otherwise, we judge them
heretics. Given at Lateran, the nones of December, the seventh year of our
pontificate.^ [December 5th, a.d. 1301.]
(1) Tlie following account of the famous dispute between Philip le Bel and Boniface VIII. has
been collated with and corrected from M. Dupuy's " Histoire du Differend d'entre le Pape Boni-
face VIII. I't Plniippc le liel, Roy de France : ensemble le proces criminel fait A Bernard evesquc
de Pamiers, I'an. MCCXCV. Le tout justifife par les Actes et Memoires pris sur les Origineux
qui sont au Trisor des Chartes du Roy. Paris, ICSS." See Appendix. -Ed.
(2) Dupuy, Preuves, p. 48. — Ed.
(3) Ex lib. Stephan. Aufrerii. [cited by Illyricus, col. 2101, edit. 1608. It is also in Dupuy.
to^'cther with the reply following, Preuves, p. 44. — Ed.]
TIIK FRENCH KING SUMxMONS A PAHI.I AMKNT. 591
Unto this letter of the pope, kino; Philip IV. maketh answer again Fr,;uh
1 1 X' 11 U JlUlunj.
in manner and order as lollowctu : —
A D
" Philip, by the grace of God king of France, to Boniface, bearing himself ^^^^.^
for chief pont'ifl; little health or none. Let thy extreme foolishness know, that IL
in temporal things we are subject to no man; that it belongeth to us by royal King
prerogative to give vacant churclies and prebends, and to make the fruits thereof r,.piy'to
our own during the vacancy ; and that the gifts of prebends and benefices, made pope
and to be made by us, were and shall be good, for the past and future ; and that i^onii'ace.
we defend manfully the possessors of the said benefices against all men : and
them tliat believe otherwise, we think fools and mad men. Given at Paris,
the Wednesday after Candlemas, a.d.1301. [February 7th, 1302.]
The French king, however, not daring to the contrary, looseth the
bishop of Pamiers ; but when he had done that, he dischargeth both
the bishop and the legate, commanding them to leave his realm.
Moreover, to provide against the pope's further proceedings, the king
summoneth a parliament of the prelates, barons, and commonalty of
the realm, to assemble in Paris at the church of Notre Dame, on
Tuesday, the tenth day of April a.d. 1302. In the which parliament,
the king's chancellor, Peter Flotte, on the king's behalf declared
sundry griefs, wherein the church and realm of France were burdened
of the said Boniface, and required their counsel and aid for the
remedying thereof. Whereupon, they all solemnly engaged to sup-
port the king in his just quarrel ; and moreover utterly forbade the
prelates to attend the pope's council aforesaid, nor so much as leave
the realm. The king, likewise, commanded by strait proclamation
that no manner of person should export out of the realm of France
either gold or silver, or any other manner of ware or merchandise,
upon pain of forfeiting all their goods and their bodies at the king's
pleasure; providing withal, that the ways and passages should be
diligently kept, that none might pass unsearched.^
After these things thus in parliament decreed and agreed, the
prelates of the clergy consulting with themselves what was to be done
in so doubtful a matter, and dreading the pope's displeasure for this
which was done already, to clear themselves in the matter, contrived
among themselves a letter to the pope, partly to certify him what
there was done, and partly also to admonish him what he should do :
the tenor of which letter contained these words following : ^ —
To their most holy father and most beloved lord, the lord Boniface, by Letter
divine providence the chief bishop of the holy Roman church and of the uni- p^''p',^;,yg''°
versal church, his humble and devoted the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors of France,
of convents, deans, provosts, chapters, convents, and colleges, of the cathedral ^^^^^[]J ^^
and collegiate, regular and secular, churches of the whole realm of France, rengious^
gathered together at Paris, do offer most devout kissings of your blessed feet, sent to
o o ' •-' ^ Boniface,
We are compelled, not without sorrow of heart and bitter tears, to signify that he
unto your holiness, that when the most serene prince, our most christian lord ^^^^^"g ^j^
Philip, by the grace of God the illustrious king of France, had heard the things enter-
which were stated to him of late on your behalf by the worshipful man, the "^^'^^^^.^^^
archdeacon of Narbonne, your notary and nuncio, and had perused certain ,,g ^^^
letters from you presented to him by the same archdeacon, the tenor whereof proceed-
was also communicated by him to a few of his barons who were in attendance ; !,"|inst
both our lord the king and the said barons were moved with great astonishment the king,
and vehement perturbation. Insomuch that the said our lord the king, with
the advice of the said barons, commanded to be summoned before him the other
(1) See Appendix. (2) Ibid.
592 IFTTKU OF THf- FHKNTII Pit !• I.ATFS.
French l)iiions then absent, and ns also, that is to say, all the archbishops, bishops,
Ilitiury, abbots, ])riors of convents, deans, provosts, chapters, convents, and colleges, as
p. well of cathedral as collegiate, rcgnlar and secular, chnrches, and also all the
i*.,'i^" universities, and comnionallies of the towns, of his realm ; so that we prelates,
. barons, deans, provosts, and two of the most learned out of every cathedral and
collegiate church, sliould appear personally, and the rest by their stewards,
syndics, and proctors, with full and sutHcient authority, at an appointed place and
time. Further, when we and the other ecclesiastical persons aforesaid, and
also the barons, stewards, and syndics, and the proctors of the commonalties of
the towns, were thus summoned, and when, according to the form of the afore-
said summons, by the king's commandment we stood before the said king this
Tuesday the 10th of this present month of April, at the church of Notre Dame
in Paris, our lord the king caused to be propounded openly and j^lainly to all
men, that it was signified to him from you among other tilings, by the aforesaid
archdeacon and by letters, that liis kingdom, which he and his ancestors hitherto
have acknowledged they held of Clod only, now ought in temporalties to be
subject to you and held of you ; and tliat, not content with these so marvellous
and strange words, unheard of among the inhabitants of the said realm since
the beginning of the world, ye went about to put them in actual practice ; and
tiiat ye had summoned to appear before you the prelates of the said realm, and
the doctors of divinity, and such professors of botli laws as were born within
the said realm, for tlie correcting of such excesses, faults, arrogances, wrongs,
and harms, as ye pretend to be done by our lord the king himself, and his
officers and bailifls, to the prelates, churches, and persons ecclesiastical, both
regular and secular, abiding within the said realm and elsewhere, also to tlie
peers, earls, barons, and other nobles, with the universities and commons, of
the said realm ; insomuch that the said kingdom being uttei"ly drained of its
precious jewels and choicest treasures, which are to be preferred to the shields
of the mighty, viz. of the wisdom of its prelates and other wise men, through
whose ripe faithful counsel and prudent foresight the realm should be ruled
and governed, the faith established, the sacraments dispensed, and justice ad-
ministered (and therefore in losing them the country loses its real riches),
must be exposed to events of a dubious issue and to jeopardy of miserable decay
and of being utterly destroyed.
In consideration, then, of these and divers other grievances which the said
king complaineth have been and are continually practised by you and tlie
Roman church against liim, his realm, and the French church — as, in your
arbitrary reservation and disposal of archbishoprics and bishoprics, and your
bestowing the great benefices of the realm upon aliens and luiknown persons,
yea and often upon suspected persons who never reside at the benefices aforesaid,
by reason whereof the decay of God's worship hath ensued, the pious designs
of the founders are disappointed, the accustomed almsgiving is withdrawn from
the poor of the realm, the realm itself is impoverished, the churches become
dilapidated ; while they remain destitute of service, the benefices themselves
not supporting a curate owing to their revenues being wholly paid away to
absentees, and the prelates not having wherewithal adequately to pay (or rather
repay) members of the noble families whose ancestors founded the churches,
or other persons of education, to serve the cures ; for which causes devo-
tion waxeth cold, and there is none in these days that would stretch out a
liberal hand towards the churches, whereof out of published edicts example is
aftbrded : item, in your levying on the churches new taxes and payments, and
imposing immoderate burdens, and extorting new exactions, with divers other
prejudicial and hurtful novelties whereby the general state of the church is
altered, the higher prelates being unable to give coadjutors to their suffragans,
and neither they themselves nor their suflTragans being able to enter on the
duties of their ofiice without having first run with gifts to the apostolic see :
item, in divers other matters, some of long standing but chiefly within your
own time — he, not intending (as he said), nor being able, any longer to endure
this so monstrous a disinheriting of him and his successors and of his whole
realin, and so manifest a disparagement of his own and his kingdom's honour;
and being convinced that in temporals he hath not his superior any more than
his predecessors had, as was notorious to the whole world ; and being assured
by the unanimous sentence of thesoundest judges, to wit, the doctors in divinity
LETTER OF THE FRENCH PRELATES. 59S
and masters of both laws born within his realm, and others who were accounted Prench
pre-eminent among their class for learning, that he did maintain in this matter ^""""y.
a just cause, and being disposed to take wholesome measures for the preserva- . .^
tion of the ancient liberty and of the honour and state of the realm ; for the , .,„.,'
easing of the grievances aforesaid, for reformation of the realm and the Frencl — ! — ZL.
church ; with our advice and that of his barons ; to the glory of God, the increase
of the catholic faith, the honour of the universal church, and promoting of God's
worship ; especially touching any grievances wliich might have been practised
by his officers against the churches and ecclesiastics (for which he had prepared
a remedy of wholesome correction before the coming of the aforesaid archdeacon,
and should by this time have put it in execution, but tliat he might be thought
to do it for fear, or at your commandment) ; and furthermore, offering to sacri-
fice in the quarrel not only his goods, but also his person and his children, should
the case so require ; — as our lord he commanded us, and as a friend he begged
and earnestly besought us, one and all, both prelates, barons, and others, to
support him with our counsels and timely aid, as we were bound to do by our
duty of allegiance, especially seeing these were matters wherein the good of all
in general and of each in particular was clearly at stake, and the common cause
was promoted, and the interest of every one was touched ; and he requested to
be answered by us, each and all, on these points distinctly and definitively.
Then the barons retiring aside with the syndics and proctors aforesaid, after
deliberation coming back to our aforesaid lord the king, and greatly praising
and heartily thanking him for his laudable purpose and good will, answered
unanimously, that for these matters they were ready not only to sacrifice their
goods, but offered themselves and their persons to the very death, not refusing
any kind of torment, adding with a loud voice, that if our aforesaid lord the king
would (as God forbid) suffer or connive at the aforesaid grievances, they them-
selves would by no means endure them longer. Then answer being next
demanded of us, although we desired of our lord the king and of the chief of
the aforesaid barons longer respite for deliberation, urging with many gentle
words and earnest persuasions and manifold apologies our conviction, that your
letters had not been sent to the king with any intention or wish to invade the
liberty of the realm or make innovations prejudicial to the king's honour,
entreating him moreover to keep the bond of unity which is known to have
subsisted so long between the Roman church and himself and his predecessors,
yet being denied longer respite, and it being openly announced that if any one
should appear to be of a contrary mind he would be decidedly counted an
enemy to the king and the realm — we then considering warily and seeing plainly
that except our lord the king and the barons aforesaid should be content with
our answer, besides other innumerable and infinite dangers and offences, their
devotion to the Roman and French church and also the obedience of the laity
would thenceforth be irrecoverably lost, not without great pain and hesitation
we thought good to answer thus, — That we would help our lord the king
with counsel and timely aid, for the preservation of his person and family, and
of his earthly honour, and of the liberty and laws of the said realm, accord-
ing as some of us who hold of him dukedoms, earldoms, baronies, fees and
other noble portions of the said realm, are bound to do by the tenor of our oath,
and as all the others are bound by their allegiance. Yet we made humble suit
to the same our lord the king, that seeing we were bound to obey the pope's
holiness, he would suffer us to go and visit your blessed feet, according to the
tenor of your aforesaid summons.
Then on the king's and barons' behalf followed answer, that in no case would
they suffer us to go out of the realm, and that by no means would they bear
to have the kingdom so miserably and dangerously exposed, or rather utterly
despoiled.
Then we — considering so great anger and perturbation, so jeopardous and
so great that none could be greater, both of the king, the barons, and other lay
people of the realm ; and now knowing assuredly that by the wicked operation
of the old Enemy, the hater of peace, who, ever since the Fall, hath been going
about sowing tares to break the unity of the churcli by disturbing its peace, and
to infect the sweetness of good works with the poison of bitter envy, and by all
means to ruin and confound the human race ; and that now, alas ! a door was
opened for the lamentable dissolution of the lovely band of that amity and
VOL. II. Q Q
5!) 4
APPKAI. OK XOGARET AGAINST BOKIFACE.
French
llirlory.
A.D.
WW.i.
The ap-
peal of
Nojjaret
made
against
pope Bo-
niface
vni.
An in
vective
against
the
).lacin!; of
Boniface
VIII. in
the papal
sec.
singular friendsliip which iiave liitherto flourished between the Roman rhurch
and our lord tlif king and his predecessors in tlie realm, to the glory of'God, the
■ advancement of the christian faith, and the glorious exaltation of the church,
the kinc:, and the realm ; seeing also that crying offences are rising up on
every side, and that tiic churches and ecclesiastics are threatened with sjjolia-
tion and even de.ith, and tiiat the laity do abhor and slum the company of
clerks, and utterly exclude them from tlieir councils and doings, as if conscious
of a conspiracy against them, to the gieat peril of souls, with other sundry and
divers perils, which neither tongue is able to tell nor writing to decl.ire, —
thought good in this crisis of extreme necessity promptly to run with weeping
voice and lamentable sighs to the circumspect wisdom of your holiness, be-
seeching your fatherly mildness, and humbly praying you to condescetid to
provide some wholesome remedy in the premises, whereby the profitable agree-
ment and mutual love which have continued so long between the church, the
king, and the realm, might be maintained in their integrity, and the state of the
JVench church might continue in godly peace and quiet, and that you would
vouchsafe to provide, that we and our states may be secured by tiie recall of
the aforesaid summons, and that by the study of your apostolic wisdom and
fatherly piety, the aforesaid dangers and offences maybe obviated. The Most
High long preserve your holiness to his holy church.
These things discoursed and done, then followed the year of our
Lord 1303. In that year we find in the French king's records —
A Declaration of Master William dc Nogaret, made against Pope
Boniface VIII,, Avith his Appellation also made at Paris, before the
King and his Council in the Palace of the Louvre.'
In the name of the Lord, Amen. In the year of the same Lord 1303,
the first indiction. the 12th day of March, and the ninth year of the popedom of
the most holy father the lord Boniface VIII., by God's providence pope, in
the presence of us public notaries and witnesses subscribed, the noble William
de Nogaret, knight, worshipful professor of laws, standing before the most
excellent prince the lord Philip, by the grace of God most noble king of France,
spake viva voce, and delivered in in writing, the things following : —
" There were false prophets among the people, as there shall be also among
you false teachers. &c." (2 Pet. ii.) St. Peter, the glorious prince of the apostles,
here foretold, that, like as there were false prophets in former times, so there
should arise false teachers, bringing in sects of perdition, by whom the way of
truth should be defaced, and who should covetously make merchandise of us
with feigned words ; and he further added, that such teachers did follow the
way of Balaam of Bosor, who loved the wages of wickedness, but had his bridled
ass to correct his madness; which, speaking in a man's voice, did utter the
foolishness of the prophet. All which things as they were foretold by the great
patriarch himself, so your eyes see them fulftUed this day to the letter. For
there sitteth in St. Peter's chair the master of lies, causing himself to be called
' Boniface,' that is a well doer, whereas he is notable for all kind of evil doing,
and thus he hath assumed to himself a false name; and whereas he is not the
true ruler, he calleth himself the lord judge and master of all men. And
having come in contrary' to the order a])pointed by the holy fathers, and alst)
contrary to the rules of reason, and so not entering in at the door, into the Lord's
sheepfold, he is not the shepherd or his hireling, but rather a thief and a robber.
For while the true husband of the Roman church was yet living- (being one who
delighted in simplicity), this man deceived him, and induced him with feigned
flatteries, and gifts, and bribes, to put away his spouse, contrary Ui the truth,
who cried, 'Those whom Gnd hath coupled let no man separate ;' and at length
laying violent hands upon him, having falsely persuaded him that what this
deceiver said came from the Holy Spirit, he dared to take to himself with
wicked embraces that Holy Church which is mistress of all the churches,
calling himself her husband, whereas he cannot be ; for Celestine, the true
Roman bishop, agreed not to the said divorce, being deceived by such deep
Hubtlety; but nothing is so incompatible with agreement as error and
(1) Ex registro. [Dupiiy, Preuves, p. SP.— Ed.] (2) Meaning Celestine.— Ed.
ARTICLES OF XOGAUETA AGAINST BONIFACK. 595
deceit, as even human laws bear witness. I say nothing of his violence. French
But because the Spirit inspireth where he will, and he that is led of the m^iory.
Spirit is not under the law, the holy universal church of God not knowing the . rv
craft of this deceiver, uncertain and doubting whether it proceeded from the jo'qo'
Holy Ghost that Celestine should part with his government, and the people — !
entreating it for fear of a schism, suli'ered the afoixsaid deceiver until, according
to the doctrine of our Lord, by liis fruits it might be known whether the man
came to the said authority by the Holy Ghost or otherwise : but his fruits, as
is plainly hereunder declared, are now manifest to all men, by which it is appa-
rent to the world that he came not in by God but otherwise, and so not by the
door, into the sheepfold. His fruits are most evil, the end whereof is death;
and therefore it is necessary that so evil a tree, according to the Lord's
sentence, should be cut down and cast into the fire. Nor can that avail for his
excuse, which is said by some men, that the cardinals did agree upon him again
after the death of the said pope Celestine, seeing that he could not be the
husband of her, whom it is manifest he had defiled by adultery, whilst her first
husband was yet living and worthy to have the vows of marriage kept unto
him. Therefore, because that which is done against the Lord turnetli to the
injury of all men, and in so great a crime (by reason of the consequences) any
one of the people, a woman, and even an infamous person, is admitted to bear
testimony — therefore I, like the bridled ass, using the voice of a mere man,
sufficient to bear so great a charge only in virtue of the Lord's power and not
my own, take in hand to rebuke the madness of the said false prophet Balaam, The pope
who, at the instance of king Balak, that is, of the prince of the devils whom he "'*^" o'"-
serveth, is ready to curse the people blessed of the Lord ; and J beseech you, ua^j^am'
most excellent prince and lord Philip, by the grace of God king of France, that who was
like as the angel of God, in time past, met in the way w'ith a drawn sword the ^°"' ^^
prophet Balaam going to curse God's people, so you, who are anointed to God's
execute justice, and therefore (like the angel) a minister of the Lord, would people for
meet with the drawn sword of your power and office this said wicked man, who money ^"^
is far worse than Balaam, that he accomplish not that evil which he intendeth
to the people.
1. I propound first, that the aforesaid man, who nameth himself Boniface, Articles
is no pope, but wrongfully keepeth the seat which he indeed hath, to the great pro-
damage of all the souls of God's holy church. I say also, that his entering ''""•"'^^j''
was in many ways faulty, and that he entered not in at the door, but other- pope Bo-
wise, and therefore is to be judged a thief and a robber. niface.
2. I propound also, that the said Boniface is a manifest heretic, and
utterly cut off from the body of the holy church, because of many kinds of
lieresy, which shall be declared in convenient place and time.
3. I propound also that the said Boniface is a horrible simoniac, and such
an one as hath not been since the beginning of the world ; and the mischief of
this sin of his is so notorious to all the world, that it is manifest to all that will
impartially judge, for he blasphemously declared in public, that he was
incapable of the sin of simony.
4 . I propound also, that the said Boniface, being implicated in manifest Tlie i-.a-
and heinous sins without number, is so hardened in them, that he is utterly '''p <""
incorrigible, and lieth steeped in a depth of wickedness, insomuch that he and au''^'
cannot be suffered any longer without ruin to the state of the chmch. His popes by
mouth is full of cursing, his feet and steps are swift to shed blood. He utterly a^ep™],,.
teareth in pieces the churches which he ought to cherisli, wickedly wasting the ed out.
goods of the poor, and making much of wicked men that give him rewards ;
persecuting the righteous, and lording it over the people, not ministering unto
them ; laying a grievous bin-then and an intolerable yoke on the ciiurches, on
the people of God, and on the nobles of the people, despising the humble and
persecuting the lowly among the people ; not gathering after Christ, but
scattering, bringing in new and damnable heresies never before heard of;
speaking evil of the way of truth, and with robbery making himself equal to ^he pope
the Lord Jesus Christ, who is blessed for ever. And he, being most covetous, thinketh
thirsteth for gold, covetetli gold, and by subtle device getteth gold of every p'^^f"^
sort of people ; and with feigned words, sometimes by flattering, sometimes by with
threatening, sometimes by false teaching, utterly disregarding the honour of Christ.
God, and only to get money withal, he maketh merchandise of us all, envying
596 APPKAL OF CERTAIN FRENCH NOBLES.
French ^'U loviiig noiic but himsclf, nourishing wars, hating and disturbing tlic peace
Hftory. of his subjects. He is hacknied in all atrocious sins, contending and striving
~~Tr~ against all the ways and doctrines of the Lord ; he is truly that aboniination
of the temple, which Daniel, the Lord's prophet, described. Therefore I
*'^"'*' answer, that laws, weapons, and all the elements, ought to rise against him
The po|>e who thus overthroweth the state of the church ; for whose sins God plagueth
theabo- the whole world : and, finally so insatiable is he, nothing remaineth to satisfy
of'ic'soi'a- '^'"' wilhal, but only the insatiable mouth of hell, and the fire that cannot be
lion. quenched, but cimtinueth for ever.
Therefore, seeing that this wicked man, who ofTendeth both dod and all
men, ought to be condemned by a general council and sentence of all men,
I ask, with all possible earnestness, and beseech you, my lord and king afore-
said, that ye would give notice to the prelates, doctors, princes, and people,
our brethren in Christ, and especially to the cardinals and all prelates, that they
all convene a council, in which the aforesaid wicked man having been con-
demned, the church may by the worshipful cardinals be provided with a
shepherd, and before such council I offer myself ready lawfully to pursue the
points aforesaid. And whereas the said man, being in the highest dignity,
cannot in the mean time be suspended by a sujierior, and therefore ouglit
to be held as suspended ipso facto for the causes aforesaid, the moment his
state is called into judgment in the manner aforesaid ; therefore I beseech and
require the said cardinals by you, and I presently require them of the church
of God, that the person of this wicked man being put under arrest, the church
of Rome may be provided with a vicar who may minister those things that
may appertain, until the church of God be provided with a pontiff, and that the
said wicked man may not let and hinder the prosecuting hereof.
But I require these things of you, my lord king aforesaid, affirming you to
be bound to comply for many causes : first, for the faith's sake ; secondly, for
the dignity of your kingly office, to which it belongeth to root out such pesti-
lent men; thirdly, for your oath's sake, which you made for the defence of the
chinches of your realm, but which the aforesaid ravener utterly tearetli in
pieces ; fourthly, because you be the patron of the churches, and therefore are
bound not only to the defence of them, but to the getting back again of their
property, which this man hath wasted ; fifthly, because, following the footsteps
of your predecessors, you ouglit to deliver our mother, the Roman cluireh, from
so wicked a band wherein by oppression she is tied and bound. I require that
a public instrument be made of these requests by these notai-ies here present,
under the witness of the worshipful men that be here present.
These things were done and spoken, as is aforesaid, at Paris, in the king's
palace of the Louvre, in the year, indiction, month, day, and pontificate afore-
said, in the presence of the reverend fathers in Christ, the archbishops of Sens
and Narbonne, and the bishops of Meaux, Nevers, and Auxerre, and the noble
earls, Charles of Valois and Louis of Evreux, Robert, duke of Burgundv, John
de Chalons, lord D'Arlay, John de Dampierre, lord de St. Diziers, Gaucher
de Chatillon, constable of France and earl of Porcean, and many others
specially called and requested to be witnesses thereto.
After this protestation of Master de Nogaret, immediately ensued
the appeal of certain nobles, pronounced and published against the
said Boniface, in form as folloAveth :' —
Tlie ap- In i^ie name of the Lord, Amen. In the year of the same Lord 1303, the
pellation first indiction, the 13th day of June, and the ninth year of the popedom of
Frenclf" Boniface VIII. By the tenor of this public instrument, knoiv all men, that in
nobles the presence of the most serene prince, loi'd Philip, by the grace <.)f God king
atfainst of France, and of the fomous and reverend fathers in Christ, the archbishops
niface and . bishojis, religious men, abbots, and priors, and of the noble earls and
VIII. barons, and divers other persons, ecclesiastical and temporal, hevemito sub-
scribed, and in the presence of us public notaries hereto subscriucd, esi)ccially
called and required for this purpose, as is contained in the subscriptions hereto,
the famous and noble, the lord Louis, s(m of F"rance^ and earl of Evreux, and
Guy earl of St. Pol, and John earl of Drcux, and William de Plcsian, lord of
(1) Uupiiy, Prcuveg, p. 101.— E». (2) See Biblio'li. des Sciences, v. " Enfans de France."— Ed
I'UOXKST OK WILLIAM DE PLESlAK. 597
Vezeiiobre, kniglit, — moved, as they said, witli a fervent faith, with affection French
of sincere love and zeal of charity to be sliowed to the holy Romish church, ^'''""J-
and having pity from their heart on their mother, the universal church, which, . i\
as they said, was dangerously oppressed luider the rule of the said lord ioq-j
Boniface, and sufi'ered outrageous defacing and loss ; and pitying the right 1-
faitli, in which standeth the salvation of souls, and which, alas ! for pity, in their
times miserably pined away and perished through all Christendom for the
lack of wholesome government of the church; and earnestly taking pains, as
they said, for the repairing and enhancing of the catholic faith : especially,
seeing it was necessary fur the same church, for the foundation of the faith, and
the health of souls, that none sliould rule the fold of the Lord's flock, but
the true and lawful shepherd, and also that, because the same church was the
spouse of Christ tliat hath no spot or wrinkle, all error, offence, wickedness, and
wrong should be put away from her, and that salvation, peace, and quietness,
through God's mercy, might be procured to the whole world, which, they say,
lieth in wars and darkness by the wicked deeds, cursed works, and hurtful
examples of the said Boniface, — uttered and charged against the said Boniface
(and the said William formally propounded and objected against him) heresy,
and other divers horrible and accursed faults, wherein they aflirm him to be
entangled and commonly and notoriously defamed, the said king himself being
present with the archbishops, bishops, and other dignitaries and churchmen
assembled, to treat of their own matters and the matters of their churches,
besides the barons, earls, and other noblemen, whose names are hereto sub-
scribed, they swearing on the holy gospels of God, which they corjiorally
touched, that they believed and could prove all and every the premises to
be true.
And the said William de Plesian swore further, that he believed he could
prove the premises, and that he would pursue the matter to the uttermost
against the said Boniface, in a general council or elsewhere, whenever and
before whomsoever of right it ought to be done : requiring earnestly the
said king, that, as a champion of the faith and defender of the church, for
declaring of the truth hereof, to the praise of God's name, to the increase and
promoting of the catholic faith, to the honour and wealth of the universal
church and of all christian people, he would give his effectual help towards the
assembling of the said general council, because in all such cases his royal house
ever was a zealous maintainer of the truth, and that he would earnestly require
the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates before-named, to cooperate. The
earls and knights themselves also earnestly and often besought the said
prelates, as true sons and pillars of the church, that they would effectually help
forward the calling and assembling of the said council by all lawful means,
according to the ordinances of the holy fathers and decrees of the canons. But
when the prelates heard and fully understood the complaints aforesaid, con-
sidering that such a matter was not only hard, but most hard, and needed
mature deliberation, they departed out of the place.
But on the morrow, being Friday, the fourteenth day of the same month of
June, in the presence of the aforesaid lord the king, and also of the lord
archbishops, and of us public notaries hereto subscribed, being especially
called and required for this purpose, the aforesaid William de Plesian, knight,
said, propounded, affirmed, objected, and read, as was contained more fully in
a certain paper which he held in his hand, whose tenor was after this sort :' —
I, William de Plesian, knight, say, propound, and affirm, that Boniface, Protest ot
who now ruleth the apostolic see, is a rank heretic in regard of the heresies, wniiam
outrageous deeds, and wicked doctrines, hereafter to be declared ; which things ^^^ ''''''
I believe to be true, and such as I am able to prove (or at least so much of knight,
them as shall suffice to prove him a rank heretic) at a convenient place and as-'-'""*'
time, and before a lawful tribunal. I swear, then, on the gospels of God, corpo- noniface
rally touched by me, that — "^'^'l-
1. He believeth not the immortality and incorruptibility of reasonable souls,
but thinketh, that there is no everlasting life, and that men cannot at length
attain joy, but that the whole lot and portion of comfort and gladness is in this
world: and consequently he atfirmeth, that it is no sin to pamper the body
(1) Diipuy, Prcuves, p. i02. Sec Appendix. — Ed.
l:iail
5i)8 PKOTEST or WILLIAM DE PLESIAN.
Frnch with all sorts of dainties. And out of tlie abundance of this leaven, he is not
fi"ii'i-y- ashamed opnnly to say and confess, that he had rather be a dog or an ass. or
. .^ any other brute beast, than a Frenchman ; which thing he would not have said,
'■ ., ■ if lie believed a Frenchman had a soul that could enjoy everlasting life. This
' thing he hath tauglit to many, who have acknowledged it at the point of death;
I'oi'e and he is commonlv tlius reported of in these things.
liad'ra" -• ^Iso, he beiicVeth not faithfully, that when the words ordained of Christ,
ilier be a have been spoken over the host, after tlie fashion of the church, by a faithful
I*"!:' '.''^y pi"iest lawfully ordained, the very body of Christ is there. Hence it cometh
'^'"" '' to pass, that he giveth no reverence to it, no not a little, wlien it is lifted up by
the priest ; yea, he riseth not to it, but turneth his back to it, and causeth
himself to be more honoured, and his seat whereon he sitteth to be more em-
bellished, than the altar where the host is consecrated ; and he is commonly
reported to do this.
3. Also, he is reported to say, that whoredom is no sin, no more than nibbing
of tlie hands together; and this is a matter of common talk and rumour.
•t. Also, he hath said often, that to thrust down the French king and people,
if it could not be otherwise done, he would sacrifice himself, the whole world,
and the whole church. And when he had said so, some that stood by said,
" God forbid ;" he answered, " God grant." And when good men that heard
his aforesaid words replied against him, that he should not say so, because
the church of God and all Christian men would suffer great offence thereby,
he answered, " I care not what offences come, so that the Frenchmen and their
pride be destroyed ; for ' it must needs be that offences come.' "
5. item, when a certain book made by Master Arnold of Villa Nova, phy-
sician, containing and savouring of heresy, had been reprobated, condemned,
and burned by the bishop of Paris, and by the divines at Paris, and likewise bv
Boniface himself openly and in the full consistory of cardinals, yet he recalled
it and re-allowed it, being written again, and containing the same faults.
G. Item, that he might make the most damnable remembrance of himself
perpetual, he caused silver images of himself to be set up in the churches, by
this means leading men to idolatry.
7. Item, he hath a private devil, whose counsel he usetli in all things, and
through all things. Whence he said once, that if all men were on one side,
and he on the other, they could not deceive him neither in law nor in fact :
wiiich thing could not be, except he had used a devilish art ; and this he is
openly reported.
8. Item, he is a wizard, asking counsel of soothsayers both men and women ;
and such he is commonly judged to be.
9. Item, he said openly, that the pope of Rome could not commit simon}-,
which it is heretical to say. This is a sin reprobated as well in the Old Testa-
ment as in the New, and in the holy general councils: wherefore he is wont to
employ as his tool a certain usurer, named Simon, to make merchandise for
him of the higher prelacies, dignities, and benefices of tlie church (to the
which holy orders be specially and necessarily joined), and of absolutions and
dispensations, like as usurers and merchants use to buy and sell worldly things
in the market; and of this common rumour runneth against him.
10. Item, that peace which Christ bequeathed to his children as his special
legacy, saying, " Peace 1 leave with you," he hindereth with all his mieht
among christian men, and striveth to sow discord and wars. Wherefore once,
when it was said before him that certain parties wished to come to a friendly
agreement after a good sort, he prevented it, prohibiting the one party from
granting peace, and when the other party did humbly beseech him that he
would give license to the first to agree, he said he would not, and that if the
Son of God or the apostle Peter were to come down to the earth and command
him, he would say, " I will not obey thee."
11. Item, because the French nation (being manifestly a most christian
nation) followeth not his errors in the faith, he reckonttli and openly calleth
them, one and all, Patarenes ; using therein the manner of rank heretics, who
say that themselves alone are the faithful church, but call the true followers
of the orthodox faith Patarenes, because they keep aloof from their errors.
12. Item, he is addicted to the sin of Sodomy, and of this fault he is most
commonly and openly report '.'d.
PllOTEST OF WILLIAM DE I'LESIAN. .^)90
13. Item, he Iiath caused and coiiinianded many murders of clerks to be French
done in his presence, rejoicing at their death : and if they were not deadly m^i^ry.
wounded at the first by his servants, he ordered them to be smitten again, . ..
crying " Smite !" " smite !" by whicli means many have been slain. i^ri-i
14. Item, when he had condemned a certain nobleman to prison, he forbad !__LL
the sacrament to be given him at the point of deatli, he desiring it and being
penitent, saying, " that the sacrament of penance did not appear to him neces-
sary to salvation."
15. Item, he compelled certain priests to show unto him the confessions of
men, and he afterwards published them o])eiily, contrary to the will of them
that were confessed, to their shame and confusion, that he might com])el them
to redeem their sins ; insonuich that once he deposed a certain bishop of Spain,
for a certain privy horrible fault that he confessed under 'Bencdicite ' to a
certain cardinal, which confession he compelled the cardinal against his will to
reveal, and then published it ; and yet afterwards he restored the same bishop
again to his place for a sum of money. Wherefore, he is thought to play the
heretic in regard to the sacrament of penance.
16. Item, he fasteth not on the fasting-days, nor Lent, but without cause
eateth flesh indifferently, and without cause suffereth his household and friends
to eat, saying, " It is no sin :" doing in this thing against the general state of
the holy church, and seeking craftily to overthrow it.
17. Item, he oppresseth and hath oppressed the order of the cardinals, and
the orders of black and white monks, of Grey friars and Preachers, and hath
said oft, " that the world was destroyed by them, and that they were false hypo-
crites, and tluit good could never chance unto any that would be confessed to
them, or who would be familiar with them, or wo\dd harbour them in their
house:" and he never said good word of any prelate, religious man, or clerk,
but ever rebuketh and slandereth them, taking away their good name ; and,
that he may compel them to redeem their faidts, he is glad of accusations against
them : and this is the common talk and report of him.
18. Item, of old time, he going about to destroy the faith, conceived a hate
against tlie French king, even to the abhorring of the faith, because of the light
of faith which is and ever was there, and because of the great witness and
example of Christianity which is and ever hath been there. And he can be
proved to have said before he had this see, that if he were pope, he would
overthrow Christianitv itself, rather than not overthrow and destroy the nation,
or (as he calleth it) the pride, of the French.
19. Also, it is reported that when the ambassadors of the king of England,
in the name of the said king, did require and entreat for the tenth of the realm
of England to be given him ; he answered, " That he would not give them the
tenth but on this condition, that he would make war with tliem against the
French king." And besides this, he is reported to have given great sums of
money to certain persons, to cause that peace should not be betwixt the said
kings. He himself, also, with all his might hath letted it, by messengers,
letters, and other wa3's that he could, yea, by giving bribes.
20. Item, he is reported also to have promised Frederic, the present king
of Sicily, that if he would betray king Charles, and break the peace which he
made and swore that he would keep with him, and would stir against him,
and kill the Frenchmen, that then he would give him aid, help, and counsel
for that end ; and for so doing he would give and grant him the said kingdom.
21. He confirmed also the king of Almain to be emperor, and said openl}-, Pope
that he did it to destroy the nation, or (as he calleth it) pride, of the French- lJo"'fa<'c
men, who said, tiiat they were subject to none m temporal thmgs ; wherem, to tlie
saith he, they lied on their own heads : declaring, moreover, that whosoever Freinii-
would say (yea, though it were an angel from heaven) that they wore not ™'^"-
subject to the said king of Almain, he were accursed ; and yet he himself hath
often before said (though, in repeating it, I do not pretend that he said what
was true), that the aforesaid emperor betrayed his master and had treacherously
slain him, and that he was not worthy of the name of king, nor had been duly
elected.
22. Further, he dissolved the agreements of peace between the said king of Pone
Almain and the king of France, by which each was to preserve his own right; ^^^'^'if^^y
and he is said to have enjoined them not to keep the oaths which had been to peace,
solemnly sworn by the proctors of the king of Almain ; thus preventing the
blessings of peace, and sowing the tares of discord between brethren.
600
French
HUtory.
A.D.
1303.
Pope
Boniface
a mil. ier
er of his
predeces-
The pro-
testation
of Wil-
liam of
Plesiaiio.
Pope
Boniface
proved a
heretic.
PROTEST OF WILMAM DK PLESIAX.
23. Item, it is openly reported, that the Holy Land was lost, and came to
the enemies of God and" the failh, through his fault ; and that he suffered this,
and denied to give aid to the Christians who defended it, for the nonst;'
spending the treasures and money of the church, which, as the patrimony of
Christ, shoidd have heen hcstowed for that use, in persecuting faithful Christians
and friends of the church ; and therewith he would enrich his friends.
24. Item, he is openly reported to use simony, not only in bestowing of
benefices, but in giving of orders, and making dispensations. He hath set to sale
all benefices of the church, and bestoweth them commonly on him that would
otTer most ; and he makcth the church and her prelates his servants and vassals,
not for advancement of the faith, nor to thrust down infidels, but to oppress the
faithful, and to enrich his kindred out of the church goods and with the patri-
mony of Hiiu that was crucified ; and presumeth to make them marquises, earls,
and "barons, and is not afraid to build them strong holds, rooting out and
oppressing many noblemen of Rome, and others.
25. Item, it is commonly reported, that he hath, contrary to the Lord's
precept, dissolved many marriages lawfully made, to the contemi)t, hurt, and
slander of many : and he did promote his nephew to a cardinalship, being
married, imlearned, and altogether unworthy, and notorious for his dissolute
life ; and compelled his wife to make a vow of chastity, and is reported after
that to have had two bastards by her himself; and so goeth the common
rumour of him.
2G. Item, it is commonly reported, that he handled ungently his predecessor
Celestine of holy memory, leading an holy life (peradventure knowing in his
conscience that he could not forsake his popedoiu, and therefore that he himself
could otherwise have no lawful entrance to the see), and imprisoned him, and
there quickly and privily caused him to die : and of this the common rumour
and report is through all the world. Moreover, he caused many great and learned
men living as regulars (who discussed tlie point, whether Celestine could
renounce the popedom or not) to be set in prison, and there to die.
27. Item, he is reported to have recalled religious persons, who were living
as regulars, without a reasonable cause to the world, to the offence of many.
28. Item, he is reported to have said, that he would within short time make
all the Frenchmen either martyrs, or apostates.
29. Item, it is commonly reported, that he sceketh not the health of the
souls, but the destruction of them.
These things being propounded and read, the same William
protested, said, declared, appealed, and added these words, reading
them in writing.^
I, William de Plesian, knight, protest that I do not propound the aforesaid
things for any special hate of Boniface himself (for I hate not him, but his
aforesaid evil deeds), nor to injure or slander him or any one else, but of zeal
for the faith, and for the devotion that I have to the holy church of God and
the holy Roman see ; for the same causes, and no other, I speak it, when I say,
I swear by the holy gospel of God, which I touch with my hand, that I believe
him to be a perfect heretic ; and that I also believe that from the premises, and
other things, so much may be proved against him as shall be sufficient, accord-
ing to the statutes of the holy fathers, to prove him a heretic. I swear also,
that I will pursue the aforesaid things against him to the uttermost of my power,
in a general council to be assembled at a place that shall be safe and sure for
me, to the honour of God and increase of the christian faith, saving in all
things the right honour and state of the holy apostolic see. Wherefore, I
earnestly and respectfully request you, my lord tlie king, to whom belongeth
the defence of holy mother church and of the catholic faith, whereof ye shall
render an account in the last judgment, and you, my lords the prelates, who
he the pillars of the faith, and who ought to be judges of the aforesaid things,
together with the other reverend fathers the catholic prelates of the holy church,
who would attend a general council, that ye would procure and take diligent
jiains that a general council may be gathered in a fit and safe place and con-
venient time, before which the aforesaid things may be propounded, examined,
and proved against the said Boniface, as is premised ; and I likewise earnestly
(1) " For the nonst," for the purpose; designedly ; " Opera data," Dupuy. — Ed,
(2) Dupuy, Prcnvcs, p. 106.— Ed.
APPEAL OF PHILIP THE FRENCH KING. 601
request you and my lord the king, that ye would require, and effectually induce French
the prelates, present or absent, in what country soever they be, to whom History.
it pertaineth manfully to labour and to require others faithfully to do the same, . 7T
that the aforesaid council may be gathered for the aforesaid matters in such sort i on./
as may be agreed. And because, so long as the matter is pending, I suspect __ — 1_
Boniface himself, lest he, being angry and moved for the aforesaid things, should
in any way proceed, or attem])t to proceed, against me and my partakers, proctors,
and helpers, friends and familiars, and my goods and theirs; therefore, by these
•writings before you, my lord the king and my lords the prelates, and you the
public notaries, I herein person refer and appeal to the said holy general council
to be assembled, and to the apostolic catholic pope that is to be and to the holy
apostolic see, and to him and them to uliom of right I may or ought to appeal ;
and I earnestly request once, twice, and thrice, that letters dimissory^ and testi-
jTionial may be granted me from you ; putting myself, my followers, favourers,
familiars, friends, proctors, and all that shall hereafter adhere to me, and my
goods and theirs, under the protection and keeping of St. Peter and St. Paul, and
of the said holy general council to be assembled, and of the apostolic catholic
pope that is to be, and of the holy Roman see ; sticking nevertheless, and willing
to stick, to the appeal and appeals, process and processes, made hereupon by
the noble man Master William de Nogaret, knight, so far as they shall be found
to have been made lawfully, and yet not forsaking this present appeal.
When these things were tluis read and done, the king answered
and required the prelates, making request, provocation, and appel-
lation, as is contained in the paper underwritten, which was read
there and then in the presence and a idience of him, the prelates,
and others underwritten, the tenor whereof is as followeth :'■* —
We, Philip, by the grace of God king of France, hearing and understanding ^he
the objections propounded by William de Plesiano, knight, and previously by king's an-
our beloved and faithful William de Nogaret, knight, against Boniface, now fj^g^a'peaj
having the regiment of the Roman church : although we would gladly of Pliiiip,
cover with our cloak the shame of an ordinary father ; yet for our love of theFrench
the catholic faith and the great devotion that we bear to the holy Roman fro"m'the
and universal church, mother of us and of all the faithful, and the spouse pope,
of Christ, following the footsteps of our ancestors who hesitated not to
shed their blood for the increase and defence of the church's liberty and
the faith, and coveting to provide for the purity of the faith and state of the
church, as also to prevent the mischief of a general slander; being not
able to connive at the premises any longer, seeing the estimate and opinion
of him in these matters is vehemently and plainly increased by many and con-
tinual clamours repeatedly inculcated upon us by men of credit and great
authority ; fearing moreover lest in the evident decay of the faith, some others,
but especially we the kings and princes of the earth, who acknowledge that
we received our power from the Lord expressly for the promotion and increase
of it, may justly be charged with negligence ; we agree to your i-equests in this
behalf, and we be ready and offer ourselves gladly, as much as in us lieth, to
bestow our labour and diligent pains for the calling of the said council, for the
glory of God (saving in all things the honour and reverence due to the holy
Ptoinan church), in order that the truth may appear in the premises and all
error be avoided ; that the state of the universal church and of Christianity,
and the interests of the faith and of the holy land may be consulted, and that
the slanders and jeopardies hanging over us may be obviated: and we earnestly
require and beseech, in the merciful bowels of Jesus Christ, you the arch-
bishops, bishops, and other prelates here present, as sons of the church and
pillars of the faith, who are called of the Lord to a share of the burthen of
promoting and preserving that faith, that with all diligence ye would give heed
as becometh you, and effectually labour by all fit ways and means, to the
calling and assembling of this council, at which we intend to be personally Jire-
sent. And lest the said Boniface, who hath boldly and wrongfully threatened to
proceed against us, should, in his anxiety to prevent any of his works of daik-
(1; " Apostolos."— Eu. (2) Dupuy, Preuves, p. 10".— Ed.
602 I'llOTKST or TllK FUI'.NCII PRELA'IT.S.
rrench iiess (if any such there be) from coming to light, by directly or indirectly
Hiatory. hindering the calling and gathering of this council, actually proceed a<;ainst us
A r\ or our state, churches, prelates, barons, and other our faithful vassals and sub-
j. ,',).>' jects, or against our or tlieir goods, or our realm, or the state of the realm,
— '- — '— abusing the spiritual sword, by exconuiiunicating and suspending, or by any
other means ; tlierefore, for ourselves and our well wishers, and any who may
hereafter adhere to us, we refer and a})peal in writing to the aforesaid general
council, which we desire instantly to be called, and to the lawful jjope that shall
be, and to any others to whom we should appeal ; and yet not departing from
the appeal made by William de Nogaret, to which we adhered then and also
yet aiUiere, requiring earnestly a witness of our appeal from you, the prelates
and notaries, exj)ressly engaging to renew such reference and appeal, when
and belbre whom it shall appear to us meet.
Then the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, within written,
answered the ])reniises (as it is found in the acts), and made provo-
cation and appellation, agreement and protestation, as is contained
more fully in a certain paper there openly and plainly read, whose
tenor followeth, with these Avords :' —
The pro- "We, the archbishops of Nicosia in Cyprus, Rheims, Sens, Narbonne, and Tours ;
oMhe"" ^"^ *''^ bishops of Laon, Beauvais, Chalons sur Marnc, Auxerre, Meaux, Nevers,
prelates. Chartres, Orleans, Amiens, Terouenne, Scnlis, Angers, Avranches, Coutances,
Evreux, I<isieux, Seez, Claremont, Limoges, Le Puy en Vellay, and Ma^on ; and
we, the abbots of Clugny, Premontre, Marmoutier, Citeaux, St. Denis in France,
Compicgne, St. Cenevieve at Paris, St. Martin de Laon, I'igeac, and Beaulieu in
Limousin ; friar Hugh,visitor of thehousesof the order of Knights Templars; and
we, the priors of St. John of Jerusalem in France, and of St. Martin des Champs
at Paris ; — having heard those things which were said, propounded, and objected
yesterday and to-day by you the noble earls, and William aforesaid, against the
lord pope Boniface VIIL; beingmoved with your sayings, propositions, asser-
tions, oaths, and requests, and by other lawful causes, j'ea compelled b}- a sort
of necessity, considering that the matter of our faith, which is the christian
faith, is touched in the premises : we that be called to a part of this care for
tlie defence and maintenance of the faith, and the guidance of the souls of the
realm, altliough unworthy, jet coveting to withstand the jeopardies that hang
over us by reason of the premises and other causes, and thinking the calling
and assembling of the said council profitable and necessary, that the innocence
of the lord Boniface himself may clearly appear, as in our consciences we desire
it may ; or that it may be discussed, settled, and done, by the council, touching
such things as are laid against him, according to the decrees of the holy canons, —
answer you our lord the king, and j'ou om- lords the earls and William, that
(saving in all things the honour and reverence due to the holy church) we
agree to your requests in this behalf, for the calling of the said council, and are
ready to give help and diligent labour to the calling and assembling of the said
council, according to the decrees of the holy fathers, and the canonical orders,
not intending by any means to make parties of this matter, nor to adhere to any
that make parties.
Yet, lest the said Boniface, being moved or provoked by these things (as we
fear he may be, from likely conjectures and threatenings thrown out by him of
j)roceeding against us for the aforesaid things), should in any way proceed, or
cause proceedings to be taken, against us, our churches, our clergy, and our
subjects, on his own or any other authoritj-, by excommunication, suspension,
interdict, deposing, depriving, or under any other means, and under whatever
The colom-, to the preventing or embarrassing the said council ; and that we may
p*.'"'!Jf "'^ sit in the said council to judge, and may do all other things that belong to the
apiK-ai olHce of prelates; and that our state and that of all who adhere or shall adhere
from pope to us may remain in all reqiects safe; for ourselves, our churches, our clergy^
t^°a Rene- °"'" subjects, and those who adhere, or may adhere, to us in this behalf, we refer
raltouii- and appeal in writing to the aforesaid council that is to be assembled, and to
^'^- the true and lawful pope that is to be, and to him or them to whom of right we
(1) Dupiiy, Preuvcs, p. 108.— Ed.
ANOTHKU P.AKLIAMKN'T SU.MMOXED BV PHILIP. 60S
should appeal, and earnestly require letters of protection from you, and we French
commit ourselves, our churches, om- clergy, our subjects, friends, and adherents, Nisionj.
and our state, rights, and goods, and theirs, to the godly protection of the afore- . .7"~
said council, and of the true and lawful pope that is to be; and we pledge -lono
ourselves to renew this appeal, where, when, and before whom it shall seem to !_1.
us meet.
Done at Paris, at the Louvre, in the chamber of our said lord the king, the
year, indiction, month, the Thursday and Friday, and year of the pontilicate,
aforesaid; there being present the noble earls of Anjou, Boulogne, Dammartin,
and otli.er earls above named ; Matthew de Trie, Peter lord de Chambly, Peter
lord de VVirmes, and Hugh de Boville, knts. ; likewise Messieurs Steplieu, arch-
deacon of Bruges, Nicliohis archdeacon of llheims, William treasurer of Angers,
Peter de Belle Perche, Reginald Barbou, and Jolin de Montaigne, and soni«
others both clerks and laymen, specially called and requested to be witnesses
hereto.
These things thus discoursed and done, the king summoneth
another parliament, sending down his letters to his sheriffs and other
officers, to summon the prelates and barons of the realm unto the
said court of parliament, according to the tenor of the king's letters
here following :* —
Philip, by tlie grace of God king of France, &c. Whereas we would take Another
counsel with the prelates, barons, and other our faithful subjects, about weighty P^y'"''-
matters and hard, and sucii as belong greatly to our right, and touching our sum-
honour and state, and the liberties and laws of this our realm, churches, and moned
ecclesiastical persons, and would also go forward and proceed in the aforesaid phj^J"^,
matters according to their counsel : we command you, that ye diligently in our Paris,
behalf require and straitly charge all the prelates in your bailiwick, and also
all and singular abbots and priors of the same your aforesaid bailiwick (to cer-
tain of whom we have directed down our special letters for the same cause), that,
as they favour our honour, and the good estate both of the realm, of themselves,
and of the church, they repair to us in their own persons, all lets and delays
set aside, and ail other business left off: sliouing to them, moreover, that we
can judge none of them to be either to us faithful subjects or friends to the
realm, who shall fail herein, or withdraw themselves in the aforesaid business,
counsels, and helps in time. Wherein if peradventure any shall slack, or
refuse to resort and come toward us within eight days from the time of this
charo'e given by you, or your commandment ; then we require you to seize all
his temporal goods into your hand, and so seized to hold them until you receive
other commandment from us. — Given at Paris, the Monday before the Nativity
of St. John Baptist, a.d. 1303.
Accordingly,^ on the Monday following, being the feast of St. John
the Baptist/ a ])arliament of all the estates of the realm of P^ ranee
assembled in the king's garden at Paris, at which a vast multitude of
his faithful subjects were present ; when the articles, denunciations,
protestations, and appeals, contained in the foregoing writings, were
publicly read, and unanimously assented to ; to the like effect
whereof instruments, signed and sealed, to the number of seven
hundred and more, were afterwards sent to the king from all parts of
France, agreeing to all things in the aforesaid parliament concluded.
After these things, the day before the nativity of our Lady, an army pope
of harnessed soldiers well appointed, sent {)artly by the French king ^"^'Jgel
])artlv by the cardinals of Colonna, whom the pope before had deposed,
came suddenly to the gates of Anagni, Avhither the pope had taken
refuge, because he was born in that town. The captains of this army
(Ij See Appendix. 'lii Il)ia. (3) According to Nicholas's Tables.- ICd.
^)04' POPE BOXIKACK BESIEGKD AT ANAGXI.
French wcre oiic Scliiarra, brotlicr to the aforesaid cardinals, and tlic bcfore-
"''"^' mcntir)ncd William dc Nogaret, liigli-steward to tlic French king ;
A. I), who, finding the gates open, entered the town, and assaulted the
_L?^"_ pope's palace, the palace of his nephew, a martpiis, and those of three
cardinals. And first, setting upon the palaces of the three cardinals,
Avho were then chief about the pope, they rifleil and spoiled all their
goods. The cardinals, by a back door, hardly avoided their hands :
but the pope's and the marquis's palaces, through the valour of their
household servants, were somewhat better defended. The townsmen,
seeing all their intent and strength to be bent against the pope,
caused the eonunon bell to be rung, and so, assembling themselves in
a common council, ordained Adolphus, one of the chiefest lords in
the Campagna di Koma, for their captain in this emergency, who,
unknown to them, was a great adversary to the pope. This Adolphus
bringing with him Reginald de Supine, another great lord in the
Campagna and a great enemy to the pope, and the two sons of .lohn
de Chitan, a nobleman whom the pope had then in prison; at length
joined he with the French company against the pope, and so beset
his and the marquis's palaces on every side. At length the pope,
perceiving himself not able to make his party good, desired truce
with Scliiarra and his company, Avhich was granted from one o''clock
till nine. During this time of truce, the pope privily sendeth to the
townsmen of Anagni, desiring them to save his life; which if they
would do, he promised so to enrich them, that they should all have
cause never to forget or repent their benefit bestowed. To this they
made answer, excusing themselves, that it lay not in their ability to
do him any good, for that the whole power of the town was with the
Pope captain. Then the pope, all destitute and desolate, sendeth unto
brough? Schiarra, beseeching him to signify the points, wherein he and his
toastrait. Ijrcthrcu had been wronged, and he would make him amends to the
uttermost. Schiarra to this maketh a plain answer, signifying to
him again, that he should in nowise escape with his life, except upon
Three tlicsc thrcc Conditions : — First, fully to restore again, both to their
tim.t'putj temporal and spiritual rights and privileges, the two cardinals, Peter
to him. jj,^f| James de Colonna, his brethren, whom he had before deprived,
with all others of their stock and kindred ; secondly, that, after their
restitution, he should renounce his papacy ; thirdly, that his body
should remain in his poAver and custody. These articles seemed to
the pope so hard, that in no case he would agree to them ; wherefore,
the time of truce expired, Schiarra with his army again assaulted
Heremayboth the popc and his nephew, who manfully resisted. At length,
i.ythe^* the soldiers fired the gates of the church, which was hard by the
kinc*^'' pope's palace; whereby the array, having a full entrance, fell to
learn.how riflc aud spoil thc church. At length the marquis, despairing of
thepope!^ being able to hold out, on condition of saving his life and that of his
son yieldeth him to the hands of Schiarra and the other captain ;
which when the pope heard, he wept bitterly. After this, through
windows and doors with much ado they brast in at length to the
pope, whom they treated with words and threats accordingly. But
lie held his peace. Upon this, he was put to his choice, whether he
would presently surrender his life, or give over his papacy. But
this he stiffly denied to do, choosing rather to die for it, saying to
THK POPk's pride PLUCKED UOUK. 00-5
tlicin in his vulgar tongue, " Ecco il collo, Ecco il ca])o ;" Uiat is, French
" Lo 1 here my neck, lo ! liere my head ;" protesting that he woukl "''"^^'
never while he lived renounce liis popedom. Then Schiarra went A. D.
about and was ready to slay liim, but by certain that were about ^^^■'^-
him he was stayed ; whereby it happened that the pope received noniface
no bodily harm, although divers of his servants were slain. The ^atheTto
soldiers, who ranged in the mean time through all corners of the die, ti.an
pope's house, did lade themselves with such treasure of gold, silver, over his
plate, vestments, and ornaments, that the words of my author J|.'^^J^'^°|]^"
(whom I follow) do thus express it ; ' " It is verily believed, that all cessive
the kings of the earth together were not able to disburse so much ofTh"'^*'
out of their treasure in a whole year, as then was taken and carried '"'P'-*'^
11% "^ . liouse
out ot the popes palace, and out of the palaces of the three cardinals "oted.
and of the marquis." Thus Boniface, bereaved of all his goods,
remained in their custody three days, during the which space they set a pretty
him on a wild unbroken horse, his face turned to the tail, causing the ''^'"iii"'!?
. ' ' o of the
liorse to run and course, while the pope was almost breathless. More- pope,
over, they kept him so without meat, that he was thereby near famished
to death. On the third day, the iVnagnians secretly mustering them-
selves together, to the number of ten thousand, brast into the palace The pope
where the pope was kept, and slaying the keepers delivered the pope out'or*^''
by strong hand, who then, being brought into the middle of the toAvn, prison,
gave thanks with weeping tears to God and the people for his life
saved ; promising, moreover, forasmuch as he was out of all his goods,
and had had neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth all the mean
time, God''s blessing and his to any good woman that now would
relieve him with any thing either to eat or drink, and absolution from
all their sins to any who would bring him ever so little for his support.
And here now to see what poverty and affliction can work in a man : ^yj^^j
the pope before, in all his pomp and most ruffling wealth, was never poverty
so proud, but now he was as humble and lowly, so that every poor tion can
simple man, as mine author testifieth, might have a bold and free pu,cking^
access to his person, and talk with him as with any other poor man. <io.^^" '•'«
To make the story short, the pope in that great distress of famine man.
was not so greedy of their victuals, as they were greedy of his blessing.
AVhereupon, the women came so thick, some with bread, some with
wine, some with water, some with meat, some with one thing, some
with another, that the pope's chamber was too little to receive the
offering; insomuch that when there lacked cups to receive the wine,
they poured it down on the chamber floor, not regarding the loss of
wine, to win the pope"'s holy blessing. Thus pope Boniface being
refreshed by the town of Anagni, took his journey from thence
accompanied with a great multitude of harnessed soldiers to Rome,
where he shortly upon the same, partly for the fear he was in, partly
for starvation while under custody, partly for sorrow of so inestimable Pope
a treasure lost, died. After whom succeeded Benedict XL, of whom xi"^ "^
these verses are written :
" A re nomen habens, benedic, benefac, Benedicte :
Aut rem pervertens, maledic, malefac, Maledicte."
And thus have ye the whole story of pope Boniface VIII., author of
the Sixth Book of the Decretals, which story I thought the more
(1) " Et reverb creditur, quod omnes reses mundi non possent fantum de thesauro reddere infra
uniim annum, quantum fuit de papali palatio asportatuiu, et de palntii.s trium cardinalium, et
niarcliionis." — Ex Robert Avesb. [found also in Tli. Walsingham's history, from which this whole
paragraph has been revised and corrected. — Ed.]
006
Tine I'OPJ; S r.XKMPTIONS AGAINST TIIV. KIXG.
iCdtcarjj. diligciUlv to sct fortli, tliat all tlic Tiiitin cliurcli might see what an
jt^ J) author he was, whose laws and decretals so devoutly thev follow.
Now, after the long debating of this matter between the French
king and pope lionifaee, let us proceed in our English story.'
The king \\'ilh Robert Winchclsey, archbishop of Canterbury, above-men-
w!th''two tioned, the king had like variance as with his predecessor, and accused
bisho 8 ^''"^ *^" ^'^^ P'^1"'' ^^^ breaking of peace, and taking part with them that
of Canter- rebelled against the king about usages and liberties of the realm.
''"'^^ Wherefore, the king, being cited up to the court of Rome and there
suspended by means of the said archbishop, directed his letters again to
the pope, the contents whereof here follow in substance, taken out of
the parliament rolls, where I find divers letters of the king to pope
Clement against the said Robert, archbishop of Canterburv. And as
this king was troubled in his time with both the archbishops, John
Peckham and also Robert Winchelscy; so it happened to all other
kings for the most part from the time of Lanfrane (tliat is, from pope
Hildebrand), that every king in his time had some business or other
Kings of with that see. As William Rufus and Henry I. were troubled with
common- Ansclm ; Henry II. with Thomas Becket ; king Richard and all
biedwTth England with VVilliam, bishop of Ely, the pope's legate; king .lohn
archbps. with Stephen Langton ; king Henry HI. with Edmund the arch-
bu^>^" ^^ bishop called St. Edmund ;* likewise this king Edward I. with John
The Peckham and Robert Winchelsey aforesaid : and so other kinjrs after
church of ■,■■■• , I'lii ii
Komearui liim witli sonic prelate Or other: wliereby vc have to understand,
prXus Jj^^^ ^"fl about what time the church of Rome, which beforetime was
*'''. , subject to kings and princes, began first to take head above and against
kings and Kmgs and rulcrs, and so liatli ke])t it ever smce.
inq"Isi- Among other things in this king to be noted, this is not to be
ton made passcd ovcr ; that where complaint was made to him of his officers,
ruiers^nd ^s justiccs, mavors, sheriffs, bailiffs, esehetors, and such other, who,
cer?,°'^" abusing their offices, extortioned and oppressed the king's liege people
A^o'isos' "'"''^^^^'^^^ ^^^^^ ^^'^s according to right and conscience ; the said king,
Kyraer.] not Suffering such misorder to be unpunished, did ajjpoint certain
justices or inquisitors, to the number of twelve, mIucIi inquisition was
Traiiba- Called ' Tralbastou,' or ' Trailbastoun ;' by mean of whicli inquisition
divers false officers were accused, and such as were offenders were
either removed from their place, or forced to buy again their office at
the king's hand ; to their no small loss, and great gain to the king,
and much profit to the commonwealth.
In the chronicle of Robert Avesbury^ it is recorded of the said
king, that he being at Aniesbury to see his mother, who was then in
that monastery professed, there was a certain man who feigned him-
self blind a long time brought to the presence of the said Elenor the
AfaUe king's mother, saying how that he had his sight again restored at the
wciihiiied tomb of king Henry, her late husband, insomuch that she was easily
u.c kfng. persuaded that the miracle was very true. But king Edward, her
son, knowing the man a long time to be a vile dissembler and a wicked
person, used to lying and crafty deceiving, dissuaded his mother not
to give credit to the vile vagabond, declaring that he knew so well
the justice of his father, that if he were alive, he would twice rather
]>liuk out both his eyes, than once restore him one. Notwithstanding,
the queen his mother, remaining still in her former fond persuasion,
(I) Seesupri, p 578, note.— Ed. (2) Polychron. lib. vii. (3) Tx Chron. Rob. Avesb.
POPE CLEMENT V. CROWXKll. 607
■would hear or believe notliing to the contrary, but was so in anger Edwardi.
with her son, that she bid him depart her chamber ; and so he did. ^ j^
By the example whereof may easily be conceived, how and alter what i;506.
sort these blind miracles in those days and since have come up
among the blind and superstitious people ; for had not the king
here been wiser than the mother, no doubt but this would have been
rung a miracle, and percasc king Henry been made a saint.
But as this was a feigned miracle and false no doubt, so in the a ime
same author we read of another manner of miracle, sounding more '""■^'^^•
near the truth, and so miicli the more likely, for that it served to the
conversion unto christian faith, to which use properly all true miracles
do appertain. The miracle was this : In the last year of this king's victory
reign, Cassanus, king of the Tartars (of whom come those whom ^j'e'sa'a-
we now call Turks) lighting against the Soldan, king of the Sara- '^^"^
cens, in the plain of Damascus, slew of them a hundred thousand ;
and again at Babylon, fighting with the said Soldan, he slew him in
the field, and two hundred thousand of his Saracens, calling upon
the help of Christ, and thereupon became Christian. This Cas-
sanus, I say, had a brother a pagan, who being in love with the
daughter of the king of Armenia, a christian woman, desired of her
father to maiTV with her. Whereunto the king her father would not
agree, unless he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstanding, the
other being stronger in power, and threatening to get her by war,
the king at length was forced to agree. In conclusion, it happened
that the child being born betwixt them was overgrown and all rough
with hair, like to the skin of a bear. Which child being brought to
the father, he commanded it to be thrown into the fire and burned ;
but the mother desiring first to have it baptized, caused all things
thereunto to be prepared. The infant being three times in water
plunged, afcer the sacrament of holy baptism received incontinent
was altered and turned from all his hairy roughness, and appeared as
fair and smooth-skinned as any other ; the which thing after the fatlier
saw and beheld, he was christened himself, and all his house. ^
In the reign of tliis king Edward lived Henry de Gandavo, Arnold
de Villa Nova, Dante, and otiier more : also Seotus, called Duns, who,
in his fourth book of Sentences, dist. 18, complaineth of the abuse of
excommunication and of the pope's keys : " Whereas before, excom-
munication was not used but upon great and just causes, and
therefore was feared ; now," saith he, " it is brought forth for every
trifling matter, as for not paying the priest's wages, &c. and there-
fore,"" saith he, " it groweth into contempt." ^
After pope Benedict XL above mentioned succeeded pope Cle- The
ment V., who in March A. b. 1309 translated the pope''s court to r,Xt*
Avignon in France, where it remained the term of seventv vears t""siated
o " ^ ^ , ' , ' . to Francr.
after. At the coronation of this Clement were present Philip king
of France, Charles his son, and John duke of Brotagne, with a great slaughter
number of other men of state and nobdity ; at which coronation, gjf'^g'"
they being in the middle of the pomp or procession, a great wall pope's
broke down and fell upon them, by the fall whereof duke John and tion.
twelve others were slain, king Philip was hurt and wounded, and the Emperor
pope being struck from his horse, lost out from the mitre upon his ro°r.uni'c'ss
head a carbuncle, esteemed to the value of six thousand florins.^ By by'ihT *"*
this Clement it was ordained that the emperor, though he might be pope.
(1) See Walsingham, a.d. 1301, 1307. (2) Platina de Vit. Pont. (3) Illyricus, col. 1GG5.
608
■Jlir. ItO.MAN AND CRKCIAN CHURCHKS.
J'-dwardi. called king of tlif Ho.nans, might not enjoy the title and right of the
A. D. ^^"^pe''"^ before he was by him confirmed ; and that the emperor's
1306. seat being vacant, the pope should reign as emperor, till a new
The Tern- <^"ipcror was chosen. By him the order of the Templars, who at that
piars put time were too abonnnable to be borne, was put down at the council of
The feast VicHHc (a.i). 1312), as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared.
chn"t?"' y^^ ''^^^" ordained and confirmed the feast of Corpus Christi, assigning
Septimus indulgences to such as heard the service thereof; and as pope Boni-
'' face before heaped up the book of Decretals, called ' Sextus Decre-
Decreta-
l.UITI,
Jlllt 1,11 — — ^^^»w
Med taluim, so this Clement compiled the seventh book of the Decretals,
riemrn- callcd from the same Clement ' The Clementines.' In the time of
tines.
iienr- ^^''^pf^pp, tlicempcror Henry VII. was poisoned in receiving the
vTi. sacrament by a false dissembling monk called Bernard, that feigned
pinioned liiiiiself to be his familiar friend ; which was thought to be done not
•".the without the consent of the pope's legate. The emperor, perceiving
AuR.'24, himself poisoned, warned him to flee and escape, for else the Germans
A.D.1313. y:Q^\^\ certainly slay him ; who although he escaped himself, yet
divers of his order after that with fire and sword were slain.'
r^ieoio- As this pope Clement Y. had now well provided, as ye have heard,
peror™" agaiust the empire of Rome to bring it under his girdle, insomuch
finopie?" t^''^^ 'without the pope's benediction no emperor might take the state
muni"" "l^°" ^""^' ^^^ ""^^^ proceeded further to intermeddle with the empire
cated of Constantinople. He began by exercising his tyranny and power
hisad" of excommunication against Andronicus Paleologus, emperor of
b^pope Constantinople, a. d. 1,30G, declaring him to be a schismatic and
Clement, licrctic, bccausc lic neither would nor durst suffer the Grecians to
suffering J^f^l^c their appeal from the Greek church to the pope, neither would
cl'ans to' acknowledge him for his superior. By this it may appear, that the
appeal to Grcck church did not admit the pope's superiority as yet, nor at
A.T?306. any time before ; save only about the time of j)op'c Innocent III.,
^°lc\\ce ^'^' ^^^^' ^^ ^liich time the Frenchmen with their captain Baldwin,
oniieRo- carl of Flanders, joining together with the Venetians, were set
.n.>h pre- against the Grecians to restore Alexis to his right of the empire of
Constantinople, upon condition, as writeth Platina,' to subdue the
Greek church under the church of Rome. This Alexis being restored
and shortly after slain, the empire came to the Frenchmen, a.d.1?04,
with whom it remained the space of seventy years, till the coming
of Michael Paleologus, who (in the days of pope Gregory IX.) restored
the empire from the Frenchmen unto its pristine state again, a. d.
and'how ^^'' ^" .l^"ring all this time of the French emperors the Greek church
Gre'ek'"' ^^^^ subjcct to Romc, as by the Decretals of pope Gregory IX. may
church appear. Then followed after this, that the aforesaid Michael, erape-
JeTxlT' ^^^ of Constantinople, being called up to a council at Lyons by pope
Rome. Gregory X. about the controversy of the proceeding "of the Holy
Ghost (as is above specified) and obedience to the church of Rome ;
because the said Michael the emperor did there submit himself and
the Grecians to the subjection of Rome, as testifieth Baptist Egnat,
he thereby procured to himself such grudge and hatred among the
Greek monks and priests, that after his death they denied him the
due honour and ])lace of burial.'' The son of 'this Michael was
Andronicus Paleologus above mentioned, who, as ye have heard
before, because he was constrained by the Grecians not to admit any
appeal to the Bishop of Rome, was accursed by the pope's censures
(l; See Appendix. (2) Platina, Vit. Innocentii. (3) Ex Baptist. Egnatio. Rotn. Princ. lib 7.
actions
aiii-
FIRST FRUITS DKNIED TO THE POPE. 609
as a heretic. Whereby it appeareth, that the Grecians, recovering Edwardi
their state again, refused all subjection at this time to the church of a. D.
Rome, which was a.d. 1306. After this Clement V. followed pope i;{07.
John XX II., with whom Louis IV., emperor, had much trouble ^^
{a.d. 1328). After whom next in course succeeded pope Benedict ^^^^\
XII., Avhich Benedict on a time, being desired to make certain new denitth
cardinals, to this answered again, that he would gladly so do, if he also tk)ntothe
could make a new world ; " For this world," said he, " is for these jl'J'^g"''
cardinals that be made already."' And thus much of the popes :
now to return a little back to the king's story again.
In the year of our Lord 1307,^ which was the thirty-fifth of the reign The
of this king, on the octaves of St. Hilary [.Jan. 20th], the king kept a p°^^
parliament at Carlisle, where great complaints were brought in by the compUi
nobles and ancients of the realm, concerning tne manifold and into- pariia-
lerable oppressions of churches and monasteries, and exactions of™^'"'
money, by the pope''s legate William Testa (otherwise termed ' Mala
Testa') lately brought into the realm of England. The coming of
which William Testa was upon this occasion, as foUoweth : pope
Clement, (who, as ye heard before, had translated his court from Rome
into France, where he had been archbishop before), because he con-
temned to come and remain at his own see, the princes of Rome
thought him therefore unworthy to enjoy Peter's patrimony ; and so
by that means falling into bareness and poverty, he lived only on the
money of such bishops as came to him to be confirmed, and with such
other shifts and gifts ; so that by this means, partly of bishops and
other religious men and persons, partly under the name of courtesy
and benevolence, partly under the pretence of borrowing, he had
within the first year nine thousand and five hundred marks of silver; The
all his other charges and expenses, which he largely that year bestowed,
being clearly borne."" ^ Besides this, lie sent moreover the aforesaid ""ejear.
legate, William Testa, into England with his bulls, in the which he po'ife's
reserved the first fruits of the first year of all churches being vacant ^^nt'^n,,,
at any time or by any man, within the realms of England, Scotland, E.igiana.
Wales, and Ireland, and also the fruits of abbeys and priories within fruUsfirsi
the said realms, &c. Whereupon, the king with his nobles, seeing brought
the inconvenience and harm thereof ensuing to the whole realm, in pope,
the aforesaid parliament, hoiden at Carlisle, withstood the said legate, |^i"^^^,.j
charfiintr and commandino: him bv the assent of the earls and barons, with-
that henceforth he should abstain from all such exactions ; and, as t)ie pope
concerning his lord the pope, he would direct certain his messengers fJL'ite!^
unto him, purposely for the same matter appointed : by the which
ambassadors the king wrote unto the aforesaid pope, declaring and
admonishing the pope, as right and reason was, that he should not Fii«t
exact the first fruits of the churches and abbeys, by his predecessors ai.beyg
and noblemen of the land founded for the honour and maintenance of ti^" pope?
God's service, for alms and hospitality ; which otherwise, in so doing,
should all be overthrown. And so by this means, the pope at that J,"';' , ,
• 1 T~> (> 1 1 Inuts for
time changed his purpose concernmg abbeys. But after that tlie iwoye;iri
fruit of English churches was granted to the king for two years : in fj'ihe^
which space he obtained the fruits of the aforesaid churches. '''"°-
(1) Ex scriptoEngetliusensis. (2) Ex Nic. Trivet. (3) Ex Hist, quae incipit ab Henrico Tcrtio,
VOL. II. R R
pope s
getting in
GlO I.KTTKK OK 1 ITZ-CASSIOUOKli ON UOMISH ABUSES.
Edwurdi. During the whicli pailimiit-nt before specified, as men were talking
^ J) many things of the pope's oppressions, which he began in the English
1307! church, in the full of the parliament suddenly fell down among them,
as sent from heaven, a certain paper, with this superscription : ' —
An Epistle of Fitz-Cassiodore to the Church of England, concerning
the Abuses of the Romish Church.
As the To the noble clnircli of England, serving in clay and brick, Peter, son of
Jews did Cassiodore, a catholic soldier and devoted champion of Christ, sendeth greeting
in limes ^j^j jijj, ^visiles, that she may cast ofl' the yoke of bondage, and receive the
iier the prize of liberty.
tyraniiyof << 'Yq what shall I compare thee, or to what shall I liken thee, O daughter of
tfa^us'^^^'*' Jerusalem ? to what shall I equal thee, O virgin daughter of Sion ? For t!)y
breach is great like the seu ; thou sittest alone and without comfort, and faint
with grief, all the day long ; thou art given up into the hands of one, from
whom thou canst not rise without the help of one to lift thee up." (Lamenta-
tions i. 13, 14; ii. 13.) For the Scribes and Pharisees who sit in the chair of
Moses, I mean the Roman princes, are become tliy chiefest enemies; who,
while they make broad their phylacteries, at the same time (scekii:g to enrich
tliemselves with the marrow (if thy bones) "lay heavy burdens and grievous to
be borne " on the shoulders of thee and thy ministers, and unjustly put thee
under tribute, who from of old wert free. But there is no matter for wonder
herein, for thy mother, " the queen of the nations," after the custom of widows
marrying her inferior, hath made him thy father, that is to say, hath pre-
ferred above all others the pontiff of the city of Rome ; who is far from show-
ing the relationship by any thing paternal in his conduct towards thee. He
ostentatiously enlargeth, indeed, his fringes and vaunteth over thee, and maketh
thee to feel by experience that he is thy mother's husband : for full oft he
remembereth with himself that favourite text in the prophet, which he hath so
deeply digested, " Take thee a great book, and write in it with a man's pen ;
'Seize the spoils, and quickly fall upon tlie prey.'" (Is. viii. 1.) Was it,
however, to sanction such conduct as this that the apostle wrote (Hcb. v. 1, 2),
" Every high priest taken from among men is appointed for men in things per-
taining to God, that he may" — mark, not that he may impose yearly taxes
and harass people to death, but — " that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for
sins, and shew compassion toward the ignorant and them that ai-e out of the
way." Accordingly we read of Peter the fisherman (whose successor he vaunt-
eth himself to be), that after the resurrection of Christ he returned with the
other apostles to the trade of fishing ; and that when he could catch nothing
on the left side of the ship, at the bidding of Christ he turned to the right
side, and drew the net to land full of great fishes. Which teacheth, that the
ministry of the churcli, whereby the devil is to be conquered and abundance
of souls brought to Christ, to be useful for these ends must be rightly exercised ;
whereas the toiling on the left side of the ship importeth mis-management,
which turneth out far otherwise ; for faith must be shaken and despondency pre-
vail, wliere that wliicli is anxiously sought after is no where found. And who
is so foolish as to believe, that he can at the same time serve both God and
mammon ; or that he can please his fancy and follow the suggestions of flesh and
blood, and yet offer acceptable services to Christ? And doubtless that shepherd,
who watcheth not for the edification of his flock, doth but prepare another waj'
for that " roaring lion who goeth about seeking whom he may devour."
And now, 0 daughter, pry'thee behold the unheard of practices of your
so-called father. He removeth good shepherds from the sheepfolds, and placeth
in their stead his own nephews, cousins, and parents, men quite illiterate, and
as incapable as deaf and duiiib persons of xmderstanding and succouring the
bleating sheep, and caring notliing how they are worried by the wolves, but, like
hirelings, only minding to shear their fleeces ; reaping where other men had
sown, and wielding the crook, not " ut prosint," but " ut praesint," i.e. not to
(1) Ex vetusto chronicoAlbanensi [printed in Goldasti "deMonarcha" (torn. i. p.U), dated 1250;
whence the above translation is made. Collier thinks Fitz-Cassiortore is an assumed name.
" Petrus Cassiodorus, I talus, qu6d Papam Antichristum esse sciipsisset. cum Petro Johanne Biter-
rensi [of Bcziers] Franciscano, refossus tt combustus est circa A.u. l.iOO." HofTinan. OnPelerJohn
«ee suprd, p. 521. — £i>.
LETTER OF FITZ-CASSIOUOIIK OX KOMISII ABUSES. fill
feed, but to rule ; whose hands are always busy inside the baskets, but their backs Edwariil.
decline the burdens. The consequences of all this are evident — the priest-
hood hath lost men's respect, God is robbed of his honour, and the poor of their ^- '-^•
alms.. And thus the pious devotion of kings, princes, and Christians, who ^'^Q'-
endowed the church, is frustrated of its object. Must it not appear marvellous
in the eyes of all men, that whereas Christ ordered the royal tribute to be paid
for himself and St. Peter, and refused to interfere in a dispute about property,
and declared his kingdom not to be of this world — that, nevertheless, a man
who pretendeth to be the vicar of Christ should, contrary to his will, strive to
bring under his girdle the kingdoms of the world and the princes thereof, with no
right thereto but his assumed style, nor any title but the stroke of his own pen !
And as for you, his daughter, what usage doth he put upon you ! Doth he
not pull you about as he pleaseth? Nor doth feel content with a tithe of your
revenues, unless he get also the first fruits of the benefices of thy ministers.
And what for? to raise a new patrimony for himself and his kindred, therein
defeating the pious intentions of the founders. Other abominable taxes he
imposeth, to pay his legates whom he sendeth over into England; not only
pillaging you and yours of your food and raiment, but actually like dogs tearing
your flesh off your bones. May not such an oppressor be compared to king Na-
buchadonosor, who laid waste the temple of the Lord and plundered it of its gold
and silver vessels? For whatever he did therein, the same doth this man.
He also rifled the ministers of the house of the Lord, and left it destitute of its
due support : this man doth the same. Doubtless it is better for those who are
slain outright with the sword, than for those who are famished to death by
inches ; for the former die instantl}', but the latter pine away with protracted
pain, as the earth ceaseth to yield them nourishment. Truly, O daughter, " all
they that pass by " may well compassionate thee, for " what sorrow is like to
thy sorrow?" (Lam. i. 12.) For "thy visage is blacker than coals" through
much sorrow and weeping, " so that thou art no more known in the streets "
(Lam. iv. 8) : thy aforesaid governor "hath placed thee in darkness, and made
thee drunken with wormwood and gall." (Lam. iii. 2, 5, 6, 15.) " Hear,
then, the affliction of thy people, O Lord, and their groaning : behold, O Lord,
and come down " (Exod. iii. 7, 8), for the heart of this man is harder than
Pharaoh's. He will not let thy people go, except under the strength of thy
hand. For he not only cruelly harasseth them while upon earth, but he pur-
sueth them after death : for all the property of Christians (be they who they
may) which cometh within the description of ' intestate,' after their decease he
encroacheth to himself.
And by the way, the English nobility would do well to consider, how in
times past the French, directing their longing eyes toward this realm, have had
schemes for bringing it under their own dominion : and it is to be feared,
lest what has hitherto been lacking in themselves should be supplied by the
craft} dealings of this new enemy; for when the public treasury is exhausted
and the native clergy impoverished, the kingdom must be in so much the w-orse
condition for repelling a foreign invasion. Wherefore, that neither thou, O
daughter, nor you her ministers, be led into a still more miserable bondage, it
is expedient for your own sake and theirs, that thy most christian king and
the great men of the realm, who have already beautified thee with the richest
benefices, and who in that case would have to defend you and the said bene-
fices, should resist the devices, conspiracies, arrogancy, and pride of the said
man, who, with no thought of serving God, but only to enrich his relations and
like an eagle to set his own nest on high, goeth about through these and other
impositions to drain England of all her money, by a sort of usurpation ; and let
them beware lest false simplicity in the matter bring on the ruin of the realm
as well as thy own, when it would be too late to think of applying a remedy.
May the Lord of all virtue take the veil from that man's heart, and bestow
on him a contrite and humble spirit, and cause him to discern the ways of the
true God, and by them be extricated from his own errors and compelled to
abandon his aforesaid sinister doings. Moreover, may the vineyard which the
right hand of God planted, be filled with cultivators of the pure faith. And to
encourage you to resist these attempts at usurpation, attend to the words of God
in the prophecy of Jeremiah ; " Thou pastor, which hast scattered my people
and hast cast them out of their habitations, behold I will visit upon thee the
evil of thy doings, nor shall tltore be a man of thy seed to sit on the throne of
u |{ 2
G12
KXTKNT OK ECCLESIASTICAL JUUISDICTIOX DISCUSSED.
Frtnch David and to rule in Jvidali any more. Let thy nest be deserted and be ovcr-
tJitinry. turucd like Sodom and (ioniorrali." (Jer. xxii. oO ; xxiii. 1, 2, 14.) But if by
. jj these words he will not be deterred from these his enterprises, and will not be
j.joo' brought to make restitution of that which he hath taken, then let them regard
' " • him as a man hardened in impenitence, and sing against him the lODih Psalm ;
" Hold not thy peace, O God of my praise," &c. For truly as favour, grace,
and benevolence, remitteth and ncglcctetii many offences; so again the gentle
benignity of man, being too much oppressed and grieved, seeking to be
delivered and freed from the same, striveth and searchcth to have the truth
known, and casteth off that yoke, by all means possible, that giieveth him, &c.
What effect this letter wrought in them to whom it Avas directed,
is not in story expressed. This by the sequel may be conjectured,
that no reason or persuasion could prevail ; but that the pope retained
here still his exactions, whatever was said or written to the contrary.
A pariia- Aud thus mucli bciug written hitherto of these acts and doings
France? li^i'^ i" England, now to slip a little into matters happening nearly
wherein j^j t,]ig game tinic* in France, under the reign of Philip de Valois.
sedhow Forasmuch as about this time (a.d. 1329) was commenced a parlia-
[?sVictimi ment by the said king of France against the pope, touching the
fk-afex-^" jnrisdiction, both temporal, pertaining to princes, and ecclesias-
teiideih. tical, bclougiug to the cliurch ; I thouglit it not unprofitable for the
reader to hear and learn the full discourse and tradition thereof,
according as we have caused it to be extracted faithfully out of the
true copy and records of Peter Bertrand, bishop of Autun,^ and
chief doer and prolocutor in the said parliament upon the pope's side
against the king and state temporal.
Forasmuch as the high prelate of Rome, otherwise called Anti-
christ, being then in his chief ruff, extolling himself above all princes
and potentates of the world, as in other countries, so also in France,
extended his usurped jurisdiction above the ])rinccly authority of the
kimj, claiming to himself full government of both the states, as well
secular as also ecclesiastical ; the king, therefore, not suffering the
excessive proceedings of pope John XXTl. above specified, directeth
his letters mandatory to the prelates and barons of the realm of France,
to convene and assemble themselves together at Paris, about the
beginning of December, the year above prefixed ; the tenor of which
letters of the king, as directed to the prelates, followeth in this form
and manner.
The summons of Parliament by Philip, the French King.
Philip, by the grace of God king of the French, to our beloved and trusty
the bishop of Autun, health and affection. Possessing, as you do, a fuller
knowledge of divinity and the holy Scriptures, and more of that experience
which is the mistress of other excellences, than our subjects generally, the more
sensible are you how the clergy and laity of this realm, one and all, are bound
as members of the same body to sympathize together, and mutually combine
for the maintenance of unity and peace, and for avoiding the contrary as mucli
as possible, every state contenting itself with its proper rights. Being adver-
tised, then, that you and your officials complain of our bailiffs and officials, aud
of some of the barons of our realm of France, injuring you and yours, and in
like mauncr that they complain of you and your officials, and the officers
(1) Our author here breaks into the chronological arrangement of his history, as he confesses at
p. r>40, but there reverts to it again. — Ed.
(2) The work referred to is printed in the Biblioth. Patrum de la Eigne (Paris, 1624, torn. iii. col.
SG.3), the Maxima Hihlioth. Patrum (Lugd. 1677, torn. xxvi. p. 107), and Goldasti de Mon. torn. ii.
p. 1361. Foxe's ac.outil has bP'-n collated with the original, and numerous errors corrected.
c;allia Christiana, and Fleury's history, have also been consulted with gre.it advantao'e as to the
'lates. Bee Appciidix. — En.
Letter
1(1 the
uishops
and pre-
lates.
e par-
t
ed.
SPEECH OF LORD PETER DE CUGNlERES IN PAKI.IA MKNT. 613
of j'our court, injuring us and them, and ours and theirs, as well in time I'renrh
pasi as now, by occasion whereof the bond of that true unity which ou^ht H'''i'"'ii.
to subsist between you and them (as was said) hatli been soniewliat . ,.
loosened; and being anxious to maintain a good understanding between the 1090
clergy and laity, and, by God's help, to provide some remedy herein; we require L!1_L
and charge you by these presents, to appear before us at Paris by the
Octaves of the Feast of St. Andrew [Dec. 7tli] next ensuing, advised on the
subject of the injuries which you allege to have been done you by the parties
aforesaid. But we are by other letters of ours charging in like manner our bailiffs
and officials and our barons aforesaid, to appear personally before us at Paris
on the day aforesaid, advised on the subject of the injuries which they allege
to have been done them and theirs by you and your officials ; that a whole-
some remedy therein may by us and our council be provided, whereby the
bonds of love and attachment and sincere charity nuiy for the future be pre-
served unbroken, as they ought to be, between you and them. Given at Paris,
the first day of Septenilier, a.d. 1329.
At the day in the letters above specified the prelates assembled tii
themselves before the kinsr at his palace in Paris, that is to sav, the ''=i"'e"i
lord archbishops of Boiirges, Auch, Tours, Rouen, and Sens ; and
the lord bishops of Beauvais, Chalons sur IMarne, Laon, Paris,
Noyons, Oliartres, Coutances, Angers, Poictiers, Meaux, Cambray,
St. Flour, St. Erieu, Chalons sur Seine, and Autun. After due Lord
reverence done' by the said prelates unto the king's niajestv there ^"^g'^'i^j j^
sitting in his own person, with certain barons and his council about <.'»e p^r-
him, a certain noble and wise person, lord Peter de Cugnieres, being
one of the king's council, rose up, and openly in the parliament The ora-
house spake in the king's behalf on this wise, taking for his theme, y^ded^in-
"■ Render unto Caesar that which is Csesar^ and unto God that which '° "^°
is God's " (Matth. xxii.), Avhich he very skilfully prosecuted and obedience
applied, dividing it into two parts : — First, that obedience and ung'tdif-
reverence is due unto the king; Secondly, that there ought to be a ^^''^^^^
o ^ v ' " between
difference between the jurisdiction of the clergy and laity, so that tiiejuris-
spiritual matters should be defined and ordered by the prelates and tt'iesta\es
spiritual men, and temporal causes ruled and determined by the king, a^,'^eccie-
his barons and temporal men. All this he proved by many siastkai.
reasons both of fact and law, as more fully appeareth beneath in the
answers of the archbishop of Sens elect and the bishop of Autun.
Finally he concluded, that the clergy ought only to deal and have
to do with spiritual matters ; in defence whereof, the king's highness
would stand their good lord and maintainer. His oration being
ended, he repeated certain words in the French tongue, which
imported that it was the king's intention to renew the temporal
jurisdiction ; and therewith he exhibited certain articles underwritten
in French, whereof also he gave a copy to the prelates (translated
into Latin), the contents whereof he affirmed not to appertain to the
jurisdiction of the spiritualty, but only to the temporalty, com-
plaining that the clergy had wrongfully proceeded in the same.
But notwithstanding, having made his proposition, he said, that the
prelates were at liberty to deliberate and confidentially consult the
king thereupon. The copy of the articles and the grievances of the
kingdom of France, wrought by the clergy and exhibited to the
king, with the answers ensuing upon the same, hereunder follow. Articles
1. The coo-nizance of causes affecting real property, whether in possession ' " "';f
or in right, by common law appertameth to the temporal jurisdiction, but tlie mem
priipoiiM-
(I) The first day, probably, was occupied in cevemonial. See infra, p.fil9, note.— Kn. rii'rt.
f)14 ARTICLES OF COMPLAINT OF
Fri-iich prelates, with their officials, infringe the temporal jurisdiction, hy taking upoo
Jlisiory. them the deternunation of such causes real ; especially in cases of actual pos-
» i^ session and all cases of interdict.
j.jf,g" 2. Item, When a layman is disturbed or thwarted by a clerk in the possession
" of his land, and cntcreth a process before the secular power "in casu novitatis "'
or otherwise, the prelates' officials at the instance of the clerk stop the temporal
jurisdiction, warning both the secular judge and the party not to proceed anv
further in tlic cause, under pain of excommunication and forfeiture of a
certain sum.
Prelates 3. Item, Although the cognizance of laymen's matters, except in spiritual
'"'"". causes, bclongeth to the secular judge, yet will the bishops' ofHcials, at the
temporal instance of any party, call such before them ; and if the laymen should demur
iiii'ii's to their jurisdiction, or the secular judges should require the cause to be remitted
matters, j^ them as the right judges, the officials refuse to do this, and even by excom-
munication compel the parties to proceed before them.
4. Item, If a clerk allege that he is injured in his immoveable property' by a
layman, the prelates' officials will, at the instance of the clerk, proceed against
the layman. And if the layman allege that the cause is one of real property (it
being so indeed), and that for that cause it ought to be remitted to the secular
judge, this notwithstanding, the officials aforesaid prohibit them, under pain of
excommunication or soiue great forfeit, from jjroceeding before the secular judge.
5. Item, The bishops' officials endeavour to obtain the cognizance of con-
tracts made in the secular courts either in writing or only by word of mouth ;
and by their monitions and censures endeavour to make it excommunication
for any to enter into such contracts.
6. Item, The prelates decree provincial ordinances or by-laws and synodal
statutes, enacting therein many things to the great prejudice of the temporal
jurisdiction, whereof they ought to have no cognizance at all, neither to inter-
meddle therewith.
7. Item, The aforesaid officials appoint sworn notaries to draw the form of
contracts made in places under the jurisdiction temporal, concerning the sale
of immoveable propertj'^ or otherwise ; encroaching thereby upon the other
jurisdiction, when verily they have nothing to do with any contracts and obli-
gations, but with such as are made and agreed upon within the compass of their
own see and jurisdiction.
Exofficio. 8. Item, The said officials, by their mere office, frequently call laymen before
them to answer to certain matters which they lay to their charge, the cognizance
Imprison- whereof, they say, doth appertain unto them ; and when the said persons do
mcntper- appear before them, and deny the crimes objected against them, the officials
not to the detain them and put them in prison ; nor will they release them, although in
clergy. such cases release on bail is allowed by the law, and imprisonment appertaineth
only to the temporal power, and not to them.
9. Item, In the cases aforesaid, although in the inquiry and process insti-
tuted by the said officials the parties be found innocent of that which is laid to
their charge and be acquitted, yet these said officials will in no wise discharge
them, before they have paid for the writings and process in that behalf a good
sum of money ; when by law they ought in such cases to recover their costs.
10. Item, It must not be forgotten to mention the sentence of excommuni-
cation, which is summarily decreed by virtue of only one citation, so often as a
man faileth to make his appearance.
11. Itetn, Mention is to be made of a certain kind of obligations, termed
' De nisi;' whereby a man is instantly excommunicated, if he make not pay-
ment at the day prefixed, although he be not able so to do.
12. Item, Whosoever by virtue of excommunication in the bishops' court is
so excommunicated, and does not then pay the sum mentioned in the excom-
munication, the sum is forthwith dotibled ; and the secular power is charged by
the bishops or their officials, that they, under pain of being excommunicated
themselves, compel the excommunicated, by attaching their goods, to pay the
said sum ; which monition if the secular power refuse to put in execution, they
themselves are then excommunicated, and cannot be absolved till they disburse
that money which the principal excommunicated person should have paid.
(1) " Novitas," a law term, sifinifying "encroachment," or "trespass." — Ed.
(2) " In rebus hereditariis suis." See Ducange.— F.d.
THE LAITY AGAINST THE CLERGY. 615
13. Item, If the bailiffs, headboroughs, or other the king's officers and judges Frcnrh
of the temporalty, should be disposed to execute the said monitions, but sliould ^^'"("'j-
find those that be excommunicated destitute of effects; the said officers are A.I).
bound, at their own proper costs and charges, to resort to the bishop's court, 1329.
and there to take a corporal oath, that they found no effects with the parties
excommunicated. This if they fixil to do, those officers arc sure to be excommuni- Actions
cated, aid thereby forced to disburse the debt of the excommunicated persons. I'eal and
14. Iiom, If two laymen be in suit together before a temporal judge about P^"'"""^ •
an action either real or personal, and one of them after fair contestation of law ,,,3^, ^p.
seek to evade the issue, and do appeal to an ecclesiastical judge, such judge peal from
will often presume to take cognizance of such actions real and personal, ^^p,^^'
warning the temporal judge to cease from meddling therein in consequence of to the
the appeal; and if the secular judge obey not, he is pronounced excommu- temporal
nicate, and compelled to make satisfaction ; by occasion whereof, the temporal thepo^pe's
jiu'isdictioa is much infringed and clean losetli its prerogative; because no man divinity.
ever appealeth from a spiritual judge to the temporal.
1.5. Item, If a layman, inhabiting any of the king's towns, procureth his
debtor, being also a layman, to be arrested by the secular authorities of the
place, then, if he who is so arrested appealeth up those who arrested him or
caused him to be arrested, the bishops' officials will take upon them to hear this
matter ; and if any thing should be attempted in the way of opposition to the
appeal, they demand satisfaction of the secular authorities as representing the
party on whom the arrest was served. And if any of the king's servants advise
them to resist this injury, they are straightways ])ronounced excommunicate.
16. Item, The said bishops have a number of officials under them, whom Deans of
they term deans of the clergy, who frequently sunnnon all sorts of people the cler-
throughout the king's demesnes and elsewhere, only by word of mouth, to ^'
come before them, and that without commission ; whereas in every diocese
there ought to be one consistory, wherein alone causes should be heard and
decided. And hereby it happeneth oftentimes that many are so summoned
without any cause, to the end that they may pay a large sum of money to
extricate themselves, which is to the no small prejudice of the king's majesty
and of his subjects, and of the temporal jurisdiction.
17. Item, The said deans seal up the houses of the clergy, and others
belonging even to temporal persons, which are situate in the king's towns, to
the prejudice of the king's majesty's jurisdiction and that of the temporalty in
general ; for in such places the bishops have no such kind of jurisdiction.
18. Item, The said prelates, or their officials, do presume to seal up the Married
moveable goods of clerks who are married and merchants ; whereas, in such clerks,
cases, the ordering thereof appertaineth to the sec\ilar power.
19. Item, They compel the laity to give security to clerks to answer before
themselves in the spiritual courts ; yea, and chiefly the king's own servitors.
20. Item, They claim the right, even within the jurisdiction of the king and
his subjects, of making inventories of the goods of laymen deceasing.
21. Item, They presume to take cognizance of causes " hypothecarijB,"
which are real, or at least-wise mixed, that is, both real and personal.
22. Item, The said prelates go about to have cognizance of such temporal
men's matters as dwell in hospitals and almshouses, whether situate in towns
which are peculiars of the king or his subjects, or out of them, although the plea
thereof appertaineth to the king himself and his subjects aforesaid; forbidding
any man to be so hardy as to commence any suit against any of them but before
themselves, on pain of excommunication and forfeiting a great sum of money.
23. Item, To the end the ecclesiastical rule should be aggrandized, they
confer the tonsure on numbers of children under age, some of them being sons
of bondmen, others born bastards ; yea, and on many married folks, and dis-
qualified and illiterate persons.
24. Item, They do cause their deans to attach widow-women and to take them
under their surveillance, and will have the cognizance thereof; as in like manner
they will have the wardship of minors, applying their goods when they die, as
they do also the goods of those who die intestate, to their own use : the cogni-
zance of all which matters belongeth to the king himself, because those kinds of
persons with their goods are in ward to the king, and under his tuition.
25. Item, They cause temporal men of the king's demesnes, or elsewhere, ^'^.j
in violation of all order of law, to be apprehended by their aforesaid deans, money.
616
ARTICLES OK COMPLAIXT 01
A.D.
1329.
French objecting to tliein that they have offended against some article of christian
Hiitory. faitli^ and forthwith imprison them; wiiereas their apprehension and imprison-
ment appertain to the king, till such time as they be convicted of the crime
alleged.
26. Item, Thcv exercise their jurisdiction in all places, having no regard
either to the king's peculiar towns nor yet to those of his subjects, but run into
every Iiole; when, by law, they ought to have no jurisdiction without their own
limits and precinct.
27. Item, When these prelates or their officials by their monitions do
charge the king's officers and his justices to execute any thing, if they do
not perform that which is prescribed unto them, they inflict a heavy fine ; yea,
and denounce excommunication against them. And this is a new invention
sprung up of late amongst them, much to the prejudice of the king and his
subjects.
28. Item, When the bishops or their ofiicials do prosecute any temporal man
" ex officio " in their own court, and have no proof of tiie matter, they compel
many of the laity to depose what they know thereof, having no respect whether
they be the king's burgesses, or not, or what they be ; and yet will they not
allow them any thing for their expenses : and if they appear not at their day,
they are excommimicated.
29. Item, If an offender be apprehended by any of the king's justices, and
indicted of theft, and he, to whom the stolen thing belonged, cometh before
the king's sheriffs, and proveth it to be his, and redress should be afforded
him by them; if the bishops or their officials affirm the said offender 'ex post
facto ' to be a clerk, they will by their monitions and citations compel the king's
sheriffs to bring in the aforesaid stolen thing to them ; and if they do it not,
they are excommunicated.
30. Item, If it happen that the king's sheriff or bailiff take an offender for
some offence, and he affirmcth himself to be a clerk, although he have no kind
of tonsure and wear no habit appertaining thereunto ; yet the bishops or their
officials will by their monitions cause the detainers of him instantly to deliver
up the said ott'ender to them as their clerk.
.31. Item, If it happen that the king's sheriff, or any other secular justice,
take a thief or even a murderer who beareth a clerk's tonsure, and there-for
dclivereth him to tlie clergy to be ordered, it shall not be long before he be
acquitted by them, although he acknowledge the charge; yea, and notwith-
standing that any laymen who may have been his accomplices in that affair
should have been brought to justice for the same, and impeached him thereof;
and so such offenders are thereby encouraged to commit the like again.
'62. Item, If any complaineth and saith that he is spoiled, by and by the
officials will grant a monition against the spoiler, by virtue whereof some one
of the deans of the clergy will admonish him to resign into his hands the things
comprised in the monition, or else swear that he hath not spoiled the plaintiff
of such things as he saith he was spoiled of. But if he refuse to take such an
oath before him, then the dean will straightways seal the monition and excom-
municate him ; and by no means shall he be absolved, before he restore and
satisfy the things comprised in the monition, whereof the plaintiff had said that
he was spoiled.
.33. Item, If any for his offence be cast into prison by the secular power,
although at the time of his taking he wore a lay habit, and had no tonsure, but
all the days of his life had lived like a layman ; yet, if he shall avouch himself
to be a clerk, to the intent to have better speed at the clergy's hands than from
the secular power, and to escape unpunished, the clergy will Immediately issue
a monition to the secular power to give up and surrender the offender to
them, or else an interdict will be laid on the whole township where the said
offender shall be so imprisoned; and, for avoiding the jeopardy which might
arise out of the s:iid interdict, the secular judges are of necessity compelled to
deliver up the offender, to the great prejudice of the king's temporal jurisdiction,
to whom the cognizance thereof appertained " in casu ressorti."
34. Item, When any offender is delivered up by the temporal magistrates to
the ecclesiastical, on the plea of his being a clerk, his friends will make suit to
tlie bishop's officials for him, and compound with them, by reason whereof they
dismiss parties unpunished ; and so they do worse than ever, although their
crimes before were sufficiently scandalous.
Ressor
turn.
THE. LAl'tV AGAINST THE CLERGY. 617
35. Item, As soon as any married clerk, being a merchant, or of whatsoever French
other occupation he be, for some offence by him committed is called before the Hintory.
secular judge, the said clerk obtaineth of the officials a monition, and taketh ~a~t7~
with him some priest, who doth inhibit the secular judge under pain of one or y\<)Q
two hundred marks, yea and of excommunication too, not to proceed further, — ""
nor to meddle in such causes, and not to molest such parties either in body or
goods : and, if the judge obey not, the celebration of religious rites is suspended
in that place, although the matter concerneth merchandise.
36. Item, The said officials grant citations without number against the laity
" in casu assecuramenti," personally to cite before them persons unknown ; but,
if the persons be known, it is contained in the citation, that in no wise, and
that under a great penalty, they cause their adversary to be called before a
secular judge, while the present citation is pending and in force.
37. Item, When one is excommunicated in any place, the said officials gi*ant
out personal citations against those, who do participate or are conversant with
the excommunicated, causing a whole country for the space of one or two
leagues round about to be cited together. And further, the friends and ac-
quaintance of the party so excommimicated, sometimes forty, sometimes sixty,
yea and sometimes a hundred at once, are compelled to make their purgation
before them, that they do not participate or keep company with their friends
the excommunicates. Whereby ensvieth, that many honest old men for
avoiding of trouble and expense do pay some twelve pence, some two shillings ;
by occasion whereof many vineyards are unlooked to, much ground is un-
tilled, yea, and many good men are constrained to lay the key under the door
and run away.
38. Item, The said officials do burden many persons ot good name and fame
with being usurers, whereby they are constrained to compound with them, to
avoid the infamy that thereby might ensue.
39. Item, The aforesaid officials call by citation before them the honestly
wedded, as well man as woman, charging them, that they have committed
adultery ; to the perpetual scandal of virtuous husbands and wives : and all for
nothing else but for extortion, to wring money from them.
40. Item, Mention must be made of the multitude of proctors, who eat and
devour up all the world with their citations, and catch clients, and hold courts
and assizes of their own throughout the country, and of their own authority
drop their citations for money which they extort from the parties cited.
41. Item, There be many other griefs and enormities, which the chapters,
abbots, priors, provosts of hospitals, and other ecclesiastical persons in the realm
of France, practise against the people ; as, when they cause to be cited before
them many of the king's burgesses, and others belonging to divers privileged
places : for instance, citizens of St. Brieu, Nantes in Bretagne, Lyons, Ma9on,
with other more. But especially the provosts of hospitals use this trick more
commonly than any others do, whereby the people are much endamaged, and
will be every day more and more, if remedy be not had therein.
42. Item, Ecclesiastical magistrates labour to have cognizance of causes of
injury, of whatsoever nature it be, whether the injury be committed by word
or deed. Likewise they take upon them to hear the causes of the wives of
married clerks, although both they and their husbands be merchants by occu-
pation ; and if at any time such couples be taken by the secular magistrates,
the official causeth an interdict to be laid on that parish, by virtue of the council
of Senlis.
43. Item, They challenge to have cognizance concerning widows' goods, both
moveable and immoveable ; and if it happeneth, at any time, that a merchant's
widow, living in any of the king's peculiars, by way of arrest procureth any
temporal man to be convcnted before the secular judge, and the matter proceed
so far that he should actually have been condemned by the sentence of the
secular judge, and then it come to the ear of the ecclesiastical judge that the
widow did summon her debtor before the other tribunal, the said temporal judge
will be called to account, and by their monitions and censures they will compel
him to make amends: and this oftentimes happeneth.
44. Item, Many of the tenants and inhabiteis of the bishops' lands call one
another to the court of the officials by a particular kind of appeal termed
' Volagia,' whereof the officials presume to take cognizance, to the prejudice of
the temporal jurisdiction of our sovereign lord the king.
G18
AIITICLKS OF COMI'I.AIXT OF
French
Hulory.
A. I).
132!).
The
clerity
preju-
dicial to
I'ommon
juitice.
Ex ofHcio.
Usury
craftily
objected
by the
clergy
against
laymen.
The pre
latcs
make tlic
church a
den of
thieves.
Note the
practice
of olficial
to (;et
money.
15. Item, If any man l)e apprcluMided by a secular justice in a riot wherein
blood was shed, bo is to be ordered by liim, i*' be be lay ; but if he be a clerk, be is
to be surrendered to the ecclesiastical judf,'e. Whether he be a temporal man
or a clerk, however, who is so taken, if be appealeth to the ofKcials' court, they
will be so bold as to take cognizance thereof, requiring withal amends of the
secular court, wliich undertook the aforesaid apprehension. If this be suifered,
oH'enders siiall never be punished, for by and by they will appeal, and imme-
diately after the appeal fly and void away.
40. Item, When they cause many " ex officio " to be cited before them, tliey
will not allow them to have proctors; to whom, when they come at the day
assi'Mied, they object the crime of usury; and except they answer as the pro-
moters themselves wish, they are trodden under foot (although they be mere
laymen), and shall not be dismissed before they fine just as the officials them-
selves list, although they be no usurers ; but if any be usurers, the said officials
take of them fees and bribes, and then they are permittod to practise their usury
as before, so that tlic others may have their old fees and bribes.
■17. Hem, They procure their officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoever soil
they be found, in spite of their appealing to the justice of the place : and if by
any they be hindered of their will herein, they by sentence of excommunication
do forthwith cause them to desist therefrom.
48. Item, As often as any temporal magistrates apprehend any person, who
afterwards, on being demanded by the ecclesiastical authorities as a clerk, is
given up to them without demur, yet, for all that, the officials cause those
magistrates to be denounced as excommunicate by the canon law.
49. Item, The prelates grant the tonsure as well to men of thirty years and
upward, as also to married men, when they come to them in fear of imprison-
ment and punishment due unto them for some criminal offence before com-
mitted ; and this is oftentimes put in practice.
.50. Item, If it happen that any of the king's servants or any others are
excommunicate, who would fain be absolved, being glad to pay reasonably for
the same, the clergy will not accept satisfaction but such as shall please them ;
wherefore many of them remain still excommunicate.
51. Item, When two persons have been at strife together respecting im-
moveable' property, and the matter in dispute is put into the hands of the king
by some servant cr officer of the king, for the taking up of the matter, then do
the prelates admonish the one part not to trouble the other who is in possession ;
otherwise, if he do, they exconmiunicate Iiim.
52. Item, The aforesaid prelates, deans, chaplains, and the rest of the clergy,
put the king's officers to so much trouble and expense in defending the king's
jurisdiction, invaded as in the aforesaid instances, that many of them spend
and consume, in the maintenance of the king's right and title, all that they
have.
53. Item, If any secular justice for a true and just cause, at the request of
the party, putteth in his helping hand concerning immoveable' property of clerks,
the ecclesiastical judges and their ministers send out monitions in writing against
the said justice, yea, under pain of excommunication and forfeiture, to take
away his hand and leave off; enjoining him further to suffer the other j)arty
quietly to enjoy the said things. Otherwise they denounce him excom-
nuinicate, and he shall not be absolved before he have well paid for it, even as
pleaseth ' master official ;' to the prejudice of the authority of our sovereign lord
the king.
54. Item, The ecclesiastical authorities, as soon as they hear that any rich or
fat ' Coh ' is dead,^ or think that he cannot live long, send out, forthwith, letters
' under their seal to the clergyman, commanding him in no wise to presume to
bury him, although he made his testament and received the rites of the church.
And when, afterwards, the friends and kinsfolks of the dead resort unto them
to know the cause of their inhibition, they assert that he was an usurer, and
that he kept not the commandments of the church : and so long keep they the
corpse of the dead unburied, till his friends redeem it with good store of money ;
by which means they have acquired large sums of money.
(1) " Hcreditagia." See Durante. — Ed.
(2) " QuM aliquls dives decessit," is the Latin : " cob" was sometimes used for a rich, covetous
person. " And of them .-ill cobbing country chuffes, which make their bellies and their baggei
thcyr gods, arc called rich oobbes." Nash's Lenten Stuff, cited in Nares's Glossary.— F,D.
XriK LAITY AGAINST THK CLERGY. 6l9
55. Item, If there be any violent shedding of blood in any church-yard French
whereby an interdict taketh place, the clergy causeth a fine of ten pounds to J^istury.
be levied on all the parishioners, as their consideration for the purgation of A. D.
their church-yard, although some of the parishioners be exempt from their 1329.
jurisdiction ; yea, and although he who shed the blood has already paid the whole
sum which tliey levied, and more too.
56. Item, Certain chaplains affirm themselves to have certain apostolic
privileges, by virtue whereof they appoint what judges they will, yea, and
oftentimes of their own college, and so they be judges in their own cause ;
which is plainly against the law. By this oftentimes it happeneth, that after
great process and expenses incurred in some great cause (more often about
realty than otherwise), on receiving a hint from their own proctors and advo-
cates that they shall have the foil therein, they revoke forthwith those afore-
named judges ; and so the king's subjects are damnified, and can have no
justice or redress at their hands.
57. Item, If any layman call a clerk before a secular judge in case of
inheritance,- the ecclesiastical judges procure a stop to be made therein, claim-
ing to themselves the cognizance thereof: and the layman is constrained to
make satisfaction for taking such a course.
58. Item, Tlie clergy challenge the cognizance of such causes as married
clerks, being merchants and artificers, do commence ; when by law they apper-
tain to the temporally, especially about the matters of merchandise.
59. Item, They oftentimes lay interdict on the king's towns and castles, and
cause the divine service to cease ; contrary to the privileges granted by many
of tlie high bishops of Rome to our sovereign lord the king.
GO. Item, To and for the maintenance and keeping of their temporalties,
they appoint their own clerks to be their bailiffs and officers; who, if they do
offend, are not condignly punished according to law and justice.
61. Item, Tlie ecclesiastical judges have proctors belonging to them, who,
when any man is excommunicated (be it right, or be it wrong), cause by their
monitions that no man shall work or do any thing for him that is excommu-
nicated; whereby the lands and vineyards oftentimes remain unfilled, to the
no small prejudice of the king and his people.
62. Item, The aforesaid promoters cause citations to be made out, whereby
they summon in one citation twenty, thirty, forty persons or more to appear, for
communicating with such interdicted persons ; taking of some ten, of others
twenty shillings, according as they are able: whereby the common people are
much oppressed.
63. Item, The ecclesiastical judges cause all the advocates of their courts to
be sworn, that none shall retain them as counsel against them without their
license : whereby oftentimes, the poor man quite loseth his right, and the king's
own pensioners cannot freely act as counsel, without special license of the judges.
64. Item, They will make inventories of their goods who die intestate ; and
will have the possession of their goods, as well moveable as immoveable, to
distribute with their own hands to the heirs, or to whom they list.
65. Item, The execution also of wills in general they take into their own
hands, taking inventories of dead men's goods, and keeping or disposing of
them to the heirs after their pleasure. And they have officials properly deputed
for the execution thereof.
66. Item, They sometimes will not give credit to wills made before witnesses,
unless they be first by their own officials approved.
After the lord Peter had thus spoken, the prelates required to The arch-
have time to answer thereunto: whereupon, the Friday^ next ensuin": geng""^"'
was appointed for the same. On that day, being December the 15th, '"'ect.
the lord Peter Roger, archbisliop of Sens elect, in the name of the torforthe
whole clergy answered for them all before the king, holding his par- p'^^'^'^''
liament that day at Vincennes ; and thus he there propounded : —
(1) Dec. 7th, the day oa whiclithe parliament assembled, fell on a Thursday in 1329 (by Nicholas's
Tables) : the lord Peter de Cugnieres stated his case and produced the forr-?foing articles airainst
the clergy the next day, and a week, was tkeii given to the prelates to reply. See suprA, p. 613,
note. — Ed. (2) " In causa hereditaria :" see p. 614, note (2), p. 618, note (1). — Ed.
G20 ANSWER OF TIIK PRELATES
French Answer of the Prelates to tlic LorJ Peter's Oration before Philip,
^^^^^^^ the French King.
A. D. ^^ jjjp ].jgj meeting, tlic lord Peter de Cugnieres, propounding against the
^^'-^- Cliurch of France, took for his tlienie that wliich is written in the twenty-second
Recapitu- chapter of Mattliew, " Render untoCa2sar that which is Ca?sar's, and unto God
iitioii of (ijgj which is God's;" in which words, he said, two points were to be noted:
Peier'V' fi^t, the reverence and subjection which the prelates ouglit to sliew to tlie king
oration, their sovereign ; secondly, the separation of the temporal jurisdiction from tlie
spiritual. Tlie first whereof he went about to prove out of the second chapter
of the first epistle of Peter, where it is written, " Submit yourselves unto every
human creature for the Lord's sake, whether it be unto the king, as unto the
superior, or unto governors, as unto them that are sent of him for the punish-
ment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well." The second point
he went about to prove by the words of our Saviour Christ in Luke (chap, xxii.),
where the apostle sailh, " Lord, behold, here are two swords," and he said unto
them, "It is enough ;" understanding by the two swords the two jurisdictions :
and likewise out of Matthew (chap, xvii.), where Christ would pay tribute for
himself and Peter, giving hereby an example, how that ecclesiastical persons were
bound to pay and yield to the temporal power the temporalties ; which also is
proved in tlie canon law, Causa xi.Qusest. 1. cap. 'Si tributum'etcap. ' Magnum.'
And further, he argued the same points from the civil law, (Corpus Authentic.
CoUatio i., Tit. vi. Novella vi. in princijjio, ' Quomodo oporteat Episcopos et
clericos ad ordincai reduci) ;' where it is said, two great gifts are bestowed,
priesthood and empire, priesthood to rule over matters divine, empire to
bear domination over Imman matters. Whence he concluded, that seeing
these jurisdictions are distinguished of God (the one being given and limited
to the church, and the other to the temporally), the church in no wise ought to
intermeddle with the temporal jurisdictioi:, seeing it is written in Pioverbs
(chap, xxiii.), " You ought not to pass the ancient limits and bounds, which
the forefathers have set." And he laid much stress on the word "ancient;"
because customs (he said) brought in to the contrary be of no force, but rather
are counted abuses and corruptions. .Neither (said he) can prescription take
])lace, for that "jus fisci" is imprescriptible: neither can the king renounce
such his royal right: proving the same b)' many chapters contained in the 10th
Distinction. Wherefore seeing tlie king, at the time he was crowned, swore
not only not to alienate or infringe the rights of his realm, but even to restore
such rights as had been alienated and usurped eitlier by the church or by any
other, the king was bound by his oath to revoke the said abuses.
Also, he did exhibit many particular articles in writing, wherein, as he said,
the church did usurp upon the jurisdiction temporal.
Reply to To answer these premises with reconciling of the places, I take for my theme
the above that which is written 1 Pet. ii. ; under previous prolestation, that whatsoever
the'ajch-^ I shall say, it is not to ground or make any final judgment or determination
bishop of herein ; but only to inform the conscience of our sovereign lord the king and
elect' ^^'^ assessors here assembled. I proceed therefore to consider what the apostle
saith (1 Pet. ii.), " Fear God and honour the king." In which words St. Peter
teaclieth us two things : First, that filial fear and obedience are due unto God
for the mightiness and puissance of his majesty, saying, "Fear God;" Secondly,
that special honour and reverence is due to the king for the excellency of his
dignity, saying " Honour the king." But note you by the way, iiow the apostle
placeth his words : first he saith, that fear is due unto God, because principally
and in chief we ought to fear God. For if the king or any other should com-
mand things contrary to God, we ought to have no regard thereof, but to con-
temn the king and obey God. For it is written in the Acts of the Apostles
(cliap. v.), "We ought rather to obey God than men;" smd also in the second
book of Maccabees (chap, vii.) it is said, " I will not obey the commandments
of the king, but the law." The reason of this St. Augustine giveth thus, hi Ins
gloss upon Roinans (xiii. 2), cited also in the Causa xi. Qua^st. 3. cap. 97.
" Qui resistit :" — " But put the case, thou art coinniandcd to do that which
thou canst not or mayest not do : doubtless, that thou must neglect the
lesser power and fear the higher in such a case, is a lesson which thou art
taught by the degrees of worldly things. As for example, be it so that a pro-
curator commandcth thee any thing, and the same be against the proconsul,
TO roiiD Peter's ouatiox 621
thou ouglitest not to follow it. Yea, and further, put the case that the proconsul French
commandeth one tiling, the emperor another, and God willeth the third, thou ^^"'"''y-
must not care for them, but obey God, for God is the greater power. For they . •%
may threaten thee with prison, but God threateneth thee with hell fire: they 1090'
may kill thy body, but God nuiy send thee, body and soul, to hell fire." And ^^— ^
therefore worthily it is put first, " Fear God." And here the place in the last
of Ecclesiastes is to be adjoined, where it is written, " Fear God and keep his
commandments." And methinks, a man's fear of God is to be estimated l''^a'"°f
chiefly from three things : that is to say, first, from his bountilul bestowing of gtandeth
God's gifts and benefits; secondly, from his honouring and providing for God's i" three
ministers; aiul lastly, from his full rendering unto every man his own. points.
First, I say, from the bountiful bestowing of God's gifts and benefits. And
for this cause the emperor Justinian writeth:* "Although hardly anything is
to be accounted good, which is unmeasured, yet for a prince to bestow unmea-
sured favours upon the church, is good." Nay, the emperor is bound to bestow
so much the more, as God hath given him more, and to be himself, as it were,
one great gift, and to give readily, especially to the holy churches, wherein tlie
best measure is an unmeasured abundance of the Lord's property." And to this
end Gregory saith to Albert, a French noble [cap. 1, Extra " de donationi-
bus"], that a nobleman ought in a manner to prescribe this law to himself, to
think himself bound to give even what he giveth voluntarily ; and unless he still
increase in giving, to think that he hath given nothing. ^ Wherefore Abel, as
{\) A brief Recapitulation of tlie Archbishop of Sens's Answer, with certain Notes in Reply to his
Popish Reasons, addressed to the Reader.
The answer of the archbishop of Sens, in the name of the other prelates, to the oration and arti-
cles before objected by the lord Peter, consisteth of two parts. First, it deelareth the fear due to
God. Secondly, the honour due to the kin^. The lirst of these is, the fear of God, -which, he saith,
cinsisteth in three things. I. In pivir.t; to God. 2. In honouring his ministers. 3. In restoring
that which hath been taken away, Src. The second, which is the honouring of the king, he saith,
consisteth in a double sort; that is, in words only> wherein is flattery. Also in deed ; which a^ain
he divideth into four members. 1. When a man counselleth a king to that for which his dominion ,
is loved. 2. When the king is counselled to that whereby his honour and excellency is not
diminished. 3. When the king is counselled to that whereby his fame and renown is maintained.
4. When a king is counselled to that, whereby his conscience is not wounded, S;c. And this is the
order of his whole tractation. Now remaineth with like brevity, to recite the reasons and argu-
ments in order, whereby he proveth the premises, with the subdivision of every member and part
thereof. Wherein the studious reader may note both the subtle proceedings of these popish
prelates, and also the feeble and impotent ground whereupon they build; whose building, as by
this discourse and many others may appear, wholly and finally tendeth to this: To maintain their
liberties, pomp, and estimation, above all other secular princes and persons. •
First, as concerning fear to be given to God, which he divideth into three parts, in giving, in
honouring, and restoring; for the first, he proveth that princes ought to give largely and without
measure to the church, by these arguments.
By the testimony of Justinian: although nothing is good which is too much, yet, I answer,
that in the time of Justinian, goods then given to the church, were the goods of the poor; wherein
were used faithful distribution, voluntary giving, and necessary charity. But now. In our popish
churches, revenues and lands given are not distributed to the poor ; and yet are men compelled
against their will to give still. And again, so little necessity is now to give to such, that almost
all the wealth of realms is in their hands and houses ; insomuch that they, flowing in such wealth,
are now waxen so proud, that kings can scarcely bear any rule for them, as was proved before,
that the pope's revenues here in England, amounted to more than three times double the stint of
the king's crown. Wherefore by the counsel of Justinian, it was so then, and then might stand,
" quod religio peperit divitias :" but now, as the time is altered, so that counsel holdeth not,
" postquam nunc filia devoravit matrem;" that is, " after that the daughter hath devoured the
mother." Finally, concerning men's giving to the church in these our popish days, four faults I Four in-
note : commo-
First, that they give superfluously more than is sufficient to necessity of life. dities, in
Secondly, that they give to such as abuse it wickedly. giving-
Thirdly, that in giving to them that need not, noblemen in mean time defraud their poor neigh- to the
hours, vviio need indeed, and yet do not complain. church.
Fourthly, because of this title of giving, men have used, and yet do use, to put great hope of
salvation therein, contrary to the testament of God in Christ's death, whereof examples are before.
(2) " Abel offered of the best to the Lord, and was blessed of God ;" ergo, every great man that Three
would be blessed-of God, must oH'er of the best he hath unto the church. Answer : This argument, things to
as it is far fetched, so it is soon answered, wherein three notes are to be observed. be noted
First, that he who offereth unto the church of God, doth not therein offer unto God immediately in offer-
as Abel did. ing to
Secondly, neither is this to be granted, that he who off"ereth to all churchmen, oflTereth by and God and
by to the church of God ; for many times the churchmen are one, and the church of God is to the
another. Lawrence, the martyr, showing forth the church of God, brought out the poor of the church.
parish, and not the priests of the clmrclu
The third note is; that if noble persons should offer unto God (by the example of Abel)
that which is the best and fattest of the flock.; then should they offL-r unto the Lord of
their flocks only, and not of their lands. Yea, and to note the very truth, they are taught
thereby to offer to God, neither cattle nor lands, but that which is the very best, that is,
their own bodies for a lively sacriCicc to God. He that offereth up to God a proud heart,
and kiileth it with the axe of humility, giveth unto him the best and fattest bullock he hath
in all his flock. With like reason also 1 answer the place in Num. xviii. ,-ind of Chronicles [cap. uit J
0^2 AXSWER OF THE PRELATES
French appearetli in Ciencsis iv., wlio offered of the best to the Lord, was blessed of
Hittory. God. And tliorcfore divers kings, the more they offered to God, the more they
« T^ were both spiritually and temporally blessed of him ; as we read of Joshua,
\^0Q David, Solomon, and others in the book of the Kings. And therefore it is
— LI—L written in Numbers xviii. : " And ye shall separate unto the Lord's treasury
things that be best." As likewise David saith, in the first book of Paralipo-
mcna,' the last chapter : "I have willingly oflered all these things, and now
liave I seen with joy thy people which here are present offer with a free will
unto thee." And no marvel, for David saith in that place: " All things come
What of thee, and of thine own have we given thee." And it seemeth to me, that
benefit because tlie kings of France, and the barons of the same, have given to God
by'ptwng **"'' '•'* '^'iwrch more than those of any other reahu, therefore they have been
to the happy above all others, and the more they did give to God, the more they
church, received at his hands : examples whereof we have in Clovis, Charlemagne,
St. Louis, and others. For the more one giveth to God, the more one receiveth
of him, agreeably to his own promise [Luke vi.], "Give and it shall be given
unto you." Wherefore, a gift that a prince bestoweth upon the church is ren-
dered to him again with large increase, and that both in time of war, and in
In limc.f time of peace. I say in war time, because victory proceedeth of no other, but
"»'•• only of (iod ; as it is written in the first book of Maccabees, (chap, iii.) : " The
victory of battle standcth not in the nuiltitude of the host, but strength cometh
from heaven." And likewise in Exodus xvii. it is declared, " that when Moses
held up his hands, Israel had the victory : but when he let down his hands,
Amalek had the victory." To this end also serveth the last chapter of the second
book of Maccabees, where Judas, being at the point to have the victory over
the enemy, saw Onias, who had been liigh priest and a very virtuous man, and
Jeremy the prophet, holding up their hands towards heaven, and praying for
In time of the people and the whole city. I said also in time of peace, because the life of
peace. j|jg j.j,^g ^^^j ^f |,jg g^^^.^ ^^^ prosperity, peace, and obedience, are maintained
in the realm by the prayers of tlie church. Wherefore, as lor,g as Solomon was
intent on the building the house of God, so long he had peace ; who thus in
Proverbs xvi. teacheth us, " U hen a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh his
very enemies to be at peace with him ;" and also in 1 Esdras, chap, vi., it is
read, how the priests were commanded to offi?r oblations to the God of heaven,
and pray for the life of the king and his children. And well therefore may it
be called a gift both favourable and irrevocable, whereby victory is given. Hie
granted, and peace and security preserved. To serve God therefore, and libe-
rally to give towards the worship of him, is the chiefest sign and token of Divine
fear and love. " O ye that fear the Lord, believe him, and your reward shall
not fail." [Ecclus. ii.]
Secondly,^ Concerning the fear of God, I would have you understand, that
that to offer up, or to separate unto the Lord's treasury, is not now to pive to priests and chaplains
of the church, who, peradventure, have more than they do well occupy ; but to give liberally to the
communion of saints who are needy, and are the true treasury of the church indeed, as Lawrence
the true treasurer said.
(3) 1 Chronicles, xxxix. 17. — Ed.
(4) "By God's commandment we are bound in duty to honour our temporal fathers." Ergo, by the
same duty we are bound much rather to honour our spiritual fathers, that is, priests and prelates.
Answer : A father in common speech is diversely taken, as by age, by nature, by office. And to all
the.se we of duty are bound to yield honour, reverence, obedience, submission ; albeit not all after one
sort, nor in like deprec. For as we are bound to honour our fathers and mothers, so aged men and
elders have also their honour and name of fathers; so magistrates and spiritual teachers, in their
Two kind, have their honour and reverence. And St. Paul saith, [1 Tim. v.] " that such are worthy of
things to double honour," " qui bene prresunt, et qui laborant in sermone." But, in this, two things are to be
Iw noted noted: Wherein this honour consisteth, and how far it extendeth. These spiritual fathers of the
in giving church think they be not honoured enough unless kings and emperors give and surrender unto
honour, them all the temporal rule and governuient, to do what they list, and none to control them : and
wherein unless noblemen and subjects endow them with temporal lands and possessions as much as they
•^"T"'*'' would have. And this they call honour, which they define only by giving temporally: where
eth ho- indeed it rather consisteth in giving spiritually, as to have a reverent opinion of their ministration,
nour to yield a prompt obedience to their doctrine, to reverence them as the ministers of God, and
given to not to despise, defame, or molest their persons; whereof St. Paul, also, about the same place
priests. speaketh, writing to Timothy, " Let no man despise thy youth," &c. And to Titus, " Let no man
despise thee." ice. And this is to honour our spiritual fathers.
now lar Secondly, To consider how far this honour extindeth : as no man doth deny, but that these
[!ivpn 1 P**'°" "«■ "orthy their double honour who rule well, so, if thev admini.stcr not their office well,
nriPRf '^^* '"^'^' ""''•''■ ^^^ oversight of the king bearing the temporaj sword, worthy of double punish-
TfPi rt jn^n'- And yet to consider this double honour in them that rule well, how far it doth extend : if
exiena- ,t be compared to the honour due to our parents, a case of necessity will soon decide it. For be it
ft:'. that our parents on »he one side, and pa>t()r on the other, stand in extreme nevd of the son's sup-
TO LOHD Peter's oration. 6^5
among the precepts of the Lord, the first and chiefest commandment of tlic French
second table is, to " honour thy father :" which precept is very well expounded ^'"tury.
in the Hebrews [chap, xii.], where it is not only meant of the fathers of our . p.
bodies, but also of the Father of spirits. For as spiritual things do far exceed iq'oq'
temporal matters ; so much more a great deal the spiritual son is bound to 1_
reverence the spiritual father, and to be in subjection unto him, that he may seiond
live. And that the priests and prelates be the spiritual fathers, it is proved part, f'"
2 Kings vi., where the king of Israel called Elizeus "father," saying- " My go""'^'
father, shall I smite them.'" Unto this effect our Saviour [Luke x.] said to Honour-
the apostles, whose successors the bishops are, " He that heareth you heareth "}^ ^|""
me, and he that despiseth you, despiseth me ;" also the apostle Paul [1 Thess. fathers,
iv.], " He that despiseth you, despiseth not men, but God." Wherefore Jus-
tinian the emperor in another place saith, " We have great care to the church
of God, that therein may be true doctrine and integi'ity of priest's life, which
having, we trust that for our great gifts we shall receive such rewards at God's
hands, as shall both be durable, and remain ; yea and also what hitherto hath
not happened." Blessed St. Gregory,in his Register, WTiting to a certain em-
peror, which is also to be seen in the Decrees,^ saith, " Let not the emperor dis- Honour
dain priests, but have special regard to them for His sake whose servants the}' '*? J^^ ^
be ; and so let him rule over them, that due and condign reverence be given priests,
unto them. For they in the divine Scriptures are sometimes termed gods,
sometimes named angels [Exod. xxii.], ' Then shall both their causes come
before the gods.' Also Malachi ii., ' The priest's lips should be sure of know-
ledge, that men may seek the law at his mouth : for he is a messenger of the
Lord of hosts.' And therefore it is no marvel, if we should vouchsafe to
honour them, when God himself, in his speech atti-ibuting to them honour,
termeth them gods and angels." And here is to be noted, how Constantine
the emperor, when certain of his subjects presented unto him libels accusatory
against the bishops, received them at their hands. But calling before him those
bishops that were accused therein, in their sight he cast those libels into the
fire, saying, " Depart you hence, and discuss these matters among yourselves ;
for it is not convenient and meet that we judge gods, becaxise it is written,
' God stood in the synagogue of gods, and in the midst of them he did judge
gods.' " In the same chapter it is declared, how that the Pagans, who wor-
shipped golden and wooden gods, attributed great honom* to the priests. What
marvel is it then, if the godly and great and clmstian emperors do honoiu" and
reverence the priests of the true God? And, doubtless, it is their duty so to
do. And it is reason, which the lord Peter, the last day, said in this point ; j^^
that there are two powers, priesthood and dominion, the one spiritual, the other powers,
temporal, which no less ditier one from the other, than the sun from the moon, ^'^'^po^al
the heaven from the earth, and gold from lead. And therefore if honour is ritual,
due and to be given to the lesser power, by them that be underneath him : he and what
that is chief of the higher power, of right good dutj', is to be honoured and j^^f"
reverenced by all under him, as expressly is declared, cap.' Solitse' Demaj. et obed.them
where answer is fully made to the allegation of the lord Peter, alleged by him ^°^^^-
to make for his own purpose, that is to say, "Be ye subject to all creatures
for God's sake," &c. There he speaketh of the subjection which standeth upon Double
the merit of virtue, and not upon the duty of necessity. For else, if he should suiijec-
speak of the subjection wliich is by duty of necessity ; then must it needs foDow, nu.'rit'of"
that every bishop ought to be subject to every beggarly rascal m the city of virtue,
Paris. For the text is, " Be ye subject to all human creatures :" but a rascal is ^utv of°"
a human creature : ergo, bishops must be subject to a rascal. Of the dignity necessity
of a bishop, Gregory talketh in his pastoral. " The honour," saith he, " and Autho-
the majesty of a bishop is without all comparison. If you compare it to the bishop
royalty of a king, it is even as you would compare metal or lead to the beauty and a
of gold ; for that is to be seen, when kings and princes stooping imder the ^3"^^"^"'"
knees of priests and kissing their right hand, think themselves to be defended y.^-^^^ ^^
by their prayer." And because the kings of France have, more than others, the pre-
honoured and reverenced the prelates, they have, above all others, flourished 'acy.
portation, wherein he can help but the one : nature, I suppose, sooner will and ought to run, and
the word of Christ will sooner drive ils, to our father, than to the priest's corhan [Mark vii.] : so
that this distinction may have place here : That as the one standeth upon merit of virtue, so thf
other standeth unoii mere duty of necessity.
15) Decree. Pars li. Causa xi. qnxst. i. cap. 41. " Sacerdotibus."
een
Ggt ANSWER OF THE PRELATES
Freticii and prospered. It is said, Ecclus. iii., " He that hononreth his father, shall
Jli'iory. rejoice in his sons." And it tolloweth tliere, " He tliat honoureth his father,
A P) shall live a lon<,r life." Tliis is therefore tlie sign of the fear of God. And as
i-ym it is written, Ecclus. iii., " He tliat feareth God honouretli liis parents."
— '-^^—^ Thirdly, I say, tiiat a man on^ht to fear God, in the full reverencing and
Third restoring unto man what is his; fur he tliat doth not give to another what is
part of ],jg^ hut goeth ahout to usurj), doubtless he feareth not God. Contrary, he that
God"^ restoreth all again, he is said to love and fear God. [Eccles. xviii.] " He that
ieareth (iod will do good things ;" and in tlie Psalm, " I have heen afraid of thy
judgments, and have done judgment and justice." For as the lawyers say,
A thine wliicli is true, "a thing may be made mine divers ways, as by succession, com-
niade nuitation, prescription, or any other acquisition, either by law or custom ;" and
'."'"'*• so of the rest. And whereas the lord Peter, the last day, by distinction of
Majb. jurisdiction, temporal and spiritual, endeavoured to prove that he who hath
spiritual jurisdiction, ought not to have temporal ; otherwise there were no
distinction thereof, but rather a confusion of jurisdictions : I will therefore
prove the contrary, that these jurisdictions are both compatible in one person,
especially in an ecclesiastical man ; '^ and this will I prove by the law of God, by
Six proofs the law of nature, canon law, civil law, custom and privilege. But first I allege, tliat
ihat the j^ accidental forms, some of tliem are distinct, that they are not clean contrary,
tiont'tem- ^^^^ unlike, as whiteness and sweetness. Other forms there be which are so
poral and distinct, that they are clean contrary one to the other, and are not compatible
arTcom- '" *'"''' ^"'^j''^^ ^"r one contrary expels another, and importeth the negative of
ratible in the other. Wherefore tliose things be contrary, which one from another are
one per- niost of all distant and disagreeing, and which, in one susceptible, may come one
'""■ after the other, but not together, as the jihilosopher teacheth in the Predicaments.
j7„rnis ^"' those forms which are so distinct that they be not contraiy, but unlike, are
heincdis- compatible in one subject, as quantity and quahty, which, being distinct in
like and respect of their ' genus generalissimum,' yet may be in one person ; and for-
iiary.may titude and temperance, being under one kind of moral virtue, are found to be in
be com- one man, as logic and gi-ammar, which are also species and kinds in one genus,
one sub-" ^''^- ^^ ' intellcctus.' Therefore it is no good argument : ? These fomis be distinct,
ject. ergo, they be not compatible in one subject. And, therefore, that the jurisdic-
tions temporal and spiritual are so distinct, that they are not contrary but com-
patible, it is evident licreby; because things contrary be so, that the one cannot
l)e ordained to concur with the other, but rather the one confoundeth and
destroyeth the other : but, in this case, jurisdiction temporal is ordained for the
spiritiud; and contrary, the spiritual for tlie temporal. Or rather, the one
depcndeth on the other, as the clearness of the moon doth on the brightness of
the sun. Also the one jurisdiction so helpeth and comforteth the other, that
there is no contrariety in them. And therefore it is no good consequence,
because they are distinct, ergo, they are not compatible in one person. This
also is to be proved de facto. "For the earth is the Lord's, and the plenty of the
whole universal world,'and all that dwell therein." It is proved likewise by this
reason : for if the jurisdictions be not compatible, it should follow, that no
ecclesiastical person should have any jot of temporal jurisdiction, neither land,
tower, castle, lordship, nor any thing else ; which is most absurd : and so by
this means it slioidd follow, that no ecclesiastical person should be in subjection
unto the king, which were to the great derogation of the king's majesty's crown
and dignity. It must needs be, tliercfcjre, that these jurisdictions be compatible,
notwithstanding the distinction of them one from another. And thus much for
answer to all these reasons, by the which lord Peter proved the distinction of
these jm-isdictions.
(6) " These jurisdictions temporal and spiritual, are compatible in one person." Answer: I prant
" pro ratione subjecti :" that is, in the subject itself there is no cause to the contrary, but these
vocations may both be exercised by one person, as they have been by the pope, one after the other,
(and so may contrary forms also) and yet the pope's person hath been able to sustain them boin
But now, here is to be considered, not, what the nature of the subject is able to bear by logic, nut
what order is taken herein by the will of God, whose order is this: that they, who with l*;'" are
called to the feeding of the flock, should leave their fishing-nets, and hsh for meii; and tliat tfiey
who labour in the warfare of the Lord should not entangle themselves with the business ol this lile.
Two whereby they may be more free to please him, whose soldiers they arc. [Tit. ii.] _
forms not (7) " The jurisdictions temporal and spiritual, are so distinct that they are not contrary, arc.
contr.irv. Answer: And what let is there then, but our queen now. and other kings hereafter, may have the
may be government of both states, as well ecclesiastical as temporal ? Seeing both the forms being coni-
comi.a- patible, may concur both in one subject ; why not as well in the person of the king within tlit
t;ble. realm, as in the person of the pope without the realm i
ro LOUD PETEll's ORATION. C2o
lliese things premised, I proceed further to prove that a person ecclesias- French
tical, who hath jurisdiction spiritual, may also have temporal jurisdiction; and ^'"''"'V-
tliat the jurisdiction temporal may be in an ecclesiastical person, I will prove j^ jj
by the Scriptures : and first out of the Old Testament, to the evident probation 1329.
whereof, it is to be understood, that God, after the creation of the world and ^^-
nian, even unto Noah's time, would govern the world himself, as king, by the ProofBout
ministry of angels ;* by reason whereof he gsve and ])r()nounced sentence him- ^eg/a.^'**
self against Cain. [Gen. iv.] Noah also, who otlered burnt-offerings unto the ment.
Lord, and built an altar [Gen. viii.], which thing appertained only unto the
priests, had the government and nile of all things, as well spiritual as temporal,
which were in the ark.^ Melchisedec likewise, who was the priest of the most Melchi-
high God, and also king of Salem [Gen. xiv.], had both the jurisdictions in his ji^jij^;,
own hands.'" For that master of history declareth : That all the first-begotten and
of Noah, even unto Aaron's time, were priests ; who at meals and offerings P"^^'-
blessed the people, and who only had the 'jus primogeniturse,' whereby pj^g'^ay
the regiment of others was due unto them. Moses, in like manner, of whom iiaye both
it is said in the Psalm, "Moses and Aaron, among his priests," consecrated JF'^^''"^'
Aaron and his children to be priests ; which Aaron did judge the whole people
in temporal matters, yea, and that in causes of inheritance and real property,
as appeareth in Numbers [chap, xxvii.], and many other places. To the same
pui-pose serveth that passage [Dent, xvii.], where it is said, " If a matter be too
hard for thee in judgment betwixt blood and blood, betwixt plea and plea,
betwixt plague and plague, then shalt thou rise and go up to that place that the
Lord thy God hath chosen, and shalt come to the priests, the Levites, and to
the judge then being, and shalt ask. Who shall show unto us the truth of the
judgment? and shalt follow their sentence. And if any man presimiptuously
shall refuse to obey the priest's commandments and the decree of the judge, the
saine shall die." Behold, how manifestly it doth appear, how not only the judg-
inent appertaineth to a priest, between plague and plague, concerning the
circimistances and irregidarity of the law, but also betwixt blood and blood in
matters criminal, yea, and betwixt plea and plea in civil matters ; which thing
doth appear to be in many judges out of the book of Judges. For Samuel, Samuel a
who was both a prophet and priest, was appointed judge for a long time over J"''K'^ '"
the peo2:)le in matters temporal. And when the people desired a king, the Lord niatters,
M'as highly offended with them, and said unto Samuel, " They have not refused Ergo, the
thee but me, that I should not be king over them." Furthermore, as long a^ fiavebotb
kings among the people of God used the advice and counsel of priests and jurisdic-
bishops, it was well with them and their kingdom ; but when they forsook and ^ions.
left the comisel of bishops and priests, then was their kingdom divided; and
finally they were brought into captixdty, in which captivity the people were
altogether governed and ruled by the priests and prophets, as by Esdras and
Nehemiah. And, last of all, by the means of the Maccabees, the kingdom and
government were devolved and brought into the priests' hands, who were tlie
kings and captains over the people, and had tlie government as well of spiritual
matters as of temporal ; as is read in Maccabees, of Mattathias and his sons,
namely, of Judas Machaby, Jonathan, Simon, and John the son of Simon,
who, in all spiritual and temporal matters, were governors over the people of
God. [1 Mac. ii.] Moreover, Jeremy, who was one of the priests, declareth after
this manner [chap, i.] : " I have set thee over the people and kingdoms, Uiat
thou mayest root out, break, destroy, and make waste, and that thou mayest
biuld up and plant." Besides this, in the time of judge Ehah, a priest in like
manner had the judgment of temporal matters. And so much concerning the
proof hereof, out of the Old Testament.
Secondly, I prove my former proposition by authorities taken out of the
(8) " God, after the creation of the world," &c., "even unto Noah's time," &c. Answer ^ If God
unto Noah's time governing the world as king, gave sentence himself against Cain, as we say, how
then did he .that by the ministrj- of angels ? If he did it by the angels his ministers, whether is
more like then that it make) for the pope, or rather for kings and prinoes, whom the Scripture
thrice in one chapter caUetli the ministers of God, to execute pvmishinent on him that doth evil. Noah a
[Rom. xiii] priest,
(9) " Noah also who offered," &c. Answer : If offering of burnt sacrifices to God do make a ^j^^ ],a(j
priest, then was Cain also, and Abel, Abraham, Isaac, and all the patriarchs, priests. If he had 1,0, jj
r.oth temporal and spiritual jurisdiction over those that were in his ark, I marvel why he did not jurisdic-
curse then the disobedient crow that returned not to him again tions in
(10) " Melchisedec likewise," &c. Answer : Melchisedec properly did Dear a figiire of Christ, botli ti,g jjj^
king and priest, and of none other.
VOL. II. s .«;
G26 AXSWKU OK THK PRKT.ATES
Frrveh New Testament. For Clnist liad not only b«th the powers, by divine nature,
Jli.ion,. wlicrebv he created all thinfrs out of nothing, and by consequence was God over
. pv nil, but also by his humanity had l)oth ])owers ; for he was the priest aftet
1.329 ^'^'^ order of Melchisedcc, as it is said in the Psalms, and also is alleged to the
_1_^ Hebrews, who had both on his vesture and on thigh written, " King of kings, and
i'roofsoui Lord of lords." [Kev. xix.] By this vestment or thigh was mcant'his humanity.
New Tcs- which was joined to his divinity, as the gannent is to him that wearcth it. lie
lament, said of himself [Matt, xxviii.], " Unto me is given all power, both in heaven
b'"^h1s "'"^ '" earth."" As also saith the apostle [Ileb. i.], " Whom he made and con-
human stituted heir of all universal things." And again [Heb. ii.], " He hath made
nature |,i„^ ^ot nuich inferior to the angels. He hath crowned him with glory and
powcrsl** lionour, and hath set him above the works of his hands : tliou hast put all things
in subjection under his feet, sheep and oxen, and all the whole cattle of the
field." When therefore it is said, " He made all things subject unto him ;" he
cxcludeth nothing, as the apostle there saith. Whereby it is apparent, that as
concerning his human nature, in the •which he was made less tlian the angels,
all things were subject to him. Also this appeareth in Philippians [chap, ii.] :
" He humbled himself, wherefore God exalted him;" and it followeth, " That
in the name of Jesus should every knee bow, both of things in heaven, and of
things in earth, and of things under the earth." Behold here, that in tliat
nature in which he did humble himself, he was exalted, " because every knee
should bow down to him." This in like manner hath St. Peter, in Acts x.,
where he saith, " he was constituted of God, the judge of the quick and the
dead." And he speaketh of the nature which God raised up the third dav, as
the whole Scripture proveth. And likewise St. Peter had this power given
him, whom Christ constituted and made his vicar ;'2 who also condemned by
sentence judicially Ananias and Sapphira," for lying and stealing. [Acts v.]
Paul also condemned a fornicator convicted.'* [1 Cor. v.] And that Christ
would have the correction and judgment of such matters to appertain to his
church, a text in Matthew xviii. expressly declareth, where it is said, " If
thy brother trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between him and
thee : if he hear thee, thou hast won thy brother ; but if he heareth not, then
take with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all things
may be established : if he hear not then, tell it unto the congregation : if he
hear not the congregation, take him as an heathen man and a publican. Verily
I say luito 3'ou, whatsoever you bind on earth, the same shall be bound in
heaven ; and whatsoever you loose on earth, the same shall be loosed in heaven."
Behold, how expressly it is commanded, that whensoever in any matter one
offendeth the other, he being first charitably admonished, the matter must be
published and referred to the order of the churcli and congregation. '* But if
the offender do not obey and hear the admonition, he is to be taken as a
heathen and a publican, which is as much as to say, like one that is ex-
communicated by the church, so that he may have no communion or
participation with it. And that this was the intention of Christ, this
seemeth much to prove, where, in giving the reason hereof, he imme-
diately addetli, " Verily I say unto you, whatsoever," &c. (where note this
term distributive, " whatsoever," equivalent to " all things.") Wherefore,
as the apostle argued in Hebrews ii., that if he ordained all things to be
subject unto him, he left nothing unsubjected; '" even so I may argue: If
11 .things that the church doth loose, be loosed, and every thing that the
(11) " Unto me is given," &rc. Answer: That Christ hath all power given him, no man doubteth;
but yet the same Christ saith, tliat his kinprdom is not of this world; neither would he be made a
king in this world, &c. " Non eripit mortalia, qui regno dat caelestia," &c.
(12) "Whom Christ, &c. made his vicar, &c." Answer: Hero in one line be two lies. For
Peter had not the very same power in heaven and earth as Christ had, neither was he the vicar of
Christ.
(13) As the offence of Ananias and Sapphira was not temporal but spiritual ; so did Peter kiM
them not judicially, that is, as a temporal judge ; but spiritually, that is, by the power of thp Spirit,
which Spirit wrought by him, not as by a judge, but as a minister. And although tl is act of Peter
was extraordinary for a singular example ; yet, let any prelate with the like power of Spirit so do,
and none will blame him.
(M) And so likewise the condemnation of Paul against the Corinthian, was only spiritual and
not temporal.
(15) " Must be referred to the order," &c. Clirist would have these causes to be referred to the
hearing of the church, for spiritual admonition, but not for the temporal jurisdiction of the prelates.
(16) All things that the true church doth truly bind are bound, I grant: but first let the pope
prove his church to be the true church, and himself to be the universal head thereof, and then let
bim claim the keys.
TO LORD Peter's oration. C21
church bindetli, is bound ; there is nothing that tlie church may not loose and French
bind. Or by logic, thus I may reason : there is nothing bound by the cluuxli, ^'"'"'■v-
that is not bound in heaven ; which argument is good by a certain nde of logic, ^ ^^
which saith, that contraries, if a negative be put after the one, become equivalent; J329'.
thus, 'every thing' and ' nothing,' ' whatsoever thing' and ' no manner of thing,' U-
be contrary one to the other ; and yet ' nothing not,' is the same as ' every thing.'
Secondly, I do prove it out of another text of Luke [chap, x.xii.], which place
he alleged to make for his purpose ; but I will strike him with his own weapon ;
for where he said. That by the two swords the two powers, temporal and spiri-
tual, were to be understood;" it was so indeed: but to whose hands would he,
I pray you, have these two swords committed ? Truly to the hands of Peter
and the other apostles, &c. But the holy father the pope succeeded Peter and
tlie other apostles, the bishops, disciples, curates, parsons, as in the Gloss appear-
eth [Luke x.], whence I argue thus : that by the two swords, the two powers
are meant ; but Christ willed those two swords to be put into the church's
hands : ergo, likewise the two powers. But you may reply and say, that Christ
did reprehend Peter because he struck with a temporal sword and cut off an
ear, saying luito him, " Put up thy sword," S;c.i* Which reason is of no force ;
for Christ did not will Peter to cast away the sword quite fi-om him, but to put
it into the scabbard and to keep it, giving to understand thereby, that such
power, although it be in the church's hands, yet the execution thereof (as ap-
pertaineth to bloodshedding in the new law), he would have to appertain to the
secular judge : yet, perhaps, according to the discretion and will of the cJergy.
Thirdly, I prove this by the intent of St. Paul [1 Cor. vi.], where he saith,
that " they which have secular business, and contend one against another,
ought to be judged by the saints." And that they should judge therein, he
made this argument: " Know you not that the saints shall judge the world?""
And if the world be judged by you, are ye not good enough to judge small
trifles ? As thougli he would say. Do ye not know how that ye shall judge the
angels? How much more then may you judge things secidar? And it foUow-
eth ; " If you have judgment of secular and worldly matters, take them who
are despised in the church and congregations, and make them judges." Neither
doth it make any tiring against it, because the apostle in the same place infer-
reth, " I say it to your shame;" for that is to be referred to those, where he
saith, " Appoint those v/hich are despised." Wherefore the apostle speaketh
ironically in this matter, as meaning thus : Sooner and the rather you ought to
run to the judgment of the despised who be in the church, than to the judg-
ment of those who be out of the chmxh : ergo, the rather to resort to the
judgment of the wise, who remain in the church and congregation. W^herefore
the apostle by and by added, when he said, " I speak to your shame : what,
not one wise man amongst you that can judge between brother and brother ?"
Meaning thereby, that there were some. By these, therefore, and many other
like reasons, which for brevity I omit, it appearq^h that both the powers may-
be in an ecclesiastical man's hand: and that an ecclesiastical man is 'capax,'
both of tlie temporal and spiritual jurisdiction. Nor is it any matter if it be
objected, that Peter, and other apostles, and Christ himself, used Httle this tem-
poral power : for in them there was not the like reason,^" as now there is in us,
as is proved in the 12 Qucest. 1. cap., and in many other places of the law."
The apostles at first took no receipt of lands and possessions, but the price only
thereof ;" which now the church, with very good reason, doth receive, and that
to the great merit both of the giver and oflferer, as it appearetli in Constantine
and others ; in the which aforesaid chapter the reason of diversity is well proved,
for that the apostles did foresee, that the church should be among Gentiles, and
not be only in Judea, &c. And further, at the beginning, Christ and his apostles
(17) The two swords do as much signify the two regiments, as do tlie two fishes wherewith Christl
did feed four thousand persons.
(18) Christ liade Peter put up his aword, and not east it away: Ergo, the church may have
the temporal sword. Answer : God give you good morrow, I have brought you a capon.
(19) " Know ye not that the saints," &c. Answer: St. Paul here willing the Corinthians to plead
their matters, not before the heathen, but before the saints, meaneth the faithful of the congrega-
tion, not only prelates.
(20) "In them there was not the like reason," &c. Answer: I grant that Christ and true
Christians is one thing; antichrist and his church is another thing.
(21) Decreti Pars ii. Causa xii. quaest. i. cap. 15. " Futuram."
(22) As ye say, the apostles had no leisure to take lands and possessions for preaching, but nov
for lordly loitering you have leisure enough.
s s 2
G2S ANSWKU OK THi; I'Kia.ATES.
French were wholly intent on our salvation, and on conversation and teaching, and little
iii.iory. stood on the exercise of any jurisdiction whatever, having regard to tiiat which
. jx is written in 1 Corinthians, chap, vi., " All things are lawful unto me ; hut
y.\.)Q all things are not expedient;" and also to that we read in Ecclesiastes, [cha]).
!J11I_ iii.] " To every thing there is a time." But now, tlirougli tlie grace of God,
the whole people of the realm of France have suhmitted tlicinselves to tlie
christian faith ; worthily therefore the church is occupied about administering
justice, and jninishing vice ; for " peace shall be the work of justice," Isaiah
xxxii. ; for in these judgments this only is aimed at, that the life of man be
reformed. Thus you see how this our conclusion somewhat resteth on the law
of God.
rroj..-iiion Now will I prove it by natural law and reason : and first after this manner ;
hviiniural 1,^ scemeth most fit to play a judge's part, who is nearest to God;^^ for pm-
rea>"ii"' perly God is the ruler and director of all judgments, who sailh [Prov. viii.] " By
me law-makers decree just things:" but ecclesiastical persons are nearest to
God, for that they be elected to be a peculiar peojjle unto God, whereof it is
said, 1 Pet. ii., " Ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation,
and a peculiar people, that ye should show forth the rirtucs of him that called
you," &c.-^ J^'i/o, It is most fitting that the church should sit in judgment on
temporal causes. Moreover, secondly, none doubteth, but that the cognizance of
sin belongeth to ecclesiastical persons ; wherefore since such causes be not with-
out sin of the one party, it is evident that the church may have cognizance
thereof. Also, whoever hath power to judge of the end, hath also power to judge
of things ordained to the end ; for the consideration of the things ordained to
the end, riseth of the end. Since therefore the body is ordained for the soul,
and temporal things for spiritual, as their end; the church which doth judge of
spiritual things, may well judge of temporal things also. All which is sufficiently
proved in the Extra De Judiciis, cap. " Novit." It is also confirmed by the fact
tliat the accessary followeth the nature of the principal ; which appearcth suffici-
ently by example. P'orasmuch, therefore, as these two jurisdictions he compared
to two luminaries, that is to say, to the sun and moon, and the whole brightness
of the moon, both formally and virtually, is from the sun and in the sun, and not
the brightness of the sun from the moon or in the moon; it is plain that the
spiritual jurisdiction, which is compared to the siui, hath in it, both formallv
and virtually, the jurisdiction temporal, which is compared to the brightness of
the moon, and not contrary. Many other reasons might be adduced ; but I
omit them for brevity' sake.
Probation Tiiirdly, 1 prove it by the civil law, wherein it is said, " If a secular judge be
hy civil suspected, let the bishop of the city be joined unto him; but if he be negligent,
then let the whole judgment be referred to the bishop." (Auth. Collatio vi. tit. xv.
" Utdifferentes."c. "Sitamen.") In like mannerTlieodosius the emperor enacted
a law, that " whosoever commenced a suit in any kind of matter, whether
at the beginning thereof, or in the course of the suit, or when the matter comefh
towards a conclusion and even to sentence ; if the plaintiff choose the court and
jurisdiction of the holy see, there without any doubt, though the defendant
resist, must the cause be argued and determined by the bishops." Which law
afterwards Charlemagne, who was king of France, confirmed in these words,
" We will and conmiand, that all, as well Romans as Frenchmen and others,
who are either by law or custom subjected under our dominion, be hence-
forth bound and charged to keep this for a perpetual law ; ' That whosoever
commenced a suit,' &c. as is above mentioned (Causa xi. quiest. i. cap. 35.
"Quicunque litem," et capp. 3G, 37). But you will say perhaps, that that
law is abrogated, as the gloss seemeth there to imply. But all will not serve ;
for although that law is not introduced into the Corjnis Juris, yet for all that
(23) " He seemeth most fit to play a good judge's part who followeth nearest to God." Ecclesiasli
cal persons follow next God. £rgo, Prelates of the clergy are most meet to bear temporal rule. —
Answer : If God here be taken for that god, which is called the belly, I grant they seem to follow
nearer, lint if it be taken for the true God, not I, but their own fruits, life, and doctrine shall
decide ; and Isaiah also would deny their minor, and say, that this people draweth near to me with
their lips, but their heart is far from me.
(21) " Vou are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, &c. — Answer : This place of Peter was
written not only to persons ecclesiastical, but to the whole congregation of the saints dispersed, as
the wonts folloning may declare: " Qui eratis quondam non populus," Src.
TO LORD PETEIl's OUATION. C,';!0
it is not abrogated. Nay, it is an honourable privilege granted to tlie whole Frencft
universal church, which the emperor cannot take away, no more than any other Hi'iory.
liberty of the church, according to the decree, "Ego Ludovicus." Also this . .
privilege is confirmed by the canon law (Extra De judiciis, c. " Novit."). ij-xi
Moreover it seemeth to be confirmed by the civil law (Codex, " De Sacro- ;^2i:_
Sanctis Ecclesiis," cap. " Privilegia"), although it be not there expressly, but
generally nam6<l ; and so it is clear by the civil law, that such jurisdiction doth
pertain to ecclesiastical persons. By the canon law in like manner, in places Probation
infinite (Distinct. 22, cap. " Omnes patriarchie ;" Causa ii. qufest. 5, " Si quis-''^ ^3"°"
Presbyter ;" Causa xi. quasst. 1. " llelatum;" Distinct. 95, cap. " Ecce." Extra De
Judiciis, c. " Novit." De competenti foro, cap. " Licet ;" et multis aliis).
Yea and further, the canon law so far proceedeth, that whosoever goeth about Probation
to interrupt or hinder any, having such jurisdiction by custom only, incurretli ''^ '^"^"
sentence i/?«o/«c^oof excommunication (Sexti, tit. xxiii. de immunitate Eccles. cap.
" Quoniam ut intelleximus"). Which is most plain with regard to notorious and
approved custom, time out of mind, in the days of the good and christian princes,
where to violate such custom, it is plain sacrilege. (2 Qua^st. 1 Tit. i. &c. 2.) For
by the law, custom winneth and gaineth jurisdiction, especially to him that
is 'capax' thereof: yea and furthei", custom, time out of mind, is amongst all
persons reckoned in lieu of statute law. Now, seeing the church of France hath
been used, with the temporalty, to take cognizance both in actions personal and
real touching the church, it is plain, that such custom winneth jui'isdiction to it.
Ergo, ^-c. But the lord Peter avouched, that the custom could not prevail in this
case, because here lacked true dealing. Besides, the said right is called impre-
scriptible, for that it is 'jus fisci." But this maketh nothing against us; for the
church of France rather challengeth this right by custom than by prescription ;
which custom seemeth rather to be brought in by the free will and election of
the people, frequenting more the ecclesiastical consistories than the secular
courts. Besides, this custom is the stronger, in that it hatli obtained in spite of
judgment to the contrary (judicium contradictorium) ; for oftentimes, when
the prelates had given their sentence, though the barons were not con^^enting
thereto, yet this custom, I say, of the church hath been confirmed by
the kings of France, your predecessors, and so peaceably obtained by the
church.
And yet may the church challenge this by prescription, for that there are probation
but three things which are required in prescription ; that is to say, title, true by pre-
dealing, and continuance of time. But it is certain that the church ever had a ^'^^'■'P''""-
good title, as for instance the privilege granted by Theodosius the emperor, and l^'^^^
confirmed by Charlemagne, who gave in commandment tc keep the same in- pertain-
violably. It hath title also by divine, natural, and human law, as is before '"Ktopre-
alleged. Wherefore it must needs have true dealing, when so many great rTim'lus.
and clear titles are known to concur thereunto. Also there concurretli such 2. Bona
continuance of time, that even against 'jus fisci' it is prescriptible : for it hath o''^^'
not only continued for the space of a hundred years, but also more than six porum
hundred years last past. Neither is it true, that this right is inprescriptible, ci'inua-
especially by the church, which, so far as appertaineth to spirituals, is not subject
to the king, but is much more noble ; even as the sun is more noble than the xi,^
moon, gohl than lead, and heaven than the earth. But it is certain that an church
equal or greater may prescribe right against his equal or inferior ; as one king ""' *"''" _
may do to another. Wherefore it appeareth that the church may prescribe king."
this, although it were 'jus fisci,' as indeed it is not.
Finally, This is proved by privilege granted by Charlemagne, king of France, Probation
as before stated, and by St. Louis, and by Philip your uncle, and by Louis and ^y priv'
Philip your kinsmen, kings of France, which ^privileges we have here ready ^°V
to show. But perhaps you will say, that it cannot be, that the ch.urch hath-.tion*'^
this jurisdiction both by law, custom, and privilege, seeing these three cannot
well stand together; for if the church have it by one of these, it should
follow that the church lacketh it by another. To this it may be replied in two Answer,
ways; first, that privilege may be twofold, either as bringing in a new right,
and thus it cannot be reconciled ; or, as confirmative and declarative of an old
right ; and this may well agree ; which distinction may also take place in
custom. Wherefore it may thus be answered, that although this jurisdiction is
630 ANSWER or THE PHELATES
Fmch due unto the church by law, it appertaincth also unto the same by privilege
■""'o'^!/- and custom, but yet not by sucli kind of custom and privilege which induceth a
^ J) new right :but which ded'arcth and confirmeth the old. And if any will reply,
1329 <h'ni"''<li",i,' wherefore the church of France should more challenge this, than any
1- otiier churches in other realms, which have no such prerogative; I can soon
Iruiich answer them, if the kings of Trance (whom (Jod with singular grace, honour
king more j privilcire, far above all other princes, hath blessed and endued for three
ihan sj)ecial causes, to wit, for tlieir great taitli and devotion unto God, tor their
others honour and reverence to the church, and for their good justice showed unto the
thin^*!* people) have granted to the church special liberties, or have permitted those
I. Faith which before were granted, peaceably to be kept and observed; why then they
*° Honour should have them, it is no marvel. Yea and further, their devotion unto the
to the churcli hath been such, that the nearer the churches were unto them, the more
church_ liberties they enjoyed; and yet had these princes never the less on that account,
to the"" ^"' '"ither the more ; which is evident, and redoundeth to the great honour and
Iieople. nol)ility both of the king and his realm.
Five I have oftentimes heard of others, how that four or five things do especially
thinps iiobilitate and adorn this realm.
the P'irst, their sincere and inviolable faith ; for it was at no time read, that
realm. the kings of PVance (since the receiving of the faith) did ever s\ver\'e from
the same.
Bi<x)(l of Secondly, the nobility of blood, which descended from Priam the king of tlic
France Trojans, and successively from Charlemagne and other roval kings.
of Priam. Thirdly, the unity and peace of concord, wliich especially, above all others,
reigned and flourished in the realm of France.
Fourthly, the solemnity and jjomp of the prelates and clergy.
Fifthly, the well-disposed readiness of the barons and subjects to obey.
If therefore the prelates of this realm should not have this law and privilege,
but should be deprived thereof, then should the king and his realm lose one of
his noble estates, whereby they are highly magnilicd, I mean the bravery,
solemnity, and royalty of the prelates ; for then, they should not only be neither
pompous nor royal, but more beggarly and miserable than any others, the most
part of their living consisting herein. I do conclude, therefore, that it is proved
both by divine law, natin-al law, canon law, civil law, custom, and privilege, that
the right of determining such temporal matters of the church may of right apper-
tain to the church of France ; and so I turn the lord Peter's theme against himself.
Besides this, I will jiropound that which is most plain and manifest ; that
whatsoever things be offered up to the church, and arc converted to tjie
dominion and property of the same, be God's, and appertain to him ; forasmuch
as they are said to be dedicated to and sanctified by him, as sufficiently through-
out the Levites may appear, as declared [1 Sam. xxi.] concerning the bread
offered to God, where it is said, " I have no common bread under my hands to
eat, but holy bread." Wherefore it was not lawfid for the laity to eat of the
same bread, but in time of great necessity; which is also proved, where it is
read, [Dan. v.] "Because king Belthazzar, and his lords, with his queen, drank
in the golden and silver vessels, which his father Nebuchadnezzar had taken
out of the temple of Jerusalem ; in the same (very) hour tlicre appeared fingers,
as it had been of a man's hand, writing right over the candlestick upon the
plain wall in the king's palace. And the king saw the palm of the hand that
wrote ; and that which was written was RIene, Thelcl, P hares ; the interpre-
tation whereof is this, as there it appearcth : Menc, God hath niunbered this king-
dom and brought it to an end : Thekel, Thou art weighed in a balance, and art found
too light : P/iares, Thy kingdom is dealt in parts, and given to the Medes and
Persians." The very selfsame night was Belthazzar, the king of the Chaldecs,
slain, and Diu-ius succeeded in the kingdom of the Medes ; tlie monarchy of
the Assyrians being then translated unto the Medes. Whereby it appearelh,
that those tilings which are offered up to the church, belong to (!od, and are so
dedicated to him that no layman may use them ; which if they do, they must
look to receive vengeance at God's hand, as Belthazzar did.
These things now ended, I will argue out the lord Peter's theme, which wa?,
"Give unto the emperor, that is the emperor's; and unto God, that is God's.
But this jurisdiction, which, as I proved before, is diversely converted to the
dominion and property of the French church, is now God's, and therefore to
TO LORD PETER S ORATION 63]
be reserved to and for him ; wliei-cfbre, whensoever any goeth about to take rrench
away the same, tlie good and godly ought to answer, what Ambrose did to tlie JJnionj.
Gothen sohliers, sent to liim by tlio emperor, wb.ich was to tiiis effect : " If tlie "
emperor," quoth he, " had recjuested that which had been mine, I would not ^
have denied him, albeit that whatsoever I have, all is the poor's ; but because . ^'^-•^-
he demandeth those things which belong to God, wherein he hath no right or Ambrose
interest, I had rather he should imprison mc, yea and cut off my head, than '" <^?se
condescend to his request therein :" alluding to the history of Naboth [1 Kings obev^the"
xxi.], in which is to be seen how Naboth, the holy nian, possessor of the vine- emperor,
yard, was requested by the king to give up his vineyard ; who made answer, Naboth
" I will not give unto thee the iidieritance of my fathers," at which answer denieth
the king was marvellously offended. "Wherefore," quoth Ambrose, " if i\ks vh"e-
Naboth would not deliver his vineyard, shall we deliver to you the church yard,
of Christ ? no, God forbid, that I should deliver you Christ's heritage. Naboth
did not deliver the vineyard, nor surely will I deliver Christ's church." And
further he addeth a good saying, *' I can neither tase nor surrender aught
from the temple of God, for I received it to keep, not to surrender : besides
this, it is my duty and office to consult the interest of the emperor in this '
matter : and doubtless neither may I surrender any thing to him, nor yet he
receive any thing of me." [Causa xxiii. qusest. 8. " Convenior." et " Qni."J
Wherefore, by these and the like reasons it appeareth, that not spiritual
jurisdiction only doth belong to God, as the lord Peter falsely hath suggested,
but also all other kind of jurisdiction whatsoever possessed by the church,
whether it be by law, custom, or privilege ; insomuch that neither may we
surrender the same to any, nor yet may the king at our hands take the
same.
Fiu'ther, the lord Peter affirmed, that Christ, for example sake, did pay tri-
bute ; which is untrue, as appeareth in Genesis xlviii.; for the lands of priests
were free from paying of all kind of toll and tribute. And if the lord Peter
well considered JNIatt. xvii., he shoidd have found there, how that Christ did
not only not pay tribute for example sake, but rather proved how he was not
bound to pay any at all. To conclude, therefore, the children be free ; but ye
pay, to avoid slander and offence : wherefore the text saith : " Lest we shoiild
offend them, go to the sea," &c. But peradventure it may be answered, that by
tlie example of Christ, to avoid offence, ye ought to pay. But this is untrue. How of-
because there is a double offence of the weaklings and of the Pharisees : for as *^",'if.
concerning the offence of the weaklings, which cometli of ignorance and not of be^avoid-
malice, some things are to be omitted for a time, till they be better instructed; ed.
as the apostle saith in Romans xiv. But as concerning the offence of the
Pharisees, who commit and offend of a ])retenced malice, there is nothing to be
omitted, as Christ saith in Matt. xv. ; to whom his disciples saying, " Do you
not know how that the Pharisees hearing this word are offended?" he answered
tliem, " Behold, suffer them, they are blind, and leaders of the blind ;" for
that in the time of Christ, the offence then was of little •nes : but now is the
offence of the Pharisees ; wherefore, then it was to be suffered for avoiding of
offence, but now not so. Now therefore it is apparent that the third token of Third
the fear of God consisteth in the complete true restoring of goods: and of him "ote of
who hath such fear whereby he restored to God lus own, it is spoken in ^f q^j^
Ecclus. X. : " The seed of the man that feareth God shall be brought to honour :
but the seed which ti-ansgresseth the commandment of the Lord shall be
sliamed." And thus it fidly appeai^eth, how loving fear and obedience is due
unto God, for the excellency of his majesty ; because the words be, " Fear
God."
Secondly, I do say, that especial honour and reverence are due unto the king. Honour
for his dignity's sake; which followeth in the theme. Now it is said, " Honour "fthe
the king:" I will allege Ecclus. chap. x. ; where it is specified, " In the midst of "'^'
the brethren the ruler is holden in honour among them;" wherefore it scemeth Two
to me that there are two kinds of honours, one which proceedeth from the lips, kmdsof
and that is named flattery, wherefore it is spoken in Matt. xv. ; "This people '°"°""-
doth honour me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me." There is nouble
another kind of honour which is real, and cometh from the heart ; and this is '^^"""Vj'''
the very true honour indeed, wherewith the king ought to be honoured. 3^,1 „.j,i,
But me thinketh, that he doth really and in very deed honour the king, li^-'itt.
632
AKSWER OF THE PRELATES
French
llittory.
A.D.
1.329.
A prince
rather to
Ik; loved
than
feared
A sen-
tence.
In altera-
tion.what
to be con-
sidered.
Mark
here a
fable.
who wisheth and counsclleth him to keep and do those thingi whcrchy his
dominion is beloved, his royalty not diminished, his honour and lame preserved,
and his conscience not burdened ; and he that pcrsuadeth him contrary to these,
I think doth not honoiu" the king.
To proceed therefore further; I say first, that he doth de facto honoiu- the
king, wlio pcrsuadeth him those things whereby he may be beloved of his
subjects : fur a prince ought to study ratlier to be beloved than feared. And
what greater treasure can a prince wish, than to have the hearts of his subjects?
according to the saying of Seneca,' " The love of the citizens is a fortress
invincible, and a bulwark not saultable." What thing is more to be wished for,
what is better than to live and reign, every man willing and rejoicing thereof?
And in my opinion, there is nothing which causeth a prince more to be
beloved, than if he keep and maintain his ancient liberties, and bring in no
alteration ; wherefore it is said [Prov. xxii.], " Thou shalt not remove the
landmarks which tliy fore-elders have set." This place the lord Peter alleged
to make for liimself, which I will prove to make against liim, and that bj'^ this
.reason, ye ought not to transgress the old Hmits and bounds which the fathers
have set, for novelty and alteration doth engender discord; and for this cause,
in making of new alterations there ought to be both evident utility, and urgent
necessity. If, therefore, the prince will abrogate and take away the liberties
granted by his forefathers and predecessors, he shall not be of his realm
beloved ; as it appeareth by Rehoboam. [1 Kings xii.] It is, likewise, plainly
to be seen in the chronicles, how that by these means many kingdoms and
dominions have been translated from nation to nation, and from their own
native regiment to the rule of strange people. And now, certain it is,
that your predecessors Charlemagne, St. Louis, Philip the Fair, Louis and
Philip his sons, with many others, have sealed and confirmed this liberty
of the church. Wherefore for a man to counsel and persuade yom- highness
U) spoil the church of any thing, it is even the next way to spoil and undo
yom-self, and bereave you of that by which your dominion is beloved ; and for
this cause I thought good to put yoiu- gi'ace in remembrance of 1 Mac. ii. .01,
where it is written, " Remember the works of your forefathers, which they
have done in their generations, and you shall receive great glory and renown
for ever." Note here, your highness, by the waj, how king Philip, grandfather
to St. Louis, fostered and kept in his realm St. Thomas, archbishop of Canter-
bury' ; wlio, because he stoutly defended the liberties of his chiuxh, was banished
out of England ; how much more, therefore, are you boiuid to defend and
maintain your own prelates in tlieir liberties ratified and confirmed by your
grace's predecessors, according to the saying of Gregory (Causa xxv. quiest. 2,
cap. " Si."] " If I were to destroy those things which my predecessors and
ancestors ordained, I should not be a builder, but I should be justly accounted
a stroy-good and puller down, as the voice of Truth itself testifielh, ' Every
kingdom divided within itself shall be brought to desolation.' All knowledge
and law divided against itself shall be destroyed." In another place he saith,
" It is oversharp, and against all good manners, upon any reason and excuse
whatsoever to rescind those things which are well ordained ; or, by one's example
to teach others at their pleasure to dissolve old constitutions."' Mark here a
story about a castle which was given to St. Remy for the use of the church of
Laon by king Clovis, which king Pepin afterwards desired to have, giving com-
pensation to the church ; to whom the said St. Remy appeared in his sleep, and
severely blamed him for it, saying, " A better man than thou gave it me, and
yet wilt thou take it away from me !" And with that he smote him ; who the
next day was found all black and blue; since which time, no king of France
durst even lie in that castle. Verily therefore, he doth not in fact honour the
king, who giveth liim counsel to transgress the old limits that his fathers did
set; yea, rather, the king's majesty ought to sav unto them that which is
written in Jolm viii., " I do honour niy Father " (that is, in keeping the
liberties of the church, as they did wliich granted them) ; " but vou have
dishonoured me " (in counselling me that which seemeth best to please your-
selves); for it is written in Ecclus. chap, iii., "The worship of a man's father is
his own worship, and where the father is without honour, it is the dishonour of
the son."
(1) Seneca de dementia ad Neronem.
TO LORD I'KTKll S OltATlOX.
Secondly, I say, that he truly doth honour the king, who counselleth liim, French
\\ hereby his power and dignity are not diniinishcd; for as it is great honour to Hittvry.
the king's highness to increase and augment his power, so is it as much dis- ~\ ^
honour for him to diminish any jot thereof; and therefore the emperors were j.{9q'
wont to call themselves victorious, in augmenting and increasing their com- — L
monwealth. And to say thai you and your predecessors could not gr-ant these
things to the church, it were too, too absiu'd, and to the too much derogation
of your majesty's most honourable estate. And therefore for you, most sove-
reign lord, who hold and possess such ample right and title in the realm of
France, both by election and inheritance, not to grant and leave this to your
posterity, it were to the great debasing of your majesty's honour, crown, and
dignity. Yea, if it were (as God forbid), it would follow, that your predeces-
sors lived continually in «n ; yea, and lurther, it were as much to say (which
were too vile) that blessed St. Louis by wliom all France is beautified, coidd
not be justly canonized. For as the lord speaker declared, if he took his oath
at his coronation both to alienate nothing, and also to call in that which was
before alienated, which is inseparable from the crown, it shoidd follow that he
was foresworn, and consequently committed deadly sin, and so could never be
canonized, which is too, too absurd to be talked of. And if reply be made,
that he might have repented ; it is soon to be answered, that his sin is read
of, but of his repentance it is not found, as it is said of Solomon. But put the
case that it be true what the lord Peter said, then it must needs follow, that
your grace could bestow nothing, neither country, town, nor tower; and yet
there be few who willingly would not receive them, notwithstanding their
allegiance and liomage, which they pretend to your highness. Keep, therefore,
and confirm, most renowned prince! that which was granted by your noble
progenitors, otherwise your royal honoin- shall decrease ; that it may be verified
in you which is read of in Romans xi., " I will honour my ministiy."
Thirdly, I do affirm, that he rightly honoureth the king, who persuadeth him -wtio ho-
to that whereby his honom- and renown is preserved. For, in matters of weight noureth
and of great importance, next after conscience we must have regard to name'^^^ '"^''
and fame, as it is written in Proverbs xxii., " It is better to have a good name
than riches." A good name far surpasseth all things, and is above silver and
gold; and St. Augustine saith, " Two things are necessary for thee, conscience Con-
and name ; conscience for God, and name for thy neighbour ; and tlierefore it ^^'^"j^o^j
is written in Ecclus. chap. xH., " Labour to get a good name, for that will ^"nie.
continue surer by thee than many great treasures of gold," A good life hath a
number of days. That renown and name the Lord, who anointed your grace
with the oil of gladness, hath in a very little time more abundantly blessed
you with, than any other prince ; wherefore you ought to be more vigilant
and careful how still to keep and enjoy the same, for it is no less virtue
to keep that which is gotten, than to seek and get ; whereby not only while
you live, but also when you are dead, your glorious renown may live for ever ;
yea and further, that by you nothing be done, whereby any blot or soil should
creep into that your so great renown, applying that to your grace which is said
in Proverbs x., " The memorial of the just shall have good report," Src. Beware
therefore, most noble pi-ince, and take heed that in your days and time, the
liberties of the church be not taken away (which God forbid) or diminished in
any jot; for if your glorious name should be blotted therewith, there be thou-
sands who would clu-onicle the same to perpetual memoiy. "Wherefore, most
christian prince, if such as trusted after their death for no other life, but only
for fame and renown, lived a life most godly and virtuous, how much more
ought we Christians, who look after another life, by our well-doings here, to win
us a peqjetual name and memory after our death? And you besides, if you
should dishonour your name and fame, what a matter were it, considering how
the kings of France were ever counted the most christian prhices, and most
bountiful towards the church, giving examples to other princes how to enrich
then- churches and the liberties thereof. And now especially, if your grace, the
chiuxh in some places being in great persecution, shoidd (which God forbid),
show light to others to pull and take away that which was given by your
forefathers to the church, what might the world say? For tiien for the like
reason might the emperor deprive the church of all which was given to it by
Constantine the emperor. Also other kings would do the like in their realms.
GJl-
ANSWER OK TlIK PRELATES.
French
Ilitlory.
A.D.
1329.
The
fourth
honour-
Idk the
Oath of
the
French
kings
God forbid that your liighncss should give such example ! And, for my pari,
I would rather wish myself to be dead, than give you sucli counsel, that in so
pernicious and naughty a matter you should be example to others ; especially,
when the kings of France, your predecessors, were defenders always against
- such as went about to fake away the liberties from the church, which is the
otfice of a king. Ilieronymus saith upon Jeremy (see Causa xxiii. qu.x'st. 5.
cap. " Kcgnm," et cap. "Principes") after this manner: "Let the princes of
the world know and understand, how they arc bound to make an account to
(iod for the church which they take upon them to keep." Note you also, and
read some examples out of stories and commentaries, what regard the kings of
France had in observing those things ; and see you by their example, to follow
and do the like ; and then shall it be verified in your grace which is written in
Ecclus. chap, xxxvii., " A wise man shall obtain honour amongst his people :"
as also in chap. iii. : " He that honouretii liis mother, is like one that gathereth
treasure together."
Fourthly, I say, that he indeed doth honour the king, who persuadeth him
to do that whereby his conscience is not hurt. For, above all things, a christian
man ought to beware how he do that thing, wliicli should be a grudge unto his
conscience, because " the life is more than is meat." [Matt, vi.] And assuredly I
believe, that your grace woidd not connnit that thing willingly, wherewith your
conscience should be burdened, for all the world's good, and that justly ; for the
more miracidously God hath called your highness to the state of a king, and
hath endued you %vith his grace, so much the more care ought you to have, and
take heed that you offend him not. Nor is it to be doubted, whether in doing
the contrary, he will not be the more grievously displeased with you, as he was
with Saul. [1 Sam. xv.] Consider, therefore, most sovereign lord, that at what
time you were crowned, you sware only these things following, and no others.
First, that you would defend and maintain the canonical law, privilege, and
justice, granted to the bishops and the church, and, as much as in you did lie, to
enlarge and amplify the same : also, that by your arbitrement all christian
people, at all times, should keep the true peace of God and his church : also, that
you should forbid to all nations all kind of sacrilege, spoilings, and iniqiuties :
also, that in all kind of judgments, you should will and command equity and
mercy : also, that througliout your whole territory and jurisdiction, you shoidd
sincerely, with all your endeavour, study to exterminate, and cut off from the
church the noted heretics : all which, and no other, your majestj' swore to
fulfil, at the time of your coronation, under the leave and correction of the lord
Peter, who affirmed you were sworn to something else. Now therefore, seeing
it is a canonical privilege of the church, and in the heart of the whole incorpo-
rate (Causa xi. quajst. 1. " Quicunque litem ") ; when also by custom which is
canonical it came in, that the church and spirituality maj' have cognition in a
number of cases, against which divers articles have been here laid in : if this
amongst the laity should not be observed in the church, your grace's conscience
thereby might be somewhat burdened. In like manner, if you be bound with all
your whole might and power to procure, that the whole of Christendom should
keep the tnie peace of God and his church, much more have you to procure
the same amongst your own barons and people, who evennore were all one with
the church. And as always, where any church was in honour and estimation,
there were belonging to it twenty stout barons and knights, whose office, as it
was to defend the church ; so was it the part of the church to pray for them,
and to offer sacrifice for them luito God. And to this end it was that blessed
St. Louis so nuich laboured in his time ; who, when the greatest barons of his
realm had confederated to suppress these liberties of the church, and had
consulted to give him, to that end, the hundredth part of their goods, woidd
never condescend thereunto, but always dissuaded them therefrom ; and, finalh',
by liis authority sealed and confinned these liberties of the church. Consider
lu're, your majesty, how pope Innocent at that time proceeded against those
barons. I dare be bold to say, that if there should be now dissension between
(he prelates and barons, it would not be long before the commonalty would
usurp to rule and bear domination ; as by experience it hath been seen in many
places, and. likewise, by ])ractice we of late time might have seen, at what
time the people ntomaching the spirituidty in the parts of Champagne and Bur-
gundy, at last rose, and made in everv town a king, and therewithal caused
TO LORD PETER S ORATION. {>35
the officers who brought citations to bo well banged, and created a pope of their French
own, who gave them absolution ; and not long after they made insurrection Jiiitory.
against the lords temporal, and served them with the like sauce ; until by the ~T
king's power tliey were suppressed, and many of them hanged : and all this was ," ,
in the days of Louis, the last king of that name. And really the nobles ouglit ^•^'
not to be-grudge the church her possessions, for how few of them are there wiio Mg. Hy
have not brothers or kinsfolks, who live by the goods of the church ; amongst ""^ P"'
whom if they should divide their own inheritance, they would gradually reduce of tiie"^
it to little or nothing. Let the barons also consider, that there are but few church
who arc not attached to the church ; and that the church is one, as it saith in "re"hren
Canticles vi., " My dove is one;" wherefore they cannot without great peril of and kins-
transgression advise, that such liberties of the church be taken awaj . - ■ ™'-'" °^
That therefore your majesty's conscience may remain unspotted, may it be'^mai'n-''
please your highness to confirm to the church her just and canonical privi- tained.
lege; and to revoke any attempts which may have been made to the contrary by such pos-
way of proclamation or otherwise ; and to maintain your mother, the church sessions
of France, in her ancient franchises, liberties, and customs; that by you " in ""' '" ^^
all things God may be glorified ; to whom be honour and glory for ever and "ievJf '
ever : Amen :" (1 Pet. iv.) and He will then honour you, who saith, " Whosoever •" the
shall honour me, I will crown him with " that " glory " (1 Sam. ii.), in which con- noUn our
sisteth the true honour, which is granted to none who is unworthy, nay, where- faith.
unto none is admitted except him who is worthy, as the blessed Austin saith ;
which honour grant He unto you and us, who is blessed for ever : Amen. And Tothebill
because many articles have been exhibited, whereof some infringed the whole of articles
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, these we are resolved to withstand, according to ed'"''""
Ecclesiasticus iv., where it is said, " For the truth strive thou unto the death,
and God shall fight for thee against thine enemies :" some others there are
containing only alleged abuses, which we do not believe our people to be guilty
of, but if they were, we would by no means suffer it ; and therefore, for the
unburdening of our own consciences, for the king's reverence, and for the
people's profit and peace, but chiefly for the honour of God, all we here assem-
bled have concluded to apply such remedy, that the aforesaid abuses, if any
such there be, shall cease, to the quietness of the people, and praise of God. To
whom be honour and glory, world without end. Amen.
Another Sitting of the Parliament.
On the Friday next but one, being December the twenty-ninth, the prelates
assembled themselves again together at the king's palace in Paris, where the
reverend father, the loi'd Peter Bertrand, by divine providence bishop of
Autun, spake openly before the king, sitting there as usual with his coun-
sellors and barons about him, taking for his theme that which is written in
Genesis xviii., " O Lord be not angry that I speak yet more," &rc., which he xhe
applied to this end : " That considering the majesty of the king, the prudency of bishop of
his council, the insufficiency of the speaker to plead so weighty a cause, he ^"j""
trembled to speak ; yet nevertheless, relying on the king's accustomed kind-
ness, he took courage, and presumed to attempt the task which had been ap-
pointed him by the prelates, taking for his theme the ninetieth Psalm : " Lord,
thou art our refuge," &c. This he prosecuted in extolling the king's person,
declaring his attaining to the crown of France to have been a sort of miracle,
and shewing how he ought to be the champion of the church ; all which he
proved concisely, by many authorities and reasons.
.. He afterwards answered those propositions which were propounded by the
aforesaid lord Peter de Cugnicres, and for no other cause, as he protested, but
only to inform the conscience of his lord the king, and to advise his grace
concerning the same ; not as going about to make any final judgment or
answer, whereby either sentence, ordinance, statute, or any other process,
might ensue or be grounded, or new right be acquired by any man. And first,
in reply to the commencement of the discourse of the lord Peter, wherein he
affiniied that the words " Render unto the emperor what is the emperor's, and
unto God what is his" [Matt. xxii. and Mark xii.], signified obedience and
subjection to the king, and the separation of the spiritualty from the temporalty ;
whereof the first member was argued from the text in Peter (1 Pet. ii.), where it
is said, " Be subject to every human creature," also from the words of Extra' "(]r
Majoritate etObedientiri,"cap. "Solitoe,"and Extra "de Judiciis,"cap. "Novit,"
and Causa xi. qusest. 1, cap. " Sacerdotibus," with the notes on the same :
while as to the separation between the two jurisdictions, the lord Peter arguod
(I) ' E.vtra' refers to the Decretals of Gregory IX. — Ed.
636 AKSWEU OF THE PRELATES
French temporals to belong to temporal persons, and spirituals to spiritual, because
ifiiiury. God hatli appointed two swords, and saith (Luke xxii.) " Behold here arc two
. .. swords," and because Christ paid tribute (Matt. xvii. 27), implying thereby
vion *'^^' *''<^ temporals were to be reserved to temporal persons (Causa xi. quaest. 1,
• cap. " Si Iributum," and cap. " Magnum"); also by the law of Justinian, wherein
it is written that " God bestowed on man two great gifts, priesthood and
empire, the former to preside over divine, the latter over human aH'airs "
(Corpus Juris Civilis, Authenticae, Collatio 1, tit. 0, " Quomodo oporteat ci)isco-
pos) /'asserting, moreover, that these be the boundaries (i'rov.xxiii.) which ougl it
never to be removed (ff'.> "de termino moto." lib. 47, tit. 21); affirming also that
the king could not abdicate such his royal rights, for that they were a part of the
royal prerogative, and he had sworn at his coronation not to alienate any rights
in the realm, nay, even to restore such as had been alienated ; and finally
alleging, that the rights in question were imprescriptible, according to Distinction
10, cap. " Quis autem," and many other cliapters of the same Distinction : —
To the aforesaid reasoning it was answered thus : The right of determining
civil causes (about wliich the present controversy was) belonged to the church,
both by divine and human appointment. From the time of Adam to that of
Christ it was by divine appointment, according to the words of Innocent in
Extra " de Foro Competenti," cap. " Licet ;" from the time of Christ it was
committed to Peter and his successors for ever (Matthew xvi. and Distinct. 22,
cap. " Omnes patriarchse ") : and that the church in the realms of catholic
princes doth and always did enjoy this right, is proved by Causa ii. quiust. 5,
cap. "Si quis presbyter," Causa xi. quaest. 1, cap. " Kelatum," and Distinct.
95, cap, " Ecce." The emperors also confirmed this right to the church by the
Authent. Collat. 6, tit. 15, " Ut differentes judices" ; also Causa xxiii. quaest. 8,
cap. " His aquibus." The canon law also saith, that St.T'eter commanded the
princes of the earth and all others to obey the bishop (Matthew xvi. ; Extra
"de Majoritate et Obedientia," cap. "Omnes;" and Distinct. 96, cap. " Duo
sunt "). Wherefore it is to be concluded, that the proposed separation between
the two jurisdictions ought by no means to be made, so that the rights in
question be taken away from the church. And albeit in the realms of tyran-
nical princes this state of the church hath been impaired and even abolished, yet
in this blessed realm of France it hath been always, even to the present time,
duly maintained (Extra " de Judiciis," cap. "Novit,'' in parte dccisa). The
laws, also, of the emperors Theodosius and Charlemagne confirmed this right to
the church according to Extra " de Judiciis," cap. " Novit," and Causa xi. qucest.
1, cap. " Quicunque ;" and in cap. " Omnes " it is expressly stated, that Charle-
magne, king of France and emperor, settled this right especially in France.
Moreover, if we consider the subject on the score of custom which hath
obtained timeout of mind, the said jurisdiction is found to have belonged to the
church of France under all its christian and pious kings, and if any one .«hall
go about-to vitiate this custom, it is sacrilege according to Causa xii. qua-st. 2,
cap. 1 and 2. Nor let the king's majesty marvel, if in this realm of France,
the noblest in the world, this prerogative belongs to the church, as hereby his
own power and nobility is beautified (See Authent. Collat. 2, tit. 2, " Ut
judices sine quoquo sufi'ragio fiant"). Besides, our sovereign lord the king
at bis coronation swore on the holy gospels of God to preserve to the
church her rights. All the barons, also, at least such as were faithful to the
church, swore fidelity to her, by the which oath of fidelity they are bound to
preserve to the church her rights. Since, therefore, every oath is to be kej.t
which tcndeth not to the perdition of the soul, a fortiori that oath is to be kejit
which is taken in favour of the church (Extra "de jure-jurando,"cap. "Si vero;"
and Causa xxii. quaest. 4, cap. ult.). Besides this, Charlemagne, St. Louis, Philip
of Arragon [the Bold], Philip the Fair, and his sons Louis and Charles, did con-
firm these privileges, customs, and liberties to the church, and were all sworn at
theircoronations, as before stated.2 Who, then, can advise the king's majesty con-
trary to hii oath, CBpccially in relation to these liberties granted and so confirmed
to the church, without damning of his own soul ? To him, on the contrary,
belongeth great reward whosoever bestoweth any thing on the churih (See Au-
thentica>, Collat. 2 " De non alienand. ac pcrniut. rebus ccclesiae," cap. 2, § " Si-
nimus"). Neither maketh the allegation against us that there are two swords ;
nor yet the distinction between priesthood and empire. For first, while it is
true that there arc two swords, yet that was said lo the church, and the right
and power of those two swords is left in the church's hands, although the
(I) 'flfrefe's tothe ' Digcstorum lihri'in the Corpu=; Juris Civilis. —Ed. (2) Suprii. p.629.— Ei<
TO LORD PETIiR's OKATIOX. 637
execution -by the material sword is committed to the temporal or secular men : French
which is Christ's meaning where he saith to Peter, " Put up thy sword into its Jii»i"r!/-
place." (Matt, xxvi.) Secondly, as touching the distinction betwixt priest-
A.D.
\:v2'j.
hood and empire, it is true as far as appertaineth unto the end and to the
shedding of blood, but not concerning the beginning or subject, for that both
the powers are and may be, nay ought to be, in the same subject ; as is before
proved. To the allegation that Christ paid tribute it is answered, that he paid
it not because he was bound thereto — for it is certain that a king's sons (and wiiy
such was he) are not bound to pay — but to avoid offence ; nor would the clergy Christ
be bound thereto (1 Esdras viii. 22): wherefore, such things are not to be drawn {Juj^^ "'
into a consequence. Neither doth the allegation about the boundaries make
against us, nay rather, it maketh for us, because (as hath been already
stated) such things are said with peculiar reference to the church. Neither
yet maketh the allegation against us, that our sovereign lord the king cannot
abdicate his rights because at his coronation he specially swore thereto, for it is
replied, that he may abdicate the whole of them, because he cannot be said to
abdicate any thing which he giveth to God and the church ; for " the earth is
the Lord's," and therefore to give in such case is nothing else but to restore to
God and the church their own : else it would follow that Constantine's Dona-
tion was not binding, which is false (Distinct. 9G, cap. " Constantinus").
Besides, it appeareth by ff. "de legatis," 1. apudJulianum § ult., that an empe-
ror or king may alienate things of the empire : and yet the empire or kingdom is
not damaged thereby, because the thing returneth to its pristine state (if. " de
pactis " 1. " Si unus," § " Pact., "and Distinction 35, cap. "Ab exordio"). Further-
more, that reasoning would condemn all the kings of France that ever were,
especially St. Louis ; for if it were true (which God forbid), then all of them
were perjured, and died in mortal sin ; which is too shocking. Lastly, neither
doth it touch us, that such things are said to be imprescriptible. 'Tis true,
indeed, they cannot by subjects or otherwise than by the church be prescribed ;
but iu this matter subjects are out of the question. Besides, seeing they may
be alienated, they may be prescribed, especially with the consent of the kings
who have confirmed the same for so long a time back as excludeth all other
right, fiscal and ecclesiastical.
Li conclusion, therefore, the prelates all with one consent agree in asserting
the aforesaid positions to be true, and such as must be maintained; and they
beseech their lord the king, both for his soul's welfare and the church's peace,
to innovate nothing, but to maintain the church and preserve her liberties as
his predecessors did, taking warning from the examples of others what dangers
must attend him in pursuing a contrary course. They beg him to consider,
also, what spiritual benefits he daily receiveth of the church, and that the
church of France never yet failed him when he needed help even in temporal
things. Furthermore, he beseecheth his highness to weigh how entirely tlie
present lord pope loveth, and ever did love, his person and realm ; affirming
that never any one placed in the chair of Peter loved this realm better than
he doth, alleging the text, which saith, " Stand in the multitude of the priests,
and believe them with thy heart." (Ecclus. vi. 3, 4.)
After this, in the said session, the aforesaid bishop of Autiin, pro- special
locator, urged many things besides, and answered particularly to the ^""h"*
articles above specified and exhibited by the lord Peter in writing to •■""'idpf
the king and parliament ; which, because they touch more the subtilty iiy nJ
of the law and styles of the courts, than is necessary to this our Autun."^
history, and because we would not burden the volume withal, they con-
taining no great profit in them, we have here of purpose for brevity's
sahe omitted, passing to the next sitting, which was the following
Friday, as ensueth. On that day [January the 5th], the prelates Anntiu-r
assembled at Yincennes before the king, to hear the answer ; -where ti'iV^.^'i,';"
the aforesaid lord Peter de Cugnieres, being prolocutor for the king, f.''^' •''"'■
spake on this wise, taking for his theme, " I am peace unto you, do
not fear,'"' &c. ; which he prosecuted, admonishing that thev shoidd not
be troubled by any thing that had been spoken, for that the intent and
mind of their sovereign lord tlie king was, to keep the rights of the
church and prelates, which they had by law and by good and reason-
638 nrsiior of aittitn's keply.
FrfHch able custom. NVIicrc, between the first and the last conclusions, he went
""""!'■ a|)o„t to prove, that the coprnizance of civil causes ou,«,dit not to apper-
A. D. tain to the church ; for that such tilings were temporal, and ought to
^'■^'^^- pertain to the temporally, as spiritual things to the spiritualty. And
besides his other reasons', he alleged the DC Distinct, cap. "Cum ad
shsving vcrum." He asserted, also, that for this intent first the clerks' crowns
cfown.'."' were shaven, in sign that they should be free from all worklJiness, and
forsake all temporal things ; alleging to that end Causa xii. Quocst. 1.
cap. " Duo sunt genera." Furthermore, he declared, that the bishops
had cognizance in certain cases expressed by law, wherefore, these said
cases ministered a certain rule against them, alleging in juoof thereof
" Dc regul is juris,'" * cap. i., and If. " de legatis," 1. 1. " Titire tcxtores."
Also he afBrmed, that the Decretal " Novit," which they supposed to
make for them, did speak of the king of France's state, who hath no
superior ; but in other persons it was, he said, otherwise. These things
thus being proved, he concluded by saying, that, nevertheless, their
lord and king was ready to hear the information of those, who would
instruct him of any customs, and those customs which were good and
reasonable he would have observed.
To this answer, because it did not seem to please and suffice the
prelates, the bishop of Autun immediately replied for them all in
manner following : First, commending the good and general answer,
he spake in this wise, " The prince of the people shall be praised for
the prudence of his talk" (Ecclesiasticus ix. 17), commending there-
withal, as touching the former good general answer of the king, his
purpose and talk propounded ; but as concerning the words of the
lord Peter, which engendered and brought darkness and obscurity,
and might give occasion to the temporal lords to break and infringe
the rights and customs of the church, his answer seemed not to the
prelates full and plain. Speaking, moreover, to the said Peter, he
alluded to the words of the Virgin speaking in the Scripture thus to
her son, " Why hast thou thus dealt with us ?" And so he prose-
cuted the same, both marvelling with himself, and yet covertly com-
plaining of his answer. Afterwards, in reply to those things which
the lord Peter affirmed, first, in reference to the chapter " Cum ad
verum," he said that it was before answered, touching the division
of the two jurisdictions, that they may be in one subject, as was before
proved. Neither did that weigh which the lord Peter said, that these
two jurisdictions could not be in one subject, because things that be
in themselves diverse and yet be under one genus, as a man and an
ass, cannot be in one subject ; but if they were under divers kinds, as
whiteness and sweetness in milk, they might be well in one subject :
whereunto it was answered, that this rule was not true, because justice
and temperance arc two divers virtues, and under one genus, and yet
be in one subject ; besides, these differing species, a man and an ass,
be not compatible in one subject. Also to that which was spoken
concerning the shaving of the crown, it was answered, that the crown
did betoken rule and excellency ; and the shaving did signify, that
they ought not to heap up store of temporal things, so as to apply
their hearts thereunto ; but that the temporal things ought to be
subject to them, and not they to the temporally, as is proved in the
said chapter, " Duo sunt genera."" Also as concerning what was
alleged " de regula," he answered, that this nuiketh for the clmrch,
■(I) I'lobably rcfeiring to tit. 41, at the end of Decretal. Creeor.— Ed.
FIXAL ANSWER TO THE I'UEI.ATKS. G39
as before was proved ; yea, also, that the custom doth make the rule F'/n^f'
for the church ; also that laws in all kind of cases do always except "''"""■
the custom; and, therefore, that his reasoning made nothing against A.D.
it. And as to that which the lord Peter spake about the Decretal ..^''^"^-
" Novit," that the case was only one of the king's person ; yet, for
all that, the same thing is expressly said in the^context of every
christian man : and although in the said law it is the pope wlio
speaketh, yet the same is applied lo all bishops in their diocese in
the 63rd Distinct, cap. " Valentinianus." Wherefore the said bishop The
concluded and beseeched the king, that it would please his grace to ^^^^'^
give unto them a more plain and comfortable answer, and that they [^^'^.^'J^';,'^
might not depart from his presence all pensive and sad, whereby answer,
occasion might be given to the laity to impugn the rites and liberties
of the church, and that they doubted nothing herein of the good
nature and conscience of their sovereign lord and king. In the end,
it was answered them in the behalf of the king, that it was not his
mind and intent to impugn the customs of the church.
On the Sunday following, the bishops assembled again before the Gent'^e^ ^^
king at Vincennes, where the lord archbishop of Sens repeated their the king
last supplication, with the last answer made them in the behalf of the ^^shop.
king ; whereupon the lord archbishop of Bourges gave them to under-
stand, how the king willed them not to fear, as they should suffer no
hindrance or damage in his time ; yea, and how he w^ould defend
them in their rights and customs, and that it should never be said,
that he gave ensample to others to impugn the church ; the king
himself assenting to his having so said. The said lord archbishop of
Sens in the name of the whole prelates gave humble thanks to the
king for this, and the said archbishop of Sens beseeched that such
proclamations, as had been made to the prejudice of the ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, might be repealed and called in. Hereunto the king
himself answered with his own mouth, that they were not published
at his commandment, neither did he know of them, nor ratify them.
Thirdly, the archbishop proposed, that those abuses which the
temporalty complained of should by the prelates be so ordered and
reformed, that every man should be well contented therewith. Last
of all, he beseeched the king's highness, that he would of his gracious •
goodness give them a more comfortable and fuller answer. Then Final
answered the lord Peter in the name of the king; that if the prelates the pre-"
would see reformation of those things which were to be amended, 'a'«^-
whereabouts he would take respite between then and the Christmas
next following, his grace would innovate nothing in the mean season :
but that if in the aforesaid space they should not have corrected and
reformed that which was amiss, his majesty would then apply such
order and remedy, as should be acceptable both to God and his
subjects. After this the prelates had leave of the king to depart,
and went home.*
And thus much concerning French matters, which because they be
ecclesiastical, and bearwiththem some utility to the diligent reader(such
as list to search, note, and observe the acts of men, and the course of re-
ligion), I thought therefore here to place and adjoin next after the other
contention before proceeding between Philip the French king and pope
Boniface. Albeit, as touching the perfect keeping of years and time,
(1) For the "Brief Recapitulation," Src, which in some Editions follows here, see the foot
note (1) to p. 021 of this volume. — V.v.
f)U) KASH VOW OF KING KinVARD
ndwardi I am not iirnorant that this afurc^^aid parliament, thus summonod and
^ J) commenced au:ainst the French prelates, falling a.d. 132.9, uas to be
1307. referred rather to the reign of king Edward II., of -whom now
remaineth (hy the grace of Christ) in order of history to prosecute,
declaring first the instructions and infonnations of his father given to
Death of liim at the time of his departing. In the year of our Lord 1307, and
Kdward. the last vear of the king, the aforesaid king Edward, in his journey
A.D.i.3or. marching towards Scotland, in the north fell sick of the flux, which in-
crc-ased so fervently u])on him, that he despaired of life. Wherefore
calling before him his earls and barons, he caused them to be sworn
that they should crown his son l^lward in such convenient time after
his deatii as thev might, and keep the land to his iise, till he were
Godly les- crowncd. That done, he called before him his son Edward, informing
precept's'' auil Icssouing him with wholesome precepts, and he also charged him
fi'ie yoilnR ^^'''^ divers points upon his blessing : first, that he should be courteous,
prince, gentle, upHght in judgment, fair spoken to all men, constant in deed
and word, flimiliar with the good ; and especially to the miserable be
merciful. After this, he gave him also charge not to be too hasty in
taking his crown before he had revenged his father''s injuries stoutly
The king against the Scots ; but that he should remain in those parts to take
his "ones ^^itli him lus fathcr^s bones, being well boiled from the flesh, and so
r?e!'H"'^' being enclosed in some fit vessel, should carry them with him till he
the field couqucrcd all the Scots ; saying, " that so long as he had his father's
the Scots, bones with him, none should overcome him." Moreover, he willed and
required him to love his brothers, Thomas and Edmund ; also to
Father's ciicrish and tender his mother Margaret, the queen. Over and
excluding besides, he straightly charged him upon his blessing (as he would
companv ^^'^^^ ^^'^ cursc) that he should in no case call to him again, or send
from iiis for Peter Gaveston ; which Peter Gaveston the king before had
banished the realm, for his naughty and Avicked familiarity with his
son Edward, and for his seducing of him with sinister counsel ; for
which cause he had both banished Peter Gaveston utterly out of
the realm, and also had put the said Edward his son in prison, and
therefore so straightly he charged his son in nowise to send for tliis
Gaveston, or to have him in any case about him. And finally,
Rash vow because he had conceived in himself a vow to return in his own
Edward: pcrsou to thc Iloly Land (which for his manifold wars with the
t'o'^e'^clJ- Scots, he could not perform), therefore he had prepared thirty-two
"■"^•J •" thousand pounds of silver, for the sending of certain soldiers with
Land, his heart unto the Holy Land. This thing he required of his son to
see accomplished, so that the aforesaid money, under his ciu-se and
malediction, be not employed to other uses. But these injunctions
and precepts the disobedient son did not at all observe or keep
after the decease of his father. Forsaking and leaving off the
war with the Scots, the son, with all speed, hasted him to his corona-
tion. Also contrary to the mind of his nobles, and against the
precept of his flither, he sent for the aforesaid Peter Gaveston, and
prodigally bestowed upon him all that treasure which his fiither had
bequeathed to the IIolv Land. He was, moreover, a proud despiser
of his peers and nobles ; and therefore reigned unfortunately, as
by the sequel of the story here following, by the grace of Christ, shall
be declared. Tluis king Edward, the first of that name, leaving
niE UEIGN OF EDWAUT) THE SECONn. 611
beliind him tlircc sons, Thomas and Etlmmul by liis third wife, and luiward
Edward by liis first wife, wliom he had sufficiently thus with precepts "
instructed, departed this mortal life, a.d. IDOT, after he had reigned A.D.
nearly thirty-five years ; of whom this epitaph was written : VM7.
" Dull) viguit rex, et vahiit tuii magna potestas,
Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnavit honestas."
In the time and reign of this king many other things happened,
which here I omit to speak of, as the long discord and strife between
the prior of Canterbury, and the prior of Dover, which continued
above four years, together with much wrangling and unrpiietness
between them. Likewise another like contention growing up between
John Romain, archbishop of York, and the archbishop of Canterbury:
upon this occasion, that when John, archbishop of York, after his
consecration returned from the pope, coming to Dover, contrary to
the inhibition of Canterbury, he passed through the middle of Kent,
with liis cross borne up, although the story reporteth that he had the
king''s consent thereunto, a.d. 1286.
Item, BetAveen Thomas, bishop of Hereford, and John Pccham, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, arose another wrangling matter, in the time
of this king ; which bishop of Hereford, appealing from the archbishop
to the pope, went up to Rome, and on his journey died. Who with
less cost might have tanied at home, a.d. 1282.
EDWARD THE SECOND.^
Edward II., son of Edward I., who was born (as is aforesaid) at A.D.
Caeniarvon in Wales, after the departure of his father entered upon 1^'*'-
the government of the land a.d. 1307, but was crowned not before [Feb.2:)tii.
the year next following, by reason of the absence of Robert Winchelsey, ^yn;[.f i'"*'
who was banished by king Edward I. ; whereupon the king, this pre-
sent year, writeth to the pope for the restitution of the said arch- [r>ec.
bishop, for that by an ancient law of the realm the coronation of the A.n.'isor,
king could not otherwise proceed without the archbishop of Canterbury, i^y™'^''.!
Which Edward, as he was personable in body and outward shape, so
in conditions and evil disposition much deformed — as, unsteadfast of
word, and liglit to disclose secrets of great counsel ; also, refusing the
company of his lords and men of honour, he much haunted among
villains and vile personages ; given, moreover, to overmuch drinking,
and such vices as thereupon be wont to ensue. And as of his own
nature he was to the said vices disposed, so was he much worse by
the counsel and familiarity of certain evil-disposed persons ; as first, of Edward
Peter or Piers Gaveston beforementioned ; then, after him, of the '.^fciled
two Spensers and other ; whose wanton counsel he following, gave counsel,
himself to the appetite and pleasure of tlie body, nothing ordering his
commonweal by sadness, discretion, and justice ; which thing caused
first great variance between him and his nobles, so that shortly
he became to them odible, and in the end was deprived of his
kingdom. In the first year he took to wife Isabel, daughter of Pliih'])
king of France ; with whom, the year after, he was crowned at
(1) Edition 1563, p. 74. Ed. 15S3, p. SGC. Ed. 1596, p. 336. Ed. 1684, vol. i p. IIG.— Ec.
VOL. II. T T
642 KFN'o F.nwARn's ixordikate affection to gavestov.
Kdward Westminster by the bishop of Winchester, for that Robert Winchel-
^'' gpy^ archbishop of Canterbury, was yet in exile, not returned home.
A.U. Notwithstanding:, tlie barons and lords made first their request to the
^■^^7- king to put Peter Gavcston from him, or else they would not consent to
ivter Jiis coronation ; whereupon he was enforced to promise that they should
a wicked' havc their requests accomplished, at the next parliament, and so was
atoutthe crowned. In the mean season the aforesaid Peter or Piers, bear-
k'ng- iriir himself of the king's favour bold, continued triumphing and
settini; at light all other states and nobles of the realm, so that he
ruled both the king and the realm, and all things went as he would ;
neither had the king any delight else or kept company with any but
with him ; with him only he brake all his mind, and conferred all liis
counsels. This, as it seemed strange unto the lords and earls, so it
inflamed their indignation so much against this Peter, that through the
exciting of the nobles the bishops of the land did proceed in excom-
munication against the said Gavcston, unless he departed the land.
Upon the occasion whereof the king, the same first year of his reign,
being grieved with the bishops, writeth to the pope, complaining that
they had proceeded to excommunication of the said Peter unless he
departed the realm witiiin a time certain. What answer the king's
letter had from the pope, I find not set down in story. Over and
besides, it befel in the said first year of the king that the bishopric of
York being vacant, the king gave the office of the treasure to one of
his own clerks;^ whereof the pope liaving intelligence writeth to the
king, commanding him to call back the same gift ; and withal citeth
up to Rome the said clerk, there to answer the matter to a nephew
of one of his cardinals, upon whom he had bestowed the said dignity :
whcreunto the king maketh answer, " That if such citations and the
execution of the same should proceed, to the impeachment of our
kingly jurisdiction, and to the prejudice of our lawful inheritance, and
the honour of our crown (especially if the deciding of such matters
■which principally concern our estate should be prosecuted in any other
place than within this our realm, by any manner of ways, &c.), ccrtes,
although we ourselves should wink thereat, or through sufferance permit
matters so to pass our hands ; yet the states and nobles of our king-
dom, who upon allegiance are obliged and sworn to the protection
and defence of the dignity of the crown of England, vill in no wise
suffer our right and the laws of the land so to be violated.'"
[Dpc. Besides this, the aforesaid pope wrote to the king, complaining
A.D.'iaor. that by certain counsellors of king Edward his father, lying sick
Rymer.] ^J^^\ utterly iguoraut thereof, a certain restraint was given out, charging
his nuncios and legates, whom he had sent for the gathering of the
first-fruits of the benefices vacant within the realm, not hereafter to
intermeddle therewith, &c. Whcreunto the king maketh answer, —
Most lioly father, it hath been given yo\i to understand otherwise tlian the
truth of the matter is. For most true it is, indeed, that the aforesaid inhi-
bition was ratified by good act of parliament holden at Carlisle, upon certain
causes concerning the execution of such collections, the said our father not only
being not ignorant, but also witting, willing, and of his own mere knowledge
agreeing to the same, in the presence not onlj' of his own earls, barons, and
states, and commons of the realm, but also your legates and liegcrs being
called thereunto.
(1) See Appendix respecting an error in the foregoing statement. — Ed.
PETEU GAVESTOn's BANISHMENT INTO IRELAND. 643
Item, upon otlier letters brought from the pope to the king, for Edward
tlie installing of one Peter, a Savoyard, his kinsman, into the bishop- '
ric of Worcester, being then vacant; and withal requiring that if A.D.
the said Peter would not accept thereof, the election should be ^^^^-
referred to the prior and convent of the same place : — the king [Jan.
therewith grieved, maketh answer by his letters to the pope, and a.d.'isos.
sundry his cardinals : " That forsonmch as elections of prelates to be ^'^y^^f-J
placed in cathedral churches within his kingdom are not to beattcnipted
without his license first had and obtained, &c. ;" therefore he could not
abide that any such strange and unaccustomed reservations should or
could take place in his realm without manifest prejudice of his kingly
estate ; requiring further that he would not cause any such novelties
to be brought into his kingdom, contrary to that which his ancestors
before him had been accustomed to do.
Thus tlic time proceeded, and at length the parliament appointed
came, a.d. 13 10, which was the fourth of this king's reign. The arti-
cles were drawn by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles
were the same as those contained in ' Magna Charta'' and in ' Cliarta
de Foresta,' above specified, with such other articles as his father had
charged him with before — to wit, that he should remove from him and
his court all aliens and perverse counsellors, and that all the matters
of the commonwealth should be debated by common counsel of the
lords both temporal and spiritual ; and that he should stir no war out
of England in any otlier foreign realm, without the common assent of
the same, &c. The king perceiving their intent to be (as it was
indeed) to sunder Peter Gaveston from his company, and seeing no
other remedy but that he needs must yield and grant his consent, Rymen] '
agreed that the said Gaveston should be banished into Ireland. And
so the parliament breaking up, the lords returned to their own,
well appeased : although of the other articles they could not speed,
yet, that they had driven Peter Gaveston out of the realm at this
time, it did suffice them.
This Peter Gaveston was a certain gentleman's son of Gascon y ;
whom, being young, king Edward I. foi the good service his father had
done him in his wars received to his court, and placed him with his
son Edward now reigning. Who, in process of time growing up
with him, incensed and provoked him to much outrage and wanton-
ness ; by whose occasion first he began in his father's days to break
the park of Walter, bp. of Chester,^ then lord treasurer of England,
and after executor to the king ; for the which so doing the king (as is
partly touched before) imprisoned his son, and condemned this Peter
to perpetual banishment. Notwithstanding, the young king after
the death of his father (as ye have heard) sent for this Gaveston
again ; and withal so persecuted this aforesaid bishop, that he clapped
him in the tower and seized upon all his goods ; moreover, caused
most strict inquisition to be made upon him for guiding his office,
wherein if the least crime might have been found, it would have cost
him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaveston, and of his origin.
Now to the matter.
The king thus separated from his old compeer, that is, from the
company of Peter Gaveston now exiled into Ireland, continued iu
(1) See p. .•M3, note (^).— Ed.
644i TK.MVi.Ans nt'nxF.D at taris.
Bdttnrd great mniirniriG: and pcnsivcncss, seeking by nil means possible how to
" call liim home a<,'ain, and conf'errinp^ with such as uere about him upon
A.D. the same; who did insinuate to the kinp:, that forsomuch as the eail
^^^Q- of Gloucester was a man well loved and favoured in all the realm, if a
marriat,'e might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaveston, it
mi<dit be a means both fur liim to obtain more friendship and for the
kuv^ to have his desire. To make short, Peter Gaveston in all haste
was sent for, and the marriage through the king's procuring pro-
ceeded between the earFs sister and the aforesaid Peter, albeit, sore
Tho pride agaiiist the earFs mind. Gaveston, thus restored and dignified, was
Bioii'!"'' so surprised in pride and exaltation more than ever before, that he
disdained and derided all other : whose rule and power more and more
increased, insomuch that he, having the guiding of all the king's
jewels and treasure, conveyed out of the king's jewel-house at ^Vest-
iii' spoil- minster a table and a pair of tressels of gold unto certain mer-
kin^-r chants beyond the sea, Avith other jewels more, to his behoof; to the
treasure-, g^^jj^ impoverishing both of the king and queen and of the land ;
and over all that brought the king by mean of his wanton conditions
to manifold vices, as adultery and such other like. AVhcrefore the
lords, seeing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this un-
happy man, took their counsel together at Lincoln, and there con-
Gaveston cludcd to void him again out of England, so that sliortly after he was
banished cxilcd again, and went into Flanders; for in France or his own
uic^iand. country he durst not appear, for fear of Philip the French king, to
queen wliom the qiiecu of England, his daughter, had sent over great eom-
et'iiTu'i'i'ie plaints of the said Gaveston, who had so impoverished her and tlic
kiflTiIer ^^''"jI^^ eourt, that she had not wherewith to maintain her state. Upon
nuiier, of which comi)laint, the French king throurrh all his dominions laid
Gaveston. Strait watch to apprehend the said Gaveston ; but he, not unwarned
thereof, secretly coasted into Flanders, from whence it was not long but
he was fet again by the king, as in further process followeth ; so miich
was the king's heart infatuated by this wicked person.
Crouched About this year, or the next before, came in first the Crouched
Friars. Ffjars ; and also began first the knights of the order of St. John
kniphtsof Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes, for that they by
ori o'r ' manly knighthood put out the Turks from the isle of Rhodes.
Uhodes. jj^ |.jj^ history of king Edward, this king's father, before precedent,
mention was made of pope Clement V., who succeeded after Benedict;
also of putting down of the Templars, which in this year happened by
Templars tlic mcaus of the French king ; who, as he caused to be burned in the
a't'paHs; c'ty of Paris this year fifty-four Templars, with the great master of
bWorX" ^^^^ same order, so, by his procurement, the aforesaid pope Clement
put down, called a council at Vienne, where the whole order and sect of Tem-
plars being condemned, was shortly after, by the consent of all
Christian kings, deposed all in one day. After which, the French king
thought to make his son king of Jerusalem, and to convert to him
all the lands of the said Templars. But Clement, the pope, would
thereto not agree, transferring all their lands to the order of
Hospitallers, for the great sum of money given for the same.' The
cause why these impious Templars were put down was so abominable
(1) Amaud de Pontac [" Chroiio?Taphia a Christo nalo usque ad" MDLXVI.' fol. Paris, 1507,
12mo. Luvaii. VjT'I, sub anno 1310.] — £d.
nunK AXD TYRANNY OF POI'E CLEMENT V. G45
and filthy, tliat for reverence of chaste ears it were better not told, if Edward
it be true that some write. Another matter worthy to be noted of like ^''
abomination I thought here to insert, touching a certain nunnery in A. I).
France calknl Provines, within which, at the cleansing and casting of ^'^^'*-
a fish-pond, were found many bones of young children, and the bodies B„nes of
also of some infants as yet wholly unconsumed : upon occasion ^'''i^'fL;"
wliereol divers ot the nuns ot the said nunnery, to the number of the lisii-
twenty-seven, were had to Paris, and there imprisoned : what became numieV-'
of them afterwards I find not in mine author.'
In the same council also, it was decreed by the said Clement, that all cistcrci.m
religious orders exempted should be subject to the common law as ueem"^''*"
others Avere ; but the Cistercian monks, with money and OTcat gifts, "'"'■".ex-
1 ii- ••! 1 -fi 1111 eniptions.
redeemed their privileges and exemptions ot the pope, and so had them
granted.^ These Cistercians sped better herein, than did the Mi- The i\ri-
norites of the Franciscan order in their suit, of whom, Avlien certain decehl-d
qf them had offered unto the said pope Clement forty thousand florins |l^g^j"^',';t
of gold, besides other silver, that the pope would dispense with them
to have lands and possessions against their rule, the pope asked one thief
them. Where was that money .'*'' They answered. In the merchant- anou'er.''
men's hands. So the space of three days being given them to bring
forth these merchants ; the pope absolved the merchants of their bond
made to the friars, and commanded that all that money should be
employed and should revert to his use ; declaring to the friars that
he would not infringe nor violate the rule of St. Francis lately canon-
ized, neither ought to do it for any money. And thus the beggarly
rich friars lost both their money and their indulgence."*
Concerning this pope Clement V. Sabellicus* writeth, that he ex- clement
communicated the Venetians for aiding and preferring of Azo, marquis n^,^°[J?at.
d"'Este, unto the estate of Ferrara ;* and wrote his letters throughout all eth the
Europe, condemning them as enemies of the church, and giving their for maic-
goods as a lawful prey unto all men ; which caused them to sustain Jju^e
great harm. But Francis Dandolo, a nobleman of Venice, being
ambassador from the Venetians to the said Clement, for the obtain-
ing of their absolution and the safeguard of their city and country,
and for pacifying the pope's fury towards them, was fain so to humble
himself before this proud tpannical prelate, that he suffered a chain pHde
of iron to be tied about his neck, and to lie down flat before ranny of
liis table, and so to catch the bones and fi-agments that fell from his clement.
table, as it had been a dog, till the pope's fury towards them was Francis
assuaged ; so that after that, in reproach, because he so himibled f^^n\\t°i\\
himself for the behalf and helping of his country, he was of some ''imseir.
called a dog. But the city of Venice showed themselves not unkind Picty of
in return to Dandolo for his gentle good-will declared to his to^ws"'"
country ;^ for, as he had abased himself before, in the vile and ^^'^"jjj,',^^
ignominious condition ofadog, for his country's sake, so they extolled
him with as much glory again Avhen he returned home, decking and
adorning him after the best array, with the chief princely ornaments
of the city, to make him amends for his former reproach received.^
Concerning the constitutions of this pope Clement, and his decretals
(1) Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae, anno 1310. Sec Appendix.— Ed.
(2) ExChron. Thonu-eWalsin-ham. (:f) U.id. (4) Ibid.
(5) Sabel. Eiinead. 9, lib. 7. (6) See supra, p. 485.— Ed.
(7) Out of HMliollicii.s, and is allejjcd in the book named tlie " Iina^'e of Tyranny.
646 U- A I, I Kit, UISIIOI' OF COVKNTItY, EX( OM M UNICATED.
Edward and Clementines, and liow Henry the emperor, in his davs, was
'. — poisoned in reeeivintr tlie saerament, ye have heard before.' About
A. D. this time I{ol)ert \Vinelielsey, arelibisliop of Canterljurv, vliom tliis
'•^^'- kini^'s father liad banished before, was released, and returned home
from Home,
These things thus declared, let us proceed, by the Lord's grace,
to the next year (a.d. 1311), and the fifth of this king's reign.
The In tliat year, counting the year from Michaelmas to the same feast
^"he"^ agjiin, as then the usage of the realm was, Peter Gavcston, who had
in^idT"' wandered the countries about, and could find no safe resting-place
»'"'«•• (notwithstanding that, upon forfeiture of life and goods, lie Avas
chaciinas. Utterly bauislicd out of the realm, yet trusting to the kinif's favour,
and the good will of the carl of Gloucester, whose sister he hacl
married), secretly returning into England with a certain company of
strangers, presented himself to the king's sight. On beholding him,
the king for joy ran to him, and embracing liim, did not only retain
him, but also for his sake undid all such acts as liad been, in the par-
liament before enacted.^ The queen and the whole court seeing this
doating of the king, made a heavy Christmas. After this return of
Gaveston was noised among the commons, tlic peers and nobles of
the realm were not a little stirred, casting with tlicmsclvcs Avhat way
it were best to take. If he were still suffered, they saw not only
themselves rejected, but also that the queen could not enjoy the love
of the king, neither could there be any quietness in the realm.
Again, to stir up war in the land, it were not the best ; to vex or
disquiet the king also they were afraid. But forasmuch as they could
not abide that all the nobility should be so thrust out and vilipended
for the love of one stranger, and also that the realm should be so
spoiled and impoverished by the same, this way they took : namely,
that Thomas, earl of Lancaster, should be elected among them as the
chieftain, and chief doer in that business; to whom all other earls, and
barons, and i)relates also, did concordly condescend and consent, except
only ^Valter, bishop of Coventry, whom Robert the archbishop,
The arch- on that account, afterwards did excommunicate. This Thomas of Lan-
b,Hi.opof cagter^ ijy ti^c p^i^iig jjggg^j. ^f ^^^ j.^g^^ gpj^^ ^^ ^j^^ j.j^^ ^^j^^^ j^.^^^
r'o,»mu." ^^ ^'^'■''^^ humble petitions in the name, as well of the whole nobility
nicateth US of tlic comuions, dcsiriug his gi-ace to give the aforesaid Gaveston
bishop of unto them; or else, according to the ordinance of the realm, that the
Coventry. Jand miglit bc voldcd of him. But the tyrannous king, who set
more by the love of one stranger than by Ins whole realm besides,
neither would hearken to their counsel, nor give place to their sup-
plications ; but in all hasty fury removed from York to Newcastle,
where he remained almost tdl INIidsummer.
' In the meantime, the barons had gathered an host of sufficient
and able soldiers, coming toward Newcastle; not intending any
molestation against the king, but only the execution of the laws upon
the wieked CJaveston. The king, not having wherewith to resist
their power, removeth in all speedy manner to Tynemouth, where the
queen was; and, hearing thcrcthat Newcastle was taken, he taketh
shipping, and saileth from thence, notwithstanding the queen there,
being great with child, with wecjung tears, and all instance, desireth
> > ■ Page 608.-ED. 2; Ex Chron. Tho. WalMnehain.
PETEIl GAVESTOX HEHr.ADEO. (i47
liim to tarry with lier, as safely as lie iinght ; but Lo, notliimr Edward
relenting to her, took Peter, his compeer, with him, and coasted over "'
to the castle of Scarborough ; where, leaving Peter Gaveston to the -^J^-
safe keeping of his men, he himself journeyed toward the coast .llliii.
beside Warwick. The lords, hearing where Peter was, bend thither Peter
all their power ; so that, at length, Gaveston seeing no remedy, but t^ken^lT
that he must needs come into their hands, yieldcth and subniitteth '1'^"°"
himself; requiring only this one condition, that he might talk a few
words with the king in his presence. Thus Gaveston being appre-
hended, the king hearing thereof, sent unto the lords, requiring his
life to be spared ; and that he might be brought to speak to him, The king
and promised that on their so doing, he would satisfy their minds etll^ur'
and requests in all things whatsoever. About this, advisement was ^™-
taken : but the earl of Pembroke, hearing the king''s promise, per-
suaded the barons to yield to his petition ; promising himself, upon
pain of losing all his lands, to take the charge upon him of bringing
Gaveston to a conference with the king, and so to recommit him
to them again: which when he had obtained, he taketh Peter Gaveston
with him, to bring him where the king lay ; and so coming to
Dedington, not flir from Warwick, he leaveth him in the keeping of
his soldiers, while he that night went to his wife, being not far off from
thence. The same night it chanced that Guy, earl of Warwick, came Gaveston
to the same place where Gaveston was left ; who, taking him out of f,P{',jfgj
the hands of his keepers, carrieth him to the castle of Warwick, ^v <^'|y of
Avhere incontinent they would have put him to death ; but doubt-
ing and fearing the king''s displeasure, they staid a little. At that
time one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsel, as mine
author writeth) standing up among them, with his gi-ave oration
declareth the nature of the man, the wickedness of his own condition,
the realm by him so greatly endamaged, the nobles despised and re-
jected, the pride and ambition of the man intolerable, the ruin of
things like to ensue by him, and the great charges and expenses
they had been at, in so long pursuing and getting him ; and now,
being gotten and in their hands, he exhorteth them to use and take
the occasion now present; as hereafter, being out of their hands, they
might seek, and should not find it.
Briefly, in such sort, he so persuaded the hearers, that forthwith Gaveston
he was brought out, and by common agi-eement beheaded in a place ed!'^^**
called Blakelow ; which place in other stories 1 find to be called Gavcs-
head ; but that name, as I think, was derived upon this occasion, after-
ward. And thus he that before had called the earl of AV^arwick the
black dog of Arden, was thus by the said dog worried, as ye have heard.
His carcase the Dominic friars of Oxford had in their monastery interred
for the sjjace of two years ; but, after that, the king caused the said His
carcase to be taken up and bm-ied within his own manor of Langloy. 5^^'j ;„
After this, great disturbance bcmn to arise between the kinij: ^in'l thekinsi's
' O o o manor oi
the lords ; who having their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout LanKiey.
message xmto the king at London, to have their former acts con-
firmed. Gilbert, earl of Gloucester, the king's nephew (who neither
did hold against the king, nor yet against the nobles), with the
bishops and prelates of the realm, went between both parties with
great diligence to make unity. At this time, also, came two cardinals
f)l8 mnrii oi kint, F.nwARn in.
Jdu-.trj from Rome, with letters sent unto tlicm fVoiii the pojie. The
'. — nol)h-s answered to the luessjxge of tlie cardinals, lying then at St.
A- n. Alhan'.s ; that, as touching themselves, they should be at all times
• welcome to them ; but as touching their letters, forasmuch as they
were men unlettered, and only brought up in war and feats of arms,
The thereh)re they cared not to sec the same. Then message was sent
'"'tiera ag:iin, that they would at least grant but to speak with the pope's
nn.i It- leirates, who j)ur|)osely came for the intent to establish quiet and
^J'ltes, not "^ . . , ' ' •' f,,, , . 1
iiii..«..i umty in tlie leann. 1 hey answered again, that they had bislio])s
imili.'sof both godly and learned, by whose counsel only thev would be led;
Knyiiimi. .jjj,j ^^^^ ],y jjj^y straugcrs, who knew not the true cause of their com-
motion. And, therefore, they said precisely, that they would have
no foreigners or aliens to be doers in their business and affairs per-
taining to the realm. Yet, notwithstanding, through the mediation
of the archbishop and of the earl of Gloucester, the matter at length
Avas so taken up, that the barons should restore to the king, or to his
attorney of St. Alban's, all the treasure, horses, and jewels of the
aforesaid Gaveston taken at Newcastle ; and so their requests should
be granted. And so was the matter at that time composed.
Shortly after, Isabel the queen was delivered of a fair child at
Nov'i'sth; ^Vi"^lsor, whom Louis, the French king's son, (the queen's brother,
A. i). 1.112. with other Frenchmen there present) would have to be called bv the
name of the French king ; but the English lords were contrary,
willing him to be called by the name of Edward, his father. At
the birth of this Edward there was great rejoicing throughout the
land, and especially the king his father so nuich joyed thereat, that
he begim daily more and more to forget the sorrow and remembrance
of Gavestou's death, and was, after that, more agreeable to the will
of his nobles.
Thus peace and concord between them began to be in a good
Tiickin- towardness; which more and more might have been confirmed in
foreil'.I^ ]irocess of time, had not Satan, the author and sower of discord,
counsel, ^tirrcd up his instruments (certain Frenchmen, titivillcrs, and make-
baits about the king), who ceased not, in carping and depraving the
nobles, to inflame the king's hatred and grudge against them ; by
the exciting of whom the old quarrels being renewed afresh, the king,
in his parliament called upon the same, began to charge the aforesaid
barons and nobles with sedition and rebellion, and for slaying Peter
Gaveston. Neither were the nobles less stout again in defending
their cause, declaring that they in so doing had deserved rather thanks
and favour with the king than any displea,sure, in vancjuishing such a
jjublic enemy of the realm ; who not only had spoiled and wasted the
king's substance, but also had raised much disturbance in the realm ;
and, forasmuch as they had begun with the matter to their so great
labour and expense, they would proceed further, they said, not
ceasing till they saw an end thereof. To be short : great threats
there were on both parts, and a foul matter had like to have followed;
tVohtor ^"^ •'i^rain, through the diligent mediation of the queen, the prelates,
jKracf. and the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, the matter was taken up and
^«!.if-'"^ '>'"0"ght to reconcilement upon these conditions, that the lords and
diVj'«ith barons ojienly in Westminster Hall should humble themselves before
liolus. the king, and ask pardon there of tlu ir doings, and that every man
A GUKAT FAMINE IN ENGLAND. 649
there should receive a letter of the king's pardon, for their indemnity iC'hr.ird
and assurance. And so passed over that year, within wliicli died '.
Robert Wincliclscy, archbishop of Canterbury; in whose room Thomas A. D.
Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to sue- ^''^^^-
ceed ; but the pope frustrating the election, placed Walter Reinold,
bishop of AVorcester.
In the mean time, the Scots hearing this civil discord in the rcahn, a.d.isis.
began to be busy, and to rebel anew through the means of Robert p^IfliJlJ',"
Bruce, who being chased out of Scotland by king Edward I., as is in a com-
above premised, into Norway, was now returned again into Scotland, wealth.
where he demeaned himself in such sort to the lords there, that in ^^11^"°^^
short process he was again made king of the realm, and warred so aRainst
strongly upon those that took the king's part, that he won from them ^"^land.
many castles and strong holds, and invaded the borders of England.
The king, hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water en-
tereth the realm of Scotland ; against whom encountered Robert
Bruce with his Scots at Estrivelin', where was fought a strong battle, Engiish-
in the end whereof the Englishmen Avere discomfited, and so eag-erly Zme^^'
pursued by the Scots, that many of the noblemen were slain, as the ^^^,;'^l;''j-^|;
earl of Gloucester, Sir Robert Clifford, Sir Ednmnd Maule, with a. d."
other lords to the nimiber of forty-two, and knights and barons two ^^'*'-'
hundred and twenty-seven, besides men of name, Avho were taken
prisoners ; of common soldiers ten thousand, or, after the Scottish
story, fifty thousand slain. After that, Sir Robert Bruce reigned as
king of Scotland. About that time, and in that year, died pope pope cie-
Clement, who, keeping in the realm of France, never came to the see "/^Jg'^ ^^i
of Rome ; after whose death the papacy stood void two years. |^'^ Ji'^^^^ee
The Scots, after this, exalted with pride and fierceness, invaded a.d.isu.
the realm of England so sorely, killing and destroying man, woman,
and child, that they came winning and wasting the north parts as fiir
as to York. Besides this, such dearth of victuals and penury of all Mise-
tliings oppressed the whole land, such murrain of sheep and oxen, dearui
that men were fain to eat horse-flesh, dogs, eats, mice, and what else ^^^IJ^-
tliey could get. JNIoreover, such a price of corn followed withal, that
the king hardly had bread for the sustentation of his own household.
Moreover, some there were that did steal chikh-en and eat them, and
many, for lack of victual, died. And yet all this amended not the
king of his evil living.
The cause and origin of this gi-eat dearth, was partly the wars and itsoii-
dissension between them and the Scots, whereby a great part of the ^"''
land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was the intemperate season
of the year, which, contrary to the eonnnon course, Avas so moist with
abundance of rain, that the grain laid in the earth could have no
ripening by heat of the sun, nor grow to any nourishment ; so that
they who had to eat, could not be satisfied with fulncss,_but cflsoons
were as hungi-y again. They that had nothing were driven to steal
and rob ; the rich were constrained to avoid and diminish their
households ; the poor for fiimine died. 2 And not so much the want
of victuals which could not be gotten, as the unwholesomencss of
the same when it was taken, so consumed the people, that the quick
were not sufficient to bury the dead ; for the cf)rrui)tion of the meats,
(1) " Estrivelin," Stirling.-Ec. (2) Ex Chron. Tho. Wals. in Vita EdwarUi U.
6o0 'III I. WIIITK fiATTLE.
KdiKird hy reason of tlic unscasonublcncss of the ^ouiul, was so infectious
" that many iliecl of the flux, many of hot fevers, divers of the pesti-
A. I), lencc. And not only the bodies of men tliereby were infected, but
-liilL. also the beasts, by the putrefaction of the herbs and grass, fell into as
ajeat a murrain, so far forth as that the eating of flesh was suspected
and thought contagious. A quarter of corn and salt, from the month
of .Iiuie to Sei)tembcr, rose from thirty shillings to forty shillings.
'I'he flesh of horses was then jirccious to the poor. Many were
driven to steal fat dogs, and to eat them. Some were said, in secret
corners, to cat their own children. Some would steal other men's
children to kill them and eat them privily. The prisoners and
thieves that were in bonds, for hunger fell upon such as were newly
l)r()ught in unto them, and, tearing them in pieces, did eat them half
alive, liriefly, this extreme penury had extinguished and consumed
(as it Avas thought) the greatest part of the people of the land, had
not the hing, by the statute of the Londoners, given forth command-
ment through all his land, that no corn should at that time be turned
to the making of drink. Such a Lord is God, thus able to do, where
lie is disposed to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our
wealth and abundance, will not cease daily to provoke his terrible
Majesty.
lint let us return again to the order of our story. After the Scots
had thus plagued miserably, as ye have heard, the realm of England,
they also invaded Ireland, where they ke])t up and continued war the
srots space of four years. But in fine, the Lishmen (by aid sent to them
ouVof ^^'om England) did quit themselves so well, that they vanquished the
Ireland. Scots, aud slcw Edwaixl Brucc, and many of the nobles of Scotland,
with many others, and drove the residue out of the country.
A n.i.iiu. 'J'he king, about the twelfth year of his reign, assembled a new
host, and went into Scotland, where he laid siege to Berwick. But
in the mean time, the Scots, by another Avay, invaded the marches
of Yorkshire, robbing and harassing the countrv, and thev slew
much people. AVherefore the archbishop of York, and others, tlie
abbots, priors, clerks, Avitli husbandmen, assembled a great company,
t|;jp'- and gave them battle at a place called Mitton, where the Englislimen
were discomfited, and many of them slain ; but the archbishop and
The the abbot of Selby, and divers others there, escaped. So many
ija'ttic of spiritual men were slain there, that it was called the White Battle ;
jn.'ii'hr' ^"^ reason whereof, the king on hearing of it, and partly because
York- winter did aiiiu-oach, was constrained to raise the sicffc : and so re-
shire. * i ^ '^i ^ ^ i °
turned, not without gi-eat danger.
The two At this time the two Speusers (sir Hugh Spenser the father, and
pensers. jj„g], Spcuscr the soii) wcrc of great power in England, and by the
favour of the king practised such cruelty, and bore themselves so
liaughtily and proudly, that no lord of this land might gainsay them
in anv thing that they thought sjood ; whercbv they were in Lneat
iiatred and indignation both with the nobles and the commons, no
J^l^^ less than Peter Gaveston was before.
it-Kates Soon u])i>ii tliis caiue two legates from Rome, sent by mmc
spoiled of J ,,,,.' , o ' "^ T-. '
their ill- .loim AAIJ., under pretence to settle an agreement between Eng-
tfcMure. '''"^^ ^'"' Scotland ; who, for their charges and expenses, recjuired of
every spiritual person four-j^cnce in every mark. But all their labour
CLERGY RKFUSE TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE LEGATES. Gol
nothing availed ; for the legates, as they were in the north parts Edward
(about Darlington) with their whole family and train, were robbed ' —
and despoiled of their horses, treasure, apparel, and what else they ^; '•*•
had, and with an evil favoured handling, retired back again to — - — '—
Diu-hani, where they staid awhile, waiting for an answer from the
Scots. But when neither the popc''s legacy, nor his curse, would The
take any place with the Scots, they returned again to London, where J^}.'^^
they first excommunicated and cursed as black as soot all those arro- tuntemn-
gant and presumptuous robbers of Northumberland. Secondly, for Scots,
supplying of the losses received, they exacted of the clergy, to be
given and paid unto them, eight-pence in every mark. But the clergy cierpy of
thereunto would not agree, seeing it was their own covetousncss (as J^"ui'""^
they said) that made them venture further than they needed. Still tocon-
they Avcre contented to relieve them as iar as four-pence in a mark, Diepopi's
as they promised before; further tlicy would not grant: whereof ''^'''"'^''*'
the king being advertised, and taking part Avith his clergy, directed
his letters to the said legates in form us folloAveth : ' —
Letter of the Kin"' to the Leratcs.
O o
The king to Master Rigaud of Asserio, canon of Orleans, greeting : Ave have A prolii-
takeu notice of tlie clamours and lamentable petitions of the subjects of our bition
realm, perceiving by the same that you practise many and sundry inconve- strange
niencies very strange, never heretofore accustomed, nor heard of in this our taxes and
realm, as well against the clergy and ecclesiastical persons, as against the laity, ["oJJ!!^'"
even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many of our liege people ;
which if it should be winked at, as God forbid, may, in process of time, be
occasion of greater jierils to ensue ; Avhereat we are (not without cause) moved,
and not a little grieved. We forbid you, therefore, that from henceforth you
practise not, nor presume in any case to attempt any thing within this our
realm, either against our clergy or laity, that may in any manner of way tend
to the prejudice of our royal person, or of our crown and dignity regal. Witness
the king at Windsor the sixth day of February, in the 11th year of his reign.
Per concilium.
Likewise in the same year the said king writeth to the same effect
to the archbishop of Canterbury, as followeth : ^ —
Letter of the King to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
The king to the reverend father in God, W. by the same grace archbisliop
of Canterbury, primate of England, greeting : We are credibly informed by
many of our subjects, that certain sh-ange impositions, never heard of before
within any of our dominions, upon lands and tenements, goods and chattels,
concerning the testaments and cases of matrimony, are brought into our realm
to be executed upon our subjects by you or some others; which, if it should
proceed to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherison and impeach-
ment of our crown and dignity regal, and the intolerable damage of the sub-
jects of our realm, to the due preservation of the which you are bound by
solemn oath of allegiance. We therefore command and straitly charge you,
that you proceed not in any case to the execution of any such letters, either
in your own person, or by any other, nor yet presume, by coknir of tlie same,
to attempt any thing that may be prejudicial or hurtful to our crown or dignity
regal. And if you, or any other in your name, have done or attempted any
thing by colour of the same, that ye call back and revoke the same forthwith
without delay. Witness the king at Shcne, the I7th of February, the eleventh
year of his reign. Per ipsum regem.
(1) Rex Magistro Rigando de Asserio, canonico Aurelian salutctn. f^c.
(2) Rex voiieiabili in Christo patri, W. eadem gra. Hrchiepiscopo Cant., &n
Ct^Q, A TIIOiniMTION AGAINST IKTEU-PKNCE.
K^u-ord The like letters in effect were directe.l to tlic arclibisliop of York,
__!-_ and to every other bishop tlirou-^diout England ; by ibrce of which
A- 1>. letters the greedy legates being restrained of their ravening purpose,
i^^S- taking what they could get, and settling a peace, such as it was,
between the king and the earl of Lancaster, were fain to pack.
Besides the restraint above mentioned for strange impositions,
there followed, moreover, the same year, the king's prohibition for
the gathering of Peter-pence, directed to the aforesaid legate the
tenor whereof fblloweth.
A Prohibition against extortion in gathering the Pope's Pcter-pcncc.'
The king to Master Rigaiid of Asserio, canon of Orleans, greeting : We are
given to understand that you do demand and pin-])ose to le\'y the Petcr-penp.y
within our realm, otlierwise than the said Peter-penny hath been hcretofoi e
accustouied to be leued in the time of any our progenitors, exercising herein
grievous censures ecclesiastical, to the great annoyance and daumifying of tlie
subjects of our realm ; for present remedy whereof our loving subjects ha\ e
made their humble supplication unto us. And forasmuch as the said Peter-
penny hath been hitherto accustomed to be gathered and levied upon lands
and tenements within our realm after a due manner and form, we, not willing
that any such unaccustomed impositions shall in any wise be made upon the
lands and tenements of any of our subjects within our domini(ms, prohibit you,
upon grievous pain, straitly charging that in no wise you presume to exact,
gather, or levy the said Peter-penny in any other fonn or manner than hath
been heretofore accustomed to be gathered and levied in the time of our proge-
nitors, or since the beginning of our reign, until further order be taken in our
high court of parliament by the advice of the nobles and peers of our reahn,
such as may well be taken without prejudice of our crown and damage of
subjects. Witness the king at Westminster the first day of March.
Per ipsum regem et concilium.
Letters to the same effect were directed to the archbishops, deans,
archdeacons, and the rest of the clergy.
Touching the first original of this Peter-pence, though mention be
made before in the life of king Offli and others, yet to make a brief
rccapitnlation of the same, according to the rolls as they come to our
hands. ^ It is found recorded in ancient chronicles touching the
Peter-pence of St.Pcter(A.D.793),thatOffiv, king of Mercia, travelled
Kiadbc- up to Rome in the time of pope Adrian L to obtain the canonizing
Hves".*''^ of St. Alban ; and having performed his vo^v, visiting the college of
kingoiTa, English students which then flourished in Rome, he did give to the
Ktiiei-"'' maintenance of the scholars of England, students in Rome, one penny
out of every tenement within this realm, that had land belonging to
it amounting to the yearly value of thirty pence. And for this his
munificence he obtained of pope Adrian, that no person within his
dominion public, repenting him for not performing enjoined penance,
should therefore be banished.'
(1) " Hex Mapistro Rifjando." (2) De denariis boati Petri sic scriptam, &"c.
(3) A.D. 857. "" AdewulfilS rex Westsaxonum. tempore Lconis papae quarli, Roniam singulis
aiinis 300 niancusas porlari pra-cipit, taliter dividendas ibidcin : viz. 100 iiiancusas in honorem
scilicet Petri, spccialiter ad eincndum oleum, quo implerentur omnia luminaria ecclesiiE aposlolicne
in vespura Pasclie ct in palli cantu; et 100 niancusas in honorem scilicet Pauli oisdem de causis ;
100 preterea mancusas pracipit cxhiheri universali Papcc ad suas elcemosynas ampliandas. Kt
BCiendum, (juod secundum antiquorum Anplorum interjirelationem dilferuiit mancusa et manca,
(|uia mancusa idem erat apud ei>s quod marca argentea : manca vcro erat moneta aurca quadra, et
valchat communiter 30 dcnarios arijenteos.
or this Peter-pence is found a transcript of the original rescript apostolical, the tenor
whfreof is this: " Gregorius episcopus, servus scrvorum l3ei, vencralSilibns fratribus Cantuar.
et Ebor. archicpiscopis et eorum sulTraganeis, et dilectis filiis abbalibus, prioribus, arcliidia-
coiils, curumquc ollicialibus per reguum Angli;e constitutis, ad quos litera; istx pervcutrint,
wolf
TWENTY-TWO OF THE NOIill.ITY PUT TO DEATH. Co3
Concerning this Pctcr-]>cncc, it is touclied in the laws of king Evhimrd
Edward tlic Martyr, cliap. 10, wlicn, Avlicre, of whom, and under '''
what pain, this Pctcr-pcncc must be gathered ; being but the king's ■^•,';^-
mere alms, as is aforesaid. And thus much touching Pctcr-pcnce. ^' ""•
Now for other letters written by the king to the pope, the same year,
for other matters, as craving the pope's help in compounding flic
variance betwixt the two archbishops of Canterbury and York, for
bearing the cross from the one province to the other, thus it fol-
loweth : that the king grievously complaineth, that such luu-ly-burly
and uproar arose thereof, that they could not meet together in one
place through the great multitude of armed men, assistants on both
parts in the very bearing of the cross, to the great disturbance of the
people.
Now after this long digression, to tm-n to our English matters
again, mention was made before of the variance between the king and
the earl of Lancaster, and of a peace conchuled between them. But
this peace did not long endure, which the king by his own default
did break, sending to the Scots a privy messenger (who was taken in
the Avay), to have the aforesaid earl of Lancaster, by their means
made away with.
In the mean time the lords and nobles of England, detesting the Pride or
outrageous pride of the Spensers, whereby they wrought daily both sers.^'"^'"
great dishonour to the king, and hinderance to the commouAveal, in
such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together,
they made a request to the king, that he should remove the Spensers
from his person. For this there was a parliament called at London, rJ"'*'
and the barons came together with a great company ; at which parlia- a. d*.
mcnt both the Spensers were banished the land for the term ot their '^^'■•'
lives, and they took shipping at Dover, and so voided the land. But
not long after, the king (contrary to the ordinance made in the
parliament) sent for the Spensers again, and set them in high
authority ; and they ruled all things after their sensual appetites,
nothing regarding justice or the commonwealth. The barons, there-
fore, intending again to reform this mischief, assembled their powers ;
but the king (making such hasty s])eed, and gathering his people so
soon) was stronger than they, and pursued them so in divers places, that
the barons, not fully joined together (some flying, and some departing
to the king, some shiin by the w^ay), in the end were chased so eagerly,
that in short space the aforesaid Thomas, earl of Lancaster, was taken, A.D.1322.
and put to death with the rest of the nobility, to the number of tAvo T^cnty-
and twenty 01 the greatest men, and chieiest captams 01 this realm ; tcrtiitost
of Avhom only Thomas, earl of Lancaster,^ for the nobility of his "r tue'^
blood, was beheaded, all the other lords and barons being hanged, {q''',',"!„'J"'
drawn, and quartered, &c. This bloody unmercifulness of the king i)y the
toward his natural subjects, not only procured to him great dishonour '"''■
salutem et apostoHcam benedictioncm. Qualiter denarii beati Petri, qui debentur camera:
nostrae, colligantur in Anglia et in quibus episcopatibus ct dioces. debeantur, ne super hoc dubitari
contingat, et prfesentibus fecimus annotari, sicut in registro sedis aposfolica; continetur. De
Cantuar. dioces 11. 18«. sterlingorum. De London, dioces. 16/. 10s. De Roffens. dioces. 51. 12s.
Ue Norwiccns. dioces. 2U. 10*. De Elienuni. 5/. De Lincoln. 42/. De Cistrens. 8/. De VVinton.
17/. 6s. Srf. De Exon. 9/. 5s. De Wigorne. 10/. 5s. De Hereford. 6/. De Hathon. dioces. 12/. 5«.
De Sarisbur. 17/. De Coventre. 10/. 5s. De Eborac. lU. 10s. Datum apud urticm vetereni. JU
Kal. Mail Pontiticatus nostri anno secundo. Summa, 30 '300] niarca2 et dimidi."
(1) Thomas, earl of Lancaster, came of Edmund, youuijer son of king Henry 111.
Goi TIIK KIN'O DISTRESSED IN' SCOTLAXD.
EJu„rd witliin the real in, but also turiutl aftorwanls to his much greater
"■ hann and hinilcrance, in his ibreign wars against the Scots ; and,
A.I), finally, wrought his utter confusion, and the overthrow of his seat
1.323. royal, as in the sequel of his end appeared, and worthily.
His cruel After the ruin of these noble personages, the king, as though he
rejoicing, jjj^j (rotten a great concjucst (who then indeed began first to be over-
come and concjuered himself, when he so oppressed and cut off the
streiiLTth and sinews of his chivalry), began to triumph not a little
with the Spcnsers; and, to count himself sure as though he were in
heaven, to exercise more sharp severity upon his subjects, trusting
and committing all to the counsel only of the aforesaid Spensers, inso-
much that both the queen and the residue of the nobles covdd little be
regarded ; who, as they grew ever in more contempt with the king,
so they increased more in hatred against the Spensers ; but strength
and ability lacked to work their will.
* n 1323. 'I'he next year the king, being at York, after he had made Sir
Hugh Spenser an carl, and Sir John Baldock (a man of evil fame)
to be chancellor of England, raised a mighty liost against the Scots ;
but for lack of skilful guiding, expert captains, and for want especially
The king of duc provision of victuals necessary for such an army, the great
elTalain multitude, to thc uumbcr reckoned of a hundred thousand (wan-
in Scot- derinff throuffh Scotland, from Avhence the Scots had conveyed all
their goods and cattle into mountains and marshes), were so pinched
and starved with famine, that a gi-cat part of the army, presently
perished ; and they that returned home, as soon as they tasted of
meats, escaped not. The king not having resistance of his enemies,
and seeing such a destruction of his subjects, was forced, without any
act done, to retire, lint in his retiring, Sir .James Douglas and the
Scots having knowledge thereof, pursued him in such wise, that they
slew many Englishmen, and had well nigh taken the king himself.
After this distress, the king, thus beaten and wearied with the Scots,
would fain have joined in truce with the Scots ; but because they
stood excommunicated by the pope, he standing in fear thereof,
desired license to treat with them of peace, notwithstanding the
said excommunication : which license being obtained, a treaty was
appointed by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle, at the feast
[M-iy of St. Nicholas next ensuing ; and so truce was taken for thirteen
A. n. years. Whereupon this is to be noted by the way, gentle reader, not
J323.] unworthy of observation, that whereas in former times, and especially
in those of the late king Edward I., so long as the Scots were under
the pope"'s blessing, and we in displeasure with his holiness for
dealing with them, so long we prevailed mightily against them, even
to the utter subversion in a manner of their whole estate. But now
so soon as thc pope took our part, and the Scots were under his
curse and oxcomnumication, then gat they greater victories against
us than at any time either before or since ; insomuch as that being
before not able to defend themselves against us, they now pursued
us into the bowels of our own country.
The king puqiosing to erect a house of friars Augustine, within
thc town of Boston in Lincolnsliire, first prayed the pope's license
in that behalf
Polydore Virgil, among other histories of our English nation
PRINCE EDWAIID IMADE DUKE OF AUUITATNK, ScC. 655
wliich lie intermccldletli with, prosecuting also the acts and life of ^dwara
this present king, and coming to write of the queen's going over '- —
into France, inferreth much variety and diversity of authors and A.D.
story-^\Titers concerning the cause thereof. Otherwise, he giveth ^"^^ •
lumself no true certainty of that matter, neither yet toucheth he that v°'>;f,°™^
svhich was the real cause ; by reason partly, that he being an Italian Italian,
and a foreigner, could not understand our English tongue, and ])artly oJt EnV
again, being but one man, neither could he alone come to the sight ^^-^l^*^"
of all our Latin authors. One I am sure came not to his perusing,
an old ancient Latin history fairly written in parchment, but without
name, belonging to the library of William Cary, citizen of London.
In that story, the truth of this matter, Avithout any ambiguity, is
fully and with all circumstances expressed, as here briefly is in-
serted.
The king of England had been divers and sundry times cited up A.D.1324.
to the court of France, to do homage to the French king, for the
dukedom of Aquitaine, and other lands which the king then held of
France ; which homage because the king of England refused to
tender, the French king began to enter all such possessions as the
king then did hold in France : wliere\ipon gi-eat contention and
conflicts there were, on both sides. At length, in this year now
present, a parliament was called at London, where, after much alter-
cation, at last it was determined, that certain should be sent over, to
wit, the bishops of Winchester and Norwich, and the earl of Rich-
mond, to make agreement betwixt the two kings ; for the better help
and fortification of which agreement, it was thought good afterwardj?,
that queen Isabel, sister to Chai-les, then the French king, should be
sent over. Here is to be noted, first, that the queen's lands and
possessions and castles a little before, upon the breach between the
French king and the king of England, were seized into the king's
hands, and the queen put to her pension, &c. Thus the queen Ti.e
T^i ^ ^ 1 ics'TT queen put
being sent over with a few to attend upon her, only feir J onn to iicr
Cromwel, baron, and four knights, took their passage to France ; by g^."'7o''
whose mediation it was there concluded, that the king of England, France,
if he would not himself come to do his homage, should give to his
son Edward the dukedom of Aquitaine and the earldom of Pontigny: Prince
and so he to come to make his homage to the king, and to possess njaje""
the same. This being in France concluded, was sent over by ^J^jaLe
message to the king of England, with the king's letters patent aj."j\j'"^i
adjoined for the safe conduct of him or of his son. Upon this, u^ny!'
deliberation was taken in the council of England; but the two
Spensei-s fearing to take the seas with the king, or, without the king,
to remain behind, for fear of the nobles, so appointed, that prince
Edward, the lung's son, was sent, which happened afterwards to their
utter desolation, as it followed: for all things being quieted and
ordered according to the agi'eement in France, king Edward of
England, soon after Michaehnas, sendeth for his wife and his son
again out of France. But she, sending home most part of her family, xue
refuseth herself to rctum ; for what cause it is not fidly certain, 'J,\j'",",e
whether for indignation that her possessions and knds were seized to i.;;^'^^/^^
the king, as is before premised ; or whether for fear and hatred of the «^;'^'"|^''^'^'
Spensers, as is likely ; or else for love and iamiliarity of Sir Roger "^ "" *
G.'jf) THK Urr-KK ASM) nUNCF. PROCLAIMED TUAITOKS.
Kiiirard MortiiTior. VoT \\CTC 13 to bc notccl, that the said Sir Udf^cr Mor-
. /': timer, with divers others of the barons"' part, who had broken prison
A. D. in England, were fled before into France, and now resorted unto the
_K<M. q^ifvpii^ 'j^ln. i^ipor seeing this, givcth forth in proclamation, and
limitetli a certain day to the queen and his son to return ; or else to
be proclaimed traitors to the king and to the realm. Notwithstanding,
the queen persisting in her purpose, denieth to return, unless the
other nobles who were fled might bc ])ermitted safely also to return
rnxiaim- wth her ; whereupon the king immediately caused them both to be
ron"in proclaimed traitors, and all them that took "their parts.
England. Hcrc thcu began great hatred between king and king, between the
king and the queen, much preparation of war, great spoiling on the
sea, much sending between the pope and them ; but that would not
The king serve. Then the king, by the counsel of the Spensers, sendeth
priviw^''^ privily to procure! the death of the qiieen and of his son, which
the death sliould bc wrouglit by the execution of the earl of Richmond, the
queen quccu's familiar; but as the Lord would, that imagination was ]u-c-
ui's'son. vented and utterly frustrated. Albeit, the queen, yet notwithstanding
(whether misdoubting what corruption of money might do in the
court of France ; or whether the French kmg, being threatened by
the king of England and by the pope, durst not detain her), removed
from thence, and was received with Edward her son, joyously and
A.D.1325. honourably in the court or country of the carl of Heinault. There.
Prince by nicans of such as were about her, a marriage was concluded
betrothed bctwecu tlic Said Edward her son, being of the age of fourteen years,
oar?of ^^fl Philippa, the aforesaid carPs daughter. When this was noised
a!i*it"8 ^" England, divers men of honour and name came over to the queen ;
daughter, and, soou after, the carl of Heinault prepared a crew of five hundred
men of arms to set over the young prince with his mother into
England. Of this the fame sprang shoitly through the realm ; where-
fore the king in all defensible ways made pro\ision to have the havens
and ports of his land svu-ely kept, to resist the landing of his enemies.
On the contrary side, the queen, with no less preparation, provideth
all things to her expedition necessary ; who, when she saw her time,
speeding herself to the sea-coast with prince Edward her son, lord
Ednumd earl of Kent the king's brother. Sir Roger Mortimer, the
lord Wygmorc, and other exiles of England, accompanied also by
the aforesaid Heinaiddcrs, of Avhom Sir .Tohn of Heinault, the carFs
brother, was captain, having with her of Englishmen and strangers
the number of two thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven soldiers ;
she took shipping in those parts, and had the wind so favourable, that
The tlicy landed in England at a port called Orwcl, beside Hanvich in
turning, Suffolk, in the dominion of the earl marshal, in the month of
i^Eng- ^("ptcmber ; to whom, after her landing, resorted earl marshal the
lAnd. earl of Leicester, with other barons, knights, and bishops also ;
namely of Lincoln, Hereford, Durham, and Ely. The archbishop of
Canterbury, though he came not himself, yet sent his aid and money.
A.D.1.126. Thus the queen, well furnished with plenty both of men and victuals,
The king ^^^^^^^^ forward toward London ; so that the further she came, the
destitute" more her number daily increased, and the king's power contrarily
and^soi- decreased ; in<?omuch that, as mine author affirmcth, not one almost in
'•'"*• all the realm could be hired with any wages to fight on the king s behalf
THE queen's letter TO THE LOXDONEUS. G~U
against the queen, ncitlier did tlic queen"'s army hurt any man or cliikl, Eiiwnrd
cither in goods or any other thing, by the way. '
At the arriving oi' the queen, the king was in London, who first A.l).
would not believe it to be true. Afterwards, seeing and perceiving ^'^-^^-
how it was, he a.skcth help of the Ijondoners, who, after mature
advisement, rendered this answer to the king again : that as touching Answer
the king, tlic queen, and their son, the lawful heir of the kingdom, i.ondon-
they were ready, with all duty and service, to honour and obey. As Jj'-J,,'°"'^
for strangers and traitors to the realm, tliey would receive none such
within their city gates. Furthennore, to go out of the city to fight,
that, they said, they would not, unless it were so, that according to
the liberties of their city, they might return home again before sun- Liberties
set. The king hearing this answer (which liked him not well), "fi'omion
fortifieth the Tower of London with men and victuals, committing |j] ^°'^'"
the custody thereof to John Ealtham, his younger son, and to the
wife of Hugh Spenser, his niece ; and leaving Walter Stapleton,
bishop of Exeter, behind him, to have the rule of the city of London,
he himself, hearing daily the great recourse of the people that drew
to the queen, for more safeguard to himself, fled with a small com-
pany westwai'd, towards Wales. But, before his departing from Tiie
London, he caused a proclamation to be made, wherein all and singular procia-
])ersons were charged, upon forfeit of life and goods, every man with '"^"''='-
all his power to rise and invade the rebels and destroy them all, only
the lives of the queen, his son, and his brother, reserved. Also that
no man, upon pain pretaxate, should help, rescue, or relieve the said
rebels, with goods, victuals, or otherwise. Item, it was also pro-
claimed, that whosoever would bring to the king the head and body
of Sir Roger Mortimer, either dead or alive, should have out of the
king's coffers a thousand pounds.
In contrariwise, the queen setteth forth another proclamation. The
wherein it was forbidden to take or spoil violently the value of any pj^ij^a-*
man's goods against the will of the owner, under pain of losing his nation,
finger, if it were three-pence; of his hand, if it were sixpence; of his
head, if it wTre twelve-pence. Moreover, whosoever would bring to
the queen the head of Hugh Spenser the younger, chopped off from his
body, should receive of the queen for so doing, two thousand pounds.
This done, the queen sendeth her letters to the city of London for
aid and succour to subdue the oppressor of the realm, to which letters
at first no answer was made. Again^, she wrote the second letter,
which was then tacked upon the cross in Cheap, which was then called
the new cross ; the copy and tenor of which letter was this :
Copy of a Letter that the Queen sent unto the Mayor and Citizens
of London.
Isabel, by the gi-ace of God, queen of England, lady of Ireland, and countess of
I'ountif. And we Edward, the first son of the king of England, duke of Guienne,
earl of Chester, of Poiuitif, and of Mounstvell, to the mayor and all the com-
monalty of London, send greeting. Forasmuch as we have before fliis time
sent to you by our letters, and how we come into this land in good array, and
good manner, for the prolit of holy church, and of our right dear lord and king,
and all the realm, with all our niight and strength to keep and maintain the
realm, as all good people ought for to do ; njion that, we ])ray you and desire
you that ye would be helping to us for the heallli and profit of tbe realm ; and
VOL. II. U U
658 TIIK SPENSERS, FATHER AND SON, EXECUTED.
Edward we havc liad none answer of you, nor know not youi- will in that part : wherc-
'^- fore we send to yon again, and pray you, and charge you, tliat je hear you so
. jj against us, that yc have no nor make cause us to grieve, but tliat ye be to
y.U-7 us helping in alf the ways that you may. And wete ye well in certain, that
'■ we, and also those that cometh with us into this realm, iiotliing for to done,
but that shall be pleasing to God, and common prolit to all the realm ;
not else, hut lor to destroy the Spensers, enemies to the realm, as ye well
know. Wherefore we pray and charge you, in the faith that ye owe to our lord
the king, to the crown, and tons, and upon all that ye may forfeit, that if Hugh
Spenser, both the father and the son, our enemies, come within your power, that
ye do them hastily to he taken, and safely kept, till we have ordained for them
our will, as ye desire profit and honour of us, and of the realm. Understand-
ing well, if it be so, that ye do our desire and prayer, we shall the more be
beholden to you. And also we shall do you profit and worsliip if that ye send
us luistily word again of your will.
Given at Baldocke, the sixth day of October.
Bishop of These aforesaid letters being published and perascd, the bishop of
^'ifcadcd Exeter,' to whom, as ye heard, was committed the nile of the city,
standard ^^"^ ^^ ^^^ Hiayor for the keys of the gates, using such sharp words
in Cheap, in the king''s name, that variance began to kindle between him
and the citizens ; so much so that the commons in their rage took
the bishop and beheaded him and two of his household at the Stan-
dard in Cheap. Then the king went to Bristol, and ordained Sir
Hugh Spenser the father, to keep the castle and town there ; and the
king, with Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock, the chan-
cellor, and the earl of Arundel, went into Wales. The quecn''s
forces so pursued them, that they first took the town, yielded up to
Hugh her ; then they took Sir Hugh Spenser the flither, whom, being drawn
ufe^'fl"' '^""^l torn, they at last hanged up at Bristol, in chains of iron. As
ther, tlie Iciiur was thus flvino:, the queen caused to be proclaimed through-
ciiains. out hcr armv, that the king should come and appear, and so receive
his kingdom again, if he would be comfortable to his liege subjects:
who when he did not appear, prince Edward, his son, was proclaimed
high keeper of the realm.
The king In the mean time Henry earl of Lancaster, and brother to the good
waL"g.'" earl Thomas, avIio before was beheaded, also lord William Souch, and
Master Uphowel, were sent by the queen into Wales to pursue the
king, and there they took him, and sent him to the castle of Kenil-
Avorth ; and took Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock the
chancellor, and Sir John, earl of Arundel, and brought them all to the
}iuKh town of Hereford. Soon after, Hugh Spenser the son, Avas drawn,
the 8M? ^^^^ hanged on a gallows fifty feet high, and afterwards beheaded
executed, and quartered, whose quarters were sent into the four quarters of
the realm. Sir .Tohn of Arundel was beheaded, and Sir Robert
Baldock was put in Newgate at London, where, shortly after, he
rjan.7th, pjncd awav and died among the thieves. This done, a parliament
1327.] Avas assembled at London, from whence message was sent to the king,
that if he would resign up his croAvn, his son should have it after him ;
if not, another should take it, to whom the lot would give it : where-
upon tlic king, being constrained to yield up his crown to his son, was
kept in prison, and after had to Barkley ; where he is said to have taken
great repentance. After this message being sent, and the king half
(1) This bishop of Exeter builded in Oxford two colleges, Exeter College, and Hart Hall; his
name was Gualter Stapleton.
KING F.DWARD II. IMI'UISONEl) AXD DEPOSED. 659
condescending tlicrcunto (the parliament notwithstanding prosecuting Edward
and going forward), there was a bill exhibited and put up, containing : —
certain articles against the said king, then in i)rison in the castle of A. D.
Barkley, touching his misbehaviour and imprudent governmg of the *'
realm ; which bill openly before the lords and commons, by the ^^{jUJj,^^
speaker of the parliament house, was read. After long consultation in ti.e
thereupon amongst themselves touching those articles, and also for m'-ut'
the better and more circumspect government of the realm from that f,';g'^'j^[g
time forth, it was consulted and agreed u])on by the lords spiritual
and temporal, and the commons there assembled, that the said Ed-
ward was a man not meet to be their king, nor from that time forth
any more to bear the crown royal, or title of a king; but that Edward The king
his eldest son, who there in the same court of high parliament was by'tlie
present, as he was rightful heir and inheritor thereunto, so should he !;i'J,',\%„,j
be crowned king thereof in his father"'s stead, with these conditions ti's s n
thereunto annexed : that he should take wise, sage, and true coun- ciiosen
sellors unto him, that the realm might be better and more circum- ^"'°
speetly governed, than before in the time of Edward his father it
Avas; and that the old king, his father, should be honourably provided
for and kept, so long as he lived, according as unto his estate it apper-
tained, &c. These and other things thus finished and ended, the
parliament breaketh up, and all things necessary, and to the corona-
tion of a prince appertaining, were in speedy wise prepared, whereof
more hereafter (Christ Avilling) shall be specified.
In the mean time as touching the king, who was yet in prison, it
is thought by some writers, that the next year following, by the means f^"^-'^*'
of Sir Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slain, by a spit, as it is said, i32r.]
being thrust up into his body, and was buried at Gloucester, after he
had reigned nineteen years.
In the time and reign of this king, the college of Cambridge, called iMichaci
o c>~ ^ o ^ /--, House
Michael House, was founded and buildcd by Sir Henry Stanton, ;„ canU
knight, to the use and increase of learning, a thing in a common- l"^^^^^
wealth very profitable and necessary to be had ; the want and need ''> J^||"'^'^[y
whereof, many sundry times, is sooner felt in this realm of ours and
other realms abroad, than is the discommodity thereof of most men
commonly understood.
About the same time also was Nicolaus de Lyra, who wrote the
ordinary Gloss of the Bible : also Gulielmus Ocham, a worthy divine,
and of a right sincere judgment, as the times then would either give
or suffer.
In the tractation of this king's history, it was declared before what
grudge did kindle in the hearts of the barons against the king, for
revoking such acts and customs as had been before in the parliament
established, both for Peter Gaveston, and for the two Spensers. Also,
what severe punishment the king did execute upon them for the same,
in such cruel and rigorous sort, that as he spared none of those whom
he could there find, so he never ceased all his life after to inq\iire out
and to be revenged of all such as had been in any part or consenting
to that matter. ' For this his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was Ty.rj>"jY^
in such hatred of all the people, that, as he said, he could not find ";,'"p,!o-"
one of all the commons to take his part, when need required. Among p'*-"-
others who were for that matter troubled, was one Adam, bishop of
u u 2
6G0 THK BISHOr CI- IIKltKl-OIU) fONDlOMXKD BY TIIK KIN'G,
Edward Hereford, who beini^ iinpcaclicd of treason with others bcsiiles, was at
''' length arrested in the ])arlianient to appear and answer to that wliich
A. I), shoukl be to him objected. Many things were there laid against him,
^^~7. foj, taking part with them that rose against the king, with more matters,
and heiiKtus rebukes, &c. ; Avhercunto the bishop for a great wliile
answeretl nothing.'
Form of At length the bishop, claiming the liberties and privileges of the
whe'ra elaireli, answered the king in this form ■.'■^ — " The due reverence of your
bishop princely majesty ever saved, I, an humble minister and meml)er of the
leifResthe lioly churcli of God, and a bishop consecrated (albeit unworthy), can-
Sf'uilf^''' "ot, neither ought, to answer to these so high matters without authority
church „{• tijp archbishop of Canterbury, my direct judge next under the high
secular " l)ishop of Komc, whosc suffi-agau also I am, and the consent likewise of
^"^^'^' the other my fellow-bishops."''' After these words by him pronounced,
the archbishop and other bishops with him were ready to make humble
•Hie intercession for him to the king, and did. But when the king would
rescued '^^t be wou uor tm-ned with any supplication, the said bishop,
by the together with the archbishop and the clergy, coming with their crosses,
took him away, challenging him for the church, without any more
answer-making ; charging moreover, under the censures of the church
and exconnnunication, none to presume to lay any further hands upon
Tiie king him. The king, moved with this boldness and stoutness of the
et™7ii clergy, commandeth, notwithstanding, to proceed in judgment, and
iglfnst"' the jury of twelve men to go upon the inquiry of his cause ; who
•V^, finding and pronouneinir the bishop to be guiltv, the king caused
iinmetliately all his goods and possessions to be confiscated unto
himself : moreover, he made his plate and all his household provision
to be thrown out of his house into the street ; but yet he remained
still under the protection and defence of the archbishop, &c.
This archbishop was Walter Reynold ; after whom succeeded
Simon Mepham. in the same see of Canterbury, a.d. 1328.*
After pope Clement V., by whose decease the Romish see stood
vacant, as ye have heard, two years and three montlis, next was elected
pope JohaXXII.,'*a Cistercian monk, who sat in that papacy eighteen
A new- years. He was stout and inflexible, and given so much to the heap-
["Jre^x to iiig up of riches, that he proclaimed them heretics who taught that
afrist"' Christ and his apostles had no possessions of their own in this world,
and the At tliis time was emperor Louis of Bavaria, a worthy man, who, with
had^n" this popc, and others that followed him, had no less contention than had
pos^el- Frederic before mentioned, in the tinie of king Henry HI. ; inso-
gions much that this contention and variance continued the space of four and
twenty years. The cause and first origin of this tragical conflict, arose
upon the constitution of Clement V., the predecessor to this pope ; by
whom it was ordained, as is before mentioned, that emperors, by the Ger-
man princes elected, might be called kings of the Romans, but might
not enjoy the title or right of the empire to be nominated empe-
rors, without their confii-niation given by the pope. Wherefore, this
emperor, because he used the imperial dignity in Italy, before he was
(1) Ex Tho. Walsing.
(2) " Ego sanctiE ecclesiae Dei minister liuniilis, menil>rum ejus, et episcopua consecratus, licet
indignu<, ad tarn ardua ncqueore&poiulcre, nccdebco, absque D. CiUit. archiepiscopi, post sunimum
pontitin-ni niei directi judicis, cujus etiam sum suffraganeus, autoritate, et alioruni parium meo-
run) episropnrum consensu."
(.1) Ex Tho. Wal-singham. (I) A.D. 1314, c;ilk-d .Toh;i XXI. Ed.
STiiiKi'; liirrwKKx tiik vopk and tiik kmpf.uor. 661
authorised by the ])ope, the said pope therefore excommunicated him. Edward
And notwithstanding" the emperor oftentimes did proffer himself to _
make entreaty of peace and concord ; yet the pope, inflcxibk% would A. 0.
not bend, i'lie -writings on both parts be yet extant, wliciein tlic ^'^'^''"'
said bishop doth make liis vaunt, that he had full power to create and strife be-
deposc kings and emperors at his pleasure. In the same time were pope'anu'
divers learned men, who seeing the matter, did greatly disalloAv the ''^^J^/""
doings of the bishops of Rome ; among whom was William Ocham,
whose traciations were afterwards condemned by the pope, for
writing against the temporal jurisdiction of their see ; as did another,
named Marsilius Patavinus, who wrote the book entitled ' Defensor
Pacis,'' which was given into the hands of the said emperor ; wherein
the controversy of the pope's unlawful jurisdiction in things tem-
poral is largely disputed, and the usurped authority of that see set
forth to the uttermost. It is found in some Aviiters, that a gi-cat
cause of this variance first beg-an, for that one of the emperor's
secretaries, unknown to the emperor, in certain of his letters had
likened the papal see to the beast rising out of the sea, in the Apo-
calypse. At length, when the emperor, after much suit made to the -jhe
pope at Avignon, could not obtain his coronation, coming to Rome, crowned
he was there received with great honour ; where he, with his wife, j^^^'^",' ^j
were both crowned, by the full consent of all the lords and cardinals the pope,
present ; and moreover, another pope was there set up, called Ni-
coals V. After these things done, the pope, not long after, departed
at Avignon in France ; after whom succeeded Benedict XII.,' a monk
of the Benedict order, and reigned seven years ; Avho, by the counsel of
Philip, the French king, confirmed and prosecuted the censures and
cursings that John, his predecessor, had published against Louis, the
emperor : moreover, he deprived him of his imperial crown, and also is dcpii-
of his dukedom of Bavaria. The emperor upon this cometh to ^enosel
Germany, and assembling the princes electors, dukes, bishops, nobles,
and the learned, in a council at Frankfort, tliere declared before them, a council
out of the ancient laws and customs of the empire, how it standeth J^rl!""'''
only in the princes electors, and in no others to elect the kings or '^^'c
the emperors of the Romans (for in both these names there was no piotesta-
difference), so that the same electors, in choosing the king of the '""'■
Romans, did also elect and choose the emperor ; which emperor, so
by them constituted, had lawful right, without any information of the
apostolical see, to exercise the administration of the empire. And
if he were lawfully elect, he ought to be anointed by the Roman
bishop ; which if he do refuse, then might he be anointed and declared
emperor and Augustus by any other catholic bishop thereunto ap-
pointed, as by the old manner and custom hath been ; especially
seeing these injunctions are only certain solemnities added and
invented by the bishops, for a token of unity between the cluu-ch and
empire, to govern and defend the faith togcthei-. Wherefore, in that
the emperor sweareth to the bishop of Rome, in that is to be under-
stood no homage or fealty made to the bishop, but only that it is a
sacrament and a promise given to defend the faith ;^ which oath or
sacrament so given, giveth no majority to the pope in any temporal
rule, but only bindcth the emperor to be prompt and ready to defend
(1) A. D. 1335.— Ed (2) Ei Hicron. Mario.; et ex Craul.'.io
662 THE TROUBLES OF LOUIS THE EMPEROR.
F.,iu„ni the faith and cluiroli of Clirist, -svhcn need shall require obedience.
" Wherefore, whereas the pope leaneth only to the electors' authority
A. I), to make the king of Romans, and taketh upon himself alone power
Ji!li- to make the emperor ; that, as it is newly brought in and devised of
late by pojie Clement V., so is it contrary both to all ancient order,
and also derogatory to the liberty and majesty of the sacred empire.
A'^aiu, neither is that also less absurd and contrary to all right and
reason, that the pope, in time of the imperial seat being vacant,
taketh upon him to have the whole and hdl doings of the empire, as
lawful emperor for the time ; which prerogative and function, by
ancient orders of our ancestors, should properly and only appertain to
the Palatine of the Rhine ; the constitution Clementine of the afore-
said ])ope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then, in the
end, for his own excuse, he, in the presence of them all, reciteth the
public confession of his foith, to answer and purge himself of those
objections laid to him by the pope. This did the meek emperor
Louis in that council. Yet, all this notwithstanding, the said em-
peror remained still excommunicate, till the time that variance
liappened between this pope Benedict and Philip, the French king.
Wherefore, to make his party good, at least to have some friends to
flee to, he began to pretend ftivour and absolution, ratJier for necessity
than for any good will to the emperor. But, not long after, this pope
died ; of whom this epitaph was made : —
" Hie situs est Nero, laicis mors, vipcra clero,
Devius a vero, cupa repleta niero."
Trouble After Benedict followed pope Clement VI.,' a man most furious
thc'emi^- and cruel ;^ who renewing the excommunications of his predecessors,
^"^- caused his letters to be set upon church-doors, wherein he threatened
and denounced most terrible thunderbolts against the said Louis,
the emperor, unless within three days he should satisfy to God and
the church, and renounce the imperial possession of the crown. The
emperor upon this cometh to Frankfort, and there, ready to stand
in all things to the ordinance of the pope, sendeth his orators to the
court of Rome, to entreat the pope's favour and good will towards
him : to which messengers the pope answered again, that he would
never pardon the emperor, before he gave over and confessed his
errors and heresies, and, resigning up his empire to his hands, would
submit himself, his children, and all his goods, to the will and plea-
sure of the bishop ; promising that he should not receive again any
part of the same, but upon his good grace, as his will should be to
restore them.
Heresy of The hcrcsy hcrc mentioned, which was to this emperor objected
InakinR'" ^V ^he popc, was this ; because (as is above touched upon) he used
a't^nst'' ^^^ executed the imperial dignity after his election, before he was
the em- by tlic pope Confirmed. Over and besides, the pope sendeth to the
''^™'" emperor, by the said orators, a certain form of a bill contained in
writing with certain conditions, which he commanded to be given
into the hands of the emperor. Here, if the emperor Louis had had
as much mind to set upon the pope with dint of sword, as he lacked
(IJA.D. li«2— Lo. (2) Ex Chron. de sex nuiiidi cetatibus, cui tit. ' Rudimcntum Novitiorum.'
ACCUSED BY TIIK POPE A3 A HERETIC, 663
neither occasion nor power so to do, Avhat blood might have been Edward
spilt ! But the good emperor, sparing the effusion of blood, re- ^''
ceiveth gently the bill ; and not only with his seal doth confirm it, A. n.
but also swcareth to observe all the conditions thereof; which the ^'^'^^-
pope hearing of, doth greatly marvel. But yet all this would nothing Proud
help to mollify the modest heart of this Pharaoh. \IV14^.
The princes and electors, seeing the bill of the articles and condi-
tions, whereof some sounded to the malicious defacing and destruc-
tion of the empire, and abhorring the wickedness tliercof, desired
the emperor to stand to the defence of the imperial dominion, as he
had begun, promising that their assistance and aid to the uttermost
thereunto should not lack. Upon that other orators were sent to pope
Clement from the princes, desiring him to abstain from such manner of ^•'^- ''■"^•
articles conceived against the state and majesty of the empire. The The em-
pope, surmising all this to spring from Louis the emperor, to the cused by'
utter subversion of him and all his posterity, on Maundy-Tliursday for i"*^®
blustereth out most black curses against him ; also he renewcth all heretic.
the former processes of his predecessor against him, as against both
a heretic and a schismatic : commanding, moreover, the jninccs
electors to proceed in choosing a new emperor. The archbishop of Faithful
Mentz, seeing the innocency of the emperor, would not consent to shop of
the violating of his majesty ; wherefore he was deprived by the pope ^^^\.
of all his dignities. The other bishops electors, as the archbishop corrupted
of Cologne, who took eight thousand marks, with the duke of Saxony,
who took two thousand marks, being con'upted with money by John,
king of Bohemia, elected Charles, the son of the said John ; whom
pope Clement eftsoons in his consistory did approve. Who seeth The pope,
not here what matter of war and bloodshed was ministered by the of^ducora
pope between these two emperors, if the patience of Louis had not
been more prudent to quench the fire, than the pope was to kindle it ?
Charles then, the new emperor elect, sped him to Aix-la-Chapelle,
according to the custom, there to be cro^^^led ; but by the citizens
there and the empress (the wife of Louis keeping thereabout) he Avas
repelled. All this happened in the time and reign of Edward IIL,
king of England ; against whom the said Charles, with the French
king, and the king of Bohemia, set on by the pope, encountered in Apin
war ; where the king of England had against them a noble victory, up^vars.
and slew a great number of the Frenchmen and Alniains, and put
Charles, the new emperor, to flight. In the mean time, among the charies,
princes and citizens of Genuany what sorrow and what complaints emperw
were against pope Clement and those electors, cannot be expressed ; }j"y°^
for as they were all together at Spires congregated in a general the Eng-
assembly, so there was none among them all, that allowed the elcc- '*™^"*
tion of Charles, or that cared for the pope's process ; promising all to
adhere and continue faithful subjects to Louis, their lawful emperor.
But Louis, remembering his oath made before to the pope"'s bill, Louis,
voluntarily and willingly gave over his imperial dignity, and went to empcvor
Furstenfeld; where, shortly after, through the procured practice of f,^j'|JJ,^.
pope Clement (as Hicronymus Marius doth write), poison was given P'ro-
him to drink ; after which being drunk, when he would have vomited u poi-
out and could not, he took his horse and went to hunt the bear, *■"'"■'' '
thereby, through the chafing and heat of his body, to expel the
with
money.
and
blood.
664 Tin; kmi-kuou an'd his succr.ssou klect poisonkd.
i:d,rard vcuoiu. Aiul tliorc the jjootl and jxcntlc emperor, wickedly \nn-so-
. iL' cutcd and murdered of the pope, fell down dead,' whom 1 may well
A.D. account amon^s^ tlic innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ; for if
^•'^50. the cause being righteous doth make a martyr, what papist can justly
L"uu, disprove his cause or faith P If persecution joined thereunto causeth
nnlf^™^ martvrdom, what martyr could be more persecuted than lie, who,
martyr. ]mvi,',jr three popes like three ban-dogs upon him, at length was
devoured bv the same ? The princes hearing of his death, assembled
themselves to a new election, who, refusing Charles aforesaid, elected
Giintcrus another for emperor, named Gunterus de Monte Nigro, who, shortly
"ni *o°""^ '^*^^'^" iiilli^g ^i'-'l^ ^^ Frankfort, was likewise poisoned through his
cnipiror. pliy.sician"'s scrvaut, whom the aforesaid Charles had hired with money
i.H poi- to work that feat. Gunterus tasting of the poison, altliough he did
soiled, partly cast it up again, yet so much remained within him, as made
liim unable afterwards to serve that place ; wherefore, for concord's
sake, being counselled thereto by the Germans, he gave over his
eiii]Mre to Charles, for else, great bloodshed was likely to ensue.
This Charles thus ambitiously aspiring to the imperial seat contrary
to the minds of the states and peers of the empire, as he did wickedly
and unlawfully come by it, so was he by his ambitious guiding, the
Kiiin of first and principal mean of the utter ruin of that monarcliy ; for that
iini^em- ^e, to have his son set up emperor after him, convented and granted
the'^lim'^ to the princes electors of Germany all the public taxes and tributes
cause of the empire. This covenant, being once made between the einj^eror
and them, they afterwards held so fast, that tliey caused the em])eror
to swear never to revoke or call back again the same : by reason
whereof, the tribute of the countries of Germany, which then belonged
only to the emperor for the sustcntation of his wars, ever since to
this day is dispersed diversely into tlie hands of the princes, and to
the free cities within the said monarchy ; so that botli the empire being
disfurnishcd and left desolate, and the emperors weal<encd tlicreby,
they have neither been able suflficiently since to defend themselves,
nor yet to resist the Turk, or otlier foreign enemies. Of this a great
part, as ye have heard, may be imputed unto the popes, &c.^
The year Tliis popc Clcmcnt first rcduccd the year of jubilee to every fiftieth
reduced^ year, whicli before was kept but in the hundj-edth year ; and so he
limerii ^^i"o absent at Avignon (which lie then purchased with his money
year. to the scc of Rome), caused it to be celebrated at Rome, a.d. 1350.
I'iiijrims In that year were numbered, of peregrines going in and coming out
year.'" cvcry day at Rome, to the estimation of five thousand. The bull
of pope Clement, given out for this present year of jubilee, proceedcth
in these words : —
Abomi- ^^'llat person or persons soever, for devotion sake, shall take their percgrina-
}'?''''', ^'"' ^'"" ""'" ''*'' ''"'y <^'ty, the same day when he settcth forth out of his house,
mousbuJl '"^ '"".^ ciioosc unto him what confessor or confessors either in the way or
oi pope where else he listeth : unto the which confessors we grant, by our authority,
Clement, plenary power to absolve all cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper
person there present. Item, we grant that whosoever being truly confessed
coin-'^''^ sliall chance by the way to die, he shall be quit and absolved of all his sins-
iiiandeth Moreover, we command the angels of paradise to take his soul out of his body,
geu!'"' '^'•"'"S •'absolved, and to carry it "into the glory of paradise, &c.
(I) Louis of liavaria died a.d. 1317. — Ed. (2) Hieronyiiius Marius.
BLASl'ilEMV OV POPE CLKMENT THE SIXTH. 665
And in anotlicr bull lie saitli, — , Edward
We will, that no pain of hell shall touch him : granting, moreover, to all and a t\
singular person and persons signed with the holy cross, power and authority to vj'or'
deliver and release three or four souls, whom they list themselves, out of the '—
pains of purgatory, &c. oiblas-
tlie i)ope !
This Clement, as mine author affirmeth, took upon him so pro-
digally in his popedom, that he gave to his cardinals of Rome
bishoprics and benefices Avhich then were vacant in England, and
began to give them new titles for the same livings he gave them in
England ; wherewith the king, as good cause he had, was offended,
and undid all the provisions of the pope within his realm;' com- The king
manding, under pain of imprisonment and life, no man to be so [hepopc.
luirdy, as to induce and bring in any such provisions of the pope, any
more within his land. And under the same punishment he charged
the two cardinals to void the realm, (a.d. 1343). In the same Tenths of
year all the tenths, as well of the Templars as of other spiritual men, goodf'
wxre given and paid to the king through the whole realm. And p^cb to
thus much concerning good Louis, emperor and martyr, and pope "^ "'^'
Clement VI., his enemy ; wdierein, because we have a little exceeded
the course of years whereat we left off, let us return somewhat back
again, and take such things in order as belong to the church of Eng-
land and Scotland, setting forth the reign of king Edward III., and
the doings of the church which in his time have happened, as the
grace of Clirist our Lord w'ill assist and enable us thereto.
This aforesaid king Edw^ard II. in his time builded two houses oriei-coi-
in Oxford for good letters, to wdt, Oriel-College, and St. Mary- If^jfary-
Hall. Hall in
Here I omit also by the way the fm-ious outrage and conflict which buiwed
happened in the time of this king, a little before his death, a.d. 1326, Edw.u.
between the townsmen and the abbey of Bury; wherein the towns- {Jo™^e°-
men gathering themselves together in a great multitude (for what tweenthe
cause or old grudge between them, the register doth not declare), abbey ^Jr
invaded and sacked the monastery. And after they had imprisoned ^^^'
the monks, they rifled the goods and treasure of the whole house,
spoiling and carrying away their plate, money, copes, vestments,
censers, crosses, chalices, basons, jewels, cups, masers, books, with
other ornaments and implements of the house, to a value unesti-
mable:^ in that conflict, certain also on both sides were slain. Such
was the madness then of that people, that when they had gathered
unto them a great concourse of servants and light persons of that
country to the number of twenty thousand, to whom they promised
liberty and freedom ; by virtue of such writs as they had out of
that house, first they got into their hands all their evidences, copies,
and instruments, that they could find ; then they took off the lead ;
that done, setting fire to the abbey-gates, they burned up nearly the
whole house. After that they proceeded to the farms and granges
belonging to the same abbey, whereof they wasted, spoiled, and burned
to the nmnber of two and twenty manor-places in one week ; trans-
porting away the corn, horses, cattle, and other moveables belonging
to the same, the price whereof is registered to come to 922/. 4*\ lie?.
(1) Ex Chron. Wals. in Vit. Edw. III. ',21 Ex Latino quodani registro.
C)C)C) Tin: AUBOT OF KUUY ROBBED, AND CARRIED AWAY.
EHwnrd bcsiclcs tlic valuatinn of other riches and treasures within the abbey,
i(.
whicli cannot be estimated.
again
A. D. The abbot was all this space at London, in the parliament, by
^^-7. whose procurement ut length such rescue was sent down, that twenty-
four of the chief of the town (submitting themselves) were committed
to ward ; tliirtv carts-full of the townsmen were carried to Norwich,
of whom nineteen wore there hanged, and divers convicted were put
to prison. The whole township was condemned in seven-score thou-
sanil ])ound.s, to be paid for damages of the house. John Berton,
alderman, and W. Hcrling, with thirty-two priests, thirteen women,
and one hundred and thirtv-eight others of the said town were out-
lawed ; of whom divers, after grudging at the abbot for breaking
promise with them at London, did confederate themselves together ;
and privily, in the night, coming to the manor of Chcnington, where
the abbot did lie, burst open the gates, and entering in, first bound
The abbot all liis family. After they had robbed him of all his plate, jewels and
a°,d'"'''' money, they took the abbot and shaved him, and secretly conveyed
awi'^"to ^'"^ away with them to London ; where they, removing him from
Brabant, strcct to strcct uuknown, from thence had him over the Thames into
Kent : at length over the sea they ferried to Dist in Brabant, where
they a sufficient time kept liim in much penury, misery, and thraldom;
till, at length, the matter being searched out, they M-ere all excom-
municated, first by the archbishop of Canterbury, then by the pope.
H^fi'n^*^'^ At last it being known where he was, he was delivered and rescued
by his friends out of the thieves' hands, and finally brought home
with procession, and restored to his house again : and thus was that
abbey with the abbot of the same, for what demerits I know not.
vexed and afflicted about this time, as more largely I have seen
in their Latin register. But thus much briefly; the rest I omit
here,' passing over to the reign of the next king.
EDWARD THE THIRD.^
A. 1). CoxcERNiXG the acts and story of king Edward IL, his deposi-
I3L'7. tion, and his cruel death, wrought by the false and counterfeit letter
of Sir Roger Mortimer, sent in the king's name to the keepers, for
the which he was afterwards charged, drawn, and quartered, I have
written sufficiently before, and more, peradventure, than the profession
of this ecclesiastical history will well admit. Notwithstanding, for
certain respects and causes, I thought somewhat to extend my limits
herein the more ; whereby both kings, and such as climb to be about
them, may take the better example by the same ; the one to have
the love of his subjects, the other to learn to flee ambition, and not
bear themselves to brag of their fortune and state, how high soever it
be : considering with themselves nothing to be in this world so firm
and sure, that may promise itself any certain continuance, and that is
not in perpetual danger of mutation, unless it be fastened by God's
protection.
(1) About the latter end of this Edward II oeaseth the history of Nic. Trivet, and of Flor. Hist.
(2) Edition 1563. p. 7». Ed. 1583. p. 374. Ed. 1696. p. 344. Ed. 1684. vol. i. p. 428.— Ed.
I'DWAKU THE THIRD CROWNED. 667
After the suppression of tliis king, as is above expressed, Edward Edward
his son was crowned king of England, being about the age of fifteen, ^^^'
who reigned the space of fifty years, and was a prince of much and A.D.
great temperance, in feats of arms very expert, and no less fortunate ^•^^^-
and lucky in all his wars, than his father was unfortunate before him.
For liberality, also, and clemency, he was worthily commended ;
briefly, in all princely virtues, famous and excellent. Concerning the
memorable acts of this prince, done both in war and peace, as hoAv
he subdued the Scots, had great victories by the sea, conquered
France, a. d. 1332, won Calais, a.d. 1348, and translated the staple
thither, took the French king prisoner, and how the French arms first
by him were brought in, and conjoined with the English arms ; also
how the order of the garter first by the said king Avas invented and
ordained, a.d. 1356, also, a.d. 1357, how the king, in his parlia-
ment at Nottingham decreed, that all such, in Flanders or elsewhere,
as had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabit the land, and
be welcome (for three years before that, it was enacted, that no wool
should be transported over the sea ; which was, to bridle the pride of
the Flemings, who then loved better the sacks of avooI, than the
nation of Englishmen) : all these things, with other noble acts of
this worthy prince, although in other chronicles they be fully treated
of, yet, according to that order Avhich I have begun (saying some-
what of each king''s reign, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical
history), I have here inserted the same ; making haste to other mat-
ters, shortly and compendiously abridging them out of divers and
sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise.
The coronation and solemnity of king Ed^vard III., and all the
pomp thereof, was no sooner ended, but Robert Bruce, king of
Scotland, understanding the state and government of the realm to be,
as it was indeed, in the queen, the young king, the earl of Kent, and
Sir Roger Mortimer ; and that the lords and barons, as he was
informed, did scarcely well agree amongst themselves, although he
grew now in age, and was troubled Avith the falling disease, yet
thought he this a meet time for his purpose, to make invasion : hoping
for as good success and like victory noAv, as but lately before he had
at the castle of Eustrivelin.^ Whereupon, about the feast of Easter, Defiance
he sent his ambassadors with heralds and letters of defiance to the ^-n^of
young king Edward III., the queen, and the council ; declaring, that sooFs.
his purpose was, with fire and sword to enter and invade the realm of
England, &c. The king, queen, and council, hearing this bold
defiance, commanded in all speedy preparation musters to be made
throughout all the realm ; appointing to every band captains conve-
nient, and at the city of York, by a day assigned them, commanding
every man to be, with all their necessary furniture, ready and
thoroughly provided. They directed their letters also with all speed
to Sir John of Heinault, requiring him, Avith such soldiers and men-
at-arms as he might conveniently provide in Flanders, Heinault, and
Brabant, to meet the king and queen, upon the Ascension-day next
ensuing, at their city of York.
The king and queen made speedy preparation for this expedition ;
the noblemen provided themselves Avith all things necessary there-
unto ; the English captains and soldiers, their bands thoroughly
(1) stilling.— Ed.
GCS
INVASION OF KNGLAND BY THE SCOTS,
Edtrard
III.
A.D.
1327.
The king
uiid
queen
at York,
with an
army of
sixty
tliousand
men, to
meet the
kini; of
Scots.
Great
fray in
York.
Carlisle
and New-
castle,
then the
keys of
England,
kept with
garrisons.
The Scots
pass the
Tyne,
burning
and spoil-
ing the
countir.
The
kinjf's
army
and the
Scots KO
near, that
they see
each
other.
fiimislicd, wcro ready at their appointed time and place. Sir John
oflleinault, lord Beaumont mustcrinir his men as fast, vas ready to
take shi])i)ini,', where, at W'ysant, in English bottoms there lying for
him readv. he went abo;mI, and with a merry wind landed at Dover,
travelling from thence by small journeys daily, till he came, within
thret> (lavs atler the feast of Pentecost, to the city of York, where
the king and queen, with a gi-eat power of sixty thousand men, within
and about the city of York, expected his coming; before whom, in
courteous wise he presented himself, and mustered his troop, wherein
he had to the number of five hundred good men-at-arms well ajipointed
and mounted. His coming and furniture were well liked both by the
king and queen ; and he was, by the harbinger, appointed to be
lodged, with his household retinue, in the abbey of white monks.
To be brief, such grudge and variance arose between some of the
king^s soldiers and his, within the suburbs of the town being together
lodged, that from the little to more, Avhilst the king and queen, with
divers other of the nobles (strangers and others), were at dinner, the
said fray so greatly increased, that the whole amiy, as many as were
in the town then lodged, stood to their defence ; so that there were
slain of the English archers, in a short space, by the strangers, to the
number of three hundred men. Whereupon, after the fray was, with
much difficulty both of the king and queen, ended, such heart-burning
grew between the parties, that the number of six thousand conspired
together against them, thinking to have burned them in their lodgings,
had they not been, by the great grace of God and discreet handling,
otherwise prevented and let. Whereupon the Heinaulders were fain to
take and keep the field, using as diligent watch and ward as though
they had been among their hostile enemies. After this, the king set
forward his army towards Durham, and encamped himself near about
the same ; who also sent the lord Ufford and the lord Mowbray to
Carlisle with a sufficient company to keep that entrance ; and also
the lord marshal of England to keep the town of Newcastle, with a
sufficient company to dct'ond the same, and the country adjoining.
For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries the Scots
must pass into England, standing both of them upon the river Tvne,
twenty-four miles distant.
But the Scots privily with their army passed the river betwixt the
two to^^^)s into England, few understanding thereof, till the great
fires which the Scots had kindled and made in England, bewrayed
them ; who came burning and destroying the country all about as Hir
as Stanho])e park. This thing being declared to the king, he com-
mandcth his host with all speed to march towards them ; who so long
travelled, that they came in sight each of other. The king also
commanded the passages of the river to be so straitly and narroMly
guard(.'d, that by no means the Scots could retire and escape back
again into Scotland, without battle given them of the king. But the
Scots, understanding the great power of the king, kept always the
advantage of the hills, retiring in the nights from one to another ; so
that, without great odds and advantage on the one side, and hazard
to the other, the king could not set upon them.
'I'hus, in the day time, the Scots, keeping the advantage of the
hills, and in the night time retiring to the advantage of other similar
THE SCOTS RKTIllE WITHOUT GIVINT, BATTLE. 669
ones, came near against tliat river where tliey first passed over, where Eiiirar<i
they made a show to offer battle to the king upon the morrow. '—
Hereupon the king being busied in putting his men and battles in :^-_^^-
readiness to fight the next morning, being almost wearied out in — 1_L
pursuing the Scots from place to place, the Scots, in the mean ^^^
season, got over the river, and escaped the danger of the king. As eth.]
this tiling could not be done without great treason of some near about
the king ; so Sir Roger Mortimer was grievously suspected thereof,
and, afterwards, it was laid to his charge. But to be short, by this TheScots,
, ^ . •^ t through
means the Scots escaped the river ; after whom it should have availed treason,
the king very little to have made pursuit, as the wily Scots knew full ou^of
well. For joy thereof, the lord William Douglas, one of the Scottish ^„^',^",\'t
generals, with two hundred horse, gave alarm in the king''s camp ;
and came so near, that he cut certain of the lines of the king''s tent
in sunder with his sword, and retired to his company without great
loss of any of his men. Then, on the morrow, the king, perceiving Provision
the Scots to be gone, came to the place where over-night they lodged, srat'tisii'^
where were found five hundred great oxen and kine ready killed ; five '^^'"i'-
hundred cauldrons made of beasts' skins foil of flesh, over the fire
seething ; a thousand spits full of flesh ready to be roasted; and more
than ten thousand shoes of raw leather (the hair still upon the same),
which the Scots had left behind ; and five poor English prisoners tied
to trees, and their legs broken. All which the king seeing, he left The king
any further pursuing the Scots, and returned with his army to [o lo"- *
Dm-ham, where he dismissed his anny, and came again to London ; '•<"'•
sending with Sir John of Heinault two hundred men at arms for their
better safeguard against the English archers (with wJiom at York, as
you have heard, they frayed) till they had taken shipping ; and so
they returned home.
The king, then being at London, confirmed the liberties of the
citizens, and ordained that the mayor should sit in all places as chief
justice within the liberties of the same ; and that what alderman soever
had been mayor before, should be a justice of peace within his own ward.
Then the king, the queen, and the council, sent over to the earl of
Heinault certain ambassadors, touching the solemnization of the
man-iage between the king and the lady Philippa, his daughter; who m
such sort sped their message, that she was soon after conveyed over
to England very honourably, and at Dover arrived. And from His mar-
thence she came to London (some chronicles affinn to York), where, ""'^'■'
upon the day of the conversion of St. Paul, the year above specified,
tlie marriage and coronation of the queen were with much triumph,
during the space of three weeks, solemnized.
After this coronation and marriage, the king summoned his parlia- Parlia-
ment to be kept at Northampton ; whereat, by the means of Sir Nortii"
Roger Mortimer and the old queen, a peace was purchased for the ampton.
Scots (who had for that purpose sent their ambassadors) to continue
for four years. Also the king (then being within age) granted to
release the Scots of all their homage and fealtv unto the realm ofTi.en.-.p-
111" 1 ij. man noil
England, which by their charter ensealed they were l)ountl to ; as delivered
also their indenture, which was called the Ragman Roll,' wherein were 'g",^};*;
(1) " Ragman Roll" was Uie original deed which contained the acknowledgment by JuUn
Baliol and the Scotch nobility of homage to the king of England. See p. 579.— Ed.
CtO THE Ul'KEN MOTIIKK IMPRISONED.
EJward spccificil tlic al'orcsaitl homage and fealty to the king and crown of
^'^ England, l)v the said king of Scots, nobles, and prelates, to be made ;
A. D. having all their seals annexed to the same. Also there was then
.^330. (i^.iiver^-d unto them the black cross of Scotland, which king Edward
The black before, for a rich jewel and relic, had conquered and brought from
Scotland. Scoiic abl)ev ; with all such rights and titles as any of the barons else
barons had cnjovcd in the said realm of Scotland, with many other things
•>?*'? "P more, to the great prejudice both of the realm, and discontent of all
titles in the nobles and barons for the most part, more than the old queen,
Scotland. ^.^ Roger Mortimer and the bishop of Ely, who in such sort ruled
the roast, that all the rest of the nobles and barons cast with them-
selves lioAv best they might redress and remedy the great inconve-
niences, that unto the realm, by means of them, grew and happened.
Pariia- Hcreupou tlic king and queen, and Sir Roger Mortimer, caused
s!uis "' another parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said Sir Roger
bury. Mortimer was made carl of March, against all the barons"' wills, to
Earl prevent and disappoint the aforesaid purpose of them ; but the earl
refti's'^th Henry of Lancaster, with others, would not be at the same : where-
to come fore it was laid unto their charges, that they went about to conspire
the kmgs death.
And further, because the king was under the government of the
carl of Kent, his uncle, as well as under that of the queen his mother
and the earl of March ; and because they could not do in all things as
they listed on account of the said earl the king's imcle, who loved
the king and the realm, envy began to arise between the earl Mortimer
and him ; and, by Isabel the queen's practice, he found the means to
persuade the king, that the earl of Kent (to enjoy the crown, as next
The earl heir unto the king) went about to poison him. To this the king
put'^to"' giving easy credit, caused his said uncle to be apprehended ; and,
''^?''; without making answer to his accusation and accusers, to be beheaded
at Winchester, the third of October, in the third year of his reign.
l-Jut the just judgment of God not permitting such odious crimes in
him to be unpunished or undetected, so in fine it fell out, that Isabel
the old queen, the king's mother, Avas found and understood to be
with child by the said Mortimer. Complaint hereof was made to the
king, as also of the killing of king Edward, his father, and of the
conspiracy of Mortimer against the earl of Kent, the king's uncle, put
Sir Roger to death before. Hereupon, divers other articles being laid against
mcr, carl him, and manifestly read in the court, he was arraigned and indicted,
condcinn- ^^^^^ ^J ^crdict fouud guilty, having his judgment as in cases of high
cd, and treason, and suffered death accordingly at London ; where, upon
deaih. Louflon bridge, next unto Spenser's, his head obtained a place. The
Tiie queen also, the king's mother, by good advice of the council, was
puu" restrained of her liberty, and within a certain castle not permitted
prison, oncc to comc abroad : unto whom the king her son once or twice a
Tiic i>irti. year would resort, and visit her.
of ))riiicc •' _,. . . ^ .
Edward 1 lus year prince Edward was born at Woodstock ; Avho m process
June ' of time and years grew to be a most valiant prince, and was, before
i5ti..] juj ^\\^^]^ accounted throughout the world the flower of chivalry,
timiof After this the king prepared another army into Scotland in the
IntTscot- y^^^ prefixed. But first he summoned king David of Scotland, who,
land. in the last truce (four years to continue a.s you heard), his fiither then
SCOTLAND INVADED AND WASTED BY KING EDWARD. 671
living, had married the lady Jane, sister to this king Edward Edward
(termed Jane Makepeace), to do him homage ; but that he refused. , "^' .
Whereupon, not forgetting therewithal the scoffing rhymes, which A. D.
daily from that time of truce tlie Scots had in their mouths, he did ^''^'^^-
so much, that with an army well furnished he entered Scotland by the
river Tweed ; for the Scots had then the possession of the town of
Berwick. The Scottish gigs and rhvmcs were these : —
" Longbeards heartless, painted hoods witless ;
Gay coats graceless, make England thriftless."
To be short, the king wasted the land ; burned, destroyed, and took wasteth
towns and castles with small resistance or none ; and, for the space of stroj^tu
six months together, did in Uiat land what he listed, without any battle "le realm
offered to him : for the king of Scots was but a child, and not above
the age of fifteen years, and wanted good captains that should have
defended the realm ; insomuch that they were all, saving those that
kept in holds for their defence, fain to take the forest of Godworth ;
and there kept themselves as long as the king remained in Scotland.
At length, when he had sufficiently wasted, and spoiled, and burned
the same, he returned towards Berwick, about which he bent his
siege, vowing not to discontinue the same, till he had gotten the
town.
The Scots wlxo kept the same, after a certain time and many Berwick
assaults made, were contented, upon certain conditions, to have andyfew-
delivered up the towai ; but that the king refused, unless, all condi- ^ "* "le
tions set apart, they would, with bag and baggage, depart. Hereupon
they condescended to the king, that if by a certain time they were
not by the king of Scots rescued, they would render up the town, and
with bag and baggage depart ; and so, the time having expired,
frustrate of all hope and rescue, at the day appointed they did. The The king
king then entered the town, and tan-ied there the space of tweJve ^h^town
days ; who, after he had appointed Sir Edward Baliol captain over [J^^y
the town, and leaving also behind him other knights, squires, and a. d.
soldiers, as well to keep the same as other holds the king had con- '^'^■•'
quered in Scotland and on the {rontiers thereof, he returned with his
people towards London, permitting every man to depart and go what
way he liked.
Then Sir Robert d'Artois, a nobleman of France, and descended sirRoiwrt
of the blood royal, being in England with the king, ceased not often- a nobu-
times to advertise the king, and put him in memory of his good and praucJ.
right title to the inheritance of the crown of France. This Sir inciteth
Robert, for a certain displeasure that Philip, the French king, took to prose-
against him for a certain plea which by him was moved before the l^^l j,,'"
king, was fain, for the safeguard of his life, to flee the realm of France, franco.
and so come to the king's court. King Edward was not unwilling
at all to hear thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate
that matter with him concerning his right, title, and inheritance to
the crown of France. But yet, notwithstanding, he thought it not
good to make any attempt thereunto without advised and circumspect
counsel ; for that it contained matter of no small, but most dilficult,
importance : neither yet he took it to deserve the fame cither of
wisdom or prowess to let so good a title die, or so fit opportunity to
G72 KI\(; KDWAUU'S FIRST VlACil I > TO FRANCE.
Kritrard pfiss. \\'licrcfore lie, calling together certain of his council, used
^" their deliberate advices touching the seriousness of this matter. In
A. I), fine, it was by them thought good, that the king should send certain
^^^^- ambassadors "over to the carl of Ileinault, whose daughter he had
The king married, as well to hear his advice and counsel herein ; as also what
rates'""" friends and aid, by him and his means, in this so great an expedition
n.uncii? to ^^' begun in the empire, to him might be procured. The king
concern- licreunto couilesccndcd, and appointeth for this embassage the bishop
t'iueof of Lincoln with two other baronets, and two doctors; who in such
A™bl! speedy wise made their voyage, that in short space they returned
ladors again to the king with this answer, that not only the carFs counsel
tiieeiriofand advice should be herein pressed to the king of England their
clncTrn-' "1-istcr, but also the whole country of Heinault. And further,
'','B''- lor that to such an expedition as appertained, the province of
retSn an Ilcinault was but a small matter to malce account of — he said
^^li" he would procure for the king greater aid and friendship in the
'h^T"!- ^'"pi''C ; as the duke of Brabant his cousin-german and a puissant
prince, the duke of Gueldres, the archbishop of Cologne, the marquis
of Juliers, &:c., who arc all good men of Avar, and able to make ten
Kins thousand fighting mcii, saith he. This answer well pleased the king,
France" and made him joyous thereof; but this counsel of the king, as secret
lite k/il^n."! ''^^ it Mas, came to Philip the French king's ears; whereupon he
purpose, stayed the voyage of the cross which he then had in hand, sending
e"hhis^' forth countermands to stay the same, till he knew further the purpose
rhrcfoi' of tlic king of England.
The king hereupon himself taketh shipping, accompanied as to a
[ '"ly king appertained ; and when he had consulted with all the aforesaid
A.D.'isw. lords of the empire in this matter, and understood their fidelity, he
iivMicrj jy,ji(jg }^jg repair to the emperor, at whose hands he was well enter-
King tained, and honourably received ; whom the emperor appointed to be
jussTgn'^Bd Jiis lieutenant-general, having thereby more authority both to will and
nrjit^ge- command such as for this his expedition he sted unto, and had made
neraiof couvcntion Avith. Philip, hearing this, prepared his army, and rigged
pire. his navy, that as soon as the king should enter into tlic dominion of
[August.] Prjjj-ipj^.^ w^^y j^]gQ niight enter into England, requiting like for like.
First The king of England next year, after tiie feast of St. John
ni'to*^ Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all things ready to such an
irance. expedition, conducting his army, and gathering a greater strength in
the empire, as before to him Avas promised, using the emperor's
authority therein, as his lieutenant-general ; howbeit at the chargt
altogether of the king of England. The French king, as soon as
king Edward had landed his army at INIachclcn^ in Flanders, hearing
of the defiance Avliich the king and other noblemen of the empire had
sent unto him, sent certain ships lying ready thereunto, and Avaiting
South- for such opportunity upon the coast of England ; Avho, upon a
i'lumedby Suuday, Avlulst the toAvnsmen Avere at the church little looking for any
I'rcnrh. ^^'^^^^ matter, entered the haven of Southampton, took the town and
•(• spoiled the same, connnitted most revolting excesses, burned, killed,
took ca])tivcs, and carried aAvay rich spoils and great booties to their
shi])s ; and so again departed into France. Further, as the king
of iMiglaiid had allied himself Avith the noblemen of the empire, and
had the friendly favour of the emperor also thereunto, so the French
(1) Antwvrp —Ed..
KING EDWARD CHALLENGETH THE TITLE OF FRANCE. 678
king made the like league and alliance with David, king of Scots Edward
(whom the king had so hardly dealt with in Scotland, as partly before —^^ —
you heard, keeping the most part of Scotland under his subjection), ^z^-
binding the said David, as well by writing as by oath and pledge, —
that without his consent he should make no peace, nor conclude any
truce with the king of England. The French king again assured him The
of aid, and rescue, and help, and promised to recover his kingdom and starred
dominion to his use ; and forthwith sent certain garrisons and bands against
into Scotland to keep play with the Englishmen, and there to fortify b "thJ"
divers places till further opportunity served. He also fortified with IZ^^^'
men, money, victuals, and munition, the town of Cambray, which he
suspected would be besieged, lying so near upon the empire, as indeed
it came to pass ; for king Edward, departing from Machelen, set
forward his host towards Heinault, and by the way assembled sucli
power as in the empire he looked for, marching forward still till that
they came to Cambray, and besieged it with forty thousand men,
while another company, the Flemings, Brabanters, and Hollanders,
went to St. Quintin. But in effect, neither there, nor at Cambray,
nor elsewhere, any thing notorious was achieved, but the summer
being well spent, and little prevailing in the siege of Cambray, being
of situation strong and well defenced therewithal with men and muni-
tion, he broke up the siege, and marched further into the heart
of France toAvards Mutterel. The French king having understanding
of this, prepared himself to give battle to the king of England, who,
with another great army, came to Vironfosse, where days were
appointed to meet in battle ; but in the end, nothing was done
or attempted between the princes, and the king of England (without
any battle either given or taken) returned with his army from thence
to Ghent. Concerning the cause of the sudden removing of the king niepope,
out of France, it seemeth most especially to arise from the pope ; of the"*^
who at the same time sent down his legates, for the order of a peace '^'"s> l^-
to be made between the kings. At Ghent were gathered in council out of
together, by the king's appointment, all the nobles as well of England, ^""'^*^-
as of the empire, to consider what was best to be done ; where
this plain answer Avas made to the king of England : That unless he
would take upon him the claim and title of France, as his lawful a.d.is-io.
inheritance, and as king thereof prosecute his wars, it Avould not be
lawful for them any further to aid the king of England, or to fight
with him against the French king ; for that the pope had bound
them in two millions of florins of gold, and imder pain of excom-
munication, that they should not fight against the lawful king of
France. Whereupon, the king thought good, therefore, presently to
make open challenge to the realm and crowTi of France ; and further,
to quarter and intermingle the arms of France with the arms of 23d"]'
FiUgland in one escutcheon ; Avhereupon king Edward immediately
made ansAver to the pope again, directing unto him his letters, Avherein
he declareth at larije his riffht and title to the croAvn of France, The king
• of Fn*'-
purging thereby himself and his cause unto the bishop. The copy land tak-
and tenor of his letter is too long to express, but it is to be tiWof
found in the story of Thomas Walsingham, remaining in the library France,
of J. Stephenson, citizen of London, Avhoso hath list or leisure to
peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope, he, remaining
VOL. II. X X
674 EDWARl/s I.KTTKU TO TIIF. XOBLES AND COMMONS OF FTlANrK.
Edmr.i yet at Glicnt, directed another to tlie peers and prelates of France
^^^' in tenor as foUowetli.
A.D.
^3t0. 'j^],p Ijcttcr of Kino: Edward to the Nobles and Commons of
France.
Edward, by the grace of God, king of France and England, lord of Ireland :
unto all ])rolates and ecclesiastical persons, to the peers, dukes, earls, barons, and
to the commons of France, greeting. The high Lord and King above, to whom
althoiiixh his will be in his own jiower, yet would he that power should be
sulnect unto law ; commanding every thing to be given unto him which is liis,
doclarin'T thereby that justice and judgment ought to be the preparation of the
kini^'s seat. Wherefore seeing the kingdom of France, through the providence
of Clod, by the death of Charles, the last king of France of famous memory,
brothcr-german to our lady mother, is fallen unto us by plain and manifest
llie title law; and forasmuch as lord Philip de Valois, being the son of the uncle of the
ofFrance, af,„-(.said king, and so being far from the crown by a further degree of consan-
came to guinity, through force and usuqiation hath intruded himself into the aforesaid
king Ed- kingdom, whilst we were yet in our minority, and so, contrarj' both to God
^'^"'^'*' and to justice, doth detain and occupy the same ; and lest we should seem to
neglect our own right and the gift given us of God, or not to submit our will to
God's ordinance: we have thought good to acknowledge the title of France,
and by supportation of the Almight}- King have taken upon us the defence
and regiment of the said kingdom ; firmly pxn-posing with oiu"selves, as every
good man ought to do, graciously to minister justice to every one, according
to the rites and laudable custom of the aforesaid kingdom. Also to renew the
good laws and customs which have been in the time of Louis our progenitor;
adding, moreover, that which shall seem expedient according to the condition
and quality of the time. As to any change of coin, or any other inordinate
exactions, we intend not to seek our proms by your detriments, when (the
Almighty be praised for it) we abound and have enough. And as concerning
the affairs of the rcaliu, oiu" purpose is not to proceed rashly, or by our oAvn
will, but by the discreet advice and counsel of the peers, prelates, nobles, and
other our faithful subjects of the kingdon^., so far fortJi as shall make for the
honour of God, the defence and advancement of the church (which in all
fidness of devotion wc do reverence), and to the profit both public and private of
all the subjects thereof, with ftdl execution of justice by the grace of God to be
executed upon all and singular persons, being earnestly carelid for the honour,
profit and trancpiiUity of you all. For, as the Lord knoweth nothing shall be
more grateftil to us, than that by our careful solicitude peace may be engendered,
especially betwixt us, and universally among all christian men ; so that by our
concord the force and strength of all christian princes may be joined together
Note the for the recovery of the Holy Land, which our Saviour and Redeemer hath
^"tr's^^^ dedicated with his own proper blood, whereunto we will endeavour ourselves,
time, through the gi-ace of the Holy Ghost. And forasmuch as we have oflered to
when the \\^q aforesaid lord Philip divers friendly and reasonable conditions of peace,
Christ was whereunto he would neither condescend, nor agree to any conformation ; yea,
thouKht rather moveth against us unjust war, to the utter subversion of our state,
dedicated ^^^ ^^^ forced of necessity, to the uttermost of our power, for the defence both
to the of us, and recovery of our rights, to defend ourselves by force of battle ; not
Holy seeking any slaughter of good and humble subjects, but desiring their safe-
guard and profit.
For the which cause, all and singular such subjects of the kingdom ofFrance,
who shidl submit themselves to us as the true king of France, within the
feast of Easter next ensuing; professing unto \is their fealty, and doing to us
as to the king of France by duty appertaineth, so as oiu' beloved subjects of
Flanders have done already, or be ready to offer themselves so to do : all such
wc willingly admit and receive to our peace and grace, under our protection to
be defended, them to maintain as is convenient from all molestation and
unqiiietncss whatsoever in person or goods, hereafter to be enforced either by
us, or by our otlicers, tipon whatsoever occasion of rebellion before passed.
And, forasmuch as the premises cannot easily be intimated to all and singular
persons, we have provided the same te be fixed upon church doors, and other
A FIGHT AT SKA RETWKEN THE ENGLISH AND FKENCH. 676
public places, whereby the manifest notice thereof may come to all men, to Edward
the comfort of you that be to us devout, and to the true infonnation of those J^^-
who through sinister surmises of our enemies are otherwise informed of us.
Given at Client the eighth day of February, in the year of our reign over V^.:}!'
France, the first; over England, the fourteenth. i-ylO.
This done, for that tlic winter tlicn drew on, neither Avas there any
hope, as the time served, of farther doing good, the king thought best
for a season to return again to England Avith his company, giving
over the wars until the next spring ; and so he did, taking shipping,
and arrived at Dover. When he came to London, it was declared list".']
unto him, of the gTcat spoil the Frenchmen had made at South-
ampton ; who answered again, '' That within one year he doubted
not but the same should be well paid for and recompensed." And
according to the same purpose of his he lingered no time, but calling
a parliament at Westminster, with much grudge and evil-will of his mh.]^
subjects there was for the maintenance of his w^ars granted to him a
gi-eat subsidy, which was the fifth of every man's goods, and also the
customs of his wools, two years beforehand, and the ninth sheaf of
every man's com. At the spring the king again prepared his army,
and rigged his navy, purposing to land in Flanders. But the arch- counsel
bishop of Canterbury, then lord clianccHor, having understandino- of !J^'"'
the French power upon the sea, lying for the king, gave him adver- '"si'oi' '°
tisement there, willing him to go more strongly,'' or else not to """ *"""■
venture. But the king, not crediting the archbishop, and being angi-y
with him therc-for, said, " That he would go forward ;" whereupon
the bishop resigned the chancellorship, and removed himself from his
council. Then the king, consulting thereupon further with the lord
Morley his admiral, and others, hearing also the same of them,
flirnished himself with stronger power, and committed him to his
ship, and did so much, that a few days before Midsummer, he was
upon the sea with a great fleet. Before the town ofSluys the French Baitie
king, to stop his passage, had got ready a great navy, well nigh to the sJirbe''^
number of twenty score sail, and had made the Christopher of^"";"i,j.
England, which before the Frenchmen took at Southampton, their "*'■'»■•<> a"*!
admiral. Betwixt the two navies was a long and terrible fight, but, Frtnch.
in the end, the victory, by God's grace, fell to the king of England, ^^""^
in which fight he himself was personally ; so that of the number The
of thirty thousand Frenchmen, few or none Avere left and escaped lUi^'^
alive, and two hundred sail of ships were taken, in one of Avhich were
found four hundred dead bodies.
After this great slaughter of the Frenclunen, of whom many for
fear of the sword leaped into the sea, when no man durst bring
tidings thereof to the French king, they who were next about the
king did suborn his fool, to insinuate the understanding thereof by
subtlety of covert words ; which was thus. As the fool, being in the
king's presence, Avas talking of many things, among other talk he
suddenly burst out (being prompted by others) into a vehement
railing against the Englishmen, calling them coAvards and dastards,
Avitli many such opprobrious Avords tending to that effect. The king,
not knoAving Avhereunto the AVords of the fool did appertain, asked
the fool, AA'hy he called the Englishmen such AA'caklings and coAvards,
&e. " WhA'," saith the fool, " because the fearfiil and coAvai-dlv
XX 2
676 THE king's letter to the ENGLISH BISHOPS.
juiuard Englislimcn liad iint the hearts to leap into the sea so lustily as oiu
'"' Noniians ami goiitU-mcn of France had." By this the French king
A. D. began to understand the victory on his part to be lost, and the
^■^^Q- Englishmen to be victors.
Words of This victorv achieved, the fame thereof spreading abroad in Eng-
to'lhe**'' land, at first was not believed, till letters thereof came from the king,
vllT^ prince Edward his son being then at AValtham, directed to the
l)ishops and ])rclates of the realm : the effect of wliich letters here
fi)lloweth under written.
The Letter of King Edward to the Bishops of England.
The bountiftil benignity of God's great clemency poured upon us of late, for
your tnic certification and rejoicing, we thought good to intimate unto you. It
is not imknown (we suppose) to you, and to others our faitliful subjects, wlio
also have been partakers with us of the same, with what storms of boisterous
wars of hate we have been tossed and shaken, as in the great ocean. But
althougli the rising surges of the sea be marvellous, yet more nlar^•ellous is tlie
Lord above, wlio, turning the tempest into calm, in so great dangers, so
uicrcifully hath respected us. For whereas we of late did ordain our passage
upon urgent causes into F'landers, the lord Philip de Valois our bitter enemy
understanding thereof, laid against us a miglity na\y of ships, intending there-
by either to take us, or at least to stop our voyage; which voyage if it had been
staid, it liad been the cutting off of all the great entei-prises by us intended and
l.ikcn in liand, and, moreover, we ourselves had been brought to a great con-
fusion. But the God of mercies, seeing us so distressed in such perils and
dangers, hath graciously, and beyond nifin's expectation, sent to us great
succour and strength of fighting soldiers, and a prosperous wind after our own
desires, bj' tlie means and help whereof we set out of the haven into the seas,
where we eftsoons perceived our enemies well appointed and prepared with a
main multitude to set upon us, upon Midsmnmer day last past ; against whom,
notwithstanding, Christ our Lord and Saviour hath rendered to us the victor3%
through a strong and vehement conflict, in the whicli conflict, a mighty number
of our enemies were destroyed, and well nigh all their whole navy was taken,
with some loss also on our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs ; by
reason whereof we doubt Hot but our passage by the seas hereafter shall be
more quiet and safe for our subjects, and also many other commodities shall
ensue thereof, as \\c have good cause to hope well of the same. For which
cause we, devoutl)^ considering the heavenly grace so mercifully wrought upon
us, do render most humble thanks and praise to Christ our Lord and Saviour ;
beseeching him, that as he hath been, and always is, ready to prevent our
necessities in time of opportimity, so he will continue his helping hand ever
towards us, and so direct us here temporally, that we may reign and joy with
him in heaven eternally. And, in like sort, we require your charity, that you
also with us rising up to the praise of God alone, wiio hath begmi so favourably
to work with us to our goodness, in your prayers and divine service do instantly
recommend us unto the Lord, travelling here in these foreign countries, and
studying to recover not only our right here in France, but also to advance the
whole catholic church of Christ, and to nde our people in justice ; and that
also ye call upon the clergj' and people, every one tlu'ough his diocese to do
the same, invocating the name of our Saviour, that of his mercy he will give to
us his humble servant a docible heart, so to judge and nde hereupon rightly,
doing that which he hath commanded, that at length we may attain to that
which he hath promised, &c.
This letter Avas written to the bishops a.d. 1340.
After this aforesaid victory on the sea, and that news thereof, with due
thanks to our Saviour, had been sent into England : the king striking
into J-'landers, came to Ghent in Brabant, where he had left the queen
who joyfully received him, being a little before purified or churched,
as we term it, of her fourth son, whose name was John, and commonly
Ills I-KTTEIl TO PlIILir JJK V ALOIS. 677
called John of Gaunt, and was earl of Richmond, and duke of EUunrd
liancasLtr. At Vilvorde the king assembled his council, whereat '.
the noblemen of Flanders, Brabant, and Heinault conjoined together A.D.
in most firm league, the one to help and defend the other with _l'li^_
the king of England, against the French king, purposing and deter- council at
mining from thence to march toward Tournay, and it to besiege, vorde.
But the French king, understanding their counsel, fortified and ^^.^'J,^^"'
victualled the same before their coming thither. Furthermore the and iiein-
French king at the same time, to stop the siege of king Edward, part\v?tir
sent with king David of Scotland a great power, to the intent to J^va'rd.'^''
make invasion in England, thereby the sooner to cause the king to
remove his siege. In tlie mean time king Edward ■wrote his letters
to Philip de Valois, making unto him certain requests, as in the same
his letters here following is to be seen ; Avho, for that he wrote not
unto him as king of France, but by the name of Philip de Valois,
refused to answer him touching the same, as by their letters here
placed may be seen.
The Letter of the King of England to Philip de Valois, the French
King, going to the Siege of Tournay.
Philip of Valois, we have long laboured with you by embassages and all
other reasonable wa3s, to the end you should restore unto us our rightful
inheritance of France, which this long while you have with great injury and
guilt usurped: and forsomuch as we well perceive that you intend to perse-
vere in the same injurious usurpation, without returning any satisfactory
answer to our just demand, we have entered the land of Flanders, as sove-
reign lord thereof, and are now passing through the country. And we hereby
signify unto you, that with the help of our Lord Jesus Christ and our own
right, with the forces of the said country, and with our subjects and allies, we
purpose to vmdicate the right which we have to that inheritance, which you by
your injurious violence detahi from us; and that we are now approaching
toward you, to make a quick decision of this our rightful challenge, if you will
do the like. And forasmuch as so great a power of assembled hosts as we bring
with us on our part, and as we may well suppose you also bring on your part,
cannot long remain assembled together without doing great damage both to the
people and the country, which thing every Christian ought to eschew (and
especially the princes and others who have the government of the same), we
much desire, as the shortest way, and to pixvent the waste of Christian life,
and as the quarrel plainly lieth between you and me, that the controversy be-
tween us shoidd be decided by our own persons, body to body ; to which thing
we offer ourselves for the reasons aforesaid, content if only we may see the great
prowess of your person, your good sense, and your discretion. And in case
you do not choose this way, then let us end the dispute by the battle of one
hundred of the most able persons of your part, and as many of mine, which
each of us shall bring into the field. But if you will not admit either the one
way or the other, then do you assign unto us a certain day before the city of
Tournay, within ten days next after the date of this our letter, wherein to
combat both of us, power against power. And we would have all the world to
know, that it is not of any pride or presumption on our part that we offer unto
your choice the above-specified conditions, but for the causes aforesaid, and to
the intent that the will of our Lord Jesus Christ being declared between us
two, peace may gi-ow more and more among Christians, the power of God's
enemies may be abated, and Christianity advanced. Be pleased to write by the
bearer of these our letters and signify to us which of our aforesaid offers you will
accept, sending us quick and speedy answer. — Given under our great seal, atChyn
upon the Skell, in the fields near Tournay, the 27th day of July, a.d. 1340.*
(1) The above translation, and the following one, are revised from the originals in Avesbury.
— Ed.
GTS THE SCOTS INVADE EKGLANC.
r.ihrnrd
^"' The Answer of the Lord Philip de Valois unto the Letter aforesaid.
A 1)
1310. Philip, by the grace of God king of France, to Edwai-d, king of England.
— Wo have seen your letters brought to our court, and sent on your part to om-
Philip (le ^'al()is ; wherein are contained certain requests, whicii you make to
the said Pliilip de Valois. And iiecausc the said letters did not come to us,
and the said requests were not made to us, as by the tenor of the said letters
clearly ai)peareth, we do not return you any answer to the premises. Never-
theless, forsomuch as we have learned by the said letters and by other ways
that you have entered into our realm of France, doing great damage to us
and to our realm and people, more through presumption than reason, and dis-
regarding the duty which a liege-man oweth unto his lord — (for you formerly
entered our liege-homage, when you acknowledged us, as reason is, for king
of France, and promised obedience such as men ought to promise to their liege-
lords; as more clearly appearcth by your letters patent from you to us which
we have in our possession sealed with your great seal, and of which you ought
to have the counter|)ait from us to you) — it is our intent then, as shall seem best
to ourselves, to drive you out of our realm, to the honour both of us and of our
kingdom, and to the commodity of our people. And tliis we have a firm hope
of accomplishing through Jesus Christ, from whom we derive all our power.
For by your unreasonable demand, proceeding more from presum^ition than
reason, hath been hindered the holy expedition beyond the sea, and great
numbers of Christian people have perished, the worship of Ciod hath been dimi-
nished, and Holy Church less reverenced. And as touching that which j'ou
write, that you look to be assisted by the Flemings, we hope and believe
surely, that tlie good people and connnons of that country will so behave towards
our cousin the carl of Flanders their immediate lord, and us their sovereign
lord, as that thej' shall keep their honour and their loyalt}' unsullied. And as
for what they have hitherto done otherwise than well, that hath been occasioned
by the evil advice of persons, who ncitlier have regard to the public weal, nor
to the honour of their country, but only to their own private advantage. — •Given
in the fields near to the priory of St. Andrew Ics Aire, under our privy seal, in
the absence of our great seal, the 30th day of July, in the year of grace 1340.
Th.- Scots Mention Avas made a little before of David, king of Scots, "whom
iingiand. tl^^' French king had supported and stirred up against the king and
realm of England ; which David, Avith the aid of the Scots and
Frenchmen, did so much prevail, that they recovered again almost
all Scotland, "which before he had lost, ■when he "was constrained to
live in the forest of Gcdworth many years before. Then invaded
they England, and came with their army, wasting and burning the
country before them, till they came as far as Durham ; and then
returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds
again, saving the town of Berwick. Edinburgh they took by a
stratagem or subtle device practised by Douglas and certain others,
who, apparelling themselves in poor men's habits, as victuallers with
corn and provender and other things, demanded the porter earlv in
the morning, what need they had thereof; who, nothing mistrusting,
"^"Vd^"' '^P*^"^'^ ^'^^ outward gate, where they should tarry till the captain
burgh, rose ; and perceiving the porter to Iiave the keys of the inward gate,
they threw down their sacks in the outward gate, that it might not be
shut again, and slew the porter, taking from liim the keys of the
town. Then they blew their horn as a warning to their bands, w Inch
])rivily they had laid not far off; Mho, in haste coming, and finding
the gates ready opened, entered upon a sudden, and killed as many
as resisted them, and so obtained again the city of Edinburgh.
The Scots being thus busy in England, the French king, in the
TOUUNAY RESIEOKD. ARTICLES OF TRUCE. 679*
meoD season, gatlicrcd together a puissant power, purposing to remove EJirard
tlic siege from Touriiay ;"and among others sent for the king of Scots, _
who came to him with great force, besides divers other noblemen of A. D.
France ; insomucli that the French king had a great army, and J212.'_
thought himself able enough to raise the siege, and thither bent liis
Lost. But the French king, for all this his aforesaid huge power and
force, durst not yet approacli the king so near, as either to give him
battle, or remove his siege, but kept himself with his army aloof, in a
sure place for his better defence. And notwithstanding the king of
England wasted, burned, spoiled, and destroyed the covmtry for twenty
miles round about Tournay, and took divers and sundry strong towns Tom-nay
and holds, as Ortois, Urses, Greney, Orchies, Odint, St. Amand, and '''''*"■■''''''*•
the toAvn of Lille, where he slew above three hundred men at arms,
and, about St. Omer, he slew and killed of noblemen, the lord of
Duskuue, of Maurisleou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis,
of Hamelar, Mountfaucon, and other barons, to the number of four-
teen ; and also slew and killed above one hundred andtwenty knights,
being all men of great possessions and prowess, and took other small
cities and towns, to the number of three hundi-ed : yet, for all this,
Philip dc Valois, the French king, durst neither rescue his towns,
nor relieve his own men ; but of his gi-eat army he lost (which is to
be marvelled at, being in the midst of his own country), by famine
and other inconveniences, and for want of water, more than twenty
thousand men, without any battle by him given. Whereupon, at the
entreaty of the said Philip, by his ambassadors sent to the king, ^nd
by the mediation of the lady Jane, sister to the said Philip, and mother
to the earl of Heinault, whose daughter king Edward, as you heard,
had married, a truce, containing the number of fourteen articles, for one
year, was concluded, the king of England being very unwilling and
loath thereimto. Yet, notwithstanding, partly by the instance of the
aforesaid lady, but especially for that the king was greatly disap-
pointed, through the negligence of his officers in England, who sent
him not over such money as he needed for the continuance of his
wars and pa3'ment of his soldiers'" Avages, the articles being somewhat
reasonable, he agreeth to the truce ; the conditions of which, as there
concluded, here follow under--svTitten.
Articles of Trace.
I. That during the said truce no aggression [novltas], mischief, or grievance,
shall be committed by either party upon the other, in prejudice of the said truce.
II. Item, that during the said truce either of the princes, and their coadju-
tors, and confederates, whosoever they be, shall remain in quiet possession and
seizin as at this present day of all such goods, lands, and possessions, as they
hold and enjoy witliin the realm and dominion of France, in what manner
soever they have achieved the same.
III. Item, that the said princes, and their coadjutors and confederates,
whosoever they be, shall pass safely from one country to another, and all
merchants with their merchandise, as well by sea as by land, as accustomably
they have been wont; except such outlaws as have been banished out of the
said realms, or any of them, for other causes than the war between the said princes.
IV. Item, that the said two princes shall not procure, eitlier by themselves or
any other, any aggression or grievance to be committed on eitlier of the said kings
or their allies, by the bishop of Rome or any ecclesiastical persons whatsoever;
either for the said war, or any other cause, nor for any service rendered to either
680 THK KIN'G RETURXETII FROM TOURNAY.
Kiitptrd of them by any of their said allies or coadjutors : And that if either our holy
^^'- father the pope, or any other, sliould attempt any such thing during the said
. Q tnice, the said kiiip^s shall hinder it to their utmost.
,„■ ■ V. Item, that the truce be immediately proclaimed in both the hosts, and
!_ that they shall stand bound on either side to keep and observe the same.
VI. Item, that within twenty days next and immediately ensuing, each of
the princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascony and Aquitaine, and other
their lands, these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better observed,
kc])t, and known.
VII. Item, if by any the said princes, their people, confederates, or coadju-
tors, any sieves are laid in Gascony or the duchy of Aquitaine, or any isles of
tlie sea, as Guernsey or Jersej', or elsewhere, that the same sieges be raised as
soon as they shall hear of this truce : and that fourteen persons, seven from each
side, survey tliose places now, and put them in precisely the same condition at
the end of the tnice.
VIII. Item, that such as arc outlaws and fugitives out of the country of
Flanders, as being partisans of the king of France, shall not return during the
truce ; and if they do, that justice shall be done upon them within that realm,
and they shall forfeit all the goods they have in Flanders.
IX. Item, that the debts due to Arras, Crespigny, or other towns of France,
shall neither be demanded nor exacted during the said truce.
X. Item, that all such prisoners, as have been taken during this war, shall
be released out of prison, and sent home upon their faith and oath to return,
unless it so happen that they were ransomed before the date of this present
truce : And if any shall refuse so to do, that then the lord under whom he is,
shall constrain him to return again to prison.
XI. Item, that all things carried off as spoil in the time of war before the said
truce, whatsoever and howsoever, whether spiritual goods or other, shall remain as
spoil ; without any obligation on any one to make restitution during the said truce.
XII. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect be-
tween the English and Scots, their lords, aiders, and allies; and the same to
endure until the nativity of St. John Baptist next coming; and that certain
persons be appointed by a certain day to be at the marches of England and
Scotland to confirm the said truce, under such conditions as have been accus-
tomed in those parts : And if the said Scots refuse so to do, that then they have
no aid out of France during the said truce.
XIII. Item, that tliis said truce be proclaimed in England and in Scotland,
within twenty-five days after the date hereof.
XIV. Item, it is recorded that within this truce be included the Spaniards,
Catalonians, Genevese, Proven^ons, the bishop and chapter, the town and castle,
and all the inhabitants of Cambray, and the lords of Bret, Fronsac, Gascony,
Lisle, Tenbon, Vervin, and Royes.
In witness whereof, we John, by the grace of God king of Bohemia and earl
of Luxcmburgh, Adulph, bishop of Liege, Radulph, duke of Lorraine, Ayemes,
earl of Savoy, and John, earl of Armagnac, on the one party ; and John, duke
of Brabant, Kcnaud, duke of Gueldre, William, marquis of Juliers, and Sir
John of Heinault, lord Beaumont, on the other party, betwixt the high and
puissant princes of France and England, have sealed this instmment of truce
and respite, and delivered the same accordingly in the church of Esplechin, on
Monday the twenty-fifth day of September, in the year of grace 1340.'
KinK This truce thus finished, king Edward brake up liis camp, removing-
J^ur^neth ^^^^ sicgc from Toumay, and came again to Glient ; from whence,
ToiTrn.i ^^^y *^^^'y ^^ ^^'^ morning, lie, with a small company, took shipping
[Novim- and by long seas came to the Tower of London, very few or none
Veceu^A '''"^vi'ig understanding thereof. And being greatly displeased with divers
i.> his of his council and high officers, for that through their default he was
constrained against his will, not having money to maintain his wars,
to condescend unto the aforesaid truce, he commanded to be appre-
hended and brought unto him to the Tower the lord John Stonehore,
chief justice of England, and Sir John SU Paul, with divers others.
(1) Revised and ami)lified from the original in Rymer and Avcsbury. — Ed.
THE archbishop's LETTER TO THE KING. 681
And the next morning lie sent for the lord Robert, bishop of Clii- Edward
Chester, the lord AVake, the lord treasurer, and divers other such ^'^'
that were in authority and office, and commanded them all to be hcpt A. D.
as prisoners in the said Tower, only the said bishop excepted .; whom, ^^'^^-
for fear of the constitution of pope Clement, which commandcth that Noi>isiiop
no bishop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at liberty and imprL-on-
sufFered him to go his way, and in his jilace he substituted Sir Roger pope's"**
Boucher, knight, as lord chancellor of England. ^''^•
The history intreating of this matter reporteth thus : that the covetous
king had this time under him evil substitutes and covetous officers, ''®<^"^-
who, attending more to their own gain than to the public honour and
commodity of the realm, left the king destitute and naked of money.
With which crime also John Stratford, archbishop then of Canterbury, John
was vehemently noted and suspected ; whether of his true deserving, arch-'^"'^'^'
or by the setting on of other, hereafter shall more appear ; insomuch ^''''^°p °^
that the king, ardently incensed against him, charged him with great bury,
falsehood used against his person. The archbishop subtilely and
featly excuseth himself to the king of the aforesaid objections, and
cunningly handleth the matter in Avords by his letter directed to the
king, as followeth : —
Letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury to the King.'
Very sweet Sire, may it please you to consider, tliat the most sovereign
thing for keeping kings and princes in the love of God and a prosperous
condition is good and wise counsel. And therefore the wise man saith, " In the Good
words of counsellors " (that is good counsellors) "there is safetj'." [Prov. xi.l4; counsel-
xxiv. G.] And therefore it is written in the Book of Kings, that Solomon, the ^°^^ "^"
wisest king that ever was, chose the most ancient and wise persons of his realm about a
to stand hefore him, hy whose advice, tempered with his own judgment, he '''"S-
always kept the land of Israel in peace and quiet ; and besides that, all the
kings round about him were at his will. And after his death his son Kehoboam
reigned, who, neglecting the good counsel of his father and of the ancient and
wise men who had stood before his father, did after the counsel of young men
who sought to please him but had little understanding ; whereby he lost the
whole land of Israel except the twelfth part. In like manner, manj' kings
of Israel and of other countries have been brought to harm through evil
counsel. And, Sire, let it not displease you to be reminded of the events of your
own time : for it was through evil counsel that our Sire, your father (whom
God assoil), caused peers and others of his realm to be apprehended contrarv to
the law of his realm and the Magna Charta, and put some of them to a villa-
nous death, of some he caused their goods and all they had to be seized, some
he put to ransom ; and you know, Sire, what haj)pened to him in consequence.
And then, to come to your own time, Sire, you have had some counsellors
through whom you nearly lost the hearts of your people, from whom God was
graciously pleased to deliver you. And from that time to the present, through
good advice of the prelates, peers, great men, and wise counsellors of the realm,
your affairs have been managed in such manner, that you entirely possess the
hearts of all your subjects, as well clergy as laity, as much or more than any
king of England ever did. So that, what with your good counsel, the aid of
}^our people, and the favour of God toward you, you have gained the victory
over your enemies in Scotland and France and everywhere : so that )-ou are this
day (glory be to God!) accounted the most noble prince in Christendom.
But now, set on by the evil counsels of some persons in the realm who are not
so wise as could be wished, and of others who desire more their own profit than
your honour or the country's welfare, you are beginning to issue writs of appre-
hension against clerks, peers, and other persons of the realm, and to institute
improper processes contrary to the law of the land, to the keeping and main-
tenance whereof you are bound by your coronation oath ; also contrary to the
Great Charter, whereof all contraveners are excommunicated by all the
(1) Newly translated from the French in Avesbury. Sec Appendix. — Ed.
6S2
Tin: KINGS I.KTTKU TO THK IJKAM AND CHArXEU OF ST. PAUL S.
y-hiard
III.
A.D.
1341.
Kx com-
munica-
tion ill
liis own
private
cause
abused.
jirelntes of England, according to a sentence confirmed by papal bull, which
we have by us: whicli things are done with the great peril ot your soul and
" the disparagement of your lionour. And albeit, Sire, tliose who now assume to
be your guides and counsellors, more than their condition entitleth them, give
. you to understand tliat your present doings are and will be acceptable to your
people, know, Sire, for certain (and if you go on as you have begun you will
find it so, and that, Sire, for a long time to come, except God interpose a
remedy), know, I s.iy, that if you pursue the course now begun you will lose
the hearts of your people, as also your good and rightful enterprise, and will
embroil yourself thereby in such a manner that you will be unable to accomplish
your enterprise, and will rather force your enemies to destroy you and deprive
you (which God forbid) of your fair fame and your kingdom.
Wherefore, Sire, as you value your honour and your kingdom, and would
successfully maintain your cnlerjirise, be pleased to take to you the noble and
wise men of your realm, and to avail yourself in your affairs of them and their
counsels, as hath been heretofore customary ; for without their aid and counsel
you can neither maintain your enterprise, nor govern well at home.
And forsomuch as some who are about you falsely surmise of us treason and
unfaithfulness (who are there-for excommunicate, and for such we hold them,
and as your spiritual adviser pray you also to hold them for such) ; while of
others they say openly that they have basely and falsely served you, and that
by their means you have lost Tournay and much honour else which you might
there have gained — be pleased, Sire, to assemble the prelates, nobles, and peers
of the land, at some convenient place whither we and other people may resort
securely, and let there be (if you please) an investigation and inquiry made,
into whose hands have come the wools, monies, and other things granted you
in aid of your war, from the commencement thereof to this present day, and
by whom they have been expended, and by whose default it was that you so
departed from Toiunay; and, as a good lord, let those who shall be found in
any point guilty towards you be well punished according to the law. And as
for ourselves, we will abide in all points the judgment of our peers, saving
always (as heretofore we have done) the status of holy church, of ourselves,
and of our order. And for God's sake, Sire, do not believe of us or of your good
people otherwise than well, before you have ascertained the truth ; for if men
are to be punished without being permitted to answer for themselves, there is
an end of all discrimination between the good and the bad.
And, Sire, be pleased to consider well the greatness of your enterprise, and the
strong friendship which for this cause you have need of, also your enemies in
Scotland, and the great peril of your realm thereby. For if your prelates and
nobles and all the wise men of j-our realm were day and night of one mind, with-
out any division among them, to deal with the multiplied business attendant on
such a vast concern, there would be enough for them to think about in order to
maintain your enterprise, the honour of your person, and the well-being of
your realm. And be pleased. Sire, not to take it amiss, that we have in so
liomely a manner sent you the truth: for the great affection we ever did and
shall bear you, the desire of preserving your honour and realm, and a sense
of our duty as primate (however unworthy) of all England and your spiritual
father, incite us to speak and even command, where your own soul and your
kingdom and estate are all at stake. The Holy Spirit preserve you, body and
soul, and grant you grace to hear and believe good counsel, and then — victory
over your enemies.
Written at Canterbury, the first day of January, by your chaplain the arch-
bishop of Canterbury.
Albeit the king, this yet notAvitlistandinfr, directeth his letters abroad
against the said archbishop, and amongst others to the dean and chapter
of Paid's, whereof the tenor here folio weth : —
The King's Letter to the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's.'
Edward, by the Grace of God King of England and France and Lord of
Ireland, to his well-beloved in Christ, the Dean and Chapter of the Church
of St. Paul in London, greeting in the Lord :
It is manifest by authentic histories, but more clearly appears by what is
(1) Newly translated from tliu Lalin in Rymcr, Avesbuiy, and Wah.ingham. See Appendix.— En.
THE AUCIIBISIIOP OF CANTERBURY'S ALLKGKU DECEIT. 6(S3
daily practised, that many men, abusing in their pride the favour of princes Kdimrd
and the honour conferred upon them, do sometimes maliciously endeavour to ^M
deprave the laudable undertakings of kings. And that what we say may be . .^
rendered more manifest to all our liege subjects, we suppose that neither you '
nor they have forgotten, how we, being formerly exalted to the regal throne in '
the years of our tender youth, and desiring at our first undertaking that royal
charge to be directed by wholesome counsels, did call unto us John, then bishop
of Winchester but now archbishop of Canterbury, because we supposed him
to excel others in loyalty and discretion, and made use both of his spiritual
advice in matters concerning the health of our soul, and also of his temjjoral
in afiairs relating to the aggrandisement and conservation of our kingdom. Nay,
he was by us received into such familiarity, and experienced so much of our
favour towards him, that he was called our Father, and honoured of all men
next unto the king.
Now afterwards, when by right of succession the kingdom of France had
devolved unto us and by the lord Philip de Valois was manifestly usurped, the
said archbishop by his importunities persuaded us to make a league with the
princes of Almain against the said Philip, and so to expose ourselves and ours
to the expenses of war ; ])romising anij afhrming that he would see us abun-
dantly supplied with the necessary funds out of the profit of our lands and from
other sources ; adding, moreover, that we slioidd only take care to provide men
of courage and skill sufficient for the war, for that he himself would efi'ectually
procure such sums of money as should both answer our necessities and the
soldiers' pay. Whereupon having passed the seas, we set our hand to great
undertakings, and made an immense outlay (as it behoved us) in providing for
tlie war, and bound ourselves in very large siuns of money to our confederates,
in confidence of the aid promised us as aforesaid. But alas ! since we put our
confidence " in the staff of a broken reed, whereon " (according to the Prophet)
" if a man lean, it will go into his hand and pierce it," being defrauded of the
expected subsidy, of mere necessity we were compelled under very heavy usury
to contract an insupportable load of debt.and so our expedition being staid, we were
obliged to desist for that time from our enterprises so valiantly begun against
our enemies, and to return into England: where having laid before the said
archbishop our manifold vexations and misfortunes aforesaid, and thereupon
calling a parliament, the prelates, barons, and other liege subjects of our king-
dom gave us (besides a tenth granted us by the clergy) a subsidy of the ninth
of their corn, lambs, and wool ; which subsidy, had it been faithfully collected
and obtained in due time, had not a little availed, nay would probably (in the
opinion of many) have been quite sufficient for expediting the said war, for the
payment of our debts, and the confusion of our enemies. The said archbishop,
meanwhile, promised us zealously to do his part toward tiie collecting the said
subsidy,and in procuring other things necessary for us. Whereupon, relying on
his promises, having recruited our forces, with a navy collected for the pui-pose
we set sail for Flanders, and upon the way had a fierce encounter at sea with
our enemies, who had combined to the destruction of us and of our whole
English nation ; but by the merciful kindness of Him, who ruleth both the
winds and the sea, and not for our own merits, we obtained over the whole
multitude of those enemies a victory and triumph. Which done, passing forward
with a very great army for the recovery of our rights, we encamped near the
very strong city of Tournay ; in the siege whereof after we had been for some
time busily occupied, and were wearied with continual toils and charges, yet
silently waiting for the promised aid, we hoped every day by means of the
said archbishop to be relieved in our many and great necessities. At length
being frustrated of our conceived hope, though by many messengers and divers
letters we fully signified to the said archbishop, and other our counsellors joined
in commission with him, our necessities and the sundry dangers we were
exposed to for want of the aforesaid promised subsidy, as also the advantage
and honour which we saw we might easily obtain by a seasonable supply of
money, yet we could get no help from them ; because, minding their own
business, and wholly neglecting ours, and studying only their ov.n interests,
they palliated their own idleness (not to say fraud or wickedness) with frivolous
excuses and a false parade of words; like those mockers, who (as Isaiah saitli)
deridingly scoff, saying, " Precept upon precept, precept vipon precept ; line
upon line, line upon line ; here a little, and there a little." Whence (alas, for
G84 IIK DKNir.TU TO COMK TO TlIK KIXG.
Edward sorrow !) it came to pass, tliat just when the hope of triumphing over our
III- enemies most praciously smiled upon ns, we were by absohitc want constrained
A I), opiainst onr will to consent to a truce, to the shameful stoppage of our cxpedi-
i;511. <'<>", i'"d tl>c "o smixW joy of our adversaries. Returning thereupon info
— '■ '— Flanders, void of monev, and loaded with debt, with nothing left in our own
purses nor our friends' purses, to supply our own necessities and to pay the
soldiers in our service, wc were compelled to plunge into the gulf of usury, and
to submit our shoulders to a fresh load of debt. At last our faithful friends, (he
companions of ourcxpedition and partakers of our troubles, came round us, with
whom we soriouslv consulted for some remedy, whereby we might get free
from such a tempest of misfortunes and recover ourselves. It appeared to
Arrh- tiieni all that the sad circumstance of our late stoppage, and the manifold incon-
ranie'r"' veuiences ])roceeding from our want of supply, happened all through the fault
i.i'iry false or idleness (not to say wickedness) of the aforesaid archbishop, on whose discre-
''.' ""^ tion, with that of others whom we placed in conjunction with him over the
'"''' aftairs of the realm, the whole disposal of our kingdom seemed to depend; and
vehemently wondering, and secretly murnniring at us, for that our royal gen-
tleness would so long leave unpunished the insolence of the said archbishop and
tlie (>ther oflicials, they publicly protested that, unless we would speedily ajiply
a fit remedy to these evils, they must of necessity withdraw from our service,
and go back from their alliance made with us : and tliis certainly would redound
to the subversion of our kingdom, our own perpetual infamy, and the lasting
reproach of the English nation ; wliich God our most merciful Father, on whom
the anchor of our hope is immovably fixed, of his goodness forbid should
happen in our time.
Kvii \Vhereu])on, addressing ourselves to the due correction of our said officers,
offiiiTs some of them, whom for good reasons we suspected guilty of mal-adminis-
(lisnliiced . , ' . ,■ ■ .• • c ■ - » 1 -1 1
iiy the tration, subversion ot justice, oppression oi our suojects, bribery and cor-
l<'"e- niption, and other serious offences, we caused (as it was lawful for us to do)
to be removed from their offices : others also of inferior degree, but culpable in
the premises, we caused to be detained in safe custody, lest if they enjoyed
their wonted liberty, the execution of justice should by their craftiness be
prevented, and the inquisition of the truth cunningly eluded. And since we
believed that we should elicit that truth more certainly and fully from the said
archbishop than from any one else — (because it was reasonably to be expected,
that nothing which could be important for our information herein would be
unknown to him, seeing wc had thought fit for a long time past to commit to
him the administration of our whole common-weal, and the chief conduct of
affairs), — therefore by our trusty Nicholas de Cantilupe we sent him our com-
mands without delay to come to us at London, as we wished to have the pleasure
of a personal interview with him. But he like himself, as timid in adversity
as tumid in prosperity, fearing where no fear was, did untruly allege that he would
be in imminent peril of his life, which was menaced and threatened by certain
about our person, should he leave the church of Canterbury : whereas (God and
our pure conscience are witnesses) no such matter ever entered into our mind, nor
(as 1 believe) into the mind of any of our servants. Yet we suppose, he glanced
Arch- herein at our cousin the earl of Derby ; though not only to him, but to all
bishop of others,' as well of the clergy as laity, he had become deservedly odious through
bury li's malignant character. But we, who desire that all our subjects who wish to
odious to have access to our ])erson, especially when sent for by our letters or messengers,
clergy. should be able to come with a feeling of ])erfect security, to confute his malicious
suggestion, sent unto him our trustv and well-beloved Ralph de Stafford, high-
steward of our household, to offer and give him safe conduct: nevertheless,
over and above that, we caused our royal letters patent, signed with our royal
seal, to be presented unto him, again commanding him personally to appear
before us, to give information about the affairs of our realm, which he had
Denicth conducted for a long time past, as aforesaid. Yet he, setting at nought our
toUir^ gentle requests and commands, answered disdainfully, that he would by no
liiiig. means come either to our sight or speech except in full parliament, which for
good reasons it is inexpedient should be called at this time.
Thus this archbishop, whom our royal bounty hath enriched with magnificent
preferments and honours, and admitted to the most intimate familiarity, even
(1) "The foreRoinp part of this clause is omitted liy Anti.i. Brit, and Walsingham. Only
Mr. Foxe'B copy hath it." Barnes's Life of Edward III.— Ed.
CHARGES AGAINST THE ARCHUISHOP OF CANTERHURY. 685
to the cordiality of friendship and the confidence of sworn companions ; upon Edward
■whom, as on a dear fatlier, our whole spirit and soul did repose ; who also, while •'^^■'^•
we acquiesced altogether in his wishes, put on toward us a face of seeming ~7~TJ
affection, cloaked with a false show of benevolence, as though he were a loving ,0,1*
father — even this man is cruelly turned to be an oppressive and severe step-father,
and wholly forgetful of the benefits he hath received, with tumid arrogance pur- Charged
sueth his benefactor, and rcquiteth us just as (according to the proverb) " a mouse ^nibHM '
in a bag, a serpent in the lap, and fire in the bosom," requite their entertainers, and in-
For, albeit ever since we were by divine grace and hereditary right raised to S^atitudf
the throne it hath been (as it ever will be) hateful to us to abuse the greatness
of our power, and we are most desirous in the government of our subjects to
blend justice with mercy and gentleness, so that we may enjoy that peace which
is desired of all men — yet notwithstanding, this man goeth about to defame our A defa-
innocence, and the fidelity and diligence of our counsellors and officers who meroithe
are pursuing only justice ; publicly preaching, and by his letters patent ordering "'^'
it to be declared in divers parts, " that in these latter times the laity are unjustly
oppressed by the royal power, the clergy confounded, and holy church over-
burthened with exactions, levies, and talhages." And whereas he is craftily
endeavouring to gain tlie name (which he hath never yet earned) of a good
shepherd,when in reality he is, both after the common opinion and even on his own
public confession (as is said), no better than a hireling, he cloaketh his fox-craft
with a feigned zeal for the liberties of the church ; and yet if she hath experienced
any vexations in our time, either in her property or clergy, they are really to
be ascribed to the carelessness, and the cunning inventions, and the false
counsels, of the aforesaid archbishop. And in order to damage the king's
popularity, to defame his ministers aforesaid, traitorously to stir up sedition
among the people committed to our charge, and to withdraw from our royal
person the attachment of our earls, lords, and barons of the realm, he wickedly
pretendeth that he hath by him certain sentences of excommunication lately
p.Tssed against the violators generally of the chm-ch's liberty and the Magna
Charta ; and he hath by his letters commanded certain articles, in divers eminent
places of resort to be published, besides and contrary to the usual means in
such case provided in a px-ovincial council.
Wherefore we, wishing (as we ought) to take heed to the integrity of our
fame, to obviate the malicious designs of the said archbishop, and to avoid the
snares he hath laid for us and ours, have taken measures, beside those things
above rehearsed, to bring into public notice some other of his many perverse
doings, forbearing to enlarge on them at present. In particular, when we were
in our minority, it was by his imprudent counsel and persuasion, that we made
so many prodigal donations, unlawful alienations, and excessive largesses, that our
treasure was wholly exhausted thereby, and our revenues enormously diminished:
and we find that lie, being corrupted with bribes, without good reason forgave
certain persons large sums of money which were owing to us, when neither ne-
cessity, nor any prospect of advantage, so required ; and also that he hath applied
to the use of himself and his friends, and other ill-deserving persons, many
of our rents and revenues, which ought to have been kept for our own use and
necessity. Moreover, being an accepter of persons as well as of bribes, contrary
to our wish and his oath of fidelity made to us, he hath admitted to public office
in our dominions persons altogether unworthy, neglecting and putting back
the deserving : and many other things out of a refractory mind he hath rashly
presumed to take in hand, to the detriment of our state, the hurt of our royal
dignity, and the no small damage and grievance of our subjects ; abusing the Thearrii-
authority and office committed to him. All which, if he shall still persist in bishop
his proud obstinacy and his stout and continued rebellion, we will hereafter hjs'omce.
at convenient time and place manifestly prove ; in the mean while, enjoining
and commanding you to publish the same, and cause it by others to be published,
openly and distinctly in those places where you shall think it expedient; setting
forth at the same time, as it shall seem best to your godly wisdoms, our pious
resolution of redressing grievances, and promoting the comforts and advantages
of our subjects ; so behaving yourselves herein, that we may have just cause to
commend your care and prudence. Witness myself at Westminster the twelfth
day of February, in the fifteenth year of our reign over England, and our second
over France.
686 A TRl'CE FOR 0\K YKAR MOEE BETWEEN THE TWO KIXGS.
jidward By these aforcsiiitl objections and accusations of the king, premised
^'^- and laid a-ainst tlic arch'bisliop of Canterbury, what is to be thought of
A.l). the doings of the said archbishop, I leave it to thy judgment, gentle
1:M1. reader (as I said before), to be conjected ; forsomuch as our histories,
somewhat bearing with the said archbishop, seem cither to be uncer-
tain of the truth of the matter, or else covertly to dissemble some part
of that they knew. And especially of Polydore Virgil I marvel, who,
havino- so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so slightly pass it
over without any word mentioning. In which matter, if probable
conjecture, besides history, might here be heard, it is not unlike but
that some old practice of prelates hath herein been put in use, through
some crafty conspiracy between the pope and the archbishop ; and
the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy unto
the king in this his challenge to the crown of France, so the arch-
bishop against his prince (as for the most part always they liave been)
was a friend, as no man need to doubt thereof, unto the pope.
AVhich thing also more probably may be supposed, because of the
coming down of the two cardinals the same time, from the pope to
the king of England, about the matter of further truce. This is
certain, 'that the archbishop, nothing abashed, replied again to the
king's letters aforesaid, calling them an infamous libel, and wishing
for "the king's honour they had not been written or published.'
Rotum of And thus stood the case between the archbishop of Canterbury
Lrmy "^'* and the king, who coming thus (as is said) in secret wise into England
ff'"" from the siege of Tournay, his army in the mean while by ships was
^°"'""^' conveyed to Brctagne. *0f whom a great number, through unsea-
sonable and inconvenient meats and drinks, was there consumed ;
to whom also no less danger happened, by the seas coming out of
Brctagne into England, by tempest, thunder, and liglitning, stirred
up (as was thought) by the necromancers of the French king.
A.D.nii. Tlie year following, a.d. 1341, were sent from the pope two other
^""iffor cardinals to treat with king Edward for one year's truce to be con-
one7ea7 cludcd morc with the French king, besides the former truce taken
iTctwcei. before ; and all by the pope's means. For here is to be under-
Edward stand, that as it was not for the pope's purpose to have the king of
and the England to reign over so many countries, so his privy supportation
k.'ng!"' lacked not by all means possible, both by his archbishops and cardinals,
and also by the emperor, to maintain the state of the French king,
and to establish him in his possession.^
In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted,
that the same year such plenty there was here in the realm of victuals,
that a quarter of wheat was sold for two shillings, a fat ox for a noble,
and (as some say) a sheep for four-pence. And thus far endurcth the
history of Ranulphus Cestrensis, called * Polychronicon."'
The same year, a.d. 134-1, Louis of Bavaria, the emperor, who
before had showed great courtesy to king Edward as in his first viage
over, insomuch that he made him his vicar or vicegerent general, and
ofTcrcd him also aid against the French king; now (either turned by
inconstancy, or seduced by the pope) writclh to him contrary letters,
wherein he rcvoketh the viccgerentship granted to him, and scckcth
(I) Sof Arr<"n''''<- (2j Ex Tluim. AValsiiis. Kx Chron. Albancnsi. [See Aiipciidix.— Ed ]
CORRESPONDENCE OF KING EDWARD AND THE EMPEROR. 687
all means in fovour of the French king, and against king Edward ; as Edward
by his letters here under written may better appear.
Letter of the Emperor to the King of England.
Louis, by the grace of God emperor of the Romans, always Augustus, &c.
To Edward king of England, his beloved brother, greeting and unfeigned love.
Although great and urgent business of our own do oppress us, and about the
same our weighty affairs we ai-e daily encumbered, yet with the discwd and
variance between your kingly dignity and the renowned Philip, the king of
France our cousin, for your sake, we are not a little troubled. And the rather,
the great charges which may hereafter grow both to you and to your kingdom
thereby considered, both of men and money, unless the same be taken up, doth
more easily provoke us to give ourself to the careful study of your affairs.
Wherefore we give you to imdei-stand that the aforesaid Philip, at our request,
hath given unto us, by his letters, authority and power to treat and conclude a
peace between you, touching the variance begun : which peace (all the state
diligently considered both of yourself, your kingdom, and subjects) we take
and believe to be right expedient for you ; moving therewithal your charity,
and earnestly desiring you, that to this also you will give your consent, whereby
we may bring you both to concord and unity, and establish between you a firm
peace to endure ; whereunto with willing mind we would apply ourself, and
bestow our painful labour in prosecuting the same. And herein if you will
condescend and agree unto our counsel, as we trust you will, it may please you
by your letters to give unto us the like authority as is above said, to treat of
peace or for the ordering of a truce for one year or two at least to continue.
Neither let it move you, that between us and the said Philip of France a truce
is taken ; for, seeing that you without our consent took truce with him, we, by
the advice of our princes who know the bonds, deeds, and covenants betwixt
us, who also thought no less but that, saving yom- honour, we might do the
same, have also made a league with the said Philip king of France ; and for
certain causes do revoke and call back the lieutenantship which we assigned
unto you by our letters. Nevertheless, giving you for certain to understand
that in our said treaties and peace concluded, we have so brotherly considered
you, that, if you will agree and condescend unto our counsel, your cause, by
our mean and help, shall be brought to good pass and effect; about which
things further to confer with your brotherhood herein, we have sent a devout
and religious man, friar Everard, reader of the order of the Eremites of St. Au-
gustine and cliaplain of our court; whom about the premises we desire with
speedy expedition to be sent unto us again.
Given at Frankfort, the twenty-fifth day of June, in the twenty-sixth year of
our reign, and the fourteenth of our empire.
Answer of the King of England to the Emperor.
To the most serene Prince Lord Louis, by the grace of God Emperor of the
Romans, always Augustus, Edward, by the same grace King of France and
England, and Lord of Ireland, health and prosperous success.
We have reverently received your highness' letters, amongst other things
containing, that the noble Philip de Valois, to the intent a peace and concord
between us and him might be concluded, hath given unto you, by his letters,
full power and authority thereunto at your highness' request ; and that if the
same might content us to do in like sort, yom- highness would travail to bring
the concord to pass ; and that it would not move us any whit at all, that your
highness and the said Philip are in league together : forasmuch as we, without
your assent and consent, you say, took truce with the said Philip, you have
also done the like with liim (which thing you might well do saving yoiu:
honour, bv the counsel of all your nobles and i3rinces), and for cert«in causes
you revoke again the lieutenantship which you committed unto us. Doubtless
the zeal and good will you have to make tliis concord and agreement, we much
connnend; letting you to understand that we always have been desirous, and
still are, to have a reasonable peace with the said Philip ; which peace as nnich
A.D.
1311.
688 THE KING DlSAXNULLl Til THE POPES I'UOVISIOXr,.
Kdward as to US (our liouour saved) appertained, we liave in justice and by law pro-
lll. secuted ; and in very deed, it should be to us acceptable, and as we would
~T~7r~ wish, if by sucli a mediator as your highness is, it miglit be brought to p;iss.
y^Tcy' IJut, foras'nuicli as we understand the same our riglit and title to tlie kingdom
of France to be nianifest and clear enough, we i)urpose not to commit the
sajnc bv any of our letters to doubtful arbitrement : but while we well consider
and revolve witli ourselves, how, upon circumspect consideration (you mani-
fi'stlv l)eliol(ling our just and rightful doing, and tiie strait dealing and obstinate
purjlose and injury of the said I'hilip), your gracious highness made a special
iiaiiiie with us, and in oiu" behalf, against the said Pliilip, adopting us of your great
and l)ountiful love towards oiu- person to bo one of your sons ; wherefore, that you
siiould thus again alter and break the same, we cannot sutlicicntly marvel,
seeing your invincible highness, being instituted of God to the la\id and com-
mendation of good men, and revenge of evil and wicked doers, hath made a
league against us with the said Philip de Valois, our notorious and injurious
enemy. And as touching that which you say, that without your assignment
and consent we took a truce, or days of respite, with the said Philip, which we
ought not to have done ; if your grace well consider the circumstance of the
matter, we have done l)ut as we might tlierein ; for when we laid our siege to
Tournay, it was requisite that we should follow their advice, whose aid and
socictj- therein we had. Besides, the sudden and inunincnt necessity whicli we
there stood in, and the distance of the place betwixt yoiu- highness and us further-
more was such, as that by no means we might attain tlie same, nor use your
assent therein. Yea and further, if your grace well remember yourself, j-our
grant unto us was such, that whensoever opportunity thereunto should serve,
we might treat of any peace, and grant what time we thought meet thereunto,
without your consent therein ; so tliat to conclude any final peace with the said
Pliilip de Valois, without either your consent, or otherwise making your higli-
ness j)rivy tlierevmto, it might not be lawful for us ; which thing, without your
said counsel, consent and advice, we never minded nor purjiosed to do, but
have in all our doings done that which us beseemed, so far as by any means
our power would stretch ; hoping likewise that your brotherly benevolence for
a time would have more lovingly supported us. It is thought also by some,
tliat the revoking back again, or restraint of your aforesaid lieutcnantship, was
I)rematin-e or done all out of time ; when, according to your promise made to
us lierein by your letters imperial, you ought not so to have done, before the
realm and kingdom of France, or at the least the greatest part thereof, were of
us obtained and quietly in peaceable wise enjoyed. These things premised,
tlierefore, we desire you, according to your nobility, duly to consider, and here-
after to do, that whicli shall be thought both meet and convenient; because tliat
fCiod willing) we mean to recompense and gratify both you and yours, accord-
ing to the measure of your benevolence bestowed upon us. The Most High
grant unto your highness so much felicity as your heart desireth.
Given at London the 14th day of July, in the second year of the reign of our
kingdom of France, and of England the fifteenth, [a.d. 1341.]
The following year died pope Benedict XII., mentioned a little
[May before; after whom succeeded in that room pope Clement VI. Of
A 1)! whom it is reported in stories, that he was very liberal and bountiful
■'^■' to his cardinals of Kome, enriching and lieaping them with goods
and possessions not of his own, but with the ecclesiastical dignities
and preferments of the churches of England;* for so recordcth the
author, that he bestowed upon his cardinals the livings and promo-
tions, such as were or should be vacant in churches of England,
and went about to set up new titles for his cardinals here within this
.nl'amjuf ''^^'"'- -^^'^ ^^'^ '^'"S lacing offended therewith, made void and frus-
irtii ihe Irate all those aforesaid jtrovisions of the pope ; charging moreover
priTi- ""^^ commanding no ])erson whatsoever to busy himself willi any such
(irovisidns, under pain of prisonment and of losing his life ; which law
was made the ne.xt year following (a.p. 13*3). Whereupon the nobles
(1) Ex Cliron. Albanensi. [See Appendix. — Kd.]
tions
A LETTEIl OF THE KING AXU XOIiI.E.S TO THE I'OI'E. G89
and commons addressed a letter to the pope. The argument and Edunni
tenor of which letter out of French we have caused to be translated ^"'
into English, as ensueth : — A.D.
i;m;}.
The Letter of the Nobles of England and Commons of the same to
the Pope, against the Reservations and Provisions which he had
in England.'
To the most holy father in God lord Clement, by divine providence of the
lioly church of Rome and of the universal church sovereign bisliop, his humble
and devout sons the princes, dukes, earls, barons, knights, citizens, burgesses,
and all the commonalty of the realm of P^ngland, assembled at the parliament
holden at Westminster the Quindime of Easter- [April 28th] last past, devout
kissings of his most holy feet, with all reverence and humility. Most holy father !
the holy discretion, government, and equity, which manifest themselves in you,
and ought to reign in so high and holy a prelate, the head of holy church,
by whom holy church and the people of God ought to be, as by a sun,
illumined, give us strong hope that the just petitions, to the honour of Jesus
Christ and holy church and of your holiness also, by us exhibited, will be of you
graciously heard, and that all errors and iniquities will be taken away and
removed, and that some fruitful amendment and remedy thereof (through the
grace of the Holy Spirit, which you to so high a degree have received) will be
by you graciously ordained. Wherefore, most holy father ! all we upon full delibe-
ration with common assent declare to your holiness, that the noble kings of Eng-
land, the progenitors of his majesty that now is, and our ancestors, and ourselves,
according to the grace of the Holy Spirit to them and us given, have, every
one according to his devotion, established, founded, and endowed within the Misap-
realm of England cathedrals, colleges, abbeys, priories, and divers other houses pr"pria-
of religion ; and have settled thereon, and given to the prelates and governors ec'desias-
of the said places, lands, possessions, patrimonies, franchises, advowsons, and tical pro-
patronages of dignities, prebends, offices, churches, and many and divers other P'^i'v"'
benefices unto them given ; whereby the service of God and the Christian faith ers. "
might be honoured, increased, and beautified, hospitality and alms-giving prac-
tised, all the sacred edifices honestly kept and maintained, devout prayers
offered in the said places for tlie founders, and the poor parishioners aided and
comforted : and such only ought to have the cure thereof, as are able to hear con-
fessions in the native tongue, and are otherwise fully informed and instructed for
their office. And forsomuch as, most holy father ! you cannot well have knowledge
of errors and defaults, nor yet understand the condition of places, so far oft', un-
less you be informed ; we, having full and certain knowledge of the errors and
defaults of the places and persons above mentioned within the said realm, have
thought meet to signify unto your holiness, that — in consequence of divers reser-
vations, provisions, and collations granted by your predecessors apostolic of Rome,
and by yourself, most holy father ! in your own time (and that, more largely
than they were wont to be granted), unto divers persons, not merely strangers
and foreigners, but some of them even our enemies, having no knowledge of
the language and conditions of those of whom they ought to have the govern-
ment and cure — beside other sad consequences hereof, the souls of the pa-
rishioners are in peril, the service of God is destroyed, alms-giving is restrained,
and hospitality perished, the churches with their appurtenances decayed, pecayof
charity withdrawn, the honest persons of the realm unadvanced, the cure 'h«
and government of souls neglected, the devotion of the people restrained, many ^f £,',,!.
])oor scholars unadvanced, and the treasure of the realm carried away, and all land by
this against the intent of the founders. The which errors, defaults, and scandals, '''*^ ''"'^^
most holy father ! we neither can nor ought to sufier or endure. W^e, therefore,
most humbly require of your holiness, that the scandals, errors, and defaults,
which may thus happen, being with due discretion considered, you would be
pleased totally to forbid such reservations, provisions, and collations, and ordain
that from henceforth they be no more practised ; and to take such order and
remedy therein, that the said benefices and edifices, with their rights and
appurtenances, may be (to the honour of God) by our own countrymen ad-
ministered, defended, and governed. And may it further please your holiness
by your letters to signify unto us without delay, what your intention is touch-
(I) R,evised from the French in Avesbury.— Ed. (2) See infrd, p. "81. — Ed.
VOL. II. Y Y
690
TIIK KOr\D TAPLE AT WINDSOR BUILT.
Kdwnrd
III.
A.D.
1314.
Tho
Iiope's
procura-
torK
driven
out ur
Kngluiii).
The
pope's
message
to tlie
king.
The
king's
atijwtr.
The
castle in
Windsor
enlarged,
and the
round-
table
bullded.
First
jirince of
Wales,
[May
12th.]
Tenths
granted
to the
king by
the clergy
fur three
yi-ars.
ing this our request ; but know for certain, that we shall on no account cease
to apply our best etl'orts, to obtain a remedy for the redress of the matters
above mentioned. In witness wliereof, unto these letters patent we have set our
seals. Given in the full parliament at Westminster, the 18th day of May, in
the year of grace 1343.
It followed then, that the said pope Clement again began to make
new provisions for two of his cardinals of benefices and churches that
should be next vacant, besides bishoprics and abbotships, to the extent
of two thousand marks ; whereupon the procurators of tlie said cardinals
were sent down for the same. But the king and nobility of the
realm, not suffering that, under pain of imprisonment caused the said
procurators forthwith to depart the realm ; whereupon the pope writcth
to the king, complaining thereof; but the king shortly after writeth
a fruitful epistle to the pope, for the maintenance of the liberties of
the English church ; whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the
cardinals were not able to answer/
In the meantime, king Edward, to repel certain aggressions of the
French king, had sailed over into Bretagne, and laid siege to Vanncs,
&c. ; but by the mediation of the pope a truce was concluded at Males-
troit this year, February 2()th, to last till the following Michaelmas
and for three years afterwards.^
After these things thus passed over, the king shortly after sent
over his procurators, the earl of Lancaster and Derby, Hugh le De-
spencer, lord Ralph Stafford, with the bishop of Exeter, and divers
other, to the pope's court, to discuss and plead about the right of his
title to France before the pope : unto whom the said pope Clement
VI., not long after, sent down this message. How that Louis, duke
of Bavaria, the emperor, whom the pope had before deposed, had
submitted himself to him in all things, and therefore deserved at his
hands the benefit of absolution ; and how the pope therefore had con-
ferred and restored unto him, justly and graciously, the empire, which
he before unjustly did hold, &c. This message when the king did
hear, being therewith moved to anger, he answered saying, that if he
did agree and compound also with the French king, he was ready to
fight with them both, &c.^
Within the time of this year, the castle of Windsor, where the king
was born, began to be repaired ; and in the same the house called the
round-table was situate, the diameter whereof, from the one side to
the other, contained two hundred feet; to the expenses of which house
weekly was allowed a hundred pound for the maintaining of the
king''s chivalry, till at length, by the occasion of the French wars, it
came down to nine pound a week. By the example whereof the
French king being provoked, began also the like round-table in France
for the maintaining of his kni<dithood. At which time the said French
king, moreover, gave free liberty through his realm to fell down trees
for making of ships and maintaining of his navy, whereby the realm
of England was not a little damnified.
About this present time, at the setting up of the round-table, the
king made prince Edward, his eldest son, the first prince of Wales.
In the year following, Avhich was a.d. leS44, pence, halfpence, and
farthings, began to be coined in the Tower.*
During the same year the clergy of England granted to the king
(I) See Appendix. (2) See Appendix. (3) Ex. Chron. Albanensi. [See Appendix.— Eu.]
(4) See A|>pendix.
Edward's letter of defiance to philip de valois. GDI
tentlis for three years ; for the which the king in reconqiense again Edw„rd
granted to them liis charter, containing these privileges : That no 1_
archbishop nor bishop should be arraigned before his justices "sive A.I),
ad sectam suam, sive partis," if the said clerk do submit and claim ^'^'^'^-
his clergy, professing himself to be a member of holy church ; who, so By tins, it
doing, shall not be bound to come to his answer before the justices, that ''
And if it shall be laid unto them to have married two wives, or to f,"^"*
have married a widow, the justices shall have no power to proceed wives,
against them, to inquire for the matter ; so that the cause shall be
reserved to the spiritual court, &c.
All this while yet continued the truce between the two kings,
albeit it is likely to be thought that the French king gave many
attempts to infringe the same. Now,^ for the more evidence of the
matter concerning the fallinsr of the French king from the league,
and other his wrongs and untrue dealing, it shall better in the king's
letter appear ; who, hearing word that the lord Philip de Valois,
contrary to the form of truce taken at Vanncs,^ had apprehended
certain of his nobles of England, and had brought them to Paris to
be imprisoned and put to death ; besides other slaughters and spoil-
ings made in Bretagne, Gascony, and other places more — he therefore,
seeing the truce to be broken of the French king's part, and being
thereto of necessity compelled, in the year of our Lord 1345, the
fourteenth of the month of June, did publish and send abroad his
letters of defiance, containing this effect : —
The King's Letters of Defiance against the French King.'
o o o
To all and singular, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. We doubt
not it is publicly known, that after the decease of Charles late king of France,
of famous memory, brother to the most serene lady Isabel queen of England,
our mother, the realm of France having inalienably fallen unto us as the next
heir male of the said king then living, nevertheless the lord Philip de Valois,
being but only son to the uncle of the aforesaid king Charles, and therefore in
degree of consanguinity further off removed from the same, did, we being in our
minority, by force and power, contrary to God and justice, usurp and occupy, and
doth yet occupy, the same; invading further and spoiling our lands in the duke-
dom of Aquitaine, and joining himself with our rebellious enemies the Scots, seek-
ing our subversion both by land and by sea, to the uttermost of his endeavour.
And although we, to prevent the incalculable damages which might rise by war,
offered to the said Pliilip divers friendly ways of peace to our own disadvantage,
to the intent we might better intend our purposed war against Christ's enemies the
Turks ; yet he, driving us off by crafty dissimidation, would do nothing effectual,
but while pretended negotiations were kept pending added injury to injury.
AVhereupon we, not neglecting the grace and gift of God, but wishing to defend
the right of our inheritance and to repulse the injuries of our enemy, did not
refuse by force of arms (since we could do nothing by peaceable means) to enter
Bretagne, preferring rather to sally out for the succour of our adherents and
encounter with him in open field, than tamely await at home the dangers
which threatened us. And so we being occupied in our wars, there repaired unto
us tlie reverend fathers Peter and Anibald, cardinal-bishops of Paloestrine and
Frascati, from pope Clement VI., to propose a truce and ultimately a peace be-
tween us ; at whose request we consented to such conditions of truce as then were
taken between us,^ sending moreover our ambassadors to tlie court of Rome, spe-
cially to treat of a peace. And thus, while some hope of peace seemed between
us to appear, news suddenly came unto us in England whicli not a little astonished
our mind, of the death of certain nobles our adherents, whom the said Philip con-
trary to the said truce had seized in Bretagne, and had commanded to be executed
(1) See Appendix. (2) At Malestrijit: see bifore, p. C90.— Fd.
(3) Heviseii from the Latin in Avesbury. — Ed.
Y Y 2
692 THE LIBERAL IIEAUT OK A WOKTHY CAl'TAIK.
F.Jicard at Paris ; besides the wasting and spoiling our lands and subjects in Bretagne,
^'t- Gascony, and other places ; with secret intrigues to withdraw our subjects and
"" .~y~ confederates from us, and innumerable wrongs and injuries, deceitfully intended
j„', ■ against us, both by sea and land. By reason whereof the truce on his part being
' notoriously broken, it is most manifest that it had been lawful for us forthwith
to have r('-n])ened tlie war upon him. Yet notwithstanding, to avoid those
incommodities that come by war, we thought first to ])rove, whether by any gentle
means some reformation niiglit be had touching the premises. And therefore
sundry times we sent ambassadors to the pope's presence for a treaty of peace
and for reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses ; and several times
fixed for the tractation thereof certain terms of time, always reserving to our-
selves, notwithstanding, the liberty to resume war at our pleasure, wliich the
doings of the said Piiiiip had clearly given us. And now, forsomuch as the
aforesaid terms be already expired, and yet no reasonable offer of peace
appeareth, neither hath the said Philip reformed his doings, notwithstanding his
being recpiircd and admonished tliereunto by the pope's letter (as the pope by his
letter hath written unto us), but is always multiplying his conspiracies and
The fetches, to our utter ruin; — to say nothing of the excesses of the pope's nuncio,
pope's le- ^.\^Q being sent lately by the bishop of Rome into Bretagne for the keeping of
fe'th up' t'le truce, and whose part had been rather to have quenched the discord, but
war. instead thereof stirred up our enemy more eagerly against us ; neither did the
Like le- bishop of Rome (saving his reverence) provide any remedy herein, albeit he
pope." " ^'^^^ required of us so to do (as he ought to have done) — these things, I say,
being so, we ought to be excused both before God and man, if, in the defect of
other remedy to be had, we proceed to repel such wrongs and injuries, especially
having so righteous a cause as is notorious to all. Deeming therefore the aforesaid
truce broken (as it really is) for reasons which we know and can prove to be
true, and ourselves to be released from the observance of the same, we defy the
aforesaid Philip, as the violator of the truce and the unjust invader of our king-
dom : protesting, that this we do, not for any offence to the bishop of Rome or
to the apostolic see, but only for the reasonable prosecution of our rights, and
in defence of us and ours ; intending always rather to have peace, if by any
reasonable way it might Ije had. And thus much, for the stopping of slander-
ous fame and the mouths of backbiters, we thought good to signify, first to the
high bishop of Rome, and the aforesaid cardinals ; that by them, as persons
indifferent, the same may be intimated to the contrary part; recommending
unto you all our own innocency, and the common cause of justice. Given at
Westminster the fourteenth day of June, the nineteenth year of our reign in
England, and of France the si.xth. [a.d. 1345.]
And thus much for the king''s letters, showing how the French
A.D.1345. king began first to infringe the truce taken. Whereupon Henry, carl
iicnry, of Lancaster, ■with si.x hundred men of arms, and as many archers,
earl, after ^ , , i- i • • i i i
made was scnt ovcr to (jrascony, who there so valiantly is said to behave
Lancas- himsclf, that he subdued fifty-five townships unto the king ; twenty-
ovrMo* tl'^^c noble men he took prisoners, encountering with the Frenchmen
uascony. at Aubcrochc. So courteously and liberally he dealt with his soldiers,
that it was a joy to them and a preferment to fight underneath him.
His manner was, in winning any town, little or nothing to reserve to
iiimself, but to sparse the whole spoil to his soldiers. One example
in the author whom I follow is touched ; how the aforesaid earl at
the winning of the town of Bergerac, where he had granted to every
soldier for his booty the house, with all the implements therein, which
lie by victory should obtain, among his other soldiers, to one named
Reh fell a certain house with the implements thereof, wherein
were contained the mint and money coined for that country, to the
value of a great substance ; which when the soldier had found, in
breaking up a house where first the gross metal was not yet perfectly
wrought, he came to the earl, declaring to him the treasure, to know
what was his pleasure therein. To whom the carl answered, that the
KING KDWARd's second VIAGE INTO ERAXCE. G93
lionse was his, and whatsoever he found therein. Afterward the soldier, Edward
finding a whole mint of pure silver ready coined, signified the same to
the earl, forsomuch as he thought such treasure to be too great for his A. I).
])ortion ; to whom the said earl again answering declared, that he had ^'^'^^'
once given him the whole house, and that he had once given he The iibe-
would not call back again, as children use to play, and therefore and con-
bade him enjoy that which was granted to him ; and if the money voice or
were thrice as much, it should be his own.^ Which story, whether ja!)^'^;',''^
it were true or otherwise in those days, I have not to affirm. But
certes, if in these our covetous wretched days now present any author
should report the like act to be practised, I would hardly believe
it to be true.
As the earl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony, the Scots The Scots
were as busy here in England, wasting and spoiling without mercy ; fj^an Jl-
who were thou<dit (and not unlike) to be set on bv the French king ; breakiu';
~ ^ '^ *' ^ truce
and therefore he was judged both by that, and by divers other ways,
to have broken tlie covenants of truce between him and the king of
England. Wherefore, the next year ensuing (a. d. 1346) king a.d.i34c.
Edward, first sending his letters to the court of Rome, and therein conVvi-
complaining to the pope of Philip de Valois, how he had transgressed ??« "f
and broken the truce between them made, which by evident proba- ward into
tions he there made manifest, about the month of July made his
viage into Normandy, in such secret wise, that no man well knew
whither he intended. Where first he entered the town of la Hogue,
and from thence proceeded unto Caen : where, about the twenty-
seventh of July, by the river Orne, which flows by Caen, he had a
strong battle with the Normans and other Frenchmen, who, to stop his The
passage, defended the bridge ; at which battle were taken of the lords caen!^*
of France, the earls of Eu and Tankerville ; and of knights with
other men of arms, to the number of one hundred ; of footmen six
hundred ; and the town and suburbs were beaten down to the hard
walls, and all that could be borne away was transported to the ships.
Concerning the passage of the king, with the order of his acts
achieved in the same, from the winning of Caen unto the town of
Poissy, is sufficiently described by the king's confessor, a Dominic
friar, being an eye-witness, who writeth thereof as followeth :^ —
A Letter of the King's Confessor touching his Acts-doing from Caen
to Poissy.^
Great cause we have to bless the God of heaven, and worthily to confess him
before all living, for that he hath so wrought his mercy toward us. For after
the conflict had at Caen, in the which very many were slain, and the town taken
and sacked even to the bare walls, the city of Baieux immediately yielded itself
of its own accord, fearing lest they should suffer the like. After this our lord
the king directed his march towards Rouen ; who being at the city of Lisieux,
there came certain cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace ; which The car-
cardinals being courteously entertained of the king for tlie reverence of the dinais
pope's see and holy church, it was answered to ihcm again, that the king being ^^^"fl"'
always desirous of peace, liad sought it by all reasonable ways and means he peace,
coidd think of; and had offered manifold ways of peace (such was liis desire The
to obtain it) to tlie no small ])rejudice of his own cause ; and was ready still ^j"^^^'*,^^"'
to admit any reasonable offer of peace. With this answer the cardinals having tTe carJi-
gone to the French king, our king's adversary, to persuade with him in like naU.
(1) Ex Chron Albanensi. (2) Sec Appendix.
(3) Revised from the Latin in Avesbury.— Ed.
GDI KING KUWAUu's I'ROC.UF.SS THROUGH FRAXCli.
EdHHird manner, returned to king Edward, otlering him in the French king's name the
■'^^- dukedom of Aquitaine, on tlie same tenure as liis father hefore him had held it;
. .. besides furtiicr liope also of obtaining more through matrimonial alliance, if
,„■, ■ treaty of peace might be obtained. But forsomuch as that proposal contented
i. not the king's mind, neitlier did the cardinals find tlie French king at all tract-
The able, the cardinals returned in despair to Avignon, leaving the matter as they
l-'rcnch found it. And so the king, speeding forward, won all the large towns by which
ki'i'dwcih he passed, without any resistance of the inhabitants, who all fled away. For
no careful God SO a"itated them, that they seemed quite to have lost heart. In the same
ftiidy of y\ngc^ the king also subdued castles and munitions very strong, and that with
little stress. His enemy assembled at the same time a great army at Rouen ;
who, notwithstanding his being well manned, ever kept on the other side of the
river Seine, breaking down all the bridges, that we sliould not come over to him.
And although the country round about was continually spoiled and with fire
consumed by the circuit of twcntj' miles round about, to within the space of
only one mile of iiim ; yet the French king either would not, or else durst not
(when he might easily have passed over the river), make any resistance for
The defence of his cumitry and people. And so our king, journeying forward, came
*""•• to Poissy, where likewise he found the bridge broken down, and the enemy
PoTsy. keeping on the other side of the river would rest in no place.
After the king's coming to Poissy, a certain clerk, named Micliacl
Northburgli, an able man and one of the king's council, who accom-
panied him all through his jonrney, describing the king's viage and
the acts of the Englishmen from the town of Poissy to his coming
to Calais, in his letters writeth in this wise :' —
A Letter of Michael Northburgh, the King's Councillor, describing
the King''s Viage through France.
Sahitations premised, we give you to understand, that our lord the king came
[AiiR. to the town of Poissy on the eve of the Assumption of our Lady, where was a
mil.] bridge over the water of Seine which had been broken down by the enemy :
but the king tarried there till that the bridge was repaired ; and while the
bridge was in repairing, there came a great number of men of arms, and of the
conmions of the country and burghers of Amiens well armed, to hinder the
same ; but the earl of Northampton issued out against them and slew of them
more than five hundred (thanks be to God) ; the rest fled away. At another
time our men passed the water, and slew a groat number of the commons of
France and of the city of Paris and country adjoining, being part of the French
king's armj', and thoroughly well appointed; so that our people have now
made other good bridges upon our enemies (thanks be to God) without any
great loss of our people. On the morrow after the Assumption of our Lady the
king passed the water of Seine, and marched toward Pontoise, which is a
strong town, and surrounded with walls, and a very strong castle within the
same, which our enemies kept ; and when our vanguard and second guard were
passed the town, our rear-guard gave an assault thereunto, and took the same,
where were slain more than three hundred men of arms on our enemies' part.
The next day following, the earl of Suflblk and Sir Hugh le Despencer marched
forth upon the commons of the country who were assembled and well armed, and
discomfited them, and slew of them more than two hundred, and took above
sixty gentlemen prisoners. After that, the king marched toward Grand Villers,
and winle he was there encamped, the king's vanguard was descried by the
men of arms of the king of Bohemia ; whereupon our men issued out in great
liaste, and joined battle with them, but were overthrown. Notwithstanding,
(thanks be to God) the earl of Northampton issued out, and rescued the knights
with the other soldiers, so that none of them were either taken or slain except
only Thomas Talbot, and he had the enemy in chase to within two lea:;ucs
of Amiens, of whom he took eight, and slew twelve of their men of arms:
the rest, being well horsed, took to the town of Amiens. After this, the king
of England marched toward Ponthieu on St. Bartholomew's day, and came
(I) Ste Appendix. The following translation is revised from llic French in Avesbury. — F-n.
HE DEFEATS THE FRENCH KING AT CllESSY. 695
unto the water of Somme, which floweth by Abbeville to the sea, wliore the Edward
French king iiad laid five hundred men of arms, and three tliousand armed m-
commons, to keep the passage; but (thanks be to God) the king of England ^ y^
and his host took the said water of Sonmie, where never man passed before, ^.j jj."
without the loss of any of our men, and encountered with the enemy, and slew _! L
of them more than two thousand men of arms, chasing the rest to the gate of
Abbeville, in which chase were taken many knights, squires, and men of arms.
'I'he same day Sir Hugh le Despcncer took the town of Crotoy, where he and his
soldiers slew four hundred men of arms, and kept the town, where they found
great plenty of victuals. The same night encamped the king of England in the
forest of Cressy upon the same water, "for that the French king's host arrived
from the other side of the town [Abbeville] after our passage; however, he
would not take the water upon us, but returned toward Abbeville. \]\w\\ the
Friday following, the king lay still encamped in the said forest of Cressy. On
the Saturday morning he moved toward Cressy, when our scurriers descried the
French knig, who marched toward us in four great battalions; and having then
understanding of our enemies (as God's will was), a little before the hour of
vespers we drew unto the plain field, and set our battels in array ; and immedi-
ately the fight began, which was very sore, and endured long, for our enemies
behaved themselves right nobly. But (God be praised) our enemies were
discomfited and the king, our adversary, was put to flight ; where also were
slain the king of Bohemia, the duke of Lorraine, the earl of Alen9on, the earl of
P'landers, the earl of Blois, the earl of Harcourt with his two sons ; tlie carl of
Aumale, the earl of Neversand his brother, the lord of Tronard, tlie archbishop
of Nismes, the archbishop of Sens, the high prior of the Hospital of France,
the earl of Savoy, the lord of Morles, the lord de Guise, the lord de St. Venant,
the lord de Rosinburgh, with six earls of Almain, and divers other earls, barons,
knights, and squires, whose names are unknown. Philip de Valois himself, with
the marquis, who is called king elect of the Romans, escaped from the battle.
The number of the men of arms who were foimd dead in the field, besides the
common soldiers and footmen, was one thousand five hundred and forty-two.
All that night the king of England, with his host, remained under arms in the
field where' the battle was fought. On the morrow, before the sun rose, there
marched toward us another great and strong host of the Frenchmen; luit the
earl of Northampton and the earls of Suffolk and Warwick » issued out against
them, and them in like wise they discomfited ; where they took of knights and
squires a great number, and slew above two thousand, pursuing the chase three
leagues from the place where the battle was fought. The same night also the
kin°g encamped at Cressy, and on the morrow marched toward Boulogne, and by
tlie way he took the town of Etaples ; and from thence he marched toward Calais,
where he intendeth fas I have heard) to plant his siege, and lay his battery to
the same ; and therefore our sovereign lord the king willeth and conmiandcth you,
in all that ever you may, to send to the said siege victuals convenient ; for, since
the time of our departing from Caen, we have travelled through the country
with great toil and loss of our people, but yet always had of victuals plenty,
thanks be to God there-for ! But now, as the case standeth, we partly need
your help to be refreshed with victuals. Thus fare you well.
Written before the town of Calais, the fourth day of September.
After the battle and victory of Cressy, the twenty-sixth day of siege of
August, A.D. 1346, the king directed his passage unto Calais, as by ^''''"''
the tenor of this letter you hear, and besieged thesanic;^ which siege
he continued from the third of September in the year aforesaid, till
the third day of August the year next following, upon the which day
it was rendered up unto the said king Edward III., and subdued
unto the crown of England ; as after, the Lord willing, shall more
appear.
In the mean time, during the siege of Calais, David the Scottish
king, at the request of the French king, with a great army brast into
the north parts of England ; and first besieging the town of Liddcll,
(1) See Appt-iulix. (2) IbiU.
Eilu-nrd
III.
A. I).
I.il7.
Tlie Scots
nvcr-
thrown[iit
Neville's
C'rosi.J
TliP Scot-
ti!>li king
Inken
-prisoner.
I.LTTKIl OK Tin: I'DPK TO THE KING OF KXGI.AXD.
williin six davs obtained tlio nrrcatcst ])art of tlic town ; and there
taking all that lie could find, with Sir Walter Salbv, a valiant knight,
who was the keeper of the hold, he caused him iincourteously to be
put to the sword ; and so from thence he proceeded further into
England, till at length being met withal by William Surch, arch-
bisliop of York, and the lord Percy, and the lord Nevil, Avith other
nobles of those parts (calling and gathering their men together) in
the plain near to Durham, the seventeenth day of October in the
year above mentioned, through the gracious hand of Christ, there they
were subdued and conquered. In that conflict, the c<irls of Murray
and Stratheni, with the flower of all the chivalry, and the principal
warriors of Scotland, were slain. Also the aforesaid king David, with
the earls of Mcntife and Fife, and other lords, and W^illiam
Douglas Masklime a Fleming, and William Douglas, and many more
men at arms were taken prisoners ; and so the mischief which they
mtended to others, fell upon their owti heads.
Moreover, during the said siege of Calais, the aforesaid pope
Clement VI., writing to the king of England, went about under the
pretence of peace to stop his proceedings ; whose letters here follow.
an.l
Trance
Letter of the Pope to the King of England, in the behalf of the
Frenclunen.
The pope Clement the bishop, servant of God's servants, to his well-beloved son in
rccom- Christ, Edward tlie puissant king of England, salut<ition and apostolical blessing.
place* If yon dili";ently consider, dear son ! as ought a catholic ])nnce to do, the
between slaughter of such an innumerable sort, bought with the precious blood of Christ
Ensland qj„. Kcdeenier ; the loss of their substance and souls, and tlie lamentable perils
which tlie dissensions and wars stiiTed up between you and our well-beloved
son Philip, the noble king of France, have bi-ought upon us, and yet daily do
without intermission ; and also the bewailing of so many poor people, crying
out of or])Iians and pupils, lamentation of widows, and other miserable people
who be robbed and spoiled, and almost famislied; what exclamation they midvc
with tears running down their cheeks, 3elling and crying unto God for help ;
as also the destruction of churches, monasteries, and holy places, holy vessels,
and other ornaments unto God's service dedicated ; the sacrilegious robberies,
sackings, and imprlsonings, the spoiling of holy churches, and religious persons,
with many other such innumerable, detestable, execrable miscliicfs, offending
the eyes of the Divine INIajesty ; all which, if your princely heart would consider
and well remember, with this also, that catliolic faith (es})ecially in the east
parts) and the Christians there abiding, by means of the same dissensions and
wars, destitute of the helps of such catholic men as are in the west parts, are so
afflicted of the infidels; soeing the other parts of Christendom so troubled with
cniel persecutions, yea, and more cruel than ever it hath been (although in
these times to amjilify this oiu" faith in the said east parts is cruel persecution
sliowcd, more than hath ])een of many years ])ast), doubtless we believe it would
pity your heart. And to tlie end that such and so great evils should no further
proceed ; nor yet that so gi-eat good as might be done by dilating of our afore-
said faith, in these times, should be let and hindered, we desire you that you
would ai)])ly your mind to make some agreement and peace with the aforesaid
king. For iif, my well-beloved son ! God Iiatli given unto you prospci-ous
success and fortune, ye ought rather to humble than to extol yourself; and be
so much the more ready to incline to his peace, and to endeavour yourself to
please (iod, who lovcth peace, and delighteth in peaceable men ; and to eschew
the aforesaid evils, which witliout doubt do grievously offend him. Fuitlier-
moro, wo marvel greatly, that unto our reverend brother Anibald, bishop of
Frascali, and our beloved sun Stephen, priest-cardinal of the apostolical see,
by the title of St. John and St. Faid, being sent as legates by us and the
TIIK ANSWER OF THE KING. 697
same see apostolic, to entreat a peace, who diligently and faithfully labouring Edward
for the same, as lovers of verity, justice and equity, and therewithal regarders Jtt-
of your honoiu", could not be sutiered, touching the entreaty of the same peace, "I'V)""
to come unto your grace's presence. 1'547
Wherefore we desire your kingly highness more earnestly, and, for the mercy — !^ — 1.
of God, with more vehemency we require the same, that you, taking up the
aforesaid horrible evils, and preventing the sweetness of piety and com])assion,
may escape the vengeance of God's indignation, which were to be feared, if you
should persevere in j'our former evils ; as God forbid ! And as touching tlie
entreaty for peace, for which our aforesaid cardinals were sent unto you (how-
beit secretly, lest it should be any derogation to your honour), we desire you to
condescend thereunto, and that with all your affection you will incline your
mind to the same, so pleasant imto God, so desired of the world ; as also to you,
the aforesaid king, and unto the catholic faith, profitable. And that the same
peace by God's help and grace established and made perfect, you might essay
your puissant sti'engfh about God's business in the aforesaid east parts (such
good occasion ser\'ing, as before is said, in these our times), being such apt
advancements of your honour, and happy increasing of your princely name ;
for we have heard it of you reported, that you behave yourself fervently in all
your attempts. Thus we doubt not but that you will wTite unto us again
touching the premises, and the pirrjjose of yovrr intention touching the same.
Given at Avignon, the fifteenth day of January, and the fifth year of our
papacy, [a.d. 1347.]
Answer of the King of England, to the aforesaid Letter of the
Pope.
Most holy father ! we understand by the letters of the reverend fathers in
God, the bishop of Frascati, and Stephen of the title of St. John, priest,
cardinals, and legates of the court of Rome, as also by the letters of your
holiness sent unto us, that ye marvel greatly for that your said legates were of
purpose sent unto us, and commanded to treat of a peace between our adver-
sary of France and us, that we would not suffer them secretly to talk with us,
for the safeguard of our honour, the intention of your heart being to make the
aforesaid peace ; complaining and bewailing therein the death of christian men,
the loss of their goods, the peril of their souls, the lamentable wailings of the
poor, of oi-phans, of widows, and the destruction of other pitifid persons, the
pillage and robberies of churches, and other mischiefs innumerable ; and
especially, the diminishing of christian faith in the east parts, which, by the war
between our adversary of France and us, is sore decayed, as the said letters
plainly do import. And that forasmuch as God hath given us triumphant
fortune, so much the more we ought to abase and humble our heart, and to be
the readier to make and incline to a peace. As touching these things, holy KinR
father! we give your holiness to understand, that as well unto jom- aforesaid Kdward
legates, as other messengers sent from you unto us, we have offered unto every ^^["j.''
one of them reasonable ways of peace, and every day declare the same, and that himself
not secretly, but openly. For we doubt not to let om* purjiose be understood ;
for he that is the high Judge both of him and us, in whose disposition all things
lie, hath given unto us the crown of P'rance to our right and proper heritage ;
the which right our aforesaid adversary hath, by force, of long time detained
from us, we seeking to obtain the same in peaceable w^ise ; and yet do, if we
might obtain the same in any good manner, rather for the benefit of christian
men, and that the aforesaid evils might cease, which by his wrongftil means
only have increased and grown. Yet notwithstanding, as before this time you
know, we assented to a truce, with certain articles containe<l in tlie same
writing; all this he hath infringed; neither doth the wrong suffice him which
he offereth us in our aforesaid heritage, but he endcavoureth himself, during the
said ti-uce, to invade our realm of FiUgland, and our other lands; and ftntlier-
more, maintaineth the Scots, and aideth them to the utter dcstniction of us, our
people and lands aforesaid ; wherein we were enforced, for the safeguard of our
people and lands, by such lawful means as we may, to defend ourselves, and
put him from his wicked purpose. And furthermore for the same, our quarrel
being in the hands of God, have we come against him to conquer our inlierit-
ance of France ; over whom God hath given us divers victories, as we have
g:)8
THE DAUrillX DISCOMFITED AT CASSEL
Eiiwnrd
III.
A. D.
i;j46.
Tlie kiiiK
appvaleth
ftom the
pope to
God.
OfTers
made to
tlie men
of Flan-
ders to
forsake
king Ed-
ward.
trusted he would, by his right wise judgment and power : which thing he hath
showed upon us (all chance of fortune set apart), in respect of our rightful title
therein, and without our deserts; wherefore, with all humility of heart we give
him thanks always tlierefore, most devoutly night and day praising his lioly
name ; for we acknowledge the same cometh not by our strength and force
Wherefore, most holy father ! we desire your holiness, and, so much as in us
lieth, require the same, that you that supply the place of the Son of God on
earth, and have the government of the soids of all christian men, and ought to
be upright and equal towards all men, witliout exception of persons, that ye, I
sav, will receive good information and true, of the objections above said, and
will put to your holy heljjing hand, as much as in j'ou is, that our said adver-
sary of France may acknowledge his wrong which he hath done to us herein,
aiul that it may be by your aid redi-essed; and that he, in this his wrong, Imve
no maintenance and aid at your hand. For if it be so, we then appeal unto the
Judge of judges, who suffereth wrongs to be done for a time, for the sinful
default of man, but in the end redresseth the same, leaving no good deed
luirewarded, nor evil unpunished; most humbly requiring him to be to us a
true and ujiright judge of all our controversies, for his mercies' sake, as in the
mean time we repose our f\ill trust and confidence in him. The Holy Spirit of
God, &c.
Moreover, during the siege of Calais, tlic Frencli king had sent
certain offers to tlie men of Flanders, that if they Avould relinquish
the king of England, and adhere to him :
I. He would remit all their former transgi-essions.
II. He would unburden them of their interdict.
III. He would send unto them such plenty of corn, that what was sold for
twelve shillings wth them, should be sold for four shillings, and that for six
years.
IV. Tie would store them with plenty of French wool to make cloth for a
small price ; and that they might sell the said cloths at their own price, both in
Flanders and in France, and that the Frenchmen should use the same cloth,
forasmuch as all other manner of cloth should be forbidden to be sold in France,
80 long as any of that (made of French wool) might be found for sale.
V. He would restore to them these three cities, Lisle, Douay, and Be-
thtme.
VI. He would defend them from all their adversaries ; and in pledge of the
same would send them money beforehand.
VII. Such as were able and forward men among them, he would retain and
promote them, &c.
But these offers, seeming to proceed more of fair words to serve
the present turn, than of any hearty trutli, were not received. Then
the lord John, prince and heir to the French king, during the afore-
said siege of Calais above mentioned, coming with a mighty army of
Thedau- Frenchmen, set upon the men of Flanders and Englishmen in the
phin with town of Casscl ; in which conflict, enduring from morning to noon, the
Frencli Frenchmen were vanquished, and the young dauphin driven back
^^t"(lll- from whence he came. Of their number divers were slain and taksn
mi/'""' prisoners ; where, on the other side, through the Lord's defence, not
A.u.i34r. one is reported to have been grievously wounded.
As this passed on, not long after, about the twenty-seventh day of
July, A.D. 1347, king Edward still continuing iiis siege against Calais,
Philip the French king came down with a mighty army, purposing to
remove the siege ; where, not far off from the English host, he en-
camped himself. Which done, two cardinals, Anibald and Stephen, pro-
cured for the same purpose, going between the two kings, gave to the
king of England thus to understand ; that if he would condescend to
any reasonable way of peace, the French king was ready to offer such
A PLAGUE IN ENGLAND. DEATH OF THE FRENCH KING. 699
honest proffers unto liim, as to reason and to his contentation should sdw^rd
seem agreeable : but, in conclusion, when it came to talk, the nobles
could not afj^rce upon the conditions ; wherefore the French kinfj, A. D.
seeinsT no other remedy, caused it to be signified to king Edward, 1350.
that between that present Tuesday and the next Friday, if he would
come forth into the field, he should have battle given him. Thus the
place being viewed by four captains of either host for the battle to be
fought ; it so fell out, that the French king, on Wednesday at night, The
before the battle should join, secretly by night setting his pavilions kfngmeth
on fire, returned back with his anny out of the sight of the English- J'C'orethe
' ./ o o battle.
men.
Upon the Friday following, those who were besieged in the town The
of Calais, seeing the king to be retired, upon whose help they trusted caials"
(being also in great penury and famine for lack of victuals, and other- ]^°" gd.]
wise, in much misery, vehemently distressed), sun-endered the town
to the king'^s hands ; who, like a merciful prince, only detaining
certain of the chief, the rest with the whole commons he let go
Avith bag and baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, showing
therein more princely favour to them, than they did of late in queen
Mary"'s days unto our men, in recovering the said town of Calais
again.
After the winning thus of Calais, as hath been premised, king
Edward, remaining in the said to^vn a certain space, was in consulta-
tion concerning his voyage and proceeding further into France. But
bv means of the aforesaid cardinals, truce for a certain time was taken, Truce
and instruments made (so provided) that certain noblemen as well siigiand
for the French king, as for the king of England, should come to the |"^nce.
pope, there to debate upon the articles ; unto which king Edward, for
peace' sake, was not greatly disagreeing : which was a.d. 1347.^
The next year following, which was a.d. 1348, fell a sore plague, ^i^^^^/'*'*-
which they call the first general pestilence in the realm of England, ment pes-
This plague, as they say, first springing from the east, and so spread- *^™iand!
ing westward, did so mightily prevail here in this land, beginning first
at Dorchester and the countries thereabout, that every day lightly
twenty, some days forty, some sixty and more, dead corses were brought
and laid together in one pit. This beginning the first day of August,
by the first of November it came to London ; where the vehement
rage thereof was so hot, and did increase so much, that the next year
after, a.d. 1349, from the first day of February till about the begin- Buriai-
ning of May, in a churchyard then newly made by Smithfield, above noTcaii-
two hundred dead corses every day were buried, besides those which ^f^^rfgr-
in other churchyards of the city were laid also. At length, by the grace |,','^^'^^^^,^
of Christ ceasing there, it proceeded from thence to the north parts ; yard,
where also about Michaelmas following it suaged.
After this, in the next year ensuing (a.d. 1350) the town ofA.D.isso.
Calais was by treason of the keeper of the castle almost betrayed „fost^iost
and won from the Englishmen. Within the compass of which year ^'^■,"'®^'
died Philip the French king ; after whom king John his son succeeded Death of
in the crown, who, the next year after, under false pretence of friend- French
ship caused the constable of France, the earl of Eu, to be beheaded ; ^'"f issi.
who, being taken prisoner before in war by Englishmen, and long
(1) Ex Thomas Walsinghaiu.
700 KING KDWAUOS TllIUl) VIAGK INTO FRAKCE.
Edward detained in prison in England, uas licensed by king Edward to visit
^"- liis conntrv of France. In the same year the town of Guines was
AD. taken by "J']nglisliinen, while the keepers of the hold were negligent
^•'^'^- and asleeji.
Firstduke In the year after, was Henry first made duke of Lancaster, who
o^f Lanra»- {jpf^j.^ ^yjjg '^^y] q{' Derby and Lancaster ; also divers good ordinances
Mar.cth. y.^^^, appointed in the parliament at Westminster, wliicli after by
avarice and partial favour of the head men were again undone.
A n iss" 'flic year next following, the marshal of France with a great army
Victory of „.jjg p^{ tQ flight by Sir Roger Bentele, knight, and captain in
ik-nu'ie!'^ lketa"ne, having but only six hundred soldiers with him. In this
ron.^Aufc'. battle were taken nine knights, esquires and gentlemen one hundred
'^^ and fortv. The Frenchmen and liretons by this victory were ex-
ceedingly discouraged and their pride cut down.
A.D.1354. Concord and agreement about a.d. 1354, began to come well for-
ward, and instruments were drawn upon the same between the two
kings ; but the matter being brought up to pope Innocent VL,
partly by tlie quarrelling of the Frenchmen, partly by the M-inking of
the pope, who ever held with the French side, the conditif)ns Avere
repealed, w^hich were these : That to the king of England, all the
dukedom of Aquitaine, with other lands there, should be restored,
without homage to the French king ; and that king Edward again
should surrender to him all his riglit and title, which lie had in
France. Upon this rose the occasion of the great war and tumult
which followed after between the two realms.
A 1)1355 ^^ followed after this (a.d. 1355),' that king Edward hearing of
the death of Philip tlie French king, and that king John his son had
gTanted the dukedom of Aquitaine to Charles his eldest son and
dauphin of A'ienne, sent over prince Edward with the earls of
bei.] AV'arwick, Salisbury, and Oxford, and v.itli them a sufficient number
of able soldiers into Aquitaine, where he, being willingly received of
divers, the rest partly by force of sword he subdued, partly received,
submitting themselves to his protection.
Third ^*^^ hmg after this, in tlie same year, word being brought to king
kin^^xi"' Edward, that John the French king was ready to meet him at St.
ward into Ouicr, thcrc to givc him battle, he gathered his power, and set over
France . . ^. . ^ V
[Novem- ^^^ Calais with his two sons, J^ionel earl of Wilton, and John of
ber.] Gaunt earl of Richmond, and with Henry duke of Lancaster, &c..
The '^^'ho being come to St. Omer, the F'rench king, with a mighty army
king*i-c- ^^ ^^'^ Francklings, hearing of his coming, the nearer he approached
fiiseth to to them, the further they retired back ; wasting and destroying be-
battie hind them, to the intent that the English army in pursuing them,
EdwaVd'.^ should find no victuals. By reason whereof, King Edward, following
him I)y the space of nine or ten days unto Hesdin, when neither he
could find his enemy to fight, nor victuals nor fonige for his army, re-
turned to Calais ; where Avar again being offered in the name of the
king, uj)on unstable conditions, and yet the same not performed, king
Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, from Cjilais crossed the
seas into England, where he recovered again the town of Berwick,
which the Scots before, by subtle train, had gotten. At that time
vJ} C/..-<i.. A(ianii Mcrimoulli caiionici D. Pauli de gcstis l".<hv. 3.
TlIK FRENCH KING TAKEN I'llISONEU. 701
was granted unto tlic king in parliament, fifty sliillings for every sack Edward
or })ack of wool that slioukl be carried over, for the space of six years L_
together ; by the which grant, the king might dispcnd every day by A. D.
estimation above one hundred marks sterling. And forasmuch as J^i*-..
every year one hundred thousand sacks of wool were thought to be ,^|"/^'''''
exported out of the realm, the sum thereof for six years' space was every
estimated to amount to X^l, 500,000 sterling. woVicar-
The same year, when king Edward had recovered Berwick and £^,'',[!",[j '
subdued Scotland, prince Edward being in Gascony, made towards
the French king ; who, notwithstanding all the bridges in the way
were cast down, and great resistance made, yet the victorious prince
making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, .^^
and many prisoners taken, at length joining with the French king at li'th.]
Poictiers, with scarcely two thousand, gave the overthrow to the
French king with seven thousand men at arms and more. In that The
conflict, the French king himself, and Philip his son, with Lord ki^ng*^ '
James of Bourbon, the archbishop of Sens, eleven earls, and twenty- !iJ.^s'o"ner
two lords were taken ; of other warriors and men at arms two thou- ^y prince
sand. Some affirm that in this conflict were slain two dukes ; of
lords and noblemen twenty-four ; of men at arms two thousand and
two ; of other soldiers about eight thousand. The common report
is, that more Frenchmen were there taken prisoners, than was the
number of those who took them. This noble victory, gotten by the
grace of God, brought no little admiration to all men.
It were too long, and little pertaining to the purpose of this his-
tory, to comprehend in order all the doings of this king, with the
circumstances of his victories, of the bringing in of the French king
into England, of his abode there, of the ransom levied on him, and
on David the Scottish king; of whom, the one was rated at three mil-
lions of scutes, the other at a hundred thousand marks, to be paid Every
in ten years : how the staple was after translated to Calais, with such luin'g Itx
like. I refer them that would see more, to the chronicles of Thomas si"P'^§^
and eignt
Walsingham, of St. Alban''s, of John Froysard, and of Adam Meri- pence,
mouth, who discourse all this at large.
Thus having discoursed at large all such martial affairs and war- Ecciesi-
like exploits, incident in the reign of this king betwixt him and the affafi^.
realms of France and Scotland ; now, to return again to our matters a.D.
ecclesiastical, it followeth, in order, to recapitulate and notify the 1330
troubles and contentions growing between the same king and the to
pope, and other ecclesiastical persons, in matters touching the church, ^'^^*-
taken out of the records remaining in the Tower, in order of years, as
followeth. As where first, in the fourth year of his reign, the king
wi-ote to the archbishop of Canterbury to this effect : that whereas
Edward I., his grandfather, did give to a clerk of his own, being
liis chaplain, the dignity of treasurer of York, the archbishopric of
York being then vacant and in the king's hands ; in the quiet posses-
sion whereof the said clerk continued, until the pope misliking there-
Avith would have displaced him, and promoted to the same dignity a
cardinal of Rome, to the manifest prejudice of the crown of Eng-
land ; the Icing therefore straitly chargeth the archbishop of Canterbury
not to suffer any matter to pass, that may be prejudice to the
702 BEMONSTKANCES AGAINST THE I'OPE S USUBPATIOXS.
ndu-ard donation of his grandfather, but that liis o^vn clerk should enjoy the
^^^- said di<jnity accordingly, upon pain of his highness' displeasure. •
A. D. The like ])recepts were also directed to these bishops following,
^■^"^^ nanielv, to the bishop of Lincoln, the bishop of Worcester, the bishop
.1^, of Sarum, Monsieur iMarniion, the archdeacon of Kichmond, the arch-
'- ileacon of Lincoln, the prior of Lewes, the prior of Lenton, to Master
Rkh of l^entworth, to Master Iherico de Concoreto, to the pope's
Tiie nuncio, to Master Guido of Calma. And witlial, he A\TOte his letters
S^j^'" unto the pope, as touching the same matter, consisting in three parts :
lions f^rst^ in the declaration and defence of his right and title to the dona-
Mihjcct of tion and gift of all manner of temporalties, of offices, prebends, benc-
renlon"' fices and dignities ecclesiastical, holden of him ' in capite,' as in the
ctrance. j.i^,),(. „f \^\^ cTOWu of England : secondly, in expostulating with the
])ope for intruding himself into the ancient right of the crown of
England, intermeddling with such collations, contrary to right and
reason, and the example of all his predecessors who were popes before :
thirdly, entreating him that he would henceforth abstain and desist
from molesting the realm with such novelties and strange usurpations ;
and so much the more, for that, in the public parliament lately holden
at Westminster, it was generally agreed upon, by the universal assent
of all the estates of the realm, that the king should stand to the
deience of all such rights and jurisdictions as to his regal dignity and
crown any way appertained.^
A.D.I336. After this, in the ninth year of the reign of this king, pope Bene-
dict Xn. sendeth down letters touching his new creation, with cer-
tain other matters and requests to the king ; whereunto the king
answering again, dcclareth how glad he is of that his preferment ;
addimj, moreover, that his pur])ose was to have sent unto him certain
ambassadors for congxatulation of the same; but that, being other-
wise occupied by reason of wars, he could not attend his holiness'
requests : notwithstanding, he minded to call a parliament about the
feast of Ascension next, where, upon the assembly of his clergy and
other estates, he would take order for the same, and so direct his
ambassadors to his holiness accordingly.
A.D.1337. The next year after, which was the tenth year of his reign, the king
writeth anotlier letter to the pope : that forasmuch as his clergy hacl
granted him one vcar's tenth for the supportation of his wars, and for
that the pope also had the same time to take uj) the payment of six
years' tenths granted him by the clergy a little before, therefore the
pope woidd vouchsafe, at his request, to forbear the exaction of thai
money for one year, till his tenth for the necessities of his wars were
despatched.
The same year he wrote also to the pope to this effect: that
whereas the prior and chapter of Norwich did nominate a clerk to be
bishop of Norwich, and sent him to Rome for his investiture, witho\i»
the king's knowledge ; therefore the pope would withdraw his consent,
and not intermeddle in the matter appertaining to the king's peculiar
The pope jurisdiction and prerogative.
Vales to' ^^^^^ ^^''^' ^^ ^^'^ sixteenth year of this king, it happened that the
iMer- pope sent over certain legates to hear and determine matters apper-
p"atronii'c taiuiug to tlic right of patronages of benefices ; which the king per-
licM """ t-eiving to tend to the no sm;ill derogation of his right and of the
(11 Sop Appendix.— Ec (^' li'''^-
THE POPE COMPLAINETH OF CERTAIN STATUTES. 703
liberties of las subjects, writetli unto the said legates, admonisliing Edward
and requiring tlieiii not to proceed therein, nor attempt any thing ^_
unadvisedly, otherwise than might stand with the lawful ordinances A.D.
and customs of the laws of his realm, and the freedom and liberties of ^^jj*^
his subjects. 1364.
Moreover he Avriteth the same year to other legates on their being
sent over by the pope to treat of peace between the king and the
French king, with request that they would first make their repair to
the French king, who had so often broken with him, and prove what
conformity the French king would offer, which, if he found reason-
able, they should soon accord with him ; otherwise he exhorted them
not to enter into the land, nor to proceed any further in that behalf.
The year following, which was the seventeenth of his reign, en- a.d.i344,
sueth another letter to the pope, against his provisions and reserva-
tions of benefices, worthy here to be placed and specified, but that
the sum thereof is before set down, to be found in page 689.
The year following, another letter likewise was sent by the king to
the pope, upon occasion taken of the church of Norwich, requiring
him to surcease his reservations and provisions of the bishoprics
Avithin the realm, and to leave the elections thereof free to the chap-
ters of such cathedral churches, according to the ancient grants and
ordinances of his noble progenitors.
Proceeding now to the nineteenth year of this king's reign, there ^^j_=^°"^-
came to the presence of the king certain legates from Rome, com- certain
plaining of certain statutes passed in his parliament, tending to the lasllt
prejudice of the church of Rome, and the pope's primacy : viz. That if ^'^.^'^y^
abbots, priors, or any other ecclesiastical patrons of benefices, should
not present to the said benefices within a certain time, the lapse of
the same should come to the ordinary or chapter thereof; or if they
did not present, then to the archbishop ; if the archbishop likewise
did fail to present, then the gift to pertain not unto the lord pope,
but unto the king and his heirs. Another complaint also was this •
That if archbishops should be slack in giving such benefices as pro-
perly pertained to their own patronage in due time, then the collation
thereof likewise should appertain to the aforesaid king and his heirs.
Another complaint was : That if the pope should make void any elec-
tions in the church of England, for any defect found therein, and so
had placed some honest and discreet persons in the same, that then
the king and his heirs were not bound to render the temporalties
unto the parties placed by the pope's provision. Whereupon the
pope being not a little aggrieved, the king writeth unto him, certi-
fying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such
statute made in that parliament. And further, as touching all other
things, he w^ould confer with his prelates and nobles, and thereof
would return answer by his legates.
In the twentieth year of his reign, another letter was written to a.d.iS'I?.
the pope by the king, the effect whereof, in few words to express it,
was this : to certify him that, in respect of his great charges sustained
in his wars, he hath by the counsel of his nobles, taken into his own
hands the fruits and profits of all his benefices here in England.
To proceed in the order of years : in the twenty-sixth year of this a.d.isss.
king, one Nicholas Heath, clerk, a busy-headed body, and a troublcr
704 TUOLlil.KS BKTWKEX KINO EDWARD AND THE POPE.
7?rf«v,rj of the realm, liad procured divers bisliops, and others of the lung's
'"■ council, to be cited up to the court of Konie, there to answer such
A.I), complaints as he had made against them. Whereupon command-
•^^^ ment was given by the king to all the ports of the realm, for tlie
,i° restraint of all passengers out, and for searching and arresting all
' persons bringing in any bulls or other process from Rome, tending to
Nicholas j^iip (leroo-ation of the dignity of the crown, or molestation of the
IroSiiiM subjects r concerning which Nicholas Heath, the king also writc-th t(>
rcain.*: the popc liis letters,^complaining of the said Heath, and desiring him
to give no ear to his lewd complaints.
The same year the king writcth also to the pope's legate resident
in EnMand, requiring him to surcease from exacting divers sums of
money of tlic clergy, under the name of first fruits of benefices.
AD135S '^'^'*-' thirty-first" year of this kings reign, the king, by his letters,
NichnLis' complaincth to the i)ope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas
cu^'ma- ^tanway, remaining in Rome, who, by his slanderoiLS complaints,
ny'i'ionest procurc'd dlvcrs citations to be sent into the realm, to the great dis-
Rorne" tm-bancc of many and sundry honest men ; whereupon he prayeth
and adviseth the pope to stay himself, and not to send over such
hasty citations upon every light occasion.
To pass further, to the thirty-eighth year of the same king, thus
we find in the rolls : that the king the same year took order by two
of his clergy, to wit, John a Stock, and John of Norton, to take into
their hands "all the temporalities of all deaneries, prebenth?, dignities,
and benefices, being then vacant in England, and to answer the profits
of the same to the king's use.
The same year an ordinance was made by the kin^ and his council,
and the same was proclaimed in all port-towns within the realm, as
follows : —
Ordorof That good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoever,
council, coming from the court of Home, kc, do bring into the realm with, liim any-
bull, instrument, letters-patent, or other process, that may be prejudicial to the
king, or any of his subjects; nor that any person, passing out of this realm
towards the" court of Rome, do carry with him any instrument or process that
may redound to the prejudice of the king or his subjects ; and that all persons
passing to the s.ud com-t of Rome, &c., with the king's special license, do not-
withstanding promise and find surety to the lord chancellor, that they shall not
in any wise attemjjt or pursue any matter to the prejudice of the king or his
subjects, under pain to be put out of the king's protection, and to forfeit his
body, goods, and chattels, according to the statute thereof made, in the twenty-
seventh year, &c.
And thus much concerning the letters and writings of the king,
with such other domestic matters, perturbations, and troubles, passing
between him and the pope, taken out of the public records of the
realm ; whereby I thought to give the reader to understand the hor-
ril)lc abuses, the intolemblc pride, and the insatiable avarice of that
•1 lie pope bishop, more like a proud Lucifer than a pastor of the church of
teS". Christ, in abusing the king, and oppressing his subjects with exactions
unmeasunible ; and not only exercising his tyranny, in this realm, but
raging also arainst other princes, both far and near, amongst whom
neither spared he the emperor himself. In the story and acts of that
emperor Louis, mentioned a little before (p. 663), whom the pope
did most arrogantly exconniumicate upon Maundy-Thursday, and the
WRITETIS AGAINST THE POPE. 705
self-same ' clay j^laced another emperor in liis room, relation was made Edward
of certain learned men wlio took the emperor's part against the pope. ^^^'
In the number of them was Marsilius of Padua, William Ockam, A.D.
John de Jandano of Ghent, Lupoid of Bamberg, Andrew of ^■^''''"
Lodi, Ulric Ilanfjenor, treasurer to the emperor, Dante Aligerio, j^ro
&c. ;' of whom Marsilius of Padua com])iled and exhibited unto —
the emperor Louis a worthy work, intituled ' Defensor Pacis,' written
in the emperor's behalf against the pope. Wherein (both godly Articles
and learnedly disputing against the pope) he provcth the bishop ^[i^J^"""
and the priest to be originally and essentially equal, and that the against
pope hath no superiority above other bishops, much less above the "^^"p^'
emperor; that the word of God ought to be only the chief judge
in deciding and determining causes ecclesiastical ;^ that not only
spiritual persons, but laymen also, being godly and learned, ought to
be admitted into general councils ; that the clergy and the pope ought
to be subject unto magistrates ; that the church is the university of
the faithful, and that the foundation and head of the church is Christ,
and that he never appointed any vicar or pope over his universal
church ; that bishops ought to be chosen every one by their own
church and clergy ; that the marriage of priests may lawfully be per-
mitted ; that St. Peter was never at Rome; that the synagogue of
the pope is a den of thieves ; that the doctrine of the pope is not to
be followed, because it leadeth to eternal destruction ; and that the
corrupt manners of Christians do spring and flow out of the wickedness
of the spiritualty, &c. He disputeth, moreover, in another work, of
free justification by grace ; and extenuateth merits, saying, that they Merits,
are a cause of our salvation * sine qua non,' that is to sav, that works """^ ^
fY>' o • -r • 1 • -n vyi^j cause of
be no cause eincient of our justification, but yet our justification goeth salvation,
not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and • sinTqua
catholic, he was condemned (a.d. 1327) by the pope's decree ' Extra- Marsiuus
va2:ant ;'* concerning the which man and his doctrine, I thouofht eood condemn-
thus much to commit to history, to the intent men may see that they pope,
who charge this doctrine now taught in the church with the note of a^d'.^^'^'
novelty or newness, how ignorant and unskilful they be in the history ^^^^j
and order of times forepast.*
In the same part of condemnation, at the same time, was also Jo-
hannes deJanduno of Ghent, a.d. 1330, and contained also in the afore-
said ' Extravagant ' with Marsilius of Padua. Which Johannes wrote
much upon Aristotle and Averroes, which is yet remaining and valued ;
and no doubt but he wrote also works of divinity, and that they were
excellent, but it is not unlike that these works have been abolished."
In the same number and catalogue cometh also William Ockam,
who flourished a.d. 1326, as is before mentioned, and who wrote, Mjchaei
likewise, in defence of Louis the emperor against the pope ; and also ^-'escnas
in defence of Michael Cesenas, general of the Grey-friars, whom the tiie crey-
pope had excommunicated and cursed for a heretic. Divers treatises' omnnu-^"
were by the said Ockam set forth, as his Questions, and the Dialogue "^'^'"'-"'^
(1) The next ten pages are from Illyricus, and have been collated and revised. The reader will heretic,
find a list of these Witnesses in Foxe's Prefaces to his " Acts and Monuments," supra, vol. i. — Ed.
(2) See Illyricus, " Cat. Test." (Ed. 1C08) cols. 1707, 1794.— Ed.
(3) See the " Defensor Pacis," Sec. Diet., cap. 19, Illyricus, col. 1758, and the Appendix. — Ed.
(4) Cap. "licet juxtrk doctrinam" [printed in Martcne's Thes. torn. xi. col. 704, dated .'Vvignon,
lOCal. Nov. 12th year of the pontificate. The 'Defensor Pacis' is in Goldastide Mon. tom.ii.] — Kn
(5) The above account of Marsilius is from Illyricus, col. 1758. — Eu.
(6) Illyricus, col. 1759.— Ed.
(7) See a list of his works in Cave's Hist. Litt.— Ed.
Z 7,
70G KIGIIT (iUKSTIONS nlSTMITr.D BY OCKAM.
Edward between a maslrr and liis scholar, whereof \mxi is extant and in
'"■ print, part is extinct and suppressed, as Asccntius reporteth,' being
A.I), reckoned somewhat too sharp. Some again he publislicd under no
^■'■^0 name of the author, being of his doing, as, the dialogue between the
*? sohlier and the clerk.* From a passage which occurs in the prologue to
' '' • his " Dialogus"" it is to be conjectured, that many learned works liad
beul"^"" already appeared against the pope.' Of this Ockam John Sleidan in
the sol- ],j(^ liistory inforretli mention to his great commendation, whose words
tileVierk, be tlicsc :" " William Ockam, in the time of Louis IV., emperor, did
am-s*^"^' flourish about a.d. 1326, wlio, among other things, wrote of the
niakiiiR. authority of the bishop of Rome ; in which book he handleth these
qutations eight qucstious very copiously : — First, whether the pontiffs office
isputc. . ^^^^ ^j^^ emperor's may both at the same time be administered by
the same man ; secondly, whether tlie emperor taketh liis power and
authority only from God, or else of the pope also ; thirdly, whether
the pope and church of Rome have power by Christ to set up and
place kings and emperors, and to commit to them their jurisdiction
to be exercised ; fourthly, whether the emperor, being elected, liath
full authority, upon the said his election, to administer his empire ;
fifthly, whether other kings besides the emperor and king of the
Romans, in that they are consecrated of priests, receive of them any
part of their power ; sixthly, whether the said kings in any case be
subject to their consecrators ; seventhly, whether if the said kings
should admit any new sacrifice, or should take to themselves the
diadem without any further consecration, they should thereby lose
their kingly right and title ; eighthly, whether the seven princes-
electors give as much right to the emj)cror elected, as legitimate
succession giveth to other kings. — Upon these questions he disputeth
and argueth with sundry arguments and reasons on both sides ; at
length he decideth the matter on the part of the civil magistrate, and
by occasion thereof entercth into the mention of the ' Extravagants' of
pope John XXII., declaring how little regard was had thereunto
by sound men, as being heretical and utterly false."*
Grecoriii3 Tritliemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis, a man
' ""'""" famous both for his learning and piety; who, not mucli differing from
the age of this Ockam, about a.d. iSoO thought the same on the doc-
trines of grace and free-will as wc donow, and dissented therein from the
sophists and papists, counting them only Pelagians under new names."
Ancjreas Of tlic like judgment, and in the same time, was also Andreas de
and jo-^° Castro," and Johannes Buridanus upon the ethics of Aristotle ;' who
Bu"ida- ^'^^'^ maintained the grace of the gospel, as it is now in the church
nus. received, above two hundred years since.*
Eudes, And what should I speak of the duke of Burgundv, named Eudo,
duke of 1 1 • o v " '
Burgun- '^^''10 ^t thc samc tune (a.d. ]3o0) persuaded the French king not to
••>'• suffer the new found constitutions, called ' Extravagantes Communes,"'
within his realm ; whose sage counsel then given yet remaincth
among the French king's records, as witnesseth Carolus Molinaeus.'
Dante, an Dautc, au Italian writer, a Florentine, lived in the time of Louis, the
emjicror, about a.d. 1300, and took his part with Marsilius of Padua.
(1) [JodocusBaiiius] Ascentius [Regius Professor of Divinity at Paris] in prajfatione [ad Dialogum]
ejus autoris. [GoldasU dc Mon. torn. ii. pp. 392, 957.— Ed.] (2) Golrtasti, torn. i. p. 13.— Ed.
(3) Goldasti, tom.ii. p. 398.— Ed. (4) Ulyricus, cols. 1759, 1760.— Ed.
(5) Ulyricus, col. 1809.-ED. (6) Super lib. i. Sent. dist. 45.
(7) Super, lib. .3. Ethic. (8) Ulyricus, col. 1809.— Eb.
(9) lb. col. IOCS. Kudo, or Eudes, was duke of Burgundy a.d. 1315— 13.iO.— Ed.
nensis.
ROME TIl-K MOTHER AND SCHOOL OK EltUOU. 707
Certain of his writings be extant abroad, particularly his ' Do Mo- Edward
narchia;' wherein he i)rovetli tlic pope not to be above the emperor, _
nor to have any right or jurisiliction in the empire, and confutcth the A. 1>.
Donation of Constantine as a forged and a feigned thing, and as ^^^^
what could not staml with any law nor right ; for which he was taken \^qq^
bv many for a heretic : three sorts of men, he also saith, were enemies
to the truth respecting the nnpcrial supremacy; first, tlie pope and ofcon-
some of the Greek bishops, being jealous of the right of the keys and the a'u?ing^'
honour of mother church; secondly, the democrats, who hated the very forged-
term " most sacred majesty," and yet counted themselves sons of the
church, though they were the children of their father the devil ; thirdly,
the decretalists, who in their doting fondness for the decrees would
settle every thing thereby, to the damage of the imperial state. He
complaineth somewhere, moreover, very much of the preaching of
God's word being omitted ; and that instead thereof, the vain fables
of monks and friars were preached and believed by the people, and that
so the flock of Christ was fed not with the food of the gospel, but with
wind. " The pope," saith he, " of a pastor is made a wolf, to waste
the church of Christ, and with his clergy careth not for the word of
God, but only for his own decrees.'" In canto the thirty-second of his The pope
" Purgatory" he declarcth the pope to be the whore of Babylon ; and ^'^'^b^J^"
as to her ministers, Le. the bishops, to some he applieth two horns, ion.
and to some four, to the patriarchs one ; whom he noteth to be the
tower of the said whore Babylonical.'
Hereunto may be added the saying out of the book of Jornandus,^
imprinted with the aforesaid Dante ; that forsomuch as Antichrist
cometh not before the destruction of the empire, therefore such as go AisoAnti
about to have the empire extinct, are in so doing forerunners and '^'"''^'•
messengers of Antichrist. " Therefore let the Romans," saith he. An admo-
" and their bishops beware, lest, their sins and wickedness so deserv- thelio-"
ing, by the just judgment of God the priesthood be taken from ™^"'-
them. Furthermore, let also the prelates and princes of Germany
take heed," &c.'
And because our adversaries, who object unto us the newness of
our doctrine, shall see the cause and form of this religion now
received not to have been either such a new thing now, or a thing
so strange in times past, I will add to these above recited Master
John Tauler, a preacher at Strasburg, in Germany, a.d. 1350;Tauier
who, contrary to the pope's proceedings, taught openly against human 'l''"''
merits, and against the invocation of saints, and preached sincerely of
our free justification by grace, referring all man's trust only to the
mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition.*
With whom also may be adjoined Francis Petrarch, a writer of Francis-
the same age, who in his works and his Italian metre, speaking of^^arci.t.
the court of Rome, calleth it Babylon, and the whore of Babylon
sitting on the waters, the mother of idolatry and fornication, the Rome the
spouse of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of treachery, growing ^"dI'c"ooi
rich and powerful by the oppressing of others ; and saith further, that of error,
she (meaning the pope's court) extolleth herself against her founders,
that is, the emperors who first set her up, and did so enrich her ; and
(1) Ex libiis Dantis Italice. [niyricns. cols. 17G3, irci, 1767.]
(2) " De translatione imperii." Goldasti de Mon. torn, ii., p. H62.— Ed.
(3) lUyricus, ibidem.— Ed. (-1) Ibidem.
Z Z 2
of Ger-
many.
70S rCEKJTl'.XTIAUIUS ASINI.
Edward secmeth plainly to Imvc tlion^'lit that the pope was Antichrist; and
^"' he often declared thai no ^M-ealcr evil could happen to any man, than
A.D. to be made pope. This Petrarch was about a.d. 1350.'
1330 ^j^j jf j^jiDp \vould serve us to seek out old histories, ue should
1360 ^"^^^ |)lenty of faithful witnesses, of old and ancient time, to give
witness with us against the pope, besides the others above rehearsed :
cnst into
prison.
Johannes as Johanncs de Rupe-Scissa, a.d. 1340; who, for rebuking the spiri-
sdssa'" tualty for their great enormities and for neglecting their office and
duty, was cast into prison. Illyricus, a writer in our days, testifieth
that lie found and read in an old pamphlet, that the said Johannes
The asserted the church of Rome to be the whore of Babylon, and the
^'"^p''",h[. pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the cardinals to be
»ii..reor iiilsc prophets. Being in prison, he wrote a book of prophecies,
bearing the title, ' Vade meeum in tribulatione : ' in which book
(which also I have seen) he prophesied affliction and tribulation to
liang over the spiritualty, and plainly foreshowed, that God would
purge the clergy, and have priests that would be poor and godly,
and that should faithfully feed the Lord's flock ; moreover, that the
goods of the church should return again to the laymen. He had pro-
phesied also (as he himself saith in the same book), that the French
king and his army should have an overthrow ; which likewise had come
to pass during the time of his imprisonment. Of this Johannes de
Rupe writeth Froysart about his time, and also Wickliff; of whose
prophecies much more may be said at more leisure, Christ willing,
liereafter.'^
About the same year (a.d. 1340) in the city of Wurtzburg lived
one named Master Conrad Hager; who, as appeareth by some old bulls
and registers of Olho, bishop of the said city, confessed to have thought
and taught, for the space of twenty-four years together, the mass to
The mass be uo manner of sacrifice, neither that it profiteth any man either
iio^sacn- fjjjj^.]^ Qj. jpad, and that it ought to be abolished ; and that the money
left by the d}ing for masses was veiy robbery and sacrilege of priests,
which they wickedly did intercept and take away from the poor; and
he said, moreover, that if he had a stove full of gold and silver, he
(v.iirad would not givc one farthing for any mass. For this doctrine this
c'llTinto good preacher was condemned and shut up in prison ; what afterwards
prison, became of him we do not find.'
There is among other old and ancient records of antiquity belong-
ing to this present time a certain monument in verses poetically
compiled, but not without a certain moral, intituled, ' Poeniteniiarius
Asini,' 'The Ass's Confessor,'' bearing the date, ' Completus,
A.D. IS-iS."" In this treatise are brought forth the wolf, the fox, and
the ass, coming to shrift and doing penance. First, the wolf con-
fesseth him to the fox, who easily doth absolve him from all his faults,
The pope ^^^ ^^^^ excuseth him in the same. In like manner the wolf, hearing
ri[i''uai ^^^ ^^^'^ shrift, showeth to him the like favour in return. After this
tvconfe- Cometh the ass to confession, whose fault was this; that he, being
aKaintt '^"."ffry^ ^ook a straw out from the sheaf of one that went in pere-
ti.eiaiiy. grination unto Rome. The ass, although repenting of this fact, yet,
(1) Vide epistolam vigesimam I'rancisci PetrarchcC. [Illyricus, col. 1769.— Ed.]
(2) Illyricus, col. irs.5. See iiifrA, p. 711, 717.— Ed.
(3) Ex l)ullis quibusdam Othoiiis Ejiis. Herbipolensis. llllyricus, col. 177j.— Ec]
MICHAEL CKSENAS AXU PETRIJS DK COUBAUIA CONDEMNKD. TOI)
because lie tliouglit it not so heinous as the faults of the other, the Edwant
more he hoped for his absolution. But what followed ? After the !_
silly ass had uttered his crime in auricular confession, immediately A. I);
the discipline of the law was executed upon him with all severity ; ^-^"^'^
neither was he judged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended ^^qq
upon the same, slain, and devoured. Whosoever was the author of this -
fabulous tale, he had a mystical understanding in the same, for by
the wolf no doubt was meant the pope ; but the fox represented the
prelates, courtesans,^ priests, and the rest of the spiritualty. Of the
spiritualty the lord pope is soon absoylcd ; as, contrary, the pope doth
soon absoyle them in like manner. By the ass is meant the poor
luity, upon whose back the strait censure of the law is sharply exe-
cuted ; especially when the German emperors come under the pope's
inquisition, to be examined by his discipline, there is no absolution The pope
nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in "e'^'iJ'p^..
these stories may partly appear before. And though the matter be not .'■'"■ ='"'^
the weight of a straw, yet what suith the holy father, the wolf, if it abses.
please him to make any matter of it ? —
" Immensum scelus est injuria quain peregrino
Fecisti, sti-amen subripicndo sibi.
Non advertisti quod pliira pericula passus,
Plurima passurus, quod peregrinus erat.
Non advertisti, quod ei per maxima terras
Et pelagi spatia sit peragranda via.
Non advertisti sanctos, nee limiiia sancta,
Sanctorum sanctam sed nee Hieiusalem.
Es fur, ignoto ctun feceris hoc peregrino,
Scis bene fur quali debet honore mori.
Ctim sis confessiis, ciXm sis convictus, habesne
Quo tales noxas occuluisse queas ?
(Ille retransivit eadem loca, tarn violeutuni
Ex inopinato sensit adesse malum. )^
De papa taceo, cnjus protectio talem
Conduxit, cnjus tu vilipendis opem.
Totius ecclesiae fuerit ciim nunclus iste,
Pertulit abstracto gramine damna vise." &c.
And thus they, aggravating and exaggerating the fault to the
uttermost, fly upon the poor ass and devour him. By the which
apology, the tyrannical and fraudulent practices of these spiritual
Romanists are lively described.^
Not long after these above rehearsed (about a.d. 1350) Gerard
Ridder wrote also against the monks and friars a book intitided,
' Lacrymae Ecclesise :' wherein he disputetli against the aforesaid religious
orders, namely, against the begging friars ; proving that kind of life
to be far from christian perfection, for that it is against charity to live
upon others, when a man may live by his own labours ; and he
affirmeth them to be hypocrites, and filthy livers, and such as for man's
favour and for lucre' sake do mix with true divinity apocryphal fables
and dreams of vanity. Also that they, under pretence of long prayer,
devour widows' houses, and with their confessions, sermons, and
burials, do trouble the church of Christ manifold ways. And there-
fore persuadeth he the prelates to bridle and keep short the inordinate
license and abuses of these monastical persons, &c.*
(1) " Curtesani," Expectants, "qui in curia papffi versantur." Ducange. See p. 7G7, line2. — Ed.
(2) This couplet describes the ass's -nalking backwards and forwards through agitation. — Ed.
(3) lUyiicus, col. nw.— Ed. (4) lb. col. 1785.— Ed.
'10
Edward
III.
A.I).
1330
to
13C0.
Mirhacl
Ceseiias,
and Pe-
trun lie
Curbaria,
condemn-
ed by
tlie pope.
Opinion
of .Ml-
cliael
against
the poi)c.
Michael
deprived
and con-
deiiinetl.
Mar'yrs
Juliiinnej
de Casti-
lione,
Fnin-
ciscus dc
Arcatara,
burned.
Jiihanni
de
Poliaco.
New Col-
Ic^/e in
Oxford
founded.
A xr.MnF.K OF MAI{TY|{S BURXKI).
I liavc as yet made no mention of Micliael Cesenas, general of
the Grey-friars, nor of l'ctru.s dc Corbaria, of whom writeth Anto-
ninus ' in quarta parte Sunimae.*' They were condemned in the
E.xtravagants of pope John XXII., with Bonagratia, Ocham, and
others.' Their opinions, as saith Antoninus, were these : that
Peter the apostle was no more the head of the cliurcli, than the
otlicr apostles ; that Christ left no vicar behind him or head in his
church; and that the pope hath no such authority to correct and
punish, to institute or depose the emperor: Item, That all priests, of
what degree soever, are of equal authority, power, and jurisdiction,
by the institution of Christ ; but that by the institution of the emperor,
the pope is superior, which s\ipremacy by the same emperor also may
be revoked again : Item, That neither the pope, nor yet the whole
church, may punish any man ' punitione coactiva,' that is, by extern
coaction, unless they receive license of the emperor. This aforesaid
Michael, general of the Grey-friars, wrote against the tyranny, pride,
and primacy of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist, and the church
of Rome to be the whore of Babylon, drunk with the blood of saints.
He said there were two churches ; one of the wicked, flourishing,
wherein reigned the pope ; the other of the godly, afflicted : Item,
that the verity was almost utterly extinct : and for this cause he was
deprived of his dignity, and condemned of the pope. Notwithstand-
ing, he stood constant in his o))inions. This Michael was about
A.D. 1322, and left behind him many fautors and followers of his
doctrine, of whom a great ])art were slain by the pope ; some were
condeuincd, as William Ockam ; some were burned, as Johannes de
Ca.stilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara.^
Besides these, was condemned in the Extravagant ' Vas electionis'^
Johannes de Poliaco, whose assertions were these : That the pope
could not give license to hear confessions to whom he would, but
that every one ought to confess to the pastor of his parish : Item,
that pastors and bishops had their authority immediately from Christ
and his apostles and discijiles, and not from the pope : Item, That
the constitution of pope Benedict XI. "Inter cunctas,''* wherein he
granteth larger privileges to the friars against the pastors, was no
declaration of the law, but a subversion : and for this he was by the
said friars and the pope oppressed, about a.d. 1322.
After Simon Mepham, archbishop of Canterbury before mentioned,
who lived not long, succeeded John Stratford. After whom came John
OfFord, who lived but ten months ; in whose room succeeded Thomas
Bradwardin, and remained but two months, a.d. 1349 ; and after him
Simon Islip was made archbishop of Canterbury by pope Clement VI.,
who sat sixteen years, and built Canterbury college in Oxford. After
which Simon Islip succeeded the bishop of Ely, named Simon Langham,
who within two years was made cardinal. In whose stead pojjc Urban V.
ordained William Wittlesey, bishop of Worcester, to be archbishop
of Canterbury, a.d. 1 368. In the same year,' William AViekham was
elected bishop of Winchester, who founded the New College in Oxford.
Again, in the order of the popes, next unto pojjc Clement VI.
before mentioned, about the same time (a.d. 13r;2), succeeded pope
(I) See Appendix..— Ed. (2) ni)Ticus, col. 17M.— Ed.
(,<) In hxtravap. .Toan. 22. [Exfrav. Commun. lib. v. tit. 3. UlyricuR, col. 1794.]
(4) Extrav. Commun. lib. v. tit. 7.— Ed. /5) Kather a.d. 1367 ; sec Richardi^on's Godwin.-Eu
UOCHTAYLADA, WITH ANOTIIKR FUIAR, IMARTVKS. 711
Innocent VI. ; in the first year of which pope two friars Minors or Edward
Jii.
Franciscans were burned at Avignon, " pro opinionibus," as mine
author saitli, " erroneis, prout D. Papcc et ejus cardinalibus vidcbatur," A. D.
that is, " for certain opinions (as seemed to the pope and his cardinals) ^"^■^'*
erroneous." ' Of tlie which two friars I find in the history of Petrus j3qq
Premonstratensis (cited in John l^ale's " Acta Rom. Pontificum "") _
tliat the one was named Johannes Rochtaylada, or rather (as I find Francis-
liis name cited by Illyricus in his " Catalog. Testium," out of the [Ju"nedat
Chronicle of Henry of Herford) Hayabalus ; who being (as that Avignon,
writer recordeth) a friar ^Minorite, began first in the time of pope
Clement VI. (a.d. 1345) to preach and affirm openly, that lie was
by God commanded to preach, that the church of Rome was the The
whore of Babylon, and that the pope and his cardinals were very Kom'eVe-
Antichrists ; and that popes Benedict and John, his predecessors, ^^=i[^^ '-^
were damned; with many other such like things, tending much whore of
against the pope's tyrannical majesty ; and that the aforesaid Hayab- by (Ld'l
alus being brought before the pope's face constantly did stand in the [fj,f^"
same, saying, that he was commanded by God in a vision so to say,
and that he would still preach the same if he might. To whom it
was then objected, that he had some heretical books, and so he was
committed to prison for life. In the time of his accusation, and just Rochtay-
as he was charging the pope with injustice, it happened that a certain Ifnlft'her"^
priest, coming before the pope, cast the pope's bull down before his ^"^'■■
feet, saying : " Lo here, take your bull unto you, for it doth me no a priest,'
good at all. I have been begging and praying here now these three [j!^'i^g"
years withal, and yet notwithstanding, for all this your bull, I cannot pope's
get my rights restored." The pope hearing this, and stung at this fo"re the
confirmation of the friar"'s charge, commanded the poor priest to be J'J'Jj^^
scourged, and after to be laid in prison with the aforesaid friar, scourged,
What became of them afterwards the aforesaid writer, Henry of prison,
Herford, maketh no mention ;^ but I may probably conjecture that burned*:!!
this priest and this friar Rochtaylada (or rather Hayabalus) were ^^^sn
the two, whom mine author, Thomas Walsingham, writeth to be
burned at tliis time in Avignon, about the first beginning of this pope
Innocent VI.^ Of this Rochtaylada I thought good here to infer
the testimony and mention of John Froysard,* w^ritten of him in his
first volume, chap. 211, in these words : —
There was, saith Froysard, in the city of Avignon, a friar minor called Jolin
dela Roche Taillade [Anglice, Cutcliffe], fuUof great clergy,* the which friar pope
Innocent VI. held in prison in the castle of Baignour, for showing of many
marvels about to come (as he said), principally on the prelates and chief men
of the church, on account of the great luxury and ambition to which they were
addicted ; and he also foretold many things as about to full on the realm of
France, and of the more powerful princes of Christendom, for the miserable op-
pression that they did to the poor common people. This friar said, he would
prove all his sayings by the authority of the Apocalypse, and by the ancient books
of the hol\' prophets, the which were opened to him by the grace of the Holy
Ghost : so that he showed many things hard to believe. And sure enough,
many remarkable things afterwards befel as he had said. Nor yet did he say
them as a prophet, but he showed them by authority of ancient Scriptures and
by the grace of the Holy Ghost, who gave him understanding to expound all tlie
ancient prophecies, and to show to all christian people the years and times
when such things should fall. He made divers books founded on great sciences
(1) Ex Cliron. W'als.
(2) Ex Chron. Henrici de Herfordia [cited by niyricue, col. 1720. — Ed.]
\i) Soe Appendix. (4) Ex Johanne Froysardo, vol. i cap. ^cxL
(5) "Praeditus ingenio et eruditione siimmH." Illyricus. — Ed.
on.
354.
712 VAUIAXCi: IIF.TWF.KX THE FKIAKS AKD Paia,ATK.S AT PARIS.
French and clergy,' wlurcofonc was made a. d. 131fi, wherein were written such marvels,
Jli'lory- that it were hard to believe them ; howbcit we have seen many of them come to
« rv pass. And when he was interrogated concerning the war of Knglaiid against
].,',.,■ France, he said that all that had been seen was nothing to that should be seen
— — — '— after ; for that the war in Trance siiould not be ended, till the realm were utterly
wasted and exiled in every jjart. All which was afterwards seen so to befal, for
the noble realm of France was afllictcd and prostrated by every kind of nns-
fortune, and specially in the term that the said friar had said, which was in \'M)G,
and the three years following.^ He said that in those years the princes and
gentlemen of the realm should not, for fear, show themselves against the people
of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or captain ; and they
should do as they list in the realm of France : the which fell after, as ye have
heard, how the companions assembled them together, and by reason of their
robbery and pillage waxed rich, and became great captains.
conten- About tlic saiiic tiiiic' happened in France a certain contention
Friuicc between tlic French prelates and the friars of Paris, testified and
tht-Tre" recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis ; the brief eifect of which story
lates and is this. Thc prclatcs of France con venting together in tlie city of Paris,
A.D.iyi*. after long deliberation among themselves, caused by the beadles to
be called together all the masters, bachelors, and students of every
faculty, with the chief friars also of all the religious orders, in the hall
of the bishop of Paris : who all there congregated together on the
morrow, being St. Nicholas' day ; where there were present four
archbishops, and twenty bishops. First stood up the archbishop
of Pourges,* who there made a sermon concerning charity, taking for
Scrnion his thcmc tlic placc of St. Paul (Eph. iii. IT — 19), " Ut sciatis quae
uiTfrlars, sit longitudo, latitudo, altitudo, et profunditas charitatis," &c. and
anTFran- coucludcd tlicrcupon, fiist, that true charity compelled them to provide
tiscan. for tlic flock Committed to them ; secondly, that the vigour of charity
armed them to withstand errors ; thirdly, he concluded, that by duty
of charity they were bound to give their lives, if needs be, for the
souls of the flock committed to their charge ; fourthly, that by the
same charity every man ought to be content with his own, and not to
intermeddle with another's office. " For there," saith he, " all
ecclesiastical order is confounded, unless men contain themselves in
their own precincts. But alas ! this charity," saith he, " now-a-davs
is waxed cold, and all ecclesiastical order is utterly confounded. For
many there be, who now-a-days presume to thrust in their sickle into
another man's harvest ; so that now the church may be called a
monster. For as in a natural body it is deemed a monster, when
one member docth the office of another ; so is it in the spiritual body,
which is the church, when our learned and wise brethren, to wit thc
friars Major and Minor, do take upon them the office specially com-
mitted to us, doing unrighteously therein, seeing none ought to take
upon him any office, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as
Aaron was. Whereas, then, we have oftentimes procured thc said
friars, both by the king himself in his own person, and also by other
great men, to be requested to surcease from doing our office ; and yet
they have not; but against our wills preach and hear confessions all
about our dioceses, saying, that they have the pope's privileges to
bear them out therein : — for this cause we who are here present,
having also the proxies of all our absent brother-bishops of the king-
(1) " Magnft doctrina bene fundatos." — Ed.
(2) This seems to be tlie prophecy in Browne's Appendix to the Fasciculus. See Appendix.— Eu.
(.S) Ex scriptu Godfri. de Foulaiiis. [lllyricus, lol. 1721. Foxc ]«)st-dat»s tliis dispute by many
years: see Aiipendix.— Ei>.J (1) Siuioii >ii; Hiaulieu, abp. a.d. 1J81— 12U7. Sec Ai'pemlix.— Ed.
VARIANCE BETWEEN THE FRTAUS AND PRELATES AT PARIS. 713
dom of France, are come to complain to you of this so great inso- French
lence of the friars : for that as we arc, so you shall be : for I believe "'°'^^'
there is not a prelate among us to-day who was not taken from A. I).
this university.' We have requested, moreover, and have caused to _l^-_
be requested of the said friars, that they would send their said privi-
leges to the see apostolic, to be more clearly interpreted by the lord
pope: which in like manner they have refused to do. Wherefore, to
the intent you may the better understand and sec what right their
privileges really give them, we have resolved that they shall be here
openly read to you."
Then stood up another in the public tribune, and there read the constitu
privileges, and afterwards read also the constitution of pope Innocent poiie°in-
III., written in the fifth book of the Decretals, and beginning, "Omnis ""''^"'
utriusque sexus," &c. ; which constitution Avas contradictory to the
aforesaid privileges, as he there showed, declaring how both the said
privileges were derogatory to that constitution.
This done, up rose the bishop of Amiens,' a very great jurist, who By the
running from article to article, there clearly proved by good law, that constitu
the said constitution might in no respect be infringed by the said pri- »io''.f'iara
vilcges, and that it Avas not lawful for the friars to intrude themselves preach in
in hearing confessions and in enjoining penances, without the special without'
license of the bishop of the diocese and curate of the parish : unto fP'^'^'^'
n • 1 • 1-1 lAi license of
whom never a friar at that tune answered a single word. And so them to
tiie bishop proceeding to his conclusion, begged the university to ^hurdi '^
deign to assist them in that case, for that they had all unanimously ''eio'ig'^'i-
determined (said he) to resist such injury even unto blood. — This
haj^pened on a Saturday, the sixth day of December, which they
dedicate to St. Nicholas.
The next day (being a Sunday), one of the order of the Minorites,
or Franciscans, made a sermon at the church of the Majorites or Preacln
ing friars (a thing which I believe was never before seen, the one order
to come and resort to the other), and finishing his subject in a few words, xhefriarp'
he began to speak of the aforesaid matter, and in reply expounded agalLt
in order every article as well as he could for the better ; adding, f^^^^'^'
moreover, that had they wished, they might lawfully have gone much
further in the use of their privileges. And he said moreover, that
what time the said privileges were in obtaining at Rome, the bishop
of Amiens was there present himself, and resisted the same with all
his might ; yea all the prelates of France sent and wrote up to the
court against the same, and yet did not prevail. For when the friars
there explained to the pope in what manner and how far they had
used their privileges, the pope said " Placet,"" that is, " I am satis-
fied.'" " And now," saith he, " the prelates again wish and require
us to send up our privileges to the Roman court, as if to solicit them
again ; which would be great folly in us, for so we should be giving
place and occasion for revoking the authority which is so given us
already. Furthermore, our Master is just dead, and the Master of
the Dominic friars is not now present. AVherefore, we dare not
determine for the whole order in such a weighty cause, without their
presence. And therefore we beg you to hold us therein excused, and
not to be so lightly stirred against us, for that we are not members
of any university," &c.
(\) See Appendii, (2) (JuiUcauiiie de Mav'oii, bp- -i.d. i'm — 1308. Si^e Appendix.— Ed.
714 TirK I-IMAKS IMIOVKI) I.IARS.
Fremh The next (lav, being tlic oightli of tlic same raontli, which is dcdi-
ihitory^ cateil to the conception of St. Mary, the feast was kept at the friars
A. n. Minors, when, hchoUl ! one of the Dominic friars preached in the
^^^^- clmrcli of the Franciscan or Grey-fi'iars, a sermon, tending to tlie
Herod same end a*? the other. And doubtless the Scripture was there
made""' fulfilled which saith, " On that day Ilerod and Pilate were made
friends in i- • i . „„(I,„., "
crucifying iricnds togctlicr.
of Christ. jyjot, ]ong aftcr, on tlie vigil of the feast of St. Thomas, all the uni-
^ennon' vcrsitv wcrc again warned to congregate together on the morrow (being
nRainst ^ Sundav) iu the churcli of St. IJeruard at the sermon lime.' Which
tlie fnars. , . .■ ' i , , . . „ , . . ,
bemg done, a sermon was made by a divmc oi the university, who
took for his theme, " Prope est Dominus omnibus invocantibus eum
in verilate," &c. ; wherein, with many words and authorities he cen-
sured generally those who would not be obedient unto their superiors
Bishop of and prelates, &c. The sermon being ended, then rose up again the
i)i™eri-* bislio]) of Amiens (the only other prelate there being the archbi.shop
tate.etc. ^f Jilicims), who, going on with the same theme, dwelt on the word
" veritate,^' dividing verity into three parts, according to the verses
often inserted in the common gloss of the Decretals : —
" Est verum vitae, doctrinae, justitiaeque :
Primum semper babe ; duo propter scandala linquc :"
showing and declaring by many authorities, both in theology, and
the canons, and the laws, and by plain fiicts, that the friars first had
Verity no veritv of life, because they were plainly convicted of hypocrisy ;
hMhree'' neither liad they verity of doctrine, because they carried gall in their
parts. lieart, and honey on their tongue ; neither verity of justice, because
they usurped other men''s offices. And in conclusion, he caused the
said privileges again to be read, with the said constitution," Omnis
utriusque scxus." And so, comparing sentence with sentence, he clearly
showed that the said constitution in no part was made void or
infringed by the privileges aforesaid. He added, moreover, that
" whereas the friars say," said he, " that I was present in the obtain-
ing of the privileges, I grant it to be true ; and when word came to
me thrice thereof, I went to the pope reclaiming and begging the saiil
privileges might be revoked ; but the next day after I was sent bv
the lord pope to a distant part upon weighty affairs, so that he did
not wish then to make up the matter. After that, we sent also our
messengers for the same objeet to the court of Rome, whom the friars
The friars asscrt uot to havc prevailed, but they lie therein ; for the said mes-
wura lie. scugcrs brouglit back letters sealed with the seals of the chief of the
court of Rome (which letters we have often presented to our lord the
king, and will shortly show them to you all), in the which letter the
lord pope hath promised us either wholly to revoke the said ])rivileges,
or else more clearly to explain them by an interpretation, which we
trust shortly to have from the pope in a public bull."^
ThefHars- At last, the Said bishop requested all there present, of what
confuted' nation soever they were, to copy out the aforesaid privileges, and send
in dispu- tliem to their respective countries, that all men might see what was
fation at ,, iiip- ^ o -i ••! mi
Varis. really conceded to the friars by the aforesaid privileges. J he matter
was afterward brought into open disjMitntion l)v Master friar Gilles,
of the Augustine order, who is esteemed altogether the best person in
(1) Sec Appendix.
(2) 'I'liis Imll was (.'ranted by pope M.%ftin IV., Jan. lOth, 1282 : Labbc, t);u. xi. col. 1113. Ed.
SICDITIOUS COMMOTION AT OXrORD. 715
fill Paris ; who gave it as his tletcrniination, that the prelates had by iciwnr.i
far the best of tlic argument. Godfridus saith that he had not vet got "''
a copy of this determination, on account of the recency of the alluir. A.D.
Concerjiing this vrangling contention between tlie university and ^•'•'l
friars of France here before mentioned, whereof partly the original , '"
cause may be understood, by that which hath been said, to arise upon ~ — '—
certain privileges granted by poj)es to the friars, to intei-meddle m
matters of parish churches ; as to hear confessions, to preach and
teach, ^vith power thereunto annexed to gather for their labour, to
bury within their houses, and to receive impropriations, &c., because
it were too long here to describe the full circumstances thereof, also
because the said contention did not only endure a long time in France,
but also came over into England ; the whole discourse thereof more
amply (Christ willing) shall be declared in the beginning of the next
book, when w^e come to the story of Armachanus.
About the time and year that this brawd was in the university of seditious
Paris between the friars and prelates there, as hath been declared, the t"^™,)"."
like contention happened also in the miiversity of Oxford in the year tweenthc
above prefixed (a.d. 1354), save only that the strife among the men ana
masters of Paris, as it rose upon friarly ceremonies, so it went no oroxfJiM.
further than brawling words and matter of excommunication ; but this
tumult, rising out of a drunken cause, proceeded further unto bloody-
stripes. The first origin of it began in a tavern, between a scholar
and the good man of the house ; ^vho, falling together into alter-
cation, grew' to such height of words, that the student (contra jus
hospitii) poured the wine upon the head of the host, and brake his
head with the quart pot. Upon this occasion given, eftsoons parts
began to be taken between the townsmen and the scholars, insomuch
that a grievous sedition and conflict followed upon the same ; wherein
many of the townsmen were wounded, and to the number of twenty
slain ; and divers of the scholars also Avere grievously hurt. For the
space of two days this hurly-burly continued. On the second day proces-
certain religious and devout persons ordained a solemn procession peaJ.e'"^
general, to pray for peace ; yet, notwithstanding, all that procession, ^*9>|';'
holy as it was, would not bring peace. In the which procession, the peact.
skirmish still waxing hot, one of the students, being hardly pursued
by the tow-nsmen, for succour in his flight came running to the priest
or fi-iar, who carried about, as the manner was, the ])ix ; thinking to find
refuge at the presence of the transubstantiated God of the altar there
carriedand imboxed. Notwithstanding, the god beingnot there present,
or else not seeing him, or else peradventure being asleep, the scholar
found there small help ; for the townsmen, in the heat of the chase, xransub-
forgetting belike the virtue of the pope''s transubstantiation, followed uon \Tiii
him so hard, that in the presence of the pix thev brake his head, and jiot help
111- • 1 mi • 1 11* intiiuL'of
wouncleu lum grievously. I his done, at length some peace or truce neca.
for that day was taken. On the morrow, other townsmen in the
villages about, joining with the townsmen of Oxford, confederated
together in great force and power to set upon the students there, and
so did, having a black flag borne before them, and so invaded the
university men ; whereupon the scholars, being overmatched, and conquest
compelled to flee into their halls and hostels, were so pursued by scholars
their enemies, that twenty of the doors of their halls and chambers oWxfurd.
'; 1 i; THIC I'XlVKltSlTV JjlSSOI.VKn FOR A TIMF..
Kdirard wcTc biokLii o]K'u, .'111(1 iiiaiiy of tlicm wounded, and. as it is said,
'^' slain and lliiuwii into tlie drauijlits ; their books willi knives and bills
A.D. cut all in piotrs, and much of their goods earned away. And thus the
^^62. ytudenls of that university, being conquered by the townsmen of
Tiic uni- Oxford, ami of the country about, departed and left the vmivcrsity,
»roxf»r<i so that for a time the schools there, and all school acts, did utterly
dihsoivid cease from all exercise of study, except only Merton college-hall,
time. with a few others remaining behind.
This being done the twelfth day of February, the queen at the
same time being at Woodstock was brought to bed, and purified on
the first Sunday in Lent witli gi'cat solemnity of justing.^ About
which time the bishop of Lincoln, their diocesan, hearing of this
excessive outrage, sendeth his inhibition to all parsons and priests,
forbidtling them throughout all Oxford, to celebrate mass or any
The town diviiic scrvicc in the presence of any lay person within the said town
i'nt?r^/"^'* *^*^ Oxford, interdicting withal the whole town ; which interdiction
dieted, endured the«space of a whole year and more.
The king also sent thither his justices to examine and inquire
into the matter, before whom divers of the laymen and clergy were
indicted, and four of the chief burgesses of the said town were
inilicted, and by the king''s commandment sent to the Tower of
London, and were there imprisoned. At length, through much
labour of the nobles, the king so took up the matter, that sending
his writings unto all sheriffs in England, he offered pardon to all and
singular the students of that university, wheresoever dispersed, for
that transgression; whereby the university in a short time was replc-
Assi/eof nislied again as before. Moreover, it was granted to the vice-ehan-
aie'pla,',"! cellor or commissary, as they term him, of the town and university
ed to the (,f Oxford, to havc the assize of bread, ale, wine, and all other
com 111 1 3 ' / /
tary of victuals ; the mayor of the said town being excluded. Also it was
Oxford. y.j..^j^^(>j jjj^j decreed, that the commons of Oxford should give to the
university of Oxford two hundred pounds sterling, in part of satis-
faction for their excesses ; there being reserved, notwithstanding, to
every one of the students his several action against any several person
of the townsmen, &c.
About A.D. 1354, the king, with the consent of his council, called
home again out of Flanders the staple of wool, with all things there-
unto api)ertaining, and established the same in sundry places within
the realm, namely, in Westminster, Canterbury, Chichester, Bristol,
Lincoln, and Hull ; which staple, after a.d. 1362, was translated over
to Calais.
Of Simon Islip, archbishop of Canterbury, mentioned a little before,
page 710, I read in the said author above specified, that he, by his
letters patent, directed to all parsons and vicars witliin his province,
Nottoab- straightly charged them and their parishioners, under pain of excom-
fJombo- niunication, not to abstain from bodily labour upon certain saints'
bour^ days, which before were wont to be hallowed and consecrated to
upon ccr- unthrifty idleness. Item, that to priests should be given no more
days.'"^ ft^r tlicir yearly stipend, but three pounds, six shillings, and eight
A Pariia- pcncc, which uiadc divers of them to rob and steal, &c. a.d. 13(52.
'"'"" In the year follow ing, king Edward kept his parliament at London
(1) " Great solemnity of jiutiug ' (or jousting), a magnificent tournament. — Ed
THE rOPE EXCOMMUNICATES DEAD MICN. 717
in the montli of October ; wherein it was prohibited that either gokl Edward
or silver should be worn in knives, girdles, brooches, rings, or in any '-
other ornament belonging to the body, except the wearer might A.D.
dispend ten pounds a year. Item, 'I'liat none should wear either
silks or costly furs, except such as might di^^pcnd one hundred pounds
a year. Also that merchant adventurers should not export any
merchandise out of the realm, or seek for wines in other countries ;
whereby other nations should be constrained rather to seek to us, &c.
But none of this did take any great effect.
After this Simon Islip, as is above recorded, followed Simon
Langham, then William Wittlcscy ; after whom next in place suc-
ceeded Simon Sudbury.
Much about the same time the nuns of St. Bridget's order first Nuns of
began ; about which time also was builded Queen's College in get's'"'''
Oxford, by queen Philippa of England, wnfe to king Edward III., <'^'^'^'■•
about A.D. 1360.
Moreover, in the time of pope Innocent VI., friar John Lylc,
bishop of Ely, moved with certain injuries, as he thought, done to
him by the lady Blanch Wake, made his complaint to the pope; who, Thisiuiy
sending down his curse to the bishop of Lincoln and other prelates, ^a*'"^
to be executed upon the adversaries of the bishop of Ely, commanded ^f "pf'^^y,
them, that if they did know any of the said adversaries dead and ^^J^°^^^_
buried, that notwithstanding, they should cause the same to be taken ter.
up : which also they performed accordingly, of whom some had been Dead .
of the king's council ; wherefore the king being displeased, and not ^romu-
unworthily, did again trouble and molest the said prelates. This "j^ate^d
coming to the pope's hearing, certain were directed down from the pope.
court of Rome, in behalf of the aforesaid bishop of Ely ; who,
meeting with the bishop of Rochester, the king's treasurer, delivered
unto him, being armed, letters from the bishop of Rome, the tenor
whereof was not known. This done, they incontinently voided
away, but certain of the king's servants pursuing did overtake them ;
of Avhom some they imprisoned, some they brought to the justices, The _
and so they were condemned to be hanged. Herein may appear mTscn-
what reverence the pope's letters in this king's days, had in this realm \^2ge^.
of England.' This pope Innocent ordained the feast of the Holy me feast
Spear, and of the Holy Nails. spearaud
And here, to make an end of this Fourth Book, now remaineth, "[^t^^e
after our order and custom before begun, to prosecute the race of Nails,
the archbishops of Canterbury, in this aforesaid Fourth Book con-
tained ; begmning where before we left ofF.'^ at Lanfranc.
A TABLE OF THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY IN THK
FOURTH BOOK CONTAINED.
84. Lanfranc was archbishop of Canterbury for nineteen years.
Polydore Virgil, lib. 9, numbereth this Lanfranc to be the thirty-third
archbishop ; but by the account of other authors, namely, by the
chronicle of the monk of Dover, he seemeth to be deceived ; as he
was in the twenty-eight years of Dunstan, who indeed did sit but
nineteen or twenty at the most. This error of Polydore seemeth to
(1) Ex Cluo. Walsing. '2) Page 104.
*«|g TABLK OF Till" A lU HltlsHOrs OK CAXTERCL'RY
>M,«,rJ come l)V leavin- out cither Elsius, who w:vs the twenty-third, or hv
^" leaving 'out ElVric, who was the twenty-sixth, as in some authors
A.D. I find. .
1360. Moreover, here is to be noted, tliat althougli the said Eltric were
left out, yet LaniVanc cannot be the thirty-third.
Note also, that in the ])revious table of the third book, after Siri-
cius. von must put in St. Alured, whom, in the order of archbishops,
I left' out in tiie end of the third booh, page 104.
This Lanfranc was an Italian, and a stout champion of the pope.
After his stubborn dissension ^vith Thomas, archliishop of York, he
wrote airainst Berengarius, entitling his book ' Opus Scintillarum,'
]iage 114. /-< 1
Also the same Lanfranc buildcd the new church at Canterbury,
and })lucked down the old. By him was builded the church of St.
Grefforv. At length he was expelled by king William Rufus.
35. "Ansclm, for twenty years. Of this Anselm, and the strife
betAveen him and the king, look in page 1 44.
36. Kadulph for eight years. tJnder Radulph the order of Cis-
tercians began.
37. William Curboil, for thirteen years. By this William the new
work of the church of St. Martin's, at Dover, was built.
38. Theobald, for twenty-four years. By this Theobald monks
were first brought into the church of Dover. He was expelled by
king Stephen. In his time the church of St. Gregory at Canterburv
was burned.
39. Thomas Becket, for nine years. For the life and death of this
Becket, see page 196.'
40. Richard, for ten years. This Richard was a monk In his
time Christ's Church, at Canterbury, was burned.
41. Baldwin, for seven years. Between this Baldwin and the monks
was great discord. He suspended the prior from his priorship, and
two and twenty monks from all service. He caused the sub-prior,
with all his adlierents, to be excommunicated through all Kent.
42. Hubert, for fourteen years. In the time of tliis Hubert the
chapel of Lambeth was plucked down. Also the churcli of Dover
was burned.
43. Stephen Langton, for twenty-two years. This Stephen, with
the monks of Canterbury, was expelled by king John.
This Stephen, intending to give orders in the chapel of Lambeth,
Avas stopped by the monks of Canterbury, through their appeal and
prohibition. Wherefore he required Eustace, bishop of London, to
minister the same orders in the church of St. Paul.
In his time fell great variance between the monks of Rochester
and the monks of Canterbury, for the election of their bishop, which
election the monks of Canterbury would not admit before the Ro-
chester monks had presented the bishop's staff in the church of
Canterbury ; so that both the churches sent their messengers to the
court of Rome.
44. Riehardus Magnus, for four years. At the consecration of
(1) Ex Crickcladcn«i; Magnates in Anp:lia interdixerant, ne quis Martyrem Tliomain nominaret,
ne quis ejus luiracula prailicaret, interniinantes minas mortis seu maxiniarum poenarum omnibus
coiifitcntibus cum fuisse Martyrem, ct niiracula ejus prasdicantibus, &c
CONTAINKU IN TlIK I'OUllTII HOOK. Ill)
this Richard, contention arose between the bisliop of Rocliester and Edward
tlie bishop of l^ath, who should consecrate him. : —
Item, between the said Richard and the monks of Canterbury fell A. I),
a grievous discord, about certain liberties belonging to the arch- ^'^^^'^-
bishop.
The said archbishop, for certain quarrels against the king, went up
to Rome, who died in Tuscia.
After this Richard, the election of three archbishops was disannulled
at Rome ; namely, of Radulphus dc Nova Villa, of John, prior of
Canterbury, and of John Blund.
45. Edmund of Abingdon for seven years. This Edmund was
called St. Edmund, at whose election the prior of Dover, thinking to
be present, as at the man-iage of liis mother, was not permitted by
the monks of Canterbury. For that injury he appealed and Avent to
Rome to complain, not against the elect, but against the election ;
where he obtained of the pope, for all the priors and successors of
Dover, to haA'e full interest in the election of the archbishops, besides
other privileges which he obtained ; percase not Avithout some good
store of money. Afterwards the monks of Canterbury accused him
to the archbishop as though he stood against the person of the elect,
and so obtained of the archbishop, being angry with him, to have
brought him under the chapter of Canterbury, there to be punished.
Whereupon the prior, seeing himself so destitute of all help of
lawyers, was constrained in the aforesaid chapter to cry ' peccavi.'
Then, being suspended from his priorship, he was at length sent
home fi-om Dover, being compelled first to set his hand to a certain
composition between him and the aforesaid monks.
The said Edmund, archbishop, having also some quan-el against
the king, went up to Rome, and died before his coming home.
46. Boniface, for twenty-five years. In the time of this Boniface,
Pope Gregory wickedly gi-anted to king Henry III. (for the getting
of the kingdom of Sicily, which belonged not to him to give, nor to
the other to take) tenths of goods, temporal and spiritual, for five
years. Item, All the first year's fruits of churches that should be
vacant for five years. Item, Half of all the goods of beneficed men,
not resident on their benefices. Item, All legacies not distinctly
given. And yet the kingdom of Sicily never came into his hands,
which belonged to Manfred, son of Frederic the emperor. Strife
there was between this Boniface and the prior of Cantcrbmy, Item.
Between him and the bishop of Rochester. Item, Between him and
the chapter of Lincoln : all which was after agreed/
Strife in Winchester about choosing the bishop after the death ot
Adomar or Ethelmar, the king*'s brother.
Strife also in the convocation which Boniface did hold at Lambeth ;
in the which council were recited the statutes of Octobonus, and other
new statutes made, against which John Hemelingford, the king''s
chaplain, with others besides, and Prince Edward on the king's be-
half, did appeal.-
Under this Boniface, Tunbridge and Hadlow first came under the
custody of the archbishop of Canterbury.
Master John of Exeter bought the bishopric of Winchester for
(1) Chron. Doverens. fol. 20, p. 2. f2) Ibid. fol. 21.
'SO TAni.K OK THK AurmiTsiioi'? of canterhuuv
KHward six tlioiisaiid luarks ; vliidi beino^ known he was fain to pay tlic
; — sanio sum aufjiin to tlic pope, and so was sent liome.
A.I). Boniface tlic arclibisliop being in the parts of Savoy (a.d. 1262),
^'^'''^- fell another altercation between the prior and chapter of Can-
terbury on the one part, and the prior and chapter of Dover on the
other; which two houses Averc almost never in quiet, and all about
certain liberties and privileges; as, for making the sul)-prior, for
rcceiviug in of monks, and for visitations of the church of Dover.
A.D. 1268. Boniface, archbishop, interdicted the city of London,
because in the same city the archbishop of York did hold up his
cross, the archbishop of Canterbury being there present, the king
holding then his parliament at Westminster.
This archbishop died in the parts of Savoy.
John, prior of Canterbury, was elected by the monks against the
king''s mind, but by the pope refused.
Adam Chilinden was elect, but he resigned his election to the
pope.
47. Robert Kilwarby, friar, for six years. In the time of this
Robert Kilwarby, appeal was taken against the chapter of Canter-
bury by the bishops of Winchester, Worcester, and Exeter; foi
which cause the said bishops went up to Rome to prosecute the
ap])eal. The matter was, because they did not their obedience to
the monks of Canterbury, the see being empty.
Walter GifFard, archbishop of York, going toward the general
council, bore up his cross through the middle of Kent, in the time
of this Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, a.d. 1272.
By pope Gregory X. in the general council at Lyons, all the
orders of friars were put down, four orders only excepted, that is,
Dominies, Franciscans, Carmelites, and Augustines.
This Robert Kilwarby, by the commandment of pope Nicholas,
was made cardinal of Rome and ))ishop of Porto.
An un- Here is to be noted an untruth in Polydore Virgil, mIio saith, that
Poiydwu he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, which could not be.
Virgii. Robert Burncl, bishop of Bath, was elected, but by the pope
refused ; for whom John Peckham, a Grey-friar, was placed in by
pope Nicholas.
48. John Peckham, for thirteen years. In the first year of this
friar Peckham, W. Wikewane, archbishop of York, coming from
In's consecration at Rome to Dover, bore up liis cross through
the midst of Kent, whereat Avas no little ado.
Robert Gernemine,' archdeacon of Canterbury, went to laAv at
Rome for the liberties and possessions of his archdeaconship two
years, and there died.
In this time also another Avrangling occurred between the monks
of Canterbury and the monks of Dover, in the time of this John
Peckham, for admitting certain novices of Dover into orders.^
This Peckham, holding a council at Lambeth, ordained divers
statutes, and caused the ordinances of the council of Lyons, and of
Bon if ice archbishop of Canterbury, and liis predecessor, to be
observed.
Great grief and hatred existed between this Peckham, and Thomas
(1) " Gerneniine," i. e. of Yarnioutli.— Eu. (2) I'.x Chr. Monach. Dover, fol. it.
CONTAIHKD IN THE FOURTH BOOK. 721
bishop of Hereford, who, being excommunicated by Peckliam, ap- Edward
pealed to Rome, and went to tlic pope. '—
The prior and covcnt of Canterbury made their appeal against lliis A. 1).
archbishop Peckham, that he should not consecrate AValler le Seh;i- ^•"'"-
mele, the newly elect bishop of Salisbury, in any other phice, except
only in the church of Canterbury, but by their leave and license first
obtained. Notwithstanding, the archbishop, nothing regarding their
appeal, proceeded in the consecration of the said bishop near to the
town of Reading, whereupon the prior and covent ceased not to
prosecute their appeal against the archbishop.
Between Richard Ferrings, archdeacon of Canterbury, of the one
part, and the barons of Dover of the other part, the same year fell
out another like wTangling, for that the archdeacon claimed to visit
the church of Dover : contrary the barons affirmed, that none had,
nor should have, to do thereto, or order or dispose in spiritual matters,
but only the archbishop, and the prior and covent of St. Martin.^
After the death of William Wicwane, archbishop of York, John
de Roma succeeded ; and coming from his consecration at Rome to
Dover, bare his cross through the middle of Kent, contrary to the
inhibition of John Peckham.
49. Robert Winchelsey was archbishop for nineteen years. This
Robert, who w^as archbishop in the latter time of king Edward I., for
certain displeasure the king had conceived against him, departed the
realm, and in his banishment remained two or three years ; and,
about the beginning of the reign of king Edward II., he was restored
ao-ain. (a.d. lS09.y Thus few archbishops of Canterbury we find,
with whom kings have not had some quarrel or other. " The cause
between the king and him," saitli mine author, " was this; That the
king accused him to pope Clement of disturbing his realm, and of
taking part with rebels," &c.*
This Robert also excommunicated Walter, bishop of Coventry, for
holding with the king and Peter Gaveston against the ordinances of
the barons ; M'herefore the said bishop appealed to the pope, against
whom the archbishop sent Adam Mirimouth. Tiiis
In the time of this Robert, archbishop, the order of Templars was jitr™
abolished by pope Clement V. in the council of Vienne, with this ;;'^7'^^,„^,
sentence definitive: " Quanquam de jure non possumus, tamen ad piieroi
plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus." \T-&ni
50. Walter Reynald for fifteen years. After the decease of^^^^''^-
Robert Winchelsey, who departed a.d. 1313, Thomas Cobham, a
learned man, was elected by full consent of the monks, who came to
Avignon to have his election confirmed ; but the pope reserving the
vacant seat in his own hands, put in Walter Reynald, bishop of
Worcester, chancellor of England, who governed the see fifteen
years.
The chronicler of St. Alban s recordeth also, how in the days of
this archbishop (a.d. 1319), certain lepers conspiring with the Turks
and Jews went about to impotionate, and infect all Christendom, by
envenoming their fountains, lakes, pits, barrels, and such other places ;
of the which cruue divers of them being convicted, were worthily
burned in France. About the same year, the said author makcth
(1) Ex eod. Chron. fol. 4G. . (2) Ex Chron. Rich. 2. (3) Ex Chron. St. Albai'.l.
VOI. II. 3 A
722 TAiii.i: OK Till-; akciiiusmoi's of cantkebl'ry, S:c.
F.d:c<ir:i also relation, liow, in tlio realm of Englaml, much murrain i)revailed
^" among the beasts ; insomucli that the dogs, feeding upon their flesh
A. D. (infected belike by the waters and fountains), fell down dead incon-
^•'^**"- tinentlv; neither durst men, for that cause, almost taste of any beef.
(a.d. i;{l.S. 1.31i).)'
Tills Walter, archbisho]), taking part with the (jueen Isabel against
king Eihvard lier husband, died the same }-car in which he was de-
posed, (a.d. 13^7.)-
Ai'tcr Walter the archbishop, as aflirmeth the chronicle of St.
Alban, succeeded Simon Mepham ; of whom I marvel that Polydore
niaketh no word nor mention; belike he sat not long: after him
I'ollowed,
51. John Stratford, Cor twenty-nine years. In the story of Adam
Merimouth, it is recorded that this John Stratford, intendin<r to visit
the diocese of Norfolk, was not received by the bishop, the chapter
and clergy there alleging that he observed not the ordinary canon
therein. To whom the archbishop said again, he had the pope's
letters, and showed the same. But the other answered, that those
letters were falsely obtained, and tended to the suppression of the
clergy, and therefore they would not obey : wherefore the archbishop
excommunicated the bishop, suspended the prior, and interdicted the
covent. (a.d. 1343.)
52. John OfFord, ten months. Master John OfFord, chancellor of
England, was elected and confirmed archbishop of Canterbury, but
not consecrated, and sat but ten months, dying a.d. 1349, the time
of the pestilence in England.
53. Thomas Braidwardcn, arelibishop for one year. This Thomas
Braidwarden following after John Stratford, sat not long, but died
The first witliiu tcu luouths, of tlic plaguc, as they say. This was called the
piavuc first great plague in England, raging so sore in all quarters, that it
England, -^yj^g thought scarccly the tenth part of men to be left alive.
54. Simon Islip, for seventeen years. In the time of Simon Islip,
who followed after Braidwarden, king Edward (a.d. 1362) is re-
ported, after the blind superstition of those days, to offer in the
The vest- church of Westminster the vestments wherein St. Peter did celebrate
"herein mass ; whicli belike were well kept fi-om moths, to last so long.'
^gjjf^'^"" The same Simon Islip, among other constitutions, ordained through
mass, or all churchcs and chapels, under pain of excommunication, that no
papists man should abstain from bodily labours upon certain saints'* days, as
is before mentioned \ which fact of his is not a little noted in our
monkish histories.
This Simon built Canterbury College in Oxford.'*
THE COXCLUSION OF THIS FOURTH BOOK.
Anti- Forasmuch as Satan, being chained up all this while for the space
his pride, of a tliousaud years, bcginneth about this time to be loosed and to
The loos- come abroad, according to the forewarning of St. John's Revelation :
pf Satan, thcrcforc, to conclude the Fourth Book, wherein sufficiently hath been
described the excessive pride and pomp of Antichrist, flourishing in
(1) Ex Chro. Alban. i2i Ex Chro. Alban. i3, ?.k Ohio. Alban.
C4) See the Table of Archbishop* in the opposite page — Ed.
do lie.
COXCLUSIOX OF THE FOURTH BOOK.
728
END OF BOOK THE FOURTH.
A.D.
i;560.
his ruft and security, from the time of William the Conqueror hither- r.dward
to: now (Clirist willing and assisting us thereunto) we mind in these
latter books hereafter "following, in order of history to express the
latter persecutions and horrible" troubles of the church, raised up by
Satan in his minister Antichrist ; with the resistance again of Christ's
church against him. And so to prosecute, by the merciful grace of
Christ, the proceeding and course of times, till wc come at length to
the fall and ruin of the said Antichrist ; to the intent that if any be
in such error as to think that Antichrist is yet to come, he may con-
sider and ponder well the tragical rages, the miserable and most sor-
rowful ])ersccutions, murders, and vexations, of these latter three
hundred years now following ; and then, I doubt not but he will be
put out of all doubt, and know that not only Antichrist is already
come, but also know where he sitteth, and how he is now falling
apace (the Lord Christ be thanked for ever !) to his decay and
confusion.
The following Table is a continuation of that given at p. 104, note(l) ; it contains the dates of the
election or consecration, and death, of each archbishop, taken from Richardson's edition of " God-
win De Praesulibus, &c." It will be found to agree with the list given by Sir Harris Nicholas in
his " Synopsis of the Peerage," and it will serve to correct several errors inFoxe's text, derived from
the chronicles which he consulted.
CONSECRATED DIED
34 Stephen Lanframc Aug. 29th, a. D. 1070 . Jan. 4th, a. d. 1089
35 Aiiselin Dec. 4th, a. D. 1093 . April 21st, ad. 1109
3G Radulph (elected April 26th) June 14th, a. d. 1114 . Oct. 20th, a. D. 1122
37 William Corbvl (elected Feb. 2d) MarchlQth, a.d. 1123 . Nov. 30th, ad. 1136
38 Theobald (elected in December) a.d. 1138 . April 18th, a.d I '.lil
39 Thomas Becket May 27th, a. D. 1162 . Dec. 2Sth, A u. 1170
40 Richard (elected A.D. 1171) A. d. 1 174 . Feb. 16th, A.D. 1183
41 Baldwin May, a. d. 1185 . a.d. 1190
42 Walter Hubert (elected May 30th) . . . . a.d. 1 193 . July 13th, a.d. 1205
43 Stephen Langton June 17th, a.d. 1207 . July 9th, a.d. 1228
44 Richard Wethershed June 10th, a.d. 1229 . Aug. 3d, a.d. 1231
45 Edmund of Abingdon April 2d, a.d. 1234 . Nov. 16th, a.d. 1242
4C Boniface of Savoy (elected A.D. 1241) .... Jan. 15th, a.d. 1245 . July ISth, a.d. 1270
47 Robert Kilwardbv Feb. 26th, a.d. 1273 . Sep. 13th, a.d. 1277
48 John Peckham March 6th, a.d. 1278 . Dec. Sth, a.d. 1292
49 Robert Winchelsev (elected Feb. 13th. a.d. 1293) Sept. 12th, a.d. 1294 . May 11th, a.d. 1313
50 Walter Revuolds (transl. from Winton, Oct. 1st) a.d. 1313 . Nov. 16th, a.d. 1327
51 John Stratford (transl. from Winton, Nov. 3d) . Dee. 1st, a.d. 1333 . Aug. 23d, a.d. 1348
52 John Offord (nominated by a bull, Sept. 24th) . a.d. 1348 . May 20th, a.d. 1349
53 Thomas Braidwarden (nom. by a bull, June 19th) a.d. l.'!49 . Aug. 26th, a.d. 1349
54 Simon Islip (nominated by a bull, Oct. 7th) . . Dec. 20th, a.d. 1349 . April 26th, a.d. 1366
In addition to the above, Godwin inserts after Nos. 41, 50,
Reginald FitzJoceline (translated from Wells) . . a.d. 1191 . Dec. 25th, a.d. 1191
Simon Mepbam (elected Dec. 11th) a.d. 1327 . Oct. 12th, a.d. 183.1
No. 52. John Offord or Ufford, having never been consecrated, is not included by Godwin in
the list. — F,d.
5 A
ACTS AND MONUMENTS.
BOOK V.
CONTAINING
THE LAS'l' THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT
OF SATAN.*
Edu-nid Thus having discoursed in these former books of the order and
" course of years, from the first tying up of Satan unto the year of our
A. D. Lord 1360, I have a little overpassed the stint of time in the Scripture
^■^^Q- appointed for the loosing out of hira again. For so it is written by
St. John [Apoc, XX.], that " after a thousand years, Satan, the old
dragon, shall be let loose again for a season,'' &c.
The years For thc bcttcr explanation of the which mystery, let us first con-
of foollirg ^^^^^ ^^^^ context of thc Scriptui-c ; afterAvards let us examine, by
ou' history and thc course of times, the meaning of the same. And first,
amined. to rccitc the words of the Apocalypse; the text of the prophecy is
Apoc. XX. this: — "And I saw an angel descending from heaven, having a key
of the bottondess pit, and a great chain in his hand. And he took thc
dragon, thc old serpent, which is the Devil and Satan, and bound him
for a thousand years, and put him in the bottomless dungeon and
shut him up, and signed him with his seal, that he should no more
seduce the Gentiles, till a thousand years were expired. And after
that he must be loosed again for a little space of time. And [ saw
seats, and they sat upon them, and judgment was given unto them ;
and the souls I saw of them which were beheaded for the testimony
of Jesus." By these words of the Revelation, here recited, three
special times are to be noted.
First, The being abroad of Satan to deceive the world.
Secondly, The binding up of him.
Thirdly, The loosing out of him again, after a thousand years
consummate, for a time.
The place Concerning the interpretation of which times, I sec the common
Ap^c.%x. opinion of many to be deceived by ignorance of histories, and the
ed.Trule ^^^^^ ^^ things douc in the church ; they supposing that thc chaining
iiMwing up of Satan for a thousand years, spoken of in the Revelation, was
Satan, meant from the birth of Christ our Lord. Wherein I grant that
spiritually thc strength and dominion of Satan, in accusing and con-
denming us for sin, was cast domi at the passion and by the passion
of Christ our Saviour, and locked up, not only for a thousand years,
(I) Edition 1563, p. 74 Ed. 1570, p. 493. Ed. 1576, p. 401. Ed. 15S3, p. 397. Ed. 15S6, p. 36J.
Ed. 1084, vol. I. p. 452 —Ed.
WHAT THE LOOSIN'G OF SATAN DOTH MEAN IN SCBIPTURE. 725
but for ever and ever. Albeit, as touching- the malicious liatred and^ Sdwird
fury of that serpent against the outward bodies of Chrisfs poor saints !_
(which is the heel of Christ), to afflict and torment the church out- A.D.
wardly ; that I judge to be meant in the Revelation of St. John, not ^^^^'
to be restrained till the ceasing of those terrible persecutions of the
primitive church, at the time when it pleased God to pity the sorrow- ^\^lat the
ful affliction of his poor flock, being so long under persecution, the sTun^ °
space of three hundred years, and so to assuage their griefs and tor- ^"g"'j, j^
ments * Avhich is meant by the binding up of Satan, worker of all scripture,
those mischiefs : understanding thereby, that forasmuch as the devil,
the prince of this world, had now, by the death of Clirist the Son of
God, lost all his power and interest against the soul of man, he shoidd
turn his furious rage and malice, which he had to Christ, against the
people of Christ, which is meant by the heel of the seed [Gen. iii.],
in tormenting their outward bodies ; Avhich yet should not be for ever,
but for a determinate time, when it should please the Lord to bridle
the malice, and snaffle the power, of the old serpent, and give rest
\mto his church for the term of a thousand years ; which time being
expired, the said serpent should be suffered loose again for a certain
or a small time. [Apoc. xx.J
And thus to expound this prophetical place of Scripture, I am led Three
by three reasons: '^^'''"'■
The first is, for that the binding up of Satan, and closing him in The first
the bottomless pit by the angel, importeth as much as that he "was at ^^^^°'^-
liberty, raging and doing mischief before. And, certes, those so ter-
rible and so horrible persecutions of the primitive time universally
thi'ough the whole world, during the space of three hundred years of
the church, do declare no less. Wherein it is to be thought and
supposed that Satan, all that time, Avas not fastened and closed up.
The second reason moving me to think that the closing up of Satan The
was after the ten persecutions of the primitive church, is taken out of reason,
the twelfth chapter of the Apocalypse ; where we read, that after the
woman, meaning the church, had travailed forth her man-child, the
old dragon, the devil, the same time being cast down from heaven,
drawing the third part of the stars with him, stood before the woman
with great anger, and persecuted her (that is, the church of God)
with a whole flood of water (that is, "with abundance of all kinds of
torments), and from thence went, moreover, to fight against the
residue of her seed, and stood upon the sands of the sea ; whereby
it appeareth that he Avas not as yet locked up.
The third reason I collect out of the Apocalypse, chapter xiii., The third
where it is written of the beast, signifying the imperial monarchy of Apoc.xiii.
Rome, that he had power to niake war forty and two months ; by
which months is meant, no doubt, the tijne that the dragon and the
persecuting emperors should have in afflicting the saints of the primi-
tive church. The computation of which forty-two months (counting Forty-two
every month for a Sabbath of years ; that is, for seven years, after the i^°"he*
order of Scripture), riseth to the sum (counting from the passion of Apoc.xiii.
the Lord Christ) of three hundred years, lacking six ; at which time mined.
Maxentius, the last persecutor in Rome, fighting against Constantinc,
was drowned with his soldiers, like as Pharaoh, pcsecuting the children
of Israel, was cfrowned in the Red Sea. Unto the which forty-two
^i'.Hi UIIKN SATAN WAS TIED UP
Krftrnrd montlis, Or Sabbaths of years, if yc ackl tlie other six years wlicrein
'"' liicinius persecuted in tlie East, yc shall find just three hundred
A. |». years, as is specified before in the first book (vol. i. page :29l).
1360^ After the which forty and two months were expired, manifest it is
xvi,„i tliat the furv of Satan, that is, his violent malice and power over the
timi- sa- saints of Christ, was diminished and restrained universally tlirouwhout
t;in was y cd
tail up. the whole Avorld.
Thus then, the matter standing evident that Satan, after three
hundrctl years, counting from the passion of Christ, began to be
chained up, at which time the persecution of the primitive church
began to cease, now let us sec how long this binding up of Satan
should continue, which w'as promised in the Book of the Revelation
to be a thousand years ; which thousand years, if ye add to the forty-
Ab .i.t two months of years, that is, to two hundred and ninety-four years,
HilirVi'??"^ they make one thousand two hundred and ninety-four years after the
sutaliwas passion of the Lord. To these, moreover, add the thirty years of
hyth'e the age of Christ, and it cometh to the year of our Lord IS^-i, which
ui'e Apo'^ was the year of the letting out of Satan, according to the prophecy
caiypse. [y^ {.lic Apocalypsc.
A TABLE CONTAINING THE TIME OF THE PERSECUTION BOTH
OF THE PRIMITIVE, AND OF THE LATTER CHURCH, WITH
THE COUNT OF YEARS FROM THE FIRST BINDING UP OF
SATAN, TO HIS LOOSING AGAIN, AFTER THE MIND OF THE
APOCALYPSE,
The first persecution of the primitive church, beginning at the
thirtieth year of Clirist, was prophesied to continue forty-two months;
that is, till A.D. 294.
Ceasing The ccasing of the last persecution of the primitive church by the
last'^'rr- ^^^^^^^ "^ Liciuius, tlic last persecutor, began in the three hundred
sedition: and twenty-fourth year from the nativity of Clirist ; which was from
the thirtieth year of his age, two hundred and ninety-four years,
itinding The binding up of Satan after peace given to the church, counting
Satan, ^^m thc thirty years of Christ, began a.d. 294, and lasted a thou-
sand years, that is, counting from the thirtieth year of Clirist, to the
year 1294.
About which year, pope Boniface VIIL was pope, and made the
sixth book of thc Decretals, confirmed the orders of friars, and pri-
vileged them with great freedoms ; as appeareth by his constitution,
■■ Super Cathedram.' a.d. 1294.
Tin e of Untf) thc which count of years doth not much disagree that which
I'lim!"^ J fy^j^ J -jj j^ certain old chronicle prophesied and written in the latter
end of a book ; which book was Avritten, as it secmeth, by a monk of
Dover, and remaineth yet in thc custody of William Gary, a citizen
The time of Loudou ; alleging the prophecy of one Hayncard, a Grey-friar,
chrt"'*' pTounded upon the authority of .Joachim the" abbot, proph'esying
that Antichrist should be born thc year from thc nativity of Christ
12(50; Avhich is, counting after thc Lord's passion, the very same
year and time when the orders of friars, both Dominies and Fran-
ciscans, began first to be set up by pope Honorius IIL and by pope
Gregorius IX., which was the year of our Lord, counting from his
cxa
mined
TllK AUTHOR OK TllK 1>LOUGIIM-\k'.S I'KAYKR XOl' KKOVX. 727
passion, a.d. 1226; and counting- from the nativity of our Lord, KJward
was tlie year 1260. Whereof these verses, prophesying tht coming
of Antichrist, in the author ■were written : — A.D.
i;u;o.
" Cum fiicvint anni completi niillc ducenti
Et (Iccies si'ui post purUim virginis alma?,
Tunc Anticliristus nascetur clain\ono plenus."
And tlicse verses were written, as appearetli 1)V tlic said author,
A.D. 1285.
These things thus premised for the loosing out of Satan, according
to the propliecy of the Apocalypse, now let us enter (Christ willing)
upon the declaration of these latter times which followed after the
letting out of Satan into the world ; describing the wondrous per-
turbations and cruel tyranny stirred up by him against Christ's
church, and also the valiant resistance of the church of Christ against
him and Antichrist, as in these our books here under following may
appear, the argument of which consisteth in two parts : first, to Argu-
treat of the raging fury of Satan now loosed, and of Antichrist, ™,e"hooks
against the saints of Christ fighting and travailing for the mainte- after foi-
nance of truth, and the reformation of the church. Secondly, to
declare the decay and ruin of the said Antichrist, through the power
of the v/ord of God ; being at length, either in a great part of the
worhl overthrown, or, at least, universally in the whole world
detected.
Thus then to begin with the year of our Lord 1360, wherein I A.D.iseo
have a little, as is aforesaid, transgressed the stint of the first loosing a brief
out of Satan : we are come now to the time wherein the Lord, after offeftMui
long darkness, beginneth some reformation of his church, by the '"anied
diligent industry of sundry his faithful and learned servants, of v/hom wiiic'ii
divers already we have fore-touched in the former book ; as Guliel. uie'pro-*"'
de Sancto Amore, Marsilius Patavinus, Ockam, Robertus Gallus, ''f<-l"^ss
'01 til 6
Robertus Grosthead, Petrus de Cugiieriis, Johannes Rupescissanus, pope.
Conradus Hager, Johannes de Poliaco, Ccsenas, with others, who
withstood the corrupt errors and intolerable enormities of the bishop
of Rome, besides those who about these times were put to death by
the said bishop of Rome, as Castilio and Franciscus de Arcatara in
the book before recorded ; also the two Franciscans, martyrs, who
were burned at Avignon, mentioned p. 710.
Now to these (the Lord willing) we will add such other holy
martyrs and confessors, who following after in the course of years
with like zeal and strength of God's word, and also with like danger
of their lives, gave the like resistance against the enemy of Christ's
religion, and sufl^ered at his hands the like persecutions. First, The au-
beginning with that godly man, whosoever he was, the author of the plough-'^*
book (his name I have not) entitled ' The Prayer and Complaint of ™''^'^''''
the Ploughman ;' Avritten, as it appeareth, about this present time. rK^t'
This book, as it was faithfully set forth by William Tindal, so 1
have as truly distributed the same abroad to the readei-'s h.ands ;
neither changing any thing of the matter, nor altering many words of
the phrase thereof. Although the oldness and age of his speech and
terms be almost grown now out of use, yet I thought it best, botli
for the utility of the book to reserve it from oblivion, as also in hk
728 thk i'loichman's ( omit.aixt
Eaniird Qvii lunguagc to Ict it go jibroacl, for the more credit and testimony
. '- — of the true antiquity of the same ; adding witlial in the margin, for
VP- the better understanding of the reader, some interpretation of certain
^'^^'^' difficult terms and speeches, whicli otherwise might perliaps liinder
or stay tlie reader. The matter of this complaining prayer of the
ploughman thus proceedeth : —
An oldc Booke intituled, the Ploughmans Prayer,' written as it
seemcth about WicklifFe's time.
Tiie com- Icsu Christ that was ybore of the mayde Maryc, haul on thy poore seruantcs
playnt of mercy and pifyc, and liolpe them in their great nede to fighte agaynst synne,
piled "to ""^"^l against tiie diuil that is autur of synne, and more nede nes tlier neuer to cry
these to Cln-ist for help, tlicn it is riglit now. For it is fidfilled that God sayd by
limes. jj..^y j],^. |„.opliet : Ye ryscth vp erlicli to folow dronkennes, and to drinkc tyll
it he cuen, the liaqic and other minstrelsyes beeth in your feastes and wyne.
Cut tlie worke of (lod ye ne hehokleth not, ne taketh no kepe to the workes of
hys hands : And therefore my people is take prisoner, for they ne had no
cunnyng. And the noble men of my })eople deyeden for hunger, and the nnil-
lilude of my people weren drye for thyrst, and therefore hell hath drawen abroade
their soule, and hath yopcncd hys mouth withouten any ende. And eftsones
sayth Isay the prophet : The word is floten away, and the hyghnes of the people
is ymade sycke, and the earth is infect of his wonnyers, for they liaue broken
my lawes, and ychaunged my r3'ght, and ban destroyed myne euerlastyng bonde
and forward 2 betwcne them and me. And tlierefore cursing shall deuoure the
earth, and they that wonneth on the erthly shullen done synne. And therefore
the earth tilyars shullen waxe woode, and fewe men shullen ben yleft vpon the
earth. And yet sayth Isay the prophet, this sayth God, for as nnich as this
()eple nigheth me with their mouth, and glorificth me with their lips, and their
lart is fan-e from mee. And they ban ydrad more mens commaundement,
then myne, and more drawc to their doctrines, then myne. Therefore will I
make a great wondring vnto tills people, wiscdome shall perish away from wise
men, and vnderstanding of ready men shal bee yhid. And so it scemeth that
an other saying of Isay is ftdfdled, tliere as God bade him goe teach the people,
and sayd goe forth and say to this people : Eares haue ye, and vnderstand ye
not, and eyes yee haue sight ne know ye not. Make blynde the hart of this
jjcople, and make their eares hcauy, and close their eyen, least he sea with his
eyen, and yheare with his eares, and vnderstande with his hart, and by yturncd,
and yell lieale hym of hys sicknesse. And Isay sayd to God : How long Lord
shal this be ? And God said : For to that the cities ben desolate withouten a
wonnier, and an house wythouten a man.
Here is niychel nede for to make sorow, and to crye to our Lord lesu Christ
hertilich for helpe and for succour, that hee wole forgeue vs our sinnes, and
gene vs grace and conning to semen him better here after. And God of hys
endles mercy geue vs grace and conning tnilich to tellen which is Christes
law in helping of mens soules, for we beth lewde men, and sinnefid men, and
vncunning, and if he woll be our helpe and our succor, we shidlen wel per-
faurme our purpose. And yblessed bee our Lorde God that hideth his wisedome
from wise men, and fro ready men, and teacheth it to small children, as Christ
teaelietli in the gospel.
ThL- law Christen men haue a law to keepe, the wluch law hath twe parties. Beleue
staiiUctii '." ^I'^'is'^ that is God, and is the foundment of theyr law, and vpon this
oil two louiidemcnt, as he sayd to Peter, and the gospel bcareth witnes, he woll
parts byeldcn his church, and this is the first partie of Christes law. The second
partie of this law beth Christes commaundmcntes that beth written in the gospel,
and more verilich in Christen mens hartes.
And as touching the beleue, we beleuen that Christ is God, and that there
ne is no god but he. We beleuen ncuerthelcsse that in the Godhead there
bene three persons, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, and al these
three persons ben one God, and not many gods, and al they beth ylich mightie,
(1) This interesting document is fiivtii in every Edition hut the First
\2) " Forward," that is, covenant.
and t)ie Tliiid.— Ei>.
OF THK ABUSKS OF TlIK WOULD. 729
ylich good, and ylich wise, and cuer hane ben, and cuci" shnllcn ben. We Edward
beleuen this God made tlie world of nought, and n\an lie made after hys owne ^^^■
likenesse in Paradise tliat was a lande of blisse, and gaue him that hind for his . y^
heritage, and bad him tliat he shoulde not eate the tree of knowledge of good , .j.,„'
and euil, that was a-midde Paradise.^ Then the diuell that was fallen out '
of heauen for his pride, had enuie to man, and by a false suggestion he made
man eate of this tree, and breake the commaundement of God, and tho was
man ouercome of the deuil, and so he lost his heritage, and was put
out thereof into the world that was a land of trauel, and of sorow vnder
the feends thraldome, to be punished for his trespasse. There man followed
wickednesse and sinne, and God for the sinnc of man sent a floud into this
world, and drownd al mankinde sane eight soulcs. And after this flud lie let
men multiply in the world, and so hee assayed whether man di-ead him or
loued him, and among other he found a man that bight Abraham : this man Abraham.
he proued whether he loued him and drad him, and bad him that hee should
offeren Isaac his son vppon an hil, and Abraham as a true seruant fulfilled the
Lords comnaaundment : and for this buxumnesse and trutli, God sware vnto
Abraham that he would multiplie his seed as the grauel in the sea, and as the
stars of heauen, and he behight to him and to his heires the land of behest for
heritage for euer, gif they wolden ben his true seruauntes and keepe his hestcs.
And God helde him forward,* for Isaac Abraham's son begat lacob and Esau :
and of lacob that is ycleped Israel, comen Gods people that he chose to be his
seruants, and to whom he behight the land of behest. This people was in great
thraldom in Egypt vnder Pharao that was king of Egypt : and they crieden to
God that hee shoulde deliueren them out of that thraldome, and so hee did :
for he sent to Pharao, Moses and his brother Aaron, and bad him deliuer his
people to done him sacrifices : and to fore Pharao he made Moses done manie
wonders, or that Pharao would deliuer his people, and at the last by might hee
deliuered his people out of thraldome, and led tliem through a desert towarde
the land of behest, and there he gaue them a lawe that they shulden lyuen after,
when they comen into their countrey, and in their way thither ward, the ten
commaundementes God wrote himselfe in two tables of stone : the remnant
of the law he taught them by Moses his seruant how they shoulden doe euery
chone to other, and gif they trespassed again the law, he ordeined how they
shoulden be pimished. Also he taught them what maner sacrifices they should
do to him, and he chose him a people to been his pi'iests, that was Aaron and
his children, to done sacrifices in the tabernacle, and afterward in the temple
also. He chese him the remnant of the children of Leuy to ben seruaunts in
the tabernacle to the 2>riestes, and he said : When ye come into the land of
behest, the children of Leuy they shuUen haue none heritage amongst their
brethren, for I would be their part, and their heritage, and they shullen seme
me in the tabernacle by dayes and by nighteS, and he ordeined that priestes
should haue a part of the sacrifices that wer offred in the tabernacle, and the
first begotten beastes, both of men and beastes and other things as the lawe
telleth. And the other children of Leuy that serued in the tabernacle, should
haue tythings of the people to their lyuelode, of the which tythings they should
geuen the priestes the tenth partie in forme of ofFeryng. The children of Leuy
both priestes and other, should haue houses and crofts, and lesewes for their
beastes in the land of behest, and none other heritage : and so God gaue them
their land of behest, and bade them that they ne should worship no other God
then him. Also he bade that they should kepe his commaundementes, and gife
they did so, all their enemies about them shuld drede them and be their seruantes.
And gife they worshipped false gods, and so forsaken his lawes, he behight them
that he would bring them out of that land and make them seme their enemies,
but yet hee said hee would not benemen his mercie away from them, if they
would cry mercie and amend their defautes, and all this was done on Gods
side.
And here is much loue showed of God to man. And who so looketh the Gods
liible, hee shall finde that man showed him little loue againcward : for when '"'"^ '"
they were come into their heritage, they forgetten their God, and worshij)ped
false gods. And God sent to them the prophetes and his seruants feile times ^
(1 ) "A midde Paradise," in the middest of Paradise. (2) " Helde him forward," kept promiiu
with him. (3) " Feile times," oft times.
T-'JO THK i'i.ori;ii. man's comi'laint
Kiiwnnt to l)iil tliom witlulrawon tliem tVoin their sialics, aiul otlicr they hauc slowni
'"■ tluMii, or thov beaten tiiem. or they led tliem in prison : and oft times God
. tooke vp])()ii tlieni great vengeance for tlieir sinncs, and wlien tliey cried after
J .• ■ helncn to (iod, he sent tlieni helpe and succour. Tiiis is the generall processe
of the OUl Testament, that God gauc to his people by Moses his scruant. And
all this testament and this doing ne was but a shadow and a ligure of a
new Testament that was giuen by Christ. And it was byhoten by Icremic
the ])n)plu't, as S. I'aul bt-areth witncs in the epistle that he writeth to tlie
lewi's. And lercmie saith in this wise: Loe dayes shall come, (jod saith,
and I will make a ncwe bande to tlic liouse of Israel, and to the house of
hula, not like the forward that I made with their fathers in that day that
I tooke their hande to led them out of the lande of Egypt, the which for-
ward they maden vein, and I had lordship oner them. But this slial he the
forward that I wold make with them after those daies : I will giue my
lawes with them in their inwai'dnesse, and I wil wrytcn them in their
harts, and I wil be tlieir God, and they shoidd be my people, and after
that a man shall not teach his neighbour ne his brother, for all ((iod
saith) from the least to the most, should know me, for I will forgeuen
them their sinnes, and will no more thinke on theyr sinnes.
This is the newe testament, that Christ, both God and man borne of tlie
mayd Mary, he taught here in this world, to bring man out of sinne and
out of the deuils thraldomc and seruicc, to hcauen, that is land of blisse
and heritage to all the that beleeuen on him and kepen his commaundementes,
and for his teaching he was done to the death. But the third day arose
againe from death to life, and sette Adam and Eue and many other folkc,
out of hell, and afterward hee came to his discijjles and comforted them. After
he stied vp to heauen to his father, and tlio he sent the Holy Ghost amonges
his disciples : and in time comming he woll come and demen all mankinde
after their workes, and after the word she spake vpon earth : some to blisse,
within Ixnly and in soul euer withouten end, and some to paine withouten
end, both in body and in soule.
This is our beleeue and all Christen mens, and this beleue is the first
jioynt of the newe Testament that ych christen man is holde stcdfastly to
beh'ue, and rather to suffer the death than forsaken this beleue, and so this
beleue is the bread of spiritual life, in forsaking sinne, that Christ brought vs
to life.
But for as much as manncs lining ne stondeth not all onlych by bread, he hath
y-giuen vs a draught of water of life to drinke. And who that drinketh of that
water, he ne shall neuer afterward ben a thurst. For this water is the clere
teaching of tlie gospel, that encloseth seuen commaundemeiits.
Spcciall The furst is this : Thou shalt loue thy God oucr all other things, and tby
precepts brother as thy sclfe, both enemiS and trend.
• 'ahe gos- '^'''^ second cominaundement is of meekenesse, in the which Christ chargeth
pell. vs to forsake lordship vjion our brethren and other worldly worships, and so he
did hiniselfe.
The third commaundement, is in stonding stedfastlich in tnitli and forsaking
all falsenesse.
The fourth commaundement, is to suffer in this world diseases and wrongs
withouten agcinstondinges.
The fifth commaundement is mere ie, to forgeuen our brethren their trespassc,
as often time as they gylteth, without asking of vengeance.
The sixth commandement is poorenes in spirite, but not to ben a bcgger.
The seuenth commaundement, is chastitie : that is a forsaking of lieshlych
likinges displeasing to God. Thfise commaundementes cncloscn the ten com-
mnmideinentcs of the old law, and somewhat more.
Cliristes This water is a blessed drinke for christen mens soule. But more harme is,
bheepo nuicli folke would drink of this water, but they mowe not come thereto: for
fum (^'od saith by Ezechiel the ])roj)het : When iche gene to you the most cleane
ckanc wafer to drinke, ye troubled that water with your feetc, and that water is
tompcHea ^" defoulcd, ye gene my shepe to drinke. But the cleane water is yhid fro
lo driiite the shepe, and but gif (Jod cleare this, it is dread least the shepe dyen for
])iid(leil. thurst. And Christ that is the wisedome of the father of heauen, and well
of this wisdome that come from heauen to earth to teach man this wisedome,
OF THE ABUSKS OK THK WOKI.P. 731
thorow tlio wliich man slioukl oiicrcoinc tlie sleiglitcs of tlic dcuill tliat is Edward
principall enemy of mankind: hane mercy and ])ityo of iiis peo2)le, and shew {f/-
if it be his wil how this water is tronbk'd, and by wliom : and sitli ' elere j^ j)
this water that Ins shepe mownc drinkcn lierof, and kele tlie tlnn-st of tlieir i.-joo
scales. Blessed mote our Lord ben, for he hath itaught vs in the gospell,
that ere than liee woulde come to the vniucrsall dome, then should come
manie in his name and sayen, that they weren Christ ; and they shoulden
done many wonders, and begilen manie men. And manie false prophets
shoulden arisen and begylen nnich folke.
A Lord, yblessed mote thou ben of euerieh creature : which ben they that
haue ysaid that they weren Christ and haue begiled thus thy people?
Trulich Lord I trow, thilke that sayen that they ben in thy steed, and
Dinemen^ thy worship, and maken tliy people worshippen them as God, and
haue hid thy lawes trom the people. Lord, who durst syt in thy stcede and
benemen thee thy worship and thy sacrifice, and dui'st maken the people
woorship them as gods? The Sauter telles, that (iod ne wole not in the day
of dome demen men for bodilich sacrifices and holocaustes : But God saith,
yeld to me sacrifice of hcrying, and yeld to Ciod thine auowes, and clcpe
me in the day of tribulation, and ych wole defend thee, and shalt worship me.
The heiying ^ of God standcth in three things. In loiung God ouer all other
things ; in di'eading God ouer all other thinges ; in trusting in God ouer
all other things.
These three points Christ teacheth in the gospel. But I trow men louen The iio-
him but a little. For who so loueth Christ, he wole kepen his wordes. no»n"K
But men holden his wordes for heresie and follie, and kepeth mens wordes. standeth
Also men dreden more men and mens lawes and their cursings, then Christ in three
and his lawes and his cursings. Also men hopen more in men and mens '^"S'*-
helpes, than they doe in Christ and in his helpe. And thus hath he that
setteth in God's stede, bynomen God these three heryinges, and maketh
men louen him and his lawes, more then Christ and Christes law, and
dreden him also. And there as the people shulden yelde to God their
vowes, he saith he hath jiower to assoylen them of their avowes, and so
this sacrifice he nemetli * away from God. And there as the people should
cry to God in the d,ny of tribidation, he letteth them of their ciying to
God and bynemeth God that worship. This day of tribulation is whan man
is fallen thorowe sinne into the deuils seruice, and than we shulden cry to
God after help, and axen forgeuenes of our sinne, and make great sorrowe
for our sinne, and ben in full will to doe so no more ne none other sin,
and that our Lord God wole forgeuen vs our sinne, and maken our soule
dene. For his mercie is endles.
But Lord, here men haue bynomen thee much worship : for men seyn that Against
thou ne might not cleane assoylen vs of our sinne. But if we knowlegen our ^"ripi'laf
sinnes to priestes, and taken of them a penance for our sinne gif we mowen sion.
speake with them.
A Lord ! thou forgaue sometime Peter his sinnes and also Mary Magdaleine, Sinnes
and manie other sinfull men withouten shriuings to priestes, and taking pe- fofKnic
naunce of priests for their sinnes. And Lord thou art as mightie now as thou shiiit.
were that tyme, but gif anj' man haue bynomen thee thy might. And wee
lewed men beleuen, that there n3's no man of so great power, and gif any man
maketh liimselfe of so great power he heighteth ^ himselfe aboue God. And
S. Paul speakcth of one that sitteth in the temple of God and highten him
aboue God, and gif any such be, he is a false Christ.
3ut hereto seyn priests, that when Christ made clean leprous men, he bade Obicction
them go and shewe them to priestes. And therefore they seyn that it is a p^jp'^j^.^
commaundement of Christ, that a man should shewen his sinne to priestes. For to main
as they seyn, lepre in the old lawe betokeneth sinne in this new law, A Lord '''"1
God ! whether thine apostles kjiew not thy meaning as well as men done now ? Answere
And gif they hadden yknow that thou haddest commanded menne to shriucn to the
them to priests, and they ne taught not that conunaundement to the pcojde, me "^"^'^^"'"•
thinketh they hadden ben to blame : But I trow they knewen well that it w'as
none of thy commandements, ne needfidl to heale of mannes soule. And as me
(1) " Sith," that is, afterwards. (2) " Bincmen," that is, take away.
(3) " Heryinj;," that is, worshipping. (1) " Kenicth," that is, taketh.
(5) " Heighteth," that is, exalteth.
732
TlIK IM.Orc;HM.\X S COMPLAINT
Kduiird
III.
A.l).
v.m).
Mis-
fhiefes
that come
by auricu-
lar con ■;
fcssion.
Popish
priesies
charged
with
simony.
tliiukctli tlie law of leprc, is notlnng to tlie pm-pose of shrining : for priestes in
the old lawe hadilcn certainc points and tokens to know whether a man were
leprous or not : and gif they were leprous, thej' haddcn power to pntten them
away from other cleanc men, for to that they weren elene, and then they
hadilen power to receiuen him among his brethren, and offeren for him a
sacrifice t^.) (Jod.
This nys nothing to the purpose of shriuing. For there nis but one priest,
that is Christ, that may knowe in ccrtaine the lopre of the soule. Ne no priest
may make the soule cleane of her sinnc, but Christ that is priest iifter Melchise-
dekes order : ne no priest here beneath ma)- ywit for ccrtaine whetlier a man
be cleane of his sinne or cleanc assoyled, but gif God tell it him by rcuelation.
Penance Ne (iod ordeined not that his priests shuld set men a j)cnaunce for their sinne,
for sin, is .jftei. t],e (|uantitie of the sin, but this is mans ordinaunce, and it may well bee
di'nancX tl">t there commeth good thereof. But I wote wel that God is much vnwor-
notGods. shipped thereby. For men tnist more in his absolutions, and in his years
of grace, than in Christs absolutions, and therby is the people much apayrcd.
For now, the sorrow a man should make for his sin, is put away by this shrift :
and a man is more bold to doe sinne for tnist of this shrift, and of tliis bodilich
penance.
An other mischiefe is, that the people is ybrought into this belcefe, thai one
priest hath a great power to assoylen a man of his sinne and clennere, then
another priest hath.
An other mischiefe is this, that some priest may assoilen them both of sinne
and paine, and in this they taken them a power that Christ graunted no man in
earth, ne he ne vsed it nought on earth himselfe.
An other mischiefe is, that these priests sellen forgeuenes of mens siimes and
absolutions for mony, and this is an heresie accursed that is ycleped simonie
and all thilke priests that axeth price for graunting of spirituall grace, beth '
by holy lawes depriucd of their priesthood, and thilke that assentetli to this
hercsye. And be they ware, for Helyse the jirophet toke no money of Naaman
when he was made cleane of his lepre, but Giesi his seruaunt : and therefore
the lepre of Naaman abode with him and with his heires euermore after.
Here is much matter of sorowe, to sec the people thus far ylad away from
God and worshupcn a false god in earth, that by might and by strength hath
ydonc away the great sacrifice of God out of hys temple : of which mischiefe
and discomfort, Daniel maketh mention, and Christ beareth thereof witnosse in
the gospell. Whoe that readeth it vnderstand it. t Thus wee haue ytold
apertlic, how he that saith he sitteth in Christes stede bincmeth ^ Chri^i his
worship and his sacrifice of his people and maketh the people worshepen hym
as a God on earth.
Cry we to God, and knowledge we our sinnes euerichone to oti.er as Seint
lames teacheth, and pray we hartilich to God euerichone for otlu r, and then
we shulen hopen forgeuenes of our sinnes. For God that is endle.^se in mercy
saith, that he ne will not a sinfull mans death, but that he be turned from [his
sin and liuen. And therefore, when he came downe to saue mankind, he gaue
vs a law of louc and of mercie : and bade, gif a man doe a trespasse, amend him
priuilich, and gif he leuc not his sinne, amend him before witnesse : and gif he
ne amendeth not, men should tell to the church ; and gif bee ne amendetli not
than, men shuld shone his company as apublicane, or a man that is misbeleued,
and this law was yfigured in the lawe of Icjire, who that readeth it, he may see
the sooth.
The pope But Lord God, he that sittetli in thy stede, hath vndoe thy lawe of mercy
I'lic^l^ w'of '^^^ "^ ^^^^^ ' L'^'"'^' t'lo^i biddest louen enemyes as our self; and thou shcwcst in
loue, and 'be gospcll, there as the Samaritane had mercy on tlie lewe. And thou biddest
mercy. vs also prayen for them that cursen vs, and that defamen vs, and ])Virsuen vs to
death. And so Lordc thou didst, and thine apostles also. But he that clepeth
liimselfe thy vicar on earth, and head of thy church, he hath vndone thy lawe
of loue and mercie. For gif we speaken of louing oiu- ennemies, bee teacheth
vs to fight with our enemies, that Christ hath forbodden. Ilee curseth and
desireth uengeauncc to them that so dooth to him. Gif any man pmsueth him,
hce curseth him, that it is a sorowe a christen man to hearen the cursingcb that
(1) " Beth," that is, be.
(2) " Pincmetli,' takcth away.
OF TIIK ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 7,j'j
tliey makcn, and blasplieniies in such cursing. Of what thing that I knowo, I E,iwnr<i
may Loare true witnosse. I'l-
But git" we speake of loiiing of our brethren, this is vndone by him that . ,.
saitli he is Gods vicar in earth. For Clirist in the gospel biddeth vs, tliat we •■ .w.„'
slioidden clepen vs no father vpon earth : but ck>pen CJod our father, to niaken — '- L
vs lone perfitHch together. And lie clepeth himself father of fathers and maketli The pope
many religions, and to euerich a father. But whetlier is lone and charity enereased " (■"ther'^
by these fathers and by their religions, or els yniade lessc ? For a friar ne but lie
loueth not a monke, ne a secular man neitlier, nor yet one frier another that is '^'^^'^*^"'
not of the oi-der, and it is agaynward.
A Lord ! me thinketh that there is litle perfection in these religions. For
Lord, what charitie hauen such men of religion, that knowen how they mowen
against and sin, andfleen away fro their brethren that ben more vncunning then
they ben, and sufFren them to trauelen in the world withouten their councel as
beastes ? Tnilich Lord, me thinketh that there is but little charitie, and then
is there litle perfection. Lord God, when thou were on earth, thou were
among sinfiill men to drawen them from sin, and thy discij)les also. And Lord,
I trow thou ne grauntest not one man more cunning then another all for
himselfe : and I wote well that lewd men that ben laborers, ne trauell not
alonlich for him self. Lord our belief is, that thou ne were not of the world. To for-
ne thy teaching neither, ne thy semants that lyueden after thy teaching. But ^^^'^ "."^
all they forsaken the world, and so euerie christen man must. But Lord, ,jot to '"
whether thou taughtest men forsake their brethrens companie and trauell of the Hue in
world, to Ivuen in ease and in rest, and out of trouble and anger of the world, '^'^^^ *^^"'"
- . -^ t5 ' company.
by their brethrens trauell and so forsaken the world ?
A Lord ! thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake a pore estate and trauel, to
ben afterward a lord of his brethren, or ben a lords fellow and dwelling with
lords, as doth men of these new religions. Lord thou ne taughtest not men of
thy religion thus to forsake the world, to lyuen in perfection by them selfe in
ease, and by other mens trauell. But Lord they sayen they ben ybound to
thy seruise, and seruen thee both night and day in singing their praiers, both
for them selfe and for other men, that done them good both quick and dead,
and some of them gone about to teach thy people when they hauen leisure.
A Lord ! gif they ben thy seruauntes : whose seruaunts ben we that cannot
preyen as they done ? And when thou were here on earth, for our neede thou
taughtest thy semants to preyen thy father priulich and shortlich : And gif
there had been a better maner of pi-aying, I trow thou wonkiest haue taught it
in help of thy people. And Lord thou reprouest hypocrits that preyen in long
prayer and in open places, to ben yholden holy men. And thou seyst in the
gospel, wo to j'ou Pharises hypocrites. And Lord thou ne chargedest not thy
seruaunts with such maner seruice : But thou seyst in the gospel, that the
Pharises worshopen thee with their lippes, and their hart is farre from thee.
For they chargen^ more mens traditions than thy commaundementes.
And Lord, we lewed men han a beleefe, that thy goodnesse is endles : and
gif we keepen thine hestes, than ben we thy true seruaunts. And though we
preyen thee but a litle and shortlich, thou wilt tliinkc on vs, and granten vs that
vs nedeth, for so thou behited ^ vs somtime : And Lord I trow, that pray a True ser-
man neuer so many quaint praiers, gif he ne keep not thine bests he ne is not thj^ "ice of
good seruaunt. But gif he kepe thine hestes, than he is thy good seniaimt, sta'ndeth
and so me thinketh. Lord that prayeng of long praiers ne is not the seruice not in
that thou desirest, but keeping of thine hestes : and then a lewd man may seme '""S pra'-
God as well as a man of religion. * And so Lord our hope is that thou wilt assone keepi)ig
heare a plowmans prayer and he keepe thyne hestes as thou wilt do a mans of Gods
religion,* 3 though that the plowman ne may not haue so much siluer for his J,"a,ide-
prayer, as men of religion. For they kunnen * not so well preyscn their prayers menis.
as these other chapmen : But Lord our hope is, that our praiers be neuer the
worse though it be not so well sold as other mens praiers.
Lord, Ezechiel the prophet saith that whan he spake to the people thy sjngingln
words, they turned thy wordes into songs and into tales : And so Lord men clmcches
done now : they singin merilich thy words, and that singing they clepen thy ^^\\^^
service. But Lord I trow that the best singers ne herieth thee not most : But Gods ser-
uice.
(1) " Chargen," care for. (2) " Behited," promised.
(3) These words have heen inadvertently omitted in every Edition since tliat of 1570, in which
this document first appeared.— Ed. (4) " Kunnen," they can.
731
Edunrd
in.
~A.U.
1.300.
Weeping
for sins
liettcr
seruice
then ling-
ing in
churcli.
The order
of
priestes,
not made
to offer
Christs
bodie.
The sa-
crament
of the
bodie of
DieLord
abused.
Priests
principal-
ly sent to
preach,
not to say
maise, or
to make
the Lords
bodie.
He that
speaketh
Gods
teaching,
is holdcn
nn here-
tike.
TITF. PI.Orr.TIM.W 6 COMri.AIXT
lie tliat fnlfilleth thy words he herycth ' thee fill wel, though lie wcpc more
then siiif;. And I trow that wcoping for breaking of thy cominaundements, be
more plea.sing serniee to thee, than the singing of thy words. And would God
that men would serue him in sorrow for their sinnes, and that they shoulden
afterward semen thee in mirth. For Christ saith, yblessed ben they that maken
sorrow, for thev shoulden ben yconfortcd. And wo to them that ben merry and
haue their comfort in this worlde. And Christ said that the world should
ioven, and his scruants sludden be sory, but their soiTow shoidd be turned into
A Lord ! he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar \'pon earth, hath yordained an
order of ])riestes to doe thy seruice in church to fore thy lewd people in singing
matens, euensong and masse. And therefore he chargeth lewd men in paine
of eursiui,', to bring to his priests tythinges and offeringes to linden his priestes,
and he elepi'th that (lods part, and due to priestes that semen him in church.
15ut Lord, in tlie old law, the tithings of the lewd people ne wer not due
to priests, but to that other childer of Leuye that serueden thee in the temple,
and the priest liadden their part of sacrifices, and the first bygetten beastes and
other thinges as the lawe telleth. And Lord, S. Paul thy seruaunt saith, that
the order of the ])riestliood of Aaron ceased in Christes comming and the lawe
of that ])riesthood. For Christ was end of sacryfices yofFered vpon the crosse to
the fatlier of hcauen, to bring man out of sinne and become Iiimselfe a priest
of INIelehisedeckes order. For he was both king and priest without beginning
and end, and both the priesthoode of Aaron, and also the law of that priesthood,
ben ychaunged in the comming of Christ. And S. Paul seyth it is reproued, for
it brought no man to perfection. For bloud of gotes ne of other beasts ne
myght done away sinne, for to that Christ shadde his bloud.
A Lord lesu, wether thou ordenest an order of priests to ofFren in the auter
tliy flesh and thy bloud to bringen men out of sinne, and also out of peine ?
And whether thou geue them alonelycli a power to eate thy flesh and thy bloud,
and wether none other man may eate thy flesh and thy bloud with outen leue of
priestes ? I^ord, we beleuen, that thy flesli is very meatc, and thy bloud very
drinke, and who eteth thy flesh and drinketh thy bloud dwelleth in thee, and
thou in him, and who that eateth this bread shall line without end. But Lord
thyne disciples seyde, this is an hard wordc, but thou answerest them and seyd-
est: when ye secth mans soone stiucn vp there he was rather, the spintc is that
niaketh you line, the words that ych haue spoken to j-ou ben spirit and lyfe.
Lord, yblessed mote thou be, for in this word thou teachest vs that he that
kepeth thy wordes and doth after them, eatetli thy fleshe and drynketh thy bloud,
and hath an euerlasting life in thee. And for we shoulden haue minde of this
liuing, thou gauest vs the sacrament of thy flesh and bloud, in forme of bread
and wine at thy supper, before that thou shuldest suiier thy death, and took
bread in thine hand, and saydest : take ye this, and eate it, for it is my body :
and thou tookest wyne, and blessedst it, and saidest : this is the blond of a newe
and an euerlasting testament, that shall be shed for many men in forgiuenesse
of sinnes : as oft as ye done tliis, doe ye this in mynde of me.
A Lord ! thou ne bede not thine disciples maken this a sacrifice, to bring
men out of paynes, gif a priest offred thy bodie in the auter: but thou bede
them goe and fidlen '^ all the folke in the name of the father, and the sonne,
and the holy ghost, in forgiueness of their sinnes : and teach ye them to kcejie
those thinges that ych banc commaunded you. And Lord, thine disciples ne
ordained not priests jirincipallich to make thy bodie in sacrament, but for to
teach the people, and good husbandmen that wel gouern their housholdes, boll:
wiues and children, and their meinj', they ordeind to be priests to teachen other
men the law of Christ, both in word, in deede, and tliey liuedeyn as true
christian men, cuery day they eaten Christs body, and drinken his bloud, to the
sustenauncc of liuing of their soules, and other whiles they tooken the sacra-
ment of his bodie in forme of bread and wyne, in mind of our lord lesn Christ.
I5ut all this is turned vpse downe : for now who so wil liuen as thou taughtest.
he shal ben holden a foole. And gif he speake thy teaching, he shal ben
holdeii an heretikc, and accursed. Lord yhaue no lenger wonder hereof, for so
they seiden to thee when thou were here some time. And therefore wee moten
take in pacience their words of blasphemie as thou didest thy selfe, or else we
(1/ " Herjcth," worsliippcth.
(2) " FuUen," baptise
OK TIIK ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 735
weren to blame. And tniellch Lord I trowe, that if tlum were nowe in the Edward
worlde, and taughtest as tlum dyddest some time, tluni shuldcst bon done to III.
death. For thy teaching is danuied for licrcsie of wise men of the world, and ^ £)
then moten they nedes ben heretikes that tcachen thy lore, and all they also y^qq
that trauellen to line thereafter. '—
And therefore Lord, gif it be thy will, help thine vnkunning and lewd ser-
uaunts, that wolen by their power and their Running, helpe to destroy sinne.
Leiie Lord, sith thou madest woman in lielpe of man, and in a more frayle
degree then man is, to be governed by mans reason : what perfection of charitie
is in these priests and in men of religion, that haue forsaken spoushod that
thou ordeynedst in Paradise betwixt man and woman, for perfection to for-
saken traueile, and liuen in case by other niens traueile ? For they mow not
doe bodilich workes for defouling of tlieyr handes, wyth whom they touchen
thy precious bodye in the aulter.
Leue Lord, gif good men forsaken the companye of woman, and ncedes thej^ What in -
moten haue the gouernaile of man, then moten they ben ycoupled with shrewes, eonue-
and therefore thy spoushode that thou madest in clennes from sinne, it is now the un-
j'chaunged into liking of the flesh. And Lord, this is a great mischiefe vnto maried
thy people. And yong priests and men of religion, for default of wiucs niaken 'r|g^tes.
many women horen, and drawn through their eucl ensample many other men
to sin, and the ease that they liuen in, and their welfare, is a great cause of this
mischiefe. And Lord me thinketh, that tliese ben quaint orders of religion and lie com-
none of thy sect, that wolen taken horen, whilke God forfends, and forsaken JJf^tJjy"'
wiues that God ne forfendeth not. And forsaken trauail that God commands, idienesof
and geuen their selfe to idlenes, that is the mother of all noughtines. pnestes.
And Lord, Mary thy blessed mother and loseph, touched oftentimes thy body,
and wroughten with their hands, and liuede in as much clennesse of soule, as
our priests done now, and touched thy body, and thou touchedst them in their
soules. And Lord our hope is, that thou goen not out of a poore mans soule
that traueileth for his liuelode with his hands. For Lorde, our beliefe is, that
thine house is mans soide, that thou madest after thine owne likenesse.
But Lord God, men maketh now great stonen houses full of glasen win- what is
dowes, and clepeth thilke tliine houses and churches. And they setten in these ^\^ t^|'<^
houses masvmets of stocks and stones, to fore i them they knelen priuilich and Christ.
apert, and maken their prayers, and all this they saj'en is thy worship, and a
gi-eat herjang 2 to thee. A Lord ! thou forbiddest sometime to make such maw-
mets, and who that had yworshipped such, had be M'orthy to be dead.
Lord in the gospel thou sayst, that true heriers ^ of God ne herieth him not
in that hill beside Samaria, ne in Hicrusalem neyther, but fcrue heriers of God
herieth him in spirite and in trueth. And Lord God what herying is it to
bylden thee a church of deed stones, and robben th}^ quicke churches of their
bodylich lyueloode ? Lord God what herj'ing is it, to cloth mawmettes of stocks He com-
and of stones in siluer and in gold, and in other good colours ? And Lord I P'a'i'eth
1 • • • 1 1 1 • 1 • 1 1 11 11 • 1 i "1 images
see thme image gone ni colde and m hete ni clotlies all to broken, Avithout j,,
shone and hosen, an hungred and a thrust. Lord what herying is it to teende churches,
tapei-s and torches before blinde mawmets that mowen not I seyen? And hide
thee that art our light and our lanterne toward heauen, and put thee vnder a
bushell that for darknesse we ne may not scene our way toward blisse ? Lord
what heryinge is it to kneele tofore mawmetes that mowe not yheren, and wor-
shepen them with preyers, and maken thine quick images knele before them, and
asken of them absolutions and blessings, and worshepen them as gods, and putten
thy quicke images in thraldom and in traueil euennore as bestes, in cold and
in heate, and in feeble fare to finden them in liken of the worlde ? Lord what
herieng is it to fetch deed mens bones out of the ground there as they shoulden
kindelich rotten, and shrinen them in golde and in siluer : and suflren the
quicke bones of thine images to rot in prison for default of clothings ? And
suffren also thy quicke images to perish for default of sustenance, and rooten
in the hoorehouse in abhominable lecherie ? Some become theeues and robbers,
and manquellers that mighten ben yholpen with the gold and siluer that hon-
geth about deed mens bones and other blind mawmets of stocks and stones.
Lord here ben great abhominations that thou shewdist to Ezechiel thy
(1) " To fore," that is, before. (2) " Herying," worshipping.
(3) " Heriers," worshippers.
73G
THE I'LOUCillMAN S COMPLAINT
Edward
JII.
A.D.
1:500.
He coni-
playiieth
of false
pastors
that liue
by their
flock e,
but feedc
not them.
AR.iinst
hireliDgg.
Popish
priestes
neitlier
teach
them-
selues,
nor will
SUfliiT
otliers
besides
them-
Selues to
teach.
prophet, that priests done in tliy temple, and yet they clepen that thine heryen<^.
But K'Vie Lord, uie thinketli tiiat they Umen thee litle that tluis defoulen thy
quiek images, and \V()rsIiii)i)eM hliiule mawmets.
And Lord another great mischief tliere is now in the world, an hunger that
Amos tliy jiropliet speaketli of, tliat there shall conien an hunger in the earth,
not of hread ne thrust of drink, hut of hearing of God's worde. And thy
sheepe woulden he refreshed, hut their shepheardes taken of thy she])e their
liuelode, as tythings, &c. and liucn themselfe therehy where them liketli.
Of such slieplieards thou s])eaketh hy Ezechial thy propliet and seist : wo
to the sheplieards of Israel that feden thcmself, for the flocks of sheepe shoulden
he yfed of tlieir shej)heards : hut ye eaten the milke and clothen you with their
wol'le, and the fat sheep ye slow, and my flock ye ne fede not, the sicke sheep
ye ne healed not, thilk that weren to hroken ye ne knit not together, thilke
that perished ye ne hrought not againe : hut ye ratled them with sternship and
with power. And so the sheepe be sprad abroad in deuoiiring of all the beasts
of the field. And leremio the prophet sayth : wo to the shepheards that dis-
pearseth abroad and teareth the flocke of my lesew.'
A Lord, thou were a good shepheard, for thou puttest thy soule for thy sheep :
but Lord thou teldest that thilk that come not in by the dore ben night theeues
and day theeues, and a thefe as thou scest commeth not but for to steale, to slein,
and to destroy. And Zacharie the prophet saith, that thou wouldest rerren vp
a shepheard vnkunning, that ne wol not hele thy sheep that beth'' sick, ne
seeke thilke that beth lost. Vpon his anne is a swerd, and vpon his right eye :
his arme slial waxe dry, and his right eye shal lese his light. O Lord, help,
for thy shepe beth at great mischife in the shepheards defaute.
But Lord, there commeth hired men, and they ne feden not thy sheep in
thy plenteous lesew, but fceden thy sheepe with sweuens' and false miracles
and tales. But at thy trewth they ne comen not : For Lord, I trow thou
sendest them neuer. For haue they hire of thy sheepe they ne careth but
little of the feding and the keping of thy shepe. Lord of these hired men
speaketli leremie the prophet, and thou seyst that worde by him. I ne send
them not, and tliey ronne bliuc : * I ne spcake vnto them, and they prophe-
cidcn. For if they hadden stonden in my counsell, and they had made my
wordcs knowen to the i)uple, ech -nould haue turned them away from their
y\icll way and from their wicked thoughts. For Lord, thou seyst that thy
words ben as fire, and as an hammer breaking stones. And Lord, thou saist :
Lo I to these prophets meeting sweuens of losing, that haue ytold her sweuens,
and haue begyled my puple in their lesing and in their false miracles, when I
neitlier sent ne bede them. And these haue profitet nothing to my puple.
And as leremie saith, from the lest to the niest* all they studien couetise, and
from the prophet to the priest, all they done gyle.
A Lord ! here is much mischiefe and matere of sorow, and yet there is more.
For gif a lewd ma wold teach thy people trewth of thy words as he is y hold
by thy commandement of charity, he shal be forboden and put in prison gif he
do it. And so Lord, thilke that haue the key of conning, haue y lockt the
trewth of thy teaching viider many wardes, and yhid it from thy childi-en.
But Lorde, sith thy teaching is jx'omc from heauen aboue, our hope is, that
with thy grace it shall breaken these wardes, and show him to thy puple, to
kele both the hunger and the thrust of the soule. And then shall no shep-
heard, ner no false hiridman begile thy puple no more. For hy thy lawe I
write, as thou ihightest" sometime, that fro the lest to the mest, all they shullen
knowen thy will, and wcten' how they shullen please thee euev more in
certaine.
And leue Lord, gif it be thy will helpc at this nede, for there is none helpe
but in thee. Thus Lord, by hjm that makcth himselfe thy viker in earth, is
thy connnaundement of loue to thee and om- brethren ybroken,both to him and
to thy puple. But Lord God, mercy and patience that both tweyne* of thy
commaundements, both destroyed, and thy puple hath forsake mercy. For
Lord, Dauid in the Sauter saith : Blessed beth they that done dome and right-
ftdness in euerich tynic.
(I) " Lescw," that is, pasture. (2)
(4) " Bliuc," quickly. ;,)
A") " Wclen," know. (8)
lieth," that is, bee. (3) " Sweuens," that is, rireamea,
' Mest," most. [fi) " Ihightest," promised.
' Tweyne," that is, two.
OF THK AlUJSES OF TIIK WORLD. 737
O Lord, thou hast itaught vs as rightfuhies of hcaucn, and hast yhedeii vs Edward
forgeuen our brethren as oft as tlicy trespassen against vs. And Lord, tliine olde ^^^-
law of iustice was, that such harme as a man did his brother, sucli he should ,^ j^
suffer by the !awe, as eye for an eye, and tooth for a tooth. But Christ made \-^qq
an cnde of this law, that one brother should not desire wrackc of an other : but — I 1.
not that he would that sinue should ben vnpunished, for thereto hath he or-
dained kings and dukes and other lewd officers vnder them, whilke as Saint Paule
saith, ne carien not the swerd in vaine, for they ben the ministers of God, and
wrakers to wrath, to them that euil done. And thus hath Christ ymade an
ende of this olde law, that one brother may not suen another himsclfe, for that*
to wreken without sinne, for breaking of charitie. But this charitie Lord hath
thy vicar ybroke, and says that we sinnen, but gif we suen for our right. And
we see I wot that thou taughtest vs some time to giue our mantoll also, euer
that we shoulden suen for our coate. And so Lord beleuen we, that we ben
ybouuden to don by thy law, that is all charitie, and officers duty is to defenden
vs from thilke theuery though we complainen not. But Lord, thy law is turned
vpsedowne.
A Lord ! what dome is it to slean a theefe that take a mans cattel away from He com-
liim, and sufFeren a spousebreaker to line, and a lecherour that killeth a womans ^Q^'p^.'^
soule ? And yet thy law stoned the spousebreakers and leachours, and let the nisliing
tlieeues liuen and haue other punishment. _ fauUs
A Lord ! what dome is it to slean a thef'e for stealing of a horse and folef him ^„^ ,o i^^
Hue vnpunished, and to maintaine him that robbeth thy poore people of their great
liuelod, and the soule of his food ? escape.
Lord, it was neuer thy dome to sayen, that a man is an hcretike and cursed jj. ^^ ^^^
for breaking of mans law, and demen him for a good man for breaking thine an heri-
liestes. breakeUi
Lord, what dome is it to curse a lewd man^ if he smite a priest, and not curse niajjgfaw,
a priest that smiteth a lewde man and leeseth his charitie. what is
Lord, what dome is it to curse the lewd people for tythings, and not curse j|j^j^°P^
the parson that robbeth the people of tythings, and teacheth them not Gods breaketh
law, but feedeth them with painting of stone wallcs, and songes of Latin that God^s^
the people knowen not ?
Lord, what dome is to punish the poore man for his trespasse, and suffer the
rich to continue in his sinne for a quantitie of money ?
Lord, what dome is it to slayn an vncimning lewed man for his sinne, and
suffer a priest, other a clearke that doth the same sin, scape aliue ? Lord the
sinne of the priest or of the clearke is greater trespasse then it is of a lewd
vncunning man, and greater ensample of wickednesse to the common people.
Lord, what nianer people be we, that neither keep thy domes and thy right-
fiilnes of the olde testament that was a lawe of drede, nor thy domes and thy
rightfulnes of thy new testament that is a law of loue and of mercy : but haue A-anst
an other law, and taken out of both thy lawes that is liking to vs, and the rem- |^^. '''■'"°"
nant of heathen mens lawes, and Lord this is a great mischiefe.
O Lord thou sayest in thy lawe, deme ye not and ye should not be demea :
for the same mesure that yee meten to other men, men shall meten to you
againeward. And Lord thou sayst that by their worke we should know them.
And by that we know that thou commaunded vs not to demen mens thoughts,
nor their works, that were not against thy lawe expresly. And yet Lord he The popes
that sayth he is thy vicar, will demen our thoughts and aske vs what we thinke : ^^Jl^^^^^^
not of the Lord, of thy hestfs, for they caren little for them, but of him and of q^.'js'
his whilke they set a'boue thine, and maken vs accusen our selfe, or else they lawe, in
willen accursen vs, for our accusers mowen^ we not knowne. And Lord thou ^"^"'o^'
saydest in thine old law, that vnder two witnes at the least or three, should stand acnifc
euerv matter. And that the witnes shoulden euer be the first that shoulden tlien>-
11 1-11 seUu'9.
helpe to kil them.
And when the Scribes and the Pharises some tyme brought before thee a
woman that was ytake in spousebreaking, and axeden of the a dome, thou
didst write on the earth, and then thou gaue this dome : He that is without sinne,
throw first at hev a etone, and Lord they went forth away from thee and the
woman: and thou forgaue the woman her trespasse, and bad her goe forth and
sinne no more.
(1) " For that," but. (2) " A lewd ma:i," a I.iy man. (3) •' Mowen," may.
VOL. II. 3 B
738
TIIK ri.Ol'CIIM AN S COMPLAINT
Eilif.ird
III.
A.I).
Tlie
breaking
of tlic
|)0|>es
lawt-more
puni:>l\cd,
then the
breaking
of Gods
lawc.
Pilate
more
com-
mended
then the
pope.
Th'> pope
lireaV.eth
p.V.ifncc.
Sweet Lorde, if the priestes tooke keepc ' to thy dome, they would he agast
to demeii lueii a-s tliey done, i) Lord, if one of them breake a coniinaundenient
of thy law, he will aske ineicy of thee, and not a peine that is due for the
sinne, for ])eyne of death were too litle. O Lord, how daren they demen any
man to the death for breaking of their lawes, other assent to such law? for
breaking of thy law they will set men penainice or pardon them, and mantaine
them as often as they trespassen. But Lord, if a man once breake iheir lawes
or speake against them, hee may done penaunce but orice, and after he burnt.
Trulveh Lord thou sayst, but if euerie of vs forgeue not other his trespasse, thy
father will not forgeuen vs <mr sins. And Lord when thou hong on the crosse,
thou ])raiedst to thy fatjier to haue mercie on thy enemyes.
And yet they sain Lord, that they demen no man to the death, for they sain
they ne mowen by their lawe demen any man to the death. A leeue Lord !
euen so saden their forfathers the Pharises, that it ne was not lawfull for
them to kill anie man. And yet they bidden Pilate to done thee to the death
against his owne conscience, for hee would gladly haue iquitte thee, hut for
that the}' threatned him with the emperour and broughten against thee false
witnes also. And he was an heathen man.
O Lord, how much truer dome was there in Pilate that was an heathen
iustice, then in our kings and iustices that woulden demen to the death and heme
in the fire him, that the priests deliueren vnto them withouten witnes or prefe ?
For Pilate ne would not demen thee : for that the Phariseis sayden that gif
thou ne haddest not bene a misdoer we ne would not deliuer him vnto thee :
for to,^ they broughten in their false witnesses against thee. But Lord, as thou
saidest sometime that it should ben lighter at domes day to Tyro and to Sydon
and (lomorra, than to the cities wliere thou wrought wonders and myracles: so
I dred, it shall be more light to Pilate in the dome, then to our kings and domes
men that so demen without witnes and prefe. For Lord to demen thy folk for
hereticks : is to holden thee an hereticke : and to brennen them, is to brennen
thee, for thou saydest to Paul when he persecuted thy people : Saule, Saule,
wherefore persecutest thou me, and in the dome thou shalt say, that ye haue
done to the lest of mine, ye haue done to me.
Thus Lord, is thy mercy and iustice foredone by him that sayth he is thy
vicar in earth : for he neither keepeth it himself, nor nill not suffer other to
doe it.
The third commaundement, that is patience and sufferance is also ibroken
by this vicar. Lord thou biddest sufferen both wrongs and strokes withouten
againstanding, and so thou diddest thy selfe to geuen vs cnsample to sufferen
of om- brethren. For suffering nourisheth loue, and againstandeth debate. All
thy lawe is loue, or els the thing that draweth to loue.
But Lord, men teachen, that men shoulden pleten for their right and fighten
also therefore, and els they seyn, men ben in pei-ill : and thou bid in the old
law men fight for their countrey. And thy selfe haddest two swords in thy
company when thou shouldest go to thy passion, that as these clerkes seyn,
betokeneth a spirituall swurd and a temporall sword, that thou gaue to thy
vicar to rule with, thy church.
Lord this is a sleight speech, but Lord we beleuen that thou art king of
blissc, and that is thine heritage and mankindes countrey, and in this world we
ne bene but straungcrs and pilgrimes. For thou Lord ne art of this world, ne
thy lawe neither, ne thy true scruants that kcpen thy law. And Lord, thou
were king of luda by inheritage if thou wouldest haue iliad it, but thou for-
sooke it and pletcdest not therefore, ne fought not therefore.
But Lord, for thy kind heretage and mankindes countrey, that is a land of
blisse, thou foughtest mightilich : In battaile thou ouercame thy enemie, and
so thou wonne thine heretage. For thou that were a Lord mightiest in battail,
and also Lord of vertues, are rightfullich king of blisse, as Dauid saieth in the
Psalter. But Lord, thine enemie smote the despitefullich, and had power of
thee and hang thee vpon the crosse as thou liadst ben a theefe, and benomyn
thee all thy clothes, and slicked thee to the hart with a speare.
O Lord, this was an hard assault of a battaile, and here thou ouercome by
])acience mightilich thine enemies, for thou ne wouldest not done against the
(1) " Tooke kecpe," that Is, tookc licde.
(2) " For lo," that is, thereforo.
OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 739
wil of thy fatlicr. And tlms Lord thou tauglitest thy sc-ruantcs to fight for their Edu-ari
country. And Lord tliis figliting was in figure itaught in the olde law. But ^IJ-
Lord men holden now the sliadow of tlie old fighting and leuen the Hglit of thy
fighting, that thou taughtest openhch hotli in word and in deede.
Lord thou gave vs a sword to fighten against our enemis for our country,
that was thine holy teaching, and christen mens law. But Lord thy sword is
put in a shethe and in priestcs ward, that haue forsake the fighting that thou
taughtest. For as they seyn it is against their order to ben men of armes in
thy battail, for it is vnsemelich, as they seyn, that thy vicar in earth, other his
priests shulden suffer of other men. And therefore gif any man smyte him, christes
other any of his clerkcs, he ne taketh it not in pacience, but anon he smiteth vicar
with his sword of cursing, and afterward with his bodilich sword, he doth them p"ieJ{Jj!;
to death. O Lord me thinketh that this is a fighting against kinde, and much will suffer
against thy teaching. nothing.
O Lord whether axsedest thou after swerdes in time of thy passion to againe
stond thine enemies ? nay forsooth thou Lorde. For Peter that smote for great
loue of thee, had no great thanke of thee, for his smiting. And Lorde thou
were mightie ynough to haue again stond thine enemies, for throgh thy
.ooking they fellen downe to the ground. Lord yblessed mote thou be. Here
thou teachest vs that we shoulden sufli-en : For thou were mightie ynow to haue
agaynstande thine enemies, and thou haddest wepen, and thy men weren hartie
to haue smitten.
O sweet Lord, how may he for shame clepen him selfe thy vicar and head of
the church, that may not for shame suffer? Sifhe thou art a Lord, and suffer-
edst of thy subjects, to giuen us ensample, and so did thy true seruantes.
O Lord, whether gene thou to Peter a spirituall swerd to cursse and a tcm- no tem-
poral swerd to sle mens bodies ? Lord I trowe not, for then Peter that loued porali
•ihee so much, wold haue smit with thy swerds : but Lord, he taught vs to Vlnen to
blessen them that cursen vs, and suffi-en, and not smiten. And Lord he fed thy Peter,
people a? thou bed him, and therefore he suffred the death as thou didst.
O Lord, why clepeth any man him Peters successor that hath forsaken
patience, and feedeth thy people with cursing and with smiting? Lord thou
saydest in thy gospell, when thy disciples knewen well that thou were Christ,
and that thou mustest goe to Jerusalem, and sufferen of the Scribes and Phari-
ses, spittings, reprofes, and also the death. And Peter tooke thee aside, and
saide, God forbidde that. And Lord thou saydest to Peter, goe behinde me
Sathanas, thou sclaunderest me in Israel. For thou ne sauorest not thilke things '
that ben of God, but thilke tiiat ben of men. Lord to mens wit it is vnrea-
sonable, that thou or thy vicar, gif thou madest any on earth, shoulden sufFren
of )-our suggetes.
A Lord ! whether thou ordeynest an order of fighters to turn men to the Faith
beliefe? Other ordeinest that knightes shoulden sweare to fight for thy wordes? conMneth
A Lord ! whether bede thou, that gif a man tiu-ne to the faith that he should "utward
peue his goods and cattel to thy vicar that hath great lordships, and more then force.
him needeth ? Lord I wote well that in the beginning of the church men
that weren conuerted, threwen adown their goods afore the apostles feet ; for al
they weren in charitie, and none of them said this is mine, ne Peter made
himselfe no lord of these goods.
But Lord, now he that clepeth hiinselfe thy vicar ^'pon earth, and successor to p^
Peter, hath ybroke thy commaundment of charitie, for he is become a lorde. breaketh
And hee hath also broken thy commaundement of mercy, and also of patience, "i*" "''f
Thus Lord we be fallen into great mischiefe and thraldome, for our chief- tie, of
tayne hath forsaken war and armes, and hath treated to haue peace with our mercy,
enemies. paUe^nce.
A Lord ! gif it be thy wil, draw out thy swerd out of his shethe, that thy ser-
uants may fight therewith against their enemies, and put cowardise out of our
harts : and comfort us in battail, or than ^ thou come with thy swerd in thy
mouth, to take vengeance on thyne enemies. For gif we bene accorded with our
enemies til that time come, it is dread least thou take vengeaunce both of them
and of vs together. A J^orde ! there is no heljje now in this great mischiefe,
but onelych in thee.
Lord, thou gcuest vs a commandement of trutli, in bidding vs say yea yea,
(1) " Thilk things," those tliiiiges. (2) " Or than," bcforr that.
3 B 2
740 TIIK I'l.OrGHMAX's COMPLAINT
Edward nay nay, and swcarc for nothing. 'JMiou gene vs also a mainulenient of mecke-
'^'- nes, and anotlier of jjoorciu-s. But Lord lie tliat clepeth hiniselfe thy vicar on
. y. earth, liath ybroken both these coniniandinents, for he maketh a law to compel
l^Go' '"'"" ^° sweare, and by his lawes he teachcth that a man to sane his life, may
1 L. forsweare and Ivc. And so Lord, through comfort of liim and his lawes, the
The I'ope people ne dreadeth not to sweare and to lye, ne oft times to forswearen them,
breakeiii Lord here is lyttle truth.
iw't-arTn"[ ^^ Lord, thou hast yhrought vs to a lining of soules that standes in belceuing
"' in thee, and kepyng thy hestes, and when we breaken thyne hestes, then we slen
our soule : and lesse liarme it were to suffer bodilich death.
Lord, king Sanle brake tliine hestes, and thou took his kingdome from liis
heires euermore after him, and gaue it to Uauid thy seruaunt, that kept thine
hestes. And tliou saydst by Samnell thy prophet to Saule the king, that it is a
maner of worshijjjiing of ftUse gods to breake thy hestes. For who that loneth
thee oner al things, and drcadeth thee also: hee nole' for nothing break thine
liestes.
O Lord, gif breaking of thine hestes be herying of false gods, I trow that
he that maketh the people breake thine hestes, and commaundeth that his liestes
ben kept of the ])eoj)le, maketh himself a false god on earth : as Nabuchodonosor
did sometime : that was king of Babilon.
But Lord, we forsaken such false gods, and beleuen that ther ne ben no mo
gods then thou : and though thou sutler vs a while to bene in disease for know-
ledging of thee: we thanken thee with our hart, for it is a token that thou louest
vs, to giuen vs in this world some pcnaunce for our trespas.
Lord, in the old law, thy true seruantes tooke the death, for they would not
eaten swynes flesh that thou haddest forbidde them to eate. O Lord, what
truth is in vs to eaten vncleen mete of the soul, that thou liast forbid ? Lord
thou sayst, he that doth sinne is seruant of sinne, and tlien he that lyeth in
forswearing liim selfe, is seruant of lesing : and then he is seniant to the deuil,
that is a Iyer and fatlier of lesinges. And Lorde thou sayest, no man may serne
two lords at ones. O Lord then euery Iyer for the time that he lyeth, other
forswearetli liim selfe, and forsaketh thy seniice for drede of his bodily death,
becommeth the dcuils seniant.
Beniant () Lord, what truetli is in him that clepeth himselfe seniant of tliy seriiants,
1*311^11 ^"'^ '" '^'^ 'loing, hcc maketh him a lord of thy seniants : Lord, thou were both
popes' Lord and niaister, and so thou said thy selfe, but yet in thy warkes thou were
'•'''«' as a semaunt. Lord this was a great trueth and a great meeknes: hut Lord
" '"''^' ■ bid thou thy seruauntes that they shoulde not haue lordship ouer their brethren ?
Lord thou saidst kings of the heathen men han lordship ouer their subiects,
and they that vse their power be cleped well doers.
But Lord, thou saidst it should not be so amongest thy seniaunts. But he
that were most should be as a scniaunt. Thou Lord, thou taughtest thy dis-
ciples to be nieeke. Lord in the old law thy seruaunts durst haue no lordshij)
of theyr brethren, hut if that thou bid them. And yet they shoulde not doe to
their brethren as they did to tlirailcs- that serued them. But they should doe
to their brethren that were their seruauntes as to their owne brethren. For all
they were Abrahams children. And at a ccrtaine time they shoulde let their
brethren passe from them, in all freedom, but if they would wilfullich abidcn
still in seniice.
0 Lord thou gaue vs in thy comming a law of perfect loue, and in token of
loue thou clepedst thy selfe our brother. And to make vs perfect in loue, thou
bid that we should clepe to vs no father vpon earth, but thy father of heauen
wee should clepe our father. Alas Lord, how violently our brethren and thy
children ben now put in bodily thraldom, and in desjiite as beasts euermore in
greeuous trauell to find jiroud men in ease : But Lord, if we take this defoule
and this disease in patience and in meekenes and kepe thine bests, we hope to
be free. And Lord gene our brethren grace to come out of thraldom of sin, that
they be fall in through the desiring and vsage of lordship vpon their brethren.
I'ritie rf And Lord thy j)riests in the old law had no lordships among their brethren,
jiriestb |3„{ lioiises and pastures for their beasts : but liOrd, our priests now haue great
lordshijis, and put their brethren in greater thraldom then lewd men that be
lords. Thus is meekenesse forsaken,
(1) " Nole," would not. (2) " Thrailes," tiiat is to say, boiulraen.
OF TIIK ABL3KS OK THE WOllLU. T41
Lord thou biddcst in the gospel that when a man is bid to the feast he Eduard
should sit in the lowest place, and then he may be set hyer with worship when _j^_!__
the lord of the feast beholdeth how his guests sitteth. Lord it is drede that they ^_ j)_
that sit now in the highest place should be bidde, in time comming, sit beneath : i^qq".
and that will be shanie and vilenie for them. And it is thy saying, those that -
hyeth himselfe sliould be lowed, and those that loweth themselues should be an
heyghed. O Lord thou biddest in thy gospel to beware of the Pharisies, for it
is a point of pride contrary to mekenes. And Lord thou sayst that they loue
the iirst sittinges at supi)er, and also the principall chaires in churches, and
greetings in clicping and to be clcped maisters of men. And Lord thou
sayst be ye not cleped maisters, for one is your maister, and that is Christ, and
all ye be brethren. And depe ye to you no father vpon eai-th, for one is your
father that is in heauen. O Lord this is a blessed lesson to teach men to be meke.
But Lord he that clepeth himselfe thy vikar on earth, he clepeth himselfe Meeknes
father of fathers against thy forbidding. And all those worships thou hast ni^ded
forbad. He approueth them, and maketh them maisters to many, that teach in mines-
thy people their own teaching, and leaue thy teaching that is nedefidl, and \^,^J^^ .^^
hiden it by quaint gloses from tliy lewd people, and feede thy people with garth iK.t
sweuensi tliat they mete, and tales that doth litle profite, but nmch harme to the tolleraida
people. But Lord, these glosers obiect that they desire not the state of mastry p"pg'^
to be worshipped therby, but to profit the more to thy people when they preach
thy word. For as they seggen the people will beleue more the preaching of a
maister that hath taken a state of schole, then the preaching of another man
that hath not taken the state of maistry.
Lord whether it be any nede that maisters beren witnesse to thy teaching
that it is true and good ? O Lord whether may any maister now by his estate
of maisterie, that thou hast forboden, drawe any man from his sinne, rather
than an other nran that is not a maister, ne wole be none, for it is forbodden
him in thy gospel I Lord thou sendest to maysters to preach thy people, and
thou knowledgist in the gospel to thy father that he hath hid his wisedome from
wise men and redy men, and shewed it to litle children. And Lord, maisters
of the law hylden thy teaching folly, and saiden that thou wouldest destroy
the people with thy teaching. Trulich Lord, so these maisters seggeth now : Master- .
for they liaue written many books against thy teaching that is trueth, and so i^^'^'^fj ■',','
the prophecie of Hieremie is ftdfiUed, when he saitli : Truelich the false points of in preach
the maisters of the law hath wrought lesing. And now is the time come that ers.
S. Paul speaketh of, where hee saith : Time shall come when men shall not
susteine wholesome teaching. But they shuUen gather to hepe maisters with
hutching eares, and from trueth they shullen turnen away their hearing, and
tiu-nen them to tales that maisters haue maked to showne their maistrye and
their wisedome.
And Lord a man shall beleue more a mans workes then his words, and the
dede sheweth well of these maisters that they desiren more maistrie for their
owne worship than for prolite of the people. For when they be maisters, they
nc prechen not so oft as tliey did before. And gif they preachen, commonlich
it is before rich men there as they mowen beare worship and also profit of
their preaching. But before poore men they prechen but seldem, when they
ben maisters : and so by their works we may scene that they ben false glosers.
And Lord, me thinketh that who so wole keepen thine bests him needeth no
gloses : but thilke that clepen them selfe christen men, and lyuen against thy
teaching and thine hestes needelich they mote glose thine hestes after their False
lining, other else men shulden openUch yknow their hypocrisie and their falshod. s'osirs.
But Lord, thou sayst that there is nothing yhid that shal not be shewed
some time. And Lord yblessed mote thou be. For somewhat thou shewest
vs now of our mischiefes that we ben fallen in through the wisedomes of mays-
ters, that haue by sleightes ylad vs away from thee and thy teaching, that thou
that were the maister of heauen taught vs for loue, when thou were here some
time to heale of our soules, withouten error or heresie. But maisters of worldes
wisedome and their founder, haue ydamned it for heresie and for errour.
O Lord, me thinketh it is a great pride thus to reproue thy wisedome and
thy teaching. And Lord me thinketh that this Nabugodonosor king of Babi-
lon that thus hath reproued thy teaching and thine bests, and comm:uulcth on
(I) '' Swcueiis," that is, dreanies.
742
THK I'l.OUGHMAN S COMPLAINT
Edirnrd
III.
A.D.
l.iOO.
Pouertie
of Christ
not
folov.ed.
Pouertie
counted
folly.
God Is
serucd nf
the worst.
A lesson
for the
that have
goods well
to spend
thcni.
all wise to krpcn his hosts : makcn thy people hearen him as a God on earth,
and makcfli thoni liis thralcs and his seniantes.
But Lord, we lewd men knowen no God but thee, and we with thine helpe
and thy grace tbrjaken Nabugodonosor and his lawes. For he in his proud
estate wolc haue al men vnder him, and he nele ' be vnder no man. He ondoth
thy lawes that thou ordaynest to ben kept, and makcth his own lawes as him
liketh : and so he maketh him king aboue al other kings of the earth, and maketh
men to worshippen him as a god, and thy great sacriiice he hath ydone away.
O Lord, here is thy conimaundment of meekenes, mischiflich to broke : and
thy blessed conunaundement of poorenes is also to broken, and yhid froin thy
Eeople. Lord, Zacharie thy prophet saith, that thou that shouldest ben our
ing, shouldest bene a poore man, and so thou were : for thou saydcst thy selfe,
Foxes haue dens, and birdes of heauen nestes, and mans sonne hath not where
to leggc his head on. And thou saydest yblessed ben poore men in spirit, for
thy kingdome of heauen is theiren. And woe to riche men, for they han their
comfort in this world. And thou bade thy disciples to ben ware of all covietise,
for thou saydest, in the abundance of a mans hauing, ne is not his lifclodc.
And so thou teachest that thilke that han more then them needeth to their lining
liuen in couetise. Also thou saiest, but gif a man forsake al thinges that he
oweth, he ne may not ben thy disciple. Lord, thou sayest also that thy word
that is sown in rich mens harts, bringetli forth no fruit : for riches and the
biisinesse of this world maken it withoutcn fruit.
O Lord, here bene many blessed teachinges to teach men to bene pore, and
loue porenesse. But Lord harm is, poore men and poorenes ben yhated, and
rich men ben yloved and honored. And gif a man be a poore man, men
holden him a man without grace, and gif a man dcsireth poorenesse, men
holdcn him but a foole. And if a man be a rich man, men clepen him a gra-
tious man, and thilke that bene busy in getting of riches : ben yhold wise men
and ready : but Lord these rich men sayen that it is both lefid and needful to
them to gather richesse togither. For they ne gathereth it for themselfe, but
for other men that ben needj', and Lord their workes shewen the truth. For
if a poore needy man would borowen of their riches, he nele 2 lean him none ol
his good, but gif he mow be seker to haue it again by a certeine day.
But Lord, thou bede that a man should lend, and not hoping yelding againe
of him that hce lendeth to : and thy father of heauen wol quite him his mede.
And gif a poore aske a rich man any good, the rich man will giue him but
a litle, and yet it shall be httle worth. And Lord me thinketh that here is
little lone and charitie, both to God and to om- bretliren.
For Lord, tliou teachest in thy gospell, that what men doe to thy seruauntes,
they done to thee. A Lord ! gif a poore man axe good for thy loue, men geuetli
him a litle of the wurst. For these rich men ordeinen both bread and ale for
Gods men of the wurst that they haue. O Lord, syth al the good that men have
commeth of thee : how dare any man gene thee of the wurst, and kepe to him-
selfe the best? Howe may such men say that they gatheren riches for others
need, as wel as himselfe, sith theyr works ben contrary to their words? And
that is no gi-eat truth. And be ye seker these goods that rich men han, they
ben Gods goods, ytake to your keeping, to loke how ye wolen be setten them
to the worshipping of God. And I^ord, thou sayest in the gospel, that who so
is true in little, he is true in that thing that is more : and who that is false in a
little thing, who wolc taken him toward things of a greater value ? And there-
fore, be ye ware that han Gods goods to keepe. Spend yee thilke trulich to
the worship of God, least ye leesen the blisse of Vieauen, for the vntruc dis-
pending of (iods goods in this world.
O Lord, these rich men scggeU'' that they don much for thy loue. For many
poore labourers ben yfotuid by them, that shoulden fare fel)elich, ne were not
they aiid their rcadincsse : forsooth me thinketh th.at poor labourers geucth to
these rich men, more then they giuen them agaynward. For the pocre men
mote gone to his labovu- in cold and in heate, in wete and dry, and spend his flesh
and his bloud in the rich mens works, vpon Gods ground, to find the rich man
in case, and in liking, and in good fare of mcate, and of drink, and of clothing.
l^eere is a great gift of the poore man, for he giueth his owne body. But what
giucth the rjche man him agaynward ? Certes feable meat, and feable drink,
(1) ' Kcle," that is, will net.
(2) Ibid.
(3) " St't'gen," that is, do say.
seruamit
vpoii
OF Tin: AmsKS of the would. 743
and feablc clothing. Wliateucr they seggcn, sucli be tlieir werks, and licre is Edward
litle loue. And wliosoeuer looketh well about, all the worlde farcth thus as we -"^■
seggen. And all men studieth on eucry syde, how they may wcx rich men. ~A~~n~
And euerich man almost is a shamed to ben holden a poore man. \un
And Lord, I trow for tliou were a poore man, men token litle regarde to — '. L
thee, and to thy teaching. But Lord thou came to geue vs a new testament
of loue, and therefore it was semelich that thou came in poorenes, to prone who
wold loue thee, and kepen thyne bests. For gif thou haddest ycome in forme Tlie po-
of a rich man and of a lord, men wold rather for thy dread then for thy loue, ^"'.v °f
haue ykept thine bests. And so Lord now thou might wel ysee which louen rij,i,Hy
thee as they should in keeping thine hestes. For who that loueth thee in thy consi-
poorenes and in thy lownes, needes lie mote loue thee in thy lordship and '^'•*'^''''^-
thy highnesse.
But Lord, the worlde is turned vpse downe, and men loue poore men but a
litle ne poorenes neither. But men be ashamed of poorenes, and therefore
Lord, I trow tliat thou art a jxjore kyng. And therefore I trow that he that a poore
clepeth himself thy vicare on earth, hath forsaken poorenes, as he hatli do the king, and
renmaunt of thy law : and is become a rich man and a lord, and maketh his uj'J^r'Jio^
treasiu-e vpon the earth that thou forbiddest in the gospel. And for his right ioyne
and riches he will plete, and fight, and curse. And yet Lord, he will segge J'*';^,'^,'""
that bee forsaketh all thyngs that he oweth, as thy true disciple mete done after ^''
thy teaching in the gospel.
But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken his goods and plete for them, Christ a
and light, and ciu-se. And Lord bee taketh on him power to assoyle a man of ""
all maner things, but if it be of dette. Truely Lord, me thinketh he knoweth earth
litle of charitie. For who that beth in charitie, possesseth thy goodes in '^ ''."''^
common and not in proper at his neighbours nede. And then shall there none ,,., '
^ ., 1 • • ^ 1 ■ • * 1 1 ,-, 1 , . llie pope
ot tliem segge this is myne, but it is goods that Ciod graunteth to vs to spenden it for l]is
to his worship. And so if anie of them borroweth a porcion of tliose goods, and ijfe'litand
dispendeth them to Gods worship : God is apayed of this spending, and aloweth „,'j]j'^
him for his true doing : And if God is a payed of that dispending that is the princi- pieaii,
pal lord of those goods, how dare any of his seniants axen thereof accounts, other 'j^''" ^'"^
challenge it for dette/ Serteii, of one thing I am incerteine, that these tluit
charge so much dette of worldly cattell, they know litle of Christes law of charitie.
For if Icli am a bayly of Gods goodes in the world, if I see my brother in
nede, I am hold by charity to part with him of these goodes to his nede : and
if he spendeth them well to the worship of God, I mote be well apayd as
though I my selfe had spended them to the worship of God. And if the prin-
cipal! Lord is well payed of my brothers doing, and the dispendyng of his
goodes : how may I segge for shame that my brother is dettour to me, of
the goodes that I tooke him to spende in Gods worship at his nede ? And if Propri-
my brother spendeth amisse the goodes that I take him, I am discharged of my ^'i*^ "'
deliuerance of the goodes, if I take him in charity thilk goodes at his nede. And here, is
I am hold to be sorie of his euill dispending, ne I may not axen the goodes, ""t taken
that I tooke him to his nede in forme of dette, for at his neede they were his ci^a^i^je
as well as mine. And thus is my brother yholde to done to me gif he see me is re-
in nede, and gif we bene in charitie, litle should we chargen of dette. And ?","^'','l '."
ne we shold not axen so dettes, as men that knowen not God. And than we needuof
be poore in forsaking all thinges that we owen : for gif we ben in charitie, we our
woUen nother fight nor curse, ne plete for our goods with our brethren. hour'
O Lord thus thou taughtest thy seruauntes to lyuen. And so they lyucden
while they hadden good shepheards, that feddeii thy sheepe and robbed them
not of their lifelode, as Peter thy good shepheavd and thy other apostles. But
Lord, he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth and successour to Peter : he
robbeth thy puple of their bodylich lyfelode, for he ordeneth proud shepherds
to lyuen in ese by the tenth party of poore mens trauell. And he giueth them
Icue to lyuen where them lyketh. And gif men no wolen wilfuUich genen
them the tithinges, they wolen ban them against their will by maystery and by
cursing, to maken them rich. -jlie .,ppc
Lord, how may any man segge that such shcphcrdes that louen more the Avolle a main-
then the sheepe, and feden not thv sheep in body ne in soul, ne ben such |pJ "•"'' "'
11 o » 1 1 11 • /• 1 "leeucs
rauenours and theeues r And who may segge that tlic maintaynour ot such and rob-
slicphcards, ne is not a maintcnour of theeues and robbers? How wole bee bcrs.
<nA
744
THK ri-OI'CII.MAX S COMPI.AIXT
EdwOTd
III.
A.U.
i;j60.
Christ a
pood
shepc-
lieard in
deede.
Cora pari
sou be-
tween the
popes
•hcep-
herdii and
Christ.
Wolues
in lambe-
ckins de-
scribed.
He com-
plaineth
against
tiie \-aIi-
ant be-
gerc the
friers.
as.-oile shepherds of their robliiiig without restitution of their eoods, that thev
robben thy shcepc of against their will .' Lord, of all .shepherds, blessed mote
thou be. For thou louedst more the slieepe then their wole. For thou feedest
thy sheepe both in body and soule. And for loue of thy sheepe thou tooke thy
death to bring thy sheepe out of wolues mouthes. And the most charge that
thou gone to Peter was to feede thy sheepe. And so he did truelich, and
tooke the deathe for thee and for thy sheepe. For he came into the fold of
sheepe by thee that were the dore. And so I trow a few other did as he did,
though they clepen theniself successours to Peter, for their works showen what
they ben. For tliey robben and sleen and destroyen : they robben thy sheepe of
tlie tenth i)art of their trauell, and feden them self in ease. They sleen thy sheepe,
for they pyenen them for hunger of their soid to the death. They destroyen
tlie slieej)e, for with might and with sternship tliey nden thy slieepe : that for
dred they ben dispcarsed abrode in mountaines, and there the wulde beastes of
the field destroieth them *and^ devoureth them* for defaidt of a good shepheard.
•O Lord, gif it be thy will deliuer thy sheepe out of such shej)heardes ward
that retcheth not of thy sheepe, they han their woUe to make themselfe
riche. For thy sheepe ben in great mischiefe, and foule accombred with their
shepheardes.
But for^ thy shepheardes vvolden ben excused, they haue ygetten them hyred
men to feed thy people, and these comen in sheepes clothing. But dredles,
their workes shewen that within forth* they ben but wolfes. For han they
their hyre, they ne retcheth but a little howe sorilich thy sheepe ben kept.
For as they seggen themselfe, they ben but hyred men that han no charge of
tliy sheepe. And when they shulden feden thy sheepe in the plenteous lesewe*
of thy teaching, they stonden betweene them and their lesewe, so that thy
sheepe ne han but a sight of thy lesewe, but eaten they shall not thereof. But
they feden them in a sorry sowre lesewe of lesinges and of tales. And so thy
sheepe fallen into greeuous sicknes through this euill lesewe. And gif any
sheepe breake ouer into thy lesewe to fasten the sweetnesse thereof, anon these
hj-red men driue him out with houndes. And thus thy sheepe by these hyred
men, ben ykept out of tlieir kindlich lesewe, and ben yfed with soure grasse
and sory baren lesewe. And yet they feden but seldome, and when they han
sorilich fed them, they taken great hyre, and gone away from thy sheepe and
letten them a worth.
And for dread least thy sheepe wolden in their absence go to thy sweet lesew,
they lian enclosed it all about so stronglich and so high, that there may no
sheepe comen there within, but gif it be a Walisch leper* of the mountaines
that may witli liis long legges lepen ouer the wallys. For the hyrid men ben
full certain, that gif thj' sheepe had ones ytasted the sweetnesse of thy lesewe:
the}' lie woulde no more bene yfed of these hyred men in their sowre lesews,
and therefore these hyred men keepen them out of that lesewe. For hadcn the
sheepe ones ytasted well of that lesew, they woulden without a leder go thider
to their mete, and then mote these hyred men sechcn them another labour to
line by than keping of sheepe. And they ben fell and ware ynowe thereof,
and therefore they feden thy sheepe with some meate that naught is, and liiden
from tliy sheepe the sweetnesse of thy lesewe. And so though these hyred
men gone in sheepes clothing, in their works they ben wolues, that much harme
done to thy sheepe as wee haue ytold.
() Lord, they comen as sheepe, for they seggen that they ben poore and
haue forsaken the world to liuen parfctlich as thou taughtest in the gospel.
Lord this is sheeps clothing. But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to for-
saken tlie trauelous lining in poorenesse in the world, to liuen in ese with riches
by otiier mens trauell, and haue lordship on their brethren. For Lord, this is
more to forsaken thee and go to the world.
O Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake the world to liuen in poore-
nesse of begging by other mens trauell that bene as feble as they ben. Ne
Lord thou ne tauglitest not a man to liuen in poorenesse of begging, that were
strong inougli to travayle for his lifelodc. Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a
man to ben a begger to begge of men more then him needeth, to build great
casHes and make great feasts to thilke that han no need.
(1) From the scrond Edition of 1570, p. 500.— Ed
\3) " VVitliin fortli," inwardly. (4) " Lesewe."
pasture.
(2) " But for," but because.
(5) " A Welch Icaper."
OF THE ABUSES OF THE WORLD. 745
O Lord thou ne taughtest not men tliis poorenesse, for it is out of charitie. Edward
But thy poorenesse that tliou taviglitest, norisheth charitie. Lord, sitli Paul i^I-
sayth, that hee that forsaketh the charge of thillie tluit hen liomelicli' with him, . y.
hath forsaken his faith, and is worse than a misbeleued mannc : how then now lopn*
these men scggen tliat they beleuen in Christ, that lum forsake their poore L
feeble friends, and let them line in trauell and in disese, that trauelled full
sore for them, wlien they weren yong and vnmiglity to helpen them self?
And they wolen hue in ease by other mens traueil euermore begging withouten
shame. Lord thou ne taughtest not this maner poorenes, for it is out of charitie.
And all thy law is charitie and thing that nourisheth chaiitie : and these
hyrdmen, these shepheards send about, to keep thy shepe and to feden them
other whiles in sorrye bareyne lesewes. Lord thou ne madest none such Wilfull
shepheai'ds, ne keepers of thy sheep that *wcreni ireners about countries and ^^J,'^"^''^
wolden oder ones twyes a yere -'* feed sorylich thy shepe, and for so litle trauel
taken a great hire, and sithen all the yeare afterward, doe what them liketh,
and let thy shepe perish for defaut of keping.
But thy shepheards abiden still with their sheepe, and feeden them in tliy
plenteous lesewe of tliy teaching, and gone byfore thy shepe, and teachen
them the way into the plenteous and sweet lesewe, and keepen thy flocke from
rauening of the wild beastes of the field.
O Lord deliuer thy sheepe out of the ward of these shepheards, and these The pro
hyred men, that stonden more to keepe their riches that they robben of thy pertie of
sheep, than they stonden in keping of thy sheepe. fhep-
O Lorde when thou come to lerusalem, sometime thou droue out of the heards.
temple, sellers of beastes and of other chafR-e, and saydest : Mine house shoulden
ben cleped an house of prayers, but they maden a den of theeues of it. O
Lorde, thou art the temple in whom we shoulden prayen thy father of heauen.
And Salomon's temple that was ybelded at lerusalem, was figure of this temple.
But Lord, he that clepeth himself thy vicar vppon earth, and sayth that he
occupieth thy place here on earth, is become a chapman in thy temple, and The pope
hath his chapmen walking in diuers countreys to sellen his chafFare, and to maken ** ^ '^^3P-
him i"ich. And he saith, thou gaue him so great a power abouen all other Gods'
men, that what euer he bindeth other vnljindeth in earth, thou bindest other temple
vnbindest the same in heauen. And so of great power he selleth other men
forgiuenesse of their sinne. And for much money hee will assoylen a man so
cleane of his sinne, that he behoteth* men the blesse of heauen withouten any
pain after that they be dead, that giuen him much money.
Bishoprickes and cherches, and such other chaffares he selleth also for mony,
and maketh hiniselfe rich. And thus he beguiled the puple.
O Lord lesu, here is much vntruth, and mischiefe, and matter of sorrow. Note good
Lord thou saidest sometime, that thou wouldest be with thy seruaunts vnto the reader if
end of the world. And thou saydest also, there as twejnie or three byn ygadred y^l^^^l ^
to gedder in thy name, that thou art in the niidle of t!iem. A Lord ! then it or 3 be
was no need to thee to maken a liefetenant, sith thou wolte be euermore amonsst gat'^^^red
,1 ^ ° m hi3
thy seruaunts. name,
Lorde, thou axedst of thy disciples, who they trowed that thou were. And ^''at
Peter aunswered and saide, that thou art Christ God's sonne. And thou "^gj^o^fa
saydest to Peter, Thou art ybjessed Symon Bariona, for fleshe and hloud ne lieuete-
showed not this to thee, but my father that is in heauen. And I say to thee "''"'•
that thou art Peter, and v'ppon this stone ych wolde bylde my churche, and the "^h^ place
gates of hell ne shullen not auailen agens it. to Pete i-
And to thee jch wole geue the keyes of heauen, and what euer thou bindest >" k' yes,
vpon earth shal be bound in heauen, and what euer thou vnbyndest on earth, g^'*"""
shall be vnbounden in heauen. This power also was graunten vnto the other
disciples as well as to Peter, as the gospell openlich telleth. In this place men
seggen that thou graunted to Peters successors, the selue power that thou
gaue to Peter. And therefore the bishop of Rome, that sayth he is Peters
successour, taketh this power to him to bynden and vnbynden in earth what
him liketh. But Lorde, ych haue nuicli wonder how he may for shame clepen
himself Peters successour. For Peter knowledged that thou were Christ and
God, and kept the hestes of thy lawe : but these ban forsaken the hestes of thy
law, and hath ymaked a lawe contrary to thjne hestes of thy lawe. And so
'I) " Homelich,' of liis householde. (2) See Edition 1570.— Ed. (3) " Behoteth," promiseth.
746 Till". ri.oitiiiM.w's coMri.AixT
EiUrnrd hcc niiikcd himself a false Clnist and a false God in earth. And I trowc tlioii
'''• gaiio iiiuj no power to vndoe Uiy lawe. And so in taking this power vppon hin!,
. ,-v niakelli him a false Christ and Antichrirst.
- ■ ■ For who may be more agens Christ, than he that in his words maketh hiin-
selfe Christes vicar in earth : and in his werkcs vndoth the ordinaunce of
The pope Christ, and maketh men hyleuen that it is needfidl to the heale of niannes
FaTse "An"- so'il'"''. to byleuen that he is Christes vicar in earth ? And what cuer he
ticiiri.stiii bvnddh in earth is ybounden in heauen, and viider this colour hee vndoth
farth. Chri/^tes lawe, and maketh men alwaies to kepcn his law and hestes,
Thepopes And thus men may yseene that he is agenst Christ, and thed'ore he is Ante-
abboin- ehrist that maketh men worshupen him as a (iou on earth, as the proud king
dcscriv" Nabugodonosor did sometime, that was king of Babylon. And therefore wee
cd. lewed nienne that knowen no God but thee lesu Christ, beleuen in thee that
art our God, and our King, and our Christ, and thy lawes. And forsaken Anti-
christ and Nabugodonosor that is a false God and a false Christ, and his lawes
that ben contrary to thy preaching.
And Lorde strength thou vs agenst our enemies. For they ben about to
maken vs forsaken thee and thy law, other else to putten vs to death.
O Lorde, onelich in thee is om- tmst to helpe vs in this mischiefe, for thy
great goodnesse that is withouten end.
Lord thou ne taughtest not thy disciples to assoylcn men of their sinne, and
setten them a penaimce for tluir sin, in fasting ne in praying, ne other almous
dede : ne tliy selfe, ne thy disciples, vseden no such power here on earth. For
Lord, thou forgeue men their sinnes, and bede hem sin no more. And th)' dis-
ciples fidlcden' men in thy name, in forgiuenesse of her sins. Nor they took
no such power vpon them a.s our priestes dare now. And Lord, thou ne
assoyledest no man both of his sinne and of his peyne, that was due for his
sinne, ne thou grauntedst no man such power here on earth.
Purgato- And Lord me thinketli that gif there were a purgatorie, and any earth-
''*■ lich man had power to deliueren sinful men from the peynes of purgatory, he
should and he were in charitie, sauen euerich man that were in way of saluta-
tion from thilke peynes, sith they make them greater then any bodilyche peynes
of this world. Also gif the bishop of Rome had such a power, he himselfe
shoidd neuer comen in purgatory ne in hell. And sith we see well that he ne
hath no power to keepen himselfe ne other men nother out of these bodilich
peynes of the world, and he may goe to hell for his sinne as an other man
may : I ne byleuc not, that he hath so great a power to assoylen men of their
sin as he taketh vpon him abouen all other men. And I trow that in this he
hygheth him selfe aboue God.
Selling of As touching the selling of bishopricks and personages, I ti-ow it be a point of
bishop- fdlsehed. For agenst Ciods ordinance hee rohbeth poore men of a porcion of
and be- their sustenance, and selleth it, other giueth it, to hnd proud men in idlenes
iirtites. that don the lewd puple little profite, but much harme as we told before. Thus
ben thy commaundements of truth, of meekenesse, and of poovnesse, vndon<
by him that clepeth himselfe thy vicar here vpon earth.
A Lord ! thou gaue vs a commaundement of chastite, that is, a forsaking of
fleschlich lustes. For thou broughtest vs to a lining of soule that is ygouerned
Mariage. by the word. For Lord, thou ordeinedist women more frele than man to ben
ygouerned by mans rule, and his helpe, to please thee and keep thine hestes.
Ne thou ne ordainedist that a man should desire the company of a woman, and
maken her his wife, to liuen with her in his lustis, as a swine doth or a horse.
And his wife ne iike him not to his lustes, Lorde thyu ne gaue not a man leaue
to departen him from his wife, and taken him another.
But Lord, thy mariage is a common accord betweene man and woman, to
liuen togitlier to their lines end, and in thy seruice eyther the better for others
lulpe, aiul thilke that ben thus ycome together, bene ioyned by thee, and thilke
that God ioineth, may no man depart. But Lord, thou sayst that gif a man
see a woman to coueten her, than lie doth with the woman lecherye hi his hart.
And so Lord, gif a man desire his wife in couetise of such lustes, and not to
fly from whoredomc, his wcddins is lechery, ne thou ne ioynest them not toge-
how'*o" f • 'f^>"s ^^'^s Riigncls daughter ywedded to seuen husbandes that the deuill
tnarrye. instrangled. But Toby tookc her to line with her in clennes, and bringing vjt
(1) " FuUcden," Ihat is, baptised.
OF THE ABUSES OF THE WOULD. 747
:if her children in thy worship, and on him tlie deuill ne had no power. For Edward
the wedding was yniaked in God, for God, and thi-ough God. m
A Lord, the people is farre ygo from thys maner of wedding. For now men
wedden their wiues for faircnes, other for riches, or some sucn other fleshlich A. 1).
lusts. And Lord, so it preueth by them for the most part. For a man shall ^•''^''^-
not finde two wedded in a land, where the husband loues the \vife, and the
wife is buxum to the man, as they shoulden after thy law of marriage. But
other the man loucs not his wife, or the wife is not buxum to her man. And
thus Lord is the rule of prefo, that neucr fayleth no preue whether it be done
by thee or no. And Lord, all this mischiefe is common among thy people, for
that they know not thy word, but their shepheards and hyred men fedden them
with their sweuens ' and leasings. And Lord, where they shoulden gon before
vs in the field, they seggen their order is so holy for thy marriage. And Lord,
he that calleth himself thy vicar vpon earth, will not sufFren priests to taken
them wyues, for tliat is against his law : but Lord, he will dispensen with them
to kepen horen for a certaine somme of mony. And Lord, all horedome is
forfended in thy lawe. And Lord, thou neuer forfendest priests their wiues, priests
ner thy apostles neither. And well I wote in our land, priestes hadden wiues 'i^i'l
vntill Anselmus dales in the yeare of our Lord God, a leuen hundred and twentie the"tlrne*^
and nine, as Huntingdon writes. And Lord, this makes people for the most of Ansel-
part beleuen, that lecherie is no synne. Therefore wee lewd men prayen thee ™^*-
that thou wolt send vs shepheardes of thine owne that wolen feden thy flocke
in thy Icsewe, and gon before them selfe, and so wTitten thy law in our harts,
that from the least to the most all they mayen knowen thee. And Lord, geue
our king and his lords, hart to defenden thy true shepheardes and thy sheepe
from out of the wolues mouthes, and grace to know thee that art the true Christ,
the Sonne of thy heauenly father, from the Antichrist, that is the sonne of
pride. And Lord, geue vs thy poore sheepe patience and strength to suffer for
thy law, tlie cnielnes of the niischieuous wolues. And Lord, as thou hast pro-
mised, shorten these dayes. Lord we axen this now, for more need was there
neuer.
I doubt not, gentle reader, but in reading this goodly treatise
above prefixed, the matter is manifest and plain of itself without any-
further explication, what is to be thought and judged of this vicar of
Christ, and successor of Peter, whom we call the bishop of Rome ;
whose life here thou seest not only to be disordered in all points,
SAverving from the steps and example of Christ the prince and
bishop of our souls, but also whose laws and doctrines are so
repugnant and contrary to the precepts and rule of the gospel,
that almost there is no convenience between them ; as in the
perusing of this complaining prayer thou mayest notoriously under-
stand. Wherefore, liaving no need to stand in any further express-
ing of this matter, but leaving it to thine own consideration and
discretion, I will speed myself (Christ willing) to proceed toward the
tmie of John WicklifF and his fellows, taking in the order of years as I
go, such things by the way, as both happened before the said time of
NVickliff, and also may the better prepare the mind of the reader to
the entering of that story ; where, first, I think it not inconvenient to
infer a prophetical parable, written about this time, or not much
before, which the author morally applieth unto the bishop of Rome.
To what author this prophecy or moral is to be ascribed, I have not
certainly to affirm : some say, that Rupescissanus (of whom mention
is made before) was the author thereof, and allege it out of Froysard;
but in Froysard, as yet, 1 have not found it. In the mean season,
as I have found it in Latin expressed, because it painteth out the
(1) " Sweuens," that is, dreames.
74-8 A I'AUAEi.r, rKoi'iiKSYiNi; thk di:structiox of the rori:
K,i<rard popc SO right])' ill liis feathers and colours ; as I thought the thing
"^ was not to be omitted, so 1 took this present phice, as ni(jst fit
A. I), (altliough pcradventure missing the order of years a little) to in-
^•'^<jQ- sert the same. The effect of the parable followeth here under-
written.
Tn the time of popc Innocent VI. above specified, this Johannes
de l^ipescissa, a friar, among his other prophecies marvellously fore-
six-ike (as allegcth Froysard, who both heard and saw him) of the
taking of John the French king, prisoner, and brought forth many
other notable collections concerning the perils, mutations and chang-
ings in the church to come. At the time the popc kept him at
Avignon in prison (where Froysard is said to have seen him, and
to have spoken with him), the said Froysard heard in the pope''s
court this example and parable, recited by the aforesaid friar
Rupescissanus to two cardinals, to wit, the cardinal of Ostia, and
the cardinal of Auxerre, which folio weth in these words : —
A Parable prophesying the Destruction of the Pope.
When, on a certain time, a bird was brought into the world all bare and with-
out feathers, the other birds hearing thereof, came to visit her : and as they
saw her to be a marvellously fair and beautifid bird, they counselled together
how they might best do her good, since by no means without feathers she
might either fly, or live commodiously. They all wished her to live for her
excellent form and beauty's sake, insomuch that among them all there was not
one that would not grant some part of her own feathers to deck this bird
withal : yea, and the more trim they saw her to be, the more feathers still they
gave unto her, so that by this means slic was passing well penned and fea-
The pope thered, and began to fly. The other birds that thus had adorned her with
rompared goodly feathers, beholding her to fly abroad, were marvellously delighted there-
feHthercd with. In the end this bird seeing herself so gorgeously feathered, and of all the
with rest to be had in honour, began to wax proud and haughty ; insomuch that she
{^I'rj" had no regard at all unto them, by whom she was advanced : yea, she pungcd
feathers, them witli her beak, plucked tliem by the skin and featliers, and in all places
The first Imrt them. Whereupon the birds sitting in council again, called the matter in
ii'roud*"'' question, demanding one of another what was best to be done touching this
lirospcri- unkind bird, whom they lovingly with their own feathers had decked and
ty of the adorned ; affirming that they gave not their feathers, to the intent that she,
thereby pufied up with pride, should contemptuously despise them" all. The
peacock therefore answereth fii'st, " Trul}-," saith he, " for that she is bravely
The de- set forth with my ])aintcd feathers, I will again take them from her." Then
cay of the saith the falcon, " And I also will have mine attain." This sentence at length
scribed, ^ook place among them all, so that every one plucked from her those feathers
whicli before they had given, challenging to them their own again. Now
this proud bird, seeing herself thus to be dealt withal, began, forthwith, to
abate her haughty stomach, and humbly to submit herself, openly confessing
and acknowledging, that of herself she had nothing, but that her feathers,
her honour, and other ornaments were their gift ; she came into the world
all naked and bare ; they clad her with comely feathers, and, therefore, of
right may they receive them again. Wherefore, in most humblewise, she
desireth pardon, promising to amend all that was past, neither would she at
any time hereafter commit that whereby, through pride, .she might lose her
feathers again. The gentle birds, that before had given their feathers, seeing
her so lunnble and lowly, being moved with pity, restored again the feathers
which lately they had taken away, adding withal this admonition, " We will
gladly," say they, " behold thy flying among us, so long as thou wilt use thine
oHice with hinnblcness of mind, which is the chiefest comeliness of all the rest :
l)ut this have thou for certainty, that if at any time hereafter thou extol thyself
in pride, we will straightways deprive thee of thy feathers, and reduce thee to
thy former state wherein we found thee." " Even so, O you cardinals I" saith
HISTORY OF AUMACHANUS. 7 If)
Johannes Rupescissanus, " sliall it happen unto you: for the emperors of the Eiiwird
Romans and Almains, and other christian kings, potentates, and princes of the ^^^■
earth, have bestowed upon you goods, hinds and riches, that shoukl serve God, ~a~TJ
but you liave poured it out, and consunu'd it upon pride, and all kind of wicked- lof^
uess, riot and wantonness." '^ — '. L
Clje 'Itife nnD .§tori; of "^Crmacljcinu^, 'JCcclj&iiSfjop niiD Ipcimate
of 3l^fl'in^
In the catalogue of tliese learned and zealous defenders of
Christ against Antichrist above rehearsed, whom the Lord about
this time began to raise up for reformation of his church, being
then far out of frame, I cannot forget or omit something to write of
the reverend prelate and famous clerk, Richard, archbishop of
Armagh and primate of Ireland : a man for liis life and learning so
memorable, as the condition of those days then served, that the same
days then, as they had but few as good, so had none almost his
better. His name was Richard Fitz-Ralph, made archbishop and
primate, as is said, of Ireland ; first brought up in the university
of Oxford in the study of all liberal knowledge, wherein he did
exceedingly profit under John Bakenthorpe, his tutor and instructor.
In this time the begging friars began greatly to multiply and spread,
unto whom this Bakenthorpe was ever a great enemy ; whose steps
the scholar also following, began to do the like. Such was the iiisoom-
capacity and dexterity of this Fitz-Ralph, that he, being commended t'ion.
to king Edward III., was promoted by him, first, to be archdeacon
of Lichfield, then to be the commissary of the university of Oxford :
at length, to be archbishop of Armagh in Ireland. He being arch-
bishop, upon a time had cause to come up to London ; at what
time here, in the said city, was contention between the friars and
the clergy about preaching and hearing confessions, &c. Where- Armach.
upon, this Armachanus, being requested to preach, made seven or p;"gj ,,^
eight sermons ; wherein he propounded nine conclusions against the ^^^ '■'■'i»''3
friars, for which he was cited up by the friars before this pope beforrtue
Innocent VI., to appear; and so he did: wdio before the face of^°'^^'
the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching and in writing,^ the
same conclusions, and therein stood constantly unto the death, as
the words of John Wickliff, in his Trialogue, do well testify.^ The
like also Waldenus testifieth of him ; also Volateranus reporteth
the same. Gulielmus Botonerus,^ testifying of him in like manner,
saith, that Armachanus first reproved begging friars for hearing the
confessions of professed nuns without license of their superiors, and
also of married women without knowledge of their husbands. What Troubles
dangers and troubles he sustained by his persecutors, and how seJliUoiis
miraculously the Lord delivered him from their hands; insomuch, °[^""^-
that they meeting him in the open streets, and in clear davlight, yet
had no power to see him nor to apprehend him: in what peril of thieves fa'ii,';f,l'i'"
and searchers he was, and vet the Lord delivered him ; yea, and caused '"'''."''vs.
•' ^ J ^ l,y i.ie
Laril.
(1) See Appendix for the fuller application of the parable. — Ed
(2) For his numerous writings om this subject, see Catalogue of MSS Angl. et Hibern. — Ed.
(.■i) Ab Anglorum episcopis conduetu.s, Armachanus novem in Avinione conclusiones coram In-
nocentio VI. et surrum cardinalium cnetu, contra fratrum mendicitateni, audacter publicavit, ver-
boque ac scriptis ad mortem usque detcndit.
(4) In fasiculo ziz^niorum. (51 On Gulielmus Botonerus, see Appendix. — Ed.
7r)0 inSTOUY OF ARMACHAXUS.
E.iwnrd Ins moncv, bcinc^ Uikcn from liini, to be restored to liini again by por-
"' lions in time of his necessity and fanjinc : also from Mliat dangers
^ 1^ of tlic king's ollicers, wlio, coniing with the king's letters, laid all the
13G0. havens for him ; yet how the Lord Jesus delivered him, showing
■ — ' " liini by wliat ways to escape them : moreover Avhat appeals were laid
against liini, to the number of sixteen ; and yet how the Lord gave him
to triumph over all his enemies : how the Lord also taught him and
brou'dit him out of the profound vanities of Aristotle's subtlety, to the
study of the Scriptures of God : all this, with much more, lie himself
cxpresseth in a certain prayer or confession made to Christ Jesus our
Lord, in which he dcscribeth almost the whole history of his own life ;
which prayer I have to show in old writing liand, and hereafter
(Christ willing) intend, as time serveth, to publish the same.^
Thus what were the troubles of tliis good man, and how he was
cited up by the friars to the pope, you have partly heard. Now,
what were his reasons and arguments whercwitli he defended his
(•ausc in the pope's presence, followcth to be declared ; for the trac-
tation whereof, first, T must put the reader in remembrance of the
controversy mentioned before in the story of Gulielmus de Sancto
Amore, p." 510; also in the story of the university of Paris contend-
ing against the friars, p. 712; for so long did this controversy con-
tinue in the church, from a. D. 1240, Avhen the Oxford men began
first to stand against the friars, to the time of this Armachanus,
A. D. 1360; and after this time yet more did it increase. So it
pleased the secret providence of God, for what cause he bestknowcth,
to suffer his church to be entangled and exercised sometimes with
matters and controversies of no great importance ; eitlier to keep the
vanity of men's wits thus occupied from idleness, or else to prepare
their minds, by these smaller matters, to tlie consideration and scavcli-
ing out of other things more grave and weighty. Like as now in
these our queen's days we see what tragedies be raised up in England
about forms and fashions of ministers' wearings, what troubles grow,
what placing and displacing there is about the same. Even so at
this time happened the like stir about the liberties and privileges of
the friars, which not a little troubled and occupied almost all the
churches and divines throughout Christendom. 'J'his controversy, to
the intent it may better be understood, all the circumstances thereof
being explained, wc will first begin, from the original and foundation
of the matter, to declare by order and course of years, upon what
occasion this variance first rising, in continuance of time increased and
multiplied by gatlicring more matter, and burst out at length in this
tumultuous contention among learned men.
C(Micerning therefore this present matter ; first, it is to be under-
stood, that (a. D. 1215), under pope Innocent IIL, was called a
general council at Lateran, mentioned before (p. 334), in the days of
king John. In that council, among many other things, was consti-
tuted a certain law or canon, beginning " Omnis utriusque sexus," &c.
the tenor of which canon in English is thus : —
(1) Thehfginnhi;] of the prnyi'r in Lnliii is this: " Tilii l.T.is, tibi gloria. til)i crrafianim nrlio, Jpsu
piiasime, Jesu potiJiitissime, Sean dulcissime ; qui dixisti, cpo sum via. voiitas et vita. Via sine
devio; Veritas sine niibllo; ct vita sine termini). Quod tutc viam mibi ostcndisti ; tiite veram
veritntem me doruisti ; et tute vitam milii promisisti. Via eras niilii in exilio ; Veritas eras in
consilio; et Vila eris niilii in pra'mio."
POPE gbkcory's bull. 7o1
Be it decreed, that every faithful Christian, both man and woman, coming Edward
to the years of discretion, shall confess himself alone of all his sins to the priest ^"-
of his own proper parish, once in the year at least ; and that he shall endeavour, j^ ^y
by his own self, to fulfil the penance, whensoever he receiveth the sacran\ent of j;jqq'
the Eucharist, at least at the time of Easter, unless by the assent of his minister, — ! 1-
upon some reasonable cause, he abstain for the time. Otherwise doing, let him No'^e ^^^
both lack the comnumion of the church being alive, and christian burial when caile'ih it
lie is dead. Wherefore be it decreed, that this wholesome constitution shall be not the
published accustomably in churches, to the end that no man, of ignorance or *^",^\,p
blindness, make to himself a cloak of excuse. And if any shall confess himself the altar.
to any other priest than of his own parish upon any just cause, let him first ask
and obtain license of his own priest : otherwise the priest shall have no power
to bind liim or to loose him, i*tc.
In the time of this Innoeent, and of this Lateran council, uas
Dominic, tlie first author and founder of the prcaehin": friars ; who
hiboured to the said pope Innocent for the confirmation of his
order, but did not obtain it in his life time.
The next year after this Lateran council ' died pope Innocent,
A.D. 1216, after whom came Honorius III., who in the first year of
his popedom confirmed tlie order of the friars Dominic, and gave to
him and his friars authority to preach, and to hear confessions, with
divers other privileges. And under this pope, who governed ten
years, lived Dominic five years after the confirmation of his order, and
died A.D. 1221. About that year the order of the Franciscan friars
began also to breed, and to spread in the world, through prcacliing
and hearing confessions.
After this Honorius, next followed Pope Gregory IX., March,
A.D. 1227, who, for the promoting of the aforesaid order of Domi-
nies, gave out this bull, in tenor as followeth : —
' The Bull of Pope Gregory in the behalf of the Dominic Friars.
Gregorius bishop, servant of God's servants, to his reverend brethren, arcli-
bishops, bishops, and to his well-beloved children, abbots, priors, and to all
prelates of churches, to whomsoever these presents shall come, greeting, and
apostolical blessing. Because iniquity^ hath abounded, and the charity of many
hath waxed cold ; "behold, the Lord hath raised up the order of our well-beloved |
children the preaching friars, who not seeing things of their own, but pertain-'
ing to Jesus Christ, for the extirpating of heresies, as well as for the rooting out
also of other pernicious pestilences, have dedicated themselves to the preaching
of the words of God. We therefore, minding to advance their sacred pur- priars to
pose, &c., command you to see the said persons, gently to be received among hearcon-
you ; and that your flocks committed to your charge do receive devoutly the l,';,^,^'"^*'
seed of God's word out of their mouth, and do confess their sins unto them, all join psn-
such as list, whom we have authorized to the same, to hear confessions, and to ance.
enjoin penance, &c. Dat. Perusii. An. Pont, nostri 8.
This pope Gregory died a.d. 1241, after Avhom came Celestine IV. inno-
and sat but eighteen days: then came Innocent IV., and sat eleven against'
vears and six months ; who, although he began first to favour the ti^^ frian.
friars, vet afterwards, being altered by certain divines of universities,
prelates of churches, and curates, he debarred them of their liberties
(1) Friar Dominic, in the time of pope Innocent III., obtained not the confirmation of his order;
but the order was first confirmed by pope Honorius III. The order of Franciscans was confirmed
shortly after the Dominies.
(2 1 Iniquity hath abounded nt Rome.
(3) Nay, to the prcachiue rather of ni«n's traditions against the word of God.
4-">^ TUF. STrDF.XTS OK PARIS AGAINST TIIK lUIAUS.
Xdwnrd and priviloLfos, ami fi^vt- out aur.iin prt'ccpts ami excomiminications, as
'. — well a<^ainst the tViars, os all (itlicr irlitjious ])cis()n.s. And, not long
A.I), after the same, he was de.sj)atehcd.
1.5()0. Innocent being thus removed out of the way, Dec'- a.d. 1254
<u''^u"' succeeded pope Alexander IV., a gi'eat maintainor of the friars, and
uiKiocih sat six years. He revoked and re})ealed the acts and writings of
Jiu'rede- p<>pe Innocent liis predecessor, given forth against the friars; wjiere-
cissur. y^\^\^ {]|^. divines and students of l^aris being not well contented.
Four stirred up four ))rinci])al doctors: the first and chief captain was
pior!" (Julielmus de Sancto Amorc, mentioned bel'ore (p. 510), against
iUv"i\Ls ^^1'*"" wrote Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas ; and, at last,
.he was condemned by this aforesaid pope Alexander IV. in the
P'xtravagant, " Non sine multa." The second was Simon Joraalensis;
the third Godfridus de Fontibus ; the fourth Henricus dc Gandavo.
These four, with other their accomplices, compiled a certain book
against the begging order of friars, both Dominicans and Franciscans,
entitled, ' Dc j)ericulis Ecclesijc,"' containing fourteen chapters,
■whereof the fourteenth, which is the last, with thirty-nine articles
against the friars, we have already translated and expressed, p. 511.
Besides these thirty-nine articles, be other seven articles, moreover,
to the said book annexed, under the name of the students of Paris
against the friars, proving why the said friars ought not to be ad-
mitted into their society. These seven articles, because they are but
short, I thought here better to place, than to omit tlicm.
.Certain Articles given out by the Students of Paris, against the
Friars, why they should not be admitted to their Society.
First, We say, they are not to be admitted to the society of our scliool, but
upon our will and license ; for our company or fellowship ought not to be
coactive but vohnitarj- and free.
Secondly, ^\'e say they are not to be admitted, forasmuch as we oft proved
their community manifold ways to be hurtful and incommodious.
Thirdly, Seeing they be of a diverse profession from us, for they are called
regular, and not scholastic, we, therefore, ought not to be joined and associated
together iu one scholastic office ; forasmuch as the council of Spain doth say,
"Thou shalt not plough with an ox and with an ass together ;"' which is to
say, — Men of divers professions ought not together to be matched in one kind
of calling, or standing, for their studies and conditions be disagreeing and dis-
severed from ours, and cannot frame or couple together in one connnunion.
Ttie friars Fourthly, We affirm by the apostle that they are not to be admitted, because
uiake (lis- they work dissensions and offences ; for so saith the apostle [Rom. xvi.] " We
desire you, brethren, that ye observe and take heed of such as make dissensions
and oflences about the doctrine which you liave learned by the apostles, and
avoid them ; for such serve not the Lord, but their own belly." Gloss. "Some
they flatter, some they backbite, whereby they might feed their belHes." " That
through their sweet and pleasant words, and by their benedictions, they may
deceive the hearts of the simple." Gloss. " That is, with their fine sugared
and trimly couched words they set forth their own traditions, wherewith they
beguile the hearts of the simple innocents."
Devour Fifthly, We say they are not to be admitted, for that we fear lest they be in
lurii'. ilie number of them, who go about and devour men's houses : for they tlniist
" I'eiie- '" tncuiselves mto every man s liouse, searchmg and sackmg the conscience
trante«_^ and states of all jiersons : and whom they find easy to be seduced, as women,
domos. y,,^.}, (),j,^. jjjj circvunvent, and lead them away from the counsels of their ])rc-
lales, binding them either in act or oath : such we are warned by the apostif
to avoid.
(I) Sec Appendix for the correction of an error here. — Eo.
REPUGNAXCE BETWEEN POl'ES. 758
Sixthly, We say they are to be avoided, because we fear they are false pro- Edward
phets, who being neither bishops, nor parisli priests, nor yet their vicars, nor ^^l-
sent by them, yet they preacli (not sent) against the mind of the apostle . t^
[Rom. X.], saying, " IIow shall they preach except they be sent?" for else -inr.)
there appeareth in them no such great virtue, for the which they ought to be — '- L
admitted to preach uncalled. Seeing therefore that such are so dangerous to ''''^■''",,''
the church, they ought to be avoided.
Seventhly, We say they are not to be admitted, because they be a people so
curious in searching and inquiring of other men's doings and spiritual demean-
our. And yet be they neither apostles, nor yec successors of the apostles, as
bishops ; nor of the number of the seventy-two disciples of the Lord, nor their
successors, that is, parish priests, nor their helpers, nor yet vicars. "Wherefore, Have no
seeing they live thus in no order, by the sentence of the apostle we are com- '"'d'-T of
manded to avoid them [2 Thess. iii.], where he saith, " We admonish and de- j^^ ;„ ti',g
nounce unto you, O brethren! in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ," (that is, church,
as the gloss saith, " We command )'ou by the authority of Christ,") " that you
■withdraw yourselves irom every brother that walketh inordinately, and not after
the tradition whicl; you have received of us," &c. Look upon the common
gloss of this place, and you shall find, that such are to be avoided till such time
as they amend from so doing, S:c.
Besides these articles above reliearsed, certain propositions or con-
clusions were also propounded in tlie schools of Paris at the same
time, solemnly to be disputed and defended against the friars ; which,
in a brief sum of words to collect them, were these : —
First, That the begging friars were not in the state of salvation. Certain
Secondl}', That they were bound to labour with their hands that could, and conciu-
nottobeg. _ _ ^hTuni'-
Thirdly, That they ought not to exercise the office of preaching, or to hear versity of
the confessions of them that will come unto them, although being licensed there- Paris to
unto by the bishop of Rome, or by the diocesan ; forasmuch as the same is p„fe^'of
prejudicial to the ministers and priests of the parishes. against
the friars.
All these aforesaid articles and conclusions, with the book set forth
by these men of Paris, this pope Alexander IV. condemned to be
abolished and burned, wting his precepts to the French king, and
also to the university of Paris, in favour of the friars; willing and
commanding the said friars to be restored to all their privileges and
liberties in as ample manner, as before in pope Gregory's time.
Not long after pope Alexander IV. followed Clement IV. (a. n. Another
1265) and sat three years : who also gave the privilege to the friars, P[j,'^',''^fo*
beginning "Quidam temere," &c. ; in which privilege he condemneth the friars
those who say, that no man without license of his curate or minister cicmint
ought to confess liim to the friars, or that a subject ought to ask '^■
license of their ministers so to do, which was against the canon,
" Omnis utriusque sexus," &c. made by pope Innocent III., before
recited.
After this Clement came pope Martin IV. (a. d. 1281), who PopeT^rar-
renewed again the canon, " Omnis utriusque sexus,'' in behalf of ^"1 je^j,
the curates against the friars. wituou-
Then pope Boniflice VIII. began to sit a.d. 1294, and sat eight against
3'-ears and nine months ; who, taking side -^ith the friars, gave them pjg"'"'
another privilege, beginning, " Supra cathedram,'"' &c., in which he Boniface
licensed the friars, that without license of vicars of churches they ^vith^\!e
shall first present themselves to the ])rclates to be admitted ; by ^^^^l
■whom, if they be refused the second time, then they, u])on special
VOL. II. 3 C
754 DIVKUSK OPINION'S OF LKARNKD MKN AGAINST FRIARS.
EJnard authority of tliis ]iope, shall be privileged, witliout cither bishop or
'"' oiirate, to preach, to bury, and to licar confessions, whosoever will
A. D. c'omc to tlieuj ; revoking all that was decreed by liis predecessors
^'^'^^- before to the contrary notwithstanding.
By this pope Boniface, a certain Dominic friar was made cardinal,
named Nicolas Bocasi de Trevisa, and after the death of Boniface
was also made pope, a.d. 1303, surnamed pope Benedict XL;
who, seeing the constitution of Bonifoce, his predecessor, to gender
dissension between the priests and friars, made another constitution,
beginning *' Inter cunctas,"''' &c., revoking the constitution of Boni-
joiianncs face, liis prcdcccssor. Upon which constitution of pope Benedict
chus'Ve- Johannes Monachus making a gloss, revoked also liis other gloss
hu'^gioss. i'i!^dc upon the constitution of pope Boniface before.
Popecie- Again, after this Benedict XT. followed pope Clement V., (a. d.
hoVdlth" 1305,) and sat nine years; who, in his general council, liolden at
with the Vienne, revoked the constitution of Benedict, his predecessor, and
and re- renewed again the former decree of Boniface, by a new constitution
th^con- of his, beginning " Dudum a Bonifacio VIII.,""' &c., Avhicli consti-
of'sene- tution, morcovcr, was confirmed afterw-ards by pope .John XXII.,
<!'='■ A.D. 1316. This pope also caused .lohanncs de Poliaco to recant.
Upon this variable diversity of the popes (one dissenting and
repugning from another) rose among the divines and schoolmen in
universities great matter of contention, as well in the university of
Paris, as the university of Oxford, about the begging friars, some
holding one way, some another. But especially five principal opinions
be noted of learned men, who, then disputing against the friars, were
condemned for heretics, and their assertions reproved.
Diverse Opinions of Learned Men in this Age against Friars.
I. The first was the opinion of those wlio contended that the friars might not,
bj' the license of the bishop of Rome and of the prelates, preach in parishes and
hear confessions.
And of this opinion was Gulielmus de Sancto A more, with his
fellows, who, as it is said, Averc condemned.
These- II. The second opinion was this, that friars, although not by their own
cond opi- authority, yet by the privilege of the pope and the bishop, might preach and
hear confessions in parishes, but yet not without license of the parish priests.
Of this opinion was Bernard, glossing upon the canon, " Omnis
utriusque sexus," before mentioned.
The third III. The third opinion was, that friars might preach and hear confessions
opitiion. ^vithout license of the parish priests ; but yet the said parishionei-s, notwith-
standing, were bound by the canon, " Omnis utriusque sexus," to repeat the
same sins again, if thej^ had no other, to their own proper curate.
Of this opinion were many, as Godfridus de Fontibus, Henricus de
Gandavo, .lohannes Monachus Cardinalis, .Johannes de Poliaco ; which
Johannes de Poliaco pope John XXII. caused openly in Paris to
recant and retract. This Johannes de Poliaco,^ doctor of divinity in
Paris, being complained of by the friars for certain articles or asser-
tions, was sent for to the pope ; where, time and place being to him
assigned, he, in the audience of the pope and of friarly cardinals
and other doctors, was strictly examined of his articles. To make
(U Ex Clement cap. Dudum. (2) Ex libro fratris Engclbcrti.
THREE ASSERTIONS OF JOHANNES DE POLIACO. 755
tlic story short, lie, at length submittuig himself to the authority of Edward
the terrible see of Rome, was caused to recant his assertions openly _
at Paris : the assertions which he did hold were these. A. D.
First, that they who were confessed to friars, although having a general hcense —
to liear confessions, were bound to confess again their sins to their own parish g^^ertions
jniest, by the constitution " Omnis utriusque sexus," itc. against
The second was, that the said constitution "Omnis utriusque sexus " standing the friais.
in its force, the pope couhl not make away with, but parishioners were bound
once a year to confess their sins to their priest. For the doing otherwise
importeth a contradiction in itself.
The third was, that the pope could not give general license to hear confes-
sions, but that the parishioner so confessed was bound to reiterate the same
confession made, luito his own curate.
Which he proved by these places of the canon law, 25 quest, i.
" QuJB ad perpetuam."' Those things which be generally ordained
for perpetual utility, ought not to be altered by any change, kc.
Item, the decrees of the sacred canons, none ought to keep more
than the bishop apostolical, &c. Ibid. Item, to alter or to ordain
any thing against the decrees of the fathers, is not in the authority or
power, no, not of the apostolical see. Ibid.
fV. The fourth opinion was, that the friars, by the license of the pope and of The
the bishops, might lawfully hear confessions, and the people might be of them op^i'j'j^^
confessed and absolved. But yet notwithstanding, it was reasonable, convenient,
honest, and profitable, that once in the year they should be confessed to their
curates (although confessed before to the friars), because of the administration
of the sacraments, especially at Easter.
Of which opinion was Guliclmus de monte Lauduno. Henricus
de Gandavo also held it not only to be convenient, but also that they
were bound so to do.
V. The fifth opinion was, that albeit the friars might at all times, and at Easter The fifth
also, hear confessions as the curates did ; yet it was better and more safe, at "P'"'""*
the time of Easter, to confess to the curates, than to the friars.
And of this opinion was this our Armachanus, of whom we presently
now treat. And thus have ye, as in a brief sum, opened unto you,
what was the matter of contention between the friars and the church-
men ; what popes made for the friars, and what popes made against
them; moreover, what learned men disputed against them in Paris,
and other places ; and what were their opinions.
The matter of contention about the friars stood in four points :
first, preaching without license of curates; secondly, in hearing confes-
sion ; thirdly, in burying; fourthly, in begging and taking of the people.
The popes who maintained the friars were, Honorius III., Grego-
rius IX., Alexander IV., Clement IV., Boniface VIII., Clement V.
The popes who maintained curates, were Innocentius III., Inno-
centius IV., Martinus IV., Benedictus XL
The learned men who disputed against the friars were, Gulielmus
do S. Amore; Bernardus super capitulum, "Omnis utriusque sexus;"
Godfridus de Fontibus ; Henricus de Gandavo ; Gulielmus de Lau-
duno ; Johannes INIonachus Cardinalis ; .Johannes de Poliaco and
Armachanus. All these Avere condemned by the popes, or else
caused to recant.
These considerations and circumstances hitherto premised, for the
[\l " ause a<l pprpeUiam. Contra sti^tufa patrum concedere [? cnndore] vel rmitare aliqiiid net;
hiijus quidem sedis potest autorit;is." [Oeereti pars ii. Causa xxv. Uua'st. i. capp. 3, T.— V.d]
3 c 2
756 ARMACHANUs's NIXE COKCLUSIOXS AGAINST IHE FKlARS.
Edtrard morc opcniiig of tliis present cause of Armaclianus sustained against the
' iille hetririrlv sects of friars, in wliom the reader niay veil perceive Anti-
A. D. christ plainly rcii,ming and fighting against the cljureh : it nowremaineth,
^'^^^- that as I have belore declared the travails and troubles of divers godly
learned men in the church striving against the said friars, continually,
from the time of Gulielmus dc Amore, hitherto ; so now it reniaineth,
that forasmuch as this our Armachanus laboured, and in the same cause
sustained the like conflict, with the same Antichrist, we likewise
collect and open his reasons and arguments uttered in the consistory,'
and in the audience of the pope himself, wherewith he mointaineth
the true doctrine and cause of the church against the pestiferous
canker creeping in by these friars after subtle ways of hypocrisy to
corrupt the sincere simplicity of Christ's holy faith and perfect testa-
ment ; which reasons and arguments, with the whole process of his
doings, I thought good and expedient, for the utility of the church,
more amply and largely to discourse and prosecute, for that I note in
the sects, institutions, and doctrine of these friars, such subtle poison
to lurk, more pernicious and hurtful to the religion of Christ and souls
of Christians, than all men peradventure do consider.
Thus Armachanus, joining with the clergy of England, disputed
and contended with the friars here of England (a.d. 1357) about a
double matter ; whereof the one was conceniing confession and other
excheats which the friars encroached in parish churches, against the
curates and public pastors of churches. The other was concerning
wilful beggary and poverty, which the friars then took upon them,
not upon any necessity, being otherwise strong enough to work for
their living, but only upon a wilful and affected profession, for which
cause the friars appealed him up to the court of Rome. The occasion
thereof did thus arise.
It befel that Armachanus, upon certain business coming up to
London, found there certain doctors disputing and contending about
the begging of Christ our Saviour. A\'hcreupon he, being "greatly
urged and requested ofttimcs thereunto, at request, made seven or
eight sennons imto the people at London, wherein he uttered nine
conclusions ; whereof the first and principal conclusion was, touching
the matter of the friars'' privileges in hearing confessions. His con-
clusions were these :
Nine Conclusions of Armachanus against the Friars.
First, that if a doubt or question be moved for bearing confessions, wbicb of
two places is ratber to be chosen ; tlie parish churcli is to be preferred before
the cliurcli of the friars.
Secondly, it being demanded, wliicb is to be preferred to hear the con-
fession of the parishioners, tiie ordinary or the friar; it is to be said, rather the
ordinary.
Thirdly, Tiiat our Lord Jesus Christ in bis human conversation was always
poor, not for that he loved poverty, or did covet to be poor.
Fourthly, Tliat our Lord Jesus Christ did never beg wilfully, professing to be
poor.
Fifilily, That our Lord Jesus Christ did never teach others wilfidly to beg,
or to profess wilful beggary.
Sixthly, That Christ our Lord held the contrary, that men ought not wilfully
or purposely, without mere necessity, to b?g.
(I) Kx lilirn cui litulus, " Defensorium curatorum." [Printed in Goldasli " de MonAichia,"
torn. ii. p. 131*1 ; and liniwnt'a " Fasciculus," p. 460; whence a few correction! are made in the
ensuing translation.— Kn.]
ORATION OF AUMACHAXUS AGAINST BKGGIXG FRIAUS. 757
Seventhly, That it is U'.'ithcr wisdom nor holiness, for an}' man to take upon Edward
him wilful beggary, perpetually to be observed. ■^^■'^•
Eighthly, That it is not agreeing to the rule of the Observants, or Friars . pv
Minorite, to observe wilful poverty. 1360*
The last conclusion was touching the bull of pope Alexander IV., which con- L~
demneth the book of the masters of Paris : that the said bull touched none of these
six last conclusions.
Upon these nine conclusions premised Armaclianus being appealed,
cited, and brought up to the presence of the pope, began to prove the
same his aforesaid conclusions or assertions under protestation made
That his intention was not to affirm any thing contrary to the christian faith The pro-
or to the catholic doctrine, or that should be prejudicial or destructive to the 1,^'*^^^',',°"
orders of the begging friars, such as were approved by holy church, or confirmed chanus.
by the high bishops ; but only his intention was, to have the said orders reduced
to the purity of their first institution. Concerning which matter, he desired his
reasons to be heard ; which, if they should be found weaker than the reasons of
the friars, the punishment should be his. If otherwise, that then the fi-iars
mightjustly be rewarded for their slanderous obtrectation, and public contume-
lies, and injurious dealings, both privately and publicly, wrought and sought
against him : and so taking for his theme, " Nolite judicare secundum faciem. His
sed justum judicium judicate," &c. ; that is, "Judge not after the outward face, t'lema.
but judge true judgment," &c. (John vii.) ; he entereth on the probation of
his conclusions.
I. First, beginning with the former conclusion, " that the parish church was The first
a place more fit and convenient for the confessions or burials of the parishioners ^ioif pro-
to be used, than any other exempt church or place of the friars." Which he poned.
proved by three causes : first, for the more sureness or certainty to the con- I'robation
science of the parishioners confessed. Secondly, for their more utility and profit uYiJi',"'^^
of them. Thirdly, for the less incommodity ensuing by confessions taken in Commo-
parish churches, than in friars' churches. dity.
1. As touching the first, for the more assuredness and certainty, thus he argued First jiart
upon the place in Deuteronomy, "Unto that place which the Lord yom- God °^.*''^
shall assign of all your tribes, to place his name and dwell therein ; thither elusion "
shall you resort, to offer up your oblations, tithes," &c. And in the same place con-
God saith, " See thou offer not thy sacrifice in every place that liketh thee, but S''™^''-
in that place alone which the Lord hath elected in one of the tribes ; and
thou shalt do in all things as I command thee." Also upon the words of
Le\'iticus, [vi. 6,] which be these, " Whosoever sinneth of ignorance shall offer
to the priest, and he shall pray for him, and he shall be forgiven," &:c. Upon
these places thus he argued : That forasmuch as the sacraments of the church
are to be frequented and used in no other place, but only in that, which, by
God himself peculiarly, is assigned and commanded for the same ; and seeing
that elect place in the law representeth the parish churches ; neither can it be
proved that the friars' church is the place prescribed of God, but only permitted
by bishops of Rome ; he concluded, therefore, that parish churches, for confes-
sions and burials, were more sure and certain to the conscience of parishioners,
than the exempt places of the friars.
By another reason also he confinned the same, for that while the parish chui-ch Coniinn-
commonly standeth free from the pope's interdict, so do not the churches of the ''^ ^y
friars, which stand not so clear, but that they are inider suspicion and doubt of reason,
the pope's interdict, by the Decretal, " De sepulturis,"in Sexto cap. " Animarum
periculis." In that Decretal, all such conventual churches and church-yards of
friars be interdicted, as do induce any person or persons, either by oath or pro-
mise made, to choose their burying places in their churches, as commonly the
friars are reported to do ; for else what parishioner would forsake his own
church and parish where his ancestors do lie, to be hurled among the friars, if
the friars did not induce them so to do? ^
2. Mureovei-, for tlie second part, concerning the utility of the place, that seamA
he confirmed doublewisc; first, for that contession made within the parish p:iit oi
church, hath a double merit of obedience, both for obeying the commandment J-onJiul'
of God in opening his confession [thus he speaketh according to the bliiulness sion ron-
of that time, for that auricular confession hath any conunandment of CJod cannot fir'ni-'il-
758 OUATION 01- AUMACIIANLS AGAINST BEGUlNc; I'KIAKS.
Edwnrd be proved] and also in obeying tbe connnandnient of God in observing the
^^'' place by him appointed ; which second merit of obedience lacketh on the friars'
1360* Secondly, he proved it to be greater utility for a parishioner to confess him
1- in liis parish church, than with the friars ; because, commonly, the number of
Anither christian people jiraying is ten times more in parish churches. Whereby it is
tion '(""he '" ^^ thought, that each singular person may better be helped through more
hccoiul pravers, than in the oratories of the friars, &'c.
•**" "^ 3. FurtI.er, as touching the third part of thetirst conclusion or article he proved,
article! that it luul fewer incoinmodities lor every man to resort to his paiish church
Third than to the friars ; for that both great utilitj- and more certainty (as hath been
part of the proved) did ensue thereof: which two being taken away (as must needs, in
elusion resorting to the friars' church), then two special commodities should be hindered,
proved, and go great incommodities thereof should follow. And thus much for the
place of the friars.
Second H. Now to the second conclusion or article, touching the person of the friar, and
conclu- of the ordinary' curate. If the <picstion be, which of these two is to be preferred
\jV\c\e "^ *'*^ office of ecclesiastical administration ; the opinion of Armachanus was,
Three re- that the ordinary curate was better than the extraordinary friar ; and that for
spects or jjjg (jn-ce aforesaid respects, to wit, for certainty or assurance, for utilitj-, and for
to be inconnnodity to be avoided.
proved. ). First, that it is more sail' i^nd siu'e fur the parishioners to resort to tlieir
ordinary or parish priest, he argued by three reasons ; first, because the person
of the lawful ordinary, or priest, is expressly of God commanded ; whereas the
person of the friar is not, and therefore is forbid.
Secondly, because the parishioner may more tnjst to his ordinary curate ; as
one who is more bound and obliged to provide, and to be careful for him, than
any other extraordinary person.
Thirdly, because in the person of the ordinary curate, commonly there is no
doubt of any interdict to bind him ; wherea.s on the contrary, in the friar's
behalf there is good matter to doubt, whether he stands bound under the pope's
censure of excommunication or not, snd that for divers causes, as by the chap-
ter " lleligiosi" in the Clementine I)e dccimis ; where it is decreed that all such
religious men who, having no benefices or cure of souls, presume to impropriate
imto them (by any manner of colour or fraudulent circumvention) glebe-land,
or else tithes due unto churches, and not appertaining to them, do incur the
sentence of excommunication, ipso facto. Also by another chapter, " Religiosi,"
in the Clementine De jjrivilcgiis, where it is said, that all such religious men are
Fri.irs exconmumicated de facto, whosoever do absolve any against whom the sentence
beexcora° °^ excommunication hath been denounced by statute provincial, or synodal ; as
muni- it is commonly said, that tlie friars, hearing men's confessions, are accustomed
cated by to do, in loosing them, whom the censures of prelates or their officials have
^e pope s bom^d. Whereof the said Armachanus bringeth forth an example in his own
diocese : " For I," said he, "in mine own diocese of Armagh have as good as
two thousand under me, who, by the censure of excommunication every year
denounced against wilful nuirderers, common thieves, burners of men's houses,
and such-like malefactors, stand accursed; of all which number, notwithstand-
ing, scarcely fourteen there be who come to me, or to any about me, for their
absolution. And yet all they receive the sacraments as others do, and all
because they be absolved, or because they feign themselves to be absolved, by none
other than the friars ; who, in so doing, are proved to be under the danger of
excommunication, both the friars, and also the parishioners, if they, knowing
thereof, do consent to their error."
Also out of the said Clementines, he proved the friars to be excommunicate
by a three-fold sentence in one chapter, to wit, in the chapter " Cupientes" of
the Clementine Ue pociiis. In which chapter, First, all such religious men are
cxconnnuiiicate, as, in their sermons, presume to withdraw their hearers from
their tithis paying, due unto churches.
Secondly, in the said chajjter all such friars are suspended from preaching,
und so arc excommunicate, who, within a certain time, did not make a concion
to such as come to their confessions, in paying their tithes tndy and duly to
the chinch.
Thirdly, in the aforesaid chapter also, all such religious persons be bound in
OKATION OI" AUMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING FRIARS. 769
excommunication, who induce men by any manner of means, either by vow, Edward
oath, or promise, to choose their burials within their churclics, or not to change _J^^:
the same, if they have made any such promise before. In all these three jioints
lie proved the friars to be culpable ancl exconuuunicate.
Moreover, that it is the more sine way for the parishioners to resort to their
ordinaries than to the friars, he argueth thus : for thai ihe ordinary being pro-
vided for by the law of God and the church, his parishioner will the less that the
suspect him of imposing unreasonable penances for filtiiy lucre' sake : whereas, P^^'slu- ^
contrary, the fruirs nuist needs be suspected, for that they have their living more
thereby. safely go
2. Thus the first part of the second conclusion or article being proved and J.° j^jg
argued, Armachanus proccedctli further to prove the second part : " That it is than to
better for the parishioners to leave the friars, and to resort to their own pastors. ^'^^ friars.
"Which he proved by eight or nine reasons." ifimV^art
I. For that the ordinary pastor is properly appointed of God imto that of the se-
ministry ; whereas the friar is only permitted of man thereunto. coiui ton-
II. For that in resorting to the ordinary of the parish is a double reward of J^j'^^^'^JJ^
merit, whereas in coming to the friars there is but one,
III. Because the ordinary is more bound to his own flock, and is to be
thought to be more tender and careful over them than a stranger.
IV. Because, in resorting to the person of his own ordinary, there is more
assurance and certainty (as is above declared) than in resorting to another.
V. Because, as Innocent (cap. " Etsi Animarum") saith, the coming to the curate
or ordinary pastor is more easy and light, both in the night, and in necessity.
VI. Forasmuch as the parishioner must needs come to his curate at some
time, and especially being in necessity, it is expedient and profitable that his
former life before were known to him, rather than to the other.
VII. For that (as the said Innocent affirmeth) it striketh more shame of his
sin, for the parishioner to be confessed to his curate whom he seeth every day,
than to a friar unknown.
VIII. Because it is more profitable, especially for them that live in matri-
mony, that he which heareth the confession of the one, should hear also the
confession of the other ; so that one hearing the confession of them both, as a
spiritual physician taking two cures in one body, he may better know what
spiritual counsel is to be administered to the one, after he had cured the
other, S:c.
'6. ihese things thus proved, Armachanus then proceedeth to the third part, xhird
arguing how that greater detriments and inconveniences do ensue by confes- pa" of
sions, burials, and other ecclesiastical functions exercised by the friars, than by ^^^^ Jp^.
those exercised by pastors and secular cm-ates, serving in parishes ; about which elusion
matter the said Armachanus learnedly and worthily inferreth a long discourse, argued,
proving and inferring how pernicious these orders of friars are to the whole
state of the chmxh, and what mischief cometh by the privileges of certain
popes, who have privileged them to intermeddle in the office and function of
ecclesiastical ministers, to preach, and to take alms and tithes of the people, and
impropriations from the church. All his reasons and arguments to prosecute
in oi-der as he hath left them in writing, would make a matter for a large book.
Notwithstanding, because it shall not be unfruitfiil both for the time present,
and for posterity, to know the manifold detriments and discommodities received
from these friars, and to know what great benefit God hath done for us in
unburdening the church of this monstrous generation ; and especially because
the book of Armachanus is rarely to be found, entitled, " Defcnsorium Curato-
nun," I have briefly therefore contracted out of the same certain of his reasons,
such as seemed most pertinent and \vorthy of noting.
And first, alleging the authority of Innocent IV., he importeth four incon-
veniences rising by the friars, which be these : contempt of the people against
their ordinaries ; decreasing of devotion ; taking away of shame from the
people by confessing to the triars ; detaining of oblations, such as the people are
wont to give at their confessions and burials, and which by right belong to the
parish churches.
Item, Bv the said privileges of the popes, granted to the friars, many other
great enormities do arise. As first, because thereby the true shepherds do not
know the faces of their flock.
7G0 OKATION OK AKMACHANITS AGAINST BEGGIXG I'llIAIlS.
Eriuard Item, By tlic occasion of these pri\-ileges given to the friars, great conten-
i'^- tion, and sometimes blows arise between the friars and secular curates, about
. ,. titles, impropriaticms, and other avails.
, Item, r.y tlie occasion of the aforesaid pnvilep-es, divers young men, as well
^'^^Q- i„ universities as in their fathers' houses, are allured craftily by the friars their
nanus confessors, to enter their orders ; from whence afterwards they cannot get out
that come jj,ou„], tjjpy ^ould, to the great grief of their parents, and no less repentance
IVrld by to the young men themselves. The example whereof Armachaims, in the said
the friars, jjjg treatise, iiiferreth of a certain substantial Englishman being with him at his
ExBrapK- inn in Hon'ie ; who, having a son at the university of Oxford, who was enticed
of the by the friars to enter into their order, could by no means afterwards release
'^h"n '• '''•" I ^"'^ when his father and his mother would come unto him, they could not
Oxford! be s'uUcred to speak with him, but mider the friars' custody ; whereas the
ScriiJtiire commandeth plainly, that whoso stealeth any man and sellcth him
(beinu thereof convicted), shall be put to death [Exod. xxi.] ; and, for the same
caused the father was compelled to come up to Rome to seek remedy for his
son. And thus, saith Amiachanus, it may appear what damage and detriments
come by these friars unto the common people.
Friars And 'no less inconvenience and danger, also, by the said friars ariseth to the
hindcrers clergy ; forasmuch as laymen, seeing their children thus to be stolen from them
°^ "P"." in the universities by the friars, do refuse therefore to send them to their studies ;
versitie.0. ^^^^^^^^, billing to kee"p them at home to their occupation, or to follow the plough,
than so to be circumvented and defeated of their sons at the university, " as
Thirty by daily experience," saith he, " doth manifestly appear." " For whereas in
thousand ^Jv time." saith Amiachanus, " there were in the university of Oxford thirty
fnolTford tliousand students, now are there not to be found six thousand ; the occasion
ill the ' of which so great decay is to be ascribed to no other cause but to this circum-
tiinc of vention only of the friars above mentioned.
chanus. Over and besides this, another inconvenience as great or greater, the said
Friars a Amiachanus infeiTed to proceed by the friars, through the decay of doctrine
preat and knowleilffe in all manner of faculties and liberal sciences, which thus he
decay of declared : for^hat these begging friars, through their privileges obtained of the
learning, popes to preach, to hear confessions, and to bury, and through their charters of
impropriations, did grow, thereby, to such great riches and possessions, by their
begging, craving, catching and' intermeddling with church matters, that no
book could stir of any science, either of divinity, law, or physic, but they were
Books both able and ready to buy it u]). So that every covent having a great library
not to he f^,]l stuffed and furnished" with all sorts of books, and there being so many
the'friafs! covcnts within the realm, and in every covent so many friars increasing daily
more and more ; by reason whereof it came to pass, that verj' few books, or
Example none at all, remain for other students. This, by his own experience be thus
vfhat lack testifieth, saying ; that he himself sent forth to the imiversity four of his own
come'th*' priests or chaplains, who, sending him word again, that they could neither find
ijy tlie the Bible, nor any other good profitable book of divinity meet for their study,
friars. therefore were minded to return home to their country ; and one of them, he
was sure, was returned by this time.
Friars Furthermore, as he hath proved hitherto the friars to be hurtful both to the
gu'lty in laity, and to the clergy ; so proceeding farther, he proveth them to be hurtful
faiX ■ "^**° ^" themselves : and that in three points, as incurring the vice of disobe-
1. Diso- dience against God, and against their own nde; the vice of avarice; and the
bedience. y[^Q ^f pnde. The probation of all which points he prosecuted in a long
li'ce. discourse.
3. Pride, ' First, saith he, they are disobedient to the law of God, " Thou shalt not
HiTiui's ^^^■'•'^ '^^y iH'ighbour's house, ox, nor ass, nor any thing that is his;" in that
charpeth thcy procure the pope's letters to preach in churches, and to take burials from
**'•'' h"i'"* churches, with license annexed withal to receive the avails which rise of the
obedi- ' same, which properly belongeth to the right of parish priests.
ence. Item, Thcy are disobedient to this rule of the gospel : " So do to other, as
dieiu'^o ^^'°" wouldest have done to thee."
the rule. Item, They be disobedient against their own rule, which being founded upon
of Scrip- strict poverty and beggary, this license obUiined for them, to require necessaries
ture. ^j. jj^^ people for their labours, is repugning against the same foundation.
Item, They be disobedient to the iiile of the Scripture, which saith, " Let no
OUATION OF AR^rACHAXUS AGAINST BEGGING FEIARS. 761
man take honour unto him, except he be called, as Aaron." Also St. Paul saitli, Edward
" How shall they preach, unless they be sent?" And how observe they this m-
nde of obedience!^ who professing to keep the perfection of the gospel, yet con- f^ q_
trary to the gospel procure to tlicmselves privileges to run before tliey be sent .' 1360.
Item, To their own ride they are disobedient; for where their chapter saitli, 1-
that if any will take upon them this order, and will come to ovu- brethren ; let
our brethren first send them to the provincials, to be examined of the catholic
fjiith and sacraments of the church, &c. ; contrary hereunto tlie friars have
procured a privilege, that not only the provincials, but other inferiors, also, may
take unto them indifferently whom they can catch ; so far, without all exami-
nation, that almost at this day there is no notable house of friars, wherein is not
either a whole, or half a covent of lads and boys under ten years old, being
circumvented, who neither can skill of the creed nor sacraments.
Again, the nde of Francis saith, that his brethren Observants must observe Disobe-
not to preacli in the diocese of any bishop, without the consent of the bishop; f,'g"r ^^n
and, moreover, the said Francis in his testament saitli, tliat if he had as much profes-
wisdom as Solomon, and found poor secular priests in the parishes where they sion.
dwell, yet he would not presume to preach without their will, and also would
fear, love, and honour them, and all other as his masters, and so they be.
Against which nile how the friars do disobey, how little they reverence bishops
or secidar priests, what privileges, exemptions, and immunities they procure
against them, the world may see and judge.
Item, When none may be admitted to preach, or to hear confessions, unless
they be entered into orders ; and, seeing by the common law of tlie church,
none must be admitted into holy orders, except lie have sufficient title of living
and clothing ; the friars, therefore, having no such title, being wilful beggars,
do disobey in both respects, that is, both in entering into sucli orders witliout
convenient title, and in exercising the office of preaching without such lawfid
orders.
Moreover, the aforesaid Francis in his testament commandeth thus : " I
command," saith he, " firmly by virtue of obedience, to all and singular my
brethren wheresoever they be, that none of them presume to obtain in the
court of Rome any letter or writing, either by himself, or by any other means,
neither for the church, nor for any other place, nor under any colour of preach-
ing, nor yet for the persecuting of their own bodies," &c. Against which
testament" of Francis, the Franciscans, in procuring their privileges from the
bishop of Rome, have incurred manifest disobedience as all the world may see.
Neither will this objection serve them, because the pope hath dispensed with
Francis' rule. For if the testament of Francis, as he saith, came from God
(and so should God have three testaments), how then can the pope repeal his
precept, or dispense with his rule, when by the nde of the law, " Par in parem
non habet imperium?"
Secondly, concerning the vice of avarice, manifestly it may be proved upon
them, saith Armachanus; for else, seeing so many charges belong to the office
of a secular parish priest, as to minister the sacrament at Easter, to visit the
sick with extreme unction, to baptize children, to wed, with such others, wherein Arma-
standeth as great devotion ; how then happeneth it that these friars, making no ^{j^J'^y/,,,
labour for these, only procure to themselves privileges to preach in churches, to the friars
hear confessions, and to receive license to bury from parish churches, but ^vitii ava-
because there is lucre and gain, in these, to be looked for, in the other is none ? "'^'^'
Which also may appear'by this, for, otherwise, if it were for mere devotion Another
only that they procure license to bury from parish churches and to preach ; why l""""*"-
then have they procured withal, license to take offerings, oblations, and
legacies for their funerals ? And, for their preaching, why have they annexed
also license to require and take, of the people, necessaries for their labour, but
only that avarice is the cause thereof?
Likewise, for hearing of confessions, when all good men have enough to Another
know their own faults, and nothing list to hear the faults of other ; it is probably P^of.
to be supposed, by this their privilege of hearing all men's confessions, that
they would never have been so desirous of procuring that privdege, were it not
that these friars did feel some sweetness and gain to hang upon the same.
Item, where the nde of friar Francis forbiddetli them to keep company with
any woman, to enter into monasteries, to be godfathers and gossips to men and
762
OUATIOX OF AKMACIIANL'S AGAINST liKGClXG rUlAKS.
£itirnrd
Jll.
A.D.
13G0.
Arma-
chanus
chargeth
the friars
with
l>riile>.
The third
conclu-
sion or
article.
His
fourth
conclu-
sion
against
the friars.
women; liow coincth it tliat tlicy, contrary to tlicir rule, enter into tlie secret
chanibt rs of (|ui'ens and other women, and are made to know the most secret
counsels of their doin-js, but that avarice and commodity have so bUnded tlieir
eyes, and stirred tlieir hearts?
' Thirdly, that the friare fall into the vice of pride and ambition, the said
Armaehanus jnoved thus :
To seek or to ])rocure any high jdace in the chnreh, is a point of pride and
ambition.' " Nunquam sine ambitione desideratur primatus in ecclesia."
The friars seek and procure a high ))lace in the church.
Krgo, the friars arc ])roud and ambitious.
The minor he proveth, to have the state of iireaching and hearing confessions
is, in the church, a state of honour.
The friars seek, and have procured, the state of preaching and hearing con-
fessions.
Ergo, the friars seek and procure a high jjlace in the cluuch, &-c.
III. His third conclusion was, that " the Lord Christ in his human conversation
was always jioor, not for that he loved or desired poverty for itself," &'c.
Wherein this is to be noted ; that Armaehanus differed not from the friars in
this, tliat Christ was poor, and that he loved poverty ; but herein stood the
difference, in manner of loving, that is, whether he loved ])overtv for itself, or
not. Wherein the aforesaid Armaehanus used four ])robations.
First, forasuuich as to be poor is nothing else but to be miserable, and seeing
no man coveteth to be in misery for itself; therefore he concluded that Christ
desired not poverty for itself.
His second reason was derived out of Aristotle :^ Nothing, saith he, is to be
loved for itself, but that which (all commodities being secluded which follow
thereupon) is voluntarily sought and desired. But take from poverty all respect
of commodities following the same, and it woidd be sought neither of God nor
man. Ergo, he concluded, Christ loved not poverty for itself.
Thirdly again, no eflect of sin, said he, is to be loved for itself. But poverty
is the effect of sin. Ergo, poverty was not loved of Christ for itself.
Fourthly, no privation of the thing that is good, is to be loved for itself.
Poverty is the ])rivati()n of the thing that is good, that is, of riches, for God
himself is principally rich. Ergo, poverty for itself was not loved of Christ.
IV. " The fourth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord and Saviour did never
beg wilfidly." Which he proveth by sundry reasons.
1. For that Christ in so doing should break the law, which saith, " Thou
shalt not covet thy neighbour's house, his wife, his servant, his maid, his ox,
his ass, or any thing that is his " [E.xod. xx.] ; the danger of which command-
ment he that beggeth voluntarily must needs incur.
2. Item, If Christ had begged voluntarily, he should have committed sin
against another commandment, which saith, " There shall be no beggar, nor
needy person among you," &c. [Ueut. vi.]
3. Item, Christ in so doing should have transgressed the em])cror's law,
under which he would himself be subject (as appeareth by giving, and bidding
tribute to be given, to C;esar), forasmuch as the same emperor's law saith,
" There shall no valiant beggar be suffered in the city."
4. Item, If Christ had been a wilful beggar, he had broke the law of loving
his neighbour ; whom lie had vexed, having no need. For whoso, without need,
asketh or craveth of his ncnghbour, doth but vex him, in such sort as he would
not be vexed himself: which Christ w(juld never do.
5. Item, If Christ had begged wilfiilly, he had moved slander, thereby, to his
own gospel, which he with miracles did confirm ; for then they that saw his
miracle in feeding five thousand in the wilderness, would have thought much
with tliemselves how that miracle had been wrought, if he who fed others,
cither eoidd not, or would not feed himself.
G. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, then he had done that which himself
condemneth by Paul, for so we read, [1 Tim. vi.] that Paul condemneth
them, who esteem ])icty to be gain and lucre ; which all they do, who, under
the colour of piet)-, hunt or seek for gain, when otherwise they need not.
7. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, he had offended in declaring an
(1) Chrysost. in opcrc iicrfecto.
;2) Arist. Ethic, lib. i.
ORATION OF AIIMACIIAKUS AGAIXST BKGGIN'G KlUARS. 763
untruth in so doing; for lie tliat knowctli, in his mind, tliat he ni'cdetli not in Edward
deed, that thing wliich in word lie asketh of another, dechircth in liimsclf an •'^^^•
unti'uth, as who in word prctendeth to be othtnwise tlian he is in very deed; . t.
which Chi-ist without doubt never did, nor would over do. Viro
8. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, that is, having no true need there- '-
unto, then had he appeared either to be a hypocrite, seeming to be that he was
not, and to lack, when he did not ; or else to be a true beggar in very deed,
not able to suffice his necessity. For he is a true beggar indeed, who, being
constrained by mere necessity, is forced to ask of another that which he is not
able to give to himself. But neither of these two agiveth to Christ.
9. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, then why did Peter rebuke the
mother of St. Clement, his disciple, finding her to stand among the beggars,
whom he thought to be strong enough to labour with her hands for her living,
if she, in so doing, had followed the example of Christ ?i
10. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully, and if the friars do rightly define Clement's
perfection of the gospel by wilful poverty, then was Clement, St. Peter's e-^'ampi'-'
successor, to blame, who laboured so much to remove away beggary and to the
poverty from among all them that were converted to the faith of Christ, and is friars,
speciallj-, for the same, commended of the church.
11. Again, why did the said Clement, writing to James, bishop of Jerusalem,^
command so much to obey the doctrine and examples of the apostles ; who, as
he showeth in that epistle, had no beggar or needy person amongst them, if
christian perfection, by the friars' philosophy, standeth in wilfid beggary ?
12. Item, If Christ the high priest had begged wilfully, then did the holy
church err wittingly, which ordained that none without sufficient title of living
aiul clothing, should be admitted to holy orders. And moreover, when it is
said, in the canonical decrees, that the bishop or clerk that beggeth. bringeth
shame upon the whole order of the clergy.
13. Item, If Christ had wilfully begged, then the example of wilful poverty
had pertained to the perfection of christian life, which is contrary to the old
law, which commandeth the })riests (who lived then after the perfection of the
law) to have possessions and tithes to keep them from beggary.
14. Item, If Christ did wilfully beg, then beggary were a point of christian
perfection: and so the church of (lod should err, in admitting such patrimonies
and donations given to the church, and so in taking from the prelates their
perfection.
15. Again, what will these friars, who put their perfection in begging, say
to Melchisedec, who, without begging or wilful poverty, was the high priest of
God, and king of Salem, and prefigured the order and priesthood of Christ?
16. And if beggary be such a perfection of the gospel, as the friars say,
how cometh it, that the Holy Ghost given to the apostles, which should lead
them into all truth, told them no word of this beggarly perfection, neither is
there any word mentioned thereof throughout the whole Testament of God I
17. Moreover, where the prophet saith, " I never did see the just man
forsaken, nor his seed go begging their bread :" how standeth this with tiie
justice of Christ, which was most perfectly just, if he should be forsaken,
or his seed go beg their bread ? and then how agreeth this with the abomi-
nable doctrines of friars Franciscan, who put their perfection in wilful begging ?
18. Finally, do we not read that Christ sent his disciples to preach with-
out scrip or wallet, and bade them salute no man by the way ; meaning
that they should beg nothing of any man ? Did not the same Christ also
labour with his hands under Joseph? St. Pan], likewise, did he not laboiu-
with his hands, rather '.han he would burden the church of the Corinthians?
And where now is the doctrine of the friara, which putteth the state of
perfection in wilful begging ?
V. The fifth conclusion of Armachanus against the friars, was this, " that Fifth con-
Christ never taught any man wilfully to beg," which he proved thus : It is '^^"*'"" ''^
written, [Acts i.] " Christ began to do and to teach." If Christ, therefore, cha'nus
who did never wilfully beg himself, as hath been proved, had taught men against
otherwise to do ; then his doing and teaching had not agreed together. ^'^"^ inoxs.
Item, If Christ, who never begged himself wilfully, had taught men this
(1) Ex vita S. Clcmciitis. ll') Causa .\ii. quxst. i. ca;>. 2, " Dilectissiinii."— Eu. '
7f>i
OKATIOX or AU.MAC HAMS AOAINST BEGGING I-HIAKS.
A. I).
13G0.
he liad given suspicion
as hath been proved
Edward doctrine of wilful begging, contrary to his own doing
^^^- of his doctrine, and ministered slander of the same
before in the fourth conclusion.
Moreover, in so teaching, he had taught contrary to the emperor's just law,
which expressly forhiddeth the same.
' that our
which he
Sixth
conclu-
sion
•gainst
the iii.ii
The rule
of friar
Francis.
VI. The sixth conclusion of Armachanus against the friars was,
Lord Jesus Christ teachcth us, that we should not beg wilfully,'
provetli by seven or eight reasons.
1. AVhere it is written, [Luke xiv.] "When thou makest a feast, call the
poor, weak, lame, and blind ; and tliou shalt be blessed : for they have not
wherewith to reward thee again."
To this also pertain eth the decree of the apostle, [2 Tliess. iii.] " He that
will not work, ht him not eat." Furthermore, the same ajiostle addeth in the
same place : " Tor you ha\e us for example, how we were burdensome to no
man, neither did we eat our bread freely, but with labour and weariness, toiling
both day and night, and all because we would not burden you," &c.
2. Item, Where we read in the Scripture the slothful man reprehended,
[Prov. vi.] "Why sleepest thou, O sluggard? thy poverty and beggary are
coming upon thee like an armed man," &c. And again, in the same book of
Proverbs, " The slothful man," saith the Scripture, " for cold woidd not go to
the plough, therefore he shall beg in summer, and no man shall give him," &c.
Also in the said book of Proverbs, the last chapter, " The diligent labouring
wonuui is connnended, whose fingers are exercised about the rock and spindle.'
And all these ])laces make against the wilful begging of sturdy friars.
;5. Item, Friar Francis, their own founder, in his own testament saith,
" And I have laboured with mine own hands, and will labour, and will that all
my friarlings shall labour and hve by their labour, whereby they may support
themselves in an honest way. And they that cannot work, let them learn to
work, not for any covetousness to receive for their labour, but for example
of good works, and to avoid idleness. And when the price of their labour
is not given them, let them resort to the Lord's table, and ask their alms from
door to door," Src. Thus much in his testament. And in his rule he saith,
" Such brethren to whom the Lord hath given the gift to labour, let them
labour faithfidly and devoutlj-," &-c. Wherefore it is to be marvelled how those
friars with their wilful begging, dare transgress the rtile and obedience of friar
Francis, their great grandfather's testament.
4. Item, If Christ at anj- time did beg, or did lack, it was more because
he would use a miracle in his own person, than because he would beg wilfully ;
as when he sent Peter to the sea to find a groat in the mouth of the fish; which
thing yet he thought rather to do, than to beg the groat of the people, which
he might soon have obtained.
5. Item, By divers other his examples he seemeth to teach the same, as
where he saith, " The workman is worthy of his hire;" also, " The workman is
worthy of his meat " [Matth. x. Luke x.] ; and when he spake to Zaccheus that
he would turn into his house. And so likewise in Bethany, and all other places,
be ever used rather to burden his friends than to beg of others unacquainted.
6. Item, With plain precept, thus he scndcth forth his disciples, willing
them not to go from house to house [Luke x.] as fiiars used now to go.
^lany other Scriptures there be which reprove begging, as, where it is said,
'' The foot of a fool is sHift to the house of his neighbour" [Lcclus. xxi.j ; and
in another place, " my child," saitJi he, " see thou beg not in the time of thy
life, for better it is to die, than to beg" [Ecclus. xl."|
7. Item, Where Christ, counselling the young man, bade him go and sell
what he had, and give to the poor, and follow him if he would be perfect ; he
doth not there call him to wilful begging, but calleth him to follow hmi, who
did not beg wilfully.
VII. The seventh conclusion of Annachanus is, " that no wise nor true holy
man can t-ike upon him will'ul poverty to be observed always," which he
proveth by four reasons.
L That wilful beggary was reproved both by the doctrine of Christ and
ibc friars. I'f 'lie apostles, as in the conclusion before hath been declared.
2. Item, A man in taking upon him wilful beggarj', in so doing sliould lead
Seventh
conclu-
sion of
Arma-
chanus
against
NOTES TO BE OBSERVED IN THE ORATION Ol ARMACHANUS. 765
himself into temptation, wliich were against the Lord's Prayer. Forasmuch Edward
also as Solomon [Prov. xxx.] saith, " O Lord, beggary and great riches give ^f-
me not, but only suthciency to live upon, lest if I have too much, I be driven .
to deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord ? Again, if I have too little, I be V'!^'
forced thereby to steal, and perjure the name of my God." Wherefore saith
Ecclus. xxvii., " For need many have ofiended." And therefore they that wilful
choose wilful poverty, take to them great occasion of temptation. beggary
3. Item, They that take wilful poverty upon them, when they need not, pcf.'° ^^
induce themselves voluntarily to break the conmiandment of God, "Thou shalt mitted.
not covet thy neighbour's house," &c. Again, where it is commanded, " There
shall be no beggar among you," &c.
4. Item, He that taketh upon him needlessly and wilfully to beg, maketh
himself unapt to receive holy orders, having, as it is said, no sufficient title
thereimto, according to the laws of the church.
VIII. The eighth conclusion of this matter is, that it is not agreeing to the Eighth
nde of the Friars Observant, to observe wilful beggary ; which, saith he, may be <^?n^'u-
proved, because friar Francis, both in his rule, and in his testament left to his A?ma-
Franciscans, doth plainly prefer labour before begging. chanus.
IX. The ninth and last conclusion of this matter is, that the bull of pope Ninth
Alexander IV. which condemneth the book of the masters of Paris,' impugneth t^?"*^'"-
none of these conclusions premised. For the proof thereof he thus inferred :
1. That pope John XXIV., in his constitution beginning thus, " Quia Pope Ni-
quorundam," affirmeth expressly, how pope Nicholas III. revoked and called j]^"'^^
back the said bull of pope Alexander IV., and all other writings of his, touch- vokefh
ing all such articles, which in the same aforesaid constitution of this pope John the bull of
be contained and declared. Wherein also is declared how strait the poverty of Aiexan-
the friars ought to be, which they call wilfvd poverty. deriv.
2. Item, It is manifest and notorious to all men, how the said pope Nicholas
III., in his declaration showeth how the friars ought both to labour with their
hands, and how, moreover, the said friars ought not to preach within the
diocese of any bishop, wheresoever they be resisted : which being so, the con-
clusion appeareth that the bull of pope Alexander IV., as touching these
articles, is void and of none effect. Besides these articles, there is nothing else
in the said bull of Alexander, that I remember, which impugneth any of these
conclusions premised.
" Many things more," said he, " I had besides these, both to object and to The end
answer again to the same, and to confirm, more surely and firmly, these my an<^ ccn-
reasons and assertions premised. But I have already too much wearied your this ora-
holiness, and your reverend lordships here present; wherefore I conclude, and t'o" of
humbly and devoutly beseech you, according to my former petition premised ^™^,'s
in the beginning of this matter, that you judge not after the outward face, but before the
judge ye true judgment.^ pope-
NOTES TO BE OBSERVED IN THIS FORMER ORATION OF
ARMACHANUS.
By this oration of Armaclianiis the learned prelate, thus made Notes to
before pope Innocent and his cardinals, divers and sundry things served.
there be, for the utility of the church, worthy to be observed. First,
what troubles and vexations came to the church of Christ by these
friars. Also what persecution followeth after, by means of them,
against so many learned men and true servants of Christ. Further-
more, what repugnance and contrariety there was among the popes, contra-
and how they could not agree among themselves about the friars, amo^ng
Fourthly, what pestiferous doctrine, subverting well nigh the testament t^e popes.
of Jesus Christ. Fifthly, what decay of ministers in Christ's church,
as appeareth. Sixthly, what robbing and circumventing of men"'s
(1) Touching this book of the masters of Paris condemned, look p. 753.
(2) Ex libro Armachani, cui titiUus, Defensorium Curatorum.
766
XOTES TO BE OBSERVED IX THE OUATIOX 01' AKMACIIANL'S.
Edward
III.
A.D.
13G0.
AVhcthtT
llie friars
ninke up
llie body
of Anti-
/hrist or
The
death of
poaly
Anna-
chaniis.
Testimo-
ny of a
rardinal
upon
liim.
Friars
ai^ainst
the uni-
versity of
Oxford.
Enplish
vriters
afjainst
the friars.
Friars
that write
.• B«inst
Amia-
rhanus.
cliildren, as appoaretl). Scvcntlily, what decay of universities, as
appeareth hy Oxford (p. 760), Eijrlithly, that damage to learning,
and lack of books to students, came by the.se iriars, as appeareth.
Ninthly, to what pride, under colour of feigned humility, to what
riches, under dissendjled poverty they grew, here i.s to be seen ; inso-
much that at length, through their subtle and most dangerous hypo-
crisy, they crept up to bo lords, archbishops, cardinals, and at last
also chancellors of realms, vea and of most secret counsel with kings
and queens, as appearetli.
All these things well considered, now remaineth in the church to
be marked ; that forasmuch as these friars (with their new-found tes-
tament of friar Francis), not being contented with the testament of
God in his Son Christ, began to spring up at the same time when
Satan was prophesied to be let loose by order of the Scripture ;
whether, therefore, it is to be doubted that these friars make up the
body of Antichrist, which is prophesied to come in the church, or not ;
which is much less to be doubted, because whoso list to try shall find,
that of all other enemies of Christ, of whom some be manifest, some
be privy, all be together cniel, yet is there no such sort of enemies
that more sleightily deceiveth the simple Christian, or more deeply
dro^vneth him in damnation, than doth this doctrine of the friars.
But of this oration of Arniachanus enough. What success it had
with the pope, by story it is not certain, but by his own, life declared,
it appeareth that the Lord so wrought that his enemies did not
triumph over him. Notwithstanding, this by story appeareth, that
he was seven or eight years^ in banishment for the same matter, and
there died in the same at Avignon, of whom, a certain cardinal hearing
of his death, openly protested that the same day a mighty pillar of
Christ's church was fallen.
After the death of Armachanus, the friars had contention likewise
with the monks of Benedict's order^ about the same year (a.d. 1360),
and so removed their cause, both against the monks, and against the
university of Oxford, unto the court of Rome ; Avherein, saith tlic
author, they lacked another Richard.^ By tliis that appeareth to be
true, which is testified in the first volume of Waldenus, that lonsr
debate continued between the friars and the university of Oxford.
Against the friars first stood up Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln,
above mentioned ; then Sevallus of York ; afterwards John of Bacon-
thor|)e, and now this Annachanus, of whom here presently we treat ;
and after him again John WickliflP, of whom (Christ willing) we
will speak hereafter.' Against this aforesaid Armachanus wrote divers
friars ; Roger Conaway, a Franciscan, John Heyldesham, a Cannclitc,
Galfridus Hardby, a friar Augustine. Also friar Engelbcrt, a Domi-
nican, in a book entitled ' Defensorium Privilegiorum,"' and divers
others. I crediblv hear of certain old Irish Bibles ti-an.slated long
since into the Irisli tongue* which, if it be true, it is not likely to be
the doing of any one but of this Armachanus. And thus much of
this learned prelate and archbishop of Ireland, a man worthy, for his
christian zeal, of immortal commendation.
AhcT tlie death of this Innocent, next wa.s poped in the see of
(I) Ex Chron. ReR. Rich. II. (2) Ek Botonero. f3) Ex Waldeno.
(4) Testified by certain Knglislimen, which are yet alive, and have seen it. (5) See the Appendix.
made
pope.
A SERMON OF NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE POPE URBAN V. 76^?
Rome pope Urban V,, who, by the flithcr's side, was an Englishman. Edward
This Urban had been a waiter a long time in the court of Rome ; and L_
when he saw no promotion would light upon him, complaining to a ^"^^ ^•
certain friend of his, he made to him his moan, saying. That he 1-
thougiit, verily, if all the churches of the world should full, yet none J^'^pVaj,,
would fldl into his mouth. His friend afterwards seeing him to be j^ui that
pope, and enthronized in his threefold cro"\vn, cometh to him, and motion
putting him in remembrance of his words to him before, saith, That ^p^n
whereas his holiness had moaned his fortune to him, that if all the '^'™3„_
churches in the world would fall, none would fall upon his head, s^er to
" now," saith he, " God hath otherwise so disposed, that all the b/in^"'
churches in the world are fell en upon your head."
This pope maintained and kindled great wars in Italy, sending
Giles, his ciirdinal and legate, and after him Arduinus, a Burgun-
dian, his legate and abbot, with a great puissance and much money
against sundry cities in Italy ; by whose means the toAvns and cities
which before had broken from the bishop of Rome were oppressed :
also Barnabas and Galeaceus, prince- of JNIilan, were vanquished.* now the
By whose example other being sore feared, submitted themselves Rome
to the church of Rome ; and thus came up that wicked church to her Jj'J™^ ^^
great possessions, which her patrons would needs father upon Con- royai pos-
° , . ^ ,1 n ' '■ sessions.
stantme, the godly emperor.
In the time of this pope Urban V., and in the second year of his
reign, about the conclusion of the year of our Lord 1363, I find a
certain sermon of one Nicholas Orem, made before the pope and his
cardinals, on Christmas-even,- In which sermon the learned man doth
worthily rebuke the prelates and priests of his time, declaring their
destruction not to be far off, by certain signs taken of their wicked
and corrupt life. All the sayings of the prophets, spoken against the
wicked priests of the Jews, he doth aptly apply against the clergy of
his time, comparing the church then present to the spiritual strumpet
spoken of in the prophet Ezekiel [chap, xvi.] ; and he proveth, in.
conclusion, the clergy of the church then to be so much worse than
the old synagogue of the Jews, by how much it is worse to sell the
church and sacraments, than to suffer doves to be sold in the church.
With no less judgment also, and learning, he answereth to the old
and false objections of the papists, who, albeit they be never so
wicked, yet think themselves to be the church which the Lord cannot
forsake. All these things to the intent they may the better appear
in his own words, I have thought good here to translate and exhibit
the sermon as it was spoken before the pope.
A Copy of a Sermon made before Pope Urban V., the fourth Sun-
day in Advent, a.d. 1363, by Nicholas Orem.
" Juxta est salus mea, ut veniat, et justitia," &c. That is, " My saving The
health is near at hand to come, and my righteousness to be revealed," &c. J.""!''' .
[Isa. Ivi.] After the sentence of St. Paul, Rom. ii. and in divers other phices, j^Jg t^vo
before the nativity of Christ the whole -world was divided into two sovts of men, sorts of
the Jews and Gentiles — the Jews, who waited for the opening of tlie door of J."*^" ''^"
paradise by the blood of the Savionr to come : the Gentiles, who yet sitting in incama-
darkness were to be called to light, and to be justified by faith, as it is wriiton tjon of
in Romans, chap. v. chnst.
(1) Ex Sabel. Ennead. ix. lib. 8. (2) See the Appendix.
768 A SKRMOX or Nicholas oiu-.m dki-ork popk urbax v.
Ert'rnrd Tlus salvatioii, pertaining both to the Jew and Gentile, God promised before
H^- time to tlie fathers by the propliets, to stir up the desire thereof in their hearts
. tlie more, and to increase their firm hope and faith in tlie same. As first, in
^„ ' ■ Micah vi., tlie voice of the Lord crieth, " Health and salvation shall be to all
men which fear my name." And Isaiah xlvi., " I will give in Sion salvation,
and in Jerusalem my plory," &-c., with divers other such places. And foras-
much as hope which is deferred many times, doth aflrtict the soul, and conceiveth
weariness of long deferring ; he, therefore, j)rophesying of the nearness of the
coming thereof, saith moreover [Isa. xiv.], " His time is near at hand to come."
Also [Hab. ii.], " He will come, and will not taiTy." With many such other
places more. So then the holy fathers being in Limbo, looked and hoped
that he should bring out them that sat bound, and which in the house of prison
sat in darkness, as we read in Isaiah xli. Then the time drew on, in which
came the fulness of the Gentiles, and in which the Lord would declare the
riches of this mystery hidden from the woild, and from generations. [Col. i.]
Wherefore the Lord, in this text, doth both certify our fathers of the coming of our
Saviour, and doth comfort them touching the nearness thereof, and also teacheth
the justification of the Gentiles by faith, approaching now near at hand, accord-
ing to the words of my text, " my salvation is near." Which words were
fulfilled then, what time the Lord did manifest liis salvation, and did reveal his
Three righteousness in the sight of all the Gentiles. And it is divided into three
heads. parts ; of which the first speaketh of the nearness of his coming, where it is
said, " my salvation is near." The second concerneth the mystery of the
advent of Christ and his incarnation, where he saith, " ut veniat, ' &c. Thirdly,
is considered the severity of God, his terrible revenging judgment to be revealed,
where he saith, " ut reveletur," &c., which is to be expounded of his primitive
justice, whereof speaketh Amos [chap, v.], saying, " And judgment shall be
revealed like a flood, and righteousness like a strong stream." Wherefore, for
our contemplation of the solemnity of the most holy vigil, let us receive with
joy the word of God the Father, " My Salvation is nigh," tliat is, Christ. To
whom he saith [Isa. xlix.], " I have given thee to be a light to the Gentiles,
and to be my salvation throughout the ends of the world :" and again [Isa.
xlvi.], " My salvation shall not slack," &c.
The iir>t As touching the nearness thereof, it is in these days opened to us by the
|,artoi"his gospel, where we read in St. Matthew, When the virgin Mary was espoused
* ^"^' mito Joseph, before they did come together, she was found with child by the
Holy Cihost. By this it was eWdent to understand, that om Saviour ought
shortly to proceed out of the chaste womb of the virgin, according as the
prophet did foretel, saying, " Behold a virgin shall conceive and bring forth
a son," &'c. For as the grape, when it waxeth great and full, is near to the
making of wine ; and as the flower, when it shooteth abroad, hastcth to the fruit ;
so the salvation of the world, in the swelling and growing of the virgin's womb,
began to draw nigh to mankind. For then appeared the grace and benignit)* of
our Saviour, whom his mother was found to have in her womb by the Holy
Ghost, as is declared in that which followeth by the angel, saying, " For that
which is bom of her is of the Holy Ghost."
The Touching the second part of that which is said, " ut veniat :" this may be
"''''""^ applied to the contemplation of the mystery of Christ coming in the flesh ;
tii'cme. '^ whereof speaketh Haggai the prophet [chap, ii.], " He shall come who is
desired and looked for of all nations," S:c. Albeit the same also maj- be applied
to the second advent, spoken of in Isaiah [chap, iii.], " The Lord shall come
to judgment," &c. ; in memorial whereof the fourth Sunday was dedicated in
the old time, of the fathers. And of this day of j\ulgment it is written in the
prophet Zeph. [chap, ii.], " The day of the Lord is near, great and mighty,
it is approaching at hand, and wondrous short," &:c. And albeit not in itself,
yet it may be expounded in tribulations that go before, as preambles unto the
same ; as Gregory saith, " The last tribulation is prevented with many and
sundiT tribulations going before, although the end of all be not yet."
Ihe third Wheiefore now coming to tlie third part of my sermon or theme, let us see,
t'hJrae.''" °'' '''"^^' tribulations that go before the last coming of Christ, if there be any
such tribulation approaching nigh at hand, whereof this last part of my theme
may be verified, where he said, " Ut reveletur," that my righteousness shall be
revealed ; to wit, the righteousness primitive, that righteousness may be
A SERMON OF NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE POPE URBAN V. 769
brought, and the prophecy of Daniel fulfilled [Dan. ix.], concerning which E<twnrd
matter lour things here come in order to be declared. ^^^
First, Concerning the revealing of tribulation, according to that part of my ^ ^^
theme, " Ut reveletur," &:c. i;3(;4
Secondly, Concerning the nearness of the tribulation coming, according to '-^
that part of my theme,"" Quia juxta est," &c. ^ dhisimr"
Thirdly, Of the false opinions of some upon this part of my theme, " Ut '"°""-
veniat," &rc.
Fourthly, What means and consultation we ought to take, " Ut juxta est
salus."
As for the first, it is so notorious and so common in the Scriptures that the First sub-
church should suffer and abide tri])ulation, that I need not here to stand in division,
alleging any thing touching either the causes to be weighed, or the term to be
conjectured' thereof As concerning which causes I will give two mdes to
be noted before, for the better opening of that which is to follow : The first
rule is, that by the two kingdoms of the nation of the Hebrews which were in
the old time, to wit, by the kingdom of Israel, whose head was Samaria, is The king-
signified in the prophets the erroneous synagogue ; and by the second kingdom of J°™g°^j
Judah, of whose stock came Christ, whose head metropolitan was Jerusalem, nifying
is signified the tme church. And this ride is not mine, but is an authentic the raise
gloss of St. Jerome, and also is the rule of Origen in the last homily upon the ^,'"^^j'_^_
Old Testament, and is approved by the church. _ _ (jo,n of °
The second rule is, that by the brothel-house and fornication mentioned in Judah
the prophets, are signified simony, and abused dispensations, and promotions of jjfj'jjlji'j
persons unworthy, for lucre's sake, or else for any other partial favour, who, by church,
unlawful ways, by all laws of the world, come to office and honour. " Merx
dicitur namque a merendo ;" that is, because gain or price is derived of gain-
ing ; for the which gain or price, that is sold, which by nature ought not to be
sold. Therefore, to give any thing for respect of gain or hire, which ought to
be given freely for virtue's sake, is a kind of spiritual corruption, and as a man
would say, a whorish thing ; whereof the prophet [Isaiah, chap, i.] complaineth,
speaking" of Jerusalem, and saying, " The city which once was faithful and full
of judgment, how is it now become a whorish city?" And in like manner
Hosea also, the prophet [chap, ix.], " Jerusalem, thou hast fornicated and gone
a whoring from thy God. Thou hast loved like a harlot to get gain in every
barn of corn." And in many other places of Scripture, where fornication can-
not be otherwise expounded.
These two rules thus premised, now let us mark the Scriptures, and, accord-
ing to the same, judge of the whole state of the church, both what is past, and
■what is to come : First, treating of the causes of tribula'aon to come : Secondly,
of the vicinity of time of the said tribulation to come.
And first, concerning the state of the church, and of causes of tribulation, pive
thus saith the Lord in the prophet Ezekiel [chap, xvi.], speaking to the church states of
under the name of Jerusalem: " In the day of thy birth I came by thee, and ^,'j^„.p,,
saw thee trodden down in thine own blood," &'c. Here he speaketh of the described.
time of the martyrdom of the church. Then it folio weth, " After this thou
wast cleansed from thy blood, thou wast grown up, and waxen great; then i. xhe
washed I thee with water, I purged thy blood from thee " (speaking of ceasing martyr-
of persecution), " I anointed thee with od, I gave thee change ot raiment, 1 ,,^3
girded thee with white silk, I decked thee with costly apparel, I put rings upon church.
thy fingers, a chain about thy neck, spangles upon thy forehead, and ear-rings ^;.g^jj^";.i,y
upon thine ears. Thus wast thou decked with silver and gold, and a beautiful of tlic
crown set upon thine head. Marvellous goodly wast thou and beautiful, e\eii church.
a very queen wast thou : for thou wast excellent in my beauty, which I put
upon"thee, saith the Lord God," &c. This prophecy, or rather history, speaketh
of, and declareth, the prosperity of the church.
And now hear the corruption and transgression of the church, for so it fol- ,3. Tlie
loweth: " But thou hast put confidence in thine own beauty, and played the {^"J"',',!'t,,g
harlot, when thou hadst gotten thee a name. Thou hast committed whoredom cliurdi
with all that went by thee, and hast fulfilled their desires ; yea, thou hast taken
thy garments of divers colours and decked thine altars therewith, whereupon
thou mightest fulfil thy whoredom of sucli a fashion as never was done, nor
shall be." "Which whoredom can in no wise be expounded for carnal, but
VOT,. II 3 D
7T0 A Sr.ItMUN OF XUIIOI.AS OliKM liKl-OKE POPE URBAN V.
li.iuard spiritual wlionnloin. Aiul tlu'iefore, see how lively he hath painted out the cor-
lil- rui)ti<)n and Ciillinj^ of the ciiurch.
A I) And therefore I'ollowetli now the correction and punishment of the eliurch.
13*64 ' ^' foUoweth, " Ki^hdhl I stretch out my hand over thee, and will diminish thy
'— store of food, and deliver thee over unto the wills of the Philistines, and of such
*• ''''*. as hate thee : and they shall hreak down thy stews, and destroy thy hrothel-
correruon jn,j|j,^,j^" ^jj,,j{ j^^ ^],^, j,lace wherciu thou didst exercise this wickedness) " they
church, sliall strip thee out of thy clothes: all thy fair heautiful jewels shall they take
from thee, and so let thee sit naked and hare," &c. [Ezek. xvi.] Here is
plainly to he seen what shall happen to the church, aiul more followeth in the
said chapter : " Thine elder sister is Samaria, she and her daughters upon thy
left hand : hut the youngest sister that dwelleth on thy right hand is Sodonia
with her daughters, whose sins were these : pride, fulness of meat, ahundance,
and idleness, neither reached they their hand to the poor. And yet, neither
Sodoma thv sister, witli her daughters, liath done so evil as thou and thy
daughters : neither hath Samaria" (that is, the synagogue) " done half of thy
sins ; vea, thou hast exceeded them in wickedness. Take therefore and hear
thine own confusion," &c. Again in Ezek. [chap, xxiii.], after the prophet had
described at large the wickedness, corruption, and punishment of the synagogue,
turning to the church, he saith, " And when her sister saw this, she raged
and was mad with lust • more than before ; site was mad, that is, with
fleshly lust,* * love of riches, and following voluptuousness. Her fornication
and whoredom she committed with princes and great lords, clothed with
all manner of gorgeous apparel; so that lier paps were bruised, and her breasts
were nun-red." And then speaking of her punishment, he saith, " Then my
heart forsook lier, like as my heart was gone from her sister also." And more-
over, repeating again the cause thereof, he addeth, " Thy wickedness and thy
fornication hath wrought thee all this," &c.
The like we find also in Isaiah, Jeremy, Ezekiel, and in all the other
prophets, who, ])r()phesying all together in one meaning, and almost in one
manner of words, do conclude with a full agreement and prophecy to come,
that the church shall fall, and then be pimished for her great excesses, and be
utterly spoiled, except she repent of all her abominations. Whereof speaketh
Hosea [chap, ii.], " Let her put away her whoredom out of her sight, and her
adultery from her breasts, lest I strip her naked, and set her even as she came
naked into the world," (that is, in her primitive poverty). So if she do it not,
it shall follow of her as in the proi)het Nalunn [chap, iii.], " For the multi-
tude of the fornication of the fair and beautiful harlot, -which is a master of
witchcraft, yea and selleth the people through her whoredom, and the nations
through her witchcraft." And it followeth upon the same, " Behold I come
upon thee, saith the Lord of hosts, and will pull thy clothes over thy head, that
they nakedness shall appear among the heathen, and thy shame amongst the
There- kingdoms " &c. Wherefore by these it is to be understood that upon this
o7tTe"°" ^'hmch the primitive justice of (Jod is to be revealed hereafter. And thus
church, much of the lii-st of the four members above touched.
Scooiid Now to the secoiul member of my theme, " Juxta est;" concerning the
sion''^'' nearness of time. Although it is not for us to know the moments and articles
Sj of time ; yet, by certain notes and signs, peradventure, it may be collected and
that the gathered, that which I have here to say. For the tractation wliercof, first I
tnbula- gromul myself upon the saying of the apostle Paul [2 Thes. ii.], where he
the ^^Titeth, " That unless there come a defection first," Sec. By the which dcfec-
fhurch tion, Jerome 2 gathereth and expoundeth allogorically, the desolation of the
m-ar""^ nionarchy of Rome : between which desolation, and the persecution of the
First sign, churcli by Antichrist, he putteth no mean space. And now, what is the state of
the'i-e''' ^''"' conunonwcalth, if it be compared to the majesty of that it hath been, judge
come a yourselves. AnotluM- gloss there is that saith, how by that defection is meant,
defection tliat fVom the churcli of Kome shall come a departing of some other churches.
it'u'to*'be '^'^"^ second note and mark is this, when the cluu-ch shall be worse in manners
under- than was the synagogtie ; as appeareth by the ordinary gloss upon the third of
Mood. Jeremiah, where it is written, "The backslider Israel may seem just and
Second • i , . . o .., t ...... i •
•i(jn. righteous in comparison of smlul Judah ; that is, the synagogue in comparison
(1) Tlie?e words arc inserted fi-om the Seror.d Edition. — Ed
(2j I'ltiina qnaest ad inmiif.iii'M'cs Jmuarii.
A SERMON OF NICHOLAS 011E^[ BEFORE I'OPE URBAN V. 771
of the cliurch of God. Whereof writoth Origen saying, Think tliat to be Edward
spoken of us what the Lord saitli in Ezekiel [chap, xvi.], "Thou hast exceeded Hi
thy sister in thine iniquities." Wherefore now, to compare the one with tlie _^
otlier : First, ye know how Christ rebuked tlie Pliarisees, wlio, as Jerome V^^i'
witnesseth, were then the clergy of the Jews, of covctousness, for tliat tliey
suffered doves to be sohl in tlie temple of God : Secondly, for that they did ^''f ^J'
honour God with their lips, and not with their heart ; and because they said, anij°°"*
but did not : Thirdly, he rebuked them, for that they were hypocrites. To church
the first then, let us see whether it be worse to sell both"church and sacraments to^t'he?'^
than to suffer doves to be sold in the temple, or not. Secondly, whereas the iirm;iii-
Pharisees were rebuked for honouring God with their lips, and not with their "-'■^•
heart, there be some who neither honour God with heart, nor yet witli lips, and
who neither do well, nor yet say well ; neither do they preach any word at all,
but be dumb dogs, not able to bark, impudent and shameless dogs, that never
have enough ; such pastors as have no understanding, declining and strayino-
all in their own way, every one given to covctousness from the highest to the
lowest. And thirdly, as for hypocrisy, there be also some whose intolerable
pride and malice are so manifest and notorious, kindled up like a fire, that no
cloak or shadow of hypocrisy can cover it, but they are so past all shame, that
it may be well verified of them, which the prophet speaks, " Thou hast gotten
thee the face of a harlot; thou wouldst not blush," &c.
The third sign and token of tribulation approaching near to the church, may Third
well be taken of the too much unequal proportion seen this day in the church ; sign,
where one is hmigry and starveth, another is drunk. By reason of which so
great inequality, it cannot be that the state of the church, as it is now, can long
endure ; for, like as in good harmony, to make the music perfect, is required a
moderate and proportionate inequality of voices, which if it do much exceed, it
taketh away all the sweet melody ; so, according to the sentence of the philo
sopher, by too much immoderate inequality or disparity of citizens, the com-
monwealth falleth to ruin. On the contrary, whei-e mediocrity, that is, where a
mean inequality with some proportion is kept, that policy standeth firm and more
sure to continue. Now, among all the politic regiments of the Gentiles, I think
none more is to be found in histories, wherein is to be seen so great and exceeding
odds, as in the policy of priests ; of whom some be so high, that they exceed
all princes of the earth ; some again be so base, that they are under all rascals, oiigar-
so that such a policy or commonwealth may well be called Oligarchia. ^''i^' '^
This may we plainly see and learn in the body of man, to the which Plutarch, few^ear
writing to Thracinius, doth semblably compare the commonwealth. In the all the
which body, if the sustenance received should all run to one member, so that s"'^>'>^and
that member should be too much exceedingly pampered, and all the other parts rest be
too much pined, that body could not long continue; so in the body of the wealth nofhing
ecclesiastical, if some who be the heads be so enormously overgrown in riches ^^°'"-
and dignity, that the weaker members of the body be scantly able to bear
them up, there is a great token of dissolution and ruin shortly. Whereupon
cometh well in place the saying of the prophet Isaiah: " Every head is sick,
every heart is full of sorrow ;" of the which heads it is also spoken in the prophet
Amos [chap, vi.], " Woe be to the secure, proud, and wealthy in Sion, and to
such as think themselves so sure upon the mount of Samaria, taking themselves
as heads and rulers over others," &c. And, moreover, in the said prophet
Isaiah it followeth, " From the top of the head to the sole of the foot there is
no whole part in all the body," to wit, in the inferiors, because they are not
able to live for poverty; in the superiors, because for their excessive riches
they are let from doing good. And it followeth in the same place, " But all
are wounds, and botches, and stripes." Behold here the danger coming, tlie
wounds of discord and division, the botch or sore of rancour and envy, the
swelling stripe of rebellion and mischief.
The fourth sign is the pride of prelates. Some there have been who fondly Fourth
have disputed of the poverty of Christ, and have inveighed against the prelates, ^^io"-
because they live not in the poverty of the saints. But this fantasy cometh of
the ignorance of moral philosophy and divinity, and of the defect of natural
prudence ; for that in all nations, and by common laws, priests have had, and,
ought to have, wherewith to sustain themselves more honestly than the vulgar
sort, and prelates more honestly than the subjects. But yet hereby is not
A SKRMON' OF N'UIIOI.AS ORF.M nr.I'OUK rOI'K fItBAN V.
EJirtnl
III.
A.I).
1361.
Pride of
prelates
noted.
Fifth
fign.
The
tjTanny
of pre-
lates
noted.
Sixth
»i(ni.
Promo-
ting of
unworthy
minis-
ters.
Seventh
si;;n.
F-iRhth
KiKn.
Ref\isin(»
of cr-
rertion
in (lie
clcT„-y.
pcniiittod to tlicni tliiir great lior.scs, tlicir troops of liorsemen, the superfluous
jioinj) of tlu'ir waiting-ineii and great families, wliicli scarcely can be main-
tained without pride, neither can he sustained with safe justice, and, many, not
without fighting and injuries inconvenient; not nuich unhke to that which
Justin the historian writeth of the Carthaginians, "The family," saith he, "of
so great enijierors, was intolerable to such a free city." In semblable wise, this
great pride in the chinch of (iod, especially in these days, doth move not so
few to due reverence, as many to indignation ; and yet more, to those things
aforesaid : who think no less but to do sacrifice to God, if they may rob and
spoil certain fat priests and persons, namely, such as neither have nobility or
blood, and less learning to bear themselves upon, but arc liars, servile and
fraudulent, to whom the Lord speakctli by his prophet Amos [cliap. iv.], " Hear
you fat-fed kine of Samaria, ye that do poor men wrong, and oppress the needy,
the day shall come upon you," &c.
The fifth sign is, the tyranny of the prelates and presidents, which as it is a
violent tiling, so it cannot be long lasting. For as Solomon saith [chap, xvi.],
" Tor it was requisite that, without any excuse, destruction should come upon
those which exercised tyranny." The property of a tyrant is not to seek the
commodity of his subjects, but only his will and profit. Such were the pastors
that fed not the Lord's flock, but fed themselves ; of whom and to whom
speaketh the prophet Ezekiel [chap, xxxiv.], " Woe be unto those pastors of
Israel that feed themselves. Should not the shepherds feed the flocks?" with
many other threatenings against them in the same chapter. " Woe be unto them
who rejoice at the transgressions of those whom it lieth in their power to con-
demn, neither do they seek what he is able to pay;" to whom crieth Micah the
prophet [chap, iii.], " Ye hate the good and love the evil ; ye pluck off men's
skins, and the flesh from the bones ; ye eat the flesh of my people, and flay off
their skin ; ye break their bones ; ye chop them in pieces, as it were into a
cauldron, and as flesh into the pot," &:c. And, therefore, the aforesaid Ezekiel
[chap, xxxiv.] pronounceth, " Behold, I will ms-self come upon the shepherds
and require my sheep from their hands, and make them c<-ase from feeding my
sheep, yea the shepherds shall feed themselves no more ; for I will deliver my
sheep out of their mouths, so that they shall not devour them any more."
The sixth sign is the promoting of the unworthj-, and neglecting them that be
worthy. This, as Aristotle saith, is a great cause many times of the dissolution
of commonweals. And oftentimes it so happeneth in the wars of princes, that
the contempt and small regarding of the valiant, aiul the exaUing of others that
be less worthy, engender divers kinds and kiiuUings of sedition. For partly
by reason of the same, partly of the other causes above recited, we have read not
only in books, but have seen with our eyes, divers flourishing cities well nigh
subverted ; whereas good men be not made of, but arc vexed with sorrow and
grief by the evil: the contention at length bursteth out upon the prince, as
Haymo reciteth out of Origen. This always hath been the perverse incredulity
of man's hard heart, and that not only in hearing, but also in seeing: yet will
they not believe that others have perished, unless they also peri.sh themselves.
The seventh sign is, the tribulation of outward ])olicy and commotions of the
people, which in a great part has now happened already. And therefore,
forasmuch as Seneca saith, " Men do complain commonly that evils only come
so fast;" it is to be feared lest also the ecclesiastical policy be afflicted not only
outwardly, but also iii itself; and so that be fulfilled in us, which in Jeremy is
prophesied [chap, iv.], " Murder is cried upon murder, and the whole land
shall perish, and suddenly my tabernacles were destroyed, and my tents very
quickly." And Ezekiel [chap, vii.], " Wherefore I will bring cruel tyrants
from among the heathen, to take their houses in possession ; 1 will make the
pomp of the proud to cease, and their sanctuaries shall be taken. One mischief
and sorrow shall follow another, and one rumour shall come after another : then
shall they seek visions in vain at their prophets ; the law shall be gone from
their priests, and wisdom from their elders," &c.
The eighth is, the refusing of coiTection, neither will they hear their faidts
told them, so that it happened to the princes and rulers of the church, as it is
written iu the prophet Zechariah, [chap, vii.] "They stopped their ears that they
WDuld not hear, yea they made their hearts as an adamant stone, lest they should
hear th? law and words which the Lord of hosts sent in his Holy Spirit by the
A SERMON OF KICHOLAS OKEM BEFORE POPE URUAN V. Tto
prophets aforetime." Also Isaiah, witnessing after the same effect [chap. xxx.J, Edward
saith, " For it is an obstinate people, lying children, and unfaithful children, ■'^^•'^•
that will not hear the law of the Lord, which say to the prophets. Meddle with . j^
nothing, and tell us nothing, that is true and right, but speak friendly words to loV^'
us," &c. All this shall be verified when the prelates begin to hate them that — ! L
tell them truth, and have knowledge ; like unto such of whom Amos speaketh Truth
[chap, v.], " They bear him evil will, that reprovclh them openly, and whoso shcnt.
telleth them the plain truth, they abhor him." And therefore saith the Lord,
by Hosea, to the clmrch of Jerusalem [chap, iv.], " Seeing thou hast refused
vulderstanding, I have refused thee also, that thou shalt no more be my priest.
And forasmuch as thou hast forgotten the law of thy God, I will also forget thy
children, and change their honour into shame. And so shall it be, like priest,
like people," &c. ; and many other sayings there be in the projihets, speaking
of the dejecting and casting down of tlie priestly honour.
Besides these aforesaid signs and tokens hitherto recited, there be also divers Lack of
others ; as the backshding from righteousness, the lack of discreet and learned learr,ed
priests, promoting of childi-en into the church, with others such. But these
being already well noted and marked, you may easily judge and understand
whether these times now present of oiu-s be safe and clear from tribulation to
be looked for, and whether the word of the Lord be true according to my
theme, " My righteousness is near at hand to be revealed," &c. And thus
much of the second part.
Now to the third part or member of my subdivision, which is concerning the Tliird
false and perilous opinions of some, upon this word of my theme, " Ut sjiiidivi-
veniat," fee. ; which opinions principally be four, all repugning against the
ti-uth of the canonical scripture.
The first opinion is of such men, who, having too much confidence in them-
selves, do think and persuade witli themselves, that the prelates be the church
which the Lord will always keep and never forsake, as he hath promised in the
persons of the apostles, saying, in Matthew [chap, xxviii.], " And I will be The
with you to the end of the world," &c. But this is to be understood of faith, ^,''^"'j!^J'jj
whereof Christ speaketh in Luke [chap, xxi.], " I have prayed for thee, that is, and in
thy faith shall not fail." Whereof we read in Ecclesiastes [chap, xl.], " Faith ^^''om i'
shall stand for ever," &c. And albeit charity wax never so cold, yet faith, not- eth?'^ "
withstanding, shall remain in a few, and in all distresses of the world; of the
which distresses, our Saviour doth prophesy, in many places, to come. And lest,
peradventure, some should think themselves to be safe from tribulation, because
they be of the church ; this opinion the Lord himself doth contradict in Jere-
miah [chap, vii.], " Trust not," saith he, " in false lying words, saying, The
Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord." And a little after, " But you
trust in words and lying counsels which deceive you, and do you no good."
The second opinion is of them who defer time ; for this they will grant, that
the church shall abide trouble, but not so shortly ; thinking thus with them-
selves, that all these causes and tokens afore recited, have been before, at other
times as well, in the church. For both by Gregory and Bernard, holy doctors,
in time past, the prelates have been in like sort reprehended, both for their
bribings, for their pomp and pride, for the promoting of children, and persons
unfit unto ecclesiastical functions, and other vices more, which have reigned
before this in the church of God more than now, and yet by God's grace the
church hath prospered and stands. Do ye not see, that if a house have stood
and continued ruinous a long season, it is never the more near the fall thereby,
but rather to be trusted the better ? Moreover, many times it cometh so to
pass, in realms and kingdoms, that the posterity is punished for the sins of their
predecessors. Whereof speaketh the book of Lamentations [chap, v.], " Our
fathers have sinned and are now gone, and we must bear their wickedness," &c.
Against this cogitation or opinion, well doth tlie Lord answer by the ])rophct
Ezekiel [chap, xii.], saying, " Behold, thou Son of Man, the house of Israel
saith in this manner. Tush, as for the vision that he hath seen, it will be many
a day ere it come to pass ; it is far off yet, the thing that he prophesieth.
Therefore say unto them, thus saith the Lord God, The words that I have
spoken shall be deferred no longer, look, what I have said shall come to pass,
saith the Lord," &c. AVe have seen in our days things to happen, which
seemed before incredible. And the like hath been seen in other times also,
174 A SERMON' OK NICHOLAS OKK.M BEI'OIIE I'OTE URBAN V.
i:,!,f':rd as we redd written in the book of Lamentations [cliap. iv.], " Tlie kings of tlie
I'i- oartli, nor all tlie inliahitants of tlie world would not have beleivcd, that the
. j^ eniMUV and adversary should have come in at the gates of fhe city, for the sins
liri "* ^^" i)riests, and for the wickedness of her elders, that have shed innocent
blood within her," &c. liy Jerusalem, as is said, is meant tlie church.
The tliird opinion or error is very perilous and perverse, of all such as say
" veniat," let come that will come; let us conform ourselves to this world, and
tiike our time witli tliose temporizers who say in the book of AVisdom [chap, ii.],
" Come, let us enjoy our goods and pleasures that be present, and let us use
the creature as in youth quickly," &:c. Sudi as these be, are in a dangerous case,
and be greatly prejudicial to good men in the church. And, if the heads and
riders of the church were so vile to have any such detestable cogitation in them,
there were no place in hell too deep for them. This church, founded by the
apostles in Christ, consecrated with the blood of so many martyrs, enlarged and
iiureased with the virtues and merits of so many saints, and endued so richly
with the devotion of so many secular princes, and so long prospered hitherto;
if it now shoidd come into the hands of such persons, it should fall in great
danger of ruin, and Uicy, for their negligence and wickedness, would well
deserve of God to be cursed ; yea here, also, in this present world, to incur
temporal tribulation and destruction, \vhich the}' fear more ; by the sentence of
the Lord, saying to them in the book of Proverbs [chap, i.], " All my counsels
ye h<iye despised, and set my correction at nought ; therefore shall I also laugh
in your destruction, when tribulation and anguish shall fall ujion you."
Fourthly, another ojiinion or error is, of such as being luifaithful, believe not
that any such thing will come. And this error secmeth to have no remedy,
but that as other things and other kingdoms have their ends and limits set unto
them, which they cannot overjiass ; so it must needs be, that such a domination
and government of the church have an end, by reason of the demerits and
obstinacies of the governors provoking and requiring the same ; like as we read
in the prophet Jeremy [chap, viii.], " There is no man that taketh repentance
for his sin, that will so much as say, Wherefore have I done this ? But every
man runneth forth still like a wild horse in battle." And the same prophet, in
clia])ter xiii. of his prophecy, " Like as the man of Inde may change his skin,
and the cat-of-mountain her spots, so maj- ye, that be exercised in evil, do good."
Whereunto also accordeth that which is written of the same prophet [chap, xvii.],
speaking of Judali, signifying the church, " The sin of Judah," saith he, " is
written in the table of your hearts, and graven so upon the edges of your altars
with a pen of iron, and with an adamant daw;" which is as much to say, it is
indelible, or which cannot he rased out ; as also Ezekiel, speaking of the
punishment [chap, xxi.], saith, " I the Lord have drawn my sword out of the
sheath, and it cannot be revoked." Notwithstanding, all these signifj" no
impossibility, but dilhculty, because that wicked men arc hardly converted ; for,
otherwise, the Scripture importeth no such inflexibility with God, but if con-
version come, he will forgive. So we read in the prophet Jonas [chap, iii.],
" Who can tell? God may turn and repent, and cease from his fierce wrath
that we perish not." And to the like effect saith the same Lord in Jeremy
[chap, xxvi.], " Look thou keep not one word back, if peradventure they will
hearken and turn every man from his wicked way, that I also may repent of
the plague which I have determined to bring \ipon them, because of their
wicked inventions," &c. lM)r the further proof whereof, Nineveh we see was
converted, and remained luidestroyed, &c. Likewise the Lord also had revealed
destruction unto Constantinople by sundry signs and tokens, as Augustine in a
certain sermon doth declare. And thus ibr the third part or member of my
division.
Foiirtti Fourthly and lastly, remaincth to declare, some wholesome concluding, now
upon the cnuses preceding: that is, if by these causes and signs, heretofore de-
clared, tribulation be jirepared to fidl upon the church, then let us humble our
minds mildly and wisely. And if we so return with heart and in deed unto
(iod, verily he will rescue and help after an inestimable wise, and will surcease
from scourging us, as he promiseth by his prophet Jeremiah [chap, xviii.], " If
that people against whom I have thus devised, convert from their wickedness,
immediately I will repent of the plague that I devised to bring upon them;"
speaking here after the manner of men, S:c. Now therefore, forasmuch aj
(.ubdi vi-
rion.
A SERMON OF NICHOLAS OREM HEFORE I'OPE URBAN V. IT")
tribulation and affliction is so near coming toward us, j'ea lietli upon us already, EiUrnrd
let us be the more ddigent to call upon God lor mercy. l''or 1 think, verily, ^"■
these many years, there have not been so many and so despiteful haters and . .
evil willers, stout, and of such a rebellious heart against the cliurch of God, i.>'p/
as be now-a-days; neither be they lacking, that would work all that they can — ! L
against it, and lovers of new- fangleness; whose hearts the Lord haply will turn,
that they shall not hate his people, and work deceit against bis servants,
I mean against priests, whom they have now in little or no reputation at all,
albeit many yet there be, through God's grace, good and godly ; but yet the
fury of the Lord is not turned away, but still his hand is stretched out. And
unless ye be converted, he shaketh his sword ; he hath bent his bow, and pre-
pared it read}'. Yet the Lord standetb waiting, that he may have mercy upon
you [Isaiah xxx.] And therefore, as the greatness of fear ought to incite us,
so hope of salvation may allure us to pray and call upon the Lord, espe-
cially now, toward this holj' and sacred t'me and solemnity of Christ's nativity :
for that holy and continual prayer without intermission is profitable, and the
instant devotion and vigilant deprecation of the just man is of great force. And
if terrene kings, in the day of celebration of their nativitj', be wont to show
themselves more liberal and bounteous, bow much more ought we to hope well,
that the heavenly King, of nature most benign, now at his natal and bitth-day,
will not deny pardon and remission to such as rightly call unto him.
And now, therefore, as it is written in Joshua [chap, vii.], " Be ye sanctified
against to-morrow," &c. And say unto him, as it is written in the first book of
Samuel [chap, xxv.], " Now let thy servants I pray thee find favour in thy
sight, for we come to tliee in a good season." Moreover, ye may find what ye
ask, if ye ask that which he brought, in the day of his nativity, that is, the
peace of the church, not spiritual only, but also temporal ; which the angelical
noise did sound, and experience the same time did prove, testified by Livy, Pliny,
and other heathen story-writers, who all marvelled thereat, saying that such an
universal peace as that could not come on earth, but by the gift of God. For
so God did forepromise in the prophet Isaiah [chap.lxvi.], " Behold, I will let
peace into Jerusalem like a waterflood," &c. ; and in Psalm Ixxi., " In his
time righteousness shall flourish, yea, and abundance of peace," &c.
Therefore now, O reverend fathers in the Lord ! and you, here in this present
assembly ! behold, I say, the day of life and salvation ; now is tlie opportune
lime to pray unto God, that the same thing, which he brought into the world at
his birth, he will now grant in these days to his church, that is, his peace. And,
like as Nineveh was subverted, and overturned, not in members but in manners,
so the same words of my theme, " Juxtaest justitia niea ut reveletur," may be
verified in us, not of the primitive justice, but of our sanctification by grace ; so
that, as to-morrow is celebrated the nativity of our Saviour, our righteousness
may rise together with him, and his blessing may be upon us, which God hath
promised, saying, " My saving health is near at hand to come," &c. ; whereof
speaketh Isaiah the prophet [chap.li.], "My saving health shall endure forever,"
&c. This health grant unto us, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost! Amen.
This sermon was made by Master Nicholas Orem before pope
Urban V. and his cardinals, npon the even of the nativity of the Lord,
being the fourth Sunday of Advent, a.d. 1363, and the second of his
popedom.
In the fifth year of this forenamed pope Urban, began first the The order
order of the Jesuats.' Unto this time, which was about a.d. 1367, Thec"fef
the offices here in England, as that of the lord chancellor, the lord offices of
treasurer, and the privy seal, were wont to be m the hands ot the clergy; trans-
but, about this year, through the motion of the lords in the parliament, the^oie7^
to the
(1) The "Jesuats" or "Jesuates" are mentioned supra, pp. 57, 352. They were an order o lordstem-
nionks, founded by St. John Columbini, chief magistrate of Sienna, a.d. 1363. Becoming con- poral.
vinced of sin, he gave up his honours, sold his estates, and devoted himself to the service of God A.D. 1307.
and the poor. He was joined by seventy disciples. They followed St. Augustine's rule, and took
St. Jerome for their patron. Urban V. confirmed their institute at Viterbo, a.d. 13(i7. They were
called " Jesuats'' from always having the name of Jesus on their lips : it occurs 1500 times in a few
letters which Columbini wrote. The order was suppressed by Clement IX. in 1668. — Alban
Butler's Lives of the Saints. They are not to be confounded with the "Jesuits," who were founded
by Ignatius Loyola a.d. 1534, confirmed by Paul III. a.d. 1540. — Ed.
776 THE rOl'li PL'T FROM ItESERVING Of BENEFICES.
£.i,rard uiul piutlv, US witiicssotli iiiinc autlior, for hatred of the clergy, all the
^^^- said offices were removed from the clergy to the lords temporal.
A. D. After the death of pope Urban, next succeeded pope Gregory XL,
1370^ ^vho, among his other acts, first reduced again the papacy out of
Pope Grc- France unto Home, which had from thence been absent the space
^n'7^^' now of seventy vears ; being thereto moved (as Sabcllicus recordeth)
,.ac^y^re- ^y the answer" of a certain bishop, whom as the pope saw standing by
aS him he asked, why he was so long from his cliarge and church at
i-ra™ce home, saying that it was not the part of a good pastor to keep lum
to Home, (^.^y^^^ jiis flock SO long. Whereunto the bishop answering again said,
'• And you yourself, being the chief bishop, who may and ought to
be a spectacle to us all, why are you from the place so long where
your church doth lie ?" by the occasion whereof the pope sought all
means after tliat to remove and to rid his court out of France again
to Rome, and so he did.'
King Tlie king of England, holding a parliament in the third year of
"npialii- tliis pope, sent his ambassadors to him, desiring him, that he from
'o'elre- thenceforth would abstain from his reservations of benefices used in
.eTatiou the realm of England ; and that spiritual men, within this realm pro-
jices.'"' motcd unto bishoprics, might freely enjoy their elections within the
realm, and be confirmed by their metropolitans, according to the
ancient custom of the realm. Wherefore, upon these, and such other
like matters, wherein the king and the realm thought themselves
aggrieved, he desired of the pope some remedy to be provided, &c.
\Vhereunto the pope returned a certain answer again unto the king,
requiring by his messengers to be certified again of the king's mind
concerning the same. But what answer it was, it is not in the story
expressed, save that tlic year following, which was a.d. 1374, there
was a tractation at Bruges upon certain of the said articles between
the king and the pope, which did hang two years in suspense ; and
The pope so at length it was thus agreed between them, that the pope should
ill's re°"' no more "use his reservations of benefices in England, and likewise the
.ervmuof ] j gjicmlj no uiorc confer and give benefices upon the writ " Quare
in Eng- impedit," &c. ; but, touching the freedom ot elections to be con-
'■ ollare firmed by the metropolitan, mentioned in the year before, thereof
""'"=""•' was nothing touched.^
As touching these reservations, provisions, and collations, with the
elections of archbishops, bishops, beneficed men, and others, where-
with the pope vexed this realm of England, as before you have heard ;
the king, by the consent of the lords and commons, in the twenty-
fifth year of his reign enacted, that a statute made in the thirty-fifth
year of his grandfather Edward I., but not put in execution, should
Thfiaw be revived ; wherein was made an Act against the ravenous pillage of
papliTpio- the pope through the same provisions, reservations, and collations,
vi».on8. gjp . ^y j^ijg ^y\\■^^.\^ provisions the state of the realm decreased more
and more, the king's royalty and prerogative were greatly obscured
and diminished, innumerable treasures of the realm transported,
aliens and strangers placed in the best and fixttcst bishoprics, abbeys,
and benefices within the realm, and such, as either for their offices in
Rome, as cardinalships and such-like, could not be here resident, or
(I) Respectins! two paragraphs which Foxe introduces here respecting Militzius and Jacobus
Mi•llen^i8, see infri, p. 781, note (2) —Ed. (2) See iufri, pp. 789, 71iO.— Ed.
THE PROl'HKCY OF BRIDGET. 777
if resident, yet better away for causes infinite, as partly liavc been Edward
touclied before. Moreover^ he not only revived the said statute niude _
by Edward I. his grandfiitlier, but also enacted another, forbidding A.j).
tliat any one, for any cause or controversy in law whatsoever, either ^'^'^-
spiritual or temporal, the same being determinable in any of the king's
courts (as all matters were), whether they were personal or real cita-
tions, or other, should either appeal or consent to any appellation to
be made out of the realm to the pope or see of Rome ; adding there-
unto very strait and sharp penalties against the offenders therein or
in any part thereof, as, exemption out of the king's protection, loss of
all tlieir lands, goods, and other possessions, and their bodies to be
imprisoned at the king's pleasure ; and further, whosoever were law-
fully convicted, or who otherwise, for want of appearance, by process
directed forth were within the lapse of this statute of ' Praemunire,"' The law
for so bore the name thereof, should suffer all and every such molesta- mimi^e,
tions and injuries, as men exempted from the protection of the king; ^^^'Jl^''
insomuch that whosoever had killed such men, had been in no more thereof.
danger of law there-for, than for the killing of an outlaw, or one not
worthy to live in a commonweal. Like unprofitable members were
they then, yea, in that time of ignorance, esteemed in this common-
weal of England, who would offer themselves to the wilful slavery and
servile obedience of the pope ; which thing in these days, yea, and
that amongst no small fools, is counted more than evangelical holi-
ness. He that listeth to peruse the statute, and would see every
branch and article thereof at large discussed and handled, with the
penalties there-for due, let him read the statute of Provision and
Praemunire made in the twentj^-fifth year of this king's days : and
let him read in the statutes made in the parliaments holden the
twenty-seventh and thirty-eighth years of his reign, and under the
same titles of Provision and Prsemunire he shall find the pope's The
primacy and jurisdiction within this realm more nearly touched, and primacy
much of his papal power restrained. Divers other matters wherein £"^,3°^
the pope is restrained of his usurped power, authority, and juris- bridled,
diction within this realm of England, are in the said titles and
statutes expressed and at large set forth, whoever listeth to peruse
the same, which for brevity's sake I omit, hastening to other
matters.^
About' this time, being a d. 1370, lived holy Bridget, whom the st^ ^^
church of Rome hath canonized not only for a saint, but also for a " ^*
prophetess ; who, notwithstanding, in her book of Revelations, which
hath been oftentimes imprinted, was a great rebuker of the pope and
of the filth of his clergy, calling him a murderer of souls, a spillcr and
a piller' of the flock of Christ, more abominable than Jews, more
crueller than Judas, more unjust than Pilate, worse than Lucifer him-
self. The see of the pope, she prophesieth, shall be thrown down into
the deep like a millstone, and that his assisters* shall burn with brim-
stone. She afRrmeth, that the prelates, bishops, and priests, are the
cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected, and almost extinguished ;
(1) See the Statutes at Large, and the Extracts from the Parliament Rolls, infrd, pp. 783—781).
The foregoing paragraph has been cnrrected in two or three particulars. — Ed.
(2) Ex lib. revelationum Div.x> Brigitta-. [The next live jjages .ire a translation of several
detached passages in the " Catalogus Testiuni," to which t'oxe refers in the next page. Foxe's
text has been collated witli Ulyricus, and in many instances corrected.— Ed.
(3) " L'ispersorem et laeeratorcm," Jllviicu?.- Ed. (1) " Aiscssorcs," Ulyricus.— Ed.
778
EdirarJ
III.
A.I).
i;j7o.
Da ])ecu-
niain.
Rome a
frrtile
gruutid
of weeds
and
cockle.
Catharina
Scncnsis.
TTie rc-
foriiiaiion
ofrcliRion
prophe-
sied of
before.
The pro-
plucy of
Catha-
rine.
Note.
M.-itthias
Paiisicn-
Ki.H, a
writer
KKaiost
the pope.
Anti-
chri>t
already
cuiiie.
TlIF, rUOPIIF.rV OF CATHARTN'A SKNEXSIS.
and tliat the clci':y liave turned tlie ten commandments of God into
two word.';,' ti> wit, '• Da pecuniam," that is, ''Ciivc money." It were
long and tedious to declare all that she again.st them writctli ; let
the above suffice : one thing only 1 will add, where the said Bridget
affirmeth in her Revelations, that she beheld when the Blessed Virgin
said to her Son, liow Rome was a fruitful and fertile field, and
that he replied, " Yea, but of weeds only and cockle."^
To this Bridget I will join also Catharine of Sienna, a holy virgin,
who lived much about the same time (a.d. 1370) ; of whom writeth
Antoninus.^ Thi.s Catharine, having (according to the j)apists them-
selves) the spirit of prophecy, was wont much to complain of the
corrupt state of the church, namely^ of the prelates and monks, and
of the court of Rome, and of the pope himself; prophcsviug before
of the great schism which soon followed in the church of Rome, and
endured to the council of Constance, the space of thirty-nine years ;'
also of the great wars and tribulation which ensued upon the same ;
and, moreover, declared before and foretold of this so excellent
reformation of religion in the church now present. The words of
Antoninus be these : " After this virgin had, on setting out for Rome,
foretold her brother of the wars and tumults that should arise in the
countries about Rome after the schism which had just happened be-
tween the two popes ; I, then, curious to know of things to come, and
it having become manifest that she had by revelation a knowledge
of futurity, demanded of her, I pray you, good mother, said I,
and what shall befall after these troubles in the church of God ?
And she said : ' By these tribulations and afflictions, after a secret
manner unknown unto man, God shall purge his holy church, and
stir up the spirit of his elect. And after these things shall follow
such a reformation of the holy church of God, and such a renovation
of holy pastors, that the only thouglit and anticipation thereof
maketh my spirit to rejoice in the Lord. And, as I have oftentimes
told you heretofore, the spouse, which now is all deformed and ragged,
shall be adorned and decked Mith most rich and precious ouches and
brooches. And all the faithful shall be glad and rejoice to sec them-
selves so beautified with such holy shepherds. Yea, and also the
infidels then, allured by the sweet savour of Christ, shall return to
the catholic fold, and be converted to the true shepherd and bishop
of their souls. Give thanks therefore to God ; for after this storm
he will give to his church a great calm." And after she had thus
spoken, she staid, and said no more."*
Besides these aforenamed, the Lord, who never ceasetli to work
in his church, stirred up against the malignant church of Rome the
spirits of divers other good and godly teachers, as ^Litthias Parisien-
sis, a Bohemian born, who, about a.d. 1370, wrote a large book " De
Antichristo," and proveth him already come, and hinteth the pope to
be the same ; which book one Illyricus, a writer in these our days,
hath, and ])romiscth to put it in print.' In this book he doth greutly
(1) " In tinicum vtrbutn," Illyricus. The ten commandments are called in the Hebrew "ten
tcordt." — Ep.
(2) Illyricus, " Cat. Test " (Gencv. 1608), col. 1/99.— Ed. (3) Ex Anton, parte historic iii.
(4) •• Namely," " pr.-csertim," especially.— Ed. (.5) See vol. iii. p. 18.— Ed.
(6) Illyricus, col. 1791. Cave says that she was bom a.d. 1317. and died April a.d l.^iSn, and
that she was called " Senensis," to distinguish her from Catharina " llononiensis," who flourished
1 p. H38.— Ed.
(1) It i^ printed in Drowne's Appendix to the " Fasciculus " of Orthuiuus G^alius.— Ep.
DIVERS LEARNED MEN WRITERS AGAINST THE POPE. 779
inveigh against the wickedness and filthiness of the clergy, and against Edward
i\\i neglecting of their duty in governing the church. The locusts - — —
mentioned in the Apocalypse, he saith, be the hypocrites reigning in A.D.
the church. He sailh, also, that it is through the operation of Anti- _Hi^
Christ, that the flibles and inventions of men reign in the church, and l^l^^^'^
that ima<;es and feigned relics are worshipped every where : Item, protesta-
o o •i*'i tion of
that men do worship, every one, his proper samt and saviour mstead Matthias,
of Christ, so that every man and city almost have their diverse and
peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed, moreover, that godliness
and true worship of God are not tied to places, persons, or times, as
though you would be heard more in this place than in another, at
this time more than at another, &c. He argueth also against the
cloisterers, who leaving the only and true Saviour, set up to them-
selves their Francises, their Dominies, and such others, and have
them for their saviours, glorying and triumphing in them, and feign-
ing many forged lies about them. He was greatly and much offended
Avith monks and friars for neglecting or rather burying the word of
Christ, and for celebrating and setting up instead of him their own
rules and canons ; affirming it to be much hurtful to true godliness,
that the priests, monks, and nuns do account themselves only spiri-
tual, and all others to be mundane and secular, challenging only to
tliemselves the opinion of holiness, and contemning other men with
all their public and social virtues as profone in comparison of their
own state. He further writeth that Antichrist hath seduced all uni-
versities and colleges of learned men, so that they teach no sound
doctrine, neither give any light to Christians with their teaching.
Final! V, he forewarneth that it will come to pass, that God yet once
again will raise up godly teachers, who, being fervent in the spirit
and zeal of Elias, shall disclose openly to the whole world and refute
the errors of Antichrist, and Antichrist himself. This Matthias, in
his said book " De Antichristo," allegeth the sayings and writings of
the university of Paris, also the sermons of Gulielmus de Sancto
Amore, and of Militzius hereafter noted, and of others on the same
subject.'
About the same time, or shortly after (a.d. 1384), we read also Johannes
of Johannes of Mountziger, rector of the university of Ulm, who g'"""^!'"
openly in the schools in a certain oration propounded that the body '^s'/'"'
of Christ was not God, and therefore ought not to be worshipped as the pope.
God with that kind of worship called ' Latria," as the sophisters term
it, meaning thereby that the sacrament ought not to be adored ; which
afterwards he also defended by writing. He affirmed also, that Christ
in his resurrection took to him again all his blood which in his passion
he had shed ; meaning thereby to infer, that the blood of Christ, which
in many places is worshipped, neither can be called the blood of
Christ, neither ought to be worshipped. But by and by he was
resisted and withstood by the monks and friars, who by this kind of
idolatry were greatly enriched ; till at length the senate and council
of the city were fain to take up the matter between them, referring
the same to the university of Prague, which inclined to favour the
propositions aforesaid.^
(I) Ilh-Ticua. rol. 17P2.— Ed. (2) I'l.,:icus, cnl. 1791.— Kd.
780 DIVKUS I.KAKN'I i) MEN WUITKKS AGAIXST THE TOPE
Xdirard NUus was arclibisllop of Thcssalonica, and lived nnicli about this
^''' time. He wrote a work in two books " Do priniatu Pappp,""' and a
A. I), treatise " l)e Purijatorio,'''' against the Latins ; that is, against such as
^'^""- took part and lield with llie church of Konic. His first work being
Niius, written in Greek, was afterward translated into Latin, and lately now
biThopof iiito English, in this our time. In the first book of this work, he
Imw^' javetli all the blame and fault of the dissension and schism between
the east and the west church upon the pope. He affirmed that the
pojie only would command what him listed, were it never so contrary
to all the old and ancient canons ; that he would hear and follow no
man*'s advice ; that he would not permit any free councils to be
assembled, &c. And that, therefore, it was not possible that the
controversies between the Greek church and the Latin church should
be decided and determined.
In the second book of this work, he purposely niaketh a very
learned disputation. For first, he declareth that the bishop of Rome,
no whit at all by God's commandment, but only by human law, hath
any dignity, more than have other bishops; which dignity the coun-
cils, the fathers, the emperors, have granted unto him : neither did they
grant the same for any other consideration more, than for greater
ordcr,^ and for that the same city then had the empery of all the whole
worhl, and not at all for that Peter ever was there, or not there.
Secondarily he declareth, that the same primacy or prerogative is
not such and so great, as he and his sycophants do usurp unto them-
selves. Also he refuteth the chief propositions of the papists, one
after another. He declareth that the pope hath no dominion more
than other patriarchs have, and tliat he himself may err as well as
other mortal men ; and that he is subject both to laws and councils,
as well as other bishops. That it belonged not to him, but to the
emperor, to call general councils ; and that in ecclesiastical causes he
couhl establish and ordain no more than all other bishops might. And,
lastly, that he is no further Peter's successor, than that he is a bishop,
and that all other bishops in like manner be Peter's successors, &c.'
Jacobus I cannot, among other, following here the occasion of this matter
sis' and oflTered, leave out the memory of Jacobus of Misnia, a learned man and
Miiitzius. ^ ^yritcr who lived in the time of John Huss, who also wrote " De Ad-
ventu Antichristi.''' In the same he makctli mention of a certain learned
man whose name was Miiitzius, which Miiitzius, he saith, was"af;imous
and worthy preacher in Prague,"who lived about a.d. 1370, long before
Huss, and before WicklifFalso. Jacobus cilcth many things out of his
writings, in which this good Miiitzius thus declareth of himself, how
he was moved and urged by the Holy Spirit to search out by the
The com- sacrcd ScHpturcs concerning the coming of Antichrist, and found that
["!i,°[,J;"" now, in his time, he was already come ; and that he was constrained
by the same Holy Si)irit to go up to Rome, and there publicly to
preach ; and that afterwards before the inquisitor he affirmed the
same, namely, that the same mighty and great Antichrist, which the
Scriptures made mention of, was already come. He affirmed also,
that the church through negligence of the pastors was become desolate,
abounding, indeed, in temporal riches, but in spiritual riches empty;
(1) Printed in Goldasti de Monarchia, torn. i. p. 30. See Appendix. — Ed.
(2) •• Orilinis coiuervandi causa," Hlyricus.— Ed. (3) lUyricus, col. 1898, 1899.— Ed.
MILITZIUS PERSECUTED BY THE POPE. 781
and that tlie prediction in the Gospel was fulfilled, that " iniquity Kdwnrd
should abound," that is, by reason of the Mammon of iniquity. Also L-
he said, that there were in the church of Christ idols, which destroyed A. D.
Jerusalem and made the temple desolate, but were cloaked by ^'^"i^-
hypocrisy. Further, that there were many who denied Christ, for
that they kept silence; neither dared to own Christ and confess his
verity before men, but wittinyly imprisoned in their consciences the
truth and righteousness of God.
There is also a certain bull of pope Gregory XI. to the arch- Miiuzius,
bishop of Prague ; wherein he is commanded to excommunicate and mian!Vor
prosecute Militzius and his auditors. 'J'hc same bull declareth, that the tnuu
he was once a canon of Prague, but that afterwards he renounced cuted by
his canonship, and began to preach, and openlv declared Antichrist '''^''"p*'"
to be already come, and for that reason was of .Tohn, archbishop of
Prague, put in prison ; also that the said Militzius had a company or
congregation to whom he preached, and that in the same were certain
liarlots, who had forsaken their evil life and did live godly and well,
which harlots he used to say in his sermons were to be preferred
before all the holy religious virgins. He taught also openly, that in
the pope, cardinals, bishops, prelates, priests, and other religious men
was no truth, neither that they taught the way of truth, but that only
he, and such as held with him, taught the true way of salvation. His
Postil^ in some places is yet to be seen. They allege nnto him
certain other inconvenient articles, which notwithstanding I think the
adversaries, to damage him withal, have slanderously depraved. He
had, as appeareth by the aforesaid bull, very many of every state and
condition, as well rich as poor, that cleaved nnto him. And thus
much of good Militzius, living in the time of Gregory XI. and King
Edward III., A.D. 1370.2
About A.D. 1871, lived Henricus de Iota, whom Gerson doth
much commend, and also his companion Henricus de Hassia, an
excellent learned and famous man. An epistle of this Henricus de
Hassia, which he wrote to John, bishop of Worms, James Gruytrode,
the Carthusian, hath inserted in his book " De Erroribus Ohristiano-
rum." In the same epistle the author doth greatly accuse the spiri-
tual men of every order, yea and the most holiest of all others, the
pope himself, of many and great vices. He said, that the ecclesias-
tical governors in the primitive church were to be compared to the
sun shining in the day time ; and the political governors, to the moon
shining in the night. But the spiritual men, he said, that now are,
do never shine in the day time, nor yet in the night time, but rather
with their darkness do obscure both the day and the night ; that is,
with their filthy living, ignorance, and impiety. He citeth also out
of the prophecy of Hildegard these words : " Therefore doth the devil
in himself speak of you priests : Dainty banquets, and feasts wherein
is all voluptuousness, do I find amongst these men ; insomuch that
mine eyes, mine ears, my belly, and my veins, be even filled with the
froth of them, and my breasts stand astrut with the riches of
(1) See Appendix for an explanation of t!iis word. — Ed.
(2) Ulyricus. cols. 1795, \79C<. By some inadvertence Foxe introduces tlie two foregoing para-
graphs about Militzius and Jacohus Miiucnsis twice, thouu'h with variitions: see .su|,ra, p. 776,
note (1). The two parai;raphs in the text are made up from a comparison of tlie two versions with
each other and with the oritjinal in Ulyricus.— Kd.
782 MARTYllS BEFORE WICKLIFK.
£d>rard tlicui," &c. " I jUbll v," saltli slic, " tlicy every day more and more, as
'— Lucifer did, seek to climb liiglierand liiglier; till tliat every dav with
A. t>- liim^ more and more, tlicy full deeper and deeper."'
-— About A.I). l.'>f)0, tilt re were burned at Bingen tliirty-six citizens
I'ns'ilf' *^f Mentz, lor tlie doctrine of the Waldcnses, as liruschius affirmctli ;
Miiitz. ■which opinion was nothing contrary to that thev iield before, wherein
they affirmed the pope to be that great Antichrist, whidi should
come ; unless, pcradventure, tlie pope seemed then to be more evi-
dently convicted of Antichristianity, tlian at any other time before
lie was revealed to be.*^
A brief For the like cause, many other beside these are to be found in
of MTrhM stories, who sustained the like persecutions by the pope, if leisure
7"win\ ^'^^^^^ serve to peruse all that might be searched. As where Masseus*
for hold- recordcth of divers at Menerbe near Carcassone, in the province of
a'l.tist Narbonne, to the number of a hundred and forty, who cliose rather
If u'.'.inef '■^ suflcr wliatsocvcr grievous punishment by fire, than to receive the
uf..re the dccrctals of the Komish church, contrary to the upridit truth of the
wickiiff bcripture, a.d. 1^10.
What should I here speak of the twenty-four who suffered at Paris
in the same year ? Also in the same author is testified that in the
following year, at Lavaur, there were four hundred under the name of
heretics burned, eighty beheaded, prince Aimericus hanged, and the
lady of the caslle stoned to death.*
Moreover, in the Chronicles of Hoveden, and of other writers, be
recited a marvellous number, who in the countries of France were
burned for heretics; of whom, some were called Publicans, some
Catharites, some Paterincs, and others by other names. What their
assertions were, I find no certain report worthy of credit.'
ffna?"'' ■'"" '^''■'''^'^"^'"s, it is signified of one Eckhard, a Dominican friar,
burned, who, not long bcforc Wickliff's time, was condemned and suffered
for heresy at Heidelburgh (a.d. 1330), who as he differeth not much
in name, so may he be supposed to be the same, whom others do name
]icgliard, and is said to be burned at Erfurdt.^
Of the Albigenscs, because sufficient mention is made before, of
whom great number were burned about the time of king John, I pass
them over,
mite^'^' Lil^ewise, I let pass the Eremite of whom John Bacon maketh rela-
disputing tion,' who, disputing in PauPs Church, affirmed "That those sacraments
thepoje's ^'^"ch were then used in the church (a.d. 1360) were not instituted
J^i-ms ^■' d"^'-" Pcradventure, it was the same Kanulphus, mentioned in
Ranui'. the Flower of Histories, and who is said to die in prison; for the
P**"'- time of them doth not much differ.
In lioctius, why the pope should so much commend a certain
king, because for one man he had slain four hundred, shamefully
mutilating the rest, I cannot judge, except the cause were that which
the pope calleth heresy.
But to let these things overpass that be uncertain, because neither
is it possible to comprehend all them who have withstood the corrup-
(I) Illyricus, cola 1800, 1801. The reader will find this passage from Hildegard repeated, with
Bomc variation, infri. vol. jii. p. 133; the original Latin is there fjiven in thenole.— Ed.
{i) lb. col. 150fi. See Appendix.— El).
<3) Mas&sl "Chronica iiiultiplicis historiae utriusque Testamenti, libr. 20." The fccts here
Drought forward appear in the befiniiinir of lib. xvii.
(4) See Appendix. (5) Ibid. (6) Ibid. (7) 2 Dist. Quwst. 1.
WKITKUS i'AKTlAL, VAllIANCE ABOUT CllOSS-BEAKING. 783
tion of tlie pope's see, neither have we any such firm testimony left E.iward
of their doings, credibly to stay upon, we will now (Christ willing) '"'
convert our story to things more certain and undoubted; grouiuling A.I),
upon no light reports of feeble credit, nor upon any fabulous legends ^•^~'^'
without authority, but upon the true and substantial copies of the
public records of the realm, remaining yet to be seen under the
king's most sure and fliithful custody : out of the which records'
such matter appeareth against the popish church of Rome, and against
its usurped authority, such open standing and crying out against the
said see, and that not privily, but also in open parliament, in the
days of this king Edward III., that neither will the Romish people
of this our age easily think it to be true when they see it, neither yet
shall they be able to deny the same, so clear standetli the force of
those records.
Ye heard a little before (p. 683), how John Stratford, archbishop Partial
of Canterbury, being sent for, and required by the king to come unto faffo^rn
him, refused so to do. What the cause was why he denied to come """i '"^:
1 1 • 1 T • -1 1 1 (> f^ 1 1 -I T • • 1 tones of
at the kmgs sending, is neither touched oi Folydore Virgil nor the
of any other monkish chronicler writing of those acts and times ; En"gilnd.
Avhose part had been, faithfully to have dispensed the simple truth of
things done to their posterity. But that which they dissemblingly
and colourably have concealed, contrary to the true law of story, the
true cause thereof Ave have found out by the true parliament rolls
declaring the story thus : —
King Edward III., in the sixth year of his reign, hearing that Edward Baliol
had proclaimed himself king of Scotland, required counsel of the whole state,
to wit, whether were better for him to assail Scotland, and to claim the demesing
or demesnes of the same ; or else by making him party to take his advantage,
and thereby to enjoy the service, as other his ancestors before him had done.
For this cause he summoned a parliament of all estates to meet at York, about
the beginning of December. Where the king was already come, waiting for
the ctftiiing of such as were warned thereunto ; for the want of whose coming
the parliament was adjourned till Monday, and from thence to Tuesdaj' next
ensuing. None other of all the clergy came, but only the archbishop of York,
the bishops of Lincoln and Carlisle, and the abbots of York and Selby ; so that
hereunto came not the archbishop of Canterbury, nor above one of his province, The arch-
and all for bearing the cross, whereby the same was a loss of the opportunity bishop of
against Scotland. For, inasmuch as the matters to be debated were so weighty, ^^",!'''^"
and most of the states were absent, the assembly required the prorogation of came not
the parliament until the Utas of St. Hilary then ensuing, at York, which was '° ^^^
granted. And so a new summons was especially awarded to every person with n,e„, ^t
special charge to attend, so that the affairs of the king and the realm might not York, and
be hindered because of the debate between the archbishop of Canterbury and ^|.'arjn„
the archbishop of York, for the superior bearing of their cross. the cross.
In conclusion, for all the king's summoning, the archbishop of Canterbury
came not.^
And thus much out of the records, whereby thou mayest easily judge (pru-
dent reader) what is to be thought of these pope-holy catholic churchmen, being
of the pope's brood and setting up ; whom such frivolous causes of contention
stir up both to such disquietness among themselves, and also to such disobedience
against their prince : excuse them who can.
It followeth, moreover, in the same records, concerning the abandoning of Tlie
the pope's provisions,^ how that the commons find great fault about provisions P"?'^'''
coming from Rome, whereby strangers were enabled within this realm to enjoy lion's ro-
ecclesiastical dignities, and show divers inconveniencies ensuing thereby ; strainsd.
namely, the decay of daily alms, the transporting of the treasure to nourish the
(1) Ex Archivis Regise Majestatis. [Ihe following extracts from the Parliamentary Rolls have
■been collated with the printed copy, and corrected in many particulars. See the Appendix. — Ed.]
(.2) Ex an. 6. Regis Ed. III. tit. 1. (3) Ex an. 17. Reg. Ed. ill. tit. 59.
784 ACT OF EDWARD I. AGAINST PROVISIONS REVIVED.
K.iuard king's enemies, the discovering of the secrets of the realm, and the disabling
^^'- and impoverishing of tlie cU-rks within this realm. They also show how the
„ pope had granted to two new cardinals (one of whom, namely cardinal Pera-
l\-n goi^'z. was a bitter enemy of tiie king and of the realm) benefices within this realm
^'^'^' to the amount of ti.OOO marks by the Valor Ecclesiasticus, which (owing to the
The general and covert terms of the grant) might and would be extended to 10,000
tli^M'id'^ marks. They tlierefore required tiie king and nobles to find some remedy, for
•poUrdby that they nei'tlier could nor would any longer bear those strange oppressions;
the pope or else to help tiicm to expel out of this realm the pope's power by force. i
foreign- Hcreu])on the king, lords, and commons, sent for tiie Act made at Carlisle in
er». the thirty- fiftli year of king Edward I. upon the like complaint, the which for-
Theact bade tiiat any tiling should be attempted or brought into the realm, which
war^i should tend to the blemishing of the king's prerogative, or to the prejudice of
a^'Jiiist his lords or commons. And so at this time the statute called the ' Act of Pro-
papal pro- vision ' was made by common consent, which generally forbiddeth the bringing
revWed. in of any bulls or such trinkets from tlie court of Rome, or the using, enjoying,
or allow'ing of any such bull, process, instrument, or such ware, as therein at
large doth appear ;2 which suflHciently is touched before, pp. 689, 77G, 777.
The penalty of the aforesaid statute afterwards followed in the next parlia-
ment, which was this: the transgressors thereof were to lie in perpetual prison,
or to be forcjured the land ; and that all justices of assize, gaol delivery, and
oyer and terminer, may determine the same. Ordered withal, that the same
' Act of provision ' should continue for ever.*
rrcsen- Item, In the said eighteenth year of the reign of king Edward, it was,
tation moreover, propounded, that if the lawful patron, whether archbishop, or any
four"" person religious, or other, do not present within four months sonie able clerk to
months, any benefice, which any person hatli obtained from Rome by provision, bull, &c.,
but surcease the same, that then the king may present some able clerk to the
said benefice for that turn.*
Noeiec- Item, It was propounded in the said parliament, that if any bishop elect
tionstobe shall refuse to take the bishopric otherwise than by such bull, that then such elect
theVope, s^'^'^ ""' enter or enjoy his temporalties without the special license of the king.*
but only' Also that the king shall dispose all the benefices and dignities of such aliens
^^j^'''^ liis enemies, as remain in the country of his enemies, and shall employ the
DUpo- profits thereof to the defence of the realm, save what is necessary to maintain
sition of the sacred edifices and divine worship therein.''
benefices Moreover, it was propounded, that commissioners be sent to all the king's
thcVing's ports, to apprehend all persons bringing in any instrument from Rome coTitrary
hand. to this order, and to bring them, forthwith, before the council to answer thereto.'
Bulls Propounded furthermore, that tlie deanery of York, which is recovered by
Koine for- jufJg"!''"^ in the king's court, maybe bestowed upon some able man within the
bidJen. realm, who will maintain the same against him (meaning the cardinal afore-
Deinery said) wlio holdetli the same by provision from Rome, being the enemy of the
"Ikln''' ^^'"g ^^^ of ^^^ realm, and that the profits may be employed to the defence of
from the the realm.*
cardinal. fhe king's answer. To all which petitions answer was made in form follow-
kkT's ■"?• " ^^ '^ ^S^eed by the king, earls, barons, justices, and other wise men of
an"swer the law, that the jictitions aforesaid be reduced to proper form of law, according
to the tQ the prayer of the said parliament."
aforesaid ' -^
petitions. ^^^^^ .^^ ^^^.^ answer of the king, good reader, that at the grant
hereof tlic consent of the bisliops is neither named, nor expressed,
Avith tlie otlier hirds of the parliament : and yet the act of parliament
standclh in its full force, notwithstanding.
Notes of the Parliament holden in the Twentieth Year of King
Edward III.
Alien T" piss on further, in the twentieth year of the king's reign, in the parlia-
nionksto ment holden September Sth, the commons prayed, that ail alien monks should
avoid.
(1) Kx an. 17. Ed. III. tit. 53. (2) Ibid. tit. fio. (.'il Ex an. Reg. Ed. 18, tit 32. 3^.
(4j Ibid. tit. 34. (.■)) Ibid. tit. 35. ((i) Ibid. lit. 30. (7) Ibid. tit. 37. (SMhid. tit. 38
NOTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE POPE. 785
avoid the realm by Micliaelmas next coming, and that their houses and livings EJuard
should be disposed of to young English scholars. Answer: being spiritual m-
persems they could not be displaced without the king's consent ; but tiieir
temporalities were already in his hands.' A.JJ.
Item, That the king would take into his own hands the profits of all other _____
strangers' livings, as cardinals and others, during their lives. Answer : the
same as the last.^
Tiiat any aliens, enemies to England but advanced to livings here in Eng- I-ivings
land, who should henceforth remain here, should be outlawed, and their goods misii"
seized to the king's use, and be bestowed on Englishmen able to teach the sTangers
parishioners and supply the chantries; for that the aliens aforesaid were but J'^J^]^',,'*)''^
shoemakers, tailors, or chamberlains to cardinals, and unable to teach. Answer : lishmen.
the same as before.
The commons wished not to make any payment to anj' cardinals sojourning
abroad in France to treat of war or peace : which was granted as reasonable.^
Item, It was propounded and fully agreed, that the yearly advance-.rent of carciinals
two tliousand marks, granted by the pope to two cardinals of the provinces of deprived
Canterbury and York, should be restrained, and that any who might sue at law \\yfni:s
for the same should be outlawed.* in Eng-
Likewise it was enacted and agreed, that no Englishman should take any '^°'^"
church or other benefice in farm of any alien religious, or buy any of their
goods, or be of their counsel, on pain of forfeiting his goods and imprisonment
for life.
Enacted further. That no person. Englishman or alien, should bring to any
bi«hop or other person of the realm, any bull or other papal letter touching any
foreign matter, unless he first show the same to the chancellor or warden of
the Cinque Ports ; upon loss of all he hath.
Finally, the parliament having resolved to request of the king to take posses-
sion of all benefices held by aliens, the archbishops and bishops of England
were all commanded, before the next convocation to certify to the king in his
chancery the names of such aliens and their benefices, and the" values of the same.'
Notes of. the Five and Twentieth Year of King Edward III.
The parliament of the twenty-fifth year of the reign of king Edward III. The
was begun on Wednesday, the Utas of the Purification [Feb. 9th, a. d. 1351]. P"pe's
In that parliament, beside other matters, it was prayed, that remedy might be f/^'j^ ^^j
had against the pope's reservations, and receiving the first fruits of all eccle- re-er-
siastical dignities in England; which, with the brokage attendant thereon, were ^'a''""»
a greater consumption to the realm, than all the king's wars." iTurTful
Also, that the like remedy might be had against such as in the court of Rome <" 'he
presumed to undo any judgment given in the king's court, as if they laboured [^31^311
to undo the laws of the realm. tiie kin^j's
VVhereunto it was answered, that there was sufficient remedy already pro- ^^"•
vided by law.'' [The Statute of Provisors is then given (tit. 43), the same as is
found in the Statutes at Large under 25 Ed. III.]
Notes of the Eight and Thirtieth Year of King Edward III.
In the parliamentholden atWestminster, the thirty-eighth year of Edward 1 1 1., Tlie re-
on Monday the Utaves of St. Hilary [Jan. 20th, a.d. 1365], Simon, bishop of Ely, ^"^'^'j"''
being lord chancellor, it was by the king's own mouth declared to all the estates fo'r^ causes
how citations came daily to all sorts of persons in the realm through false "ot to lie
suggestions made to the pope, for matters determinable in his courts within the mi'ned at
realm, and for procuring provisions to ecclesiastical dignities, to the great de- Rome,
fiicing of the ancient laws, to the spoiling of his crown, to the daily conveying '^^'hat
away of the treasure, to the wasting of ecclesiastical livings, to the withdraw- ^omehl^
ing of divine service, alms, hospitahty, and other acceptable works, and to the trans-
daily increase of all mischiefs : wherefore, in person, and by his own mouth, the pof'ng
king required all the estates to provide hereof due remedy. An ordinance Rom"'"
was accordingly prepared and enacted the Saturday following.*
(1) An. 20. Edw. III. tit. 30. (2) Ibid. tit. 31. (3) Ibid. tit. 32, 33, 34. (4) Ibirt. tit. 35.
(5) Ibid. tit. .■57, 42, 4r,. (6) 25 an. Reg. Edw. Ill, tit. 13. (7) Ibid. tit. 14.
(s) 3S Edw.li:. tit. 7, 8,9.
VOL. II. 3 E
786 NOTES OUT OF THK PARLIAMENT UOLLS AGAINST THE POPE.
Eriuard It is to bo noted finally in this parliament of the thirty-eighth year, that the
^''- Act of I'rovisors bronjiht'in during tiiis pailiament, although in the printed copy
J. [chapters 1, 2, .■5.4,] it doth agree witli the record in manner, yet in the said
,^-Q records, imprinted, are more biting words against the pope : a mystery not to
L be known of all men *
Tlie
ittatute Notes of tlic Fortieth Year of King Edward III.
of pro-
vision. It followeth, moreover, in the said acts of king Edward III., and in the
fortieth year of his reign, that another parliament was called at Westminster on
the Monday after the Invention of the Holy Cross [May Itli, a.d. 13GG],2 the
bishop of Ely being lord chancellor and speaker; who, on the second day of
the said jissenibly, in tlie presence of the king, lords, and commons, declared
how the day before they understood the cause of this their assembly generalh',
and now should understand the same more particulai'ly ; especially how that
The pope the king understood that the l)ope, for the homage which he said king John
mindeih made to the see of Rome for the realms of England and Ireland, and for the
aKuIns" tribute nf a thousand marks annually by him granted, meant to institute a process
the king against the king and the realm, to recover the same; wlierein the king required
by pro- their advices, what were best for him to do, if any such thing were attempted;
granting them a respite of answer until the next day, when the bishops, lords,
and commons should answer separately.
King The next day the whole of the estates re-assembled together, and bj' common
^°^?. , consent enacted in effect as follows, viz.. That neither king John, nor any other,
without ' could bring himself or his realm and people into such subjection, but by their
consent common assent ; and if he did what was alleged, yet it was abundantly evident
I^J^t 'h» he did it without their assent, and against his coronation oath ; and therefore
come tri- if the pope should attempt anything against the king, by process or in any
butary to other manner, the king with all his subjects should with all their force and
the pope. „ .i a "^
. , power resist the same.-*
Agreed i . .,,.,., ,. ,
that the Here, moreover, is not to be omitted, how, in the said present parliament, the
''i"R universities of Oxford and Cambridge on the one side, and the friars of the four
resist the Orders Mendicant in the snid universities on the other side, made long complaints
pope. the one against the other to the king in parliament of certain mutual outrages,
dis])utes and mischiefs, and in the end submitted themselves to the king's
order.*
Brawl be- After this the king, upon full digesting of the whole matter, by assent of
tween the parliament took order; that as well the chancellors and masters, regent and
d'eisof' non-regent, and all others of the said universities, as the friars of those ordei"s
friars and in the said universities, should in all graces and school exercises use each
tlie two
'. other in friendly wise, without any tumult, as they were wont to do before a
ties. certain statute was lately passed in the said universities, ordaining that none of
those orders should receive any scholars of the said univer.sities into their said
orders, being under the age of eighteen years : which statute the king annulled.
Friars That the said friars shall take no advantage of any processes which have
subject to been instituted by them in the court of Rome against the said universities since
■""'ii'h^ the passing of the said statute, nor proceed therein ; and that the king have
coniro- power to redress all controversies between them from thenceforth ; and the
versies. offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the king and his council.*
Notes of tlie Fiftieth Year of King Edward III.
Against In process of the aforesaid acts and rolls it followeth more, that in the fiftieth
nition"? •^'^'^ of the reign of king Edward IH. another great parliament was assembled
the pope, "t Westminster on the Monday after thefeast of St.George [April 28th, a.d. 1376];
The where, Sir John Knyvet being lord chancellor of England, a certain long bill
cauNeof ^yag pyt „p against tlie usurpations of the pope, as being the cause of all the
in En'g- pbigues, murrains, famine, and poverty of the realm, so that thereby was not
land. k'ft of per.sons, or other connnodily within the realm, the third that lately was.*
Treasure J I. That the taxes paid to the pope of Re. me for ecclesiastical dignities, do
realm amount to fivefold as much as the tax of all profits which appertain to the king,
conveyed
away. (I) 25 an. Ufg. F.dw. III. tit. 9. (2) 10 an. Ed. III. tit. 7. (3) Tit. 8. (4) Tit. 9— 11.
(5) Tit. 10, II, VI. (G) Ex ArchivisUegiseM.ijestatis, an. SO. Re;;. Ed. tit. 94.
NOTES OUT OF THK PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE POPE. 787
by the year, out of his whole realm ; and that for some one bishopric or other Edward
dignity voided, the pope, by means of translations, hath two or three several ■'^•'^^•
taxes.'
A.D.
III. That the brokers of that wicked city Avignon for money promote many V^yW
caitiffs, being altogether unlearned and unworthy, to preferments of the value
of a thousand marks by year, whereas a doctor of decrees or a master in divinity
must be content with twenty marks ; whereby learning decayeth.
IV. That aliens, enemies to this land, who never saw nor care to see their
parishioners, have English livings, whereby they bring God's service into con-
tempt, and convey away the treasure, and are more injurious to holy church
than the Jews or Saracens.^
V. Also, it was put in the said bill to be considered, that the law of holy
church would have benefices to be bestowed for pure love only, without paying
or praying for them.
VI. That both law and reason and good faith would, that livings given to
holy church of devotion should be bestowed to the honour of God, and according
to the pious intent of the donor, and not out of the realm, among our enemies.
VII. That God had committed his sheep to our holy father the pope, to be
pastured and not to be shorn.
VIII. That lay patrons, perceiving tire covetousness and simony of the jhe pope
churchmen, do learn from their example to sell the benefices in their patronage teacheth
luito those who devour them as beasts, none otherwise than God was sold to the benefices
Jews who put him to death.
IX. That there is no prince in Christendom so rich, that hath by the fourth inesti-
part so much treasure as goeth most sinfully out of this realm in the way m^ble,
described, to the ruin of the i-ealm ; all through sufferance and want of good popehafh
counsel.^ here out
X. Over and besides in the said bill, repeating again their tender zeal for the ?' ^"^'
honour of holy church, they declared and particularly named, all the plagues
which had justly fallen upon this realm, for suffering the said church to be so
defaced, with declaration that where there is great iniquity there always hath
been and always will be adversity.*
XI. Whereupon with much persuasion was desired help, to remedy these dis- Refomia-
orders; and the rather, for that this was the year of jubilee, the fiftieth 3'ear of tiono'tlie
the king's reign, the year of grace and joy, and that there could be no greater Enfi'land'
grace and joy to the realm, nor more acceptable to God and his church, than desired in
his providing such remedy. ^ parlia-
XII. The means how to begin this was to write two letters to the pope, the
one in Latin, under the king's seal, the other in French under the seals of the
nobles, as was done by the parliament on a former occasion [see p. 689], re-
quiring redress in the above particulars.''
XIII. And for a further accomplishment hereof it was suggested, to enact Acts
that no money shoidd be carried forth from the realm by letter of Lombard or ™^'^'^ ^"''
,.•'.„.„. , . . •' no money
otherwise, on pam of forfeiture and miprisonment. to be
XIV. The king answered that he had heretofore by statute provided sufficient trans-
remedy, and otherwise was pursuing tlie same object with the holy father the pope,
and so minded to do from time to time, until he had obtained redress, as well
for the matters before, as for the articles ensuing, being in a manner all one.'
XV. That the pope's collector, a French subject, and other aliens the
king's enemies, lived here, spying for English dignities and disclosing of the
secrets of the realm, to the great prejudice of the realm.*
XVI. That the same collector, being also receiver of the Pope's pence, keepeth -me
a great hostel in London, with clerks and oflScers thereto, as it were a prince's pope's
custom-house, transporting thence to the pope twenty thousand marks on an ^ii.,, it '
average yearly.^ ' cometh
XVII. That cardinals, and other clerks, aliens and denizens, reside at Rome, ""•
whereof one cardinal is dean of York, another of Salisbury, another of Lincoln, dignities
another archdeacon of Canteibur\', another archdeacon of Durham, another in Eng-
archdeacon of Sufl'olk, another archdeacon of York, another prebendary of |^^'^''^^"
Thame and Nassington, another prebendary of Bucks in the church of Lincoln : nals.
and many others aliens living at Rome have divers of the best dignities and
(1) Ex ArcWvis Regime Majestatis, an. 50. Reg. Ed. tit. 95. (2) Ibid. tit. 9G, 97.
(3) Tit. 98, 99. (4) Tit. 100. (5) Tit. 101. (6) Tit Wi. (7) Tit. 103.
(8) Tit. 104. (9) Tit. lO.').
3 E 2
(bo NOTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE POPE.
Edward benefices in Enoland, and liave sent over to them yearly twenty thousand marks,
///. over and above that vvliicli linglisli brokers living there have.'
4 I) XVIII. I hat the pope, to ransom Frenchmen taken prisoners by the English,
\o-Q and to maintain his wars in Lombardy, doth levy a subsidy of the clergy of
— '■ '— England.
The pnpe XIX. That the pope, on the vacancy of a bishopric by death or otherwise,
ethTiie'"' Tial^eth four or five translations of other bishops, to have the first fruits of each :
kiiiir's and tlie same by other dignities within the realm.*
wlth'ihe ■^^' '''''^^ '^'"^ pope's collector hath this year (for the first time) taken to his
king's "se the first fruits of all benefices bestowed by collation or provision, whereas
money, he never used to take first fruits but for vacancies in Curia Roniana.^
The Uw XXI. Whereujjon it was suggested to renew all the Statutes against Provisors
mJniTe '^^"'" Home, and against papal reservations ; since the pope reservcth all the
renewed, benefices of the world for his own proper gift, and hath this year created twelve
new cardinals, so that now there are thirty, wliere were wont to be but twelve ;
ami all those cardinals, except two or three, are the king's enemies.*
XXII. That the pope, in time, will give the temporal manors of those dignities
to the king's enemies, since he so daily usurpeth upon the realm and the king's
regalities.*
XXI I I. That all houses and corporations of religion, which until the present
king's reign had free election of their own heads, the pope hath encroached the
san)e to himself.*
EnplUh XXIV. That in all legacies from the pope whatsoever, the English clergy
J^yeth ^^^^ '''^ charge of the legates, and all for the lore of the realm and of our
tiie pope's money.'
legacies. XXV. And so it appeareth, that if the money of the realm were as plentiful
as ever it was, the collectors aforesaid, with the proctors of cardinals, would
soon convey the same away.s
The XXVI. For remedy hereof may it be provided, That no foreign collector or
cXetor P''"ctur do reinain in England, on pain of life and limb; and that no Englishman,
driven on the like pain, become any such collector or proctor to others residino- at
out of the Rome." °
^jjp ■ XXVII. For better information herein, and namely touching the pope's
pope's collector, for that the whole clergy being at his mercy dare not displease him,
collector it were good that Mr. John Strens'ale, parson of St. Botolph's, living in Holhorn,
exainin- j„ ,jjg ^^^^^ house whore Sir W. Mirfield used to live, may be sent for to come
before the lords and commons of this parliament; who, being straitly cliarced,
can declare much, for that he lived with the said collector as cleik fuUlfive
years.'"
meS'go^'od ^"^1 <^^'^s much of tlus bill, toucliing the pope's matters ; whereby
asses. it may appear not to be for nought what hath been of us reported by
the Italians and other strangers, who used to call Englishmen good
asses : for they bear all burdens that be laid upon them.
Certain other Notes of Parliament.
Order Item, In the said parliament it was provided also, that such order as is taken
usuo" ^" London against the liorrible vice of usury, may be observed throughout the
whole realm."
Com- The connnons of the diocese of York complain of the outrageous taking of the
ajta'ii'ist archbisliop and his clerks, for admission of priests to their benefices.'-
the arch- To these records of the parliament above prefixed, of the fiftieth year of this
Yorkaii'd '^'"^ I'dward, we will adjoin also other notes collected out of the parliament in
hi.H om- the year next following, which was held the fifty-first year of this king's reign,
th?/"' and the last of his life, on Tuesday the Quindimc of St. Hilary [January
cetsWe"" ^"' *-"-l-'^''7] : although in the printed book these Statutes are said' to be made
tak;nKfor at the parliament holden.as above, in the fiftieth year : which is much mistaken,
Iwl'L^i,'." ""'' ""^'''' '° '^^ referred to the one and fiftieth year, as by the records of the
niitisions. .J •/•ii.i <j ' J
said year manifestly doth appear.
(1) Tit. 106. (2) Tit. 107. (3) Tit. 108: see vol. i. p. 11. (4) Tit. 103.
(5) Tit. 110. (G) Tit. 111. (7) Tit. 112. (8) Tit. 113. (9) Tit. 114.
(10) Tit. 115. (11) Tit. 158. (12) Tit. 171.
NOTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE I'OPK. 789
In that parliament, the bishop of St. David's, being lord chancellor, made a Edward
long oration, taking his theme out of St. Paul, " Libenter suffertis insipientcs," '^l-
&c. : declaring in the said oration many things ; as first, shewing the joyful news . .^
of tlie old king's recovery ; then, declaring the love of God toward the king and ,.'-,~.^
realm in chavtising him with sickness; afterwards, showing the blessing of God . "' '
upon the king in seeing iu's cliiidren's children; then, by a similitude of the Theeffect
head and members, exhorting the people, as the members of one body, to conform c[,ll',cel-
themsehes unto the goodness of the head; lastly, he turned his matter to the lor's ora-
loids and the rest, declaring the cause of that assembly : that forsomucli as the ''""•
French king had allied himself with the Spaniards and Scots, the king's enemies,
who had prepared great powers, conspiring to blot out the English tongue and
name, the king, therefore, wished to have therein their faithful counsel.'
This being declared by the bishop, Sir Robert Ashton, the king's chamber- This par-
lain, declaring that he was to move them on the part of the king for the profit l'a."'ent
of the realm (the which words perchance lay not in the bishop's mouth, for J^he^'po^pe^
that it touched the pope), protesting first, that the king was ready to do all usurpa-
that ought to be done for the pope; but, because divers usurpations were done ^'""j^jj
by the pope to the king's crown and realm, as by particular bills in this parlia- tue'king.
ment should be showed, he required of them to seek redress.^
In this jiresent parliament petition was made by the commons, that all Against _
provisors of benefices from Rome, and their agents, should be out of tlie king's *'"^ P/^pe's
protection ; whereunto the king answered, that the pope liad promised redress, sions
which if he did not give, the laws in that case provided should then stand.^ *"■■'""
It was also in that parliament prayed, that every person of what sex soever, ,°'"^'
being professed of any religion, continuing the habit till fifteen years of age and the pope's
upward, may, upon proof of the same in any of the king's courts, be in law dispensa-
utterly forebarred of all inheritance, albeit he have dispensation from the pope-, *'°°*'
against which dispensation, is the chief grudge. Whereunto the king and the
lords answered, saying, that they would provide.'
Item, In the said parliament the commons prayed, that the Statutes of Provi-
sors at any time made he e.xecuted, and that remedy might be had against such
cardinals as, within the provinces of Canterbury and York, had purchased
reservations with the clause ' Anteferri,' to the value of twenty or thirty thou- By this
sand gold crowns of the sun yearly : also against the pope's collector, wiio had ' '^".',^'.
been wont to be an Englishman, but was now a mere Frenchman, residing at meant
London, and keeping a large cffice at an expense to the clergy of three hun- the pre-
dred pounds yearly, and who conveyed yearly to the pope twenty thousand abive the
marks, or twenty thousand pounds; and who, this year, gathered the first king,
fruits of all benefices whatsoever: alleging the means to meet these reser-
vations and novelties to be, to command all strangers to depart the realm during
the wars; and that no Englishman become their farmer, or send to them any
money without a special license, on pain to be out of the king's protection.
Whereunto was answered by the king, that the statutes and ordinances for that
purpose made, should be observed.^
In the rolls and records of such parliaments as were in this king's time The
held, divers other things are to be n<ited very worthy to be marked, and not to P°P^'j
be suppressed in silence; wherein the i-eader may learn and understand, that • pr^.
the state of the king's jurisdiction here within this realm was not straitened in eminire,'
those days (although the pope then seemed to be in his chief ruff), as afterwards "ow^we
in other kings' days was seen ; as may appear in the parliament of the fifteenth corruptly
year of this king Edward III., and in the twenty-fourth article of the said '^*" 'P""^'
parliament: where it is to be read, that the king's officers and temporal justices debarred
did then both punish usurers, and impeach the officers of the church for exfor- hy the
tion in the money taken for redemption of corporal penance, probate of wills, ^'"^;
solemnizing of marriage, &c., all the pretensed liberties of the popish church to menrof
the contrary notwithstanding.* the clergy
Furthermore, in the parliament of the twenty-fifth year it appearcth, that l"^',''^ ,
the liberties of the clergy, and their exemptions in claiming the deliverance of men's
men by their book under the name of clerks, stood then in little foice, as ha"ds.
appeared by one Hawktine Ilonby, knight; who, for impriscming one of the Klerks
king's subjects till he made fine of twenty pounds, was on that account executed, ten^''poraj"
law.
(1) Ex Archivis Reg. Edw. lit. reg. 51, tit. 4—12. (2) Tit. 13. (3) Tit. 36.
(4) Tit. 62 (5) Tit. 78, 79. (6) Ex Actis Parliamenti in an. 15. Reg. Edw. IH. t)t. 24.
790 THE STORY OF .10HX WICKLIFF.
Edward notwithstanding the liberty of the clergy, who by his book would have saved
^^^- himself, but could not.
. J. The like also appoarcth by judgment given against a priest at Nottingham,
,'.,_/ for killing his master.
And likewise by hanging certain monks of Combe.>
Thenr- Item, In the parlianunt of the fifteenth year, by the apprehending of John
rai(?n- Stratford, archbishop of Canterbury, and his arraignment ; concerning which
»hr"arrh- his arraignment all things were committed to Sir William of Kildisby, keeper
bishop or of the privy seal.^
Canter- ' -^ . , ,.
bury. Besides thcsc tniUis and notes of the kings parliaments, Avlierein
may appear tlie toward proceedings of this king and of all his com-
mons against the pretcnsed church of Rome ; this is, moreover, to
be added to the commendation of the king, how in the book of the
Acts and Rolls of the king appeareth, that the said king Edward III,
John sent also John WicklifF, reader then of the divinity lecture in Oxford,
semM-iTh ^^ith certain other lords and ambassadors, over into the parts of
Lmba"''' Flanders, to treat with the pope*'s legates concerning affairs betwixt
sailors, the king and the pope, with full commission : the tenor whereof here
followeth expressed :^ —
The King's Letter authorizing John WicklifF and others to treat
with the Pope''s Legates.
The king, to all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greeting.
Know ye, that we, reposing assured confidence in the fidelity and wisdom of the
reverend father, John, bishop of Bangor, and our wcll-beloved and trusty Mr.
John Wickliff', professor of sacred theology, Mr. John Guttir, dean of Segovia,
and Mr. Simon Multon, doctor of laws. Sir William de Burton, knight, .lohn
Bealknap, and John de Henyngton, have directed them as our special ambas-
sadors, nuncios, and commissioners to the parts beyond the seas : giving to the
said our ambassadors, nuncios, and commissioners, to six or five of them, of
whom we will the aforesaid bisliop to be one, authority and power, with com-
mandment special, to treat and consult mildly and charitably with the nuncios
and ambassadors of the lord pope, touching certain affairs, whereupon, of
late, we sent heretofore the aforesaid bishop and Sir U illiani, and friar Ughtred,
monk of Durham, and master John de Siiepeye, to the see apostolical; and to
make full relation to us and our council of all things done and passed in the said
assembly : that all such things as may tend to the honour of holy church and
the maintenance of our crown and our realm of England may, by the assistance
of God and wisdom of the see apostolical, be brought to good effect, and
accomplished accordingly. In witness whereof, &c. Given at London the
twent) -sixth day of July'. [48 Ed. III. a.d. 1374.]
By the which it is to be noted, what good-will the king then bare
to the said Wickliff, and what small regard he had to the sinful see
of Rome.
Of the which John WicklifF, because we are now approached to his
time, rcmaineth consequently for our story to entreat of, so as we have
heretofore done of other like valiant soldiers of Christ's church
before him.
€fje ^torp of giofjn IDicft liff.
*Although'' it be manifest and evident enough, that there were
divers and sundry before WicklifF's time, who have wrestled and
laboured in the same cause and quarrel that our coimtryman WiclifF
liath done, whom the Holy Ghost hath from time to time raised and
(I) ExParliain.an.23. Edw. Itl. (2) Ibid. tit. 49.
(3) '• Rex universis, ad quorum notitiam prjcseiites litersE pervcnerint," &c. [This commission
U in Uymer, whence the tr.iii^lation has Ijeen revised. Sec Appendix. — Ed.]
(^) Trnm ihe Edition of !5C3, p. 8.'), e.vnpt a few words from the Edition of 1570, p. 523.— En.
THE STORY OF JOHN WICKLIFl'. 791
stirred up in the cliurcli of God, something to work .against the bishop Edward
of Rome, to weaken the pernicious superstition of the friars, and to L_
vanquish and overthrow the great errors which daily did grow and A. D.
prevail in the world ; amongst the which number in the monuments ^'^^^'
of histories arc remembered Bercngarius, in the time of the emperor
Henry III., a.d. lOol ; and Jolin Scotus, who took away the verity
of the body and blood from the sacrament ; Bruno bishop of Angers ;
Okleus the second ; the Waldenses ; Marsilius of Padua; John de
Janduno ; Ochani ; with divers other of that sect or school :* yet
notwithstanding, forsomucli as they are not many in number, neither
yet very famous or notable, following the course of years, M-e will
begin the narration of this our history^ v/ith the story and tractation of
John ^V^icklifF; at whose time this furious fire of persecution seemed
to take his first original and beginning. After all these, then, whom we
have heretofore rehearsed, through God's providence ste]:»ped forth
into the arena ^ the valiant champion of the truth, John Wickliff,*
our countryman, and other more of his time and same country; whom
the Lord with the like zeal and power of spirit raised up here in
England, to detect more fully and amply the poison of the pope"'s
doctrine and false religion set up by the friars. In wdiose opinions
and assertions albeit some blemishes perhaps may be noted, yet such
blemishes thev be, which rather declare him to be a man that midit
err, than who directly did fight against Christ our Saviour, as the
pope's proceedings and the friars' did. And what doctor or learned TheWe-
man hath been from the prime age of the church so perfect, so abso- "f'wick-
lutely sure, in Avhom no opinion hath sometime swerved awry? and I'ff"^'^'^'^
yet be the said articles of his neither in number so many, nor yet so than they
gross in themselves and so cardinal, as those Cardinal enemies of '^'
Christ, perchance, do give them out to be ; if his books which they
abolished were remaining to be conferred with those blemishes which
thev have wrested to the worst, as evil will never said the best.
Tliis is certain and cannot be denied, but that he, being the public
reader of divinity in the university of Oxford, was, for the rude time
"wherein he lived, famously reputed for a great clerk, a deep school-
man, and no less expert in all kinds of philosophy ; the which
doth not only appear by his own most famous and learned writings
and monuments, but also by the confession of Walden, his. most The tcs-
cruel and bitter enemy, who in a certain epistle written unto pope W'^ode^/^
Martin V. saith, '" That he was Monderfully astonished at his most a" ^ne-'
strong arguments, with the places of authority which he had gathered, commen-
witli the veheraency and force of his reasons," &c. And thus much tvlckhff.^
out of Walden. It appeareth by such as have observed the order
and course of times, that this Wickliff flourished about a.d. 1371, The time
Edward III. reigning in England ; for thus we do find in the flVu^"*^
Chronicles of Caxton : " In the year of our Lord 1371," saith he, nshed.
" Edward III., king of England, in his parliament was against the •'^•D-'^"-
pope's clergy : he willingly hearkened and gave ear to the voices and
tales of heretics, with certain of his council conceiving and following
sinister opinions against the clergy ; wherefore, afterwards, he tasted
(1) " Divers others:" Robert Grosthead, bishop of Linccln ; FItz-r.ilph, archbishop of Armagh;
Nicholas Oreiii ; the author of the Ploujjlimaii's Complaint, and others. See also p. 712; and the
beginning of Book V. p. 727, and Foxe's Prefiices, pp. x.\i. xxii. — Ed,
(2) The reader \iill observe, that the Latin Edition opens with the historj'cf WirlifT, and the first
English Edition had said very little of any previous confessors to the truth. — Ed.
(3) " l\i d-enani prosiliit," in the Latin edition only, p. 1. — li'>).
792 TllK KNOWLEDGK OF THE GOSPEL
£dward and suffcrcd niudi adversity and trouble. And not long after, in the
^'^' year of our Lord,"' saith he, " 1372, he wrote unto the bishop of
A.n. Rome, that he should not by any means intenneddle any more within
^^"i-- liis kingdom, as touching the reservation or distribution of benefices ;
and that all such bisho))s as were under his dominion should enjoy
their former and ancient liberty, and be confirmed of their metro-
politans, as hath been accustomed in times past," &c. Thus much
writcth Caxton. But, as touching the just number of the year and
time, we will not be very curious or careful about it at present : this
A At- is out of all doubt, that at what time all the world was in most
oMVick" desperate and vile estate, and that the lamentable ignorance and
Uffstime. (jarkncss of God's truth had overshadowed the whole earth, this man
stepped forth like a valiant champion, unto whom that may justly be
applied which is spoken in the book called Ecclesiasticus, of one
Simon, the son of Onias : " Even as the morning star being in the
midst of a cloud, and as the moon being full in her course, and as
the bright beams of the sun ; so doth he shine and glister in the
temple and church of God ^ [chap. 1. v. 6.]
Thus doth Almighty God continually succour and help, when all
things are in despair : being always, according to the prophecv of
the Psalm [Ps. Ix. v. 9.], " a helper in time of need ; " which thing
never more plainly appeared, than in these latter days and extreme
age of the church, when the whole state and condition, not only of
worldly things, but also of religion, was so depraved and corrupted ;
that, like the disease named lethargy amongst the physicians, even so
the state of religion amongst the divines, was past all man"'s help and
remedy. The name only of Christ remained amongst Christians, but
his true and lively doctrine was as far unknown to the most part, as
his name was common to all men. As touching faith, consolation,
the end and use of the law, the office of Christ, our impotency and
weakness, the Holy Ghost, the greatness and strength of sin, true
works, grace and free justification by faith, the liberty of a christian
man, wherein consisteth and resteth the whole sum and matter of our
profession, there was almost no mention, nor any word spoken. Scrip-
ture, learning, and divinity, were known but to a few, and that in the
schools only ; and there also they turned and converted almost all into
sophistry. Instead of Peter and Paul, men occupied their time in
studying Aquinas and Scotus, and the Master of Sentences. The
world, leaving and forsaking the lively power of God's spiritual word
and doctrine, was altogether led and blinded with outward ceremonies
and human traditions, wherein the whole scope, in a manner, of all
christian perfection, did consist and depend. In these was all the
hope of obtaining salvation fully fixed ; hereunto all things were
attril)uted ; insomuch that scarcely any other thing was seen in the
temples or churches, taught or spoken of in sermons, or finally
intended or gone about in their whole life, but only heaping up of
certain shadowy ceremonies upon ceremonies; neither was there any
end of this their heaping.
The people were taught to worship no other thing but that which
they did see ; and did see almost nothing Avhich they did not
worship.
The church, being degenerated from the true apostolic institution
GROSSLY EXPOUNDED BY THE KOMAXISTS. 793
above all measure, reserving only the name of the apostolic dnirch, icdwnru
but for from the truth tiiereof in very deed, did fall into all kind of 1_
extreme tyranny ; whereas the ])overty and simplieity of Christ was A. j).
changed into cruelty and abomination of life. Instead of the apo- ^'^' —
stolic gifts and continual labours and travails, slothfulness and
ambition was crept in amongst the priests. Beside all this, there
arose and sprang up a thousand sorts and fashions of strange
religions ; being only the root and v.ell-head of all superstition. How
great abuses and depravations were crept into the sacraments, at the
time they were compelled to worship similitudes and signs of things
for the very things themselves ; and to adore such things as were ah good
instituted and ordained only for memorials ! Finally, what thing "eiiied
Avas there in the whole state of christian religion so sincere, so sound, ^nd »pot-
. ted witJi
and so pure, which was not defiled and spotted with some kind of supersti-
superstition ? Besides this, with how many bonds and snares of^'°""
daily new-fongled ceremonies were the silly consciences of men,
redeemed by Christ to liberty, ensnared and snarled ; insonnich that
there could be no great difference perceived between Christianity
and Jewishness, save only the name of Christ : so that the state and
condition of the Jews might seem somewhat more tolerable than
ours ! There was nothing sought for out of the true fountains, but
out of the dirty puddles of the Philistines ; the christian people were
wholly carried away as it were by the nose, with mere decrees and
constitutions of men, even whither it pleased the bishops to lead,
them, and not as Christ's will did direct them. All the whole world
was filled and overwhelmed with error and darkness ; and no great
marvel : for why ? the simple and unlearned people, being far from all
knowledge of the holy Scripture, thought it quite enough for them
to know only those things which were delivered them by their pastors
and shepherds, and they, on the other part, taught in a manner
nothing else but such things as came forth of the court of Rome ;
whereof the most part tended to the profit of their ordei-, more than
to the glory of Christ.
The christian faith was esteemed or accounted none other thing
then, but that every man should know that Christ once suffered ; that
is to say, that all men should know and understand that thing which
the devils themselves also knew. Hypocrisy was accounted for
wonderful holiness. All men were so addicted unto outward shows,
that even they themselves, who professed the most absolute and
singular knowledge of the Scriptures, scarcely did understand or know
any other thing. And this did evidently appear, not only in the
common sort of doctors and teachers, but also in the very heads and The cap-
captains of the church, whose whole religion and holiness consisted, the"" °
in a manner, in the observing of days, meats, and garments, and such seju^etj
like rhetoricd circumstances, as of place, time, person, &c. Hereof ^s weii as
sprang so many sorts and fashions of vestures and garments ; so many rior sort,
differences of colours and meats, with so many pilgrimages to several
places, as though St. James at Compostella^ could do that, which
(1) " St. James at Conipostella." This refers to a famous but mo.^t weaiisome pilgrimage,
murh esteemed in former times, to the tomb of St. James at Compostella, i'l the province of
Gallicia in Spain. Tlie distance from Rome was about t'.veive hundred ihiijlish miles, and yet
from thence, as also from the most distant parts of Europe, have millions of Cliristians, to their
own cost and misery, travsrsed rocks and mountains to visit that tomb. — Sec Dr. Michael Geddes'
Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. ii. — Ed.
794
THE KSOWI.F.DGE OF THE GOSPEL
A.I).
1:572.
Palestine
deemed
lioly for
nirisl's
vralking
there.
ilirhard
kin? of
England
the em
j)cror of
Home.
Philip,
king of
France.
KdH-ard Clirist coultl iiot do at Canterbury ; or else tliat God were not of
'" like power and strength in every plaee, or could not be found but
bv beini; sought for by running gadding hither and thither. Thus
the holiness of the whole year was transported and put off unto the
Lent season. No country or land was counted holy, but only
Palestine, where Christ had walked himself with his corporal feet.
Stieh was the blindness of that time, that men did strive and fight
for the cross at Jerusalem, as it had been for the chief and only force
and strength of our faith. It is a wonder to read the monuments
of the former times, to see and understand what great troubles and
calamities this cross hath caused almost in every christian common-
wealth ; for the Romish champions never ceased, by writing, admo-
nishing, and counselling, yea, and by quarrelling, to move and stir
up princes' minds to war and battle, even as though the faith and
belief of the gospel were of small force, or little effect without that
wooden cross. This was the cause of the expedition of the most
noble prince king Richard unto Jerusalem ; who being taken in the
same journey, and delivered unto the emperor, could scarcely be
ransomed home again for thirty thousand marks. In the same
Frederic, enterprise or journey, Frederic, the emperor of Rome, a man of
" most excellent virtue, was drowned in a certain river there, a.d. 1190 ;
jxnd also Philip, the king of France, scarcely returned home again in
safety, and not without great losses : so much did they esteem the
recovery of the holy city and cross.'
Upon this alone all men''s eyes, minds, and devotions were so set
and bent, as though either there were no other cross but that, or that
the cross of Christ were in no other place but only at Jerusalem.
Such was the blindness and superstition of those days, which under-
stood or knew nothing but such things as were outwardly seen; whereas
the profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and
greater mysteries. What was the cause why Urban did so vex and tor-
ment himself.'' Because Jerusalem with the holy cross was lost out
of the hands of the Christians ; for so we do find it in the Chronicles,
at wliat time as Jerusalem with king Guido and the cross of our
Lord was taken, and under the power of the sultan, Urban took the
matter so grievously, that for very sorrow he died. In his place suc-
ceeded Albert, who was called Gregory YIII., by whose motion it
was decreed by the cardinals, that (setting apart all riches and voluptu-
ousness) "they should preach the cross of Christ, and by their poverty
and humility first of all should take the cross upon them, and go be-
fore others into the land of Jerusalem." These arc the words of the
history^; whereby it is evident unto the vigilant reader, unto what
^slw'"^' gi"ossness the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel
cv;.ound- was degenerated and grown in those days; how great blindness and
iioniar- darkness were in those days, even in the first primacy and supremacy
*'*• of the bishop of Rome : as though the outward succession of Peter
and the apostles had been of greater force and effect to that matter.
What doth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule ? It
is much more to be regarded that every man should labour and study
with all his endeavour to follow the life and confession of Peter ; and
that man seemeth unto me to be the tnie successor of Peter against
whom the gates of hell shall not prevail. For if Peter in tlie Gospel
(1) See Appendix. (2) Ibid.
The
know-
ledge of
GROSSLY EXPOUNDED BY THE ROMANISTS. 795
do bear the type and figure of the christian church (as all men, in a Edward
manner, do affirm), what more foolisli or vain thing can there be, than _
through private usurpation, to restrain and to bind that unto one A.. D.
man, which, by the appointment of the Lord, is of itself free and open _2z_i:_
to so many ?
* But ' let it be so that Peter did establish his chair and seat at
Rome, and admit that he did the like at Antioch : what doth this
place of Peter make, or help, to the remission of sins, to the inter-
pretation of Scriptures, or to have the authority or keys of binding
and loosing ? The which things, if they be the works of the Holy
Ghost and of christian faith, and not of the place, surely very foolishly
do we then refer them unto the see of Rome ; including, and hedg-
ing them in, as it were, within certain borders and limits, as though
there were no faith, or that the Holy Ghost had no operation or
power, in any other place but only at Rome. What doth it make
matter, where Peter served the Lord ? We ought rather to seek and
know wherein Peter was acceptable unto his Lord, or wherefore ?
that we likewise, with all our whole powTr and endeavour, may go
about by the same means and way, to do the like.
Wlierefore if we do think or judge that Christ had given unto
Peter any singular or particular privilege, which was not also granted
unto the residue of the apostles, more for any private affection or love
of the man (such as many times reigneth amongst us now-a-days),
we are far deceived. But if that he, for the most high, divine, and
ready confession, which not he alone, but for, and in the name of
them all, did pronounce and express, obtained any singular privilege;
then he who doth succeed in the place and chair of Peter, doth not,
by and by, show forth Peter's faith ; but Avhosoever doth nearest
follow Peter in faith (in what chair or see soever he do sit) is wor-
thily to be counted the successor of Peter, and is his successor in-
deed ; in such sort and wise that he getteth thereby no kind of
worldlv honour.^ For the apostleship is an office, and no degree of
honour ; a ministry or service, and no mastership or rule ; for as
amongst the apostles themselves there was no pre-eminence of place
or dignity, but that they altogether, with one mind, spirit, and accord,
went about and did the work of their Master, and not their own
business, so he who was the least amongst them was most set by before
Christ, witness to himself.^ Whereby their succession deserved
praise before God, but neither dignity nor promotion in the world.
For, as Polycarp answered very well in Eusebius, unto the under-
consul, " How doth the profession of them (said he ) who have
forsaken all things for Christ's sake, accord or agree with these worldly
riches and earthly promotions ?''
But the bishops in these days* (I know not by what means of
ambition, or desire of promotion) have altered and changed the eccle-
siastical ministration into a worldly policy, that even as prince suc-
ceedeth prince, so one bishop doth succeed another in the see, as by
rio-ht and title of inheritance, flowing and abounding moreover in all
(1) These three paragraphs, with the few words at the close of the succeeding one, are reprinted,
■with the aid of the Latin, from the edition of 1563, p. 87. See also the Latin edition of 1559,
pp. 3, 4.— Ep. (2) Sec Ai)pendix.
(3) i.e. " as he himself testifieth :" see Luke ix. 48. '• Sic ut qui minor inter ipsos foret, pl.ins
haheretur apud Christum testem." Lat. Kdition 1559, p. 4. — Ed.
(1) " Then days," Edition 1563. " Horum temporum," Edition 1559.— Ed.
796 THE STORY OF JOHK WICKLIFF COKTIXaED.
Edward kind of wealth and ridics here in earth ; being also guarded, after the
"^' fashion and manner of the world, with routs and bands of men,, chal-
A. I), longing unto himself rule and lordship, in such manner that the whole
^'^1^- governance and rule of all things fully did rest and remain in his
])()\vor and hands. All other pastors and shepherds of other churches
liad no power or authority, more than was permitted and gi-anted unto
them by him. He alone did not only rule and govern over all
churches, but also reigned over all kingdoms ; he alone was feared of
all men ; the other ministers of Christ were little or nothing regarded ;
all things were in his power, and at his hands only, all things were
sought for. There was no power to excommunicate, no authority to
release, neither any knowledge of understanding or interpreting the
Scriptures, in any other place, but only in the cloister at Rome.*
The ris- '^I'luis, in tlicsc SO great and troublous times and homble darkness
'"f"P.°f of ignorance, what time there seemed in a manner to be no one so
in trou- little a spark of pure doctrine left or remaining, this aforesaid Wick-
umes. liff, by God's providence, sprang and rose up, through whom the Lord
would first waken and raise up again the world, which was overmuch
drowned and whelmed in the deep streams of human traditions.
Thus you have here the time of WicklifF's original : *now we will
also in few words show somewhat of his troubles and conflicts.*
wickiifr, This Wickliff", after he had now a long time professed divinity in
ofoxford ^^^'^ university of Oxford, and perceiving the tme doctrine of Clirist*'s
gosjiel to be adulterated and defiled with so many filthy inventions of
bishops, sects of monks, and dark errors : and that he, after long
debating and deliberating with himself (with many secret sighs, and
bewailing in his mind the general ignorance of the whole world), could
no longer suffer or abide tne same, at the last determined with him-
self to help and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide, and out
of the way. But, forsomuch as he saw that this dangerous meddling
could not be attempted or stirred without great trouble, neither that
these things, wliicli had been so long time with use and custom rooted
aiul grafted in mcn''s minds, could be suddenly plucked up or taken
away, he thought with himself that this matter should be done by little
and little, *even as he that plucked out the hairs out of the horse tail,
as the proverb saith.* Wherefore he, taking his original at small occa-
sions, thereby opened himself a way or mean to greater matters. And
first he assailed his adversaries in logical and metaplivsical questions,
disputing with them of the first form and fiishion of things, of the in-
crease of time, and of the intelligible substance of a creature, with
other such like sophisms of no great effect ; but yet, notwithstanding,
it did not a little help and furnish him, who minded to dispute of
greater matters. So in these matters first began Keningham, a Car-
melite, to dispute and argue against John Wickliff.
By these originals, the way was made unto greater points, so that
at length he came to touch the matters of the sacnimcnts, and other
al)Uflcs of the church ; touching which things this holy man took
great pains, protesting, as they said, oj^enly in the schools, that it was
his ehief and principal purj^ose and intent, to revoke and call back
the church from her idolatry, to some better amendment ; especially
in the matter of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. But
this boil or sore could not be touched without the great grief and
pain of the whole world : for, first of all, the whole glut of monks and
LAKCASTER AND PERCY MAINTAIXERS OF WICKI.IFF. 797
begging fi-Lirs Avas set in a rage and madness, avIio, even as hornets with Edward
their sharp stings, did assail'this good man on every side ; fighting, as _
is said, for their altars, paunches," and bclHes. After them the ])riests A. D.
and bishops, and then after them the archbishop, being then Simon _}^U_
Sudbury, took the matter in hand ; who, for the same cause, deprived ^^J;'^|;'^
him of his benefice, which then he had in Oxford/ *At* the last, on,is i,».
when their power seemed also not sufficient to withstand the truth 0x101^
which was then breaking out, they ran wholly unto the lightnings
and thunderbolts of the bishop of Rome, as it had been unto tiie last
refuge of most force and strength. For this is their extreme succour
and anchor-hold, in all such storms and troubles, when the outcries
of monks and friars, and their pharisaical wickedness, cannot any
more prevail.* Notwithstanding, he being somewhat friended and
supported by the king, as appeareth, continued and bore out the Duke of
malice of the friars and of the archbishop all this while of his first tfr?m'd
beginning, till about a.d. 1377; after which time, now to prosecute ^"'"''p^^'^^^,-
likewise of his troubles and conflict, first 1 must fetch about a little gr«--at
compass, as is requisite, to introduce some mention of John ofersof
Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the king's son, and lord Henry Percy, "^^"^"'^•
r*'ho were his special maintainers.
As years and time grew on, king Edward III., who had now
reigned about fifty-one years, after the decease of prince Edward his
son, who departed the year before, was stricken with great age, and with
such feebleness withal, that he was unwieldy, through lack of strength,
to govern the affiiirs of the realm. Wherefore, a parliament being called
the year before his death, it was there put up, by the knights and other
the burgesses of the parliament, because of the misgovernment of the
realm (by certain gi-eedy persons about the king, raking all to them-
selves, without seeing any justice done), that twelve sage and discreet
lords and peers, such as were free from note of all avarice, should be
placed as tutors about the king, to have the doing and disposing under
him (six at one time, and in their absence, six at another) of matters
pertaining to the public regiment. Here, by the way, I omit to speak
of Alice Perris, the wicked harlot, who, as the story reporteth, had be- Alice Per-
witched the king's heart, and governed all, and sat upon causes herself, kfng's*
through the devilish help of a friar Dominic ; who, by the duke of ^^^^'
Lancaster, was caused to be taken, and was convicted, and would The king
have suffered for the same, had not the archbishop of Canterbury and edTy'il^
the friars, more regarding the liberty of their church than the punish- J^"'"^^"^
ment of vice, reclaimed him for their own prisoner. This Alice the help of
Perris, notwithstanding she was banished by this parliament from the *
king, yet afterwards she came again, and left him not, till at his
death she took all his rings upon his fingers and otherjewels from
him, and so fled away like a harlot. But this of her by the way.
These twelve governors, by parliament aforesaid being appointed Twelve
to have the tuition of the king, and to attend the public affairs of fssigHd
the realm, remained for a certain space about him ; till afterwards it ^^°g_' '***
so fell out, that they being again removed, all the regiment of the
realm next under the king, was committed to the duke of Lancaster,
the king's son ; for as yet Richard, the son of prince Edward, lately
departed, was very young and under age.
(1) See Appendix. (2) See Edition 1363, p. 88. Lat. Ed. 1559, p. 5— Eo.
798 WK KHAM, UISHOP OF WINCHESTER, DEPRIVED.
Edwaid This tlukc of Lancaster had in liis licart of lono^ time conocivcci a
^"- cerUiin dispk-iisure aj^^iinst the popish clerg-y ; whether for corrupt
A. I), anil inii)ure tl(,etrine, joined with like abominable excess of life, or
^•^<""- fur what other cause, it is not precisely expressed ; only by story the
cause thereof may be guessed to arise by William Wickhajn, bishop
of Winchester.' The matter is this :
Apmc- The bishop of Winchester, as the saying went then, was reported
pr7ia°tc""' to affirm, that the aforesaid John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, was
th^duke "°^ ^''"^ ^*^" "^ ^'"S Edward, nor of the queen ; who, being in travail
ofLan- at Gaunt, had no son, as he said, but a daughter, which, the same
"*'*'■ time, by Iving upon of the mother in the bed, was there smothered.
Whereupon the (piecn, fearing the king's displeasure, caused a certain
man-child of a woman of Flanders, bom the very same time, to be
conveyed, and brought unto her instead of her daughter afore-
said ; and so she brought up the child whom she bare not, who now
is called duke of Lancaster. And this, said the bishop, did the
queen tell him, lying in extremity on her death-bed, under seal of
confession ; charging him if the said duke should ever aspire to get
the crown, or if the kingdom by any means should fall unto him, he
then should manifest the same, and declare it to the world, that the
said duke of Lancaster was no part of the king's blood, but a false
heir of the king. This slanderous report of the wicked bishop, as it
savoureth of a contumelious lie, so seemeth it to proceed of a subtle
zeal towards the pope's religion, meaning falsehood : for the aforesaid
duke, by favouring of WicklitF, declared himself to be a professed
enemv against the pope's profession ; which thing was then not
unknown, neither unmarked of the prelates and bishops then in Eng-
land. But the sequel of the story thus followeth.
" This slanderous villany of the bishop's rejjort being blazed abroad,
and coming to the duke's ear ; he, therewith being not a little discon-
tented, as no marvel was, sought again, by what means he could, to
be revenged of the bishop. In conclusion the duke, having now all
the government of the realm, under the king his fother, in his own
William hands, so pursued the bishop of Winchester, that by act of parliament
ham/bi- he was condemned and deprived of all his temporal goods; which
wmches- ,i,'oods were assigned to prince Richard, of Bourdeaux, the next ia-
|^e_r de- heritor of the crown after the king ; and, furthermore, he inhibited the
said bishop from approaching nearer to the court than twenty miles."
Further as touching this bishop, the story thus proceedeth : " Not
long after (a.d. 1377), a parliament was called by means of the duke
of Lancaster, upon certain causes and respects ; in which parliament
great request and suit was made by the clergy, for the deliverance of
the bishop of Winchester. At length, when a subsidy was asked in the
king's name of the clergy, and request also made, in the king's behalf,
for speedy expedition to be made for the dissolving of the parliament,
the archbishop therefore accordingly convented the bishops for the
tractation thereof. To whom the bishops with great lamentation
complained for lack of their fellow and brother, tl>e bishop of Win-
church a Chester, whose injury, said they, did derogate from the liberties of the
matter, wholc church ; and therefore they refused to join themselves in
^(1) E\ Cliron. Monastcrii Albaiii.
prived.
Lih(!rliiB
of the
WICKLIFF SENT FOR SY THE DUKE OF LANCASTER. 799
tractation of any sucli matters, before all the members togetlier v. ere Edward
united witlitlie head; and, seeing the matter touched them altogetlier _
in common, as well him as them, they woidd not otherwise do. And ^..p.
they seemed, moreover, to be moved against the archbishop because '^''-
he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered himself so to be cited
of the duke."
The archbishop, although he had sufficient cause to excuse himself. Bishop of
wherefore not to send for him, (as also he did,) because of the perils ter'senr
which might ensue thereof, yet being forced and persuaded thereto fo'^'^j.'^!.^
bv the importunity of the bishops, directed down his letters to the tion.;
aforesaid bishop of Winchester, willing him to resort unto the convo-
cation of the clergy ; who, being glad to obey the same, was received
with great joy by the other bishops ; and, at length, by means of
Alice Perris, the king's paramour, above mentioned, having given
her a good quantity of money, the said Winchester was restored to
his temporalities again.
As the bishops had thus sent for Winchester, the duke in the mean John
time had sent for John WicklifF, who, as is said, was then the sem for
divinity reader in Oxford, and had commenced in sundry acts and l^^^^^
disputations contrary to the form and teaching of the pope's church Lancas-
in many things ; who also, for the same had been deprived of his
benefice, as hath been before touched. The opinions which he began
at Oxford, in his lectures and sermons, fii-st to treat of, and for which
he was deprived, were these : That the pope had no more power to
excommunicate any man, than hath another. That if it be given by
any person to the pope to excommunicate, yet to absolve the same is
as much in the power of another priest, as in his. He affirmed,
;iioreover, that neither the king, nor any temporal lord, could give
any perpetuity to the church, or to any ecclesiastical person; for that
wlien such ecclesiastical persons do sin ' habitualiter,'' continuing in
the same still, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously take
away from them what before hath been bestowed upon them. And
that he proved to have been practised before here in England by
William Rufus ; " Avhich thing" (said he) " if he did lawfully, why may Example
not tlie same also be practised now ? If he did it unlawfully, then RiS^us!^'"
doth the church err" (said he) " and doth unlawfully in praying for
him." But of his assertions more shall follow, Christ willing, here-
after. The story which ascribeth to him these assertions, being taken
out (as I take it) of the monastery of St. Alban's, addeth withal.
That in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, "' but a
dissembler" (saith he) "and a hypocrite." Why he surmiseth him
to be a hypocrite the cause was this : —
First, Because he resorted much to the orders of the begging friars,
frequenting and extolling the perfection of their poverty :
Secondly, Because he and his fellows usually accustomed in their
preaching to go barefoot, and in simple russet gowns.
By this, I suppose, may sufficiently appear to the indifferent the
nature and condition of Wickliff, how far it was from that am-
bition and pride, which in the slanderous pen of Polydore Virgil, J^^^^'^^""
reporting in his nineteenth book of him, that because he was not pen of
preferred to higher honours and dignities of the church, conceiving p°'>''''^^-
there-for indignation against the clergy, he became their mortal
800 \VI( KI.IKl- PWI.SKI.Y CHARGED WITH AMBITION*.
Edtrard cncmv. How truc was thi=, He only knoweth best, that rightly shall
'■ — judge both the one and the other.
^■}l- In the mean time, by other circumstances and parts of his life we
"' may also partly conjecture what is to be thought of the man. But
however it was in him, whether true or false, yet it had been
Wickiiff Polydore's part, either not so intemperatcly to have abused his pen,
chwied or iit least to have showed some greater authority and ground of that
with am- ),jj. report : for to follow nothing else but flying fame, so rashly to
Poijdore. defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faithful
story-writer,
wickiitr Hut to return from whence we digressed. Beside these his opi-
t'oTouch"' nions and assertions above recited, with others which are hereafter to
ihc- mat- be brought forward in order, he began then somethinfj nearlv to touch
tcrofthe , '^ „ , ' • .i . • ,i ^i • i
sacra- the UKittcr ot thc sacrament, proving that in the said sacrament the
'"'""'■ accidents of bread remained not without the subject, or substance ;
ami this, both by the holy Scriptures, and also by the authority of the
doctors, but especially by such as were most ancient. As for the
later writers, that is to say, such as have written upon that argument
under the thousand years since Christ"'s time, he utterly refused them,
saying. That after these years Satan was loosed and set at liberty ;
and that since that time the life of man hath been most subject to, and
in danger of, errors ; and that the simple and plain truth doth appear
and consist in the Scriptures, wliereunto all human traditions,
whatsoever they be, must be refeiTcd, and especially such as are set
Theiat- forth and published now of late years. This was the cause why he
ters'ofthe fcfuscd the later writers of decretals, leaning only to the Scriptures
to b^'^mis- ^"*^ ancient doctors ; most stoutly affirming out of them, that in the
doubted, sacrament of the body, which is celebrated with bread, the accidents
dents not are Hot prcscut without the substance ; that is to say, that the
the^ac"ra- ^^ody of Christ is not present without the bread, as the common sort
ment of priests in those days did dream. As for his arguments, what
the sub- they were, we will shortly, at more opportunity, by God's grace,
»'-■>""• rlcclare them in another place, lest that with so long a digression we
seem to defer and put off the reader. But herein the truth, as the
poet speakcth very truly, had gotten John Wickiiff great displeasure
and hatred at many men's hands ; and especially of the monks and
richest sort of priests.
Albeit through the favour and supportatioii of the duke of Lan-
caster and lord Henry Percy, he persisted, hitherto, in some mean
quiet against their wolfish violence and cruelty : till at last, about
A.D. 1377, thc bishops, still urging and inciting their archbishop
Simon Sudbury, who before had deprived him, and afterward pro-
hibited him also not to stir any more in those sorts of matters, had
obtained, by process and order of citation, to have him brought
before them ; wliereunto both place and time for him to appear, after
their usual fonn, was to him assigned.
Thc duke, having intelligence that Wickiiff, his client, should come
before the bi,slioj)s, fearing that he being but one, was too weak against
such a multitude, calleth to him, out of the orders of friars, four
bachelors of divinity, out of every order one, to join them with
"NN ickliff also, for more surety. When the day was come, assigned to
the .said Wickiiff to appear, which day was Thursday, the nineteenth
WICKLIFF BROUGHT TO HIS APPEARANCE. 801
of February, John Wickliff went, accompanied with the four friars Edward
aforesaid, and with thcni also the duke of Jjancaster, and lord Henry : —
Percy, lord marshal of En<,dand ; tlie said lord Percy also going ^)-^^-
before tlicm to make room and way where Wickliff should come. ____
Thus WicklifF, through the providence of God, being sufficiently
guarded, was coming to the place where the bishops sat ; whom, by
the way, they animated and exhorted not to fear or shrink a whit at
the company of the bishops there present, who were all unlearned,
said they, in respect of him (for so proceed the words of my
aforesaid author, whom I follow in this narration), neither that he
should dread the concourse of the people, whom they wovUd them-
selves assist and defend, in such sort, as he should take no harm.'
^Vith these words, and with the assistance of the nobles, WicklifF, in
heart encouraged, approached to the church of St. Paul in London,
where a main press of people Avas gathered to hear what should
be said and done. Such was there the frequency and throng
of the multitude, that the lords, for all the puissance of the striving-
liigh marshal, unneth with great difficulty could get way through ; ioi^^\„
insomuch that the bishop of London, whose name was William p^^s by
Courtney, seeing the stir that the lord marshal kept in the church pie.
among the people, speaking to the lord Percy, said, that if he liad riiewords
known before what masteries he would have kept in the church, he sLp'of'''
would have stopped him out from coming there ; at which words of the London to
bishop the duke disdaining not a little, answered the bishop and Percy,
said, that he would keep such mastery there, though he said ' nay.'
At last, after much wrestling, they pierced through and came to Our
Lady''s Chapel, where the dukes and barons were sitting together with
the archbishops and other bishops ; before whom WicklifF, according
to the manner, stood, to know what shoidd be laid unto him. To
Avhom first spake the lord Percy, bidding him to sit down, saying, that
he had many things to answer to, and therefore had need of some
softer seat. But the bishop of London, cast eftsoons into a furnish
chafe by those words, said, he should not sit there. Neither was it, strife uo-
said he, according to law or reason, that he, who was cited there to loni'^niar!
appear to answer before his ordinary, should sit down during the time shai and
of his answer, but that he should stand. Upon these words a fire London"
began to heat and kindle between them ; insomuch that they began
so to rate and revile one the other, that the whole multitude, there-
with disquieted, began to be set on a hurry.
Then the duke, taking the lord Percy''s part, with hasty words strife be-
began also to take up the bishop. To whom the bishop again, duke"of"*
nothing inferior in reproachful checks and rebukes, did render and f'^"*'^^"
requite not only to him as good as lie brought, but also did so flir bishop of
excel him in this railing art of scolding, that to use the words of mine whoo'ver-
author, " Erubuit dux, quod non potuit proevalere litigio ;'" that is, ^^^j.''';""'
the duke blushed and was ashamed, because he could not overpass scolding.
the bishop in brawling and railing, and, therefore, he fell to ])lain
threatening ; menacing the bishop, that he would bring down the
pride, not only of him, but also of all the prelacy of England. And
speaking, moreover, unto him : " Thou,'"' said he, " bearest thyself so
brag upon thy parents, who shall not be able to help tl.ee ; thcv shall
(I) Ex Hist. Monachi D. Albani ex accommodato D. Jlattli. Arcliiepis. Cant.
VOL. 11. 3 F
.S02 UIOTDI S (ONDlfT OK TUli I.OXDOKKKS.
EHwaid have cnoufjli to do to liclj) tliemselvcs ;" for his jwrcnts were the carl
" and countess of Devonshire.' To whom the bisliop again answered,
A. I), that to be bold to tell truth, his confidence wa not in his parents,
^•^^^- nor in any man else, but only in God in whom he trusted. Then
ThcUukf the duke softly whispering in the ear of him next by him, said, That
rti.To*^" be would ratlier pluek the bisliop by the hair of his head out of the
thck ehureli, than he would take this at his hand. This was not spoken
biihop by s;o seeretly, but that the Tjondoners overheard lum. Whereupon,
out of the being set in a rage, they cried out, saying, that they would not suffer
ciiunh. ^ij^.jp bishop so contemptuously to be abused. But rather they would
lose their lives, than that he should so be drawn out bv the hair.
Thus that council, being broken with scolding and brawling for that
day. was dissolved before nine o'' clock, and the duke, witli the lord
J*ercy, went to tlie parliament ; where, the same day before dinner,
Pftitions a bill was put up in the name of the king bv the lord Thomas
{!."riia^ '" NVoodstock aiul lord Henry Percy, that the city of London should no
Ka^in't'the "^'^'■^' ^'c govcmcd by a mayor, but by a captain, as in times before ;
lit) of ami that the marshal of England should liave all the ado in taking
tlie arrests withm the said city, as in otlier cities besides, with other
petitions more, tending to the like derogation of the liberties of
fjondou. This bill being read, John Phil])ot, then burgess for the
city, standetli up, saying to those who read the bill, that that was
never seen so before ; and adding, moreover, that the mavor would
never suffer any such things, or other arrest to be l)rought into the
city ; with more such words of like stoutness.
Ha«iy The next day following the Londoners assembled themselves in a
the'Lii^iw council, to consider among them upon the bill for changing the
doner., niayor, and about the office of the marshal ; also, concerning the
injuries done the day before to their bishop.
In the mean time, they, being busy in long consultation of this
matter, suddenly and unawares entered into the place two certain
h)rds, whether come to spy. or for what other cause, the author
leaveth it uncertain ; the one called lord Fitz- Walter, the other
lord Guy Bryan. At the first coming in of them the vulgar sort was
ready forthwith to fly upon them as spies, had not they made their
protestation with an oath, declaring that their coming in was for no
harm toward them. And so they were compelled by the citizens to
swear to the city their truth and fidelity : contrary to the which oath
if they should rebel, contented they would be to forfeit whatsoever
goods and possessions they had within the city.
The ora- Tlils douc, tlicii bcgau thc Lord Fitz-AV^alter, in this wise, to pcr-
loru^Fitz- suadc and exhort the citizens; first declaring how he was bound and
fhe'Loiw" 0^^'g'c^l to them and to their city, not only on account of the oath
twsn now newly received, but of old and ancient good will from his great
grandfather"'s time ; besides other divers duties, for the Avhicli he was
chiefly bound to be one of their principal fautors ; forsomuch as
whatsoever tended to tlieir damage and detriment redounded also no
less unto his own : for which cause he could not otherwise choose,
but that what he did understand to be attempted against the public
l^rofit and liberties of thc city, he must needs communicate the same
to them ; who unless they with speedy circumspection do occur, and
(I; This bishop of London was William Courtney, son to tlic earl of Devonsbire.
THE LONDONERS*' HASTY rOT'XSEL. 803
prevent perils that may and are like to ensue, it would turn in the Edward
end to their no small incommodity. And as there Avere many other '"'
things which required their vigilant care and diligence, so one thing A. D.
there was, which he could in no wise but admonish them of; which ^^'^^-
was this, necessary to be considered of them all : how the lord marshal
Henry Percy, in his place within himself had one in ward and cus-
tody, whether with the knowledge, or without the knowledge of them,
he could not tell : this he could tell, that the said lord marshal was
not allowed any such ward or prison in his house within the liberties
of the city ; which thing, if it be not seen to in time, the example
thereof being suffered, would, in fine, breed to such a prejudice
unto their customs and liberties, as that they should not, hereafter,
when they would, reform the injury thereof.
These words of the lord Fitz-VV alter were not so soon spoken, but Tiie citi-
they were as soon taken of the rash citizens ; who in all hastv fury London
running to their armour and weapons, went incontinent to the "house ^'hrioT
of the lord Percy, where, breaking up the gates, by violence they I'ercy-s
took out the prisoner, and burned the stocks wherein he sat in thesavop
midst of London. Then was the lord Percy sought for, whom, cod'spro-
saith the story, they would doubtless have slain if they might have satXhis
found him. With their bills and javelins all corners and privy servants.
chambers were searched, and beds and hangings torn asunder. But
the lord Percy, as God would, Avas then with the duke, whom one
John Yper the same day with great instance had desired to dinner.
The Londoners not finding him at home, and supposing that he The
was with the duke at the Savoy, in all hasty heat turned their power ^'h^duke
thither, running as fast as they could to the duke's house ; where "f i-a"-
also, in like manner, they were disappointed of their cruel purpose, searched
In the mean while, as this was doing, cometh one of the duke's London-
men, running post haste to the duke and to the lord Percy, ^''^•
declaring what was done. The duke being then at his oysters. The duke
without any further tarrying, and also breaking both his shins at the Percy^ify
form for haste, took boat with the lord Percy, and by water went to ^°}^^
Kingston, where then the princess, with Richard the young prince ^"'"^^'
did lie ; and there declared unto the princess all the Avhole matter
concerning the outrage of the Londoners, as it was. To whom she
promised again, such an order to be taken in the matter as should
be to his contentation. At what time the commons of London
thus, as is said, were about the duke's house at Savoy, there meeteth
with them a certain priest, avIio, marvelling at the sudden rage and
concourse, asked what they sought. To whom answer was given a priest
again of some, that they sought for the duke and the lord marshal, Ii"ke^of
to have of them the lord Peter de la Mare, whom they wrongfully Lancas-
had detained in prison. To this the priest answered again more house
boldly than opportunely : " That Peter," said he, " is a false traitor kuied^
to the king, and worthy long since to be hanged." At the hearing of
these words, the furious people, with a terrible shout, cried out upon
him, that he was a traitor, and one that took the duke's part, and so
falling upon him with their weapons, strove who might first strike
him ; and after they had wounded him very sore, they had him,
so wounded, to prison ; where, within few days, for the soreness of his
wounds, he died.
-^ V 2
804 THE DUKE KEVEKGED OF THE LONDOXEUS.
^rfKn.j Neillicr would the n^c of the people thus have ecased, had not
'■ — the bishop of liondon, leaving his dinner, come to them at Savoy,
^■^- and putting them in remembrance of the blessed time, as they term
_L_;J_ it, of Lent, hail persuaded them to cease and to be quiet.
Ti.e villa- 'j'j,g Ijondoncrs seeing that they could get no vantage against the
uy of tlic ^ . " ij cj
i-ondoii- duke, who was without their reach, to bc-wreak their anger they took his
kgaiiiit arms, which in nu»st despiteful ways they hanged up in the oj)en
ii.« <iukf. pim.^^s ol' the city, in sign of reproach, as for a traitor. Insomuch
that when one of his gentlemen came through the city, with a plate
containing the duke's arms, hanging by a lace about his neck, the
citizens, not abiding the sight thereof, cast him from his horse, and
plucked his escutcheon from liim, and were about to work the ex-
tremity against him, had not the mayor rescued him out of their
hands, and sent him home safe unto the duke his master. In such
hatred then was the duke among the vulgar people of London.
The mo- After this the princess, understanding the hearts and broil of the
tiirnrin- Londoners, set against the aforesaid duke, sent to London three
'■•■'" '" kni'dits. Sir Aubrey de Vcr, Sir Simon Burley, and Sir Lewis Clifford,
the Lon- o ~ ^ ^J ' . -^
doners, to cutrcat the citizens to be reconciled with the duke. The Lon-
doners answered, that they, for the honour of the princess, would
obey and do with all reverence, what she would require ; but this
they required and enjoined the messengers to say to the duke by
wortl of mouth : that he should suffer the bishop of Winchester,
before-mentioned, and also the lord Peter de la Mare, to come to tlicir
answer, and to be judged by their peers; whereby they might either
be (piit, if they were guiltless ; or otherwise, if thev he found cul-
pable, they might receive according to their deserts after the laws
of the realm. ^Vhat grief and displeasure the duke conceived and
retained in his mind liereof ; again, wiiat means and suit the Lon-
doners on their part made to the old king for their liberties ; what
rhymes and songs in London were made against the duke; how the
l)ishoj)s, at the duke's request, were moved to excommunicate those
The duke uialicious slaudcrcrs ; and, moreover, how the duke at last was revenged
LVthT""* of those contumelies and injuries; how lie caused them to be brought
ondoii- before the king; how sharply they Atere rebuked for their mis-
demeanour by the worthy oration of the lord chamberlain, Robert
Aston, in the presence of the king, archbishops, bishops, witli divers
other states, the king's children, and other nobilities of tlie realm ;
The i.on- !» couclusiou, liow the Loudoucrs were compelled to this at length,
ers.
di>ners
caused
bear a
caused to ^' ^^'^ couimou asscut and public charges of the city to make a
great ta])er of wax, which, with the duke's arms set upon it, should
wax In be brought with solemn procession to the church of St. Paul, there to
•i^!^"in ^urn continually before the image of Our Lady ; and, at last, how
liunour of \)(A\\ tlic Said dvdcc and the Londoners were reconciled together, in the
the duke, i-.p, iii-
begmnmg of the reign of the new kmg, with the kiss of peace; and
how the same reconcilement was publicly announced in the church
of Westminster, and what jov was in the whole city thereof: these,
because they are impertinent and make too long a digression from
the matter of W'icklilf, I cut off with brevity, referring the reader to
other histories, namely of St. Alban's, where they are to be found
at large.
As these aforesaid things for brevit}'sakc 1 nass over, so I cannot
HAUGHTINESS OF THE BISlIOl' OV XOKWICH. 80')
omit, though I will not be long, that which happened the same time Ki'mird
and year to the bishop of Norwich, to the intent that this posterity
now may see, to what pride the clergy of the pope"'s church had then A.j).
grown. At the same time that this broil was in London, the bishop ^'^'^-
of Norwich, a little after Easter, coming to the town of Lynn, a story of
belonging to his lordship; being not contented with the old accus- irN,t['."''
tomed honour due unto him, and used of his predecessors before in ^'''^'''•
the same town, required, moreover, with a new and imused kind of
magnificence to be exalted : insomuch that when he saw the chief Example
magistrate or mayor of that town to go in the streets with his officer tiR.'pJ!^e"»
going before him, holding a certain Avand in his hand, tipped at both c'ergy-
ends with black horn, as the manner was, he, reputing himself to be
lord of that town, as he was, and thinking to be higher than the
liighest, commanded the honour of that staff due to the mayor, to be
yielded and borne before his lordly personage. The mayor or bailiff, 'f'p <-<»'r-
with other the townsmen, courteously answei'ed him, that they Avere the^ "
right willing and contented, with all their hearts, to exhibit that loThe"^"^"
reverence unto him; and would so do, if he first of the king and •j'shov.
council could obtain that custom, and if the same might be induced,
after any peaceable way, with the good wills of the commons and
body of the town : otherwise, said they, as the matter was dangerous,
so they durst not take in hand any such new alteration of ancient
customs and liberties, lest the people, who are always inclinable and
prone to evil, do fall upon them with stones, and drive them out of
the town. Wherefore, kneeling on their knees before him, there
humbly they besought him that he would require no such thing of
them ; that he w'ould save his own honour, and their lives, who,
otherwise, if he intended that way, Avei-e in great danger. But the
bishop, youthful and haughty, taking occasion, by their humbleness,
to swell the more in himself, answered, that he w^ovdd not be taught xiie stout
by their counsel, but that he would have it done, though all the u'ebisho'].
commons (whom he named ribalds) said ' nay.' Also he rebuked the Ig^'^fg,,,
mayor and his brethren for mecocks and dastards, for so fearing the
vulgar sort of people.
The citizens perceiving the wilful stoutness of the bishop, meekly
answering again, said, they minded not to resist him, but to let him
do therein what he thought good : only they desired him that he
would license them to depart, and hold them excused for not Avaiting
upon him, and conducting him out of the town Avith that reverence
Avhich he required, for if they should be seen in his company, all
the suspicion thereof Avould be upon them, and so shovdd they be all
in danger, as much as their lives Avere Avorth. The bishop, not re-
g-arding their advice and counsel, commanded one of his men to take
the rod borne before the mayor, and to carry the same before him :
Avhich being done, and perceived of the commons, the bishop after
that manner Avent not fin-, but the rude people running to shut the Tiictown
gates, came out Avith their boAvs, some Avith clubs and staves, some nain
Avith other instruments, some Avith stones, and let drive at the bishop ^?.^','^^t
and his men as fast as they might, in such sort, that both the bishop <i.i^|^^
and his horse under him, Avith most part of his men, Avere hurt and
Avounded. And thus the glorious pride of this jolly prelate, ruffling
in his ncAv sceptre, Avas received and Avelcomcd there • that is, he
806 DKATII Oy EDWARD III.
Edirard was SO pcltcd w itii bats and stones, so wounded witli arrows and
'■ — other instrnmenls fit for siah a pkinnish, tliat the most part of his
A.JD. nicn. with his mace bearer, all running away from him, the poor
' '' wounded bishop was there left alone, not able to keep his old power,
wlu> went al)out to usurp a new power more than to liini belonged.
Pride will Thus, as is commonly true in all, so is it well exemplified here, that
fair ' which is commonly said, and as it is commonly seen, that pride will
I'owcr have a fall, and power usurped will never stand. In like manner,
will never if the citizens of Rome, following the example of these Lynn men.
The"* ^s they have the like cause, and greater, to do by the usurped power
usurped „{• their })ishop, would after the same sauce handle the pope, and un-
powcr of . I • 1 1 • 1 • 1 1 • -1
tiie Dopo sceptre liiin ot Ins mace and reganty, which nothing pertain to him ;
haTea tlicy, iu SO doing, should both recover their own liberties, with more
bridle. }i,,nour at home, and also win much more commendation abroad.^
This tragedy, with all the parts thereof, being thus ended at Lynn,
which was a little after Easter (as is said) about the month of April,
The death a.d. 1S77, the Same year, upon the 21st day of the month of June next
Kdwafd. after, died the worthy and victorious prince, king Edward III., after
he had reigned fifty-one years ; a prince not more aged in years than
renowned for many singular and heroical virtues, but principally noted
and lauded for his singular meekness and clemency towards his subjects
and inferiors, ruling them by gentleness and mercy without all rigour
or austere severity. Among other noble and royal ornaments of his
nature, worthily and copiously set forth of many, thus he is described
of some, which may briefly suffice for the comprehension of all the
n^nd*"" ^^^^' ' ' " '^° ^^^ orphans he was as a father, compatient to the afflicted,
tion of mourning with the miserable, relieving the oppressed, and to all
Edward, tliciu that wautcd, an helper in time of need,^'-^ &:c. But, chiefly,
above all other things in this prince, in my mind, to be commemo-
rated is this, that he, above all other kings of this realm, unto the time
of king Henry VIII., was the greatest bridler of the pope^s usurped
power, and outrageous oppression: during all the time of which king,
not only the pope could not greatly prevail in this realm, but also
John Wickliff was maintained with favour and aid suflScicnt.'
But before we close up the story of this king, there cometh to
hand that which I thought good not to omit, a noble purj:)ose of the
king in requiring a view to be taken in all his dominions of all bene-
fices and dignities ecclesiastical remaining in the hands of Italians, and
aliens, with the true valuation of the same, directed down by com-
mission ; whereof the like also is to be found in the time of king
Richard II., the tenor of which commission of king Edward III.,
1 thought here under to set down for worthy memory.
The king directed writs unto all the bishops of England in this
form :
PMward, by tlie grace of (iod king, &c. to the reverend father in Christ, N.,
by the same grace bishop of L., greeting. Being desirous upon certain causes
to be certified what and now many benefices, as weil archdeaconries and other
dignities, as vicaniges, parsonages, prebends and chapels, within your diocese,
be at this present in the hands of Italians and other strangers, wliat they be,
of what kind, and how every of the said benefices be called by name ; and
(1) Ex Chron. Monach. D. Albani.
(2) " Orphanis crat quasi pater, anUitis compatiens, niiscris condolens, oppresBOS rclcTans, rt
i-uncnsindigentibus impendens auxilla opportuna."
(3) The reign of Edward III. closes here in the iiecond and third editions.— Ed.
i
VIEW OF ECCLESIASTICAL BENEFICES. 807
how much every of the same is worth by the year, not as by way of tax or Edward
extent, hut according to the true vahie of the same ; hkewise of the names •^^^•
of all and singular such strangers being now incumbents or occupying the same a y\~
and every of them; moreover, the names of all them, whether Englishmen or 1374
strangers, of what state or condition soever they be, who have the occupation or
disposition of »ny such benefices with the fruits and profits of the same, in the
behalf, or by the authority of any the aforesaid strangers, by way of farm, or
title, or procuration, or by any otlier wavs or means whatsoever, and how long
they have occupied or disposed the same ; and withal whether any of tlie said
strangers be now residents upon any of the said benefices, or not ; we command
you, as we heretofore commanded you, that you send us a true certificate of all
and singular the premises, into our high court of chancery under j'our seal dis-
tinctly and openly, on this side the Quindene of Easter [April 16th] next com-
ing, at the farthest : returning unto us this our writ withal. Witness ourself at
Westminster, the sixth day of March, in the forty-eighth year ofour reign over
England and over France the thirty-fifth year. (a.d. 1374.)
By virtue hereof, certificate was sent up to the king into his
chancery, out of every diocese of England, of all such spiritual livings
as were then in the occupation either of priors aliens, or of other
strangers ; whereof the number Avas so great, as being all set down, it
would fill almost half a quire of paper. W hereby may appear that it was
high time for the king to seek remedy herein, either by treaty with the
pope or otherwise ; considering so great a portion of the revenues of
his realm was, by this means, conveyed away and employed either for
the relief of his enemies, or the maintenance of the foreigners ;
amongst which number the cardinals of the court of Rome lacked
not their share, as may appear by this which followeth.
View of Ecclesiastical Benefices.
The lord Francis of the title of St. Sabine, priest and cardinal of the holy Coventry
chvu'ch of Rome, doth hold and enjoy the deanery of the cathedral church of ^nd Lich-
Lichfield, in the jurisdiction of Lichfield, which is worth five hundred marks by ^^^^'
the year; and the prebend of Brewood, and the parsonage of Adbaston to the
same deanery annexed, which prebend is worth by the year fourscore marks,
and the parsonage twenty pounds; which deanery with the prebend and par-
sonage aforesaid, he hath holden and occupied for the space of three years.
And one Master de Nigris, a stranger, as proctor to the said cardinal, doth hold
and occupy the same deanery with other the premises with the appurtenances, by
name of proctor, during the years aforesaid, and hath taken up the fruits and
profits, for the said cardinal, dwelling not in the realm.
Lord William, cardinal of St. Angelo, a stranger,^ doth hold the archdeaconry Norwich,
of SuiFolk, by vii-tue of provision apostolical, from the feast of St. Nicholas last
past ; he is not resident upon his said archdeaconry. And the said archdea-
conry, together with the procurations due by reason of the visitation, is worth
by year sixty-six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence. And Master John
of Hellinington, &c., doth occupy the seal of the official of the said arch-
deaconry, &c.
Lord Reginald of St. Adrian, deacon-cardinal,' hath in the said county the Surren,
parsonage of Godalming, worth by year forty pounds, and one Edward Teweste
doth farm the said parsonage for nine years past.
The lord Anglicus of the holy church of Rome, priest and cardinal, a stranger, Ebor.
was incumbent, and did hold in possession the deanery of the cathedral church
of York, from the eleventh day of November, a.d. 1.366, and it is yearly worth,
according to the true value thereof, four hundred poiuids ; and Master John of
Stoke, canon of the said church, doth occupy the said deanery and Uie profits
of the same, in the name or by the authority of the said lord dean, &c. But
the said dean was never resident upon the said deanery since he was admitted
thereunto. Item, lord Hugh of our lady in • * * deacon and cardinal, a [<» Pnr.
Firanger,*doth possess the prebend of Driffield, in the said church of York, froni '"""'^
808
Vli:\V Ol ECtLlCSlASTK AL BEXEFICES.
Edward
III.
A.I).
i;57i.
pHrisbu.
Tlie
deanery
or Salia-
bury.
[Woking-
ham]
Treasu-
rer of the
rhurch of
Sariim.
[\nrlh-
mortnn]
tlie scventli day of June, a. d. 1363 : from which day, &'c. Jolin of Gisbounie,
and George C'oujiemanthorp, &c., do occujjy the said prebend, Mdrth by year
one hundred pounds ; tlie said lord Hugh is not resident upon the said pre-
bend.
Item, Lord Simon of the title of St. Sixt, priest and cardinal, &.'c.,<5 doth
possess the prebend of Wistow in the said church of York, wortli by year one
nuiidred ixnuids ; and the aforesaid Master John of Stoke doth occupy the
aforesaid prebend and the jirofits thereof, &c. ; but the said lord Simon is not
resident ui)on the said prebend.
Item, Lord Francis of the title of St. Sabine, priest and cardinal, a stranger)
doth possess the prebend of Stransal, in the said chuiTh of York, worth by year
one hundred marks. And Master William of Merfield, &'c., doth occupy the
said prebend, &:c. ; but the said lord Francis is not resident upon the' said
prebend.
Lord Peter of the title of St. Praxed, priest and cardinal, a stranger,' doth
hold the archdeaconry of York, worth by year one hundred pounds, and Master
William of Mirfield, &:c., for farmers.
The deanery of the cathedral church of Sarum, with churches and chajjcls
imderwritten to the same deanery annexed, doth remain in the hands of lord
Reginald of the title of St. Adrian, deacon and cardinal;' and so hath remained
these twenty-six years, who is never resident; his proctor is one Lawrence de
Nigris, a stianger, and it is worth by year two luuidred and fifty-four pounds,
twelve shillings, and four pence.
Richard, bishop, doth liold the vicarage of Mccrc, to the deanery annexed,
and hath holden the same for nineteen years ; worth by year forty pounds.
Robert Codford, the fanner of the church of Heightredbury, to the same
annexed, worth by year fifty pounds.
The church of Stoning and the chapel of Rescomp, to tlie same deaneiy
aimexed, worth by year seventy marks.
The chapel of Ilerst, to the same deaneiy annexed, worth by vear forty
pounds.
The chapel of Wokenhamc, to the same deanery annexed, worth by year
thirty-six pounds.
The chapel of Sandhurst, worth by year forty shillings.
The church of Ciodalming, to the same deanery annexed, in the diocese of
VVinchester, worth by year forty pounds.
The dignity of treasurer in the church of Sarum, with church and chapeLs
underwritten to the same annexed, is in the hands of lord John of the title of
St. Mark, priest and cardinal,'' and hath so continued twelve years, who was
never resident in the same; worth by vear one hundred and tliirty-six pounds,
thirteen shillings, and four-pence.
The church of Fighelden, to the same annexed, worth by year twenty-six
pounds, thirteen shillings, and four-pence.
The chinch of Ahvardbury with the chapel of Putton, worth by year ten
pounds.
The prebend of Calnc to the same treasurer annexed, worth by year one
hundred pounds.
'i'he archdeaconry of Berks, in the cathedral church of Salisburv, with the
church of Morton to the same annexed, is in the hands of lord William, of the
title of St. Stephen,-' who was never resident in the same, worth by year eight
score marks.
The archdeaconry of Dorset, in the church of Salisbury, with the church of
(lissiche to the same annexed, in the hands of lord Robert, of the title of the
Twelve Apostles, priest and cardinal!" and is worth by year one hundred and
three marks.
The j)rebend of Woodford and Willeford, in the church of Salisbury, is in
the hands of Robert, the cardinal aforesaid, and is worth forty marks.
The i)rebend of Hey worth, in the church of Salisbury, is in tlu' h;inds of
the lord cardinal of Agrifolio,^ who is never resident, worth by the year eighty
pounds.
llie prebend of Nctherbaniby and Beminster, in the church of Salisbury,
one Hugh I'elegrine a stranger, did hold twenty years and more, and was never
vcbident in the same ; worth by the year eight score marks.
i'
VIEW OF KCCLESIASTICAL BENEFICES. 809
Tlie church prebendary of Gillingham, in the nunnery « of Salisbury, lately luchard
holden of lord Richard, now bishop of Kly, is in the hands of the lord Peter of ^^•
the title of St. Praxed, priest and cardinal, &c.' worth by the year eighty pomjds. . .^
Lord William, of the holy church of Home cardinal, a stranger," doth bold lo^u'
the archdeaconry of Canterburj', and is not resident ; the true value of all the '
yearly fruits, rents and pi'ofits, is worth seven hundred florins. Canter-
The lord cardinal of Canterbury" is archdeacon of Wells, and hath annexed ^^^y-
to his archdeaconry the churches of Hewish, Berwes, and Southbrent, which w^elis'"
are worth by year, with their procuration of visitations of the said archdeaconrv,"
one hundred threescore pound.
Item, The lord cardinal" is treasurer of the church of Wells, and hath the
moiety of the chuix-h of Mertock annexed thereunto, worth by year sixty pounds.
Item, The lord cardinal of Agrifolio" is archdeacon of Taunton in the church
of Wells, and is worth by year, with the procurations and the prebend of
Mylverton to the same annexed, eighty pounds.
Note. Like matter is also found in the time of king Richard II., upon what
occasion it is uncertain ; but, as it seemcth by record of that time, a new pope
being come in place, he would lake no knowledge of any matter done by his
)redecessors, that might any way abridge his commodity ; and, therefore, this
ing was forced to begin anew, as may appear by this following.*
Lord cardinal of Agrifolio'-' is prebendary of the prebend of Coringham, The arch
together with a portion of St. Mary of Stow to the same annexed; the fruits dearonry
whereof, by common estimate, be worth by year one hundred and sixty-five " ""^'
pounds ; Master John, vicar of Coringham, and Master Robert, person of Ket-
telthorpe, and W. Thurly, be farmers.
Lord cardinal Albanum* is prebendary of the prebend of Sutton, the fruits [Aibanen-
whereof be commonly esteemed worth by year four hundred marks. Roger •"*•]
SkjTet of Buckingham, and William Bedeford of Sutton, do farm the same [oianda-
prebend. The lord cardinal Glandaven '^ is prebendary of the prebend of Nas- vensis.]
sington, worth, by estimation, three hundred marks. Robert of Nassington, ^^'ap^'^'^'^"
and John, son of Robert of Abbethorpe, do occupy the same prebend. of North-
Lord cardinal Nonmacen* is parson of Adderbury, worth, by estimation, one ampton.
hundred pounds; Adam Robelyn, clerk, is his proctor, and occupieth the \e"s'is.]'
same.
Lord cardinal of St. ***i2 is prebendary of Thame, worth yearly, by common The arch-
estimation, two hundred marks ; John Heyward and Thomas *** a layman, deaconry
J '., u J of Oxon.
do occupy the same prebend.
Lord Peter de Yeverino, cardinal,'^ is prebendary of Aylesbur}', worth yearly, The arch-
by common estimation, eighty marks. Holy Duse of Aylesbury doth occupy deaconry
the same prebend.
The cardinal of St. Angeloz hath the archdeaconry of Suffolk, and is worth The dio-
by year, by common estimation, a hundred marks. S^*^ "^
Lord cardinal Neminacem,* treasurer of the church of Sarum, hath the arch- rp^^ ^jj^'
deaconry of Sarum, with the church of Figheldon to his dignity annexed., which cese of
is let to farm to Grace, late wife of Edmund Swayne, deceased, paying yearly ?^"™',
fifty marks. He hath also, in the same archdeaconry and county, the said je«j,>.]
church of Alwardbury, with the chapels of Putton and Farle to the same an-
nexed, which is let to farm to the lord prior of the house of Ederose for the yearly
rent of twenty-three pounds ; he hath also the prebend of Calne in the said
archdeaconry and covmty, worth by year one hundred pounds, and the farmer
thereof is Raymund Pelegrine.
Lord cardinal of Agrifolio^ hath the archdeaconry of Berks, worth by year
one hundred and twenty marks, and remaineth in his own hands. Item, He
hath the prebend of Worth, worth by year a hundred pounds ; Raymund Pere-
grine is farmer there.
Lord cardinal Gebanen'" hath the prebend of Woodford and Willeford in [Geben-
the county of Wiltshire, let to farm to John Bennet of Sarum, worth by year "'"'"-J
forty marks.
Lord Audomar de Rupy is archdeacon of Canterbury,'* to tlie which arch- The dio-
deacon belongs the church of Lymin within the same diocese, worth by year, S."^ "^
after the taxation of the tenth, twenty poimds. The church of Tenham, worth bury,
by year, after the said taxation, one hundred and thirty pounds, six shillings, [Lyvtut.^
(a) Monastery. There was no nunnery at Salisbury.— Ed. (6) An. 2. Rich. 2. [See Appendix.]
810
VIKW Ol" ErCl.KSIASTICAI. BENEFICES.
Jtirhard
II.
A.D.
i;{78.
The Hio-
ceM. ..f
York.
The dio-
ce^e of
Durham.
[Grben-
nentii ]
and eight-pence. Tlic church of Flakington near Tanterbury, worth by year
twenty marks. Tlie cliurch of St. Clement in Sandwich, worth by year, :iftPr
the taxation aforesaid, eight marks. Tlic church of St. Mary in Sandwich,
wortli by year nine pounds, of tiie wliich the said archdeacon receivetli only
. six marks : the prolits of all wliich premises Sir William Latimer, Knight, hatli
received, together with tlie profits arising out of the jurisdiction of the arch-
deaconry, worth by year twenty pounds.
Anglicus, of the church of Rome priest and cardinal, < hath the deanery of
the cathedral chinch of York, worth by year three hundred and seventy-three
pounds, six shillings, and eight pence, and the prebend of Southcave, valued
yearly at one hundred and sixty marks.
Lord cardinal (lebanen"^ doth hold the church of Wearmouth, and the
archdeaconry of Dinham, worth by year two hundred marks. And John of
Chambre, and Thomas of liarington, of Newcastle, be the farmers and proctors
of the said cardinal.
(Kx Bundello Brevium Regis dean. 2. Rich. II. part i.)
Some p.iins liave been taken to discover the identical returns from which Fo.\c compiled the
fore(foinR " View" of Benefices held by Aliens; but without success. Many returns of a similar
nature, and referring to the period, have been found. t)Oth in the Tower and the Exchequer
records, .some of which exactly tally with Foxe's statements. The printed " Taxatio Ecclesiastica "
of Pope Nicholas IV., made about a century previous to these returns (circa a.d. 12U1), confinns
Foxe's accuracy as nearly as could he expected. Several decided misspellings have been corrected.
The following tal)le is compiled from the List of Cardinals in Moreri's Dictionary, article 'Car-
dinal ;' and will serve to illustrate and correct Foxe's text. Figures of reference are given to
assist the reader.
CREATEU DIED
1 Francis Thebaldeschi, a Roman, cardinal of St. Sabine, and archpriest of
St. Peter's a.d. 1368 . a.d. KISS
2 William Noellet or de Nouvean. a Frenchman, deacon-cardinal of St.
Angelo a.d. y^7\ . a.d. 139.4
^ Rcpiiiald des I'rsins, a Roman, deacon-cardinal of St. Adrian .... a.d. 1350 . a.d. 1374
4 Anglic de Grimoard de Grisac, a Frenchman, bishop of Avignon, priest-
cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula, afterward made bishop of Albano . a.d. ISfifi . a.d. 1387
5 Hugh de St. Martial, a Frenchman, deacon-cardinal of St. Mary in Porticu. a.d. i;!6l . a.d. 1403
fi Simon de Langham, an Englislunan, ex-abp. of Canterbury, cardinal of
St. Sixt ' A.D. l.!(JS . A.D. 137fi
7 Peter Gomez d'Albornos, a Spaniard, abp. of Seville. cardinal of St. Praxed a.d. 1371 .a.d. 1374
8 John de Blauaac. a Frenchman, bp. of Nismes, priest-cardinal of St. Mark a.d. 1.3G1 . a.d. 1379
9 William d'Aigrefeuille, a rrenchnian, priest-cardinal of St. Stephen in
Ccflin Monte a.d. 1.367 . a.d. 1401
1 0 Robert de Geneve, a Frenchman, bp. of Cambray (afterward Clement VII.),
priest-cardinal of the twelve Apostles a.d. 1371 . a.d. 1394
11 William Judicis or de la Jupie, a Frenchman, nephew of Clement VX.,
deacon-cardinalofSt.Mary in Cosmcdin (See Hasted's Kent, torn. iv. 782) a.d. 1342 . a.d. 1374
12 Bertrand Lagier. a Frenchman, bp. of Glandeves in Provence, priest-
cardinal of St.Prisca. The Parliamentary Notes of the fiftieth jearof
Edward III. (supra, p. 78") make the same cardinal prebendary both of
Thame and Nassington : we should therefore, probably, supply Prisca
in the hiatus at p. S09, making this L.igier the prebendary of Thame . a.d. 1371 . a.d. 1392
13 Peter Flandrin, a Frenchman of the diocese of Vivicrs, in le Vivarez,
deacon-cardinal of St. ICustace a.d. 1371 . a.d. 1331
1 4 Audomar de Riipe is mentioned in Hasted's Kent (torn. iv. 782) as archd.
of Cant, next but one to William Judicis (above. No. II) : in a Patent
of June 3d, 2 Rich. II,, printed in Rymer, he is called " Adomar dela
Roche, archd. of Cant.," and is therein deprived for taking part with
the French.
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 5, last line but one.] — Ingulph mentions a council held at London
A.D. 833, to debate on the measures to be taken in consequence of the Danish
invasion : the defeat at Charmouth was, no doubt, the occasion of the council.
Page 6, line 1. ^'Notwithstanding, in the next battle," Src] — This sentence
no doubt refers to the battle of Hengisdown, in Cornwall, and ouglit to have
been placed at the close of the paragraph, according to the best authors (Saxon
Chron., Hoveden, Rapin, Henry), and even according to Foxe himself; for
the first words of the next sentence imply, that when the Danes landed in the
West of England they had experienced no checli since their victory at Char-
mouth ; and the only occasion on which Egbert is anywhere reported to have
rallied against the Danes, was at the battle of Hengisdown, consequent upon
their descent in the West, of which Foxe presently speaks.
Page 6, note (4).] — Foxe's account of the reign of Ethelwolph is con-
fused, for want of due attention to the chronological arrangement of his mate-
rials: for though he was misled by Fabian into the notion, that the Danes did
not trouble Ethelwolph till toward the close of his reign (see p. 12, note 3) ; yet
he here proceeds at once to introduce Ethelwolph 's Charter to the Church,
whicii speaks of the ravages of the Danes as the moving cause which led him
to propitiate the Divine favour by liberality toward the Church. An improved
arrangement has, therefore, been adopted from Malmesbury, from whom Foxe
appears to have derived his materials for this reign.
Page 7, line 18. " Sergius IF., who first brought in," &c.] — Authors differ on
this subject. Hoffman supports Foxe's statement. " Hie [Sergius II.] primus
Pontificum nomen mutavit, cum antea Petrus Buccaporcius diceretur." But
Moreri says that Adrian III. was the first to change his name, wliich had been
Agapitus, on being made pope a.d. 884. He also says that it was Sergius the
Fourth who was called Petrus os Porci or Bocca di Porco, before he was made
pope A.D. 1009. " Sergius II. n'osant porter le nom de Pierre, par respect de
celui du Prince des Apotres, prit celui de Sergius, qui detruit lopinion du vul-
gaire, qui s'imagine que ce Pape sc nommoit Groin de Pourceau, et que ce fut
ce qui le porta a changer de nom. On prend le change en ceci ; car cette
histoire ne pent regarder que Sergius IV., qui etoit d'une famille de ce
nom." — Moreri s Dictionary.
Page?, note(l).] — Aventine seems to be the first who really disputed the cur-
rent story. About one hundred and fifty good catholic writers assert or recognise
it. One of the first modern antagonists is Florimond de Remond in his " Anti-
Papesse," in 1607, which was replied to by Alexander Cooke in his " Pope
Joane," in 1625. But the most notorious — perhaps the best — is the Protestant
Blondel, first in French, rather mysteriously, in his " Familier Eclaircissement,"
&c. Amst. 1647; after his death, through the editorship of Steph. de Cour-
celles (Curcellaeus), in a Latin translation, " De Joanna Papissa," 1657, with a
long Apology for his friend ; neither of whom was any friend to the Anti-remon-
strants of Holland. The French was answered in 1655 by the Sieur Congnard,
Advocate of the parliament of Normandy; the Latin by Sam. des Marets
(Maresius) in his " Joanna Papissa restituta," Groningae, 1658, the year after
Curcellseus's edition, whose Apology he examines point by point, reprinting the
whole. After these appeared, on the same side F. Spanheim and L'Enfant.
Gieseler, in his valuable Text-Book, ii. 20, 21, was either ignorant of these
writers, or has purposely suppressed them, although they all pretty powerfully
attack his '* decisive " proofs. The numismatic champion, Garampi, may be
812 Ari'KN'DIX TO vol.. II.
(old, tliHt the obverse niul reverse of a coin are not necessarily in every case
sviuluonons ; tliat his clnonolopv is not the best supported; and that there is
such a place as Padua. He, liowever, has known better than to conceal the
names of tlic opponents ttf liis Thesis. — De Xiimnio Argoiteo Ben. III. Rom.
17JI), pp. N, f>.
Page 8, line 1.'). " liy Ihi.i pope [Nicholas I.] priests began tn be restrained,"
&€.] — Fo.xe here follows the atithority of ^'olateran and others (see infra,
vol. V. p. .'{2fi) : but he rather inclines himself to say tliis of Nicholas II. ; to
whom also he considers the ensuing letter to be addressed, hut by whom — bolii
he and the critics arc undecided. (See pp. 12, 97, and vol. v. pp. 30.5, 311,
32(i— 331.)
Page 10, last line. " Augustine less than Jerome."'] — There is an allusion
here to a passage of St. Augustine's writings. Speaking of himself a bishop
and Jerome a priest, he says: — " Quanquam enim secundum honorinn voca-
bula qure jam ecclesia; usus obtinuit ej)iscopatus presbyterio major sit, tamen
in multis rebus Augustinus Ilieronymo minor est : licet etiam a minorequoli-
bet non sit refugienda vel dedignanda correctio." Inter Epistolas Hieron. Epist.
77, in fine. — Hieron. Opera, Ed. Beiied. Paris, 170G, torn. iv. col. Gil.
Page 10, note (1).] — The consequences of the constrained celibacy enjoined
by the Romish Church on her clergy are, unhappil}', so notorious, that (as Bishop
Hall intimates) it would be irrelevant to dispute about the number of infants'
heads found in the pope's fish-pond. To suppose that 6,000 infants, or even
1,000 (for IVIartene, Ampl. Coll. i. 119, reads " plusquam millia," leaving out
"sex"), should have been murdered and thrown into one pond within so short
a period as the story implies, is out of the question ; and some critics have even
thought this circumstance sulKcient to prove the letter a forgery, though they
allow that it came to our hands " .i pontificiis." (See Mansi's edition of Fabricii
Bibiiotheca Med. et Inf. Latinilatis, vol. vi. p. 285, and Theiner's Einfiilirujir/
der Krzwnngenen Ehelosigkeit, i. 1G7.) Nothing, however, is more common
than errors as to numbers in ancient documents. Indeed, the number itself
would not have been so incredible had the story referred to the age of Erasmus,
who states in one part of his works, " Nunc videmus niundum esse plenum
sacerdotibus concubinariis. Est apud Gcrmanos episcopus quidam, qui ipse
di.xit in convivio, uno anno ad se delata undecim millia sacerdofum palaui
coneubinarioruni : nam tales singulis annis pendunt aliquid episcopo." — Erastni
Opera, Lug. Bat. tom. ix. p. 185. Erasmus wrote this in defending his published
ojiinion respecting the celibacy of the clergy against the attacks of a papist.
Page 12, line 24. " By this Adrian [III.] it was first decreed," &c.]— The
emperor had no share in the election or confirmation of Adrian II., men-
tioned in the preceding line ; for the emperor's ambassadors, who were at Home
at the time, were not invited to the election. On complaining of this they
were told, that the ceremony had not been omitted out of any disrespect to the
emperor, but to prevent, ftn- the future, the ambassadors of any prince from
pretending to interfere with the election of a pope. At page 464 we find
that transaction referred to as the first instance of the exclusion of the emperor
from a voice in the election of a pope. But no decree of exclusion was issued
till the time of yldrian III., as stated in the text here and supra, p. 6. The
decree (according to Martinus Polonus) was, " Ut Imperator non se intro-
mitteret de electione." (See the note in this Appendix on p. 464, line 6.)
Hoffman, in his Lexicon, says briefly : —
" Adrianus II. Nicholao successit, sine consensu Impcratoris, irgre id legatis
fcrentibus."
" Adrianus III. legem tulit, ut pontificis designati consecratio sine prrosentia
regis aut legatorum procederet."
Sec also Sandini P'itcp Pontiff. Rom. p. 340.
Page 12, note (3).]— The document translated at the top of the next page,
and which will be foimd in Hoveden, says expressly, " ah exordio regni Ethel-
wulphi regis usqiie ad adventiun Normanorum et Willielmi regis, ad ducentos
aiinos et triginta;" which carries us back to the very beginning of Ethel-
wolph's reign. Hoveden himself says in his text, that the Danes came "prime
anno regni sui." — Script, post Bcd'am, p. 412.
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 813
Page IG, line 3. " These ihingn thus (lone" &c.] — Asserlus and tlie " Annales
Bertiniani " botli assert, that Ktlielwolpli wont to Rome in a.d. So.") and continued
there twelve montiis ; that he visited the French court early in July a.d. 8.jG ;
and that he was married by Hincniar, abp. of Rheinis, October 1st. P. Paj^i
adopts these dates (Crit. in IJaroniuui), and says that tlie grants mentioned in
the text were made — not to Leo IV., who died July 17th a.d. 8.55, but — to his
successor, Benedict III. The Benedictine authors of " L'Art dc Verifier des
Dates" follow this account.
Page 18, line 9. " Reigned both toy ether the term of five years, one with
anolher."'\ — i. e. for two years and a half each from their father's death ; after
which period Ethelbert reigned sole monarch for about si.\ years, when he was
succeeded by Ethelred a.d. 8GG.
Page 19, line 18 from the bottom. " Inguar and Huhha . . . slain at E/igle-
field."'] — Brompton states that they escaped after the battle of Englefield into
Ireland, and died there. Hoveden (p 41G), cited by Foxe at page 23, gives a
different account of their death: seethe note in this Appendix on that passage.
Page 21, line 1.] — Foxe, misled by Fabian, reads " Witdiorn or iVoburn."
(See page 37, line 8.) Spelnian in his life of Alfred states, that the following
inscription was formerly to be read on Ethelred'.s tomb at Wimborne, afterwards
destroyed in the civil wars: — "In hoc loco quiescit corpus S. Ethelredi regis
West Saxonum, martyris, qui Anno Domini dccc lxxii., xxiii. Aprilis, per
manus Danorum paganorum occubuit." (Camden's Britannia, and Spelman,
p. 43.) Alfi-ed certainly came to the throne in April, a.d. 872, according to
the chronicle cited at page 32, note (1), which states that he died Oct. 28th a.d.
901 after a reign of twenty-nine years and six months. — See Mr. Sharon
Turner s Anglo-Saxon History, vol. i. p. 537.
Page 21, line 2. " For lack of issue of his body."'] — Other authors say, that
it was by virtue of his father's will, and that Ethelbald at least left children
behind him who survived Alfred. — Turner, vol. i. p. 53G,
Page 22, line IG. " In the next year," Sec] — Foxe says, " the same" year : but
see L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Also, it is plain that the three Danish kings
left Cambridge a.d. 87G ; for they wintered after the battle of Wilton at London
a.d. 872-3 ; at Torksey in Lindsey a.d. 873-4 ; at Repton a.d. 874-5 ; at Cam-
bridge a.d. 875-G; and in a.d. 876 they seized Wareham Castle.
Pao-e 22, line 27. " But they falsely breaking their league," Sec] — This
statement is rather too elliptical. The treaty was broken toward the close of
a.d. 876 by some of the Danes breaking out of Wareham, seizing the horses of
Alfred's coast-guard, and making their way to Exeter. Of the rest, some
attempted to follow i)y sea early next year, a.d. 877, wlien they were wrecked
at Swanawic, or Swanage : the others escaped from Wareham to Exeter on
foot. — Rapin, and Spelman, p. 49.
Page 22, line 29. *' At Stvanawic,"] — says Huntingdon ; i.e. Swanage on the
Dorsetshire coast, not Sandwich, as Foxe says.
Pat^e 23, line 31. " Their ensign called the Raven was taken."] — " The
Danish standard called Reafan, or the Raven, was the great confidence of
those pagans. It was a banner with the image of a raven magically wrought
by the three sisters of Inguar and Hubba, on purpose for their expedition in
revenge of their father Lodebroch's murder, made (they say) almost in an
instant, being by them at once begun and finished in a noon-tide, and believed
by the Danes to have carried great fatality with it ; for which it was highly
esteemed of them. It is pretended that, being carried in battle (Asser. Anual.
ad an. 878, Gale ii. 1G7), toward good success it woidd always seem to clap
the wings, and do as if it would fly ; but toward the approach of mishap it
would hang them right down and not move. The prisal of it by the Christians
was of no little consequence ; for the pagans when they came to lose it, could
not but lose withal their hearts and confidence." — Spelman's Life of Alfred,
p. 61 : see the note on the Italian Caroccio, mentioned by Foxe at p. 479.
Page 23, line 32. " In the same conflict both Inguar and Ilubba irere
slain."] — For a different account, see p. 19. The Annals of Ulster say that
Inguar died in Ireland a.d. 872, and that Haldeu or Ilalfden was killed in
,*■ ] J, APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Ireland at the battle of Lochraun a.d. 876 ; and the Saxon Clnonicle says that
he died in Ireland. — Turner, vol. i. p. 538, 540.
Page 21, line 11. " Coviing to Winchester" &c.]— The Saxon Chronicle
says, that (lulhrum was ba{)tiztd at Aulre, near Etheling, but that the
chrismal was i)Villed oil him eight days after at Wedmore. In MS. Digby,
11. 1!)G. this place is called " Westni.," and soon after it says that the twelve
iJh\s' 'fea!.ting which followed was at London.— //carwe's Note to Spelman's
Life of Alfred, p. 66, and Turner, vol, i. p. 575.
Page 24, line 21 from the bottom. " lie likewise sent to India," &c.]— Mr.
Sharon Turner (vol. ii. p. 15S) devotes a long Appendix to an examination into
the probability of Alfred's embassy to St. Thomas, and decides in its favour.
Page 21, line 5 from the bottom. " The fourth year after this, which was
the nfnetcetith year of the reign of king Alfred."'\—¥oxe says " the third," but
he had last mentioned the "fifteenth" year of the reign. The year wag
A.D. 890 according to the Saxon Chronicle.
Pa^e 25.] — This page describes, though in a confused manner, the operations
of the Danes under their famous Captain Hastings during three or four years.
The Saxon Chronicle says that they came from Boulogne to " Limene-muthan "
in East Kent, a.d. 89.'). The same Chronicle places their arrival at Lea in
A.D. 895 or S96.— Turner, vol. i. pp. 587 — 002.
Page 25, line 20.]—" Chester " (the Chronicles call it Legacestria) must mean
Caerleon ; see p. 5, note (5) : this supposition alone can explain how the Danes
should go thence "by North Wales to Northumberland." In confirmation of
this it may be observed that lloveden says, ad an. 90.'), " Civitas, quae Karlf-
gion Britannic5, Legacestria Saxonice, dicitur, restaurata est;" referring, no
doubt, to the damage which the city had sustained from these Danes. (See the
note in this Appendix on page 37, line 17 from the bottom.)
Page 28, line 20 from the bottom.] — Tanner in his Bibliotheca Britanno-
Hibcniica, p. 32, discusses the story about the two schools in Oxfordshire, and
explodes this etymology.
Page 28, note (1).]—" Chester, in South Wales," clearly means the " Ches-
ter" so often mentioned by Eoxe, viz., Caerleon. " Galfridus" mentioned in
the text is Galfridus Moniimetensis, or GeoflVy of Monmouth. In the place
of his history referred to (lib. ix. cap. 12) he calls the place which Foxe deno-
minates " Chester in South Wales" " Urbs Legionimi." Arthur is there stated
to have selected this place for his coronation on account of its beauty, and
because " ' Habebat gymnasium ducentorum philosophorum, qui astroiiomia
atque cseteris artibus eruditi cursus stellanmi diligenter observabant, et prodigia
eo tempore ventura regi Arturo veris argumenlis praedicabant.' "
Foxe might have mentioned, besides, the famous school of Dubritius (after-
wards archbp. of Caerleon) on the banks of the Wye— also that of 11 tutus a
little later, in Glamorganshire, at Llantuyt, so called from him. Dubritius died
Nov. 4, A.D. 522.— Godwin dt Prcesulibus, and Usher Jntiq. Brit. Eccl. cap. 5.
Page 28, note (2).]— The passage in Bede reads thus :— " Quae in Gallia
bene disposita vidit imitari volens, instituit scholam in qusi pueri Uteris erudi-
rentur, juvantese episcopo Felice, quern de Cantia acceperat, atque psedagogos
ac maijistros juxta morem Cantuariorum praebente." Felix became bishop
A.D. 630. — Wharton, Anglia Sacra, toin. i. Malmesbury (de Vitis Pontif.)
says, that Felix was a liiirgundian, whom Sigebert had become acquainted
with during his exile in France, and that his successor in the see of Dunwich
was a Kentish man.
Page 29, line 2. " Then his mother."']— 'Th\s must have been Alfred's step-
mother, Judith, who married his eldest brother, Ethelbald, after Ethelwolf's
death, and remained in England sometime after Ethelbald's death in a.d. 860;
after wliich she married Baldwin, earl of Flanders, a.d. 862 (L'Art de Ydr.
des Dates). See Mr. Sharon Turner's Anglu-Saxon History, vol. ii. pp. 500,
505—507.
Page 29, la.st line, and page 30.—" Grinbald, Asserius, Wcrefrilh, Neotus,
Johannes Scot us "] — Grinbald was a very accomplished and courteous man, and
ATPENDIX TO VOL. II. 815
was so attentive to Alfred on liis way to Rome at Rheims, that he afterwards
bfgged Fulco, Archbishop of Rheims, to send him over to England.
Asser the uncle and the nephew were monks of St. David's. The uncle
wrote Alfred's Life, and was Archbishop of St. David's. The other was made
15isIiop of Sherborne.
Werefrith was Bishop of Worcester, a.d. 873—892.
Neotus, called for his piety St. Neot, was the companion of Alfred's youth :
he was buried at St. Guerrir's church, near Gineshury, in Cornwall. Hence
his body was removed to a monastery built on the site of the Duke Alric'a
palace, in Huntingdonshire. Thence the bones were removed in 1213 to Croy-
land Abbe}'.
Johannes Scotus, or Erigena, was very learned in Greek, Chaldee, and
Arabic ; he was patronized by Charles the Bald of France : he came over to
England at Alfred's invitation, and taught publicly at the monastery of
Malmesbury, where he was murdered by his scholars with their penknives. He
is sometimes confounded with another John, a monk of St. David's, and called
John the Monk; and whom Alfred, in his preface to Gregory's Pastoral, calls
his mass-priest. — Spelnuni's Life of yl If red, p. 133, &c.
Page 30, line 23.] — Charles the Bald reigned over France a.d. 843 — 877.
Page 31, line 9.] — The Council of Vercelli was held Sept. 1st, a.d. 1050.
— L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 32, line 21.] — Pleimund is said at page 103 to have been archbishop
only twenty-nine years, and in M. West, to have been elected a.d. 889, and
died A.D. 915, which only gives twenty-six years : Godwin gives him but nine-
teen or twenty years.
Page 32, line 24.] — On the duration of the archbishopric of Odo, see the note
in this Appendix on p. 50, line 6.
Page 32, note (1).] — All the concurrents of time given in this note agree,
by Sir H. Nicolas's Tables ; so that the date may be looked on as certain. As
Alfred died in his 53d year, he must have been born a.d. 848 or 849.
Page 33, line 5. " Bishop of Porto."'\ — Porto was a small place at the
mouth of the Tiber, opposite to Ostia, and gave the title to one of the seven
cardinal bishops. Tiiose were the bishops of Ostia, St. Rufine, Porto, St.
Sabine, Pra^neste (hod. Palestrine), Tusculum (hod. Frascati), and Albano." —
Moreri's Diet. v. Cardinal.
Page 33, line 6.] — " Ciim aliquando in sinistram suspicionem venisset " — are
the words of Sigebert, ad an. 900. The authority which Foxe here follows is
" Sigehert Gemblacensis Coenobita; Chronographia, ab an. 381 ad an. 1112,"
printed in Pistorius's " Germ. Rer. Script." torn. i. (edit. Ratisb. 1726, p. 804.)
Page 33, line 28.] — " Praesertim cum ipse Formosus a Marino papa abso-
lutus fuerit a perjurio." — Sigehert (ibidem).
Page 33, line 31. " Who then 7narching," &c.]— Sigebert says (ibidem) : —
"Romam venit; sed non admissus, Roniam Leonianam obsedit. Lepusculo forte
versus Romam fugiente, et exercitu cum clamore nimio sequente, Romani timen-
tes se de muro projiciunt et hostibus per factos acervos murum ascendendi
locum faciunt." From which Foxe derives the following : — " Who then marching
towards Rome, was there prevented by tlie Romans from entering. But in the
siege (saith the author) the Romans within so played the lions, &c." The pun
in " lions" is not perceived, from Foxe's not fully translating " Romam
Leonianam."
Page 34, note (2.)] — Foxe says " The French king, Eudo," but it must
have been Charles the Simple : for Eudo, or Eudes, died Jan. 1st a.d. 898 ; but
John IX. did not succeed to the papacy till the July following, and he held a
council at Rome that year in favour of Formosus, the acts of which were
ratified by the council of Ravenna that same year. So that the French king
there present must have been Charles the Simple, who succeeded Eudes and
was present at the council of Turin the July following. Sigebert (p. 805) con-
firms this opinion. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 35, note (1.)] — " Formosum sepulcro extractum in sede pontlficatfis
810 APrEN'DIX TO VOL. IT.
sacerdotal iter iiuliitmn decollari ])ra'cci)it." (Sigebert, ml an. 007.) See an
allusion to this history by IMkington inlVa, vol. viii, p. 292.
Page 3fi, line 9. " Stephen VII. or VIII."] — The reason of the uncertainty
as to the numbering of this pope will be found stated in the note in the Ap^ien-
dix to vol. i. p. 372, line 11.
Page 3G, line 17. '^ Might be further applied than to that Muroxia of
Roine."^ — The allu>i<)n is to Catl)arine of Aragon, wife of Prince Arthur, a id
afterwards of his brother Henry VIII. See inftii, vol. v. pp. 45 — 55.
Page 36, line 22. " Ordo Cluniacensis."'] — The Abbey of Clugny was
founded by William the Pious, Earl of Auvergne and Duke of Aquitaine, by a
chart dated Si-pt. 11th, a.d. 910; at which time Sergius III. was pope.
(L'.\rt de Verifier des Dates.) The first abbot was Berno, who was succeeded
at his death, a.u. 927, by St. Odo, who died a.d. 914. (Moreri, v. Clugni.) See
the note in this Appendix on page 57, lines 25, 2G.
Page 37, line 8. " W'imborne."'\ — So Polychronicon, Fabian, Grafton, adding
" near Bath." Foxe seems to have taken the reading of " U'obnrn" from a
former passage of Fabian; see the note in this Appendix on p. 21, line 1.
Page 37, line 17 from the bottom.] — " Chester" here, as in other places, means
Caerleon. Polychronicon ad an. 908 says, " Hoc anno civitas Caerlegion sive
Legecestria, quaj modo Cestria dicitur, ope Etheldredi ducis Merciorum et
Elfledic uxoris suae post confractiones per Danos factas restaurata est, &c."
See also the note in this Appendix on page 25, line 20.
Page 38, line 12.] — This list of places occurs in Polychronicon sub. an. 912.
Page 43, line 9. " Middleton and Michelenes,"~\ — more commonly known as
Melton, in Dorsetshire, and Michaelney, in Somersetshire; the founding of
these two monasteries is referred to infra, vol. v. p. 374. See Tanner s Notitia
Monaatica.
Page 44, note f2.)] — These directions concerning a bishoj)'3 duties are
primed by Mr. Thorpe at p. 547 of his Collection of Anglo-Saxon Laws, and in
Saxon with an English translation at p. 420.
Page 45, line 16.] — The Chronicle of Melrose Abbey states that Athelstan
died " G Cal. Novemb. feria 4. Indictione 14," i. p. Wednesday, October 27th,
A.D. 911, which concurrents of time (by Nicolas's Tables) all lit. The Saxon
Chronicle gives the same date; so that it may be considered as fixed. It also
agrees with Foxe's statement here that Athelstan reigned "sixteen year.s,"
if we suppose him to have come to the throne a.d. 925, as stated above.
Page 45, line 17.] — Foxc here states that Edmimd reigned "six years," and
at line 24 and page 50, line 18, "six years and a half." In each case "four
years and a half" has been substituted ; for the Saxon Chronicle says he died
May 2Gth, a.d. 91G : the Melrose Chronicle adds the day of the week and the
Indiction, which confirm that date. So that Edmund, by this account, reigned
only "four years and a half:" it is proper to observe, however, that Foxe had
authority for " six years and a half ;" for the Saxon Chronicle, inconsistently
with itself, assigns that period to his reign.
Page 47, line 19 from the bottom.] — "Alfridus" means Alfrid, treasurer of
Beverley Minster. " Alfredus Beverlacensis [sen Fibroleganns] in septen-
trionalibus Angliieparlibus natus et Cantabrigiae educatns. In patriam reversus
evectus est ad canonicatum in ecclesia S. Johannis Beverlacensis, in qua
postea thesaurarius cunstitutus. Ab hoc oflicio ' Thesaurarius' cognomine notus
erat inter scri))torcs. Annales (lib. ix.) edidit Thos. Hearne. Obiit anno 1 13G,
et Beverlaci sopultns erat, (Bale, Pits.) vel anno 1120, quo et Annales suos
liniit. (Vossius.)" — 'ianners Bibliotlieca ; which may be consulted by those
who wish for further information. Alfrid is referred to by Mr. Turner on the
matter in the text.
" Pulcher," two lines lower, is a corruption of " Sepulchre," and " Piikher-
church" is still further corrupted into " I'uckle-churcl) ;" which is now a small
village seven niik-s N.E. of Bristol, and, according to Camden, was once a royal
manor.
APPENDIX TO V(U,. ir. 817
Page 48, line 18. " Odo being a Dane horn."'] — Osbernc in his life of Odo
says, tliat he was son of one of the Danes who came over with Inguar and Ubba.
Paoe 50, line C. " This Odo continued bishop the space of eighteen years.'"]
Foxe "-ivGR (liftercnt accoinits of the duration of Odo's episcopate : he hcrt",
and at pp. 32, 103, says " twenty years ;" next page he says " twenty -four."
Godwin (de Pra^sulibus, &c.) pve'fers " eighteen years," which is here adopted
in the text.
Page 50, line IS.]— Ednnmd died May 2(5 ih a.d. 91G. (Sax. Chron.) The
same^Chronicle states that Kdred died Nov. 23d, a.d. 955, having reigned
(as Foxe states) " nine years and a half."
Pao-e 50, line 2G. "In his time Dunstan was promoted to he bishop of
Worcester."] — This seems incorrect, and is certainly inconsistent with the
statement in this and the next page, " that he was as yet but abbot of Glaston-
bury" after the death of Edred, and even of Edwin.
Pa^e 51, line 21 from the bottom. " Not croivned tillfovrtcen years after."] —
Foxe has Malmesbury's authority for this statement (Script, post Bedam,
p. 60) ; and doubtless he was crowned with great pomp at Bath, Whitsunday
A.D. 973 (see pp. 62, 63) : but that was after a seven-years' penance, part
of which was, according to Malmesbury, " diademate carere septennio '' —
according to Osberne, " ut in toto spatio (septcnni) coronam sui rcgni non gcs-
taret." In explanation of the term " gestare" it may be remarked, that it was
the custom of our ancient kings to wear their crowns in public at Christmas,
Easter, and Whitsuntide (Lord Lyttelton'sHen. II. vol.ii. p. 282) ; and that it
was the prerogative of the Archbishop of Canterbury, or Ins deputy, to put the
crown on the king's head on those occasions, as well as at the original
coronation. (See the notes in this Appendix on pp. 62, 63, and 110.) Speed,
on the authority of Polydore Virgil, says that Edgar was crowned originally
at Kingston; but no other author mentions this: most probably, however, it
was tlie fact; and the very nature of the penance seems to require it. Mr.
Taylor in his " Glory of Regality," p. 237, takes this view of the subject.
Page 51, line 18 from the bottom.]— On the promotion of Dunstan, see the
notes in this Appendix on pp. 50, 74.
Pao-e 51, line 15 from the bottom. " Odo, archbishop twenty-four years."] —
See the note on page 50, line 6.
Pace 54, line 31.] — John Cassian was born about the middle of the fourth
centurv^ — Gennadius says in Scythia ; but others say (with more probability) in
Proveiice. IlavniP' conceived an earnest desire to become acquainted with the
monks of Egypt, then very famous, he visited the Thebaid about a. d. 390 : after
residing there several years he wont to Constantinople, where he was ordained
deacon about a. d. 409. He retired to Marseilles about a. d. 414, and there
fomided two monasteries, one that of St. Victor, in which he had 5,000 monks,
the other for nuns. He died a. d. 440 or 418, at the age of ninety seven years.
(See Moreii and Biographic Univeiselle.) His printed works are : " Dc
institutis Coenobiorum, libri xii. ;" " CoUationes Patrum, libri xxiv." ; " Johan-
nis Cassiani de Christi Incarnatione, libri vii.;" " Flores Cassiani, sive illustriores
sententias ex ejus operibus coUectoe."
Pac'e 56, line 24. " Mazises."] — Alardus Gazseus was a Benedictine monk
in the abbey of St. Vedast at Arras, who wrote a Commentary on Cassian's works.
His dedication of this Conmientary is dated " Michaelis apparitione [May 8th]
a.d. 1615." In his Commentary on this place in Cassianus he says : " Mazices
sive fid^iKus Ptolemseus in ea, vEgypti, sive Africae, parte locat in qua Cassianus.
Eorundem ut barbarorum et immanium hominum meminit Palladius (Lausiaca
7) in Arsacio, quos tamen Mazicos vocat : Et Nestorius apud Evagriimi lib. i.
Hist. Ecclesiast. cap. 7 : Et Nicephorus lib. 14, cap. 13. In Vitis Patrum
Gens Mazicorum dicitur, Ub. 4, c, 15." — Cassiani Opera, Lips. 1733, p. 212.
Page 57, line 25. " Basil's rule — Benet's ride."] — St. Basil was the founder
of Monkery in the East, St. Benedict in the West.
St. Basil, surnamed the Great, became bisliop of Ca-sarea a.d. 370, and
died A.D. 378. He was an intimate friend of Gregory Nazianzen. — Cave's
Hist. Litt.
St. Benedict was born in Italy a.d. 480, and died a.d. 513. He built a
VOL. II. 3 G
^|g AIM'KNDIX TO VOI,. II.
monustcry nt MonU- Cassino, Naples, wliich was destroyed by tlic Lombards,
but rebuilt under tbe sanelion of (iregory III., who died A.n. 741. Zacliary,
wlio followed liini in the popedom, sent them tbe MS. rule, and made tluiu
independent of all but papal jiu-isdiction. Boniface, tbe Anglo-Saxon, founded
a Hcnedietine nionastirv at Vnlda with tbe p.)pe's sanction, and Pepin, king of
France, made it independent of all but papal jurisdiction. Berno introduced
tbe rule into Clugny, of wbicb be was tbe first abbot, a.u. 910. One of his
pupils and bis successor, Odo, introduced it into Fleury, wbicb bad been plun-
dered by the Normans. He died a.d. di\. St. Benedict's body was brought
to Fleury, which became the head quarters of the order in the West. See
Sharon Turner's Anglo-Saxon Hist. vol. ii. p. 233.
Paf^e r)7, line 2G. " Clnniacenses, first set vp hij Otiio."'] — The abbot Odo,
nientfoned in the last note and the note on p. 30, line 22, must be intended.
For Sigebert mentions the rise of Clngny first ad an. 893, under tbe reign of
" Odo," [Kudo,] " King of France " thus: — "Hoc tempore floruit in Ijurgun-
difi Berno, ex comite abbas Gigniacensis ccenobii asefundati; qui etiam ex
dono Avie comitissa; constituit Cluniacum cccnobium in cellam Gigniacen-
seni." But afterwards ad an. 912, we read : — " Ordo Chinlacensis incipit. Berno
abbas moiiturus Odonem olim musicum constituit abbatem, ca conditionc ut
ecclesia Cluniacensis solveret annuatim ecclesiae Gigniacensi censum duodecini
denariorum." St. Odo greatly advanced the popularity of tbe Order of Clugny.
It is, therefore, of 67. Odo that we must understand Foxe to speak.
Page 57, line 29.] — The congregation of Benedictine monks of J'allomhrosa
on the Apennines, was founded by John Gualbert, a Florentine, about a.d.
1030. — Soames's Moske'm, vol. ii. p. 356.
Page 57, line 34.] — The "Flagellants" originated in Italy, a.d. 1260, and
spread over a large part of Europe. See an account of them in Soames's
Mosheim, vol. ii. p. 598.
Page 59, line 3 from the bottom.]— Respecting these drinking cups, see the note
on ]). 168. The following words of Malmesbury will confirm Foxe, though the
actual law has not been found: — "In tantuin et in frivolis pacis sequax, ut
quia compatriota' in tabernis convcnientes jamque temulenti pro modo bibendi
contendercnt, ipse clavos argenteos vel aureos vasis affigi jusserit, ut dum metam
suam quisque cognosceret, non plus subserviente vereciuidia vel ipse appeteret
vel alium appetcre cogeret." — Script, post Bedam, p. 50, line 20.
Page 02, line 27. "Staged and kept back from Ins Coronation."'\ — See the
notes in this Appendix on p. 51, line 21 from the bottom, and p. 03, line 17.
According to the view there taken, we should here read " from the use of
his crown," rather than "from his coronation." — Foxe in the next line saj's,
that Edgar was " crowned" at tbe age of one-and-thirty, a.d. 974, as is
by the Saxon chronicle of Worcester church to be proved," The new edition
and translation, however, of the Saxon Chronicle read " a.d. 973," and add the
day, '5 Id. Mail, die Pcntecostes ' {i.e. Whit-Sunday, May 11th), which
proves (see Nicolas's Tables) that 973 is the true reading. Also in the next
page Foxe calls it " the one-and-thirtieth year of his age," which is here
adopted instead of " the age of one-and-thirty."
Page 02, line 35. " Osherne.'"']—" Osbernus, gcnte Anglus, ecclesia; Cau-
tuariensis praacentor et monachus, Lanfranco archiepiscopo familiarissimus, cla-
ruit circa annum 1070. Praeter summam artis musicae peritiam, condcndis
Sanctorum A'itis incubuit. Notandum Osbernum duobus libris Dunstani vitam
et miracula dcscripsisse. Priorcm tantum cum posterioris prologo dedit Whar-
tonus, eo quod liber secundus parum ad rem historicam conferre videbatur." —
Cave.
Page 63, line 6.]— The following is the Latin Penance in Osberne (see
Wharton's /Inglia Sacra, vol. ii. p. Ill) : — " Septennem ei poenitentiam indixit.
In toto spatio coronam regni sui non gestaret. Jcjunium in hebdomade
bidualo transigerct. Avitos pauporibus thcsauros large dispcrgeret. Super hoc
sacrandis Deo virginibus monastcrium quoddam fundaret; quatcnus qui unam
per peccatum Deo virginem abstulissct, plures ei per plura sa;culi volumma
aggregarct. Clericos etiam male actionales de ecclesiis propelleret, Mona-
cboruni agmina introduceret : justas Deoque acceptas legum rationes sanciret :
ATPF-NDIX TO VOI,, 11. 819
sanctas conscribcict Sciipturas, per onincs fines ini])erii s\ii popnlis custoilieiulas
mandaret." It will be observed tliat no nunnery is iierc named: "Shaftes-
bury " is Foxe's addition, and erroneous, see p. 21. Rmnsey, in Hants, was pro-
bably the nunnery founded by Edgar on this occasion, a.d. 974. — See Tanner's
Notitia Monastka.
Page 03, line 17. " Set the crown on the king's head at Bath."'\ — This was
done at the feast of Pentecost, May 11th, a.d. 973. (Osberne, &c.)— It seems
probable (as before intimated) that the crowning at Bath was not properly tin-
coronation, but the conclusion of a seven years' penance, during which time-
Edgar had not worn his crown. The resuming it was made a great event, for
example's sake. For Mulinesbury himself says, that Edgar for this crime —
" Septennem po-nitentiam non fastidivit ; dignatus Ilex affligi jejunio, simulque
diademate carere septennio." (Script, post Bedam, p. 60.) In the life oi
Dunstan, he adds — " Ita ut proceres ad specimen et normam Regis compositi,
paruni vel nihil contra jus et a?quum auderent." (Ibid. p. 202.) ^ee the notes
on pp. 5 1 , G2.
Page 63, line 19.] — Foxe reads here "thirteenth year of his reign," but
" fourteenth '' p. ,51. He also says he was " only three years crowned king."'
— more probably "ten," including the first seven years of his reign. See the
last note.
Page 63, note (2).] — Foxe reads here rather obscurely, "mention of Elfleda
and Editha, and also of Ulfred and Dunstan."
Page G5, line 13.] — Iloveden dates the death of Edgar " the 32d year of
his age, the 19th of his reign over Mercia and Nortlunnherland, the IGtli of his
reign over all England, Indictione 3, 8 Id. Julii, feria quinta" (Script, post
Bedam, p. 426), i.e. Thursday, July 8th, a.d. 9l!S : these concurrents agree, by
Nicolas's Tables.
Page 65, line 24.] — Here should follow the address of Edgar to his clergy
wliich is given afterwards at page 101.
Page 66, last line.] — The birth and parentage of Editha are stated at
page 01.
Page 69, line 15.] — Osberne and Brompton both represent the council as
being held at Winchester. (See page 84, line 16 from the bottom.) Osberne
speaks as if it were held a considerable period before that of Calne. But
Wharton {An(jlia Sac. vol. ii. p. 112) shows that the council of Winchester saf
about A. D. 908, and that of Calne about seven years later.
Page 09, line 19. " Jornalensis here malceth rehearsal," ^c.^ — Foxe's refer-
ence to Jornalensis (or Brompton) is not quite acciu-ate. Brompton says
nothing about praying to the rood : Osberne says, that the council fell to
intreating Dunstan in favour of the priests ; and that while he sat perplexed
what to "do, the image spoke. Foxe also says, that the inscription was put
under the feet of the rood ; which was the more usual ])lace for an inscrip-
tion ; but Brompton says — " In cujus rei memoriam in capite refectorii ejusdem
monasterii supra caput crncifixi, &c." (Decem Scriptores, col. 870.) Tliis
quotation will suggest to the reader the meaning of " frater :" it is a corrup-
tion of " fratry," which is either a corruption of refectorium, or is derived from
fratres, being a room in which they could all assemble. The " fratry " is still
shown at Carlisle cathedral. For further information on the point, see Davies's
Rites and Customs of the Cathedral Church of Durham ; Parker's Glossary of
Architecture, Oxford, p. 90; Foshroke's Encyclopedia of Antiquities, vol. i.
p. 108; and Foshroke's British Monachism, v. Refectorium. it is hardly neces-
sary to add, that a " rood " was a large wooden image of Christ crucified, such as
may frequently be seen in France by the road-side: Osberne describes it on
this occasion, as " Dominici corporis forma vexilio crucis fixa." There are
other allusions to roods in Foxe. (See Index.)
Page 71, line 7. " Pope John X//."] — Foxe is rather inconsistent in his
numbering of this pope, the reason of which is, that the old authors differ.
Here, and at p. 402, Foxe calls him John XIII ; but at p. 404, and vol. iii.
p. 212, he calls him John XII. As John XI. is the last pope John named by
Foxe (p. 30), this pope is in the present edition always numbered John Xli.
3 G 2
8!^0 API'KNDIX TO vol,. II.
The niimhcrinp of sovcral foUowinp Pojics Jolin lias been altpvod in conscnuoiicc
of tlu' clian^c made lure.
Pa<,a' 72, line 21. " Pope John XI f'."'} — Tliis pope is not acknowledged bv
tlie Honiisli clinich, and is not instded in tlie list j^iven in " L'Art de Verifier
dea Dates," wliicli nunil)irs tlie next three popes mentioned in this pa^e
XIV. XV. XVJ. ^ "■
Page 72, line 7 from the bottom. "John XVI."'] — The pope Jolin pre-
ceding Gregory V. is nnmbcred XV. in the list of " L'Art de Ver. des Dates,"
and his popedom dated a.i>. ftSG— 99n. But see the last two notes. — There
were two councils held at Kheinis during his papacy, according to the lists of
Councils; the iirst, June 17th, A.n. 991, wherein arclihishop Arnold, or Arnulph,
was deposed; and a second, July 1st, a.d. 99.'), wherein Arnulph was re-
stored. (L'Art de Ver.) The advancement of Gilbert to the papacy is men-
tioned at i)p. 9 1, 95.
Page 73, line 15 from the bottom.] — " Elfrida " is substituted for Fo.xe's
" Alfritb," *' Elfrida " being his reading in all other cases.
Page 73, note (2).] — These verses arc taken from Locorum commmiium collec-
tanea a Joh. Mantio plcracjne ex lectiowbus Ph. Melancthonh cxcerpta, &c., tom.
iii. p. 198 (8vo. Basil. l.")G3), and were written apparently by John Strigelius.
They embrace the seven Electorates of Germany, both ecclesiastical and civil.
Page 74, line G from the bottom. " About the eleventh year," &-c.] — The
marginal date, a. d. 988, proceeds on this supposition, and is that chosen by
Godwin. If he was archbishop for twenty years, as Foxe states at p. 103, then
he was appointed a.d. 968 ; or if he died' in the ninth year of Egelred, then he
was appointed a.d. 900, in the seventh year of Edgar's reign. Some date his
appointment a. d. 959, the first year of Edgar, wliich makes him archbishop at
least twenty-seven years. (See the notes in this Appendix on pp.50, 51.)
Page 71, line 1 from the bottom. " After him Elfric, &c.l See the note on
p. 104, line 9.
Page 75, line 1.]— This "northern island" was Lindisfarne, or Holy Island,
mentioned before at p. 5. St. Cuthbert was for twelve years abbot of a famous
monastery there, the ruins of which are still visible.
Page 75, line 2.] — " Chester-le-street" is a village six miles north of Durham,
so called from being on the Roman highway. Foxe says " Rochester, " by
mistake.
Page 75, line 19. " Danegilt."'] See the note on p. 104, line 9.
Page 78, line 17. ''Sailed into Denmark."'] — Y or the real reason why
Canute at this time went to Denmark, see the note on p. 81.
Page 78, line 20 ]— Most authors date the death of Egelred, St. George the
Martyr's Day, i.e. April 23d, a.d. 1010; but the Saxon Chronicle savs St.
Andrew's Day, i. e. November 30th.
Page 80, note (1).]— There are plenty of authorities for Foxe's statement in
the text respecting the sons of Edmimd Ironside; see Hoveden, Brompton,
Ilastal's Chronicle, Fabian, Grafton, &c. But William of Malmesbury simply
says— ♦' Filii ejus [Edmundi] Edwius et Edwardus missi ad regem Suevorum
ut perimerentur : sed miseratione ejus conservati Hunorum regem petierunt;
ubi dum bcnigne aliquo tempore habiti essent, major diem obiit, minor Rcginze
sororem Agatham in matrimonium accepit." (Scriptores post Bedam, p.^73.)
And afterwards he says: — " Rex Edwardus pronus in senium, . . . misit ad
Regem Hunorum, ut fiiium fratris Edmundi Edwardum cum omni familia sua
mitteret." (Ibid. p. 93.) Subsequent writers in their attempts to fill in the
names, have made blunders. For example, the contemporary king of Sweden
was named Olave (L'Art de V^r.), who is said to have been lialf-brother to
Canute (Speed). His being named " Suanus" probably arose from the circum-
stance of the u in his patronymic " Suavus" (of Sweden) being taken for an n :
whence Olave might be called "rex Suanus," or "rex Suanorum ;" and the
combination of the two would give, " Suanus, king of Sweden." It is remark-
able that Foxe in the next page, line 5, caUs him " Suanus, king of Denmark,"
where be iscopymg Fabian and Grafton, who cite " Guido and others." (See
vol. 1. p. 31/, note (3).) This variation may be explained by the circumstance
APPENDIX TO VOL. IT. 8^1
related in Brompton (p. 907), that Walgar, Canute's domestic, was cliarged to
carry the princes into Denmark ; but that, conscious of his master's designs,
instead of carrying them into Denmark he conducted tliem to the king of
Stveden, who, to avoid quarrelling with Canute, passed them forward to his kins-
man, the king of Hungary. — Again, Salomon, king of Hungary, did indeed in
A.D. 10G3 marrySophia, sisterof the emperor Henry IV,, and thus became brother-
in-law to that emperor; but that was almost fifty years too late for the present
purpose. It is no less true, however, that Stephen, the first king of Hungary,
in A.D. 1008 married Gisela, sister of the emperor Henry II. : whence, Pape-
broche and Lingard would have us here substitute the name of Stephen for
Salomon. It is worthy of remark, however, that Fordun in his Scoti-chronicon
says, that Stephen was called Salomon before his baptism, which may in some
degree vindicate the introduction of that name here, and also may have led to
the error of introducing Henry IV., Stephen being confounded with the other
Salomon. (Scoti-chron. lib. vi. capp. 20, 22.) — Who Agatha was is not clear,
for her name does not appear among the daughters or sisters of any of the empe-
rors of this period, and very likely she was only a daughter of some gervianus of
Stephen or his queen. (See the note on p. 83.)
Page 81, line 1. " The king of churls" or " ceorls."^ — So called from his
popularity with the common people.
Page 81, line 5.] "His brother, Snamis, king of Denmark."'] — See the note
on p. 80, note (1).
Page 81, line 7. " Sua7ius, king of Denmark, S(c.~\ — Here again Foxe has
Fabian and Grafton for authorities. The statement however seems incorrect,
as we nowhere read in the ancient chronicles that Canute had a brother " Sua-
nus." This looks like a patch of Danish history, relating Canute's accession
to the throne of Denmark in consequence of his father Swanus's death.
Danish history informs us that he had a younger brother Harold, who was left
Regent of Denmark when Swanus and Canute first went to England ; and that
on the death of Swanus he attempted to seize the throne of Denmark ; but that
Canute immediately went over and settled matters in Denmark, before he
ventured to encounter the English (L'Art de Ver.). The statement in the text
is probably only a variation of this story. The Saxon Chronicle says, that
Canute sent for Emma Kal. August, a.d. 1017, and agreed to Edgar's laws
A. D. 1018.
Page 81, line 17.] — The Saxon Chronicle dates Canute's visit to Rome
A.D. 1031, and his death at Shaftesbury 11 Id. Nov. a.d. 1035.
Page 81, line 28. " Jgainst the Norwegians."] — Godwin and his Englisli
troops distinguished themselves agauist the Fandals, a.d. 1019. (Malmesbnry,
Huntingdon, Rapin.) The Saxon Chronicle dates the expedition against
Norway a. d. 1028, and Godwun docs not appear to have been concerned
in it.
Page 82, note (2). " Which son he had bghis wife, Hardicanitte's daughter."]
It seems very improbable that Godwin should have married first the sister or
daughter of Canute (see some lines higher), and then the daughter of Hardi-
canute. But the reader must remember, that he has here before him the
different version of Alfred's story which commenced with the preceding
paragraph and continues to "losing all his lands in England" (next page).
Consequently the Hardicanute of one writer may be identical with the Canute
of auotlier.
Page 83, line 22 from the bottom.] — Gunilda, or Cunegimda, was married to
the emperor Henry III. a.d. 1036; slie died two years after. Henry III. then
married Agnes, by whom he had Henry IV., Sophia, and other children.
Salomon, king of Hungary, married Sophia, and was thus brother to Henry IV.
But it is plain that Agatha, who had brought Edward four children in a. d.
1057, could not have been a daughter of Henry IV. (See p. 80, note (1).)
Page 83, line 6 from the bottom. " St. Benet's in Norfolk."] — A solitary
place among the marshes, then called Cowholm and Calvcscroft, was given
by a potty prince, named Horn, to some religious hermits a.d. 800, and destroyed
by the Danes a.d. 870. Seven companions were collected and placed here by
822 Al'l'KNUIN lO VOL. 11.
one Wolfric, the next century. After sixty years Canute tbunckd and en-
dowed the place as an abbey of black monks, in honour of St. Benedict, a.d.
1020. — Tanner's Nolltiu Monaslica.
Page 8:5, line !) from the bottom. "St. Edmimdsbiirij."'] — " Sigebcrt, king
of East Anglia, founded a monastery a.d. 033 at Betrichesworth, in which he
spent his closing days. The corpse of king Ednuuul was buried here, when
tlie town changed its name, a.d. 903. Canute expelled the secular priests, and
placed Benedictine monks in their room a.d. 1020. — Tanner.
Pai;e 81, line 10 from the bottom. " The image of the cruc'ijix before men-
tioned."'\ — The allusion is to tlie occurrence mentioned in page 09 ; the words
" being then at Winchester," which presently follow, leave it undecided whether
that occurrence happened at Winchester.
Page 85, line 23.] — The Saxon Chronicle states, under the year 1012, that
Edward was that year crowned at W'inchester with great pomp on Easter-day,
.3 Noil. April, i.e. April 3d; but Easter-day fell that year on April 11th, and
in 1013 on April 3d. Therefore in the text and margin read here 1043.
Page 80, line 8 from the bottom.] — " Eustace" is put in from L'Art de
Verifier des Dates. Foxe only says, " a certain earl of Boulogne."
Page 87, note (1). "Son Wilmot, and grandson Ilacus."^ — Foxe, from
I'olydore, reads "two sons, Biornon and Tostius;" but he clearly meant to
adopt the reading in the text, because he refers to it next page, line 10, as
preferable to I'olydore 's account.
Biornon was an earl, whom Swanus, one of Godwin's sons and father of
llacus, had slain three or four years before this.
Page 87, note (3). " Marianus Scotiis."'\ — Under this year he writes — " Ego
Marianus seculum reliqui;" col. 427, edit. Basileae, 1559.
Page 89, line 20. " Of a, king o/ 3/ema."]— See vol. i. pp. 310, 317.
Eoxe inadvertently places his name after Ine, " as of Ine, Ofi'a, Alfred," &c.
Page 89, line 21. " Mcrcenelega," " JFest-SaxencIega," " Danelega."~\ —
Bishop Nicholson, in his letter to Dr. Wilkins, prefixed to his edition of the
Saxon Laws, asserts, that this threefold division of the English laws is ima-
ginary, and proceeded from the Norman interpreters mistaking the meaning
of the word " lag^)" which they thought was the same with the word ley, or
law ; whereas " laga" signifies region, territory, or province, as is plain (he
says) from several places in the Saxon laws, wherein Danelaga means the same
as among the Danes, or in the temtories of the Danes. (See pp. 53, 135, of
Dr. Wilkins's Anglo-Saxon Laws.) He also says that the author of the Dialogue
de Scaccario was the first that led the way in this error, lib. i. cap. 10. But Mr.
Thorpe, in the Glossary appended to his Anglo-Saxon Laws v. Lagu, differs
from the bishop, and maintains the other sense to be correct.
Page 92, note (2).] — Foxe inadvertently says " Gcrardus " in the text,
instead of " Giraldus." " Giraldus Cambrensis, in his boke called Itinera-
rius." — Fabian. The following extract from Higden's Polychronicon, sub. a,
1000, will illustrate the text: " Vult tamen Giraldus Cambrensis in suo Itine-
rario, quod Haraldus multis confossus vulneribus oculoque sinistro sagitta
pcrdito, ad partes Cestritfi victus evasit, ubi sancta conversatione vitam, ut
crcditur, anachoriticam in cella Sancti Jacobi, juxta ecclesiam S.ancti Johannis,
feliciter consummavit, quod ex ejus ultima confessione palam fuit." " In the
selle of St. James, faste by Saynt Johan's churche." — Fabian.
Page 93, line 1.] — " Cousin-germans removed," i.e. "one remove;" for
Edward and Robert (William's father) were first cousins. (See the table, p. 4.)
Page 93, line 33.] — " Cometh in the order and name of cardinals, &'c.] — The
name was in use much earlier, having been used (according to Morcri) to dis-
tinguish the more dignified parochial clergy of towns from those of chapels and
oratories. But Foxe is here alluding to the decree passed a.d. 1059 by pope
Nicholas 11., vesting the nomination of the pope in the college of cardinals.
(Gratiani Decret. Distinct. 23, cap. 1.) " Ex hocdecreto, quo elcctio pontificis
llomani imprimis cardinalihus pcrmlttitur, ij)sum cardinalium nomen post cclc-
brari ma^'isat<jue magis ca-ptum." (Sigon. de regno Italiie, lib. 9, ann. 1059;
APPENDIX TO VOL. IF. 823
C'lironic. Reicherspergcns. ad ann. 1059.) On this subject see Usher, " De
Christ. Eccl. Success, ct Statu," cap. iv. § 22. The reader can hardly need to
be reminded, that Foxe's " 1030 years after Christ " is equivakMit to"A.D. lOGO,"
thirty years being the period then coniuionly allowed for our Lord's life. (See
page 726 of this volume, bis.)
Page 94, note (2). Pelrns Premonslratem>s."'\ — Vossius (De Script. Latinis)
says he was author of a chronicle intituled " Biblia Pauperum." He is cited
again at page 711.
Page 95, line 16. " Sai/hiff mass," &c.] — " Dnm in basilica, Sanctte Crucis
in Hierusalem Romse sacrificaret, fato moriturum se statim cognovit." — Plat'ma.
Page 9Q, line 3. " And placed in his room Peter, the kin/j of Hungary," &c.] —
This fact is related by Benno, in a letter printed at fol. 39 of the " Fasci-
culus " of Orthuinus Gratius, and of which Foxe translates a portion at
page 124. Benno says that Henry sent Godfrey, duke of Lorraine, against Peter,
who took him prisoner at the first onset. Henry does not appear to have
retained any grudge against Peter, for (according to Lambert Schafnaburgensis)
he made three expeditions into Hungary a.d. 1042, 1043, to restore him to
his throne. Sylvester IL is said to have erected Hungary into a kingdom on
purpose to be a balance against the Empire, which will account for the pope's
sending to the king of Hungary on this occasion.
Page 96, line 16 from the bottom.] — Foxe calls Bruno, by mistake, "bishop
of Cologne ;" probably he was misled by the designation of another Bruno,
who founded the Carthusian order and was called " Bruno of Cologne." (See
page 141, line 3 from the bottom.)
Page 97, line 18. " yhwther bishop, a German."^ — This was Gebhard,
bishop of Eichstat. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 98, line 5. "Sienna."'] — Foxe says "Sens." The Latin says "ad
Senas." Sena is Sienna in Italy ; the Latin for Sens is Senones. Several slight
correctioris are made in the following sentence from the Universal History.
Page 98, line 19. " Johannes, archpriest of the church of St. John ad
portam lafinam."'] — Foxe reads " archdeacon ad portam Latinam." The correc-
tion is made from the list of the popes given in L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 9S, line 6 from the bottom. " Berengarius of Tours, archdeacon of
Angers."] — A correction for Foxe's " Berengarius Andegavensis, an arch-
deacon." See Cave's Hist. Litt.
Page 100, line 10. '' Anselm, bishop of Lucca."] — See the listof popes given
in L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Foxe only says "another bishop, Anselm;"
Page 100, line 19. " Anno, archbishop of Cologne."] — See L'Art de Verifier
des Dates. Foxe reads " Otho."
Page 101, line 7.] — This passage about Edgar, and his oration to the clergy,
should have been introduced at p. 65. The original Latin will be found in the
Chronicle of Ethelredus, Abbas Rievallensis. (Decern Scriptores, col. 360.)
Page 102, line 20.] — Foxe's reading, "My great grandfather . . . my great
greatgrandfather, Alfred," corresponds better with the Latin, ("proavus nieus
.... attavus mens Alurcdus" ■ . . ) than with the history. He calls Ethelwold
(towards the end of the oration) " Edward," mistaking " Edelwa/dus" for
" Edelwa/'dus."
Page 103, line 22. " Pleimund . . . for twenlg-nine years."] — See the note in
this Appendix on p. 32, line 21.
Page 103, line 25. " Odofor twenty years."] — See the note in this Appendix
on p. 50, line 6.
Pao-e 103, line 7 from the bottom. " Dunstan, who was archbishop for twenty
years."] — See the note in this Appendix on p. 74, line 6 from the bottom.
Page 104, line 9.] — If the Dancgilt began a.d. 991 (as stated at p. 75),
and by the advice of Siric, archbishop of Canterbury (as here stated), then
it is plain that Siric nuist have preceded Elfric : for Dunstan died, by the
earliest computation, a.d. 986 ; this woidd just leave time for Siric (if he died
824 Al'l'ENDIX TO VOL. 11.
si.\ years after) to give this advice before he died. But if Siric followed Elfric,
and so did not come for twelve years after Dunstan, either the l)anej,Mlt could
not have begun earlier than a.d. DOS, or Siric coidd not have advised it.
I*a<,M' 100, line 10. " J/rre by the icay speaking of laii's," &.c.'\ — The following
royal ordiuance <'ranted to the church an independent and separate jurisdiction,
such as it did not enjoy under the Saxon kings, but which the church was
everywhere struggling to obtain. This ordinance may be said to have occa-
sioned that licentiousness in the clergy, which forced Henry II. to enact the
Constitutions of Clarendon, and to maintain the arduous contest with arch-
bisliop Becket, described at pp. 19G — 'J')2.
Page 107, line 9 from the bottom. " Two hundred and thirty years."'\ — Sec
before, p. 13, line 13.
Page 108, line 11 from the bottom.] — " Eodem anno concilium magnum in
octavis Paschiu Wiutonia2 celebratum est, jubente et pvajsentc rege Willielmo,
domino Alexandro papa consentiente, et per suos legatos Ilermenfredum
Sednncnsem ej)isc('pum et preshyteros Johannem et Petrum cardinales sedis
apostolicae suam authoritatem cxhibcnte. In quo concilio Stigandus, Doro-
bernitc archiepiscopus, degradatur tribus de causis : so. qubJ episcopatuni Win-
toniie cum archiepiscopatu injustfe possidebat ; et quod, vivente Roberto archi-
episcopo, non soltim arcliicpiscopatum sumpsit, sed etiam ejus pallio, quod
Cantuariir remansit, dum vi et injuste ab Anglia. pulsus est, in missai-um cele-
bratione alicjuandifi usus est ; et a Benedicto quem sancta Romana ecclesia
excommunicavit, eo quod pecuniis sedem apostolicam invasit, pallium accepit."
(lloveden, Scriptores post Bedam, p. 4o3.) Wilkius has transferred the
passage into his " Concilia," tom. i. p. 322. As Easter fell on April 4th
in A.D. 1070 (by Nicolas's Tables), the Octaves fell on April 11th.
Page 109, lines 1 — 7.] — This passage is very inaccurate in Foxe : some
changes in his text have been made on the authority of the passage cited from
Hoveden in the note preceding this.
Page 109, line 19. " Thomas, orlu Norman7ius, canonicus Daiocensis."'\ —
Godwin. Foxe says " a canon of Bayonne" (" Baion," Fabian) ; and in the next
line " Cadomonencie" (Fabian's corrupt rendering of " Cadomense" [coeno-
bium]), meaning the abbey of St. Stephen at Caen.
Page 109, note (3).] — After the words in the text "was ])ressed to pay"
Foxe adds, " a little before the council of Basil:" the reader will find the reason
why these have been omitted in the note in this Appendix on p. 261, note (1).
Page 110, line 13. " At his second coronation, for Radulph ivould not snfj'er
the first coronation to stand, because it was done by the bishop of York, without
his asscnt."'\ — Foxe has the authority of archbishop Parker for this statement,
who seems, however, to have misapprehended the real state of the case. The
occasion referred to was the coronation of Henry's second queen, at Windsor,
.Ian. 30lh, a.d. 1121, at which the bishop of Salisbury claimed to do the honours,
Windsor being in his "parish." Radulph resisted this, and (as too old for the
exertion) appointed the bishop of Winchester to perform the ceremonial for
him. As the archbishop was about to begin the service at the altar, he spied
tlie king sitting with his crown on his head, on which he questioned him who
had placed it there, as in his [the archbishop's] presence nobody else had a right
todo it. The king said that inadvertently he had put it on himself: the archbishop
then, taking it off, replaced it on his head. (Parker Antiq. Brit. Ilanovia?,
IGO.j, p. 121, and Eadmer, pp. 136, 13?.) The real explanation of this afiair is,
that our kings anciently wore their crowns at the three great festivals, and on
state occasions ; and that the archbishop of Canterbury claimed to put the crown
on, cither by himself or by deputy, on all such occasions, as well as at the original
coronation. Thus Eadmer informs us (p. 105), that at the Christmas after
Anselm's death the king held a solemn assembly, at which the archbishop of
\ ork claimed to put on the crown and i)erform mass ; but the bishop of London
claimed, and was allowed. Nothing would be more natural than that the
king should wear his crown at his new (jueen's coronation, and that the arch-
bishdp of Canterbury should assert his prerogative, especially as the bishop of
Salisbury had shown a di>poaition to interfeie with it. But archbishop Parker
APPENDIX TO VOL. 11. 825
lias given the affair a different turn, and aays that Radulpli was displeased at the
king's putting on his own crown as having never heen properly crowned at all,
" quod absente, ul supra diximus, Anselnio .a Thonia Eboracensi archiepiscopo
in consecratione diadenia ei impositum est" (Antiqu. Brit. p. 121) ; where arch-
bishop Parker forgets that (at p. 117, line 40) he had said — " llufo auteni niortuo
successit frater ejus Henricus, a Mauricio Londinensi consecratus." All the his-
torians say the same thing, except that M. Paris and M. Westni. join the arch-
bishop of York with Maurice in the ceremonial. Mam-ice, no doubt, acted by
Ansehn's direction, and Eadmer, who says that on Anselni's arrival the king
apologised to him for not deferring his coronation, gives no hint of Ansehn's
expressing any dissatisfaction. Some years after, IJecket, writing to the pope
(Epist. D. ThomjE, lib. v. 45), distinctly asserts that the rights of his see in
regard to the coronation had never yet been infringed ; for that Stigand, as an
usurper, had no right to crown the Conqueror; and that Anselm crowned
Henry I. by the bishop of Hereford as his deputy, and repeated the ceremonial on
arriving in England. (See the note on p. 15'J, line 15.) Archbishop Parker and
Foxe are therefore incorrect in representing this affair at Windsor as Henry's
"second coronation," and in so doing have made the same mistake as Malmes-
bury seems to have made respecting Edgar's crowning at Bath, Whitsunday, May
11th, A.D.973, which (strictly speaking) was not his coronation, but his resufnin^
the use of his crown at the great festivals ; and it would be archbishop Dunstan's
prerogative, on such an occasion, to place it on his head. (See the notes on
pp. 51, 62, 63.) — Foxe is mistaken in saying the "twenty-seventh" year of
Henry, as it was Jan. 30th, a.d. 1121, which was 22 Hen. I.; and Radulph
died October a.d. 1122, which was 23 Henry I. — See Richardson's Godwin de
Prce$ulibus.
Page 110, line 31.] — It was on this occasion that the Humber was made the
division of the two provinces. — Godwiyi de Prcesulibus,
Page 1 13, line 24. " Of divers such contentions," &c.] — The following quarrel
is related by a contemporary writer, supposed to be Waltram, bishop of Naum-
burg, in the " De Conservanda Unitate Ecclesice,"lib. ii. cap. 13. (See the note
on p. 155, line 8.)
Page 114, line 9. " Notwithstanding," &c.] — The reader will find extracts
from the letters presently named in Eadmer 's " Historia Novorum" (edit.
Selden), p. 127.
Page 114, line 21. " For the order of sitting," &c.] — As the order of prece-
dence among the English prelates here laid down has obtained ever since, the
reader may feel interested to see the original canon, together with the preamble
which introduces it, as given by Wilkins, Cone. torn. i. p. 363.
" Et quia niultis retro annis in Anglico regno usus conciliorum obsoleverat,
renovata sunt nonnulla, quaj antiquis etiam canonibus noscuntur definita.
" Ex concilio igitur Toletano quarto Milevitano atqne Bracharensi statntum
est, ut singuli secundum ordinationis suse tempora sedeant, prajter cos, qui ex
antiqua consuetudine, sive suarum ecclesiarum privileges, digniorcs sedes
habent : de qua re interrogati sunt senes et jetate provecti, quid vel ipsi vidis-
sent, vel a majoribus atque antiquioribus veraciter ac probabiliter accepissent
[See the remarks on recordatio et recognitio in the note on p. 216] ; super quo
response petitae sunt inducia3, ac concesste, usque in crastinum. Crastina autem
die concorditer perhibuerc, quod Eboracensis archiepiscopus ad dextram Doro-
bernensis sedere debeat; Lundoniensis episcopus adsinistram; Wentanus juxta
Eboracensem. Si vero Eboracensis desit; Lundoniensis ad dextram, Wentanus
ad sinistram." — Ex vefiisto registro Wigorn. eccles. collat. cum MS. Cantuar.
eccles. A. vii. 6.
Page 114, note (3).] — Foxe renders the word '' villae" in the second canon
"villages," both in this place and at page 140; but at p. 113 he renders it
" townships."
Page 115, line 1.] — Godwin (" De Praesulibus") states that Lanfranc only
ornamented the cathedral with new buildings, but " palatium archiepiscopale
quod est Cantuaria; fere totum construxit." I'oxe repeats his statement at
])age 718.
Page 115, lino 16. " As Marccllus," &c.]— See vol. i. pp. 21—25.
826 Al'TKNDlX TO VOL. II.
Page 115, note (1).] — Foxe, in this and tlie next tlirec pages, seems to have
liati before him Illyricus's " Cat. Test." cols. i;5()l, 1305 (Edit. Geneva?, 1G08).
I'af'C IIG, line 13. '■* Anil this election," &c.] — Tiiis and the ne.\t two sen-
tences are considcrablj' improved from Aventine, whom Foxe is here trans-
lating, thougli probably lie was immediately citing lllyricus. (Sec Aventine,
" Annalium Itoiorum, lib. vii." Ed. Cisncr, fol. Has. 1580, p. 416, and Franco-
fnrti 1G27, p. 315.)
Paf;e 117, line 12. " Dominion of the West."'] — So Aventine. Foxe says,
" both of the East and West church."
I'af^e 117, line 28. *' Also bishops," &c.J — Hence to the bottom of the page
will be found in Aventine (ut antea), p. 448 ; whence the proper names have
been a little amplified.
Pa^e 119, line 1.] — This and the next page are taken by I'oxe (or rather lllyri-
cus, col. 1335) from Lambert's " Ilistoria Germanorum," sub annis 1074, 1075.
This Lambert was born at Aschaffenburgh near JNIentz, and became a monk
March ISlh, a.d. 1058, in the abbey of Hirsfeld. The same year he was
ordained priest, and set off to Jerusalem, and afterwards returned to Hirs-
feld. lie wrote a history, " ab orbe condito ad annum usque 1077: qua res
gestas ante annum 1050 ordine chroiiologico, coque brevissimo, percurrit;
(ieiiiceps vero res Germaiiicas ad annum 1077 fusissime enarrat." (Cave Hist.
Litt.) He is a much esteemed author, and has been several times printed.
Page 120, note (1.) — As several corrections have been made in Foxe's text
hereabout, the reader is presented with the original : —
" Ad ultimum congregata synodo in Erfordia mense Octobri, a.d. 1074,
pressius jam inuninebat, ut, relegata onnii tergiversatione, in prsesentiarum
aut conjugium abjurarent, aut sacri altaris ministerio se abdicarent. Multas
c contra illi rationcs asserebant, quibus instantis peiiirgentisque improbitatem
eludcre sententiamque cassare niterentur. Cumque adversus ApostolicjE sedis
authoritatcm, qua se illc ad banc exactionem praater voluntatem propriam com-
pulsum obtendebat, nihil argumenta, nihil supplicationes precesque proficerent ;
egressi tanquam ad consullandum, consilium ineunt ut in synodum non
redcant, sed injussi omncs in domos suas discedant. Noniudli etiam confusis
vocibus clamitabant, melius sibi videri, ut in synodum regress! ijJsum episco-
piuu, prius((uam cxccrabilem adversum cos sententiam pi'omidgaret, cathedra
episcopali deturbarent, et merita morte multato insigne monumentum ad pos-
teros transmitterent, ne quis deinceps succcssorum ejus talem sacerdotali
uomini caluiuniam strucrc tentaret. Cum ad cpiscopum relatum esset hoc eos
machinari, conunonitus a suis ut tumultum qui oriebatur matura moderatione
])rieverteret, misit ad eos foras, rogavitque, ut sedato pectore in synodum regre-
derentur ; se, cum primiim opportiniitas arrisisset, Romam missurum, et domi-
iium Apostolicum, si qua posset ratione, ab hac sentential austeritate deduc-
lurum. Postero die, admissis in auditorium communiter laicis et clcricis ....
subito efferata mente se foras proripiunt .... Ita soluta est synodus."
Under the next year Lambert adds : —
" Synodum tamen eodem anno, a.d. 1075, mense Octobri, Moguntia' con-
gregavit [Sigifridus archicp. IMoguntinus], ubi inter alios episcopos qui con-
venerant aderatCuricnsis episcopus, Apostohcaa sedis litcrasetmandata deferens,
(juibus ei sub intcrminationc gradus et ordinis sui pra^cipiebat, sicut antea
•puxjue multis legationibus pracepcrat, ut presbytcros omnes, qui intra suam
dia'cesini essent, cogcret, aut in prassentiarum conjugibus renunciare, aut se in
perpetuum sacri altaris ministerio abdicare. Quod dum facere vcUet, exurgen-
ti'S qui undique assidebant clerici ita cum verbis confutabant, ita manibus et
totius corporis gcstu in emn debacchabantur, ut se vita comite synodo cxcessu-
rum desperaret. Sic tandem rei difhcultate superatus statuit, sibi deinceps tali
(pi^Estione omnino supersedendum, ct Romano pontifici relinquendum ut causam,
quam ipse loties iimtiliter proposuisset, ille per semetipsum, quando et quo-
niodo velit, peroraret." — Lanibertus Schufnabitrgensis De Rebus Germanicis,
printed in the collection of Pistorius, torn. i. p. 391, edit. Ratisbona?, 172G.
Page I'JO, note (2).]— Bishop Hall in his " Honour of the married Clergy,"
book 3, § 8, observes, that Aventine declares " Hildcbrand" to mean " titio
an)oris,"or ihe brand of love ; but thatChcninitius named him "Titio infernalis,"
ov " Ikll-brand."
APPKKDIX TO VOL. H. 827
Page 120, note (3).] — It is of conseciuence to observe, that the substance of
the foregoing account from Lambert will be found also in the " German Chronicle
of Iluldricus Mutius," lib. xv. (torn. ii. p. 119, of I'istorius's collection of " Ger-
manici Scriptores ") ; for Foxe (or rather Illyricus) afterwards refers to this
contest at Mentz as recorded by Mutius, not Lambert. (Sec page 133,
note (1).) Mutius says of this Council of Mentz, that it was attended not only by
the clergy of the diocese of Mentz, but by — " alii ecclesiastici prielati, inter
([uos ei'at Curiensis episcopus, qui lingua; facimdia vir potens erat : veniebant
autem ut caverent schisma ecclesia;, quod providebant I'uturum ex sacerdotum
Moguntina? ecclesia) contentione cum Romano pontifice. Aderat etiani apo-
stolicus ex Roma legatus cum bullis pontiticiis, quce continebant horrendas
niinas," &c. Lambert above represents the bishop of Coire himself as the
pope's legate at the council.
Page 121, line 32. ^^ John, tlie master of the singing school."^ — " Primicerius
scholiB cantorum " is Benno's expression. Ducange observes that this officer is
sometimes improperly confounded with the " Prajcentor." This officer is again
mentioned at page 125, line 3.
Page 121, note (2).] — Foxe's text has, "And it followeth, moreover, in the
Epistle of the said Benno to the cardinals." But the passage just before cited
is, in fact, the conclusion of the epistle. This and the ensuing epistle are
printed in the " Fasciculus rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum" of Orthuinus
Gratius, and in lilyricus's " Catalogus Testium ;" whence Foxe's translations
have been revised and corrected.
Page 122, note (1). '^Propter ecclesiasticum testimo7iium et propter stiliim
veritafis," are Benno's words. No constitution exactly of the nature described
has been discovered ; but the reader may refer for more information to the
note in the Appendix on vol. i. p. 193.
Page 122, note (2).] — See the excommunications at pp. 127, 131.
Page 124, note (2).] — Lambert says that Henry went " nudis pedibus et
laneis ad carnem indutus :" Benno himself says here " laneis vestibus," which
Foxe probably mistook for " iineis vestibus," for he says " thin garments." The
penance thus enjoined on Henry by Hildebrand is the same as that which in
old English is termed " to go woolward." See this expression infra, vol. v. p. G54
(bis). Nares, in his Glossary, v. Woolward, quotes this Latin definition of it,
" Nudis pedibus et absque linteis vestibus circumire." This penance was enjoined
on our Henry IL by pope Alexander II L after the murder of Bccket, and on
the murderers themselves : see the notes on pp. 253, 254.
Page 125, line 8. " Pedissequus ejus Turbanus."— iJewwo.
Page 126, line 6. " Herman, bishop of Bamberg."^ — Nauclerus in his his-
tory of these transactions calls Herman bishop of Bremen, and afterward speaks
of Robert, bishop of Bamberg. But Foxe is supported by the contemporary
writer " De unitate Ecclesias conservanda." (See the note on p. 155, line 8.)
Page 126, line 29. Nauclerus says that some both of the Saxon and German
bishops resisted the decree in the council, especially those of Wurtzburg and
Mentz.
Page 127, line 1.] — For " accuseth," which is the reading in all the editions,
we should read " accurseth."
Pao-e 127, note (3). J — This use of the term "commencement" is retained in
the phrase — "the Cambridge commencement."
Pao-e 127, note (4).] — Lambert says that the "Teutonici principes," who
met at Oppenheim, September 15th, a d. 1076, resolved to request the pope to
meet them and Henry at "Augusta," on the feast of the Purification [Fe-
bruary 2d] next ensuing, and that the pope set out thither. Some authors,
and among them Platina, interpret "Augusta" of Augsburg in Germany;
whom Foxe here follows. Nauclerus, however, calls it "Augusta Pretoria,"
i.e. Aosta in Piedmont; and he says that Hildebrand "Augustam Pra'toriam
venire statuens, venit cum cardinalibus Vcrcellas." See L'Art de V'orifier des
Dates, where this sense of " Augusta" is adopted. See also the note on p. 144,
line 28.
828 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
P.apc 128, line 21. " Adelaide, countess of Savoy."] — Foxe reads '• Adelaiis,
carl of Savoy," for wliich he has the authority of Platina and Nauclcrus. It
appears, however, from the list of Earls of Savoy in L'Art de Verifier des
liatcs, that there never was a count or earl of Savoy of that name ; but Ame-
dens I., count of Savoy, appears to have died about a.d. 1072, leaving behind
him a widow, Adelaide, who would be dowager countess of Savoy ; she afterwards
married a second time to Rodolpb the Anti-Caesar. It is most probable, therefore,
that for "Adelaus" we should here read " Adelais :" indeed, the following
passage from Avcntinc, relative to this matter, puts it beyond a doubt : —
"Grcgorius adhibita Machtylda et Adelhaide, priniariis Italia; fceminis,
Casarem cpulo pontificio veluti pignoribus redintegratne amicitise excipit."
Lambert mentions, as the parties concerned, " Matildam, socrumque suam,
et marchionem Azoneni, et Cluniacensem Abbatem."
Page 129, line 21. " All man, bishop of Passau."'\ — Foxe reads " Altiman
bishop of Padua." This mistake migiit easily be made, as " Pataviensis " would
stand for either se6. Moreri has made the same mistake. It appears, however,
from the lists of bishops of the two sees given in the " Biblioth^que Sacrce " of
Kichard and Giraud (Paris, 1824), that S. Altman was bishop of Passau,
A.D. 10C9 — 1091, and tliat there never was a bishop of that name at Padua.
Page 129, line 24. " 2'his being done," &c.] — This account is supported by
Aventine ; but others represent the crown as being sent on occasion of the
second excommunication ; see bottom of the next page.
Page 130, line 23.] — Aventine dates this second battle " 7 Id. Augusti, 3 die
septimanae, 1078;" i.e. Tuesday, August 7th, a.d. 1078, which would be correct
by Nicolas's Tables ; the abbot of Ursperg says it was fought at Stronui.
Page 130, note (1.)] — The passage in the text between square brackets is
introduced on the authority of the best historians, and is necessary to make
Foxe consistent with himself; for, having mentioned the first and second battles
between Henry and Rodolph in this page, the next which he mentions is the
decisive engagement at Merseburg (p. 133) which issued in the death of
Rodolph, and which Foxe in the margin calls "the fourth battle." He has
Avcntinc's authority for this: — "Quarto Idus Octobris ducum copia> in Mysnia
juxta KUestram amnem aperto marte quarto confligunt." Aventine, however,
mentions a tliird battle, as well as Platina. A contemporary writer, supposed to
be Waltram, bishop of Naumburg (see the note on page 15.5, line 8), in the " De
oonservanda Ecclesiae unitate," lib. ii. cap. 16 (Freheri " Germ. Script." Argent.
1717, toni. ii. p. 284), thus briefly enumerates the four principal battles: 1. In
'I'lmringia, .5 Id. Jim. 1075. 2. In Orientali Francia, 7 August, 1078. 3. In
Thuringia, G Id. Feb. 1080. 4. 4 Id. Aug. 1080. This account is followed by
the Benedictine authors of L'Art de Verifier des Dates.
Page 132, line 28. '• The emperor on his part," &c.] — Foxe most unac-
countably makes this council of Brixen to follow the battle of Merseburg ;
whereas the date of the Sentence, and the date of the battle in Aventine and all
the other historians, show that it must be otherwise (see the last note) : a portion
of the text, therefore, which precedes this paragraph irr Foxe, has been trans-
posed to the next page : see the next note.
Page 133, line 15. "After and upon this," SccI — The whole passage, from
these words to " could find no favour with liim," (line 34) — would, according
to Foxc's arrangement, stand at p. 132, after the paragraph ending "with full
authority." The reason for this transposition has been ali'eady given in the last
note.
19.] — Aventine says this battle was fought on the banks of
Merseburg, which is near Leipsic. Foxe says " at Ilyperbolis,"
Page 133, line 19.]—;
the Elster, near Mersebu ^, ^ ^_ ^^ ,
mvnu'iu^ I/erbipolis, or Wurtzburg, near which the first of the four battles was
fought, but not the fourth.
Page 133, line 14 from the bottom.] — Foxe says that Henry "besieged the
city all Lent, and after Easter got it." This is too elliptical a mode of speaking :
Aventine and Urspcigensis say, that Henry sat down before Rome " Vigilia
Peiitecostes, loyl," and after two years (" bicnnium") soon after Easter a.d. 1 083
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 829
took it, Friday June 2d, just before Trinity Sunday ; wliich concurrents fit, by
Nicolas's Tables. A cluuige lias, tbereforo, been made in the text ; wliicli also
makes it lit better chronologically with what follows.
Page 133, note (1).] — This remark of Foxe's (or rather lllyricus's) stood as
a parenthesis in the body of the Sentence, but is better placed at the foot of the
page. For explanation of the remark itself, see the note in this Appendix on
page 120, note (3).
Page 134, line 2. " To Sienna."^ — Foxc says "Senas," leaving it untrans-
lated. See the note in this Appendix on p. 98, line 5.
Page 134, line 6. " Carried him away to Campagna."~\ — Urspergen sis says
he retired to Salerno, and there remained till his death. May 25th, a.d. 1085.
Page 134, line 14 from the bottom. " Or 7iot long afler."^ — About two years
and five months intervened ; Hildebrand died May 25th, a d. 1085, William,
September 9lh, a.d. 1087. — L'Jrt de Ver. des Dates.
Page 134, last line but one.] — Mantes is a town in the Isle of France, twelve
miles from the Norman boundary. Foxe, misled by Fabian, says " Meaux."
Page 135, line 8 from the bottom.] — Foxe here makes the extraordinary
statement that William built a monastery " named Barmoundsey, in his
country of Normandy." He evidently had before him the following passage of
Fabian's Chronicle, cap. 222 : " He buildcd twoo abbaies in Englande, one
at Battaile, in Sussex, where he wanne the fielde against Harold, and is at this
daye called the Abbay of Battaile ; and an other he set beside London, upon
the south side of Thamis, and named it Barmondesay ; and in Normandie
he builded ii. also." Grafton copies this, only varying the last clause thus: —
" And he builded also one in Cane, in Normandie, where he was buried, and
dedicated the same unto Saint Steven." It is a mii<take, however, to represent
the king as the founder of Bermondsey ; for it originated in an endowment by
Aylwin Child, about a.d. 1082 ; William Rufus afterwards aided it by adding
to it the manor of Bermondsey and other revenues. — Tampers Notitia Monas-
tica. HoUinshed correctly mentions Selby in Yorkshire, as the other English
abbey founded by the Conqueror, about a.d. 1069. — Tanner.
Page 138, line 9 from the bottom. *' Etilofjium."'] — See the note on na<rc 317
note(l.)
Page 141, third line from the bottom.] — Foxe erroneously calls Bruno
"bishop of Cologne," confounding him with another Bruno, who was a bishop :
see page 9G, line 16 from the bottom.
Page 142, line 1.] — The true Clement III., acknowledged as such by the
Romish Church, was not made pope till a.d. 1187, nearly a century later: see
pp. 273, 294.
142, note (1).] — Foxe has derived the whole of the paragraph in the
text from Fabian, who miscalls Rievale " Merivale." Tanner in his Notitia
Monastica says, that Walter Espec founded the first Cistercian abbey in England
at River (near Helmsley, in Yorkshire), olim Rievall, or Rivaulx, quasi the
valley through which the Rie flows. (See Gentleman's Magazine for 1754,
p. 426.) It is called the abbey of Rivaulx hifra, vol. v. p. 148.
Page 142, note (3).] — Adhemar, bishop of Le Puy, was the chief leader of
this crusade : he acted as the representative of pope Urban, who excused his per-
sonal service. (Fleury, Eccl. Hist.) Moreri says that it is not correct, though
common, to call Bohemund duke of Apulia ; for though his father, Robert
Guiscard, was duke of Apulia, the son was only prince of Tarentum. Fabian,
and after him Foxe, uses the term " Puell ;" " Pouille" is the French for
" Apulia." Raymund was earl of Toulouse : his original title was that here
given, which is corrupted by Anna Comnena into Sangcles. — Moreri.
Page 143, line 7.] — For "Liege" Foxe has (from Fabian) " Eburone,"
'* Eburonum Urbs " being a name for Liege. Godfrey — son of Eustace II.
count of Boulogne, and Ida countess of Bouillon — with his mother's consent
sold his estate of Bouillon to Otbert, bishop of Liege, for, some say 7000 marks
of silver, others say only 1300 or 1500. — L'Art de Verif. des Dates, and Gallia
Christiana.
H'M Ari'KNoix TO VOL. ir.
Pngc M.'5, liiip 11. " Ciri/fi."] — " Cybolus. wliich our writers call Ciritol."
was a village near Nice, in IJithynia. (Sec Nalson's Crusades, hook i. p. 22.)
Page 1 I.T, line 21. Phirouz, called Pj'rrhus by Foxe after tlic Latin writers,
was a Christian at Antioch of noble birth, who had turned Turk.
Page 143, line 2C.] — Kcrboga, called by M. Pai-is Corboran, was prince of
Mosul on the Tigris, and coniniander-in-chief to the Persian monarch.
Page 144, line 15.] — The words, "stand sponsors in baptism to the same
child," are introduced instead of Foxe's "christen one child." The following
is the decree of Urban II. on the authority of which this change has been
made; it is the last but one of those cited in note (4) : — Causa xxx. qun?st. 4,
ca]). (>. " Quod autem uxor cum marito in baptisniate simul non dcbeat
suscipere puerum, nulla auctoritate reperitur prohibitum. Sed ut puritas spiri-
tualis paternitatis ab omni labe et infamia conservetur immunis, dignum esse
deccrnimus ut utrique insimul ad hoc aspirare minimi; priesumant."
Page 144, line 28. " 2'hisAiiselm was an Italian, born in the citij of Aosta,"~\ —
The place of Anselm's nativity is called by Foxe " Augusta," which means Aoust
or Aosta, in Piedmont. (Sec the note on page 127, note (4).) Foxe's subsequent
account of Anselm is derived from INIalmcsbury and Eadmcr : the latter was the
secretary of Anselm, and companion of his exile. The title of Eadmer's work
is : — " Eadmeri Monachi Cantuariensis Historiae Novonuu sive sui sa'culi
Libri vi. Res gestas (quibus ipse non modo spectator diligens sed comes etiani
et actor plennnque interfuit) sub Guliehuo I. and II. et Henrico I. Regibns,
ab anno nempe salutis lOGG ad 1122, potissimum complexi. Edidit Seldenus,
Lond. 1623."
Page 144, note (5).] — Milner, in his Church History, thus defends Anselm's
saying in the text: " Eadmer says, that he used to say, 'If he saw hell open,
and sin before him, he would leap into the former to avoid the latter.' I am
sorry to see this sentiment, which, stripped of figure, means no more than what
all good men allow, that he feared sin more than punishment, aspersed by so
good a divine as Foxe the martyrologist. But Anselm was a papist, and the
best protestants have not been without their prejudices."
Page 144, note (0).] — Malmesbury's words are : — " Peculiaritatis vitium
cum in se voluntate, turn in aliis pnedicatione, extirpabat ; id esse solum dicti-
tans, quod Diabolum c ccelo hominem e paradiso eliminaverat, quod ij)si, Dei
transfuga; pra?cepti, voluntati indulsissent propria?. Itaque proj^rio mentis
arbitrio indulgentiam auferens," &c.
Page 145, line 2G. " /^ was to he refenxd," &c.] — "DitTercndum id ad
frequentiorem conventum respondit." — Malmesh. The council to which it was
referred was that of Rockingham, held Sunday 5 Id. Mart. i.e. 11th of March,
A.D. 109-5. (L'Art de Vcr.)
Page 147, line 1.] — The king returned home June 10th, a.d. 1095. — Simeon
Dunelm., Flor. Wigorn., and Malmcsb.
Page 147, line 22 from the bottom.] — " Quod dicis me non debere ire
Roniani, quod gravi peccato caream et scientia afHuam," &c. — Malmeshurij.
Also at the end of the same document — " Deus forsitan procurabit ut non sic
res ecclesiastica;, ut minaris, tuis faniulentur compendiis." — Malviesbury.
Page 148, line 1. *' TJtere was not .'"] — " Papae," is Malmesbury's word.
Page 148, line 10.] — Anselm left London " fcria quinta. Id. Oct." i.e
Thursday, October 15th, a.d. 1097, and arrived at Clugny three days before
Christmas. — Eadmer, pp. 41, 42.
Page 148, line 24. " William JVarlwast."] — " Electus Exoniensis."-—
A/almesburi/.
Page MS, line 28. "From tlicnce came," &-c.] — Eadmcr says that Anselm
left Lyons " feria tertia ante Dominicani diem Palmarum," i.e. Tuesday before
Palm Sunday (March HJth, a.d. 109S, by Nicolas's Tables).
Page 149, line 32.] — For the proceedings of the council of Bari, see Labbe,
Concil. tom. x col. Gl 1.
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 831
Page 150, lino 8 from the bottom. '■'■ AUerfing for llicm the fifth canou."'\ —
The 5th of tlio Ai)ostolic Canons is perhaps alhuh-d (o ; it stands tlnis in l.ahbe.
Cone. Gen. tom. i. col. 25 : — 'ETrt'trKOTros /; 7rpeo"/3vrepo? ?; ^mkovo^ rrjv tavrov
yvvuiKa ij,f] iKJSakXirco 7rpo(^a(ret ttjs evXu^ei'aj. 'Eav fie eK/3a'XX?7, a(j)opi^f'a-6oy
iiTHiivcav 8i, KuOaipeiaBo). Episcopus, vel presbyter, vel diaconus, uxoreni
snam ne ejiciat rcligionis prastextu : sin autem ejecerit, segregetur; et si pcr-
severet, deponatur.
Page 151, note (2).] — Foxe here and in the next page calls Waltram " bishop
of Nm-enbmg." Dodechiniis calls him "Episcopus Numbergensis ;" Baro-
nius "HmTenbnrgciisis," to which he puts a marginal conjecture " Nurea-
burgensis," which conjecture Dodechinus himself adopts elsewhere. (See the
note on page 155, line 8.)
Page 153, lines 5 and 10. "Revested."^ — " Revestio " is Malmesbury's
word. The following interview between the pope and the kind's messenger
took place at Christmas, a.d. 1098. — Eadmer, p. 52, Malmcshunj.
Page 153, lines 22 and 32. " The next council," &c.] — This was held
April 25th, a.d. 1099 (L'Art de Ver. des Dates), which was Monday in the
third week after Easter that year. (See Nicolas's Tables.) Urban died July
29th following.
Page 155, line 8. " Waltram, bishop of the church of Naumhurg."'\ — From
theChronicon Citizense of Paulus Langius it appears, that Waltram was bishop
of this see for twenty-one years, having been appointed a.d. 1089. Naumburg
is a city of Thuringia, in Upper Saxony, whither the episcopal see was removed
from Zeitz, a.d. 102G (Fabricii Lux. Ev. Exoriens) ; hence the bishop is
intituled Citizensis, or Naumburgensis. Waltram has been variously intituled
by different authors, Megburgensis, Nurenburgensis, Magdeburgensis, Hurren-
burgensis. Foxe here (following Dodechinus 's Appendix to Marianus Scotus)
calls him bishop of JNIegburgh ; but at pp. 151, 152, bishop of Nurenburgh. See
the observations of Struvius on his true title in the first volume of his Collection
of German Historians. There is a treatise extant " De Unitate Ecclesiie con-
servanda " (printed in vol. ii. of " Freheri Script. Germ." with a preface),
which is generally ascribed to this Waltram ; it was certainly written by some
contemporary, and with the same object as this letter to Louis, viz. to recal
the Germans to a sense of their duty to the emperor; and it throws much light
on the emperor's history. Foxe's translation of Waltram's Letter to Louis has
been collated with the Latin in Dodechinus and Freherus, and corrected.
Page 155, line 7 from the bottom, " Rodolph, Hddebrand, Egbert."~\ — See
pp. 133, 134. Egbert was son of a Saxon marquis, who was patruelis to Henry,
the present emperor ; the father contrived, with other nobles, to get young Henry
when only six years old, Christmas a.d. 105G, under his tutorship. The son
was very uncertain in his allegiance. (" De Unitate conserv." lib. ii. cap. 33.)
He was defeated at a battle in Thuringia, Sunday, Christmas eve, a.d. 1088,
and died soon after by being crushed in a mill a.d. 1090. (Ibid. cap. 33 — 30.)
— Freheri " Rerurn Germanicarum Scriptores,'" tom.ii. p. 304 — 309.
Page 156. "The railing ansiver of Earl Louis," &cc,'] — Louis, surnamed
Debonnaire, was landgrave of Thuringia from a. d. 1168 to a. d. 1190 or 1197.
(L'Art de Ver. des Dates.) Dodechinus states, that the following reply to
Waltram's letter was written at the prince's desire by Stephen Herrand, bishop
of Halberstadt, in Saxon3\ Foxe's translation has been revised from the Latin
in Dodechinus and Freherus.
Page 156, note (1).] — The passage in the text cited from St. Augustine is in
his " Sermo 72, in Matt, viii." ( Opera Ed. Bened. tom. v. col. 302.) It is
quoted more at length by the archbishop of Sens at page 620.
Page 157, line 13 from the bottom.] — Foxe reads " Babemberge" from the
original. " Babenberga" is a common variation of " Bamberga."
Page 159, line 11.] — Grafton calls this Welsh king "Rees."
Page 159, line 15.] — " Began his reign " August 5th, on which day he was
crowned by Maurice, bishop of London, assisted by Roger, archbishop of York.
Becket, however, says " by the bishop of Hereford, as Anselm's deputy. " Post
S.'J2 APPExnix TO vol.. ir.
fUJuR [Rufi] oliitnin, rum S.mcfus Ansclmns Canturicnsis AiTlii-r',])iscf pus
cxulanl fx oadcin vnw^'i i\uf\ vt nos, uuus suirraganeorum Canlurioiisis Hc-
clcsia; S. Ciirardu3 lliMerorclcusis, vice Arclii-Kpiscopi sui tunc abscntis,
lU'goiu Ilcmicuni non contradiccnte Arclii-Episcopo Eboiaceiisi consccravil.
lU'vertiiilc auliin ab cxilio IJcaio Auselmo, accessit ad mini Ilex Ilcnricus,
tradcns ci Diadeina, et ropaiis ut eum coronaret, nee imputaret illi quod ipsuin
necessitate l{e"'iii pr.vpedicnte non exspectaverat. Fatebatur enini coram om-
nibus banc esse Cauturiensis Ecdesia? dignitatem, ut Anglorum Riges inungat
ct consecret. Et bac quidem satisfactione placatus sanctus Arcbi-Episcopus
aj)])robavit, quod a suffraganco suo factum fuerat, et Regi Coronam imposuit."
— Ejmtohc 1). Thoimr, lib. v. 15. (See the note on p. 110, line 13.)
Pa^e 159, line 12 from the bottom. " />V ^^'^ consent of Anselm."'\ — Given
at the council of Lambeth, where Maud proved that she had not properly
entered a religious life. The marriage and coronation were both performed
by Ansclm on Sunday, St. Martin's day (Nov. 11th), a. d. 1100.
Paf^e 159, line 2 from bottom.] — Robert landed about the end of July, a. d.
1101, at Portsmouth, and left again about Michaelmas. Henry afterwards
defeated him at Tcnerchebray, September 2Sth, a. d. HOG, and taking him
prisoner, confined him twenty-eight years in Cardiff Castle, till his death
in the year a. d. 1131.
Page IfiO, line 19. " Divers strict laws," &c.] — Some of these were Anselm's
synodical constitutions. In fact, this seems only a summary of the chief acts of
the parliament and convocation mentioned in the next paragraph, and which
were held simultaneously at Westminster, a. d. 1102.
Page IGO, line 33. " In the story of WiUinm linfiis," &c.] — This paragraph
and the next two are an anticipation of the subsequent historj, and tend rather
to perplex the reader. Ansehn landed at Dover, September 23d, a. d. 1100
(Eadmer, p. 55) ; but the council and convocation presently spoken of were
not held till Michaelmas, .\. d. 1102. It was at the said council that the
ambassadors reported their contradictory answers from Rome, as related at
p. 161; and it was at the said convocation that the canons given at pp. 1G7,
1G8 were passed.
Page IGO, line IG from the bottom. •' Jnd so returned again," &-c.] —
Ansefm landed at Dover 9 Cal. Oct. (Sep. 23d.) a.d. 1 100. {Eadmer, p. 55.)
The parliament and convocation, however, next mentioned, did not meet till
September 28th, a.d. 1102.
Pa^e IGl, line 11. " About the end of the second year of this Icing, which was
by computation a. d. 1102, a variance happened between king Henry and Jnselm,
the occasion whereof was this."'] — Foxe's account of the "variance" between
Anselm and Henry I. is not very clearly arranged. It would have commenced
better at the next paragraph — " the king required of Anselm to do him homage,"
&c. ; which took place immediately on Anselm's i-eturn from his first exile, Sep-
tember 23d, A. D. 1100. The ambassadors sent to Rome for the pope's opinion
on the subject (as related at the conclusion of the paragraph, p. 1G2) went about
the end of a.d. 1 100, and returned Aug. a.d. 1101. (Eadmer.) A second em-
bassy to Rome then ensued (pp. IG'i, 1G3), which made its report about Michael-
mas A.D. 1102 at the council of Westminster (as stated at p. IGO, line 37). The
contradictory nature of the answers only perplexed the matter more (as told at
p. 1G4). The king, standing upon the answer brought by " the three bishops,"
then proceeded forthwith to invest, and archbishop Gerard to consecrate, the
bi.shops of Salisbury and Hereford (as mentioned pp. IGO, IGl); upon which
Anselm held his convocation, at which he deprived several dignitaries who had
taken their investiture from the king (p. 160), and also pa.ssed the constitutions
afterward given at pp. 167, IGS. The issue was, that Anselm left England
again for his second exile April 29th a.d. 1103 (p. IGl), and reached Rome
the following September. (Eadmer, pp. 70, 72, Malmesbury.) The above
statement will tend to clear up Foxe's account, and to prevent the reader from
being misled by it, as he otherwise might be. Foxe o])ens this paragraph by
saying — " About tlie end of the third year of this king, which was by computa-
tion a.d. 1101 :" but the third year of Henry I, ranged from August 5lh, a. d.
1102 to August Ith, a. d. 1 103 ; and the foregoing remarks rather show that the
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 833
rupture took place at the council of Westminstei-, September, 1102, i.e. about
the end of the second year, or the beginnbtg of the third.
Page 1 61, line 4 from the bottom. " In his council of Rome a little before."']
— This refers to the council held at Kome April 25tli, a. d. 1099, and men-
tioned at page 153 (Eadmer's " Historia Novorum," p. T).'?). Eadmer gives tbe
words of the decree passed at that council (which are presently cited by Anselm)
at p. 59 of his " Historia Novorum."
Page 1G2, line 15.] — These messengers were despatched toward the close of
A. 0. 1100, and relumed about August the following year. — Eadmer.
Page 102, line 7 from the bottom. "Two monies, Baldwin of Bee, and
Alexander of Canterbury."'] — Foxe merely says " two monks, Baldwin and
Alexander;" the rest is added on the authority of Eadmer, p. 62; Baldwin is
afterwards miscalled by Foxe " Abbot of Ramsey." (See the notes on p. 164,
line 18, and p. 166, line 30.)
Page 162, line 5 from the bottom. " Seiit two bishops."] — Eadmer (p; 62) and
Malmesbury both say " tres," including Gerard, archbishop of York. Foxe
himself afterwards says " three." (See the note on p. 164, line 11.) It would
seem, however, from the tenor of the king's letter in p. 163, that Foxe is strictly
correct in 7iot reckoning Gerard as one of the original ambassadors, though he
was competent to be afterwards a third witness of what had really taken place
at the Papal court. (See p. 164.)
Page 162, last line. "This your promotion.^'] — Pascal II. was elected
August 13th, A. D. 1099. (L'Art. de Ver.)
Page 164, line 1.] — The messengers returned with contradictory answers a
little before Michaelmas, a. d. 1102 ; and what follows happened at the Parlia-
ment of Westminster, mentioned before at p. 160. — Eadmer, p. 65.
Page 164, line 6. " Which, mine author saith, the king did not shew."] — This
author is Malmesbury; Eadmer does not mention the point, though it may be
inferred from his narrative.
Page 164, line 11. " The testimony of the three bishops."] — Foxe here says
" the two bishops," of course referring to the bishops of Lichfield and Norwich,
mentioned at p. 162 ; but 12 lines lower he says " the three bishops," and in a
marginal note explains that he meant to include Gerard, archbishop of York; but
he ought also to have been included in this place; " two," therefore, has been
changed into " three."
Page 164, line 18. " Baldwin, the Moni of Bee."] — See the note on p. 162,
line 7 from the bottom. Foxe miscalls him " Abbot of Ramsey ;" but the
abbot of Ramsey was one Ealdwin, not Baldwin, and, so far from being a friend
of Anselm's, was one of those deprived by him at the convocation of West-
minster, A. D. 1102, though restored at the council of W'estminster, a.d. 1107.
— Eadmer, pp. 67, 92.
Page 164, line 25. " T'hen Anselm seeing," &c.] — The circumstance which
convinced him of the king's determination to persist was, his investing the two
bishops, as mentioned at pp. 160, 161 (see Eadmer, " Hist. Nov." pp 65, 66).
Page 164, line 20 from the bottom. " Then ivas it agreed," &c.] — This was
about Midlent a.d. 1103, according to Eadmer (p. 69).
Page 164, line 15 from the bottom.]— Anselm left England April 29th, a. d.
1 103, quitted the abbey of Bee in August, and reached Rome about September. —
Eadmer, pp. 70 — 72.
Page 165, line 29. " Ocertaheth Anselm at Placentia."] — Eadmer says that
this happened toward the end of November, a.d. 1103. — Eadmer, p. 74.
Page 165, line 15 from the bottom.] — Anselm remained a year and four
months at Lyons, and left it in May a. d. 1105, to visit Adela. — Eadmer, p. 79.
Page 165, last paragraph.] — This letter of Anselm to Henry is given by
Eadmer, p. 75.
Page 166, line 24.] — This " reconcilement " took place at L'Aigle, in Nor-
mandy, July 22d, A.D. 1105. — Eadmer, p. 80.
Page 166, line 29. " llicn tvere ambassadors," &c.] — Henry did not send
VOL. II. 3 II
834 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
these ambassadors to Rome till the Chiistmas following, being in no hurry, till
he hfid gained more ground against his brother in Normandy. — Eaclr/ier, p. 82.
Page 166, line 30. " Baldwin, above named, ihe Monk of Bvc."'\ — Foxe
here again miscalls him " Abbot of Ramsey ;" see the note on p. 161, line 18.
Eadnier, p. 83, calls him " Baldwinus Monachus." It is observable that the
king, in a letter given by Eadmer, p. 82, calls him " Baldwinus dc Tornaio."
Page 166, line 16 from the bottom. " The late council holden at London."'] —
i. e. the council at London mentioned at p. 160, and of which the acts are given
at pp. 167, 168.
Page 166, line ^t from the bottom. " Tlie messengers being now returned
from I{ome.'"\ — The pope's letters, dictating the terms of compromise, are dated
March 23d, a.d. UQiJ.— Eadmer, p. 87.
Page 166, last paragraph. " Not long after,'" &c.] — The pope (as the result
of this last embassy) sent a brief to Anselm at Bee, dated March 22d a.d. 1106,
permitting him to communicate with those whom the king had invested. Illness
prevented Anselm from going at once to England, and after that he thought proper
to wait for Henry's coming over to Normandy. Henry defeated Robert at
Tenerchebray, a castle of William, count of Mortaign, Sept. 28th a.d. 1106.
Page 166, last line. " At the abbey of Bee, he convented and agreed."] —
This reconciliation took place " xi. Cal. Aug., the third year of his e,\.ile ;"
i.e. July 3Gth, a.d. 1106.— Eadmer, p. 89.
Page 167, line 14.] — Anselm landed at Dover, .\ugust, a.d. 1106. — Eadmer,
p. 89.
Page 167, line 23. " In the seventh year of his reign," S:c.] — Fo.xe says,
" about the sixth year;" but, owing to the king's absence in Normandy com-
pleting his conquest, the council referred to by Foxe did not meet till August 1st,
a.d, 1107, the very end of the seventh year of the reign. — Eadmer, p. 91.
Page 167, line 30. " In another council."] — Foxe says " In this council,"
which is a mistake. The canons affecting the clergy were adopted at the council
held at Westminster the following Pentecost, May 24th, a.d. 1108. (Eadmer,
p. 95.) Foxe repeats the error at p. 169, line 13, where it is again corrected.
The decrees of this latter council are given at p. 169.
Page 167, note (1).] — Malmesbury says, " Se nihil de his [ecclesiis] accep-
tunun, quamdiu pastore carerent, promisit ;" for which Foxe gives, " That he
should require nothing of the said churches, or provinces, in the time of the
seat being vacant."
Page 167, note (2.)] — The following canons are those of the council of West-
minster, a.d. 1102, and are given in Eadmer, pp. 67, 68; see the note on p. 161.
Page 168, line 21. " That abbots should make no knights."] — " It was the
ancient custom of abbots in those days to make knights, as you may find from
the example of Abbot Brand's knighting his nephew Ilereward, in the reign of
King William I., the form of which I have there, also, set down; and yet this
is certain, that, notwithstanding this canon. King Henry I., some years after,
granted, and King John confirmed, to the abbot of Reading, the power of
making knights, with some cautions for their behaviour therein." — Tyrrell's
IJist of England, vol. ii. p. 126.
Page 168, line 33. " That such persons as did icear long hair," ^-c] —
" This the Church then thought it had cognizance of, as being contrary to the
dictates of St. Paul. (1 Cor. ii. 14.) This fashion, having very nuich prevailed
in the last king's reign, was come to that height, that the same author (Eadmer)
tells us the young gentlemen of the court used to wear their hair very long, and
daily combed out like women ; which archbishop Anselm not enduring, when
several of those gallants came on Ash-W^ednesday to hear his mass, he refused
to sprinkle ashes on them, or to give them absolution, unless they would cut off
tlicir hair; whereupon a good many of them did. But it seems this fashion
could not be suddenly rooted out, and therefore this decree was now made against
it, and yet all to little purpose (as you will see anon), till the king himself re-
formed it by his own example." — TyrreWs Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 127.
Lord Lyttelton gives another view of the subject : — " The extraordinary
fervour of zeal expressed by Anselm, and other churchmen of that age, against
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 835
this fashion, seems ridiculous ; but we find, from the words of Ordcricus
Vitalis (lib. viii. p. 862, sub an. 1089), that they combined it with the idea of
an affected effeminacy, and supposed it to indicate a disposition to an unnatural
vice which was very prevalent in those times. The good prelate, whose piety
was so much scandalized by it, would have done well to consider how much
more the celibacy to which he forced the clergy, and the number of monas-
teries in this kingdom, might contribute to increase that abominable wicked-
ness than any mode of dress." — Lord Lytte I ton's Henry II, vol. ii. p. 33G.
Page 168, note (1). — Our author has, in his translation, given the spirit,
though not the letter, of the original canon, which ordains that " Presbyters
do not go to drinking bouts, nor drink to pins." Foxe informs us at p. 59,
that king Edgar, in order to check the drunkenness introduced among the
English by the Danes, directed that none should drink below a certain pin, or
peg, to be fixed inside the cups. This regulation soon gave rise to a new
abuse, which will be best explained in the words of a distinguished antiquarian :
" The peg-tankards, to which the old canons allude, when they say, ' Ut Pres-
byteri non eant ad potationes, nee ad p'mnas bibant,' had in the inside a row
of eight pins, one above another, from top to bottom. The tankards hold two
quarts, so that there is a gill of ale, i. e. half a pint of Winchester measure,
between each pin. The first person that drank, was to empty the tankard to
the first peg, or pin ; the second, to the next pin, &c. ; by which means the
pins were so many measures to the compotators, making them all drink alike,
or the same quantity; and as the distance of the pins was such as to contain a
large draught of liquor, the company would be very liable by this method to
get drunk; especially when, if they drank short of the pin, or beyond it, they
were obliged to drink again." (Aiionymiana, 125, Gent. Mag. xxxviii. 426.)
" A very fine specimen of these peg-tankards, of undoubted Anglo-Saxon work,
formerly belonging to the abbey of Glastonbury, is now in the possession of Lord
Arundel of Wardour. It holds two quarts, and formerly had eight pegs inside,
dividing the liquor into half-pints. On the lid is the Crucifixion, with the Virgin
and John, one on each side the cross. Round the cup are carved the twelve
Apostles." — Foshroke's EncyclopcEdia of Jntiqiiit'ies, vol. i. p. 258. London,
1835. See also Hones " Year Book." Ducange in his Glossary, v. Potus,
mentions a canon being passed at a council in France, which forbad "aequales
potus," a canon of the same import with this of Anselm's.
Page 169, line 13. " Jt another council. . . . May 24th, a.d. 1108."] — Foxe
says, " here, also, at this present council at Westminster, in the year of this
king aforesaid." For the reason of the alteration, seethe note on page 167,
line 30. The following translation of the canons is revised from the Latin in
Eadmer, p. 95.
Page 169, line 14.]— Correct 1108 for 1208.
Page 171, line 11 from the bottom. "■Henry and Christian."] — Henry,
surnamed Felix, was appointed archbishop of Mentz, a.d. 1142, and deposed at
Pentecost a.d. 1153. (L'Art de Ver. des Dates.) Having become obnoxious
to the clergy by his attempts to refoi-m them, he was complained of to the pope
and deposed. Such is the account given of him by Conrad, in his " Chronicon
Moguntiacum;" but Otho Frisingensis considers him to have been a trouble-
some man, and justly deposed. — Foxegivesnoaccount of Christian, whose history
is also recorded by Conrad, " Chron. Mogunt.," thus :— " Non stetit diu in epi-
scopatu [he was elected a.d. 1249]; accusatur enim ad papam quod omnino
inutilis esset ecclesiae, et quod evocatus ad expeditiones regis invitus veniret. Hoc
autem verum erat, eo quod fierent incendia, sectiones vinearum, devastationes
segetum; dicebat etenim, nequaquam decere talia sacerdotem, sed quicquid
deberet per gladium Spiritus, quod est Verbum Dei, omnimode se promptum
asserebat et voluntarium servitorem. Quumque ejus predecessorum vestigia
sequi moneretur, respondit, Scriptum est, Mitte gladium in vaginani. Ob lioc
in odium regis et multorum incidit laicorum, qui omnes accusantes eum apud
papam obtinuerunt eum ab episcopatu omni submoveri. Cessit ergo a.d. 1251."
Page 172, note (1).] — The foregoing account of Arnold is also taken from
Conrad's " Chron. Moguntiacum," whence some trifiing improvements are made
in the text. He was slain on John Baptist's day, a.d. 1160. The two
3 H 2
83G APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
cardinals above referred to were Bernard, a presbyter, and Gregory, a deacon,
Conrad's apostrophe to the cardinals runs thus in the Latin ; — " O cardinaks,
luijus rci vos esiis initium. Venitc ergo, venite, haurite nunc, et ferte archi-
tricliiio vestro diaholo, eique offerte cum ea quam deghitistis pecunia etiam
Yosuielipsos." Arnold is the same individual as Arnulph mentioned at p. 192.
Pa^e 173, line 1.] — Foxe omits " at Florence;" but Sabellicus, Ennead ix.
lib. 1? savs tlie council was held at Florence ; and he attributes the bishop's
conduct to'thc influence of some prodigies iu nature- a very large comet, and
an inundation of tlie sea through a very high tide— which occurred about that
time.
Page 173, line 3. " Council at Troijcs."]— Foxe reads without translating
it " at Trecas." — See Labbe's Concilia, torn. x. col. 754.
Paoe 173, line 10. " // is declared sufficiently i^/ore."] — See pp. 125 — 134.
Page 173, line 12. " ^ general assembly "'\ — The diet of Mentz was held
on Christmas-day, a.d. 1105. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Pa^e 173, line 10.] — " Ingelheim," a town ten miles W.S.W. of Mentz;
the dtet was held there soon after Christmas. Foxe reads, corruptly, " Hil-
geshcm." — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 174, linell.] — "There for sorrow died," August 7th, a.d. HOG. — L'Art
de J'er. des Dales.
Page 174, line 13.] — " Five years;" so says Godfridus Viterbicnsis ; but
the Uildeshcim Chronicle says only " two."
Pat^e 174, line 24. " Where he indenteth with him," &c.] — i.e. at the
counc^il of Lateral!, Feb. 12th, a.d. 1111. Henry was crowned, April I3th.—
Jj'Arl de J'er. des Dates.
Page 1 74, line 32. " Calling a Synod,"'} — /. c. at Latcran, March ISth — 23rd,
A.D. 1112. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 176, line 17. " Pr(emo7istratenses."] — This order was founded by St.
Norbert, who was of a noble family in Cologne. He gave up his benefices, and
commenced preacher a.d. 1 1 1 8. He was noticed by Barthelemi, bishop of Laon,
at the council of Uheims (a.d. 1119), whither he had gone to obtain the con-
firmation from CalixtusII. of those privileges which he had received from
former popes. St. Bernard seconded Barthelemi's wishes to have him in his
diocese, by giving him the valley of Premonti6, in the forest of Couci, Picardy,
A.D. 1 120. Tile order of Premontres was coniirmed by Honorius IL a.d. 1126.
(.Moreri's Diet.) Tiieir place is said to have been shutvn by tlie Virgin Mary ;
whence they derived their name, " Premontres." They first settled in England
a.d. 1146 at Newhouse in Lincolnshire. They followed St. Augustine's rule.
Page 176, line 25.] — The council at Rheims met October 19th to the 30th,
a.d. 1119.— L'Art de Ver.
Page 177, line 16 from the bottom. " The same year, a.d. 1114."] — Foxe
erroneously says, " The next year following." See the Table of Archbps. of
Canterbury at page 723.
Page 178, line 8. " A solemn assembly at Salishury."'\ — This was held
March 20th, a.d. 1116.— L'^rf de Ver. desDaies.
Page 178, line 30. "As ye heard before."'] — See the note on page 170,
line 25.
Page 180, line31.]— Gisburn, in Cleveland (so called to distinguish it from
another Gisburn in the West Riding), a priory of Austin Canons, was founded by
Robert de Brus, a.d. 1129 (Tanner). "Reading" Abbey was founded for
.\ustin monks by Henry I. a.d. 1121. The charter is given by Dugdale,
dated a.d. 1125 ; also the instrument presenting the hand of St. James.
(Dugdale.) Dugdale says that William Fitz-Nigelle founded a priory for
Austin monks at Runcorn a.d. 1133 or 1138, which was removed by his son
William, constable of Cheshire, to Norton, in Stephen's reign.
Page 181, line 23. " The second year of his induction."] — Honorius II. was
enthroned December 21st, a.d. 1124, (L'Art de Ver. des Dates ;) Simeon of
APPENDIX TO vol.. ir. 837
Durham, therefore, move correctly dates the ensuing affair " Ilonorii II. prlmo
anno."
Page 181, line 18 from the bottom. " Assembled the tvhole clergy together."'\
— This council was held at Westminster Sejjt. 8th or 9th, a.d. 1125. See Pagi
" Crit. in Baronii Annales," an. 1 125. See an account of this council in Simeon
of Durham, and Wilkins's Concilia, tom.i. p. 408.
Page 181, line 7 from the bottom. " The next night after," &c.] — Baronius
is very angry at the charge here made against Crema, and observes, that tlie
historians all follow one leader, Henrg of Jfuntiiigdon, who was peculiarly
averse to the celibacy of the clerery ; whence Baronius concludes that Hunting-
don is not a credible' witness. Hoveden copies Huntingdon, except in placing
the affair in the following year. Lastly, M. Westminster adds an excuse of
Crema's, viz. that he was only in deacon's orders, which must be fictitious ;
for he was priest-cardinal of St. Chrysogon. Baronius further remarks, that
Malmesbury (who makes particular mention of the council) and Wigorniensis
(who speaks as though he had been present) do not mention the affair. He
further remarks, that Peter Leoni's (the rival pope) party did all they could
by their writings to blacken those cardinals who chose Innocent II. a.d. 1130,
the chief of whom was Crema, and yet do not mention this fact. St. Bernard
also and others boasted that the cardinals who chose Innocent were the holiest
of all the cardinals. Rapin, however, observes that this is all negative proof,
and of no force against the positive testimony of the contemporary historian.
Henry, also, quite believes it, and attributes to it the failure of the canon.
Page 182, line 1. " Certain historians," &:c.] — Foxe opens this paragraph
thus — " Certain histories make mention of one Arnulphus, in the time of this
Pope Honorius II. Some say he was aichbishop of Lyons, as Hugo, Platina,
Sabellicus, Trithimius," &c. The sentence of lUyricus, from which this is taken,
runs thus : — " Narrant Hugo, Platina, et Sabeliicu.s, Arnulphum quendam
archiepiscopum Lugdunensem, qui magna nominis celebritate magnoqiie mor-
talium concuvsu divinam Legem per Gallias, Italiam, et tandem Romce praedi-
cabat, impie a spiritualibus ob reprehensa eorum scelera, libidines, et errores,
necatum esse, tulisseque id Honorium Papam iniquo animo, sed tamen qutes-
tione abstinuisse : quod ipsum subindicat, eum non nimiiun iniquo animo
tulisse. Accidit id duodecimo post Christum seculo. Hugo quidem dicit
captum et suspensum, quod sine publica authoritate fieri non potuit. Similis
ferme per omnia historia narratur de quodam Illyrico monacho, quae circiter
ante 72 annos Komae acciderlt. Verum adjiciamus sane narrationem Trithemii
de hoc Arnulpho, ex ejus Chronico Hirsaugiensi, quandoquidem id nondum
opinor edituin esse." (Cat. Test. edit. 1608, col. 1432.) Iliyricus here rather
assxnms that Arnulpli was " archbishop of Lyons," than makes Hugo, Pla-
tina, and Sabellicus, positively assert it ; and, in point of fact, they virtually
assert the contrary. Hugo (as he is cited in the Magd. Cent. col. 1710) only
calls him a presbyter : Platina calls him merely, " Christianae religionis concio-
nator insignis," and says, " Fueritne sanctus vir presbyter, an monachus, an
eremita, baud satis constat :" Sabellicus (Ennead. lib. iv. fol. 94) mentions him
in the same way, and calls him " Anulphus." But the fact is, that he could
not possibly have been archbishop of Lyons, as there never was an archbishop
of Lyons of that name, according to the account of that see given in Gallia
Christiana. There was one Arnold of Breschia, of whom Aventine speaks
thus : — " Arnoldus tum Brixia oppido Italiae ortus, sacras literas professus,
discipulus Petri Abelardi, in avaritiam fastumque sacerdotum pro concione
crebro pei-oravit, tandem captus in crucemque a sacrificulis actus, poenas tenie-
rarii caepti luit." But Iliyricus in the next col. (1433) very properly distin-
guishes him from this Arnulph. Martinus Polonus, however, may be speaking
of Arnulph, when he says, — " Hujus (Conradi II.) tempore quidam magister,
Arnoldus noinine, prcsdicavit in urhe Roma, reprehendens litxus et stiper-
fliiitates. Postea captus, in odium clericorum est suspensus." (Col. lOG of his
Supputafiones, subjoined to Marianus Scotus, Bas. 1559.)
Hugo Altissiodorensis is probably the author above referred to. (See Usher
"De Christ. Eccl. Statu et Sue." x. §§.41, 4 7, 48.)
Thuanus, Hist. lib. vi. § 16, mentions one Arnold, an associate of Peter Waldo
of Lyons, who became eminent as a Waldensian pastor and preacher in the diocese
of Albi : he may have been known as " Pastor or Praeses Lugdunensis," by some,
838 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
i-norantlv or i)lavfiillv, turned into " Arcliiepiscopus Lngdunensis ;" and llly-
ruiis niav liave ideiitiruHl liini under that title with tins Arnulph. The Magde-
burg Centuriators relate the same particulars respecting Arnulph, quoting also
Tritheuiius's account ; but they give no hint of his being archbishop of Lyons.
— a-/*/, xiii. cols. 10, 1101, 1710. , .. . T^.»
(Jerhohus Reichcrspergensis, quoted with other authorities in D Argentre s
CoUecCioJudicionim dc uovis crroribus, toni. i. p. 27 (Lutet. 1724) writing of
an Arnold about this period, says:—" Pro qua ctiani doctrina non sohim ab
ccclesia Dei anathcmatis mucrone scparatus insuper etiam su.spendio neci
traditus. Quin et post mortem incendio crematus, atquc in Tiberim fluvium
projectus est: ne videlicet llomanus popuhis, quern sua doctrina illexerat, sibi
euiu martyrem dedicaret."
Page 182, line 17.] — " At Rome" is added from Trithemius ; ^ " cum ad
pnrdicandum Romani inittcretur;" also, in the next line, " shortly" is put in
from the " brevi" of Tritheniius.
Page 182, line 28. " Having expressed" &c.]— " Cum haec alta voce cla-
masset, snbjunxit " (Trilhemius) : and, at line 31, " impuritatibus" is the
Latin :' and at line 33, " Sed Deus est vindex."
Page 182, line 36. " Sahellicits and Platina saij they hanged //iw."]— Illy-
ricus^says : — " Scribit hie ['rrithemius] submersum esse: sed Sabellicus et
Platina suspensum esse affirmant, quibus tanquam rerum Romanarum magis
gnaris poiius credendum esse arbitror," (lllyr. col. 1433.) Sabellicus, however,
only says " impic necarunt;" and Plalina " insidiis necabant," Illyricus had
just before said, " Hugo quidem dicit captum et suspensum."
Page 182, line 11 from the bottom. " Jbove four hundred years ago."]—
Illyricus says it was written " circa duodecimum sreculum ;" it would seem,
however, from the allusion to the king of Portugal in the next page, as if the
work was written in the thirteenth century. Illyricus docs not connect it
with Arnulph, but mentions it at a later page. Foxe's text has been a little
improved from Illyricus.
Page 182, line 0 from the bottom. " Who say" &c.] — "Quiudicunt, quod
plus lucrantur," &c. — Illyricus.
Page 182, last line.] — Illyricus refers here, and for what follows, to lib. iii.
of the " Opusculum," capp. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 12.
Page 183, line 12 from the bottom.]— Philip I. took to wife Bertrade, wife of
the earl of Anjou. his first wife Bertha being yet alive; for which he was excom-
municated by Urban II. a.d. 1094, and again in 1095, and again by the council
of Poitiers in 1100. — L'Art de J'er. des Dates.
The king of Portugal, presently alluded to, must have been Sancho II.
surnamed Capel, who came to the throne a.d. 1223, and for some time reigned
with applause ; but, afterwards giving himself up to debauchery, his subjects
complained of him, a.d. 1245, to pope Innocent IV. who excommunicated
him, put his realm under interdict, and made his brother Alfonso regent.
Sancho died a.d. 1248. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 184, line 25. " Upon St. Stephen's day"']—i. e. Thursday, Dec. 26lh,
A.D. 1135. Sir H. Nicolas reasons in favour of this date.
Page 184, line 36. " The castle of J'ies"'\—an old form of " Devises." See
Malmesbury, p. 181, and Hoveden, p. 484, in the Script, post Bedam, Francof.
1601. Grafton reads "Vises."
Page 187, line 27.] — Gratian was monk of St. Felix, at Bologna. (Cave's
Hist. Litt.) Cave states that many writers have asserted Gratian, Peter
Lombard, and Peter Comestor, to have been all brothers, and born at the same
time : but he adds that this assertion does not rest on any good authority.
Page 187, line 3 from the bottom.] — Trivet calls him " scutifcr" to Charle-
magne, and places his death a.d. 1139.
Page 188, line 2.]— For " Furness " and " Fountains," Foxe (misled by
Fabian) reads corruptly, " Finerneis " and "Fomitance."
Page 188.]— The following information fron\ Tanner's " Notitia Mon." will
APPENDIX TO VOL. If. 839
confirm the account in the text : — " Feversham Abbey was founded a. d.
1147 by king Stephen and his wife Maud for monks of Clugny, wlio
being afterward released from their subjection to the foreign monastery, it
became Benedictine.
" Fiirness, a Cistercian abbey, founded a.d. 1124, by Stephen, then earl of
Morton and Boulogne : removed to Furness, in Lancashire, ad. 1127.
" Fontanense cocnobium, or Founfains ylbbey, near Ripon, Yorkshire. Most
of the historians mention this abbey under Stephen's reign, not however as
exactly built by him. It was founded by the aid of Thurstin, archbishop of
York, A.D. 11.32. Henry I. made it tithe-free, and Stephen confirmed all
previous charters to it. It was burnt a.d. 1140, and was not fairly rebuilt for
nearly one hundred years."
Page 188, line 5. " Ilie Jews crucified a child at Nonviclt."] — Brompton is
the first person who mentions this circumstance ; who adds that the Jews cruci-
fied another child at Gloucester, a.d. 1160. About thirteen or fourteen years
after, Gervase says that they crucified another at Bury St. Edmund's at Easter,
and that his bones wrought miracles for some years. See " Anglia Judaica,"
p. 11, a work by D'Blossiers Tovey, LL.D. principal of New Inn Hall, Ox-
ford, 1738. He throws a doubt on all these accounts, observing that the crime
is never said to have happened but when the king was notoriously in want of
money, and wanted a pretext against the Jews. However that be, the Romish
church has canonized sevei-al such alleged victims of Jewish malice. Alban
Butler, in his " Lives of the Saints," gives an account of this very child, who
was canonized as St. William of Norwich. Butler further states that he was
apprentice to a tanner at Norwich, and only twelve years of age when he was
seized by the Jews, on Good Friday, and treated in imitation of Christ. On
Easter-day they took his body in a sack to Thorp Wood, now a heath, near
the gates, to bury him ; but, being discovered, they left him hanging on a tree.
He was honoured with miracles, and in 1144 his body was removed to the
cathedral of the Holy Trinity, and in 1150 into the choir. A chapel was built
on the site where he was found, called St. William in the Wood. His day in
the English Calendar was March 24th. Butler adds, that pope Benedict XIV.
decided that infants, though baptized, dying before the age of reason, could not
be canonized, except those slain out of hatred to the name of Christ. Such
were the Innocents, St. Simon of Trent (canonized by the archbishop of Trent,
with the approbation of Sixtus V., confirmed by Gregory XIII.), St. Richard
of Pontoise, a.d. 1182, St. Hugh of Lincoln, a.d. 1255. See Bloomfield's
History of Norfolk, and Chaucei's Canterbury Tales, line 13,425.
Page 189, line 17. " The first year," &c.3 — Fabian says, "He increased
his heritage so mightily that he won Ireland by strength, and took William,
king of Scots, and joined that kingdom to his own. From the south ocean to
the north islands of Orcyes he closed all the lands, as it were, under one
principate, and spread so largely his empire that men read of none of his
progenitors that had so many provinces and countries under their dominion
and rule. For, beside the realm of England, he had in his rule Normandy,
Gascoyne, and Guion, Anjou and Chinon, and he made subject unto him
Auvergne and other lands ; and by his wife he obtained, as her right, the mounts
and hills of Spain, called Montes Pireni." Grafton, apparently copying Fabian,
says: — " He increased his heritage so mightily that he won Ireland anon after
his coronation, by strength, and took the king of Scots prisoner, and joined
that kingdom of Scotland to his own. From the south ocean unto the north
islands of Orcades, he closed all the lands as it were under one dominion, and
spread so largely his empire that we read not that any of his progenitors had
so many provinces and countries under their government and rule. For, beside
the realm of England and Scotland, he had in his rule Normandy, Gascoyne,
and Guienne, Anjou and Poictou ; and he made s\ibject unto him Auvergne
and other lands. And by Eleanor, his wife, he obtained, as in her right, the
earldom of Toulouse." Grafton afterwards adds, " In his third year he lost
Auvergne, warring against the king of France;" Hovcden seems to contradict
what is said about the city of Toulouse, Script, post Bedam, p. 491. The
Pyrenees and the north ocean are mentioned as the limits of the king's domi-
nions at page 231, in an epistle of the English bishops to Becket.
840 APrKNDTX TO VOL. U.
Papc ISn, line 17. " The first year of //is reitpi lie fuhducd Ireland."'] —
Itynier pives Adrian's grant of Ireland, " ad subdenduni ilium popuhnn Icgibus
et" viciorum plantaria iiide cxtirpanda," and on condition of paying " de
singulis domilxis amuiaiu uiiius denarii beato Petro pensionem, et jura eccle-
siaruni illius terra' illibata ct Integra conscrvare."
Page 189, line 7 from the bottom. " Jgainst whom if was alleged chief y,"
&c.] — Foxe says, *' Who in their time, according to their gift, did earnestly,"
&c. ; which seems a mis-translation of lUyricus, " lis pnecipue vitio datum est,
quod docucrint," Ike. lie calls them " Gcrhardiis Sagarelli, Parmcnsis, ct
Diilcinus Navarrensis," and says that they laboured for at least forty years in
(lallia Cisalpina, and Piedmont ; and that they were esteemed hcresiarchs by
the Romanists. — " Cat. Test." Genevse 1608, col. 1762.
Page 190, line 12. " And now, according to my promi-ie,'' &c.] — The ensuing
account of the emperor Frederic I. is apiiareiitly taken from lUyricus, col.
130.'), Sec. For the anecdote which presently follows he cites " Helmoldus in
Chronicis Sclavorum," cap. 81.
Page 190, line 27. " jifter this, as they were come in," &c.] — Illyricus (col.
loO(i) cites for his authority here, " Barnus in Vita Hadriani, ex Johanne de
Cremona."
Page 190, line 34.] — Apulia was now "a Nortniannisoccupata." — Illyricus.
Page 190, line 10 from the bottom. " The next day after"'] — i.e. "4 Cal.
Julii, anno regni sui quarto." — Helmoldus in Chron, Sclavorum, c. 80.
Page 190, line 5 from the bottom. " Sendeth to Emmanuel."] — Illyricus
(col. 1307), referring to Nauclerus gen. 39, says that Emmanuel offered to the
pope 5,000/. and to expel William out of Apulia, if three maritime cities of
Apidia were granted him.
Page 191, line 2.] — " Ex tota Sicilia, exercitu contracto." — Nauclerus.
Page 191, line 14. " Jriiriinum,"] — or Rimini. Platina says " Anagni."
Page 191, line 16. " IIow tlie pope had given Apulia, which of right helcnged
to the empire, to duke William."] — " Apuliam juris imperii, se inscio atque
invito, Wilhelmo concessam." (Nauclerus.) This clause is passed over by Foxe.
Page 191, notes (1) and (2).]— See Illyricus, cols. 1369, 1370.
Page 192, line 18 from the bottom.] — This " Arnulph, bishop of Mentz," is
the same individual as Arnold mentioned at page 172: see the note on that
passage.
Page 193, line 14. " And first taking his occasion," &c.] — Foxe is translating
Illyricus — " Nactus^occasionem captivitatis Leodiensis episcopi." Leodiensis
or Leodiccnsis (?. e. of Liege) gave birth to Foxe's " Bishop of Laodicea."
There was indeed a " Gerardus bishop of Laodicea" living about this period, who
wrote a work, " De Conversatione Servorum Uei," alluded to by Foxe infrii,
vol. iii. p. 105, though he there post-dates him by a century. The person, how-
ever, here intended, was not bishop either of Liege or of Laodicea, but I'.skyI
archbishop of Lundcn, in Sweden. Others have made other corruptions of his
title, as will appear from the following extract from Pagi, " Crit. in Baron.
Annates,'' ad annum 1157 : —
" Verum loco, E. Lonuonensis Archiepiscopus, legcndum, E. Lundensis
Archicpiscnpus, et intelligendus Eskylhis, quem ex illis verbis eruimus anno
su])eriori peregrinationem instituisse ad Iladrianum Papam, qui ilium Lcgatum
.suum in Dnnia constituerat, ut quicunque maximi Sueonum Pontitices creandi
essent, Pallio a Curia dato per Lundensem insignirentur Antistitem; eamque
sedem pro patrio venerarentur obsequio, sicut ait Saxo Gramniaticus, lib. 14.
llinc Sirmondus, in Notis ad Epist. 23. lib. 1. Petri Cellensis, de Eskyllo recte
scribit : ' Qui cum ex Urbe in Daniam rediret, captus spoliatusque fuit in
CJermania. Qua; res — dum injuriam missis ad Fredericum Imp. Legatis acrius
j)crspqui(ur Hadrianus IV'. Pontifex, cui EskvUus privato etiam nomine charus
erat — exacerbatis hinc inde animis ansam pra'buit schismati, quod inter iilos
erupit, ut inquit Radcvicus, lib. 1. de Gest. Friderici, cap. 8, et seqq. Scd apud
Radevicum Londoncnsis vitiosc scriptum est, fccdius ctiam apud Innocentium
ATPEXDIX TO VOL. II. 841
III. Epist. .321 Liigduvensis, pro Lundensi.' Ita Sirmondiis. Qiire conjectura
eo certior, quod miUus hoc seciilo E. Episcopus Londiiiensi Ecclesite praefuit.
Praeterquam quod Londonia Sedes est Episcopalis, non vero Arcliiepiscopalis."
Page 193, line IG. " Divers and sharp letters," &c.] — The reader will
find Pope Adrian's letters to Frederic in Baronius, an. ll.")?, § 2, 3. The
legates appear to have been Koland, cardinal-priest of St. Mark, and Bernard,
cardinal-priest of St. Clement; and Pagi in his notes on tliis part of Baronius
shews, that they were sent with the said letters a.d. 1156, and that in the
same year also the seizure of the Archbishop of Lunden took place.
Page 193, note (2).] — The volume referred to is " Ottonis Episc. Frisingensis
Chronicon, et Radevicus Prising. Canonicus," &c., folio, Basileae, 1569. ^ If
any information is needed upon these writers, " Vossius de Hist. Latinis."
will supply it, pp. 427 — 431, edit. 1651.
Page 195, last line. " The proud pope, setting his foot," &:c.] — " Fuerunt
quidem nonnulli, inter qnos etiam Card. Baronius, qui in dubium vocarunt
narrationem de Imp. Frederico I. et Alexandre III. collum ejus premente
pedibus, his etiam verbis usurpatis, super aspidem et Basilictim amhulabis,
&c. ; quod factum indecorum, arrogans, et penitus insuetum agnoscit Baronius
(tom. xii. ad an. 1177, § 86), et negat unquam accidisse, tanquam ahhorrens
a tanti Christi vicarii mansuetudine, turgens fastu f acinus. Quam tamen liis-
toriam referunt viginti historici, omnes pontiticii, quorum testimonia citantur
ab Hieronymo Bardo in libro cui titulum fecit ' Victoria Navalis,' Venetiis
edito, 1584. Sed'Jos. ille Stevanus' qui de ' osculo pedum Papae ' scripsit
RonijB, ad Gregorium XIII., non solum factum non negat; sed ex eo deducit
quantum Papa possit in Reges et Principes." — Riveti Jesuita Vapulans, cap.
28, § 4.
A picture of this transaction was formerly to be seen in the vestibule of St.
Mark's, at Venice, and also in the ducal palace (vide Em. S. Cijpriani Disser-
iaiiones, Coburgi, 1755, p. 70) ; though the circumstance has, from different
reasons, been rather warmly discussed, and partially questioned (see Sagittarii
Introduct. in Hist. Eccles. tom. i. p. 630; tom. ii. p. 600). But such assump-
tions are not always considered misplaced, even by Baronius himself; as in the
case of Henry VI., Emperor of Germany, whose crown Celestine III. thought
well to strike off his head a.d. 1191 ; under which year see Baron. Annal.
§. 10 ; Roger Hoveden, p. 689, edit. 1601 ; and the present vol. of Foxe, p. 304.
Page 196, line 23. " Two-and-twenty years."'] — Foxe says, " one-and-
twenty." But Alexander III. was elected Sept. 7th, a.d. 1159, crowned Sept,
20th, and died Aug. 30th, a.d. 1181. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 196, line 24.] — The Council of Tours sat May 19th a.d. 1163; the
General (eleventh) Council of Lateran March 5th — 19th, a.d. 1179. — L'Art de
Ver. des Dates.
Page 197, line 6 from the bottom. "In Quadrilogo."'] — The full title of this
work is " Vita et Processus Thomas Cantuar. martyris super libertate ecclesiae ;
sive Quadripartita Historia continens passionem Martyris Archipraes. Cantu-
ariensis." It is a history of Becket compiled by order of Pope Gregory XI.
from the biographies of four contemporaries of Becket, who are mentioned
by Foxe in the note. Of these, 1. Herbert de Boscham in Sussex, was
one of Becket's chaplains, a companion of his flight, and witness of his death.
2. John, a native of Salisbury, whence he is commonly called John of Salisbury,
afterwards bishop of Chartres ( Carnotensis), was one of the most distinguished
men of his day. He was an old and intimate friend of Becket, so much so,
that in the autumn of a. d. 1163 Henry tliought it necessary to interrupt their
intercourse by banishing him to France, where he resided chiefly at Kheims
till his retui-n to England on the final arrangement between the king and
Becket. He was in the cathedral of Canterbury at the time his friend was mur-
dered. He is supposed to be the person who arranged the large collection of
435 letters relating to the contest between Church and State, written between
1165 and 1171, preserved in the Vatican, and printed thence by Christianus
Lupus at Brussels, 16S2, uiuler the title of "Ep. D. Thomtv." 3. Alan was a
monk of St. Trinity, Canterbiu-y, and afterwards abbot of Tciolccsbury. 4. Wil-
liam was also a monk of St. Trinity, Canterbury. (See Tanner's liibliotheca,
842 APPEKDIX TO VOL. II.
and Cave's Hist. Litt.) Tlie " (iuadrilopus " is patched togetlier from the
histories of these four, each portion bcinfj headed by the name of the author
from whom it is taken. It was printed in 4to., first in l)lack letter at Paris,
A. D. 14!).') ; and aijain at Brussels, a.d. 1082, when it was prefixed by Ch. Lii])us
to the " Ep. I). Tlioniic " above mentioned. Tiie former edition contains
several errors which are corrected in the latter, and which now for the first time
have been corrected in Fo.\e's text : they will be noticed in this Appendix.
Foxe's account of Becket is derived mainly from the " Quadrilogus;" most of it
will also be found verbatim in Grafton's Chronicle, the principal additions being
the documents, which are all printed in the " Quadrilogus ;" from which it would
appear, that, though Foxe availed himself of Grafton's labours in translating,
yet he consulted the original for himself
Page 198, line 15 from the bottom. " And first, to omit here the progeny,"
&:c.] — A life of Becket compiled by "William Stephanides or Fitz-Stephen, a
monk of Canterbury and an intimate friend of Becket, says, "Beatus Thomas
natus est in Icgitimo matrimonio ot honestis parentibus, patre Gileberto, qui
et vice-comes aliquando fait, matre Mathilda ; civibus Lundonia? jiiediastinis,
neque frenerantibus, neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de redditibus suis
lionorifice viventibus." — Stephanides, Edit. Sparke, Lond. 1723, p. 10.
Page 198, line 10 from the bottom.] — Dr. Chitterbiick states, in his History
of Hertfordshire, vol. ii. p. 48, that the rectory of Brantfield in that county
was given by Ilardvin de Scalers, a powerful Norman baron, to the Abbey of
St. .\lban's, which retained it till the Dissolution ; also that Thomas Becket was
once rector; in confirmation of which he adds, that near the rectorial house
there is a pond called " Thomas a Becket's Pond." — Brantfield is in the liberty
of St. Alban's, about three miles from Hertford. (Carlisle.)
Page 198, line 3 from the bottom. " Left playing the archdeacon, and
began to play the chancellor."'] — The following is the testimony on this point of
Grime, the monk who interposed his own arm in order to shield Becket from the
assassins sword at Canterbury, and who wrote a life of Becket, preserved in Sion
College and the Arundel MS. in the Brit. Mns. " Jamque pedem porrexit in
semitas seculi, jam ad honores aspirare, elfundere animum in exteriora, et
vanas mundi amplitudines ambire coepit." — Grime, fol. 4, MS. Arund. " Novus
itaquc erigitur super Egypt Joseph, proeficitur universis regni negotiis, post
regem secundus; augentur honores, prcedia, possessiones, et divitiarum
splendor, ac mundi gloria multiplicatur, sequuntur ex more innumeri mancipi-
orum greges, stipantur electorum catervse militum, nee cancellario minor quam
regi comitatus adhaesit, ita ut nonnunquam corriperetur a rege quod regis
hospitium vacuasset." — Grime, fol. 7.
Page 199, line 12. " Richard Lucy, one of the chirfest."'] — "Richardum de
Luci aliosque magnates Angline," (Quadril.) Richard de Lucy was the chief
justice. " If I were dead," said Henry to Lucy, " wouldst thou not devote
thy life and thy energies in favour of my son? Then cease not in thy endea-
vours until my chancellor is raised to the see of Canterbury." (John of Salis-
bury, in Quadrilogo.) The reason of Henry's partiality may be given in few
words from the " Life and Ecclesiastical History of St. Thomas of Canterbury,"
a work published in English under papal sanction at Cologne, 1639, p. G.
" The king having had manifold trial of him, deemed his magnanimity and
fidelity to be fit for so high a dignity ; and also that he would have a care of
his profit, and govern all things in the church and common weal to his good
liking."
The following passages may be quoted here with advantage, from an Article
on the Life and Times of Thomas Becket, in the Church-of-England Quarterly
Review for April, 1841, written in confutation of the view taken of Becket's
character in vol.iv. of "Fronde's Remains." "The expectation that Becket would
unhesitatingly obey the will and pleasure of the king in matters ecclesiastical
IS distinctly asserted by Grime (' Rex autem arbitratus cancellarium suas per
omnia velle seqiii voluntates lit ante et imperils obtemperare, ipsi archicpis-
c()i)atum dvd'n:— Grime, MS. Annul fol. 7 a.), and reiterated by Fitz-Stephen
(' Statuit Rex Anglirc cancellarium suum in archiepiscopatum promovere,
intcntu meritorum personam, et confidens quod se ad placitum et nutuni, ut
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 843
cancellarius fecerat, archiepiscopus obscqueretur.' — Filz-Stephen.), and the
Lambeth biography (' Iteruin Archiepiscopo Theobaklo rebus humanis
exenipto, deferendi locum honoris suo dilecto Rex se nactum esse gavisus est ;
in multis enim cxpertus magnaniniitatem ejus et fidem, tanto quidem fastigio
bene siifficiente credit, scilicet ad suas utilitates facile semper inclinandum.' —
MS. Lamb. fol. 2 b.). It is useless, then, to deny that such, at least, was
the view taken by those who wrote during the continuance of, or immediately
after the conclusion of, these troubles ; that they were justified in their asser-
tion, their agreement renders more than probable ; that Henry was justified in
holding such an opinion, the already cited cases would seem to warrant us in
asserting. One of the primate's biographers has recorded a warning from
Becket to the king, of his inability to serve him and the Church at the same
time. The solitariness of the authority is not our only reason for rejecting
this assertion ; we have been far more influenced by the improbability of one
so shrewd and politic as Henry, wilfully and with his eyes open running his
head into a noose like this, in a matter of such importance, and, when his
mind was set on the reformation of the Church, deliberately forcing the primacy
on one who forewarned him of his anti-reforming notions and intentions."
The same writer gives the following facts as justifying the king's opinion
what kind of an archbishop Becket was likely to prove: — " Towards his own
order, Becket acted rather as a statesman than as an ecclesiastic. First, he hesi-
tated not to impose on them a scutage for the maintenance of the war of
Toulouse — an imposition which Gilbert Foliot characterized as ' that sword
plunged into the bowels of mother Clmrch ' (' Divi Thomse,' epist. i. 126;
Cotton MS.) ; and his patron, Theobald, on his death bed, vowed to God to
prohibit, under pain of excommunication, the exaction of the second aid
his brother the archdeacon had imposed on the Church {Joan Salts. Ep.
49, cited by Lord Lyttelton). John of Salisbury admits (epist. 159) that
Becket had allowed the measure to pass, and was therefore justly punished
in being now persecuted by the very person whom he had preferred to his
original benefactor. Secondly, when, in his presence, the supremacy of the
pope was upheld by the bishop of Chichester, and Henry rebuked that prelate,
and declared in the hearing of all, ' that the supremacy of the pope was upheld
by man alone, but that of the king by God,' then we are told the new chancellor
joined the king against the pope, reminded the bishop of his oath of allegiance,
and seconded, if he had not previously prompted, the rebuke of the king,
(Wilkins' Concilia, i. p. 431 — a passage sadly mutilated, but still sufficiently
preserved to show the intentions of Becket. See the full account of the matter
m the Appendix to Sir F. Palgrave's ' Constitution of England.' The old
chronicler there quoted fully bears out the assertion just made.) And, Lastly,
if we are to believe Matthew Paris— and we see no reason to the contrary,
more especially as his assertions are confirmed by Radulphus de Diceto — the
views of Becket respecting the relative power of the pope and the king con-
tinued the same for some little time after his elevation to the primacy. In the
great cause between the bishop of Lincoln and the abbot of St. Alban's, a bull
had been obtained by the bishop, referring the cause to the decision of the
papal legates. Henry, however, determined to hear it in his own court, and
accordingly summoned the contending parties before him. The abbot, fearful
of being brought before the legates for a second hearing, demanded of the king
that proof made before him should be subject to no appeal. The king admired
his prudence, and commended him for it to Becket, who sat by his side. The
case was heard ; the privileges having been proved, judgment was given in
favour of the abbot, and signed among others by Thomas, Archbishop of
Canterbury. (' Unum peto [said the abbot], quod, si in audientia vestra
libertatem ecclesia; meag declaravero et evicero, ne me coarctent judices delegati
iterato litigare de evicta libertate. Tunc Rex prudentiam ejus cum optima-
tibus suis admirans, ad Archiepiscopum Thomam Cantuariensem conversus
ait. Quod dicit abbas rationi consentaneum est, neque enim nostrie majes-
tati honorificum foret, si lis in Palatio nostro decisa in Domini papae consistorio
iterandam pra^stolaretur sententiam.' " (See Matt. Paris, Vitse Abb. Sancti
Albani, pp. 77 and 79 ; Radulphus de Diceto, sub. ann. 1162.)
Pao^e 199, line 14. *' The monks said it tvas not meet," Src] — Becket himself
states that he was kept out of the see for a year through the opposition of the
844 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Chajiler (Epist. D. Tliom.T, lib. i. 12G). His predecessor, Tlicobald, died
April liSil), A. D. ll(il. — Gotlwin. Great opposition was made to Hccket"s
cleclion by Koliot, bisliop of London, not without incurring; mucli odium ; for lie
says in relerencc to this in a letter of his own, quoted by I-ord Lyttelton, " Quod
loijuinuir experlo novinuis, . . . verbuni ])roseriptionis illieo audivimus, et exilio
crudiliter achiicli sunuis." Cutt. MS. Claud, b. ii. let. lib. i. 120. Grime tells
us tliat the matter was deferred, " donee a conventu extonpieret [rex] consensum,
qui liberam ab antiquo solct habere vocem in electione pomificis " (Grime, folio
G, b.); and that in the meeting at London ('AL'iy26th) to confirm the appointment,
(Jilbert I'oHot, though alone, still objected. The author of a MS. biography of
Ik'cket at Lambeth, professing to be written by an eye-witness, speaks of the
election having been secured rather by the " iiistantia rrrjis " than the votes of
tlie clergy and people. " Unde totis enitens viribus, non prius destitit [rex] quam
apud Angliit cierum optinuim cum in archiepiscopalum subrogavit. Nonmdlis
tamen id circa ))roniotionem ejus visum est minus canonicuni, quod ad earn magis
operata est regis instantia quam cleri vel populi vota." {MS. Lamb. fol. 2, b.)
And, lastly, William of Newborough speaks of the primacy as " Minus siiicerfe
ct canonicc, id est per operam mnnunique regiam, susceptum ;" and of Becket's
tendering his insignia of office into the j)ope's hands, on account of the infor-
mality of his election : " Secundo promotionis anno concilio Turonensi inter-
fuit, ubi (ut dicitur) poiitificatum, . . . pungentis conscientia; stimulos non
ferens, secreto in n)anus domini papic resignavit." {Gul. Neub. L IG, p. 169.
Ed. Paris, 1610.) It is to this cause that we must refer Becket's own words and
conduct, related at page 218 of tliis volume. Tiie /o;7« of the election, how-
ever, seems to have been quite correct, for Becket himself asserts this against
his adversaries at page 23 j.
Page 199, line 19. " In the four and fortieth year of his age," &c.] — He was
born A.D. HIS, where RLrccr's cliapel was afterwards erected, according to
Fuller's " Worthies of England," p. 203. In a.d. 1162 Easter fell on April 8th,
and Trinity Sunday on June 3d. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 199, line 20 from the bottom. " J.i first, when, according to custom,"
Src] — The old tax called " dancgclt," of two sliillings on ever)' hide of land, was
abolished (Foxe, p. 181); but perhaps the sheriff of each county received some
compliment for his services from the wealthier landowners, which the king
aimed at getting converted into a regular tax for the public service. The
original runs thus : —
" Publicic potestatis ministri per regionem Anglicanam de consuctudine
sibi de singulis Hidis vel Aidis (ut verbis comprovincialiuni utar) pecuniam
coUigunt, tanquam laboris mercedem, quem tuitioni patriae iinpendunt. Quani
pecmiiam tamen Rex tanquam reditum nitebatur in fiscum redigere. Obstitit
Primas, dicens non oportcre pro reditu computari quod suo ct aliorum arbitrio
daretur." — Quadrilogiis, edit. 1495, cap. 22.
Page 199, line 7 from the bottom. " Were divers cler/cs."] — The Quadrilogus
says " clerici;" Grafton and Foxe say " divers others."
Page 199, line 4 from the bottom. " One Bruis, canon of Bedford."] — The
" Quadrilogus " (citing Alan) says, " Philippus quidam de Brois canonicus ;"
Grafton and I'oxe, " a canon of Bruis." Fitz-Stephen calls him " Piiilip de
Brois, canon of Bedford," and Brompton " Philip Brock, canon of Bedford."
Page 200, line 7. " They passed so little of (i.e. cared so little for) the
spiritual correct i 011."] — " Adjiciens [rex] ad nocendum fore promptiores nisi
))ost poenam spintualem corporali poenae subdantur ; et pcenatn parum curare
de Ordinis amissione, qui Ordinis contemplatione a tarn enormibus manus
continere non verentur." — Quadrilogus, edit. 1495, cap. 23.
Page 200, last line but one. " Was greatly rebuked of the archbishop," &c.]
" In recessu vero episcopus, quem supradiximus, ab Archi-Pra^sule acritcr est
objurgatus, quod ct se et co-episcopis inconsultis commune omnium verbum
niutare pr;rsumpsisset."
Page 200, note (1.)] — Hollinshed seems to have pondered these words
" luculenter ct probabililer ;" and thus endeavours to express their force:
APPENDIX TO VOL. ir. 845
" The archbishop, and his sufiVagans, with the vest of tlie bishops, answered
very pithily, hibouring to prove that it was more against the liberties of the
Chiux-h than that they might with reason well allow."
To show how the original narrative was interrupted by the introduction of tlio
constitutions, the context is here given from the " Qiiadrilogus :" — " Archi-
episcopus una cum comprovincialibus et cum pricfatis eruditis suis librato con-
silio, cum plurimum et ipse pro cleri libertate Secundum Antiquorum Patruni
Canonicam Institutionem luculenter satis etprobabiliter respondisset, in fine Ser-
monis cum omni devotione Kegiam obseerabat Clementiam ne sub novo Kege
Christo et sub nova Christi lege in nova et peculiari Domini sorte contra Sanc-
torum Patrum Instituta Novam per Regnum sunm induceret conditionem."
" Verum Rex nihil motus ad hoc, sed c6 amplius commotus (juod cerneret Archi-
Priesulem et Episcopos adversiis ipsum (ut reputabat) unanimes sic et constantes,
sciscitabatur mox, an consuetudines suas Regias forent observaturi : Replicans
illos tempore Avi sui ab Archi-episcopis et Episcopis Privatis et Privilegiatis ob-
sevvatas, non oportere suo tempore tristi judicio damnari. Ad quod Archi-Praesul,
prajhabito cum Fratribus suis consilio, respondit iUas se et Fratres suos obser-
vaturos, salvo Ord'tne suo. Et id ipsum etiam ex Ordine responderunt Ponti-
fices singuli, singulatim et a Rege interrogati. Unus autem, Hilarius scilicet
Cicestrensis Episcopus, a\idiens ob banc omnium vocem Regem magis exacer-
batum, Archi-Prsesule et Co-Episcopis inconsultis mutavit Verbum, dicens se
Regias Constitutiones observaturum bond fide," — Qiiadrilogus, edit. 1495,
cap. 24. edit. 1682, cap. 19.
It is worthy of observation, that Foxe was led on from a small beginning to
interrupt the text here in the manner intimated. For in Grafton the inter-
ruption is only this : — " And those constitutions are in number xxviii. or xxix.
whereof certeine followe."
" Concerning the nomination and presentation into benefices, if any contro-
versy arise between the laity and clergy, or between one spiritual man with
another, the matter to be brought into the king's temporal court, and there to
be decised.
" Chm-ches, such as be de feodo regis, to be given at no time without the
assent and permission of the king.
" All spiritual and ecclesiastical persons, being accused of any crime, what-
soever it be, cited by the king's justice, to come and appear m the king's
court, there to answer, whether the matter appertain to the spiritual court or
to the temporal ; so that, if the said person or persons be found guilty and
convicted of any crime, the church not to defend him nor succour him.
"No archbishop, nor bishop, nor person being of any ecclesiastical dignity,
to attempt to go over the sea out of the realm without the king's knowledge
and permission ; and in so doing, yet notwithstanding to be bound, tarrying
in any place, to procure no damage either to the king or to the realm.
" Such goods or catells as be forfeited to the king, neither any sanctuary
of church or churchyard to detain them, contrary to the king's justice, for
that they belong to the king, whether they be foimd in the church or
churchyard.
"No orders to be given to husbandmen's children, witliout the assent and
testimonial of them, which be the lords of the country where they were born and
brought up."
In the edition of Foxe, 1563, p. 48, the interruption was somewhat enlarged:
— " The copy of those lawes and constitutions are conteined in the nimiber of
eight or ix and twentj'c, whereof I thought here to resite certayne, not unwor-
thie to be knowne.
" The copy and effect of certain Laws and Constitutions set forth and proclaimed
in the days of King Henry II.
[Here follow the above Articles from Grafton, almost totidem verhis.l
" Besides these constitutions, there were many other, which I passe over,
for that the afore rehersed articles are the chiefe. And now let us returne to
the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket aforesayd. The king, as is
aforesayd, conventing his nobles and clerks together, required to have the
punishment of the aforesayd misdoersof the clergie ; but Thomas Becket would
not consent thereto.
" Besides these constitutions were other at the same time set forth, to the
846 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
number of xxix. in all ; but these were the chief, namely and expressly con-
demned by the bishop of Rome, amongst all the rest.
" Cerlai/ne other Constitutions, besides the xxix, uhich the forsaid King Henri/
the third (sic), a little after, sent from Norman Ji/ to England, after Becket
was fled over.
" I. If any person shall be found to bring from the pope, or from the arch-
bishop of Canterbury, any writing containing any indict or curse against the
realm of England, the same man to be apprehended without delay for a traitor,
and execution to be done upon the same.
" II. That no monk, nor any clerk, shall be permitted to pass over into
England without a passport from the king, or his justices; whoso doth contrary,
tha't man to be attached and imprisoned.
" III. No man to be so bold once to appeal to the pope, or to the archbishop
of Canterbury, out of England. , • r
" IV. That no decree or commandment, proceeding from the authority of
the pope, or the bishop of Canterbury, to be received in England, under pain of
taking and imprisoning.
" V. In general to forbid any man to carry over any commandment or
precept, either of clerk or layman, to the pope, or to the archbishop of Can-
terbury. , „ , 1 • • 1 •
" VI. If any bishop, clerk, abbot, or layman, shall do contrary to this inhi-
bition, the same incontinent to be thrust out of the land, with all their kindred,
and to leave all their goods behind them.
" VII. All the possessions, goods, and cattell, of such as favour the pope or
the archbishop of Canterbury, to be seized and confiscate for the king.
" VIII. All such of the clergy as be out of the realm, having their rents
and profits out of the land, to be summoned and warned through every shire
within three months to repair home, or else their rents and goods to return to
the king.
" IX. That St. Peter's-pence should be no more paid to the apostolical see,
but to be reserved diligently in the king's coffers, and there to be at his com-
mand. (,\tque hasc ex Quadiilogo.)
" By these, and such other laws and decreements, it may appear,^ that the
abolishing of the pope is no new thing in the realm of England. This only
difference there is, that the pope being driven out then, could not be kept out
so long as now. The cause is, that the time was not yet come that antichrist
should so fully be revealed ; neither was his wickedness then so fully ripe in
those days, as it hath been now in our time. Now, these premised, let us
return where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket.
" The Communication and Controversy between the King and Thomas Becket,
with his Clergy.
" The king, as is aforesaid, con venting his nobles and clerks together, required
to have the punishment of certain misdoers of the clergy; but Thomas Becket
not assenting thereunto, the king came to this point, to know whether he would
consent, with his clergy, that the customs then set forth in the realm (meaning
the first part of those decrees above specified) s.hould be observed."
The interruption became still greater in the subsequent editions, see p. 217,
note. It will be perceived, that this first English edition of Foxe does not
contain the absurd title which crept into the succeeding editions — "Other
lawes and constitutions made at Ciarendoun in Normandy, and sent to
England, " &c.
Page 201, line 2. " And in the dead of the night, unknown to the bishops,
removed frotn London."^ — Foxe omits this altogether. The Quadrilogus of
M9.') (cap. 24) says: — " Et nee salutans nee salutatus a pontificibus, immo nesci-
entibus ipsis, clam et ante lucanum Londonia rccessit. Et quidem hoc grandis
nve ct indignationis argumcntum extitit. Videres tunc murmur in poi)ulo et
motioncs in clero. Episcopi turbati et tremuli regein aheuntem sunt persecuti,
metuentes se non prius inventuros, quam audirent se omnia bona sua perdituros."
It proceeds (cap. 25) : — " Accidit post modicum tempus," &c.
Page 201, line 17. " Bishop of Chichester."} — Grafton and Foxe saj',
"bishop of Chester :" the Quadrilogus, " Cicestrensis."
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 201, line 9 from the bottom.] — These "two noble peers " were, accord-
ing to Hoveden, Reginald, Earl of Cornwall, and Robert, Earl of Leicester.
Page 201, note (1).] — The original, whence the text is derived, runs thus
in the Qiiadrilogus of 1682 : — " Accidit post modicum Episcopum Lexoviensem
reconciliandi gratia. Ilegem ex transmarinis adiisse, nam ab amicitia ejus exci-
derat ; qui (forsan ut recuperaret gratiam quam perdiderat) consilium dedit
(utinam non in la>sione nominis sui) ut ad se partem cleri converteret, ne prae-
valerent adversus eum, dum simul quasi conserta acie starent et communicato
sufFragio sibi subvenirent."
The Quadrilogus of 1-195 (cap. 25) reads in this passage " Londoniensem."
Grafton strangely misunderstands the whole (in connexion with the previous
context, as cited in the last note) to mean, that " the king, removing from
London unknown to the bishops, sailed over to Normandy, whither the bishop
of London, called Gilbert, not long after resorted to crave the king's favour,
and gave him counsel withal to join some of the bishops on his side, lest, if all
were against him, peradventure he might sooner be overthrown." The errors
of this sentence are corrected in Foxe's text. The corrections made receive con-
firmation from Hoveden, who says (Script, post Bedam, p. 492) — " Deinde post
multum tempus Ernulfus, Lexoviensis Episcopus venit in Angliam, et solicite
laboravit die ac nocte, ut pax fieret inter regem et Archiepiscopum, sed ad ple-
num fieri non potuit. Deinde per consilium Lexoviensis Episcopi rex separavit
Rogerum Archiepiscopum Eboracensem, &c. &c. et alios quosdam ecclesiae
praelatos a consortio et consilio Cantuariensis Archepiscopi, ut per illos praefa-
tum Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum in suos conatus facilius alliceret."
Page 201, note (2). " /w the Icing's promise."~\ — " In regis promissione."
(Quadi-ilogus) One would rather have expected " in regis poslulalione" or some
such word. The king's " request" is mentioned a few lines above.
Page 201, note (3).] — Foxe (or rather Grafton) reads in the text, "After
this came to him two rulers of the temple, called Templars ; one, Richard de
Hast; the other, Costans de Hoverio, with their company." The Quadrilogus
says : — " Igitur cum tertio per Richardum, magni nominis virum, qui templo
Hierosolymitano tunc prceerat sibi cavere moneretur et cleri misereri, non tulit
eorum supplicationes, non geniculationes. Nam, tanquam in ipsius verticem
vibratos gladios viderent, plangere videbantur, et tanquam funus prsesens futu-
rum facinus lugebant." The second Templar is not named here ; yet it is plain,
from the plural number being used in the rest of the sentence, that more than one
came to Becket. Grafton seems to have supplied an " et " after " Richardum,"
and so made out two " qui praeera[n]t templo," "two rulers of the temple."
Hoveden says there were two Templars, and names them correctly " Richardus
de Hastings et Tostes de Sancto Homero." (Scriptores post Bedam, pp.492,
493.) Gervase calls the latter " Hosteus de Bolonia." (Script. Decem. col.
1386.) A slight mistake has been made in thetextby the present editor, in calling
Richard de Hastings " the grand master of the Temple," a title exclusively
belonging to the master of the whole order residing at Jerusalem : the provincial
governors were called simply " Master," or " Grand Prior," or " Grand Prae-
ceptor." (Addison's " History of the Knights Templars," London, 1842, p. 105.)
This last cited writer shows that Henry II. was a very great patron of the
Templars ; also that Richard de Hastings was a great man in his day, and
Master of the Temple at the king's accession. (Addison, pp. 99, 109, 110.) The
clause " with their company " has been dropped in the text, there being no
authority for it : for the cause which led to its introduction, see the next note.
Page 202, line 1 . "At length came these last messengers again from the king."'j
— " Tandem ultimi nuncii regis veneiimt lacrymis et verbis eis expressis seorsum
iterate significantesquid futurum erat si non acquiesceret." The tico Templars
came again (iterato), and in private (seorsiun) expostulated with Becket.
Hoveden, Brompton, and Gervase give them the credit of overcoming the
archbishop's reluctance. Grafton, also, seems so to have understood the sen-
tence ; but he renders " ultimi nuntii " by " the last message," instead of " these
last messengers." The word " seorstim" no doubt suggested to lum the idea,
that they came the first time " with their company " (see the last note) : it rather
means that they now conferred with Becket apart from "his company," viz, the
847
848 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
lords and bishops. (See Lord Lyftclton.) It is singular, however, that tliese
words "Tandem ultinii . . . acquiesceret " are omitted in the second edition of
the Qiiadrilogiis, wliich, after the words cited in tiie last note, goes on, " Uiide
ijotiiis super clerum quam super se motus miseratione annuit de consilio
illorum Uegi;e voluntati parere." This omission proves that the editors of
that edition tliought, either that the Templars did not come a second time, or
that at least tlicy were the " ultiini nuncii."
Page 203, line G from the bottom. " The bishop of Evreux."^ — The Quadri-
lot^us of 119j says, " Interea elaboratum est ab episcopo Eboracensi," &c-. ; but
the later edition says, " Ebroicensi." This is coniirmed by Grime's MS. history,
and (iervase (Script. Decern, col. 1388). " Ebroicensis " is easily corrupted
into " Eboricensis," and this into " Eboracensis."
Pa^e 204, line 18.] — " Legaaj" an old word for " legation " or " legateship."
It is curious, that wliile "legatio" is here translated as if it were " legatum,"
Foxe has at p. 598, § 10, translated "legatum" "legation," as if it were
" lee atio " — which (as a mis-translation) has been altered into "legacy" in
this edition.
Pa'^e 204, line 23. " That the king should be legate himself."'] — Hoveden
adds,"" on condition of not molesting Becket." This explains the king's
indignation.
Pa"-e 204, note (3).] — The translation in the text has been revised from the
Latin.
Page 205, line 30.] — " Anaclitus and Euaristus." See Labbe's Cone,
tom. i. cols. 518, 537, 538, for the passages of their writings referred to.
Page 205, line 9 from the bottom. " Cited up to appear by a certain day at
Nort?iampton:''\—\\\\\\am. Filz-Stephen lays particular claim to accuracy in
his account of the council of Northampton. He thus speaks of himself in the
Preface to his Life of Becket : — " Ejusdem domini niei concivis, clericus, et
convictor : ct ad partem solicitudinis ejus oris ipsius invitatus alloquio, fui in
cancellaria ejus dictator; in capella, eo celebrante, subdiaconus; sedente eo ad
cognitionem causarum, epistolarum et instnmientorum quae offerebantur lector,
etaliquarum (eo quandoque jvibente) patronus ; concilio Northaviptonia' habito,
ubi maximum fuit reium momentum, cum ipso interfui ; passionem ejus Can-
tuariiB inspexi; csctera plurima quie hie scnbuntur oculis vidi, auribus audivi,
qu.'edam a consciis didici relatoribus."
Fitz-Stephen's account of the council of Northampton differs in some
respects from that in the Quadiilogus. Dr. Brady gives the principal features
of both in his History of England, vol. i. Foxe's account has been compared
with both, and several inaccuracies corrected. The " certain d,y " for which
Becket was cited to Northampton was, according to Fitz-Stephen, " Octava S" .
Michaelis, fcria tertia," i.e. Tuesday, October Gth, a. d. 1164. He adds, that
the king spent so nuich time on his way thither in hawking, that he did not
arrive till too late to transact any business that day : the "prima actio " of the
council, tlierefore, did not take place till the Wednesday, or " feria quarta"
as the Quadrilogus calls it.
Page 205, line 7 from the bottom. " Hoveden tvritet/i," &:c.]— As a change
has been made here in Foxe's text, Iloveden's words are given : — " Ubi [apud
Northampton] ta'dium magnum fecit [Rex] Thomae Cantuariensiarchiepiscopo.
Imprimis enim fecit Rex cqnos suos hospitari in hospitiis illius : sed archiepi-
scopus niandavit regi qucxl ipse ad curiam non veniret, donee hospitia sua
vacuareiitur ab cquis et honiinibus suis. In crastino colloquii venit Thomas
archiepiscopus ad curiam regis," &c. The Quadrilogus opens the account of the
council thus . — " Facta igitur concione trahitur ad causam archiepiscopus, qu6d
ad quandam regis citationem se in propria persona non exhibuerit. Qui licet
se sutticientem rcsponsalem pro se misisse probaverit, tamen omnitnn proce-
runi et etiam poiititicum judicio mox omnia ejus bona mobilia sunt confiscata,
nisi forte regia Clementia vellet temperare judicium." Out of these two state-
ments of Hoveden and the Quadrilogus Grafton makes up the following : —
" So when the day was come, all the peers and nobles with the prelates of the
realm upon the king's proclamation being in the castle of Northampton, gi-eat
fault was found with the archbishop, for that he, being personally cited to
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
appear, came not liimself, but sent another for him. The cause why he came
not Hovcden assigneth to be this : for that the king had placed his horse and
liorsemcn in the archbishop's lodging (which was a house there of canons),
wlierewith he, being offended, sent word again that he would not appear, unless
his lodging were voided of the king's horsemen. Whereupon," &c. It will
be at once perceived, that Grafton in this statement quite misrepresents
the meaning both of Hoveden and the Quadrilogus, and that the amended
text places the matter in its true light. — The occupation of Becket's lodgings
by the king's horses was a circumstance not at all unlikely to occur, in conse-
quence of the king's arrival late on the Tuesday from his field sports, as men-
tioned from Fitz-Stephen in the last note. Grafton renders Hoveden's " man-
davit " " sent word ;" but as it is followed by the word " coUoquii," the more
equivocal term " warned " might have been better, Fitz-Stephen says that
Beckct did not see the king on Tuesday; but next morning {Wednesday)
waited on him and complained of William de Curci's having occupied one of
his lodgings, and requested he might be ejected, which the king complied with :
he then offered to enter into the affair of John the Marshal, but the king put
it off till John's return from London. This probably was the " colloquium "
which Hoveden refers to. Fitz-Stephen adds, that the next day {Thursday)
Becket was condemned for his non-appearance at the king's court on Holy
Cross day (Sept. 14), concerning John the Marshal's business : — " Quia scilicet
a Rege citatus pro caus«i cujusdam Joannis (mareschalli) ncque venisset, neque
idoneese excusasset." (Fitz-Steph.) This John, the king's marshal, claimed a
manor which was in I3ecket's possession. When called on in the spiritual
court to swear to his case, he swore, not on the Gospels, but on a troparium.
Becket refused to accept such an oath, and the man accused him to the king of
refusing him justice. Being sunnnoned to the king's court to explain the affair
on Holy Cross dav, Becket sent four knights to answer for him. This, then,
constituted the first charge against Becket : " Qu5d ad quandam Regis cita-
tionem se in propria persona non exhibuerit." The merits of the case itself were
to be afterwards tried. The accusation here against Becket was simply that he
did not appear in person in the king's court (agreeably to the Constitutions of
Clarendon), to explain his conduct in the affair. A fine of five hundred marks
was accepted in lieu of his forfeited moveables. The Quadrilogus differs here
from Fitz-Stephen in placing this transaction to the Wednesday, and then
bringing up the affair of John the Marshal on Thursday as an entirely distinct
charge. — Mr. Carte and Lord Lyttelton state, that the troparium above men-
tioned was not a song-book (as some have rendered it), but a book of church
music, with a portion of a Gospel inserted at the beginning, and that it was
the constant practice to be sworn on such books; so that Becket's objection
to hear the suitor on that score was really a frivolous one.
Page 205, line 4 from the bottom. " A house of Canons."'] — The Cluniac
convent of St. Andrew. See the note on page 214, line 4.
Page 206, line 16. " And this ivas ilie first day's action.''] — The Quadrilogus
says ; — " Et haec sententia sic lata in archipragsulem feria quarta prima fuit
concilii actio."
Page 206, line 17. " The next day an action," &c.] — The Quadrilogus
calls this the second day of the council, and " feria quinta" or Thursday.
Page 206, note (1).]— The Quadrilogus of 1495 (cap. 32) says :— " In palatio
vero et qui ad concilium venerant universi jam audientes hoc obstupu-
erunt. Et jam passim submurmurabant solam captionem archiprresulis
superesse. Alii vero etiam graviota suspicabantur. Et hoc quidem jam
passim. ' Super his ' (inquit vero archiepiscopus) ' prudentiores vulunuis
consulere, et de consulto respondere.' Dum igitur pontifices qui aderant quid
super his respondendum agendumve esset requirerent, Henricus tunc," iS:c.
Fitz-Stephen says (p. 38) : — " Jubetur super his omnibus regi rationem
exponere. Respondit archiepiscopus se non ad hoc venisse paratum vel cita-
tum. Super hoc si convenire deberet, loco et tempore domino suo regi quod
juris esset faceret. Exegit rex ab eo super hoc cautionem fidejussoriam. Dixit
ille, se oportere super hoc habere consilium sulFragancorum et clericoruni
suorum. Rex sustinuit, Il!e discessit ; et ex ilia die amplius ad hospiliuni
VOL. II. 3 I
849
850 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
ejus non vcncrunt eiim vidcre barones, aut alii milites, intellccto regis animo.
Qnarta die, ad hospitium domiiii arcliiepiscopi venerunt omncs ecclesiasticae
piTsoiia; i]i;i.'. C'liiii episcopis semotini, cum abbatibus seniotim, super hujus-
inodi tractatuin habuit, consilium captavit," &c. On the authority of the
foregoing passages, the following words have been added to Foxe's text
(1.40 12): — '• Heckct, astonished at this demand, begged leave to consult
with his brother bishops apart, before he made his answer, which was granted."
Tiie ensuing words — " And so ended that day's action. On the morrow " — are
added to Foxe's text on tlie authority of Fitz-Stephen, who makes this last
claim to be " ])ropounded " on the Frhhuj, and tlie consequent deliberation to
occupy the Satiirdai/. This last addition is also necessary to explain Foxe's own
narrative ; for liis expression " tlie morrow after," at tiie opening of the pre-
vious paragraph, must mean Frulay ; and yet the next day named, and which
Foxe describes as immediately following the deliberation, is Snndatj (p. 209).
It was necessary, therefore, to introduce a more distinct notice of the inter-
mediate Suturdaji, in order to make out the week. It is singular that the
(^ladrilogus of 1495 makes the claim only " triginta marcarum :" but tlie
Quadrilogus of 1GS2 says " ducenta triginta marcai-um millia."
Page 206, note (2).] — The words in the text — " The archbishop was sitting
apart in a certain conclave with his fellow-bishops about him, consulting
together, the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed and commanded"
— would stand, according to Foxe, near the beginning of the previous paragraph,
after the words — " The morrow after which was the third day of the couricil :"
they are brought down here conformably to Fitz-Stej)hen's statement, which
(as already intimated) makes this last claim on Becket to have been " pro-
pounded " in open council on the Friday, and discussed in conclave on the
Saturday ; and in fact, Foxe's subsequent narrative shews the same thing;
for at page 208, 1. 17, 18, 4.5, he distinctly says that Becket and his suffragans
were shut into the conclave by the king for the express purpose of this delibe-
ration, which (as already proved) took j)lace on the Saturday. The expression
" sitting apart " is a variation from Foxe, who says " sitting below " ; the
Quadrilogus of 1495 (which he followed) says " deorstim," but the edition of
1682 says " seorsum," apart; and Fitz-Stephen says the deliberation took
place ad hospitium domini arcliiepiscopi.
Page 208, lnie24. " Who hath thus," Src] — This passage will be found in
Fitz-Stephen (p. .^O), whence the text is amended. The Latin of the part so
amended is as follows : — " Et quis vos fascinavir, O iiisensati pontifices? Quid
jirudcnti vocabulo dispcnsationis manifestam iniquitatem vestram contegitis ?
Quid vocalis dispensalionein totius ecclesiae Christi dispendinm ? Rebus voca-
bula serviant ; non cum rebus pervertantur vocabula. Quod autem dicitis,
malitige temporis multa fore indulgenda, assentior certc : sed non oh id peccata
accunmlanda esse peccatis."
Page 209, line 24. " Sunday, nothing was done."'\ — " In crastino vero,
dominica viz. die, ])ropter diem quievit concilium." (Quadrilogus.) Fitz-
Stephen, however, makes a very different representation: — "Quinta dies, quae
et dominica erat, tota consiliis dedita est. Vix reficiendi hora respirare licebat.
Archiepiscopus ab hospitio non discessit " (p. 39).
Page 210, line 18 from the bottom.] — " Amoto ab humeris pallio cum infula,
caeteris indutus vestibus sacris, cappa clericali superjecla." (Quadrilogus.)
Cappa was a cloak.
Page 211, line 24.] — These chaplains of the archbishop are named in the
Quadrilogus : " Erant enim ibi Magister Robertus Magnus [Grandis, edit.
1682] cognomine et Osbertus de Arundel [Arundelli, edit. 1682]. Cum autem
qui ostiarii dicebantur cum virgis et baculis de coenaculo regis in quo rex erat
cum magno impetu descendissent et vultu minaci et digitis extensis versus
archipripsulem, quotquot in domo crant crucis signaculo se signantibus, &c." — ■
Quadrilogus.
Page 211, line 33. " William Fitz-Stephen."']— This is Becket's biographer
Fitz-Stephen, miscalled here " John " by Grafton, who was probably misled
by the mention of one "John Plancia" in the context. — Quadrilogus, edit. 1495,
lib. i. cap. 26.
APPENDIX TO VOr. 11. 851
Page 21], line 9 from Uie bottom.] — The Quadrilogus says: " Dicum est
etiam quod Joselinus Sarisburieiisis et Wilhelmus Norvicciisis episco])i, qui
adlmc restiteraiit, traliereiitur statim ad sii]){)licium in membris muiilaiidi : qui
et ipsi pro salute sua Cantuariensem i-ogabant. Intuens igitur Archiepiscopus
in Exoniensem, ait, &c."
Page 212, line 23. " In all haste to the pope in France."'] — " Ad llomanam
sedem." (Quadrilogus.) Foxe, from Grafton, says " up to Rome." But the papal
see was then at Sens. In like manner, at line 8 of the next page, " before the
pope " is substituted for " up to Rome."
Page 213, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Et sic catholicae ecclesias et aposto-
licEe sedis auctoritate hinc recedo." — Quadrilogus.
Page 214, line 4.] — " Ad ecclesiam Beati Andrete, religiosorum mona-
chorum conventuale monasleriinii." — Quadrilogus.
Page 214, line 9.] — Fitz- Stephen says, that Becl<et was lurking in the king-
dom from the Qiiinzaine of St. Michael (October 13th) to the commemoratio
defunctorum hdelium (November 2d) ; on which day (jervase says " 4 Non. Nov.
[November 2d] apud Graveninges in Boloniensi territorio applicuit." Gervase
also says that he assumed the name of " Frater Christianus."
Page 214, line 15.] — Wingham was one of the manors belonging to the see
of Canterbury: but both editions of the Quadrilogus read here " Mungeaham,"
which was another manor of the see of Canterbury. (See Hasted's Kent, v.
Great Mungeaham.)
Page 216, note (1).] — Becket himself states generally what the ordinances
were which he mainly objected to, at page 230.
Page 216, note (1), line 4. " ^ remembrance and recognition:" " recor-
datio et recognitio."] — These are somewhat technical terms, " recordatio" im-
plying an examination of witnesses as to what the usage and precedent have been
in any case, and " recognitio " the allowance, ratification, and recording thereof.
The following passage in the Appeal of the bishops against the excommunications
of Vezelai refers to this transaction at Clarendon, and seems to express the force
of the two words in question : — " It was now necessary, with a view to restoring
a good understanding, that an enquiry should be instituted into the ancient
usages of the kingdom, and the question thus finally brought to an issue. And,
accordingly, evidence was sought among the oldest of our bishops and nobility,
and their combined testimony was publicly recorded." — £p. D. Th. i. 128,
Froude, vol. iv. p. 177. See Ducange, and Thorpe's Glossary to his Anglo-
Saxon Laws, V. Recordatio.
Another illustration of this peculiar meaning of " recordatio et recognitio"
will be found at page 114, Canon I. of the Council of London. (See the note
in this Appendix on that Canon.)
Page 217, note, article IX.] — Frank- Almoigne was a tenure peculiar to
ecclesiastics, and exempted from all secular services. — Lord Lyttetton's Henry 1 1.
vol. ii. p. 249.
Page 218, line 13. " I entered into the fold of Christ," &c.] — For ex-
planation of this passage, see the note on p. 199, line 14.
Page 219, line 12.] — For "Sens" . . . " fom- years" . . . "six years." — •
Foxe (copying Grafton) reads " Senon" (from the latin " Senones"), . . " five
years," . . . "seven years." But Foxe himself, at p. 244, rightly considers
his banishment to have lasted "six years:" and as Becket left Pontigny about
Martinmas (Nov. 13th) a.d. 1166, it is plain that his sojourn there lasted, as
Foxe says, two years ; which leaves but four years for his residence at Sens :
Gervase expressly says he was there lour years.
Page 220, line 14. "In the mean time," &c.] — The matter from hence to
p. 241, consisting chiefly of translations of letters, is Foxe's addition to Grafton,
who only briefly alludes to them. They were all written before Becket's removal
to Sens.
Page 220, line 19.] — For "four years " Foxe reads "five." See the l;:st
note. Becket resided in the abbey of St. Columban while at Sens.
3 1 2
S/)2 AIM'KNDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 221, note (I).] — Tins epistle is found in " Epist. D. Tlionia?," lib. i. G4.
Ill the Cave nianusciipt in the IJudleian, this letter occurs with the words
jircfixed " sine sahitatioiie." For an allusion to this absence of a salutation,
see p. 2.'}1, line 29. For a translation of this letter, see Froude's Jiemains,
vol. iv. p. 141.
Page 227, line l."5. " The prior of Moiifdieu, and Bernardus de Corilo."'\ —
Hovedcn reads (Script, post Bedam, p. 507), " Prior de Monte Dei et
Bernardus de Corilo." Foxe from some obscure or corrupt copy reads,
" Petrus de ponte Dei, and Bernardus de Corilio." The ]n\or of Montdieu
was named bJimon ; he was afterwards again sent by the pope as an envoy
to Henry about 1 iG8, with Eiigelbert, prior of \'al de St. Pierre, and Bernard, a
monk of Cirammont, to warn the king against Becket's then threatened excom-
numication. (Epist. D. 'rhoma; iv. 1,29. Froude's Remains, vol. iv. pp. 3G0,
.■}"(), 388.) Probably this Bernard de Corilo is the same individual as that
Bernard of Granimont.
Page 228, line 36.] — The excommunication of which the king was warned
by the pope (p. 228) under date of May 27th, was pronounced by Bccket at
Vezeliii on the Sunday after Ascension, June 5th, a.d. 110(5: for this date,
see a letter by John of Salisbury to the bishop of Exeter, Papist. D. Thoma^ i.
140, translated by Froude, p. 149.
Page 228, line 5 from the bottom. " Earl ////y//."]— Hugli, Earl of
Chester, mentioned at p. 27G.
Page 229, line 7. " Letard, clerk of Norl/iJIeet."'\ — Foxe reads " Norfolk;"
but the Quadrilogus has " Northfleit," and Hoveden (Script, post Bedam,
p. 513) " Norflictn," and Hasted's Kent (i. 44G) says that Letard died
incumbent of Northflect, a.d. 1199. (Reg. RofF. p. 506). For " Monkton,"
Foxe reads " Monchote," wherein he follows the Quadrilogus; but Hoveden
(ut supra) reads " Novo Cotona," an evident corruption (as well as the
" Monchoto" of the Quadrilogus) of " Monocotona," or Monkton (called in
Doomsday " Monocstune "). Monkton was one of the churches in the arch-
bishop's gift.
Page 229, line 19. "Richard of Ilchester.'"\ — Foxe reads " Rice of Wilccs-
ter." The letter reads " Wlcester," which is meant for Yvelcester, or
" Ivecestre " (as Hoveden reads it, Script, post Bed. p. 506), or llchester.
Foxe in the next page mis-calls him " Richard of Worcester." Richard of
llchester was at this time archdeacon of Poictiers, and a great partisan of the
king's; he was afterwards made bishop of Winchester. He is mentioned in
Letters in Froude, pp. 135, 153, 154, 159, 161. — See Godwin de Prasulibus,
Cave, and Tanner.
Page 230, line 34.] — "John of Oxford" son of Hcnr\' a burgess of Oxford,
was chaplain to Henry II., and much employed by him in his political affairs.
At his command he presided at the council of Clarendon : he was sent with
others to appear at Sens before the pope against Becket (p. 214) : he was
chief envoy to the diet of Wurtzburg in 1165 : he was sent with other
envoys to Rome in 1166 to threaten pope Alexander, that, unless he would
abandon Becket, Henry would do all in his power to overthrow his autho-
rity. See Henry's letter to Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, stating this
(Ep. D. Thomsc, i. 69, translated by Froude, p. 127). The other envoys
were, the archbishop of York, the bishop of London, the archdeacon of
Poictiers, and Richard de Lucy. — The allusion to the "oath" may be explained
by a passage in one of John of Salisbury's letters (Ep. D. Th. i. 73. Joan.
Sarisb. 182): "It appears that John of Oxford has, in the name of our
king, entered into compact with this German tyrant, and sworn that he shall
be supported with English arms and counsel against all mortals, saving only
the king of France." (Froude, p. 126.) It was no doubt in allusion to this
oath, tliat Becket in a letter (E]). D. 'riiomne i. 155, translated by Froude,
p. 236) calls him " Jurator " "the Juror." Respecting the other two charges
alleged bore against him, see the last note, and the note on page 23G, note (1).
He was made bishop of Norwich, a.d. 1175, and itinerating justice, a.d. 1179,
^nd died a.d. 1200. (See Fuller's Worthies, and Tanner's Dibliotheca.)
APPKNDIX TO VOL. II. 8o3
Page 230, line 22 from the bottom. " That hifamous schismatic of Cologne."']
— Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, is meant. " It was at his suggestion, prin-
cipally, that the emperor had set up Pascal (Guido de Crema) as antipope, to
succeed Victor (April 22nd, a. d. 1161). At a meeting lately held at Wittemberg
or VVurtzburg (May 23rd, a.d. 1165), to support the emperor in this attenpt,
Reginald opened the proceedings, and gave out, on the authority of the English
envoys, that Henry was about to join them, and would bring fifty bishops with
him ; on the strength of which reinforcement he proposed adopting strong mea-
sures, and banishing all persons of any station in the Church who declined
acknowledging Pascal. The archbishop of Magdeburgh objected, and called
upon the archbisliop of Cologne to commit himself first, by receiving consecra-
tion from Pascal. The latter hesitated; but on the emperor becoming furious,
and charging him with treachery and false dealing, he consented, and received
orders from the antipope, promising to receive consecration afterwards. (Ep.
D. Th. i. 72.) The archbishop of Rouen denied, afterwards, that the king had
made any such promise as that asserted of him, ' quia quinquaginta quos
exhiberet Rex non haberet' (Ep. D. Th. i. 102). Reginald was then only
archbishop elect, nominated to the see a.d. 1159 by the emperor, whose
nomination at that time the pope of course would not recognise. Before this
he was only chancellor (Ep. D. Th. i. 33)." Froude, vol. iv. p. 153, and L'Art
de Ver. des Dates. Reginald came into England a.d. 1165, to conduct Matilda,
the king's daughter, to the duke of Saxony, to whom she was betrothed.
After his departure, the churches where he and his attendant priests had said
mass were re-consecrated. The king was forced to submit to this, to prevent
the breach between him and Alexander from becoming wider than it was.
(Rapin, vol. ii. p. 314.) Probably, it was then that John of Oxford com-
municated with Reginald, in the way which is here laid to his charge.
Page 230, line 12 from the bottom. " 21ie king himself we have not yet ex-
communicated jiersonally," &c.] — The king was not excommunicated at Vezelai, :
in consequence of a letter arriving from the king of France on the Friday pre- '
vious, signifying, imder the oath of Richard, archdeacon of Poictiers, and
Richard de Humet, the king's severe indisposition.
Page 231.] — For a translation of this letter of the clergy of England to
Becket, see Froude, p. 171. The letter is in " Epist. D. ThomiE," i. 126.
Page 231, line 29. " y/ threatening letter, wherein there is no salvation
premised."'] — For "salvation" read "salutation." The original is "sine salute
premissa;" and the allusion is to the letter at p. 221, note (1). See the note in
this Appendix on that letter.
Page 232, line 3.] — This sentence is better rendered by Mr. Froude, p. 172 :
" Lastly to secure your lordship against worldly reverses, he wished to esta-
blish your power in the things of God; and, against the advice of his mother,
the remonstrances of his kingdom, and the sighs and longings which the
Church ventured to express, exerted all his influence to place you in your
present exalted situation, hoping thereby to secure the happiness and pros-
perity of his reign."
Page 233.] — For a translation of most part of this letter of Becket to his
suffragans, see Froude, p. 185. The letter itself is in " Epist. D. Thomae,"
1. 127.
Page 233, line IG.] — This appeal was resolved on after a debate, June 24th :
it is in Epist. D. Thomse, i. 128, and Froude, p. 176.
Page 235, line 35. " jind where you write in your letters of my promotion,"
&c.] — The reference is to the top of p. 232. See the note on that page. Mr.
Froude, p. 187, thus renders this passage : — " Next you insinuate in your letter,
nay you expressly assert, that the whole kingdom exclaimed against my promo-
tion, and the church sighed and groaned over it. Know ye what the word of
truth says— 'The mouth tluit belieth slayeth the soul?' (Wisdom, i. II.)
Would not even one of the commonalty be ashamed to say such things? And
priests, above all others, arc bound to speak the truth. Consult your own
consciences; revert to the manner in which the election was conducted; to tlie
unanimity which prevailed in all who had a voice in it ; to the assent of the
854 APPKN'niX' TO VOL. II.
king, given through his son, and confirmed by the chief nobles of the realm.
If any of these opposed or protested at all at the time, let him declare it : but
it is not for one man to say tliat tiie whole of the kingdom was dissatisfied,
because he himself had his own private reasons for dissatisfaction." Where
Becket means to insinuate that Foliot bishop of London had been ambitious of
being archbishop himself.
Pac^e '2'.i6 note (!)■] — "The deanery of Salisbury had lately become vacant
on the promotion of Henry, the late dean, to the bishopric of Baicux. (Ep.
Jo:ui. Sarisb. 148, 201.) At this time some of the canons of that church were
in banishment with tlie archbishoj), and tlie jiope forbade the election of a new
dean to proceed without tlieir consent and privity. (I'^p. D. Th. i. 100.) But
as the bishop was under the king's displeasure, lie found it necessary to make
his peace, in defiance of the pope's command, by conferring the deanery on the
kini^'s nominee. (Ep. D. Tli. i. 104. ii. 7.) According to the statement made
by John of Oxford to the pope, he accepted the deanery on compulsion." —
Froude, p. 154.
Page 241. " The taJlc between,'" &c.] — Here Foxe resumes his quotation of
Grafton, suspended at p. 220.
Page 243, line 5.] — The subject of prince Henry's coronation, by archbishop
Roger of York, is involved in some obscurity, owing doubtless to the pope's
duplicity, llymer gives a letter of pope Alexander III., directed to Roger,
archbishop of York, forbidding him to crown the king's son, as being the
exclusive prerogative of the archbishop of Canterbury, dated Cisvinarium,
4 Cal. Martii, an. IG, Hen. II. (ex Labbei Cone. tom. x. 1219). Another to
the same, stating that it was unlawful for any, and forbidding any, to crown
or anoint the kings of England, except tlie archbishop of Canterbury (ex Bibl.
Cotton. Vesp. c. xiv. 128). Also another to the same, and Hugh, bishop of
Diirhain, suspending them for having crowned the king, dated Ferentini, vi.
Cal. Oct. (ex Hovedeno). Also a letter to Becket, dated Anagni, 4 Novem-
ber, ordaining for ever that none shall crown or anoint the kings of England,
except the archbishop of Canterbury. Also a suspension (without date) of the
bishops of London, Salisbmy, Exeter, Chester, Rochester, St. Asaph, and
LandaflT, for their share in it. (Ex Bibl. Cotton. Vesp. c. xiv. fol. 1286.)
It is certain, however, that a bull, giving Roger permission to perform the
ceremony, is found in three MSS., though omitted from the collection of letters
made by Lupus under the pope's eye. It is as follows (the Italics are not in the
original) : — " Alexander Papa Rogcro Eboracensi Arch'u'inscopo. — Quanto per
canssimum filium nostrum, Henricum illustrcni Anglorum llegem, ampliora
commoda et incrementa in hujus necessitatis articulo ecclesias Dei pervenisse
noscuntur, et quanto nos eiun pro sua? devotionis constantia majori affectione
diligimus et cariorem in nostris visceribus retineinus, tanto ad ea quae ad
honorem incremeiitum et exaltationem ipsius et suorum cognoscimus pertinere
libentius et promptius aspiramus. Iiide est utique, quod, ad ejus petifionem,
dilectnin filium nostrum Henricum, primogenitum filium suum, communicato
fratrum nostrorum consilio, ex anctoritale Beati Petri ac nostra concedmus in
AngLia coronandnin. Quoniam igitur hoc ad officium tuum pertinet, fraternilati
\ csixx jier Apostolica Scripla vtandamiis, quatenus, cum ah eodem filio nostro
rege jiropter hoc Aieris requisitus, coronam memorato filio suo ex auctoritate
sedis Aposlolicce imponas, et nos quod a te cxinde factum fuerit ratum ac firmum
dccernimus permanere. Tu vero debitam ei subjectionem et reverentiani, salvo
in omnibus patris sui mandato, exhibeas et alios similiter commoneas exhibere."
—Lamtteth MS. fol. 246 b and 247 a ; Cotton MS. Claudius, 6.11. lib. 2, fol. 288 ;
and Bodleian MS.
The authority given in this letter tallies with that which was previously granted
by Alexander to Roger of York in an early letter, in which, after he has con-
firmed the ancient grant of bearing the cross, he adds the power of crowning the
king, "sicut ex Uteris antecessorum nostrorum prcdecessoribus tuis concessum
est, et sicut eosdem predecessores tuos constat ex antiquo fecisse." (Epist. D.
Thoniir, lib. i. 10.) Tliis power may only refer to assisting at the coronation ;
the fact, however, is worthy of remark, especially as Becket procured after-
wards a bull revoking that grant to the Archbishop of York (Ep. D. Thomse,
lib. iv. 41.). As a further argument in favour of the authority of this letter, it
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 855
should be remembered that it tallies with the assertion made at the time of the
coronation, by the Arclibishop of York and the Bishop of London, that tliey had
obtained the pope's consent to the coronation beinjj performed by the hands of
the latter, or any other bishop. Can we believe that men of such characters,
therefore, would have either wilfully stated an untruth, or forced the letter bj'
which the authority was conveyed ? Nay, it actually appears that the pope
himself wrote to Henry, entreatinof him to keep it secret from Becket, that such
a permission had been given. (Epist. D. Thomae, v. 45.) Indeed, when it is
remembered what the conduct of the pope had been regarding the legatine
commission, the suspension of Becket, and the absolution of Foliot, it may
be easily credited, that within a very short time after this letter he sent other
letters to Becket, expressly forbidding the bishops, and especially the Arch-
bishop of York, from doing anything to the detriment of Becket's rights in the
coronation of the prince ; or that he afterwards suspended the Archbishop of
York for the very act for which he had so lately given his written permission,
and guaranteed him scatheless from all its consequences. These letters of pro-
hibition never arrived in England, in consequence of the careful watch placed
over the sea-ports, by which all suspicious messengers and despatches were pre-
vented from entering the kingdom. In the absence of these, and in obedience
to the former letter, the Archbishop of York performed the ceremony, and
Henry for the time was triumphant. (See Ch, of E. Quart. Rev. April 1841.)
Page 244, line 31.] — It appears that these very expressions which were the
immediate occasion of Becket's death, were used by tlie king four years before
at a conference with his courtiers at Chinon, just before the excommunications
at Vezelai. John of Salisbury in a letter to the bishop of Exeter (Ep. D. Th.
i. 140, and Ep. Joan. Saresb. 159) states, that at that meeting, " According to
those who were present at the time, he [the king] asserted, with tears in his
eyes, that the said archbishop would take from him both body and soul ; and,
in conclusion, he called them all a set of traitors, who had not zeal nor courage
enough to rid him from the molestations of one man." — Froude, p. 150.
Page 246, line 18.] — " Soldiers," "milites" (Quadrilogus), i.e. "Knights."
Fitz-Stephen calls them " domestici regis barones;" Hoveden and Brompton,
" quatuor militesj" Hoveden adds, " viri quidem generis prseeminentia con-
spicui."
Page 246, line 36.] — The words " on pilgrimage " are added from Grafton.
Page 253, line 1.] — The manor of Knaresborough (Foxe writes it " Gnars-
borough,"or " Gnasborough ") belonged to Morvile. — Hoveden.
Page 253, line 2. " To go in llmey-wolsey," &c.] — Foxe (copying Grafton)
says erroneously "in their linen clothes," owing probably to " laneis " being
mistaken for " lineis " (see the notes in this Appendix on pp. 124, 254) ; but
no passage has been met with in any of the old chronicles, in which this part
of the penance is described. (See Gervase, Hoveden in Script, post Bedam,
p. 522, Neubrigensis, lib. ii. c. 25.)
Page 253, line 3. ^' Died a feiv years after," &c.]— Mr. Carte observes that
the biographers of Becket are quite mistaken in this, for that William de Traci,
whom they particularly mention to have died most miserably, lived above fifty
j'ears longer, and having expiated his crime with the monks of Christ Church,
by the gift of his manor of Doccombe, was seneschal of Normandy in 1175 and
1176, joined with the barons against King John, and served in the expedition
into Wales in 1222, and had scutage from all his military tenants for that
service. It is likewise certain from records, that Hugh de Morvile was living
in King John's time, and had several privileges granted him.
Page 253, line 17 from the bottom.] — Gervase (Decern Script, col. 1422)
dates this penance, " Avranches, 5 Cal. Oct."
Page 254, line 16.] — See the note on p. 276, note (1).
Page 254, line 20.] — Foxe omits one part of the king's penance. Hoveden's
words are (Script, post Bedam, p. 539), " extractis calceamentis, nudus, pedes,
el in pnnnis laneis, per tria milliaria profcctus usque ad sepulcrum martyris,"
&c. Gervase also says (Decem Script, col 1427), " In veste lanea, nudis pedibus
ab ecclesia S. Dunstani qnse longc extra urhem posita est usque ad tnmbam
sancti Thomas Martyris perveniens," &c. (See the notes on pp. 124, 253.) The
856 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Qiiadrilogiis says, " Toto nudalo corporc, pra;terquam vili quadam tunica super
luido amictus."
Pajie251, line 12 from bottom.] — "Coventry." Foxe says, "Chichester;"
IJronrpton, "Cestriic;" wliich meant " Lichfield and Coventry." See page
313, note (1).
Pat'c 2.')7, line \C: " T/iis year the contention revived again."'] — Rather,
the year preceding. See Hoveden, p. 5oO, edit. Francof. IGOl ; and Had. de
Diccto in 'I'wysdcn's Hist. Ang. Scriptores X. col. 589, also col. 1109. L'Art
de Ver. dcs Dates also places tliis council to a. d. 117G.
Page 257, line 23. "A council at Westminster."] — Held (according to
Hoveden, Wilkins, and " L'Art de Ver, dcs Dates ") March 1 1th, a. d. 1176.
Page 257, line 36.]— See before, p. Ill, and vol. i. p. 335.
Page 257, note (2).] — Mr. Palmer, in his " Origincs Liturgicae," gives the
following account of the casule, chimer, and rochet : — "'Vhecasulc, orchasible,
or vestment, was an outer garment, extending from the neck nearly to the
feet, closed all the way round, with only one aperture, through which the head
passed .... Originally the casula was worn, not only by bishops and pres-
byters, but by all the inferior clergy; but in the course of ages it became
peculiar to presbyters and bishops .... It is appointed by the English ritual
to be worn by bishops in celebrating the eucharist, and in all other public
ministrations, in which, however, they may use a cope instead of it. — The name
chimer was probably derived from the Italian zimarra, which is described as
'vesta talere de' sacerdoti e de' chierici.' It was a long garment closed all
round, with a])ertures for the arms to i)ass through ; formerly scarlet, but after-
wards changed for the black satin chimer now used by bishops.— The rochet
differed from the surplice chiefly in having narrower sleeves; for the ancient
English bishops do not appear to have used the very wide and full lawn sleeves,
now worn by the bishops."
Page 258, line 33. " Protector of France."] — See Diceto sub anno 1181.
Page 258, line 36.] — Grafton says that Ileraclius, the patriarch of Jerusalem,
brought letters to the king from Pope Lucius III. making him this offer.
Page 259, line 1. " The wisdom," &:c.] — Documents about most of the affairs
alluded to in this paragraph will be found in Hoveden.
Page 260, last line. " Jacobus, the Archbishop of Mentz . . . a little before
in the Council of Basil, where the price teas wont " &:c.] — Foxe alludes to this
story four times in the " Acts and Monuments," here and at p. 109, and vol. iv.
pp. 12, 164. In the edition of 1570, p. 291, this passage appears for the first
time, and without the word "in :" — " Jacobus, the Archbishop of Mentz . . .
a little before the council of Basil, where the price was wont" &c. Whether
this statement is to be accurate or not, will depend on whether the middle
clause, "a little before the council of Basil," be connected with what follows,
or with what precedes. The latter supposition makes Jacobus to pay the exorbi-
tant sum named a little biforc the council of Basil : this supposition Foxe
adopted; for in the same edition, in the places corresponding to p. 109 of this
volume, and to vol. iv. p. 161, he reads — -"which sum Jacobus, archbishop of
Mentz, was pressed to pay a little before the council of Basil." The former
supposition — i.e. as though the text meant, '■'■whereas the price was wont a
little before the council of Basil to be" &c. — makes the price for some reason
rise rapidly after the council from 10,000 to 27,000 florins. This last is the
truth, as appears from L'Art de Ver. des Dates, which makes Jacques de
Liebenstcin become archbishop of Mentz a.d. 1504, sixty years after the
council of Basil: it also appears from the statement of grievances called "Liber
firavamiimm Nationis Germanicne" referred to here in Foxe's note as his autho-
rity, and of which, as also of the proposed " Remedy, " he gives a translation
infra, vol.iv. pp. 11 — 15; and at p. 12 this verycascof the archbishopric of Mentz
is fully stated : from that passage two errors have been corrected in this, viz.
" /CH thousand" is here read for Foxe's " a thousand," and " twenty-spi'c/j
thousand" for " twenty-i/a; thousand." Whether the word "in" was after-
wards introduced into our author's text by accident or design, docs not appear;
but it is not unlikely that Fo.xe had before him some writer, as Henry I'oken
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 857
(cited by him at p. 35 1, and vol. iii. p. 772), who said that statements were
made on this subject " in concilio Basiliensi :" tliat sucii was the fact there is
no doubt, as the following extract from L'Art de Ver. des Dates, Jrc/ievik/iies
de Mayence, v. Conrad, will show; — " L'An 1129, sur la convocation qui fut
faite dii concile de Bale, Conrad dressa un etat des griefs de I'cglise Germanique
contre la cour de Rome, avec les nioyens de les redresser. Mais avant de
rendre public ce memoire, il assembla le 12 Novembre 1131 ses comprovin-
ciaux dans la ville d'Aschaft'enbourg, pour en confcrer avec eux. Le memoire
fut approuve par I'assemblee et envoye au concile de Bale, ou Conrad, malgre
le desir qu'il en avait, ne put assister." This memorial no doubt stated that
the usual price was then 10,000 florins ; and even that statement would much
contribute to produce the decree of the council against Annates, and iurnished
useful data to l\\efufure memorialist who presented the " Liber Gravaminum "
to Maximilian, a.d. 1510, when the price was nearly trebled. — The foregoing
remarks will explain why the words " a little before the council of Basil " at
p. 109, and vol. iv. p. 1G4, have been dropped in this edition ; they migluindeed
have been changed into " a little after the council of Basil," but that expression
seemed rather too slight to describe an interval of 60 years.
Page 261 note (1). " Ex libro Gravaminum nationis Ger manic ce."'\ — The
list of grievances here alluded to were presented to the emperor Maximilian in
1510; and again in 1518, no attention having been paid to the ccmplainers,
nor any remedies suggested by the Lateran Council : see the note on vol. iv.
P-11-
Page 262, line 24. " Baldwin, of a Cistercian monk made a bishop."'] — See
pp. 718, 723. Foxe, vol. v. p. 376, represents Baldwin as not becoming monk
till he was elected archbishop. But this account is the correct one : Neubri-
gensis says (lib. iii. cap. 8), " Ex abbate Fordensi Episcopus Wigorniensis
factus." M. Westminster says the same at the year 1181, adding, " he was of
the Cistercian order."
Page 263, line 8. " Gratian, Master of the Decrees."] — See some account
of his " Decretum " supra, vol. i. p. 301, note (3).
Page 263, line 9. " Peter the Lombard, inaster of the 'sentences."] — Peter
Lombard, Professor of Divinity at Paris, after Bishop of Paris, 1159, died
1164. His great work is the celebrated "Book of Sentences," in which he
treats of all the principal questions which were then debated in the schools,
and illustrates them by a copious and methodical collection of apposite passages
from the Fathers, chiefly from Hilary, Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine. The
work soon became classical, and was made the subject of voluminous commen-
taries by most of the great scholastic divines in that and the following
centuries.
Page 264, line 8 from the bottom.] — " In vulgarem sermonem vertere, do-
cendo declarare." Illyricus, " Cat. Test." edit. 1608, col. 1499, b.
Page 266, line 15. *' And this, they said," &c.] — " Et haec institutio diu
stetit, sicut chronica gestorum ostendunt ; et vetustissimus Grsecus Origines, qui
statim post Christi tempora fuit, sicut primarius magister scribit super tertium
librum Mosi : Quicunque," &c. — Fratrum Waldensium Responsio Excusatoria
apud Fusciculum Orth. Gratii, fol. 88, a. (vol. i. p. 175, ed. 1690.)
Page 266, note (3).] — The statement of the Apologist is this : " Duplex est
purgatorium, unum est hie, alterum in futuro sajculo. Piimum habet tidem in
Sacris Scripturis, et est certum, &c. . . . Secundum purgatorium est in alio mundo,
et hoc est incertum, quia Scriptui-a Sacra non dat de hoc testimonium, de quo
primitiva ecclesia nihil scivit, neque sequaces per longum tempus ; et veteres
doctores non confirmant, prcecipue de loco. Sed proxime novi quidam, non a
longo tempore, ut Thomas Aquinas, is locum invenit tertium in inferno. Sed
vetus doctor Augustinus aliter sensit, dicens, Locus purgatorii non est ostensus,
nisi quod multis exemplis se anima? ostenderunt in his locis, et cruciatibus
ostensse sunt .... Sicque vetus doctor Augustinus cum aliis veteribus doc-
toribus conti-adicit Thomne, quoniam priores tenuernnt, quod post resurrec-
tionem Salvatoris nulire animte ingrediuntur infernum nisi damnatorum. Sed
Thomas invenit in inferno duo loca, unum non baptizatorum, alterum animarum
purgaudarum," &c. — (" Responsio Excusatoria Fialrum Waldensium," apud
858 APPEXDIX TO VOL. II.
Orth. Grntium, fol. 89, c. n. ) From tlie foregoing extract it would seem, (hat
Foxe exhibits the ineaiiinf:: of tiic Apologist more correcily in the margin than
in the text — " Thomas Aquinas tlie finder of Purgatory."
Page 2f)8, line R.] — " Sacerdotem quocunque loco sacrum Christi corpus
conficere posse, petcntibusque ministrare." — lllyrlcus, col. 1525.
Page 2()8, line .30. "So long as a man may say," Arc] — " Ita din, quod
possunt diccre triginta vel quadraginta Pater Noster et Amen aliquoties." —
Jllyricus, col. 152."5, g.
Page 268, note (1^] — The following is the Latin of the two foregoing sen-
tences : "Item nullam aliam orationcm dicunt nee docent nee habent, nisi
orationem Dominicam, Pater Noster, Src. Nee orationem reputant salutationeni
Angclicam, Ave Maria; nee symbolum Apostolonim, Credo in Deum ; et
dicunt ilia per Romaiiam Ecclesiam non per Cliristiim fnisse ordinata seu com-
posita. Verimtamen articulos fidci 7 de divinitate, et 7 de hiimanitate, et 10
precepta, et 7 opera misericordijp, sub quodam compendio quodammodo ab cis
ordiiiato et composito, dicunt et docent, et in illo plurimimi glotiantur et statim
ofTerunt se promptos ad respondendum de fide sua." — lUyricus, col. 1524, b.
For tlie words " Nee orationcm rej)ntant " in the above passage the ^^r*^
edition of the " Catalogus 'J'es^tium " had " nee aliud reputant," while Illyricus
wrote in his margin, " Id est, negant symbolum esse orationem." Tin's
marginal note was afterwards wrought into the text, and " aliud " changed into
"orationem." Mr. Mailiand proj:oses to read " aliquid " for "aliud;" i.e.
" they reject the Salutation and the Apostles' Creed, classing them as human
compositions made up by the Romish Church." See Pilichdorf contra iVal-
denses, cap. xx.
The seven articles of faith " pertinentes ad mysterium Trinitatis, quorum
quatuor pertinent ad Divhiilal'is intrinseca tres vero ad effectus," are enumerated
in the Constitutions of Arclibishop Peckham, Wilkins's Cone. tom. ii. p. 54.
Also the seven articles "qui pertinent ad Christi htimanitatern :" (Ibid.)
Then follows a brief commentary on the Ten Commandments; then the Seven
Works of Mercy, " qua» ex Matthici Evangelio patefiunt," viz. " famelicum
pascere, potare sitibundum, hospitio recipere peregrinum, vestire nudum,
visitare infirmum, consolari carcere mancipatum;" Septimum ex Tobia colli-
gitur, scil. " Sepelire corpora mortuorum." (Ibid. p. 55.)
Page 269, line 13.] — Reinerius Saccho, a native of Placenza, first a
zealous NValdensian, afterward a preaching friar, general inquisitor of heretics,
i nd a bitter persecutor. He was at length banislied Milan a.d. 1259, and died
in exile. (Cave's Hist. Litt.) The greater portion of his " Summa de Catharis
et Leoiiistis" is published in Illyricus's " Catalogus Testium," edit. 1608,
col. 1507.
Page 269, line 24.] — Two or three other instances of these mis-translations are
given from Reinerius, in Mr. Maitland's " Albigenses and Waldenses," p. 402.
Page 269, note (2).] — This citation is not quite exact. Reinerius says, that
"there were forty-one schools in the diocese of Passau alone;" and the next
place he calls " Clemmate." — MailJand's Albigenses and Waldenses, p. 403.
Page 270, linel.] — " Ilabco consvdtationes jurisperitorum Avenionensium,
item archii'piscopoium Narbonensis, Arelatensis, et Aquensis, item ordina-
tionem episcopi Albancnsis de extirpandis Valdensibus jam ante annos 340
scriptas." — Illyricus, col. 1501.
Page 270, line 11. "Is apparent from," &rc.] — " Facile ex pra^dicta trium
archiepiscoporum Gallicorum consuUatione ante annos 340 scripta apparet." —
Illyricus, col. 1501.
Page 270, line 7 from the bottom. " Translated out of Sleidan into English."'}
— This was done by John Daus, and was printed by John Daye, in London, 1560.
See Dibdin's " Ames," vol. iv. p. 77.
Page 271, line 17.] — See the note on page ISS, line 5.
Page 271, line 20.— " St. William of Paris."}— See the last note.
Page 271, line 31.]— Urb.in III. died October 11th, a.d. 1187, and Gregory
VIII. died December 17th, following. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
APPENDIX TO VOL. 11. 859
Page 272, note (7).] — Wharton, in his History of English Poetr}', mentions
this bishop Stephen, and supposes liim to have been a comic poet. Trivet's
words are as follows: — " Stephanas Redoncnsis Episcopus ohiit, cui ante mortem
(lit ipse fassus est) apparens qiuedam persona, parvo levique sibilo dixit ei lios
versus : ' Desine ludere temere ; nitere surgere propere de pulvere.' Ipse
enim multa, rythmico carmine et pvosa, jocunde et ad plausus hominum
scripserat. Et quia Miserator hominum eum in proximo moriturum sciebat,
monuit eum, iit a talibus abstinens poeniteret." — Nicolai Iriveti Annates,
Oxonii, 1719, p. 73.
Page 273, line 5.] — "Johannes Burgundio, Pisaniis civis," is mentioned by
Cave in his Hist. Litt. He flourished a.d. 1148, was at the Roman council
A.D.I ISO, and died a.d. 1194.
Page 273, line 13. " Richard PerA-."]— Wharton, ex fide Annal. Eccl. S.
Werburgae Ceslrensis, says he died October 6th, a.d. 1182 ; Hoveden says a.d.
1183. He was consecrated bishop of Lichfield and Coventry a.d. 1161. —
Godwin de PrcEsuUbits.
Page 273, line 16. "Hiigo."~\ — "Caenobii Carthusiani Witthamae in Somersetia,
ab Hen. II. niiper positi, prior," born at Grenoble, in Burgundy; consecrated
A.D. 1186 ; died about November a.d. 1200. M. Paris (sub anno 1200) relates
his miracles. — Godwin.
Page 273, line 21. " Baldwin.''^ — Baldwin began to build the college for
canons at Hackington, near Canterbury, with a view to transfer the election of
archbishop from the monks of Canterbury to persons who would be more obse-
quious to the king. The monks prevailed with pope Urban III. to stop the
building and forbid the plan. On his death, October 11th, a.d. 1187, Baldwin
proceeded to found the archiepiscopal establishment at Lambeth, but was inter-
rupted by death, a.d. 1190. Clement III. was elected December 19th, a.d.
1187. — Godwin.
Page 276, note (1).] — Foxe has authority for the statement in the text (see
Rastal's Chronicle, &:c.), but it is not quite accurate. Hugh, earl of Chester,
was taken prisoner at Dol in Bretagne, on Sunday, August 26th, a.d. 1173
(Carte, Henry) ; and the king sent for the earl of Leicester early next year into
Normandy, and confined him with the earl of Chester in the castle of Falaise ;
and brought them over with him as prisoners to England, Monday, July 8th,
A.D. 1174 (Hoveden, Carte, Henry). Heni-y performed his penance at Canter-
bury the following Friday, and the king of Scots was taken at Alnwick the
next day, Saturday terlio idus Julii, i.e. July 13th, a.d. 1174. (See Fordun's
" Scoti-chronicon," Gul. Neubrigensis, Hoveden, Henry, and Nicolas's Tables.)
The statement in the text, therefore, is only correct as to the king of Scots.
Page 276, note (4).] — Foxe is a little incorrect in the text. It was Urban III.
who died for sorrow for the Holy Cross, as related at p. 271. (See the note on
that page.)
Pao-e 277, note (3). " One thousand and five ]iundred."'\ — Hoveden says,
" Quingenti viri, exceptis mulieribus et parvuiis :" on which expression Foxe
probably grounded his number, for which no other authority has been dis-
covered.
Page 277, note (5).] — Foxe's description of Richard's preparation for his
departure to the Holy Land is very embarrassed, and it has been necessary to
make several changes and transpositions of his text, to reduce it to accurate
history. In the text, anticipating a subsequent stage of the negotiations, he
says, that they agreed to go " about Easter next ensuing;" for which the words
" at a certain interview " have been substituted in the text.
Page 278, line 8. " Hugh Puzas, bishop qfDurham."'\ — This Hugh de Pudsey,
bishop of Durham, ordered a Bible to be written for him some time between the
years 1153 and 1194, which is now extant in the library of the Chapter, and is
divided into chapters. — Faber's Hist, of the Waldenses, p. 375.
Page 278, line 32. " Philip the French king," Sic.'] — Foxe, by mistake, makes
Richaid send to remind Philip. The text has been altered in conformity with
Hoveden, Script, post Bedam, p. 660 ; Acta Publ. torn. i. p. 63 ; Brompton ;
Diceto; M. Paris.
860 APPENDIX TO VOL. H.
Pago 278, line 5 from tlie bottom. " After ir/iir/i the /chig," &'c.] — Thispara-
prapli is made up of two passages of Foxe, which would stand at pp. 280, 298.
Richard embarked at Dover, December 11 tl), and kept his Christmas at Lions-
la-foret, seven leagues from Houcn, whence he proceeded to Gue St. Heme,
and held the interview witii Piiilip described in the text on St. Hilary (January
l;5ili). See ((irautiiorities, Vinesauf's " Iter Hierosolymitanum Regis Richardi,"
Iloveden, Bronipton, Henry.
Page 278, note (2).] — Foxe says in the text that the Jews were to be called
on for "Ix thousand " pounds (Ed. 1570); " G0,000," (Ed. 1571 ;) but, erro-
neously, "GOOO," (Edd. 1583, 1596.)— See Stowe's Chronicle, ad an. 1188.
Page 279, line 1 6 from the bottom. " Gardeviance "] — is a word used, at least
three times in Foxe, viz. here, and at vol. v. p. 102, and vol. vi. p. 413, and in each
case in reference to a religious procession ; it seems to mean " the pomp and cir-
cumstance," the customary paraphernalia and observance, of such processions.
Page 281, line 5.] — Respecting the duration of Anselm's episcopate, consult
the account of him at pp. 144 — 171, and p. 723.
Page 284, line 17.] — Foxe or his MS. seems to have mis-read 38 Hen. H.
instead of 30 Hen. II.
Page 291, line 24.] — " The court " means " the court of France." (See
Gcrvase, apud Script. Decem. col. 1497.)
Page 293, line 19 from the bottom.]— Foxe says Urban died the " nineteenth "
day after. He should liave said the "eighth," or "ninth" including the lirst.
— J J Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 291, line 19 from the bottom.] — Read "seventeenth." — See L'Art de
Ver. des Dates.
Page 294, line 18 from the bottom. " Clement III."~\ — See the note in this
Appendix on p. 142, line 2.
Page 295, line 3.] — Hoveden says that the king came to Canterbury Nov.
27th, and proposed the compromise two days after.
Page 29fi, line 12.] — '• Theobald " is here substituted for Foxe's " Richard : '
see pp. 187, 281.
Page 290, line 21.] — " Roger" is here substituted for Foxe's "Richard:"
for the occasion referred to, see p. 110; the archbisliop of Canterbury was named
" Richard," but there is not a " Richard of York " in all Godwin's list.
Page 298, line 7.] — This " agreement " was made Nov. 29th. See the note
on p. 295, line 3.
Page 298, line 10. " He committed,'' &c.] — What is here related took place
at a council held by Richard in France on English affairs, February 2d. —
Benedict. Abbas, p. 583 ; Hoveden, p. 379.
Page 298, line 24. " These things and others."] — This and the next sen-
tence stand in Foxe's text at p. 280 ; the words " and came to Chinon " are
added on Hoveden's authority, to connect the narrative.
Page 298, line 7 from the bottom. " 7'o Tours, and after //(«/."]— These
words are brought from a previous sentence of Foxe ; Richard received at
Tours the pilgrim's scrip and staff.
Page 298, line 0 from the bottom.] — They marched from Vezelai, July 1st. —
J'incsauf (who accompanied the king, and wrote the " Itinerarium ").
Page 299, line 2.] — Vinesauf says that Richard stayed three weeks at Mar-
seilles, and embarked the day after the Assumption, or August 16th.
Page 299, line 4. " The seventh day of August," &c.]— This sentence, as
far as " sea-coast of Italy," had slipped lower down in Foxe's text.
Page 299, line 10.] — " Octavian," by Foxe, here and at p. 315, mis-called
" Ottoman " (see Moreri v. Cardinal); " Octavianus," Hoveden, p. 668.
Page 299, line 17. " Passing on horseback to Salerno."~\ — " In equis con-
ductis." (Hoveden, p. 668.) Foxe says, " partly by horses and waggons,
partly by the sea, passing," &c.
Page 299, line "38. " A stronghold called De la Bagnara, or Le Bainre."]—
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Foxe is quoting Hoveden, p. G73: — " quod est in medio fiuniinis del Far inter
Messanani et Calabriani." M. Paris says, " transivit fliivium qui Far dicitur."
Page 299, line 7 from the bottom.] — Vinesaufand Diceto (col.G57) call this
place " Mategriflum."
Page 301, line 9 from the bottom. " Richard, hearing of Joachim," &c.] —
See a reference to this story infra, vol. iii. p. 105. Joachim was born in Cala-
bria, about A.D. 1130. Having ti-ivelled in Palestine, he assumed, on his
return, the habit of a Cistercian monk, and became abbot of Curazzo in Cala-
bria, and afterwards founder and first abbot of Flora in Calabria. He was
celebrated for his propliecies : what Merlin was among the Fnglish, Malachy
among tlie Irish, and Nostrodamus among the French, such was Joachim
among the Italians. He wrote many works. Two years before his death he
])ublislied a confession of his faith, in which he begs that his works might be
submitted to the censorship of the Church after his death, in case he died
witliout putting his last hand to them.
Page 302, line ] 0. " Should have sojourned."'] — " Amhularet " (Hoveden) ;
Fo.xe, " travailed."
Page 302, line II from the bottom.] — Clement III. died March 27th,
A.D. I19I, and Easter fell that year on April 14th. (See Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 302, note (2).] — The archbishop of Apamea might probably have been
in Europe to stir up the Christian princes, as tlie archbishop of Tyre was a few
years before.
Page 302, note (3).] — Hoveden says, " de Appamia, Anxiensis, et Wora-
censis." The names and titles in the text are put in from the passage in
Hoveden, compared with munerous contiguous passages, in which the same
bishops evidently recur again and again. Gallia Christiana has also been con-
sulted, and confirms the titles which are put in.
Page 304, line 19. " On Saturdatj, the thirtieth day of March."] — Foxe
says, erroneously, " the eight and twentieth day of March." Vinesauf says,
" Sabbato post Annunciationem B. Virginis," and Hoveden, " Sabbato tertio
Cal. Aprilis," which means the same thing, March 30th. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Foxe's next date also requires this; for as Easter in the year 1191 fell on
April 14th, and Hoveden describes that date " Sabbato in Hebdomade Paschae,"
i.e. Saturday April 20th, it woidd be the twenty-second day after March 30th,
including (as usual) that day itself.
Page 304, line 23. " Jfter the departure," &c.] — " Eodem die " (Hoveden).
Vinesauf implies the same.
Page 304, line 27. " Elenor departed."] — Hoveden says, " quarto die se-
quenre;"and Vinesauf adds, "to be joint guardian of England with Walter,
archbishop of Rouen."
Pao-e 304, line G from the bottom.] — This behaviovu- of Pope Celestine III.
to Heiiry VI. is referred to again, vol. iv. pp. 114, 143. See Hoveden (Script,
post Bedam, p. G89), Knighton (Script. Decem, col. 2403), and Baronius, ad
an. 1191, § 10.
Page 305, line 5. " The tenth daij of April. "] — Hoveden says, " feria quarta
ante Coenam Domini." " Ccena Domini" means Maunday Thursday (or the
day before Good Friday), which in a.d. 1191 fell on April 11th (Nicolas'sTables).
The " feria quarta," or Wednesday before, would therefore be April 10th.
Vinesauf says, " die Mercurii post Dominicam Palmaruiu," which is the same
date with Hoveden's.
Page 305, line 8. " Good Friday."] — " In die Parasceues." — Hoveden.
Paee 305, line 11.] — " Applicuit in insula de Creta, deinde in insula de
Rhodes." — Hoveden.
Page 306, line 18 from the bottom. "Sunday, St. Pancras day."] — (Vine-
sauf) which gives May 12th in the year 1191. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 307, line 13.] — Foxe inadvertently says " sixth" instead of" seventh,"
and at line 23 " seventh " for " eighth." Richard certainly reached Acre
" proximo Sabbato ante festum beati Barnabir Apostoli, in Hcbdonuide Pente-
costes," In the year 1191 Pentecost fell on June 2nd, and St. Barnabas' day
8GI
862 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
wns June 11th. The Saturday between would, therefore, be JuneSlh. (See
Nicolus's Tables.)
Pa<^e 307, line 18.] — " Ducentos serpentes perniciosissimos." — Vinesauf.
Page 307, line 27.] — Vinesauf says the surrender of Acre took place " die
Veneris pro.xinia |)ost translationcm beati Benedict;" that feast was July lltli,
and in the year 1191 fell on a Thursday. (Nicolas's Tables.) The surrender
of Acre was, therefore, on July 12tli, as Foxe states.
Page 308, line 17.] — Vinesauf gives a terrible descri|)tion of the " Grjecus
ignis," or wildfire, here used. See Lord Lyt/el/on's Jlennj JI. vol. ii. p. 164.
Page 308, line 12 from the bottom.] — The day of "St. Peter ad \'incuhi,"
i. e. August 1st. — J'inesaiif.
Page 309, line 18.] — The battle of Azotus was fou<;ht September 7th, or the
" twenty-second day after Richard's leaving Acre," which was August 22d.
(Vinesauf) At this battle 20 emirs and 7000 of the flower of tiie Turkish
cavalry were slain ; and Richard boasted that in forty campaigns the Turk had
not received such a blow.
Page 312, line 9.] — Gerard de Camville had bought the government of
Lincoln Castle from Richard, and yet Longchamp demanded it of him, and
tried to displace him by force. — Brompton.
Page 312, last line but one. " Matlhew le Clere."] — Foxe calls him " their
constable;" he is by Diceto (Uecem Script, col. 671) called " municeps princi-
palis castelli de Dovera."
Page 315, line 5.]— The earl of Salisbury was William Longspey : see page
374. Foxe's names of the English nobles have been corrected here, and in
many other passages, from Dugdale's Baronage, and other authentic sources of
information.
Page 315, line 24.] — Foxe says, "If he would restore to him again Sclavonia,
in as good state as it was when he took it." It is " Scalona " in lioveden,
which led to the mistake of " Sclavonia." Foxe has misunderstood the con-
dition, which was — "si Ascalon dirimeretur, ut in posterum non re-iedificaietur
a Christianis nee a Turcis :" see Brompton, who afterward says it was agreed
that Ascalon should be dismantled for three years : it was dreaded by the Sultan,
as a strong fortress on the fiontier toward F-iivpt. For the state in which
Richard found it, see Foxe, p. 309 ; after which he had been at immense
pains and expense in restoring the w'alls and fortifications. It was there that
he affronted the duke of Austria, who afterwards took him prisoner.
Page 316, line 8.] — Foxe says erroneously, that Richard embaiked " the
next spring."
Page 317, note (1). " Eulogiiim."'\ — Tiiis Chronicle extends from the
Conquest to the year 1367. Among the " Notte Anonymi " written in the
margin of Cave's Hist. Litt. in the Lambeth library, in the handwriting of arch-
bishop Tenison, and printed in the Oxford edition of Cave, 1743, tiiis Chronicle
is ascribed to John Wicliff. The passage referred to by Foxe occurs at folio
163 of the Cotton MS. " Anglici multum condolentes de regis incarceratione
miserunt pro eo 100,000 libras argenti. Tnde fere omnes calices et omnia
vasa argentea fuerunt in monctam, ut regeni suum liberarent, qui honorificb
honoratus est. Impetratum fuit ii Uomino Papa ut celebrare posseiit sacerdotes
in calicibus de staiino, et sic longo tempore fecerunt, quod et nobis visum est.
.... Dominus vero Austria^, qui regem incarceravit, lite inter papain et ipsum
ingrnente moritur excommunicatus anno 1196."
There is much contradiction as to the real amount paid for Richard's ranson ;
for at page 438 we read (on the autliority of M. Paris, sub. an. 1246) that the
English clergy ass-ured tiie ])opc, tiiat Richard's ransom cost 60.000 marks,
which were raised with the help of the church jjlate. M. Paris, however, in
this place says that 140,000 marks were demanded : at page 794 Foxe mentions
only 30,000 'marks as \y,m\ for Richard's release. There is a letter in Hovedcn,
from Richaid to his mother and the justices of England, dated llaguenau,
3 Cal. Mail, a.d. 1193, stating that he would be released on the payment ol 70,000
marks. The fmal settlement of the matter, given by Hoveden and from him
by Rymer, states that 150,000 marks (100,000/.) were to be paid, 100,000 at
APPENDIX TO VOL. 11.
once, and the remainder in seven months after his return to England ; 30,000
oF this remainder were to go to the emperor, and 20,000 to the duke; sixty
hostages for the payment heing given to tlie emperor, and seven to the duke.
Foxe's account in this place very nearly coincides with Hoveden.
Page 318, line 23. " Theae tvords of Fulco," &c. — The king only dissembled
for the moment. The original passage is here given, which is more terse than
our author's version.
" Dico tibi, O Rex, ex parte omnipotentis Dei, ut tres filias quas habes pcssi-
mas citius marites, ne aliquid deterius tibi coiitiugat. Cui fertur, 'O digito
compesce labella: Accusator erit qui verum dixerit;' 'Nemo sine vitiis nascitur;
beatus qui minimis urgetur;' et alibi, ' Nemo sine crimine vivit.' Cui fertur
regem respondisse : Ilypocrita nientitus cs in caput tiunn, qui liliain non
habeo ullam. Ad quod Fulco respondens ait: Certe non mentior, quia (ut dixi)
tres habes filias pessimas, quarum una est Superbia, altera Cupiditas, tertia
Luxuria. Convocatis igitur ad se Comitibus et l5aronibus multis qui adcrant,
ait Rex : Audite universi commonitionem hujus hypocrita;, qui dicit habere me
tres filias pessimas, videlicet, &c." — See llovedeii, Bromplon, Camden's Re-
mains, &c.
Page 318, line 14 from the bottom. "Ademar."'\ — Foxe calls him " Wido-
marus." Hoveden (Script, post Bedam, p. 790) calls him " Widomarus,
vice-comes de Limoges." L'Art de Ver. des Dates, Viscorntes de Limoges,
calls him " Ademar 111. le Barbu."
Page 318, note (1).] — This Fulco is the " Eximius Proedicator" of France,
mentioned by Grosthead at p. 530 of this volume. Hoveden introduces this story
by the following account of Kulco (Script, post Bedam, p. 789). — "Eodem anno
erat in Gallia quidam sacerdos nomine Fulco, quem magniricavit Uominus in
conspectu regum ; deditque ei potestatem caecos illuminare, claudos, mutos, et
alios diversis languoribus oppresses curare, dasmones effngare : hie autem mere-
trices relicto impudicitiae fr^no ad Dominum convertit : usurarios etiam ad cceles-
tem thesaurum invitans, quem nee aerugo nee tinea demolitur nee fures furantur,
fecit omnem substantiam quam usura et foenus devoraverat in usus pauperum
distribuere. Ipse quidem priedixit regibus Franciae et Angliae, quod unus illorum
in mala morte in proximo interiret, nisi celerius ab hostilitate cessassent. Et
quia in illo tempore messis quidem erat multa et pauci operarii, conjunxit ei
Duminus viros sapientes verba salutis aternae praedicantes, magistrum Petrum,
et dominum Robertum, et dominum Eustachium abbatem de Flai, et caeteros
quosdam, qui missi per orbem terrarum praedicaverunt ubique. Domino coope-
rante et sermonem confirmante sequentibus signis." And Bromplon (col.
1274) says, " lllis quoque diebus quidam propheta efficacissimus in Francia
surrexit, scilicet Magister Fulco, pro quo Dominus manifeste dignatus est mira-
bilia operari. Hie summo opereusuram conabatur extirpare. Hie etiam Fulco
quendam religiosum ac facundum prasdicatorem, abbatem sc. de Flay ordinis
Cisterciensis, in Angliam misit ad coinmercia quas Dominicis diebus solebant
tunc fieri deponenda." But Brompton (col. 1278) tells the story in the text
of Walter, archbishop of Rouen. — These extracts respecting Fulco are given
at full, as illustrating a passage of J'oxe in page 530.
Page 318, note (2).] — The king had a regiment of Flemings in his service,
the captain (" dux") of which was named " Rlarchadeus " (Hoveden). Foxe
amusingly calls him " the duke of Brabant" here and next page, line 13.
Brompton calls him " Marchadeus " (col. 1277), Knighton, " dux Brabanciae "
(col. 2413). " Princeps nefandas gentis Braibancanorum" (Hoveden, 768);
" Marcadeus iiephariis Brabanlinorum vallatus catervis " (Diceto, col. 697).
He seems to have been a " soldier of fortune," who was ready to enlist wherever
sufficient inducements offered, and was now in Richard's pay.
Page 321, line 6.] — Foxe in this place makes Geoffrey the third, and Richard,
the fourth, son of Henry II. : this error is corrected in the text. Diceto
(col. 657) says that Richard " Arturum hjeredem suum instituit, si sine prole
discesserit." Clearly implying that Richard was older than Arthur's father.
Also Gervase (col. 1590) says that Alfred, when a boy, " familiarium suorunr
et imperitorum seductus consilio coepit rebellare," &c. See Sandford's Genea-
logical History of the Kings of England.
863
SGI' APPEKDIX TO VOL. II.
Piige 323, line 26. " Simon Langiou . . . became arr/ibis/iop of York, as ap-
peareth in the course of this stonj."'] — He was elected by tlie cliapter a.D. 1215,
but lejeeted by tlie pope, as slated at page 338 ; nevertheless, Foxe in the
margin of p. 393 calls him " archbishop of York."
Page 321, line 21.] — The sentence being corrected, the original is given from
M.Paris: " Et quod magis in pia-judicium et subversionem libertatum ad
coroiiam suam spectantium rcdundat, ipsius consensu a nionachis (qui ilium
postulasse debuerat) nee rite requisite, eundem Stephanuni tcmcre j)romovere
priesumit."
Page 32fi, line 25. " TJtree bishops."'] — Foxe says " four," and adds " Giles,
bisliop of Hereford." But M. Paris (p. 157, Ed. Paris, 1014) mentions only
three — " Willielnnis Londinensis, Eustachius Eliensis, et Malgerus \\ igorni-
cnsis ;" and soon after he mentions these three as flying from England,
together with Joceline of Bath, in order to avoid the king's r.ige. Hence Foxe
may have thought that all four were engaged in pronouncing the interdict. Foxe
also says "Walter, bishop of Wincliester," instead of " M auger, bishop of
Worcester." (See Godwin de Privsulibus.) The dale of the interdict, as given
by M. Paris, is " Quadragesima sc(juenti, ])rima die Liui;e in j)assione Domini,
qu:c tunc couligit Decimo Calendas Aprilis;" e. e. Monday, April 21th, a.d.
1208. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 328.] — This scene between the king and Pandulph is given in the
" Annales Waverlcienses."
Page 330, line 12.]—" Peter Wakefield, of Poiz," rather " of Pomfret."
Page 330, line 22. " Scant tvere there three, sailh the cltronicle," &c.] —
Grafton says, "three in the realm, said he, that lived christianly."
Page 330, line 25.] — King John reckoned his regnal years from Ascension-
day, on which day (May 27th, a.d. 1109) he was crowned. Ascension-day in
1213 happened on Maj' 23d ; John's fourteenth regnal year would therefore
end May 22d, a. d. 1213. — Nicolas's Cltronology of History.
Page 332.] — This obligatory document is given in M. Paris, p. 161 (ed. 1644),
dated Wednesday, May 15th, a.d. 1213. The submission sjjoken of in the
j)revious paragraj)h, was made two days before Monday loth, at Dover. —
M.Paris, p. 103.
Page 333. " Upon this obligation the king was discharged," &c.] — The king
was absolved from the sentence of excommunication by Archbishop Langton,
at St. Swithin's church, Winchester, on the feast of St. Margaret the Virgin
[July 13, A. D. 1213], according to the " Annal. Waverl." : the archbishop had
been specially sent for from France for the purpose, as the barons refused to
accompany John in his expedition into France while he continued excommuni-
cate. The kingdom was not relieved from the interdict till Wednesday, 6 Non.
Julii [July 2d], the year following. — Thos. Wilces, Ann. Waverl.
Page 333, line 4.] — " Pandiilphus subdiaconus papcE." — M.Paris, p. 104
(ed. 1644).
Page 334, line 18 from the bottom.] — The words "and a great sort more
Toulouse," are inserted from Grafton, whom Foxe is copying ; they
seem to have been left out by accident. " Sataloni" seems a corruj)t word,
formed from some transposition of tlie .lyllables of " Tolosani;" or it may be
a corruption of " Carcassone." Catalonia does not seem to have come under
the papal thunders, or it might have been supposed to be meant here.
Page 335, last line but one.] — " Homely handling of liis majesty" is
intioduced from Grafton. Foxe says *' humble handling of his majesty's
will," which is not sense.
Page 335, note (1). " /Heron. Marias."] — He was an Italian ])hysician, but
fled to Switzerland upon embracing the tenets of the Reformed Church, as
stated by himself in the dedication to his book entitled Eusebius captiviis, sive
modus procedendi in curia Homana contra Lnteranos, &c., Basileas, 1553 : and
Foxe lias a])])arently rather overstepped this authority in the present instance,
the words of Marius hc'mg " lege sancivil (Innocentius HI.) ul malediccntibus
J'npcB pu'iui infligcrctur :" p. 29.
Al'l'KXDIX lO vor.. TI. S65
Page 336, line 4. '' RcbelUon."'\ — This word, inteiulod to describe tlie strng{.'le
for the Magna Charta, Foxe borrows from Grafton. See tiie note on p. 340.
Page 338, line 12. " In i be same year, a.d. 121.5."] — Foxe says, " the next
year, a.d. 1216;" but see Richardson's edition of Ciodwin " De jjriesulihns,"
&c. Seven lines lower Foxe erroneously calls Waller Gray " bisliop of
Winchester."
Page 338, line 23.] — M. Paris states (p. 282) that Gervais Hobrugge was
Prascentor of St. Paul's.
Page 340, line 1. ^' DespoUed."~\ — " Depra-datus est," M. Paris ; Foxe,
" destroj'ed."
Page 340, line 16.] — M. Paris, in the same passage in which he mentions
this anecdote of King John (p. 24')), speaks of him as of a sceptical turn, and
as doubtiiig of a future state, and of other articles of the christi;ni faith. John's
remark on tlie fat stag certainly savours of piofaneness more than anything
else; but, judging from observation, infidelity and profaneness are the natural
fruits of Popery to a mind which has once seen its delusions, unless true religion
be at the same time presented and embraced.
Page 340, line 19.] — Foxe says here " Lincoln," instead of " Boston."
Mr. Pegge, in an Article in vol. iv. of the Arclia?ologia on the story of King
John's being poisoned by a monk, expresses his surprise that Foxe, as a native
of Hoston, should have spoken of Swineshead Abbey as not far from " Lincoln,"
whereas it lay six miles east of IJoston, and Boston thirty-seven miles south-
east of Lincoln (Gazetteer). But the fact is, Foxe is copying Grafton, from
whom he borrows en masse the greater part of his account of King John's
reign. So that the blunder is Grafton's, though it maybe somewhat surprising
that Foxe should not have seen and corrected it.
Page 342, line 5. " Yet Matthew Paris," &c.]— Mr. Pegge, in the Article
in the Archteologia referred to in the last note, mentions with dishonour
Foxe's name among others, as perpetuating the story about King John's being
poisoned by a monk. But the fact is, that (as has been before observed)
Foxe's account of this reign is little else but a transcript from Grafton's Chroni-
cle, which he gives nearly as he found it. In this particular instance, however,
he has gone beyond his author, and gives, out of ))ure candour and desire for
truth, the other (more charitable, though then less popular) statement of M. Paris
(pp. 287, 288) as to the cause of John's death.
Page 342, line 11. " Peaches and new ciser."'] — " Fructus persicorum, et
ciceris potatione novi." — M. Paris.
Page 342, line 17.] — " In nocte quae diem S''. Lucte Evangelista? proxime
secutaest." (M.Paris) St. Luke's day is October 18th. Foxe says, " Upon
St. Lucy's even." John's death is commonly dated October 19th.
Page 342, note (3).] — The work here referred to is intituled " The Pastime
of People, or the Chronicles of Divers Realms, and most especially of the Realm
of England, briefly compiled, and imprinted in Cheapside, by John Rastell
[a.d. 1529]:" reprinted and systematically arranged, London, 1811. Rastell
here says, '' Also about this tyme, the citezyns of London made such sute to
the kynge, that they optayned that the kynge graunted them, to chose of them-
selfe yerely a mayre and ii. sheryfFes, and Ure names of baylyffes clerely to be
voyded : whose names of the meyre and sheryfl'es were, the first mayre Henry
P'iiz Alvvyii ; the first sheryfFes, Peter Duke, Thomas Nele."
King John granted a charter to the citizens of London for choosing their
own sheriffs, dated July 5th, in the first year of his reign [a.d. 1199], and
another for choosing a mayor, dated May 19th, in the sixteenth year of his
reign [a.d. 1214]. (Maitland's History of London, vol. i. pp. 74, 76.) Between
the Conquest and this latter year, the sheriffs were called bailiffs; and duririg
tlie Anglo-'>axon period, the chief magistrate of London was called the port-
grave, or porfreve ; after the Conquest, he was called the provost. Mayor was
taken from the French meyre, which was the title of the chief magistrate of
Rouen. (Maitland, vol. ii. p. 1192.) Arnold's Chronicle says, that Henry Fitz
Alwyn, or lleryson Aiivipi as he calls him, first took the title of mayor a. d.
1207, for that of custos (see p. 802 of this volume) or bailiff, under which title
VOL. II. S K
HQQ AIM'KNDIX TO vol.. II.
he had held the oflice for twenty years. Fitz Alwyii fippcars at the head of
the list of mayors in Maithmd "(vol. ii. p. 1H»5) for twenly-fuur const cntive
years, a.d. 118!)— a.d. 1212; and in tlie hst of sherifVs (ibid. p. 1202) Thomas
Fit. Neel and Peres le Due appear at a. d 1208.
Page 'M3, line 28.] — Foxe, misled by Walter Heniingford, reads " Glou-
cester;" but' M. Palis, " Cliester." Dugdale"s Baronage states (vol. ii. ))p. '12,
•13 21 1) tliat the earl of Chester was materially useful to the king at tliis time ;
while the earl of Gloucester joined Louis, and was taken prisoner at the battle
of Lincoln.
Page 313, bottom of the page.] — This list is corrected by M. Paris and
Dugdale's Baronage.
Page 343, note (1.)]— The former account of John's children is copied from
(iraflon, and is substantially correct: the other is not. The three sons, William,
(iuv, and Ktliehnar, bisho]) of Winchester, were his step-sons with Isabella of
An'gouleme, his third wife, by wliom he had the other two sons, aiid three
daughters. " Gny de Lusignan" is by Grafton and Foxe called here " Guido
Disenaie." " Liziniac" might easily be mistaken for Disenaie in a MS.
llthelmar is mentioned at pp. 423, -ill. Joan's maniage is mentioned at
p. 374.
Page 341, line 19.] — Honorius IIL was crowned July 21th preceding —
L' .lit de J'er. des Dates.
Page 344, line 19. " The new pope."] — Honorius IIL was crowned pope
July 24th previous. — L'Art de J'er. des Dates.
Page 34,5, top of the page.] — This list is corrected from M. Paris (p. 29.5)
and Dugdale's Baronage.
Page 345, line .5.] — Louis was not himself at the battle of Lincoln, being
engaged at the time in tlie siege of Dover Castle : the carl of Perche acted as
his commander in chief. I'oxe represents the nobles jjresently mentioned as
slain with the earl of Perche; wiiereas they were only taken prisoners. — See
Matthew Paris, pp. 295, 296, and Dugdale's Baronage.
Page 315, line 16. " Eustace, a French monk."]— Foxe calls him "a
French lord." Hut he is called " Eustachiu-, Monachus " in the Forma Pacis,
where one stipulation is, that Louis sliall compel tlie brolliers of Eustachius
Monachus to surrender the islands belonging to England. He is also called
" Archipiratam Franconmi " (iMelrose Ciiron.) ; " Eustachius, cognomento Mo-
nachus " (Aiinales Waverl.) ; M.Paris (p. 298) says " Eustacliio monacho,
viro flagiliosissimo ;" and, soon after, " Eustachius monachus, proditor regis
AnglicT?, et pirata nequissimus." Hemingford calls him " quidam tyrannus ex
Jlispani I, co'^nom'me Mouachi, qui cum nniltas exigisset priedas, multaque loca
suo subjiigasset impeiio, tandem anhelavitad regnum AngliiP conquierendum."
" Eustachius ut fertur monachus, qui ut decebat apostatam ostendeiis suain
inconstantiam sa?pe de uno rege transivit ad alium, et tauquam de Motiacho factus
Damoniacus dolo et pertidia plenus fuit." ( Walsiiigham, Ilypodigma Neustrite.)
Mr. Carte (History of England, tom. ii. p. 9) calls him " Eustace le Moine, who
had formerly deserted from J ohn to enter the king of France's service." M. Paris
states that the French had eighty ships besides other craft, and the English
forty of all sorts.
Page 315, line 30.] —The " Forma Pacis" between Henry and Louis is in
Rymer, dated Lambeth, Sept. 11th, a.d. 1217.
Page 345, line 30. " The archbishop of Canterhury."'\—M. Paris says,
" William, earl of Pembroke ;" and tlie ^Iell•ose Chronicle says that the arch-
bishop did not return to England from the general council (of Lateran, a.d.
1215) till May, a.d. 1218; whereas this treaty was concluded "3 Id. Sep."
i.e. Sept. 11th, a.d. 1217. — See M. Paris, and the last note.
Page 315, line 33.] — Foxe says "fifteen thousand marks," hut M.Paris
(p. 299) " quinque millia libranim sterlingorum." Foxe at })age 383 says
" one thousand marks," where the corresponding passage of M. Paris (p. 336)
gays " quinque millia marcas."
Page 345, line 40. " The bishop of Canterbury."]— '^\. Paris still says
Ari'KXDlX lO vol.. II.
" William, the earl of Pembroke," and represents Louis's departure as anything
but honourable.
Page 34G, line 1. " Whereof mention was made before."'] — See pp. 338, 339.
Page31G, line 18 from the bottom. " Aho2if this season," Sic.'] — This is an
inaccuracy of M. Paris (p. 297). Foxe has already mentioned the death of
Innocent III. and the accession of Ilonorius III. at the right places (pp.340,
344). Innocent III. died July IGth, a.u. \2\G.-—L'Jrt de Ver. des Dates.
Page 31G, line 17 from the bottom. ^^ Frederic, the nephew of Frederic
Barburossa."] — Here " nephew " is used, as in other places of Foxe, for (ni pos)
" grandson." — See Glossarial Index. Foxe means to refer the reader to
pp. 455—509.
Page 346, line 13 from the bottom.] — M. Paris gives this letter, p. 301.
Page 347, line 22.] — Honorius III. died March ISth, a.d. 1227. — VArt de
Ver. des Dates.
Page 347, line IS from the bottom. " The second of this hi/ig's reign."] —
Foxe says, "the third" year; but the parliament met just after Michaelmas
(Ann. Waverl.), and Henry's second regnal year did not close till October 27tli,
A.D. 1218. — See Nicolas' s Tables.
Pao-e 347, line 15 from the bottom.] — Foxe takes up the history of Frederic
II. at pp. 455 — 509.
Page 347, line 9 from the bottom. " Throughout England."] — After these
words, should be read the sentence in the next page from the edition of 15G3.
Page 347, line 6 from the bottom.] — " Forty-ninth" is substituted for Foxe's
" fiftieth." Becket uas slain Dec. 29th, a.d. 1170, and the third year of
Henry III. envied Oct. 27th, a, d. 1219. M. Paris (p. 310,) places the shrining
of Becket under the year 1220.
Page 347, last line but one.] — Isabella was married to the earl of Marche,
A.D. 1217. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 348, line 1.]— William, earl of Pembroke, died in March a.d. 1219;
Avhich occasioned the promotion of Hubert de Burgh, just before mentioned,
and of Peter, bishop of Winchester, to be " regis et regni rector." — M. Paris,
p. 304.
Page 348, line IS.]— Engelard de Ciconia, is, in M. Paris, called Engelard
de Athie. This list has been corrected by Dugdale's Baronage.
Page 348, line 22. " Foukes, who fortified the castle of Bedford," 8:c.] —
This fs out of place. Foukes de Breant for certain outrages in the neighbour-
hood was condemned by the king's justices, sitting at Dunstable a. d. 1224, in
a great sum of money. This occasioned his stizm-e of one of them, which led
to the siege of Bedford Castle by the king's forces during seven weeks, at the
end of which time it was taken by storm, on the Assumption, August 15tb,
a.d. 1224. He did not leave England till the year a.d. 1228, soon after
Bartholomew-tide (August 24th), as Dugdale shows in his Baronage, vol. i.
p. 745. (See M. Paris, p. 320.)
Page 348, line 3 from the bottom.]— This second coronation took place on
Whitsunday, May 17th, a.d. 1220. — M.Paris, p. 309.
Page 348, note (1).] — The passage in the text is from Hoveden.
Page 349, line 8.]— M. Paris (p. 299, an. 1209) calls this bishop of Lincoln
" Hugo, archidiaconus Wellensis :" Godwin, " Hugo Wallis, archidiaconus
Wellensis." This story about his fine is in M. Paris, p. 299, an. 1217.
Page 349, line 13.] — Robert Curson is the famous preacher against usury,
mentioned in the note in this Appendix on p. 318, note (1), and by bishop
Grosthead at p. 530. He was an Englishman, chancellor of Paris, created by
Innocent III. cardinal of St. Stephen in Ccelio Monte a.d. 1212, and died at
Damietta a.d. 1218. — Moreri.
Page 349, line 15. " The life and acts of Pope Innocent III." &:c.]— From
hence to p. 3G3 is a digression, the greater part of which falls chronologically
rather under the preceding reign ; and at p. 350, line 28, Foxe says, " tliis King
John," as though he had orisinallv written this matter for the preceding reign.
' 3 K 2
867
SG8
AlM'l.N'UIX TO VOf.. 11.
Page 'My, line 22.] — Foxe says, by mistake, " five " instead of " six " year
see p. 3.'J;}.
Page .3.tO, line IT'.] — .\s Koxe's text lias been a little amplified in this
paragraph, tlic original passage from Mutius is given. By the way, it may be
remar'reil, thut Foxe erroneously calls tiiis author Hermaniius Mutius. —
"Anno Domini 1212, fuit lueresis in Alsatia, cpia seducti erant nobiles et
vulgu-i. Allirmabant qualibet die licere carnes comedcre, in piscium esii
immodico tarn inesse luxum, (juam in rcliquis carnis generibiis. Item male
facere, qui eontralicrc matrimonia proliiberent, cum Duus onuiia crearit, et
sancta onmia sint cum gratiaium actione accepla a fidelibus. Hi ]H'rtinaciter
opinioncm illam suam defendebant, et credebant multi illis, nrc dubitabant
blaspliemias dicere in sanctissinniMi dominum I'apam, (j\ii probiberet eccle-
siastici.') contraliere, et quibusdam diebus a cil)is corponun human()rum consfi-
tutioni idoneis (a/c). Quajjrojjter Pontifex Homanus praicepit ejusmodi homines
V medio tollere. Suntque uno die circiter centum ab episcopo Argentinensi
combusti. M<dti carceribus mancipati, donee revocaverunt, ))alam prof'cssi se
errare. ' — Iluldeiicus Mutius, German. Chronic. Liber xix. apud I'istorii "Germ.
Script." torn. ii. edit, llatisb. p. 809.
Page 3.30, line 24. *^ Nauclerns, anollier I'istorion," &:c.] — An inaccuracy of
Foxe's having been discovered and corrected in this paragraph, the original
is here cited, where lilyricus for " Mediolanum " reads " Mediolanensibus ;"
but Foxe seems to have taken " Mediolanum" for " Mcdioianenses," and made it
file nominative to " miserunt." "In parlibus etiam Alsatiac tum ha'resis et
error tam nobilium quam plebeiorum inultum increvit, volcntium et asserentium
licitum et nequaquam esse peccatum, in Quadragesima? diebus et reiitjuis Sexiis
feriis aiini coiiudcre earncs : quic(]uid etiam peccarent homines cum his
meiiibris qme sub umbilico fbreiit licite fieri posse, dicentes hsec fieri secutidnm
iiaiuram. Unde quotannis liujus erroris et lueresis authorihus Mediolanum
eertum censuin miserunt: tandem vero ab Episcoix) Argeiitinensi ac civibuscapti
utriusque sexiis et conditionis homines fere octoginta un;v die oinnes igni tradili
sunt et combusti." — A'aiic/eri Clironographia, Vuhimen Terliian. Gener. 11.
sub anno 1212.— See Uslicr, De Christ. Eccl. Sue. et Statu, lib. x. §§.33, 31.
Page 353, " The prophecy of Hihlegdrd."'] — She was born at Spanl^eim
about A.D. 1098, and became abbess of St. Rupert near Biiigen. She attracted
tbe notice of pope Eugene III., St. Bernard, and all the chief men of her day,
by her prophecies, which were publicly approved and confirmed at the council
of Treves. Siie died Sept. 27tli, a.d. 1180. Her visions were printed at Paris
1.313, Colon. 1628. (Cave's Hist. Litt.) M. Paris says that Ilildegard flourished
in the days of pope Alexander III., who was pope a.d. 11.59 — 1181. He says
that she slept for four days, during which sleep the spirit of prophecy was infused
into her, and a supernatural acquaintance with learning. (M. Paris, p. 518,
anno 1211.) See more of Ilildegard infra, vol. iii. pp.87, 193.
Page 354, line 7. '^ Johannes de Rupe-scissa."^ — (Cutcliffe) is mentioned
several times again in this volume. See Index.
Page 354, line 19. "■ Ilennj 7o/.c«."]— This writer is mentioned by Foxe
infra, vol. iii. p. 772.
Page 354, line 10 from the bottom.]— This prophecy of Hildegard's is
lepeated entire at vol. iii. p. 87.
1 age 35G, line 23. " Simon Ecclesiasticus," otherwise " Simmt, earl of Mont-
fort."] — He was the great grandson of Almaric, a natural son of Robert, king
of France, who gave him the town and title of Moiitfort. Tiiis Simon was the
first of his family who settled in this realm, having by his marriage with
Amicia (sister and co-heir to Robert Fitz-Parnel, late earl of Leicester) ob-
tained a title to a moiety of that earldom, with other properties, in the 8ih
of king John. Having sided with the barons against king John, he was dis-
inherited and banished. In the year 1209 he was made by the ]iope general of
tlie papal forces against the Albigeiises, and the lands of Reymund, earl of
loulouse, were bestowed on him in recompense of his services. (11 Job.)
He was killed at the siege of Toulouse by a stone from a sling, according to
M. Westminster and M. Paris a.u. 1219 ; but the Waverley Annals sav a.d. 1218,
which IS correct, as is evident from Claus. 2 Hen. III. m. 3. He left by
API'KNDIX TO VOL. II. 8G9
Amicia two sons, Almaric and Simon, the latter of whom became so chstin-
guished in English liistory. The father was called Simon Ecclesiasticua on
account of his zeal in the service of the papal cliurch, and to distinguish him
from Simon the son. (Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. T.Ol.) lie is mentioned
again at pp. 372, o~ij, and vol. iii. p. 17.').
Page 359, § 18. " In principio."'] — The opening words of St. John's Gospel,
tlie first ten verses of wliich transcribed were used b\' way of charm, and are
so at the present day, a Roman Catholic gentleman who was drowned in his
passage from Cork to England having been found with one about his person.
A very early instance of it as used by our Saxon ancestors is quoted from an
unpublished MS. in the Harleian Collection, by Mr. Boucher in his " Glossary
of Archaic and Provincial Words," edit. London, 1833, under the word
" Awvishly,"
" About these Catholikes necks and hands are always hanging Charmes,
That serve against all Miseries and all unhappie liarmes :
Amongst tlie threatening writ of Michael maketh one,
And also the beginning of the Gospel! of Saint John."
(Barnaby Googe's Translation of Naogeorgus's Popish Kingdom, fol. 57C, cited
in Brand's Popular Antiquities, vol. ii. p. b66.)
Page 360, § 31.] — See Erasmus's account of his introduction to the monastic
life, in the Appendix to Jortin's Life of Erasmus. Armachanus also illustrates
this section at p. 760 of this volume, second and third paragraphs.
Page 363, line 13.]— See pp. 349, 350, respecting Olho IV.
Page 363, line 20. " We mean to touchr'\—?,ee pp. 455—509.
P.age 363, line 32. " By his advice Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester."^ —
Foxe erroneously says, " and the Earl of Leicester." This Simon Montfort
was the son of Simon Ecclesiasticus. (See the note on p. 356.) His contest
A. D. 1226 with Reimun.l, liarl of Toulouse, for the lands of that earl, which
had been given by the Pope to Simon Ecclesiasticus, is related at p. 377. His
brother Almaric ceded to him his right to the earldom of Leicester, and petitioned
Henry IIL a. d. 1229 to restore to this Simon the forfeited rights and honours
of their father: he was accordingly made Earl of Leicester, about a. d. 1232,
16 Hen. IIL (Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 752.) His name is brought in
here rather prematurely ; and, in fact, the remainder of this ])aragraph is a
translation of a passage of the Continuator of M. Paris ad an. 1260, and refers
to Foxe's narrative at pp. 539 — 541 of this volume. But the letter ensuing is
in M. Paris ad an. 1231, and belongs to Foxe's narrative at pp.393, 394.
Page 365, line 1.]— M. Paris (p. 330) relates that Romanus went into France
this same year, and then made the same request with the same arguments, and
with equally' bad success. (See pp. 378 — 380 of this volume.)
Page 365, line 15. "iMagistri JoJiannis Bedefordensis arclidiacoiii."'] —
M. Paris (p. 328) ; who afterwards (p. 355) calls him " Johannes de Houtoua."
(See pp.386, 421, of this volume.)
Page 365, line 23. " And so the assembly for that time brake up. '] — Foxe
does not give the real termination of this affair. He proceeds, indeed, in the
next paragraj)h — " Not long after," as if he were going to tell the sequel of the
j)revious matter; but Otho did not return till eleven years later. (See
M. Paris pp.447 — 455, sub anno 1237, for the matter of the next paragraph.)
The fact is, that Otho was suddenly recalled to Rome, but left instructions for
the archbishop of Canterbury to ])rocure a meeting of the Estates of the
realm and press the pope's request. They met, but flatly refused to comply
till tliey knew what otlier realms thought of the proposal. This council at
Westminster was held soon after Easter, a. d. 1226.— M. Paris, p. 330.
Page 365, line 25. The "Tulliannm " was a prison of ancient Rome, on the
site of which was built the church of St. Peter ad Vincula, which gave a title
to one of the cardinals. — Hoffman in vore?n. It would seem from this cardinal's
title, that the church of St. Nicholas also was built on the same site; but see
Burton's Topography of i{ome, p. 29.
870
APFKKUIX TO VOL. 11.
Page .3G.'5, line 30. " In crastlnooclavartiin Sti. Martini,"'] — /. e. November
\9lh.—M. Paris, p. 117.
Page 3f>.}, line 8 from the bottom. " Centum summas elect! tri/ici, ef nclo t/nlia
vini tncracissimi."] — (M. Paris, p. 416.) Tliese words are again translated by
Poxe at p. 12j, where " siimnia " is correctly rendered " seme." A coomb is
four bnshels : but a seme (or somme, p. 537) is a quarter. (See the note on
p. .W7.)
Page 368, line 9 from the bottom. " Five years after this."']— Foxe says
"Not long after this." He represents the ensuing artirles as " exliibited in the
Council of Lyons," whereas the tirst article refers to " the late general council."
Tiie council of Lyons sat June 28th — July 17th a.d. 12 1.5 ; and this council of
London met Midlent (M. Paris, p. 699), wliich in the year 1246 fell on
March 16th. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 369, line 20 from the bottom. •' Last of all, the king himself."]—
M. Paris (p. 702) gives the king's letter, dated " Westm. March 28th, 30
Hen. in." [a.d. 1216.]
^ Page 369, note (3).]— The papal order was first issued by Walter, bishop of
Norwich, " 9 Cal. ApriMs,"or Murch 21th of the previous year : the king's letter
ensuing complains that the demand was pressed in spite of the decree of the
late council of London : the king's letter is given by M. Paris, p. 70S.
Page 370, line 1.5.]— Foxe says that the ambassadors returned " about the
end of December, bringing word that the pope, hearing what was done by the
council of Winchester," &c. But M.Paris says (p. 709) that they repoi ted
their answer at the council of Winchester, held on the translation of Th.
Berket, i.e. July 7th ; Becket's day was December 29th. Foxe did not advert
to this distinction, which occasioned his making the blunder in bis text. The
next date which he mentions is the Assumption, i.e. August 1.5th. See these
events repeated at pp.436, 437.
Page 370, line 15 from the bottom. "Stephen, the jjope's chaplain."] —
(See p. 387.) — " Marinus " was another chaplain of the pope, and came into
England a.d. 1247, about the same time with "Johannes Anglicus."—
" Johannes^ Anglicus, bishop of St. Sabine," is mentioned by M. Paris (p. 731,
ad an. 1217) as the pope's legate to Norway, who, under pretence of merely
passing overland fiom Dover to Lynn, spent three months here, and is said to
have raised 4000 marks, with which he embarked at Lynn for Norway. He
is mentioned by Foxe at pp. 436, 437, 440.
Page 870, line 8 from the bottom.]— This affair at Oxford happened a. d.
1238.— .1/. Ptfm, p. 469.
Page 371, line 12.]— M. Paris (p. 469) states that this cook was Otho's own
brother, whom he placed in that office for fear of being poisoned. The scholars,
according to ^L Paris, nicknamed him " Ncbuzaradan, i.e. Magistrum co-
quorum."
Page 371, line 26.]—" De spoliis nostris ditat alienos." (M. Paris.)
Page 372, line 9.]— Foxe, however, in every succeeding edition, gives the
history of Frederic IL at large; see pp. 455— 509.
Page 372, line 14.]— See pp. 356, 376, and vol. iii. p. \7li.—.V. Paris,
p. 809.
Page 372, line 19.]— Foxe here calls Louis « the young French king :" but
see p. 377. Foxe improperly dates this war a.d. 1220, instead of a. d. 1218.
(bee the note on p. 356.)
Page 372, last paragraph.]— See M. Paris, p. 301, an. 1217.
Page 373, line 12 from the bottom.]— St. Francis died at his native place
Assissi, twenty years after the founding of his order, Sunday, 4 Non. Oct a d'
1226. — M. Paris, p. 335.
Page 373 line 8 from the bottom.]— John Giles was the Dominican who
attended bi.shop Grosthead. (See p.528.)— Alexander of Hales, in Gloucester-
sliire, studied tlieology and canon law at Paris : he was called doctor irrefra-
yabilis: lie became a Franciscan a.d. 1222, and dying August 27th a.d. 1245 at
raris, was bunod there in the Franciscan convent. Cave enumerates his works.
APl'EKDIX TO VOL. H. 871
Page 374, line 0.]—" Hethorp " Foxe calls " Heitropc." Aitherop or
Tletliorp was in Gloucestershiie. Ela had a park at llentoii, in Soniersetsiiire;
Lacock was in Wilts, and Tanner sa3's Ela laid the foundation of the one house
in Snayles Mead, near Lacock, in the morning, and of the otlier at Henton
in the afternoon. — Tanner s Notitin Monctsfica.
Page 374, line 27.] — The ensuing anecdote is in M. Paris, p. 315, sub anno
1222.
Page 374, note (2).]— The words of Trivet, ad an. 1221, are : " Diacoiuis
qnidani apostata convictus degradatus est, et nianui s;eculari traditus flannuis
ultricibus est absimiptu?!. Rusticus etiani qnidam seips'iin crucifigcns, ot
stigmata vulnerum Christi superstitione quadam circuinCerens, perpetuo ini-
nuu^atur."
Page 375, line 20. " Fifteen thousand marks."~\ — Foxe says " lifteen hun-
dred;" but M. Paris (p. 315) " quindecim millia maixarum."
Page 375, line 11 from the bottom. " Peter, bishop of Winchester."^ —
M. Paris (p. 313) says " P. Wintoniensem. " Godwin shows this to Ix- •' Peter:"
Foxe calls him "Philip." Soon after, M. Paris has " Thomam de Mertona et
Richardum de Dunstaple priores."
Page 376, line 13 from the bottom] — See at pp. 35G, 372.
Page 377, line 17. "Bat because there was a discord feared." 8:c.] — As
Foxe's text needed correction here, the original words of M. Paris (ad. an.
1226) are given: — " Sed quoniam Lugdunensis Archiepiscopus vendicabat sibi
primatiam super Archiepiscopum Serionensem, et llothomagensis super Bithuri-
censem, Auxianen^em, Narbonensem, et eorum Sufiraganeos, tiiiiebatur de
discordia ; et idt o non fuit sessum quasi in concilio, sed ul in consiiio."
Page 377, line 18 from the bottom.] — This general council was that of Late-
ran, a.d. 1215. (See p. 372.)
Page 378, line 8 ] — Foxe says, " twelve peers of France ;" he should have
said "the twelve peers of France," of whom the earl of Toulouse was one.
" Pairs de France, ofticiers de la couronne de France, sont les premiers con-
seiilers dii parlement de France, qui pour cela s'appelle /« conr des Pairs. 11 y
en a d'anciennete six ecclcsiastiques et six laics. Les premiers sont I'arcbe-
veque de Reims et les eveques de Langres et de Laon qui sont dues et pairs;
ceux de Beauvais, de Noj'on, et de ChaIons-sui--Marne, sont comtes et pairs. Les
laics sont les dues de Bourgoyne, de Norniandie, et de Guienne, les comtes
de Flandre, de Toulouse, et de Champagne." (Moreri's Dictionary, t'. Pairs.)
The twelve peers of France are also mentioned at p. 446.
Page 378, line 25. " Unam acapitulo, alteram ab episcopo."'\ — See a similar
demand on the Englisli at p. 361, in a parliament held at Westminster January
13th of this year.
Page 382, line 32, " ^lll to-be-cursed. "'\ — " All," quite: as in Judges ix. 53,
"All to brake his scull." Mr. Boucher in his Glossary of Archaic Words says,
that in this phrase the "to" as well as the "be" belongs to the succeeding
word, and should not be connected with " all." M. Paris here says, " Legatus
cxcommunicavit publice comitem Tolosanum et omncs ejus fautores, et terrain
iilius totam supposuit interdicto."
Page 382, line 35.]— Louis VIII. died November 8th a.d. 1226 (L'Art de
Ver. des Dates), and M. Paris says (p. 334) that he was kept for a month.
Page 383, line 14 from the bottom. " Fiee thousand marlcs."'\ — M. Paris
(p. 336) says '•' quinque millia marcas :" Foxe, " one thousand." (See the note
on p. 345.)
Page 384, line 15.] — " Ex Burgensibus autem et Northamptucnsibus ccpit
de auxilio mille libras et ducentas." — M. Paris, p. 336.
Page 385, line 18.] — Milo, earl of Hereford, founded in a.d. 1136 a monas-
tery on the south side of the city of Gloucester for the black canons of Lanthony
in Monmouthshire, driven from their habitation by the ill usage of the Welsh.
This priory was at iirst only a cell to the old monastery, from whence it gained
its name ; but afterwards it became the head house, and much exceeded the
other in revenues. — Tanner's Notitin Monastica.
872 Al'I'KNDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 385, note ( 1).] — An explanation of the word Postll will be found in the
note on p. 781, note (1).
Page .38(5, line-}.] — " Stctcrat in cansis." — M. Paris, p. 350.
Page 380, line 21.] — " Johannes de Houtona." (M. Paris, p. 3.55.) See the
note on p. 3G5.
Page 38(). line 25. " I'irsl Jay of Marc/i/'^—Foxe says the "second."
M. I'aiis only says " crastino Cineruin," which (by Nicolas's Tables) fell on
March 1st in the year 1229.
Page 389, line 7. " Caursi>u."'\ — The Italian moncj'-lenders. See the note
on p. 530.
Page 389, line 18.] — Foxe says " Richard, his predecessor, a bishop of Co-
ventry;" but Godwin siiows that there were five bishops of Lichfield and Coventry
between Richard Pechc and Alexander de Savinsby : the immediate predecessor
of the latter was William de CornhuU.
Page 389, line 22. " Soretze."'] Near Toulouse. (HoflJ'man, v. Suricinium.)
Foxe says " Saraceiie:" the Latin is '• Suricinium." — M. Paris, p. 3 19.
Page 390, line 4.] — Foxe says " the countries of Normandy and Gaunt."
But Henry had nothing to do with Gaunt. Normandy alone is mentioned at
J). 397. M. Paris mentions that the nobles of Gascouij, Aquitaitie, I'oictou, and
Normandy sent to him about Christmas 1228, offering him the sovereignty of
their territories.
Page 390, line 17.] — Foxe miscalls Henry "earl of Normandy." (See
M. Paris, and L'Jrl de T'er. dcs Dates.)
Page 391, line 16 from the bottom.] — " Vacanles custodias Comitum et Baro-
num et eorundem ha-redum." — M.Paris, p. 437.
Page 393, note(l).] — See the note on p. 323, line 2G.
Page 394, line 34.] — " In crastino Dominicce qua cantatur laetare Hierusa-
leni ' (M.Paris, p. 371), i.e. the Monday after Midlent Sunday; which, by
Nicolas's Tables, fell on March od in the year 1231.
Page 391, line 12 from the bottom.] — " His ita gestis, praedicta universitas
misit per milites et ministros literas has, novo quodam sigillo signatas, in quo
sculpti erant duo gladii, et inter gladios scri])tum eraf, " Ecce gladii duo hie,"
in modum citationuni ad ecclesias regni calhedrales : ut siquos iuvenirent coti-
tradictores, juxta qviod provisum fuerat puiiirent eos." — M. Paris, p. 372.
The letter will be found translated suprii, at p. 363.
Page 395, line 9 from the bottom. " Surnamed Twing."'] — Rather — " but
whose real name was Sir Robert de Thweng." M. Paris says (p. 374), " Magis-
trum habentcs JVi/iel/iium quendam cognomento Witham (sive Boberlnm de
Thiiif/e militcm et virum generosum, sed sic palliatum):" and in the next page
he says, ^' Pohertiis de Tliinge, juvenis elegans et miles strenuus, ex partibus
Angliae Aquilonaribus originem prseclaram ducens ; qui Willielmum Witlier se
nominari fecerat." — See Dttgdale's Baronage, vol. ii. p. 37, v. Thweng.
Page 395, note (1).] — The term " universitas " is vised, as applied to this com-
bination of the English against tlie aliens, in the passage cited from M. Paris, in
the note before the last, also in the opening of the letter issued about this time
by the English lords, of which a translation is given at p. 363, and which
opens : " Tali e|)iscopo luiiversitas omnium qui magis volunt niori quam a
Romanis confundi, salutem."
Page 396, line 18. " ^i valiant lirughl."'\ — "Miles strenuus." — M.Paris,
p. 375.
Page .'>97, line 2.] — " De (juibus crat in possessione a die obitiis Willielmi,"
&C.--M. Paris, p. 376.
Page 397, line fi. " 0/ fines Hkcivise."'\ — " Pretia " (M. Paris). Foxe renders
it " prices," which is unintelligible. See vcl. i. p. 17, for a similar use of
" pretia."
Page 397, line 21.]— The words of M. Paris (p. 377) are :— " Proposuit
contra Hubertum idem rex, quod, cum nuncios solemnes misisset ad ducem
AI'PEN'DIX TO VOL. 11. 873
Aiistriffi filiam ejus petens in uxorem, scripsit eideni (luci Ilubortus per litems,
ill proejudiciiiiii ipsiiis Regis etregui, dissuadens ne illi filiam suam matviinonio
copularet."
Page 397, line 33. " WUliam Briwere."'\ — We should read " William de
Braose." M.Paris reads " Willielmus de ijrausia." Foxe's MS. may have
read " Brauria." This William de Braose had been taken prisoner in a foraging
excursion bv Llewellyn a.d. 1228, when acting in the service of Hubert de
Burgh. (M. Paris.) It is curious, however, that he was nephew to William de
Briwere. — See Diigdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 419.
Page 397, line 12 from the bottom.] — Merton, nine miles and a half south-
west of St. Paul's, in Brixton Hundred. Some canons regular of the Augus-
tine Order began to settle here about a.d. 1117, by the encouragement of (Jilbert
Norman, sheriff of Surrey ; at whose request Henry I. bestowed the whole town
upon them. Tiiey erected a fine church and priory to the honour of the Virgin
Mary. — Tanner's Notilia Monastica.
Page 399, line 1. " Radulph, bishop of Chichester."'\ — M. Paris attributes
this suggestion to Ranulph, earl of Chester (comiti Cestrensi) ; but he ascribes
the good management, by which a second messenger was sent, and Hubert's
lite saved, to Radulph, bishop of Chichester. (See Carte's History of England,
vol. ii. p. 45, and Uugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 696.) The Latin hexameter
in the margin stands corruptly in M. Paris and F'oxe :
" Alis ales alls alium ne longius ales. '
Page 899, line 8 from the bottom. '^ Till the thirteenth"^^ " Ad octavas
Epiphania'," which Foxe incorrectly renders " the twelfth."
Page 399, last line but one.] — This town was "Brentwood, in Essex:" see
the next note but one.
Page 400, line 1.] — Sir Godfrey Craucombe, or Geoffrey Crancumb, was con-
stable of the Tower. (See Pat. 19 Hen. IIL m. 14, apud Bayley, Hist, of the
Tower, vol. ii. p. 657.)
Page 400, line 6. "i?a?J unto the chapel.''~\ — " Scilicet adCapellam de Boisars.'
(Chron. Dunstap. ad an. 1232.) " Boisars" is Bois arse (Normanice), i.e. Hoscus
arsus, Burntwood ox: Brenttvood. A chapel was built there a.d. 1221 by tlie
convent of St. Osyth, in honour of St. Thomas the Martyr. — Newcourt's
Repertorium, vol. ii. under Southiveld.
Page 400, line 24. " Sendeth him out of the Tower."'\ — " Quinto Cal. Oct."
(M. Paris, p. 379,) i. e. September 27th.
Page 400, line 5 from the bottom.] — Ranulph, earl of Chester, died " 5 Cal.
Nov." i.e. October 28th, a.d. 1232.— J/. Paris, p. 380, M. Westm. and Dug-
dale, vol. i. p. 4 L
Page 401, line 7 from the bottom. " And who in my time," Sec.'] — The
remainder of this sentence is by M. Paris put into the mouth- — not of the king,
but — of the blacksmith who was required to fasten his fetters at Brentwood
cliapel (see p. 400), who refused to do it, alleging De Burgh's merits with his
king and country.
Page 402, line 26. " Conveyed him . . . into the parish church."'] — This was
" in vigilia Sti. Michaelis," or September 28th. (M. Paris, p. 388.) He was
brought back again into the church " 15 Cal. Nov." or October 18th (ibid.),
and carried away thence into Wales "3 Cal. Nov." or October 30th. (Ibid.)
Page 403, line 9. " Catirsini."] — See the note on p. 530. Foxe is here
translating M. Paris, p. 417, sub anno 1235.
Page 404, line 15.] — M. Paris (p. 376) says, that Peter de Rivaulx was " son"
to the bishop of Winchester.
Page 405, line 18. "A parliament."] — " Ad I'estum Sti.Johannis," June 21th,
A.D. 1233.— 71/. Paris.
Page 407, line 17. "A council at Westminster "] — February 12.'54. — M. Pari?.
Page 409, Hne 30.] — See M. Paris, pp. 397, 398. There is no mention, how-
ever, of the " Catini " there or in the context, and the word is probably corrupt.
Page 413, line 18. " I'he Chorasmian."'] — See the note on p. 448.
874 APPKxnix TO vol.. ir.
Page 413, line 18 from tlie bottuin. " There was a certain archbishop," Scc.\
—See M. Paris, p. 10.-).
Piif^e 413, line 7 from the bottom.] — The archbishop of Constantinople here
meant was the Latin ))atriarch, Nicolas de Plai-^ance, formerly bishop of Sjxtleto,
fifth in the list of Latin patriarchs, appointed by Ciregory IX. A.n. r2;Jl, and
died A.I). r2.")l ; the council of Lyons was a.d. 1245. — See L'Art de I'er. dus
Dalrfi, and M. J'arit, p. 6G3.
Pa^e 41 1, line 1.5 from the bottom.] — Sec NL Paris, pp. 4.')7 — 400, for what
follows. This letter nnist belong to a.d. 1232, for it is given in Labbe's Concil.
Cien. tom. xi. and the pope's answer to it (p. 318) dated " Reate, 7 Cal. August,
pontificatils nostri anno sexto," i.e. July 2Gtli, a.d. 1232; and another letter is
tiicn given in Labl)e, De Unitale Ecc/esiep, from the pope to (lermanus, dated
" I>aterani, 1.5 Cal. .lunii, pontif. nostri anno septimo," i.e. May IStli, a.d. 1233.
L'Art de \'cr. des Dates says, that meantime he had sent letters, by liis nuncios,
dated .January " pontif. anno sexto," i.e. a.d. 12 53, to the council which sat at
N\ ni])ha in Biihynia, April 24 — May 10 a.d. 1233, on the points in dispute,
with Rome.
Page 41G, line 18 from the bottom, "yhiother leffer."'\ — See M.Paris, p. 4G0.
Page 418, line IG from the bottom. ^^ Shortly after the sending," Scc.'\ — See
M. Paris, p. 405.
Page 419, line 24.] — Tin's council of Lateran sat from the 11th to the 30th
of October, a.d. 1215. — L'Arl de Ver. des Dates.
Page 420, line 3 from the bottom. "5*0 in the house of St. Albans," &c.] —
See M. Paris, p. 410, sub an. 1235. He mentions as the messengers of tlie
monks, "dominus Nicolaus de Leu, dominus lleginaldus Pliisicus, et niagister
Galfridus de Langelisi, clericus."
Page 421, line 4. "Another contention."'} — See M. Paris, pp. 473, 519, 550,
573, 005—607, 617, 634, 636.
Page421, linelS. "After the death of Stephen Langton," &c.'\— See M. Paris,
pp. 350, 355. " Magister Alexander de Stavensby cpiscopus Cestrensis, et
Magister lleuricus de Sanford Rofl'ensis episcopus, et praecipuc Magister Jo-
hannes de Houtona." Tliis last was the archdeacon of Bedford, mentioned at
pp. 365, 386, of this volume.
Page 421, note (1).] — " Dorsels," quasi *' door-sills."
Page 422, line 2. " Master WilUam."'\ — i. e. W. Scot, archdeacon of Wor-
cester, a clerk of the chapter of Durham. — M. Paris.
Page 422, line 25. " The pope's exactors."'] — See M. Paris, p. 520. The
archbishop's eight hundred marks are mentioned again at p. 427 of this
volume.
Page 421, line 5. " Simon Montfort." \—See M. Paris, pp. 405, 407, 470.
Page 424, line 2 L " The case of this Henry ///."]— See M. Paris, p. 643,
sub an. 1241 : and for the next paragraph, see p. 866 : and for the succeeding,
see p. 883, sub an. 1252.
Page 425, line 30. "^'emes."]— This affair has been mentioned at p. 365,
where it is "coombs:" M.Paris calls them "summa;," for the measure of
which see the note on p. 537 of this volume.
Page 427, line 20. "The example given by Edmund."] — This has been
mentioned at p. 422.
Page 427, line 30.]— See p. 307 of this volume, note (3).
Page 427, line 10 from the bottom. " Three and twenty."] — M. Paris
(p. 540, an. 1240) says " viginti quatuor."
Page 428, line 17 from the bottom. "In the time of this council."] — This
paragraph (which is from M. Paris, p. 681) must be considered parenthetic, for
the next (from M. Paris, pp.566, 573) takes up the narrative again an. 1241.
Page 429, lino 21.] — " Prsebenda opima, spectans ad prscentorem." —
M.Paris, p. Gil.
Al'l'EXDlX TO VOL. II. 875
Page 430, line 1.] — -This letter is given at p. 62;} of M. Paris, an. 1211, anil
cannot be of a later date than Oct. 27th of that year.
Page 430, line 1.5 from the bottom.] — These blank charts are given in
M. Paris, p. 641, dated 25 Hen. III. i.e. a. d. 1211.
Page 430, line 10 from the bottom. " J^as not as/iamed to take of David,"
cv'c] — Il3'mer gives a convention between Henry III. and David, to reler
their ditierences to arbiters, at the head of whom is named Otto, the pope's
legate. See M. Paris, p. 624, for a bidl of Innocent's making this vile ])ro-
posal to David, dated " 7 Cal. Aug. pontif. an. 2," /. e. July 26th, a. d. 1244.
Page 430, line 6 from the bottom. " Seals and obligations."^ — Rymer gives
the final " Promissiones et Pacta" of David, dated DecoU. of John IJap.
(Aug. 29th) 25 Hen. III., and a confirmation of them August 31st, a.d. 1241.
Page 431, line 15. " A general council."~\ — Viz. that of Lyons next year,
June 2Sth— July 17th a. d. 1245.— il/. Paris, p. 644.
Page 432, line 19. " Two bills . . . the other, with the jirticles of Grievances."^
• — This statement is incorrect. The bill of giievances (given supra p. '<i69)
was exhibited at the council of London, the yoar after that of Lyons. (See
the note in this Appendix on p. 368.)
Page 432, line 32.] — This " Supplication " is given by M. Paris, p. 666.
Page 434, line 9] — The list given in M. Paris (p. 659) is — " Comes Rogcrus
Bigod, Johannes filius Galfridi, Willielmus de Cantelupo, Philippus Basset,
Radulphus filius Nicolai, et Magister Willielmus de Poweric, clericus."
Roger Bigod was earl of Norfolk (Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. pp. 133, 134).
" RIagister Willielmus Powic, jurisperitus, et Henricus de la Alare " were
despatched the next year after the parliament at London, mentioned supra
p. 368, with another remonstrance to the pope, April 9th, being Easter-Monday.
— M. Paris, pp. 707, 709.
Page 435, line 10. " About the feast of St. Andreiv [Nov. 30th]."— This is
M. Paris's date (p. 683) : the tidings of the pope's intrigues at that meeting
against England reached Henry at London the beginning of the next year
(p. 691). Foxe erroneously says, that the interview at Clugny happened "in
the beginning of the next year (a. d. 1246). '
Page 435, line 22.] — The second reason stated by IVI. Paris (p. 691) is,
"Quia jus non habet Rex Francorum in regnum Anglire manifestum."
Page 435, line 29.] — M. Paris (p. 691) dates this peace soon after Hilary,
or Jan. 13th, a. d. 1246.
Page 435, line 31.] — The pope's order is dated by M. Paris (p. 692) — Lyons,
6 Cal. Sep. 1245.
Page 435, line 15 from the bottom. " Over and besides," &c.] — In this place
might have been introduced the Parliament which met at London, Midlent
(March 18th, a. d. 1246), mentioned at p. 368, and from which W. de Powic
and H. de la Mare were despatched to Rome.
Page 435, line 7 from the bottom.] — The words "for half a year" are added
from M. Paris (p. 706), "usque ad dimidium annum."
Page 436, line 21.] — Foxe says, by mistake, " William, bishop of Norwich ;"
it was "Walter de Suffield."— J/. Paris, p. 707.
Page 436, line 26. '■^ Directeth contrary letters to all the prelates."'] — \.
translation whereof is given by Foxe at p. 369.
Page 436, line 18 from the bottom.] — The Assumption was August 15th.
See M. Paris, p. 709, and p. 370 of this volume.
Page 436, line 5 from the bottom.] — " Qui culmcn sumus ccclesiae."
M. Paris, p. 715.
Page 436, last line. " Spain is fierce," &c.] — A conncil was held at Lerida,
Oct. 19th, A.D. 1246, at which James, king of Aragon, who had cut out the
tongue of the bishop of Gironne, was reconciled to the Church. — UArt de J'er.
des Dates.
Page 437, line 13 from the bottom. " By district censures of the Church,"
8Tfi API'KNDIX TO VOL. II.
&'c.] — Tlic Latin is, " quod per ccnsurain ecclesiasticam conipescant contradic-
lores." Tlie word " district" is bonowed from llie preamble to tlie articles —
" literas districtum pra;cepliiin jiapale cum diveisis articulis continentes."
Page 43R, note (1).] — I be original, whence Foxe's text is a little corrected,
is as follows: — "Quamtamen pecuniain postea ])eniteutia ductus nuiiqu.im
recepit nee reciperc vokiit in vita sua. luio in literis suis et epistolis, toio
tempore suo, se Ducom Normanniic appeliavit. Sed eo mortuo Kdwardus filius
ejus et successor in repno lUa duo verba (Dux Normanniae) in suis epi.stolis non
posuit." — Ilemincjjuril, ad an. 1259.
Page 438, note (2).] — Foxe does not quite correctly rc])resent ;\J. Paris,
according to the printed copy (Lond. 1610. p. 71G); wbere it appears that the
clergy, in order to calculate the sum sterling which it would be necessary to
produce, to satisfy the pope's demands, take for the basis of their calculations
the fact, that a recent demand of a twentieth realized 0000 marks (siipia,
J). 4;5G). Hence they inferred that the pope's piesent demands would be
ctpiivalent to a sum of 80,000 (quater viginti nnllia) marks. Foxe should,
therefore, have said " eighty thousand marks." On the sum paid for Richard's
ransom, see tlie note on p. .317 ; perhaps the 00,000 marks here mentioned is a
confusion with the sum paid by tlie emperor to the duke, p. 310; or the clergy
put the ransom low to aggravate the diiiiculty of no^v raising 80.000 marks;
or the text may be corrupt.
Page 410, line 1. '^London."'] — Foxe says "Winchester;"' but see M.
Paris, p. 722. The parliament was held at London : hence the letters to the
pope just mentioned are sealed with the connnon seal of the city of London.
The king had held his court at Winchester during Christmas, which perhaps
led Foxe into the mistake.
Page 440, line 30.] — From the language of M. Paris (p. 728), " in Principio
Quadragesimjc venit quidam de Ordine Minorum Johannes nomine, de quo
facta est nientio in foliis prtecedentibus, &c." it would seem that it was the
same John as is mentioned at ))p. 370, 430, 437. The first mention of John and
Alexander is at p. 722 of .M. I'aris. St. (Jiles'-day was Sept. 1st. The legate's
charges were another hundred marks.
Page 441, line 3.]— See M. Paris, p. 754, ad an. 1218.
Page 441, line 13 from the bottom.] — " Dicto Romano ad arbilrium papas
satisfecit, ainmas quinquaginta marcas de cameril sua in magnam suae ecclesiae
laesionem conferendo." — M. Paris.
Page 441, line 10 from the bottom.] — This is given at p. 799 of M. Paris,
sub anno 1250. The pope's brief to Berardo is by M. Paris dated " Lugd.
3 C'al. Maii, pont. nostri anno 7." It states Herigetloto be " natus nobilis viri
Perrini de Malachana de Volta, civis Januensis."
Page 443, line 1.] — This happened about .Advent, Nov. 27th, a. n. 1244. —
M. I'aris, p. 051.
Pafre 443, line 7. " Jf'hich piece," &c.] — M. Paris merely says of these
relics "suo tempore acquisitas;" but at p. 546, ad an. 1240, he says that the
Emperor Baldwin, in great want of money for his wars against the Greeks, sold
the crown of thorns to Louis for a large sum ; and at p. 551, ad an. 1241, he
mentions the purchase of the holy cross by Blanche for £25,000 from the
Venetians, who had purchased it of two sons of the king of Jerusalem, who
wanted money to fight against the Greeks. Louis bought it of his mother, and
made a grand procession at Paris, to display this and the purchase of the year
before, on the Friday after Easter-day, i.e. April 5th, a. d. 1241. M.Paris
adds, that Louis also possessed the robe, spear, sponge, and other rcliques,
which he put in a splendid chapel at Paris ; and that the pope allowed forty
davs' indulgence to all who there visited them.
The deposition of Baldwin here alluded to is not his final one, but early in
the year 1244; see M. Paris, p. 618, where it is related that, all his treasure
being exhausted, he was forced to fly to the Emperor Frederic.
Page 443, line 10 from the bottom.] — Thi? list of French nobles has been
verified and corrected bv L'Art de V6r. des Dates.
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 877
Page 443, line 3 from the bottom.] — Tliis parliamei.t was lield " circa medium
Quadragesima! a.d. J247, according to M. Paris, p. 725.
Page 444, line 7 from the bottom.] — " In os." — /)/. Paris, p. 743.
Page 446, note (2).] — "In insula vero Cypri dum ibidem Rex Francia?
hyemaret, migraverunc ad Dominum viri multi pra'clari : et n)uUi in itinero,
tarn per terram cpiam per mare, quos longum numerare. Obiit tamen vir
przBclarus, Episcopus Noviomensis, comes Palatinus et unus de XII paribus
Francii£, in navi nou procnl a Cypro." (M. Paris, p. 771.) Who tlie twelve
peers of France were, is stated in the note on p. 378; they are enumerated by
M. Paris, p. 941, ad an. 1557.
Page 448, line 20.] — " Chorasmi, populi Asiae ad utramque Oxi fluvii ripam
incolentes, in Sogdianre et Bactriana- confinio, quorum regio hodie Corasion in
tabulis recentioribus nominatur." — Hoffman.
Page 452, line 29. "/« the v)eantime" Sec.'] — M. Paris (p. 792) represents
this as occurring after Louis had heard of his brother's defeat and death. The
letter to the earl of Cornwall (\I. Paris, p. 796) is not contradictory to this.
Page 452, line 12 from the bottom. " Now upon the luiiil," &'c.] — There is
a slight deviation here from M. Paris, who repre.sents the afl'air of Mansor
as occiu'ing before the altercation just before described, and therefore showing
Karl Robert's rashness in a still stronger light. (See M. Paris, p. 789.) But
in the letter to the earl of Cornwall (p. 796) the representation is the same as
that given by Foxe.
Page 453, line 30.]— The letter to the earl of Cornwall (M. Paris, p. 796)
dates this passage of the Nile " Octavis Paschas ;" i. e. April 3d, a.d. 1250 (by
Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 454, line 29. "^ hundred /housand 7narh."'\ — Foxe says "sixty
thousand." The original demand was "100,000 librarum auri" (M. Paris,
p. 794), or " centum millia marcarum argenti " (p. 79.5).
Page 454, line 31. "Eighty thousand persons."] — This does not appear in
M. Paris : he says that 8200 were lost in the army of Robert, earl ot Artois,
and tliat is said to have been one -third of the whole army, which, at that rate,
would not exceed 30,000. M. Paris also states tliat 17,200 were slain or taken
in the last conflict, at which Louis was made prisoner. So that it is most
likely the story of 80,000 has arisen from mistaking 30,000 for 80,000.—
M. Paris, p. 793.
Page 455, note (3).] — The passage between asterisks from the edition of
1570 is retained, partly for the purpose of showing that the following transla-
tion was not made by Foxe himself, and partly for the sake of the exjjression
"collected and translated," which much more accurately describes the pei--
formance than " faithfully translated." The work to which Foxe refers is
intituled " Nicolai Cisneri de Frederico II. Imperafore Oratio, habita in celebri
Heidelbergensium Academid in promotione aliquot doctorum Juris, anno salutis
humanee MDLXII, mense Augusto." It was printed at Basil, 4to, 1505, and
again (more correctly) at Strasburg, 12mo, 16u8. Both tiiese editions are in
the British Museum. Foxe's translation has been collated with the original;
many passages of which have been so erroneously or obscurely rendered by
P'oxe's translator, that it has been found necessary to re-translate or correct
them ; in doing which, the present editor has availed himself of Mr. Maitland's
criticisms and translations.
Respecting Cisner himself, Struvius in his BibJiotheca Scriptorum Rerum
Gcrmanicarmn, §33, calls him " Assessorem Judicii Cameralis, rerum Ger-
manicarumperitissimnm ;" and at § 71, Struvius informs us that his works were
collected and published by Quirinus Renter, Francfort, 1658. With respect to
the particular production of his pen, which Foxe here makes use of, Struvius
bears the following testimony : — '• Elegans ea est oratio de Frederico 11. quam
Nicolaus Cisnerus composuit, et cpia,' cum iis de Othoiie III. et Coiiradino edita
Argentorati 1608, et inter Opuscula Cisneri historica junctim edita, prteclaras
de eorum temporum statu sententias habet." (Bibiioth. Script. Iler. Germ.
§ 78.) He adds at § 71, that in his Oration de Othone III. "contra
Onuphrium Panvinium, Romano Pontifici Italisque jus in Electionc Imp.
8TS AI'l'KNUIX TO VOL. II.
Roinniii tiilmciilcm in libro * de Coinitiis Imperatoriis,' disputat, ct varia de
statu corum temporum sapicnter monct."
Page 436, line 31 '" One [e.va)nple'\ is."'] — " Sibylla; vidua? Tancredi siiasif,
ut ad rcciiperanda Sicilifc icgna, cpia; niaritus ante halHicrat, ujjcmii a Pliilii)))o
rcge Francorum j)fteret; et cuin, regis consilio opera et siibsidio, Walterus,
velusta comituni ISrennornin faniilia orlus, qui antiqiiani sedem in IJarensi pro-
viiicia h.ibobant, ducta in inatrinioniuni Alteria, Tancredi regis natu maxima
lilia, spe regnoruin illorum inductus Canii)aniam et A])uliani invasisset, idem
I'ontifex (ui tutoris scilicet et pairoiii officio fungeretur) datis litcris inissisque
legatis ad proceres ulriusque regni, ut Waltcrum pro rege siio acciperent sub
gravissinul pro-ciiplionis ex coninuuiitate Cliristianorum poena mandavit."
— Clsner.
Page 450, note (1).] — The statement in t!ie text respecting the age of Con-
stantia when Frederic was born, is a common but incorrect statement, being,
])robably, at least ten years beyond the trutli. For CJodfrey of Viterbo, a con-
temporary writer, says that she was a posthumous child of Roger I. (who died
Feb. 2Gth, a. d. ll.'il), and was married at tliirty years of age, in a. d. 1184.
Henry \'I. died Sept. 28ih, a. d. 1197, or (as some say) early in a.d. 1198: so
that there were not above forty-four years between her father's and her
Imsband's death, and tlie j)robability is, that when Frederic was born, Dec.
2nih A.D. 1191, she was about foitj' years old. (See " L'Att de \'er. des
Dates," and " Encyclop. Metrop." Hist. III. p. G37.)
Page 457, line 1.] — " Eumque de more Aquisgiani coronaref." — Cisner.
Set infia, p. G63.
Page 4.'')7, line l.').] — Philip was assassinated in his own house at Bamberg,
10 Cal. Julii, a. d. 1208, not, as Foxe says, " between Otho and him [i.e. the
popej," but by Otho de Wittelspach, on a private ))ique (see Cisner, and
Aventine's Aiuiales IJoiorum, lib. vii.): Cisner then adds, " Pliilij)po per suni-
inam injuriam occiso, Otlio ad fastigium Imperii Germanire proceribus cvcctus,
a faulore et amico suo Innocentio III. IloniEe est inauguratus."
Page 457, line 14 from the bottom.] — " Nou cnim solum Latinarum et
Gra^carum littrarum, qua; barbarie obrutce tum ])rimum emcrgebant, sed et
(Jernianicam. . . . addidicit." — Cisner.
Page 457, line G from tlie bottom. *' Being now called," &'c.J — " Missis
igilur a Germania ad Fredericum legatis, qui ilium ad imperium suscipiendum
accersercnt, nihil moralus in Germaniam proficiscitur. In itinere Pontificem
adit, et cum eo consilia de instiluenda prufectione communicat. Narrat
Fazellus magno honore ab Innocentio Fredericum Romas esse acceptum;
certam tauien de inauguratione spem ci non esse factain, quia Pontifex nonien
ejus ex recordatione avi Frederici suspectam haberet."' — Cisner.
Page 457, note (3).] — Cisner says that Frederic " vigesimum agebat
annum," which, however, cannot be correct, and in the text " eighteenth " is
substituted. Frederic was born at Jessi, in Anconn, Dec. 2Gth, a.d. 1191:
elected King of the Romans, a. d. 1196 : again, soon after his father's death :
and again by the Diet of Bamberg, a. d. 1211 : crowned at the Diet of Mentz,
Dec. Gth, a.d. 1212. — L'Art de J'er. des Dates.
Page 458, last line but one.] — " Ad res imperii in Italia constituendas, civi-
tates quae illi subjcctne crant obit, ct in verba sua jurare cogit. Deindc, in
regna sua se confert." — Ci.tner.
Page 458, note (1).] — The following is the origin;il from which this para-
graph is taken : — " Roma Tridentum cum vcnisset, quod iter rectius et expe-
diliiis ab Oihonianis locis supcrioribus obsideri cognovisset, magna cum diffi-
cultate inviis et aspcris Rhoetorum Alpibus siiperatis, secundiun Rheni tractum
onniibus in ora l^licnana civitatibus ad Imperii ditionem perlincntibus in
tidem suam accej)tis ; Othone (qui quam maximis poterat itineribus ex Italia
in (jcrmaniam contenderat, nt Frcderico ad Rhenmn occurreret et tran-
situ prohiberet) spe sua dejecto, Aquisgrani de more coronatur. In lij--
berna Francofvirtiun jirofectus : et post, convcnfibns aliquot in Norico habitis,
Oilinne mortuo, rebus Imperii ordinatis, omnique fere Germania pacata ....
ad Romam reversus.'' (Cisner.) The first coronation at Mentz has been
thrown into the text, to make the narrative more comjdete. The diets men-
Al'PKNDlX TO VOL. II.
tioned as subsequently held were those of Katisbon, toward the close of
A. D. 1215, and Nuremberg, 11 Cal. Feb. a. d. 121G. — Jvcntinc, Ann. Boior.
lib. vii.
Page 459, line 3.] — " Turn prseserthnThomam et Richaiduni, Innocentii III.
fratres, comitcs Anagninos, quibus castclla qusedam in regno Ncapolitano
erant, regni cupiditate inductos, cum Othone IV. (quando is id hoslili nuuiu
iuvaserat) conspirasse reperiebat." — Chner.
Page 459, line 20.] — " Causam hnjus detestationis." — Cisiier.
Pat^e 460, lino 1.] — " Insignia Imperii regnique coronam me prius dcposi-
tnrum." — Cisner.
Page 460, line 12. " And fint, by the Holy Scripture," 8:c.']—" Ac primt)
quidem, quod in prima Christianorum ecclesiil distriuuendornm munerum eccle-
siasticoruni prrecipna cin-a et potestas penes populum Clnistianum, intercedente
ctiam adniinistrorum divinarum curationum consilio fuerit, facile ex sacrosanctis
scripturis et ex conciliornm decretis et ex priniiE ecclesise consuetudine perspici
])otest : quo etiam pertinent, cum alii in Decreto a Gratiano consarcinato loci,
tum priEsertim," &c. — Cisner.
Pa<'-e 460, line 1 1 from the bottom. " For that in determining," &'c.] — " Quod
et contra autlioritatem sacrorum canonum de electioiic siunmi pontiiicis decre-
verit, et civili niagistrati nulla de rebus nedum ordinibus ecclesiasticis dispen-
sandi facultas attributa legatur." — Cisner.
Page 461, line 7.] — " In'qnibus nudta capita Ilonorio et Theodosio accepta
referuntur." (Cisner.) The books of Justinian are those contained in the Corjjus
Juris Civilis, viz. Institutionum libri iv. ; Pandectorum sive Digestorum libri 1. ;
Codicis libri xii. ; et Novella?; published a.d. 52S — 535. — Cuve.
Page 461, line 24.] — " In gravissimam pcenam proscriptionis publicationis-
que omnium bonoriun incurreret." — Cisner.
Page 462, line 9.]— "John XII." See pp. 71, 464.
Page 462, line 20.] — This John XVIII. is mentioned as John XVII. at
pp. 72, 73, and in L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Pao^e462, line 22.] — " Johanne XVIII. . . naso oculisque private et de Capi-
tolio priecipitato." (Cisner.) This last expression must be taken metapliorically:
he was in reality thrust into prison by Otho, and survived about a year. —
L '^rt de Ver. des Dates.
Pao-e 462, line 29.] — " Qui eundem quoque Pontificem, se omnibus aliis
episcopis in celebri synodo ab Henrico Moguntios habita anteponentem, Mo-
guntino cedere compulit." — Cisner.
Page 462, line 36. "Tamen regi Henrico IIII. regiin^puberi, cui imperium
delatum erat, jus in hac re suuni voluit esse salvum." — Cisner.
Page 463, line 6 from the bottom. " For the canons," &c.] — " Nam quibus
capitibus Gratianus ante ilia tempora Romanse civitati potestatem illam eligendi
Pontificem absque consensu Imperatorum datam esse vult demonstrare (ut
can. 29, 30, adjunctaque palea posteriori, et can. 31 eadem distinctione 63)
fraudulenter a Gratiano assentatore Pontificio pro veris snpposita esse, et aiite in
]derisque Carolus Moliuffus notavit, et ex observatione temporum a quovis vel
mediocriter in historiis Francicis et Germanicis versato animadverti potest."
Page 464, line 4. "For, first, five bishops," &c.]— " Primo enim, Gre-
gorium IV, cui 29 can. inscribitur, quinque ex ordine Pontifices subsecuti sunt
ante Adrianum ilium II. qui arrepta a populo jier vim poteslate Ponlificis
elit'endi Pontifex factus est: cum pracsertim is Gregorius ante pontiticalum
accipere noluisset, quam imperator in ejus electionem consensisset."
Page 464, line 6. "Adrian IT. tvho," &c.]— See the note in this Appendix
on pa'ge 12, line 24. Tlie following is the account of the election of Adrian
II. in Anastasii Bibliothecarii de " Vitis pontiiicum " (p. 223 ):— "Colleclis
igitur omnibus tarn episcopis cum universo clero, quam primoribus urbis cum
obsecundantibus sibi populis, ab ecclesia sanctte Dei genelricis semperque
870
880 AIM'KNDIX TO VOL. II.
virj,'inis Maria?, ijuir ajiptllatur ad Praisepe, rapitur, traliiliir, ct ad Luteranonsc
I'.ilriaroliimn ceitaiim, ac k proceruin el plebis multitudiiie, dcportatur. Quod
aiulii'iitts tuncinissi I'riiicipis inolesle tulere, indignati scilicet, noii quod taiituin
vinim nollciit I'ontificein, qiieiii iiiminiin anxie cupiebant, sed quod se dum
])ia,'seiites essi-nt Quirites iioii invitaverint, nee optala? a se fuluri I'lajsiilis elec-
tioiii iiiteresse consenserint. Qui accepta ratione, quod non Augiisti causa
conteinptiis, sed futtni temporis lioc omissum I'uerit omiiino prospectu, ne vide-
licet Legatos priiicipuui in eleclione Ronianorum Prsesuluni nios expcctandi per
luijusniodi Ibniiteni inolesceret, omnem mentis suae indignationeni medullitus
sedavere, ac salutanduin eiectuni etiani ipsi Ininiiliter accessere."
Page 1G4, line 10. " Secondhj, Mulincens," &c.] — " Deinde canoni 30 Moli-
nicus authoritalem Ra[)haclis A'olaterani o])ponit ; qui iiide etiain suspectus est,
quod Kngenio pontifice, luijus I'ascalis, quociini pactum Ludovicus inisse dici-
tur, succcssore, idem Ludovicus Pius ejusque filius Lotliarius, principis Komani
potestate, Romye, cum omnibus imperii suhjectis tilm ipsi.s etiam Romanisleges
constituerimt : ut de ilia taceam retiovatione decrcti a I-otliario facta. Turn
quomodo palcam illam, cujus initium ' Constitutio,' Leo III I. ad Lotharium et
Ludoviciun Augustus scribere potuit ?" — Cisner.
Page 404, line 4 from tbe bottom. ^^ Louis of Bavaria.'''] — The Latin is " Lu-
dovicus Boius," wliich the fraui^hitor mistook for Ludovicus Pius, and rendered
accordingly " Louis the Pious." Tiie Latin also says " Fredericus Let II."
Page 4G.5, line 1. " Wisdom and eneryy."'] — " Prudentia et virtute." — Cisner.
Page 46G, line 14 from the bottom. " Fazellus suitli."] — Fazellus was a
Dominican, born a.d. 1198, died at Palermo in 1570: see page 5, vol. i. I)e
rebus Siculis, edit. CataniE, 1749. Tbe passage alluded to ajjpears in vol. iii. of
tliis edition, p. 7 : " Ilujus [Ilonorii] successor Gregorius IX. initio staiim sui
Pontilicatus Fridericum urget, ac sub diris etiam monuit, ut primo quoque
tempore in Asiam cum expeditione trajiceret. Sed cum diu Fridericus nioram
suam per sacramenti, quo inito inter Saracenos et Christianos pa.x lirmafa eral,
religioiiem purgasset, commodum aiiUit lole Frederici sponsa, qujB jam in
porlum Pisanorum applicuerat, eaque de causa Joannes denuun Brenna Key.
Koniam profeclus cum pontifice reconciliationem Friderici, ac iiliie nuptias his
logibus couclusit, ut Fridericus electionis jus nonmiUaque oppida qu;e in Cam-
pania detincbat, restitueret, ac primo quoque tempore cum copiis in Asiain
properaret."
Page 467, line 9. " Ife gave in commandmeni to Henry his son."] — At A\x-
la-Chapelle, however, not at the ])laces just mentioned ; " Henrico deinde filio
Caesari mandat, ut apud Aquisgranum indictis comitiis de hello Hierosolymitano
referat." — Fazellus de rebus Siculis, tom. iii. p. 7.
Page 467, line 14. " Jfonbeif, some others affirm that these things were dune
in the time of I/onorius."] — The editors of Fazelli remark (p. 17), "Cum lole
nuptias anno 1225 Fridericus celebravit, Honorio adhuc superstite qui non nisi
j)ost bicnnimu Gregorio hujus nominis none locum cessit; pramiature igitur
ilonorii mors reponitur."
Page 467, line 29.] — " Ludovico Thuringo et Sigeberto Augustano episcopo
ducibus." — Cisner.
Page 467, line 15 from the bottom.] — Aventine and Fazellus state, that both
the generals died.
Page ''67, note (1).] — Cisner's words are as follo-.v : — " Et cjusdem instinctu
ab Arsacida sicarios in Europam Cbristianos reges trucidatum missos, et regem
Francorum ut ab ejnsmodi insidiis sibi caveret admonitum, accepisset." B)-
^■Irsacidas is here meant the sovereign of a curious fanatical tribe, who inhabited
ibe mountains in the neighlxmrhood of Damascus, called Assassini, Uom an
Arabic word signifving '' to slay :" from them came the modern word assassin.
They derived their origin from a sect of Mahomelans founded by Hassan, son
of Sabah, who fixed his seat near Casween, in Persia, a.d. 1090. He trained
his followers to the most implicit submission; he taught them that immortal
bliss aflir death would be the sure reward of such as executed his commands;
he was in the habit of despatching them on secret errands, ])articularly to
assassinate those, whether Christians or Mahometans, against whom he had
APPENDIX TO VOL. 11. 881
conceived any aversion. His dynasty expii-ed with the eighth kinc, a.d.
12.^)7.
The Assassini of Syria were a branch of these ; who adopted their principles
and practices, and maintained correspondence with them. 'I'lieir sovereign was
called " The Old Man of the Mountain." They were destroyed by a sultan of
Egypt, A.D. 1272. See Hottman's Lexicon, and Uu Cange v. Assassini, who gives
their various names as corrupted by ditterent historians. See also Moreri's
Diet. V. Ismaeliens, and the authorities there cited. Rigord, a French historian,
says that Philip Augustus, the French king, when at Pontoise a.d. 1)92, re-
ceived letters from Palestine, warning him that the king of England had hired
the Old Man of the Mountain to procure his assassination. The marquis of
Montferrat is said to have been assassinated by one of them in Palestine.
William de Nangis, anno 1236, says two were despatched into France to assas-
sinate St. Louis. Walsingham says (also the Continuator of M. Paris) that Ed-
ward, son of Henry IIL, was assaulted by one of them in Acre a.d. 1271. See
p. 571 of this volume. " The History of the Assassins," by Chevalier Von
Joseph Hammer, translated from the German by Charles Oswald Wood, M.D.,
Svo, London, 1835, will furnish the reader with full information on this subject.
Page 467, line 29.] — " Ludovico Thuringo et Sigeberto Augustano episcopo
ducibus. " — Cisner.
Page 468, line 1, " Sailed for Asia. "'\ — "In Asiam navigavit." (Cisner.)
Foxe says "into Italy."
Page 468, line 13. " The settled belief."^ — " Constans opinio." — Cisner.
Page 468, line 15 from the bottom.] — " Eamque ob causam ut regnum illud
ah injuriis hostium defendatur et conservetur magnopere sua privatim quoque
interesse." — Cisner.
Page 468, line 8 from the bottom.] — " Sine cujusquam injuria." — Cisner.
Page 469, line 1.] — Peter de Vineis was an Italian, secretary to Fre-
deric II., whom he served with faithfulness and zeal. Being, however, falsely
accused of treason, he was by the emperor thrown into prison at Capua, where
he laid violent hands on himself a.d. 1249. (See Foxe, p. 503.) Foxe alludes
here to a collection of letters which passes under his name, though (as Cave
observes) some of them were clearly written even after Frederic's death. The
collection is intituled Epistolarum Hisforicarum libri vi. de gestis Frederici II.
imperat. et aliis. It was printed at Basil, 1566, and Hamburgh, 1609.
Page 469, note (1).] — This epistle from the emperor to Henry III. is in
j\l. Paris, ed. Lond. 1640, p. 348, and the translation has been collated with the
Latin and revised.
Page 470, line 19.] — " Posteaquam magnas rursus coegissel copias classemque
reparasset, Brundusio profectus," &c. — Cisner.
Page 470, line 22.] — Justingen was a town of Suabia, the head of a barony.
Page 470, line 17 from the bottom.] — Aventine dates their arrival at Joppa
" 17 Kal. Dec." i.e. November 15th, a.d. 1228.
Page 470, note (3).]— x\ventine dates the peace " die solis, 12 Kal. Martii,"
i.e. Sunday February 18th, which fits the year 1229 by Nicolas's Tables.
Page 471, last line.] — "Ordinesque militumTempli et Hospitalis loci." — Cisner.
Page 471, note (3).] — The passage in the text reads thus in Cisner: " So-
lenni°Dominicte Resurrectionis fesfo, anno Salutisl229, coronatus est; praesen-
tibus omnium illius regni urbium legatis ac proceribus, patriarcha solum, clero,
Cypri regis legato, ac Oliverio Templi Magistro cum suis militibus, exceptis, ob
Christi Templum Saracenis relictum conquerentibus, quos et pontificis minaj
etiam exterruerant."
Page 472, line 21.] — " Militumque ordinis Teutonici." — Cisner.
Page 472, line 27.] — " Non potuit, simulatque tantum facinus commisisset,
hoc uno scelere esse contentus, quiu aliud contra eundem moliretur." (Cisner.)
The translator, not perceiving tliat simulatque was a mis-priiit for simul atqne
but taking it for the verb simulat-que, says, " he could not disseinble this his
miscliievous fact." Both the editions of Cisner read ''simulatque." Another
curious mis-translation, occasioned by a misprint in the first edition of the Latin,
is pointed out in the note on p. 504, line 5 from the bottom.
VOL. II. 3 L
S8;2 AITENDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 472, line 5 from the bottom.]— ^V. Paris, ed. IGiO, p. lloo.
Page 474, line 8.] — " Uncle Blondus perfidiam imperatoris legatis ejus pou-
tilicem coram exprobrasse tradit." — Cisner.
Pa^e 471, line 18. " Baseness "~\ — " Turpitudinem." — Cisner.
Pa«Te474, line 7 from tlie bottom.] — " Curia et senatu amovit." — Cisner.
Pa<Tc 474, line 1 from the bottom.] — "Illeancipiti contentione oppriniere-
tur." — Cisner.
Page 474, last line.] — " Cum jam regnum Ilicrosolymitunum in meliorem
statum redcgisset." — Cisner.
Page 47.'), line 1.]—" Pontificios conatus omni consilio evertendos et suos in
oHicio permancntes confirmandos existimans, relicto in Asia Kenaldo cum
prajsidiis, rehquis copiis se subsequi jussis, quam celerrime cum duabus trire-
mibus in Calabriam contendit." — Cisner.
Pao-e 475, line 7 from the bottom.] — " Hermanni Teutonici Ordinis magistri
et Messaniensis Antistitis opera." — Cisner.
Page 47G, line 15.] — " Jura in regno Siciliae." — Cisner.
Page 47G, line 25.] — " Pontificcm Kcatic accessit — sibi ecclesiam Romanam
curac fore eamque se defensurum, oblato etiam filio suo obside, spondet." —
Cisner.
Pa''e47G, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Majorem ii;itur laudem consecutus
fuisset Blondus, si banc pontificis perfidiam notasset, (juam cum (sui oblitus, ut
mendacibus stepe accidit), contra sui« narrationis seriem contra rerum a Frede-
rico gestarum veritatem, ab eo Romanos ad rerum novarum studia invitatos
rcfett." — Cisner.
Page 477, line 3.] — Foxe says, " Henry Cresar and Fredei-ic of Austria, his
sons." But Frederic duke of Austria was not Frederic's son. lie had a
bastard son, Frederic prince of Autiocli, mentioned at p. 505. Fo.xe repeats
the same mistake (which is not Cisner's) next page, and at jjp. 481, 484. See
the note on p. 478, line 7.
Page 477, line 11.] — " Kelhemii cum dcambularet, letali vulnere percussus."
(Cisner.) "A Sticliio morione, quem per ludum incesserat, cultcllo letali
\ulnere percussus, decessit, IGCal. Oct. 1231." — Aventine.
Page 477, note (1).] — *' Reginoburgi " (Cisner) ; i. e. at Ratisbon.
Page 478, line 7.] — " Fredericum Austriacum mandatis suis non parentem
proscribit et pro hoste Reipublicas habet." (Cisner.) Foxe here, as elsewhere,
confounding this Frederic with the emperor's bastard son Frederic (see note on
])age477, line 3), says: "By public commandment he renounced FVederic of
Austria for his son."
Page 478, line 18 from the bottom.]— " Pacis specie, quam ad subsidium
belli sacri inter Christianos tuendam jampridem promulgarat." — Cisner.
Page 478, line 11 from the bottom.] — " Eo ipso die." — Cisner.
Page 478, line 7 from the bottom.] — " Inique facere qui per pacis causam
se in eo quod optimo sibi jure liceat impedire velit, quo minus ita se comparet,
ut qui se a regnis hereditariis intercludere conati sunt, vi pellcre posset; et qui
a se imperioque defecissent, cosque, quos vel ad conventus communium rerum
gratia vel ob sacrum bcUum evocasset, itinere prohibuissent, et in suam perni-
ciem multa improbe et nefaric machinati essent, in ordinem cogeret et uti com-
meruissent plecteret." — Cisner.
Page 479, line G.] — " Sine ulla temporis notatione, conditionis adjectione,
dignitatis jurisve imperii non minuendi exceptione." — Cisner.
Page 479, line 29. " Gregory."'] — Cisner invariably writes " Georgius " for
" Gregorius."
' Page 479, note(l).] — The following extract from the Life of Frederic by
Colenuccio, prefixed to " Petri de Vineis Epist. F>ed. II.", will explain the
word Caroccio : —
" Carocium Mcdiolanensium cum I'etro Teupolo, patririo Vcneto ac ducis
Venetiarum liUo, Mcdiolanensium pra^fecto ac duce quem iili Poteslatem vocant,
ccpit, cumque captivum in Apuliam transmisit. Parta vero tam insigni victoriil,
APPENDIX TO VOL. 11. 883
in modmn ducis triumpliantis Cremonam ingrcssus Carocium sccum duxit,
in quo dux Mediolanensium brachio et collo funibus ad lignum alligatus crat,
vexillis Lonibardoruni convolutis atque scquentibus innuuieris caplivis. Tru-
hebatur vero Carocium ab elepbanti castcllum gestante, in quo afiabie ot arti-
ficiose facto tibicines residebant una cum Imperialibns vexillis explicalis et loco
niaxime conspicuo suffixis. Et his eum ad niodum prasccdentibus in signum
victorias Fredericus cum copiis sequcbatur. Sciendum est, Carocium, quo eo
tempore in Italia utebantur, fnisse genus carri valde quidem amplum ct a multis
paribus boum train consuetum, circumdatum undique gradibus ad modum
tribunalis et suggestus, affabre elaboratum multiscpie ornamentis excultum ct
coo])ertum : eo gestabantur et vexilla populi cnjus Carocium erat, aliarumque
civitatum confederatarum. Et erat Carocium in exercitu quasi prretorium aut
tribunal qiioddam commune, ad quod se recipiebant milites, tanquam ad curiam
et locum principalem totius exercitus, et ubi magistratus et omne robur
meliorque pars exercitus veluti in subsidio consistebant. Atque timi quidem
exercitus prorsus credebatur fusus quando Carocium amissum erat. Prse omni-
bus autem aliis Mediolanenses Bononienses Parmenses et Cremonenses Carocio
uses fuisse invenio, quo minus essent prompti ad fugam, conspicientes robur
totius exercitus et vexilla facile loco moveri non posse aut aliqua fuga subdiici
ob ipsius sedificii molem. Tale itaque erat Carocium a Frcderico in trinmplio
Cremonae invectum."
Page 480, line 13.] — " Exempla." — C'lsner.
Page 480, line 19.] — Itaque, quod Jacobum Teupolum, ducem Venetum, ob
iram capti filii facile se in suam sentcntiam perducturum confideret (quod inter
tantos terrores solatio ei fuisse Blondus scribit), epistola quadam capfandix;
benevolentiae causa ilium Croatise atque Dalmatise quartae partis et dimidiat£e
totius Romani imperii dominum nuncupat, contra Fredericiun solicitans." —
Cisner.
Page 480, line 29.] — " Idem, cum Germanorum oplimam voluntatem," &t.
— Cisner.
Page 480, line 7 from the bottom.] — " Praeterquam enim quod imperatori
suo hominis appellationem detrahit, perfidise . . . incusat." — Cisner.
Page 481, line 4.] — " Albertum Behamum (ipse Boiemum nominat) equestri
familiil natum, Balcaniensis coUegii Decurionem Battaviensis, insignem cum
])rimis veteratorem," is Cisner's description of this man. Aventine calls him
"Alberlus Beham, Bathaviensis Templi Decanus."
Page 481, line 29.] — " Propinquos et necessarios suos." — Cisner.
Page 481, line 29.] — Foxe says, " Frederic of Austria, his son, who because
he was proscribed or outlawed by the emperor, his father." — See the notes on
pp. 477, 478.
Page 484, line 12. " But Wenceslmis and Ol/io," &c.] — " Sed Boiemo et
Palatine JE<rvam. venire recusantibus et per legates, quibus Austriaci se associ-
arant, intercedentibus, distractis animis re infecta discesserunt." — Cisner.
Page 484, line 16.] — Foxe says, "Then Frederic of Austria, the emperor's
second son," &c. : see the note on p. 477, line 3.
Page 484, line 21.] — " Etsi vero pontificii emissarii." — Cisner.
Page 484, line 32. '^Allwhicli tilings,'" Szc.'] — " Ipse quoque Pontifex, ab
Alberto de illorum in Imperatorem constantia certior factus, ut spe ami)liorum
dignitatum aliquos adversus illos concitaret, sacerdotibus et monachis qui illis
suberant potestatem facit, ut " — Cisner.
Page 484, line 5 from the bottom.] — " Eaque de causa ad Imperatorem
provocant." — Cisner.
Page 48.5, line 11.] — " Et quidem summi Boiorum praisulis Juvavensis
consilio opera et suasu." — Cisner.
Page 485, line 16. " But Albert," &c.] — " Albertus contra horum collegia
et coenobia, veluti publicorum hostium et proscriptorum, pontificiis ap(!rtb dis-
tribuit; multos ex procerum ordine nobilium ct cquituni largitionc bonorum
ecclesiasticoriun devincit. Ac nominatini quidem Johannes Avcntinus com-
memorat, quibus, ut Pontificias partes defenderent, decimae ecclesiastica; pre-
3 L 2
8S4 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
caiii) concessae ; qunc a quibus collegia ct ccenobia dircpta, reditusque coium
ablati, et piredia vi occupata fuerint." — Cisner.
Page 185, line 33.] — " Cum Germaniae uiiiversac turn Boioriic." — Cisner.
Page 485, line 5 from the bottom.] — "Quo, ctim inductu Hugonis Rambaiti
(qui sine periculo id cum faccre posse dixerat) ad legatum colloquii cautu
vcnissct, contra fas et icquum intercepto." — Cimer.
Page 186, line 13.] — " Pisis Viterbium se confert." — Cisner.
Page 180. line 15. " For that," &;c.] — " Quod aditis a suis omnibus Ttaliae
oppidis et civitatibvis, ut exploratum habcret qui sibi qui pontifici faverent, illos
Ciibillinos hos Guelphos appcllaverit." — Cisner.
Pao'c 486, line 20] — " Naucleri, Hermanni Contract!, Antonini Fiorenlini,
Caslelliona'i, alioruniquc, qui hsec noniina Conrado III., Magni Frederici
patruo, imperante in Italia ccepisse ; Pontificique deditos (nielphos a Guelplio,
ultimo Henrici Supetbi fratre, Iniperatori autera addictos vel ab ipso Conrado
vcl filio (jus in pago Vaiblingen enutrito Ghibellinos appellatos, prodiderunt." —
Cisner.
Page 480, line 31.] — "Decrela supplicatione, circunlatis capitibus," &:c. —
Cisner.
Page48G, line 11 from the bottom.] — " Quoscuiique caperet, eos, vel inusta
vel incisa crucis nota, excruciari jussit." — Cisner.
Page 487, line 4.] — " Graviter mulctatis." — Cisner.
Page 487, line 7.] — "Condilu urbe Aquila." — Cisner,
Page 487, line 10.]— " Asculinum adversa? factionis munitum oppidum obse-
dit." — Cisner.
Page 487, line 12.] — " Emissarii." — Cisner.
Page 487, line 17. "Such heart of grace. "'\ — " Tantos spiritus." — Cisner.
Page 487, line 20.] — " Impudenter affirmant . . . . , neque ulla fidei religi-
one teneri." — Cisner.
Page 487, line 24.] — " Imperiose" (Cisner); and next line "exitii poena."
Page 487, line 11 from the bottom.] — " Ipsos quoque servituti Pontificiie
obnoxios fore." — Cisner.
Page 487, line 9 from the bottom. " Attain."'\ — " Nactus fucrit." — Cisner.
Page 487, last line.] — "Qui missos cum his Uteris legatos ejusdcm argu-
nienti orationem habuisse narrat." (Cisner.) Aventine dates this Epistle,
" Datum in obsidione .iEsculi, Julii duodevicesimo die, indictione tertia,-
decima."
Page 488, line 18. "And so much" &c.] — " Opera Bohuslai Zelauconis
filii ct Budislai Tarozelai filii, qui principes erant Regii senatus (pollicitationi-
bus et nuuieribus jam ante sibi devinctorum) pcrficit, ut dies comitiis Libussae
statueretur, ubi de novo Imperatore creando in Frederici Augusti ejusque filii
Conradi contumeliam ageretur." — Cisner.
Page 488, line 4 from the bottom.] — " Prsesul Colonise Agnppina\" — Cisner.
Page 489, line 9.] — " Milites magno fortique animo et incredibili laborc in
opcribus castronun conficiendis, tabernaculis ad arcendam tempestatis iiijuriam
excitaiidis et contcgendis, iisque parandis quae oppugnationi usui essent, cuni-
culi^que agendis, omnia superaverunt." — Cisner.
Page 189, line 9 from the bottom.] — " Neque vi atque armis sc ei, quamvis
nihil^intentatum reliquisset, cum suis conjuratis resistere posse videret." — Cisner.
Page 490, line 3.] — " Ilaque Henricus Sardiniae regem (quem Itali Entium
vocant) Pisds ire jussit." — Cisner.
Page 491, line 24 ]— " Itaque Tartari Roxolanos, Bodolios, Mudavos, \Va-
lachos, Polonos, Borussos, nemine fere repugnante subigunt, agros depopu-
lanlur, urbes, oppida, pagos, villas, aedificiaomnis generis diripiunt, incendunt,"
&c. — Cisner.
Page 491, line 30.] — " Ut manus nulla, ncn pnesidium, non urbs esset, quae
se armis defenderet." — Cisner.
APPENDIX TO VOT.. IT. 885
Page 492, line 10.] — " Itaque, cum videret," &c. — Cisncr.
Page 492, line 17.] — " Cum vero." — Cisner.
Page 492, line 28. " Sent orders."'] — " Imperat." — Cisner.
Page 492, Hue 30.] — " Magnus exercitus in Germani.a eorum qui nota se
ccelesti signarant, contra Tartaros operam suam deferebant, quos Pontilicis in
Germania procurator, Albertus ille, donii expectare jussit." — Cisner.
Page 492, line 9 from the bottom.] — " Hac vastatione . . . factum est, quo
mintis (ut constitutum erat) Libussse conjurati principes convenirent, aliunique
Impei'atorem crearent. " — Cisner.
Page 493, line 14 from tbe bottom.] — " Quod si pra-dicta ad vestrnc mentis
oculos nolitis reflectere, Penestrinuiu episcopum et alios legatos ecclcsire in
prcejudiciimi vestrum volentes subsidium implorare nianifestissimc; rcjiulimus ;
nee in regno nostro contra majestatem vestram potnerunt aliqnid obtinere :"
where Penestrinum is a corruption of Pranestinum, which has k'd to the
appearance in Foxe's text of " the bishop of Penestnan ;" read " Pra2neste," or
the modern " Palestrine." We find, however, Penestriensis and Penestrinus in
Rymer, Sept. 20th, 1343, and Feb. 20th, 1345.
Page 494, line 20 from the bottom.] — " Concilioque praepedito perturbatiis." —
Cisner.
Page 495, line 3.] — Cisner says, " Quod cnjusmodi sit, certe Carolus Moli-
nreus in annotationibus suis ad Fhitinam de vita Gregorii docet ; ciijus sentcii-
t've equidem non possum non accedere." The text, however, is more exact.
This is the Carolus Molinffius mentioned supra, vol. i. p. 11, note (1). The
passage to which Foxe refers is the following : — " Qui " [that is Raymond Penna-
fort, whom the pope employed to make the collection] " tamen non solum
superflua posuit, ut . . . . sed sa?pe male truncavit Decretales . . . quandoque
studiose truncavit, ut lateret invidiosum argumentum, ut in cap. ' ex fre-
quentibus ' [i. e. Lib. ii. Tit. vii. cap. 3] ' de Instit. quod latum erat contra
regalia Regis Anglise. Sic in plerisque latis in favorem inimicorum Regis
Franciae, ut in cap. ' Novit' de Judic. [Lib. ii. Tit. i. cap. 13.]"
Page 495, line 7.] — " Nihil aliud cogitarunt, quamut ciim aliis regnis debili-
tatis ttim Imperio violate suum amplificarent dominatum. Cujus rei exempla
Molinaeus de regibus Gallorum et Anglorum refert." — Cisner.
Page 495, line 15.] — " Patria Mediolanensis, Castellonefe gentis." — Cisner.
Page 496, line 3 from the bottom.] — " Et reipublicse suamque dignitatem
commendat," &c. — Cisner.
Page 497, line 20.] — " Relicto Viterbio, et oppido Faliscorum omnibus rebus
necessariis instructo et munito, Aquam Pendentem adit." — Cisner.
Page 498, line 5. '■^ And althojtgh," Sec.'] — " Et indictvim a Pontifice con-
cilium, in quo ille et actoris et judicis partes ageret, et ad quod beneficio obstrictos
coegerat, ad suam perniciem pertinere intelligebat,"
Page 498, line 19.] — "Teutonici Ordinis." — Cisner.
Page 499, line 4.] — Foxe inadvertently says "in the history of King John."
See the narrative referred to at pp. 532, 533.
Page 500, line 13. "After this, Frederick had retired," S:c.]—Th\spAri\griii^\\
is not in Foxe, but is given from Cisner, and is necessary to fill up an evident
hiatus in Foxe's narrative. Henry, landgrave of Thuriiigia, was elected at the
Diet of Hocheim, May 22d, a.d. 1246; William, earl of Holland, at the Diet
of Weringhen, Sept. 29th, a.d. 12^7.— L' Art de J'er. dcs Dates.
Page 501, line 16.]— This council was called at Meldorf early in the year
1249, on purpose to endeavour to force the Duke of Bavaria to take up arms
against Frederic II. and his son Conrad: they gave him till the following May
to decide (L'Art de Verifier des Dates). It was probably then that the Pope
pronounced his anathema against him, as stated in the text. Otho persevered
in his fidelity to the cause of Frederic, and his son and successor Conrad, till
his death, which took place Nov. 29th, a. d. 1253. (Ibid.)
Page 501, line 10 from the bottom.]— " Albertus veio Reginoburgensis."—
886 APPENDIX TO VOL. IT.
Cisiter. Struvius (Germanirc Hisforia, Jen;r, 1730, torn. i. p. 481), 'citing the
))riiicipal German liistoiians, places this event to the night of Innocents' day,
Dec. 2>Stli, A. D. 12o0, ininicdiately after Frederic's death.
Page .502, line 1.] — St.Enieran was a native, some say bishop, of Poictiors, who
proceeded as a missionary to Bavaria, a. d. 610. Being slain by the idolaters
at llelfendorir, near Munich, his body was conveyed to Katisbon, and buried
there, whence he came to be regarded as the patron saint of llatisbon. A
Bonedicline monastery was afterwards built outside the city, dedicated to
St. Peter and St. Emeran, which became the most famous monastery in the
whole empire. — Martinicre'sGeography, v. Ratisbon, ^Butler's Lives of the Saints.
Page 002, line 13] — " Albertus Antistes in monachorum ordinem poenaj
causa redactus est." — Cisiier. This Albert was the immediate predecessor in
the see of llatisbon of Albert the Great, according to Chronicon Augustensc
(apud Freheri Germ. Script, torn. i. p. 533), which slates his deposition ad
an. 1259, thus : — " .\lbertus Ratisponcnsis Kpiscopusproquibusdam criminibus
apud sedcm apostolicam accusatus, cum se defendere non possit, cessit, eique
frater Albertus de ordine Praedicatorum subrogatur."
Page 503, line 20 from the bottom.] — " Ac primimi impetum Marchio
Malaspina sustinet." — Cisner.
Page 504, line 21 from the bottom.] — " Praedictumque sibi recordatus est,
Florentia.' se morituruin, facto testamento, eoque turn infinita pecuniae summa.
ad pias causas (ut vocant) legata, turn Conrado aliisque filiis Imperii regno-
rumque suorum hosredibus institutis successoribusque (veluti cujusque aetas et
conditio fcrebat) designatis, ex hac vita .... migravit." — Cisner.
Page 504, line 13 from the bottom. " PandolpJw wrileth" &c.] — " Ut qui
ei in extremis adfuorunt sibi j)ersuaserint animam ejus ad concilium ca?lestiuni
delatum felicitate ])erfrui sempiterna, PancUilphus Colcnucius tradit. Ejusdem
rei testes cum Gnlielmiun Puteanum, Andream Pandahim Venetum, turn
Manardum Episcopum Imolcnsem, Italos scrii)tores, profert." — Cisner.
" Pandulphus C'ollenucius, Pisaurensis, Jurisconsultus et orator; apud
Johannem Sfortiam Pisaurensem tyrainuuii, qui deprehensis Uteris ofiensus
ignovisse se ei fidem fecerat, strangulatus in carcere a. d. 1500. Collenucius
libris vi. historian! Neapolitanam prosecutus est Italice, Latine transtulit
Johannes Nicolaus Stupanus Rliaetus, Has. 1572. Vita Frederici II. Impera-
toris ex Italica historia Neapolitana Collenucii prodiit cum Petri de Vineis Sex
libris Epistolarum Basileae 1566, Latine versa a Simone Schardio." (Fabricii
Bibliotheca Med. et Infim. Latinitalis.)
Page 504, line 5 from the bottom.] — "Alii enim ei venenum Pontificis in-
slinctu propinatuni eoque exanimatum tradunt. Plerique a Manfredo filio
pulvinari compressis faucibus suffocatmn referunt." The edition of Cisner
which Foxe used (Basil, 1565) reads " P/iepriijue," which is corrected in the
edition of Strasburg, 1608, into "Plerique." This misprint, however, led the
translator into the following odd statement : — " Others, that he was strangled
with a pillow by Manfred, the son of Pherus." See the note on p. 472, line 27.
Page 505, line 1.] — "Bed febri confectum scribit " (Cisner): it is also
" febrim " at line 30 of page 504.
Page 505, line 4.] — Cisner gives most erroneously a. d. 1268. See the note
in this Appendix on page 456, note (1).
Page 505, line 11. "Whence the kings," &c.] — " Unde jus et titulus regiii
Ilierosolymitani jure hajreditario ad reges Sicilian et Neapolis pervenit." —
Cisner.
Page 505, line 21. "But as in this corruption of nature," &c.] — "Sed quia
in hac vitiositate natura; perfectio in hominem non cadit, neque uUus unquam
ita animo ac vita constitutus est ut ratio postulat ; nee Fredericiis perfectus et
ab omni vitio liber fuit."— Cisner.
Page 505, line 21 from the bottom.] — " Atque hacc fere omnia ex ea descrip-
tione Frederici quae est apud Colonucium." — Cisner.
Page 506, line 1.] — "Hand scio an non idcirc6 a pontificibus ccclesiae hostis
jndicatus sit. quod vel in dicenda vcritate," &-c. — Cisner.
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. {-87
Page 506, line 5. " Fraught and full hoili of pi I if ul complainls . . . also fall
of his adinouitions," &c.] — " Epistolas plenas turn qiierelaium . . . tuin adtno-
iiitionum."— C/s«cr.
Page 50G, line 21.] — "Cum his pra-ceptis." — Cisner.
Page 506, line 22 from the bottom. ^'Lastly, lohen I behold," &c.] — " Ctim
denique Imperatorem foi-tunatum, felicem, victoriosum, Pontificios aiitem in-
fortunatos, calamitosos, victos, t'nsos esse considero " (Cisner) : whence the text
might be improved.
Page 506, line 17 from the bottom. " J»jury."~\ — " Detrimcntum." — Cisner.
Page 507, line 10. " Exhortelh."'] — " Hortatur." — Cisner.
Page 507, line 27.] — "Qui prtecipuas in ecclesia dignitates consecuti sunt."
— Cisner.
Page 507, last line.] — " At assentatores pontificii, qui etillis et insequentibus
teinporibus ad nostram usque JBtatem ad scribendum animum applictirunt, nou
ut veritatis testes essent, sed ut pontificiam gratiam sibi demererentur, et opima
ab eo sacerdotia aucuparentur, hinc occasionem calumniandi Imperatorem ac-
ceperunt." — Cisner.
Page 510, line 14.] — Arnold de Villa Nova is mentioned again at page 598,
§ ."i, and infra, vol. iii. page 106.
Page 510, line 25. '^ Beyond mercy."'] — " Extra charitatem " (Illyricus) ;
" void of charity" (Foxe).
Page 510, note (3).] — William de St. Amour was born at St. Amour, in
Tranche Compt^. He became a doctor of the Sorbonne, and was a very distin-
guished lecturer in divinity at Paris. Foxe here calls him " chief ruler then of
that university," but, as he certainly was not the rector of the university, " canon
of the church of Beauvais " is put in from Cave. He was not the only author
of the " De periculis Ecclesite ;" for Foxe himself assigns him two distinct sets
of coadjutors at pp. 521, 752, the former of which is correct.
The " De periculis EcclesijE " was written to counteract the effects of a mis-
chievous publication called " Evangelium Eternum," or " Evangelium Spiritus
Sancti," put forth by the friars a.d. 1256, of which some account will be given
in the note on page 520. This book was condemned by Alexander IV. at the
instance of the friars, by a bull dated Anagni, 3 Non. Octob. pontificatus anno 2
[October 5th, a.d. 1256]. (Du Boulay, Hist, de I'Univ. de Paris, torn. iii. p. 310.)
St. Amour was, moreover, silenced, and ordered to quit France. He seems,
however, to have remained there, and to have died at his native place, a.d. 1272.
— Diographie Universelle, Moreri, Dupin.
Page 511, line 15.] — "Omnia parati simus negligere propter Christum." —
Illyricus.
Page 520, note (1). " Evangelium Eternum."'\ — Mosheim has investigated
the history of this book with great diligence (Soames's Edition, vol. ii. p. 568,
note). lie says that both ancient and modern writers are mistaken about it.
The " Evangelium Eternum " seems to have been written by some weak
enthusiast about the year a.d. 1200; lor William de St. Amour in the " De
Periculis Novissimorum Temporum " says, that fifty-five years had elapsed
since the first publication of these views, and they were in five years more to be
triumphant, a.d. 1260, at least according to the prediction of the book. To
gain the more credit to this production, it was announced under tiie name of
Joachim, the abbot of Flora. Its title was taken from Revelations xiv. 6; and
its chief doctrine was, that, as there were three Persons in the Godhead, so there
were to be three Dispensations : that of the Father, which ended at the coining
of Christ; that of the Son, which was to continue till 1260; and that of the
Spirit, which was to continue to the end of time. This doctrine was advo-
cated by Amauri of Chartres, who was condemned for it, first by the doctors of
Paris A.D. 1204, and again by the Lateran Council a.d. 1215. "Almariciis
Doctor Parisiensis docuit legem Dei Patris durasse usque ad advcntum Christi :
legem Christi usque ad Almaricum : legem Spiritus S. usque ad finem numdi.
Docuit multa alia perniciossima. Vide Joan, de Turrccremata, 1. iv, Summ<E
partii. c. 35, et Vincentium in Speculo Historiali, 1. xcix. c. 107." (Chronologia
Bellarmini.) The book would probably have fallen into contempt, had not the
888 AlTliNDIX lO VOL. II.
r'riuuiscaus eagerly approjirialecl its doctrines to themselves, and rci)ublished
the '• lOvaDf^elium i'.teniuin " with an Inlroduction, in which they asserted that
St. Francis was the Aiiyvl spoken of in the verse of Revelations, and tliat the
Mendicant friars were destined of God to be the instruments of establishing the
new and purer state of the church. It is this " Libillus Iniroductoiius " which
is named in the damnatory bull of Ale.xander IV. as the great object of ofl'ence.
See the note on page 021. This Introduction was long attributed to John of
I'arma, general of the Franciscan order, but is now believed to have been the
j)ruduction of his friend Gerard.
Page 521, line 18. " The errors of the hook condemned," ^.c."] — The following
statement will partly confirm, partly correct, the text. Du Boulay (Hist.
I'nivcrsitatis Parisien. Paris, IC'GO, tom. iii. p. 292) gives a bull of Alexander,
in which " /,/7if//«,v quidam, qui in Evangelium .I'ternum sen quosdam lihros
Abbatis Joachim /rtZ/'Of/Mc^or/';/,? dicebatiir," is condemned, together with "Ex
eirj)ta quivdam sen schedulje in quibus multa qujE Libello non continentur
neqniter illi adscripta fuisse dicnntur;" dated Anagni, 10 Kal. Novemb. Ponti-
ficatus an. 1 [October 2;kl, a. n. 125.5.] I)u Boulay (page 293) gives another
bull, dated Anagni, 2 Non. Novemb. pontif. an. 1 [October 31st], alluding to
the preceding, and directing the bishop of Paris to act discreetly in jnibliihing
the aforesaid censure, for the sake of the credit of the friars : " Quod dicli
fratres nullum ex hoc opprobrium nullamqne infamiam incurrcre valeant sive
notam ; ut oblocutores et amiuli non possint exinde suniere contra ipsos mate-
riain detrahendi." In the next page (294) Du Boulay states that, through the
intrigues of the Dominicans, the pope was induced to issue three bulls against
the other party ; and that William de St. Amour, Odo of Douay, Nicholas, dean
of Bar, and Christian, a canon of Beauvais, were denounced as the leading
opponents of the friars. A temporary peace was then concluded between the two
parties at Paris, dated "die 1 Martii, a.d. 125G." This peace, however, was
soon interrupted; for tlie pope was induced by the friars to condemn the
University men, and to charge them to receive the friars, under date of Anagni,
15 Cal. Jiilii, pontif. an. 2 (Du Boulay, p. 303). This led to the publication
of the " De Pcriculis Xoci.s.simonnn Temporntn," which Louis immediately sent
to the pope for his opinion of it. The University, on their part, sent up niuicios,
with the " Ecanyelium Etcrnian." The pope promptly condemned the former,
before the University nuncios had arrived, under date of Anagni, 3 Non. Octob.
])ontif. an. 2 (Du Boulay, p. 310) ; and thanked Louis for sending it, in a letter
dated 16 Cal. Nov. (ib. p. 312) ; enjoining the French bishops to conform, in a
bull dated 12 Cal. Nov. (ib. p. 313). Odo of Douay and Christian of Beauvais,
arriving first of the University nuncios, were brought to recant, October 18th
(ih. pp. 313, 315) : St. Amour, however, resolutely defended his book, and so
successfully that some errors in the " Evangelium Eternum " were condemned,
and the pope wrote a complimentary letter to the University, dated Nov. 13th
(il). pp. 31G— 332). (See Usher " Z)e Christ. Eccles. Sue. et Statu," cap. ix.
§ 20-29.)
Page 521, line 5.]—" Magister Willielmus de Sancto Amore, et Magister Odo
de Doato, qui nobiliter rexerant in artibus, in decretis, et tunc in theologia :
Magister Christianus, Canonicus Beluacensis, qui maximus quasi philosophus
emeritus, postquam in artibus rexerat, in theologia lecturivit; Magister Nico-
laus de Baro super Albam, qui rexerat in artibus, legibus, et decretis, ad Icgendum
in theologia piaeparatus ; Magister Johannes dc Sectavilla [Sicca Villa],
Anglicus, Rhetor Universitatis; et Magister Johannes Belin, Gallicus ; nomi-
natissimi philosophi, regentes in artibus." (M. Paris, p. 939.) Nicolas Wdsdcan
of Bar-sur-Aube, according to several documents in Du Boulay.
Page 521, note (3).] — The first of these sermons is printed at page 43 of
Browne's Appendix to the " Fasciculus," and begins — " Luke xix. In hodierno
evangelio ])roponit vobis Dominus in parabola duas personas," &c. This must
have been preached on the eleventh Sunday after Trinity. The second sermon
is printed at p. 48 of Browne's Appendix. Foxe says that it was " upon the
I'lpislle read in the church on May day," but that isnot the fact. Doubtless,
it was preached on May day, for internal evidence proves that it was the feast
of St. Philip and St. James, i.e. May 1st; but the only portion of the services
of that day which at all refers to the subject of the sermon is the Second Lesson
for the Evening Service, whiclf is the Epistle of St. Jude. The text, or molto.
ArPKNDlX TO VOL. H. 889
liowever, of the sermon was really compounded of two passagrs (Ecclesiasticus
iii. 2G, and Jeremiah xx. 9), and stands thns in Browne: — "Qui amatpericnlinn
peribit in iilo. Factus est sermo Domini in cordc meo qnasi ignis restuans." It
then proceeds : " Verbum secundo propositum scribitur in Jeremia ... Ac ut
possim ardentius ac dih'gentiiis facere, in principio oremus." He tlien resumes :
" Qui amat pericuhun, peribit in illo." " Verbum istud scribitur in Eccles . . .
Unde omissa commcmoratione et laude SS. Apost. Philippi et Jacobi, quorum
hodie est festum . . ."
Page 522, hue 4.]—" In capite quinto " (Illyricus) ; " in the first chanter."
(Foxe.)
Page 522, Hue 7 from the bottom.] — " Vana Gloria, et ReligionisDissipatio."
— Illyricus.
Ptige 523, line 4 from the bottom.] — Nicholaus Gallus flourished about
A.D. 1270 : he wrote a treatise called Sagitta Ignea, on the corrupt state of the
Monastic Orders. — Illgricus, col. 1655.
Page 524, line 3.]—" In nocte Sti. Dionysii " (M. Paris, p. S7G). St. Denis's
Day is October 9th.
Page 524, line 23.] — The Burton Annals give tiiis letter (page 405), heading
it "Litera papahs Deo odibilis et honiinibus." By the list in Hasted's Kent,
liie archbishop of Canterbury, mentioned in the beginning of it, must have
been Othoboni, a Genoese. See also Knighton, Script. Decern, col. 243G.
Page 524, line 26.] — Guilleaume de Fiesque, of a famous Genoese famil}',
and nephew to pope Innocent III. was made cardinal-deacon of St. Eustace
December a.d. 1244, and died a.d. 1256. — Moreris Did. v. Cardinal.
Page 525, line 7.] — For the first beginning of these provisions, see Wilkins's
Cone. torn. i. p. 558, sub anno 1225.
Page 526, line 9.]— This letter is called by Knighton (col. 2436) " Epistola
satis tonans:" it is found in M. Paris, page 870, ed. 1640, the Burton Annals,
page 326, Browne's Appendix to the "Fasciculus," page 400; and in MS. in
Trinity College, Cambridge, and the Cotton MS.; also in the Exchequer, as
appears from the following : — " The memorable Epistle of Robert Grnstbead,
bishop of Lincoln, to pope Innocent IV. against his Provisions, wherein he com-
pares him to Lucifer and Antichrist, is enrolled 'in perpetuam rei memoriam '
in the Red Book in the king's Exchequer at Westminster, folios 16 and 179, to
a transcri])t whereof I find this marginal note — ' Papa Antichristus.' No
wonder, then, pope Clement V. refused to canonize him for a saint, though
earnestly requested by king Edward I." (Prynne's History of King John,
Hen. III. and Ed. I. page 132.) Prynne (page 1134) gives the king's letter
to pope Clement for the canonization of Grosthead, dated Carlisle, 6 die Maii,
34 Ed. I. [a.d. 1306.] The bishops and clergy and people of England are
stated to join in the application : but there is no record of its being granted ;
and Knighton says (col. 2436) that in consequence of this letter he never was
canonized.
Page 526. " The answer of bishop Grosthead to the pope. "~\ — Foxe, following
M. Paris, represents this letter as addressed to the pope : the Burton Annals
(page 327) more correctly represent it as addressed to the two persons to
whom the pope's letter was addressed, and as beginning thus : — " Robertus,
Dei permissione Lincolnise episcopus, Cantuariensi archidiacono et Magistro
liniocentio Domini I'apje scriptori salutem et benedictionem. Intellexinuis
vos literam Domini Papje recepisse in ha»c verba : — Inuocentius episcopus, &c.
. . . Dilectis filiis Archidiacono Cantuariensi et Magistro Innocentio scriptori
nostra ill Anglia commoranti salutem, Sfc. ut infra. [The pope's letter on behalf
of his nephew is not given in the Burton Annals till seventy-five pages later,
having been omitted at its proper place.] Noverit autem discretio vestra," &c.
M.Paris, however, takes up Grosthead's letter at the word "Salutem," and
makes it the opening of a letter from Grosthead to Innocent : — " llescri])sit ei
ad haec verba : Salutem. Noverit discretio vestra," &'C. It is not easy, however,
to understand how Grosthead should talk to Innocent about — " Prcrdictce
literse tenor;" and, further on, " Propterea, reverendi Domini;" and near the
end, " his quae in prcrdicfa litera conlinentur." The explanation of these
Sl)0 API'KN'DIX TO VOL. II.
cxiircssions is, that Giosllioad was immedialehj addressing the archdeacon of
C;intcrbury and the pope's scribe, Innocent, and had begun his letter by
adverting to that wliicli tliey liad received from Innocent.
Page r)28, line 5.] — Foxe adds "Hebrew," but that is not in tlie original;
see, liowever, p. 523.
Page 52S, line 8.] — Gilles de Torres, a Spaniard, was canon of Burgos, after-
wards archbishopof Toledo, created cardinal-deacon of St.Cosnnis and St. Daniien
A.D. 121(>, died a,d. 1254. (Moreri, v. Cardinal.) He seems to have been a very
thoughtful and respectable person. M. Paris mentions his death sub an. 1255,
and gives him this high character: " Qui ajtate ferme ccntenarius, singularis,
pare carcns, exstitit columna in curia Romana veritatis et justitiae, et munerum
aspcrnator, qujr rigorcm anjuitatis flectcre consuevenuit."
Page 528, line 18. "John de St. Giles."]— Mr. Pegge (Life of Grosthead,
page 220) says that he probably derived his name from the paiish of St. Giles
in St. Alban's, now demolished. — Fuller's Worthies, Tanner, and Wood.
Page 528, line 25.] — " In paupcrtate voluntaria, quae est paupertas spirilus."
— M. Parts.
Page 528, line 10 from the bottom. '^Approved"'] — " Authenticam " (M.
Paris, page 874) ; " Solemn" (Foxe).
Page 528, line 14 from the bottom.] — It seems doubtful whctlier the words
" Heresis enim Graece, electio est Latine," should be considered a part of
Grosthead's definition of heresy, or whether they were originally written in the
margin as a gloss, and were afterwards inserted in the text by some transcriber.
" Enim " is wanting in the printed copies of M. Paris, but it is inserted
in the passage as cited by Ducange, i\ Haeresis. Grosthead seems to have
had some reference to St. Jerome's definition of heresy (Comment, ad Galatas,
cap. v.), cited in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Causa xxxiv. Quaest. iii. caj). 27;
" Ha?resis Grrecc ab electione dicitur," &c.
Page 528, line 5 from the bottom. "A l>oy."] — " Parvulo " (Grosthead) ;
"pueroparvulo " (Burt. Ann.) ; "nepotulo suo puero " (Knighton).
Page 529, line 10.] " Non caret scrupulo societatis occulta?, qui manifesto
facinori dcsinit obviare." — M. Paris, p. 874.
Page 530, § 8. " 77ie Caursini."] — "The Caiu-sini were a set of Italian
merchants, infamous for usurious contracts, particularly in France, whence the
kings drove them out by repeated laws and statutes. Of those issued by the
king of France the most famous is an edict of St. Louis, 12G8, permitting them
to act as merchants provided they did not practise usury; and another of Philip
de Valois, 1340. M. Paris speaks of them as a public nuisance in England in
the middle of the thirteenth century. Henry III. expelled tlicm, but, by the
interference of the pope, re-admitted them, and soon after in 1251 drove them
away again. They were one division of the Lombards, by which general
name the Italian Merchants who lent money were distinguished all over
Europe, but divided into societies or companies called, from the head of the firm
or house, Amanati, Accaioiiili, Bardi, Corsini, Caorcini, Caursini, or Cauarsini.
Du Cange, voc. Caorcini. Rymer has preserved a recommendation from Ed-
ward III. 1.'331, to David king of Scotland, to repay on his account to certain
merchants of the society of Bardi at Florence 1000 out of 1300 marks due to
liim from David's father, Robert." — Mr. Pegge, Archceologia, vol. x. p. 242.
Page 530, note (2).] — Most of the individuals mentioned in this section
have been spoken of in tlic note on ]>. 318. Jacobus de Viteri is also called
dc J'itriaco (Cave) ; he became cardinal-bishop of P'rascati, and, with Robert
de ("arson and others, engaged actively in preaching up the crusade against
the Albigenses a.d. 1215 (See Usher, " De Christ. Eccles. Sue. et Statu,"
lib. X. § 41). Respecting Roger, bishop of London, see supra, p. 403.
Page 530, note (4).]— M. Paris states (edit. IGIO, p. 734) that Richard, earl
of Cornwall, by authority from the pope gatliercd large sums of money from
those who were signed with the cross (Dugdale's Bar. vol. i. p. 763) ; and he
states at p. 732, that William Longspee, earl of Salisbury, made this precedent
a ground of application to the pope for a similar licence, which was granted him,
and yielded him above 1000 marks. — Dutjdalc, vol. i. p. 178.
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 891
Page 531 , line 10 from llio bottom.] — " Luxuri.i " is here Just ; hence lechery.
— Pegge's Life of Grosthcud, p. 210, note (c), and Nares's Glosnary, v. LiLvuri/.
Page 531, § 15. "^ legale should never come into England unless the king
himself desire zV."] — See supra, p. 255.
Page 533, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Nee potuit ei Cardinalis Albi
physica siiflragari, non enim pepercit ilobertus Lincolniensis Sinebaldo Genu-
ensi." (M. Paris.) Albus de Vitcrbo is mentioned by Moreri, v. Cardinal, as
created cardinal a.d, 1252, but his title is not stated. He was of the Cis-
tercian order.
Page 534, note (1).] — See the Burton Annals, p. 344. Rymcr gives an
order, dated Woodstock, 20th August, 40 Henry III. [a.d. 1250], " De
domibus Judaeorum suspensorum pro puero crucifixo apud Lincoln vendendis."
(See the note on p. 188.) The expulsion of the Jews from France is men-
tioned by M. Paris, p. 861, ad an. 1252 ; M. Westm. ad an. 1253. This pillage
of the Jews by Henry is in M. Paris, p. 887, ad an. 1254, soon after Easter.
Page 535, line 11 from the bottom.] — " In partibus Transalpinis." — M. West-
minster.
Page 535, line \G from the bottom.] — This affair is related ad an. 1200,
44 Hen. III.: the bishop of London, Fulco, died May 12th, a.d. 1259. —
Bl. Paris.
Page 535, line 5 from the bottom.] — '* Thesaurario suo." — M. Westminster.
Page 536, note (1).] — The text of the foregoing paragraph has been revised
in several places from the original.
Page 536, note (2).]— M. Paris wrote to 43 Hen. III., which ended 27th
October, a.d. 1259. He records the death of Fulco by the plague in the spring,
and says he was buried at St. Paul's on St. Urban's day, i. e. May 25th.
Page 536, note (3).] — This was the first occasion on which tenths were
levied by the king on the clergy ; and it was done on the authority of a special
bull, granted to the king by Pope Innocent IV^., who at the same time ordered
a new valuation to be taken of all the benefices in England, with a view to this
tax ; the making of this valuation was committed to Walter de Suthfeld, bishop
of Norwich, a.d. 1254; whence this valuation was called the ' Taxatio Nor-
wicensis.' The following note of Wharton, in his Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 411,
on B. Cotton's " De Episcopis Norvicensibus," will show the matter in its true
light. The grant itself will be found, according to Brady and Tyrrell, 27
lien. III., M. P. f. 866, n. 20, 303. " Iste Waiterus, mandato Innocentii Paps,
qui Hegi decimam omnium bonorum Ecclesia^ticorum per triennium perci-
piendam concesserat, anno 1254 fecit descriptionem valoris reddituum ad Eccle-
siasticos in tota Anglia spectantium. Missis enim (verba sunt Annalium Burton.)
per totum regnum preeceptis, in singulis Capitulis et Decanatibus cujuscunque
Diocesis fecit decanum et tresrectores velvicarios, quifuerintmajoris auctoritatis,
inquirere veritatem et sub juramento certificare qua? sit justa jestimatio onmium
proventuum Ecclesiasticorum tarn majorum quam minorum, et preedictas justas
SEstimationesin scriptis fideliter redigere, ad se transmittendas. Ista descriptio
Walteri cura habitain tabulas publicas descripta est, et dato, Taxa Noriuicensis
nomine, in cunctis fere Cleri censibus deinceps usurpata fuit."
Page 537, note (4).] — " Summa or Sagma, onus. Sitmma bladi quanti con-
stiterit, docet Charta an. 1223. ' Summam bladi, scilicet tres modios bladi:'
vide Sarcina." " Quails fuerit Sarcina bladi apud Montepessulanos, definitur in
Charta an. 1340. ' Sarcinas bladi quinque sextaria ad mensuram loci illius
continentes.' "' (Carpentier's Supplement to Ducange.) Bp. Fleetwood, in his
Chronicon Pretiosum (page57) dei\nes it a quarter of eight bushels; aiul Dr. Kelly
(Universal Cambist), and Sir H. Ellis, in his Introduction to the Doomsday-
Book, pagexlii. note (11), leads to the same conclusion. M. Paris, an. 1205, says,
" Summa frumenti duodecim solidis vendebatur."
Page 537, note (6).] — This affair of Sicily lasted from a.d. 1255, when Ed-
mund was actually invested by Alexander IV'. with the two Sicilies, to a.d. 1266,
when Clement IV. finding the English would be squeezed no more, offered the
kingdom of Sicily to Charles, earl of Anjou. Kapin remarks that this affair
of Sicily was the main source of Henry's trouble.^, of the establishment of the
892 AITKNDIX TO VOL. II.
cliarters, and the dowiifal of popery. Ricliard, carl of Cornwall, was crowned
at Aix-la-('liapel!e oil Ascension day, May 17tli, 12.57. See a letter of liis own
to a friend in En<jlaiid ])rcservi'd by M. I'aris, in whidi the feast of St. Pliilip and
St. .James (May 1) is incidentally mentioned as happening on a Tuesday, which
(by Nicolas's 'l'al)les) suits the year 12.07. M. Paris calls Ascension Day
" sexto Cal. Junii," leaving out "decimo," for 16 Cal. Jun. is May 17th, which
(by Nicolas's Tables) was Ascension Day in 1257.
. Page 538, lineS.]— M. Paris (page 989) says, " trecenta millia librarum
parvarum Turonensium." Foxe, ''thirteen hundred thousand of Tviren pounds."
Page 539, line 17 from the bottom.] — Wikes says they were married on the
Feast of Stt. Fabian and Sebastian, 1235, i.e. January 20th, a.d. 123G, which
Avas a Sunday (Nicolas's Tables).
Page 540, note (I).J — Foxe's text has been improved from the original, which
is as follows: — "Justitiarii regis Angliaequi dicuntur ' Itineris,' missi Ilerufordiam
pro suoexequendo ollicio, repelluntur ; allegautibus his qui Regi adversabantur
ip-<03 contra formam provisionum Oxoniie nuper faclarum venisse." — Nic/i.
Trh. ad an. 12G0.
Page 541, line 1. " One month after Pentecost [June 11th]." — Foxe here,
following Hemingford, says, " The fifteenth day after Easter." But, in truth, the
previous application of the barons to Henry was made in a parliament which
the king summoned to discuss the affairs of the country, and especially the pope's
demand for Sicily, on the Quindene of Easter, 1258, i.e. April 7th. (Nicolas's
Tables.) Henry himself refers to the above parliament in a letter given by
Rymer, dated Westminster, May 2d ; and in another letter of the same date
(given also by Rymer) he grants the barons a parliament, to meet at Oxford
one montli after Pentecost, to reform the government. St. Barnabas' Day is
assigned by the Burton Annals and Wikes, i.e. June 11th, and it sat eleven
days. Pentecost that year was on May 12th.
_ Page 541, line 23. " That they departing the realm."'] — Rymer (an. 1258)
gives a safe conduct of the king to his brothers, dated Winchester July 5th,
by which it appears that they were to leave England by July 14th.
Page 542, line 1. '' Thirteenth."]— 'Po\q says " fourteenth." But Heming-
ford and the Burton Annals say, the Quindene of St. Michael, i.e. Oct. 13tli ;
the latter adds that it was Edward the Confessor's day, i.e. Oct. 13th, 1258.
The Provisions of Oxford were proclaimed after this Parliament. Oct. 13lh
fell on a Sunday in 1258, so that probably they did not proceed to business till
the Monday, Oct. 14th.
Page 512, line 14. " To be released of their o«///."]— Three hulls are given
in Rymer, sub anno 1261 : one to the king, absolvinghim from his oath, dated
Laleran, Id. April, anno pontif. 7; a second, to the Magnates, Pr;elati, and all
concerned, absolving them, dated Rome, 3 Cal. M^ii, anno pontif. 7; a third,
requiring them to return to their obedience, dated Viterbo, Non. Maii anno
])ontif. 7.
Page 542, line 17. " A parliament at Winchester."] — Foxe says "Another
parliament at Oxford." But a parliament was held at Winchester, Whit-
sunday, June 12th a.d. 1261, at which the king made known the dispensation
which he had received from the po])e, and his determination not to adhere to
his oatli, as the barons had neglected theirs. — Thomas If'i/ces.
Page .542, line 13 from the bottom.] — This list of nobles is corrected from
Dugdale's Baronage.
Page 543, line 2. " JFas referred to Zo«m."]— Hemingford is here rather
speaking by anticipation, for the reference to Louis was not made till the close
of A.D. i26.'{, after which the Parliament met at Oxford, and the barons there
continuing firm, matters were brought to extremity. (See M. Westm.) Thos.
\\ ikes, indeed, says, that the reference to Louis was made Candlemas [Feb. 2d]
A.D. 1262, but he was misled by the date of Louis's award. (See the note on
p. 547.)
Page 543, line 10.]— Thomas Wikes dates this temporary peace St. Nicholas's
day, i.e. Dec. 6th, a.d. 1261.
Page 5 13, line 8 from the bottom. " Commanded the same to be published."]—
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 893
Ilymer gives a letter of the king's, commamling all the slicriiFs to proclaim Llm
absolved from his oath, dated May 2d, A.D. 1202.
Page 515, line IG. " The same year," &c.] — Alexander IV. died May 25th,
A.D. 12G1 ; and the course of Foxe's narrative has already brought us into tiio
year a.d. 1262; we should, therefore, rather read here "the previous year."
Urban IV. was crowned pope, September 4th, a.o. 12G1. — L'Jrt de I'er. dcs
Dales.
Page 515, note (2).] — Rymer gives Henry's application to Urban for dis-
pensation from his oath, dated January 1st.
Page 545, note (3).] — Foxe's text leaves out "Baldwin, earl of Devonshire,"
and makes " Richard, earl of Gloucester and Hereford " (sic) the person who
died in France. This is at variance with the truth (see Dugdale's Baronage),
and with his own alleged authority, from which the text has been corrected.
Pat^e 54G, note (1).] — " Joh. Mansel, qui domini regis principalis consilia-
rius extitit, arridente sibi fortuna in tantum ditatus est reditibus, ut septingentis
de novo sibi accuinulatisad quatuor millia marcaruin totalis ejus reditus annuus
ajstimabatur. Ita ut nostris temporibus non est visas clcricus in tantam opulen-
tiam ascendisse." — M. Paris, an. 1252.
Page 547, line 10. " To hear and stand to the arhiirement of Louis."'\ — This
is rather a premature statement; see the next note. Henry, however, did go
to France at this time, for Rymer gives a letter of the king's, dated West-
minster, September 15th, a.d. 1263, stating, that being invited to attend a
parliament of the French king at Boulogne-sur-mer on the Quindene of the
nativity of the Virgin Mary (;'. e. September 22d), he meant to return to
England by the Octaves of St. Michael, i. e. October 6th.
Page 547, line 31.] — The parliament at which the king and the barons
agreed to make this reference to the French king was held at London on
St, Lucy's day, i e. Dec. 13th, a.d. 1263; and the agreement itself is given by
Rymer, dated Windsor, Sunday after St. Lucy's day, i. e. December 16th,
A. D. J 263 (by Nicolas's Tables).
Page 547, line 35.] — Louis's award is given by Rymer, dated " Amiens, the
morrow after St. Vincent's day [i. e. January 23d] a.d. 1263," i.e. 1264 of our
reckonino^ : but that was the day of the parliament assembling : the aivard was
pronounced February 3d (see Tyrrell's Appendix). Pope Urban's confirmation
of this award is also given by Kymer, dated "17 Cal. April, anno pontific. 3,"
i.e. March 16th, a.d. 1264.
Pao^e 547, line 7 from the bottom.] — The reader is not to suppose that the
affair between the king and Simon Montfort in Southwark was now repeated.
Pa^e 547, line 5 from the bottom.] — The parliament met at Oxford on Mid-
lent Sunday (Marcii 30th) ; where the king produced the pope's absolution
ao-ain, and the French king's award : but neither was allowed.
Pao-e 548, linel.] — Thomas Wikes says that the king set out from Oxford,
and displayed his banner at Northampton on the Nones (5th) of April, being
Saturday before Passion Sunday, which suits the year 1264, according to
Nicolas's Tables.
■ Page 548, line 3.] — This list is corrected from Hemingford and Dngdale.
Page 548, line 14 from the bottom.] — Rymer gives the king's order to the
scholars to retire from Oxford to make way for the Parliament, dated Oxford
March 12th a.d. 1264.
Page 549, line 13.] — The following list has been collated with the text of
Hemingford : the names have also been verified and corrected by Nash's
History of Northamptonshire.
Page 549, line 26.] — Foxe dates the battle of Northampton "the Sabbath
day in Passion Week, being the third of April." But M. Westm. says, " Hoc
actum fuit Sabbato primo Passionis Dominicce ;" Hemingford, "Sabbato primo
in Passione Domini :" i. e. the Saturday before Passion Sunday, April 5tli (by
Nicolas's Tables). See also the note on p. 548, line 1.
Page 549, line 14 from the bottom.] — " Warren " is substituted for " Wor-
cester," which is Foxe's reading. See Dugdale's Baronage.
S'jl Al'TENDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 550, line 8. " Bamierels."] — " Vexillarlos." — IFcm'uhjfoyd.
Page 550, line 10.] — The edition of 1571 correctly reads " Winclielsca,"
which afterwards was erroneously altered into " Winchester."
Page 550, line 11. " The Saturday."] — Hemingford says " Sabbato," whioli
Foxc mistranslates " Sunday." The " twelfth day of May," presently men-
tioned, fell in the year 1261 on a Monday. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 551, line 30.]— The following names are corrected from Ilemingfi.rd
and Dugdale.
Page 551, line 13 from the bottom.] — "Warren" is substituted for Foxe's
" Warwick," agreeably to Hemingford and Dugdale.
Page 551, line 10 from the bottom. " Bannerets."] — " Vexillarlos." — Hem-
ingford.
Page 551, line 8 from the bottom.] — *' Et erat ibi juvenilis .ttas quasi totius
niilitiae suae." — Hemingford.
Page 552, line 1 from the bottom.] — " Per partes utrasque tumultuabat."
— Hemingford.
Page 553, line 16.] — Foxe says " upon the nineteenth day of May." In
thus dating the battle of Lewes he is misled by Hemingford, who says, "Acta
ha-c sunt in mense Mail, die Sancti Dunstani." But Tlio. Wikes says it was
fought " Prid. Id. Maii, xiv. sc. ojusdem mcnsis, die Mercurii proxima. ante
festum S. Dunstani," i. e. Wednesday, May 1 1th, a. d. 1264. St. Dunstan's Day
is May 19th, and fell that year on a Monday. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 553, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Decrescente parte Regis," says
Hemingford : this paragraph has been corrected from his text.
^ Page 554, line 11.] — Foxe here refers to Parker's " Antiquitates Britannic.-c
EcclesicE." This passage is to be found in the edition printed at Hanover,
1605, page 188. The first edition was printed at London by John Daye, 1572.
Page 554, note (3).] — The Latin copy in Rymer docs not name his chap-
lains.— " Tertii) actum est, quod magistros tales, familiares clericos suos secuni
adducat; et hos tantiim clericos alienigenas de consilio suo et familia
retineat." Baldwin does not appear to have returned till Ascension-Day,
May 6th, a.d. 1266.— T. Wikes, ad an.
Page 556, line 13.]— See p. 719.
Page 556, line 19.]— Urban IV. died October 2nd, a d. 1264. Clement IV.
was crowned Feb. 22nd or 26th, a.d. 1265. {L'/lrt de Ver. des Dates.) He
had been made cardinal-bishop of St. Sabine, a.d. \2Q\.—Moreri v. Cardinal.
Page 556, line 25.] — The words " in England " are put in from Trivet.
Page 556, line 26.] — Thomas Aquinas was called the angelic doctor, Bona-
venture the seraphic doctor: both died the same year, a.d. 1274.
Page 559, line 2.]— Foxe says " Concerning non-residents:" the document
itself proves the propriety of the change made, both here and in the margin.
Page 560, line 28. " The park of Dunetish and Tileg."']~See Hutchins's
Dorsetshire, vol. iii. pp. 257, 260, and Dugdale's Monasticon v. Ccrne. At
line 34 " Alfred " is substituted for " abbot," which is a manifest lapsus.
Page 561, line 4 from the bottom. "/ bid you adieu."] — " Commendo
vos Deo " (Hemingford), which Foxe renders " betake you to God."
Page 561, note (2).] — Simon Montfort wanted to monopolize the ransoms of
the principal prisoners.
Page 561, note (3). " Phi' ip Basset."]— So says Hemingford, correctly.
See supra, p. 548, and Dugdale's Baronage. Foxe says " John."
Page 561, note (4).]— p'oxe's text says " Robert," for which he had
Hemingford's authority: but Wikes says " Thomas do Clare ;" and Dugdale
states, that for this very action he was included with the earl, his brother, in a
pardon, which is preserved among the Tower Records.
Page 561, note (5).] — " Si forte torneare deberet, sicut et aliquando volu-
APPENDIX TO VOL. 11. 895
issent." (IleiningforJ.) Foxe reiuleis the last words "as tliey might when
they listed."
Page 562, line IG. " Jnd when this," &c.]— " Nuiiciatumquo est hoc Ed-
wardo filio Regis ])er exploratorem suum Margoth, qui cum iiiulier esset, in
veste turn virili velut homo gradiehatur Eratque tunc Edwardus apud
Wircestriam quam post Gloucestriam paulo ante devicerat, ct accepto nuncio
consurgens de nocte ahiit." — Ilemingford.
Page 562, line 26.] — " Cum processissent in itincrc, venerunt liostinm longa;
quadrigse, ut victualia quiererent, et continuo captae sunt, at equi distributi in
loco lassatorum equoruni per exercitum."
Page 562, line 36. " Prince Edward immediately returned to Worcester." —
Tiiese words are added to the text Croni Hemingford : " Et statim ad Wirces-
triam reversi sunt."
Page 562, line 5 from the bottom.] — " DL^cit [speculator] ad comitem ....
apparent vexilla tuorum. Et ille, Filius mens est : lie tinicas. Sed vade et
circumspice, ne forte prosoccupemur circumventi ; non eiiim cognoverat adliuc
de his qua; filio acciderant. Perrexit ergo speculator ille in altum in cloccario
Abbatige," &c. — Hemingford,
Page 563, line 1.] — " Festinavitque ut Monte Elyno ascenso primos belli
ictus occupare posset." — Hemingford.
Page 563, line 12.] — Hemingford says : " Prrecepitque ut confiterenfur
omnes, et essent parati in prrelium, qui pro legibus terrge mori vellent et pro
justitia :" which Foxe renders " should make himself ready to God, and to
fight out the field ; for that it was their will to die for their laws and in a just
quarrel."
Page 563, line 8 from the bottom. " But after the battle,'" &c.] — This and
the next sentence had slipped into the middle of the next paragraph.
Page 564, line 26.] — Othobon arrived in England with the queeu about
All -saints' day, i.e. Nov. 1st, and the parliament and convocation met at
Norlhampton on St. Nicholas's day, i.e. Dec. 6th. (Chron. Dunstap.) Another
parliament met at Northampton, April 11th, a. d. 1266. — Evesh. Jlnnales.
Page 564, note (1)] — The last name mentioned in the above list of slain
stands in Foxe " the lord Roger Rowley," in Hemingford " dominus Rogerus
de Roule," in Dugdale " Roger de Rowele " (vol. i. p. 758). The individual
meant was undoubtedly Sir Roger de Ruhala, or, as the name was afterwards
spelt in the more modern portion of the pedigree, Rowele or Rowell, Rouall,
or Roall ; and Dugdale, who is an authority on these points, calls the name
Rowele, which spelling is the best that can be given. Tiie family of Rowell was
of consequence in the county of Lincoln, and possessed lands in the Isle of
Axholme, whither the barons retired. He should by no means be called the
lord Roger Rowele, but sir Roger Rowele, being one of the many (some say
150) /i?iights who viere slain with Simon. For this information, the editor is
indebted to the kindness of William Courthope, Esq., Rouge Croix.
Page 564, note (2).] — Foxe represents the barons as having been disinherited
somewhat later, at the parliament of Northampton. But the Tower Record
referred to in this note and cited by Brady and Tyrrell, proves that they were
disinherited and their estates seized into the king's bands at the parliament of
Winchester, Sept. 8tli. Foxe, however, had authority. (See Hemingford, and
Knighton.) The error has been corrected in the text by a slight transposition.
A commission is printed in Brady's Appendix (vol. i. No. 223), directing an
account to be taken of the forfeited estates, to be sent in with the Michaelmas
Rents on or before St. Edward's day next ensuing [Oct. 13th]. On that day
the parliament resumed its sittings for eight days, when the estates of the
barons were absolutely given to the king, who bestowed them on his friends.
(Tyrrell, p. 1056.)
Page 564, note (3).] — The bishops referred to were those of Lincoln,
London, Worcester, and Lichfield. They were pronounced excommunicate by
Othobon at the council of Northampton, and ordered to appear " infra (Quadra-
gesima" to answer for their rebellion. In tiie meantime the bishop of Worcester
died, but was absolved on his death-bed (Godwin de Praesulibus). The other
gy6 Al'l'ENDIX TO VOL. IT.
llirce ajipoarcul at llic lime appointed, and were ordered to come and receive
jiid-;nient " on tlie qnindcne of Easier ;" wlien they were sent oil' to tiie conrt of
Home, there to answer for their eonduct. — Cliron. Dunstap. and Thos U'i/ces,
ad an. 1206.
Pape .OGl, note (4.) — Fo.xe liad anthority for his statements in the text, as the
followin"- extract from Hemingford will show : — " Tennitqne Rex Parliamentum
snum niense Novembri apud Northampton, et exhicredati sunt omnes qui coniiti
Simoni astiterunt, et uxori ejus cum liberis ; tenuitcjue ibidem concilium
Othobon, legatus Domini Papai, et excommunicavit onines Episcopos, qui eidein
eomiti Simoni auxilium prajstitcrant et favorcm. Misitque quosdam eorum ad
i)r;rsentiam Pap;c, pro beneficio absolutionis obtinendo; publicavitque qua.Hlam
statuta quio fecerat, et concessionem Domini Vnyiv dementis quam Cecerat
Heiji et Uegina;; et decima Anglicanai Ecclesianjv concessa eisdem per sex
annos sequentes ; fiebatque cito post taxatio Norwicensis per Walterum
Norwicensem Episcopuni, qui ad hoc orius electus est. Factaque sunt lia;c in
anno Domini 12GG." — JIht. Angl. Scrip/ores, Edidit Thomceus Gale, Oxon.
1(39), vol. ii. p. 587. The same passage is copied by Knyghton in the Decem
Scriptores, col. 2454 ; it is also quoted bv Wilkins in his Concilia, ad annum. —
Kut besides tlie error of representing the barons as disinherited at Northampton
(pointed out in the last note but one, and corrected in Foxe's text), there is
l)robably some error as to the extent of " the new grant made to the king and
queen o'f the tenths for seven" (or even "six," as Hemingford states) "years
to come." Several papal bulls are printed in Rymer, dated Viterbo Id. ^ep.
and 8 Cal. Oct. 12G5, transferring to the use of the king owe year's tenths
which had been previously levied on the church by the barons : and afterward
a grant was made to the king of the tenths for three years, out of which the
queen was to have 00,000/. ; see the notes in this Appendix on pp. 566, note
(.*5,) and 567, note (6.) — But Hemingford is certainly mistaken in representing
the " Taxatio iNorwicensis" as now first made, and Foxe is still further mistaken
in translating his words "shortly after a tax was also fined upon the county of
Norfolk." The time and occasion of the said "Taxatio Norwicensis" being
made have been stated in this Appendix, in the note on p. 536. Bartholomew
Cotton states in his " Annales Norwicenses " that a twentieth was this year
voted bv Parliament to the disinherited barons, " secundum taxationem domini
Walteride Suthfend quondam Episcopi Norwicensis " (Anglia Sacra, tom. i.
p. 398) ; and Wikes (see the note in this Appendix on p. 566, note (3)) calls it
" taxatio nequiter innovata" : from such expressions, probably, Hemingford
erroneously inferred, that the present was the original occasion of the " Tax-
atio Norwicensis" being made.
Pai^e 564, note (5).] — Foxe omits to mention that Simon de Montforf, jiin.
as well as D'Eyvile, threw himself into Axholm. Henry ordered an army to
assemble at Northampton to reduce the rebels in Axholm "circa ftstum Stos.
Lucia* " [Dec. 13th]. They surrendered at discretion, Dec. 27th, saving life
and limbs. (M. Paris, Annal. Waverl.) On presenting himself before the king
ai Northampton, Simon, through the intercession of Richard, king of the Romans,
was kindly received by the king, and ajjpointed a pension of 500 marks during
good behaviour: he accompanied the king to London Jan. 13th, but hearing
that he was to be imprisoned in the Tower he suddenly absconded on the night of
St. Scholaslica's day, being Ash- Wednesday [which gives Feb. 10th, a.d. 1266,
by Nicolas's fables] ; he joined the pirates of the Cinque Ports, till they were
defeated by Prince Edward at Winchelsea on the feast of SS. Perpetua and
Felicitas [March 7th], after which he took refuge in France. Rymer gives a
proclamation of Henry, dated Northampton May 18th, a.d. 1266, stating that
Simon and his friends were raising forces in France to invade England ; and
Rymer gives also a bull of excommunication against him for intriguing at Paris
against Henry, dated Viterbo, 17 Cal. Octob. a.d. 1266; after wliich lie joined
the barons in the Isle of Ely, and there surrendered. — Annal. Waved., M. Paris,
Cliron. Dunstap., Rymer.
Page 561, note (6).]— Some place the death of Walter in the year 1267,
while all place it in the month of February. There seems little doubt, however,
that he died in 1266, for his successor, Nicholas of Ely, appears (by the Annal.
Waverl.) as bishop of Worcester among the twelve conunissioners chosen at
Coventry in the ensuing summer. Nicholas seems also to have been conse-
APPKNDIX TO VOL. II. 897
^•vated, witli the bishop of Landaff, " octavis Pentecostes," May 2;kl, a.d. 12GG,
on the return of arclihishop Boniface about Ascension-day ('rhonias Wikcs) ; or
rather with Roger, bishop of Norwich, Sept. 19th. (Aiiiial. Wigornienses :)
(see Wharton's note, AngHa Sacra, toni. i. p. 496.)
Page 565, hne 29. " Twelve persons were chosen."'\ — 'J'hese twelve were
chosen and sat at Coventry (M.Paris. Chron. Dunstap.), which will explain
the allusion at page 567, line lU.
Page 566, line 6.] — This mention of Simon Montfort tallies with the account
given of him in the note on p. 564, note (5),
Page 566, line 10 from the bottom.] — The king was roused to attack the Isle
of Ely by the excesses committed bj' the barons, who had taken refuge there.
(Chronicon de Barnewelle, Leland's Collectanea, vol. ii. p.4;]9.) They attacked
and plundered Norwich, 17 Cal. Jan. 1267 (Anglia Sacra, torn. i. p. 398), " circa
festuiii Sti. Nicolai, in mense Decembri." (T. Wikes.) The king came to
Bury on his way to Ely on the Octaves of St. Hilary (Jan. 20th), and held a
parliament there " Crastino Purificatiouis (Feb. 3d), where he asked for a
second tenth beside what the pope had granted him, but was refused. (T. Wikes,
Chron. Dunstap.) He besieged the Isle of Ely all Lent; after which he was
joined by prince Edward from tlie North ; and left for London, which had been
invested by the earl of Gloucester about Easter (April 17th). Henry advanced
about 3 Non. Maii (^L^y 5th), and stopped several weeks at Stratford. Tire
earl evacuated London 8 Id. Julii, and made terms for his party. — Leland's
Collect, ii. p. 439, T. Wikes, Annal. Waverl.
Page 566, note (2).]— Walter Gifford, chosen bishop of Bath and Wells
May 22d, a.d. 1264, seems to have been translated to York October 15th,
A.D. 1265 (Richardson's Godwin); T. Wikes and the Waverley Annals, how-
ever, confirm Foxes statement.
Page 566, note (3).] — Foxe says, " Lr this year also the Church of England
began to pay the tenths of all her revenues, as well spiritual as temporal, to the
king." Probably he is quoting here "Scala Mundi," and a little misapprehends
the meaning of the original, applying " spiritual and temporal" to the revenues
instead of the clergy. 'l"he following is the accormt of the matter in the N\ averley
Annals: — "Item hoc anno (1266) conccssa est Domino Regi decinia onrnirrm
Ecclesiarum et omnium boiioium Religiosorirm et Ecclesiasticarrurr jiersoirarum
Anglife, Walliae, Hybernise, et Scotiae, exceptis Teniplariis, Hospitalariis, et
Ordine Cisterciensi, per tres annos." (Gale, vol. ii. p. 223.) Thomas Wikes, ad
annum 1267, says to the same effect : — " Et ne Clericonrnr marsupia sacculis
laicornm abundantiirs intuniescerent, sed essct Cleris sicut et populis, sumnuis
Pontifex excedens potius, si fas sit dicere, potestatis plcnitudinem, qiuim
exercens, inaudito contributionis genere Aiigiicanam Ecclesiam concedendo
Domino Hegi Angloruirr decimam partem onniiirm bonorunr et proverrturun
annrrorum, tam Clericoruru, quam religio.sorum, paucis religiosis duntaxat
exceptis, quicuirr ne cum aliis contribiierent, et sic srra la?dercnt ]rivilcgia,
inestimabili data pecunia I'edimenda duxerunt, et non solum sub antiquam vel
pcrnequiter inriovatam taxationem decimas suas rurius anni reddere sunt eoacti,
sed et trium annorum sub decimatione verum et plenum rerum siiaruirr valorem
singuli persolvcbant . . . . " (Gale, tom. ii. p. 84.) In explanation and
confirmation of the above statements, it may be remarked, that there is in
Rymer a bull, dated " Viterbo Id. July, pontificatus anno tertio" [1267], and
directed to Othobon, intirrrating that tiie pope liad previoushi granted the king
the tenth of all ecclesiastical revenues in England, Ireland, and Wales, for
thi-ee years, out of which 60,000 poimdsToiu-s were to be deducted and allowed
the queen to pay her debts. This bull urges the immediate raising of these
60,000 pounds ("si forsitan non sint collecta), to be ptud over to the queen's
creditors. To the same matter Hemingford probably refers in the passage cited
from him in the note on p. 564, note (3).
Page 567, note (2).] — Mention is made of the Peches in the Chronicle of
Barnwell Priory (Leland's Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 439), as a family of con-
siderable consequence in those parts, and in particular the hmtheis llugh and
Robert Pecche are stated to have saved the Priory from being bui-nt by the
" Insulares " on the retirement of the king from Cambridge for London. The
Priory was founded by an ancestor of theirs. (Tanner's Notitia Monastica.) —
VOL. II. 3 M
SOS APPKNRIX TO VOL. II.
Halilvviii Wake's ancestor was active in maintaining the Isle of Ely against the
Concjncror. l^ahlwin obtained j)ar(lon, and restitution of liis lands, on paying
three years' value to tiiose to whom they had been given. — Pat. 51 Hen. III.
3 m. 2G, apud Dmjdale, vol. i. p. 540.
I'age 5f)7, note (•'5).] — This council met " in Quindcna Paselur, (jua:- ipso anno
contigit 0 Id. Apiilis." (T. Wikes.) It was at this coinicil tliat the famous
Constitutions ol Othobon were passed, printed in Wilkins's Concilia, tom. ii. p. 1.
Some of them tended to abridge the puwer of the bishops, and such strong oppo-
sition was made to them, that Otiiobon was forced to adjourn the assembly to
the next day : he improved the interim so well by promises or threats, that
next day he carried his point. — M. Westm. ad an., T. Wikes, p. S5.
Page 567, note (6).] — These new valuations (iaxationcsjweic evidently much
disliked by the clergy. We have already seen how Wikes speaks of the
Nortiich valuation in the note on p. 5GG, note (3). It is not improbable
that Othobon attem])ted (as Foxe says) to get a still more perfect valuation
than that, but found the proceeding so odious that he was obliged to desist; for
we have no such valuatiun on record : hut it would appear from the following
passage from Wikes, ad annum 1 209, that the king compounded the matter in
another way : — " Circa idem tempus Rex Anglorum, eui, sicut prtcdixinms,
Dominus Papa dccimam clericorum sid) verum suiun valorem (niiiuis sane, si
liceret dicere) diu ante conccsserat, jierpendens quod nee antiqua beneficiormn
taxatio, nee W alteri Norwicensis Episcopi taxatio neijuiter innovata, verum
valorem posset attingere, pessimis pessimasuperaddcns, Pontificibus, (qui se pro
subditorum defensione murum incxpugnabilem exponere debuissent,) annucn-
tibus, nee non in modico contradicentibus, tandem extoi-sit, ut pro recompensa-
tione veri valoris non percepti per triennium decimam quarti anni singuli
reddere cogerentur " (Gale, vol. ii. p. 88) : that is, the king demanded a
fourth year's tenths in compensation for the defect of the three previous years'
tenths below their true value. The juxtaposition of" quarti " and " tres " may
Lave misled Foxe, or his authority, into the statement about "seven " years'
tenths, noticed in p. 5G4.
Page 5G7, note (7).] — "Theobaldum archidiaconum Leodienscm, quern vulgus
consueto vocabulo vocitabat Tyardrim, quique tunc temporis cvmi domino Edo-
ardo peregrinationis causa morabatur." (T. Wikes, p. 96, ad an. 1270.) Foxe calls
him an " archdeacon cardinal ;" but he does not appear to have been acardinal.
(See Moreri, v. Cardinal.) lie was elected Sept. 1st, a.d. 1271, and consecrated
at Rome, March 27th, a.d. 1272. (L'Artde Ver. des Dates.) Foxe omits all
mention of the six ensuing popes. Innocent V., Adrian V., John XX. or XXI.,
Nicholas III., Martin IV., and Honorius IV. : Nicholas III. is introduced at
p. 579 by the present editor.
Page 5G8, note (2).] — Foxe in the text says, " Robert Burnell, their chan-
cellor :" but he was at this time (a.d. 1270) only canon of \\ ells, archdeacon
of York, and the prince's chaplain : he was made chancellor Sept. 21st, ad.
1274, and bishop of Bath and Wells January 127.'>, and consecrated by the
archbishop at Merton April 7th following. (Richardson's Godwin " De Prce-
sidibus.") Another unsuccessful attempt was made by the prince, when
Edward I., to obtain for him the primacy in a.d. 1278. (See p. 579.)
Page 5G9, note (1).] — John, of Darlington in the diocese of Durham, was
a Dominican, of great learning and probitj'. He was made private confessor
to Henry III. He was made pope's collector in England " Gregorii X. anno 3,"
i.e. A.D. 1271 or 1272; and continued such imder John XXI., Nicholas III.,
and Martin IV. He was consecrated archbishop of Dublin on the Sunday
after Bartholomew, a. d. 1279, and died suddenly at London, 5 Cal. Ap. a.d.
1284. His concordance was called Magna and Anglicana. — Bale, Fuller's
Worthies, Tarmer's Biblioth.
Page 571, line 28. " Then the Chi^isiians," &c.] — Hemingford's words are
(p. 590) : " Animati itaquc Christiani tertio exierunt circa fcstum Beat! Petri
ad vincula, usque ad Sanctum Georgium, et peremptis qiiibusdam, cum non
invenirent qui resisterent, reversi sunt cum gaudio in locum siuun."
Page 571, line 10 from the bottom.] — This messenger is conunonly supposed
to have been one of the Assassini, of whom some account has been given in the
note on p. 4G7.
APPKNDIX TO VOL. II. 899
Page 573, line 25. " Through Palestrina and i1/e/7rte.9."]— Tliesc appear
barbarous words. Gale's edition of Hemingford reads /'rt/^'AVi/K//;; ft Mcchiiws,
and gives in the note a various reading Platiam and Mcssinam ; but this is not
satisfactory.
Page 575, line 10.] — Thomas /hjuinun " was born at Ac^uino, in Italy, 1224.
Tlie number of liis works is prodigious, amounting to seventeen volumes folio,
tliough he died at the early age of fifty. He is styled ' 77?e Angelical
Doctor;' and his authority among the schoolmen was almost decisive in
theology. Like our own Hooker he was little less eminent for his self-denying
liumility than for his wide erudition and deep reasoning ])ovvers. It is said
that when pope Clement IV. showed him a vast heap of wealth, observing,
'You see the church cannot now sa}'. Silver and gold have 1 none;' ' True,'
replied the great schoolman, 'neither can she now say to tlic sick, Take up thy
bed and walk.' Though, like other fallible men, and especially voluminous
writers, he is sometimes found in error, yet Protestant divines and scliolars
have done justice to the vast attainments of this wonderful man. Dean Phil-
potts says, ' I do not afi'ect to be deeply versed in his writings ; but I have read
enough of them to bear testiir.ony to the uncommon vigour and astonishing
acuteness of his mind.' (Letters to Charles Butler, Esc^.) And Mr, Southey
speaks of him as ' a n-an whose extraordinary powers of mind few persons are
competent to appreciate.' (Vindicis Ecc. Ang.) As calculated in an especial
manner to stamp the character of the man, and as a hint to those who forget
that Bene orclsse est bene studuisse, it may not be improper to insert here — ■
" The prayer of Thomas Aquinas before commencing study : — ' Ineffably wise
and merciful Creator ! illustrious Source of all things ! true Fountain of light
and wisdom ! Vouchsafe to infuse into my understanding some ray of thy
brightness ; thereby removing that twofold darkness under which I was born,
the darkness of sin and ignorance. Thou, that makest the tongues of infants
eloquent, instruct, I pray thee, my tongue likewise : and pour upon my lips
the grace of thy benediction. Give me quickness to comprehend, and memory
to retain : give me a facility in expounding, an aptitude in learning, and a
copious eloquence in speaking. Prepare my entrance into knowledge : direct
me in my pursuits, and render t'le issue of them complete : through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.' " — AUport's Davenant, vol. i. p. 33, note.
Jacobus de Vorag'ine, " rectiiis de Virucjine urbe maritima Ligurum." He
was archbishop of Genoa : he was the first to translate the Bible into Italian,
about A.D. 1270. He wrote a book called Legenda Aurca, being a collection
of Lives of the Saints, full of fables, which Ludovicus Vives and Melchior
Canus, bishop of the Canaries, called Legenda ferrea. He wrote also Chronicon
Genuense. He died A.n. 1294. — Hoffman, Moreri, and Cave.
rincenilus of Beauvais, a Burgundian, of the Preaching Friars, flourished
A.D. 1244. He was author of the famous "Speculum Quadruplex" (Historicum,
Naturale, Morale, Doctrinale). — Cave.
By the Cardinal of Ostia is meant Henry de Segusa or Susa, who was,
first of all, made bishop of Sisteron, and then archbishop of Embrun a.d.
1250, and cardinal-bishop of Ostia, a.d. 1262 : he wrote on the Decretals.
He was denominated " Foii.^ e.t Splendor Juris." — Cave.
Albertus, styled Magnus, "a German, of the Dominican order, and a follower
of Peter Lombard; ' a man,' says Mosheim, ' of vast abilities, and an uni-
versal dictator in his time.' His celebrity, however, is so clouded with the
legendary tales related of his acquirements and performances in occult
philosophy, that it is impossible to say what portion of it is duly merited; and
of the twenty-one folio volumes attributed to him, it has since been ascertained
that many pieces which arc there inserted were not composed by him. Still,
the distinction he obtained for his extensive acquaintance with the subtle philo-
sophy and ulscure ilicology of the times was so great, that in 1248 he was
called to Rome by Pope Alexander IV., and appointed ' Master of the Sacred
Palace.' (See the next paragraph.) In 12G0, he was elected bishop of Ratis-
bon; but, finding his episcopal duties inconsistent with his love of retirement
and study, he resigned his bishopric, and returned to Cologne, to enjoy the
leisure of monastic life. He was, however, drawn from his retirement by Pope
Gregory X., who sent him into Germany and Bohemia to preach the Crusade.
He afterwards attended the council of Lyons, and then returned to Cologne,
8 M 2
fXK) APPKN'niX TO vol,. II.
where lie rpiiiainctl until liis dontli in 12S0," — .lUport's Davenant, vol. i. p. 148,
note.
Diirandits, "one of the most iearncil lawyers of liis time, wlio flomished in
tlie thirteenth centnry. He was a ])upil of the celebrated Henry de Susa or
Se"usa, after quiltinj; whom, and takings his doctor's degree, he taught canon-
law at l>oloi:na and Modena, and j)iil)lished a famous work, entitled ' Specu-
lum Juris,' which gained him the surname of * Speculator.' Being introduced
by his former tutor, now cardinal-bishop of Ostin, at the court of Rome, he was
employed by Clement IV. and four succeeding pontiffs in important and
honourable charges. Among other jjosts of disinction assigned him, he was
made ' Master of the Sacred Palace.' The person holding this ofHce was ' a kind
of domestic chaplain or preacher of the pope.' A part of his jurisdiction in
this capacity ' referred to the printing of books, and the power of prohibiting
them.' Of this office Mr. IMendham has given a full and interesting account
in his valuable work on the ' Literary Policy of the C hurch of l\ome' (ch. i.
pp. 11 — lo). In the progress of his preferments and honours, Durandus was
created bishop of Mende, and employed as Gregory's legate at tlie council of
Lyons. Heing recalled to Rome, he was afterwards created marijuis of An-
cona, and then count of Romagna, which provinces he governed during the
tumults of the Guelph and Ghibelline factions. The ' Rationale Divinorum
Otliciorum ' is the best known of his works, and has been the most frequently
reprinted. It is a detailed view of the rites and worship of the Roman church,
and contains a competent portion of fable. He died at Rome in 1290." —
Allport's Davenant, vol. i. p. 38, note.
Page 575, line 24.] — The Tartar invasion is mentioned supra, at p. 191.
Page 576, line 3.]— See p. 491.
Page 576, line 13 from the bottom. " The fourth day of March."] — Godwin
says "4 Cal. Martis," i.e. Feb. 26th.
Page 576, line 7 from the bottom.] — Fo.xe erroneously makes Henry III.
die "a. D. 1273, in the fifty-seventh year of bis reign." (See Nicolas's
Tables.)
Page 577, line 6.]— Edward I. landed at Dover, August 2d, a.d. 1274, ami
was crowned at Westminster, on Sunday, August 19th. — Nicolas's Chronoloyy
of History.
Page 578, line 16 from the bottom. " The halfpenny and farthing," &c.] —
See the note on p. 690, note (4).
Page 579, line 12.] — Edward I., when Prince of Wales, had made a
previous attempt to obtain the primacy for this Robert Rurnell, then his
domestic chaplain. (See the note on p. 568, note (2).) This fresh attempt was
made on the abdication of Kilwardby, early in 1278. " Electi [R. Burnell]
cdusam Rex Nicolao papa^ impense commendavit Uteris datis 10 Julii 1278
(Rymerj, aliisque ad Robertum dignitatem oblatam dctrectantem 11 Aug. 1278
scriptis ipsum enixe rogat, ut eloctioni de se factic consentiat. Paruit lloberlus,
missisque ad Curiam Romanam nunciis electionem confirmari petiit. Incassimi
autem." (Wharton, Anglia Sacra tom. i. p. 567, woied.) Foxe, in consequence
of his having misplaced this portion of his narrative after tlie account of Boni-
face VIII., was misled into the notion that this affair hap])ened under " Pope
Boniface VIII." — or vice versa: this portion (as already intimated at the foot
of p. 578) has been transposed, and " Nicholas III." substituted for " Boniface
VIII." Nicholas III. was pope Dec. 26th a.d. 1277— August 22d a.d. 1280.
Page 580, line 15.] — The parliament of Bury was held "in Crastino Ani-
marum Omnium, 24 Ed. 1. ;" i. e. Nov. 3, a.d. 1296.
Page 580, line 21. "In crastino Sti. //i/rtni."]— (Nicholas Trivet, and
Knighton.) Foxe says, "the next Hilary term."
Page 581, line 19.]— Edward embarked at Winchelsea, August 22d, a.d.
1297.
Page 582, line 16.]- This is called, in the Public Acts, "Colloquium et Trac-
talus." Another meeting was summoned for Oct. 6th, to finish the matter.
The " Magna Charta " and " Charta de Foresta " referred to as binding on the
Al'l'KNDIX TO VOL. If.
kings of Eii^luiul, are those passed 9 lieu. 111. a.d. 1224. (Sec supra,
p. 37(3.) The king iiiniself ratified these proceedings at Yorlc on Whitsunday,
May25tl), a.d. 1298.
Page ■'5 S3, line 15 from the boltoni.] — For " William I." Foxe, by a shp,
reads "David;" and for "this John Baliol " four lines lower he reads
" Edward."
Page 584, line G from the bottom. " fVho ii/irnetliale/i/ seiideth dotvii liis
precept to the king."'] — Foxe here follows Walsingham. This communication
from the pope ])urports, according to the course of Foxe's narrative, to have been
made a.d. 1299, or 27 Ed. I. It does not a})pear, however, from the other
historians, that any such communication passed that ye<ir. It is true, that the
pope (at Baliol's procurement) endeavoured to mediate, and ])ersuaded Edward
to surrender Joiin Baliol into the hands of his legate witli a view to some
award, but with the express proviso on Edward's part (dated Canterbury,
June 14th, 27th year of his reign), that the sovereignty of Scotland belonged
to him of right, and that John Baliol had acted against his allegiance : this
was read over before the legate, John Baliol, and the king's proctor, and
assented to, at Witsand, July 18th, when Baliol was surrendered. This
renders it the more extraordinary, that when Edward in the following year
(28 Ed. I.) again went into Scotland to quell a fresh rebellion, he was met at the
abbey of Dusques, in Galloway, by Archbishop Winchelsey, bearing a papal
bull from Boniface, claiming the sovereignty of Scotland for the Pope, and
desiring him to give over vexing them : this was delivered to the king August
26th, A.D. loOO, and is what Walsingham calls the pope's " secundarite liters."
It is very remarkable, however, that this bull is dated the previous year,
" 5 Cal. Julii, quinto pontificatxis," i. e. June 27th, a.d. 1299, the very time when
EdivanVs claim was being admitted by the pope, with a view to obtaining the
surrender of Baliol ; which gives us a painful view of papal duplicity, of which,
however, this volume has already afforded instances. We may add, that the
date of this bull may have misled Walsingham into the belief of a papal " pre-
cept " having been sent in the year 1299, the only foundation for which seems
to be the " secundariae literas " having been «'?-««e?i in 1299, though not delivered
till A.D. 1300.
Page 588, line 18 from tlie bottom. " Robert Bruce, yrandsou of Robert
Bruce above mentioned."] — Foxe says " Robert Bruce above mentioned,"
which Henry, in his History of England, proves to be wrong.
Page 588, line 6 from the bottom.] — Robert Bruce slew Cumming in the
cloisters of the Grey Friars at Dumfries, Feb. 2d, a.d. 1306, and was crowned
at Scone Abbey Lady-day following. Clement V. was crowned pope Nov. 14ih,
a.d. 1305. — L'Art de J'er. des Dates.
Page 589, line 16.] — See the note in this Appendix on p. 5G7.
Page 590, note (1).] — The large type in the ensuing narrative of the dispute
between Piiilip le Bel and Boniface VIII. is a translation from Trivet and Wal-
singham, somewhat modified in the present edition, in order to render the
narrative more accurate. Whence Foxe obtained the documents <loes not
a])pear : the originals are printed in Prynne's History of John, Henry III.,
and Edward 1.; also in Pierre de Pithou, " Prennes des Libertez de I'Eglise
Gallicane ;" as well as in Dupuy's " Histoire du Diffierend."
The affair of the bishop of Pamiers, which Foxe properly mentions as the
origin of the dispute, began as far back as a. d. 1295. The monastery of St.
Anthony at Pamiers was a peculiar, and had a jurisdiction over the town and
suburbs of Pamiers. Clement IV. entrusted this to the protection of Louis, the
grandfather of Philip le Bel, "for the honour of the Roman Church." How-
ever, Roger, earl of Foix, in a. d. 1295, attempted to bring the abbot and
monastery of Pamiers under his jurisdiction, not without the ap|)robation of
Philip; whicli produced remonstrances and threats from Boniface VIII. Boni-
face proceeded to erect the abbey into a bishopric against the king's declared
wishes, and appointed Bernard Saizetti, the abbot, to be the first bishop of
Pamiers ; who rewarded his patron by the most treasonable measures against his
lawful sovereign. This led to his being summoned before a parliament at
Scnlis, where he was put under arrest, and eonnnitted to the custody of Giles,
901
902 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
arclibishop of Si'nlis, aiul a process conimoiiccd nt;.'iiiist him llio Wednesday
after Trinity, i.e. May "J 1th, 1301; which produced an immediate rupture
between Boniface and Philip. (Dupuy.) This therefore was the origin of tlie
qu.irrel, viz. " Bonifacius Apamcam jussit civitatem fieri, abbate S. Antoniiii
prime episcopo constituto" (p. 151 of" Bonifacius VIII. e familia Cajetanorum
principuiu Rom. Pontifex, Joh. Ilabei opus, Roma?, 1651)".
Page 590, note (3)-] — Stephen Aufrere, mentioned in this note, was an
eminent lawyer, and president of the parliament of Toulouse. The short para-
graph in the text — "Boniface, bishop and servant," &'c. is called in history
" //rt Petite liiil/e," and is lliought by some too concise to have been Boniface's,
and that it is rather an abstract of the bull " AttscitUa Fi/i." That bull, however,
is dated "quarto Nonas Decembris, pontificatiis nostri anno sexto [a.d. 1301]."
Page 591, lino 6 from the bottom.] — "The archdeacon of Narbonne " was
Jacques dcs Normans, who, in February 1302, jiresented to Philip a letter from
Boniface, requiring the release of the abbot of Pamiers and declaring that lie
liad ipso facto incurred the church's censure ; also the petite biille, and the bull
" Ausculta fili," citing the French bishops to a council to be held at Rome
Kal. Nov. 1302.
Page 591, note (1).] — The greater part of the foregoing paragraph in the
text, viz. from "Moreover to provide" to the words " leave the realm," is
added to Foxe's text on the authority of the ensuing letter of the bishops. This
addition is absolutely necessary to connect the narrative, and is too important
to be lost; for it is supposed that this was the first parliament to which the
" Tiers Etat " was summoned. The Writ of Summons is not extant, but that
the Commons were summoned is positively stated by the bishops in the ensuing
letter.
Page 591, note (2).] — The ensuing letter of the French bishops to Boniface
VIII. would stand, according to Foxe's arrangement, at page 603, and is repre-
sented by him as their apology for joining in the proceedings of Thursday and
Friday, June 13th and 14th, a.d. 1303. The internal evidence, however, of the
letter itself shows that it has no reference to those proceedings whatever. The
note of time (page 592, line 12), "Tuesday, the 10th of this present month of
April," [" hac die Martis 10 pr;esentis mensis Aprilis," — Dupuy, Prynne,] is
alone sufficient to prove that it belongs to a.d. 1302. (See Nicolas's Tables.)
It is proper to inform the reader, that Foxe's text has "Wednesday," instead of
"Tuesday," which fits the year 1303; and perhaps this was tlie reason why
" Wednesday " was written, " die Martis " being su])posed to be a blunder for
" die Mercurii." But the letter concludes also, " Datum Parisiis, die Martis
priedicta."
Page 594, line 21. " These things," &c.] — It may be proper to inform the
reader, that, in reply to the foregoing letter of the French bishops, Boniface
reproached them for suflTering Peter Flotte to utter such " calumnies." The pro-
posed council met at Rome Oct. 3d, and tln-ee representatives of the French
church were there in spite of the king's prohibition ; the result was the bull "Unam
Sanctam ;" also a bull excommunicating all who should hinder persons going to
or returning from Rome, dated Nov. 13th. Boniface scut Jean Ic Moine, cardinal-
priest of St. Marcclline, as his legate into France, Nov. 24th. Philip then wrote
a conciliatory letter to Boniface, which was not satisfactory to him, as appears
from his answer to the earl of Valois, Philip's brother, dated " 6Cal. ]\Iartii,
pontif. anno 9 :" i. e. Feb. 21th, a. d. 1303. Bonifaco then threatens to proceed
against Piiilipboth with the temporal and spiritual sword. At length Gillcaume
de Nogaret brings forward his protest and appeal, March 12tli.
Page 597, note (1).] — Foxe's copy gives 30 articles, the reason of which is,
that he divides some of the articles differently.
Page 598, § 5.] — Arnold of Villa Nova is mentioned at page 510.
Page 602.] — As the reader may feel curious to see the original of this list of
French ecclesiastical dignitaries, it is here given; the final "sis" of course
requires to be added to complete each adjective. I'he modern names of the
sees are derived from Gallia Christiana, and Fabricii Lu,v Eva}igcUi Exoriens.
" Nos Nioosicn. Rcmen. Senonen. Naibouen. et Turonen. Archiepiscopi ;
Lauduncn. Bcluaccn. Cathalaunen. Antissiodoren. Meldcn. Nivcrncn. Carnoten.
Aurelianeii. .\niblantn. Moriiien. Silvanectcn. Andegaven. Abrincen. Constan-
Al'J'KNlMX r«) VOL. II. 903
tieii. El)ioiceii. Li-xovkni. Sagieii. Cliiroiiionteii, Lcinoviceii. Anicion. Matis-
coiu'ii. Episeoiii ; Cluniaccn. Pia'inoiistraten. Majoris Monaslcrii, Cistercien.
Saiicti Uionysii in Francia, Coiupendien. Saiioti Victoris, Sanckt Geiiovcfe
Parisiis, Sancti Martini Laiidiineu. P'igiacLH. et Helliloci in Lcniuvicinio,
Abbates; Frater IJugo Visitator donioruiii Ordiiiis Militiie Ti'inpli, ac Sancti
Joannis lei'osolymit. in Francia, ct Sancti Martini de Cainpis Parisiensis, Priorcs.
Gerard, archbishop of Nicosia in Cy])rus, happening to be in France, took
part in tliis appeal : he had been previonsly ordered lionie to liis see by Boni-
face, but refused to comply, and a bull was published dated August 15th, 1303,
suspending him from his bishopric. — L'Art de Verifier den Dates, and Fleury
Eccl. Hist.
*' Majoris Monasterii" means Marmoutier, in Toiu's. See Recueil des Arche-
veques, Evesques, Abb. et Prioreux, &c. en France par Dom. Beaunier, Paris,
2 vol. quarto, 1726. page 888. In Uupuy there are some lists of abbots about
this time, where it is called " Majoris Monasterii Turonensis."
Page GOo, line 7. " Done at Paris," &c.] — Tlie passage in the text stands
thus in the original (see Dupuy, page 109) : — "Actum Parisiis apud Luparam
in camera dicti domini Regis, anno, indictione, mcnse, diebus Jovis et
Veneris, ac pontificatu praedictis, prjEsentibus nobilibus viris dominis Ande-
gaven. Bolon. Damprd-Martini, et aliis comitibussu])erius uominatis ; Matthreo
de Trya, Petro domino Chanbliaci, P. domino de Wirmes, Hugone de Bovilla,
militibus ; necnon Magistris, Stephano Archid. Brugen., Nic. Archid. in
ecclesia Remen., G. Thesaurario Andegaven., Petro de Bella Pertica, Regi-
naldo dicto Barbou, et Joanne de Montegneyno, ac nonnullis aliis, tam clericis
quam laicis, ad hoc vocatis specialiter et rogatis testibus."
Page 603, uote (1).] — The foregoing introduction to the writ of summons is
added to the text for greater clearness.
Page 603, note (2).] — The whole of the ensuing paragraph is added to the
text on the authority of Dupuy, Fleury, &c. in order to connect the narrative.
Prynne gives the king's circular, invitirig the instruments of adhesion, dated
" die Jovis post festum Sti, Johannis Baptistse."
Dupuy (Preuves, p. 166) gives a bull of Boniface, dated Anagni, 18 cal.Sept.,
grounded on his having heard that " in festo nativitatis B- lohannis Baptista-
])roxime prseterito, Philippe Regi Francoruni Parisiis in prsesentia multoruiu
in lardino ejusdem Regis congregatorutn contra nos diversa crimina denuntiata
fuerunt, quandoque eidcin Regi supplicatum extitit, quod ipse hujus modi
denunciationibus assentiret et consilium super hoc apponeret dando ad con-
vocandum seu convocari faciendum Concilium Generale opcm et operani
efficaces ..."
Page 608, line 4.] — Foxe, in this sentence, puts Michael and Andronicus
Palseologus in each other's place.
Page 608, line 16.] — For " Gregory IX." read " Gregory X." : see the last
note.
Page 608, line 36. " The Frenchmen, a. u. 1204, ivith whom the empire
remained the space of seventy years."] — Foxe says " fifty-eight years;" L'Art
de Ver. des Dates says " cinquante-scpt." But it is more correct to say
" seventy years," i. e. from the time that Baldwin, earl of Flanders, was
crowned emperor of Constantinople at the church of St. Sophia, May 16th
A.D. 1204, to the death of Baldwin II. at the close of a.d. 1273, when the Greek
emperor, Michael Pala^ologus, was left sole master of the city : this was in the
time of Gregory X. (not Gregory IX. as the text reads), who was pope a.u. 1271
— a.d. 1276. Gregory IX. was pope a.d. 1227 — 1241 : Michael was emperor
a.d. 1259— 1282.— Z'^ri! de Ver. des Dates.
Page 008, line 11 from the bottom.]— This general council of Lyons sat
May 7th — July 17th, a. d. 1274. — L'Art de l'er.'~des Dates.
Page 608, note (1).]— The foregoing paragraph is a translation of Illyricus's
" Catalogus Testium," edit. 1608, cols. 1818, 1819, 1698. At page 575, Foxe
correctly mentions Urban IV. as ihcfrst founder of Corpus Christi ; Clement
V. may have confirmed it.
904 AI'I'KNUIX TO VOL. II.
I'age Gl'2, line 17.] -Foxe says, erroiicoii>ly, " under the reign of the afore-
said king Philip, above-mentioned," whereas Philip le Bel died a.d. 1311.
PageG12, line .'5.3.] — For "John XXII." Foxe reads, erroneously, " Cle-
ment V." The allii>ion is to j)age GOf), line 4. Of the contest between the
emperor Louis IV. and pope John XXII. more is said alterwaids.
Page ni2, note (2).] — Bertrand's "Libellus" was first printed in black letter,
4to, at Paris, a.d. 1495, miiform with and by the same printer as the ^'Quadri-
logiis," viz. Jo/iftniics P/i/!ippi yl/ciii(i?/iius, and was finished only a few days
after it ; the " Quadriiogns " having been finished March 27tli, and tlie " Libcl-
lus" April 2d, as the Colophons show. In the Biitish Muse-mn the two are
bound together in the same volume. This was the edition which Foxe used :
it contains two or tiiree errors, which are corrected in later editions.
Considerable pains have been taken to verify and correct the numerous refer-
ences to Scripture and to the canon and civil law, which are very corrupt :
it is believed that all have been discovered, except one or two references to the
civil law.
PageGl;}, line 7.] — " Ad diem octavarum festi sancti Andrcte, proxime ven-
turuni." .\t the end of this summons, in the printed copies, is subjoined — " die
Veneris 15 Decembris;" whence Foxe inserts in the hody of his translation of it
"the fifteentli day of December," instead of the date expressed in the Latin.
Why this second date was foisted in, will be shown in the note on ])age G;55,
line 3G. Fleury expresses the date nearer, though not exactly, to the Latin,
" /iiiilic'ine jour de Decembre." See the note in p. G19.
PagcG13, line 17.] — "Die vero superius in dictis literis contenta." The
following is the Latin list of bishoprics : " Domini Bituricens's, Auxitanus, Tu-
ronensis, Rotomagensis, Senonensis, archiepiscopi : Beluacensis, Cathalanensis,
Laudunensis, Parisiensis, Noviomensis, Ciirnotensis, Constantiensis, Andega-
vensis, Pictaviensis, Meldensis, Cameracensis, Sancti Flori, Briocensis, Cabilo-
nensis, et Fduensis, episcopi."
Page G19, line 5 from the bottom.] — " On remit lafTairc au Vendredi suivant,
quinzieme de Decembre." — Flciinj.
Page G19, line 3 from the bottom.] — Peter Roger had been elected to the
see of Arras, but was appointed to Sens, and " cameras apostolicac pro-
niisit" Dec. 12tli, a.d. 1329. See Gallia Christiana; which says that he
spoke in this debate " die Veneris, 22 Dec. 1329, and 8 Jan. 1330." He was
translated to Rouen 12 Dec. 1330; made Cardinal a.d. 1338; and became
Pope Clement VI. a.d. 1312; died a.d. 1352. Francis Petrarcha speaks highly
of his talents, and particularly of his memory, which (he states) could not forget
anything. Petrarcha attributes this facidty to a blow which he had received
on his head! — Gallia Christiana, tom. xi. xii.
Page 620, line 6 from the bottom.] — The archbi-hop of Sens seems to have
conjectured the reference to Augustine " on Romans xiii." from a comparison
of the heading of the Canon — " Item Augustinus sermone 6 de verbis Domini,"
with the opening of the Canon itself, " Qui resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi
rcsistit," &c. The passage which the Canon recites does not occur in Augus-
tine on Romans xiii. but " in Sermone 72 in Matt, viii." (See the note in this
Appendix on page 15G, note (1).)
Page G23, line 17. ''Blessed Si. Gregory in his Register. "'\ — Foxe saj's,
"Blessed St. Jerome, in his register:" for which he had the authority of the
Libellus of 1195, and that in Goldasti " de Monarciiia :" but the " Bibliotheca
Patrum" corrects it.
Page G23, line 7 from the bottom. " Gregory talkcth in his pastoral."'] — Foxe
says " Ambrose talketh in his pastoral," for which he has the same authorities
as before (see last note), and the same authority as before corrects the error.
Page 631, line 18. " It is my duty and office to consult the interest of the em-
peror in this viatler."]— Vow s;iys'" to coiisnlt with the high Emperor of Sal-
vation in this matter what is to be done," following his text, " Deinde me
consulere oportet imperatorem salutis :" the later editions read " imperatoris
saluti."
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Page C32, line 15 from the bottom.] — " Nota bic de castro date Sancto Ue-
inigio pro ecclesia Laiuhmcnsi per Clodoveum x-egem."
Page G35, line ,34.] — Fleury calls ilic foiegoing speech of the archbishop of
Sens " longue et ennuyense harangiu'.' lie gives an abstract of the former
part, and says, " Jene rapporterai le rcste des preuves de rarcheveque de Sens,
parceqn'il fandroit en nieme fenij)s en niontrer la foiblesse, en favcur de ceiix
qni ne sont pas verses en ces matieres : ce qui convient niieux au discours par-
ticidier de la jurisdiction ecclesiastique."
Page 635, line 36. " On the Fridai/ next but one, being Deccinher the twcntij-
ninth."'] — Foxe calls this " the Friday following," which, according to the course
of the previous narrative, would bring us to December 22nd, the last day men-
tioned being Friday, December 15th, (p. 019.) And accordingly Gallia Christiana
in the account of Peter Bertrand says, " Egit primo Hogerius apud Vicenas.
Deinde die 2'2nd Decemhris subscquenie Petrus noster dixit in Palatio Kegis,
Parisiis, et sexagiiita articulis a Cygnerio objectis sigiilatiiu i-espondit." Fleiny
also says, " Le Vendredi mtivant, vingt deuxieme de Decembre." It is certain,
however, that this session was held on December 29th ; for v/hen the bishop of
Autun proceeds to reply to ihe articles sigillatim, the " Libellus" says, "Deinde
prajfatui dominus Eduensis E[)isc. ad finem prasdictum, videlicet ad iuformandam
conscienliam doinini regis et ad pra-standum consilium, &c. . . . ai singulos arti-
culos sic respondit, et divisit articulos traditos in tres partes ; quia quidam
articuli tangebani jura ecclesite perpetua &c quos erant parati defenders
sicut B. Thomas Canluariensis Episcopus, ciijus festnm erat ilia die, jura ecclesiae
defenderat." Thomas Becket'sday was December 29tb. The first Editor of
the Libellus (if not some previous copyist), aware of this, endeavoured to pull
the previous proceedings onwards, by appending to the parliamentary sum-
mons— "die Veneris 15 Decemhris;" as ii to intmiate that the parliament did
not get to business till that day*, instead of December the 7th or Sth. But the
fact is that the Latin date of the present session has been mihunderstood —
"Altera autem die Veneris immediate subsequenti, videl. die 29 Decemb. :"
where "Altera die \'eneris immediate subsequenti" means the second, not
the next, Friday following. " Proximus, alter, tertius. — Cic." (Ainsworth.)
" Immediate sulDsequenti " is added, to prevent "altera " from being taken to
mean indefinitely some other, another, Friday ; and limits it to mean the next
but one. Where the Friday next i'oUowing is meant, as at pp. 619, 637, the
" Libellus" says simply, " dies Veneris sequens," and "post haec die Veneris
sequenti." We may suppose the long interval of a fortnight to have been
required for the celebration of Christmas; and this will also account for the
bishop of Autun's repeating at such length the arguments of the archbishop
of Sens, which might easily have been forgotten during tlie Christmas
celebration.
Page 635, line 28 from the bottom.] — Peter Bertrand was created bishop of
Autun about a.d. 1319. He was eminent for his knowledge of law, both canon
and civil. For the talent which he displayed on the present occasion
the king himself paid him the compliment of allowing him to put a stem of
lilies on his coat of arms. He died .July 23d, a.d. 134S or 1349. (Gallia
Christiana, torn, iv.) His title is August odunensis, or Eduensis, from Augusto-
dumnn, the Latin name of Autun, which was the capital of the ancient Edui.
Page 637, line 8 from the bottom. " On that day [January the 5</<]."] — " Post
haec die Veneris sequenti." (Libellus). " Le Vendredi suivant, vingt-neiivieme de
Decembre." (Fleuri.) Paulus jEmilius (apud Odorici Raynaldi continuationein
Annal. Baron, tom. v., says — " Prima actione nihil constittitum. Cum am-
pliatur, die D. Thomre Cantuar. festo cum Patrum frequente globo Bertrandus
Regem adiit, admonuitque ilium illuxisse diem quem pro libertate ecclesiae
Thomas sanguine suo coiisecraverat. Respondit Rex, omnia sibi curae futura.
Anceps vox. Bertrandus, ut certius Iretiusque eliceret responsum, oravit ut
ambiguo rcsponsu non dimitteret tristes a se sacerdotes." Where it is plain
that ^-Emilius (as well as Fleury) connects the passage at p. 639, line 9, with
T. Becket's day, or Dec. 29th. But see the note on p. G35, line 36.
Page 640, line 21 from the bottom.]— Gaveston was banished by a decree
dated Feb. 22nd, a.d. }307. —Rymcr.
905
DOG
APl'ENDIX TO VOL. 11.
I'a-c (ill, line 3.] — Edwiird I. died July 7lh, a.d. l'S07.— Nicolas'.s C/no-
nvliitjij ttf Il'istonj.
Pa^'o G42, line G.] — Tiiat parliament met tlie quindcnc of Easter, April 28lh :
the writs for the coronation a])point the Sunday after Valentine's-day for the
ceremony, i.e. Feb. 18th, a. ». 1308 (Rymer) ; but a memorandum from the
Close Kolls (Rymer) says that it actually took place the Sunday after St. Peter
in Cathedra, being the morrow after St. Matthias's Day, or Feb. 2oth. (See
Nicolas's Tables).
Page 642, line 18.] — This letter is given by Rymer.
Page 642, note (1).] — The archbishopric of York was not vacant at this time :
it had been vacant toward the close of the last reign between the death of
Tlionuis Corbridge, September 22d a.d. 1303, and the consecration of William
Greenfiehl, January 30th a.d. 1305 (Richardson's Godwin " De Prajsulibus") ;
and in tliat interval Edward I. seems to have presented his chaplain, Walter de
Bedwyiid ; for Prynnc, page 1187, gives (from Glaus. 35 Ed. I. m. 10, dorso
pro Rejje et Wallero de Bcdewbid clerico) a writ to the sheriff of York, dated
"Carlisle, 10 die Marcii, 35 Ed. I.," forbidding any one to molest the said
\\'alter in his possession of the treasurership of York which he held by virtue
of his royal collation. Tiiere was no other vacancy in the see of York till
the death of (ireenfield, December 6th a.d. 1315. It seems most natural to
suppose that Edward I. left the dispute as a legacy to his son, and that the
pope made a fresh attempt on the inexperience of the young king : who
seems, however, to have defended and confirmed his father's appointment
with considerable spirit. The notes on page 702 will prove this last supposition
to be correct.
Page 613, line 9 from the bottom.] — Edward's letter of recalto Gavcston is
in Rymer, dated Dumfries, August 6lh, a.d. 1307.
Page 645, note (1).] — Fo.xe puts " Arpontacus Burdegalensis " at the end of
the foregoing paragra])h, as though he were the authority for the whole para-
graph, which is not the case. Moreover, " Aipontacus"' is a misprint for " Ar.
Pontacus," the running head line of his Chronographia being " Ar. Pontacus
Burdegalensis."
Bisliop Hall's "Honour of tlie Married Clergy " (lib. i. § 12, and lib. iii.
§ 3,) furnished the clue to the other author cited, "viz. ^latth. Parker. Parker
cites for his authority Adam Mirimouth's first Chronicle, and W. Thorn's
Chronica [printed in the Decem. Script.] This last is identical with bishop
Hall's " Hist. Radulphi Bourne, Augustadensis Eccl. Abbatis." Thorn states
(Script. Decem. cols. 2009, 2010) that Ralph Bourne was elected abbot of
St. Austin's, Canterbury, March 7th, 1310: he waited on the pope then at
Avignon for his confirmation, and landed at Dover on his return, .\i Cal Oct
1310.
Proyins is a village (once a very important place) eighteen leagues south of
Paris, in Brie. The nunnery here meant was very probably that of Mon Notre
Dame des Provins, which was broken up as a female establishment soon after
this period, and turned into a priory for monks. See Beaunier (Recueil des
Archevoqucs, Eveques, Abbes, et Prioreux, &'c. en France, 4to. Par. 1726), who
assigns a very confused reason, but it probably was the abominable state of the
Society. See also Gallia Christiana, under the church of Sens.
Page 647, line 11. " The black dog of ^rr/e«."]— This is from Walsing-
bam. Arden \yas a district of Warwickshire, in which the earl had extensive
estates; and being fond of the chase, he acquired this nickname with Gaveston,
"niger canis de Arderina [Ardenna], eo quod fuscus cssct."—jralsiii(/ham.
Page 650, last line.]— In the treasury of Durham Cathedral is preserved a
mandate from bishop Beaumont to the prior and convent of Durham, in which
the bull of pope John XXII. is recited, commanding the ]mor and convent to
collect for these cardinals fourpence per mark from all beneficed persons in the
diocese.
Page 651.]— The king's letter to Rigaud is in Rymer ; also the h Iter given
in the next page, which Foxe mis-calls " a prohibition for paying the pope's
1 eter-pcnce." Rigaud was not a cardinal (sec Moreri, v. Cardinal), and he
seems to have had nothing to do with the aftliir iust mentioned.
APl'KNDIX TO VOL. II, <)07
Page GjI, line K! from the bottom.] — The truce is in Rymer dated May 30th,
A.D. 1223 : it was for " thiitecn " years;.
Page 659, line 16 from the bottom.] — Lijranns, ov Nicholas de Lyra, "so
called from the place of his nativit}', f-yre, a .small town in Normandy. He
was of Jewish parents, but, on embracing Christianity, entered among the
Franciscans at Verncuil, in 1291. Having remained there some time he was
sent to Paris, where he applied with the greatest diligence to his studies, and
was admitted to the degree of Doctor. He was author of ' Postils,' or a com-
mentary on the whole Bible, which occupied him seven years in accomplishing.
The Rev. .James Smith, a man of considerable learning, who was educated for
the Romish priesthood at Lisbon, but afterwards became a Protestant clergy-
man, in a valuable work published by him in 1777 on 'The Errors of the
Church of Rome ' says that Lyra ' was one of the most celebrated commen-
tators on the Scripture, of the fourteenth century.' ' It is no inconsiderable
praise that, by the general soundness and justness of his expositions he
attracted the admiration, and contributed probabl}' in some measure to the in-
struction, of Luther and of his great coadjutors in the work of the Reformation.'
Luther said of him in reference to his work, ' Ego Lyranum ideo amo et inter
optimos pono, quod ubique diligenter retinet et persequitur historiam, quan<piam
auctoritate patruin se vinci patitur, et nonnunquam eorum exemplo deflectit a
proprietate sentcniiaj ad ineptas allegorias.' The best edition of Lyra's Com-
mentary is that of Antwerp, 1634, in six vols, folio: it is also found in the
Bihlia Maxima, edited by Father de la Haye in nineteen vols, folio. Lyra
was also the ai\thor of ' Moralia,' or ' Moral Commentaries upon the Scriptures.'
For further account of this author, his works, and the principles that
guided him, vide Conybeare's Bampton Lectures for 1824, pp.210 — 215, and
' Home's Critical Litroduction.' " — Allport's Davenant, vol. i. p. 198.
Page 6(30, line 1.] — This bishop of Hereford was Adam de Orlton, who was
bishop of Hereford 1317—1327, of Winchester 1327—1345. These proceed-
ings were in the 16th year of Edward IL, as appears from the Close Rolls,
refeiTed to in Godwin's " De Prsesulibus," Richardson's note.
Page 660, line 30.] — Foxe erroneously calls this archbishop " Walter Win-
chelsey." (See Godwin.)
Page 660, note (4).] — John XXIL was crowned Sept. 25th, a.d. 1316, and
died Dec 4th, a.d. 1334. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 663, line 31.]— See supra, p. 457, line 2.
Page 666, note (1).] — Matthew of Westminster's and Nicholas Trivet's
Chronicles both come down to the year a.d. 1307.
Page 669, line 6 from the bottom.] — This peace was ratified March 1st,
A.D. 132S.— Rymer.
Page 670, line 12 from the bottom.] — Mortimer was hung at Elraes, now
called Tyburn, Thursday Nov. 26th, a.d. 1330.
Page 670, line 9 from the bottom.] — The queen dowager was confined
twenty-eight years at Castle Rising, but not so straitly (as Mr. James shows)
as some have supposed.
Page G70, line 6 from the bottom.] — All agr-ee in saying that the prince was
born on Friday, June 15th, which suits the year 1330 (Nicolas's Tables) ; but
there is some variation among the historians as to the year. Mr. James says
he can find no state paper dated from Woodstock in 1329 or 1331, but
abundance in the summer months of 1330.
Page 675, line 13 from the bottom.] — Mr. James, in x^ppendixIL to his Life
of the Black Prince, gives from the Archives of the City of London a letter of
the prince containing an account of this battle.
Page 676, line 20. "J mighty navy of ships."'] — The original adds, "in
portu de Swina :" t'Zwyn was then the name of the great Sinus leading to the
port of Sluys. — James.
Page 676, line 6 from the bottom.] — The letter is in Rymer, dated " Teste
custode prgedicto, apud Waltham Sanctae Crucis, June 28th."
Page 677.]— The king's letter and Philip's answer are both ui Rymer.
908 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
I'.iiji' 6S0, § 1 1.] — The original of tliis artii'lc is : " Item ordinatuni est, (nuxl
omnia levata (juaiiacununie siiit ct qiialitcrcuuque sint ante dictas trengas
tempore guerra", sive sint de bonis sj)iiitnalibus vel aliter, remaneljunt levata :
sine hoc quod aliquis teneatur ad restiiutioncm durantibus dictis trengis. '
Foxe renders " levata" bunds, whicli makes nonsense. The translation,of' tliis
article adopted in the text is Mr. Maitland's, who rightly observes that
" levata " is to be understood in the nearly obsolete sense of the Knglish word
lijlcil, i. e. tahen and carried off ; in which he is confirmed by Car])entier's
Su])plcment to Ducange, " Lcvare, abducere, Fr. enlever, lever."
PageGSI, note (1).] — This letter of the archbishop to the king is by Foxe
placed ofler the ensuing letter of the king to the dean and cliaj)ter of St. Paul's.
The dates of the two show that this order should have been reversed, and they
have been transposed accordingly. This transposition has rendered a little
modification of the text necessary.
Page 682, note (1).] — Avesbury states that this letter was written for tiie
king by Adam, bishop of Winchester, a great enemy of Stratford's.
Page (58.5, line 7.] — Foxe reads ^^ a. horse \n asatchell;" Avesbury " eqnus
in pera," on which Hearne has this note: — " Lineolam sub ' eqnus ' duxit
nianus recentior in Cod. Sebrightiano, et ' mus ' e regione reposuit. Quid quod
et * nuis ' habent tam Walsinghanuis quam et Antiqu. Hrilannicie."
Page 086, line 7.] — Higden died a.d. 1363, and so far continues his chronicle.
Page 086, note (1)-] — This last sentence is put in from the archbishop's
own letter, as quoted by Dr. Brady from Ilistoria Sacra. The archbishop's
letter is intituled " Excu?atio Archiepiscopi ad faniosum libellum." Dr. Brady
(vol. ii. p. 21.5) gives a full analysis oftlie letter, and says that it concludes thus :
" Haec ad libellum famosum responsa sufficiant in prsesenti."
Page 686, note (2).] — In the foregoing paragraph, Foxe has been misled by
his authorities to say, that the truce of Tournay was prolonged for " three
years" more : but see the king's proclamations in Rymcr, dated June 18th and
September 27th a.d. 1311, announcing the extension of that truce first to August
2'Jth, and then to June 21th a.d. 1342. This extension of the truce of Tournay
has evidently been confounded with the truce of Malestroit, which is not distinctly
mentioned by Foxe, and lias been of necessity introduced into his text at p. 090.
(See the note on page 690, note (2).)
Page 688, line 14 from the bottom.]— Benedict XII. died April 25lh,
A.D. 1342, and Clement VI. was crowned pope, May 19th.
Page 688, note (2).] — The accoimt given in the paragraph oftlie text above
tallies with the Extracts from the Parliamentary Rolls at pp. 783, 781, relative
to this period (17, 18 Ed. III.). The penalty attached to transgression — " im-
prisonment and losing his life" — is that stated by Walsiiigham, and no doubt
by the " Chronicon Albanense ;" but it is not correct: see the Extracts from
the Parliamentary Rolls 18 Ed. III. at p. 781, line 20. Rapin has been betrayed
into the same mistake.
Page 689.] — Foxe, at the top of this page, correctly informs us that the
ensuing letter was addressed to the pope by " the nobles and commons," and
it was written originally in French. Hence it tallies with the allusion at
page 787, § xii. to some such letter as having been once sent by the nobles and
connnons of England to the pope : it is rather singular, however, that Foxe
heads it — " Letter of the King of England and of the Nobles and Connnons of
the same," &c. That this heading is incorrect sufficiently appears from the
opening of the letter itself: and the allusion at page 787, § xii. would lead
us to look for any such letter from the king in Latin, not in French. And
certainly the king was not wanting in the business : for, besides a letter
dated Clarendon, July 23d, " ad Vicecomites Anglias contra Provisiones
Pa])ales,"grovmded on the petition of the Commons at the parliament convoked
at Westminster, "in Quindena Paschic;" he also addressed one "ad Papam,"
dated Westminster, August 30th — '"de regno per exercitus Provisorum invaso,"
and Jilluding to the complaints of the recent parliament at Westminster on
the subject: also another "ad Pajjain," dated Westminster, Sept. 10th,
referring again to the petition of the Connnons in the last parliament, and
.AIM'F.NDIX TO VOL. II. ()()g
bogging tluit provisions miglit cense. Walsingliam gives the greater part of
tliis last letter, dated Sept. 2(ith. heading it, Kphtola missa Papa' Cleincntl pro
libcrtate ecclesicB AiujUcaiup, plena fntctii, cui pro tunc Pupa aid Curdiiiales
respondere rationabUiter nesciebant.
Page 690. line 5 from the bottom.] — Edward, the Black Prince, was made
Prince of Wales, May I2th, a.d. 1313. See Cart. 17 Edw. III. m. 24, n. 27,
quoted by Mr. James, vol. i. p. 391.
Page 690, note (1).] — The pope's letter to Edward, complaining of the oppo-
sition to his provisions for these two cardinals, is given by Walsingliam, dated
" Villa Nova, diocese of Avignon, quinto Calend. Septemb. pontificatiis anno
secundo," i.e. August 28th, a.d. 1343 : also Edward's reply, dated Westminster,
September 26th, dated September 10th in Rymer. (See the last note but one.)
It appears from these letters, that the two cardinals mentioned in the text were
Ademar Robert, a Frenchman, priest-cardinal of St. Anastasia, and Gerard
Domai', the pope's own nephew, priest-cardinal of St. Sabine : these two were
created together, a.d. 1342. (Moreri, v. Cardinal.) The Parliamentary Rolls
of the same year, 17 Ed. III. (see the top of page 781), speak also of two
cardinals as having been amply provided for, but one of them was cardinal
Talleyrand de Perigord; so that these were a totally fresh pair.
Page 690, note (2).] — This paragraph is added to the text, being necessary to
connect the narrative, and to explain a subsequent allusion to " the truce of
Vannes " in the next page, which would be unintelligible without this para-
graph. The aggressions which led to this expedition of Edward were com-
mitted by the French king on the expiration of the prolonged truce mentioned
at page 680, which terminated June 24th, 1342, but which Foxe and his au-
thority said was to last for three years, evidently confounding it with this truce
of Vannes or Malestroit.
Page 690, note (3).] — The words " to France " are put in from Walsingliam,
vvlio says "de jure suo in regnum Francire." (See Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i.
p. 784.) The emperor Louis made the most abject submissions to Clement VI.
A.D. 1343 ; but the diets of Frankfort and Reus refused to sanction such sub-
missions, and the quarrel soon broke out afresh between the pope and the
emperor. — U Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 690, note (4). " Within the time of this year, pence, halfpence, and
farthinc/s," &c.] — The following passage from Rapin's remarks on the coinage
at the end of the reign of Edward III. will serve to explain what is meant by
this statement : " In the eighteenth year, every pound weight of gold of this
(a given) standard, was to be coined into fifty florences at six shillings a-piece,
which made in all fifteen pounds, or into a proportionable number of half and
quarter florences . . . Fabian calls the floren a penny, the half floren a half-
penny, and the quarter a farthing, of gold. .'\nd these words are often met with
in old histories and accompts, applied to several coins, as reals, angels, etc.
where it is to be understood by denarius, the whole ; by obolus, the half; and
by quadrans, the fourth part, or farthing." See supra, p. 578, line 16 from the
bottom.
Page 691, line 8. "Ad sectam suam siue partis."] — The Act in which
these words occur, was passed at tlie parliament which met at Westminster,
the Monday after the Octaves of Trinity 18 Ed. III. [June 16th, a.d. 1344],
Stat, 3, cap. 2. The French words of the Act are, "a nostre suyte ou a la suite
de partie," " at our suit, or at the suit of the party." — Statutes at Large,
vol. i. p. 242.
I'age 691, note (1).] — The following passage — down to the end of the king's
letters of Defiance, and the two lines immediately succeeding it in next page —
has been brought back from a much later position which Foxe had assigned
it, to the utter confusion of the narrative.
Page 692, line 19 from the bottom.] — Edward had commissioned the Duke
of Lancaster to raise an army to defend his right in Aquitaine, March 24th,
a.d. 1344. (Rymer.) The expedition was delayed till now : between June 4th
and 11th the earl of Northampton sailed with an army for Bretagne, and the earl
of Lancaster soon after, with another for Guiennc and Gascony. — James.
910 Al'l'KNDlX XO VOL. U.
Piige G93, note (2).]- Tlie original Latin of this passage will be found in
Avtsbury (edit. Ilearne, p. 12S), and runs thus: — "Post conflictum vero
habitUMi in C'adanio, quidani niagnus clericus, de ordiiie Pra>dicatonun, dicti
Domini Regis confessor, exislens ibidem, de dicti Domini Regis Anglorum
gestis ii Cadanio ustpie I'ussiacum scripsil in htec verba : IJcnedicere debenuis
Deum cali," &c.
The king's confessor here spoken of was, no doubt, Thomas Hradwardine, a
native of Ilartfield, in Sussex, wlio, alter passing tlirough JNlcrton College,
Oxf(ird, became D.D., and Proctor and Divinitj* Professor at Oxford, and after-
wards attended Kdwaid III. as his confessor during his wars in France. Whilst
so employed he was elected archbishop of Canterbury by tlie monks, but
Ivlward was too fond of him to part with him : being afterwards again elected,
he was consecrated a.u. 1319, but lived only forty days. See the accovmt of
hin> in Parker's " Antiquitates Biitannicre " and Godwin's " De Pra?sulibus."
Page 694, note (!)•] — The Latin of the passage in the text runs thus: —
" Post adventum vero dicti Domini Regis apud Pussiacnm, prajfatus magister
Michael Northburgh, valens clericus, de consiliariis dicti Dcmini Regis
cxistens et continue progrediens cum eodeni, progressnm ipsius Domini Regis
et Anglorum gesta a Pussiaco usque villam de Caleys scripsit in hunc modum :
'' Salutz, voilletz savoir, &c." (Avesbury, p. 136.) Walsingham by " prae-
fatus " does not refer to the writer of the last letter (as Foxe represents), but to
the writer of a previous letter not mentioned by Foxe, detailing the march
from La Hogue to Caen and the battle at Caen : that letter Avesbury thus
introduces (p. 121) : — " Deinde progrediens versus Cadamum, Magister Michael
de Northburgh, valens clericus, de consiliariis dicti Domini Regis Anglorum
existens, et progrediens cum eodem, ipsius Regis adventum ibidem et pro-
gressnm versus Cadanumi scripsit in haec verba ; De progressu Regis /higlia:
de Jlogges usque Cadamum. Fait a remembrez," &c. It is plain, then, that
that letter and this were written in French by Michael de Northburgh, "valens
clericus, "t consUiar'i'is Domini Regis;" but that tiie intermediate Latin letter
was written by a difierent person, who was the king's confessor, conjectured in
the last note to have been Thomas Bradwardine.
Page 695, note(l).] — Foxe reads, " the earl of Northampton and the earl of
Norfolk ;" Avesbury reads, " le Counte de Nortliampton et les Countes de
Northfolk etWarewik;" but it is certain there was no earl of Norfolk at this
time. (Dugdale's Baronage). Mr. Barnes therefore proposes to read with
Mirimouth Suffolk for Norfolk ; and this reading is adopted in the text.
Page 695, note (2).] — The following is Foxe's text above, which evidently
needed correction : — "After the siege and winning of Poissy, the third day of
September, a.d. 1346, the king through the midst of France directed his
passage unto Calais, as by the tenor of this letter you hear, and besieged the
same ; which siege he continued from the third of September aforesaid," &c.
Pages 696, 697.] — The dates of these two letters are corrected from Aves-
bury.
Page 698, line 8 from the bottom. ^^ About the twenty- seventh datj of Julg."]
Foxe reads, " about the seventh day of June." Avesbury says, " Vicesimo
septimo die /««»." But Avesbury presently after says, " dicti meiisls Jti/ii "
and he gives a letter of Edward to the archbishoj) of Canterburj-, relating this
whole affair, in which he says that Philip came the Fridaj' before the Gule of
Augimt, i. e. Julg 27th, in the year 1347 (by Nicolas's Tables). It is clear,
therefore, that Avesbury intended to say " Jn/ii " instead of " Junii."
Page 699, line 14 from the bottom.] — " That the next year after, a.d. 1349,"
is brought up from the end of the paragraph, to render the statement of the
matter more exact. — See Nicolas's Chronology of History, v. Pestilences.
Page 701.] — The first account of the battle of Poictiers was addressed by the
Black Prince to his former preceptor or tutor, Reginald Bryan, bishop of Wor-
cester, in a letter written in French, so remarkable for its piety, modesty, and
politrncss, tiiat if Foxe had known such a letter was (and is still) extant in the
archives of the dean and tha])tcr of Worcester, he would hardly have failed to
transcribe it, and tmbody it in his work. 'I'he follow^ing translation of it is
given in Dr. Nash's History of Worcestershire, vol. i. j). 34 : —
APPENDIX TO vol.. II. 911
" Reverend Father in God, and most dear friend, we thank you heartily,
because we are informed tliat you are so well and so sincerely attached to us,
in offering up your prayers to God for us and for our expedition ; and we are
very certain, that on account of the devout prayers of you and others, God has
been pleased to assist us in all our exigencies, for which we are daily bound to
return Him our thanks, praying, at the same time, that you would on your part
continue to behave towards us as you have done hitherto, for which we hold
ourselves highly obliged to you. And, reverend father, as to our condition, of
which we suppose youdesii-e, of your good will, to hear some account, be pleased
to know that at the writing of this letter we were well in health, ha])py, and
every way in good condition, praised be God! May He at all times cause us
to hear and know the same of you, and that you will be pleased to certify us
by your letters, and by such persons as pass to and fro, as often as you conve-
niently can. As to the news in these parts, be pleased to know, that on the
Eve of the translation of St. Thomas of Canterbury, we began to ride with our
forces towards the parts of France, and principally because we had received
intelligence of the arrival of our most honoured lord and father, the king, there,
in Berry, Orleans, and Tours ; and having also received intelligence that the
king of France, with a great number of forces near the borders, was coming
to give us battle, we approached so near them that an engagement ensued
between us in such sort that the enemy were discomfited, praised be God ;
and the said king and his son and many other persons were taken and killed ;
the names of whom we send you by our most dear knight, Roger de Cottesford,
the bearer of these letters.
" Reverend Father in God, and our very dear friend, may the Holy Spirit
have you daily in his keeping !
" Given under our private seal at Bourdeaux, the lOih day of October.
[This letter was delivered to Reginald de Brienne, bishop of Worcester,
at Alvechurch, December 1356, with a schedule containing the names
of the prisoners and slain in the aforesaid engagement.]
Superscribed,
" To the Rev. Father in God, the Bishop of Worcester."
Page 702, note (1).] — This passage confirms the conjecture thrown out in the
note on p. 642, viz. that it was Edward I. and not Edward II. who presented
his clerk to the treasurership of York during the vacancy of the see, and that
Edward II. only inherited from his father the dispute which grew out of that
appointment. It will appear in the next note to this, that Edward III. inhe-
rited the very same quarrel. Dr. Brady bears his testimony to the existence of
letters in the Records of the very nature here described, and addressed to the
same individuals as those whom Foxe mentions.
Page 702, note (2).] — The king's letter to the pope is printed in Rymer,
dated Westminster, 14th Dec. 4 Ed. III. It is also given by Dr. Brady,
vol. ii. Appendix No. 97, from " Rot. Romse " 4 Ed. III. n. 2. It appears from
the letter itself, that Walter de Bedewynd had been presented by Edward's
grandfather " ratione vacationisarchiepiscopatus," and "perprivationem domini
Johannis de Columna ;" that the pope originally wanted to annul the king's
presentation of Walter, in favour of Cardinal Francis Gayta (Cajetan), who
was his own nephew ; but that the said Walter de Bedewynd had, notwith-
standing, continued in possession of the office ever since till now, when " ex
causa permutationis " he had resigned it to William de la Mare, [iut the
pope assuming that in consequence of the exclusion of Cardinal Gayta by
Edward I. the office had been ever since vacant, he wanted now to disturb tlie
new occupant, De la Mare, and to put in by provision, one Peter, cardinal
of St. Stephen in Ccelio Monte. — Francis Cajetan was created deacon-cardinal
of St. Mary in Cosmedin, a.d. 1295, died a..d. 1317. — Moreri, v. Cardinal.
Page 705, note (3).] — This article is thus put obliqud oratione by Illyricus —
" 7. Quibus scriptis aut sacrarum literarum interpretationibus ad salutem
necessario credendum." On referring to the " Secunda Dictio seu Pars" of
the " Defensor Pacis," cap. 19, the matter is thus stated : — " Nullam scriptu-
ram irrevocabiliter veram credere vel fateri tencmur de necessitate salutis
seternse, nisi eis qute canonicaj appellantur, vel eis qua? ad has ex necessitate
sequuntur, aut scripturarum sacrarum sensum dubium habentium eis interpre-
tationibus seu determinationibus quae per generate fidelium seu catholicorum
yl2 APPKKniX TO VOL. II.
concilium csscnt facf.T, in liis prrescrtini in (juihns error damnationcm a?tcrnuni
induccrct, quales sunt articuii fidei Christiana^." And he procords to sav,
afterwards, " Quod vero ipsaruni interjiretaiionihus, sic f'actis ut dixinuis, eadeni
sit pra?standacrodul:tas [qute sacris scripturis ipsis] ostendcre possunius." His
proof is, tlie promise, " J.o, I am witli you always, even to tlie end of the
world ;" a promise which he considers to be jjeculiarly the property of a general
council. .Marsihus. therefore, cannot be considered quite so clear on the Rule
of Faith as miglit be inferred from Foxe's language in the text. Milner (Cent.
14, chap, i.) speaks rather hesitatingly of his claim to be numbered among the
genuine Reformers, though he, with others nicntiored by Illyricns and Foxe,
very vigorously resisted the papal encroachments on the imperial jurisdiction.
Page 710, note (1).]— The text (ed. 1583, p. 391) makes Antoninus say
" that they were condemned in the Extravagant of Pope John, with one
Johannes de Poliaco." Illyricns says, " Damnatus est (M. Ccsenas) cum
Joanne quodam propria bulla, in Extravagantibns Joan. 22. Antoninus Flo-
ri'uiinus sic in quarta parte Summje de hisce proxiniis duobus et de Petro de
Co- baria scribit : ' In Extravagante Joan. 22 qvre incipit DuJinn ah audientin,
&'c. reprobantur ut hiereses errores Petri de Corbaria, Joannis, et Michelini
ordinis Minorum, qui pertinaciter asserebant,' &c. . . Ilactenus Antoninus."
If the " Joliannes" here mentioned means "Johannes de Poliaco," the state-
ment of Illyricns is more correct than that of .Antoninus, for he was condemned
propria bulla, in a separate bull by himself, " Vas electionis " in the Extrava-
gantes Communes.
We find printed in Martene's Thesaurus Anecdotoru;n (torn. xi. cols. 610
— 842) "Processus Varii Johannis Papae XXII. adver.-^us Ludovicum Ba-
varum Iniperatorem et ejus asseclas, ex .MS. lUustrissimi Episcopi Mon-
tis Pessulani." Among these processes there is one (cols. G52 — fiGO) ex-
cimnnunicating the emperor, dated 10 Cal. April, pontificaiiis anno 8
[March 2,!, a.d. 1324]; another (cols. 727 — ~3G) making void his coronation,
dated 2 Cal. April, pontificatns a. 12 [March 31, a. d. 1328]; another
(cols. 704 — 710), " Licet juxta doctrinam," stating and condemning tlie opinions
of John de Jaudnno and Marsilins Patavinus, dated 10 Cal. Nov. pontif. a. 12
[Oct. 23, A.D. 1327], and another (cols. 73G — 712) excommunicating them-
selves, dated 2 Cal. April, pontif. a. 12 [March 31, a.d. lo'iS]; another (cols.
749 — 7.')2), " Dudum ad vestri apostolatiis auditum," excommunicating three
Minorites, Michael Cesenas, Bonagratia, and William Ockhani, dated 8 Id.
Jun. pontif. a. 12 [June 6, a.d. 1328]; another (cols. 7G;}— 770) containintj
tiie excommunication of Pctrus de Corvario, dated 12 Cal. Maii, pontilic. a. 13
[April 20, a. d. 1329], and along process is added (cols. 80G — 81G), containing
liis recantation, dated 8 Id. Sept. pout. a. 15 [Sep. 6, a. d. 1330].
Page 711, note (3).] — Walsingham says that two were burnt at Avignon
" feria tertia, in Ilebdomade Pentecostes," i.e. Whit-Tuesday, or June 3d,
a.d. 1354. Innocent VI. was crowned pope Dec. 30th, a.d. 1352, and died
Sep. 12th, A.D. 13G2.
Page 712, line 15.] — This dispute happened in the year a.d. 1281, of
which the dominical letter was E, suiting (by Nicolas's Tables) the concur-
rence of St. Nicholas's Day (Dec. G) with a Saturday, and the day of the Con-
ception (Dec. 8) with a "Monday, and St. Thomas's Day (Dec. 21) with a
Sunday. Tlie introduction of Friar Gilies, and the bishop of Amiens, is also
confirmatory of this date. Du Boulay also and Crevier, in their histories
of the University of Paris, and Fle>u-y, in his Eccles. Hist., place this aflTair to
the year a.d. 1281; in which year, also, it appears among the Councils in
L'Art de Vcr. dcs Dates.
Page 712, note (2).]— "Copia prophetire fratris Johannis de Rnpe-Scissa,
Ordinis fratrnni minorum provincia? Aquitania?, cu.>todis Rutliencnsis (liodcz),
ac causidici Aureliaci (Orleans), in Romaiia curia Avenione capti in carcere
domini Papa; dementis VI. Pontificatns sui anno 8, qui Career vocatur
Career ^ Soldan, in mense Novembris, anno ab incarnatione Domini
MCCCXMX " — [Browne's ^IppetitlKr, p. 494.) " Ejusdem Johannis de
Rupe-Scis=a liber' Vade niecum in tribulatione,' " is at p. 19Gof Browne.
Page 712, note (3).] — Godfridus de Fontanis, or de Fontibus, is mentioned
again by Foxe in connexion with the dispute between the clergy and the fr'
at page 752, where In is stated to have been concerned with otiicrs in the cf
lars
com-
APl'KNDIX TO vol,. U. 913
pilation of the treatise " De Periculis Ecclesiae:" the anachronism of connect-
ing his name with that treatise is incidentally shown by the introduction of
his name in this affair of a.d. 1281. (See the note on p. 752.)
Page 712, note (4).] — Simon de Beaulieu en Brie was made cardinal in a. d.
1291, which occasioned his being superseded in the see of Bourges that same
year by Gilles de Colonne. (See the note on p. 714.)
Page 713, note (1).]— Foxe's text (ed. 1.583, p. 392) says, "Neither do I
thinke to be any of us prelates here now, which have not sometime bene taken
out of this university of yours." Godfridus says, "Credo enim quod non sit
hodie pi£elatus inter nos, qui de hac Universitate non sit assumptus ;" which
Crevier and Fleury both understand to imply, that the whole French episcopal
bench of that day had been educated at the University of Paris.
Page 713, note (2).] — The following extract from Gallia Christiana, torn, x.,
relative to this bishop of Amiens, will show his great zeal in the cause of the
clergy against the friars, and illustrate the text. " Komam anno 1281 cum
Simone Carnotensi episcopo nomine cleri Gallicani missus est ad obtinendam a
MartinoIV. canonizationem Ludovici IX. Francorum Regis, ut patet ex bulla
ejusdem pontiticis data x calcnd. Jan. pontificatus an. 1. Dum autem Romas
consisteret Gulielmus, fratres minores impetrarunt a summo Pontifice utpossent
audire confessiones et absolvere, preelatis minime requisitis, propter quod orta
fuit magna contentio inter prrelatos regni Franciifi et fratres prasdictos. Occa-
sione hujus controversite una cum Gul. archiepiscopo Rotomagensi scripsit
Gulielmus die Mercurii post festum App. Petri et Pauli, 1282, ad Archiepp.
Remensem, Senonensem, et Turonensem, ut eos hortaretur ad concilium cele-
brandum adversus fratrum minorum molitiones a.d. 1284 interfuit
Parisiis synodo multarum Galliae provinciarum et acerrime pugnavitpro decreto
Innocentii III. — ' Omnes utriusque sexus,' — adversus nova mendicantium
privilegia. Quod ad confirmandum Baluzius in notis ad " Vit. Pap. Aven.,"
col. 578, laudat codicem Bibliothecse Colbertinfe 3260, aitque ea de causa
Gulielmum a Mathia Flacio Illyrico Testibus Veritatis fuisse annumeratum."
Page 714, note (1).] — Foxe's text says, "It was not long after, that the feast
of St. Thomas the Apostle followed, in whose Vigil all the heads of the Uni-
versity again were warned the third day after to congregate together in the
church of St. Bernard, at the sermon time." Godfridus says, " Cjeterum in
vigilia Beati Thomce iterum prrelati jjrteconizari fecerunt per scholas ut omnes
dominica, tertia scilicet die, bora sermonis, ad S. Bernhard\nn convenirent."
Du Boulay reads "dominica 3 scilicet die." But Fleury says " le lendemain ;"
and Crevier speaks of the meeting as happening on the feast of St. Thomas,
December 21st, which would fall on a Sunday in the year a.d. 1281 (by
Nicolas's Tables) : Godfridus's error has been corrected in the text.
Page 714, last line but one. " Master Friar G«7/fs."]— Gilles de Columna,
a Roman by birth, and a friar of the order of the Eremites of St. Augustine,
has been already mentioned by Foxe, supra p. 508. He was called " Doctor
fundatissimus." " A variis academiis virisque principibus expetitus, in Galliam
concessit, a Philippo Audace ad Philippum filium, cognomento Pulcliruin,
bonis Uteris ac moribus imbuendum evocatus : unde in Academia Parisiensi
philosophiamet theologiam per plures annos summa cum laude docuit." (Cave,
Hist. Litt.) He was made General of his Order in a.d. 1292, and archbishop of
Bourges a.d. 1294. (See more in Cave, Moreri, and Gallia Christiana.) The
introduction of his name here confirms the date assigned in the text to the
dispute at Paris.
Page 726.]— See vol. i. p. 292, note (1).
Page 726, line 25.] — Foxe seems to have rather puzzled himself, calculating
sometimes from the nativity, sometimes from the death of Christ.
Page 747, line 2 from the bottom. " In Froysard, as yet, have I not found
rY."] — The different copies of Froysard very much vary, which may account for
Foxe's not having been able to find this story about John de la Roche-Tailladc.
It is, however, in the Paris edition of 1574, vol. iii. p. 77, chap, xxiv., and we
have it in Lord Beiiier's translation, vol. ii. chap. 42, fol 53 ; and in Johnes's
translation, vol. iii. chap. 47. John de Rupe-Scissa has been mentioned
at pp. 707, 708, 710.
voi,. II. 3 N
<)14- Al'l'lNDlX TU VOL.11.
Page 7 18, line 8. " FroysarJ, who bath Jieard and saw him."'\ — Froysard
first nicnlions tins friar in liis 1st vol. cliap. ccxi. ; and in chap. ccxv. he men-
tions wbo the first of the two iindennrntioned cardinals was, viz. Peter de
Colonihicr, more usually called Bertrand, in honour of his maternal uncle Peter
Bertraiui, bi>hop of Autun, and called 13' rtrand the younger. He was made
bishop of Anas, 1331); canlinal, 1344; bishop of Ostia, 1363.
Froysard does not appear to have heard or even seen the friar. His words,
as iranslatud by Johnes, are thefc: — " It comes to my remembrance, how, in
my young days, during the reign of pojie Innocent at Avignon, there was con-
fined in prison a learned clerk, called triar John de la Koche-Taillade. This
friar, ns I have been told by several jjrivately, for it was never talked of in
public, foretold, while in prison, many (jf the great events which would happen
shortly in the world, more especially those that related to France, and the mis-
fortunes that were to befal the church from the pride and arrogance of those
who governed it. It was said that during his imprisonment he was brought to
tlie pope's palace, when the cardinal of Ostia, commonly called cardinal of
Arras, and the cardinal of Auxerre, disputed with him on those subjects."
Tiie person meant by " the cardinal of Au-xerre" was Talleyrand de Perigord,
made cardinal bishop of Auxerre by John XXII. a.d. 1331 : he died a.d. 1304.
(See Morcri v. Cardinal.) He is referred toby Roche-Taiiladc with much respect
at the conclusion of his prophecy given by Browne in his Appendix to the
Fasciculus. He was one of the two cardinals who endeavoured to mediate
between the English and French armies just before the battle of Poictiers, 135G,
according to Walsingham ; he is mentioned infra, p. 784.
Page 749.] — Richard Fitz-Ralph was made dean of Lichfield, then chan-
cellor of (Jxford, 1:;33 ; and archbishop of Armagh, 8 id. Jnly, 1347 : he
preached in [<ondon, 1356, was three years at Avignon, and died 4G cal. Dec.
1360. — U'arcei Ilibernia Sacra; Cave.
Page 749, note (1).] — In Froysard there is more in application of the fable.
The following closing words out of Jolmes's translation are necessaiy : — " It
was his intention that these slu uid be prudently and properly mannged, and not
with pomp and ])ride as is now done : for which the Lord is wroth, and his
anger will be much increased against you in times to come. Should the nobles
excuse themselves from giving sup^iort to the church, and grow cold in their
devotions, and perhaps retake what they had given, it must speedily be destroyed."
(See the Latin in Illyrirus Flacius.) Johnes, at the end of his translation, gives
many references about this friar. He considers it a witty ajiplication of vEsop's
fable of the crow.
Page 749, note (5).] — Gulielmus Botoncnis. [Scripsit antiquitates Anglicas,
lib. iii. : flomiit 1460 Gesneri Bibliotheca, p. 300, edit. 1583.] See also Vossius
de Hist. Lat. p. 654, edit. Lng. Bat. 1651.
Page 752, line 13.] — The extravagant " Non sine multa cordis amaritudinc,"
&c. is printed in Bzovius's " Eccles. Annalcs post Baronium," ad an. 1257,
dated " Laterani, 3 cal. Ap. pont. nostri a. 31," i. e. March 30lh, a.d. 1257.
Page 752, note (1).] — Foxe is quite correct in representing the four persons
just named as leading opponents of the friars. But he is mistaken in repre-
senting them as the joint authors of the " de periculis ecclesiae." The real
author of that treatise was Gulielmus de S. Amore, assisted by several others
whom Foxe names, supra, p. 521. (See the note in this Appendix on page 520,
note (1), and Usher " de Christ. Eccles. Sue. et Statu." lib. ix. §20.) Foxes
statement here involves anachronism ; for Godfridus de Fontibus figured
against the friars at a later period, a.d. 1281. (See p. 712.) Simon Jornalensis,
or Tornacensis, (see Foxe's Prefaces to vol. i. p. xxi.) is said by Cave to have
flourished a.d. 1216, and Henricus de Gandavo about the same tinre with God-
fridus de Fontibus, a.d. 1280.
Page X6Ci, note (5).] — The period assigned in the text for the absence of
Armachanus from England seems too long, according to the statement made in
the note on p. 749.
Page 767, note (2).] — Mr. Browne, in his Appendix to the " Fasciculus" of
Orthuinus Gratius, gives the foregoing sern on in the original Latin, and
places it to the year 1363. That this is the true date, appears from Nicolas's
Table.*, which show that in a.d. 13G3 Advent Sunday fell on December 3d,
Al'PKNDIX TO vol.. 11. .015
whence "the fourth Siuulay of Advent" would fall on December 21th, the day
before Christmas day ; this sermon was also preached in the second year of
po])e Urban V. [see the conclusion], who was consecrated November 6th,
l.'i62. That the sermon was preaclied on tlie fourth Sunday in Advent, being
the day before Christmas Eve, seems implied at page 768, line 29, and 12 from
tlie bottom.
Page 780, note (1).] — " Hnjus opuscula primus edidit Flacius Illyricus; dein
Bonaventura Vulcanius recensuit; nuper CI. Salmasius ex amplissimi Servini
emendatione in integrum restituit. De setate laboratur. CI. Salmasius in
Piasfatione ad Lectorem : ' Nili archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis qui meminerit,
ex veteribus neminem extare puto. Alias causas rion possum dicere quam
quod nimis recens est. Plures qnidem Nili hujus cognomines nominantur et
uieniorantur : si quis autem ex iilis hunc nostrum esse putat, ut ])aucis dicam
fallitiir; illi omnes sunt vetustiores, istum recentissimum esse mihi constat,
ThonuB enim Aquiiiatis in alii? scriptis suis qua? nondum edita sunt mcminit.
Thomam vero ilium recentissimum esse, nemo est qui ignoret.' Sunt qui putent
eum tempore Concilii Basiliensis, circiter annum Domini 14.38, vixisse pariter
et hunc tractatum scripsisse." — Goldasti De Monarckia, tom. i. preliminary
"Dissertatio de Auctoribus." See also Cave's Hist. Lit. v. " Niltis Cabasilas."
Page 781, note (1). '' Postils."'] — " Vocem banc compositam ex praeposi-
tione Post et pronomine Ilia, ut significaretur post ilia (sc. verba textus)
legendam esse explicationem iilis subjunctam, satis notum est. Media a?tate
vocabulum Postilla de expositione cujusvis textus adliibituin fuit. Imprimis
tamen pericoparum evangelicarum et ei)istolicarum interpretationem, uti adhuc
illud usurpatur, designabat." — Walchii Biblioth. Theol. tom. iv. p. 945, cited in
Dr. Carduell's Preface to Taverner's Postils.
Page 782, note (2).] — Bingen is a town on the Rhine, between Mentz and
Coblentz. Illyricus refers for this story to Gaspar Briischius's " Germ. Moii-
asteriorum Historia." It appears in another work of his, " De omnibus Ger-
manias Episcopatibus Epitome," lib. prinuis, Archiep. Mogunt. comprehendens.
See supra, p. xxii. of Foxe's Prefaces to vol. i. note (10). The council of Mentz,
which condemned these persons, is mentioned in the list of councils, a.d. 1o87.
— L' Art de J^er. des Dates.
Page 782, note (4). " Prince Aivierietis hanged," &c.] — Massaeiis says,
" et ipsius dominam in puteo lapidibus obruerunt." Hoffman, referring to this
story in his Lexicon, v. Armericus, calls him the priefect or mayor of Lavaur,
and states that the lady was Girada, a principal lady of the place.
Page 782, note (5). " Moreover in the Chronicles of Hoveden," &c.] — Foxe,
in his Latin edition, page 59, refers to Hoveden, a.d. 1182.
Page 782, note (6). " One Eckhard, a Dominican friar."'] — It seems doubt-
ful whether he "suffered." Foxe says in his Latin edition, page 59 — "Nee
multuin Wiclevi tempora prascessit Echardus, Dominicaaus, qui Heidelbergse
damnabatur hsereseos, autore Tritemio anno 1330." It appears fiom Trithe-
mius that he flourished a.d. 1330, and that a.d. 1430 (a hundred \ears after)
the faculty of Heidelberg passed sentence against some of his opinions. Illy-
ricus has given a fragment of one of his sermons " De Eucharistia."
Page 783, last paragraph.] — This parliament met on the Quindene of
Easte^i-, 17 Ed. III. [April 18th, a.d. 1343.]— See CoKon's Abridgment
of the Parliamentary Rolls, vol. ii. p. 135.
Page 783, note (1).] — It is worthy of observation that Foxe, in the para-
graph which introduces the extracts from the Parliamentary Rolls, si)eak3 of
a non-appearance of archbish.op Stratford at the king's summons, referring
expressly to that particular occasion (a.d. 1341, 15 Ed. III.) which the king
complains of at p. 684. Foxe there as well as here, complains of the un-
satisfactory nature of Virgil's account; he therefore proposes now to illustrate
the secret causes of tliis his non-appearance by the ensuing Parliamentary
Extracts, but immediately produces Extracts relative to a previous non-appear-
ance of the archbishop at York (a.d. 1332, 6 Ed. III.) not mentioned in the
course of Foxe's narrative, though alluded to infra, vol. iii. p. 381 ; nor does
he produce any Extract from the Parliamentary Rolls referring to his secowrf
non-appearance; he merely alludes to his impeachment in the very last extract,
p. 790.
916 Al'l'KNDlX TO vol.. 11,
Page 784, line .3.] — Taleifrund dc Periyord, bisliop of Auxcrre, was made
j)riost-carcliiial of St. Peter ad Vincula a. d. 1331, and afterwards bishop of
Albano; died a. d. 13(J4. (Moreri, v. Cardinal.) He is the "cardinal of
Auxerre " mentioned at p. 7-18. He is al.'^o mentioned in an instrument in
Rymer, A.n. 1314, as "Cardinal de Pcregortz." The late famous French
diplomatist, cardinal Taleyrand, was of the same family.
Page 7S4, line 19.] — This parliament met the Monday after the octaves of
Trinity, 18 Ed. III. [June 16th, a.d. 1344].— See Cotton, vol.ii. p. 146.
Page 787, § 1 2. " On a former occasio}i."'\ — The reference here is imdoubtedly
to the parliament of 17 Ed. III. [a.d. 1313], at which the following reply was
made by the king to the petition of the Commons: — " Le Iloi est avisez de cet
mischief, et voet, if entrc Ics Grantz et les communes soit ordeignez remede et
amendment, et il s'accordera. Et aussint le Roi voet et assentuz est ; q bones
Lens soient faitcs an Pape sur ceste matiere, aussi bien de p. le Roi et les
Grantz, come de p. la commune." (Cotton, page 144 ; 17 Ed. III. tit. 59).
That such letters were sent, is proved in the note in this Appendix on page 689.
Page 789, line 33. " JVith the clause 'Anteferri.' "] — " To have the preference
ox precedence" of all other "reservations" which might have been granted on
the same benefices. The first presented formerly had the preference : see
Decretales Greg. IX. Lib. 1. Tit. IlL cap 30. " Capitulum." But Boniface
VIII. introduced the clause " Anteferri," see Sixt. Decretal. Lib. 111. Tit. IV.
Cap. 40. " Quodam per literas." Another decretal of the same Pope, Sixt.
Lib. IIL Tit. VII, Cap. 7, so well shows the force and operation of the
" Anteferri " clause, that it is here subjoined : —
" Auctoritate Martini Papae prasdecessoris nostri, quodam ad PrjEbendam
primo in Parmensi Ecclesia vacaturam nulli alii de jure debitam in ejusdem
Ecdcsiae Canonicum recepto, et alio a nobis in eadem Ecclesia similem gratiam
adepto secundo, tertius deinde auctoritate nostra in ipsa Parmensi Ecclesia in
Canonicum et in fratrem recipitur, cum prierogativa gratia;, quod omnibus
praedecessonun nostronmi auctoritate non autem nostr;! receptis in assecutione
PrsebendEe debeat anteferri ; post base autem qua:dam vacavit Prrebenda iu
Ecclesia memorata ; quaeritur, quis eorum altcri pra-feratur : et secundum
quern ordinem Prrebendas assequi debeant tres prasdicti ? Cum igitur extenore
gratia; tertio a nobis concessa' appareat evidenter nos voluisse primo tcrtium,
et secundum tertio anteferri, decernimus, quod primam secundus, secundum
tertius, et tertiam primus debet obtinere Praebendam : alias forma mandati
minime servaretur. Licet enim ex persona sua, secundus primam obtinere
non posset, ex persona tamen tertii, qui primum superat, illam habet. Sicut
contingit in successione illius, qui ab intestato relictis patre (in adoptiva familia
constituto) matre atque fratre decedit. in qua successione pater ex se matrem
excludit : sed quoniam talem patrem agnatus, inaterque vincit agnatum, mater
patri non ex semetipsa, sed agnati persona;, in successione hujusmodi
antefertur."
Page 789, note (■"))•] — The "gold crowns of the sun," mentioned in this
paragraph, "ecus d'or sol," were worth about six shillings. — See Kelham's
Dictionary, and Ducange, vv. Moneta, Sctitiun, Solaris.
Page 790, note (3).] — Foxe says that WiclifF and his colleagues went "over
into the parts of Ital}';" but Bruges, where tliey met the papal legates, was in
rianders, which is here substituted for " Italy." The reader may be surprised
to find a dignitary of the Spanish Church among the l''nglish envoys. But the
fact is, that John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, Edward's fourth son, married
Constantia, eldest daughter of Peter the Cruel, king of Castile; and, on the
exjjulsion and assassination of Peter by his bastard brother, Henry, earl of
Tristamare, the duke of Lancaster asserted his claim to the crown of Castile
against Henry, and passed in England by the title of king of Castile. This
may account ibr the appointment of John Guter to the deanery of Segovia, in
Old Castile. The object of the conference at Bruges was to negotiate a peace
between the English and the king of France, who had espoused the cause of
Henry, earl of Tristamare.
Page 791. " Ocleus the Second.''} — Sec the note on this name at p. xxii.
of Foxe's Prefaces. Foxe, however, can scarcely be alluding to the poet, who
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 917
was posterior to WicklifF. Foxe probably had in liis eye a passage of VVal-
singham's History, in which, speaking of WicklifF, he says (sub anno 1381) : —
" Johannes Wyclif, reassumens daninatas opiniones Berengarii et Oclefe,
astruere laboravit post consecrationeni in missa k sacerdote factaui renianere
ibidem vevum panem et vinum, ut f'uere per prius." Tanner (in liis Biblio-
tlieca) seems to iiave read this passage of Waisinghani as tliough the comma
were at " Berengarii," and " Oclife " (as well as " Wyclif") the nominative to
"hiboravit;" and hence infers that Thomas Ocleve, tlie poet, "astruere labo-
ravit," &c. ; but adds, Videtur tamen se ab omiii hereticu pravitate purgare in
Jibro ' Consolatio sibi a sene oblata.'" The poet, however, was not born till
1.370, and flourished 1410. Why Foxe calls this witness Ocleus '^ secuiu/us"
is not apparent; perhaps it was on purpose to distinguish him from the poet:
but in that case he should have been called '' primus."
Page 791, line 7. "Bruno of A/i(jcrs."~\ — There is in the " Bibliotheca
Patrum," (de la Eigne, Paris, 1624,) tom. iii. page 319, a treatise thus intituled :
" Epistola Durandi Leodiensis Episcopi, de Corpore et Sanguine Domini,
contra Brunonem Andegavensem Episcopum et Bereiigarium 'I'uronensem."
There was also a charge against Bruno that he was unfriendly to the baptism
of infants: but Usher shows (" De Christ. Ecclesiarum Successione et Statu,"
cap. vii. § 37), that he only denied any benefit to result merely ex opcre
operato.
Page 794, line 19. " Thirty thousand marks."'\ — See the note in this Ap-
pendix on p. 317.
Page 794, note (1).] — The last two sentences of the foregoing paragraph read
thus in the Latin edition, p. 3 : " Hinc Ricardi invictissimi regis facta in
Hierosolyniam expeditio, qui mox eodem captus itinere, ac Cgesari deditus, vix
triginta marcarum millibus redimi poterat. In eadem expeditione Fridericus
Rom. Imperator augustissimae virtutis, in amne submersus interiit, anno 1189.
Quin et Philippus Gallorum rex vix sine luculentis damnis in patriam incolumis
rediit. Tanti erat sanctse urbis crucisque recuperatio" The English
editions all most strangely render "in amne submersus interiit" "was much
endamaged;" and give 1179 instead of 1189, or rather 1190 (see L'Art de
Ver. des Dates; and supra pp. 301 — 309, 315 — 317). The ransom really paid
for Richard was 100,000 marks (see supra p. 317, and the note in this
Appendix on that page).
Page 791, note (2).] — The two foregoing sentences read thus in the Latin
edition, p. 3 : " Quid erat caus«, cur Urbanus se dolore conficeret, quod
Antiochia cum sancta cruce e manibus Cliristianorum amitteretur ? Sic enini
reperimus in annalibus, quod ubi Hierosolyma cum rege Guidone et cruce
Domini in Sultani potestatem redigeretur, Urbamis rei gravitate nimium
ictus, cur£E magnitudine occubuit. Cui successit Lambertus, qui Gregorius
octavus dicitur, cujus instinctu receptum est a Cardinalibus, ut abjectis divitiis
et delitiis omnibus prjedicarent crucem Christi, et mendicando omnium primi
acciperent crucem, aliosque prascederent in terram Jerusalem. Sic enim
habent historise verba." Antioch is clearly a mistake for Jerusalem: (see
supra, p. 271,) and Lambertus is a mistake for Albertus. (See HofTman,
Moreri, and L'Art de Ver. des Dates.)
Page 795, note (2). " Then he who doth succeed," frc] — This sentence would
be more intelligible were we to i-ead, "then it followeth — not that he who
doth succeed to Peter's chair, doth of course express Peter's faith ; but — that
whoever doth most nearly express Peter's faith, deserveth, in whatever chair
he sit, to be accounted a successor of Peter, and is such, albeit in such wise,
that he getteth thereby no sort of worldly splendour and glory." The whole
passage is here given from the Latin edition, p. 4 : — " Sin propter divinam
sublimem ac expeditam confessionem, quam Petrus, non solus, sed unus omnium
nomine expresserat — jam, non is qui in cathedram succedit Petri, illico exprimit
fidem Petri; sed quisquis proxime exprimit Petri fidem, quacunque sedet
cathedra, merito Petri successor habendus est, sicque successor est, ut nihil
tamen hinc humani splendoris ac glorire corroget. Functio est non gradus,
ministerium non magisterium, apostolatus. Quemadmodum nee inter ipsos,
opinor, apostolos ulla erat dignitatis aut loci praseminentia : sed una omnes mentc,
eodem spiritu, Domini non suum agebant negotium : sic ut qui minor inter
918
API'KNDIX TO vol,. II.
ipsos forct, ])liiri.s habcretiir a]ni(l Cliristiini testein. Qiiocirca et horuin suc-
cessio laudem quidein a))iul Dcuiii, apud mundum vcto millam dii^nitatom
emercbatur. Quo pacto ciiiin, ut pia?claic apud Eiisebiuui procoiisuli respoiidct
Polycarpiis cum numdanis divitiis aut terreuo fasligio cohEerct illoiuin pro-
fessio, qui pro Cliiisto omnia liabcnt pro derelictis?
Page 79G, line 11 from tlie boltom. " Keiiingham, a Carmelite Friar."] —
He is mentioned repeatedly at the opening of the next volume. His name is
also spelc Kiningham, and Kynyngham.
Page 797, line 21. " Js ijears and time" &c.] Here Fo.xe begins again to
quote from a Latin ehronielc wliieh he calls " Chronicon D. Albyni," lent him by
archbishop Parker (p. 801, note), and whieh seems to supply all the following
narrative to p. SOfJ. Tiiis chronicle has been searched for, but without success.
There is, however, printed in the Archa'ologia, vol. xxii. a transcript of a
chronicle in the liarleian Library of MSS. No. 6217, intituled, "An Historicall
Relation of certain passages about the end of King Edward the Third, and of
his Death;" by Sir George Aniyot, who communicates it to the S. A., which
is sup|)osed to be a translation of the Latin chronicle which Foxe used here
and calls the Chronicle of St. Aiban's. Foxe's pages have been collated with
that chronicle. Several illustrations and corrections of Foxe's text have been
derived from thence, which shall be noticed in their place ; the notes, also, of
the editor have furnished some useful information.
Page 797, note (1).] — The Latin edition (p. 5,) here says—" Post hos tuni
sacerdotes, mox episcopi rem capessebant: postremo cum nee horum potentia
satis valere videbatur adversus prorumpentem veritateni, ad fulinen pontificis
tanquam ad triarios concursum est. Htcc enim extrema esse anchora solet
in istiusmodi procellis, ubi monachorum clamores ac Pharisaica improbitas
parum proficiunt."
Page 797, note (1).] — The benefice from which Wicliff is here said to have
been ejected was the Wardenship of Canterbury Hall, into which he had been
instituted by the founder, archbishop Simon Islip, a.d. 1;3G.5 : he was ejected
by archbishop Simon Langham, a.d. 1.'3G7. Wicliff" appealed to the pope, wlio,
after three years, confirmed his expulsion, a.d. 1370, and charged Simon Sud-
bury (then bishop of London) to execute this order. (See the documents in
Lewis's Life of Wicliff".)
A correspondent of the Gentleman's Magazine, in August 1841, brings for-
ward some plausible arguments to show, that the John Wicliffe who was Warden
of Canterbury was a different peison from John Wicliff"e tiie Reformer. This
paper produced a succession of papers in several subsequent numbers of the
Gejitleman's Magazine, which elicit the curious fact, that there were at least
three or four individuals named "John WicliH'e " contemporaries, and all eccle-
siastics.
Page 799. last paragraph. " Which, iji the slanderous pc7i of Polydore
Virt/il," &c.]— Tiiere is some flaw in the construction here, which the reader
may supply for himself. Tiie passage is here given from Virgil : — " Fuere ea
tempestate viri longe sanctissimi, multo doctissimi atque fortissimi, quorum
suprii mentionem apposite fecimus, idcirco nihil est, quod de eis rursum com-
niemorenuis. Extitere et aliqui insigni infaniia, quorum caput et princeps
Joannes Vuythcliff"us : is, ut fama est, a primo indignatns, quod non potuisset
ad summos sacerdotalis ordinis aspirarehonores, factus inde sacerdotibuscunctis
inimicior, coepit divina scripta perverse interpretari, atque novam instituere
sectain, usque eo, ut in nobiii Oxoniensi gymnasio publice sit in sacerdotes
ut legis eversores debacchatus." — Polyd. Virgil. Ang. Hist. lib. xix. Edouardus
tertius, p. ;399.
Page 800, last line. " Which day ivas Thursday the nineteenth of February."'] —
This date is thus expressed in the contemporary English Chronicle in the Har-
leian, just adverted to: "Thursday, before the feast of St. Peter his chaire,"
which (by Nicolas's Tables) would 'give Feb. 19th, a.d. i;J77. The following
useful observations are made on this date by the editor of the Chronicle:—" The
date here assigned to this remarkable transaction is doubted by Lowth, because
the Pope's Hull, which he supposes to have been the cause of Wiclifle's citation
to St. Paul's, bears as late a date as the 22d of May, 1377. He therefore con-
cludes, that the tunuilt could not have happened many days before the death of
APPENDIX TO VOL II. 919
Edward ilie Third, which occurred on the 21st of June. Lewis, in his Life of
Wicliife (p. 50), supposes the meeting at St. Paul's not to have taken place till
the February of the succeeding year, after the accession of Richard tlie Second ;
in whicli lie is followed by Mr. Baber, in the memoirs prefixed to his edition of
Wiclifi'e's New Testament, p. xvii. This, however, is completely at variance
not only witli the relation in the text, but also with that of Walsingham, the
continuator of Murimuth, and the other contemporary or early authorities.
Mr. Godwin (Life of Chaucer, ii. p. 2.")1) defends liie earlier dale, suggesting
tliat the citation to St. I'aul's was the immediate and persoi'.al act of tl.e English
prelacy, and that it was the citation of VViclitie to Lambetii in the following
year, wiiich was the result of the Pope's interference, the English Bishops
havino- found themselves too weak in the contest, and having, on that account,
invited the interposition of the sovereign Pontiff. This appears to be the true
solution, agreeing with the statement in the text, that it was upon the sugges-
tion of the bishops, that archbishop Sudbury had been unwillingly moved to
issue tlie citation. It is true, indeed, that the mandate (preserved in Wilkins'
Concilia, iii. p. 123,) wiilch the archbishop and the bishop of London, in conse-
quence of the authority vested in them by the pope's bull, issued to the chancellor
of Oxford on the .'jlh of January following, required Wiclifi'e's presence at St.
Paul's on the thirtieth juridical day from that date. But, as we have no
account from the contemporary writers that any second meeting in St. Paul's
actually took p-ace, it may be reasonably concluded that Lambeth was after-
wards substituted, as a less likely scene for the renewal of popular commotion,
though the result proved otherwise. The opinion here expressed may be
strengthened by remarking that not only Foxe, but his able antagonist, Harps-
field, who, though a zealous papist, was furnished with materials for his
Ecclesiastical History by archbishop Parker (in whose mild custody he was a
prisoner), understood the tuuiult at St. Paul's to have preceded and been the
cause of the pope's interference, and that the proceeding at Lambeth was the
consequence of it." — Hid. WicUffinna, p. 683.
Page 801. " Erubuit dux, quod 7ion potuit prcEvalere l/fi(/io."'\ — In the
Harleiau Chronicle we read, " The duke was ashamed that he colde not in this
stryfe prevail;" which is alleged in the Archeeologia (vol. xxii. p. 258) as one
of the proofs that that Chronicle is a translation of the St. Alban's Chronicle,
which Foxe used.
Page 802.] — Of Waltei-, lord Fitzwalter, a particular account will be found in
Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 220. As hereditary Constable of Castle Bay-
nard and Banner-bearer of London, he enjoyed very important rights and
privileges in the city, which are set forth in Stow's Survey of London, Strype's
edition, vol. i. p. 60.
Guy de Bryan was, as Dugdale observes, a person of very great note in his
time. He had been Standard-bearer to the king in Calais, and was afterwards
employed in many important military and civil services. — Z>a?"OHa^e, vol. ii.
p. 151 ; Arch(eoloyia, vol. xxii. p. 260.
Page 802, line 17. " Captaiii."'\ — It is " Ciistos" in the Harleian
Chronicle. See the note on p. 342, note (3).
Page 802, line 21. " John Phi/pot, then burgess for the city."^ — It appears
from the list of cit)' members, given in Maitland's History of London, that
John Philpot was M.P. for the city of London in the years 1377, 1381, 1383.
Li the Harleian Chronicle he is called "a cytezen of special name." He
was exceedingly rich, and was afterwards knigiited by kiijg Richard, for the
share which he took in quelling Wat Tyler's insurrection in 1381. See Editor's
note in the Archseologia for more about him.
Page 802, line 23. " The mayor ivould never suffer," &c.] — The Harleian
Chronicle (p. 259) says, " the mayor and commons."
Page 803, line 6. " //^ his place within himself.^l — Tlie Harleian
Chronicle (p. 260,) says, " in the inn of the marshall."
Page 803, line 21. " With their bills," &c.] — " The armed men wandered
up and down the chambers, thrusting through the beds with their lances.
'I'he privy houses were searched, but all in vain." — Harleian Chronicle, p. 261.
Page 803, line 24.] "John Yper . . . had desired them to dinner."'] — " This
920 APPENDIX TO VOI<. II.
was at Ipios inn, in St. Thoinns Apostle, west of the cliurcli. William of
Ipres, a Fieniinp, wlio came over to tiie aid of king Stephen against, the em-
])ress Maud in 1138, huilt this 'great messuage' (as Stow calls il) near the
Tower Royal, where the king ' was then lodged, as in the heart of the citj", for
his more safety.' (Stows London, by Strype, vol. iii. p. 8.) William was
created earl of Kent liy Stephen, hut in the subsequent reign was forced to
leave England, and died a monk at Laon, according to Dugd. Bar. i. p. G12.
But Stow says he was recalled and restored to his possessions, which remained
to his descendants. John of Ipres, named in the text, was a person ofsuiKcient
imjxirtance to be appointed one of king Edward's executors. See Nichols's
Koyal Wills, ]>. C3." — ylrcliceologia, vol. xxii. p. 261, note.
Page 803, line 34.] — For " Kingston," the Ilarleian Cin-onicle (p. 2(52)
reads " Kenyngton." The princess here mentioned w-as Joan, widow of the
Black Prince.
Page 80 1, line 9. " One of his gentlemen."'] — " A certayn soldier of the
duke'?, called Thomas Wynlon, a Scotchman borne." — Ilarleian Chronicle,
p. 2G3.
Page 804, line 18.] — Foxe reads " Sir .\lbred Lcwer," the Harleian
Chronicle (p. 2()3) " De Ver." Sir Aubrey de Vere was uncle to Hobert earl
of Oxford, afterwards duke of Ireland, the favourite of Hichard the Second.
Sir Lewis Clifford, an ancestor of lord Cliflbrd of Chudleigh, became a leader
among the Lollards, but afterwards recanted to archbishop Arundel. (\\ alsing-
ham, p. 409.) His very remarkable will, in which he enjoins his executors to
bury him, " false and traytor to his Lord God," with extraordinary indignities,
is ])reserved in Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 341. — Arehccologia, vol. xxii.
p. 2G4.
Page 805.] — This story about the martial bishop of Norwich is given in the
Harleian Chronicle, p. 277 j where we find the place correctly named " Lynn,"
of which the Latin is Lenna : Lynn is also tlie reading in the interdict of
archbishop Sudbury, printed in Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 118.
Page 809, note (2).] — Foxe, in the text, professes himself uncertain what the
occasion was of this fresh return of benefices held by aliens in England. It is
certain, however, that the rctuin was required in consequence ot an order of
the ])arliament which met at Gloucester, the Wednesday alter the feast of St.
Luke the Evangelist, 2 Rich. II. [October 19th, a.d. 1378,] that the tempo-
ralities of all the benefices held in England by those cardinals and others, who
took ])art with the antipoj)e Clement VII. against the true pope Urban VI.,
should he seized into the king's hands. The schism in the papacy between
Urban VI. and Clement \'II. divided all Chii.-tendom, each state declaring for
one or other of the two popes, not so much on account of the right of the
parties, as for political reasons. France, who.se interest it was that the pope
should reside at Avignon, joined with Clement ; and, for a contrary reason,
England thought it more advantageous to adhere to the pope of Rome. ( Rapin.)
The enactment of the parliament will be found in Cotton, p. 46, 2 Rich. 11.
titt. 70, 71, 78. Rymer gives many instruments founded on this p,;rliamentaiy
enactment, appiopriating the proceeds of the benefices in question j and tians-
fi'iring the benefices to new parties.
E.\D OF VOL. II.
I ONDON :— II. CI.AV, I'ISINTI.H, RltE AD-S mFIiT-IllI.L.
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1607 The acts and monuments of
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