THE AMERICANS AT HOME.
VOL. I.
Edinburgh : Printed by Thomas and Archibald Constable,
EDMONSTON AND DOUGLAS.
LONDON HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO.
CAMBRIDGE MACMILLAN AND CO.
GLASGOW JAMES MACLEHOSE.
AMERICANS AT HOME
PEN-AND-INK SKETCHES OF AMERICAN MEN
MANNERS AND INSTITUTIONS.
THE
BY
DAVID MACEAE.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
EDINBURGH:
EDMONSTON AND DOUGLAS.
1870.
[All rights reserved.}
TO MY REVERED FATHER
WHO HAS EVER STOOD ON THE SIDE OF
CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY,
AND WHOSE LIFE
ILLUSTRATES THE CHRISTIANITY OF WHICH HE HAS BEEN
LONG A FAITHFUL MINISTER,
THESE VOLUMES ARE AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
PAGE
PRELIMINARY, xi
I.— CANADA, ...... 1
II.— SISTER GAUDRY, . . . . . 8
III.— FIRST IMPRESSIONS, .... 15
IV.— AMERICAN WOMEN, 22
V.— YOUNG: AMERICA, ..... 28
VI.— HELPS, SO-CALLED, 36
VII.— HENRY WARD BEECHER, .... 47-
VIII.— NOTES ABOUT NEW YORK, . , . 66
IX.— THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF, 73
X.-THE QUAKER CITY AND THE CAPITAL, . 87
XL— GRANT, 113
XIL— PURPOSE AND HEART IN THE WAR, . . 123
XIIL— ON TO RICHMOND, ..... 133
XIV.— PAST AND PRESENT, . . 141
XV.— "BEAST" BUTLER, SO-CALLED, . . .156
XVI.— PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES, . . 166
XVII. -A RIDE WITH A CONFEDERATE OFFICER, . 184
vill CONTENTS.
PAGE
XVIII.— STONEWALL JACKSON, . . 194
XIX. -JACKSON'S CHAEACTER ILLUSTRATED, . 202
XX.— "LEXINGTON IN THE VALLEY," . . .215
XXI. -A MISSION HOME AMONGST THE FREEDMEN, 226
XXII.— AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION'S PLAN, 240
XXIII.— NORTH CAROLINA AND SONS, . . .246
XXIV.— CONFEDERATE NAVY AND CAVALRY, . . 256
XXV.— HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA, . . 265
XXVI.— VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT, . 272
XXVII.— " BUMMERS," .... .289
XXVIII.— PERSONAL NOTES FROM THE PALMETTO STATE, 298
XXIX.— PECULIARITIES OF SOUTHERN SOCIETY, . 305
XXX.— THE PLOUGHSHARE, . . .314
ADVEKTISEMENT.
THE following sketches consist of observations made in
America during the years 1867 and 1868 ; and where
these called for supplement, as in describing the progress
made by the freed negroes in the South, the latest
official returns have been consulted. Various sketches,
already published in Scotch, American, and Indian papers,
have, in a revised form, been incorporated with the new
material.
VOL. I.
PEELIMINAET.
THE old popular notion of an American was that of
a man who wore nankeen trousers, carried a bowie-
knife, sat with his feet on a mantelpiece, and squirted
tobacco-juice on the carpet. There may be some people
still possessed with this idea of Cousin Jonathan, just
as there are probably some Cockneys who still imagine
that Scotchmen wear kilts, live on porridge and whisky,
and occupy spare time in scratching themselves on
posts humanely erected for that purpose by His Grace
the Duke of Argyll.
But as a rule we have got past that stage, and the
last decade has probably taught the British public
more about the Americans and their country than the
fifty years preceding. The war has been a great school
master to every class. Public journalists are no longer
found writing about the States as if they were little
bigger than this country, or putting Louisiana on the
wrong side of the Mississippi, or bringing the Blue
Eidge within five miles of Eichmond, or making rivers
run up hill, or sending American troops, " wading
under a heavy fire," across a river which everybody
ought to have known was from twelve to twenty-four
Xll PRELIMINARY.
feet deep. The many admirable books which have
been published of late years, some of them by men
whose names not only secured public attention, but
furnished a guarantee of truthfulness, have helped still
further to spread enlightened views. But even yet we
are only coming to know the Americans ; perhaps they
are only coming to know themselves. The changes that
are taking place amongst them in their habits, laws, and
circumstances are so constant and rapid, that Eussell,
and Dixon, and Dilke, and Trollope, and Mackay, and
Sala, and Zincke, and all our other writers on America,
might go back year by year, and find as much to write
about as ever. America is full of interesting men and
interesting experiments. She may be said, indeed, to
be an experiment herself — the trial of a Government in
which all power and authority shall emanate from the
people, and kings and aristocracies shall be dispensed
with. This system, working itself out through all the
relations of life, has involved innumerable changes —
political, social, and religious — and has converted Ame
rica into a vast laboratory, in which experiments are
being made that are of interest not only to herself, but
to the world. She has made the great experiment of
trusting the religious education of the whole people —
thirty or forty millions in number — to voluntary liber
ality. In Upper Canada, and over the whole North,
she has made the experiment of providing free and
undenominational schools for the whole body of the
people. In New England she is trying the effect of
PRELIMINARY. Xlll
law in grappling with drunkenness, by prohibiting the
sale of liquor ; in Canada she has tried the effect of a
Permissive enactment. She is making the experiment
on a vast scale, of giving equal political rights to people
of every race, and training her magistrates to what
Wendell Phillips calls political colour-blindness, or in
ability to distinguish a black skin from a white one. In
Wyoming she has made the experiment of giving the
suffrage to women : and at Oberlin of educating male
and female students together. She is also trying the
effect of changes in the relations of the sexes. In the
Mormon settlement she allows woman to see how she
can get on with the fraction of a husband ; in the
Shaker settlements with no husband at all ; and in the
Free Love settlement with as many husbands as she
likes.
On all these points we are getting information, and
we want more. For while America has in many re
spects made herself a pattern for the world, she has
committed many blunders, and some of her experi
ments have been attended with very disastrous con
sequences. Take, for instance, that of submitting
judgeships to the popular vote — an experiment made
by Mississippi, and repeated in an evil hour by Iowa,
and other States. In this country, judges are appointed
for life, and their position and character are such as to
make them proof against either bribery or intimidation.
In the States, they are elected by the people for a
XIV PRELIMINARY.
few years at a time, at the close of which period they
have to canvass the voters again for re-election. In
addition to this, they are poorly paid. Political parties
and cliques " run " their own men for these situations ;
and a judge who wants to keep his place has to re
member which party it was that put him in, and can
turn him out again. At first, judges held office for
life even where elective, as in North Carolina, In
Iowa, and other of the newer States, they used to be
appointed by the Legislature for seven years ; now
they are elected every three years directly by the
people. The district judges are elected by their re
spective districts or aggregations of counties ; the
judges of the Supreme Court corresponding with our
judges of Queen's Bench, are elected by the whole
State. If a judge decides in any case against the
wishes of the people, it is at the imminent risk of
losing his place at the next election. An Oberlin
professor gave me an instance connected with his own
experience. He and some of his fellow-professors were
imprisoned in 1858 for aiding in the escape of some
fugitive slaves. They applied for a writ of Habeas
Corpus on the ground that the Fugitive Slave Law was
unconstitutional. The State was Eepublican, and
therefore opposed to that law; so was the Chief Justice;
but, inasmuch as the Fugitive Slave Law was the law,
he refused the writ, although he knew that his decision
would cost him his place, — which it did. Such ex
amples tempt many of the judges to decide according
PRELIMINARY. XV
to popular feeling rather than the merits of the case,
and prostitute judicial purity to political partisanship.
This is deplored by good men ; but the people having
once got the power, are not disposed to part with it.
A prominent man in Iowa said to me, u This thing is
working mischief; but it would be death to go back."
Another disastrous experiment is that of putting all
the Government appointments in the country into the
President's hands, to be doled out as rewards for poli
tical support. The early Presidents rarely made more
than half-a-dozen or a dozen changes in the staff
of Government officials, and never made even these
avowedly on political grounds. But since the time of
President Jackson, it has been the practice with most
Presidents immediately on coming into office to empty
almost all the Government situations in the country,
down to the ,very post-offices, and refill them with their
own political supporters. As these situations are only
secure till the next Presidential election, men who are
prospering in their own business are not disposed to
give that up for a four-years' appointment. The best
class of Americans are therefore rarely available for
these posts, which are accordingly filled with a lower
class of men — multitudes of whom are office-seekers
by profession, who, aware that they have got their
nose in the public crib for but a brief period, get the
most out of it they can. The venality of many of these
men is only equalled by their incompetence. What
XVI PRELIMINARY.
can be expected of officials new to the position and
knowing that they are likely enough to be out of it in
four years ? Even those who are anxious to be efficient
servants of the Government need time to acquire ex-
pertness in their duties, and they have scarcely suc
ceeded in this before the next Presidential election
comes round, and probably compels them to make way
for new men as ignorant and inexperienced as they
were themselves at first. If the Americans were not a
smart people the carrying on of the Government under
the present system would be impossible.
I mention these instances to show that we do well
to familiarize ourselves with American affairs, not only
to see what may be imitated but what ought to be
guarded against. There is all the more need of this
that America is now exercising a powerful influence
on this country. The two nations are knit together as
parts of one body. What affects the one affects the
other. Disaster to America means disaster to us, though
it may temporarily benefit a few ; progress in America
means progress here, though it may involve changes
hostile to class interests. It was the consciousness of
this that caused Britain to take such interest in the
recent war. North and South were felt to be but
names for two great principles, contending not only in
America but here.
On those battle-fields of Virginia British conservatism
and British liberalism fought by proxy. Mr. Gladstone's
PRELIMINARY. XV11
Reform Bill was carried by Northern bayonets long
before it went to the vote in Parliament. The triumph
of the North meant British reform, John Bright in
the Cabinet, Free Schools, and justice to Ireland.
We cannot therefore but feel interest in American
progress if we are interested in our own. We want
to know about her institutions and how they work ;
we want to know what kind of people they develop,
what their manners are, their modes of thought,
and their ways of working. We want to see them
through many eyes, hear them through many ears,
get photographs of them from many stand-points. In
the following humble contribution to the common
store, I have endeavoured to describe the phases of
American life and activity in which I found myself
most interested, and to sketch certain representative
Americans with wThom I was anxious if possible to
increase the reader's acquaintance.
Before proceeding, let me refer to two points which
have biassed many people in this country against every
thing transatlantic. The first is Brother Jonathan's
boastfulness. There can be no doubt whatever that
this is still a national characteristic. Every State,
every city, every village in America boasts of some
thing. Massachusetts boasts of her brains ; Pennsyl
vania of her oil wells ; Virginia of her illustrious men ;
Alabama of her cotton ; Louisiana of her sugar ; Cali
fornia of her big trees ; Missouri of her iron mountains ;
XVlll PRELIMINARY.
Illinois of her boundless farms ; Kentucky of her
horses ; Canada of her incomparable wheat. Travelling
through the Republic especially, you find that each State
is ahead of every other State, all things being taken into
account, and that in the late war the soldiers of each
State were admitted to have been braver, and bigger,
and to have won more battles, and filled more graves,
than those of any other State. Towns follow suit.
Philadelphia has the longest and straightest streets,
and the largest orphanage in the country ; New Orleans
has the smoothest drive and the biggest river trade ;
Milwaukee has the best bricks ; New York has the
finest park and the largest population ; Boston has the
best schools and the biggest organ ; Chicago has the
biggest saints, the biggest sinners, and the biggest
pig-killing establishments in America. " Yes, sir," as
one enthusiastic Chicago gentleman declared, " the
biggest pig-killing concerns in G od's creation ! "
It matters little to the boasting class of Americans,
as one of their own censors has said, whether a thing
be good or bad, provided it surpass all others. If an
Arkansas man cannot boast of the education of a
Boston man, at any rate he can chew more tobacco,
and spit more and farther and straighter than any
other man. If the Mississippi steamers are not so
magnificent as some on the Hudson Eiver, they sail
faster and blow up oftener, and shoot men higher than
any other steamers in the country. It is always some
thing for Tennessee to say that she has the deepest
PRELIMINARY. XIX
mud, and for Georgia that she has the most poisonous
miasmas, and Missouri that she has the dirtiest river,
and North Carolina that she has the biggest swamp.
The Americans adore immensity. If a New Yorker
could manage to fail fpr a hundred million dollars, he
would be worshipped as a god.
You can always excite an American's enthusiasm in
a practicable scheme, if you are going to make it the
biggest thing in the world. Boston said, "We shall
have the biggest musical festival the world has seen !"
— myriads assembled, 5000 performers took part,
choruses were rung from a hundred sounding anvils,
and bellowed from a hundred guns. New York said,
" We shall have the biggest sanitary fair in the world !"
and $1,000,000 were realized. Chicago said, "We shall
have the biggest picnic in the world !" and a picnic
company assembled to the number of 22,000.
Americans have immensity on the brain. It seemed
to me the abiding consolation, in speaking of the war —
even with the Southern people who had lost every
thing by it — that at any rate it was a big war — " an
eveiiastin' big war, sir !" This craze for extravagance
gives a character even to their wit. The trees so tall,
that it took two men and a boy to see to the top, the
first looking till he was tired, and the next beginning
where the first left off — were American trees. The man
who snored so loud that he had to sleep two doors off
to keep from awakening himself — the squatter who
moved farther West because somebody else, locating
XX PRELIMINARY.
within fifty miles, made him feel crowded — the patent
hair- renovator, so strong that a little of it rubbed on
the door-step brought out a strong crop of bristles, and
saved the expense of a door-mat — the horse that ran so
fast that its shadow couldn't keep up with it — the gun
boats of draught so light that they could float wherever
the ground was a little damp — were all American.
But if the Americans boast, let it be remembered
that they have much to boast of. Also that they have
been tempted to self-laudation not only by the magnitude
of their achievements and the rapidity of their rise from
obscurity to their present height of splendour and power,
but by the provoking ignorance and incredulity in re
gard to things American which they found abroad. It
ought also to be observed, that this boastfulness is gra
dually disappearing from amongst the higher classes of
Americans, who look upon it as vulgar, and are content
to let America advance without trumpets, and to see that
she is growing, without hallooing to all the world to
look.
Finally, we ought to ask ourselves, Is there not in
even this boastfulness a very enviable sign of content ?
If the Irish here were as full of boastful pride in British
institutions as those on the other side are of American
institutions, how gladly should we pardon its vulgarity
for the sake of its existence.
The other preliminary point to which I want to refer,
is American feeling towards this country. Let me re-
PRELIMINARY. XXI
cord my own experience. The very first day I spent
in New York, after passing into the States from
Canada, I called upon a business man with a note of
introduction. After reading the note, his first question
was —
"How did you stand, sir, in reference to our
war ?"
On receiving my reply, he said, with some asperity, —
" England, sir, should sit down in sackcloth and ashes ;
yes, sir, she should wear sackcloth till it had worn to
rags, for her conduct to this country during the re
bellion."
He went on to speak of the British press, more espe
cially of the Times, whose editor he declared, if sus
pended to the first lamp -post, would meet with a better
fate than he deserved. Of the various war-correspon
dents, he said, —
" Eussell was at least fair, but that infamous slanderer,
George Augustus Sala, should be put head-foremost into
that stove [pointing to a red-hot furnace in the centre
of the office] ; so should that poetising fool Mackay ; so
should that other beetle-headed ape called — what was
it again ? — well, thank God, his miserable name no
longer pollutes my memory."
A short gentleman who had come in and taken his
stand in front of the stove, with his cigar in his mouth,
indorsed these sentiments in strong language.
This topic disposed of, the new-comer put the usual
question to me —
PRELIMINARY.
" Well, sir, what do you think of this country ? You
didn't expect to see anything like this, I guess."
His loud tone disposed me to a little banter, and I
replied that the country seemed to be large.
" Large !" he cried. " Yes, sir, I guess it is. Guess
your little bit cake of a country wouldn't cover this
one State here."
He went on to declare that nobody who had once
been in the States could live in Britain again.
" I tried it," he said, " but I couldn't do it. Every
thing so narrow and bigoted. Such dirty, mean, shabby
people as the Scotch I never saw. I never was so happy
in my life as when I got away from that country."
The speaker turned out to be himself a Scotchman,
not an American. His friend, who wanted Sala and
Mackay put into the stove, was also Scotch. And I
report their words, because it gives me the opportunity
of recording the fact, that though I heard a great deal
of talk like this, / never on any occasion heard it from
a real American. I have often heard native Americans
boast of their great country ; I have heard them deplore
the attitude of Great Britain during the war, and ex
press their amazement at British ignorance of American
affairs ; but I never met a true American, either in the
North qr in the South, who did not, more or less, love
and reverence the old country. Everywhere, from the
New England farm-house to the Georgia plantation, the
fact that I was a stranger from Scotland seemed suffi
cient to secure me a kindly welcome. This was a
PRELIMINARY. XX111
source of continual delight to me, not only filling
the time of my stay in America with personal enjoy
ment, but showing how much of sympathy there is in
the American heart that can be appealed to in all en
deavours to bind the two nations more closely together.
As far as my observation went, most of the abuse
that is poured out on Britain and British institutions,
and of which so much has been made in this country,
comes from the Irish, and from a few renegade Scotch
and English. The Scotch, as a rule, cherish a romantic
attachment to the Old Country ; but it is remarked in
America, as in England, that when a Scotchman docs
turn against his country, he becomes its bitterest
traducer. The Irish have hitherto had more reason
for their antipathy ; but there is good prospect now, if
the national spirit of Ireland is dealt with in a liberal
way, that a kindlier feeling to Great Britain will spread
amongst the Irish in America, who are already a power
there, and are daily becoming a greater.
But what about the Fourth of July ? Well, that is one
disagreeable fact. But it is unfair to judge of American
feeling by Fourth of July speeches. The patriots who
shriek on that day about " British tyranny," " shaking
thrones," " effete monarchies," " American Eagle striking
his talons into the prostrate Lion," etc. etc., are often
exceedingly good friends of this country, and would
laugh at being supposed to mean hostility. It is a
day sacred to the Spread Eagle — a day on which the
national enthusiasm boils over, and the American's
XXIV PRELIMINARY.
pride in his country bursts into wild and exulting
expression. But many of them are coming to see
that the Spread-eagleism of the Fourth of July is, as
applied to us, meaningless. They are coming to
know that the mass of people in this country are
entirely at one with them in regard to the stand made
by the Revolutionary fathers against the tyranny of
the King ; and that British children are taught from
infancy to name Washington amongst the patriots
whom they are to imitate and revere. When Americans
come to know this better, they will hesitate about
devoting a day every year to the rekindling of national
animosities, that have only to be let alone to die. It
is just the mistake of which we ourselves were guilty
on the anniversary of Waterloo, till we learned better
things. The Americans have had the wisdom and
good taste to indulge in no annual glorification over
the collapse of the Southern Confederacy. The same
wisdom will by-and-by remove from the Fourth of July
its present tendency to excite anti-British feeling, and
will convert it into a day on which the Americans and
we can rejoice together.
I.
CANADA.
MY first experience of America was a rather odd one.
We passed through the Straits of Belle Isle, between
Labrador and Newfoundland, in the night. When I
awoke in the morning, and my cabin- companion told
me that we were now in America, I jumped up, dressed,
and hurried on deck to get my first sight of the New
World. I looked north, south, east, west; but as far
as the eye could reach not a speck of land was to be
seen. And yet we were in America, steaming up the
Gulf of St. Lawrence. All day we held our course up
the Gulf without sighting land on either side. It was
not till next forenoon that we discerned Anticosta lying
like a strip of cloud on the far horizon. Somebody
says that Columbus is not entitled to much credit for
discovering America, as the country is so large that he
could not well have missed it. My own impression
was, as we steamed up that shoreless Gulf of St. Law^
rence, that Columbus might have been pardoned had
he missed America even after getting into it. Nature
doeg things on a large scale in America. The rivers
are lakes drawn out unendingly. The lakes look like
oceans. Hence the American thinks nothing of long
distances. He steams up one of his rivers for as many
days and nights as it took me to cross the Atlantic.
A
4 CANADA.
getting in that don't belong to the aborigines. The
Mohawk language, however, is spoken throughout the
settlement.
In other districts of Lower Canada there is nothing
talked but French. Even in Montreal there are parts
of the city wrhere, if you ask a question in English, you
will find nobody able to understand you. I visited the
Hotel Dieu one day — the institution connected with the
strange stories of Maria Monk — and in one of the rooms
found a friar teaching a school of boys. We asked
him what he taught. He said " French and Latin."
"English?" we asked.
" No, Messieurs."
" Do you mean to say that the boys are taught to
iinderstand Latin, but not English?"
" It is so."
We found, indeed, that he understood no English
himself, and this was a school in the commercial capital
of British America !
The consequence is that everything meant to be
public has to be printed in French as well as English.
The streets and public places are marked " St. Peter —
St. Pierre," " Fish-market — Marche des Poissons," and
so on. Every "NOTICE" has its "Avis" alongside, and
the announcement printed in both languages in parallel
columns. Worse than this, in the Council, and even in
the Parliament at Ottawa, members will reply in French
to speeqh.es made in English, and a discussion will ensue
in both languages. If they carried the principle out,
and permitted Gaelic, German, and Mohawk, it would
be interesting to hear a good debate. Babel (as the
Yankee says) would not be a circumstance to it.
In Upper Canada again (though the Scotch and
CANADA. 5
Presbyterian element predominates, just as the French
and Catholic does in the Lower Province) there are
separate communities of English, Irish, and Germans.
The existence of so many heterogeneous and undigested
masses has prevented as yet any real unity, or the
growth of that feeling that converts many peoples into
one nation.
Still, with all this, there is a great deal of loyalty in
Canada, and amongst the Scotch and English a great
love of home, and pride in the " old country." In this
the Englishman is least demonstrative. Like his
brother in Piccadilly, he assumes, as a matter of course,
that England is the envy of the world ; that this
must be perfectly manifest to every rational being;
and, therefore, that it is a mere waste of words to talk
about it. It is the calmness and absolute immobility
of this assumption that makes the Englishman so un
popular in America. The Scotch are less assuming,
but more demonstrative. 'Every St. Andrew's Day
they must have their flags and processions, they must
have sermons about Scotland from the pulpit, and
they must have heather brought all the way from the
Scottish hills to wear in their button-holes. There is
an old Scotchman at Belleville, who has an odd way of
exhibiting his patriotism. Every St. Andrew's Day he
spreads a Scotch newspaper upon the floor, empties
upon it a box of Scotch earth brought from Bannock-
burn, plants a Scotch chair upon it, and, seating himself
triumphantly thereon, proceeds to drink whisky and
sing Scotch songs. He has never been back to Scotland
since he left it when a boy ; but he boasts that once
every year he plants his feet on Scottish soil and drinks
Scotch whisky. I found, along with this attachment to
C CANADA.
the old country, a great deal of bitter feeling in Canada
against the States. The conduct of the Federal Govern
ment in permitting the Fenians to drill and organize
within sight even of the Canadian shore, and returning
their arms to them after the affair was over, had a good
deal to do with it.
Tliis bitterness of feeling, however, seemed to me
temporary ; and the more decided manner in which the
Washington Government has since dealt with the
Fenians will go far to remove it. Even as it was, it
did not imply any of that antipathy to Republican, in
stitutions which some people would fain believe it did.
Canada is already more a Republic than a Monarchy.
She enjoys connection with the British Crown because
she has the glory of monarchy without its burdens.
But if the Home Government attempted to impose
upon her any of our monarchical institutions, such as
an Established Church, or a hereditary aristocracy, I
suspect the practical republicanism of Canada would
assert itself with sudden and startling emphasis.
I have very little doubt in my owTn mind, from what
I have seen, that, sooner or later, Canada will either
become an independent Republic, or — what is more
likely — link her fortunes with the States. General
Wyndham, Commander-in-Chief of the forces in Canada,
with whom I had a talk on the subject, gave it as his
opinion that the North and South would one day be
come two nations, and the North and Canada one. His
idea, however, was that Canada would not be the con
quered but the conqueror, overcoming not by force of
arms but by the vital force of race acting under climatic
conditions. The people of the North would probably
laugh at this last idea ; but they have no doubt whatever
CANADA. 7
about the ultimate union of Canada and the States, and
little doubt that it will be accomplished without any
appeal to arms. I heard Emerson — who may be called
one of the recognised prophets of the Eepublic — say, in
a lecture he delivered at Koxbury, near Boston — " You
shall not make a coup d'etat and then pay ; but, like
Penn, pay first. Let us wait a thousand years for
Mexico and Canada before we seize them by force."
Emerson is wise. The fact is that any attempt to
coerce Canada into union would defeat its own end.
Canada would spring to arms in a moment to resist it ;
and French, Germans, English, and Scotch would sink
their differences in their common determination to re
main free. The Fenian excitement of 1866 is proof.
Instead of exciting a cry for annexation, it hurried up
a crop of steel.
'8 SISTER GAUDRY.
II-
SISTER GAUDRY.
IN the Lower Province, Roman Catholicism, though
controlled and modified to some extent by the presence
of an active Protestant minority, remains the dominant
religion. The Protestants number scarcely one in six
over the province ; even in the city of Montreal, which
is the nucleus of the Reformed religion, they number
but one in three. Education is therefore in the hands
of the priesthood ; and the bulk of the educational tax
goes to the support of Catholic schools. The intellec
tual training in these schools, as far as I had the oppor
tunity of judging, is much inferior to that of Upper
Canada, to which I shall have occasion to refer in
speaking of the Free School system in the States.
There are exceptions to this rule, especially in Mon
treal, where the Convent schools are so superior to most
of the young ladies' seminaries that they attract a large
number of scholars even from Protestant families.
I was much interested, when in Montreal, to hear of
a school in town where a number of orphans were
taught by the nuns, and where the poor could leave
their children as they went to work in the morning,
and call for them again in the afternoon. Through the
kindness of an eminent surgeon in Montreal, himself a
Catholic, I got a note to the preceptress — the "Bev.
SISTER GAUDRY. 9
Sceur Gaudry" — to whose devotion, he said, the success
of the institution was due.
On ascertaining the time when visitors were received,
I made my way to the place. I had not been many
minutes in the waiting-room, when the nun of whom I
had heard so much made her appearance. Sister Gaudry
is a little spare woman, quiet and yet earnest in her
manner, and with a face so full of gentleness and love
that her influence over the children became intelligible
in a moment. She received me very cordially, said
the children were just going to begin their afternoon
exercises, and led me into a large hall, which she called
the Eecreation Eoom, where about a hundred little boys
(all French) were ranged on one side, and about the
same number of little girls on the other. At the tinkle
of a signal bell they all rose together and saluted us
very prettily. At another signal they faced round, and
began marching with military precision across the hall,
and into the school-room opposite, where they arranged
themselves on the seats that rose like long steps to the
wall behind. A low rail running up the middle sepa
rated the girls from .the boys.
Two little beds stood side by side upon the floor in
front.
I asked Sister Gaudry what these were for.
" These," she said, " are for any of the children that
may fall asleep during the exercises."
Happy children ! their lines had fallen in pleasant
places.
At a signal from Sister Gaudry, made with a little
pair of wooden clappers, the children knelt down, and
folding their little hands reverently, repeated a prayer
in French. The lessons now began.
10 SISTER GAUD11Y.
Sister Gaudry took a pointer, and turned to the wall
behind, on which hung a large illustrated chart of the
alphabet. Beside the letter "A," for example, there
was the picture of a cat ; and when this letter was
pointed to, the whole two hundred voices sang together
a couplet in French, to this effect —
" This is the vowel ' a,'
Which we sound in chat.' "
The whole alphabet was sung through in this way-
singing being found very useful in sustaining the
attention and helping the memory. After a lesson in
arithmetic, Sister Gaudry took her place behind a stand
with its face sloping towards the children, and crossed
with bars to keep anything placed on it from slipping
off. On this she began to arrange letters printed on
cards — the children, in concert, naming the letters as
they were exhibited, and the words into which they
were arranged. One of the little girls was then called
by name. The child, came down the steps like a little
lady, bowed first to one side then to the other with
exquisite politeness, and looked up at Sister Gaudry.
The nun laid a card upon the desk.
"What is that?"
" V," said the child.
"And that?"
"I."
So she went on till the word " Yivent " was formed,
and finally a sentence referring to some ladies who
were present, and to myself.
" Eead that now," said the nun.
The child read in a clear voice, " Vivent ce monsieur
et ces dames."
A still more interesting exercise followed. Sister
SISTER GAUDRY. 1 1
Gaudry exhibited a picture on the stand, and said, —
"What is this?"
The two hundred little voices answered, "That is
David killing Goliath."
" Tell the story," said the nun.
Thereupon the whole school, with faces becoming
more and more excited as they went on, rehearsed the
story in concert, with appropriate gesticulation. When
they came to describe how David, having put a pebble
in his sling swung it round, the two hundred little
arms gave a whirl in the air. When they told how the
stone smote the giant, the two hundred hands slapped
the two hundred little foreheads ; and when finally they
described how David, running up to the prostrate giant,
cut off his head, the forest of little arms that were
waving in the air came down all together with a cut.
The eagerness and excitement with which this per
formance was gone through it would be difficult to
describe.
Next came lessons in grammar and geometry. There
was one exceedingly small boy, looking all the smaller
from being dressed in knickerbockers, who came hop
ping down from a back bench on being called, made his
little bow with French politeness, folded his arms like
a minute Napoleon, and looked up at Sister Gaudry as
if ready for anything that might be asked of him, from
the letter A to the differential calculus. He was asked
to point out the pyramid, the cone, and the square, and
to name the parallelogram and the equilateral triangle,
which he did promptly, his little French tongue getting
round the " lang-nebbit" words with wonderful glibness.
He then made his little bow to the company, and
clambered back to his seat.
12 SISTER GAUDRY.
Gymnastic exercises followed, one of these (familiar
to those who have used Miss Carpenter's book) consist
ing in amusing imitations of various trades. First, the
boys sang a verse about carpenter work, sawing ima
ginary pieces of wood as they sang. Then the girls
took up the song and sang about dressmaking, all of
them sewing nimbly with imaginary needles and thread,
keeping time to the music.
The exercises over, the children, at a given signal,
rose, formed promptly in column, and filed out as they
had entered. After a few words of conversation with
the nun, we followed the children to the Recreation
Room, where long low tables about the height of ordi
nary school forms had been spread for dinner, and the
children were buzzing and swarming about finding their
places.
" They bring their own food in little baskets every
day," said Sister Gaudry, " for we are too poor to feed
any but the most destitute. You see the bustle. Shall
I tell you the reason ? We arrange their things differ
ently every day to teach them to look about for them
selves. We try to make every little thing a part of
education."
" Some of them," she said, " are very poor, and bring
no food with them, or not enough. But there are
others whose parents are not so poor. These are often
sent with more in their baskets than they need, to
teach them charity."
By this time the children were all seated, but sat with
their little hands in their laps, waiting till the signal
should be given.
" In this way," said Sister Gaudry, " we teach them
not to act like wolves, but to control themselves."
DINNER. 1 3
She made a sign, at which the children all rose and
sang a little French prayer, beginning, " 0 Father, bless
the bread of Thy children!" Then they sat down and
began to eat with French relish.
I asked what the children paid for their education.
" We charge twenty-five cents a month ; but few pay
it. In winter, we have five hundred on our roll, with
less than one hundred paying anything."
" How, then, is the institution supported ? "
" By charity," she said. " We could not get on with
out that. We have not only the expense of the house,
but we give the children a little warm soup at the first
meal. That is at eleven o'clock. Some bring a copper
to pay for this, but not many. But the Lord provides,"
she added meekly.
She then introduced me to the Lady Superior, and
we went together to another part of the building, which
is reserved for the blind. Here one poor child — an
orphan she turned out to be — whose sightless eyeballs
rolled wearily as if in hopeless quest of light, sat reading
to herself, her long light fingers travelling nimbly over
the raised letters of the book before her. Another girl,
with a rich head of curly hair, sat opposite. Hearing
from the Lady Superior that this second girl's father
was Scotch and her mother Irish, I asked her whether
she would rather be called Scotch or Irish ?
She said at once " Irish."
" This gentleman is from Scotland," said the Lady
Superior with a smile, " and would like you to say
Scotch."
The girl laughed and shook her head.
The Superior gave her a slip of paper and told her
to write my name, which she did with the aid of a
14 SISTER GAUDRY.
writing instrument prepared for the blind. This was
passed across to the blind girl on the other side, whom
I had first noticed, and who was asked to read it. She
took the paper, passed her nimble fingers over it— her
sightless eyeballs rolling up the while — and read the
name slowly with a strange foreign accent, for she
knew no English. There was a piteousness in the poor
orphan's look that touched my heart. Sister Gaudry
stood with her arm passed tenderly round her neck as
though she loved her ; and I seemed to hear the voice
that said, " Inasmuch as ye did it to one of the least of
these, ye did it unto me."
FiEST IMPRESSIONS. 15
III.
FIRST IMPRESSIONS.
THE moment I set foot in the United States I felt
that I had got amongst a new people. It is very re
markable that a country still in its infancy should
have already produced so distinct a type of man.
There are great differences between the people of the-
North and the people of the South, between the people
down East and the people out West ; and yet a common
nationality has its mark upon them all. An American
is everywhere recognised. You know him by his
speech ; you know him by a certain ease and grandeur
of manner, which is inspired by the greatness of his
country, and his personal share in its government ;
you even know him by his features — the long sharp
face, the eagle eye, and the pointed chin. " Losh me !"
said the Paisley woman when she saw the Americans
begin to board the ship at New York, "what lang
chafts they folks hae ! "
The same influences are at work upon the foreign
element continually pouring into the States. The
rapidity with which Irish, Scotch, and German faces
become assimilated to the American type is astounding.
Even in New York, with its immense foreign popula
tions, "you would imagine," as a friend said, "that
every face had been at the grindstone before coming out."
One is also impressed everywhere with the rush and
16 FIRST IMPRESSIONS.
feverish haste of life. Entering the States even from
Canada, is like pushing out from a sheltered creek into
the current. Almost instantly you feel the catch of a
swifter life. In some of the great cities, and especially
in New York, the rush and shock of life is terrific.
But the same, in a less degree, is found everywhere,
even in the country. People are earlier astir; stores
are open, and business is going on briskly before our
shopkeepers are out of bed. The streets are busier;
the shops are driving a more vigorous trade ; the trains
and steamers and ferry-boats and horse-cars are more
crowded. The population seems astir, and everybody
working at high-pressure. Even in the schools, it
would seem, from the feverish activity, to be always
examination-day. Business is carried on more swiftly
and more recklessly. In the Corn Exchange at Buffalo
and Chicago, huge transactions that would be gone into
here very warily, are " fixed " in a few minutes. I saw
one dealer in the crowd passing from stand to stand
pricing Indian corn. " Is that the lowest ? " he said to
one broker, tossing a little in his hand. " Yes." " Well,
I guess I '11 take (so many boat-loads) of that," and
turned away. I ascertained that it was an order for
200,000 bushels of grain. Capital is desirable, but not
essential. A Scotch merchant in Chicago declared to
me that if a man were attempting to do business in
Liverpool or Glasgow as it is done every day in America,
he would not be trusted with goods to the door. But
the great game goes on. Men arg up to-day, down to
morrow, and up again the day after — up like Antseus,
stronger and more active than ever. No man loses
caste because he has failed, unless he has allowed him
self to fail for a trifle
CLIMATE. 1 7
The rule of doing smartly what you have to do is
applied even to eating. Meals are treated as necessities
of life, not luxuries. People sit down at the dinner-
table not to talk but eat ; and I have seen business
men in America shoot a dinner down and be off to
work again in the time it would take an Englishman
to sharpen the carving-knife and decide where he had
better begin to cut. In the Opera Restaurant at
Chicago — a place much frequented by merchants — I
had the curiosity to time five or six gentlemen at their
dinners, and found the average number of minutes
taken by each to be three and three-quarters. All of
them had two courses — one of them had three. There
were no seats ; the customers swarmed in front of a
long metal counter like a public-house bar. A man
would come in, walk briskly to the counter, order
brown soup, shoot it down, order chicken and ham,
give it the run of his teeth as it flew in bits into his
mouth, would snap up a blackberry tart, pay his money,
and be off. This was dinner ; most of these gentlemen
only go home for supper, which is the last meal of
the day. I never saw anything in America in the
way of quick eating to outstrip those standing dinners
in the Opera Eestaurant at Chicago ; but all over
America the habit is more or less prevalent.
The climate has something to do with all this. Even
the passing traveller soon becomes conscious of the in
fluence of that intensely clear vivifying atmosphere.
You have not been many days or weeks in the country
before you begin to feel a quickening of all the pulses
of life. You not only find yourself able to work more,
and work faster than you can in this county ; you find
yourself impelled to do it. Sensation is keener and
1 8 FIEST IMPRESSIONS.
more rapid. You live faster — live more within a given
time. You feel that a boy in that country must sooner
be a man ; you have glimmerings of what the prophet
meant when he spoke of a time when a child (American
no doubt) should be a hundred years old.
But the climate is not everything. The vastness of
the country that waits for occupation, and is ready to
reward activity and enterprise with untold wealth, is a
mighty stimulus. One year it is Illinois, with her
boundless alluvial plains, offering a home and compe
tence to all comers. Another year it is California,
with her mines of gold and her even richer soil, yield
ing from twenty to forty bushels of wheat or barley
to the acre, and three or four crops from one sowing.
Another year it is Kansas or Iowa or Minnesota — every
call not only bringing floods of emigrants from the old
world, but drawing tens of thousands from the older
States, leaving all the higher wages and bigger profits
for those that remain at home.
This enterprise and activity is stimulated further by
republican institutions. Not only the boundless re
sources, but the most exalted positions in the country
are as open to the son of the boot- black as to the son
of the bishop, the senator, or the millionaire. The boy
who is learning to cobble shoes to-day may by-and-bye
be Governor of the State. The lad who runs messages
in 1870 may in 1890 be the President, standing at the
head of the Great Eepublic, waited on by titled repre
sentatives of foreign powers, and in correspondence
with all the crowned heads in Europe. Grant was a
furrier ; Johnson was a tailor ; Lincoln was a splitter
of fence rails.
Every boy is spurring himself on with the hope of
MONEY-MAKING. 1 9
being one day President. The impetus these cases give
to individual energy lies in the proof they furnish that
all the avenues to eminence and power are open to the
humblest. The children know it, and they push on.
The parents know it, and the poor are more anxious
to provide their children with a good education..
The extraordinary facilities for making money, which
America has hitherto been able to offer, are probably
greater incentives still to individual ambition.
Whatever be the cause, the fact remains that the
people of the United States are the most active, push
ing, and ambitious people on the face of the earth.
The money-making instinct is next to universal.
Young ladies speculate in stocks ; children are commer
cial before they get out of their petticoats. " 1 11 trade
with you for that," is an expression I often heard
amongst the school-boys ; amongst the girls too some
times. I remember in Canada seeing a little girl show
a toy to her companion, and say, " Will you trade ? "
Innumerable chances of making money are taken ad
vantage of in America that are lost here. Even in
the steam ferry-boats that are continually plying be
tween Brooklyn and New York, little boys run round
with armfuls of illustrated papers, dropping one on
every second or third person's knee, and though the
passage only occupies four minutes, and there are
hundreds of passengers in every boat, the boy is round
like lightning a second time, and has the payments or
the papers gathered up before the boat touches the
opposite landing-stage.
The Southern people twit the Yankees with this
keenness for money-making. They declare that if the
spirit of a Yankee were being ferried across the Styx,
20 FIRST IMPRESSIONS.
lie would have Charon's odd tholepins whittled into
toothpicks and wooden nutmegs, ready to sell as soon
as he got over. An American, if he sets himself to it,
can make profit out of the most unpromising materials.
It is said the Shakers, who have no sentiment on the
subject, make excellent manure of their dead.
This also strikes a traveller in the States, that if one
business does not consume a man's energies, he will
engage in two or three or four, no matter how incon
gruous, if they fetch more greenbacks. I found mini
sters and professors speculating in mines ; lawyers
keeping shop ; and newspaper editors selling toys.
In Tennessee I found one man of prodigious activity
acting as cutler, insurance agent, medical practitioner,
grain merchant, and postmaster all at once.
In like manner, whatever business a man is in, he
seems ready to change it in a day should anything
more lucrative offer. I remember in New York, after
a public meeting one night, driving home with a friend
and his family. The hack was not large enough for us
all, and the son (a young merchant) went up on the
"dicky." He got into conversation with the driver,
found him a sharp fellow, just of the sort he happened
to want at the time ; and before we reached the house
he had arranged with the hackman to dispose of his
hack next day, and take a situation in the store.
At Des Moines (Iowa), the superintendent of one of
the schools showed us through the classes, and seemed to
have his whole soul and all his aims in life centred in
the work. But, just before we left, he told us that he
had contrived a new kind of school-desk, had taken
out a patent for it, had been offered I forget how many
thousand dollars to part with it, but had refused ; and
BUSINESS PLUCK. 2 1
was on the eve of giving up schoolwork, and commenc
ing on a large scale the manufacture of the new patent
desk.
Even the clergy are not always so wedded to their
sacred calling as to resist the allurements of the al
mighty dollar. I met a minister in Missouri who had
discovered some way of manufacturing gas out of manure.
He was taking out a patent for it, and had resigned his
charge to enter at once upon this new field of activity.
It used to be said that Lord John Eussell had the pluck
to do or dare anything : that he would not hesitate, if
called upon, to take command of the Channel Fleet.
There is no end of this kind of pluck in America. Sit
ting in a friend's office in Chicago, a young man called
in quest of a situation. My friend had no place to give
him, but he said, after a moment's reflection, " I don't
think there is any one in the field yet who sells boots
and shoes for a commission. You might try that."
" But I don't know anything about that business."
" Well, learn. You know the difference between shoes
and boots. Start with that. If you are worth any
thing you will soon pick up the rest." The youth went
off at once to see about it : and is probably by this
time a newspaper editor or a captain of one of the lake
steamers.
22 AMERICAN WOMEN,
IV.
AMERICAN WOMEN':
I MUST confess to my shame, that I went to America
not altogether free from the idea that the representative
American lady was a dry, hard, angular, disagreeably
independent strong-minded female. I was very soon
and very delightfully disappointed.
No doubt I did find here and there a few of the
stamp described. I also found more women taking
prominent and public positions. I do not refer to teach
ing in public schools : for nature has given woman
special fitness for this work. But I found many of
them discharging public functions which have in this
country been monopolized (not always to the public
advantage) by the other sex. In New Jersey, I found
a lady, " Doctoress " Fowler, acting as a public physi
cian, and having the reputation of being the most skil
ful, and having the largest and most lucrative practice
in the district. I had a thought of taking tic or tooth
ache, or something, and sending for her to see what she
did if she came ; but I thought again and didn't.
In different parts of the country I heard ladies de
livering public lectures — one of them, Miss Anna Dick
inson, amongst the most popular in the States. In
Massachusetts, I saw a female clergyman (clergyivoman
I should perhaps say), the Eev. Olympia Brown, who
AMERICAN WOMEN. 23
lias a good congregation — preaches, attends funerals,
baptizes, and discharges all the duties of the pastorate.
In the north-west, I saw "another of the same," the
Eev. Miss Chapin, pastor of the Milwaukee Society, with
a stipend of $2000.
At Albany, in the State Normal School, I found a
dark-eyed young lady, not long out of her teens, offici
ating as a professor of mathematics — sitting in her pro
fessorial chair when I first entered, and watching a
whiskered student considerably older than herself de
monstrate a proposition on the black-board, correcting
him whenever he went wrong. In Chicago, I found that
the Legal Neivs was edited by a lady ; and that another
lady was acting on the Board of Examiners for the Chi
cago High School.
But these cases, though more common than here, are
still few and far between — rari nantes in gurgite vasto.
American women, as a rule, are just as gentle, as kind,
as agreeable, as affectionate, and as lovely as our own.
Their loveliness is of a different type — paler and
more ethereal. A beautiful Canadian or American girl
comes nearer the popular idea of an angel than any
being I ever beheld out of dream-land. Pale features
of exquisite symmetry, a delicately pure complexion,
eyes radiant with intelligence, a light, graceful, often
fragile form — this is the vision of loveliness that meets
the eye in almost every American drawing-room. I
never saw during all my life before so many fairy forms,
which it would have surprised me less to see shooting
out wings and floating up into the empyrean.
American girls, however, are too generally pale and
thin, and, what is worse, are generally too pale and thin.
Every second or third face suggests delicacy and
24 AMERICAN WOMEN.
dyspepsia ; and one does not like to think of angels as
dyspeptic. The American girls themselves, I think,
are nervous about their thinness, for they are constantly
having themselves weighed, and every ounce of increase
is hailed with delight, and talked about with the most
dreadful plainness of speech. When I asked one beauti
ful Connecticut girl whom I met in Pennsylvania how
she liked the change. " Oh, immensely !" she said, " I
have gained eighteen pounds in flesh since last April."
It sounds very odd to a stranger. Every girl knows
her own weight to within an ounce or two, and is ready
to mention it at a moment's notice. It seems to be a
subject of universal interest. One of the first things
done with a baby when it is born seems to be to hurry
it into a pair of scales and have its weight duly regis
tered. It continues to be weighed at short intervals
all through its childhood, and on to the time when the
question becomes one of personal interest, and it is old
enough to weigh itself.
But to return to the complexion. This paleness in
the American girls, though often beautiful, is too uni
versal ; an eye from the old country begins to long for
a rosy cheek. Lowell said, when I mentioned the matter
to him, that colour was a thing of climate, and that I
should find plenty of rosy cheeks among the 'moun
tains of Maine, where there is more moisture in the
air. It may be so. But as far as my information
actually went, I never saw any, either on mountain
or valley in any part of New England.
My private impression is, making all allowance for
the influence of dry air, that the peculiar paleness of
the New England girls connects itself with too much
metaphysics, hot bread, and pie. I have strong con-
AMERICAN WOMEN. 25
victions on this subject of pie. Not to speak of mere
paleness, I don't see how the Americans can reconcile
it with their notions of what is due to the laws of
nature, to live to the age they do, considering the amount
of pie they eat, and the rapidity with which they
generally eat it. I rarely sat down to dinner in America,
even in a poor man's house, without finding pie of some
kind — often of several kinds — on the table ; and with
out finding that everybody partook of it down to the
microscopic lady or gentleman whom we should call
the baby. Pie seems indispensable. Take anything
away, but leave pie. Americans can stand the prohi
bition of intoxicating drinks ; but I believe the pro
hibition of pie would precipitate a revolution.
Then metaphysics ! In one family which I visited. in
the Connecticut valley, two of the girls were deep in
the study of algebra and metaphysics, as a voluntary
exercise, and shut themselves up for three hours a day
with Colenso and Sir William Hamilton and Kant.
This was perhaps exceptional, but the New England
brain is very busy. It develops very soon and very
fast, and begins at an exceedingly early age to exercise
itself with the abstruser studies.
Parents and teachers often told me that their difficulty,
with the girls especially, was not to get them urged
on but to get them held back. In one young ladies'
seminary which I visited, they held them back with
the following light studies, in addition to all the ordinary
branches : — Virgil and Horace ; Latin prose composi
tion ; anatomy and hygiene ; moral philosophy ; mental
philosophy ; quadratic equations. To this add pie and
hot bread, and what could you expect but paleness,
even amongst the mountains of Maine ?
26 AMERICAN WOMEN.
Paleness and pie notwithstanding, the American girls
are very delightful. And in one point they fairly sur
pass the majority of English girls — they are all educated
and well informed. It is a painful, but I fear a too
incontrovertible fact, that a large number of our girls
are very ignorant on general subjects ; and to be left
alone with a girl who knows nothing, in a room with
no piano, is apt to become embarrassing.
There is never the same difficulty with American
girls. The admirable educational system of New
England, covering the whole area of society, has given
them education whether they are rich or poor, has
furnished them with a great deal of general informa
tion, and has quickened their desire for more. An
American girl will talk with you about anything, and
feel (or what has the same effect, seem to feel) interest
in it. Their tendency is perhaps to talk too much,
and to talk beyond their knowledge. With the cleverer
(or, as they would say themselves, the " smarter") of
them, it seemed to me sometimes to make no percep
tible difference whether they knew anything of the
subject they talked about or not.1 But they generally
know a little of everything ; and their general intelli
gence and vivacity make them very delightful com
panions.
A little experience dissipated another prejudice.
There was an impression on my mind before going out,
1 Mentioning this feature of Ame- asked him his opinion of the bal-
rican character to a Boston gentle- lot. He replied, ' I have not con-
man, he said,— " It is true. I was sidered that subject yet.' You
struck in England with the silence might travel all over America,"
of the people when they had nothing said my friend, " and never hear a
to say. One time, travelling in the man confess that."
same carriage with a nobleman, I
AMERICAN WOMEN. 27
that the New England ladies spent time over intellec
tual pursuits to the neglect of household duties. I did
not find it so. Comparing class with class they are
quite as good housekeepers as I have seen anywhere.
They had need be, for service at present is in a very
wretched condition in America ; so much so that
middle-class families in the country often dispense with
servants altogether. The young ladies are taught to
make beds as well as demonstrate propositions, and
their mental philosophy, whatever it amounts to, never
interferes with the perfection of the pies. Samuel
Johnson used to say that a man would rather that his
wife should be able to cook a good dinner than read
Greek. But he does not seem to have anticipated a
time when a woman could learn to do both.
28 YOUNG AMERICA.
V.
YOUNG AMERICA.
Now for a word about the children. The children !
— as I write the word how the sunlight seems to burst
around me ! — how many sweet voices start from the
silence of memory and fill the air with melody and
laughter ! — how many bright and beautiful faces, far,
far away gather round me once again ! If I could pic
ture forth, some of those little ones with whom the
happiest of all my happy hours in America were spent
— if I could reproduce the fun, the romping, the games
on the carpet, the hundred little innocent delights we
shared in common — my readers would see that after all
that has been written about American precocity the
children there are children still — in most points just
like our own — the joy and the sunlight of every home.
This I hope will not be forgotten in noticing at pre
sent one or two points of difference.
One thing that astonished me was the food given to
the children. It seems to be the rule in America to let
the children have a share of everything on the table. I
remember sitting beside one little boy of four who had
soup, a slice of fowl with dressing, a sweet potato, a plate
of pudding, and a bunch of grapes. He was a very small
boy, and had to get the slice of fowl cut for him by his
aunt. A^lady in Washington, speaking of her own little
YOUNG AMERICA. 29
boy of two years old, said, " He cannot go to bed with
out his piece of turkey. He must have it." Fancy this
in Scotland ! At Cataract House, Niagara (the hotel
on the American side), a family party sat down at one
of the breakfast tables. One of the party was a beauti
fully dressed child of between two and three years of
age, who was waited upon by a gigantic negro. The
first thing this small gentleman had was a cup of milk
and biscuit. Then he had two eggs beat up in a glass,
and a slice of Johnny cake (a cake made of Indian meal
and eggs). He supped a little of the egg, and then
called for fish. After fish he had beef-steak, and after
the beef-steak bacon and biscuit. What more he might
have needed was left uncertain, by reason of his spilling
the remainder of the beat eggs over his own and his
mother's dress, which caused him to be carried away
from the table in a state of humiliation.
American children are undoubtedly precocious. I
think this peculiarity, though partly owing to the quick
ening effect of climate, is due to some extent to the
American practice of bringing children to the table from
their infancy. A New England lady, who boasted of
eleven children (which is about eleven times more than
the ordinary number in New England1), told me that
every one of them had been brought to the table at seven
months old, and at thirteen months could handle their
forks as neatly as she could ! Brought to the table so
soon, and hearing all that goes on, they begin at a pre-
ternaturally early age to take an interest in general
1 The New Englanders have gene- of acquaintance. " Well," she said,
rally very small families. I asked "about one!" A great deal more
a friend in Boston how many chil- could be said about this, but the
clren there might be on an average present chapter is not the place for
in each family within her own circle it.
30 YOUNG AMERICA.
affairs, and to acquire the ideas and language of grown
people. An old Doctor of Divinity in Canada said that,
calling one day at a friend's house, a little girl was sent
in to amuse him till her mamma was ready. The child
told him amongst other things that she had been writ
ing a parody on Kingsley's song of " The Three Fishers,"
but when drying it at the open fire it dropped from her
hand and was burnt.
" Burnt !" said the gallant Doctor ; " if I had been the
fire I should have stopped till you had got it out again ! "
" 0 no, Doctor/' said the child gravely, " you couldn't
have done that. Nature, you know, is nature, and her
laws are inviolable !"
It nearly knocked the doctor from his chair.
I remember being amused one day at the exquisite
combination of epicureanism and forethought on the part
of a little boy. of nine. " Mother," he said gravely,
" give me only a little of the mince pie, as I shall want
to taste the pudding."
The children's remarks on political subjects tickled
me most, for the reason perhaps, that I have so rarely
heard anything of the sort from children at home. A
small boy of eight will stand up to you and say — " What
do you think, sir, of the present state of the country ? "
I remember being amused beyond expression at one
little boy in Brooklyn, who, during the time of the im
peachment trial, began one evening at supper to upbraid
his father for having supported Andrew Johnson. I
also remember a little girl not much higher than^ my
knee, with whom I was playing a game on the carpet,
asking me with a serious countenance what effect I
thought the acquisition of Eussian America would have
on Great Britain ! I laughed, the question seemed so
WANT OF REVERENCE. 31
odd coming from a child ; but on seeing the little eyes
looking up into my face in mute surprise, I recovered
myself as suddenly as possible, and endeavoured to put
matters right by saying that the thing might possibly
lead to some snowballing between the two nations. But
the little politician in petticoats evidently thought this
was trifling with a momentous subject, and said no more.
Eemarks like these are of course exceptional ; but
you hear them sufficiently often to call your attention
to this phase of American precocity. In most of their
little observations there is more of the childlike. One
fine little fellow in Boston, about three years old, said
one day that he wanted to get up a dinner party.
" Well, whom will you invite ?" said his mother.
" I think," said he, " we ought at least to invite uncle
W— , and Mrs. M— , and God."
" Hush ! not God," said his mother ; " you cannot
invite God."
"Why not?" said the little fellow, in surprise;
"Don't God ever go to dinner parties?"
Alcott might have found a depth of meaning in this
that the little fellow himself was not aware of.
There is one unpleasant feature of American preco
city — it tends much more frequently than here to pert-
ness and utter want of reverence for parents. " Papa,
don't be foolish," I heard one little girl say when her
father was attempting to describe to me how some
comical Frenchman had spoken at a public meeting.
You will sometimes hear a child say "You get away !"
or " Don't trouble me just now," to its parent. The
parents never seemed to me to feel this as we should in
this country.
I remember an indulgent father bringing in a bunch
32 YOUNG AMERICA.
of grapes for his little boy. " Come, you are a good fel
low after all," said the child cheerfully. The parent
seemed to me rather gratified at so kind a recognition
on the part of his son.
I remember another brave little fellow of four years
old, who sat near me at dinner on a tall slim nursery
chair, wiping his mouth after the first course, and say
ing, -
" Give me some of the tart, mamma, and ring the bell
for Emma ; I want some fresh water !"
One can understand from this what a New England
lady meant when she said, " I am learning to be a docile
parent ! " " Parents, obey your children in all things,"
is the new commandment. We may next, as somebody
suggests, see on the signboard of some American store, in
stead of John Smith and Son, " J. Smith and Father."
I remember sitting one day in a friend's house at
dinner. Beside me, at the corner of the table, sat a very
minute young gentleman, who in this country would
have been called an infant, and would most probably
have been fed with a spoon in the nursery. This little
fellow sat on a high-legged nursery-chair, had his own
table-napkin and little knife and fork, took a share of
everything going, and listened to the conversation with
the utmost gravity. When dinner was over, his mother
said,—
" Wipe your mouth, darling."
Precocity looked gravely at her. " Say please."
" Well, darling, please."
Precocity wiped his lips solemnly, as if an important
moral lesson had been given, and requested to be lifted
down from his chair.
There is much less of this in the South, where sub-
WANT OF KEVERENCE. 33
ordination is more recognised, and where the modes of
thought and feeling are more like our own. But this
is the growing idea in the North — independence, reci
procity, the sinking of old and even natural distinctions
in democratic equality. Do to me whatever you expect
me to do to you.
Let it not be supposed, however, that American chil
dren are rude or ill-behaved. On the contrary, they
struck me as more polite, more considerate, more orderly,
as a general rule, than our own ; but they need to be
dealt with in a different way. You must treat them
as persons who have a will of their own, and a right to
exercise it. You must appeal to their reason and good
sense — not merely to your own authority.
" Remember who you are talking to, sir!" said an
indignant parent to a fractious boy ; " I am your father,
sir."
" Who 's to blame for that ?" said young Impertin
ence ; " it ain't me ! "
" Well, Jonas ? " said a Sunday-school teacher as he
took his seat, " how are you to-night ? "
" All right," said Jonas cheerfully. "How 's yourself?"
A little boy, the same who directed his mother to
ring the bell, was making himself very disagreeable on
one occasion when his mother had him with her on a
visit to some friends. She took him to the bedroom,
and told him that if he did not behave himself she
would shut him up in the closet.
" You can't. There ain't a closet here," said the child
triumphantly.
" I '11 put you into that wardrobe, then."
" No, you won't."
" But I will"
c
34 YOUNG AMERICA.
"You try it!"
She took him, forced him in, and turned the lock.
Thereupon Young America began to kick up a tre
mendous noise inside, battering the doors of the ward
robe as if he would have knocked them off their hinges.
His mother, fearful that he would do mischief either to
himself or to the furniture, and remembering that the
house was not hers, took him out and said, in great
distress, —
" Oh, George, I don't know what to do with you ! "
" Don't you ? " said he, looking up into her face.
" No, indeed, I don't."
" Then," said he, " if that's so, I '11 behave ;"— which
he accordingly did, marching into the other room with
her, and conducting himself for the rest of the evening
like a little gentleman. She had capitulated — had
given up the struggle for authority. He was now be
having on his own responsibility.
Let me mention another case for the sake of a gro
tesque feature of its own. A gentleman in Northampton,
with whom I spent a very delightful week, and who
belongs to one of the old Puritan families, told me that
for several years he had tried whipping with his boy,
but found it ineffectual. On one occasion the boy was
caught in an oft-repeated fault. His father took him
to his room, upbraided him for his persistent disobe
dience ; reminded him (which was probably unnecessary)
that he had several times been obliged, in the way of
parental duty, to apply the rod of correction, but that
it seemed to have as yet been in vain. " I am much
disheartened," he said ; " I don't know what to do."
A bright thought occurred to the boy. "Father,"
said he, " suppose you pray''
WANT OF REVERENCE. 35
The father was a good man, and could not refuse.
But having a strong suspicion in his mind that the boy
had suggested this Christian exercise in order to escape
punishment, he prayed for the young reprobate first, and
whipped him afterwards. He told me, however, that
he had never been able to make anything of the boy
till he gave up flogging, and appealed to the boy's sense
of what was right arid proper.
This seemed to be a general experience in the States.
In most of the American schools whipping is discon
tinued, and in many cases strictly prohibited by law ;
and yet I can testify, and have endeavoured elsewhere
to show, that the order maintained in these schools is
very much superior to the order maintained in ours.
The precocity of American children, and the demo
cratic ideas that pervade society, and filter down even
into the minds of the youngest, account probably for
three facts — 1st, that American parents, guardians, and
teachers do not expect the same reverence and unques
tioning obedience that is looked for and inculcated
here ; 2d, that the children there will not be governed
by mere authority and force ; and 3d, that, happily, as
a counterpoise, they become at an exceedingly early age
amenable to reason.
The American idea, with old and young, seems to be
to train themselves to submission, not to persons (who
ever they are) but to principles.
36 HELPS SO-CALLED.
VI.
HELPS SO-CALLED.
DOMESTIC service in America is in a very miserable
condition. In judging so, much, no doubt, depends on
the side from which you look at it. It may seem a
pleasant enough state of things to the servant — the
New York servant for instance — who has her ten or
twenty dollars a month, has the range of the pantry,
and lives like a fighting- cock ; has possibly an " assist
ant; " can take a day or half-day to herself almost when
she likes ; has her own parlour in which to receive and
regale her followers ; needn't brush the boots ; needn't
answer the door ; can be as independent as she pleases ;
and if she quarrels with her mistress, can throw up her
situation, and be sure of another as good, or better,
in a day or two. But this is a very miserable state
of things for the mistress. To have a servant with
whom you live at best in a state of armed neutrality —
who brings her followers to the house, and disturbs its
quiet, and empties the larder, and won't answer the
bell, and refuses to brush the boots, and, when you speak
to her, tosses her head, and tells you to suit yourself
with another : and to know that if she goes you will
probably get another just as bad, or worse — this is not
an agreeable situation to stand in with reference to
your servants. It is one of the great miseries of life
DOMESTIC SERVICE. 37
in America. It has reached such a height, that many
families who would have one, two, or even three ser
vants in this country, keep no servant at all, preferring
to do all the work rather than suffer such constant
irritation and annoyance. Others, again, go and live at
hotels. I doubt if there be a single hotel in the
United States without some boarders of this description.
Many hotels have scores : and it is scarcely to be won
dered at. I remember, soon after my arrival in America,
asking a friend, whom I found boarding in a hotel with,
his wife and children, why he did not have a home of
his own. " I did have a home of my own/' he said,
" till about two years ago ; but I was driven here for
want of proper service. Why, sir, I had to get up and
kindle the fires in the morning ; I had to brush my
own boots ; I had to do fifty things of that sort that
the servants should have done. I bore it for a year ;
but when I came home one day, when several friends
were invited to dine with us, and found my wife and
child left alone, the servants having taken offence at
something and gone off, then I thought it was time to
give it up. We have been here ever since. It is a
wretched thing," he said, "having no home of one's
own ; but at any rate we are free from annoyances that
were even more intolerable."
I met with many similar cases. Even people who
have homes and servants of their own are driven to many
shifts for want of ready and trustworthy service. You
see it even in the arrangement of some houses which,
instead of being left to depend on open fires or stoves,
are heated from a furnace contrived with Yankee inge
nuity to feed and regulate itself. If matters do not
mend, we may next see patent clock- work house-
38 HELPS SO-CALLED.
keepers, to be wound up with a key, like the anthropo-
glossos or Mr. Babbage's walking lady, or set agoing
like the steam man ; and warranted fit for all house
work, from answering the door to cooking a pumpkin
pie.
The state of domestic service explains to some extent
another peculiarity in social life. Instead of dinner
parties, the great majority of American families give tea-
parties, or else entertainments which they call " socials/'
at which there is nothing either to eat or drink, the
feast being a feast of reason, and the flow a flow of soul
exclusively. You arrive, let us suppose, at a friend's
house. He wants you to meet a few of his acquaint
ances, and wants, them to meet you. His daughter
takes the "buggy" (gig, as we should call it), drives
round to a number of their friends, announces a
" social " that evening, and invites as many of them to
come as can. In the evening they begin to flock in
after tea, which is the last meal of the day. There is
no formality. Some make their appearance in dress ;
some in plain clothes : for in America there is perfect
freedom on this point, except in a few fashionable
circles. The Americans, however, all dress so well,
that it makes less difference. Some of the ladies bring
their knitting or fancy-work ; some of the girls bring
their music; and there is no lack of talk. Twenty,
thirty, or forty friends arrive in the course of the even
ing. There are charades, readings, talk, songs, music,
just as the spirit moves ; though most of the time is
generally spent in conversation, in which the Americans
greatly excel. After two or three hours' enjoyment of
this sort, the company disperse. At some of these
"socials" you find men of all classes — senators, mer-
MISTEESS AND SERVANT. 39
chants, lawyers, shopkeepers, army or navy officers,
professional and business men of all kinds, with their
wives — meeting and enjoying themselves together on
terms of perfect equality.
Some of my happiest evenings in America were spent
at these delightful gatherings, which afford to a stranger
admirable facilities for meeting every variety of cha
racter, and gathering every kind of information. But,
pleasant though they are in themselves, they must, to
some extent, be attributed to the unpleasant state of
domestic service, which, in the majority of American
homes, would throw the entire burden of a dinner-party
on the ladies of the house.
One of the first things that opens your eyes to the
state of domestic service is the time you have frequently
to wait at the door before the bell is answered, and the
frequency with which, when it is answered, it is not
by the servant, but by one of the family. In some
houses, indeed, the handle at the door rings two bells,
one in the lobby, and the other in the kitchen ; and it
seemed to me, in such cases, that the servant never
answered until satisfied, by repeated pulls, that none of
the family up-stairs was going to answer for her. I
remember one boarding-house in particular where the
struggle for respective rights was in full progress, and
where it seemed to me that the door was never opened
till the bell had been pulled at least thrice. The first
pull seemed to announce, in a general way, that some
one was at the door ; the second pull announced to the
servant that her mistress had not answered it, and to
the mistress that the servant had not answered it. The
third ring brought matters to a crisis, by announcing
the boarder's determination to get in j and the door was
40 HELPS SO-CALLED.
then answered either by the one or the other. Whoever
opened it did no more, but turned away and left the
boarder to come in and shut it for himself. Such cases,
of course, are extreme, but they are profoundly signi
ficant.
Another thing that opens the traveller's eyes to the
state of domestic service is the difficulty he often
experiences in getting his boots cleaned. In hotels,
where there are men who make it their business, the
difficulty is unknown ; hence one hears little of it from
those who merely travel in America from hotels in one
place to hotels in another. But in private houses it
comes to be a great annoyance. In many, where there
were two or three servants, I have put my boots out
every night and found them untouched in the morning.
One case specially occurs to me. It was in the house
of a wealthy Northern gentleman. My boots had been
very much dirtied walking about the muddy streets all
day. In the morning, when I opened my bedroom
door, there sat my dirty boots, just as I had put them
out. Assuming, with the charity of despair, that the
servant had not observed them, I planted them in the
middle of the passage opposite my door, and went
down in my slippers. On going up-stairs after breakfast
I was relieved to see that my boots had disappeared.
My hopes were speedily blasted by the discovery, on
reaching my room, that the muddy boots had simply
been removed from the passage, and passed within the
door. What was I to do ? The ladies were preparing
to go out with me. I did not like to make my appear
ance in a muddy pair of boots. I looked about, but
there was nothing that I could clean them with. I
opened my valise, and found a newspaper. It was the
SELF-HELP. 4 1
only Scotch paper I had seen for a month ; but there
was no alternative ; I sat down, read all I wanted of the
paper, and converted it forthwith into a shoe-brush.
On another occasion, travelling with an American
clergyman, I found myself, the first morning, landed
in the same difficulty. Stepping into his room, which
opened off mine, to consult him as to what should
be done, I found him sitting beside his open valise —
brush in hand, and blacking-box on floor — polishing
his boots with great vigour. I found that these little
kitchen utensils formed a regular part of a gentleman's
travelling equipment. Even ladies are not exempt from
this sort of work, though the implements they use are
of a daintier description. Another case occurs to me.
In a beautiful New England town, I was present at a
little party of professional men. On entering the
crowded cloak-room, I found a little ante-room, in
which the gentlemen in turn were putting themselves
in order before descending to the drawing-room, and
here, on first making the discovery, I found a professor
of Greek busily engaged communicating a high polish to
his boots, and handling the brush with the skill of a
professional shoe-black. It was very comical ; but if
you can't get any one else to clean your boots, what are
you to do ? America might almost be defined as a land
of glorious liberty, qualified by the necessity of brushing
your own boots.
I have said so much about these little matters,
because, though small in themselves, they represent the
whole state of domestic service.
One may hope that this state of things is preparation
for a better. My own conviction is that this difficulty
between servant and mistress (which begins now to be
42 HELPS SO-CALLED.
felt in our own country) is one part of the universal
conflict between the feudal and the republican ideas.
The republican idea is that of political and social
equality — such equality that no man on account of his
birth or employment is to be held inferior to another
man. The feudal idea is that of caste : superiors and
inferiors by reason of birth or employment, master and
servant, priest and layman; lord and vassal, planter and
slave. This idea has had its day, and is going down ;
while the republican idea steadily gains ground, in the
Church, in politics, in the relations of employers and
employed. Look at Southern slavery; see where the
Pope, see where the English nobles, stand to-day as
compared with where they stood a century ago. The same
idea is splitting up the old relation of master and ser
vant preparatory to forming a new one, in which the
equality of both parties shall be recognised, although
their functions may differ. Servants refuse to brush
your boots, not because they object to the work (for
they brush their own), but because doing it for you as
your servant is considered menial work. When this
idea is got rid of, repugnance to the work will disappear.
Freeborn American boys brush boots at every corner,
and feel it no sacrifice of their republican dignity, for
they are doing it not as your servants, but as business
men in a small way entering into a contract to do a cer
tain amount of work for a certain amount of pay, with
no implication of inferiority.
But though this state of domestic service may be the
operation of an important revolutionary principle, it is
in the meantime excessively inconvenient to the indivi
dual mortal who is not thinking of any principles at all,
but merely wants the door opened or his boots blacked.
SERVANTS AT TABLE. 43
It is one indication of the change I have referred
to that servants in America do not like to be called
servants. They are " ladies," " helps," " companions."
You may find even a black washerwoman advertising
herself as a " coloured lady," " desiring an engagement
as a laundress." The negroes are a long way behind in
the race as yet; but with white servants the change
is not a mere change in words.
There is a difference in their position. In the
Western States I have sometimes seen the servants sit
down to dinner with the family. In one village hotel
I remember the waiters who were off duty sitting
down to supper with us in their shirt- sleeves. They
were as free and polite in their manners, and talked
as well as any in the company ; and but for their shirt
sleeves would not have been distinguishable from the rest.
Even in the older States and in the great centres of
civilisation and refinement, the change of status is
marked, and the servants share in the good things of
the house to an extent seldom dreamt of here. Ame
ricans generally go down into what is called the base
ment to eat ; and as soon as the family has finished, the
servants ring the bell again for themselves, sit down at
the table which the family has just left and take their
share of the same dishes. I have been in houses where
the dining-room was not below, but formed an ante
room to the parlour, separated from it by sliding-doors,
so that after dinner, while we sat in the parlour, we
could hear the servants laughing and talking over their
dinner in the ante-room which we had just left.
Change in status has brought with it (in so far as it
has got time to work) a corresponding change in the
manners and appearance of servants. Some of them
44 HELPS SO-CALLED.
are educated and refined, with manners as graceful and
hands as white as their mistresses. In one house where
I stayed, the servant knew Latin and could play on the
piano remarkably well. In another family I was told
that a girl who had been servant two years before was
now head of an academy. These were American girls,
who had received the education which America provides
for poor as well as rich. But very few American girls
go into service. They prefer going into factories, print
ing and telegraph offices, and stores, where, if they are
clever hands, they earn as many dollars a week as a
common servant would in a month, and where they
can have more independence. One finds a number of
Scotch and German servant girls, who are much prized
and sought after. But most of the " helps," especially
in large cities like New York, are Irish, and Irish of
recent importation, very ignorant, very handless, and
with just enough knowledge of republican liberty and
equality to make them disagreeable. In Newark, when I
was there, I found an association of servant girls banded
together by the resolution, whatever were their qualifi
cations or disqualifications, to take nothing less than
ten dollars a month from any one, and to support each
other till the mistresses gave in. One gentleman told
me he had engaged three Irish " helps " within as many
weeks, not one of whom seemed to know anything
except that she must have ten dollars a month. Their
exactions, indeed, are often in the inverse ratio of their
deserts. A literary man, who heard his wife endea
vouring to arrange with a new servant in the ante-room,
heard the applicant say that she must have a parlour
to herself, and would expect not to be asked to do this
and the other thing, and proceed to cross-examine the
IRISH GIRLS. 45
lady as to the habits of the family. The gentleman bore
it a little while, and then got up and went into the room.
" You are applying to be ' help' here ?" he said.
"Yes."
" Can you paint in oil ?"
"No."
" Can you read Greek, work logarithms, and calculate
eclipses ? "
"No."
" Then," said he, " that 's enough, you won't do for us.
Good morning."
Let it be said, however, for these Irish girls, that,
with all their faults as servants, they have many fine
qualities of heart, head, and hand. With every tempta
tion to spend their money in dress, thousands of them
continue, month after month, and year after year, to
send every dollar they can spare to support the old
people in the home across the sea ; or will keep their
money accumulating till they have enough to bring
their parents and sisters out to a new and more com
fortable home in America. These are not rare cases.
They are found everywhere, and this alone should hide
a multitude of sins.
It is only in their position as servants that there is
so much fault to find with them. Even in that position
they improve. It is astonishing how fast they pick up
information ; how soon they begin to acquire the grace
ful manners of their mistresses, and how their very
figure seems to change, and their hands to become white
and delicate. They learn, too, to dress with great
elegance. I was amused at Brooklyn to hear from a
lady that one day, when her hat had not come from the
milliner, the servant offered her the use of hers,
46 HELPS SO-CALLED.
assuring her that her previous mistress had often
availed herself of her wardrobe. When I saw how
beautifully some of these girls dressed on a Sunday,
the story became credible at once.
But by the time a girl gets this length, if not much
sooner, she marries, and leaves her place to be filled up
by fresh importations of the rough and raw material,
that refuses to answer the door-bell, and keeps master
and mistress in such constant irritation and despair.
The negroes seemed to me to make excellent servants.
They are obedient, apt to learn, anxious to please. But
not to speak of vices which they have brought from
barbarism and slavery, the Northern people have a
strange repugnance to black people, though this has
much diminished since the war. As for the Irish, they
hate the " nigger," with an ineradicable hatred, and a
coloured servant in a house where there is also an
Irish servant, leads the life of a dog. In one house
where I lived for a while, and where there was a black
boy to brush the boots and answer the door, the Irish
servants would not permit him to eat in the same place
with them, but made him take his food outside. It
seems to me, however, that by-and-bye most of the
servants in the North, as in the South, must be coloured
people. Already it is so in most of the hotels, and year
by year the practice becomes more prevalent.
HENEY WARD BEECHER. 47
VII.
HENRY WARD BEECHER.
•
IN New York, I had the pleasure of meeting Mr.
Beecher, and hearing him preach and lecture on several
occasions. He is a man so singular as not easily to be
classed or compared with others. It was, indeed, an
old Boston saying, that mankind was divisible into
three classes, — the good, the bad, and the Beechers !
He is led by his impulsive nature to say and do the
strangest things at times, and yet in most cases one
can feel a noble Christian heart throbbing underneath.
Take a single case : Beecher was walking down the
Bowery one day, when he noticed a poor little withered
boy sitting on the kerb-stone selling matches. He
stopped, spoke to the little fellow, and found that he
was a poor castaway child, likely to perish for want of
proper care. Beecher thought for a moment, and then
asked the boy if he could sing.
Yes ; he sometimes tried.
" Let me hear you," said Beecher.
The boy began to sing ; Beecher stood with folded
arms, listening. A crowd began to collect.
" Very good," said Beecher, when the boy finished ;
" let me hear another."
By the time the second song was finished, a large
crowd had gathered. Beecher bent down, took the
48 HENRY WARD BEECHER.
little boy, slung him upon his shoulder, and faced the
crowd.
" JSTow, my little fellow," he said, " there are listeners
for you ; give them a song."
The child, perched on the great preacher's shoulder,
sang again. As soon as he had finished, Beecher asked
the little fellow for his cap, and went round the crowd,
holding it out for contributions. In a few minutes,
something like two hundred dollars was collected.
Beecher took the boy to a friend's office, got him
clothed and provided for, and the balance of money
banked for his use. I cannot vouch for all the details,
but there undoubtedly you have the man.
In America, Beecher is an independent power.
Wherever he lectures or preaches people crowd to
hear him ; his sermons are printed in the newspapers
as far west as California ; democrats abhor him ; grog-
sellers dread him; Princeton theologians shake their
heads over his theology ; but everywhere, liked or dis
liked, the name of Henry Ward Beecher is known, and
his power recognised.
The Southern people only know him as an uncom
promising antagonist of slavery, and a preacher of the
" isms" which they regard as the damnation of America.
There was a time when his life would not have been
worth a day's purchase south of Mason and Dixon's
line. It is said that a literary lady from the South,
visiting Brooklyn before the war, went to hear Beecher
as she would have gone to see a ghoul. She was sur
prised to hear an earnest gospel sermon. She went,
back and heard another even more unexceptionable
than the first. She went and heard him at meetings
too, till her preconceived opinion of him was entirely
HENRY WARD BEECHER. 49
changed. She sought an introduction, and said, after
some conversation, " Mr. Beecher, the South misun
derstands you, and you misunderstand the South. I
want you to come and see Dixie for yourself, and let
the Southern people hear you."
" Madam/' said Beecher, " my neck is short, and not
handsome ; but it is the only one God has given me,
and I had rather retain it in its natural state than have
it elongated by external appliances."
This was at a time when Southern feeling was exas
perated beyond the point of endurance by Northern
movements against slavery.
Even now, the feelings engendered by that angry
controversy rankle in the Southern breast. It struck
me sometimes that the firm Southern belief in the
existence of hell was moored to the felt necessity for
some place of torment for Wendell Phillips, Lloyd Gar
rison, and the whole family of Beechers. I scarcely
ever met a Southerner who had any hope of the salva
tion of Mrs. Stowe. The feeling is that Uncle Tom's
Cabin of itself was enough to drag the whole of New
England to endless perdition, even supposing that
world of " isms" to have ever had any opposite ten
dency. There appeared in some minds to be a certain
glimmering of hope for Henry Ward. I met with good
Southerners who seemed, since Beecher's address on
behalf of General Lee's College, to cherish a desperate
hope that, after a few thousand years of purgatorial
fire, he might find a way of approach on his knees to
the heaven of redeemed planters. The Southern people
will think more of Beecher when they know him better.
Even Parson Brownlow, visiting Brooklyn in his pro-
slavery days, and attending service at Plymouth Church,
D
50 HENRY WARD BEECHEIl.
wrote back to Ms friends in Tennessee : — " If any of
you ever find your way to heaven, don't be surprised if
you meet Beecher !"
Beecher is, in New York, what Spurgeon is in London,
and what Dr. Guthrie used to be in Edinburgh. Every
one visiting the Empire City is expected to hear him.
His church is in Brooklyn, itself a city of immense
size, lying across the river from New York, as Birken-
head lies from Liverpool. Plymouth Church is away
in one of the side streets, but you have no difficulty in
finding it if you are on your way to Beecher' s. At ten
in the morning or six in the evening, cross at the Ful
ton Ferry and follow the crowd ; or, if you are in
Brooklyn, come down in the Fulton Avenue cars, and
when the one in which you are travelling stops at a
certain crossing and disgorges almost the whole of its
human freight, get out and follow the stream down
Plymouth Street, and it will pilot you to the place.
The first time I heard Beecher in his own church was
at a forenoon service. If the reader will, in imagina
tion, accompany me, I will try to give him a glimpse
of the man and the place. Crowds of people are wait
ing at the doors of the great brick building to get their
chance of a place when the regular congregation is
seated ; but you and I are strangers from a distant land,
we tell our errand to one of the officiating deacons, and
are at once conducted away up the aisle to a good seat,
not many yards from the pulpit. What a vast church we
are in ! Gallery above gallery piled up to the roof. I
wonder if those people in the topmost gallery yonder,
with their heads almost touching the ceiling, will hear
anything ! The seats are painted white, with a brown
beading, which gives the whole place a bright and ele-
A FOKENOON IN PLYMOUTH CHUKCH. 51
gant appearance. The church is crowding fast, and yet
it is still half-an-hour from the time.
I spoke of the pulpit — but I should have said the
desk. Beecher dislikes those " sacred mahogany tubs"
—hates, as he says himself, to be shut off from the
people, and plastered up against the wall like a barn-
swallow in its nest. He quotes the saying of Daniel
Webster, that the survival of Christianity in spite of
high pulpits, is one of the evidences of its divinity.
Beecher likes an open platform, where he can walk to
and fro, and face every man whom he wishes to address.
It is an interesting platform that on which we are
now looking. Some of the most extraordinary sermons
that the Americans of this generation have listened to
have been preached from it. It was standing on that plat
form that Beecher poured forth those philippics against
slavery that ran like wildfire through the North, and
helped to kindle the conflagration of '61. Let me describe
one scene that was enacted here. After the sermon one
day, Beecher said, " Here is a letter I got the other
day from a friend in Washington, saying that a young
woman, a slave, is to be sold this week unless she can
buy herself off, and this will cost twelve hundred dol
lars. The trader has allowed her to make subscriptions,
and has himself headed the list with a hundred dollars.
She has not been able, however, with all her begging
round Washington, to raise more than five hundred more,
and if the other six are not raised she will be sold the
day after to-morrow. When I got this letter about it,"
said Beecher, " I wrote back, saying, ' It is of no use
unless the young woman comes herself/ The tradei
has such confidence in her that he has let her come.
She is here now." Amidst breathless excitement he
52 HENRY WARD BEECHER.
turned to that door leading in from the vestry, and said,
"Come up, Nancy." The young woman appeared, and
took her place timidly beside Beecher on the platform.
" Now," said Beecher, " if we don't raise six hundred
dollars, this woman will be sold the day after to-morrow
to the highest bidder." The deacons were on their feet
in an instant, and the plates went round. The ex
citement was intense. One Southern planter put in
fifty dollars. Ladies who had no money put in their
rings or brooches. The plates were piling up. In the
meantime, two gentlemen (Arthur Tappan, I think, was
one of them) went up and announced, through Beecher,
that whatever the collection was, they would guarantee
the six hundred. There was a burst of applause : the
woman was free ! There was no repressing the enthu
siasm. It was the church ; but people clapped their
hands and cheered as (Beecher said) " in holy joy." The
collection turned out to be sufficient, not only to buy
off the woman but her little boy. This is one of the
stories of Plymouth Church.
Three minutes from the time now ! Beecher will be
in soon. The church seems crammed, and still the
people keep crowding in.
Suddenly a stir in the church, and a turning of all
eyes to the platform. See, there he is ! Beecher him
self, with that old smile of good-humoured defiance
on his face. He has come in as quietly and uncon
cernedly as if he were to be a mere listener. He has
his overcoat on — his rubbers, too (goloshes, as we should
call them here), and his hat in his hand, just as if he
had been called in for a few moments from the street.
No pulpit-gown, no beadle, no ceremony, in this land of
liberty and equality.
A FORENOON IN PLYMOUTH CHURCH. 53
Beecher deposits his hat in the corner, takes off his
rubbers in presence of the whole congregation, seats
himself at ease in the chair, and, taking the hymn-book
from the little table beside him, begins to turn over the
leaves.
At half-past ten, sharp on the minute, the organ
begins. In front of it, seated in the orchestra gallery,
just above Beecher, is the choir — a row of twenty or
thirty young ladies and gentlemen, whose heads alone
are visible behind the low crimson screen. They are
not a paid choir ; they belong to the congregation.
As soon as the voluntary is ended, Beecher rises,
takes off his overcoat, and, stepping forward to the
desk, says, " Let us invoke the blessing of God." He
does so in a few solemn words, ending with — " Through
Christ, our Redeemer, Amen." Then he opens the Bible
and begins to read a chapter — the 6th of Paul to the
Ephesians.
He stands erect with a brave look, one foot planted a
pace forward. His white collar is turned over a black
tie ; his long hair, turning grey now, is brushed back
behind his ears. His large grey light-floating eye is
full of sunny light ; and about his whole face, especially
about his mouth and chin, that singular expression of
smiling defiance. Altogether he has the look of a brave,
strong man exulting in his strength — the look of one
who is going to fight you, and knows that he will win,
but means to let you off without much punishment.
The people are still crowding in at all doors choking
the passages.
After a hymn comes the prayer. There is a solemn
stillness ; Beecher's voice, wonderful in its pathos and
power, filling the whole place, and rising up with its
54 HENRY WARD BEECHER.
pleadings to the throne of grace. He prays for the
poor and those left in ignorance — for Sunday schools,
colleges, and universities. " Behold," he cries with
emotion, "how many there are to be lifted up!" He
prays that more men may come forward to make sacri
fices for the truth. Then, with kindling voice, " 0 that
Thou wouldst make men more heroic for God ! Lord
Jesus, Thou who hast beheld the heels of tyrants bathed
in the blood of those they have crushed — oh, wilt Thou
not come in Thy shining armour and set the people
free ?" Then, with a pause and sudden revulsion of
feeling, he says — his voice broken down with sadness—
" The darkness is very thick. Life walks with weary
feet." The depth of feeling that trembles in Beecher's
voice when his heart is full, it is almost impossible to
describe.
After another hymn come the intimations, some of
which are rather odd. Miss Lucy Stone is to deliver
a lecture somewhere or other on "Shall women vote?"
The prayer-meeting is to be shifted this week from
Wednesday to Saturday, as there is to be a children's
concert on Wednesday, " at which," says Beecher, " the
eminent singer, Parepa Eosa, will perform, unless a
Providential interference shall prevent her." Another
intimation is to the effect that Captain D — , of this
church, will, on such a night, repeat his lecture on the
East. Beecher looks at the paper a second time, and
says, with a merry twinkle in his eye — "'his great
Iecture7 he calls it." This excites a chuckle all over
the church at the expense of the captain, who is pointed
out to us sitting in his seat in view of the whole con
gregation, and who evidently intends, from his look (he
and Beecher are always bantering one another), to pay
THE SERMON. 55
his pastor back in his own coin at the earliest possible
date.
There is another hymn, and then Beecher comes for
ward and gives out the text. It is in Ephesians vi. 7 :
— " With goodwill doing service, as to the Lord and not
to men."
He pauses for several moments, looking up into the
gallery with that peculiar smile upon his face, as if he
knew there was some one there afraid of him, and beg
ging him mutely not to begin with him. He lets him
alone and opens quietly, showing how Paul is urging
men to the fulfilment of their duties — children to par
ents, parents to children.
" We come next," he says, " to slaves!' At that word,
the key-note of so many fierce conflicts, there is the
first flash of fire.
" I have heard it alleged," says the preacher (warm
ing up), " that these passages justified the sin of slavery !
But mark well the Apostle's word. When he speaks to
children, he says, ' Obey your parents in the Lord, for
this is right? But when he comes to the slaves, he
says, " Serve your masters " — not your masters in the
Lord — but your masters " according to the flesh," those
that happen to be your masters according to the ways
of the world — serve them with energy and sincerity of
purpose. And then he jumps the master, as though the
slave had no motive for service that could be derived
from him, and says, 'Do it as unto Christ/ I cannot
do it for my master's sake ; there is no consideration
growing out of this relationship that will be a just and
proper motive for me to give him a slave's obedience ;
but Christ says, ' Do it for me.' " Beecher's voice has
been kindling through all the paragraph. He looks up
56 HENRY WARD BEECHER.
now with flaming eye. " This distinction/' he cries
with a voice of thunder, " this implication is a pro
digious argument against slavery ! "
That is his introduction. He launches out now upon
his subject — showing that this is a principle of universal
application — that we all have duties to perform that are
disagreeable or painful, and that we should help our
selves to their discharge by looking beyond them to the
Lord — doing the service loyally as to Him. He shows
how God, to receive this service, connects Himself with
all persons and all events. " Here/' he cries, " springs
up the doctrine of Christian Pantheism — the doctrine
of a personal God clothed with affection, who has so
joined Himself to men and events that there is not one
thing that is not united in some way with God, as in a
family where, if a child is sick or hurt, it goes back at
once to the heart of its parents." He shows how all men
work more easily when acting from the higher than from
the lower motives ; how, therefore, when a man trains
himself to work from this highest motive of all, doing
service as to the Lord, the yoke becomes easy and the
burden light.
This is the central idea of his discourse, which he
illustrates in a hundred different ways, and sends home
with amazing power.
His manner is peculiar. His manuscript is on the
desk, but he does not stay much beside it. He reads
a few sentences at first; but as soon as the thought
seizes him, he moves back and begins to " orate " and
gesticulate all round the platform, till the idea is ex
hausted : then he goes back. He looks like a man
going for lance after lance to his armoury, brandish
ing one awhile in the air, hurling it suddenly at the
HIS TRAINING. 57
enemy, and, as soon as he has seen it strike, turning
for another.
His wealth of illustration is boundless. In this he
resembles Guthrie ; but Guthrie draws more from
nature, Beecher from human life. He seems to search
the faces of his audience as he goes along, to see what
manner of men they are, and what their thoughts are
busied with in life, that he may know with what argu
ments and appeals to reach them. He hesitates at
nothing. If he come on politics he dashes in, and
says, without the slightest circumlocution, exactly what
he means. He never calls a spade an agricultural im
plement, or alludes to a man's wife as the partner of his
joys and sorrows. He conies for an instant to-day on
the subject of political corruption. He declares that
public offices are bought and sold in the United States
like beef in the shambles. He tells his audience that he
says nothing of New York, for New York is clean gone
like Sodom and Gomorrah ; nothing of Albany, for it is
a hissing and a by- word among the nations. He speaks
of the country at large, and he declares that ninety-five
out of every hundred offices are bought and sold like
things in the market. The reference to the gone condi
tion of New York excites alaugh,butit is over in an instant.
Beecher is on with kindling face to something else, and in
two minutes after you could hear a pin fall, as the audience
listens to some simple story of the Saviour's love. Then
he is off again, flaming with some new thought, but
always sweeping on upon the same broad track, till sud
denly he is done, and standing there with the fire and en
thusiasm still in his face that has been kindling in it
through his last appeal. The closing exercises are brief
but solemn, and the vast congregation begins to disperse.
58 HENRY WARD BEECHER.
People quote Beeclier's fanny sayings as they used
to quote Spurgeon's, but these are the mere bubbles on
the surface of the rushing stream. You may have
laughed with the others at some odd illustration, but
you leave the church a better man than when you
entered it. You have got an impulse in the right
direction : you go away with higher thoughts and pur
poses. This, after all, is the test of a good sermon.
Of the two extremes, it is perhaps better to laugh and
get good, than to sleep and get none.
Many of the peculiarities of Beecher's style spring
from his peculiar training. His father gave him the
very best education within his reach ; but " Henry "
left college with no thought of the Church, was rather
a wild youth, and, with two companions, followed the
pioneers to the backwoods to shoot, hunt, and fish.
In the midst of this wild life he happened to hear
a Methodist minister, and the truth struck home to
his heart. The effect was instantaneous. Like Saul
when he was struck down on his way to Damascus, his
first question was — " What wilt Thou have me to do ? "
Beecher's enthusiastic nature admitted of nothing else.
He sold his rod and gun for a horse, and began to move
from place to place, preaching to the backwoodsmen.
This was the beginning of Beecher's ministry. At first
he used to try and write his sermons, as he had seen his
father do : with sometimes nothing but the end of a log
or the lid of a pot to rest the paper on. But he found
that a log-cabin full of children was not a place favour
able to composition of this kind, and he gave it up.
Thereafter his studying was done as he rode from one
settlement to another, on the back of his old horse.
HIS TEAMING.
59
This went on for three years, before he settled down in
a regular charge. It was during these years that he
acquired his power of homely and forcible illustration,
and his habit, still so marked, of seizing everything from
around him that can help to drive truth home to the
heart.1 Without this he would never have succeeded
their fingers in their pockets and
selected a quarter, use admirable
tact in conveying it to the plate,
so that no one shall see what they
give ? Pious souls ! they don't let
their left hand know what their right
doeth. If they have two bills, one
good, one bad, they will generally
give the bad one to the Lord."
Standing forth against the execu
tion of Jefferson Davis, which, in
1865, was clamoured for by a power
ful party, Beecher said,—" The war
itself is the most terrific warning
that could possibly be set up. And
to attempt, by erecting against this
lurid background the petty figure of
a gallows, with a man dangling at
it to heighten the effect, would
be like lighting tapers when God's
lightnings are flashing across the
heavens, to add to the grandeur of
the storm."
Commenting on the parable of
the unjust judge, he said, — " We
are told that he lived in a certain
city. If it had been New York this
would have been no guide. We
have so many of them here, nobody
would have known which judge was
referred to."
On another occasion, referring to
a commercial crisis that had wrecked
a number of New York and Brook
lyn merchants, some of them his
own people, he said, — " This is the
best thing that could have hap-
1 Here are some of his odd say
ings : — " Some people puzzle them
selves about the origin of evil.
These people begin at the wrong
end. What would you think of a
man who, if he saw a pig in his gar
den, should begin to discuss the
question how that pig could have
got in, when the pig is busy all the
time rooting up his potatoes ? No ;
the first thing is to drive the pig
out. Let us drive sin from our
hearts and from the world. Let
this be our business here. We shall
have a whole eternity afterwards to
ascertain how it first got in." Re
ferring to those who are great in
profession, but very small in Chris
tian activity, he said, " Some men
pray cream and live skim milk."
Again, speaking of some mammon
worshippers who make a profession
of religion, he said, " They are not
satisfied with a competence : they
must have it five storeys high. And
then they want religion as a sort of
lightning-rod to their houses, to
ward off the bolts of Divine wrath."
Upbraiding his people on one oc
casion for the meanness of their
contributions for the poor, he said,
" There are hundreds of men here
who ought to be ashamed ever to
give anything but gold, or at least
a dollar bill, and they are ashamed
to do it. Don't they, when the
plate approaches, and they have put
60 HENRY WARD BEECHER.
amongst the rough backwoodsmen as he did. At last a
congregation was formed in Indiana, and Beecher, as
sisted by some of the farmers, got a little church put
up. It was a rude affair, and he had to keep it in order
himself. He swept the place every Sunday morning
with his own hands.
" I would have rung the bell too," said Beecher, " if
there had been a bell to ring !"
When he was called to Brooklyn, and examined prior
to his settlement, some of the older and more rigid
clergymen on the examining committee were horrified at
his apparent ignorance of technical theology — and he a
son of Lyman Beecher ! Horace Bushnell stood up for
him, said the right spirit was in this man, and he would
soon work out for himself the details of theology. Some
of the others were less satisfied. " I would protest
against this settlement," said one, " were I not in hope
that his theology will gradually be rectified by his wise
and estimable brother," — referring to Dr. Edward Beecher.
When this brother startled the orthodox with his
Contest of Ages, Beecher said to his old friend, — " You
see we are now getting our theology gradually rectified
by that wise and estimable brother of mine!"
One or two other stories of that examination are still
current. Beecher was asked by a New England minister
of the stricter sort, if he believed in the doctrine of the
Perseverance of the Saints.
pened fdr some of you. You will preaching against American intern-
now have an opportunity of making perance, that " an American had
the acquaintance of your children. not the same excuse which an Eng-
There are some men here who have lishman had, for the latter had so
been accustomed to live in New much water outside, that there was
York and roost in Brooklyn." some reason for his never taking any
Mr. Zincke heard Beecher say, in inside."
HIS INFLUENCE ON THE PULPIT IN AMERICA. 61
" I used to believe in that doctrine/' said Beecher ;
"but when I went out West, and saw how the New
England saints behaved themselves when they got away
there, I gave it up." He was not questioned further
on that point.
He was warned, however, by the presiding minister,
against the indulgence of wit in the pulpit. "Ah,
Doctor/' said Beecher, " if you knew how much I keep
down as it is, you would say I did very well. Suppose,
now/' he added, " God had endowed you with any wit,
would you not use it to His glory ?"
Beecher has wrought a perceptible change in the
American pulpit. He has done so, speaking literally
as well as figuratively, for he has helped to clear away
the box pulpits and introduce the open platform. He
carries the same idea into his preaching. He wants
room, freedom, latitude. He must speak what he thinks
and feels, no matter whether it make the people applaud,
or laugh, or cry. All the faculties that God has given
him he demands the liberty to use in His service—
whether it be wit, logic, sarcasm, pathos, or humour.
He is warring with the devil, and every arrow in his
quiver must fly. The question with him is not " Which
shaft is considered the most proper?" but "Which will
fly straightest and strike deepest?"
He must also be allowed to deal with any and every
subject. If he thinks the interests of religion are
bound up in any crisis with the ascendancy of the Ee-
publican party, he will preach Eepublican politics. It
will be remembered how, in the crisis of '64 he declared
that he would preach Abraham Lincoln till the election
was over. He follows his instincts — attacks the grog
shops, the slave-system, the Government, the State
62 HENEY WABD BEECHEIl.
Legislature, the corrupt tribunals of New York1 — every
person, institution, or practice in whom or in which
he thinks the devil is dangerously entrenching him
self.
This makes his church a power in the land. Evil
doers are afraid of him. If a New York millionaire
or a Cabinet Minister, no matter who he is, does any
conspicuously wicked or dastardly thing, Henry Ward
Beecher will have his clutches on him next Sunday
night, and hold him up in Plymouth Church to the
execration of the whole country.
But if Beecher is a terror to evil-doers, he is equally
a praise to such as do well. He has a large and generous
heart. If he was one of the first to inflame the war-
spirit of the North against slavery, he was also one of
the first to preach magnanimity and mercy to the con
quered South. His speech at Sumter, in '65, is an im-
1 Last year lie dragged the New New York judge repents — what a
•York city judges, with all their ven- mighty change has to take place
ality -and corruption upon them, with him ! ... If such a man came
into the light. The judges were to me and said, ' Sir, I have been
furious, and met to frame a libel. the very chief of sinners, 'and a thou-
But they knew too well the truth of sand men should say ' Amen !' and
the allegations ; they found that it he should say, ' I have corrupted
would be perilous in the face of the the very fountain of justice — what
public to attempt to shut up the must I do to be saved ? ' I should
mouth of their accuser, and they say, ' Quick ! arise and confess those
let the matter drop. Beecher sug- sins ; and give back those bribes ! '
gested that as they had failed with A corrupt judge ! No words can be
him, they should now look to them- too liery, no edge too sharp, no
selves and repent. He preached a thunder too mighty, and no light-
sermon on " Works meet for repent- ning too hot to scorch such a man.
ance." He said there were many If such men are ever to enter the
unconverted men who lived out- kingdom of God, they must be bom
wardly such good moral lives that again ; and when they are, there
when the inward change came they will be found scarce enough in them
glided into the new life impercep- to make a fair-sized infant."
tibly. "But," he said, "when a
p
TABLE-TALK.
63
perishable monument, not only to his nobleness of heart,
but to his generosity and Christian statesmanship.1
1 The so-called "political" sermon
with which, in Plymouth Church,
he ushered in that year, deserves to
be written under his name in letters
of gold. At the very time when the
North was swelling with her mighty
triumph, and the New York Herald
was reminding the country that by
and by there would be half-a-million
of veteran troops at leisure to annex
Canada and punish the nation that
had let slip the Alabama to prey
on American commerce, this is
what Henry Ward Beecher (" War-
Beecher " as Punch would have it)
was preaching to his countrymen : —
"I want influence for my country —
not power. The power that silently
issues from her laws ; the sight of
her wealth and thrift ; the sight of
her order, and peace, and virtue ;
the sight of the poor man's pros
perity ; the sight of a nation that is
virtuous aud happy ; — this is the
only political supremacy that I de
sire for my country. ... I am not
eager for her military superiority.
... I am not eager even for her
commercial pre-eminence. ... I am
filled with a higher ambition. Let
all arts and commerce thrive ; let
our influence extend and our exam
ple shine ; but let it be as a Chris
tian nation that we are known. We
go on no incendiary mission. Truth
preaching, not filibustering, is to be
our national errand. . . . Brethren,
we have no revenges to seek. If out
of this terrific baptism of blood [the
war was just closing] we should
emerge mourning our first-born, and
turn from green graves to
bloody hands at those who have
not known or sympathized with our
sorrows !— oh, if we should be left
to that, we have not yet escaped
from the snare of the devil. If out
of our sufferings we do not rise with
more Christian fortitude and more
magnanimity than to raise up old
evils, and set on foot new wars of
vengeance for things that might
easily be forgotten, then we have
profited little from this teaching of
God. I am not for war with any
nation ; and . . . woe be to the day
that shall beget estrangement be
tween the Christians of England and
the Christians of America ! . . . I
am. for building up this nation in
wealth, in civilisation, in refine
ment, in political strength, in mili
tary power, in all things that go to
make us broad and tall and great :
and then I am for having this nation,
in the majesty of its might, stand
for peace, and Christian fellowship,
and Christian love. ... A nation
that can be measured by nothing
but latitudes and longitudes ; a
nation that has nothing to fear but
God — is there not to be a day when
such a nation shall go forth sweet-
tempered as a lamb? It is that
that I labour for, and hope for, and
believe in for my nation. Let other
nations do wrong, and by the hate-
fulness of that wrong in our eyes,
let us not imitate it."
This is the man that has been
called a mountebank, a farceur, a
preacher of " the gospel according
to Joe Miller."
64 HENRY WAKD BEECHER.
Beecher's influence on the American pulpit may be
summed up in a few words. He has lowered its level,
but increased its power. He has made it stoop — to
conquer.
Conversing one day with Beech er on the subject of
the war, he said, " Our triumph is producing a speedier
effect upon you than upon ourselves. It will take time
here. It has shown its influence in England already,
in the Eeform Bill. The first effect of that bill will
be to revolutionize the educational system. I should
also think, but I don't know, that it would affect the
Church and the land-tenure. The land question is
vital. Now, we in America are invulnerable, unap
proachable, because every one has property in the coun
try. Immigration makes no difference. If all Europe
came here we should not have people enough for the
soil. The root of patriotism," he said, with emphasis,
" is property in land."
Speaking of American institutions, he said he had
implicit faith in the good government of an educated
people.
I spoke of the misgovernment of New York.
"New York," he said, "is an exception, because of
the mass of foreign ignorance and vice that has accu
mulated in it. The Irish and German vote controls the
election. But that mass will one day be educated and
Americanized."
He had been in Canada shortly before, spending the
time there necessary to secure the copyright of Norwood.
He said Canada was a fine country. He had no idea of
it till he had seen it. He paid what evidently seemed
to him the highest conceivable compliment when he
added that it appeared not very different from the States.
TABLE-TALK. 65
On another occasion, speaking of Charles Dickens
and his visit to America, I asked if he thought his
American Notes and Chuzzlewit would tell against him
with the people.
" No/' said Beecher ; " not now. There was a time
when they would, but the feeling has cooled down. We
were very sensitive at the time these books first came
out. It was the difference between the young man of
sixteen and the man of thirty. A young man of six
teen is very anxious about people's opinion of him. He
doesn't know whether he is really a man or not. We
have got past that stage now."
Speaking of Hepworth Dixon's book on New America,
and the prominence he gives to Shakers, Mormons, and
other exceptional communities, " What are these in this
great nation?" exclaimed Beecher. "They are little
sections of the people that step out of the line of the
nation's march, live a little time, and die. ' New Ame
rica ! ' — you might as well draw a picture of a wart on
a man's nose and call it the New Man !"
66 NEW YORK.
VIII.
NOTES ABOUT NEW YORK.
NEW YORK is a stupendous city — a perfect maelstrom
of commerce. It has already covered the greater part
of the island ; it is streaming fast towards the other end,
where stands New Harlem. Very soon now it will
have swallowed up New Harlem, and converted the
whole island into one huge hive of industry. Nor are
these the real limits of New York. She has stretched
her arm across the river on both sides of her, and built
other two great cities for her overflowing population —
Jersey city on the west, Brooklyn on the east, the latter
with a population now of 300,000 souls.
In New York all that is best and all tha,t is worst in
America is represented. Fling together Tyre and Sidon,
the New Jerusalem, Sodom and Gomorrah, a little of
heaven, and more of hell, and you have a faint picture
of this mighty Babylon of the New World. City of
colossal wealth and haggard poverty ; city of virtue, with
an abortionist occupying the most palatial residence in
Fifth Avenue ; city of churches and Bible houses, where
one of the foremost citizens is a man who keeps his wife
on one side of the street and his mistress on the other.
New York can scarcely be called an American city,
the proportion of foreigners — especially of Irish and
Germans — being so overwhelming, and the steady influx
MISGOVERNMENT. 67
of this foreign element being so immense. The Ger
mans are reckoned at 400,000, being a larger number
than is to be found in any German city except Berlin
and Vienna ; while the Irish are more numerous in New
York than in any city in Ireland except Dublin. I was
surprised to find the Germans so numerous. Every
where in the streets, in the markets, in the stages, horse-
cars, and ferry-boats — you can hear German talked.
It reminded me of the prevalence of French in Montreal.
There are German churches, German theatres, German
newspapers ; but English is the language of every public
school, even in the German quarter of the city. America
has wisely determined that English shall be the lan
guage of the continent — one of the most important
provisions she has made for national unity.
The Scotch are not very numerous in New York, num
bering only about 20,000, in a population of nearly two
millions, taking in Brooklyn. I found they had a high
character for industry and enterprise. Most of them
are prosperous, and many of them have risen to positions
of great wealth and influence. They are strongly British
in feeling, remain for the most part British subjects, and
take little interest in American politics. They do not
organize, and are merely so many grains of sand on the
sea-shore. Hence the Scotch, like the English, are not
counted amongst political parties as the Irish and Ger
mans are.
The Irish make a profession of politics, throw them
selves with all the ardour of their race into the political
arena, and almost monopolize the public offices. The
Irish element rules New York, and the result is not
flattering to the rulers. I doubt if there be a city in
the world where there is so much official jobbery and
68 NOTES ABOUT NEW YORK.
corruption. Beecher spoke of New York as given over
to the devil — clean gone, like Sodom and Gomorrah—
and the further one penetrates into the government or
misgovernment of the city, the more reason one sees for
accepting his language literally. Take a single case;
the whisky tax in New York brings little or nothing into
the Treasury, when everybody knows that it ought to
bring millions of dollars. Why is this ? There are
officials getting say $2000 a year to see the whisky
manufactured and to tax it. But it would pay the
distilleries to give these officials $2000 a week not to
see the whisky, and therefore, not to tax it. Whether
the experiment is made or not, the curious fact remains
that, while the tax is $2 on the gallon, you can buy as
much whisky as you please at $1 90c., being 10 cents
less than the tax on it. The consequence is, that when
Government seizes whisky and puts it up for auction,
they can't sell it even for the amount of the tax. What
a stupendous fraud lies half-concealed under this single
fact!
The first thing that opens the eyes of a stranger to
the management of the city, especially if the weather
be wet, is the shocking condition of the streets. The
dirtiest streets of London or Glasgow are like a drawing-
room floor compared with the streets of New York on a
slushy day. Crossing even Broadway, after a thaw, I
have had to tuck up my " pants " and wade. Most of
the people wear rubbers over their boots — gunboats as
they sometimes call them from their size ; but if matters
got much worse they should have to betake themselves
to real boats, and establish ferries at the principal
crossings. There is probably no city in the world
where the streets cost the people so much, and are im-
PRICES AND WAGES. 69
proved so little. And the condition of the streets
seems to be only a picture of the municipal government
generally.
New York, however, is not to be taken as a fair illus
tration of American institutions — can scarcely be called
an American city at all. It shows us Eepublican
government controlled, to a large extent, by a mass of
foreigners, who lack the education and political training
which the American system provides for its own people.
From this point of view, the government of New York,
bad as it is, challenges admiration. When we consider
the overwhelming power of her foreign element — when
we remember that she has been for many years a sink
for the ignorance, vice, and crime of all Europe — that
the best of the emigrants who are poured out in ship
loads upon her wharves day by day go west, leaving
the worst to her — when we remember that all this mass
of important ignorance, and vice, and crime is enfran
chised in New York, and that the lowest and most
ignorant class of immigrants landing to-day can, by a
cheap and easy process of perjury, be converted into
voters to-morrow — the wonder amongst intelligent people
will be, not that New York has a defective government,
but that she has any government at all. The fact
that, in spite of all these circumstances, law and order
prevail, and life and property are secure — that the vast
commercial interests of the city continue to expand,
and her social condition to improve — this fact, in view
of the fearful strain to which American institutions
there are subjected, makes New York, in spite of her
mis-government, one of the most remarkable proofs of
the strength and stability of Kepublican government.
Living is very expensive in New York, and prices
70 NOTES ABOUT NEW YORK.
have risen enormously since the war. One notices this
most in little things. Scarcely anything now is to be
got for a cent ; everything is three cents, generally five.
You pay five cents for an apple. Lead pencils, which
used to be six cents, are now fifteen. Havana cigars,
which could be got for eight and ten cents formerly,
are up to thirty-five, and range from that to a dollar.
Good beef- steak could not be got for less than thirty-
five cents a pound any time I visited New York ; while
before the war you could get the best cut for eight—
being less than a fourth of its present price. Tea,
which had been untaxed formerly, was burdened with a
duty of 20 cents per pound.
There had been a similar rise in the price of houses
and in rents. A friend in Brooklyn had just paid
$12,000 for a house that had been offered him for
$4500 before the war. "What would this place rent
for in Glasgow?" — a gentleman who had been showing
me through his new house, asked me. I said "£150;
at the outside £160." "Well," said he, "I pay $3000
(about £500), and I was glad to get it at that." I found
that few good middle- class houses could be got at less
than a rental of $2000. But the houses are generally
larger, more commodious, and more elegant, though less
substantial, than ours ; and Americans allow a larger pro
portion of their incomes to go for house accommodation
than we do. An American will sink a third, sometimes
even a half of his income, in house rent.
With the working classes, house rent is a very serious
item of expense. I found working men in New York
paying $10 and $12 a month (£20 to £24 a year) for
two rooms in an attic. But wages have risen with other
things, and working men in regular employment are
WAGES AND SAVINGS. 71
exceedingly well off. Bricklayers were earning $6
(about 18s.) a day when I was in New York; though
this high wage was not expected to last. The ordinary
wage for bricklayers, masons, painters, plasterers, car
penters, and mechanics is $5 a day. This is more than
double what it was before the war. Labourers, again,
who used to get 75 cents or $1 a day, now get $2,
sometimes $3. Of course the dollar is paper money, and
$3 in paper money, in the present depreciated state of
the currency, is only worth about $2 in gold. But in
spite of all this— in spite, that is, of high prices and
depreciated currency — the condition of the working
man, even in New York, is better than it is here.
Even if he only earns enough to pay his board — board
there is much more luxurious than working men were
ever accustomed to in Scotland. But in general, work
ing men can live easily on half their income. I found
compositors who were earning $20 a week, and who
boarded comfortably on $6. Hence those who are
economical easily accumulate money. I found in the
Savings Bank of New York alone about $80,000,000 be
longing chiefly to mechanics. There were $15,000,000
in the Bowery Savings Bank; $14,000,000 in the Savings
Bank in Blecker Street ; over $8,000,000 in the Sea
man's Bank, and so on. The Germans are the most
economical, the Irish least so ; though the Irish, to their
credit be it said, send a great deal of money home to
their friends and relatives in Ireland. A gentleman
who has long been officially connected with missionary
and benevolent work amongst the poor of New York,
described the difference between the Germans and the
Irish thus : — " If," he said, " we get a German family on
our poor list this year, we don't expect to have them
72 NOTES ABOUT NEW YORK.
next year; but if we get an Irish family, we never
expect to see them off the list as long as we can be
induced to grant relief. The Irish are extravagant, the
Germans are always economical. If a German earns
twenty cents a day, he will live on thirteen; if an
Irishman earns twenty-five, he will spend thirty."
THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF. 73
IX.
THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF.1
ONE of the men I was most anxious to meet on my
way South was George H. Stuart of Philadelphia. Dur
ing the war I had read a great deal about him as the
animating and governing spirit of that vast organization
of Christian philanthropy, the United States Christian
Commission, which had rilled the Northern armies with
Christian influences, which had its Christian delegates
in every camp and hospital, helping the chaplains, the
surgeons, and the nurses, keeping the soldiers supplied
with a thousand little comforts which they would never
otherwise have enjoyed, and sending its delegates out
upon the fields of blood and agony as soon as a battle
was over, to tend the maimed and the dying, friend and
foe alike, moistening their parched lips, pointing their
1 The Annals of the Christian much wish this age to be known in
Commission, which have now been after times, were its other records
published by Lippincott of Phila- to be lost, as by these Annals of
delphia — also the Report of the U.S. the Christian and Sanitary Commis-
Sanitary Commission (a kindred or- sions. Of the Christian Commission,
ganization, which looked more ex- George H. Stuart was president from
clusively to the physical sufferings first to last, and there can be little
and wants of the army), will pre- doubt that to the genius, the Chris-
serve an invaluable record of two of tian zeal, and the organizing and
the greatest embodiments of Chris- executive ability of this remarkable
tian philanthropy which this or any man the success of the Christian
other age has seen. I can think of Commission was largely due.
few books by which one could so
74 THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF.
eyes to the cross, and taking their dying messages to
send to their distant homes.
I had no fewer than four letters of introduction to
Mr. Stuart from prominent men in England and Scot
land, and being exceedingly anxious not to lose what I
thought might be my only opportunity, I forwarded
these letters from New York, hoping they would clear
the wray for an interview when I got on to Philadelphia.
Two days after I was writing letters in a friend's office
in the city when the door of the outer office opened, and
I heard a cheerful voice, with a sprightly touch of Irish
in its accent, inquiring for me. On looking round, I
beheld a pleasant, active-looking gentleman, in a cut
away coat such as business men very often wear in Ame
rica, his countenance irradiated with a happy smile that
seemed less to be called into his face by any passing
circumstance than to belong to it as part of its proper
expression, and to be flowing perpetually from a cheer
ful heart within.
When he said his name was Stuart, it never occurred
to me that this was George H. Stuart of Philadelphia,
whom I had pictured as a much older man, and one on
whose face I should discern, as on a palimpsest, the cares
and herculean labours of those long years of war.
When I found that it was really the chief of the
Christian Commission that stood before me, I could
not help expressing my astonishment at his youthful
appearance.
" Oh/' said he, with the smile brightening in his face,
" work for the Lord makes even old men young."
He sat down near me and began to converse with
great vivacity, asking questions about his friends in
Scotland faster than I could answer them, and winding
THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF. 75
up by saying that on reaching Philadelphia I must go
straight to his house, bag and baggage, and make it my
home as long as I remained in the city.
He had business to attend to in New York, so he rose
to leave, shaking hands as cordially as if we had been
friends from boyhood.
This interview, short as it was, went far to explain to
me the character and success of this remarkable man.
It was easy to see how this youthfulness and buoyancy
of heart, this overflowing kindness, this quickness, elo
quence and activity, with so much Christian enthusiasm
and real love for the work, would enable a man with the
requisite amount of brain to organize and personally
animate and control even so vast a work as that of the
Christian Commission.
On reaching Philadelphia I made my way out through
the interminable streets to Mr. Stuart's house. It was
late when I arrived, but tea was waiting for me just as
if I had got home. Besides Mr. Stuart's family I found
Professor Stoever of Gettysburg and Mr. H., a mission
ary on his way to India. I had a long talk with the
Professor about the battle of Gettysburg, which had
raged for three days within a mile of his house, and was
the battle that turned the tide of the wrar.
" Mr. Stuart was there," said the Professor, " and
prayed with dying men upon the field. He was much
loved by the soldiers. One of our poor boys at Gettys
burg raised his bleeding head from the ground and said
to Mr. Stuart, ' Will you let me kiss you before I die ?' "
Looking over the albums on the drawing-room table,
I lighted on a number of familiar faces — Spurgeon,
Guthrie, Arnot, Newman Hall, and Nelson of Edin
burgh ; also a number of Mr. Stuart's American friends
76 THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF.
and coadjutors — Grant, Lincoln, Howard, Gough, and
others. There was another picture that arrested my at
tention the instant it turned up. It was the photograph
of a tall powerful man of firm lip and eye, big shaggy
head and heavy white beard, his hands in his pockets,
and his elbows drawn well back. Underneath was the
inscription, " Your friend, John Brown." It was the
first likeness I had seen of John Brown of Harper's
Ferry, who had struck the key-note of the great war.
We soon got upon the subject of the Christian Com
mission, of which Mr. Stuart's head and heart were full.
He took me to his study and brought out a great num
ber of his Christian Commission memorials and relics of
the war. They were all in beautiful order — the papers
and letters folded, docketed, and arranged so that he
could lay his finger on any one of them at a moment's
notice. I observed this neatness and method in all his
arrangements. He showed me several Bibles and Tes
taments that had been found in the pockets of the dead,
or picked up beside them on the battle-fields. One with
the name of " Will Black " on the fly-leaf had verses
marked on almost every page, and passages were speci
ally scored that had been read on the Sabbath-days, which
were often days of fighting. Another was a German
Testament, bearing the name of " Fred von Slumbach,"
in which the following verses had been scored before
going into battle on August 29th, 1862 : — "I say unto
you, my friends, be not afraid of them that kill the
body, and after that have no more that they can do.
But I will forewarn you whom ye shall fear : Fear him
which, after he hath killed, hath power to cast into hell ;
yea, I say unto you, fear him." The dead soldier may
yet preach from that text a sermon that shall stir dead
THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND THE BATTLE-FIELDS. 77
souls to life. There was another Bible, or tattered
fragment of one, all stained with blood, that had been
picked up at Gettysburg.
" When you go to Gettysburg," said Mr. Stuart, " you
must see Eound Top, where the battle was fiercest, and
where the dead lay five and six deep. Lee said to
Barksdale of Mississippi, ' That height must be taken if
it costs you all your men.' Barksdale went, and buried
himself and his whole force on that slope. This Testa
ment was found there amongst the dead."
He showed me another little Testament that had
saved a soldier's life. " It belonged to one of our boys,"
said Mr. Stuart. " He always carried it in his breast
pocket. In one battle a bullet struck him and nearly
knocked him down. It had struck on the Testament, and
pierced it to the back board ; there, as you see, it
stopped, and his life was saved. There are scores like
this scattered up and down the country. Some wives
have them, with the stains of their husbands' life-blood
on the leaves. I saw one where the ball had stopped
at a verse that startled the man, and was the means of
his conversion. He was killed afterwards, but his wife
preserved the Testament. I said to her, ' I would like
to own that Testament; what will you take for it?'
' Oh, Mr. Stuart,' she said, ' there isn't gold enough in
the United States to buy it from me.' "
Speaking of the Christian Commission, Mr. Stuart
said witli enthusiasm, " It was glorious work ! and the
Lord seemed to touch the heart of the whole nation to
help us. Our delegates, hundreds upon hundreds of
noble men, volunteered and took nothing for all their
labours. We were charged nothing on the railways.
The Government gave us tents and ambulances free.
78 THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF.
The American Bible Society gave us Bibles and Testa
ments free — 490,000 of them in the first eighteen
months ! Our stores were carried free. Our messages
were flashed through the wires free. Here is one of the
telegrams I used to get in thousands. It is marked
' D.H.' That means ' dead head ' — nothing to pay.
You see how it is addressed — ' C.C.C.' That means
Chairman Christian Commission.' I used to be known
as ' the three C.'s.' "
" We relied/' he said, " on the voluntary contributions
of the people — and how nobly they responded ! After
Gettysburg, when tens of thousands of wounded and
dying men were thrown upon our hands, I telegraphed
in all directions. To Boston I telegraphed, ' Can I draw
on you for 10,000 dols. at sight?' The message was
stuck up in the Exchange. The merchants formed in
line to put down their subscription. In half-an-hour
the answer came, 'Draw for 60,000 dols.'1
1 The vastness of the benevolent shirts, 11,500 pairs socks, 23,000
and Christian work done by the pounds of meat, 28,290 cans of milk,
Commission may be judged of from 1800 pounds of tea, 35,000 rolls of
such facts as the following : — Dur- bandages, 1252 pairs of crutches,
ing the first sixteen months of its 61,700 cans of fruits and jellies, 300
existence — namely from May 1862 tons of ice, and 24,000 quires of
to October 1863— it had 1154 xinpaid note-paper and envelopes, to let the
volunteer delegates in the field. It poorer soldiers write home. After
had distributed 10,000 packages the single battle of Gettysburg, it
(boxes, barrels, etc.) of stores and was declared by the army surgeons
religious publications — the latter in- and others that the help given by
eluding 496,000 Bibles and Testa- the Christian Commission delegates,
ments, 400,000 Psalm and Hymn and the stores they distributed, be-
books, 1,800,000 newspapers, and sides an untold amount of suffering
18,000,000 pages of tracts. Again, relieved, saved more than a 1000
in the following year (1864), during lives on that field alone. What then
the three months of May, June, and must have been the result of their
July, besides Bibles and religious labours in all armies and on all
publications, the delegates in person fields ? " And who," as Mr. Stuart
distributed to soldiers in want 14,500 said, "can count the number won
THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND THE BATTLE-FIELDS. 79
" The children/' he continued, " helped us too. They
made tens of thousands of little housewives — ' comfort-
bags/ as the soldiers called them — with buttons, needle
and thread, comb, cake of soap, and, above all, a little
tract or Testament. Sometimes a whole school of little
girls would set to work on an afternoon making com
fort-bags. One school in Albany sent us 1800 of them,
all filled. They often put little letters in them to the
soldiers, telling them how much they thought about
them, and prayed for them every night. Often, when
we were distributing the bags, some poor fellow would
come and say, ' Can't you find me one, sir, with a letter
in it ? I have no one to write to me, sir.' These letters,
carefully preserved, were often found upon the dead
bodies of the soldiers afterwards.
" We used to tell the children to enclose along with
the letter an envelope addressed, so that the soldier who
got it could send an answer. This often led to corre
spondence, and cheered the soldiers wonderfully, and
did them a world of good.
friends at home. In time of battle
they were to spare no pains to
give immediate information of the
wounded and dead to those who
waited with trembling hearts for
tidings : and to get soldiers who
came out unharmed to relieve their
friends at home by filling on the
spot the sheet of paper offered them.
After the two days' fighting at Nash
ville, the delegates at that station
wrote 1000 letters, as extra duty,
after labouring eight to sixteen hours
a day with the suffering and dying.
During the year 1864 there were
100,000 letters post paid and mailed
to soldiers' friends from the Chris
tian Commission tents.
to Jesus, and the joy in heaven over
their salvation ! "
At every Christian Commission
station placards were put up : —
" SOLDIERS' FREE WRITING-
TABLE.
PAPER AND ENVELOPES FREE.
Come in, and send word home ;
they want to hear from you. If
you have no postage stamps, leave
your letter in the box; we will
stamp and mail it."
The delegates were specially in
structed to ask permission of sick
and wounded men to write to their
80 THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF.
" Then to see the gratitude of our boys in camp and
field, and how heartily they lent our delegates a hand
when help was wanted. There was one single week in
which we erected fifty soldiers' churches. A regiment
of 1000 men would turn out, cut the wood for us, and
have everything up in a few hours. We sometimes laid
the foundation of a church in the morning, and had ser
vice in it at night !
"We had 5000 delegates, most of them ministers of
the gospel. They were separated into three classes —
delegates for field and camp, delegates for the hospitals,
and delegates for the battle-field. These last were our
reserve force. ' Minute men,' we called them. They
were men in different businesses and professions, who
held themselves ready to obey the call at five minutes'
notice. If one of them was in the pulpit when the
telegram reached him, he was to stop and hurry off to
the battle-field.
"Here was our badge," said Mr. Stuart, showing
me a little silver brooch in the form of a scroll, with
the words "Christian Commission" engraved upon it.
"Our delegates all wore this. I have seen 300 of
them on one field of battle, ministering to the wounded
and the dying. You would see a man all covered with
blood lifting himself up on his elbow and looking
eagerly about ; and begin to beckon, if he saw any man
with this badge. They seemed to die happier with one
of us beside them. We used to have everything to do.
We were often intrusted with men's effects after death.
A person would come up and hand over 500 dollars to
any man with this badge, though he had never seen
him before."
He showed me also what he called the " Identifier "
DELEGATES. 81
— a slip of parchment about the size of an address
label, with blank lines, where the soldier could write
his name, company, regiment, brigade, division, and
corps, so that if killed in battle, his body could be
identified. There was also a line for the name of the
relative— father, mother, wife, or sister — whom the
soldier wished written to in the event of his death.
One of these Identifiers was given by the Christian
Commission to every soldier, and on the back were
printed the following directions : — " Suspend from the
neck by a cord, and wear over the shirt : in battle,
under."
" We would find men lying dead on the field," said
Mr. Stuart, " with these round their necks. We were
then able to write to their homes, and send their effects
to their wives or families."
He showed me one that had been found on the body
of a dead man, and pointed to the Scripture text upon it
— " God so loved the world, that He gave His only be
gotten Son, that whosoever believeth on Him should
not perish, but have everlasting life."
"Poor boy!" said Mr. Stuart, "he would, no doubt,
read that text as he had never read it before.
" We couldn't do all this for the rebels," he said, " but
if we found them dying we took their last messages
and wrote to their friends, just as if they had been our
own boys. It was the same in the hospitals. The poor
fellows would sometimes burst into tears. One of them
said, ' You fight us like the devil ; but you nurse us
like angels.'"
Mr. Stuart told me a number of deeply interesting
incidents of Christian Commission work in the hos
pitals. I have only room, in the meantime, for one.
F
82 THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF.
" One of our delegates," he said, " making his round
at four o'clock in the afternoon, found a soldier who
was near the point of death. He spoke to him, but
found that the man's tongue was so parched with fever
that he could not speak. He went to the nurse and
said, ' I would like a word with that man. I think a
lemon would loosen his tongue ; may I try ? '
" The nurse asked the surgeon. ' Do what you like
with him,' said the surgeon. ' He will be in the dead-
house soon.'
" The delegate got a lemon, and put a slice of it to the
man's lips. The dying man sucked it, and his tongue
was loosened.
" ' Have you a family ?' asked the delegate.
"'No, sir.'
" ' Were you raised in the Sabbath-school ?'
"'Yes, sir.'
" ' Do you remember the story of Jesus being crucified
for sinners ?'
" The man said he did.
" ' Do you remember the story of the malefactor who
was crucified along with him ? '
"The man paused as if to think, and then said
' Yes.'
" ' Do you remember his prayer V There was another
pause. 'His prayer,' resumed the delegate, 'Lord
remember me when Thou comest into Thy kingdom.'
" Hope illumined the man's eyes, and he said, ' Yes,
sir, I remember it.'
" The delegate then knelt down and prayed. The man
wanted him to stay all night; but there were other
dying men to see, and the delegate had to pass on. He
THE DYING SOLDIER. 83
promised, however, to return next day and write a letter
to his home.
" When he went back next day the place was vacant.
He spoke to the nurse, who said the man was dead.
"'At half-past four o'clock/ said the nurse, 'he
agonized in prayer. At six, he opened his eyes and
asked for the man who had talked to him about Jesus.'
The nurse told him that he was not to be found — that
she didn't know either his name or quarters. The man
asked his fellow-soldiers to pray for him ; but in vain.
He became quiet, but his lips moved at times, seemingly
in silent prayer. At eight o'clock he spoke in an audible
voice, and said, ' Amen ! It is all right. I am ready
to die.' At ten minutes past eight, the spirit of John
B. Mitchell departed.' "
I wish I could reproduce along with these facts the
earnestness of look, and the wonderful eloquence of
voice and manner with which Mr. Stuart told them
himself.
Speaking of the Christian Commission practice of
connecting religion with all their operations, he said, —
" I never was in a place where I couldn't have prayer.
When dissolving the Commission, we went round (more
than a hundred of us) and called, on Johnson, Stanton,
Grant, and all the heads of departments, and had prayer
with them all
" When we went to the White House, some of them
said", — 'Kemember, Johnson is a different man from
Lincoln.'
"I said, 'I know it.'
" However, before we left, I said to the President, " Mr.
Johnson, you have been called to the head of the nation
at a very critical time.'
84 THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF.
"< That's so,' he said.
" ' No man stands in a position where he more needs
Divine help.'
"' That's so.'
" ' Dr. - — will perhaps ask the Divine blessing and
guidance for you before we leave.'
" The President made no objection, and we all knelt
in prayer.
" But when we went out to Culpepper to see B — , Dr.
Kirk and the rest of them said there was no hope there.
B — was a prominent statesman. He had opposed the
Democrats of the South, but he had no sympathy with
the movements on behalf of the negro. We knew that ;
and he had the reputation of being an infidel. I thought
it all the more necessary that we should, if possible,
have prayer.
" He received us very kindly. When we were pre
paring to leave, I said, ' You have seen a good deal of
fighting here, Mr. B — ?'
"'Fighting!' said he, 'I have seen fifteen battles
from that window.'
" 'You have run many risks.'
" ' Yes ; you may well say that.'
"'Now, gentlemen,' I said, turning to the others,
'Mr. B — has sacrificed a great deal for the country —
he has suffered a great deal — he may have much to
suffer still ; we cannot tell. I think, before going, Dr.
Kirk^you might lead us in thanking God for having
preserved Mr. B — through so much, and in praying
that he may be spared to see the country restored to
prosperity and peace.'
"B — , who had been throwing in prompt words of
assent to everything that went before, looked queer at
GENERALSHIP IN PRAYER. 85
this. We all began to go down upon our knees. B —
looked about with a ludicrous expression of perplexity
on his face, but seeing us all kneeling, he seemed to
feel there was no escape, and slipt reluctantly down
upon his knees.
" When we came out, Dr. Kirk said, ' I never prayed
in such strange circumstances before/
" ' Well/ said I, ' you never prayed more powerfully/
Neither he had. Some of them said that B — was
in tears when he rose/'
Speaking of Grant, with whom he is very intimate,
I asked Mr. Stuart if the General was as taciturn as
he was reported to be.
" Quite. He will sit here, or in his own house, with
friends round him, and scarcely utter a word. But he
reads and thinks ; has a keen insight ; answers wisely
and without waste of words any question put to him ;
and knows when and how to act as well as any man in
the country."
One of the family, who had spent some days with the
General's family at Washington, bore the same testi
mony to his habit of silence and his modesty. She
said that at one of the great fairs Grant was called on
for a speech. He refused. Sherman was solicited,
but with no better result. Grant was then appealed to
to exercise his authority over Sherman, and order him
to make a speech.
" No," said Grant, " I never order any of my officers
to do what I could not do myself."
After prayers we separated for the night, Mr. Stuart
himself showing us to our rooms. I think I still hear
his cheerful voice at the door of Mr. H/s room, which
was next to mine.
86 THE CHRISTIAN COMMISSION AND ITS CHIEF.
"All right, brother H— ? "
"Yes."
" Got everything you want ? "
"Yes."
"Sure?"
" Quite."
It was the index of the man — all kindness and
solicitude for others.
Mr. Stuart is one of the self-made men of America.
He was born in Ireland, and was a poor lad when he
left Belfast to find his way to New York. At Liver
pool, his little box, containing all he possessed in the
world, fell between the steamer and the pier and was
smashed. Nothing was recovered but a shirt. Mr.
Stuart told me how he stood on the pier and wept like
a child. His marbles and toys that he had played
with — all the relics of his schoolboy days, and all the
little things he had been able to scrape together, were
gone. He was sixty-three days on the way out, the
vessel being becalmed. They had to board several
other ships to get provisions. On the 1st of September
1831, he landed at New York with nothing in the
world but the clothes upon his back. Now he is one
of the best-known and most highly esteemed citizens
in the United States.
THE QUAKER CITY.
X.
THE QUAKER CITY AND THE CAPITAL.
THE city of Philadelphia amazed me by its vastness,
its mathematical beauty, and the evidences you see
throughout its whole extent of comfort and steady
prosperity. It has a population as large as Glasgow,
and covers a much wider area. Everywhere you see
evidences of its Quaker origin, in its long, straight,
clean streets, numbered 1st Street, 2d Street, 3d Street,
away out to the 40th or 50th parallel ; in its beautiful
rectangular network of street railways spread through
the whole city ; in its interminable rows of clean-shaven
warehouses and shops — in its long streets of prim but
costly dwelling-houses, miles upon miles of them, with
their white lattices screwed back into the wall, and
their flat, cold, white marble doorsteps, that seem to
implore you not to step on them with dirty boots — no
balusters or hand-rails to relieve their bareness, save
here and there, at long intervals, a solitary, stiff, brittle-
looking cast, sticking up at one side of the step, and
evidently not intended to be touched. There is also in
Philadelphia a grateful absence of the feverish high-
pressure life of other great cities like New York and
Chicago ; a certain demureness of look about the people,
and a tendency to quietness of colour and simplicity of
88 THE QUAKER CITY.
pattern in the ladies' dresses. But all this is gradually
wearing away.
The Quakers though still numerous, and forming
perhaps the best educated and most intelligent and
moral class of the community, are not increasing.
They make no converts ; and any Quaker marrying an
outsider is lost for ever to the gentle sect. Patrick also
is getting his hand into public affairs ; and Patrick is
apt to interfere with rectangles, and with quietness and
demureness of every sort.
Philadelphia is rich in works of charity, has numer
ous homes for the deaf, dumb, and blind; homes fox-
old men, old women, widows, and orphans ; has also a
Day Nursery, where poor people going to work' in the
morning can leave their children for the day — the chil
dren so left being fed, taught, and cared for as in a
Christian family. In her City Almshouse — the pauper's
palace, as it is sometimes called — there is provision for
3000 boarders, most of whom, when I was there, were
Irish. If I remember rightly, less than one-fifth of the
3000 were American poor — the rest were foreigners.
It goes very hard with a native American before he is
found in the poorhouse.
The Orphan Home (Girard College) is one of the
principal sights of Philadelphia, and is the apotheosis
of orphanhood. It is a magnificent and massive build
ing of white marble, so vast that 20,000 people could
stand upon the roof. In this palatial home the orphan
inmates are fed, clothed, and educated, and at the age
of eighteen are taught a trade. I learned a curious
fact in connection with this institution. Girard, the
founder, who had no love for "the cloth," made it a
stipulation in his bequest that no priest or minister
ALBERT BARNES. 89
should have anything whatever to do with its manage
ment, or be allowed within its gates. As American
ministers dress like other people, this regulation does
riot interfere with their visiting the institution unoffi
cially ; but some ministers from England who went to
see the place had to go first and take off their white
ties. One good effect of the stipulation is that it has
thrown the management of the institution into the
hands of business men.
In the Quaker city I had the pleasure of meeting the
venerable commentator, Albert Barnes. He is no longer
in active work, having resigned his charge some years
ago, less on account of age than of the failure of his
eyesight, consequent on too incessant application. He
lives now enjoying well-earned repose in his quiet home
in the suburbs, miles out from the heart of the great
city, amongst his flowers and his books. His daughter
reads to him to save his eyes ; and when he writes, as
he still does (for his mind remains too active to desist
altogether from work), he uses the writing-frame on
which Prescott, the historian (who suffered from the
same cause), wrote his last works. It is a frame with
wires across to guide the glass pencil, so that one can
write with eyes closed. Poor Prescott used sometimes
to take it and begin to write without remembering to
feel if the copying-paper was in ; and only on coming
to the foot of the page, and proceeding to change the
sheet, discovered that he had been making no impres
sions, and had the whole work to do over again.
Barnes is a tall thin man, with white hair hanging in
light curling locks to his shoulders. He is more cleri
cal in appearance than most of his brethren, — dressing in
black, with a white stock, — a rarity amongst ministers
90 THE QUAKER CITY.
in America. His lips are thin and firm, and his dark
eyes keen and lustrous, giving no indication of being
nearly blind. I remember the strange impression this
made upon me the first time I met him. When he
came into the room and advanced slowly towards me,
his dark eyes seemed to be gazing into mine, and yet
there was no look of salutation or recognition of any
kind. One would have imagined him approaching
something which he took to be an apparition. The fact
turned out to be that he could make nothing out till he
was within a few feet ; then, suddenly arriving at the
focus, he recognised me, the expression of his face
changed, and with quiet courtesy he welcomed me and
bid me take a seat. His voice is quiet, but lacks
music, and almost tends to harshness. I was told that
as a preacher he was cold and polished, wanting point
and fire ; going smoothly on, without gesticulation, his
hands folded behind him.
He said he had been to Scotland many years ago,
having taken the voyage for the sake of his eyesight.
He had heard Guthrie preach on several occasions, and
once breakfasted with him. He was as much struck
with his table-talk as with his sermons. Guthrie was
well known in America. There. was much disappoint
ment at his not being able to pay his intended visit.
Dr. Norman Macleod, he thought, was chiefly known
as editor of Good Words. But his speech on the Sab
bath question had excited much interest.
Speaking of American divines, he thought Beecher
brilliant, but not safe in his doctrine. Bushnell was
"off the track altogether." He was, however, a good
preacher, earnest, thoughtful, and practical. He never
introduced his speculations into his preaching.
BALTIMORE. 9 1
It will be remembered that Barnes himself was a
New School Presbyterian, and had been charged in the
Old School Assembly with Pelagianism.
He regretted the narrowness of some good Churches.
A Eeformed Presbyterian who had been invited to
preach in his church, asked him if his people could
sing Souse's version of the Psalms; and on learning
that they could not, refused to preach.1 But changes
were going on. Presbyterian ministers were beginning
to use pulpit gowns — a small thing in itself, but part of
a larger movement.
He was sorry to find congregational singing diminish
ing. The organ, he thought, helped to destroy it. And
yet the Episcopalians, who always had it, were singing
more than the Presbyterians. It depended much on
the spiritual condition of the Church.
. I passed south from Philadelphia by way of Balti
more, traversing part of two States (Delaware and
Maryland), where slavery existed up to the time of the
war. Already a change was discernible in the aspect
of things. The negroes were becoming jnore numerous,
the white people about the farms looked more indolent,
and at the stations and the adjacent groggeries I began
to see a class of darker and fiercer-looking fellows than
I had been accustomed to in the North, some of them
belonging, no doubt, to the ignorant and idle class
formerly known as "mean whites" and "white trash."
It was a ludicrous effect of slavery that even the slave
despised a white man who couldn't afford to own "a
nigger." The houses too looked dingier and the farms
1 It was this denomination that in America) from the eldership and
recently suspended George H. Stuart membership of the Church for sing-
(oue of the most eminent Christians ing hymns !
92 GENERAL HOWARD.
more slovenly. The eye searched over the landscape
in vain for any of the clean white farmhouses that lie
scattered like shells over almost every district in New
England.
From the busy city of Baltimore I passed on to
Washington. I remember the impression it made upon
me, looking out in the clear night as we approached
the city, and dimly discerning the Capitol, with its
imperial dome, standing up like a white phantom against
the sky.
I spent the next day in wandering about through the
straggling city — city of unbuilt streets and magnificent
distances — with its immense public buildings and its
wide field-like avenues, along which the people moved
like insects.
At the head-quarters of the Freedmen's Bureau I met
General Howard, chief of that department — a brilliant
speaker, a great friend of the freed slaves, a champion
of temperance, and a good soldier, all in one. It was
he wTho had the terrible distinction of receiving that
last tremendous charge of Stonewall Jackson at Chan-
cellorsville.1 It was he who selected the position at
Gettysburg, which probably secured victory to the
North, and turned the tide of the war. Afterwards, in
the " grand march to the sea," Howard commanded the
right wing of Sherman's army.
When I met him at the head-quarters of the Bureau,
1 On my return from America, I Southern hero low. They had never
brought with me, amongst other approached before except from hos-
interesting relics, the coat worn by tile sides, amidst the fire and thun-
Howard, and the overcoat worn by der of battle. May the peace in
Jackson in that battle of Chan- which they lie together now be a
cellorsville — the latter bearing the foreshadow of North and South
marks of the bullet that laid the happy and reconciled !
WASHINGTON.— A NEGRO SCHOOL. 93
he was dressed in uniform — dark blue coat, with gold
buttons, and major-general's shoulder-straps. The right
sleeve, emptied by a bursting shell at the battle of Fair
Oaks, was looped up to one of the breast buttons. I
was much struck with the cordiality of his manner.
Immediately on entering, he came forward, and, giving
me the only hand the Confederates had left him,
welcomed me to America. His countenance is very
pleasing. His gentle eyes make one think more of a
minister of mercy than of a soldier.
After some conversation about my plans, and the
missionary work to be seen amongst the freedmen, one
of his secretaries wrote an introduction for me to the
Bureau officers at the South, which his orderly laid
before him, and held in its place, while Howard, taking
the pen in his left hand, attached his signature.
As Howard wished me to see some of the black schools
in Washington before leaving, he introduced me to the
Eev. Mr. Kimball, Superintendent of Education for the
district of Columbia, with whom I rode out to see the
negro schools at Georgetown, one of the suburbs of the
city.
Here I found eight schools clustered together under
one roof, or rather, one school " graded," that is, divided
into separate grades or classes according to proficiency,
each grade having its own room, and its own teacher,
who has therefore to deal only with pupils at one stage
which she has to see them carefully and thoroughly car
ried through before sending them up to the next. This
is one of the most important features in the educational
system in America. The Georgetown school-buildings
looked unpromising, being of rough wood, and hav
ing more the appearance of whitewashed sheds than
94 WASHINGTON.
school-houses. Better buildings, I was told, were in
contemplation, but the work of educating the coloured
population is a new and vast work, and it will be many
years before everything is in shape.
The first grade we entered was for one of the more
advanced grades, and was better furnished than the
rough exterior of the building led me to expect.
The room was crowded with black children, boys and
girls very orderly, and busy at their lessons. It was to
me a strange and interesting sight. Till coming to Ame
rica, I had never seen more than three or four black
faces at a time ; and even in the States up till that
moment I had only seen negroes scattered in the crowd,
or passed here and there a negro cabin with a little
swarm of piccaninnies at the door. Now for the first
time I found myself in a crowd of little frizzly-haired
darkies, looking, to my unaccustomed eyes, like a room
ful of imps.
The teacher (a white lady) gave us seats on the plat
form, and while she exchanged a few words with Mr.
Kimball, I took a more leisurely survey of the place.
The walls were covered with maps, charts, and short
proverbs in large type, such as " A stitch in time saves
nine," and " Well begun is half done." There might be
fifty or sixty scholars in the room ; and in the corner I
observed four boys wi^h dunces' caps of the sugar-loaf
pattern on their heads, standing up in a row against the
wall, and evidently much ashamed at being caught in
disgrace by visitors. Some of the black children were
looking with quite as much curiosity at me as I was
at them. I caught the eyes of one droll-looking little
fellow, and could not repress a smile. The little fellow
instantly grinned with delight from ear to ear, and
A NEGRO SCHOOL. 95
immediately half-a-dozen others were looking up eagerly,
with their faces all ready for a similar exhibition of
delight, if I would only give the slightest encourage
ment.
The teacher now, at our request, went on with the
lesson we had interrupted. She turned to the scholars.
" Tell these gentlemen," she said, " what book you are
reading in."
" Second Reader" cried several voices at once.
" And the caption of this piece 1"
" ' The Boy Lost in the Snow.'"
The little black girl whose turn it was now began, and
to my surprise read as accurately, and with a great deal
more expression than I should have looked for in one of our
own schools from a girl of the same age. Several others
read after her, some of them as well, some even better. The
way in which they divided the sentences into clauses, and
the precision with which they articulated their words,
showed how successfully careful teaching was overcoming
the natural and almost universal defect of negro utterance.
When reading was over the teacher said, " Books closed ! "
and touched the bell upon her table. The children, clos
ing their books, rose simultaneously, and stood facing us
with folded arms, ready for spelling.
" Spell ' your,' " said the teacher, turning to the first boy.
" Y-o-u-r, your," cried the boy.
" Y-o-u-r, your ! " repeated the whole class, making the
roof ring with the last word. A round of spelling was put
in this way. When the word " exactly" was repeated by
the class the teacher held up her finger.
« Who said ' 'zakly f "
A little black girl, grinning from ear to ear, hung her
head and rolled her eyes up to the teacher's with a droll
expression of conscious guilt.
" Spell it, Julia."
The child began — " E-x, ex, a-c-t, act ;" — then paused
doubtfully, waved her head, smiled, paused again, and then
96 WASHINGTON.
added abruptly, " 1-y, ly — exactly," and grinned in delight
at her own success.
When the word " paling " (referring to the paling of a
garden) was given, the boy whose turn it was spelt it " p-a-i-1-
i-n-g."
Instantly a little black fellow, two or three down, who
seemed to be all eyes and excitement, held up his arm and
worked it eagerly towards the teacher, to show that he was
ready to correct, glancing with intense nervousness at a
girl who had also held up her hand, and who, he was evi
dently fearful might deprive him of this chance of distin
guishing himself gloriously.
« Well, George T
" P-a-1, pal, i-n-g ; paling, a fence," cried the little fellow,
as if speaking to a thousand people ; and having fired off
the word in this triumphant style, instantly resumed his
place with an air of unspeakable satisfaction.
" What is a * pail ' as you spelt it V Mr. Kimball asked
of the boy who had gone wrong.
" A bucket," said the boy/'
" Then do you think the paling of the garden was made
of buckets ? "
The boy grinned and the whole school shouted with
laughter. Negroes, young and old, are always ready for
a laugh.
The arithmetic class was now called. I was specially
interested in the arithmetic exercises, because I had often
heard it alleged that the negroes could make nothing of
figures. As the class had got the length of multiplication,
I gave amongst other questions the following : — 987,654,
to be multiplied by 4, and noted the time on my watch. In
twelve seconds one of the boys jumped up and cried " First !"
Immediately after, another boy cried " Second ! " Then
came a girl ; and in twenty seconds half the class were on
their feet. The first and second boys were right, as were
several of the others : and the first boy was one of the
purest negroes in the class— so black, as Lowell would have
said, that charcoal would make a chalk mark on him.
A NEGRO SCHOOL. 97
We then tried them with a number of extempore ques
tions to be worked mentally without use of the slate. For
instance, add 11 and 9 and 8 and 2 and 7 and 7. The
answers were given instantly, and for the most part cor
rectly, especially by six or seven of the cleverest. I should
have considered the answering sufficiently creditable to a
class of white children of the same age.
Two or three of the children were nearly white, and most
of them had at least an intermixture of white blood ; but
I did not observe that these as a rule were any cleverer
than the others. I directed Mr. Kimball's attention to a
graceful young girl of eleven or twelve, conspicuous amongst
so many black children by reason of her having blue eyes
and yellow hair, and a face and neck as white as you could
have found in Scotland.
I said, " You surely do not call that a coloured girl."
" 0 yes," he said, " she must have black blood in her or
she would not be here. She is what some call a white
black."
" But would that girl have been bought and sold like a
full-blooded negro 1 "
" Certainly. And would have brought a higher price
by reason of her colour. That girl in a few years would
have brought 1500 dollars."
After making a few remarks — for in America wherever
you go you are expected to make a speech — we visited the
seven other grades in the same building. I was struck
with the proficiency of many of the classes in acquaintance
with America and American institutions before they had
learnt anything of other countries.
In one room, when requested to say something to the
pupils, I began by asking if they knew where Scotland
was.
No one answered. One black girl put her hand half up
in a wavering manner for a moment, as if a faint recollec
tion had struck her, but drew it down again.
" Do any of you know, then," I said, "where England is?"
Two hands were held up.
G
98 WASHINGTON.
4)
" Well, where is it 1 "
« In Europe."
" Can you show it me on the map 1 "
One of the two boys came up, took the pointer, and
pointed to Great Britain.
" I 'm sorry," said the teacher, " you didn't happen in
before my last class was promoted ; they would have known
more about Scotland. But if you try the children here
with America, you will find they know a good deal."
I called up a very black- skinned boy, with the thorough
African face, and asked him if he could point out the State
of Pennsylvania. He did it at once.
" Do you know the seat of Government there 1 "
He answered promptly — " Harrisburg, on the Susque-
hanna ; " and pointed to it on the map.
I tried him with Delaware, Minnesota, Connecticut, and
some half-a-dozen others. He pointed to them all with
equal promptness, and named their principal cities, with, I
think, only one slip.
" What form of Government have you in this country!"
" Eepublican."
"And in England ]"
No answer.
" Have you never heard of Queen Victoria 1 "
No answer.
" Who stands at the head of this Republic just now ? "
He answered at once — " President Johnson."
Mr. Kimball then directed the attention of the school to
a picture of Lincoln that hung on the wall.
" Who is that ? "
" President Lincoln," cried the whole school in a breath.
" Was he a good man ? "
" Y.es, yes ! "
" What good thing did he do ? "
" He set the coloured people free."
It was now time for the interval. The bell was touched,
and the children took their places, while a boy and girl,
whose duty this was for the day, stepped softly along dis-
A NEGRO SCHOOL. 99
tributing the caps and shawls. The bell was touched again,
and the whole school, rising to their feet, filed out in
beautiful order, walking elaborately on their tiptoes to avoid
making any noise. As we passed out a few minutes after,
we saw great numbers of them at their lunch, which they
had brought in handkerchiefs and little cans.
Mounting horse, we rode next to the Barracks' School,
where not only the scholars but the teachers are coloured.
The interval for play was not over when we arrived, but
many of the children had remained at their lessons, and
others, when they saw us go in, came crowding after us.
The teachers here, as at Georgetown, were all females.
The one into whose school we passed first was very dark-
skinned, but had a finely shaped face, with prominent nose
and thin firm lips. Mr. Kimball said this was often the
case with even full-blooded Africans of high caste ; but that
education and the development of intellectual power and
activity was found to have a marked effect upon the features
even of the lowest type of negroes, assimilating them more
or less to the European. I have heard Melville Bell, the
well-known elocutionist and inventor of visible speech,
make a similar assertion in regard to the effect of articulative
exercises on the appearance of persons who came to him
with loose thick lips, and slovenly utterance..
Order was called, and the black children put through
various exercises in reading, spelling, arithmetic, and
geography. One little girl, perfectly black, not only named
the different States, but pointed out England and Scotland
on the map, and the cities of London, Edinburgh, and
Glasgow. I observed that here, as in all American schools,
great attention was paid to method and rhythmical move
ment. For instance, when the arithmetic class was called
the class rose simultaneously, marched to the black-board,
arranged themselves, with their faces to it, at regular dis
tances, and stood thus for several seconds perfectly still,
awaiting the signal. When the teacher cried " One ! "
every child put its fingers on a piece of chalk — chalk pen
cils lay for this purpose in a groove at the foot of the
100 WASHINGTON.
board. When the teacher cried " Two ! " every hand was
lifted at the same moment to the board, and held there
with the point of the chalk pencil touching the board,
waiting for the question to be put.
When all the exercises were over, I asked the school
what message I was to take from them to my friends in
Scotland. There was a pause, and a good deal of grinning
and looking about, one to the other.
" Send some message, won't you]" said the teacher.
" Tell 'em this is a good school," cried one.
" Tell 'em we're going to be good citizens," said another.
" Tell de Scotch people," said a third, " we'se going to be
like dem"
" And tell 'em," cried a bright-eyed, earnest little fellow,
with bare black feet, and pants that terminated raggedly
at the knees, " tell 'em I'se gwine to be a teacher ! "
Spending an evening with Mr. Alex. Williamson, of
the Treasury Department, he showed me some interest
ing relics of President Lincoln, in whose family he had
been tutor during the time of the war. One was the
dressing-gown and slippers which Lincoln had worn in
the house on the night of his assassination. " I went to
bed that night about ten," said Mr. Williamson, " and
had been in bed about twenty minutes when we heard
a ring and a violent knocking at the door. My wife
and I jumped up, thinking it was a fire. On going
down-stairs we found it was our son, then employed in
the Military Telegraph Office, come in hot haste with
the fearful intelligence that the President had been shot
at ForcL's Theatre. My son had been there, had seen
Booth after firing the shot leap upon the stage, and rush
out at the back, brandishing a formidable bowie-knife
to clear his way. I pulled on my clothes, and hurried
first to the President's house, to find Robert (Lincoln's
ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S ASSASSINATION. 101
m
eldest son). On the stairs I met Thaddeus, his second
boy — ' little Tad/ as his father used affectionately to
call him — running down, in charge of one of the mes
sengers. On seeing me, poor little Tad, who was tongue-
tacked and had a difficulty in pronouncing, cried out
piteously— ' Oh, Mister Wi', Mister Wi', papa's tot !' I
ran for Mr. Eobert and Major Hay, who hastened to the
theatre; by this time the President had been carried
across to a house on the other side of the street. Drs.
Barnes, Stone, and Crane were in attendance ; but, on
examining the course which the ball had taken, they
said — " It is fatal There is no hope." At seven next
morning he died.
One of the relics which Mr. Williamson showed me
was Lincoln's copy of Helper's Impending Crisis, one of
the most remarkable books that has ever been written
against slavery. Lincoln had read this book with care,
and scored the passages that struck him most, and it had
helped no doubt to prepare him for the great and peril
ous step of Emancipation. In one chapter he had drawn
his pencil twice opposite the following verses : —
" Whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he
also shall cry, but shall not be heard."
And again, " Let the oppressed go free — Proclaim
liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants
thereof."
Mr. Williamson said that Lincoln had a deep rever
ence for the Scriptures, and would sometimes search
out half-remembered passages that seemed to promise
guidance in some dark and critical hour. Some of these
were embodied in his messages to Congress.
" One day," he continued, " I was in the library read
ing, when Mr. Lincoln came in with a candle in his
102 WASHINGTON.
•
hand — the afternoon being dark and hazy — and began
looking over the shelves, as if in search of some book.
" By and by he said, ' Tad is a terrible fellow. He
puts everything in confusion/
" I said, ' What are you seeking for, President ?'
" ' I want/ said he, ' a book I saw here once — Crode's
or Crude's Concordance!
" I said he must mean Cruden's, and knowing where
it was, I went over and got it for him, saying at the same
time, < That is a book that in Scotland you would find
in almost every library/
" ' Ah/ said he, ' you Scotch folks know your Bibles
better than we do. The more pity for us/
" Lincoln had a great love for Scotland. He named
his youngest boy William Wallace Lincoln. Poor
Willy! he died of typhoid fever in '62. He was the
brightest of them all
" I remember another time," said Mr. Williamson,
" how pleased the President was with a reply made
by the Scotch Presbyterian Churches to the pro-slavery
Church in the South. The pro-slavery Presbyterians
there had sent an appeal to the Presbyterians in Scot
land. They were especially sanguine of sympathy from
the Free Church, because the slaveholders had helped
that Church a good deal with money at the outset.
The reply from Scotland was brief but crushing, and
the Free Church went in with the others.
" Mr. Lincoln, I remember, was conversing with New
ton, the" Commissioner of Agriculture, when a copy of
this Pteply was put into his hand. He glanced at
it, and then, turning to Newton, said, —
" ' I must read you this paper, Newton ; it seems of
more than ordinary ability/
LINCOLN'S PERSONAL HABITS AND CHARACTER. 103
" He commenced reading, but had not got half through
it before the tears began to come into his eyes, so deeply
was he moved to find that, in spite of all her apparent
sympathy with the South, Scotland was still sound on
the question of slavery.
" ' That/ said he, emphatically, when he had finished
reading, ' is one of the most complete arguments against
slavery I ever read. It puts the whole question into a
nutshell/
" With that he went and placed it amongst his papers
' To be kept! I have often heard him refer to it after
wards."
Speaking of Lincoln's character and personal habits,
Mr. Williamson said he never knew him do a wrong
or a mean thing ; and though there was little of the
courtier about him, there was infinite tenderness of
heart. He had known him listen to the pleadings of
women and children till the tears ran down his cheeks.
The same testimony was borne by others. I heard of
one young soldier, belonging to a Pennsylvania regi
ment, who was condemned to be shot for sleeping at his
post. The news reached his home, and almost killed his
poor widowed mother, who lay helplessly bedridden.
She struggled to rise, and cried piteously, " Oh, if I could
only see the President ! He would not shoot my boy."
Her only other child, a brave little girl of nine, heard
what her mother said, and the thought took possession
of her mind that she would go and beg the President for
her brother's life. She ran to the station, and got the
next train to Washington — the conductor, when he
heard her story, passing her without charge, and when
they got to Washington getting some one to show her to
the White House.
104 WASHINGTON.
In the large waiting-rooms there, crowded with
people, the little girl was lost. She waited long, every
minute an hour, no doubt, to her poor little throbbing
heart, and when there seemed no prospect of her getting
in, her courage and hope gave way, and she began to
cry bitterly.
Lincoln was sitting in his room engaged in important
business when he heard the piteous cries of a child.
After a little while he heard them again, and calling the
messenger, he said, —
" See what disturbance that is outside. I hear a child
crying."
The messenger returned with the intelligence that a
little girl was there whose brother was to be shot, and
she wanted to see the President.
Lincoln told him to bring her in. The child entered,
her face wet with tears, but full of passionate earnest
ness. She looked at the big ungainly man upon whom
her brother's life depended, and when she saw the
kindly light that shone through the deeply-marked and
careworn visage, she threw herself upon his neck, and
begged her brother's life. Lincoln was deeply moved ;
he put his big hand kindly on the little supplicant's
head, and the tears began to trickle down his cheeks.
He called his secretary ; inquiry was made. Lincoln
put some questions to the child about her mother's cir
cumstances, and then, taking his pen, he wrote out a
pardon for her brother, and gave instructions to have
him brought to Washington, and sent home with her to
his mother.
Here is another incident, illustrating in a different
way the same phase of Lincoln's character : — One
day, driving through a village, the people ran out
THE SCOTTISH 79TH (FEDERAL). 105
from shop and store to see him pass. One huge grimy
blacksmith, who had come out from his forge, with bare
head and half-bared chest, was conspicuous by reason of
his immense size and stentorian cheers.
" Stop !" cried Lincoln to the coachman, " Stop ! I must
get out and shake that man's hand. These are the
noble fellows that are the strength of the country."
When the blacksmith saw the President look at him
and get out, he stopped his cheering ; and when he saw
the President coming straight towards him, began with
a look of concern to move off. Lincoln waved and cried
to him to stop ; but the big blacksmith, now thoroughly
alarmed, ran back into his smithy. Lincoln, however,
followed him, and told him he only wanted a shake of
his hand, shook it with great goodwill, and some little
amusement, and drove off amidst great cheering.
Mr. Williamson gave me the following particulars
about a Scottish, or rather a Highland, regiment (the
79th New York) that served with some distinction in
the war : —
" Soon after the war broke out, we heard that the men
of this militia regiment had mustered into the regular ser
vice, and were preparing to start for Washington. We
who were Scotch anxiously awaited news of their coming.
They had to run the rebel gauntlet at Baltimore, where the
6th Massachusetts had bee# fired upon by the Secessionist
mob. They were all prepared for a similar reception. The
men carried their muskets loaded ; the officers were ready
with their revolvers ; and the advance line reconnoitred as
they marched through the swarming city from the one
depot to the other. But there was no provocation given
them. The mob said, "These are Scotch — none of the
d— d Yankees ! '
" I remember well their arrival in Washington. They
got here about half-past two on a Sunday morning, and
106 WASHINGTON.
marched up Pennsylvania Avenue, their band, led by Sandy
Robertson, playing ' Hey, Johnny Cope, are you waukin'
yet 1 ' As they neared the President's house, they sud
denly struck up * The Campbells are coming.' ' Old Abe,'
who slept very slightly, awoke at the sound. He knew
the tune well, and told me afterwards that it instantly
filled his mind with thoughts of the relief of Lucknow. He
got out of bed, pulled on his dressing-gown, and stept out
to the portico. His appearance was the signal for a wild
hurrah, and it was some time before the cheering subsided.
The President made a short speech, the band at its close
struck up ' Hail to the Chief,' and the regiment resumed
its march to Georgetown. The 79th was 1100 strong, and
500 of them were in kilts. 850 of these men were
real Scotchmen ; the rest were hardy fellows from the
North of Ireland — Scotch-Irish, as they are called here.
The officers were principally mechanics and masons, and
many of the privates had been clerks and shopkeepers in
New York, where they had been earning from 70 to 100
dols. a month, but had turned out to help in putting down
the rebellion. During the time they were in the city my
house was like their head-quarters. The city was full of
Secessionists, and both officers and men seemed glad to find
a countryman who was enthusiastic about them and their
cause.
" By-and-by they got orders to march to the front. I
was out to see them go, and I remember one of the soldiers,
Gourlay, an Edinburgh man, and a fine singer, getting on a
hay-rick by the captain's orders, and singing ' The March of
the Cameron Men,' the regiment taking up the chorus.
" At Bull Run they lost heavily in killed and wounded.
Colonel Cameron was among the killed. Captain Laing
was on§ of the officers wounded ; Laing was an old appren
tice of W. H. Lizars, engraver, Edinburgh. He was first
hit angle-ways on the windpipe, the ball traversing the
neck just under the skin, and coming out at the back.
Almost at the same moment a shell exploded near him,
and a fragment struck him, hurting him so badly that he
A CITY IN WAR DAYS. 107
had to retire, his serjeant (Campbell) helping him. He
had not got far when one of the rebel cavalry fired at him
and shot him in the wrist. The rebel was taking aim
again, when the sergeant fired at him and killed him.
They pushed for the rear as fast as Laing's wounds per
mitted, and were just getting off the field when another
rebel dashed up and fired at him, the ball tearing the
sleeve of his coat, and crashing through his wrist. The
sergeant got at this fellow with his bayonet, and killed
him too. Laing presented the sergeant afterwards with a
silver medal for saving his life.
" Such a state as Washington was in the day after that
battle ! " my friend continued. " The people were in a
panic ; great numbers were leaving the city ; the braver
and more loyal were hurrying about preparing to receive
the wounded. Stands with wine, hot coffee, tea, and bread
for the weary-footed soldiers were placed at street corners ;
ambulances were rattling out for the maimed; artillery
was hurrying at a jolting trot through the streets ; order
lies were dashing to and fro ; bugles were sounding * To
horse ;' and the district volunteers, in rather a shaky con
dition, were panting for glory.
" I was out all day at the corner of Pennsylvania Avenue
and Fourteenth Street watching the excitement and seeing
the wounded come in. I saw Burnside, who had gone
prancing out in high feather a few days before at the head
of his troops, in the midst of cheers and waving handker
chiefs and bouquets, corne back on a broken-down Eosi-
nante, with somebody else's cap on his head and the flower
gone from his button-hole. It was the best thing that
could have happened for the North, that defeat. It let
the nation see that serious work was before it. The
troops went out with no idea of what awaited them.
Parties of civilians went with them to see the rebels
whipped. The start was like a great pic-nic. Bull Kim
put an end to that. The nation set itself seriously then to
prepare for a great war.
" When I got home that first night, I found a number
108 WASHINGTON.
of the officers and soldiers of the 79th in and around my
house — many of them wounded. The regiment fought
afterwards in twenty-seven battles, winding up with the
tremendous battle of Spotsylvania Court House, under
General Grant."
Mr. Williamson gave me the following vivid descrip
tion of Washington during those years of war : —
"The city was in a fearful condition — swarming not
only with troops, but with vagabonds, vampires, and
harpies of every description. Hundreds of Irish shebeens
dotted the suburbs, where poisonous whisky was sold to
the soldiers at four or five dollars a bottle, and citizens'
clothes were kept for soldiers to desert in. Daily raids
were made upon these places by the Provost Guard, the
whisky destroyed, and the houses battered down; but
others started up like mushrooms, and low women were
continually caught conveying whisky to the soldiers in
bottles suspended from the hoops of their crinolines.
Whole streets were occupied by prostitutes, who never
numbered less than 20,000 here during the war — 5000 or
more of them black women. Hundreds of soldiers were
nightly turned out of these dens by the Provost Guard ;
restaurants were closed, rum and whisky run into the
gutter, and the proprietors imprisoned. Sundays were like
other days. Church-going was almost given up. Churches,
indeed, were converted into hospitals, and filled with
wounded and dying men.
" Then such a roar as there continually was in the city,
day and night. Droves of mules from Kentucky, brought
in for drawing quartermaster's stores ; horses by the thou
sand, for cavalry and other service, on their way to the
Government corrals ; herds of cattle, for feeding the army,
driven by horsemen with long whips, bellowing and stam
peding through the streets. Then there were the dying
and the dead, arriving in ship-loads at our wharves : long
mournful trains of ambulances moving to the hospitals;
crowds of people running after them to see if any of their
HANGING-ON AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 109
<*
friends were amongst the wounded ; columns of rebel pri
soners, heavily guarded, passing to head-quarters; com
panies of rebel officers guarded by black soldiers ; regiments
innumerable crowding through the city on their way to the
front. I remember when Burnside's corps of 45,000 men
was on it^ way to join Grant in Virginia, it passed in
review before the President and Cabinet, occupying two
days. There were three or four coloured regiments in this
corps, and, as they passed ' Old Abe/ they sang ' John
Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave,' marching
with their caps on the tops of their bayonets. Poor fel
lows ! they didn't know it, but they were on their way to
be buried in the crater at Petersburg."
It is considered the correct thing for a stranger in
Washington to pay his respects to the President. Ac
cordingly, one forenoon I went up to the White House.
It was a time of great political excitement, and the
reception rooms were crowded with people from all
parts of the country — office-seekers, politicians, sena
tors, military and naval officers, strangers (like myself),
and a sprinkling of enlightened and long-legged citi
zens from the far West, dressed with Eepublican free
dom, and wearing hats of every style, from the slouched
and the rowdy hat to the tall stove-pipe and the Gol
gotha.
The rooms were spacious and richly carpeted, and
the principal articles of furniture, omitting half-a-dozen
slim chairs (capable of accommodating about one in six
of the persons present, and never vacant for a moment),
were two stupendous spitoons, which were gracefully
planted in the middle of the floor about ten yards apart,
on large squares of oilcloth. There was another and
more elegant waiting-room for the ladies, who are
treated everywhere in America with a consideration
110 WASHINGTON.
and courtesy that might put this country to the
blush.
Some of the freest and most enlightened of the citi
zens had evidently been waiting a long time, and were
striding uneasily about, sometimes talking, sometimes
looking out of the window at the end of the gallery,
sometimes, on their way back, taking a squirt at the
spitoon, or stopping to drop into it a chawed-up plug
of tobacco. Others of a more refined order lounged
about, or stood conversing in groups, thickest at the
end nearest the door of the President's room, '"towards
which, as often as it opened to let anybody out or in,
all eyes were instantly turned. The person who excited
my sympathy most was the usher whose business it
was to take in the cards and come for persons who were
sent for specially by the President. Every time this
unfortunate official passed through the reception rooms
on his mission, he looked like a fly trying to make its
way through cobwebs. He was hitched aside here,
clutched at there, arrested everywhere, — all being impa
tient to ascertain when their turn was to come, and
seeming to regard the usher as the malicious cause of
their detention.
It became very wearisome this waiting. It was
dreary enough hanging on in such a crowd for one's
turn; but when some senator or commanding officer
suddenly appeared on urgent business, and had to get
in next, interrupting the routine, and remaining closeted
with the President for what seemed an interminable
time to us, who had no chairs ; and when we knew
that other senators on urgent business might arrive at
any moment, all calculations as to time were felt to be
visionary.
ANDREW JOHNSON. Ill
At last, when I had begun to despair of getting in
'at all, and was reduced to the condition of leaning
from sheer fatigue against the balustrade, and would
have gone away but for the thought that it would be
throwing away the chance which it had taken three
hours of patient waiting to secure, suddenly the usher
came for me, and I was shown into the President's
room.
President Johnson, when I entered, was standing at
the corner of his table, which was covered with books
and papers. He is tall, dark-complexioned, broad-
shouldered, stands erect, and has much more of dignity
in his manner and appearance than I had expected to
find. He shook my hand, and when I had paid my
respects, began with the usual questions, —
" How long have you been in the country, sir ?" and
"How do you like the country, sir?" — with a -few
others of a like kind.
After a brief interview not likely to affect perman
ently the destinies of the world, I took my leave. The
impression which Mr. Johnson left upon me, both on
this occasion, and when I saw him again on my return
to Washington, was that of a keen, ambitious man,
with a strange combination of furtiveness and power.
There is a good deal of the bull-dog in his broad,
heavy, strongly-marked face, with an expression of
dogged obstinacy, especially about the lips, which are
firmly pressed together as when a man is facing a cold
blast. His eyes are small, quick, restless ; peering and
glittering from between his puffy eyelids like the eyes
of an Indian, conveying the idea of deepness, vigilance,
and subtlety. He wore a look of anxiety, but there
was nothing of that dissipated appearance about him
112 WASHINGTON.
which I had been led to expect from the charges of
habitual drunkenness which were continually brought
against him in the public prints. One has to receive
with great caution the charges brought against the
character of a public man in America by the organs of
a hostile party.
Johnson is a Presbyterian, and attended Dr. Gurley's
church in Washington. On the occasion of my visit
to the city in the following year, I saw him there, though
it was in the midst of the impeachment furor, when he
was declared by Eadical papers to be drowning himself
in drink.
Johnson, as is generally known, was once a poor
tailor lad, and never learnt even to write his name till
after his marriage, when he was taught by his wife.
With all his faults, it says something for such a man
that, by his own unaided abilities, he should have raised
himself up to the Vice -Presidency of a great Kepublic.
It was, of course, the bullet of Wilkes Booth that made
him President.
GRANT'S RETICENCE. 1 1 3
XL
GRANT.
AT the time of this first visit to Washington, Grant
was officiating as interim Secretary of War — the con
flict between President Johnson and Congress being in
progress. I called on him with introductions from
Beecher and George H. Stuart, and was very kindly
received.
When I entered the small and unpretentious room
where Grant was at work, I found him sitting at his
table in the corner, with piles of letters and documents
before him, a half-smoked cigar beside him on the edge
of the table, near his elbow, and the omnipresent spit
toon at his feet. A few old prints of the Eevolutionary
war adorned the walls, and over the mantelpiece hung
a dark mournful-looking print of Abraham Lincoln.
Grant rose and shook hands quietly. He is a small
man, with a grim little mouth, looking all the grimmer
by reason of his reddish-brown moustache being cut
across as with a scissors, leaving it square and bristly.
He has a shrewd, grey, impenetrable eye, but, on the
whole, a pleasant expression of countenance, as if he ha<?
something in him which he was amused at your trying
to find out.
I had heard so much of his reticence that I scarcely
expected to get a word out of him. It struck me as
H
1 1 4 GRANT.
probable, however, that his extreme reserve might be
owing, in part, to people approaching him on the
political side, and trying to get him to speak on topics
on which he might not wish to commit himself. Ac
cordingly, I began to speak of Scotland and Grant's
family connection with it, on which he opened out at
once, telling me that he was Scotch on both sides, hi-s
mother being a Simpson, and that though his father and
grandfather had both been born in America, they were
fond of tracing their Scotch descent. This led to a
pleasant conversation, in which the General spoke with
out the least reserve. Grant is a thorough Eepublican.
One sees it in his manners, his language, and his ex
pressed sympathies. At the time of the Mexican dis
turbances, he urged the Government to support Juarez,
and declared that the attempt to establish a monarchy
in America by foreign bayonets was an act of hostility
against the United States.
When he was asked how that principle held with
regard to British power in Canada, he said, — " Britain
was there before us, and is slackening her hold. France
has no business here at all, and is trying to get hold.
That makes a mighty difference."
His attitude towards this country will, however, be
determined to a great extent by the feelings of his
countrymen. "I shall have no policy of my own,"
he said himself, "to interpose against the will of the
people."
I was therefore delighted to find, wherever I went,
that the mass of the American people seemed so heartily
desirous of international fraternity and peace. I can
not express too strongly my conviction, from what I
heard and saw in America, that the anti-British feeling
ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE PRESIDENT'S CHARACTER. 115
which shows itself so much in some quarters, comes
not from the native American population, but from
people who have gone out from our own country with
feelings of disaffection that ripen there into jealousy and
hate. The feelings of the native Americans, and especi
ally of the great party which has elected Grant to the
Presidential chair, are those of cordial good -will.
Grant's reticence made him a new and bewildering
character in the political arena, when his name came up
for President. Nobody seemed to know exactly what
he was — whether Radical, Eepublican, or Democrat.
I heard Wendell Phillips say in one of his public
addresses, referring to Lincoln, — " We had first a man
with his face turned heavenward ; then we got a man
with his face turned hellward ; and now we are offered
a man about whom the only thing we can say is that
we don't know which way his face is turned."
Ben Wade was equally at a loss.
" I foresee," he said, " that the Eepublican party will
take Grant up and run him in with a hurrah. The
trouble is, you don't know where he stands."
He was asked if he had never conversed with him on
political subjects.
" I have tried, but it was no use. When I saw the
popular current running in his favour, I wanted to
know whether he was for Johnson or for Congress, or
what the devil he was for ; but I never could get any
thing out of him. As quick as I 'd talk politics, he 'd
offer a cigar, and begin to talk horses."
Grant, however, has said enough and done enough to
show his character, and what may be expected of him.
In 1861, when he re-entered the United States army,
because, as he said himself, " the country is in peril,
1 1 6 GRANT.
and I feel bound to offer my services for whatever they
are worth," he added, " I would like a regiment ; yet
there are few men really competent to command a
thousand soldiers, and I doubt if I am one of them."
Three years after, he was in command of an army,
and had proved himself the most successful commander
in the North.
When, therefore, we find him in '66 declining to go
to Mexico with the embassy, because, as he said him
self, "it is a diplomatic service for which I am not
fitted — a thing that can be very much better done by
others," we are left to hope that the analogy will hold,
and that —
" Successful counsels may him now approve,
As fit for close intrigues as for the field."
In '63, when Grant was in command in the West, a
commercial house in which Grant's own father was
interested, applied to him for a special permit to trade
on the river. Mr. M — , a member of the firm, went to
head-quarters, secured a private interview with the
General, and presented the application, backed up by a
letter from the General's father.
" Sir," said Grant, " I am always glad to give any
proper help to my friends ; but I cannot do this. I am
a servant of the United States Government here, and as
such I cannot favour one citizen more than another."
" But these new restrictions," said Mr. M — ; " could
we not be relieved from them in the meantime ?"
" No, sir. You can take out a permit, and trade along
the river, as others are doing ; but I cannot grant privi
leges to you which I refuse to others. I do not know
why my father should write asking me to do it. It is
a request that I cannot listen to from any one."
ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE PRESIDENT'S CHARACTER. 1 1 7
Grant has never had patience with those who want to
use the public grindstone for sharpening their own pri
vate cutlery. During the time of the war he wanted a
law passed providing that all fraudulent contractors for
the Government should be impressed into the ranks, " or
still better," he said, " into the gunboat service, where
they could have no chance of deserting."
Though silent, he is observant and sagacious, and
quick in discerning the meaning of things.
It is told of him, that, when some prisoners were being
examined at Fort Donelson, and the result was re
ported, he said, — " Are their haversacks filled ? "
Examination was made, and the haversacks found to
contain three days' rations.
" The enemy mean, then, to cut their way out," said
Grant instantly. " They don't mean to stop and fight
us. Who attacks now will whip ; and the rebels will
have to be very quick to beat us."
Speaking of his struggle with the Confederates at the
Wilderness, he said, " I have noticed that the South
erners fight desperately at first ; yet when we hang on
a day or two, we get them whipped." Whatever truth
there may be in his estimate of Southern valour, this
power of " hanging on " describes one of his most
obvious characteristics. He is slow to move, diffident
sometimes in undertaking a work ; but having under
taken it, he perseveres in it with a grim and unflinching
resolution that bears down everything before it. He
has shown this quality from his earliest years. At West
Point Academy, being an unsocial boy, he was treated
at first with a good deal of insolence and cruelty by the
older scholars. He stood this for some time, till one day,
on mock parade, the captain of the company addressed
1 1 8 GRANT.
a very insulting remark to him. Young Grant suddenly
stepped out of the ranks, threw off his jacket, and, before
the whole company, challenged the captain to fight.
The excitement became intense. The two boys went at
it, and in three minutes the captain, though he fought
hard, was severely thrashed, and had to cry for mercy.
"Now, lieutenant, if you. please, I'll take you," said
Grant, turning, without any apparent excitement, to
another of the cadets who had been most forward in
abusing him.
The lieutenant looked as if he would have willingly
declined the combat, but his reputation was at stake, and
he stepped out. Grant made short work with him too.
" Now," said he, hitching up his pants, and looking
as if his blood were only beginning to fire up, "who
comes next ? I want peace, but I'm willing to fight the
whole company, % one by one, if that's necessary to gain
peace."
There was no more fighting. The boys, delighted with
his pluck, poured round him tumultuously, shook his
hands, and gave him a hearty cheer. Thereafter he went
by the name of " Company Grant," the boy that was
ready to fight the whole company. This name he bore
till, in 1862, his correspondence with Confederate Gene
ral Buckner, at Tort Donelson, gained him the new but
uncouth name of "Unconditional-Surrender Grant."1
1 On the day after the fighting propose to move immediately upon
(Feb. 16, 1862), the Confederate your works." Buckuer had no re-
General finding his position despe- source. Swallowing his wrath as
rate, wrote Grant as follows: — "I best he could, he replied, — "Cir-
propose the appointment of Com- cumstances compel me to accept the
missioners to agree upon terms of ungenerous and unchivalrous terms
capitulation." To which Grant re- which you propose." Fort Donel-
plied, — " No terms can be accepted son was the first great victory for
except unconditional surrender. I the North.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE PRESIDENT'S CHARACTER. 1 1 9
At the bloody battle of Pittsburg Landing (April 6,
1862), when affairs were looking desperate, Buell said
to Grant, who had ridden up, —
" Have you provided for our retreat, General ?"
" JSTo, sir," said Grant, " we shall not retreat."
" But we may be forced to do it, and we should at
least be ready for all contingencies."
" Well, there are the boats."
" The boats !" exclaimed Buell ; " the boats will not
hold 10,000 men, and we have 30,000."
"They will hold more," replied the grim General,
" than we shall retreat with."
The year after, in the operations against Vicksburg,
Sherman gave it as his opinion that it would be neces
sary to shift their base and advance upon Vicksburg
from the North.
" That would require us to return to Memphis," said
Grant.
" Of course."
" Well," said he, " I shall take no steps backward.
It would look like a retreat, and would dishearten the
country. No, sir, I have considered the plan, and it is
my purpose to carry it out."
One day he stopped to water his horse near a dilapi
dated building. The lady of the house, a rebel, asked
him if he ever expected to take Vicksburg.
" Yes, I mean to take it," he said.
" And when V said the lady, with a scornful laugh.
" I don't know when," said the General quietly.
" But I shall take it, if I stay here thirty years."
The same grim resolution characterized him all
through the war. Everybody remembers his reply
when it was proposed by some of his officers, after
120 GRANT.
the desperate but unsuccessful attempt to storm Lee's
position in the Wilderness, that some other way of
advancing on Eichmond should be tried.
" No," said Grant, " I propose to fight it out on this
line if it takes all summer."
" Fighting it out on this line " has become a house
hold phrase in the North ever since.
Grant is capable of great severity if his purpose can
thereby be more readily accomplished.
When Sheridan was pushing up the beautiful valley
of the Shenandoah, where the Confederates had so often
come to gather the harvests, Grant's orders were more
severe and peremptory than had been issued even when
the South was in the fulness of her strength.
" Leave nothing," he said, " to invite the enemy to
return. Destroy whatever cannot be consumed. Let
that valley be so left that crows flying over it will have
to carry their rations along with them."
It was done, and the vast and fertile valley was con
verted for that season into a howling wilderness.
It was the same with human life. It was declared to
me by many Southern officers, and accepted as probable
by many in the North, that Grant sacrificed more men
in the series of blows he struck at Lee between the
Wilderness and Petersburg than all the men Lee had
to begin with. But then his end was gained. The
North lost heavily, but the South was conquered.
If Grant was terrible in war, he was generous in vic
tory. When Lee surrendered at Appomattox, Grant
allowed the Confederate officers to retain their side-arms,
distributed rations to the famished troops, and permitted
the officers and men to return to their homes.
The Southern people, many of them officers in Lee's
HIS VIEWS ON SLAVERY AND NEGRO SUFFRAGE. 121
army, speak of Grant's conduct at Appomattox Court
House with admiration and gratitude.
After the downfall of the Confederacy, he appealed
to President Johnson on behalf of the chief of the Con
federate armies.
" It would meet with opposition in the North," he
said, " to allow Lee the benefit of amnesty, but I think
it would have the best possible effect towards restor
ing good feeling and peace in the South to have him
come in." And in his official report he closed with
these words, as honourable to himself as they are
appreciative of Southern heroism, — " Let us hope now
for perpetual peace and harmony with that enemy
whose manhood, however mistaken the cause, drew
forth such herculean deeds of valour."
Grant's views on the negro question have not been
very clearly expressed in words, but it will be remem
bered that in 1863 he enjoined his commanders to
organize black regiments, and do their best to remove
all prejudice against them. It will also be remembered
that in all dealings with the enemy he declared that
black troops must stand on the same platform with
white troops, and be equally protected by the Govern
ment.
On his being spoken to on the subject of slavery,
and asked if he had gone for abolition, he said " No."
"But you were for gradual emancipation ?"
" No ; not at first. The rebellion opened my eyes.
I saw then that slavery must go, and ought to go. I
wanted peace, and I saw that we could never have
peace with slavery."
" You had a large number of black soldiers in your
army ?"
122 GRANT.
" Yes."
"Did they fight well?"
" Yes ; they fought very well."
" Do you think the black people will be able to hold
their own in the South?"
" I think they will ; but we shall see."
" Do you approve of giving the suffrage to coloured
people ? "
"Yes. It has become a necessity. I should have
gone against it once ; but there is no other way out of
the difficulty now. The South will do well to accept
it. The sooner the South accepts it, the sooner the
country will be at peace."
PURPOSE AND HEART IN THE WAK. 123
XII.
TUKPOSE AND HEART IN THE WAE.
BEFORE passing into the South, where the devotion of
the people to the cause they were led to espouse is well
known, let me say that I think this country has never
realized the spirit of earnestness with which, on the
other hand, the North took up arms. It is no part of
my belief that the North went into the war to put
down slavery. No doubt with that question the whole
difficulty from first to last was bound up ; and when the
boom of that " first gun " at Sumter rolled in ominous
thunder over the continent, there were quick ears that
heard in it the death-knell of the domestic institution.
Wendell Phillips heard it in the North; Alexander
Stephens heard it in the South. But what the mass
of the Northern people heard, was a shot fired on the
symbol of National Unity, — a blow struck at the funda
mental principle of government by majorities — the
principle of submission to the national will. If this
principle was repudiated, the Constitution was waste
paper, and the Union, the glorious Union, which had
flushed the American brow with pride, and made that
country the wonder and hope of the world, was a stu
pendous farce. So at least the North believed, and
the people (including multitudes who despised and
damned the nigger as well as those who felt for him)
124 PURPOSE AND HEART IN THE WAR.
sprang to arms to save the national life. But God's
hand was in the war, and the national life could not be
saved with slavery. As soon as this became apparent
slavery was doomed ; and public attention being called
to the question under new conditions, anti- slavery
feeling spread with a rapidity previously unknown.
But from the first, the question of the national life
had stirred the North to its centre, and brought the
best blood of the country into the field. The impres
sion in this country was, and to a large extent still is,
that the North won merely because of her unlimited
ability to replenish her armies with foreign mercenaries.
One cannot travel in the States even now without
discovering how much of error there is in this impres
sion. It seemed to me as if every American family I
met, from Maine to Mississippi, and as far beyond as I
travelled, had sent into the army one or more of its
members. I found people in every walk of life —
merchants, lawyers, ministers, theological students,
and Sunday-school teachers — bearing military titles
earned by actual service. Some colleges swarmed
with captains and majors. In one I heard a small
colonel (who, if he 'helped to put down the rebellion,
must have known more of war than he seemed to
know of Greek), standing up before the professor and
stumbling through a sentence of Xenophon. At the
Union Theological Seminary, New York, during my
last visit to that city, five out of the nine licentiates
going out to Kansas had military titles.1
1 One of these was a Colonel Lewis, stood sentry, "That man at the
whose father and three brothers had door, captain, has a face uncom-
all been in the army. An officer, monly like yours!" " He ought,"
visiting one of the brothers in camp, said the captain ; " he is my father."
said, glancing at the soldier who The father, rather than do nothing
EXTKA HELP. 125
All the religious denominations were largely repre
sented. Churches got up companies, and ministers
volunteered with their people. One Illinois regiment
was almost entirely officered by clergymen. Bible-
classes emptied themselves into the ranks ; and some
young men's Christian Associations supplied whole
regiments. Statistics have shown that, notwithstand
ing the large number of Germans and Irish that either
enlisted or were brought up " to be food for Confeder
ate powder," seventy per cent, of the Eastern, and ninety
per cent, of the Western troops, were native Americans.
If there were large numbers (as there were) who
kept out of the way, or provided substitutes from un
worthy motives, there were others who, unfit to bear
arms, and therefore exempt, provided "representative
recruits:" and more still who not only enlisted them
selves, but paid for others also. Connecticut farmers
volunteered and took their hired labourers with them.
One Eh ode Island millionaire (able therefore with a
stroke of his pen to have provided a substitute, and
kept personally clear of the war) enlisted as a private,
and paid for the outfit of his regiment.
Those who remained at home not only met the de
mands of the Government, but showed their eagerness
in multitudes of cases to do more. There was a poor
woman in New York who presented sixty shirts of her
own making to a regiment of Zouaves. There was a
tinsmith who equipped a whole company with tin plates
and cups free of expense. These are cases out of
thousands. Tradesmen, whose clerks enlisted, kept
for " the cause," was fighting as a my father under me. I would pay
private in his son's regiment. " I him off for the whippings he used
wish," said the other officer, " I had to give me when I was a boy."
126 THE SANITARY COMMISSION.
their places open and continued their salaries. An
eccentric patriot in New York sent a ton of sugar
plums to Fortress Munroe, giving the soldiers a spoon
ful a piece. The police of the same city not only fur
nished recruits but voluntarily assessed themselves to
pay fifty dollars a month to each of their families. M.
Aspinwall, a contractor, handed over to the Secretary of
War the entire amount of his commission on the Enfield
rifles he had purchased for the Government, in the
form of a cheque for twenty-five thousand dollars. In
the meantime the women of the North were everywhere
forming themselves into Soldiers' Aid Societies, and
tens of thousands of eager fingers, all over the country, set
in motion by the love and tender solicitude of womanly
hearts, were scraping lint, rolling bandages, cutting,
sewing, and knitting things for the boys who had gone
forth to fight, and preparing medicines and jellies and
whatever they could think of that would comfort the
wounded and the dying.
The increasing magnitude and horrors of the war
stimulated these efforts of mercy, and showed the neces
sity for more united action. It was then that the
leaders began to speak of the work that had been done
by the British Government, and by Miss Nightingale
and her Sisters of Mercy, in the Crimea. The practical
genius of the Americans took hold of the idea, and
speedily developed it to an extent undreamt of by its
originators. The result was the organization in 1862
of the "Sanitary and Christian Commissions.
We have seen how the Christian Commission wrought
—looking in all its operations to the spiritual as well
as the temporal good of the soldiers. The Sanitary
Commission confined itself to matters of physical health
HELP IN BATTLE. 127
and comfort ; had its agents and medical officers in
every army, looking to the camping grounds and hos
pitals, the tents and ambulances, the diet, clothing,
and equipments of the men, supplying whatever the
Government could not or did not supply, and in camp
and battle, in health and sickness, standing by the
soldier like a personal friend. During General Gil-
more's attack on Fort Wagner, the relief agents of the
Commission — as brave in deeds of mercy as the troops
were brave in fight — marched with the assaulting
columns to the very rnoat around the fort, and under
the hot fire of the enemy picked up and carried back
the wounded almost as they fell, making no difference
between the black and white troops, taking them to be
cared for in hospitals which the Commission had pro
vided with every appliance and every comfort which
the solicitude of the nation could supply.
After a battle at Elizabeth, Kentucky, a number of
dead and wounded were left on the field — many of the
latter writhing in helpless agony. Instantly on news
of the fight, the Sanitary Commission despatched the
officers of mercy to the spot with beds and clothing
and other comforts. Amongst the poor fellows who
were picked off the field was one, almost a boy in years,
who had become unconscious.
When the surgeon made his round next morning he
found this lad sitting up in his little cot with a bright
but utterly bewildered expression of countenance. He
had closed his eyes in agony on the wet field amongst
the cfead and dying, he had opened them to find him
self in a comfortable cot, between clean sheets, and
something to read lying on his pillow.
The surgeon asked him pleasantly if he felt better.
128 THE SANITARY COMMISSION.
" 0 yes," said the poor fellow in a faint whisper, " I 'm
better ; " — adding, as he looked around, " Seems somehow
as if mother had been here"
This was the realized idea of the Sanitary Commis
sion — to follow the soldiers everywhere with the com
forts and attention of home.
During the bloody and protracted battle that raged
for three days around Gettysburg, where the Christian
Commission delegates did so noble a work, the medical
officers of the Sanitary Commission tended 13,000
Federals and 7000 Confederates ; and immediately after
the battle distributed amongst the needy soldiers 72,000
dollars' worth of clothing and provisions, including 1000
blankets, 10,000 shirts, 11,000 pounds of mutton and
poultry, 600 bushels of vegetables, and 12,000 loaves.
Immense supplies of money and goods were necessary
to carry on such operations ; but the heart of the nation
was in the work, and the hands of the Sanitary like
the hands of the Christian Commission were kept full.
If nurses were wanted, thousands of patriotic women
were ready to volunteer. If blackberries were wanted
to make tonics, the telegraph sent the news all over the
country, and next day thousands of children were away
blackberry-gathering for the soldiers. If onions were
wanted to save the men from scurvy, or fresh vegetables
to keep them well in hot weather, thousands of baskets
and barrels poured into the depots. The organization
of the Commission was wonderfully perfect. Every city,
town/ and village had branch societies for receiving and
directing the voluntary offerings of the people. These
societies sent them on to the central committees ; the
committees passed them on to the main depots at New
York, Philadelphia, Washington, Chicago, and St. Louis,
THE WONDERFUL SACK. 129
whence they were being continually forwarded to the
different armies, which were accompanied in all their
movements by the agents of the " flying depot " of the
Commission.
Money poured in as copiously as goods ; and though
the work was attended with great difficulty, and all the
officers were paid, the working expenses were under
three per cent, of the income. Some of the ways in
which contributions were raised, illustrate the enthu
siasm of the people. Fancy a small sack of flour being
made to fetch £15,000 to the Commission. The story is
worth telling, as an illustration of the American cha
racter : —
In April 1864 a Mr. Gridley, in Nevada, made a
little bet with a friend over a local election, the condi
tion being that whoever lost was to march through the
town with a 20lb. sack of flour on his back to the tune
of " Dixie " in the one case, and " John Brown " in the
other. Mr. Gridley lost the bet, and, in the midst of
a great concourse of people, marched through the town,
with ten musicians in front playing " John Brown's
Body," and with the sack of flour upon his back. With
the ready wit of an American, he had no sooner fulfilled
his pledge, than he suggested that the sack of flour
should be sold for the benefit of the Sanitary Commis
sion. He started the auction himself with a bid of
$200. It was knocked down for $350 to a Mr. Noyes,
who paid the money, and returned the sack to be sold
again. The process was repeated over and over, till
$4000 and several acres of land had been netted for the
Commission. The affair got wind, and the sack with
music and procession ("the Army of the Lord," as it
came to be called) was sent on to the neighbouring
I
130 THE SANITARY COMMISSION.
"city" of Gold Hill to be sold again. Crowds as
sembled ; a platform was erected ; Marshal Arnold
jumped up as auctioneer, knocked down the bag to him
self for $300, returned it, and began again. It was
bought and returned with the price seventy-nine times,
realizing $6750 more ! Away it went now, "Army of
the Lord " and all, to the next town, where it brought
$1375 ; to the next, where it brought $12,995 ; and so
on, till on the Pacific coast alone the famous 20lb.
bag of Nevada flour had brought to the Commission
the immense sum of $63,000. Dr. Bellows, the chair
man of the Commission, said, writing to Mr. Gridley, — -
" The history of your sack of flour is more interesting
and more peculiar than that of any sack recorded short
of the sack of Troy, and it would take another Homer to
sing it. I rejoice that you have not to carry on your
shoulders all the money it has made."
Immense sums were also made by bazaars or " Sanitary
Fairs," which were got up in almost all the great cities
of the North, some of them on a scale of magnificence
probably unseen before on this planet. People who get
up bazaars in this country would find the record of
those fairs a storehouse of novel ideas. It was said (but
I cannot vouch for the story) that at one fair a patriotic
and exceedingly pretty young lady got up on one of
the stands and sold kisses at $10 a piece ; and that an
old gentleman, who purchased one, liked it so well that
he went in for $50 worth more ! At another fair, to
avoid the objection of many Christian people to lotteries,
and yet gain the end, a handsome sword was put up,
which (instead of being raffled for) was to be voted to
some one at the fair — every vote costing a dollar.
Hundreds paid their dollar to be enfranchised ; many
SANITARY FAIRS. 131
paid ten, fifty, and a hundred, to secure as many votes.
Candidates were then nominated, funny speeches made,
and the vote taken ; the successful candidate was begirt
with the sword of honour ; and the bagful of dollars
emptied into the capacious lap of the Sanitary Com
mission.
Amongst the multitude of things sent to these fairs
by all classes of the people, to be sold for the good of the
soldiers, some were singular enough. At Chicago, five
barrels of potatoes, " planted, hoed, and dug by six
young ladies of Illinois," went at a high price. A little
bit of knitted work, made of worsted that had been
bought with a few cents found in the pocket of a dead
soldier, and knitted by his mother, sold for a hundred
dollars. At another fair there was a pillow with the
following inscription : — " This pillow belonged to my
little boy, who died resting on it. It is a precious
treasure to me, but I give it for the soldiers." On
several pieces of old linen, put up together to be used
for bandages, the inscription was as follows : —
" A hundred and fifty years ago, at the open window
of a little farm-house among the Ochil Hills in Scot
land, the passer-by might have seen a young blooming
lassie working merrily at her spinning-wheel, prepar
ing for the most eventful change in her life. Little did
she dream, as she merrily drove her wheel, that her
handiwork would be used in 1864 — more than a hun
dred years after her death — to bind up the wounds of
heroic men fighting for freedom in a far-off land."
Immense sums of money were realized at these fairs.
The one at Brooklyn brought $400,000 ; at Philadelphia
$700,000 ; at New York upwards of a million, or say
£150,000 sterling. The total amount of money and
132 THE SANITAEY COMMISSION.
produce with which during the three years of its exist
ence the Commission was supplied to carry on its vast
operations of mercy, was estimated at from sixty to
seventy millions of dollars — surely a noble voluntary
offering to be made by a people who were at the
same time taxed to pay the three thousand millions
($3, 00 0,0 00, 000) and more needed for the prosecution
of the war by the Government.
Let it be also remembered that in the very midst
of the war (December 1862 and January 1863), while
America was struggling for life, and was taxing her
self to this enormous extent to sustain her armies and
mitigate the fearful horrors of the war, she had sym
pathy to spare for the poor operatives of Lancashire,
and sent several ships across the ocean, laden with provi
sions, for their relief. In flour alone, more than 18,000
barrels were sent ; and the contributions were valued
altogether at more than £60,000. Some of the minor
circumstances are equally deserving of record.
When the George Griswold — one of the ships re
ferred to — came round from Boston to New York for
her cargo of mercy, the Ballast Masters' Association
brought their lighters to discharge her ballast free of
expense ; the stevedores loaded her without pay ; the
merchant who procured the flour would take no com
mission ; the pilot who took her out, and the captain
who was to bring her across, would accept no recom
pense... And so the ship of mercy sailed, followed by
many prayers that God would not only bless its cargo
to the destitute, but make the contribution a fresh bond
of brotherhood between the two nations. May that
prayer be answered ; and may that noble act be ever
gratefully remembered !
ON TO RICHMOND. 133
XIII.
ON TO RICHMOND.
i
ON the 10th of January I took my ticket for Eich-
mond, by way of Acquia Creek, and at eight o'clock
that night was steaming down the silent waters of the
Potomac under a full moon, nothing but the shuddering
of the steamer and the muffled thunder of the machinery
breaking the profound stillness. I was entering the
region now where the great conflict of modern times
had been settled. Everything around me — the air, the
water, the phantom shores — spoke dumbly of the past.
" All quiet on the Potomac !" The words came
back from 1862 as from the grave of a century, telling
of that momentous year when the forces not of North
and South alone, but of two mighty civilisations, were
gathering to the front, preparing for a conflict that was
big with issues for the world. In fancy I could hear
along these shores again the roll of battle, the shock of
contending armies, the war-thunder that for four long
years had shaken these skies above me and filled the
world with its reverberations. 1868 ! All over now.
All quiet on the Potomac again. The white- faced
moon was looking down on a hundred silent battle
fields, where half a million of dead men lay sleeping
their long sleep. The armies of Lee and Stonewall
134 ON TO RICHMOND.
Jackson had melted away like a dream, the white flag
that rose like a phantom in the sky had vanished, and
the South, with the older civilisation which it repre
sented, had gone down into chaos for ever.
At half-past ten at night we landed at Acquia Creek,
and took the cars for Eichmond.
After bowling rapidly over the pale, moon-lit country
for several hours, we found ourselves about four in the
morning entering the far-famed capital of the Con
federacy. I sat close to the window of the car, and
looked out with eager eyes upon the silent city. The
ghostly houses standing in the cold weird moonlight,
the empty streets, the profound stillness over all, made
it seem as if we were entering a city of the dead. Great
shells of building gutted with fire glided past, looking
at us with their eyeless sockets. On one side of the
valley, rising alone from what seemed to me a wilder
ness of grey tombs, a ghastly wall like the gable of a
ruined cathedral towered into the frosty sky. Here
and there from amongst the seeming tombs a cold light
would gleam out for a moment and disappear — pro
bably some fragments of pottery or broken glass reflect
ing the moonlight as we passed.
At the depot one or two sleepy officials were awaiting
the arrival of our train before deserting the place for
the night ; several hotel omnibus guards, black as their
own shadows, were also there, ready to get our baggage
for us and drive us to their respective hotels. In a
few minutes more we were rattling down a lon^ de-
o O
serted street, awakening its sharp echoes with the noise
and clatter of our vehicles.
On reaching the hotel, and being shown by a dusky
waiter to my room, I was surprised to hear at that
CONQUERED BUT NOT SUBDUED. 135
ghostly hour the sound of music and dancing. I asked
the waiter what it was.
" A hop, sah."
" A ball, do you mean ?"
" Yes, sah."
Just then a door at the end of the gallery opened,
and a gentleman and lady in full dress, and with flushed
cheeks, made their appearance, and passed me on the
way out.
When I had seen my room I went on to the door
from which the sounds of revelry were coming, and,
looking in, saw a spacious hall, where a band in one
corner was playing to some twenty or thirty young
couples, who were threading the mazes of a dance.
These turned out to be the last lingerers of a large and
brilliant company that had been dancing there since
nine o'clock on the previous night. It was one of the
vestiges of Eichmond gaiety in the days of her former
splendour. The ball was over now, and before I had
been many minutes in my room the sounds of revelry
had ceased.
Next day I found myself in a new world. The place,
the people, the whole aspect of things seemed different.
A few hours had brought me from a land of light into
a land of darkness ; from gladness into mourning ; from
the victorious North into the vanquished and stricken
South.
I had an introduction to a gentleman in Eichmond,
whom I found boarding in the hotel. In his room I met
a Southerner who had fought in the Confederate army
from the battle of Seven Pines to the surrender of Lee,
when he found himself a beggar, with nothing in the
world but a woollen shirt, a pair of Confederate pants,
136 ON TO RICHMOND.
and a few old lay-books at home. He liad now re
turned to his profession, and was practising law in one
of the principal towns in Virginia.
" But/' said he, rearing himself suddenly with flam
ing eye, and striking the table with his fist, " I would
shoulder a musket to-morrow, and fight those battles
over and over again, if we had only a chance to win."
"To perpetuate slavery?"
" Slavery ! No, sir ; what was slavery to me ? I
never had a slave, and never thought of having. I
fought for my State, sir — my own State, Virginia !"
" But the South," I said, " would never have gone out
except for slavery ?"
"Perhaps not. I don't know, and I don't care. It
was enough for me that Virginia had gone out. If she
had seceded on the question of the tariff, or on the
question of postage-stamps, or on the question of lunar
eclipses, it would have been the same thing to me.
Where Virginia goes I follow. How could I stand still,
sir, when I saw Virginia invaded, and heard her calling
on her children for protection? No, sir; this is my
native State. I was a Virginian before I was anything
else, and I shall be a Virginian to the end."
In the thrilling tone of his voice and the kindling of
his eye as often as he named Virginia, I learned more
of real Southern sentiment than I had from many a
book. Perhaps as a Scotchman I understood him more
readily. I had only to imagine a rupture of the British
empire — Scotland separated again from England — an
English army marching north, and Scotland calling on
her sons to defend her. I felt if such a thing were
possible, how many there still are who would turn a
deaf ear to the questions at issue, whose sole motto
TWO VIEWS OF THE SITUATION. 137
would be, " Scotland and the right ! but, right or wrong,
Scotland !"
I was struck everywhere in the South with the extent
to which a kindred feeling had prevailed, especially in
Virginia and the Carolinas. The State came first, the
Union next, while in the North it was first the Union
and then the State. Even now, if you ask a Southern
boy what he is, he will say " A Virginian," or " A
Georgian," as the case may be. If you ask a Northern
boy what he is, he will say " An American." In the
North, the principle of United States nationality is
triumphant, and the result of the war will ultimately
be to make it so over the entire Union. Sumner
touched the root of the question when he asked. Are
we a nation ?" This question was decided once, and
probably for ever, when Lee surrendered at Appomattox
Court-house.
In the hotel I met two planters who had each owned
before the war several hundred slaves. Like most of the
same class whom I afterwards met farther south, they
looked on the country as ruined, and spoke with concern
of the coloured people as well as of themselves.
" Emancipation," said one of them, " has sealed the
doom of the black race. The nigger himself is finding
it a mistake. He was happier in slavery. Many of
them would like back."
Thinking that possibly the planters might be looft-
ing at the matter from a standpoint of their own, and
anxious to see what the black man himself thought of
the situation, I spoke to the black waiter who was
attending me at tea.
" Were you a slave before the war ?"
" Yes,' sah."
138 ON TO RICHMOND.
" I hear you were better off then than now ?"
" 0 no, sah."
"Your people, then?"
" No, sah ; we are all better off now. They cannot
sell us now. They cannot whip us now. They cannot
put us in prison now. Some of our people are poor, but
they would rather be poor, sah, and be free."
" Did you ever see General Lee during the war-,
time ?"
" Yes, sah."
" What sort of man was he ?"
" He was a grand man, General Lee, sah."
" You were sorry when he was defeated, I suppose ?"
" 0 no, sah ; we were glad ; we clapped our hands
that day."
Going up next morning to see the Normal School, I
met a tall, powerful-looking negro, dressed in an old
light-blue Federal cloak, striding down the street. He
had a retreating forehead, but a quick, intelligent eye,
and a bold front. I stopped him to ask the way.
He said, proudly, " I will show you, sir," and, turn
ing, walked with me to the end of the street.
I asked him if he had been in Kichmond during the
time of the war. He said he had.
" The Confederates began to arm the negroes, I be
lieve, before the war ended ?"
" Yes, sir. They armed me."
" And would you have fought for the Confederacy ?"
" Not except to be free. We demanded that if we
were to fight for the South we must be allowed equal
rights with the white people."
" Were you cruelly treated in slavery ?"
" Yes, sir."
GENERAL W. H. F. LEE. 139
"Whipped?"
" No ; I was never whipped much. There was no
reason why I should. I did my work."
" How were you cruelly treated, then ?"
" I was cruelly treated," said the man, " because I
was kept in slavery."
I found the Normal School attended by a large num-
,ber of coloured children — many of them in course of
preparation for becoming teachers. They seemed to be
undergoing an admirable course of training. I was
struck with their neatness, cleanliness, growing refine
ment of manner and intelligence. I asked the super
intendent, Miss Canedy, who had been long a teacher
in the North, if she found much difference between the
white and coloured children.
" I find these children slower," she said. " But we
must not forget that they were wholly destitute of men
tal training till after the war. My conviction is, after
fifteen years' experience in white schools in Boston and
five in coloured schools here, that all that is wanting to
make black children as good scholars as* the white chil
dren is equally careful training."
In the hotel I met one of General Lee's sons, W. H.
F. Lee, who had been a cavalry commander during the
war. He was a tall, stout, florid man, with a certain
lordliness of carriage oftener met with in the South than
in the North. When I asked him about Southern feel
ing on the subject of slavery, he said, " I think most
people in the South expected that a time would come
for emancipation ; but it was a thing that needed time
and patience."
Of his father's views he said, —
" My father does not say much on political questions.
140 ON TO RICHMOND.
But lie was always for gradual emancipation. During
the war he was in favour of arming the negroes, and
wrote about it : but his advice was only taken when it
was too late."
I asked him what the Southern leaders thought of
the position of this country during the war.
" We looked anxiously in that direction," he replied.
" We knew that we had the sympathy of some classes
there. But we suspected that Great Britain would never
recognise a nation like ours that seemed to commit it
self to slavery."
PAST AND PRESENT.
XIV.
PAST AND PRESENT.
IN Richmond (sitting on its hills, and beautiful even
in its ruins) it was sad to see everywhere the effects of
the war in the wrecked appearance of the city and the
gloom that seemed to have settled down upon the people.
All the talk in the hotel was about the ruined state of
the country and the desperate outlook. On Sunday I
attended one of the principal Presbyterian churches —
the Rev. Dr. More's. The congregation was composed
chiefly of women, most of them in black, and many of
them in deep mourning. Everything, even there, seemed
to speak of the doom of the Confederacy, and of dead
sons, and fathers, and brothers, whose lives had not only
been sacrificed but thrown away ! When I heard the
minister pray with low and tremulous voice that God
would sustain those on whom His hand had been laid
in heaviness, and who had that day memories of sad
ness, and when I looked round at the many pale and
woe-begone faces that were bent forward in prayer, I
found my eyes filling with tears.
Parts of Richmond were still in ruins, though the re
building of the city steadily progressed. Beside the
State House, where during the war the Confederate Con
gress met, I saw the blackened ruins of the Court House,
with the roof blown off, the windows blown out, and
142 PAST AND PRESENT.
the lightning-rods still standing. The old trees around
it were blasted and half charred.
Hard by, in the adjoining street, St. Paul's Episcopal
Church was pointed out to me, with its tall, grey, lance-
like spire, the church which Jefferson Davis attended
during the war, and which connects itself with the last
act in that tremendous drama.
It was here, on the forenoon of Sunday the 2d April,
1865, at a quarter- past eleven, that a messenger came
in as the minister was reading the chapter, and handed
to the Kebel President the despatch from General Lee,
announcing that his lines around Petersburg were
broken, and that Eichmond would have to be at once
evacuated.
The congregation had seen the messenger come in,
and as Mr. Davis perused the despatch there was a uni
versal hush, every one watching that calm thin face, and
feeling that something momentous had occurred. Mr.
Davis rose quietly and left the church, never to enter it
again as President of the Confederate States. The news
spread like wildfire. In half-an-hour the churches were
empty, and people with pale and anxious faces were
hurrying through the streets scarcely able to credit the
newTs — that the city was to be evacuated — that the
Government which had stood so proudly before the
world was preparing for flight, and that the Confederate
capital would be in the hands of the enemy within a
few hours.
The streets were soon swarming with laden waggons
driving in hot haste to the Danville depot, and streams
of excited people " walking as if for a wager," all hurry
ing one way, and carrying with them boxes, bags, and
bundles of every description. Night closed upon the
HELL LET LOOSE. 143
doomed city. The Council had met in secret session ;
and, knowing what the result would be if the people in
their excitement began to drink, they passed a resolu
tion to have all the alcoholic liquors in the city de
stroyed. The work was commenced at midnight.
Hundreds of barrels of liquor were rolled out into the
street and the heads knocked in, till the gutters ran with
a liquor freshet, and the air became impregnated almost
to suffocation with the fumes.1 Hundreds of cases of
bottled wines and brandies were tossed from third- storey
windows, and shivered to fragments in the street below.
While the destruction was going on, a number of sol
diers retreating through the city succeeded in laying
hold of a quantity of drink, and from that time law and
order were at an end. Stores were pillaged, and the
streets began to ring with the yells of infuriated men
and the shrieks of terrified women.
But the horrors of the scene had only as yet begun.
Suddenly the darkness over the river flashed for a
moment with lurid light, and an explosion followed that
seemed to shake the earth. Another and another fol
lowed, as the giant rams upon the river were, one by
one, blown to the four winds of heaven. And now a
cry was heard in the streets that by General Swell's
orders the tobacco warehouses were being set on fire.
As some of these were in the very heart of the city, the
terrified people could scarcely believe its truth till vast
sheets of lurid flame, rising from the region of the public
warehouses and the Gallego flour-mills, put an end to
all possibility of doubt. Long before dawn the city was
lit up with a mighty conflagration, in the glare of which
hundreds of jail-birds and plunderers, like a swarm of
1 See Pollard's History of the War, and Greeley's American Conflict.
144 PAST AND PRESENT.
hobgoblins, could be discerned moving about in search
of plunder.
" It seemed to me," said a Eichmond lady, in describ
ing the scene, " as if the last day had come, and hell
had been let loose upon us."
On that same Sunday evening, away along the
horizon, the Federal forces under General Weitzel lay
facing the Confederate lines that surrounded the city,
regaling themselves far into the night with national
airs, little dreaming of the scene that was enacting, and
unaware that the rebel soldiery had already abandoned
the formidable works in front, and were flowing sullenly
away through the dark city to effect a junction with Lee.
At two in the morning, long after the music had
ceased and the army was buried in slumber, Weitzel
himself, still awake, was startled by the sound of an
explosion coming from the direction of Eichmond, and
much more distinct than the dull booming of cannon
which had been audible during the previous day in the
South. It was the blowing-up of the ram. Another
explosion followed, and then another. Satisfied that
something unusual was occurring, Weitzel sent one of
his lieutenants up to the top of the signal-tower, who
reported that there was a great light in the direction of
Eichmond, but he could not determine if the city were
on fire or not.
In the morning the state of things became known,
to the amazement and joy of the troops, who at once
marched into the city. It was part of the strange
drama, which Providence and not man seemed to have
arranged, that the first soldiers to enter Eichmond as
conquerors were Draper's regiments of emancipated
slaves !
PEEP INTO A "MONGREL CONVENTION." 145
And now, when I was there, another strange scene
of the drama was enacting. The Constitutional Con
vention was sitting in the State House, under the stars
and stripes, and negro delegates from all parts of the
State were occupying the seats vacated by the Con
federate Congress, helping white men to frame a new
Constitution for Virginia !
I went to see the Convention at its work. The
Rotunda at the State House swarmed with negroes,
who had been unable, on account of the crowd, to gain
admission to the gallery. The coloured people were
naturally taking an intense interest in a Constitutional
Assembly, in the proceedings of which, for the first time
in the history of America, people of their own race and
colour were taking part.
The sight that awaited me when I entered was a
picture of the mighty revolution that had taken place
in America within eight short years. It was, indeed,
a strange sight this to behold in the United States, and
especially in the capital of the Confederacy. Black men
and white men sat side by side in the members' seats ;
the galleries were thronged with woolly heads ; and a
negro was on his feet addressing the House !
Everything was going on, however, with as much
order and decorum as is common in American legis
latures. Some of the members were listening; some
were listening and lunching at the same time ; others
were reading newspapers ; others were in consultation ;
others were preparing letters for post ; while slippered
pages summoned by a double clap of the hands were run
ning hither and thither attending to the behests of all.
I found that the Convention had resolved itself into
a committee of the whole, to consider the preamble to
K
1 4 6 PAST AND PRESENT.
the new Constitution. A motion had been made by a
negro to the effect that the words " under the sanction
and recognising the authority of Almighty God," should
be inserted ; and this motion was being discussed with
great copiousness of speech on both sides.
A Conservative member rose to protest against drag
ging the name of Deity into such documents, as a
violation of the Ten Commandments. The Command
ments said that the name of God was not to be taken
in vain, and the work of this Convention was to be
in vain. Thereupon several members jumped to their
feet in such an excited manner that the President, who
was eating something out of a paper parcel, knocked
loudly with his hammer upon his desk, and returned
the parcel to his pocket, till he should have a more
favourable opportunity of disposing of its contents.
A black member now rose and offered another amend
ment, still recognising the authority of God. He spoke
fluently and earnestly, as is the manner with coloured
people, and only wanted training to make a very effec
tive speaker. He said that in some courts in Virginia
two Bibles were kept — one to swear whites upon, and
the other for the blacks. They could not be allowed to
kiss even the same Bible !
" This," he cried, " is a mockery of God and an out
rage on our race ! Black men have played an important
part in history, but white men have tried to keep them
out of sight, and are trying to do so still. Who was it
that fell in Boston before the revolution leading white
men to victory ? It was Mattox ; and Mattox was a
black man. Slavery has kept a mine of power buried
out of sight for 200 years. But God has helped the
black people to freedom. And I want," he said, lifting
A FIGHTING EDITOR. 147
up his arm, and speaking with tremendous energy, " I
want God's name recognised ; and I want my children,
when I am dead and gone, to know that I and other
black men had a hand in the work of this Convention."
Another delegate got up, with his hands in his
pockets, and said, in a careless way, that he thought
all this about recognising the Deity in the Constitution
was mere clap-trap, but if it would facilitate business
he was for putting in the words and going home. The
words would do no harm to the State, and God would
probably survive them. So the discussion went on : the
speaking on both sides rather showy than good.
I made my first acquaintance with a real " fighting
editor" at Richmond. The gentleman referred to was
on the staff of the Richmond Despatch, and only a few
days before had exchanged shots with a brother editor,
whose duelling propensities had earned him the title of
" Pistol Pollard," and who since then has been shot dead
by a gentleman whom he had improperly alluded to in
his paper.
I visited the Despatch office with a friend of the
editor's, who wished to introduce me, and followed him
into a rude apartment, which turned out to be the
sanctum. Bulky files of "exchanges" lay on the floor
or were huddled into the corners ; the editorial table,
which stood knee- deep in litter of all kinds, was covered
with piles of papers, cuttings, and manuscripts ; and on
another table in the corner I observed a Confederate
cloak of bluish-grey lined with scarlet, with a revolver
lying beside it.
In front of the fire stood the editor himself, a small,
lithe, flashing- eyed, gentlemanly-looking man, with a
cigar between his teeth, and his hat tipped carelessly
148 PAST AND PRESENT.
back, revealing a fine face and large expanse of fore
head.
My cicerone saluted him with a " Good-morning,
Colonel."
The Colonel took his cigar from between his teeth,
shook hands cordially, and, on learning who I was,
asked a number of questions about Scotland, showed
me several English books that he kept for reference in
his library, and then unrolled a large engraving of
Stonewall Jackson, which he had just received from
England.
I asked him if he had seen the General.
" Seen him ! " exclaimed the Colonel, " I got my mili
tary education from Jackson at Lexington. I went
into the army three days after the Secession ordinance
passed, and fought under him."
When the subject of the pistol encounter turned up —
" Oh," said the Colonel, with a smile, " it was nothing.
Pollard had made a false statement in his paper. I
told him through mine that he must either prove that
statement or stand convicted as a liar. Next day, when
I was passing through the Eotunda, I heard a shot quite
near me, then another. I looked round and saw that
Pollard was popping at me with his revolver.
" I happened to have my own shooting irons with me,"
continued the Colonel with a careless glance towards
the revolver on the side-table, " and fired back at him
two or three shots, but we were separated."
I told him I had often heard of fighting editors, but
had been rather incredulous of their existence.
"Oh," said the Colonel with a smile, throwing the
stump of his cigar into the fire, " some of us have to
write or fight just as occasion calls for it."
THE EDITOR AND THE TWO RUFFIANS. 149
On my way through the South and South-west, I
met with several gentlemen of this stamp, some of whom
seemed to have been more expert with the pistol than
with the pen. It was said to have been the practice
with some papers (able to do things on a large scale) to
have a man on the staff to attend exclusively to the
righting part of the business. If the writing editor
branded you before the public as a liar, and you went
in Southern fashion to demand satisfaction, he handed
you over politely to the fighting editor, — the gentleman
who managed the pistolling department. Editors who
had no fighting men on the staff, and were not prepared
to undertake the work themselves, had, and in some
parts of the country still have, need of quick wits or
quick heels.
It is told of an editor in Arkansas who excited the
fury of the rowdy population by a severe article against
the gambling-houses, that the following morning, while
clipping "copy" for next day's paper, he heard heavy
steps on the wooden stairs outside, and was startled by
the appearance of a big ruffian at the door, carrying a
bludgeon in his hand.
" Air you the editor o' this noozpaper ?" said the man.
" Do you wish to see him ? " said the editor.
" I wish to see him," said the man.
" He is engaged, sir; but if you take a seat I shall tell
him that you are here."
He gave the man a chair, and darted from the room
to make his escape into the street. He had only got
to the foot of the stairs when he encountered another
ruffian just arriving, armed with a heavy cowhide.
" Whar 's the editor of this here paper ? " cried ruffian
Number Two, barring the way.
150 PAST AND PRESENT.
" You '11 find him sitting in his room up there/' said
the editor, pointing towards the place where he had left
ruffian Number One. " But you had better not disturb
him ; he looks dangerous."
" 1 11 take that out of him mighty quick/' said the
man with an oath, and passed up. The editor had
scarcely got into the street when he heard a terrific
uproar in his sanctum, where each ruffian, taking the
other for the obnoxious scribe, had begun a furious
assault.
Another story is told of a Mississippi editor, who
wrote a stinging article against a man who was running
for a public office. Next forenoon the enraged candi
date appeared in the sanctum, bringing with him in
one hand a heavy stick, and in the other the obnoxious
article which he had clipped from the paper. After a
volley of oaths by way of introduction, the intruder
sternly demanded of the trembling editor one of two
things — either to eat his article or take a sound thrash
ing. It was a painful dilemma ; but the editor ate the
article and saved his skin.
While in Eichmond I paid a visit to Cameron's
tobacco factory, — the only one in Virginia, as far as I
could hear, which had introduced machinery, and sub
stituted hydraulic presses for the old hand-screws.
The building was divided into different storeys and
compartments, in which the various processes were
gone through that convert the dried leaf into manu
factured tobacco ready for the smoker or chewer. It
was night, and the huge hive of industry, filled with
black workers, had a dim and weird-like, not to say
diabolical, appearance. In one compartment we saw
black women busy on the flour tearing asunder the
A SLAVE- OWNER ON FREE LABOUR. 151
leaves that had been crushed into a compact mass in
the hogsheads. In another place we saw more women
cutting the stem out of the leaf — the leaves to go to the
twisters, and the stems to be packed up and shipped
to Bremen for the Germans to make snuff of. In
another place, the twist-room, we found nearly 150
black men and women facing each other at the long
row of tables, all busy making the twist, manipulating
the leaves and rolling them up with amazing dexterity,
singing in concert all the while.
I asked Mr. Cameron, who kindly went through the
factory with me, how much these people got for their
work ?
" Just now," he said, " only two cents (or a penny) a
pound. This is winter, when there is little or no profit
in keeping the factory going ; but it keeps the hands
together, and when summer comes, and the profits
justify it, the wage is nearly doubled."
I asked if these men had been his slaves before the
war?
" Some of them were. A number of them I had
bought, and the rest were hired from their owners."
" How do the men work, now they are free ? "
"I think most of them work better. They have
the stimulus of remuneration, and they work more
heartily."
" How do you like the free-labour system yourself ? "
" I like it better than slavery. I would not go back
to the slavery system if I could. Labour is cheaper
now and more easily managed. Formerly you had to
keep order with the cowhide. If a man was stubborn
you had to whip him. You had paid six or eight hun
dred dollars for him, and you could not afford to let him
152 PAST AND PRESENT.
lie idle. But now, if a man is disorderly, or won't
work, you tell him to 'take his jacket and go. It is
much easier and pleasanter. Then, again, in slave
times, you had to keep the factory going whether you
were making money or not, for the men were always on
your hands. Now you have nothing to do, if a bad
season comes, but turn the hands off, lock the door, put
the key in your pocket, wait for better times, and let
the men look out for themselves. Every one for him
self is the rule now, and whatever it may be for the
employed, it is better for the employer. Saves money
at any rate."
This view of the case represented, as far as I could
discover, the opinion of the most intelligent employers
of labour in the South. In regard, however, to the
amount of work done by the negroes under the new as
compared with the old regime, I found much diversity
of opinion. The owner of a factory in Lower Virginia
said that in slave times he got as much work out of
150 hands as he did now out of 200.
" The compulsory task," he said, " was just enough
to brace a man up for additional work. My negroes,
if they tried, could get their task- work over by one
o'clock, and everything they did after that they were
paid for. This was a stimulus to work longer than
they do now."
He thought, however, that as competition became
keener, and the wants of the negroes became larger and
more numerous, they might come to work more and
work better than they had done in slavery.
I met several persons in Richmond who had come to
Virginia to buy land. The changes effected by the war
have made a fine opening in the Old Dominion for
VIRGINIA'S ATTRACTIONS FOR EMIGRANTS. 153
skilled labour and for capital. Conversing with the
Governor of the State (Mr. Pierpont) on the subject, he
said, —
"What we want is men who could purchase 100 or
150 acres. For them there is a chance in Virginia now
such as never was before, and, after things are settled,
can never be again."
I asked about the cost of land.
" It depends on the sort of land, and where located.
In the south-west parts of the State, between Blue
Ridge and tide- water, good land is selling for $6 and
$10 an acre, that could not have been got for five times
that money before the war."
" Is the climate healthy?"
" Yes, everywhere back from tide-water."
I asked about the Valley of Virginia.
" The Valley, sir, is the best location in the State for
emigrants with money. The land there runs from $60
to $80 an acre (£10 to £12 sterling). But it is splen
did land, cleared and very productive. It will be worth
$300 to $400 before long."
" Can you get labour to hire there ?"
" Plenty. The coloured people, if paid for their
labour, will work, and work well. But the present
employers have been beggared by the war and can't
pay."
" What is grown in the State ?"
" Almost everything. Tobacco, barley, buck-wheat,
Indian corn, potatoes, rye, grapes, melons, apples, pears,
and Lord knows all what. There is no State in the
Union beats it for variety.
" The best grazing country, and the richest land for
grain and tobacco, is in the mountain region west of
154 PAST AND PRESENT.
Lynchburg. But there is a fine rolling country, well
watered and well drained, all the way west from Eich-
mond. If any of your Scotch farmers are coming out,
now is the time for them. Tell them to keep out of
politics and they will find themselves on good terms
with all parties, and get on as very few Americans can
in the meantime. We Union men meet with coldness
and opposition."
When I travelled westward through Virginia, on
re-visiting it the following spring, I found almost
everything verified that I had heard said in its praise.
Good ]and was selling at a low figure, fine river
lands at £5 an acre — less than a tenth of the price
which inferior land would bring in the Connecticut
Valley, New England. The productiveness of Virginia
has never been fairly tested, slavery having kept agri
culture in a very backward state. But the natural
richness of the soil may be inferred from the fact that
you find lands that have been sown and reaped, year
after year, for more than a century without manure,
continuing to yield fair crops. It is said that when
these lands were new (and lands as good still remain to
be broken), sixty-fold of wheat was no uncommon
yield. Even this is not equal to the yield of land in
some of the Western and North-Western States ; but,
to compensate for this, the winters in Virginia are
much shorter and the market almost at the door.
No doubt the country is in a somewhat unsettled
state, arid the labour system much disorganized. But
I was everywhere assured that emigrants from this
country would receive a cordial welcome from the
people, would meet with hearty co-operation, and
would be able to re-organize labour in their own
CHEAP LAND IN VIRGINIA. 155
districts more readily than either Northern capitalists
or the old owners of the soil. Northern speculators
(with a few exceptions) did not seem to understand the
coloured people, or be able to manage them so well as
their old masters ; while the Southern planters were not
only too poor to pay for labour, but seemed, in many
cases, either unable or indisposed to accommodate
themselves to the new order of things. Scotch per
severance, Scotch " canniness," and Scotch farming
are precisely what Virginia wants ; and those who, with
a little capital, are prepared to throw in their fortunes
with the kind and hospitable people of the Old Dominion,
and grapple manfully with the preliminary difficulties
of the situation, are likely to find themselves emerging
from this transition state in the South in a better
position, and with brighter prospects than they could
hope for in almost any other part of America.
156 "BEAST" BUTLER, so CALLED.
XV.
" BEAST " BUTLER, SO CALLED.
I CONFESS it was with, some surprise that I saw from
the Richmond papers that General Butler was coining
to make a speech in that city. Southern blood is hot,
and Butler is detested in the South more perhaps than
any man that lives. There were two things, therefore,
that I thought worthy of note — first, that Butler had
the pluck to come ; and secondly, that he was allowed
to come and allowed to go without molestation.
I was across at the Ballard House seeing a friend on
the morning of the day on which the General was to
arrive.
"Do you know," said he, with a touch of bitterness
in his tone, " that Butler is going to stay at the Ballard
here?"
" No."
" Well, he is. Apartments are secured."
" And so, I reckon, is the silver plate," said a man
standing near.
" I wonder they would let him in."
" Why shouldn't they ? " said the man. " Ain't they
bound to give entertainment to man and Beast?"
Looking at the cases of prints and photographs
exposed for sale in the hotel — some of them shame
fully obscene — I was surprised to see amongst them
HELPING THEMSELVES. 157
several pictures of the obnoxious General, in which he
was made to figure in horns and hoofs.
I said to the youth in charge — "You don't leave
these exposed here when Butler is in the house ? "
" 0 yes/' said he ; " Butler don't care a curse, if we
don't lock up the spoons."
The farther south I travelled towards New Orleans,
the stronger this association became. Several times in
the south-west I heard people speak of having things
" Butlerized."
" Now, don't you Butlerize all that pie," said one
little urchin to his sister, who was helping herself
rather liberally.
It is curious that Butler should have got his name so
specially associated with silver-plate. General Neal
Dow, on the other hand, was twitted with a penchant
for rebel furniture. It is told of him that, being seri
ously ill on one occasion, an officer asked the surgeon in
attendance what the matter was.
" Only a heavy meal of furniture," said the surgeon ;
" but I have got him to throw up a bureau and a rock -
ing- chair, and I think he will get round."
It was said to be a joke among the Western soldiers
that General Dow had furniture on the brain.
How far either the one General or the other merited
so sinister a reputation I found it difficult to ascertain.
Parton, in his bulky volume, shows that Butler had
many things laid to his charge of which he was entirely
innocent. But there can be no doubt that in different
parts of the South a wholesale system of plundering
was carried on — some of the Federal officers and
soldiers probably imagining that whatever belonged to
the enemy was legitimate spoil. I visited many private
158 " BEAST" BUTLER, so CALLED.
houses in the South which had been literally " cleaned
out " by the Federal soldiers ; and in the North, I occa
sionally came upon pieces of furniture that had once
graced the drawing-rooms of Southern planters, and
had been brought North without any " By your leave."
A gentleman connected with one of the Express Com
panies told me that during the war thousands upon
thousands of boxes and bales of plunder from the
South were sent North by Union soldiers and officers
to their own homes. Some strange scenes resulted.
Once, for instance, at a ball in New York, a Southern
lady observed, gleaming on the bosom of another lady
in the company, one of her own wedding gifts. She
went up and said, " Madam, give me that brooch. It
is mine. My name is Mrs. ."
The lady who was wearing it looked at her, hesitated
a moment, and then, afraid of a scene, gave it up.
On the evening of Butler's public appearance in Eich-
mond, I made a mistake of half-aii-hour as to the time ;
so that when, through the pitch-dark streets, I found
my way to the " First African Church," where the
address was to be delivered, the long low building
was already crammed, and a seething crowd of negroes
swarmed at every door, and hung in masses blacker
than the night — from every part of the railing that
afforded the least glimpse into the interior of the dimly-
lighted church. I got myself into the crowd at one
corner, but after working myself up the steps amongst
the good-humoured darkies, I could only see, over the
heads in front, a bit of dim roof and part of a gallery that
was literally loaded with negroes — the dusky faces
being ten or twelve deep. I extricated myself with
difficulty, and made my way to another place, where,
BUTLER'S APPEARANCE. 159
through one of the windows, I could discern General
Butler's feet on the platform. Those around me seemed
to consider this a valuable point of observation ; but
being neither a bootmaker nor a Butler- worshipper, I
felt that two hours spent in looking through a window
at this small part of the General's person, without hear
ing a word of his speech, would be an unsatisfactory
account of my time. Accordingly I extricated myself
from the throng once more, intending to return to the
hotel, when, by good chance, Judge Underwood arrived,
and as a clearance had to be made to let him in, I
availed myself of this to get sufficiently far into the
church to see and hear.
A short, stout man, with large bald head, a round
body, and short spindle legs, stood at the front of the
platform, speaking in a somewhat harsh but very fluent
and articulate voice. It was easy, even at a glance, to
see how this man had the power to make himself an
object of such deadly hate to a whole people. There
was power in the big bald head, in the massive brow,
in the vulture nose, in the combatively bullying face,
in the heavy eyelids, and in the keen, scrutinizing eye.
It was literally eye, not eyes, for the right eyeball
seemed to be engaged in some business of its own, as
if relieved from regular duty, while the spirit of the
man when he looked at you seemed to crouch at the
other, and (from under the heavy eyelid) glare out
keenly and warily. He had in his left hand a pamphlet
or bit of paper — I could not see which — but once or
twice he brought this paper up to the side of his head,
within two or three inches of his eye, as if for reference.
Tastes differ, but I confess Butler's face was not
pleasant to me.
1 60 " BEAST " BUTLER, SO CALLED.
His speech, as far as I heard it, was clear, logical,
and full of practical wisdom, but was delivered with an
audacity of manner that made one reluctant to admire
even what deserved admiration.
Speaking of the alleged inferiority of the negro race,
Butler said, — " Fifty years ago, Europeans were accus
tomed to say that Americans were not their equals. 'Who
reads an American book ? ' they said. ' Who looks at
an American picture ? What poets, what generals has
America produced ? ' The last half century has swept
this taunt away. American science rules in the steam
boat and in the telegraph, and to-day overshadows the
world. Is it fair — is it just — to bring forward those
same taunts as arguments against the negro ? GIVE
HIM FAIR PLAY ! It is all he wants, and in fifty years
he may answer these questions to America, as America
has to the world."
Speaking of the hopes that had been held out to
negroes during the war, that the lands of the rebels
would be taken and parcelled out amongst them, he
said wisely — " Such confiscation is now impossible. And
I doubt if it would ever have been a boon to you, for
this reason, that anything that costs nothing is not
much valued."
It deserves to be recorded that the coloured audience
applauded this sentiment loudly, as if to indicate their
entire concurrence.
Butler gave it at the same time as his opinion that
the men who tilled the land should own it ; that the
vast landed estates in the South should be broken
up ; that the owner, instead of clamouring for foreign
immigration, should use the black labour that was
waiting at his door, and if he had not money, should
BUTLER AND THE PROFESSORS. 161
give each labourer, as wages, thirty or forty acres of
land until such time as it could be paid up, and the
rest he would by and bye be able to cultivate fully him
self.
I was sorry to find that the general moderation and
wisdom of this speech received little acknowledgment
from the Southern press. One prominent organ, ex
ceptional in its wit but not in the abusiveness of its
language, came out with a leading article entitled " THE
BEAST," and referred to the meeting in the following
terms: — "Butler spoke, chairman Wardwell smiled,
mob applauded. Sublime occasion ! Hen-roost and
pig-stye thieves forgot their avocation, and chickens and
pigs for two hours slept in undisturbed security, while
the petty pliers of smaller trades vied with each other
in doing homage to the more successful rascal ! "
The character written in Butler's face seems to have
developed itself at an early age. When a lad at college,
it was binding on the students to attend the college
church — a duty which to Benjamin was very irksome.
On one occasion he heard the college preacher (who was
also a professor) advancing propositions like the follow
ing : — (1.) That the elect alone would be saved. (2.)
That amongst those who by the world were called
Christians, probably not more than one in a hundred
belonged really and truly to the elect. (3.) That the
others, by reason of their Christian privileges, would
suffer more hereafter than the heathen who had never
heard the Gospel at all.
. Butler, whose audacity was always more conspicuous
than his reverence, made a note of these positions, and
on the strength of them drew up a petition to the
Faculty, soliciting exemption from further attendance
L
162 "BEAST" BUTLER, so CALLED.
at the church, as only preparing for himself a more
terrible future.
" For," said he, " the congregation here amounts to
600 persons, and nine of these are professors. Now, if
only one in a hundred is to be saved, it follows that
three even of the Faculty must be damned." He (Ben
jamin Butler), being a mere student, could not expect
to be saved in preference to a professor. Far, he said,
be it from him to cherish so presumptuous a hope !
Nothing remained for him, therefore, but perdition. In
this melancholy posture of affairs he was naturally
anxious to abstain from anything that might aggravate
his future punishment ; and as church attendance had
been shown in last Sunday's sermon to have this influ
ence upon the non-elect, he trusted that the Faculty
would for all time coining exempt him from it.
The result of this petition, written out in an impos
ing manner and formally presented to the Faculty, was
that Butler received a public reprimand for irreverence,
and, but for the influence of one or two friends in the
Faculty, would have been expelled.
Butler from the first has been noted for a quickness
of repartee that backs up his audacity, and prevents it
from bringing him to grief. In one of his first law
cases (most readers are probably aware that Butler
practised law in New England), he said, in the usual
way, when the case was called, " Let notice be given ! "
" In what paper ? " asked the venerable clerk.
" In the Lowell Advertiser" said Butler, selecting a
small local paper detested by the Whig party, to which
the clerk and the judges belonged.
There was an awful pause.
"The Lowell Advertiser!" said the clerk, with
BUTLER AND THE CLERK. 163
difficulty restraining his feelings, " I don't know such a
paper."
" Pray, Mr. Clerk," said Butler, " don't begin telling
the Court what you don't know, or there will be no
time for anything else ! "
When in command at Bermuda Hundreds, one of the
Petersburg Volunteers, who had held General Kautz's
Brigade of Cavalry at bay for two hours till the advance
of Lee's army arrived, was brought before Butler for ex
amination, having been captured in the trenches.
" What are you by profession ? " asked the General
" A lawyer."
" How many soldiers were in Petersburg when Kautz
first appeared ? "
The prisoner declined answering.
" If you won't tell me," said Butler, " I '11 tell you.
There was none."
The lawyer took the liberty of asking how he had
arrived at that conclusion.
"By this infallible deduction," said Butler:— "If
there had been a soldier in Petersburg, we should never
have found a lawyer in the trenches."
In New York, Butler was once addressing an immense
crowd in front of the City Hall in favour of the election
of Horace Greeley to Congress. For some time after
his appearance there was a terrific storm of hisses,
groans, and cries of " Spoons ! spoons ! " and " Down
with the Beast ! " Butler stood facing the mob with an
expression of the coolest effrontery, and occupied his
time till they should subside into quietness in picking
his teeth with his gold tooth-pick.
At last there came a lull, but Butler had scarcely got
his first sentence finished when the storm burst out
164 "BEAST" BUTLER, so CALLED.
afresh, and an apple shot from the crowd struck Butler
full upon the brow. He caught it as it fell, and bow
ing his thanks to the man who had thrown it, com
menced in the most deliberate manner to eat it. There
was a roar of laughter ; the mob felt that it was outdone,
and gave the General a hearing.
When in command at New Orleans, Butler was
standing one day smoking a cigar in front of the build
ing which he was using as his head-quarters, where, as
usual, the United States flag was flying. A Southern
lady passing down the street stepped off the pavement
as she drew near, and kept the other side of the street
till she was past the flag.
Butler turned to the sentry.
" Arrest that woman," he said, " and bring her here."
The sentry obeyed.
" Madam," said Butler, taking his cigar from his lips,
" what did you step off the pavement at this part of the
street for ? "
" To avoid that rag," said the lady, defiantly.
" I thought so," said Butler.
He called a guard, and said, — " You will walk this
woman up and down under this flag for half-an-hour.
If she is fatigued you will give her a chair directly
under it ; " and, resuming his cigar, while the guard set
about their work, he tranquilly watched the indignant
lady till his cigar was finished.
It ^was sometimes less the result which Butler
aimed at than (as in this case) the intensely aggra
vating means by which he effected it, that made
him the object of such execration and hate throughout
the South.
Everybody knows about the order by means of
BUTLER AND THE LADIES. 165
which he put an end to anything like insult being
offered to his soldiers by the ladies of New Orleans.
An Englishman who met Butler some time after in a
railway car spoke to him of this.
" Do you know," said the General, " where I got that
famous order of mine ? "
" Nor
" I got it from a book of London Statutes. I changed
' London' into 'New Orleans ;' that was all. The rest I
copied verbatim et literatim. The London papers, of
course, didn't know that, and called me ' Beast Butler '
for adopting one of their own laws."
Whatever truth there may be in this, and whatever
may be thought of Butler's taste in issuing his order,
there can be no doubt that this much-execrated man
possesses administrative ability of a high order, and
that the city of New Orleans was never within the
memory of its inhabitants kept so clean, and in conse
quence so healthy, and was never more orderly and
more free from those riots and outrages for which it
used to be notorious than during the time when it was
in the hands of General Butler. Let us not withhold
from this unlovable, but acute and sagacious man, his
due.
166 PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
XVI.
PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
FROM Eichmond I passed on to Petersburg, situated
about twenty-two miles farther south, on the Appo-
mattox River, and famous as the place where Lee and
his war-worn veterans made their last desperate stand
against the overwhelming forces of the North.
The fortnight I spent there was a time of mingled
gladness and sorrow — gladness in the society of warm
hearted and generous friends, sorrow at the evidences
that met me everywhere of the fearful ravages of war.
Not a road, or ridge, or ravine, for miles around the city,
but had its tale of heroism and death ; not a field but
had been sown with bullets, and ploughed with shot
and shell, and fought over again and again, and drenched
with human blood ; not a point in those interminable
lines of breast-works and rifle-pits that surrounded the
city but marked the spot where ragged and half- famished
Confederates, hopeless of their cause and yet uncon-
quered, stood shivering through nights of driving sleet
and biting frost, glaring across at the Union lines, and
giving and receiving the deadly fire that never ceased,
day or night, for eleven months, till the end came.
In the city, too, every home had its memories of
sadness. Here was a family that had lost its head ;
here were sisters who had lost their brothers ; here was
PETERSBURG. 167
an old man who had lost his boy ; here was a mother
whose son had followed the white flag to Gettysburg
and never been heard of more : one widow, I remember,
who had lost her husband, her father, and her only son,
and had the bitterness of poverty added to her cup. No
heart but had some grave within it ; and a single word
of sympathy would often unseal dumb lips and bring
forth tales of suffering and desolation, which, notwith
standing all differences of opinion about the lost cause,
it was impossible to listen to without tears.
Spending one evening at the house of a Confederate
officer, I met three Southern ladies, whose descriptions
of what they had seen and experienced during the war
help one to realize so well what war is when brought too
near home, that I shall introduce one of them, which
the lady, who was the wife of a captain in Lee's army, -
read from her journal. I am only sorry that they must
now lose the additional interest and vividness they
derived on that occasion from the voice of the reader,
her pale and interesting face, and the lustrous eyes that
now melted with tenderness, and now kindled with
Southern fire.
The following was her account of the first darkening
of the war- storm around their city, as the armies of
Grant and Lee, fighting all the way, rolled farther and
farther south from the Wilderness and Spottsylvania :—
" Such troops as we had some days before had been
withdrawn from Petersburg to points more threatened with
immediate attack. We had left us for our protection only
one regiment of Wise's brigade, one battery of artillery,
and 170 militia, composed of the older men and boys
under eighteen. These were to hold eleven miles of breast
works in case of attack, which the military authorities
168 PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
evidently did not anticipate. But already a large force of
cavalry, under the command of Kautz, was swooping down
upon us. How brightly dawned that lovely summer morn
ing upon our devoted city, whose light was so soon to be
dimmed with blood and tears ! An unusual quiet at first
prevailed, but at an early hour a sound broke upon our
ears which sent a tremor through our hearts. It was the
sullen roar of cannon and musketry along our lines ! And
now we heard the tolling of the town-bell, the signal which
summoned grandsires and boys to the defence of their
homes : our young men had all gone to meet the foe else
where. Truly might the enemy say of us that day, that we
' robbed the cradle and the grave for our defenders.'
" And nobly did they do their duty. No shrinking
because the feet of some were tottering with age, while
the hands of others were almost too delicate and girlish to
handle muskets. As a little band of these boys passed a
^group of sorrowing mothers and sisters who were trying to
smile and cheer them on in spite of their tears, one noble
lad exclaimed, ' Do not weep, ladies ; do not fear ; we will
fight for you as long as we have a cartridge left.' Ah !
how many of these poor striplings were in a few hours
mutilated and maimed for life, or sent to languish in a
Yankee prison, and to how many more the bright sun above
us went down at mid-day ! . . . I was ill, but all that long,
weary day, as I lay burning with ' fever, I could hear the
roar of the fierce conflict going on, as it seemed, at our
very doors — the firing sometimes so near that our hearts
stood still, expecting every moment the in-rushing of the
enemy. Eacli volley seemed to fall upon our own hearts
and brain, for we felt that at that moment death had come
to some beloved one. But that wall of brave hearts was
standing firm.
" About three o'clock the battle reached its height ; the
artillery of the enemy made for a commanding eminence ;
our forlorn hope gained the ridge before them, and checked
the advancing column. Just then, as if a mountain had
been lifted from our hearts, a body of our own cavalry — •
PETERSBURG UNDER FIRE. 169
being General Beauregard's advance — dashed unexpectedly
into the city, at sight of which the enemy gathered himself
hastily up and withdrew. Thus did the God of Battles
again stretch forth His hand and deliver us ! But, oh !
such a dearly-bought deliverance ! Towards evening, the
battle being now over, anxious wives, and mothers, and
sisters, with pale faces and trembling hearts, looked for the
return of loved ones, or for tidings of their fate. We felt
that some hearts must mourn, but whose should it be —
from which of us had the Angel of Death torn our idols ]
Soon the ambulances and waggons began to come in from
the battle-field, rumbling along the silent streets, leaving
now at this house, now at that, the mangled or dead body
of some dear one. At such moments you could hear,
breaking the awful stillness, the wail of some mother over
her dead boy, or the piteous cries of children over mutilated
and bleeding fathers or grandsires. It was a still summer
evening — how well I remember it ! — and the sun as it sank
to rest seemed to touch us lovingly and gently with its last
rays, as if in sympathy with our great sorrow. Night closed
in, and we sat down face to face with our woe — some to
watch the dying, others to keep sad vigil beside their dead ;
while numberless hearts agonized in prayer for loved ones
torn from home, and now on their way to pine, and per
haps die, in some Northern prison.
" God help us," the lady said, in tremulous tones, " if
in recalling the scenes of that sad day our hearts burn
within us, and we feel that we have no love as yet for our
enemies ! "
The following paragraphs describe some of the ex
periences that followed : —
" June 1 6 th. — Have been up for the first time since my
illness. Mother and sisters have been out all day minis
tering to the wounded. Troops have been passing all the
afternoon on their way to the left of our lines, where there
has been sharp fighting during the day.
" June 17 'tli. — What a night we have had ! The enemy
170 PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
opened upon us, shelling a city of defenceless women,
children, and wounded soldiers. It was a lovely moon
light night, and I had just gone to bed after listening to a
band belonging to some brigade encamped across the river,
when I heard the sound of heavy firing, and by and bye a
shell flew with a whiz over the house and exploded near
by. My heart sank within me ! But what could I do 1
I could only commit myself and my poor stricken country
into ' Our Father's ' keeping. I lay till nearly one o'clock
listening to the booming of guns and the sound of bursting
shells, when one exploded so near that the light flashed in
my very face, a fragment striking the porch in the rear of
our house. This so frightened my sister that she insisted
on going to a neighbour's for safety, so in my weak state I
made an effort to dress, and taking our two servants with
us we went. Oh, what sad weary hours were those as we
lay listening to the fearful sounds that seemed to threaten
us every moment with destruction. Some even of the
dying had to be moved from place to place during the
night, to spots where they might at least die quietly.
" Saturday. — To-day we sent off mother and sister to
Raleigh. I must manage to remain here till I can know
the fate of my dear husband, who is with General Lee, and
has been through the terrible conflicts of the Wilderness
and Cold Harbour.
"June ISth. — I shall never forget this afternoon. We
were just sitting down to dinner when we heard the sound
of martial music, and knowing that General Lee's army
was momentarily expected we hastened to the door. Sure
enough, the head of the column (A. P. Hill's corps) was
just turning into the street, and what regiment should come
first but our own gallant 12th Virginia — but oh ! so worn
with travel and fighting, so dusty and ragged, their faces so
thin and drawn by privation that we scarcely knew them.
It made one's heart ache to look at them. Ah ! how
many dear familiar faces we missed from those ranks of
war-worn heroes ! It was a sad home-coming, and even
now they were hurrying on to the front to save their homes
ATTACHMENT OE SLAVES TO THEIR MASTERS. 171
from the enemy. How my eager eyes searched through
those ranks for one ! As the column moved up the street
I saw a poor, thin, travel-worn figure step out of the ranks
and wave his hat to me. In spite of rags and emaciation I
knew my own ; he, then, thank God, was safe — still
spared to battle for his beloved South. I felt frantic with
joy to see him, though, alas, in such a plight, and even now
marching towards danger and death ! They were passing
so rapidly, and the crowd was so great, that I could not
reach him. But our faithful servant Becky, when I pointed
out her ' Mars,' ran with lightning speed up another street,
in order to flank the column, which she succeeded in doing,
rushed up to the ranks, and seizing her dear young mas
ter by the hand, went as far as she could with him,
cheering the poor fellow with news of home and dear ones
there.
" What would the Yankee philanthropist have thought,"
said the lady, " had he observed that scene between an
4 oppressed slave ' and her ' tyrant ' master ? "
" And that," she said, " is not the only proof I could give
you of Becky's fidelity. When we were forced to fly,
Becky could not be prevailed upon to seek safety with us.
She insisted on remaining here, in spite of danger and pri
vation, to take care of such property as we had to leave.
When the city was given up to the enemy, Becky still kept
* watch and ward ' over our things, though threatened with
Castle Thunder and even death by some of the Yankee
soldiers if she did not give up her master's property. Our
other two servants were equally faithful. They followed
us into our 'refugee' life, and were like other daughters to
our invalid mother. Even after they were free they re
mained with her — one nursing her tenderly, the other hir
ing herself out daily that she might earn money enough to
buy such little comforts and luxuries as her mistress had
been accustomed to, and which she could so ill want in her
feeble state of health.
" They are with us still," said the lady. " That was Becky
that waited on you at tea."
172 PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
%
She resumed her journal: —
" My darling boy came in from camp this morning to
spend the day with us, looking worn, weary, and dusty ;
but I got him a bath and clean clothes, which was a luxury
indeed to one who for thirty days had never got his coat
taken off, and his shoes only twice. We managed, too, to
get him up a breakfast, to which he did full justice with
his soldier-like appetite. But, poor fellow ! he has not got
peace to enjoy his day. The enemy has got the range of
the city, and has been shelling furiously. These dreadful
missiles fly over and around us like great birds with wild
rushing wings bearing destruction. We hear one coming,
and can only clasp our hands in silent prayer, and when it
passes, oh ! how heartily we exclaim, ' Thank God ! ' How
this ever-abiding presence of death makes us feel our entire
dependence on our Father ! But this wear and tear of the
nerves — this constant dread of the fate that next moment
may bring upon us — is itself a slow death.1
"June IQth. — It has not seemed like Sunday. The
stillness of the Sabbath has been broken by the continuous
picket-firing along our lines, the passing of troops through
1 The house in which I found a on the fatal night preceding the 30th
home during my stay in Petersburg of July (1864), when a sudden and
stood on the heights, within a mile mysterious cessation in the picket
of the picket lines to the north. firing was followed by the tremeud-
One night at supper, the lady of the ous explosion of Burnside's mine,
house, speaking of the incessant fir- within two miles of them, shaking
ing that was continued night and the house like an earthcpaake, and
day during the siege, took the knife nearly throwing 'them out of their
from her plate, and striking the haft beds. During the day, the artillery
quickly and irregularly on the tray, took the principal part in the thun-
said the picket firing went on like derous concert, and though the
that all night. At first it kept them fighting was supposed to be confined
awake, but after a few weeks -they to the army lines, shells were con-
got so accustomed to it that if it tinually dropping into the city, and
ceased even for a minute they began exploding with terrific noise in the
to get alarmed, wondering what streets. When people heard a shell
could have occurred, and dreading coming, they used to throw them-
that something worse was about to selves fiat on the pavement till the
befall. They were taught this lesson explosion was over, to dimmish the
GENERAL LEE. 173
the streets, and all the confusion and noise attending the
presence of a large army. Still the Sabbath bells called us
to the sanctuary, where, attending to heavenly things, we
might forget earth and all its woe.
" As the shells did not seem to be falling in the street,
my aunt and I ventured out. Suddenly I heard the multi
tudinous sound of horses' feet, and on turning round, beheld
a grand-looking man riding up the street, escorted by a
suite of officers, couriers, etc. I knew by intuition that it
was our great chief, the Christian warrior, General Lee. I
felt as in the presence of royalty. And does he not indeed
wear a crown of fame, glittering with the priceless gem of
a nation's confidence ? I exclaimed aloud, 'Oh, aunt, look !
— General Lee ! ' She shared my enthusiasm. So did
every one around. You could see the faces of citizens and
soldiers light up as the great commander passed. He also
was on his way to the church, where by and bye we saw
him. How humble and devout was the demeanour of this
great and good man as he humbly knelt in God's holy
temple and ' kept silence before Him.' Surely heaven's
blessing is, and will ever rest, upon him.
" General A. P. Hill knelt beside him. He is a small
chance of being hit by the flying Charles Campbell, the historian of
fragments. The terrified negroes, Virginia, who lives at Petersburg,
who looked upon the shells as flying told me that his hoiise was struck
demons coming in search of human several times. One shell plunged
prey, declared that they came cry- through the roof and exploded in
ing " Whar's you? whar's you?" his study, shattering the furniture,
{Where are you ?) A shell striking blowing out the windows, and bring-
a house often plunged through it, ing down the plaster. Fortunately
burying itself in the earth below. A for the hope of another chapter of
lady gave me the fragment of a shell Virginian history from the same pen,
that had passed right through her Mr. Campbell had gone down to the
house, and exploded in the yard be- basement with his family. Some-
hind. It had been loaded with times at night he used to go up-stairs
nails, and left the yard littered with to watch the shells rising like
those useful articles. The lady said, rockets all round the horizon, and
" I happened to be just in want of often crossing each other's tracks,
nails at the time, but I did not re- He said it was like a grand pyro-
lish the mode of transportation." technic display.
174 PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
man, bift has a very military bearing, and a countenance
pleasing, but inexpressibly sad.
" Ah, I know the reason now," said Mrs. W — , looking
up, with the tears in her eyes ; " I know why he looked so
sad. It was the shadow of his early death. He fell in the
last battle around Petersburg, the very day that the city
was evacuated."
She resumed : —
" General Lee, to our great gratification, shook hands
with several of us as he left the church. He has a beauti
ful eye, benevolent but clear and searching in its expres
sion, a noble countenance, with hair and beard which the
terrible burden of a nation's cares seems to have prema
turely whitened."
I found Petersburg full of memories of Lee. Every
body had some little incident to tell about him, to
illustrate his nobleness, his Christianity, his solicitude
for his men. One family which, during the siege, had
twice sent up a present of fruit and vegetables to Lee's
head- quarters, hoping to add a relish to the scanty fare
which he shared with his officers, showed me a warm
note of thanks which he had returned ; but they said
it turned out that, instead of tasting the things himself,
he had distributed them amongst his wounded and
dying men.
A Petersburg gentleman told me that during the war
he was one day travelling by rail to Eichmond in a
carriage (the Americans call it a " car") full of soldiers.
It must be remembered that these American railway
cars are like long narrow rooms, with a passage down
the middle, and no separation of classes. A poor fellow
with his arm in a sling got up and tried to pull on his
overcoat. He had to use his teeth along with his sound
hand, but once and again the coat fell back. His
LEE IN BATTLE. 175
efforts attracted the attention of an officer at the other
end of the car, who rose, went forward, tenderly assisted
him, drawing the coat very gently over the wounded
arm, and buttoning it up comfortably for him before
he went back to his seat. That officer was General
Lee. The gentleman who described the circumstance
said, "It was a picture of his whole character. The
men used to call him ' Uncle Bobert.' They loved him
as if he had been a father."
Illustrative of the feelings with which Lee's presence
inspired the troops in battle, he mentioned the follow
ing incident. At Fredericksburg, a position of vital
importance having fallen into the hands of the enemy,
Lee gave orders that it should be immediately retaken
at all hazards. Thrice it was assailed with fury ; but
the leaden storm that met the assailants tore their
ranks to pieces, and drove the remnants back. The
carnage and repeated failures were rapidly demoralizing
the troops, and at every attempt it became more difficult
to make them return to the charge. In the meantime
reinforcements were hurrying up to the help of the
assailed. It was a critical moment — one of those
moments that decide great events. At this juncture
General Lee rode to the front, facing the enemy's fire.
The sight of this man produced an instantaneous effect.
The scattered troops began to rally with shouts, fugi
tives turned, became inspired with a new courage at
sight of their chief, and flowed back into the ranks.
Lee took off his hat, and pointing to the enemy, called
on his men to follow. The troops were ready for
another charge, but they refused to move unless Lee
went back.
Eegardless of their entreaties, the General had begun
* m •
176 PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
to move forward, when several of the men, acting on
the universal impulse, rushed round him, seized the
reins of his horse, and implored him with passionate
eartnestness to go back. " Go back, General, for God's
sake ! Give us one chance more. Go back and see us
do it." His horse was held ; the ranks with a wild cheer
swept on, and in a few minutes the place was theirs.
I met several of Lee's officers in the city, some of
them pious men, who testified to the high Christian
character of their chief. One of them showed me, and
allowed me to copy, a letter he had just received from
Lee, to whom he had written on behalf of the Sunday-
school, for his signature on some photographs which it
was proposed to distribute amongst the children. The
following was Lee's reply :—
" MY DEAR * * *, — I am very glad to learn from your
letter of the 27th that the Sunday-school of St. Paul's
Church is in so flourishing a condition. My interest in
the citizens of Petersburg is as great now as when I was
a daily witness of the dangers to which they were sub
jected from the siege of their beloved city ; and my
admiration of the fortitude and courage they displayed
has not in the least abated. The children of the city
will always have my warm affection ; and I rejoice
that they so early possess a desire for that knowledge
which leads to righteousness and eternal life ; and in
comparison with which all other learning is valueless.
" iJ it will gratify them, I will with pleasure send the
autographs you desire.
" Please present my regards to your good pastor, and
with my best wishes for your own welfare. — I am, with
great regard, your obedient servant, R. E. LEE."
THE DOOMED MAN. ] 77
Amongst the friends I met in Petersburg was Mr.
K — , a man of somewhat eccentric character, but full
of generous impulses, and one who had always shown
himself ready during the privations of the war to share
whatever he had with those who were worse off than
himself. On one occasion he had been seen taking off
his shoes and coat in the street to give to a poor Con
federate soldier, and going home himself in his stockings
and shirt sleeves !
During one of the pleasant evenings, of which I
cherish so many delightful recollections, reference was
made to an interesting case, in which Mr. K — had
saved the life of a German soldier, and we got him to
give us the narrative himself. Here it is as nearly as
possible in his own words : —
" One Sunday morning I was in my room preparing to
go to church, when a knock came to the door, and I was
told that a man wanted to see me. I went out and asked
him what he wanted.
" He said, — ' There is a German prisoner going to be shot
on Tuesday morning, and he wants you to come and pray
with him.'
" I put my German Bible in my pocket, and went.
When I found myself alone with the prisoner, I said, in
German, — l What is your name 1 '
" < Henry B— ."
" ' What has brought you into this plight *? '
" ' I was charged, sir, with deserting.'
" ' And were you not guilty 1 '
" ' No, sir.'
" On questioning him further, I found that he had
been caught trying to leave Petersburg just after a very
severe order had been issued in reference to desertion,
which, however, from his ignorance of English, he had not
been able to read. Further, he assured me, earnestly and
M
*
•
1 78 PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
solemnly, that he never meant to desert — that he only
wanted to run the blockade — that is, to escape through the
lines — and go to Charleston to get his clothes, of which he
was sorely in need, and to recover $1000 that were due to
him there, and which the woman of the house where he
boarded had in charge for him. When tried by court-
martial, it was declared that he had deserted from Charleston
before ; but he assured me that it was not true — that he
had served his time and got an honourable discharge.
" I asked who had defended him at the court-martial.
" ' No one.'
" ' And what decision was come to 1 '
" * I was condemned, sir ; I am to be shot on Tuesday
morning.'
" I prayed with the man ; and when I had questioned
him again, I said, — ' If all you have told me is true, you
will not be shot if I can help it.'
"'It is true, Mr. K — ,' he said earnestly; 'true, as I
hope to see God ! '
" I went away determined, if possible, to save this poor
fellow's life.
" I went to a man here who hired out buggies, and said,
— ' I am going to Richmond. You must give me your buggy
on credit.'
" ' What are you going to Eichmond for 1 '
" * I am going to try and save a man's life."
" ' Then,' said he, l you shall have it, and not pay a
cent.'
"When I got to Richmond I found Jefferson Davis
coming from church. I laid the case before him, and said,
— ' I have pledged your word, and the honour of the Con
federate Government, that if that man's statements are
found true you will reprieve him. Now, sir,' I said, ' I
want you to postpone this man's execution for a week, till
I can go to Charleston and find out the truth or falsity of
his story.'
" Mr. Davis granted this at once.
" Back I came to Petersburg, and was off next morning
SAVING A SOLDIER'S LIFE. 179
to Charleston, where I arrived the day after. I procured
a permit to go to Fort Sumter, got the password, and hired
two boatmen to take me down. I was so excited that I
forgot the password, and when the sentinel cried ; Halt ! '
I could only cry out ' Don't fire — for God's sake don't fire !
I got the password, but I have forgotten it.'
" I could not recall it, and had to tell the boatmen to
take me back, when suddenly it came to my memory, and
I returned and landed under the Fort. Colonel Calhoun
received me kindly — he was shot afterwards by Colonel
Rhett in a duel — I told him my story, and said, — ' The
man was charged in the indictment with having deserted
here before.'
" The Colonel looked his papers and said, — ' There is
some mistake there. That man served his time, and was
honourably discharged.'
" My heart leapt up at that. I was satisfied now of the
man's innocence. I got back to Charleston, and went next
to inquire about the $1000. I wouldn't," said Mr. K — ,
getting more and more excited in his narrative — " I wouldn't
have given three skips of a flea for all the dollars in God's
creation, but a man's life depended upon it. I found the
woman. Yes, the money was all right. The man had
told the truth.
" Now for Richmond again ! Time was flying past, and
there was not a moment to lose. I ran away to the
station, and was nearly there when I remembered that I
had not paid my bill. I ran back to do it, and on return
ing found the train was off. No other train till next
morning ; there was nothing for it but to remain. Next
morning I was off. When we got to Florence the cars ran
off the track. That detained us twelve hours, and the
man's life trembling in the balance.
" It was Monday afternoon before I got back to Peters
burg, and the man was to be shot on Tuesday morning.
I had tasted no food for three days, and was so dirty and
haggard that nobody knew me. I ran over to Pocahontas
Bridge to the depot.
180 PETERSBURG AND ITS MEMORIES.
" The man at the gate demanded my pass. There was
no travelling to or from Richmond in those days without
a Provost-Marshall's pass.
" I said, — ' I have no pass.'
" ' Then you can't come in here.'
" ' Then,' said I, ' a man's life will be lost.'
" ' Eh ! what 's your name V
" < K— .'
" * K — ! ' exclaimed the man, staring at me. ' Bless me,
what have you been doing with yourself] You look crazy.'
" I told him in a few words ; he let me pass, and I got
into the cars just as they were starting.
" I reached Richmond on Monday night at seven o'clock.
When I got to President Davis' s house I was like to faint.
"'Is Mr. Davis in V
" ' No.'
" ( Well, I must see him. A man's life is at stake. I
will wait inside till he comes.'
" I went in and fell asleep on the sofa. About ten
o'clock I heard steps. I jumped up. * Is that Mr. Davis V
" ' Yes.'
" ' Tell him Mr. K — , the person that was here last
week getting a reprieve for a condemned man, wants to
see him.'
" Mr. Davis received me at once.
" < Well,' he said, ' what did you find at Charleston T
" ' It is all true, sir, what the man said.' I mentioned
what Colonel Calhoun had told me, and also about the
1000 dollars.
" ' Well,' said Mr. Davis, ' go to General Randolph's
head-quarters, and lay these facts before General Lee. I
spoke to him about the case. If he consents, the man
shall be pardoned.'
" It was 1 1 P.M. when I found General Lee. Lee
received me kindly, and listened to my story, but shook
his head.
" ' I would be glad if I could do it,' he said, ' but the
safety of the country demands that desertion be put a stop to.'
A MAN'S LIFE AT STAKE. 181
" I pleaded with him, but he seemed to have made up
his mind.
" ' I have made this a matter of prayer,' he said. ' I
have laid this case before God ; and, while I cannot say
God answered me, I feel that my conscience is clean.'
" I thought of the man's life hanging on this interview,
and pleaded with the General for nearly an hour, but in vain.
' The country,' he said, ' demands that an example be made
of men who desert their colours, no matter on what ground,
and we must begin somewhere.'
" l Begin, then/ I said, * with one of our own people —
not with a poor foreigner who does not know the language,
and could not read the orders you issued on this subject.'
" General Lee thought earnestly for a moment, and then
said, — •' Mr. K — , you deserve this man's life given you if
it could be done. But desertion is imperilling our cause.
We would have gained that battle of Antietam but for
desertion. There were 13,000 deserters that day, and
13,000 men would have turned the scale. This man's
life cannot be taken into account when the salvation of the
country is at stake.'
" That crushed me. I felt that I could plead no more.
" ' General,' I said, * I asked God's blessing on that man,
and I should like before I leave to ask it on you.'
" He bowed his head ; I put my hands upon it, and
asked God's blessing on him, and on the cause he was so
nobly defending. I could scarcely speak. My voice was
choked, and the tears were blinding my eyes.
" Then I left him. I went to the hotel, filled with sad
ness more than I can describe. I washed myself, tried to
eat a little, and went to bed, but could not sleep. I
thought of that man who was to be shot now in a few
hours. I could not rest. I was up at the President's
house again at five in the morning. The man ' was to be
shot at Drewry's Bluff at eight. The servant refused to
awaken the President. I paced about awhile, and then
went up to the officer, who turned out to be a German. I
said, — ' The servant won't awaken the President. Go you
182 PETEKSBUKG AND ITS MEMORIES.
and do it, for God's sake. If you don't, your countryman
will be shot.'
" ' I dare not do it,' said the man.
" ' Then I will go myself.'
" ' I cannot allow you, sir,' said the man. ' It is con
trary to orders.'
" I pleaded and wept, and at last he went.
" The answer from Mr. Davis was to send me up to his
room. I found him in bed. He shook my hand, and
asked me if anything had occurred.
" I said, ' I saw General Lee, and pleaded with him for
more than an hour for that man's life, but in vain.'
" ' Strange,' said Mr. Davis. ' General Lee was here
about two in the morning, and said you had shaken his
decision by what you had said about the man being a
foreigner and not able to read, and that we had better
spare him.'
" Oh, the joy of that moment ! I think it was a taste
of what heaven must be. I could only say, ' Thank God,
Mr. Davis, thank God ! '
" But think of General Lee going at two in the morning
to see the President about that man !
" I asked the President if the pardon had been sent.
He said no, but it would be sent by special courier in good
time. I asked him if he would write me out a reprieve
now till the regular order was drawn up. He consented
cheerfully, and pointed to a hand-desk on a side-table,
which I brought him, and he wrote the reprieve in bed.
" I can't tell you," said Mr. K — , " how I felt when I went
out with that reprieve in my hand. The man's life was
saved. When the courier rode down with the reprieve to
Drewry's Bluff the man's grave had already been dug !
But it wasn't needed, thank God, and the man is alive yet,
and has written me since, and is never going to forget who
saved his life.
" I returned to Petersburg, my heart filled with grati
tude to God. The colonel of the regiment to which the
man belonged met me in the cars. ' Joe,' I call him. He
THE PARDON. 183
was one of my old scholars. He pretended to be very
angry. ' Here,' lie said, ' we came over to see that man
shot. Pretty thing, you coming and getting him off.' But
I could have stood a great deal of bantering that morning.
I entered Petersburg that day like a hero ! "
Such was Mr. K — 's story. I have given it not only
on account of its own interest, but as throwing a side
light upon the character of men who, owing to the
nature and issue of the war, are apt now to be misre
presented and misunderstood.
184 A EIDE WITH A CONFEDERATE OFFICER.
XVII.
A RIDE WITH A CONFEDERATE OFFICER.
I WAS fortunate enough in looking around me at
Petersburg to have the companionship of Major Cook,
one of General Lee's staff-officers, who rode with me
one day over part of the lines, showing me the points
of interest, and describing in grim soldier fashion many
of the terrible scenes he had witnessed.
With a feeling for the occasion, which to me was
touching, he had put on his Confederate uniform once
more, — the same in which he had so often ridden
through the battle, carrying orders from his chief, or
rallying broken regiments for a charge. He knew that
I should like to see it, and that it would help me to
realize better the scenes we were to be in the midst of
again.
I could see how the eyes of the ladies kindled at
sight of the " Confederate grey " when they came out
to the verandah to see us start on our expedition. The
Major himself, when he mounted and took the reins,
seemed - to look grander than I had seen him look
before, and, as we rode out towards the lines, seemed
as if riding back once more into the years when the
white flag flew, and the Southern hosts were gathering
for the battle.
' At a turn of the road we came upon a man driving
CONFEDERATE GREY. 185
a waggon. At sight of the Major in his uniform the
man started, straightened himself into military atti
tude, and with eyes of wonder made the salute.
" He must have been a soldier," said the Major
when we were past.
I said I supposed the men had betaken themselves
to many strange occupations for a livelihood.
" 0 yes, and our officers too," said the Major. " I
knew one man who went back to the Express Com
pany's office, where he had been clerk. His military
superior went into the same place as his porter. It
was very odd. The clerk could never get over his
military discipline, and could not bring himself to
order his officer as he would have done another man.
People used to be amused hearing him say to a porter,
' Don't you think, sir, we had better do so and so/ or,
' Don't you think, sir, this parcel had better be taken
to Smiths/ and so on. General Lee has always been
anxious since the surrender to see his old officers and
men reconciling themselves to the new state of things
and going into useful occupations. "When he heard of
this young officer becoming a porter, he said, ' He
deserves more credit for that than for anything he ever
did in the army/ "
We reached the lines and rode along to various
points of observation. Crossing the country towards
the Federal lines, we had to make our way sometimes
through marshes, sometimes through tangled under
growth, sometimes along deep ruts and water-courses,
— the Major, with the quick eye of a soldier, catching
at a glance the route that ought to be taken to reach
any given point.
" I have been here once or twice before, reconnoit- '
186
A RIDE WITH A CONFEDERATE OFFICER.
ring," he said, as we urged our horses through the
brush. " It was ticklish work. It doesn't do for a
soldier to say that he was afraid, but it was mighty
trying to the nerves reconnoitring over ground like
this, not knowing how many sharp-shooters might be
watching you from the brush close by, and only wait
ing till you are a few yards farther on to get a sure
aim ; or at what moment you might have the bullets
whistling about your ears, or crashing into your brain.
Fighting in battle is mere bagatelle compared with it.
Your blood is up then, and though you may have
shells bursting and banging about you, and bullets
hopping around like hailstones, you don't care. You
think of nothing then but the slaughter of the enemy."
We rode out to the Federal Soldiers' Cemetery at
Poplar Grove, and tying our horses in the pine wood
outside went in to wander for a while among the
graves. The place is laid out in sections, each section
with its melancholy forest of white head-boards on
which are painted the names and regiments of the dead
men below. One of the first head-boards I stopped to
read was marked
UNKNOWN
U. S. SOLDIER
REMOVED FROM
FORT DREAD.
I wondered who the man was who lay beneath — where
his home was — whether his mother was still alive,
away, perhaps, in some far-off part of the world,
wondering what had become of her boy, that she had
THE CRATEIl FIGHT. 187
not heard from him for so long, but still hoping that
one day he would return to gladden her heart in her
declining years. Here he lay, alas ! sleeping his long
sleep among the unknown dead. There were long
rows of these " Unknown." Altogether 7500 dead
men — soldiers of the Union — lay buried in this one
cemetery. It was strange to walk through it with one
before whom, perhaps, many of them had fallen.
We visited the Confederate Cemetery too — a still
sadder spectacle — for here, all down the slope of the
hill, the graves were thick as the furrows on a ploughed
field, with nothing to distinguish them save here and
there a slip of wood, or a rag fluttering from a little
stick. But every year, on a certain day, the ladies of
Petersburg come out to mourn over their dead, and
deck the poor graves with flowers.
On our return we visited the scene of one of the
most hideous tragedies of the war. Those who read of
Burnside's mine and the Crater fight at the time, are
not likely to have forgotten it. It was in the year 1864,
in the second month of the fighting around Petersburg.
At this particular point, the Federal lines had been
pushed up to within 150 yards of a projecting fort in
Lee's line of defence. General Burnside, who com
manded at that point on the Federal side, secretly
sunk shafts, and running his subterranean passages
right under the Confederate fort, prepared to blow it
up. This grand bursting open of the gates of Lee's
position was fixed to take place on the morning of the
30th of July. Accordingly, at 4.45 on that fatal morn
ing the picket-firing ceased at that part of the line,
the men were withdrawn, and the mine was sprung.
Instantly the earth burst with a roar that seemed to
188 A RIDE WITH A CONFEDERATE OFFICER.
bring dowii the heavens, and the fort, with (it was
said) 300 defenders, went whirling up through fire and
smoke into the skies. At this concerted signal the
guns all along the Federal front opened their throats
of thunder, assailing the Confederate lines with thunder
storms of shot and shell. Now came the time for the
grand charge contemplated by Burnside. The ex
plosion had left in place of the fort a vast crater, 150
feet long, 60 wide, and 30 deep. Burnside's plan was
this : — Give the enemy no time to recover from the
shock — hurry in through the crater, clutch the Con
federate lines right and left, and seize the ridge beyond.
That point gained, the city lies at our feet ; we take
the enemy in rear, and Petersburg is ours.
Fired with this great idea, Burnside, as soon as the
explosion was over and the way cleared, poured a
torrent of troops into the crater — Ledlie's entire division,
then Potter's, then Wilcox's, and finally his Black
Brigade, anticipating glorious results, possibly the panic
and stampede of Lee's entire army.
But the grim veterans of Fredericksburg and the
Wilderness were not to be discomfited by noise and
momentary disaster. Though thunderstruck at first by
the terrific explosion, which tossed the fort and 300 of
their comrades into the air, they quickly rallied ; Lee
and Beauregard were soon up with reinforcements, and
after a bloody conflict the lines were recaptured, and
the Federals driven out with fearful loss.
As we approached the scene of carnage I asked the
Major where he had been when the explosion took
place.
" Away yonder, at Beauregard's head-quarters," he said,
pointing across the country. " It was before I had been
THE EXPLOSION. 189
transferred to Lee's staff. I remember I was roused from
sleep at a very early hour by a booming sound, apparently
at a great distance. Soon after, Colonel Paul, one of our
staff-officers, came galloping into camp and told General
Beauregard that the enemy had sprung a mine under our
lines near the junction of the Baxter and Jerusalem plank
roads — that Captain Pegram's battery of artillery had been
blown into the air — that the enemy was swarming in
through the crater, and was developing to the right and
left, driving our men from the trenches. Beauregard
communicated with Lee, who ordered Mahone's division to
the place to dislodge the enemy at all hazards. Mahone
got his men together, came up here, and went in with his
old brigade and Sorrel's. After hard fighting, Mahone's
brigade carried the position yonder in its front, but Sorrel's
was almost torn to pieces, and had to fall back. Mahone
then put in an Alabama brigade which did the work
gallantly. We were all up by that time from head
quarters. This way, and I shall show you where we stood
and saw it."
We rode some distance to the left, where the Major
stopped.
" This is the place," he said. " There, where you are
now, was where Lee and Beauregard stood. Yonder, in the
ravine, the Alabama brigade formed. As they rose from
the ravine, out upon the open slope of the hill, they were
met with a terrific fire of musketry. They staggered for a
moment. The forest of bayonets waved and shook. Just
then I saw an officer on the right flank of the brigade draw
his sword from what seemed to be a silver scabbard — it
flashed so white — and, waving it, cheered on the men. Up
they moved in the face of the fire, leaving the slope littered
with dead. The officer's sword was still waving ; we could
see it flash and flash in the light ; up went the men quicker
and quicker in the face of that murderous fire, till suddenly
we heard their yell, and saw them dash up to the works,
swarm in, and disappear. It was as gallant a charge as I
190 A RIDE WITH A CONFEDERATE OFFICER.
ever saw. We recaptured all our lines, driving the enemy
over into the crater like a herd of frantic buffaloes. Then
such a .scene ensued as I hope never to see again — the
crater filled with a seething mass of men — hundreds and
thousands of them — some firing back upon us, some strug
gling wildly to escape. Shattering volleys were fired into
the seething abyss, till it became a perfect hell of blood.
The frantic mass heaved and struggled like demons. Hand-
grenades were tossed in, and as they exploded you could
see heads and arms and legs go up into the air. Our men
sickened at the carnage and stopped. The enemy lost that
day more than four thousand men. They left the crater
choked with dead. No attempt was made till long after to
take the bodies out for burial. The earth was thrown in
upon them where they lay, covering the hideous sight from
the face of heaven."
I rode up with the Major to see the fatal spot. A
booth had been erected beside it now, where relics of the
fight were sold, and 25 cents charged for admission to
the ground. The Major's uniform, however, gave an
official air to our visit, and we were charged nothing.
There is still a vast hollow in the earth, though the
look of the place has much changed (the Major said)
in consequence of the falling in of the sides. Human
bones were still lying about, and shreds of uniform and
cartridge-pouches and bayonet- scabbards, some of them
scorched and curled up as with fire.
The defeat of Burnside at the Crater fight had post
poned, but could not avert, the final crash. For nine
long Aweary months around Petersburg the fierce but
unequal conflict was maintained. By the month of
March the condition of Lee's wasted and half-farnished
army was desperate in the extreme.1 And yet, as late
1 The poor fellows in the trenches erdbles, used to laugh at each other
punning on Victor Hugo's Les Mis- with hollow cheeks as Lee's Miser-
LEE'S SURRENDER. 191
as the 31st of that month, when Warren was demon
strating in strong force on his right, threatening to
burst in through his weakened lines, Lee massed his
infantry on the imperilled point and struck Warren a
sudden and terrific blow, hurling him back in wild
confusion ; but next day, and the day after, assaults
were made in overwhelming force, not only on his right,
but on his weakened left and front; his lines were
broken in three places ; Fort Gregg fell ; and, to crown
all, news came that the Federal cavalry was advancing
in force on the Burkesville railroad, " which had now
become the jugular vein of the gasping Confederacy."
Everybody knows the rest. On Sunday morning
(April 2d), Lee telegraphed to President Davis that
Eichmond must be evacuated. At half-past five in the
afternoon, at Wilcox's head-quarters (Major Cook showed
ables. When reduced to Indian said he, " the last year of the war
corn for food, they expressed the you always knew a Confederate by
difference between themselves and his having no uniform at all ! " It
their more fortunate antagonists by was said that during the progress of
contracting "Federal" and "Con- negotiations for surrender, Lee,
federate" into "Fed." and" Co(r)n- awaiting the arrival of Grant's of-
fed." A brigadier-general told me ficer, observed amongst his staff a
that for nine days before the sur- gallant colonel whose face was be-
render he had nothing to eat but a smutted with the powder-smoke of
mouthful of parched corn, and on the last battle, and who boasted of
the last day not even that. A cap- no better uniform than a one-sleeved
tain in the same army said he could Confederate coat, and a pair of
have put his day's rations into his ragged pants. " Are you not go-
waistcoat pocket, if he had had a ing to dress, colonel ?" asked Lee.
waistcoat pocket to put them in. He " Dress!" exclaimed the colonel;
took his men out of Petersburg with "this is all that's left me now on
nothing upon the upper part of his God's earth." "I would suggest,
body but a flannel shirt. I remem- however," said Lee, " that you wash
ber once remarking to a Southern your face." From the commence-
officer that the similarity of the two ment of the siege of Petersburg, Lee's
uniforms — the Federal pale blue and army may be said to have been in
the Confederate bluish grey must rags,
have led to much confusion. " Oh,"
192 A EIDE WITH A CONFEDERATE OFFICER.
me the white wooden house with its faded portico where
the thing was done), Lee signed the order for the evacu
ation of Petersburg.1 Night closed in upon the scene,
and in the morning, to the surprise of the Federals, Lee
and all that remained of his army were gone ! Then
came the pursuit, the Federal forces rolling around Lee
from all quarters, heading him off this way and that,
Lee shaking them fiercely from his flanks and dash
ing them from his front, moving for the west. But
escape with a half-famished army, cut off from all its
communications, and surrounded by rapidly accumu
lating masses of the enemy, was impossible, and, at
Appomattox Courthouse, on Sunday the 9th of April
1865, Lee surrendered to the Federal commander all
that remained of the once proud army of Northern
Virginia, that two years before had shaken the conti
nent with the thunder of its tread.
Major Cook, in describing the final scenes, said, —
" General Lee ordered us to be ready to move. I think
he meant to cut his way out with his last 8000 bayonets,
had Grant's terms not been such as would have been hon
ourable to the South.
" A number of us were standing round under the tree
when Grant's staff-officer made his appearance. Lee looked
as grand that day as I have ever seen him look, but very sad.
When his officer said, — ' General Lee, allow me to introduce
you to Colonel - - of General Grant's staff,' Lee rose to
his magnificent height, looked at the Yankee officer, and
bowed. The officer was awed — looked more as if he had
come to beg than to offer terms.
1 The Major showed me a plateau Federal lines, and riding slowly
where he rode that day with Lee along the exposed part of the pla-
and some of his Generals to recon- teau, as if reluctant to retire. " The
noitre. When the enemy opened fire game was up," said the Major, "and
upon them, he remembered Long- I think Longstreet wanted to die on
street looking sullenly towards the the field."
. •
LEE'S SURRENDER. 193
" I remember, when it became known that Lee had sur
rendered, and when he had made his final speech, — ' Men,
we have fought through the war together — I have done the
best for you that I could,' — his veterans pressed round him
weeping like children ; others, with their cheeks still wet,
and their faces white with excitement, leapt up on ambul
ances and anything that allowed them to see him, and cried
out, ' General ! we '11 fight 'em yet ! General, say the word,
and we '11 go in and fight 'em yet ! ' Lee stood with the
tears in his eyes."
Before riding back to the city, the Major took me to
see Fort Hell and Fort Damnation — so named from the
long-continued and terrific fire to which these vital
points were subjected. Silence hung around them now,
broken only by our own voices and the hollow thump
ing of our horses' hoofs, as we passed warily over the
subterranean bomb-proofs. At Fort Hell a negro with
a cart was pulling out some of the wicker baskets from
the earthen gabions for fire-wood. At Fort Mahone,
where the fighting had been terrific, and where the
entrenchments (especially on one day of close and des
perate fighting) had streamed with blood, we found a
little orchard growing peacefully on the formidable
earthworks, from the peach stones which the soldiers,
after sucking the fruit, had thrown over.
# •
194: STONEWALL JACKSON.
XVIII.
STONEWALL JACKSON.
As I write there lies beside me a precious and yet
sad relic of the war. It is a large, heavy waterproof
coat, about which, at first sight, there seems nothing
remarkable. But if you take it up and begin to exa
mine it, you are struck first of all with the strange
appearance of the lining, which is clouded and blotched
with stains which some one has vainly endeavoured to
wash out. On examining these stains more closely,
your interest is excited by the discovery that they are
the stains of blood. You discover next at the back of
the left sleeve, close to the shoulder, a small round hole,
made apparently by the passing out of a bullet. In the
front you see where the bullet entered — an almond-
shaped hole, stopped up now with a little patch of
waterproof sewed upon the sleeve inside. Near the
cuff you come upon the track of another of these leaden
messengers of death, and from its direction, and the
absence of any mark of entrance, you see that this bul
let, to"1 come out at this point, must have come crashing
first through the knuckles and wrist. Looking inside
the sleeve, you see that it has been all saturated with
blood. If you are a quick observer, you will detect
further, from the gfcwing, that the whole of this sleeve
has been cut open, and been afterwards stitched up
COAT IN WHICH JACKSON FELL. 195
again more roughly. You can see where the knife was
applied at the cut of the collar ; you can follow its
track across to the seam, and all the way down to the
wrist.
By this time you have heen able to read in the coat
itself part of its tragic history. You see from the bullet
marks that the man who wore it must have been shot
with his face to those who fired ; you see that his left
arm was shattered — that friendly hands had taken him
up and cut open the sleeve to remove the coat with the
least possible pain to the mangled limb, and you infer
that the man died of his wounds, for the coat had evi
dently passed into other hands, and been washed clean
of the clotted blood, and patched up and stitched along
the rent to fit it for another's use. But who was the
man that wore it ?
You examine it carefully once more, and now, on the
lining at the neck, under the maker's stamp, you dis
cover, half washed out with the blood, but still suffi
ciently legible, written in the handwriting of the man
himself, the name of
" T. J. JACKSON."
It was the coat of the redoubted " Stonewall" Jack
son, the same in which, on the battle-field of Chancel -
lorsville, the hero fell in the arms of victory ! The
blood that has left these sad stains upon it was his, and
these holes and patches show the track of the bullet
that laid the great soldier low, and changed perhaps the
destinies of the war. Strangest and most amazing thing
of all, that bullet was not shot from the ranks of the
enemy, but was one of a volley fired under a mistake
196 STONEWALL JACKSON.
by his own men — men who would joyfully have laid
down their lives for his sake.
This coat, which I first saw at Charlotte, in North
Carolina, where I had gone with introductions to Jack
son's friends, and which I afterwards received as a
sacred memento from the one who was dearest to him
on earth, brings all that tragic scene to memory again.
It was the 2d day of May 1863. Federal General
Hooker, commanding " the finest army on the planet,"
as it was proudly called, had crossed the Rappa-
hannock to deal a crushing blow to the rebellion and
end the war. Sedgwick, commanding his left wing,
had crossed below Fredericksburg to hold the enemy
there ; Hooker with the main force was closing round
the Southern army by way of Chancellorsville. The
dense timber of the region was felled in front of the
Federal position so as to form an almost impassable
series of abatis ; in rear of this were formidable en
trenchments for the infantry, while the hills behind
were bristling with Federal cannon. Lee's position was
now critical. His line of retreat was in Hooker's hands,
and to attack Hooker in front was to risk terrible and
irretrievable disaster. It was then that Stonewall
Jackson, as fertile in resource as he was tremendous in
execution, suggested a silent movement well to the left,
which, if successful, would allow Hooker to be assailed
on flank and rear, compelled to reverse his plan of battle,
and turn his back on the position which he had taken
such pains to render impregnable.
While Jackson with three divisions was stealing away
on his hazardous enterprise, Hooker, completing the
details of Ids great movement, was boasting that the
Confederate army was now his property, and had tele-
DESCENT ON HOOKER'S RIGHT. 197
graphed on Friday to Washington to prepare the North
for a splendid triumph. His hopes were suddenly
blasted on Saturday afternoon by the grand outburst
upon his right flank of Stonewall Jackson and his
25,000 men. It was Howard's corps — the Eleventh,
known as " Siegel's veterans" — on which Stonewall had
now descended like a thunderbolt. The result was
described as one of the most tremendous scenes of the
war. Taken by surprise, the Eleventh corps broke like
a herd of buffaloes, and began to roll back in wild and
yet wilder confusion upon Hooker's centre. Hundreds
of cavalry horses, left riderless by the first discharge,
dashed wildly about ; batteries went off at a trot ;
masses of infantry retreated at the double-quick ;
battery waggons, horses, ambulances, and cannon were
tumbling together in wild confusion ; droves of panic-
stricken men, some of them without hats, coats, or
muskets, rushed headlong from under the rebel fire,
followed by the wild yells and the shattering volleys
of the victorious Confederates. Howard and some of
his officers galloped hither and thither trying to stem
the torrent, and getting the men here and there to
make a stand ; but still the tide rolled tumultuously
back.
It was now dusk, and the night was fast closing in.
Jackson, eager to follow up his success and convert the
stampede of the Eleventh corps into the rout of Hooker's
whole army, ordered A. P. Hill's division, which was
in rear, to press forward and take the place of Ehodes,
reserving fire unless cavalry approached from the direc
tion of the enemy. He then galloped forward to recon
noitre, but finding the position of the enemy concealed
by the forests and the deepening gloom, pushed on past
198 STONEWALL JACKSON.
his line of skirmishers, reckless of the close and dan
gerous fire.
One of the staff said, " General, don't you think this
is the wrong place for you ? "
" The danger is over ; the enemy is routed," replied
Jackson. " Go back and tell A. P. Hill to press on !"
It was almost dark when he turned and rode back
with his staff towards his own men. A. P. Hill's corps,
advancing rapidly, and watchful for the enemy, sud
denly beheld this group of horsemen emerging from the
gloom.
There was a cry of " Cavalry !" and in an instant a
hurricane of bullets swept the road, and rattled like
hail amongst the trees. StonewalTs hands were both
shattered ; one bullet crashed through his left arm at
the shoulder, splintering the bone and severing the
main artery. His horse, wounded and frantic with
pain, dashed aside ; the branch of a tree struck Jackson
on the head, and he fell heavily to the ground.
To one of his captains, who leapt from his horse and
knelt beside him, he said, " All my wounds are by my
own men."
A deadly fire from the enemy was now pouring down
the road. Jackson was lifted upon a litter ; but almost
instantly one of the bearers was killed, and the others
had to lie down till the fire slackened.
As they hurried to the rear, the question was often
put by the troops, —
" Who is that ? who have you there ?"
Jackson said in a low voice to his bearers, — " Keep
quiet. Don't tell that I am wounded."
All next day the battle raged, but it was only the
booming of the distant guns that reached Stonewall
JACKSON'S DEATH. 199
Jackson as he lay dying at Wilderness Eun. He had
hopes at first that he would recover, and was eager to
know from the doctor how long he thought his wounds
would keep him from the field.
But the hero had fought his last fight. He was
never to be seen on the battle-field again.
His wife, who had been sent for, arrived, and nursed
him with tender devotion to the end. He never com
plained of his wounds. " God knows what is best," he
said.
In his last talk with the chaplain he suggested, as a
text from which to preach to the soldiers that day, the
28th verse of the 8th chapter of Eomans : — " All things
work together for good to them that love God." This
was a favourite verse, and a key to some of the grandest
features of his character.
When his wife told him, with quivering lip, the final
opinion of the doctors — that he was dying — he said
cheerfully, " Very good ; God does what is best. It is
all right."
After a little while he said, " Bury me at Lexington,
in the Valley of Virginia."
He sank rapidly now, and his mind began to wander.
At one time some sound seemed to catch his dying ear ;
he moved his head as if to listen. Suddenly the old
war-look kindled in his face again, and his weeping
friends were startled by the words, — " A. P. Hill, pre
pare for action !" It was some thought of the battle.
The light faded ; the head sank back ; an expression of
divine serenity overspread the features, and in a few
moments Stonewall Jackson was dead.1
1 As a fresh controversy has been Stonewall Jackson was killed by his
started in America as to whether own men, let me quote the follow-
STONEWALL JACKSON.
So fell the grandest hero of the South ; and with
him the sun of Southern glory began to set. Desper
ate valour was yet to be shown on many fields of
agony and blood ; but no great victory was ever again
" It is all right ; God
to light on Southern banners.
ing passages from a letter published
"by a Federal officer (General Revere)
who fought at Chancellorsville, and
believes himself to have been an
eye-witness of the scene. He says :
— " Our division was held in reserve
near the Chancellorsville House
until about five o'clock on Saturday
afternoon, which was the time of
the furious attack made on the right
of our line by Jackson, which broke
the Eleventh corps, hurling it back
in disorder. We were almost im
mediately ordered to the front to
check the advance of the enemy.
... As soon as my line was formed
and pickets thrown out, I rode to
the front to inspect the line, and
to rectify my positions if necessary.
It was now twilight, but the moon
was shining. While engaged in
changing the posts of some of the
sentinels covering the left of the
line, in a comparatively clear part
of the forest near the plank road, I
heard the sound of an approaching
cavalcade from the side of the
enemy, which soon appeared, and
the foremost horseman, detaching
himself from it, came on alone, so
near that the soldier beside me
levelled his rifle for a shot at him ;
but I stopped him from firing, not
wishing to reveal our position, and
judging him an officer making a re
connaissance, in which case it would
have been a useless thing to kill
him — even if he could have hit him
in the uncertain light. After a few
moments spent apparently in trying
to pierce the gloom, this person
slowly turned his horse, and the
whole party returned towards the
Confederates at a gallop. The clat
ter of hoofs became fainter in the
distance, when suddenly the dark
ness in that direction was lighted
up by a flash, succeeded by the
well-known rattle of a volley of
musketry from at least a battalion,
on the right of the road, and after
the interval of about twenty seconds
came another volley from the left.
Being apprehensive that some of
our troops might possibly be in that
direction, I rode forward to satisfy
myself, as, if called into action,
there might be danger of firing upon
our own troops. Emerging from
the thick undergrowth upon the
road, a riderless horse dashed past
me towards our lines, and I reined
up near a group of three persons,
two of whom were supporting the
third, who was stretched on the
ground, apparently grievously hurt.
... I saw at once that these were
Confederates, but reflecting that I
was well armed and mounted, more
over, that I wore a private's grey
overcoat and slouched hat, which
were common to both parties, I sat
still, regarding the group in silence,
but prepared to fly if necessary at
the first warning. The silence was
broken by one of the persons, who
JACKSON S DEATH.
201
knows what is best." When the South accepts readily
and cheerfully, as he would have done, God's verdict
on the Southern cause, the work of reconstruction will
already be half accomplished, and the way to peace and
good-will made plain.
seemed to regard me with surprise,
and, speaking as one having autho
rity, he directed me 'to ride up
there and see what troops those
were,' indicating the direction of the
enemy, to which I gave a sign of
assent, and, too happy to escape, I
rode in that direction until out of
sight of the group, when, making a
circuit, I returned within my own
lines. Just as I reached our picket
line the Federal section of artil
lery posted on the plank road com
menced firing, and I could plainly
hear the grape crashing through
the limbs of the trees near the
point I had left . . . About a
fortnight after the battle, at the
camp at Falmouth, I saw the Rich
mond Enquirer, giving a detailed
account of the death of Stonewall
Jackson, and the circumstances of
his receiving his wound, which made
it clear, to me at least, that he was
the man I saw lying on the ground,
and that he was killed by his own
men. Other Confederate accounts
mention 'some one was sitting on his
horse by the side of the wood, look
ing on motionless and silent.' Cap
tain Wilbourne directed him 'to
ride up there and see what troops
those were,' upon which the stran
ger slowly rode in the direction
pointed out, but never returned
with any answer. ... As to Jack
son having met his death at the
hands of the First Massachusetts,
that is impossible, as that* regiment
occupied a position on the left of
our division, near the plank road,
and completely out of sight and
range of the spot he advanced to
while reconnoitering."
202 JACKSON'S CHARACTER ILLUSTRATED.
XIX.
JACKSON'S CHARACTER ILLUSTRATED.
TRAVELLING round the South, I met so many of
Jackson's friends, and heard him so often described by
those who had known him and fought under him, that
he rises before my mind as clearly as if I had seen him
a hundred times myself. His old horse " Sorrel;" his
faded grey uniform, discoloured with the smoke and
dust of a hundred battle-fields; his long, stiff, lank
figure; his strange walk and occasionally abstracted
look; his habit of sitting on his horse bent forward,
with his knees cramped up and his old cadet-cap tilted
so far forward that he had to keep his chin up to let
him see — his luminous blue eye, clear and searching —
his grave, stern look — the terrible kindling of his
countenance when, in the midst of the battle, he rode
up with what his men called his " war- look " on him — •
the strange motion of his right arm, lifted every now
and then to heaven as if in prayer, and suddenly
dropped again — all comes back to me with the vivid
ness not of description but of sight.
It was said that the singularity of Jackson's appear
ance and the oddness of his manner made him at first
the object of much ridicule and contempt. Jeffer
son Davis, who ought to have seen deeper into Jack
son's character, is said to have gone so far at one time
JACKSON AND JEFFERSON DAVIS. 203
as to bring before his Cabinet a proposition for his
removal.
It was very soon after this that Jackson's exploits in
the Valley showed not only to Jefferson Davis but to
the world that a great military genius had arisen in the
South. After repulsing Banks, Jackson was retreating
slowly up the Shenandoah, pursued by the converging
columns of Fremont and Shields, when, turning sud
denly at Cross Keys, he dealt Fremont a staggering
blow, driving him back in wild confusion. The first
news of this was received by Mr. Letcher at Eichmond,
who immediately went and read the despatch to Davis.
" There must be some mistake," said Davis. " That
handful of men in retreat could never have turned
and beat a strong army in pursuit."
Jackson, meantime, having disposed of Fremont,
crossed the river rapidly, attacked Shields, who had
been pursuing him on the other side, and routed him
with great slaughter.
Again Letcher was the first to get the news, and
hurried with it to Davis's house. He found Davis and
his Cabinet at dinner.
"You would get my news of yesterday confirmed?"
said Letcher.
"Yes, Jackson's despatch came in to-day, saying
that, 'by the blessing of God,' he had gained the
victory."
" Well," said Letcher, " here is another bulletin of
victory " — and he handed Mr. Davis the telegram.
Mr. Davis started. " This is incredible !" he said.
" It cannot be. It is unprecedented in military history
—an army like that in full retreat turning on its track
and vanquishing two stronger armies in pursuit !"
204 JACKSON'S CHARACTER ILLUSTRATED.
Still it turned out to be true. Mr. Davis never
troubled his Cabinet with any proposal to remove
Stonewall Jackson again.
Jackson was soon the idol of the South. When
passing with his command through towns or villages,
people poured out eagerly to see him ; women brought
their children in their arms to point him out that they
might tell in after life that they had seen the great
soldier. His brother-in-law gave me an amusing in
stance of this popularity. A Virginian gentleman, on
the Mechanicsville Turnpike, near Eichmond, had given
up his crops and pasture-fields to the Confederate
Government, reserving one ten-acre lot of corn, which
he guarded jealously. He was excited to fury one day
by discovering a group of horsemen, whom he took for
cavalry, riding straight through this ten- acre lot. He
rushed out — " How dare you ride through my field ?" he
said. " You vagabonds, I '11 report you — I '11 report
you to the President."
A horseman, in an old dusty grey coat and cadet-cap,
rode up and said, " We are on urgent business, sir, and
took the shortest cut."
"Do you command this company, sir?" cried the
irascible Virginian.
" Yes, sir."
" Then I '11 teach you a lesson. By I '11 report
you, sir. What 's your name ? "
" Jackson,"
" Jackson ? What Jackson ? "
" T. J. Jackson, Major- General, Confederate Army."
" What ! you ain't Stonewall Jackson ?"
" They sometimes call me so," said the horseman.
" Bless my soul ! " cried the Virginian, rushing for^
HIS HABITS. 205
ward and grasping the General's hand. " General
Jackson ! God bless you, sir ! If I had known it was
you ! Ride where you like, sir — ride over my field ; go
back, sir, and ride over it, every demd inch of it."
Jackson's character and achievements excited even
his enemies to admiration. Federal prisoners were
always anxious to see him. At Harper's Ferry 11,000
of them, whom he had taken at one fell swoop in Sep
tember 1862, greeted him when he rode along the line
with lusty cheers.
By his own men, Jackson was almost adored ; and
the sight of his faded coat and cadet- cap was always
the signal for a cheer. " They were terrible on us,
them hard marches," said one of his soldiers, whom I
met as far south as Vicksburg ; " but oh, sir," he added,
with the tears suddenly starting into his eyes, " how
we loved him ! "
Jackson himself was a man who disliked, and was
ever afraid of, adulation. He once said to a friend,
" These newspapers make me ashamed."
When the editor of a public magazine wrote him for
his photograph and a narrative of his achievements,
with a view to publication, his reply was curt, — " Sir, I
have no photograph, and I have achieved nothing."
On another occasion he said, — "The way in whicli
press, army, and people seem to lean on individuals fills
me with alarm. They are forgetting God in his instru
ments."
In his habits, Jackson was extremely simple. He
never used intoxicating drinks, eschewing them even
when they were ordered as medicine. All the hardships
of camp and field he shared with his poorest soldiers.
He would lie down contentedly and snatch a few hours
206 JACKSON'S CHARACTER ILLUSTRATED.
of sleep behind a wall or in the comer of a fence when no
better quarters offered. The soiled appearance of his
coat and cap indicated that he was no stranger to this
soldier's bed. His physical endurance was very great.
He has ridden for three days and three nights at a time
— sometimes sleeping in his saddle during the march.
In fertility of resource, in quickness and boldness
of execution, Jackson had no equal. In his terrible
marches, he sped over the country like the messenger
of Fate — undeterred by difficulties that would have
been regarded by others as insuperable.
One of the inarches he made in his mysterious advance
upon Romney in 1861 has sometimes been compared to
Napoleon's passage of the Alps. A sudden and dread
ful change in the weather found Jackson already on his
way, with an army unsupplied with tents, overcoats, or
blankets. At night the soldiers had to keep themselves
from freezing to death by lying around the bivouac fires.
One man said he built a fire at eight o'clock, went to
sleep by it, awoke at twelve, found the fire out and
about three inches of snow over him. Jackson shared
the hardships of his men, and inspired them with his
own enthusiasm. On they pressed, over roads heavy,
wet and slippery with half- frozen sleet. Men were con
tinually falling and their guns going off. The long-
trains of waggons dragged heavily along — some of the
horses crippled, and blood streaming from their knees.
Hundreds of men had to be detailed to steady the faint
ing animals and help to push the waggons forward.
With unwavering purpose, through blinding storms of
rain, hail, and sleet, Jackson pressed on, till reaching
Bath, with an army that might have been tracked by the
innumerable prints of naked and bleeding feet, he en-
POLICY. 207
countered the Federals, attacked them with fury, routed
them and drove them across the Potomac. Leaving
Loring at Romney, he had just carried his old brigade
back to watch the enemy at Winchester, when Presi
dent Davis, not understanding these movements, and,
at this early stage, mistaking Jackson's genius for mad
ness, ordered Romney to be evacuated — leaving Jack
son's purpose a mystery to this day.
All his great movements were veiled in mystery. So
important an element did he consider this to be that he
would mask his designs with elaborate care — often in
stituting minute inquiries in regard to roads and water
courses in a direction which he meant not to take.
Having in this way thrown spies upon the wrong scent,
he would suddenly strike camp and march off in the
opposite direction — his destination unknown even to
his own officers. For the same purpose, he would often
camp at cross-roads, so as to make it impossible for
any one to infer which way he would go to-morrow.
He said himself, " If I thought my coat knew what
I intended to do, I would take it off and burn it."
Jackson's war policy was aggressive action, prompt,
fierce, decisive. Strike the enemy before he can strike
you. If repulsed, be watchful, ready in an instant to
surprise with another stroke, and change defeat into
victory. If you succeed, and as often as you succeed,
pursue the enemy, cut him to pieces, and by decisive
blows end the war.
When Manassas was won, Jackson, though wounded,
was for instantly following up the victory. " The work
is but half done," he said to President Davis, who had
come upon the field. " Give me 10,000 men and I will
take Washington."
208 JACKSON'S CHARACTER ILLUSTRATED.
After the battle of Fredericksburg, a courier from
Lee found Jackson, who had got no rest the night
before, snatching an hour's sleep in his tent. The
courier awoke him, described the position of the van
quished enemy, and asked advice.
" Drive 'em in the river, sir ; drive 'em in the river,"
said Stonewall instantly.
Of Jackson's personal courage many stories are told.
At Chapultepec, during the Mexican war, his battery
was exposed to so terrific a fire from the castle that the
men were demoralized and ran aside for shelter. Jack
son called on them to return, and, to inspire them with
confidence, walked back and forward before the aban
doned gun in the midst of plunging shot, to convince
them that it was possible to do so and yet live. Whilst
striding to and fro in this fearful position a booming
cannon-ball passed between his legs, and tore up the
ground beside him, but seemed to make no impression
on his iron nerves.
This battery was commanded by Captain (afterwards
General) Bee, who never forgot this instance of Jack
son's courage. It was this same officer who, at the
battle of Manassas, gave Jackson the name by which
he is to live in history. Bee's command, at a critical
moment in that battle, was assailed by the Union forces
with terrific fury. Bee rode up and down the lines
trying to sustain the courage of his men, but the odds
were too great, and the Confederate line began to give
way. At this moment he encountered Jackson.
" It is going against us, General !" he cried, with
uncontrollable anguish. " They are driving us back !"
" Sir," said Jackson sternly, " we will give them the
cold steel!"
STERN DISCIPLINE. 209
Bee galloped back to his wavering ranks, and, point
ing to Jackson, cried out, —
" Keep at it, boys ! keep at it ! There is Jackson
standing like a stone wall !"
At the battle of Kernstown, in the Valley, part of
Jackson's line was beginning to break before the mur
derous fire of the advancing enemy. Jackson sprang
from his horse, called a drummer boy, and, putting his
hand firmly on the lad's shoulder, said, —
"Beat the rally!"
The terrified boy began to beat. Jackson, with flam
ing eye, and what the soldiers called his " war-look "
upon his face, stood amidst the leaden storm, with his
hand upon the boy's shoulder, holding him to his work.
The men cheered, re-formed under fire, and, advancing
with the wild yell which came to be so well known in the
war, drove the enemy back at the point of the bayonet.
Jackson had a strong and stern sense of duty. It
is one of the stories told of him at his old college
at Lexington, that after his appointment as chemistry
professor there, he continued during the hot summer
months to wear the thick woollen uniform he had worn
all winter. When a brother professor met him one day
grilling in purgatorial heat, and asked in astonishment
why he was wearing such clothes, Jackson explained
to him that he had seen this uniform prescribed in the
regulations and was not aware that he was at liberty
to make a change.
He applied to others the same rule that he applied
to himself, and was a firm disciplinarian both at college
and in the army. This was a marked point of differ
ence between Jackson and Lee, who in dealing with
his men was gentle to a fault.
0
210 JACKSON'S CHARACTER ILLUSTRATED.
One of his commanding- officers told me that so reluc
tant was Lee to hurt the feelings of men who might, he
thought, be doing their best, that he permitted many
incompetent officers to retain their commands, allowing
in this way the kindness of his heart to impair the
efficiency of his armies.
Jackson on the other hand was stern and remorseless
in his discipline. He would not, I was told, hesitate to
have a man shot instantly who refused to obey orders.
In action his one controlling thought was how to crush
the enemy ; and if even officers of rank were doing
their duty inefficiently, they were thrust aside with as
little ceremony as a private soldier.
In one battle, when A. P. Hill's troops did not seem
to be moving into action with proper celerity, Jackson
rode up, and, with a sharp rebuke to Hill, took com
mand of the men himself.
Hill, who was a soldier of great ability, felt deeply
hurt.
"General," he said, "if you command my division,
you had better take my sword."
"Ketire to the rear, sir!" cried Stonewall sternly,
"and consider yourself under arrest."
There was nothing for it but to obey. Stonewall,
thinking of nothing but how to turn the battle, hurled
Hill's division in upon the enemy ; while poor Hill, for
his too hasty words, had to remain under arrest until
released by General Lee.1
1 Off duty, Jackson was as modest crossing the Masannttin Moun-
and unassuming as a child ; and tains, some of the regiments in
even in war, when men had done Early's division, finding the dis-
their best, he could be as lenient as trict rich in old peach, and thinking
his chief. After the battle of it possible that in their exhausting
Sharpsburg, when his command was march they were in need, like Timo-
JACKSON S PIETY.
211
Jackson was a deeply religious man; and the pro
found calmness with which he was often observed to
stand in fires and hurricanes of death, sprang no doubt
to some extent from his serene conviction that nothing
could touch him so long as God had work for him to
do. As one of his friends has said, " Prayer was the
breath of his nostrils." Large-hearted and tolerant of
all differences of opinion, he was himself at the same
time a Presbyterian of rigid orthodoxy, and one who
found a deep and abiding pleasure in religious exer
cises.
At the Military Institute, before the war, when living
in barracks, he would rise before the dawn, so as not
to be disturbed in his devotions by the cadets, and
thy, of a little wine for their stom
achs' sake and their many infirmi
ties, indulged in a good deal more
than the apostle would have been
likely to sanction. The consequence
was that Stonewall, happening to
ride in the rear of Early's division
that day, found the men scattered
for miles along the road, some of
them dancing polkas, others sitting
by the roadside weeping over their
absence from their homes, or cheer
ing themselves with fragments of
bacchanalian songs and psalm tunes.
Early had tried to terrify the soldiers
with a report that the huts on the
mountains were full of smallpox,
but in vain. He had befcn along in
person, warning, expostulating, and
swearing (this last was said to be
Early's forte). At last disgusted,
he had given it up, had ridden to
camp, and was toasting his shins in
the frosty night before a rousing
fire, when an orderly rode up, and
handed him a despatch from General
Jackson.
Early took the note and read as
follows :—
" Headquarters, Left Wing.
<( SIR, — General Jackson desires
to know why he saw so many strag
glers in rear of your division to
day ? "
(Signed) " A. S. PENDLETON."
The grim old soldier got a bit of
paper, and pencilled the following
reply :—
" Headquarters,
Early's Division.
" CAPTAIN,— In answer to your
note, I think it probable that the
reason why General Jackson saw so
many of my stragglers to-day is that
he rode in rear of my division. — Re
spectfully, J. A. EARLY."
Jackson, who had a great regard
for the brave and eccentric soldier,
and had probably discovered that he
had done all that man could do,
made no further inquiries.
2 1 2 JACKSON'S CHARACTER ILLUSTRATED.
spend sometimes hours in prayer, while all around him
were buried in sleep.
It was his regular practice to be an hour on his knees
twice a day. To a friend and kindred spirit, he once
said, —
" When I have great freedom in my morning prayer,
everything during the day goes well with me ; but if
my prayer does not come from my heart, and is cold
and formal and constrained, I expect nothing but annoy
ance and trouble."
He taught a class in the Sunday school at Lexing
ton ; and at Winchester, during the war, he often con
ducted the Union prayer-meeting.
Even in the midst of his most active campaigns, he
would sacrifice any personal comfort rather than his
intercourse with God — often slipping out in the cold
and rain to secure the requisite solitude. It was said
that his negro boy knew when a battle was imminent
by the time his master spent in prayer.
"Gwine to be a fight, sartin," he said, on the morn
ing of Port Republic; "Massa's bin a pray in' all
night."
One of his staff tells how, going to Jackson's tent
during the movement of his army from the Shenandoah
to Fredericksburg, he found the General reading his
Testament. He also mentions the childlike simplicity
and earnestness with which Jackson said grace at
every meal, with both hands uplifted. Even when
leading his men to battle he was often seen to lift his
right arm and his eyes towards heaven, and move his
lips as if in prayer. His soldiers used to watch the
motions of that arm with superstitious awe. Some of
them told me that they often felt, when they saw Jack-
JACKSON'S PIETY. 213
son moving on with uplifted arm, as if God himself
were moving before them into the fight.
The same spirit of earnest religion showed itself.in
every part of his conduct. When Virginia went out of
the Union a Northern clergyman, dearly loved by Jack
son, and connected with him by many ties, went to see
him personally, and implored him with tears not to
draw his sword against the Union. Jackson took him
to his room, and prayed long and earnestly for Divine
direction. At last he rose from his knees with strong
conviction on his face and said, — " I must go out with
Virginia. God's will be done !"
It was the same in all his letters and despatches.
For instance, in a despatch dated Winchester, 10th
March, 5.55 A.M., he says, asking for more troops, — " I
believe Providence will give us a rich military harvest.
. . . The enemy has not come within five miles, but
may do so at any moment unless prevented by God."
What a realization there is here of God's actual pre
sence and power !
General Hill, his brother-in-law, said to me, — " It was
never with Jackson ' We have beaten the enemy,' but
always ' God has given us the victory.' And the first
thing he did was to order a prayer-meeting to give
thanks."
He manifested the same spirit in defeat as in victory.
He never complained of disaster which the best had
been done to avoid. When he was carried wounded
from the battle at Chancel] orsville, he said, — " Another
hour would have enabled me to cut off the enemy from
the ford, and compelled Hooker either to cut his way
out or surrender. But God knows what is best."
Those who would defend Calvinistic doctrine from
214 JACKSON'S CHARACTER ILLUSTRATED.
the charge of fatalism, can point to few cases stronger
than that of Jackson. His belief in the Divine decrees
was firm to rigidness : and yet no man of our time has
exhibited a stronger sense of individual responsibility
or more vigilance and success in seeking to change dis
aster into victory, and reverse what would have seemed
to most the final decision of Fate.
LEXINGTON IN THE VALLEY." 215
XX.
" LEXINGTON IN THE VALLEY."
I WENT in the spring of 1868 to Lexington — a
quiet little country town far up the great valley of
Virginia — to visit Jackson's grave, and to meet General
Lee, who was acting there as President of Washington
College.1 I found Lexington full of memories of the
great soldier who had for so many years been one of her
citizens. Here, off the main street, stood the little house
with its white wooden balustrade, where Jackson lived.
There, on a rounded eminence behind the town, stood
the Military Institute in which he taught. It had been
partially burnt by the Federal troops in 1864, but was
being rebuilt. The student who showed it me pointed
out the window of Jackson's class-room, and the door
below by which lie used to enter. Everybody about the
1 The circumstances that have ginia in 1861. Three years before
brought the two great soldiers of the this, his child had died, and he had
Confederacy — the living and the .laid it to sleep in the little village
dead — together again in that little graveyard. Perhaps it was this as
town of Lexington, are these: — After much as anything else that bound
the Mexican war, in which Jackson the heart of the great soldier to his
had served as lieutenant, he was Lexington home, and prompted the
appointed to a professorship in wish he expressed when dying of his
the Lexington Military Academy. wounds after the battle of Chancel-
There, with his young wife and his lorsville, that he should be buried
little child, he spent some of the " at Lexington in the Valley." His
happiest years of his life, till called dying wish was sacredly fulfilled,
again into the iield by the outbreak His body after death was taken first
of the war and the secession of Vir- to Richmond, and laid out in state
216 " LEXINGTON IN THE VALLEY."
little town had seen him, and remembered his appear
ance, — his tall angular figure, his awkward gait, and the
silent and abstracted air witli which he used to go about.
Those who knew him said that in private he was a
quiet, gentle, and unassuming man ; but where duty
was involved, stern and rigid in his discipline. In the
Sunday-school, of which he took charge, he enforced
punctuality by locking the door when the hour arrived,
allowing two minutes for difference of watches, but
suffering neither scholar nor teacher to enter after these
two minutes had elapsed. A citizen of Lexington, who
had been intimate with Jackson, said he had a wonder
ful power of getting at all the knowledge a person had
on any subject in which he was interested. He used to
get out of him all his methods of rearing plants, and
then go home and think over them and make improve
ments, and show him the results. I found, however, that
no one in Lexington had ever imagined in the eccentric,
O O
odd-looking professor the genius that was by-and-bye
to astonish them and the world. When he left the
town to join the army of Virginia, and his first achieve
ments were heard of, the Lexington people thought it
must be some happy chance, and were disposed to be
at the Capitol, where it is said more disbanded armies had to seek a re-
than 20,000 mourners looked on the turn to civil life. Lee would pro-
wan face of the great soldier. bably have retired to his old family
Thence, through a land of sorrow seat at Arlington, but the house
and tears, the coffin, covered with and estate had been seized by the
the snow-white banner of the Con- Government. He therefore accepted
federate States, was borne west- an invitation sent him to become
wards over the Blue Kidge to Lex- President of Washington College, in
ington. the same little city of the mountains
In the meantime the war raged on where Jackson had taught in the
till 1865, when the South was com- Military Academy, and now lay
pelled from exhaustion to give in, buried,
and the officers and soldiers of the
JACKSON'S GRAVE. 2 1 7
facetious over the idea of their old professorial friend
having had any merit in the matter. Probably the last
people in America to believe in Jackson's genius were
his old fellow- citizens.
It was a dull day, and the rain was dropping into the
long muddy road along which Lexington is built, when
I made my way out to the southern extremity of the
village to see Jackson's grave. I came by-and-bye, on
the left-hand side of the road, to a plank palisade, dingy
and somewhat dilapidated, enclosing, as I could see, a
graveyard. The wooden gates were fastened ; but I
found a stile at one corner and got over. It was a small
secluded place with a sprinkling of white monuments, a
few pathways through it, and here and there a handful
of shrubs or a tree. I wandered about in search of the
tomb, at the head of which I was told that a sprig of
laurel brought from the grave of Napoleon at St. Helena
had been planted.
At last, on a little cross-walk, I came to a grave in
front of two cypress trees. It was surrounded by a neat
cast-iron railing, through which, at the other end, the
branches of a laurel were twisted. In the centre of the
plot, over the dead man's breast, there stood an iron urn,
half-buried now in a tuft of withered grass. And there,
at the head of the grave, on a plain white marble scroll,
was inscribed the name of the great soldier. Beside
him was the little grave of his child, who had died before
the war.
It was a sad and lonely spot. Everything around
was still, except the gentle sound of the rain dropping
softly from the trees. Nature seemed weeping over the
dead hero's grave. Here, then, lay Stonewall Jackson,
whose name had once rolled in thunder over the world.
218 " LEXINGTON IN THE VALLEY."
All his marchings, all his battles over now : and the
cause, for which he fought, dead and buried with him
here under the withered grass.
Near at hand, a willow -tree was putting forth its
delicate green leaves, for the spring was now come. And
I thought, " There will come a spring-time also to the
stricken South, and the nobleness that lies buried in
this grave shall blossom into higher life."
Washington College, or, as it is now called, " Lee's
College," is a large building with a Grecian facade,
standing on a rising ground, in what one man called
" the outsquirts " of the town. Close to one end of it
stands the house occupied by Lee as President — a hand
some house with trees and gardens in front.
The college has a little history of its own. It origi
nated in a classical school, established by the early
settlers of Virginia, in the days when George the Second
was their King. In 1784, America being then inde
pendent, the Virginia Legislature, by way of testifying
its appreciation of the patriotism of Washington, passed
an Act vesting in him certain valuable shares. Wash
ington, however, declined to take them, except with the
proviso that he might transfer the gift to some public
object. The result was the transfer of the whole dona
tion to the institution which now bears his name, and
over which, by a happy historic coincidence, General
Lee, who is married to the grand-daughter of the wife of
Washington, now presides. This endowment yields
annually to the college the interest on fifty thousand
dollars.
When the war broke out in 1861, the students of
Washington College organized themselves into a mili
tary company, joined Stonewall Jackson at Winchester,
LEE'S COLLEGE. 219
and for four years shared the fortunes of the Stonewall
Brigade — the college in the meantime closed, and
slumbering amongst the mountains at Lexington, wait
ing till peace should return, and bring her soldier-
students back. She received a rude awakening in 1864,
when the Federal troops of General Hunter entered
Lexington, sacked the college, and partially destroyed
its library. I found, in talking with the librarian, that
this in his eyes was the one unpardonable sin. With a
rueful countenance, he pointed to encyclopedias and
other series of books with only a few odd volumes left.
A number of the books taken by the Federal soldiers
to read had been picked up afterwards about the fields
and returned. He showed me with a much more cheer
ful face various books that had been received as dona
tions, some of them from publishers in this country.
He said the college was poor, and gifts of this kind
very welcome.
In 1865, after the close of the war, steps were taken
to reorganize the institution, and General Lee's accept
ance of the Presidentship gave it at once a guarantee
of success. Five new professorships were established,
and a full literary and scientific course organized. The
degrees granted are— B.S. (Bachelor of Science), and
B.L. (Bachelor of Law), besides the usual B.A. and
M.A.1
At the time of my visit the attendance of students
1 The philosophy taught in the that Reid was a standard work with
college is the Scotch (Common them, and Brown was known, but
Sense) philosophy. The text-books that all through the South, as well
in the mental and moral philosophy as over a great part of the North,
class are Dugald Stewart and Dugald Stewart was the most popu-
Hodge's edition of Sir William Ha- lar and valued of all philosophical
milton. Professor Kirkpatrick said writers.
220 " LEXINGTON IN THE VALLEY."
had increased to four hundred. About a third of these
were Virginians ; but twenty other States (including
Massachusetts) were represented. Many of the stu
dents lodge in the college buildings, furnishing their
own rooms, and feeding in town ; the rest lodge and
board in private families.
General Lee's business as President is not to teach
but to exercise a general supervision. He is ex officio
Chairman of the Faculty, presides at examinations,
confers all degrees, and distributes premiums. He re
ceives weekly reports of the standing and deportment
of every student, and visits the class-rooms from time
to time, that he may judge for himself of their diligence
and behaviour. The professors, such of them at least
as I had the opportunity of conversing with, said that
Lee's influence upon the whole college had been very
marked. " He had diffused a Christian spirit, and made
discipline easy. It was one of Lee's duties, as Presi
dent, to admonish defaulters ; and one of the professors
declared that such was the profound veneration in
which he was held throughout the South, that he
believed there were students in college who would
rather shoot themselves than appear before Lee in
disgrace.
My first meeting with Lee was in the room reserved
for the use of the College President, where he is occu
pied for the greater part of the day in writing. He
was dressed in one of his old military coats, stripped
of all its former decorations. He is a noble-looking
man, tall, straight, and soldier-like, with crisp hair
turning white, short trimmed beard, pointed at the
chin, and dark imperial-looking eyes, very keen and
searching. His manners are quiet and dignified ; and
LEE'S RETICENCE. 221
there is a good deal of the old English cavalier in his
look and bearing. I was struck, sometimes painfully,
with what seemed a hidden sadness in his countenance.
It might have been my own thought, but it seemed to
me as if the shadow of the past were over him, as if one
could read behind the vigilance of his dark eyes the
fate of the South, and of the myriads who lay sleeping
on the silent battle-fields.
I knew from report that Lee was reticent on politi
cal subjects, and wisely so, his position in the country
since the war demanding the utmost prudence. I there
fore made no attempts during the interviews I had witli
him to " draw him out ;" at the same time I spoke freely
on all subjects that came naturally in the way. Politi
cal topics were, therefore, referred to ; but Lee was on
his guard, and I could not but notice the admirable
delicacy and tact with which, as often as the conversa
tion threatened to become political, he contrived to turn
it into another channel.1
1 Let me mention one instance negroes happened to be referred to
which occurs to me. I happened to again. Lee, as if interested to know
speak of the coloured people during how far my experience corroborated
our first interview. Lee, just as if his observation, said, — " Did you see
he were going to enter on the sub- many of them to clay ? "
ject, said they were flocking in great I told him I had seen very few.
numbers into the towns — that I " The rain," said Lee, " must
should see many of them in Lex- have kept them within doors. It is
ington if I went about, as he hoped unfortunate weather for seeing our
I would, there being several points little town. But you must wait till
in the town and its neighbour- it clears up, and visit the Natural
hood that would interest a stranger Bridge of Virginia. You could ride
— some of which points he went on there and back in one day with a
quite naturally to speak of till the good horse ; " and he proceeded to
coloured people were as far away describe a visit he had himself paid
from the line of conversation as if to the bridge — the negro silently
they had never been mentioned. vanishing from the conversation as
In the evening, at his house, the before.
222 " LEXINGTON IN THE VALLEY."
At his house I met some of the professors, and con
versation went on briskly ; but I noticed that whenever
they introduced political topics, Lee became silent, and
allowed the conversation to go on without him.
One of his sons told me that his father's answer to
direct inquiries on vexed questions was that he was a
soldier, not a politician.
In speaking of the war, reference was made to the
odds against which the South had fought, and the want
there was of accurate statistics. I told Lee it was
understood he was preparing a history of the conflict
himself.
" I have that in view," he said, " but the time is not
come for impartial history. If the truth were told just
now, it would not be credited."
When I mentioned a book about the war, the proof-
sheets of which, it was asserted, had been submitted to
General Grant and himself for revision, he said, —
" It is a mistake. I have never read a history of the
war, nor the biography of any man engaged in it. My
own life has been written, but I have not looked into
it." He added, after a pause, " I do not desire to awaken
memories of the past."
Speaking of Lexington and its neighbourhood, he
said, —
" You will meet with many of your countrymen here.
The valley of Virginia is peopled with Scotch-Irish —
people Vho have come from Scotland by way of Ireland.
They are a fine race. They have the courage and de
termination of the Scotch, with the dash and intrepidity
of the Irish. They make fine soldiers."
He said it was an old wish of his to visit this country,
but it would never be realized now. Stonewall Jackson
TABLE-TALK. 223
had been in Scotland before the war. He had heard
him speak of it.1
When he spoke of Jackson I was struck with the
emphasis he placed upon his piety. One cannot indeed
be long with Lee without finding his Christian charac
ter revealing itself almost unconsciously in his manners
and conversation. I remember with peculiar distinct
ness the solemnity with which, at table, standing before
his family, he asked God's blessing on the food. Also,
when he referred to a gentleman whom he wished me to
see at Eichmond, his saying, that he had rarely met
" with a nobler or more Christian man." It was only a
word, and yet it showed by what standard he gauged a
man's worth.
Lee comes of an old and famous Virginian family. His
ancestor in Charles the First's time was Eichard Lee, a
cavalier, who, on emigrating to Virginia, became Secre
tary of the colony, and at Cromwell's death got Charles
the Second proclaimed " King of England, Scotland, Ire
land, and Virginia" though the restoration did not take
place for two years after. Coming down to later times,
we find amongst the champions of American Independ-
1 In a letter from Mrs. Jackson, and the Rock of Puritan Worship ;
received last year, she gives some par- and of passing from Inversnaid to
ticulars of Stonewall's visit to Scot- Loch Katrine and region. He speaks
land, which seems to have been made of "the wild rushing torrents," of
in 1856 — five years before the war. Ellen's Isle, Ben Venue, and the
In his journal, he speaks of visiting Trossachs, and of going thence to
Glasgow from Dumfries on the 24th Stirling and Edinburgh. His widow
July. He mentions having seen adds, — " He was so much charmed
the monuments of John Knox, Sir with his brief visit to Scotland that
Walter Scott, and Charles Tennant ; he often told me it was his wish to
of "sailing down the Clyde," of visit- take me there, and although he ex-
ing Dumbarton Castle, Lochlomond, tended his travels to the Continent
Slate Quarry, Lead Mines seven- as far as Rome, he delighted speci-
teen miles farther, burying-place of ally in talking of your interesting
the Macgregors, Rob Roy's Cave, country."
224 " LEXINGTON IN THE VALLEY."
ence Henry Lee, who captured Jersey City fort from the
British, and received for this service a gold medal from
Congress. Eobert E. Lee was one of this soldier's sons
by his second wife.
Lee was born in 1807. At the Military Academy at
West Point he was distinguished for his studious habits
and gentlemanly conduct, and as one who never tasted
intoxicating liquors nor used tobacco. He graduated in
1829 at the head of his class.
In 1832, Lee (then a lieutenant) married Miss Custis,
the grand- daughter of the wife of George Washington.
It was in this way that he came to inherit the house and
estate of Arlington. He distinguished himself under
General Scott in Mexico, and afterwards in war with the
Indians.
When the difficulties between North and South came
to a head in 1860, and the Southern States spoke of
secession, Lee, who was deeply attached to the Union,
deprecated the movement in the strongest possible terms.
But brought up like most Southerners to put the State
first and the Union after it, he felt himself called upon,
when Virginia went out, to follow. Montgomery Blair
was sent by President Lincoln to offer Lee (it is said) the
command of the Federal army, an offer which, had ambi
tion been his motive, he would eagerly have accepted.
His reply was, " Mr. Blair, I look upon secession as
anarchy. If I owned four millions of slaves in the South,
I would sacrifice them all to the Union. But how can
I draw my sword against my native State ? " As late as
December 1861, Mrs. Lee wrote to a Northern friend, —
" My husband has wept tears of blood over this terrible
war, but, as a man of honour and a Virginian, he must
follow the destiny of his State."
LEE'S FAMILY AND ESTATE. 225
Lee, therefore, must not be confounded with the seces
sionists and fire-eaters who pushed the South into that
disastrous war. When he resigned his commission in
the National army, Arlington (as has already been men
tioned) was taken possession of by the Federal Govern
ment ; but will, it is understood, be restored to Lee's
family. Many people even in the North seemed to
expect that it would be restored to Lee himself, and
regarded the idea with favour.
At the time of my visit to Washington, the mansion-
house was desolate and half-dismantled. Many of its
fine old trees had been cut down to make room for a
national cemetery, in which thousands upon thousands
of the Federal dead lie buried, under long rows of white
headboards — a ghastly memento awaiting the family of
the Confederate chief!
226 A MISSION HOME AMONGST THE FREEDMEN.
XXI.
A MISSION HOME AMONGST THE FREEDMEN.
TRAVELLING through North Carolina in the month of
January, I was joined at Weldon by the Eev. E. P.
Smith, field agent of the American Missionary Asso
ciation, who was also on his way round the South,
inspecting the scattered schools and mission stations
which this Association has planted amongst the eman
cipated slaves.
At an early stage of the war, the deplorable condition
of the negroes who were flying from slavery, and swarm
ing in thousands within the Union lines, had excited
sympathy and anxiety in the North. Long before the
establishment of the Freedmari's Bureau by the Govern
ment, numerous voluntary organizations were at work
amongst the " contrabands," trying to get them educated,
evangelized, fitted for their new condition, and in the
first instance saved from starvation. Of these agencies
the American Missionary Association was the most
active and the most successful. It had been in exist
ence since 1846, had been anti-slavery from the first,
in days when to be so was a reproach ; and had devoted
itself to the evangelization of the coloured people in
Canada, in Jamaica, and in Africa. The war turned
its attention specially to the South, which was now to
become the great field of its activity. In 1861, at
AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION. 227
Fortress Monroe, in the State of Virginia, near the spot
where the first cargo of slaves was landed, the Associa
tion opened a school for fugitive slaves — the first of the
kind which had ever enjoyed in the Southern States
the protection of the national flag. Whenever the
Northern armies obtained possession, the agents of the
Association followed, opening new schools and esta
blishing mission homes for its teachers and missionaries.
The work grew apace. The slaves in the last year of
the war were liberated by tens of thousands at a time,
and, in April 1865, the collapse of the rebellion left a
slave population of four millions, equal to the whole
population of Scotland, scattered over the desolated
South like sheep without a shepherd, multitudes of
them in a state of semi-barbarism, and wholly unfit to
care for themselves. The Missionary Association work
ing along with other agencies, redoubled its efforts to
meet this tremendous crisis. It was sustained by
Christian philanthropy in the North and in this country,
and by the self-sacrifice and devotion of its own mis
sionaries and female teachers, many of whom left com
fortable and even luxurious homes in the North to
devote themselves, in the midst of a hostile population,
to the task of helping these emancipated millions up
into the light.
At the time of my visit to the South, the Association
had 530 teachers and missionaries scattered over the
quondam slave States, and had gathered 40,000 black
people into its schools. It had also established several
Normal schools and colleges, and was making the im
portant experiment of an Agricultural College, where
the black students could support themselves by manual
labour during their course of study. To this college I
228 A MISSION HOME AMONGST THE FEEEDMEN.
shall refer more particularly in describing the details of
the whole system in the next chapter. It was to visit
one of these mission homes of the Association in North
Carolina that I turned off at Weldon, and accompanied
Mr. Smith to the seaboard.
Skirting the Dismal Swamp, and passing through
Newbern to the coast, we reached Morehead City that
night (Jan. 28), and crossed to Beaufort in an open
skiff— a distance of about five miles — navigating our
way in the darkness between long flat shoals, rushing
before a stiff breeze with sometimes only a few inches
of water under our keel. On landing by the light of a
lamp, we made our way through the city along wide,
dark, straggling streets, where we were often up to the
ankles in loose sand.
A hospitable reception awaited us at the plain but
comfortable " Home/' where we found a staff of four
teachers (white ladies from the North), under the
guardianship and superintendence of a clergyman (the
Eev. Mr. Beales) and his wife, who had been labouring
amongst the freed people for more than five years.
The night-school had just been dismissed, and the
family had come in to supper, at which we joined
them, and at which, I remember, along with tea, a
dish of large and delicious oysters, which are very
abundant at Beaufort, and were selling at ten cents
(or about fourpence) a gallon. The people gather them
in alnlost any quantity upon a vast shore, which is
exposed at low tide.1
1 The American oyster is a glorious and then asked what he was to do
monster. It is told of Thackeray, with them,
that when a dish of them was set "Eat them, of course."
for the first time before him, he "Oh ! eat them, "said Thackeray,
gazed at them for several moments, as if a new light had dawned upon
AGED SCHOLARS. 229
We had to be early astir in the morning to have
breakfast and family prayers over before eight, when
the schools open. Mr. Beales showed me with much
pride round the premises, which stand in an open space
in the outskirts of the town, and include dwelling-
house, schools, and chapel. These had all been erected
by the Freedmen themselves, many of wrhom, after
getting through their own work for the day, had
come and toiled at the building of their own little
mission church and the school-houses for their children
till far into the night. " The whole work is theirs,"
said Mr. Beales. "Not a white man's hand has been
upon these buildings."
In one of the class-rooms connected with the church,
I observed on the mantelpiece a boxful of heavy old-
fashioned spectacles.
" These," said Mr. Beales, " are for the old people. We
hold a Bible-class in this room, and some of our scholars
are very aged negroes, who cannot see without spectacles.
The old people are very eager to learn. We have a
number of them in the night-school. Mrs. Beales has
one class in which three generations sit — a grandmother,
a daughter, and a grand-daughter, all on the same bench,
learning in the same book. There is a woman also
that I must show you at the night-school. She was a
fugitive from slavery, and carried a big Bible about
with her through the woods and swamps,—' toted it
around/ as she says herself, 500 miles and more. She
couldn't read, but she had got her old mistress to turn
down the leaves at the verses she knew by heart, and
him ; adding, after a pause, " Well, friend asked him how he felt after it.
here goes !" "I feel," said he, "as if I had
When he had swallowed one, his swallowed a baby ! "
230 A MISSION HOME AMONGST THE FEEEDMEN.
often she would sit down in the woods and open the
big Bible at these verses, and repeat them aloud, and
find strength and consolation.
" She is a woman of tremendous muscular strength,"
he added. " They say it was no joke whipping her in
slave times. She would fight like a lion, and drive
men back. One time she held both her master and the
Town Sergeant at bay for a long time, though they tried
to get her down with ropes. But you. must get her to
tell the story herself."
When we went to breakfast it was still half-an-hour
from school-time, but a crowd of black children had
already gathered and were waiting eagerly round the
doors. On the verandah we found Mr. Smith talking
with two little negro boys who were standing below.
" These two little fellows," he said, " walk five miles
to school every morning."
A taller boy, in a dilapidated felt hat and ragged
blue trousers, who had been listening, stepped forward
and said, —
" I would walk ten miles, sir, to get to school."
" Can't you come, then?"
" ]STo, sir, I have to work all day."
After breakfast, the business of the day began. The
scholars all met in the large school-room, to the num
ber of several hundreds, and after singing a hymn and
reciting the Lord's Prayer in concert, they marched in
sections to the rooms assigned to the respective grades.
I had gone away to get some letters written in a little
room attached to the church, when I heard some per
sons, evidently negroes, talking at the foot of the wooden
stair.
"Whar is he?"
TALK WITH FREEDMEN. 231
"He'supdar."
" I 'd like to see him. Whar does he come from?"
" From de North, I 'spects. He 's white anyhow.
He come wid Mr. Smif."
" I hear Massa Beales say he come from Scotland."
"ScotlanM Whar's dat?"
" Dun no."
" Way Norf and dat a way I reckon."
" Well, I wants to see him anyhow. Come, you get
up first."
I heard their footsteps on the stairs, and by-and-bye
two black men and a stout, laughing-eyed black woman,
whom I had seen about the house that morning, made
their appearance at the open door. The men took off
their hats, and one of them said politely, — " Good
mornin', sah."
I found that this last was an old man who had
been more than fifty years in slavery. The other had
been a soldier during the war, in one of the black regi
ments. He was at work now at Beaufort, and was a
scholar in the night-school.
When our talk turned on slavery, and I mentioned
Uncle Tom's Cabin, one of the men shook his head.
The other said, —
" I know dat book right well. I heard mo' of it read.
Dere was good white folks, sah, as well as bad, but
when they was bad, Lord-a-mercy, you never saw a
book, sah, that come up to what slavery was."
" I used to see 'em whip my mother," said the woman ;
"yes, sah, till the blood was a-flowing; and when I
grow'd up they turned on me."
" 0 ! it was'barbareous ! Lord-a-mercy, it was dreffu' !"
exclaimed the old man.
232 A MISSION HOME AMONGST THE FKEEDMEN.
" How do your old masters treat you now?"
" They treat us better than we 'spected. It 's won
derful to see 'em, sah. I haven't one word to say agin
'em, for myself, anyhow."
" But up country," said the old man, sorrowfully,
" I hear a woman say the whip is a-goin' and the horn
a-blowin' just as it use to be."
" Is it true that you are poorer and worse off now
than formerly?"
" Some of us is poorer, sah. We finds it hard gettin'
'long just now. But bress de Lord, we's free, anyhow !
and better days is a-comin' in de Lord's good time."
" We might a' been better off," said the young man,
" if we hadn't fooled away our money in war time. We
had always plenty then, and we thought it would be so
always."
" Ah, dat 's true," said the old man, shaking his head ;
" I had a hundred dollars, but it slip away. No care
'bout money in dem days. It was come day, go day,
and God save Sunday. But we knows better how to
save now."
" What we feels most," he said, " is havin' to rent
houses. If we had homesteads of our own ! But it
takes most all we can make to pay the rent. But when
we save enough we are lookin' to buy homesteads, if de
big fish will only sell us land."
After school was over, Mr. Beales took me away with
him to gee some of the black people in their homes.
Many of them seemed very poor, very ignorant, and
very degraded. Others who had been house or body
servants, or who had been fortunate in having kind
masters, were much more intelligent and active.
As we approached one neat cabin by the road-side,
VISIT TO A NEGKO CABIN. 233
Mr. Beales said, — " This is the house of a Mrs. D — ,
who bought herself twice, and yet was - both times en
slaved again. Her husband is an old man, but he
wanted to be able to read the Bible, and began with
his ABC, and learned to read in six months."
When we stopped at the door, a cheerful voice from
within told us to enter. It was the voice of the old
man, whom we found sitting by the fire, suffering
severely from rheumatism, but wonderfully patient, and
full of gratitude to the Lord for having brought him
through so much, and for laying His hand so lightly
upon him. Nothing struck me more about many of
these freedmen than this devoutness and recognition of
God's hand in everything.
" The Master knows," and " If the Master wills," and
" De Lord would have it so," are common expressions
among them.
The plain wooden walls of the room were orna
mented here and there with prints cut from illustrated
papers.
When the old man saw me looking up at one of
Abraham Lincoln, he said reverently, —
" You lookin', sah, at President Linkum ? We call
him de Moses of de coloured people. He led us forth
out of de land of bondage."
His wife made her appearance by-and-bye, and wel
comed us warmly. Her quick dark eye and firm lip
made it easy to credit her with the energy and resolu
tion that must have been necessary to enable her not
only to purchase her freedom once, but set to work,
when re- enslaved, and purchase herself again.
In answer to my inquiries, she told me her history
— how she had paid for her freedom 500 dollars, earned
234 A MISSION HOME AMONGST THE FREEDMEN.
with her own hand; how her "protector" (the quasi
owner which the Slave Code required every free or
freed negro in the South to have) was drowned with
her free papers in his pocket, and how, destitute of her
free papers, she became a slave again. How, as she
said herself, she took up a resolution to buy herself
again, or run away North — how she toiled on and paid
the price of her liberty once more — how before long her
new " protector" died bankrupt — how, as she said, the
creditors " 'fisticated his property," and sold her along
with the rest.
" They even sold my oyster- tongs," she said, indig
nantly. " Yes, sah, they even sold the bed I had made
with my two hands, the mean willains, God forgive 'em."
Then, how she had begun to buy herself a third time,
when the war broke out, and left her free, before she
had paid more than a fourth of the old price.
" De rest ain't paid yet," she said with a 'cute smile.
" No, sah ! leave dat to de Judgment day."
I asked her how long it took to buy herself each time.
" 'Bout four years, wu'kin' extra," she said. " Yes,
sah, they were hard times ; and sometimes my feet and
ankles would be swole so I could scarce stand. But I
had great consolation ; I knew dere was a God above
looking down upon me."
I asked how she had got on since the war.
" Oh, right well," she said cheerfully. " Me and my
husband turned right to and built this house, with a
brick chimbly to it."
She seemed to be very proud of the brick " chimbly ; "
so seemed the old man too, though he told us in a con
fidential tone, that there was still a debt of some dol
lars on it.
VISIT TO A NEGRO CABIN. 235
" But I reckon," he said, " there 's strength enough in
these old bones of mine to earn enough*to pay it all, and
leave it to the chill'en free."
" Ef I 'd that done," he said, thoughtfully, " ef I only
had dat ar chimbly clear, I wouldn't mind if de Master
came and called me home to-morrow."
As we left I noticed a quantity of Indian corn dry
ing on a stand near the door. I asked the woman, who
had come to see us out, if they had grown that corn
themselves.
"No," she said, "that's the Lord's corn."
I found afterwards that two ships had "been cast
ashore the previous week and had gone to pieces, leav
ing the shore bestrewn with the grain with which they
had been laden. The poor negroes, left very destitute
by reason of the bad harvest, had gathered it up, and
called it " Providence Corn," or " The Lord's Corn."
That night we had a meeting of all the day and night
schools connected with the mission ; and, at its close, I
remember in the dim light the crowded audience sing
ing that old triumphal song : —
" Sound the loud timbrel o'er Egypt's dark sea,
Jehovah has triumphed, his people are free !"
It is difficult to convey an idea of what it was to
listen to this song of triumph, sung in exulting strains
by four or five hundred people who had been themselves
in slavery. As I watched the dusky throng, swaying in
the dim light, their eyes looking upward and onward as
if the pillar of fire were moving before them, it seemed
as if I could hear the tread of the four millions of freed
people moving from darkness and bondage up into liberty
and light.
After the meeting, several of the black people waited
236 A MISSION HOME AMONGST THE FREEDMEN.
to speak to us. Prominent amongst them was a huge
negress — a muscular Christian of the most tremendous
type — who stood with her brawny arms folded, and her
coal-black face lit up with a good-natured smile.
" This," said Mr. Beales, " is Mrs. H — , about whom
I told you before. It was she who fought the town
sergeant."
The woman laughed. She said she had generally
been very kindly treated in slavery.
" But I wouldn't stop, no, not with the best man or
the best woman God has put in dis yar world, if I could
be free. There was good massas and good missuses ;
but what was all dat if your chill'n could be sold away
from you, and you got to keep quiet ? "
I asked her about her encounter with the Town
Sergeant.
" Oh," said she with a grin, " dat warn't much to speak
on. Ole massa, he use to drink hard, and one day he
come and see my boy doing something, and began kick-
in' him around and layin' on de cowhide, like to kill
him. I kep' back and kep' back as long 's I could, and
at last I cry out, ' Oh, massa, don't ; I wish my boy was
dead sooner than be treat like that.' Then old massa
he turn on me and struck me twice ; but my blood was
up, and I tore de cowhide from him. Didn't care if I
should be whip to death for it. Off went massa in a
mighty rage, and by'm by back he come wid the town
sargearit and a rope. When I see de rope I backed up
agin de wall, so they couldn't get behind rne. Up come
de town sargeant, and sez he, ' Ain't no use «all this ;
cross your hands,' sez he, ' you 's agoin' to prison.' I sez,
' I no objection to go to prison, but I won't be tied, and
I won't be whipped/ The sergeant, when he hear dat,
THE HOME AT BEAUFORT. 237'
he come right at me, but I druv him back. Then the
two come at me, closin' in ; but I knock de sargeant
about putty considerable, and fowt my way clean out.
They was scared on me now, but dey swore drefful, and
said I had to give in, and began to throw the rope at
me wid a loop like I was a wild cow. I kep flingin' it
off, but they got a catch, and pulled me down. Jus' then
up comes young massa — de ole man's son as I had
nursed — and tore off de rope, and said, ' I won't see old
mammy treat like that.' The town sargeant swore agin,
and said he would go right away and get a stronger
man, and he went ; but de stronger man never came,
and de sergeant he didn't come back neither ! No, sah ;
neber saw more of dat town sargeant."
I asked her how she had got on since she became free.
" Times is hard," she said, " and we can't get along
fast ; but we has homes of our own now, and we can't
be druv away, and we can send our chill'en to school
now, and get 'em teached like de white folks — praise de
Lord!"
The Home at Beaufort is a specimen of the others
planted by the same Association throughout the South.
Some of these in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Mississippi, and Tennessee I afterwards visited. The
teachers are almost all white ladies from the North,
thoroughly initiated into the New England system of
elementary training as practised in the public schools —
a system, which I have never seen equalled elsewhere.
Teaching of this kind is precisely what the black people
need. I was not surprised to find these teachers and
missionaries full of earnestness and devotion, for with
out deep personal interest in the work its difficulties
and hardships would have prevented them, in most
238 A HOME MISSION AMONGST THE FREEDMEN.
cases, from undertaking it. The toil is itself severe —
teaching day after day and night after night amongst
an ignorant, degraded, and often brutalized people ; even
Sunday, with its schools and Bible- classes, bringing
rather a variety of work than a cessation of it.
But what they were evidently feeling much more
than the toil was their total isolation. They are not
only far from their home, and from the society that
would cheer and sustain them in their arduous labours ;
they are totally excluded from the white society that
exists around them. Southern feeling has been embit
tered and exasperated by the war; and these schools
and teachers, following in the wake of Northern victory,
continually remind the white people of their own humi
liation and defeat. Many of them, indeed, persuade
themselves that these teachers are only there to stir up
the black people against their old masters. They would
not even visit the schools to see what was actually
done. I remember one Southern gentleman accom
panying me as far as the school door ; but when I asked
him to come in, he said, " No ; I don't enter nigger
schools." A teacher from New England — "a Yankee
school marm," as they call her — is looked upon in the
South with much the same feeling that an Englishman
would have encountered in the Highlands after the
atrocities of the Duke of Cumberland. The feeling is
perhaps natural, but it is not the less to be deplored.
In most" places no attempt was made to conceal it ; and
even in church the teachers were often treated with
such obtrusive contempt that they were compelled, for
the sake of their feelings, to attend service with the
negroes. In some cases the feeling of animosity was
carried further. At one station which I visited, the
THEE ATS. 239
two ladies who occupied the little mission home were
threatened with their lives. They refused to abandon
their work ; and one of them, who was a very spirited
girl, got a revolver, and practised herself daily in its
use, determined to defend herself and the home as best
she could if an attack was made. In another school
shots had been fired through the windows. In two
others the fatal warning had been received from the
mysterious and lawless organization known as the
Ku-klux-klan, in the form of a letter, with skull and
crossbones at the head, threatening the teachers with
death unless they left the place within three days.
Such cases were rare, but the feeling of antipathy was
almost universal, and made the missionaries and teachers
feel more homeless and exiled than had there been no
white people near them at all.
The circles in Northern society to which many of
these teachers belong is further evidence of the noble
ness of their motives in dedicating themselves to such
a work. Though they are all in receipt of salaries,
according to the rule of the Association, many of them
were in circumstances that made the salary no considera
tion. One teacher in the Home at Macon was a young
heiress ; and the missionary superintendent for that
district was a gentleman who owns valuable property
in Chicago, and who was not only spending his whole
time and energy in the missionary field, but was con
tributing far more to the Association's funds than all
the salary it gave him.
240 AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION.
XXII.
AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION'S PLAN.
THE great aim of the Association is not to constitute
itself a permanent agency for teaching and evangelizing
the black race, but rather to prepare that race for teaching
and evangelizing itself. All its operations have this
object steadily in view. First in order come its numer
ous day and night schools, scattered over that vast
mission field in the South, and occupying about 400 of
its teachers. In these schools a thorough elementary
education is given along with religious instruction.
Then come its High and its Normal Schools, established
at the principal centres of its work, into which it
gathers the best pupils from its common schools, espe
cially those who are anxious to qualify for teachers. It
has High schools at Beaufort and Wilmington (North
Carolina) ; at Savannah (Georgia) ; at Memphis and
Chattanooga (Tennessee) ; and at Louisville (Kentucky).
It has Normal schools at Hampton (Virginia) ; Char
leston (South Carolina) ; Macon (Georgia) ; and Tal-
ladega" and Mobile (Alabama). In these the scholars
are carried to higher branches, are put through a
severer course of study, and in the normal departments
are required to teach model classes in the presence of
the superintendents, who criticise their method, and
give them all needed instruction and advice.
AN EXPERIMENT. 241
Then come its chartered colleges at Berea (Kentucky),
Nashville (Tennessee), and Atlanta (Georgia). " Black
Universities" they are sometimes called, though at
Berea College nearly 100 of the students are white. At
these, besides the Preparatory and Normal, there is an
Academic and a Collegiate course, — the former chiefly
designed for business, the latter (which embraces in
struction in the ancient and modern languages, and the
higher mathematics), designed to qualify for professional
life. The college at Berea has over 300 students, Fisk
University about 400, of whom 88 were that year in
the higher departments. It had turned out a number
of excellent black teachers, and 25 more were on the
eve of completing their course and entering upon the
same work.
The Association is also engaged in a most important
experiment which it began the year I was there. Its
teachers had found that many promising black students
were compelled, in order to earn their bread, to leave
school, and go to places where there were no night-
classes or schools of any kind to which negroes were
admitted. They found also that the ignorance, degra
dation, and immorality that often surrounded the
scholars at home, made the attempt to elevate and
refine them during school hours as hopeless as the
labours of Sisyphus.
To meet such cases the Association conceived the
idea of institutions akin to Cornell University, with
which Goldwin Smith is connected, where manual
labour should be associated with study ; where, there
fore, the students could support themselves, and where
they might be surrounded by the refining influences of
a Christian home.
Q
242 AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION.
Accordingly, as a first experiment, a farm of 120
acres of choice land was purchased at Hampton, in the
State of Virginia, at an expense of $45,000 ; additional
buildings were erected upon it, a practical farmer was
got to direct the farming operations, and a staff of
teachers was appointed for the school and college.
The institution had not been opened many weeks
before it had more black students than provision had
been made for. It took a step in advance of even its
prototype at Ithaca, by admitting students of both
sexes. The first season was a bad one for farm produce,
but the result of the experiment was most encouraging.
The male students earned during the first term and
vacation more than a dollar a week above their ex
penses. The female students during the same period
fell a little short of their expenses ; but in the next
term and vacation they earned nearly a dollar a week
over cost, while the male students earned a weekly sur
plus of about $3. During both terms the students
advanced rapidly with their studies, and showed steady
progress in character and deportment. This institution,
embodying the idea of self-help as a means of culture,
and training the negro not only to study, but to habits
of cleanliness, industry, economy, and Christian purity
of life, is likely to prove the germ of an important
movement. It is a little seed planted in a vast field of
promise. Provision is made for a three-years' course of
study.1- The students, whose numbers have increased
1 The following are the studies of written commenced ; first lessons in
the different years : — grammar ; physical geography, with
f< First Year. — Reading; analysis map-drawing ; object lessons ; vocal
of sounds and vocal gymnastics; music; rhetorical exercises; general
writing ; spelling, with definitions ; exercises ; gymnastics,
punctuation ; oral arithmetic and " Second Year. — The studies of
NEGRO STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS. 243
now to between seventy and eighty, are engaged, on an
average, eight hours a day, — four in school, and four in
manual labour. Speaking generally, the morning is de
voted to labour, the afternoon to classes, and the evening
to reading and study. The male students work on the
farm and in the mechanical shop ; the female students
do all the house-work, and are taught knitting, sewing,
and dressmaking. There is a Normal department, where
those who are anxious to become teachers receive spe
cial instruction. They are already the principal teachers
of a large and flourishing coloured school in the imme
diate neighbourhood.
It will be seen from the foregoing sketch that the
American Missionary Association has much in common
with the Freedmen's Bureau. It has, indeed, worked
hand-in-hand with the Government agency; and General
Howard, the chief of the Bureau, has been one of its
best friends. But the distinctive character of the Asso
ciation is that it is a Missionary agency, and associates
Christian teaching with all its operations. The extreme
importance of this will be manifest to every one who
is acquainted with the negro character. The negro's
strength, and also his weakness, lie in his emotional
the first year contiimed and carried and book-keeping ; exercises in oral
forward ; miscellaneous reading ; and written arithmetic, and in geo-
grammar and analysis ; letter-writ- graphy ; natural science, with lee-
ing and composition ; drafts of busi- tures ; lectures on agriculture and
ness papers ; lectures on physiology, agricultural chemistry, with expe-
with charts ; lectures on agriculture riments by pupils ; rhetorical exer-
and agricultural chemistry, with cises ; vocal music ; gymnastics ;
analysis of soils ; vocal music ; gym- exercises in teaching classes, to deve-
nastics ; general and rhetorical exer- lop power of expression ; and actual
cises ; exercises in teaching. teaching in the Butler and Lincoln
" Third Year. — General reading ; Model Schools, in the vicinity of
composition and orations ; instruc- the institution."
tion in practical business methods
244 AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION.
nature. I never saw such religious enthusiasm and
such strong Christian faith in the midst even of ignor
ance and degradation as I saw amongst these freedmen.
But this very feature of their character tends to make
religion a matter of mere excitement, and convert their
religious services into scenes of frenzy and confusion.
It also lays the negro peculiarly open to the tempta
tions of intemperance and lust. Hence the necessity
there is for a training that shall teach this impulsive
nature self-control, and change its religious frenzy into
real Christian activity. The Missionary Association
has found itself compelled, in the presence of so much
ignorance, to devote itself mainly, in the meantime, to
common school-work, teaching the negroes to read and
write, as a condition indispensable to future progress.
But with all this work it associates moral and religious
training. It builds chapels where it can along with its
schools, it has evangelists at all its centres of activity,
and its teachers are all members of evangelical churches,
and teach in its Sunday schools. It anticipates that,
under proper training, the religious enthusiasm of the
coloured man will contribute an important element to
American Christianity. It is also of opinion that the
best hope for the evangelization of the African race lies
in the education of the freedmen. One of its most
devoted missionaries — too sanguine, perhaps, but still
looking in the direction from which hope comes — said
to me, '" Sir, I have laboured amongst these people for
eight years, and I am full of hope. Multitudes of them
are crying for education and the gospel. If we give it
them now while they are crying for it, we shall soon
have thousands of educated blacks at work amongst
their own people here, and going as missionaries to
HOPE FROM NEGRO CULTURE. 245
Africa. Yes, sir, if the Church did her duty now, we
should see the gospel in fifty years hence preached by
black men over all Ethiopia."
The American Missionary Association carries on its
great work at an annual expense of about $350,000,
for which it depends entirely, year by year, on the
voluntary liberality of Christian people in America and
in our own country.
246 NOKTH CAROLINA AND SONS.
XXIII.
NORTH CAROLINA AND SONS.
I SPENT some weeks travelling through North Ca
rolina, visiting the towns of Ealeigh, Charlotte, and
Wilmington, and some of the settlements in the in
terior. The State of North Carolina is about the size
of England, and has rich and varied resources, which,
in spite of her being so old a colony, are still waiting
for development. The " Eip Van Winkle State" has
got an awakening now, and slavery will no longer retard
her progress by diverting her proper share of white
immigration into the Free States. North Carolina has
gold, iron, and coal in abundance ; she grows wheat,
rye, barley, Indian corn, and flax; and in some im
portant points takes precedence of the fertile States
around her. She has advantage over Virginia in being
able to produce cotton ; over South Carolina in being
able to produce tobacco ; and over Tennessee in being
able to produce rice. She has also vast forests of pitch-
pine, yielding enormous quantities of tar, turpentine,
and lumber. She gets the name, indeed, of the Tar
State, and her people are nicknamed Tar-heels.1 In
1 During the war, her soldiers lina regiment was marching past,
used to be quizzed on this score, " No ; General Lee has used it all
but they could turn the laugh at up, putting it in the trenches here."
times upon their banterers. "Say, "Ah! what's that for?" "To
got any tar left ?" cried some Vir- make the Virginian soldiers stick
giiiian troops, when a North Caro- to their posts."
WANT OF POKTS. 247
the back country I went through some of her " turpen
tine orchards/' — tracts of pine- forest, where the trees are
" boxed" for turpentine. A cavity like a bowl is cut
in the side of each tree about three feet from the
ground; the turpentine gathers in this, and is ladled
out into buckets by the " turpentine farmer." In some
parts of the forest you find thousands of trees " boxed"
in this way. Every year more of the bark immediately
above the cavity is chopped off, to stimulate the outflow
of juice, till the tree is dying. When no more turpen
tine is to be got, the pines are hewn down and the
stumps set on fire, to clear the land for cultivation.
The soil in some parts of the State is very sandy,
but experiments are being largely made in the plant
ing of a native vine called Scuppernoug, which is
found to flourish in soil where nothing else could live.
The scuppernong grape produces a beautiful straw-
coloured wine, very pleasant to the taste; and it is
anticipated that this will by-and-by become a great and
lucrative trade. Land suitable for the culture of this
vine was selling at eighteenpence an acre ; and in Rich
mond County I saw a man who was making a capital
living out of it on land utterly useless for anything else.
It is believed by some of the planters that the scup
pernong grape is destined to take the place of cotton
in North Carolina.
One thing that has told against the State is her lack
of good harbours. She has several navigable rivers, —
the Cape Fear River navigable by steam-boats of light
draft as far inland as Fayetteville ; but their mouths
are choked with sandy shoals and bars, that make the
channels tortuous and difficult of navigation. She has,
therefore, had to ship much of her produce through
248 NORTH CAROLINA AND SONS.
Virginia and South Carolina, causing them to get credit
for much that belongs truly to her.
At Ealeigh, which is the seat of the State govern
ment, I found another Convention of mixed black and
white delegates, similar to the one at Eichmond, sitting
in the Assembly House, engaged in revising the Con
stitution. The agitation connected with the recognition
of negro rights was at its height, and the reporters of
one of the papers (the North Carolinian) had just been
excluded by a vote of Convention from the reporters'
seat, because the paper headed its daily report of pro
ceedings with the title, — " BONES AND BANJO CONVEN
TION;" also because it added " nigger" to the name of
every coloured delegate ; and because it called him,
as the practice always was with slaves, by his Christian
name, thus, " Jim Harris (nigger)."
I got unexpectedly mixed up myself with a new
phase of the agitation in rather an odd way. The
Young Men's Christian Association in Ealeigh had
asked me to lecture for the benefit of the poor, and
applied to the Convention for the use of the place in
which its meetings were held. I happened to be pre
sent that day, and heard the application read. The
president said he supposed there would be no difficulty
about granting it, when one of the negro members rose
to ask if at the proposed meeting the distinction be
tween white and coloured people was to be made.
Black men had as good a right to sit in the body of
the hall as white men, and if they were to be refused
admission or sent up into the galleries as in slave
days, he would protest against the house being granted.
Thereupon ensued a lively dispute between the two
parties, which was stopped by the president declaring
D. H. HILL. 249
that he would, by the power vested in him, grant the
use of the House on his own responsibility. In the
meantime, however, word was brought that the Governor
had offered the Senate Chamber, where, accordingly, the
meeting was held. The papers seemed to regard with
a horror which it is difficult for a Scotchman to under
stand, this attempt on the part of the negroes to initiate
social as well as political equality.
From Ealeigh I went on to Charlotte, a nourishing
little city farther to the west, and celebrated as the
place where the Mecklenburg Declaration (of Indepen
dence) was issued in 1775. Charlotte had fortunately
escaped the ravages of Sherman's army. The people,
on the way to Charlotte, declared that her escape was
owing to the impassable condition in which she always
keeps her roads. The roads are certainly bad, and
Charlotte certainly escaped, but the relation of cause
and effect between the two facts I will not vouch for.
At Charlotte I met two of Stonewall Jackson's
brothers-in-law, — General D. H. Hill, who was one of
his corps commanders, and Captain Toe Morrison, who
was on his staff. I found Hill editing a monthly journal,
The Land we Love; and the Captain, a fair-corn plexioned,
blue-eyed youth, acting as his sub- editor, but preparing
to leave for California, to find a home in " the sunset
land." Hill is a small, lithe, resolute-looking man, was
a sharp disciplinarian, and had the reputation of being
a stubborn and desperate fighter.
One of his officers, Colonel Hall, said he never knew
a man of firmer nerve or one who faced death with
more coolness.
At the battle of Seven Pines, he saw him, in the face
of a murderous fire from the enemy, ride slowly, with a
250 NORTH CAROLINA AND SONS.
cigar in his mouth, across a wide field between the two
lines. When he reached the copse where Hall and
another officer were standing, they expostulated with
him for so reckless an exposure of his life.
" I did it for a purpose/' said Hill, coolly. " I saw
that our men were wavering, and I wanted to give them
confidence."
Hill was blamed for being as reckless of his men's
lives as of his own. His charges were made with great
fury, and he would charge again and again, as long as
there was a chance of victory. Before the war he was
mathematical professor at Lexington ; previous to that,
I believe, a Judge-advocate. The versatility of the
American genius is wonderful. The General is
author of an admirable work on the Crucifixion, in
which he seeks to establish the accuracy of the Scrip
ture narrative by dealing with it as in a court of jus
tice, calling witnesses, cross-examining, looking at the
case on both sides, and summing up. I heard this book
highly spoken of throughout Carolina. He had a com
panion volume ready on the Eesurrection, but the out
break of the war prevented its publication. Hill is one
of the rigid old-school Presbyterians of the South.
Iii the same little city I had the pleasure of seeing
and hearing Zebulon B. Vance, one of the most famous
orators and politicians of North Carolina.
Vance is a great favourite with the people, and has
been the popular candidate at one time or another for
almost every office of any importance in the State.
Many amusing stories are told about him. On one
occasion he was stumping the State against Colonel
C — . In one of the western counties, at a meeting in
the open air, the Colonel appeared on the ground with
JUMPING INTO OFFICE. 251
a keg of whisky, which produced such a strong diver
sion in his favour, that Vance was soon left with a mere
handful of auditors. Seeing that something must "be
done, he stopped his speech, said he felt stiff, and chal
lenged those around him to a jump. The Americans
have all a love of the grotesque, and the very absurdity
of the proposal made it the more acceptable. A line
was drawn, and Vance and his handful of supporters
were soon busily engaged in trying who could take the
longest jump — a game in which Vance, being something
of an athlete, excelled. This singular proceeding at
tracted the attention of some in the adjoining crowd,
who, after a moment's hesitation, came over to see what
the fun was. This drew the eyes of others, and pre
sently of more, till in a. few minutes almost the whole
body of electors was crowding round to see the sport,
leaving the Colonel with no auditory but his empty
keg. There was no resource but to follow the people
and try to get them back.
" Here comes the Colonel," cried some in the crowd.
" Clear the way for the Colonel ; he 's going to jump."
" On the contrary," said the Colonel, " I consider this
a most undignified proceeding."
Undignified ? — when some of the Free and Enlight
ened had just been at it. The remark was not received
with favour.
" If you air too proud to jump with us," cried one, " I
reckon you air too proud to suit this here county."
"Oh, I didn't mean that," said the Colonel. "I'll
jump if the electors wish it."
The pacified crowd cleared a way, and some one,
amidst loud applause, proposed that the vote should be
given to the candidate who jumped farthest.
252 NORTH CAROLINA AND SONS.
This sealed the Colonel's fate. Tall, stiff, and unused
to this kind of exercise, he had no chance against his
supple opponent, and Vance came in at the top of the
poll. Vance speaks of it himself as the time he
"jumped into office."
On another occasion his re-election was vehemently
opposed, on the ground that he had neglected his official
duties. His opponent, whose forte lay in vituperation,
compared Vance to the unfruitful tree ; fit only to be cut
down and cast into the fire, and wound up with a tor
rent of coarse invective. Vance replied that his oppon
ent had forgotten the rest of his gospel story about the
unfruitful tree, for when the lord of the vineyard
wanted it cut down, the wise gardener advised him to let
it stand another year till he had digged about it and
dunged it. " Now," said Vance, making his only allu
sion to his opponent's coarseness, " last year I had the
other candidate digging about me, and this year I have
this candidate dunging about me. Let the unfruitful
tree stand one year more till we see the result." He
was allowed to stand.
My first sight of Vance was in a friend's office in rear
of a large hardware store. The ex-Governor^with that
disregard of conventional forms which continually sur
prises and amuses a stranger in America, was sitting
astride of a rough wooden chair with his face the wrong
way, and while he talked to his friend who kept the
store, and was also an insurance agent and a medical
practitioner, and possibly various other things, he was
amusing himself by carving the corner of the chair with
his whittl ing-knife. He is a tall, handsome man, with
hard head and lurid-gleaming eyes of peculiar intensity.
In manner he is exceedingly easy and frank, and his
VANCE'S -TABLE -TALK. 253
conversation is full of funny experiences and anec
dotes.1
Speaking of his military experience, — for Vance com
manded a rebel regiment during the war, — he said that
he and his troops left the place with a baggage train a
mile long, and came back with nothing but what they
had upon their backs, and not much there. " Only
some few," he said, "who expected promotion, retained
an extra shirt." Some of the poor fellows had not got
their clothes changed for a month. Even officers had
sometimes to content themselves with " a dry wash,"-
that is, taking off their woollen shirts and flapping them
against the saddle, to shake the vermin out. In camp,
he said, you would often see men holding their shirts up
and examining them in the light. This was called
" skirmish drill/' or " reading linen."
I attended a political meeting held in Charlotte one
1 Here are some of them : — Speak- "Advance! I'm not going in
ing of sticking to one's post, there there to be drowned. Come out,
was an Irish confederate in the 6th and be relieved."
South Carolina, who was placed " I mustn't. The lieutenant tould
sentry on the beach at Siillivan's me I wasn't to stir from my post
Island, with orders to walk between till I was first relieved."
two points, and to let no one pass "Then," cried the corporal, be-
without the counter-sign, which, for ginning to move off, "I'll leave
safety's sake, was to be whispered. you there all night."
It seemed that they had forgotten "Begorra, you won't," shouted
all about the tide, for when the Patrick, levelling his musket,
corporal came round with the relief " Halt ! or I '11 put a hole in ye ;
guard, he discovered Patrick, in them 's my orders. No one is to
the moonlight, up to the waist in pass without the counter-sign, and
water. it 's to be given in whisper."
"Who goes there?" cried Pat- There was no help for it. The
rick. shivering corporal had to wade out.
"Relief," shouted the corporal. Some of our boys, who didn't
"Advance, thin," cried the de- know much else, had fine heads for
lighted Irishman. "Advance, and soldiering. After the battle of
give the counter-sign." Shai-psburg, a number of men who
254 NORTH CAROLINA AND SONS.
evening, where Vance was one of the speakers. He had
not been advertised to appear, but the people saw that
he was present, and when the first speaker finished,
there were continued cries of " Vance ! Vance ! " which
compelled him to take the platform. His power over
the audience was astonishing. The first half-dozen
words he uttered — " Fellow-citizens, I once heard of an
Irishman " — excited a roar of laughter before any one
had the remotest idea of what the story was. He kept
the people laughing and cheering almost incessantly.
When he came to speak of the oppression of the South,
he lashed himself into a state of great excitement, and
strode up and down the platform gesticulating with
such energy that the chairman had to back his seat-
more than once to get out of danger. Vance has great
power of satire. One picture he drew of a political
opponent paddling out in mid-ocean on a single plank,
had won laurels were examined with ever they saw him, by greeting him
a view to promotion. One of them with a universal " ba-a, ba-a," as if
was found so wofully deficient in his a whole flock of bell-wethers were
education that it was moved that at his back. One time, coming up
the Board pass on to the next can- with the Federals at Mumfordsville,
didate. the troops were drawn up in line of
"President," said the man, ex- battle. That fearful pause before a
citedly, " I can't read or write ; I've fight generally silenced the most in-
never been vaccinated ; I don't veterate joker. But as fate wo^^ld
know about tactics ; but, by — , I'll have it, just at that moment the
undertake to whip any man on this commissary appeared, riding slowly
Board." down the line, with a face of awful
Men will have their fun sometimes solemnity, suited to the occasion,
in the very face of death. During Presently the universal silence was
one campaign in Kentucky, the broken by a timid " ba-a " from
soldiers of one regiment were sup- some one in the ranks. Another
plied with mighty tough mutton. " ba-a " joined chorus, the cry was
It was awful. But the commissary caught up all along the line, and in
would give them nothing else, and the midst of a universal "ba-a"
they had to eat it. They avenged the commissary, putting spurs to
themselves on the commissary when- his horse, disappeared.
VANCE ON THE STUMP. 255
and warning a majestic frigate to clear the way, elicited
tumultuous applause, and caused great laughter at the
expense of the person satirized.
The speech was rather a succession of happy hits than
a continued argument. Vance said himself, in conver
sation afterwards, that stump bpeaking spoiled a man
for deliberative assemblies.
" On the stump," he said, " you have to confine your
self to what every man with a ragged shirt and one
suspender can understand."
His own rule, if a lengthy argument became indis
pensable, was, as soon as he saw any one whittling or
shifting his position, to say, " But this reminds me of
an anecdote."
" The man brightens up at that," said Vance, " and
you gain ten minutes for the rest of your argument."
He thought, however, that all true oratory was
addressed to the audience before you; and that the
newspapers and the telegraph, which made the speaker
think of another audience that should get his speech
minus himself, and " read it in cold blood," was putting
eloquence to death.
Vance was Governor of his State during the war,
and, to his honour be it said, was one of the loudest
in his demand for inquiry into the alleged treatment
of Federal prisoners at Andersonville, and in his con
demnation of such treatment should it turn out to be
as reported.
256 CONFEDERATE NAVY AND CAVALRY.
XXIV.
CONFEDERATE NAVY AND CAVALRY.
AT Wilmington, of blockade-running celebrity,
where I spent two or three weeks with hospitable
friends, I met the well-known Captain Maffitt of the
Florida, whose career upon the high seas excited so
much attention at the time.
I had heard a good deal about Maffitt in the North,
where he was regarded by many as perhaps the ablest
naval officer who had lent his sword to the Confe
deracy.
He held, however, strong Southern views, resigned
his commission in the United States Navy, and, in
1862, took command of the Florida (then called the
Oreto), and sailed from Nassau with twenty men all
told, intending to make for some Confederate port,
where he could have the steamer equipped, and in
vested with a proper nationality. Two days after
leaving Nassau, yellow fever broke out on board ;
twelve out of the twenty men died, and Maffitt himself
prostrated by the plague and not expected to live.
Nevertheless, he proceeded to Havana, and sailed
thence for Mobile, where the Florida made her appear
ance on the 4th of September off Mobile bar. Here
she was encountered by three Federal men-of-war, and
ordered to heave-to. Maffitt, who (though scarcely
MAFFITT OF THE " FLORIDA." 257
able after the fever to support himself without assist
ance) had resumed command, paid no attention, but
held on his course. Immediately the squadron opened
fire with deadly effect, shot after shot striking the ship,
shattering her boats, and damaging her hull, rigging,
and spars. Eleven men were wounded, and one man's
head was torn off by an eleven- inch shell ; but Maffitt
held on and got his command into port.
Before the Florida was equipped and again ready
for sea, the Federal force outside had been increased
from three to thirteen heavily armed steamers, and
the Commodore reported to the Government at Wash
ington that there was nothing to fear, as the Florida
was sealed up hermetically in Mobile Bay. Maffitt,
however, early one morning got up steam, moved out
just before dawn, and was discovered steaming right
through the heart of the formidable fleet that had been
on the watch for him. Such a firing and racing and
chasing ensued, as probably the Mexican Gulf had rarely
seen before ; but Maffitt, with his little steamer, escaped,
and was soon forth on his terrible career, lighting up
the ocean with the flames of captured and burning ships.
I heard in New York a story of an extraordinary
coincidence in connection with Maffitt.
A gentleman on his way, with his wife, from New
York to some port in the Southern seas, was expressing
to a friend his fervent hope that no " Confederate
pirate " would catch sight of them.
" Well," said his friend, " God help you if Semmes
gets his clutches on you. But I'll tell you what I
can do. I know Maffitt, and if you like I will give
you a note of introduction to him. If you should fall
foul of the Florida it may serve some purpose."
R
258 CONFEDERATE NAVY AND CAVALEY.
He wrote out the note more in fun than earnest, and
the gentleman, with a laugh, took it, put it in his
pocket-book, and thought no more about it. It was on
the tenth or eleventh day of the voyage that a sus
picious-looking craft hove in sight, gave chase, and
brought their ship to with a shot across her bows. A
boat came off, seized the ship, took off all on board,
and set her on fire. When the gentleman found him
self with his fellow -captives on the deck of the cruiser,
he asked what ship it was, and found that it was no
other than the Florida, to the commander of which he
had got the introductory note. He lost no time in
getting the letter out arid presenting it to Captain
Maffitt. The Captain read it, laughed, shook the
gentleman's hand, gave up his own cabin to him and
his wife, and paid them every attention till an oppor
tunity occurred of putting them ashore.
I asked Captain Maffitt himself if the story was
true. He said it was, and that it was one of the most
extraordinary coincidences he had ever known to
occur.
Maffitt is a cultured and gentlemanly man, small-
sized, spare in figure, with a fine cast of head, a dark
keen eye, a strong tuft of black whisker on his chin,
and a firm little mouth that seemed to express the
energy and determination of his character. I remember
his appearance as he stepped about the streets of Wil
mington in his short military cloak. He was in
reduced circumstances, having staked his whole fortune
and position upon the lost cause ; but, like so many of
his old military and naval associates, he was trying his
hand at business, and striving to reconcile himself to
the new order of things.
MAFFITT OF THE " FLORIDA." 259
Speaking of the war, he said, — " The grand mistake
of the South was neglecting her navy. All our army
movements out west were baffled or embarrassed by
the armed Federal steamers which swarmed on western
waters. This should not have been. Before the capture
of New Orleans, the South could have had a navy
strong enough to prevent the capture of that city, and
hold the Mississippi and its tributaries. This would
have prevented many disastrous battles, and made Sher
man's march through the country impossible.
" But nobody here," he said, " would believe at the
beginning that a great war was before us. South Ca
rolina seceded first, and improvised a navy consisting
of two tug-boats ! North Carolina followed suit, and
armed a tug and a passenger boat ! Georgia, Alabama,
and Louisiana put in commission a handful of frail
river boats that you could have knocked to pieces with
a pistol-shot. That was our navy ! Then came Con
gress, and voted money to pay officers like myself who
had left the Federal navy, but it voted nothing to build
or arm ships for us to command !
" Of course it woke up by-and-by, and ordered vessels
to be built here, there, and everywhere ; but it was too
late.
" And yet," said the Captain, proudly, " the Confe
derate navy, minute though it was, won a place for
itself in history. The credit belongs to us of testing in
battle the invulnerability of iron-clads, and revolution
izing the navies of the world. The Merrimac did that.
And though we had but a handful of light cruisers,
while the ocean swarmed with armed Federal vessels,
we swept Northern commerce from the seas.
" If only," he added, " the old usage in regard to sea
260 CONFEDERATE NAVY AND CAVALRY.
prizes in neutral ports had been still in vogue, we should
have done more, and the pecuniary gain to the officers
and men and to the Confederate Government would
have been immense."
At Wilmington I had also the pleasure of meeting
Confederate General Eansom, who had held command
in the cavalry, and who spoke with enthusiasm of the
material of which that branch of the service was com
posed when it first took the field.
" They were almost all," he said, " gentlemen's sons,
splendidly mounted, and accustomed to the saddle from
infancy. They were used to the chase, skilled in the
handling of fire-arms, and full of noble impulses." He
added, " It only needed one thing, sir, to have moulded
that incomparable material into the finest body of
cavalry the world has ever seen. That one thing was
discipline. For want of that — from sheer neglect — and
a misconception of the magnitude of the conflict that
was before us, the chance was lost ; and our cavalry, in
stead of being what it should have been, became at last,
in some cases at least, a just reproach to the service."
I found this judgment everywhere confirmed. The
Confederate cavalry was immeasurably superior at first
to the cavalry which the North had to extemporize,
and which was composed to a large extent of men who
did not know how to sit upon a horse's back. One
lady said that you could know a Federal trooper at any
distance by his sitting on his horse like a grasshopper.
But year by year the Federal cavalry improved, while
the Confederate cavalry deteriorated, partly owing to
the impossibility of continuing the supply of such men
as took the field at first, and partly owing to want of
discipline, till at last it threatened to fall as far below
QUIZZING THE CAVALRY. 2G1
the Federal cavalry in real efficiency as the Federal
cavalry had been below it at first.
The inutility of the cavalry became a by-word in the
South ; and though it arose to a large extent from the
changing circumstances of modern warfare (for it will
be remembered that the same charge was brought
against our own cavalry in the Crimea prior to the
famous charge), yet it did not save them from the deri
sion of the infantry.
When, on the advance of the enemy's infantry, the
cavalry were ordered to the rear, the troops generally
greeted them with shouts of, — " Here come the butter
milk rangers ; there 's goin' to be a fight, sartin, when
they 're clearin' out o' the road."
The poor dragoon who had to ride alone past a force
of infantry, would probably have preferred running the
gauntlet of a Federal battery. Out of a hundred of the
jokes with which he used to be assailed, take one :
Man in the ranks to cavalry soldier riding by — " Say,
mister, did you ever see a Yankee ? "
Cavalryman (sharply) — " Yes, I've seen a Yankee,
and Yankees."
Man in the ranks — " How 's that ? Your hoss ain't
lame ?"
Man further on — " Hadn't on your spurs, maybe ?"
The cavalrymen were ready enough at times to joke
at their own expense. One of them was travelling by
rail with two friends belonging to a regiment of infantry.
By --and- by a baby in the car lifted up its shrill voice,
evidently desiring recourse to what Mr. Micawber would
have called the maternal fount. The noise woke another
baby, which also began to cry. The soldiers got restless,
and began to whisper about a retreat. (The reader will
262 CONFEDERATE NAVY AND CAVALRY.
remember that the construction of the " cars" in America
allows people to pass from one car to another, even
when the train is at full speed). The cavalryman voted
for immediate flight ; his comrades hesitated, in case it
might offend the mothers.
" Wall, boys," said the cavalryman, " I reckon it 's
for me to go first. I 'm used to retreating when the
infantry opens fire," and led the way.
This story is also told : — When the Mississippi
cavalry, retreating from Corinth, had joined Pember-
ton's army at Grenada, a lad came riding into camp one
day crying out to the soldiers that he had brought im
portant news from head-quarters.
"What is it?"
" A flag of truce from Grant."
" From Grant ! What does he want ?"
"Nothing much," said young Quiz, "only he says
he wants to conduct the war on civilized principles ;
and as he intends to shell this here town, he requests
that the women, and the children, and the Mississippi
cavalry be carefully removed out of the way of danger."
The lad narrowly escaped with his ears.
It need scarcely be said that the Confederate horse
as well as foot could show its mettle when occasion
called for it. The achievements of Ashby and Stuart
and Hampton will live as long as there is a memory of
the war. But the use of cavalry is fast changing, and
bodies of horse can never accomplish now what they
were capable of before the introduction of the rifle.
During the Confederate war they made several im
portant raids, and often served as eyes and ears to the
army. But when fighting had to be done, the cavalry
generally fought on foot, merely using their horses for
A REMINISCENCE. 263
rapid locomotion. Cavalry engagements were few, and
confined to the earlier years of the war. The battle of
Kelly's Ford under Stuart, and the Depot fight under
Wade Hampton, were the most noted. General Ransom
said that in these engagements sabre-strokes were
exchanged freely, but that the revolver was the
favourite weapon. He said the revolvers on the Con
federate side were mostly those captured in fight, and
that, before the war closed, at least a half of the whole
Confederate army had equipped itself in the same way
with weapons taken from the enemy.1
Speaking of Jefferson Davis, the General gave the
following personal reminiscence : — " One day when I
was with him in his office, a telegram in cypher was
brought in. One of his aides was summoned to trans
late it. When, in the course of a few minutes, it was
handed to Mr. Davis, the President looked at it, and
suddenly, with more feeling than I ever saw him betray,
rose from his seat, and with both hands in his hair, his
eye flashing, and every feature indicating passionate
disappointment, cried, ' Why did he not fight ? Why
did he not fight? Every step backward is perilous/
With a strong effort of self-control he calmed himself,
and said, with another glance at the telegram, ' He
reports himself flanked. Flanked ! Why does he not,
when Sherman separates his army, fall upon him and
destroy him? But it is useless speaking of it now.'
He handed me the despatch. It was from General
1 They helped themselves to more the enemy out of a copse wood, one
than arms when they got the chance, of the barefooted men took careful
and in their ragged condition they aim and fired. The instant he saw
needed it. It is said that one shoe- his man fall, he cried anxiously,
less regiment got a nickname from the " Them 's my shoes ! "
following circumstance : — In driving
2C4 CONFEDERATE NAVY AND CAVALRY.
Joe Johnston, saying in substance that he had been
out-flanked and compelled to fall back from Dalton,
Georgia, and that 5000 Tennessee, Arkansas, and Mis
souri troops had deserted."
Eansom had been intimate with Jeb Stuart ; was with
him at the outbreak of the war ; was often his companion
in arms ; and bore strong testimony to his personal
character. He said, — " Stuart has been maligned. He
was very deferential to the ladies, but he was chaste
and innocent. He was, indeed, a thoroughly Christian
man. I have slept in the same room with him often,
and never knew him go to bed without going down on
his knees first in prayer. He never swore and he
never drank. Indeed, he was so rigorous a teetotaller
that if there was liquor used, even in the cooking of a
dish, he would not taste it."
Stonewall Jackson regarded Stuart as a prince among
cavalry leaders. To one of his friends he said, — " Ashby
had never his equal on the charge. But he never had
his men in hand, and some of his most brilliant exploits
were performed by himself and a handful of his
followers. He would have done more had he been a
disciplinarian ; but he was too kind-hearted." He
added, " Stuart is my ideal of a cavalry leader —
prompt, vigilant, fearless." When he fell at Chan-
cellorsville, he expressly desired that Stuart should
take his place in the command.
Stuart's fame as a soldier, combined with his hand
some form and graceful manners, made him the idol of
Southern ladies. I heard many of them speak of him
with the glowing enthusiasm which was excited
amongst the Jacobite ladies by the gallant Prince
Charlie.
HISTOKY OF THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT. 2C5
XXV.
HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA.
NORTH Carolina was long a favourite field for
Highland emigration. More than a hundred and
forty years ago, when Alexander Clark, of Jura,
went out to North Carolina and made his way up the
Cape Fear Eiver to Cross Creeks,1 he found already
there one Hector M'Neill (known as Bluff Hector, from
his occupying the bluffs over the river), who told him
of many others settled farther back, most of them
exiles from Scotland, consequent on the troubles that
followed the downfall of the Stuarts, some of them
Macdonalds who had been fugitives from the massacre
of Glencoe. The numbers were largely increased by
the failure of the Jacobite Eebellion in 1745. The
persecution to which the Highlanders were subjected
after the scattering of the clans at Culloden made
many of them eager to escape from the country ; and
when the Government, after the execution of many
1 This place has had three names name of Campbelton was given it, in
— Cross Creeks, Campbelton, and consequence of many of the settlers
Fayetteville. It was called Cross in and around the spot being emi-
Creeks from the curious fact, that grants from Kintyre. In 1784, it
two streams which meet there seem had a visit from the famotis Marquis
to cross one another and pass round Lafayette, in whose honour the
a patch of land before meeting again. inhabitants changed its name to
In 1762, when it was constituted a Fayetteville, by which it has since
town by Act of State Assembly, the been known.
2G6 HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA.
captured rebels, granted pardon to the rest on condition
of their taking the oath of allegiance and emigrating to
the plantations of America, great numbers availed them
selves of the opportunity. They were followed gradu
ally by many of their kith and kin, till the vast plains
and forest-land in the heart of North Carolina were
sprinkled with a Gaelic-speaking population.
In 1775 the Scotch Colony received a memorable
accession in the person of Flora Macdonald, who with
her husband and children had left Scotland in poverty
to seek a home with their friends in the American
forests. The heroine was received at Wilmington and
at various points along her route with Highland hon
ours ; and the martial airs of her native land greeted
her as she approached Cross Creeks, the little capital of
the Highland settlement. She arrived, however, at an
unhappy time. The troubles between Great Britain
and her colonies were coming to a head, and in a few
months hostilities began.
It is somewhat singular that many of these Highland
colonists — the very men who had fought against the
Hanoverian dynasty at home — were now forward to
array themselves on its side. But they had been
Jacobites and Conservatives in Scotland, and Conservat
ism in America meant loyalty to the King. Many of
them, however, espoused the cause of Independence, and
the declaration prepared in the county of Cumberland,
immediately after the famous declaration of the neigh
bouring county of Mecklenburg, has many Highland
names attached. The crafty Governor of the colony,
earing the spread of anti-British sentiment, and know
ing the influence of Flora Macdonald amongst the Scot
tish settlers, commissioned one of her kinsfolk (Donald
FLORA MACDONALD. 267
Macdonald), who had been an officer in the Prince's
army in 1745, to raise a Highland regiment for the
King, and gave the rank of captain to Flora's husband.
This identified the heroine with the Royalist party, and
had the effect of securing the adhesion of hundreds of
gallant men who would otherwise have held back or
joined the other side. When the Royal Standard was
raised at Cross Creeks, 1500 Highlanders assembled in
arms. Flora, it is said, accompanied her husband, and
inspired the men with her own enthusiasm. She slept
the first night in the camp, and did not return to her
home till she saw the troops begin their march. The
fate that awaited this gallant little force is known to all
readers of history. It had got down the river as far as
Moore's Creek, on its way to join Governor Martin,
when, finding further advance checked by a force of
Revolutionists under Lillington and Caswell, while
another under Colonel Moore was hurrying up in pur
suit, it was driven to attack the enemy in front on
ground of his own choosing. In the first onslaught
its chief officers fell, confusion ensued, and after a severe
struggle the Highlanders were routed. Flora's husband
was taken prisoner, and thrown into Halifax jail.
Many of those who escaped were said to have joined
another Highland regiment which was raised for the
King, under the title of the North Carolina Highlanders,
which fought the Revolutionists till the close of the
war. So deeply had they identified themselves with
the royal cause, that when the war was ended most of
them, including Flora Macdonald and her husband, left
America and returned to Scotland.1 Those who re
mained in the settlement, divided by the war, were
1 The life of Flora Macdonald has daughter, in the form of an autobio-
been published by her grand- graphy, said to be based on family
2G8
HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA.
soon reunited by peace, became, as in duty bound, good
Eepublicans, and resumed the task of taming the savage
wilderness in which they had cast their lot.
When the troubles between North and South were
gathering to a head in 1860, the Highlanders, with their
conservative instincts, were almost to a man opposed to
secession. But, taught to believe that their allegiance
was due primarily not to the Federal Government but
to the State, no sooner did North Carolina go out than
they, with Highland loyalty, followed; and no men
crowded to the front more eagerly, or fought more
valiantly or more desperately to the bitter end.
Almost every man of them I met had served in the
Confederate army, and had left dead brothers or sons
on the battle-field. Others, following the example of
records. The following is the pas
sage in \vhich the Scottish heroine
is made to describe the episode in
her life connected with America : —
"In 1775 my husband put in
practice a plan he and I had often
talked over— that of joining the
emigrants who were leaving their
native hills to better their fortunes
on the other side of the Atlantic.
We were induced to favour this
scheme, more particularly as a suc
cession of failures of the crops and
unforeseen family expenses rather
cramped our small income. So,
after making various domestic ar
rangements, one of which was to
settle our dear boy Johnnie under
the care of a kind friend — Sir Alex
ander M'Kenzie of Delvin, near Dun-
keld — until he was of age for an
India appointment, we took ship for
North America. The others went
with us, my youngest girl excepted,
whom I left with friends ; she was
only nine years old. Ann was a
fine young woman, and my sons as
promising fellows as ever a mother
could desire. Believe me, dear
Maggie, in packing the things, the
Prince's sheet was put up in laven
der, so determined was I to be laid
in it whenever it might please my
Heavenly Father to command the
end of my days. On reaching North
Carolina, Allan soon purchased and
settled upon an estate ; but our
tranquillity was ere long broken up
by the disturbed state of the coun
try, and my husband took an active
part in that dreadful War of Inde
pendence. The Highlanders were
now as forward in evincing attach
ment to the British Government as
they had furiously opposed it in
former years. My poor husband,
being loyally disposed, was treated
harshly by the opposite party, and
was confined for some time in jail at
Halifax. After being liberated, he
was officered in a loyal corps— the
North Carolina Highlanders ; and
A CONFEDERATE HIGHLANDER.
269
those who had left Scotland after the downfall of the
Stuarts, and America after the triumph of the Eevolu-
tion, had left the States altogether, and gone off to
Mexico.
Amongst those I found at Wilmington was one who
was a fine specimen of the material that the Highlands
have given to Carolina, a tall, dark-visaged, soldierly
fellow — General William Macrae — whose personal val
our and. splendid handling of his troops in battle had
caused him to be repeatedly complimented by Lee in
general orders. He enlisted in the Monroe Light In
fantry in 1861 as a private ; fought in almost all the great
battles of the war ; and before it closed in 1865 had risen
to the rank of Brigadier- General. At Malvern Hill he
Ithough America suited me and the
young people, yet my husband
thought it advisable, at the conclu
sion of the war, to quit a country
that had involved us in anxiety and
trouble almost from the first month
of our landing on its shores. So, at
a favourable season for departure,
we sailed for our native country, all
of us, excepting our sons Charles
and Kanald, who were in New York
expecting appointments, which they
soon after obtained ; Alexander was
already, dear boy, at sea. Thus our
family was reduced in number. On
the voyage home all went on well
until the vessel encountered a French
ship of war, and we were alarmed on
finding that an action was likely to
take place. The captain gave orders
for the ladies to remain below, safe
from the skirmish ; but I could not
rest quiet, knowing my husband's
spirit and energy would carry him
into the thick of the fighting ; there
fore I rushed up the companion-
ladder— I think it was so called —
and insisted on remaining on deck
to share my husband's fate, what
ever that might be. Well, dear
Maggie, thinking the sailors were
not so active as they ought to have
been— and they appeared crest-fal
len, as if they expected a defeat — I
took courage and urged them on by
asserting their rights and the cer
tainty of victory. Alas ! for my
weak endeavours to be of service I
was badly rewarded, being thrown
down in the noise and confusion on
deck. I was fain to go below, suf
fering excruciating agony in my arm,
which the doctor, who was fortu
nately on board, pronounced to be
broken. It was well set, yet from
that time to this it has been con
siderably weaker than the other. So
you see I have perilled my life for
both the houses of Stuart and Bruns
wick, and gained nothing from
either side ! "
270 HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA.
took a regiment in 300 strong, and only came out with
35 — the colonel and five out of six captains killed. At
Fredericksburg he was posted on the hill in front of
Marye's Heights, under terrific fire, lost nearly half of
his men, but held the ground. He wras in the great
battles of the Wilderness, and on the 25th of August
1864, at Petersburg, fought the battle of Eeames Cut, in
which he captured nine pieces of artillery and more
men than he had in his own command. On this occa
sion he was complimented by Lee. In April 1865,
when Lee, with the remnants of his wasted army, was
attempting to make his way to the mountains, Macrae's
brigade covered the retreat near Farmville. Advancing
towards Appomattox, where preparations for surrender
had already been made, he attacked and drove off a
Federal force which had fallen upon the waggon trains.
This was, it is said, the last fight in Virginia, and his
brigade was the last to stack arms and surrender.
When I met him at Wilmington, he spoke of this with
a certain gloomy satisfaction.
Notwithstanding the many battles in which he had
fought, he had never been wounded except once, in the
jaw, by a ball, though twice he had his sword shot in
two, and his hat and clothes much torn by bullets and
fragments of shell. On one occasion he had the unhappy
distinction of being fired at by nearly a wfhole division.
It was dusk, there was heavy skirmishing going on, and
Macrae, making his way through the woods, and riding
up to what he thought was a division of Confederate
troops, found to his horror that it was Franklin's divi
sion of the enemy. He was recognised, and told that he
was a prisoner. He said nothing, but turning his horse
and giving it a touch of the spur, galloped for the wood.
According to report, nearly the whole of Franklin's
HIGHLANDERS IN THE WAR. 271
division of 20,000 fired a volley after him. His sword
was cut in two, his cap shot off, and his horse badly
wounded, but he himself escaped unhurt.1
He seemed to belong to a fighting family. His eight
brothers had all been either in the army or navy. One
of them was in the national army when the war broke
out, and considered that his oath bound him to the
cause of the Union. He and his brothers accordingly
fought on opposite sides, and in one battle, it is said,
face to face. Their father, General Alexander Macrae,
had fought in the war with England in 1812, and, on
the outbreak of the Confederate war, though then a
man of seventy years of age, took the field again, and
commanded what was known as Macrae's Battalion.
He died not many weeks after I parted from him at
Wilmington. He was the grandson of the Eev. Alex
ander Macrae, minister of Kintail, two of whose sons
fell fighting for the Pretender at Culloden. The others
emigrated to North Carolina, and one of them, Philip,
who had also served in the Prince's army, cherished so
deadly a hate of the English in consequence of the
atrocities of Cumberland, that he would never learn the
English language, but spoke Gaelic to the day of his
death. The family settled in Moore County, which is
part of what is still called " the Scotch country."
1 His "brother told me a ludicrous enough to face the fire of the enemy,
story about his first uniform. The but to face his comrades in this ex-
country tailor who got the order for traordinary uniform was too much
it, and who had confused notions of for him. The handiwork of the pa-
military costume, prepared, in the triotic tailor never made its appear-
glow of his patriotism, and with a ance in the Confederate army. The
noble resolution to sustain the hon- General declared to me the badge
our of the district, an extraordinary of every rank in the army, from the
coat, frogged, dashed, slashed, and stripe of the corporal up to the
glorified with every kind of military stars of a commander-in-chief, was
decoration he had ever seen or heard stuck upon that coat, either before
of. The young soldier had courage or behind.
272 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
XXVI.
VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
IN the month of February, one clear, sharp morning,
I left Wilmington on my way up the Cape Fear Eiver,
to follow the old track of the Highland emigrants, and
see their settlement.
The steamers on that river, as indeed on most of the
long rivers in America, are stern-wheelers — large, slim,
white, and deck- cabined, with only one paddle, but it
of stupendous size, standing out like a mill-wheel from
the stern, and making one think, on seeing the steamer
in motion, of a gigantic wheelbarrow drawn swiftly
backwards. The advantage of the stern-wheel for shal
low and winding rivers is, that it allows of a narrower
beam than two paddles, and takes sufficient hold to
propel a steamer in water too shallow for the screw.
Our steamer that morning (flat-bottomed, of course, as
all American river- steamers are) drew only eighteen
inches of water, and went at great speed.
We ^ had not been steaming long up the broad pale
earthy-brown river, through the flat expanse, with its
rice plantations, its forest land, and its clearings, with
the black stumps still standing like chessmen on a
board, when I was struck with the extraordinary ap
pearance of the leafless woods, which looked as if a
NEARING " THE SCOTCH COUNTRY." 273
deluge had just subsided, leaving the trees covered with
masses of seaweed.
I gazed on this phenomenon with much wonder, till
it suddenly occurred to me that this must be the famous
Carolina moss (Tillandsia) of which I had often heard,
but which I had not yet seen in any quantity. I
satisfied myself by asking a tall, shaggy man, in leather
leggings and a tattered cloak of Confederate grey, who
was standing near me.
" Don't it grow whar you come from ?" asked the man,
with the usual inquisitiveness of thinly peopled regions.
On learning that I was a stranger from the old country,
he became exceedingly courteous, and told me that the
moss I had inquired about was very common in that
State, and was much used by the people for stuffing
seats and cushions and bedding, being first boiled to
kill it. He said it seemed to feed upon the air. You
could take a handful and fling it over the branch of
another tree and it would grow all the same.1
After a sail of some hours we reached a point from
which a railway runs in a south-westerly direction,
traversing part of the " Scotch country." Here we got
1 In subsequent journey ings through branch to branch, and loads every
North and South Carolina, I saw tree with its grey drapery, giving
great expanses of forest loaded with the place a very melancholy look,
this moss. In wet, swampy tracts, and yet beautiful — the beauty of
it becomes dark in hue, and hangs mourning. A handful which I
in heavy masses from every branch, brought home with me and hung upon
giving the trees a dismal and funereal my study gasalier, hangs there now,
look. In other places less swampy retaining all its silvery beauty. I
it has a lighter and much more sometimes saw Carolina ladies wear-
graceful appearance. When at Sa- ing little tufts of it under their
vannah, in South Carolina, I went brooches. More frequently I ob-
out to the Cemetery of Bonaventure, served it hung round pictures on the
where the woods are all hung with wall, adding to the ornamental ap-
the moss, which festoons itself from pearance of the frame.
274 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
into the " cars," and were soon bowling through the
lonely forest on the narrow iron road, sometimes over
tracts that were irregularly covered for miles with still
water, in which the trees and bushes that rose from it
stood reflected as on the bosom of a lake. Now and
then, at long intervals, we stopped at some little way
side station in the forest, with its cheerful signs of
human life — its casks of turpentine and its piles of
corded wood, around which the pines were being hewrn
down and cut, some of them into bars, others into
cheese-like sections, for splitting into the shingles that
are used for roofing instead of slates or tiles. Occa
sionally the train stopped at places where there was no
station at all, to let some one out at the part of the
forest nearest to his home. The conductor, who was
continually passing up and down through the cars,
stopped the train whenever necessary, by pulling the cord
that is slung along the roof of all American trains and
communicates with the engine.
We now began to get up into the higher country,
amongst forests of giant pines, where the ground was
rough, and where the sandy soil, looking in some places
like patches of snow, seemed for the most part untouched
by the hand of man. It was into these vast solitudes,
of which we had as yet but touched the skirt, that the
Highlanders, driven from their native land during the
religious and political troubles of last century, had come
to find- a home.
Instead of describing the rest of the journey, let me
introduce here the first letter written home from the
settlement, in order to give a picture taken from life
of the home and surroundings of a Scotch planter in
the backwoods of North Carolina : —
A HOME IN THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT. 275
" February 6.
" I am writing by the blaze of a great pine- wood fire.
There is a lamp on the table, but the blazing pine-sticks
fill the room with such deluges of flamy light, that the
extinction of the lamp would make no difference. A
rifle hangs over the fireplace, and a shot-gun is stand
ing in the corner behind me.
u This plantation is in the heart of the great forest,
and near one of the biggest swamps in the State. If
you want to picture the appearance of the place by day,
imagine an oblong clearing in the forest ; a comfortable
though somewhat faded-looking frame-house, with a
garden in front, and negro quarters behind ; the cotton
fields, with their long straggling snake -fences stretching
away on one hand ; and beyond, on every side, the great
sombre forest shutting in the plantation as with a
wall of pine-trunks. You would be amused to see what
a lot of pigs there is about the place. They call them
' pigs' when they are little, and ' hogs' when they grow
big. They are allowed to run about where they please,
and in summer feed themselves ; but just now they are
called in twice a day to be fed. A ' hoop-hoop !' brings
them swarming from the woods.
" The house and gates and fences are all more or less
out of repair. The place has shared in the general
wreck of the war, and had also a visit from Sherman's
' bummers/ who plundered the house and destroyed a
good deal which they could not carry away.
" The family here consists of M., Mrs. M., and three
girls. M. is connected with an old Highland family in
Eoss-shire. He is a dark, thin, sad-looking man, and
has taken the disasters of the war to heart. This sea
son, too, has been very bad, and has made his first
276 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
experiment in free labour a failure, and swept away
almost all that the war had left. He is sitting in his
rough rocking chair gazing into the fire. He has fallen
into a deep reverie, and I can see from the expression
of his face that he is brooding over his broken fortunes.
" Mrs. M. is sitting at the table, opposite me, busy
with her needle. She is tall, thin, sharp-featured ;. very
active and vivacious, and with a spirit not easily de
pressed. She speaks of the quiet times before the war
as the golden age of the South ; but she says times are
changed, and the women as well as the men must work
now if they are to live. She has accordingly set herself
bravely to the task, is up early and late, teaches a little
school in the parlour in the forenoon, and manages all
the affairs of the house. ' I am getting Yankeeized/
she says herself. She has very strong opinions on the
subject of Secession, and still stronger on the subject of
those ' bummers' who plundered the house, stole her
silk dresses, slaughtered the chickens, smashed her
waggonette, and carried off the horses. She says, what
ever the chief end of man may be, the chief end of
a Southern woman now is to love God and hate the
Yankees. But her animosity is chiefly in her speech,
and my private conviction is, that even a ' bummer'
in distress would nowhere be surer to find mercy than
here.
" It seems odd in a house like this — buried in the
heart of the trackless forest — to find a piano. Yet
there is one in the corner ; and M.'s eldest daughter is
taking a set of Scotch airs out of it. Her task is no
easy one, for the piano has not been tuned since the
year 1861 — the tuner who used to visit the settlement
once every two years having fallen in the war.
LITTLE BETTY. 277
" The two little girls are in the other room just now
teaching a small and very comical black girl of about
their own age, called Betty, who does little things about
the house, and seems to belong to it, like a kitten. Betty
is a great amusement. Every morning before I am up,
she comes into my room with an armful of sticks to kindle
my fire. She wears a red handkerchief tied turban-
fashion round her head, and bobs about noiselessly at
her work like a little black imp. She is in and out of
the room several times before she gets the fire made,
but as soon as the pine-sticks have begun to blaze, she
steals noiselessly out, and shuts the door after her with
elaborate care. At meals she waits at table, and runs
for anything that may be wanted ; and though she has
a knack of bringing the wrong thing, she is so eager to
please, and so intensely delighted when she does any
thing aright, that no one can be angry with her. Even
Mrs. M. only admonishes her in a philosophical way,
telling her, as a rule for future conduct in life, to keep
her eyes always open (which seems to me superfluous
advice), and to listen attentively to all that is said, and
be very particular in bringing exactly what is called
for — to all which little Betty listens with doubtful
comprehension, but with intense delight at being paid
so much attention to. In the evening, when we are all
gathered round the pine fire, little Betty comes in
and creeps up to the corner of the hearth and sits there
as quiet as a little black puss, listening to us with her
droll face and her big bright black eyes. I am so
amused at little Betty that I have several times been
betrayed into a smile when her eyes caught mine.
Little Betty evidently takes this as a sign of friendship,
and sits watching me with eyes on the alert, and face
278 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
ready to expand into a grin of delight the instant I give
the slightest sign of encouragement.
" The little girls are very regular in marching Betty off
to the other room after tea, but it is suspected that more
fun goes on than study. About ten minutes since we
heard a sudden rush and scuffling of feet in the passage,
ending in the bursting open of the door and the irrup
tion of the two little teachers. ' Why are you playing
just now ?' Mrs. M. said ; ' are you not giving Betty
her lessons ?'
" ' Yes, but she wants into the A B abs, and she don't
know her ABC yet/ said one of the little preceptresses.
' I told her " J " twenty times last night, and she can't
point it out yet.'
« < We gave her about a thousand slaps,' said little
preceptress Number 2, ' but she only laughed.'
" ' What did she laugh for ?'
" ' She said the slaps tickled her/
" All this time little Betty, with eyes dancing with
fun, stood grinning at the door.
" ( There must be some fault in your method,' said
Mrs. M., philosophically ; ' you should show her the
formation of the letters, and explain.'
" The children carried off little Betty to make this
experiment — with what success we shall hear when
they return.
" Mrs. M. says that little Betty is the grandchild of
an African princess, who was brought here as a slave.
She was yellow, was tatooed all over, and had silver
anklets. According to her own account, she had been
wandering on the shore gathering shells, when she was
captured and carried away. She had twenty- three
children here : fifteen of them are still alive. Betty's
LITTLE BETTY. 279
mother also has a great many children. The last baby
she had, she wanted Betty to nurse ; but Betty said,
' No, I won't nuss a nigger child.'
" She and several others who were slaves here before
the war, have remained with the family, and live in
their old quarters behind the house. I have spoken to
one or two of them. They must have been treated
kindly in slave days, for they seem to know little
difference between slavery and freedom. It is said,
indeed, that one of them who has seventeen children,
with prospects of more, and no idea of how to support
them, offered to dispose of a few of them to M. at a low
figure if he would have them. M. had to explain that
transactions of this kind are no longer legal.
" We have three meals a day — breakfast at eight,
dinner at one, supper at six. All the meals are pretty
much alike. Take to-day, for instance; at breakfast
we had coffee, biscuits, and corn-cake, with syrup and
butter ; salt fish, hash, and sweet potatoes. At dinner
we had beef, sausages, sweet potatoes, pie, coffee, and
milk. At supper, tea instead of coffee, but the rest a
second edition of the substantial breakfast. No liquor
is used in the house. One scarcely ever sees liquor in
a house here. After breakfast and dinner the dishes
are washed at the open window, a negro woman wash
ing them outside and handing them in to Mrs. M., who
dries them, and stimulates the servant to greater
activity.1
" There is a thin white woman who occasionally ap-
1 The fashion of washing the dishes the duties (or rather, as it seemed to
in the eating-room immediately after me, one of the amusements) of the
meals is not confined to the back- ladies to wash the dishes at table
woods. I found even in some Vir- after a meal, even when there were
ginian families that it was one of plenty servants.
280 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
pears in the house in a serving capacity — a thing very
rare in the South, where service is considered degrading.
The difference between the white and black race, how
ever, is carefully marked, and I notice that Mrs. M.
always says ' Ma'am,' when speaking to the white ser
vant. ' How are you to-day, ma'am ? ' " Will you see,
ma'am, if so and so is there ?' and so on.
" M. and I are out all day about the plantation, or
away visiting friends in other parts of the forest. As
the ' bummers' carried off his horses and destroyed his
waggonette, we make our expeditions in a spider- wheeled
and very loose-jointed ' buggy' (or gig) drawn by a
meagre mule with a foxy tail, and rejoicing in the once
honoured name of ' Jeff. Davis/ These mules have
wonderful endurance. They have need of it here, for
some of the roads are terrible. Yesterday we were away
seeing some plantations about fourteen miles from this,
and passed through the skirt of a swamp. These Ame
rican swamps are no mere marshy patches of ground
such as we call by that name in Scotland. They are
immense tracts of country, bigger sometimes than a
whole county in Scotland, and densely wooded. In
some places the trees stand deep in water, and are so
close, and have such a tangled undergrowth of holly,
bamboo-briar, and all kinds of rank vegetation, that the
water beneath, as far as the eye can penetrate into the
gloom, looks black and unfathomable. They say that
fugitive slaves used sometimes to plunge into these
thickets to put the dogs off the scent, and make their
way to islands in the heart of the swamp, where, if they
kept close, they could live in comparative security for
months and even years. I was told of one fugitive
slave in Mississippi who penetrated into the heart of a
" THE SCOTCH COUNTRY." 281
vast swamp there, and lived in it like a wild beast for
nineteen years; and only in 1865, when he chanced to
meet another black man on the skirt of the forest
learned that there had been war in America, that slavery
was at an end, and that he might come forth a free man
to dwell again with his own kind.
" Part of the road we travelled yesterday was cut
straight as an arrow through a dark forest, which rose
into the heavens like giant walls close on both sides of
us. In some places the water from the brimming swamp
was flowing sullenly across the road, gurgling and eddy
ing, and looked so dark and deep, as ' Jeff' waded
cautiously on, that I should have felt more comfortable
if the buggy had been a boat. About three miles far
ther in, at a point where another track crossed ours, I
saw on one of the huge black gum-trees a placard stuck,
advertising ' Hayes & Co.'s Dry Goods !' The man that
carried his paste-pot and posters there deserves to be
ranked with the firm that advertised boot-blacking on
the Egyptian Pyramids.
" The woods are chiefly of pine — great giants, with
bleached trunks and tufted tops, a little like palms in
shape ; but walnut and cherry trees of prodigious size,
ash, bay, and black gam-trees, are all abundant. I was
much impressed by the noise the wind made amongst the
pine-trees. It was so like the roaring of the sea, that
when I shut my eyes I could scarcely believe that we
were not near some shore.
" I notice that there are no names to properties here.
People ask, ' How far is it to Black Duncan's ?' ' How
do I go to get to Big Archie's ?' and so on. We visited
some fine plantations of from two to six hundred acres
in extent, which had become worth from £500 to £2000
282 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
a year before the war — all cleared and occupied by
Highland settlers. Everywhere I meet with a warm
reception and pressing invitations to remain. It seems
enough that I have come from the old country. The
hospitality is wonderful. . . . We are generally home
in time for supper, and spend the evenings here in
front of the pinewood fire."
The plantation described in the foregoing letter is in
Robeson, which, with the adjacent counties of Moore,
Cumberland, Bladen, and Eichmond, forms " the Scotch
country." The population is thin and scattered over a
vast area ; but the clearings are numerous, and here and
there in the forest one comes upon a village — the houses,
as usual in America, built of wood, but many of them
neat and commodious.
Almost all the people I met were " Macs," generally
Macdonalds, Macleods, Macraes, Macnairs, and Macneils,
indicating descent from the clans of the West Highlands
and the Hebrides. They are a fine race of men — tall,
strong, and handsome — so hardy and unaccustomed to
disease that they say the old people, even when sinking
under the infirmities of age, refuse to take to bed, and
generally die in their chairs by the fireside. Many of
them are wealthy, and almost all in comfortable circum
stances, owning their houses, lands, and teams. They
have more schools than I found in any other country
district in the South, and they boast of having helped
North Carolina to produce more teachers and ministers
than any other Southern State.
There is a Scotch fair which is chartered by the
legislature, and held twice a year at a place called Laurel
Hill. The November gathering used to be attended by
THE HIGHLAND CAPITAL. 283
a great concourse of people, often eight or ten thousand.
Stalls were erected, and goods of all kinds exposed for
sale or barter. The fair, however, has degenerated of
late years ; roughs and vagabonds from all quarters
attend it; and its principal features now are gambling,
drinking, and what they call " horse- swopping." There
is a broad road in the centre of the fair, where those
who have horses to dispose of ride up and down, show
ing off their paces, and shouting, " Here 's your fine
saddle-horse !" " Here's your trotter !" " Here 's your
buggy-nag !" as the case may be.
In consequence of the amount of drinking that
goes on at the fair, ladies have ceased to attend it. It
is said they used to be present in great numbers, and
gave the scene a very gay and festive appearance.
The capital of the settlement is Fayetteville, which
was a flourishing little town till wrecked by the late
war. It had become famous in Carolina for its candy —
a trade begun by a Mrs. Banks, who went out from
Scotland nearly thirty years ago and established a fac
tory there. Part of Sherman's army of 80,000 men, on
its way from Savannah to Ealeigh, passed that way,
plundered Fayetteville, and destroyed the factory. The
business, however, has been resumed. It was at
Fayetteville that Flora Macdonald lived. The place
where her house stood is still pointed out. Some of
her descendants are in Carolina still, persons at least
who claim to be so. There was one man in the settle
ment of the name of M'Q — (they call him " Colonel
M'Q — ," though nobody seems to know if he had ever
been in any army), who declared that he was a grand
son of the heroine's, and who, on this account, always
wore an immense pair of ruffles. He would never put
284 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
his hand to work, considering manual labour beneath
the dignity of a person so highly connected. He was
exceedingly poor in consequence, and sometimes went
about with bare feet, but never without his ruffles.
Gaelic has almost entirely died out in the settlement.
For a long time it was the common language. The
early settlers taught it even to their negro slaves ; but
English seems now universal. I met with very few
who could either read or speak the Gaelic; though
many had been more or less familiar with it in child
hood. One lady gave me a very old Gaelic psalm-
book which she had often heard her mother read aloud
in the old sing-song fashion by the fireside.1 A gentle
man, the son of one of the ministers of the settle
ment, told me that his father, though American born,
kept up his Gaelic to the last, and though English was
his language for every-day life, yet when he and any of
his old cronies got together in the evening, after a
Presbytery meeting, they would go back upon their
Gaelic, and sit up half the night talking it.
I was told that in some parts of the settlement
1 The same lady gave me an old " STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA,
paper, called a " Lie Bill," which RICHMOND COUNTY.
illustrates one of the old practices " Whereas Daniel M 'Lean, of said
of the settlement. It is a bill con- State, and County of Robeson, came
fessing falsehood or slander, signed *° "ieAlthls ^>. antl sa^f that, he was
&,1 told that I said that he. the said
by the slanderer and given to the Daniel M<Leanj swore to3 a lie in a
person slandered, who could, there- cause between Neil M'Lean, of Robe-
fore, if he, found the slander circu- son County, and Daniel M'Lean, of
lating, show the signed confession, said Richmond County, I hereby
and so refute it. This saved un- affirm thaj l *°. n °\ remember of
j i j.i saying such ; but. if I said it. it is
necessary exposure, and also the faise." (Signed) " -."
time and trouble and expense that « January the 1th, 1811."
a lawsuit would have incurred. mi • vn •
™ , n . This bill is attested by two
The following is a copy of the one • , ,, , ,
T . . witnesses, one a namesake of the
I got, with the mere omission of the , ,-, .-,
complainant, the other a namesake
retracter s name : —
of the confessor.
ADDRESSING THE JURY IN GAELIC. 285
which I had not the opportunity of visiting, Gaelic is
still understood, and cherished by a few enthusiastic
Highlanders with a romantic attachment. The story is
told of a man, who, travelling through Moore County and
finding himself likely to be overtaken by the darkness,
called at a farm-house and asked shelter for the night.
The farmer taking him for a " buckskin," or one of the
idle vagabonds who are found in abundance everywhere
in the South, called to him to go about his business.
The man, speaking in Gaelic, said, " Good-night," and
turned away.
At the sound of the old and cherished language the
farmer started to his feet, hurried after the man, and
brought him back, welcoming him in Gaelic to all the
hospitalities of his house.
It is also said that in the Court at Fayetteville
on one occasion, Mr. Banks, the State Solicitor, and
brother of the Mrs. Banks already referred to, finding
that the jurymen were all Highlanders, addressed them
in Gaelic. Not a word was intelligible to the Judge,
but the jury were intensely delighted, and it seemed
certain that Mr. Banks would carry his case.
It happened, however, that Mr. Leech, the prisoner's
counsel, was even a better Gaelic scholar than Mr.
Banks, though nobody in Court was aware of it. Mr.
Leech, to conciliate the Judge, began in English, and
then said that as the State Solicitor had addressed the
jury in Gaelic, he would crave permission to follow him
in the same language. He first upbraided Mr. Banks
for his bad Gaelic, and declared that if he heard one of
his own children speaking the ancient and noble lan
guage so ungrammatically he would take the tawse to
him. He then took up the case, made a magnificent
286 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
speech in Gaelic, carried the enthusiastic jury with him,
and got a unanimous verdict for the prisoner.
Even after English became the language of ordinary
life, Gaelic was continued in the pulpit. A congrega
tion within a few miles of Fayetteville had Gaelic ser
vices regularly till within the last few years, but they
are now discontinued.
Highland songs and dances were once common ; but
" Dixie's Land " is better known now than the pibroch,
and the Church has done a great deal to put dancing
down, though its zeal has often been more than its
success.
One staunch Highlander, of the name of M'Gregor,
who was a great dancer, kept himself, during the New
Year festivities, in a chronic state of alcoholic excite
ment, and put in an appearance wherever there was hope
of a reel or strathspey. He was remonstrated with, and
at last threatened with the Session. " You may Sayshun
and you may Sayshun," cried the obdurate Celt, "but
when New Year comes M'Gregor is on the floor."
O
The settlers are almost all Presbyterians ; and though
distances are often great, and the roads through swamp
and forest very bad, the churches are well attended.
One planter with whom I stayed drove through the
rough forest six miles to church ; and an old lady in
the same district, who had been robbed of her horses
and conveyance by Sherman's "bummers," went four
miles every Sunday on foot to the same place of wor
ship. The last minister there, though not himself of
Scotch descent, was exceedingly fond of the Scotch
people, and refused to leave, though called to other and
wealthier congregations, one of which offered, if he went,
to triple his " salary." He used to carry about a snuff-
THE FIRST CHURCHES. 287
box, made of the Wallace Oak, which he prized highly ;
and a stick which a Mr. Witherspoon had brought out
to him from Scotland.
The oldest existing churches in the settlement are at
Fayetteville and Barbacue. They were formed upwards
of a hundred years ago by a Gaelic minister of the name
of Campbell, a native of Campbeltown, Kintyre, who
emigrated to America in 1730, joined the Highlanders,
and travelled to and fro in the settlement for some
years, acting as an evangelist. He got the church at
Barbacue formed in 1730, five elders were ordained, and
the old Scotch fashion of visiting and catechising
adhered to. The elders were so strict that they came
to be known as the " little ministers " of Barbacue.
They were so vigilant also in regard to the doctrine
taught from the pulpit, especially when a strange
minister was with them, that a clergyman from Scot
land (the Eev. John Macleod), who once visited the
settlement, said he " would rather preach to the most
fashionable congregation in Edinburgh than to the
little critical carles at Barbacue."
After the War of Independence, the settlers were
thrown upon their own resources for the support of
religion, but the churches increased ; and as far as I
could learn, most of them are in a flourishing condition,
through temporarily suffering, like everything else, from
the effects of the war. The " critical carles of Barbacue,"
however, have gone the way of all the earth. The
style of preaching is a good deal changed ; the old
practice of visitation and catechising has disappeared ;
even family worship is much less common than it
seems to have been forty or fifty years ago. The
Scotch, however, all through the State, have a good
288 VISIT TO THE HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT.
character. One of the Judges told me that he had
never known a Scotchman before the Court charged
with any high misdemeanour.
Like their neighbours, the Scotch settlers were slave
holders, but they had comparatively few slaves, and
were able to look after them. They exercised a stern
but wholesome discipline, and, it is said, compelled
their negroes to go to church, and catechised those who
were at home. I found most of them temperate in
their views of slavery, some of them even glad that it
was gone, and anxious now to have white immigration
in order to get free labour fairly tried. One planter
said that if ten Scotch families went out he would give
them twenty acres of land a piece, free of charge, merely
to have them settle on the plantation and introduce
the Scotch method of farming.
Some time must elapse before the settlement can
recover from the terrible effects of the war. The best
men were drained away ; the country devastated ; and
the whole system of labour disorganized. But the
people who were brave enough to face, and strong and
persevering enough to overcome, the difficulty of estab
lishing civilisation in so wild a region, are not the men
to succumb to temporary disaster. The country is fit
for far better things than has yet been made of it ; and
free labour going in, stimulating enterprise and develop
ing new industries, can scarcely fail to carry the settle
ment to a higher point of prosperity than it ever attained
before.
BUMMERS." 289
XXVII.
"BUMMERS."
EEPEATED reference has already been made to Sher
man's " bummers." The depredations, however, of these
troopers did so much not only to give Georgia and the
Carolinas — South Carolina especially — their present
poverty-stricken appearance, but to excite the exaspe
ration of feeling which is retarding the progress of re
conciliation between North and South, that they deserve
more special notice.
When Sherman began his famous march through the
South, he gave orders that his army was to feed upon
the country. Foraging parties had accordingly to be
organized by all the brigade commanders, which were
sent out to scour and plunder the country far and wide,
clutching with myriad hands at everything that was
wanted to feed the monster army that was moving up
in the rear with its eighty thousand mouths, and its
omnivorous appetite for rebel property.
These foraging parties, which came to be known in
the South as " Sherman's bummers," swarmed over the
whole country in troops, fighting when it was neces
sary, but much less eager to fight than to plunder.
Practice in this made them wonderfully skilful. They
came to carry on not only their foraging, but 'their
thieving operations with such exquisite system, that
T
290
they may be almost said to have erected Robbery into
one of the fine arts. They carried maps of the country,
with every village and plantation marked, and all the
roads and paths through the forest by which any place
could be reached. They seemed to know what men
were away in the Confederate army, what men might
be found at home, and how much booty was to be ex
pected at each plantation. Thousands of the defence
less inhabitants fled before them, carrying away what
valuables they could, and moving from place to place,
" refugeeing," as it was called, keeping out of the way
themselves, but leaving their houses a prey to the
spoiler. Others remained at home, women swarming
together for mutual protection, everybody burying as
many things as possible in the woods, gardens, and
fields, in hopes of saving them.
It was very difficult, however, to hide anything away
where the keen and practised scent of a " bummer"
could not find it out. One lady told me, that when a
troop came to her husband's plantation and suspected
that something which they had not found about the
house must have been buried in the field, they arranged
themselves in line at its further extremity, each man
about the distance of three yards from the next, and
advanced rapidly, dibbling the ground on both sides
with their ramrods. In this way they discovered in an
incredibly short space of time all the things that had
been concealed. Where boxes were buried, and the
displaced earth removed, the ground was looser ; where
the earth had been stamped in again, the ground was
harder; and in either case the dibbling ramrod dis
covered the difference, and the hidden treasure was
speedily disinterred.
BAD POST-BAGS. 291
Stratagem often succeeded where search had failed.
At a South Carolina village a " bummer," attired in
Confederate clothes, so as not to be recognised, returned
after the troop had gone, and finding an old man who
was suspected to have some valuables concealed, said
confidentially, just as if he had seen them, " That 's not
a good place you Ve put your things in. More ' bum
mers' are coming, and you had better get them shifted."
The old man thanked him, dug up his treasure that
night, and buried it in another place. The spy took
care to watch, saw where the things were put, and de
camped with them before the morning.
The " bummers " were not fastidious as to the kind of
plunder. Turnips, fowling-pieces, and ladies' under
clothing, chickens and communion services, whips,
spoons, pictures, and eatables and drinkables of every
description — all was grist to the " bummer's " mill. In
one village, a trooper discovered a quantity of molasses
in a postmaster's deserted store. The Americans
are all fond of molasses ; using them regularly at
breakfast and supper to their buckwheat cakes and
waffles. The " bumrner," reluctant to leave so delicious
a prize behind, poured a quantity into the post-bags,
which he slung over his saddle. The bags were too
coarse for contents of this description, and as he rode
off to join his comrades the treacle began to stream
down the belly of his horse. He was heard riding
away cursing the Confederacy for not having better
post-bags.
Another party of them found a woman making black
soap, — a compound with which, as it seemed, they
were not familiar.
" Here, hand over some of them molasses," cried one.
292 " BUMMERS."
" This ain't molasses." " You get along ; we know
better," and the foremost man took some of the black soap
into his mouth. His face assumed a hideous aspect,
he sputtered and swore, and swore and sputtered, and
was for shooting the woman, believing that she had
poisoned him.
The negroes were often plundered as ruthlessly as
the white people. At Fayetteville, a poor black
woman who had been eagerly awaiting the army of
Emancipation, saw the " bummers " coming, and running
out clapped her hands, crying, " Bress de Lor', you 'se
come. Bress de good Lor'."
" Ah, we 're come," cried one of the men, jumping
from his horse, " let 's see what you Ve got here, granny,"
and in spite of her piteous cries went off with her
blankets.
They were especially remorseless in dealing with
those negroes who refused to tell where their master's
things had been concealed. At a plantation in the
Highland settlement, they strung up a poor old negro
three times by the neck, but the faithful servant refused
to betray his trust.
Upon the better feelings of some of these men
constant practice in depredation had produced so in
durating an effect, that no amount of kindness or
conciliation seemed to divert them from their purpose.
One of Sherman's officers lived for a week in a Southern
family in North Carolina, was treated with the utmost
kindness, and then, before going, ordered his men
up to carry off the plate. At Anderson, South Caro
lina, some Federal officers were invited to dinner by
Judge M — , who probably hoped in this way to
secure their protection. They accepted the invitation,
HEARTLESSNESS. 293
and were in the middle of dinner when a noise was
heard in the adjoining room. It turned out to be some
of their soldiers who had come in, and were plundering
the house. The officers were appealed to but they
refused to interpose, and walked out. The lady went
and pleaded with the sergeant. " Well, ma'am," said he,
" I 'm sorry; but I 'm a subordinate officer, and my orders
are to carry these things away." Such cases were bad,
but they were not the most heartless. A Christian
coloured woman in Savannah, who had saved the lives
of three Federal soldiers, by concealing them in her
cellar for several days, till the Confederate troops had
evacuated the city, told me that after all they decamped
with a number of her things.
Neither age nor sex had any deterring influence on
some of these ruffians. Near Fayetteville a party of
them entered the house of an old gentleman ninety-four
years of age, and almost blind, who had been a strong
Union man, and had upbraided his family for taking
arms against a Government which he declared to be the
best on earth. This was well known, but it made no
difference. The " bummers" plundered his house, and
took away even the old man's bedding. One of them
noticing his watch-chain, said, " I guess you have a nice
watch there ?" and came up to take it. The old man
drew back, and with his palsied hand seized a rifle,
saying, " Two can play at this game !" On seeing this
one of the girls fainted, and the "bummers" took them
selves off. They went into the house of another member
of the same family, took even the shoes off the children's
feet, and left the house so completely " cleaned out,"
that the family had to subsist for two days on the corn
picked up at the place where the " bummers" had fed
294 "BUMMERS."
their horses. At Wilmington, I was told that Sher
man's soldiers plundered the house of the venerable
Bishop Atkinson, took his pulpit-gown and trampled it
under their feet.
To the ladies no more respect was paid, which is the
more remarkable as Americans in general are more
deferential to women than any people perhaps in the
world. The wife of a wealthy planter in South Carolina
told me that two of them forced their way into her bed
room, took several costly silk dresses from her wardrobe,
threw them over their horses, and rode off with them
under a deluge of rain. In some cases they went the
length of tearing ladies' dresses off their persons, to see
that nothing valuable was concealed underneath.
In the city of Columbia, during the conflagration
which they had helped to kindle, they arrested dis
tracted women in the streets, robbed them of their
watches, and even forced off their finger-rings.
These are but illustrations of what the people had to
suffer along the whole course of Sherman's march.
They are not pleasant things to tell, but they help to
explain some otherwise unaccountable exhibitions of
Southern hatred to Northern men and Northern move
ments. Most of the people complain even more of the
animus shown by these troopers than of their depreda
tions. Not content with taking away as many horses
as they wanted, they killed the rest, and left whole
districts lumbered up with carcases, which were like to
breed a pestilence, the people having no means of re
moving them.
The slaughter of horses might have been considered
a war measure, but on some of the plantations which I
visited, the " bummers" had burned books, destroyed
EXCEEDING OEDEES.
295
family records and deeds, drawn their knives across
oil-paintings, and smashed clocks and pianos. In one
planter's house they had taken a quantity of tar and
poured it into a valuable piano, rendering it utterly
useless.
They perpetrated these acts of vandalism, not to
speak of other and more dastardly outrages, chiefly in
South Carolina, a State peculiarly obnoxious to the
Northern troops, as having been the hotbed of Seces
sion. South Carolina was traversed from end to end,
and was left a perfect wreck.
Let it not be supposed that Sherman was responsible
for all this. On the contrary, in his general order1 he
1 The following is the text of sec
tions iv. -vn. :— " The army will
forage liberally on the country dur
ing the inarch. To this end each
brigade commander will organize a
good and sufficient foraging party,
iinder the command of one or more
discreet officers, who will gather,
near the route travelled, corn or
forage of any kind, meat of any
kind, vegetables, corn-meal, or what
ever is needed by the command ;
aiming at all times to keep in the
waggon-trains at least ten days' pro
visions for the command, and three
days' forage. Soldiers must not
enter the dwellings of the inhabi
tants, or commit any trespass ; dur
ing the halt, or at camp, they may
be permitted to gather turnips,
potatoes, and other vegetables, and
drive in stock in front of their
camps. To regular foraging parties
must be intrusted the gathering of
provisions and forage at any dis
tance from the road travelled.
' ' To army corps commanders is in
trusted the power to destroy mills,
houses, cotton-gins, etc. ; and for
them this general principle is laid
down : — In districts and neighbour
hoods where the army is unmo
lested, no destruction of such pro
perty should be permitted ; but
should guerillas or bush-whackers
molest our march, or should the in
habitants .burn bridges, obstruct
roads, or otherwise manifest local
hostility, then army corps com
manders should order and enforce a
devastation more or less relentless,
according to the measure of such
hostility.
" As for horses, mules, waggons,
etc., belonging to the inhabitants,
the cavalry and artillery may ap
propriate freely, and without limit,
discriminating, however, between
the rich, who are usually hostile, and
the poor or industrious, usually
neutral or friendly. Foraging par
ties may also take mules or horses
to replace the jaded animals of their
trains, or to serve as pack-mules for
296 "BUMMEES."
prohibited soldiers from entering the dwelling-houses
of the inhabitants, recommended consideration for the
poor and the industrious, and forbade the use of abusive
or threatening language. These instructions were at
tended to by the better class of his soldiers, many of
whom showed the utmost courtesy to the people, and
defended them in numerous instances from insult and
outrage. But Sherman himself, in his report, admits that
others had been " a little loose in foraging," and " had
done some things which they ought not to have done,"
which is a delicate way of putting the fact that they
had robbed and plundered the defenceless people with
out regard to age, colour, and sex, and had committed
other and deeper outrages, which only the shame of
the people prevented from becoming known to the
public.
So far, however, as the general devastation of the
country was concerned, it formed a part of Sherman's
express design — was involved, indeed, in the very idea
of pasturing his immense army upon a thinly peopled
country as he went along. His avowed policy was to
make war so terrible and insupportable to the people
that they would be driven to peace ; and then to make
peace so pleasant that the bitterness of war would
soon be forgotten. He did his best to carry out both
parts of the programme. He moved his army like a
cloud of locusts across the South, devouring the land,
and turning a remorseless ear to the piteous cries of the
people; but as soon as the enemy gave in, and Joe
the regiments or brigades. In all thinks proper, give written certifi-
foraging of whatever kind, the par- cates of the facts, but no receipts ;
ties engaged will refrain from abu- and they will endeavour to leave
sive or threatening language, and with each family a reasonable por-
may, when the officer in command tion for their maintenance."
SHERMAN'S POLICY. 297
Johnston (commanding the Confederate army in North
Carolina) opened negotiations for surrender, Sherman
granted most generous terms of peace, — terms so gener
ous that his Government refused to indorse them. He
succeeded ' with the first part of his programme, he
failed with the second ; and the result is what we see.
But mightier forces and deeper purposes were in the
war than even Sherman could control.
298 PERSONAL NOTES FROM THE PALMETTO STATE.
XXVIII.
PERSONAL NOTES FROM THE PALMETTO STATE.
THE Chair of Mathematics in the South- Carolina
University at Columbia is occupied by General E. P.
Alexander, Lee's old chief of artillery, who, at the time
of my visit, was busy during his spare hours preparing
a history of Longstreet's corps. He had found unex
pected difficulty in collecting materials, partially owing
to a fact which he believed would leave posterity with
little more than one side of the question, — the fact,
namely, that the Confederate officers who could have
furnished the necessary materials are almost all engaged
now in other employments, and so driven, many of them,
by the necessities of daily life, that they have no time
to spend on history.
He said if his book ever got the length of publica
tion, military readers would learn with astonishment
with what defective artillery the South had done what
she did. She had very few good guns. As for her
rifled cannon, they were so bad that he had thought of
giving them up and taking to smooth-bores. A splen
did battery of Armstrong's arrived at last, but just too
late. The General's evident regret that the war had
not lasted just a little longer to let him try that new
battery upon the enemy, was a true touch of professional
enthusiasm.
FLEEING FROM THE FLAMES. 299
His experience did not seem to go much in favour of
breech-loading. " It is all very well," he said, " for
small pieces ; but you can load at the muzzle as fast as
a heavy gun will stand it."
Walking along the wide streets of the once beautiful
city in which the College stands, it was sad to see how
much of it was still in ruins. Three years had passed
since Sherman and Wade Hampton managed to burn it
between them,1 but whole streets were still wanting ;
the trees were scathed with fire ; and nothing left where
stately houses had once stood but a few charred beams
hanging over the black pits of debris, which had been
their cellars.
The city was full of fearful memories of that night.
One narrative given me by an old Scotch minister from
Kirkcudbright, but for many years now the pastor of a
Presbyterian church in South Carolina, will help the
reader to realize the scene : — He said, " At nine o'clock
on the forenoon of that day, I saw the mayor drive out
in his carriage to surrender the city. At half-past ten,
when Wade Hampton's cavalry retired, the head of
Sherman's column was already in sight, and, by eleven,
Sherman was in the city with all his army. . . . That
night the city was found on fire. It was a wild night, the
wind blowing strongly from the east. I was out every
few minutes to watch the progress of the fire, and see
1 Each General lays the blame extinguish the fire, but admits that
upon the other. Sherman says that " others not on duty, including the
a perfect tempest of wind was raging officers who had long been impri-
at the time, and that the cotton soned there, rescued by us, may
which Wade Hampton had set on have assisted in spreading the fire
fire before evacuating the city, was after it had once begun, and may
blown about in burning flakes, ignit- have indulged in unconcealed joy to
ing the houses. He says that his see the ruin of the capital of South
officers and men did their best to Carolina."
300 PERSONAL NOTES FROM THE PALMETTO STATE.
if the wind was changing, for I was fearful that the
conflagration would lick up our house with the rest.
At twelve o'clock, the large house that stood next took
fire, and I saw that ours must go. I gave the signal to
awaken the children, and we all turned out into the
night, the ladies carrying great bundles. I had a grand
child in one arm, and a bundle in the other. There
was a sea of fire behind us. There was fire on the right,
and fire on the left. We made our way to a friend's
house, but the conflagration came on, and we had to fly
to another's, and by-and-by we had to leave it too. My
son said, ' Let us get to the back of the fire.' We saw
a little darkness to the north-east, and went in that
direction. When we got to Mrs. W.'s house we found a
great crowd of soldiers. I heard a woman's voice shriek
ing ' 0 don't ! don't !' and found that the soldiers were
threatening to set fire to the house. I said, ' We had
better go out to the Asylum/ We found the Asylum
crowded, and the yard filling with fugitives like our
selves. Nearly a thousand people took shelter there
that night. In the morning there was scarcely any
thing left of Columbia but blackened ruins. Four thou
sand citizens were in the streets homeless."
Tho old man added, " I had sent up my library from
Charleston — my library that I had taken forty-five years
to collect, and had spent my little all upon. I had sent
it up to Columbia, thinking it would be safe. It was
burnt to ashes, not a scrap left. I had sent up also the
Eecords of the old Scotch Church — records 150 years
old — that had been left in my charge. They shared the
same fate. We haven't left now a single record of birth,
death, or marriage; and that church was one of the
oldest Scotch churches in America. The St. Andrew's
AN EDUCATED NEGRO. 301
Society, another old and noble Scotch institution in
this State, lost its fine paintings — its portrait of Dugald
Stewart — and other valuable relics. No one can reckon
up, sir, all that was destroyed by that one night's
work"
At Charleston, amongst the most prominent members
of the Constitutional Convention assembled there, I was
interested to find a coloured man who had been educa
ted in Scotland, and whom I remembered as a fellow-
student in Edinburgh. The case of Francis L. Cardozo
shows what culture can do for a coloured as w.ell as for
a white man. Cardozo was the child of free negroes,
was taken to Scotland when a boy, attended school and
college in Glasgow, went through a theological curri
culum in the Hall of the United Presbyterian Church
in Edinburgh, returned to America, became a teacher
first in New York, and afterwards (when the war opened
up the South) in Charleston ; was elected a member of
Convention, and now, at the present moment, under the
new regime, holds the position of Secretary of State for
South Carolina.
Cardozo is a man of middle size, but of dignified ap
pearance and refined manners. He is a well-read man,
has a clear head, is an excellent argumentative speaker,
and a first-rate organizer and man of business.
I spent one or two evenings with him at his house,
which was furnished with much elegance and taste. In
his admirably selected library I saw well-thumbed
copies of Sir William Hamilton's Lectures, Morell's
Philosophy, Euskin, Ecce Homo, Stanley, D'Aubigne,
Macaulay, with a Shakespeare and Horace, several
works on algebra, and numerous other books, indicating
the wide range of his studies. I have heard strong pro-
302 PERSONAL NOTES FROM THE PALMETTO STATE.
slavery men in the South declare that you can no more
teach a negro than you can teach a mule. But there
are no mules that have yet learned to read Kuskin and
Horace.
Cardozo took me through the black schools in the
city, which he was still superintending, and where
ahout 800 black boys and girls were being educated.
" I feel more interest and more pride in these classes,"
he said, " than I ever did in New York. The children
there had been taught from infancy, and were being
helped at home; but here, most of the scholars depend
entirely upon the training they get from us, and we see
the effect of our work upon them. It is a perpetual
enjoyment."
I asked him what difference he had found between
white and black children.
" Very little," he said. " I have perhaps to explain
more here, but remember these children have had no
previous mental training. Otherwise there seems little
difference. They understand as well, and memorize as
quickly, as any children at the North. We have boys
only a year at school who are reading in Caesar."
He said the coloured people would have a long
struggle before they could overcome the prejudice
against them. That prejudice was strong both in the
North and in the South. He mentioned some cases of
it. On one occasion, when travelling by the Weldon
Eailway4 with his wife, who is almost white, they took
their seats in one of the ordinary cars. By-and-by
the conductor came through to see tickets. On catch
ing sight of Cardozo, he looked fiercely at him, looked
at his wife, whom he also saw to be coloured, and com
ing up to them, said, " No niggers allowed here. You
CHARLESTON. 303
get along to the niggers' car/' and turned them out.
The Civil Eights' Bill had not passed then, and there
was nothing for it but to obey.
Charleston, though much disfigured by the war, is a
royal city. All her finest streets are lined with trees,
and her suburbs, which cover a vast area, are filled with
elegant houses, many of them of magnificent size, with
verandahs all round, and grounds beautified with orange
trees, palmettoes, and magnolias.
From the top of the Orphan Asylum — one of the
noblest of the charities for which Carolina has long had
an honourable name — a magnificent view is got of the
whole city, the wide rivers on both sides, and the vast
bay formed by their confluence, and stretching away to
wards the sea, with Fort Sumter and the other islands
dotting the expanse.1
In its situation, Charleston bears a remarkable
resemblance to New York, with this difference, that
the rivers insulate New York completely, while they
leave Charleston on a tongue of land. The resem
blance of the places makes the stranger notice perhaps
all the more the difference between the two peoples — a
difference which exists more or less between the whole
South and the North. Although Charleston, like New
1 In the garden in front of the disfavour with the Americans, and
Orphanage stands, or rather totters, the statue that was to stand so
an old statue of Pitt, whereby hangs proudly through the ages, was
a tale. When it was reared in 1776, pulled down and thrown into a eel-
it was declared, amidst universal lar. In 1820, some antiquarian dis-
enthusiasm, that the stone would covered the mutilated effigy, and
crumble to pieces before South Caro- got it set up in the Orphanage gar-
lina forgot her obligations to the den, where the illustrious statesman
British Statesman who had done so now stands, with his arm broken
much to help the cause of American off, his nose splintered, his neck
Independence. When Pitt's son cracked, and his head as loose as a
came into office, the name got into church establishment.
304 PERSONAL NOTES FROM THE PALMETTO STATE.
York, is a commercial centre, the atmosphere of the
place is calmer and less exciting. The streets are not
so full of people who look as if they had just invented
a machine, and were running away to secure the patent.
The rush after dollars and cents, especially cents, is
less keen and universal. There is more quietness, more
ease, more suavity of manner. The difference is like
that which is felt by any one who has passed from
London to Bath, or from Leeds to York, or from Glas
gow to Edinburgh.
PECULIARITIES OF SOUTHERN SOCIETY. 305
XXIX.
PECULIARITIES OF SOUTHERN SOCIETY.
THOUGH all the States have developed under nomi
nally the same kind of Government, there are differ
ences between North and South in the constitution and
tendencies of society perceptible even to the passing
stranger. Under the form of Bepublicanism, the current
of social and political life in the South has been moving
towards a different goal. In the North the whole ten
dency has been to produce a splendid mediocrity — to
compensate for the want of an aristocratic class by
raising the general level. The South in theory did the
same — claimed indeed a more perfect equality for its
citizens than was possible in the North. It maintained,
that where white men had to do menial work, there
could be no real equality ; that this was only attainable
where there was a servile race to do such work outside
the limits of citizenship. But the theory has not been
borne out by the facts. The effect of Southern prin
ciples has practically been to produce, even amongst
the whites, a separation of classes greater than exists in
the North, — to make society aggregate itself towards two
extremes, — floating a lordly class on the surface, and
precipitating to the bottom the sediment commonly
known as white trash.
The strength of the North has lain in what may be
U
306 PECULIARITIES OF SOUTHERN SOCIETY.
called, for want of a better term, her Middle Class, — her
myriads of freeholders, — the men who carried Lincoln
into office in 1860, and again in 1864, over the heads
of the Democratic party, the centaur-like party which
has strangely incorporated the most aristocratic element
in the country with the most plebeian. The governing
strength of the South, on the contrary, lay in her upper
class, — her great slaveholders, — the men who dragged the
States into rebellion, securing the adhesion of the body
of the people after secession and &?/ secession, instead of
securing it (which it is doubtful if they could have done)
in order to secession.
The existence of these two classes in the South, in
spite of the social confusion caused by the war, still
strikes a stranger passing from the North. He meets,
on the one hand, a lordlier class of men than the North
has been able to produce — lordlier, perhaps, than the
South, devoid now of a servile class over which to rear
its head, can ever in this age produce again — a class as
nearly approaching our own nobility as was possible
in the midst of cotton-growing and slavery.1
The war brought out some of these men in striking
contrast with the corresponding representatives of the
North, — Jefferson Davis and Abraham Lincoln ; Stuart
and Kilpatriek ; Wade Hampton and Sherman ; Robert
E. Lee and Ulysses Grant. But this aristocratic class in
the South is limited, while at the other extreme, beyond
the middle class, which is also limited, lies an immense
class of whites as a direct product of Southern principles,
1 Emerson, speaking of the dignity the South. The North was talked
and suavity of Southern manners, down by these agreeable gentlemen,
said, — " Men who were too great to War was the disinfectant to this
be bullied or bribed gave way to serious enchantment."
lordliness. This was the power of
POOR WHITES. 307
which in the North has scarcely any existence except
as a foreign element not yet digested by the gastric
forces which are continually at work upon it, — a class
poor, idle, uneducated, and in many respects very
worthless.
Few stronger indications of the opposite tendencies
of Northern and Southern society can be pointed to
than the state of education. In the North, the educa
tion of the masses is looked upon as one of the most
indispensable elements of national life and progress, and
infinite care has been taken, by the establishment and
continual extension and improvement of the free- school
system, to educate the whole body of the people. Ap
propriations of land, appropriations of money, the erec
tion of free-schools in every township and village, the
preparation of efficient teachers, the devising of means
for giving every child in every district a good education —
these are absorbing thoughts everywhere in the North.
In the South, on the contrary, there has been no free-
school system. In the cities, where there was more of
an independent middle class, there were here and there
charity schools for such as could not pay for class edu
cation ; but the idea of schools where the children of
all classes should sit together and be trained alike, has
always been abhorrent to Southern ideas.1 No general
attempt has ever been made to educate the mass of the
poor whites ; and even the profession of the teacher has
1 " We have got to hating every- prolific source of the infidelity and
thing with the prefix ' free,' " said treasons that have turned her cities
the Virginia Democrat when advo- into Sodoms and Gomorrahs, and
eating Mr. Buchanan's election in her land into the common nestling
1856. " But the worst of all these place of howling bedlamites. We
abominations is the modern system abominate the system because the
of Free Schools. The New England schools are free."
system of Free Schools has been the
308 PECULIARITIES OF SOUTHERN SOCIETY.
been held so low, that few Southerners of any ability
would give themselves to the work ; and those who
wanted their families thoroughly educated, had often to
bring teachers and governesses from the North, and
send their young men to Northern colleges.
The South in almost everything is Conservative. The
battles that are over, or still raging at the North, have
scarcely begun at the South. The old philosophy is
taught in her Universities ; the old creeds and confes
sions bind her churches ; and a deference is paid by the
religious classes to the clergy which, in the more de
mocratic North, is denied. The same Conservatism is
visible in the social relations. Servants are under con
trol, children are treated more as they are with us, and
woman stands just where she used to do. There is no
Woman's Eights Movement in the South ; there are no
lady professors, no doctoresses, no Eev. Olympia Browns ;
nor does one find any Shaker communities, any Mormon
settlements, any Oneida Creeks for experiments in Free
Love south of Mason and Dixon's line. All these, even
in the North, are exceptional ; but public sentiment
there is more favourable to a readjustment of the old
relation between the sexes ; more tolerant at least of
experiments.
By the Southern people all these movements are
classed together as belonging to the family of Yankee
Isms, which they regard as begotten of the devil, and
destined, unless put down with a strong hand, to lead
the country to anarchy.
Along with the Conservative idea of woman's position,
the South preserves a higher standard of female virtue,
perhaps I should say white virtue. How far this is
owing to the existence of a semi-aristocratic class, and
FEMALE VIRTUE. 309
whether the broader democracy of the North tends to
deflect the standard, are questions open to discussion ;
but the fact remains. The Southern people boast of it,
and the Northern people in one form or another ac
knowledge it.
Of course there are multitudes of Christian people in
the North who maintain as high a standard of domestic
purity and virtue as any people on the face of the earth ;
but the general tone of society is undoubtedly laxer,
and vices prevail in the North, cropping out even in
newspaper advertisements, which are almost unknown
in the South. The laws degrading marriage and
facilitating divorce which obtain in Illinois and Indiana
would be tolerated by no Southern State, and are
spoken of by the Southern people with detestation.
So keen also is the Southern feeling in reference to
cases of dishonour (I mean again white dishonour), that
cases which in the North would be dealt with in the
form of an action for damages, would in the South be
punished with death, by the champion of the party
aggrieved, and however the law stood no Southern jury
would convict the avenger.
In talking this subject over with a Southern gentle
man, he said, — " A woman, sir, in the South who would
seek pecuniary compensation for loss of honour in a
court of law, would be regarded as a saleable harlot ;
and her male relations who permitted such a thing,
would be looked upon as dastards who shared the
profits and deserved a deeper infamy. Any man who
destroyed the virtue of a member of my family I should
kill whenever and wherever I found him. Any Southern
gentleman would do the same, and the moral sense of
the public would approve his act. I had a classmate
310 PECULIARITIES OF SOUTHERN SOCIETY.
at the Military Academy," he said, "who became a
Presbyterian minister. He had an only sister, a
widow, to whom a friend made improper proposals.
She informed her brother, who was 500 miles distant.
The clergyman rode the distance on horseback, found
the offender, and killed him. I have seen him since,
officiating in his usual capacity as a minister. As far
as I know he was never reprimanded even by his church."
With a higher standard of virtue amongst women,
there is also kept up in the South a higher standard of
honour amongst men. This principle, acting just as
we have seen it act in our own country, is variable and
capricious. It puts a check on much of the meanness
and dishonesty that too often goes in the North by the
name of smartness in business. It causes the Southern
gentleman to attach more importance to the develop
ment of moral qualities than of material wealth or
intellectual acuteness ; but it issues practically more
in sensitiveness and high spirit than in a Christian
morality. " I would punish my boy four years old,"
said one Southern gentlemen, " if he allowed himself
to be called opprobrious names, either by his school
mates or by his teacher, and did not strike the offender
at once. He might be beaten in return ; that matters
nothing. The boy preserves his honour if he resents
the insult to the best of his ability."
Said another fiery Southerner whom I met in an
Alabama' river steamboat, and who carried a revolver in
his breeches' pocket, " I am as good a Christian, sir, at
times, as any man in God's creation ; but, sir, I am also
a gentleman. And if any man insults me, I will call
that man out, and if he refuses to come out, I will
shoot him at sight, sir."
INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY. 311
Duelling, however, is not practised in the South half
as much as is supposed, and the indiscriminate duel is
altogether condemned by the most intelligent classes ;
but amongst Southern gentlemen generally, I found the
principle of duelling strongly maintained. Talking
on this subject with General Ranson, to whom I have
already referred, he said, — " We in the South are taught
from childhood to believe that death is preferable to
dishonour. Christian principle would generally pre
vent me from seeking the life of a fellow-man in cold
blood, but there are times, sir, I unhesitatingly assert,
there are times, when to fight is as indispensable to
character as breath is to life."
Unhappily, most of the people who go about armed
in the South, are unable to distinguish such times from
others ; and the practical effect of teaching the resent
ing of insult by a resort to arms, has been to produce
disregard of human life, and a prevalence, in many
quarters, of brutal outrages and murderous assaults.
For every man who is shot in a duel, a hundred are
" shot at sight," or stabbed in the heat of some un
expected quarrel.
Probably no single cause has done so much to pro
duce or perpetuate these distinctions between South
and North as slavery. That institution, by putting the
brand of degradation upon labour, repelled the immi
gration that has done so much for the Free States ; it
depressed the inventiveness, the enterprise, and the
activity of the Southern people themselves ; and it pro
duced that omnipresent class of loafers, buckskins, and
vagabonds of every description, who, because they were
white men, were therefore by hypothesis gentlemen; who,
312 PECULIARITIES OF SOUTHERN SOCIETY.
being gentlemen, would not work if they could help it ;
and who, as they would not work, remained in a state
of poverty and dependence. It threw all the greater
power into the hands of the great slaveholders, a power
enormously increased by the three-fifths representative
clause, which gave the slaveholder three additional votes
for every five slaves that he possessed. It caused the
sons of these men to be reared in indolence and luxury,
and, while it permitted the leisure, the culture, and the
commanding position that enabled them to perpetuate
a lordly class, and to furnish almost all the statesmen
that America produced for half a century, it tempted the
majority to lives of luxurious ease, gaiety, and dissipa
tion, offering them facilities for the gratification of all
their passions, and releasing them from the wholesome
discipline that develops self-reliance and enterprise.
Finally, as a system hostile to free labour, it threw
up between the Slave and the Free States a mighty
wall of separation, against which the waves of Northern
agitation and progress long washed and beat in vain,
thus leaving in the South many virtues as well as vices
elsewhere disappearing, most of them the vices and the
virtues characteristic of feudal and patriarchal times.
The determination to protect slavery, arising to a
large extent from a belief in the impossibility of getting
on without it, necessarily prompted the South to be Con
servative, and repellent of Northern ideas in religion,
politics, and sociology, any one of which, if admitted,
would have been inevitably followed by the others, to
the subversion, sooner or later, of the whole system of
Southern society. The more liberal and revolutionary
the North became, the more determined and fierce be
came the South in her Conservatism, till the two forces
INFLUENCE OF SLAVEKY. 313
began to pull so strongly different ways within the
limits of the same Constitution, that one of three things
became inevitable, either (1) separation, or (2) the sub
jection of Northern principles to those of the South ; or
(3) the subjection of Southern principles to those of the
North. The question was referred in 1861 to the Tri
bunal of War, and settled by the collapse of the South
in 1865.
3 1 4 THE PLOUGHSHARE.
XXX.
THE PLOUGHSHARE.
I WAS struck with a remark made by a Southern
gentleman in answer to the assertion that Jefferson
Davis had culpably continued the war for six months
after all hope had been abandoned.
" Sir," he said, " Mr. Davis knew the temper of the
South as well as any man in it. He knew if there was
ever to be anything worth calling peace, the South must
win ; or, if she couldn't win, she wanted to be whipped
—well whipped — thoroughly whipped."
I was struck with another remark made by a pro
minent statesman in the North. " God Almighty," he
said, " has ploughed up the South — ploughed it up with
a deep plough from Mason and Dixon's line to the Gulf
of Mexico. The people that were on the top are now
below, and the people who were below are now upper
most. And God has done it, sir, to prepare the South
for a new creation."
The farther south I went, the oftener these remarks
came back upon me. Evidence was everywhere that
the South had maintained the desperate conflict till she
was utterly exhausted. At its outbreak she had poured
her best men into the field.1 When these began to fail
1 So many Southern gentlemen army, and so many of the planters
had been officers in the national sons had been trained in the mili-
WASTE OF POPULATION.
315
she supplied their places with the next best. When
she could not find men enough within the military age,
she sent old men who were above and boys who were
below it, till, as Grant said, she robbed the cradle and
the grave to fill her depleted ranks. They told me at
Petersburg that in the last year of war little boys had
to be brought from the Military Academy to drill the
recruits ; so imperative a necessity was there for every
grown soldier at the front. Almost every man I met
in the South, and especially in North Carolina, Georgia,
and Virginia, seemed to have been in the army ; and it
was painful to find how many even of those who had
returned were mutilated, maimed, or broken in health
by exposure. When I remarked this to a young Con
federate officer in North Carolina, and said I was glad
tary schools, that the South had a
splendid staff of officers ready when
the war began. But the propor
tions of the conflict became rapidly
so vast that almost from the first
she had, like the North, to officer
many of her regiments with men
destitute of any military education.
The result was much fatal blunder
ing, relieved occasionally by some
what ludicrous incidents. On one oc
casion, Confederate General Rhodes,
seeing that the enemy had opened
fire upon a regiment which an in
experienced colonel was marching
in column, dashed up and told the
colonel to charge.
" Charge ! " exclaimed the be
wildered colonel, not understanding
that, as a matter of course, he must
first throw his men into line.
" Charge, General ! Do you mean
that we are to charge endways ? "
Some of these tiros became ex
cellent officers without becoming
proportionately familiar with their
military vocabulary. One who
wanted his men to wheel, but could
not recall the word, shouted, " Come
round like a gate, boys ! " and went
ever after by the name of General
Gates. Another, when he wanted
his men to fall into ranks, used to
cry, " Make two rows, boys ; make
two rows ! ' ' Governor William
Smith of Virginia,—" Extra Billy "
he was called, from his having once
put on an extra stage-coach some
where — was as gallant an officer as
ever " spiled for a fight," but he
had no notion of tactics. He used
to bring his men up face to face
with the enemy, cry, " Now, boys,
stick 'em ! " and dash in along with
them. It was said that he never
came out with the same regiment
that he took in.
316 THE PLOUGHSHARE.
to see that he had escaped unhurt, he said, " Wait till
we get to the office, sir, and I will tell you more about
that." When we got there, he pulled up one leg of his
trousers, and showed me that he had an iron rod there
to strengthen his limb, and enable him to walk without
limping, half of his foot being off. He showed me on
the other leg a deep scar made by the fragment of a
shell ; and these were but two of seven wounds which
had left their marks upon his body. When he heard
me speak of relics, he said, " Try and find a North Caro
lina gentleman without a Yankee mark on him."
The South had not only wasted her population, but
her material resources. I visited districts where the
people had not only gone on paying the ruinous war-
tax, but had dug up every potato in their fields, pulled
every apple from their orchards, taken even the blankets
from their beds, to make up and send to the famishing
army. In Mobile I met a brave little Southern girl,
who had gone barefooted the last year of the war, that
the money intended for her shoes might go to the poor
soldier.
When medicines could no longer be sucked into the
South through the rigorous blockade, the Confederate
Government called upon the women and children ; who
went out into the woods and swamps and gathered hore-
hound, bone-set, wild cherry bark, dog-wood, and any
thing that could help to supply the want. When there
was a danger of any place falling into the hands of the
enemy, the people, with unflinching hand, dragged out
their last stores of cotton, tobacco, and turpentine, and
consigned them to the flames. Wade Hampton of South
Carolina, when Sherman was advancing on Columbia,
set fire to 4000 bales of cotton that belonged to himself.
POVERTY- STRICKEN. 317
The people said, " We did it all, thinking the South
would win."
The process of beggaring the country was thus carried
on from within as well as from without. When the war
closed in 1865, the South presented a spectacle of wreck
and prostration probably without parallel in modern
times.
Nearly three years had passed when I travelled
through the country, and yet we have seen what traces
the war had left in such cities as Richmond, Petersburg,
and Columbia. The same spectacle met me at Charleston.
Churches and houses had been battered down by heavy
shot and shell hurled into the city from Federal bat
teries at a distance of five miles. Even the valley of
desolation made by a great fire in 1861, through the
very heart of the city, remained unbuilt. There, after
the lapse of seven years, stood the blackened ruins of
streets and houses waiting for the coming of a better
day. The bank capital in the city, which stood formerly
at fifteen millions of dollars, had fallen to five hundred
thousand. The Battery Promenade, where two or three
hundred gay equipages could have been counted before
the war, was almost deserted. " People have to content
themselves now with a ten cent ride in a street car,"
said a friend. Over the country districts the prostra
tion was equally marked. Along the track of Sherman's
army especially, the devastation was fearful — farms laid
waste, fences burned, bridges destroyed, houses left in
ruins, plantations in some cases turning into wilder
nesses again.
The people had shared in the general wreck, and
looked poverty-stricken, care-worn, and dejected. Ladies
who before the war had lived in affluence, with black
3 1 8 THE PLOUGHSHARE.
servants round them to attend to their every wish,
were boarding together now in half-furnished houses,
cooking their own food and washing their own linen,
some of them, I was told, so utterly destitute, that they
did not know when they finished one meal where they
were to find the next.
But the plough-share had gone deeper. It had not
only devastated the country and impoverished the
people, it had subverted the whole Southern system of
labour. It had taken the four millions of slaves,
hitherto bound to service in the houses, the factories,
and the plantations all over the South, and had set
them free to work or not, as they chose.
The class that had suffered most by all these
changes was precisely the class that had been wealthi
est and most powerful before the war. The people
who had been poor before the war, had suffered least
and gained most. Many of them, seeing better pro
spects opened up by the revolution, were developing
new activity, and were swarming up into the light over
the ruins of the old system.
But the class that had formerly been the ruling class,
and had done so much to determine the character of
the South, had been utterly wrecked.
The extent to which it lost in the war itself has not
been sufficiently appreciated. When the conflict began,
this class, the most highly cultured in the South —
planters, planters' sons, and the aristocracy of the coun
try generally — poured into the army, many of them
fighting and falling even in the ranks. The pick of
these men officered the armies of the Confederacy, and
the havoc amongst them in that position was beyond
precedent. The reason is not far to seek. The fatal
LOSS IREEPAEABLE. 319
laxity of discipline which prevailed on both sides at
first, but in the Confederate army to the last, made far
too much depend on the personal qualities and popu
larity of military superiors.
Confederate soldiers tell with pride how, at the
battle of Fredericksburg, Lee in person rallied broken
regiments, and directed the fire of an exposed battery,
while the Federal General, from a safe distance, was
watching the battle through a powerful field-glass. But
this was matter rather for humiliation than pride, as
showing the necessity for personal daring and exposure
which the inferior discipline of the Southern army im
posed upon its chiefs. It was the same through all
grades, and the loss in officers was accordingly frightful.
General D. H. Hill declared to me that in several battles
which he had been able to compare reports of, the loss
of officers on the Southern side was four times greater
than on the side of the North.
Now, these men, as we have said, were the picked
men of the South, and every one who fell was an irre
parable loss, affecting not only the war, but the whole
future of the South. For the class to which they be
longed was not only limited, it was the product of a state
of society which was no longer to exist. And yet, as we
have seen, this was precisely the class which in propor
tion to its numbers lost most heavily, leaving the South
at the end of the war shorn of a large portion of the very
men who had given her so distinctive a character, and
had been the strength of the old system.
But this was not only the class that lost most in
numbers, it was the class the residuum of which has
been most completely wrecked in its position and
prospects. The wealth of the Southern aristocracy
320 THE PLOUGHSHARE.
consisted in land, money, and slaves. The war took
their slaves from them and gave them no compensa
tion. The war converted their money into Confederate
bonds and bills, and converted these into waste paper
when the rebellion collapsed. I met a lady in Georgia
who in January 1865 had 150,000 dollars in Con
federate paper, and owned slaves that would have sold
in 1860 for 50,000 dollars more in gold. Sherman's
Army of Emancipation came along. Her slaves were
set free ; her Confederate money became instantly
valueless ; her jewellery was seized by the " bum
mers ;" and she was left in such absolute destitution
that next day, having no food, she had to go like a
common pauper to the Bureau shed, wait her turn in
a crowd of negroes, and take the oath of allegiance at
the hand of a Federal soldier, to get bread to keep her
children from starvation. This was the plough-share
entering into the Southern soul. Hers was but one
case out of thousands ; it might almost be taken to re
present the condition of the whole aristocracy of the
South when the war closed.
The land was left, — not indeed in all cases, for the
Government took possession of the estates of the most
prominent rebels ; but even where it was left, the want
of money, the disturbed state of the country, and the
total subversion of the old system of labour made it, in
many cases, almost valueless ; the impoverished owner
being una,ble either to work it or get it sold.
Although three years had passed since the final
crash, I found the old aristocracy still in the dust, with
less and less hope of ever recovering its old position.
Men who had held commanding positions during the
war had fallen out of sight and were filling humble
THE LAST FIRST. 321
situations — struggling, many of them, to earn a bare
subsistence. One of the most prominent men of the
Confederacy was trying to earn a living in the pea-nut
business ; a cavalry commander was keeping a boarding-
school. One of Beauregard's staff-officers was teaching
a small day-school. Other officers were keeping stores,
editing little newspapers, acting as clerks, and even as
farm-labourers in the pay of others. I remember
dining with three cultured Southern gentlemen, one a
general, the second, I think, a captain, and the third a
lieutenant. They were all living together in a plain
little wooden house, such as they would formerly have
provided for their servants. Two of them were engaged
in a railway office, the third was seeking for a situation,
frequently, in his vain search, passing the large blinded
house where he had lived in luxurious ease before the
war.
The old planters were, many of them, going about
with ruin written on their faces, some of them so poor
that they were trying to sell a portion of their land in
order to pay the tax upon the rest. One of them, who
showed me much kindness, was living in the corner of a
huge house which had once been the 'home of gaiety
and princely hospitality. It was all dismantled now
and shut up, excepting three rooms below, where its
owner was living in seclusion. Others had shut up
their houses altogether and gone to live in lodgings.
These old lords of the land had not only dropped
into obscurity and comparative destitution, but they
had been deprived of their votes ; while, to make the
revolution complete, the negroes, who had been their
slaves a year or two before, whom they had bought and
sold like cattle, were now not only free, but were in-
VOL. i. x
322 THE PLOUGHSHAKE.
vested with, the suffrage ; and through their white and
black representatives in such conventions as those I
have described, were helping to frame the new consti
tutions under which their old masters were to live !
Whatever the new creation is to be, the ploughshare
had done its work.
This state of things cannot of course wholly con
tinue. Superior men, pulled down by external circum
stances, will rise again by virtue of the superiority
inherent in them. Blood and culture will tell in spite
of impoverishment and political disabilities. But such
men, if they rise, must rise under a new regime. They
will have to deal in a new way with a new condition of
things. The South of 1860 is dead — old things have
passed away — all things are become new. In the very
State (South Carolina) which precipitated the war to
keep the negro in~ slavery, 121 negroes sit in the Legis
lature, one of them as her Secretary of State : while, by
one of the most extraordinary retributions in human
history, another negro has been elected by Mississippi to
the Senate, to fill the very chair occupied formerly by
Mr. Jefferson Davis !
END OF VOL. I.
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